Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York; Procured in Holland, England and France [9]

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.'

I

DOCTOIENTS RELATIVE TO THE

COLONIAL HISTORY or THE

STATE OF NEW-YORK; PROCURED IN

HOLLAND, ENGLAND AND FRANCE, BY

JOIIN

ROMEYN BRODHEAD,

ESQ.,

AGENT, UNDER AND BY VinTUE OF AN ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE ENTITLED "AN ACT TO APPOINT AN AOBNT TO PBOOUEE AND TRANSCRIBE DOCUMENTS IN EUROPE RELATIVE TO TUE COLOSUL HISTORY OF THE STATE," PASSED MAY 2, 1889.

A '.-f-

*^ •

EDITED BY

E. B.

O'CALLAGHAN,

VOL.

M. D.

IX.

ALBANY: WKED, PARSONS AND COMPANY, PRINTERS. 1855.

^

•

•

These Documents have been published under the direction of the Governor, Secretary op State, and Comptroller of the State of New- York, in virtue of an Act of the Legislature of the said State, entitled "

An Act

to

Provide for the Publishing of certain Documents relating to the Colonial History

of the State," passed March 30th, 1849.

The Documents

in

Dutch and French vreie translated by E. B. O'Callaghan, M. D., who was

employed by the State generally.

Officers

above named for that purpose, and to superintend the publication

TRANSCRIPTS OF DOCUMENTS n

TBM

ARCHIVES OP THE "MINISTERE DE LA MARINE ET DES C0L0>TE9;" OF THE "MINIST6RE DE LA guerre;" and in the "BIBLIOTHEQUE DU ROI," at PARIS.

PARIS DOCUMENTS, I-YIH.

1631-1744.

^

PARIS DOCUMENTS. The Documents

contained in these volumes, are copies of originals in the Archives of the Department

of the Marine and the Colonies

;

Archives of the Department of War, and in the Royal Library

in the

at Paris.

The

management of Canadian affairs viras, for a long time, intrusted to the Department of the France, wrhich also included the Colonies under its jurisdiction. It was not until about the year ITS."?, when a general war broke out in America between France and England, that the general

Marine

in

Department of War appears to have had any particular communications with the French Agents America at any rate, nothing of consequence has been found in its Archives previous to that date.

in

;

The Archives of to the history of the

the Department of the Marine and the Colonies are very rich in

French Colonies

which may be named the unbridled of 1793), these Archives are, toil

and time required

to

in

Documents relating Owing, however, to various causes (prominent among of wanton destruction which seemed to possess the Revolutionists

America.

spirit

at the

present

examine and

moment

(

1843), in a state of deplorable confusion

select fron^the vast

mass of unarranged papers

;

and the

that load their

by any one who has not himself made personal investigations. Canada and New- York, are contained in two separate divisions. The one of bound volumes, commencing with the year 1CC3, and ending very abruptly with numbers about seventy volumes, and contains the despatches of the King and his

shelves, can scarcely be appreciated

The papers

relating to

consists of a series

1737.

This series

Ministers to the Governors and other functionaries in the French Colonies.

It is greatly to be regretted volumes subsequent to 1737, are missing. The other, and by far the most fertile repository, is a series of "Cartons," or Portfolios, in which are placed, loosely, hap-hazard, and without the slightest

that the

attempt at arrangement, a vast mass of original Documeuts relating to Canada from 1C30 to the period of the Treaty of Paris, 10th February, 1763.

There are upwards of one hundred of these " Cartons,"

each of which contains Documents enough to make two bound volumes of the usual possible to conceive a task

more appaling

to the investigator

It is

scarcely

than an examination of these papers.

Dusty,

size.

decayed, without order, often without a date to identify the Document; a despatch of 1C70 jostling a

paper relating

to Dieskau's defeat, an account of the surrender of Quebec, pele-mele, with a letter of Governor Dongan the expedition of 1C90, mixed up with the attack on Forts William Henry, Frontenac and Duquesne, the Hurons and Manhattan, Boston and the Ottawas, side by side the contents of these " Cartons" form, indeed, the materials of a brilliant Historical Mosaic, whose riches will repay the patient investigator who does not allow their painful disorder to deter him from the research. It must be evident that this state of things was embarrassing in no small deg^ree. It not only very ;

;

greatly increased the labor of the investigations, but

papers were missing from the mass.

If,

was found

that, in

i

great

many

instances, valuable

therefore, the Historian, in looking over these Transcripts,

hereafter, should observe deficiencies in the series, he

may

feel

assured that they have not been so

left

without regret and mortification on the part of the collector.

The Archives of

the " Department of

arrangement, to those of the

*'

War," however,

Marine and the Colonies."

present a gratifying contrast, in respect to

The papers

are chronologically arranged in

PARIS DOCUMENTS.

yi

bnund viluraes; and their examination was as agreeable and pleasant as that of the "Cartons" of the Marine was laborious and annoying. The papers relate, chiefly, to the period between 1755 and the Treaty of Paris, and comprise the correspondence of the Military Commanders in America with the French Government. In arranging these Transcripts (which were, of course, separately copied), a strictly chronological The papers from the Department of the Marine and the Colonies have been

order has been observed.

intermingled with those from the Department of

always been placed next after the

War; and whenever

letter transmitting

inclosures

were found they have

them.

John Romeyn Brouhead. Pavib, December, 1843.

LIST OF

THE GOVERNORS OF CANADA, 1612

- 1763.

PKEPAUED, AND POLITELY COMMUNICATED TO THE EDITOE, BT LtECTENANT-COLONEL JACQUES TIGKR. MONTREAL.

rU

898

899

at present

Champigny—cannot onderUke

tha

_^

Ac,

July

14.

Further extract from the King's despatch to Messrs. de Frontenac and de

October

28.

An

Champigny— the

Iroquois,

At,

account of what occured in Canada during the English expedition against Quebec, October, 1690.

.

452 456

.

CONTENTS.

XIV

^^O"-

1«90.

November

—

/'a S/iifi//r c/i /i //o/i/v/ /// //tr/r r/i/t/n.

I'fi ii7i/r/i

/(>

II

1 1 1:

//i/y (in////f/n7// //////// /itni t'/tf/t //r/in.s hrrft

/ion nui/iij

///r// //r////\ /r//,r// ///////>////'//.

# ^

.

%

PARIS DOCUMENTS

A. This

ia

SL

I.

:

the manner the tribe of the Potatoe must be designated, and not as

it is

on the

other plate. b. Is a sticli set in

the ground, to the extremity of which two or three pieces of

denot^ the

wood

are

which they went hunting; and on the nearest tree they paint the animal of the tribe to which they belong, with the number of guns they have; that is to say, if they are three men they paint three guns, if they are more and there are some who have a bow and no gun, they put down a bow. When they return from hunting and are near the village they do the same thing, and add the number of beasts they have killed that is to say, they paint the deer and the stag from the head to the neck; if some are male they add antlers; they paint the other animals entire; if they are some days at the chase they mark the number as you see on the other plate. c. Club which they use to break the skull when they are at war. attached, to

direction in

;

Stake to his leg

tie

They

the prisoners.

between these two

hollow of the larger ; that

is,

place

posts, in the

the two posts

catch the leg above the ankle, and they

afterwards join one to the other and

them

at a

so that

it

man's is

tie

height, sometimes higher,

impossible to withdraw the

foot without untying the cords.

®

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. M.

Talon

to

Messrs. de Tracy [

Propositions

whether

D6pdt da Ministire

An

and

de Courcelles.

Affairei Etrang4re«

]

submitted by M' Talon to Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelles, it

against the

be more advantageous for the King's service to veage

Mohawks

than to

War

make peace with them.

For War. Suppose, what

universally conceded in Canada, that a permanent Peace can never be

is

made

with that nation, which respects it only so long as it finds it its interest, or fears that its violation may cause it some damage, I think War is more advantageous than Peace, for the following reasons:

The King having sent to Canada a Regiment of Twelve hundred men, and regular commanded by brave Officers, with orders to fight that barbarous Nation, by which the establishment of the French Colony is so much retarded, "'twill be more glorious for his Majesty and more profitable to the Country that an effort be made to destroy them than to live First.

troops

at peace

with them.

Second. That repeated experience inculcates the conviction, that the treaties of Peace

with those Infidels are broken on the

made

opportunity that presents itself to them to obtain an

The death

Chazy and Travery and of Sieurs it is recent, inasmuch as they have been attacked and killed at a time when Ambassadors of the Oneida Nation were at Quebec treating for that of the Mohawks. Third. That though that Nation may not be always meditating or atjpmpting to violate peace as often as it is disposed and believes it for its advantage, whether on account of its aversion to the French, Algonquins and Hurons, or as a consequence of its inhuman and barbarous nature, the proximity of the English, who stimulate their designs, must make us apprehend that sooner or later that European Nation will, when at war with the French, excite the said Mohawks and Oneidas to come to a rupture with us at the Upper part of the river, in order to divide our strength, whilst it will attack us at the mouth, or in the course advantage over the French.

Chamot and Morin

\

first

of Mess" de

furnish evidence thereof as disastrous as

of the river Saint Lawrence.

Fourth. That the present conjuncture appears the most favorable of

all

those that can be

hereafter expected; because there is no other season for the destruction of that Nation except this, or the winter, or

next spring.

Winter, in the opinion and according to the representation of those who, in the

had accompanied the expedition of Mr. de Courcelles,

is

last season,

too rigorous and too destructive to

the troops.

Spring

is

much

less

adapted than

Autumn

;

for in addition to the extraordinary heats, the

Musquitoes create such severe inflammations as sometimes incapacitate a soldier for and besides, the waters are ordinarily so high in that season, that the rivers separating us from the Mohawk Nation are impassable, expect by constructing bridges of trees

bites of the

fighting;

*

or bateaux.

Moreover, M. de Saurel having been, with three hundred troops, within a day's journey of the

any

Mohawk

village,

act of hostility,

with the design of sacking

it,

on meeting the Dutch Bastard

and having returned without committing

who was

sent on a mission of peace,

it is

to

;

PARIS DOCUMENTS: be presumed with reason that the said

Mohawks

'

1.

5J

are not on their guard and do not expect

Mohegan tribe (Loups) sent bacii by the said Sieur Saurel, was to have told them that he should retire, assuring them of a firm peace just concluded at Quebec with the said Dutch Bastard. Thus it is to be hoped that these barbarians will be found divided, and those discovered in the Wigwams be either in a profound sleep or off their guard. danger, as an Indian of the

Fifth.

As

to the conclusion of

not be able to have an^ news of

Peace between England and France, inasmuch as we shall next Spring, we ought always calculate on war, which the

it

King

in his letters says he has declared. On this account, prudence suggests the distributioa of the troops and their withdrawal from the Forts adjoining the Iroquois, in the Spring, when the English are more to be feared than now, so as to preserve Quebec and the interior of the

Colony of Canada. Sixth. That the Winter, always severe in this Country, will certainly take off some of the soldiers and weaken the Troops in point of numbers, besides rendering them, by its inconveniences, less adapted to the fatigues of war.

Seventh. That at present expedition, and

is

it

we have

all

not certain that

the munitions of

we

War

have them

shall

and supplies necessary

in spring,

as

we

for thii

have, as yet,

received but a small part of what will be required for the subsistence of His Majesty's troops

and the remainder, on board three ships, Eighth. That on occasions of attack

is

That

the best.

mischance, inasmuch as

it

we

is still

at the

war where more

must be granted that can attack the

is

mercy of the winds and

to be

hoped

this expedition

enemy with such a

sea.

for than feared, the policy of

promises more success than

force as cannot be resisted

by

the whole of theirs together.

The Ninth and door

That the success of the expedition against the Mohawks opens the Orange, the rather as the Dutch may be found inclined to unite with aiding the attack and capture of that fort. We may at least expect that

last.

for the seizure of

the King's arms in

when

his Majesty's troops will

have accomplished an action so bold as that proposed, within

view of the English Colonies, that nation, more numerous in these Countries than the French, and capable of undertaking the ruin of Canada by an invasion, may be diverted therefrom, were it made sensible, by seeing us at it's gate and in the centre of its settlements, that

we

are in a position to carry the

war

"

into its midst.

Reasons for Pbacb. First. It is to

be feared that the English

may

be in the River, and have already captured

some of the three vessels which are due, and have not arrived, though the season is advanced; therefore Quebec and its environs cannot be stripped without axposing the Colony. (Answer to this Article.) Though it were true that the English were in the River, there is no reason for believing they would hazard an invasion of a country which, they are convinced, has twelve hundred soldiers, independent of the settlers who, they know well, are more than twice as many; and it is well established that Boston has but very few regular troops, and that

are not capable of an action of that nature.

its militia

and that of the Second.

To

ice,

the time

is

Moreover, in the present season

short.

carry on the war, the militia must be called out, which cannot be done during

the season of the harvest, except by postponing the cutting of the crops, or injuring them. (

Answer

to the Objection.)

This

evil,

that caused by the forays of the Iroquois

how serious soever it may be, is always much less than when they pass from peace to war. And though the

country should suffer the loss of the grain that the militia (guerrier*) will not reap,

it

will

be

/

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

54 better for

that the said militia attend to the

it

will be saved

by

all

the

other

war rather than

to the harvest,

which, however,

Inhabitants, and for this purpose a police ordinance

shall

be issued.

Third. That the Algonquins and other savages will not, perhaps, feel disposed to return to this war, as they appeared dissatisfied because they had not the disposal of the prisoners

demanded by the Ambassadors.' Answer. That the Algonquins and other savages can be ordered to the war by authority, or prevailed on by argument and presents, which will indemnify them for the advantages they would have reaped from the prisoners they had made, had these been left to them. Fourth. That the Mohawks who seem to demand peace with a sincere intention to maintain it faithfully, will never listen to it again if they perceive that war was designed whilst they were bearers of the Message of peace. Answer. That it is better to have open war with the Mohawks, than an uncertain peace, dependent for its continuance on the pleasure of the most capricious among them; satisfied that it is more desirable that the French soldiers and all others regard them as avowed enemies, than to suppose them friends, since between them and us there is no more good faith than between the most ferocious of animals. Fifth. That the English and Dutch, who, up to this time, have committed no act of hostility, will possibly declare war against us if they see u^ destroy an Indian tribe which appears to be under their protection.

Answer. So arms,

we may

from fearing that the Dutch would be jealous of the success of the King's all the steps they have taken to the present time, that they

far

be persuaded, from

them; and possibly, they await an occasion such as this, to avenge the usurpation unjustly committed upon them; weary as they, moreover, are of the insupportable will joyfully receive

domination of the English, [War] being declared between France and England, it is not reasonable to believe that the English will require new pretexts to obtain over us all the advantages possible by force of arms or otherwise. not render them any more inimical to us than they

That

Sixth.

Therefore the attack on the Iroquois will

now

are.

proceed in a secure manner in the destruction of the Mohawks,

to

necessary to select the best officers and soldiers in the

forts,

which

conveyance of provisions. Answer. If the expedition against the Mohawks be successful, the

forts

will

one-half less supplies, because one-half less troops will be necessary, and though not, the posts can

be resumed next spring.

it

will

will greatly retard

In a decisive move, a part

it

be the

require

should

risked without

is

risking the whole.

Answers, as annexed, may be given to each of these reasons. doubt not but the peace party may advance, also, other reasons than these. It is, therefore, well to adduce them, in order to balance the one by the other, so as to adhere to those of most weight. I

This

Done

is

what Talon most humbly craves Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelles,

"The text

i»

Ambauadeun

to

examine.

Quebec, the 1" September, 1666.

at

unintelligible.

fait*

par

It

is,

"lis ont paru malcontents de ee

le« prisonaiers."

The

translation approaches

qu' on

ne leur a pas

somewhat nearer

to

common

laiss^

sense.

la

disposition del

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

M. Talon Memoir on

Extracts of a

to

M.

I.

:

Colbert.

the Condition of Canada, addressed by M. Talon to

M. de Colbert. I.

is

ought

I

with a detail of the expenses to which this country have done is in such confusion, and I am so much

to furnish you, in this place,

subject, but in truth

dare not, what

I

I

Since my arrival 1 have been obliged to furnish Mr. de Tracy and Mr. de Courcelle, for the war, with one hundred and fifty-two bateaux capable of carrying fifteen men with their stores, and the freight alone of afraid that

appear a good steward of the King's property.

shall not

I

war and

the munitions of

provisions,

which must be sent up by the lakes and rapids

may amount

Lord, what the other expenses of Canada year, a sou.

my

nevertheless, do

I shall,

to, for

which

I

this,

My

have not received, this

best to maintain the success of the King's arms, and

to dispose the country to produce something useful, in the hope,

the goodness not to abandon us. have been an excess in some.

to all the

You can conclude from

frontier posts, costs nearly twelve thousand livres a year.

I

entertain, that

you

will

have

by Mr. Terron's return of provisions that there might husband them to meet the most urgent demands, however solicitous the officers of the troops may be that I should give the whole to the soldiers. I have sold and turned some Brandy into wheat, with which I am well pleased. find

I

shall

I

Police regulations applied to the Christian Indians.

II.

Some

my

time after

and Huron Indians, view you pointed out the ordinances

this time.

to

to

regulate their

me, and

to

make

police regulations for the Algonquin

manners according

French

to those of the

have the right to punish them when they

to

in

the

will contravene

giving them the enjoyment, in other respects, of the advantages which the

;

among

French here possess; winter.

proposed

arrival here I

But

I

the rest the use of liquor, which has been prohibited them up to

have experienced some

difficulty,

which

I

shall

endeavor to remove

this

'Tis true, they ought to have been taught our language long ago, and not oblige the

King's subjects to study theirs, in order to be able to communicate with them. III. I

the

believe I have already sufficiently expl.iined myself respecting the supply of timber

King may derive from Cfinada

information I receive convinces I shall verify

what

for myself, in the I

confirm what

I

these,

is

French Navy. it

Notwithstanding,

care, as in

much

of

it

tar.

I

shall

add, that

;

Low

and

I assert,

that if

it

I

shall

I

all

the

have noted.

have examined

be sown as abundantly,

Brittany, this country

may

be expected to

as old France.

here a quantity of pine and

and from those,

I

can be greater in amount than

voyage I intend making. have noted regarding hemp

I

produce, some day, nearly as there

that

have stated only on the reports of others, when

and cultivated with the same

As

for his

me

fir

and incense may be got from

(sajiin), pitch, resin

commence next

spring

some experiments on

the one and

have the honor of communicating to you the result. 'Tis quite certain that there are very fine masts here, but the greater portion are not on the banks of the river; nevertheless, as the whole of this country is penetrated with very fine streams, which disembogue into the said River (Saint Lawrence), it is to be expected that the

the other, and

said

I

shall

streams will

facilitate

the

conveyance of the masts into

displayed hitherto in developing the country

is

the

reason

it.

we

The want are

now

of industry

ignorant of

its

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

56 productiveness.

May God

therewith. IV.

One

not be for lack of care on

grant that

it

my part

that

you

will not

become acquainted

be satisfactory to you.

of the great advantages

hereafter a large

much

It will

number of seamen

I

remark in this country is, that it will be able to furnish become populous, the inliabitants being greatly and

if it

inclined to navigation.

V. I have sent back to Mr. Colbert de Terron all the muskets and cross-belts I could withdraw from the Troops here and at Three Rivers, to be returned to the Navy Store, as he advised me it would be for the King's advantage to do so. I sliould have sent all that the Carignan regiment has of them, if the remainder were not in the forts, where a portion may be of considerable use. I cannot omit acquainting you that the frequent and numerous Iroquois embassies, some of which number one hundred and twenty and more, with the support of prisoners of that niition, twenty-two of whom are still under guard, have caused almost as much expense as

three companies of the King's troops. I say

nothing of the extraordinary expenses of two war expeditions, in which, especially

the latter,

it

was necessary to feed French settlers, Algonquins, Montagnez and Hurons in The King will make such allowance as he pleases for these extras, which I

great numbers.

must meet, and I shall be content with whatever His Majesty will order. Mr. de Tracy and Mr. de Courcelles have returned from their expedition. The Iroquois having concluded to withdraw and abandon their settlements, Mr. de Tracy has not been able to effect more than to burn their forts and lay every thing waste. It is for these two gentlemen to inform you of all that occurred throughout the journey, which occupied fifty-three days' march.

What

I learn

from the public voice

is,

that nothing that

was

possible to be

done

could have been added to what has been effected, and that the King's orders would have been

executed and his wishes completely realized, had these Savages kept their ground.

Indeed,

were desirable that a portion had been defeated and some others taken prisoners. Mr. de Tracy's advanced age must greatly enhance the merit of the service he has rendered the King, by undertaking, in a broken frame like his, a fatigue of which no correct idea can be formed. I am assured that throughout the entire march of three hundred leagues,

it

including the return, he suffered himself to be carried only during forced to do so by gout.

two days

;

and then he was

Mr. de Courcelles, though stronger than he, could not dispense with

being carried in the same manner, having been attacked by a contraction of the nerves. Both, indeed, endured all the fatigue human nature is capable of. Mr. de Tracy incurred some expenses on his march for the carriage of the cannon and other extraordinary services rendered by the Troops;

not suffer

I

wished to repay him, but

his

modesty would

it.

Not having been a witness of what was done in this enterprise against the Iroquois, I cannot note the merit of each of the officers employed in that expedition. It is for Mr. de Tracy and Mr. de Courcelles to advise you thereof. What I know by a public account is, that all have acquitted themselves therein in the

manner

his

Majesty

may

expect from the most zealous of

his subjects. If his Majesty, effecting for the restitution of

New

the States General for

it,

an arrangement between Holland and England, should stipulate

Netherland, and find I

it

convenient previously to bargain with Mess"

think he could do so on reasonable terms

;

and that country, which

PARIS DOCXJMENTS

57

I.

:

not of much importance to them, would be of considerable to the King, who would have tv^ entrances into Canada, and would thereby give the French all the peltries of the North, of which the English have now partly the advantage, by means of the communication with the Iroquois, which they possess by Manatte and Orange, and would place these barbarous tribes at his Majesty's discretion, who could, moreover, approach (New) Sweden when he pleased, and hold New England confined within its limits. I thought it my duty to submit this idea here. is

VI.

When

should leave

the King ordered

me

you most humbly, sufficient genius

me

to

Canada, his Majesty did

My

there only two years. Sii",

to

me

the honor to

tell

me

that he

discharge cannot come before that time.

have the goodness

me.

to obtain it for

and talent to acquit myself

efficiently in the

I

should not ask

pray

1 it,

had

I

employment you did me the

favor to procure for me, and to mould a rising state without such aid as that of Mr. de Tracy.

Should his Majesty, nevertheless, believe that

and yours. Command, and though his service and to your satisfaction.

bis to

I

know

my own to

well

I

am

can be useful

to

him,

I

have no other

not here with the consent of the whole world; and

indisposition, that induces

know who

I

infirm, I shall obey, sacrificing entirely

these are

who may

me

King

to ask the

be dissatisfied with

for

my

my

it is this,

discharge.

will

my

than

person

coupled with

Should you wish

conduct and wherefore, Chevalier

de Chaumont and the Company's general Agent will be able to acquaint you, and you that if I would leave the Church on the footing of authority I found it, experience less trouble and more approbation.

to

inform

I

should

Talon. xiij

November, 1666.

Census of Canada.

1666.

Abstract of the Roll of Families in the Colony of

New

France.

Quebec. Five hundred and

666

fifty-five polls,

Beaufhb. 678

Six hundred and seventy-eight,

Beaufort.

One hundred and

172

seventy-two,

Island of Orleans. *71

Four hundred and seventy-one, St. Jean, St. Francois

One hundred and

and

St. Michael.

^*^

fifty-six

Sillebt.

Two Vol. IX.

217

hundred and seventeen,

8

!{§>

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

\^

Notre Dame des Anges and River

Charles.

St.

•

118

One hundred and eighteen, Cote de Lau?on.

6

Six

Montreal. 584

Five hundred and eighty-four,

Three Rivers. 461

Four hundred and sixty-one,

3418

-.

Total,

Return of the number of men capable- of bearing arms from to 50 years of age,

There

are,

J6

1344.

no doubt, some omissions in the Roll of families, which will be corrected during

the winter of the present year, 1666.

(signed)

M.

Colbert to

M.

Tcdon. Saint Germain en Laye, 6 April, 1667.

a^ts.) ]fie

Talon.

King

orcfers

a

new war

against the

Iroquois, to

frighten

them

if

they cannot

be destroyed.

The King

is

entirely satisfied with the care

you have taken

to supply the troops

with

necessaries, in order to their efficient action in their different expeditions against the Iroquois,

of the success of which his Majesty

is

But as the effect of the guarantee the Colony against

very glad to be informed.

King's arms on them, however considerable, their invasions, they not being destroyed

;

is

not sufficient to

and as

it is,

moreover, to be feared that they will

more ferocity than ever, to commit their usual massacres in the scattered settlements, which cannot be succored in consequence of their remoteness, his Majesty expects that you will, by your counsel and all other means at your disposal, induce M. de Courcelles to return with

undertake a

new

destroying them,

expedition during the next if possible,

forces,

and placing them in a position not

feel to

do

II.

Of

summer

against them, for the purpose of utterly

or at least of increasing the terror they entertain of his Majesty's to trouble the

Country, however desirous they

may

so.

the Treaty

made with

the Iroquois and the conduct to be observed towards them.

have seen the Treaty which, with M. de Tracy and M. de Courcelles, you have entered some of those Iroquois Nations, who, having no connection, and being detached from those they had, with the Mohawks, have voluntarily come to demand peace and to submit to the King's obedience; well remarking that you had principally in view to acquire a possession I

into with

adverse to the actual or future pretensions of the European nations.

Therefore his Majesty

PARIS DOCUMENTS hits

given

As the human but

his entire approbation.

it

quan,

having,

savages,

determine hereafter

to

nothing

send Ambassadors,

principal Officers, nor the country, to

it

§0

I.

:

greater portion of those people are properly

the

6gure,

I

believe

that

when

trifling

expense, being certain that, to

to the produce of the farming of the duty levied on the Beaver,

of the Moose ( Orignaux),

has been impossible for you to avoid disbursing the whole of

the

Company, which

is

expense to support

at great

from the grant the King made hereafter reduce

all

it, it

is

New France,

important, and

it is

you

and of the tenth

to the Iroquois settlements,

But

it.

as

it is

very just that

should derive some advantage

his Majesty's pleasure, that

sum of Thirty-six thousand licrea annually, without paying made heretofore by Sieur du Pont Gaudais, except in urgent and that

which they

you

the expenditure, which has hitherto been chjirged against that Farming, to

the

as undertaking a

in

clearly understand that, in consequence of the operations of the

and the occasion of the war, which has been carried even

troops, it

I

will

not be necessary to put the King or his

will

any but a very

keep them in check, they ought to be treated haughtily; the consideration might have been held, having contributed to render them more insolent.

As

tiiey

new

attention to the Regulations

indispensable necessity, such

expedition for the destruction of the Iroquois,

will take great care to

have

it

employed with

strict

it

being well understood

economy; the

rather, as before that

grant those expenses of the Country paid from the same fund, did not amount to

Twenty

thousand francs, and since the Grant to 29 thousand livres; being the sole advantage that

Company can to

derive from the Colony to compensate for

9II

the different outlays

it is

obliged

make. III. Fortification It is

Quebec and the Colony.

of

of great importance for the security' of the Colony to devise practicable means to place

Quebec

principally the fort of there,

and stocking

it

with an

in

a state of defence, by constructing a regular fortification

efficient artillery

and

all

sorts of munitions of war, so that

it

might not only not be insulted, but be capable of a vigorous defence, even though the most it. The same attention ought to be

experienced nationsv of Europe laid a regular seige to paid to the other forts recently erected, and

And

as

it

would tend very much

manufactured there,

let

inquiries be

it

ought

to

be a constant study

to the preservation of the country

made

if

if

to

improve them.

powder could be

saltpetre is to be found there.

IV. Recommendation to mould the Indians, settled near us, after our manners and language.

agreed with you that very little regard has been paid, up to the present time, France, to the police and civilization of the Algonquins and Hurons (who were a long time ago subjected to the King's domination,) through our neglect to detach them from their savage customs and to oblige them to adopt ours, especially to become acquainted with our I confess that I

in

New

language.

On

the contrary, to carry on

some

traffic

with them, our French have been

have embraced Christianity, to the vicinity of our settlements, if possible to mingle there with them, in order that through course of time, having only but one law and one master, they might likewise constitute necessitated

to attract those people, especially such as

only one people and one race.

Your most humble and most

affectionate servant,

Colbert.

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

60

M. Talon

to

M.

Colbert.

(Extracts.) '

As long

I.

on behalf of

as

the nations of Iroquois, enjoying the benefit of the Peace granted to

all

his Majesty, will allow the

French Colony

against

we

consider

them during the winter; we therefore wait the King's

it

inexpedient to

Lower Nation, notwithstanding the The means, in my opinion, to secure

and

wage

orders, should his Majesty

desire for the reasons set forth in your despatch, that a second invasion be

the

them

to spread itself in this country

labor in profound tranquillity at the cultivation of the soil,

war

27 October, 1667.

.

made on those

of

treaty concluded with them.

more effectually against either the give Manatte and Orange to the King by conquest propose to you on the grounds submitted in the

the whole Colony

Europeans or the savages, would be to or acquisition, as I had the honor to annexed memoir. II.

Agreeably

to

your idea,

I

render the fee of the thre€ villages which I caused to be

in this vicinity, to strengthen this principal post by a greater number of Colonists, a dependency of Fort Saint Louis of Quebec;^ and the King, or, at his Majesty's pleasure, the Company, will remain the Lord proprietor thereof, holding domaine utile and the rights which

formed

I stipulated in the contracts of

settlement distributed to the soldiers, to the recently arrived

and to the volunteers of the country who have married the young women you sent me. I even caused the land, I had prepared at the King's expense, to be given to them on condition that the occupants will do as much in the space of three years for the benefit of the families sent from France, whom my successors shall have orders to establish, supposing that, at the expiration of that time, the country will have a certain and perpetual fund for the support of the majority of the families dependent on it. My principal object is hereby to people the neighborhood of Quebec with a good number of inhabitants capable of contributing to its defence, without the King having any of them in his pay. I shall, as much as possible, practice the same economy in all the places at which I shall form towns, villages and hamlets, mingling^ families

and farmers, so that they may mutually instruct one another in the cultivation and be aiding to each other when necessary.

thus, soldiers

of the III.

given

soil

The

return realized

me some

commissions

it

fishing at

one place and another have

and already four of the principal inhabitants and I have into operation next spring. Should my Secretary demand of you some

entertained of establishing

agreed to put

by some Fishermen, who, by

idea of the profit derivable from fixed fisheries, has favored the project I

some such

;

for the execution of this design, I

cause them to be granted him.

I

very respectfully request you.

agree with you.

some now devoid of it, and that the who were employed by me in fishing

profit I

for

Cod

My

Lord, that

we

My

shall excite the

Lord, to

envy of

caused to be realized by nine of the Colonists, for the use of the troops

and

for the trade

with

the Islands of South America, will serve as a powerful attraction.

Talon. '

Conformement a voire sentiment, j'attache au

fort

de Saint Louii de Quebec

la

mouvanoe des

trois villageB, &a.

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

.s^

Census of Canada.

61

I.

1667.

Abstract of the Roll of Families of

New

France.

Families,

749 4312 1566

Totalof persons composing them,

Men Men

capable of bearing arms,

»

of '^ marriageable age,

Girls above fourteen years,

84 66

,

Roll of cultivated Farms and of

Cattle.

Farms under cultivation Horned Cattle

Arpens, 11,174 2,13G.

*»» Censiis of Canada.

1668.

number of Families, of persons composing them, and of Men capable of bearing arms, of cleared lands, of the produce of the harvest,

Abstract of the

and of Cattle

in

Canada,

In the year 16G8.

Families

1,139

Persons composing them,

6,870

Men

capable of bearing arms,

2,000

Arpens of land cleared

Horned

16,642

Cattle

3,400

Minots of grain saved, It will

130,978

be observed that neither the 412

four companies

who remained

soldiei;^

who

settled this year, nor the

300 of the

Canada, are included in the present Roll.

in

M.

Colbert to

M.

de Courcelles. 16""

May, 1609.

Sir,

•

You

•

'

will learn

said country (Canada), so

provisions and

•

•

.

by Sieur Talon's return

commodities

that it

it

will

will

now

require.

•

•

be able to import with more facility those But you must at the same time excite the

may induce the French to supply them in exchange And that is the more necessary, as the kingdom being

inhabitants to seek out merchandise which

with said provisions and commodities.

•

that his Majesty has granted freedom of trade to the

;

62

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

-

at present stocked

disgusted with

with a vast quantity of

them

furnishing

peltries, tiie

French would perhaps become soon no other goods to give them

supplies, should there be

in exchange. I have nothing to say regarding M. BoutteroiieS as his Majesty has resolved to send back M. Talon, who himself is the bearer of this dispatch. But perhaps time would have enabled you to discover better qualities in him than you have already done, with so short an experience as you have had at the date of your letters. At least, I can assure you that he is a person much esteemed here, and who in time would have worthily performed the dwties of his office and though I am persuaded he would not in the end be so absolutely dependent on the

Bishop and the Jesuit Fathers, yet

believe he

I

*

the deference and regard he has had for them.

is

much

#

*

be esteemed on account of y^y ^j|] perceive that your

to »

resolution to appear occasionally at Montreal conforms to the King's intentions

that you extend this design further; that

Iroquois country every

two

we must

you

to say, that

years, or oftener if

being certain that

collect, it

is

you think

;

but he desires

go, if possible, as far as the

it fit,

with

all

the forces you can

impress on the minds of these tribes a great opinion of

our nation, in order to restrain them within their duty; and this high opinion can never be impressed until they shall have had the whole of the French forces 3 or

sufficiently

perhaps 6 or 6 times within their country. established, not only the inhabitants of that

And when Colony

will derive

from

it

number of French to repair country will be peopled and will augment without difficulty. Though you will learn from M. Talon all that the King does shall

will induce a considerable

not forbear telling you, in three words, that his

and

the advantage of never

again being disturbed in their labor and trade, but that advantage, being

kingdom,

4,

that reputation shall be once firmly

known

within the

thither annually, so that the

this

year for said Country,

I

Majesty has employed more than

he has considered necessary to do there ; that he sends one hundred and be married there six effective companies of fifty men each, with more than thirty

200"'lb. for all that fifty girls to

;

gentlemen,

officers or

with like intentions.

all

to settle there,

You

and more than 200 other persons

who go

over, also

clearly perceive that so considerable an effort indicates effectually

the regard his Majesty entertains for that country, and that he will 'favorably consider the

which will be rendered him M. Talon has the King's order to

services

that they can do nothing

by instructing

to

advance

it.

testify to the

more agreeable

Bishop of Petrde and the Abbe de Queilus^

him than to continue to labor as they have begun, the children of the Indians, and civilizing them so as to qualify them for uniting td

themselves to the French under the obedience of those who hold legitimate authority from his Majesty. And hereunto I think you can greatly contribute by your care. Regarding the too great authority assumed, as you experience, by the Bishop of Petr^e and the Jesuits,

or, to speak more correctly, by the latter in the name of the former, I must inform you that you will have to act with great prudence and circumspection in that matter, especially as it is of such a nature that, when the country will increase in population, ' This gentleman acted as Intendant during Mr. Talon's brief absence in France. 'Rev. Gabriel db Quavlus, Abbe de Loc-Dieu, came to Canada, in 1667, as representative of the Seminary of Saint

Sulpice, Paris,

which had become proprietor of the Island of Montreal, where he founded the Seminary of which ho Under pretended authority from the Archbishop of Rouen, he claimed certain jurisdiction over the Clergy, which, having been found to conflict with that of Bishop de Laval, Abbd de Quaylus withdrew to France in 1659, a few mouths after tlie Bishop's arrival in Canada. He returned, however, in 1668, to Montreal, where he labored for a few years and then retired to his native country. Ed.

was the

first

Superior.

—

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

^

I.

assuredly the Royal will predominate over the Ecclesiastical authority, and resume

ita

true

Meanwhile, without either any rupture between you, or partiality on your part being perceptible, you will be always able adroitly to prevent the too vast undertakings they may attempt whereupon you can always consult M. Talon and act in concert with him. extent.

;

M.

Colhei't to

M.

de Ccmrcelles. S'

Germain, 9* April, 1670.

September and Nov' of last year. • • • His Majesty is very glad to learn from your letters that the Iroquois have continued to observe peace and trade with us, and to abandon all thoughts of war. Your zeal in "I

received your letters of the 10 July,

11""

first

encouraging the people to the practice and exercise of arms, and even

make journeys sometimes

in

causing them to

into the interior.will assuredly contribute a great deal to bring

all

those tribes into the King's obedience, and consequently to strengthen the Colony and give

the means of extending

This

itself.

is

what

his Majesty desires

you

will

direct all

it

your

attention to.

me

few words, that you ought to occupy yourself continually to preserve the people in peace, and to guarantee them against all violences of their enemies; encourage them to industry and the cultivation of the soil, and still more to the commerce of the seas in every way you consider best; sedulously insist that justice be impartially administered to them, so that each preserve his property, and the weak be not His Majesty orders

to say to you, in a

oppressed by the powerful.

That you take great pains

to

encourage them

multiplication of children the Colony

That you likewise assist,

make

with

all

may have

the

them to the King has committed

carefully stimulate

the authority the

all

to early marriage, so that

means of fisheries

increase within

and marine

by the

itself.

trade,

and that you

to you, the exploration Sieur

Talon

is

to

of the Iron and Copper mines, as well as for timber necessary for the construction of his

Majesty's ships, and for

which

I

all

shall not explain

other establishments advantageous to the country, the detail of

any further

to you, referring

ypu

to

what Sieur Talon

shall say

to you.

M. Extracts of a

Talon

to the

King.

Memoir addressed by M. Talon

to

the

King on the

afiairs

of Canada.

Demand lit

for

Part loih 8ber

'"*•

Troops

in case of

war

against the Iroquois,

^^ ^^^ Iroquois, rendered

were recalled when

I

went

more insolent by the retirement of the Troops who do not become more pliable by the return

to France,

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

^4

whom

of those

his

Majesty has ordered hither next year, there is reason to suspect some This suggests the observation that as the three designs,

violation of the peace on their part.

and exploring the iron mines, appear important, as well as the establishment of the Colony, which grows beautiful in peace, it appears important also to send hither a further force of two hundred troops. The fund his Majesty allowed for the subsistence and maintenance of the six companies the building ships,

making

which, he sent out

this year,

to see

how much that

.

One

Of all

Good.

five, thirty 160

The

Baiienzaui speak of it to

-^[w

ii*

.1/-1

ii.'i

of the sources of population in Canada.

the girls

who

arrived this year,

soldiers

numbering nearly one hundred and

sixty-

my

who have come this year will incline to get married when they home wherefore it were well if his Majesty would J J

hgye labored to make a

; '

Dispatch of Adventurers

Another Extract. arrival I

;

the one to the

to

West and

on their return, to the written instructions possession, display the King's

I

two hundred

for the discovery of

to the

These adventurers are

Southwest and South.

will probably

fifty

have dispatched persons of resolution,

than has ever been done to the

of July 1671, not being

a position to sustam the Country by their arms and their industry.

plcasc scud out again one hundred and

Slnerid^HMp^ud.'"*

Since

first

do not remain unmarried.

girls.

To M. to

of July 1670, to the

..

m

themsclves

to.

Another Extract.

Good.

first

supplicated to grant

be necessary

year amounted

from the

complete the establishment of the companies, his Majesty is very humbly them a second and third year, in order that they may place

to

sufficient It will

tar

to

Countries.

who promise

to penetrate further

North West of Canada, and the others

keep journals in

have given them

arms and draw up

New

girls.

in all

;

all

instances, and reply,

cases they are to take

His Majesty

proccs verbaux to serve as titles.

have no news of them before two years from

this,

and when

I

shall return

to France.

Establishment on Lake Ontario. In addition to

a rupture,

I

my

being informed, both verbally and in writing, that the Iroquois threaten

perceive that they ruin the trade of the French; hunt for Beavers in the country

who have placed themselves under the King's protection, perpetrate robberies on them and despoil them of their peltries. I am strongly persuaded that if an Establishment be formed on Lake Ontario, which I designed to make before my departure for France, the If his Iroquois will more easily be kept, with one hundred men, in order, respect and dread. Majesty approve my having a small vessel built in form of a galley, which could move by sails of the Indians

and

oars,

and be seen in

entire trade. safety,

it

I shall

all

parts of the

Lake through which

explain myself better by the last ship

would only be necessary" that

his Majesty send

me

all ;

those savages carry on their

yet should she not arrive in

three blank commissions; one for

commandant of this little vessel, and the two others to authorize persons to command at the two posts which it will be well to occupy at the North and South of that Lake; and order the

M. de Courcelles design successful.

•

to afford

me

all

the assistance of which I shall stand in need to render this

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

^

I.

Extracts from the Addition to the present Memoir.

Coureurs de

bois.'

The Edict enacted of

tiie

King,

November, 1670.

10'*

I

relative to marriages has been enregistered, and, proclaiming the intention

caused orders to be issued

tliat

the volunteers

(whom on my

return,

1

found in

very great numbers, living, in reality, like banditti) should be excluded from the [Indian] trade and hunting; they are excluded by the law also from tiie honors of the Church, and from the

Communities ICommunautes] if they do not marry fifteen days after the arrival of the ships from France. 1 shall consider some other expedient to stop these vagabonds; they ruin, partially, the Christianity of the Indians and the commerce of the French who labor in their settlements to extend the Colony. It were well did his Majesty order me, by lettre de Cachet, to fix them in some place where they would participate in the labors of the Communaute.

Of

the

means

which passes

of recovering the profit of the Beaver trade

\

/

to the English

and Dutch. If the observations that

have myself made and caused others

make, be correct, the '^ who are subject to them, attract, by means of the Iroquois and other Indian tribes in their neighborhood, over twelve hundred thousand livret of Beaver,* almost all dry and in the best condition, part of which they use in their trade with the Muscovites, either themselves or through the Dutch. As all this Beaver is trapped by the Iroquois in countries subject to the King, we can more freely speak of those throughout which he alone can prescribe law, and Europeans cannot penetrate if they I

to

English of Boston, and the Dutch of Manatte and of Orange

smallest precaution be taken to secure the most favorable posts.

I find

considerable occupation

and without violence, to the benefit of his the company of one hundred picked soldiers,

in diverting the greater part of this trade, naturally

Majesty's subjects; and

if

he will please grant

me

my Memoirs, with one payment of fifteen hundred livres, as well for levying them; or the commission to empower me to raise fifty men at my own expense, and to have a sort of galley built for the security of Lake Ontario there is reason to iiope, not only that the duties derived from this commerce would indemnify his Majesty and benefit the Company, but also that he would, through this means, be assured of Lake Ontario which

1

ask for in

as for subsisting

;

by two settlements which I should make, one at the North and the other at the South of the These posts would favor the passage of the Outawas when descending with their fat Beavers, of which, otherwise, they will often be despoiled by the Iroquois; would keep in check the five Upper Nations, to the most of whom we ascend by the lake, and would make the first openings towards Florida across the interior. By means of those two posts which Lake.

propose establishing, and of the vessel

I

I

suggest, with

anticipate, through the Indian trade, a very large profit.

when

realized, I propose to

employ

it

to lighten the

whose expense This

I

do not

expense the King

I

charge myself,

solicit for is

I

myself; but

obliged to incur for

the support of this Colony. '

Forest Rangers, so called from employing their whole

of Canada, a«d to

all

the other countries of that continent, in

England they are called Swampiers. Dmglai Summary, " Pour plusde 1,200,000 liyresde Caator.

Vol. IX.

9

Lakea the rough exercise of transporting merchandise to the In Kew Hontan, I., 277. La Savages. the with trade order to

life in

II.,

245.

Bj

the Dutch they were called Boe Loopcii.

— En.

gg

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

.

In order to attain success in this design, I require an order to M. de Courcelles to furnish me, in the way of troops, with every assistance I need ; and a general order to the officers to act in those establishments conformably to /

my

instructions.

I say no more about Manatte and Orange, since these two posts cannot, by any arrangement, be the King's, though, in my opinion, they would be of very great utility to him we must shut against them the Road to the River (S' Lawrence), and secure for his Majesty all the outlets of the Lakes and of the Rivers communicating therewith, in order that the Europeans may lose ;

all

desire they

may

they easily effect

feel to share

with his Majesty so beautiful and so vast a Country, could

it.

Another Extract

alio.

— Of a War against the

Iroquois.

have read and heard of the humor of the Iroquois, we may be persuaded that humbled by the King's arms, has not forgotten its arrogance; and if it do not at present wage war against the French Colony, it is because it has on its hands the Andastogu^s, a tribe bordering on New Sweden, well adapted for war. In my opinion it

From

all I

that Savage Nation, though

would be prudent

to anticipate

them by attacking them

in their

side could be placed in a situation to support this enterprise, or establish, the

galley

own if

country,

things on this

if

the two posts

I

propose to

one on the North, the other on the South side of Lake Ontario, with the them within

intend building, do not alarm these barbarians sufficiently to restrain

[

what

hope, with good

bounds, which

is

commencement

of the Establishments

I

I

reason.

Therefore,

I

incline

much more

to the

propose, than to coming to an open rupture, for which

complete arrangements will be necessary so as to be able to succeed with certainty; not but that his Majesty can afford such aid that nothing

would be impossible.

The

thing depends

on what he would be willing to do.

To

sustain or

wage

this war, as well as for

any other unforeseen enterprise,

I

think

it

would two

be well that his Majesty should order to be sent hither six iron twelve-pounders, one or

fifty shells of a proportionate calibre; and at the same time a gunner capable of managing artillery, who especially would be thoroughly conversant with the effect of powder from the mortar and of shell, so admirable in attacking Indian Villages; also,

mortars, and perfectly

fire-works for burning their palisades.

Two

Indian Tribes, one called the Mohegansj^Lowps^ and the other the Socoquis, inhabit

the country adjoining the English, ancTTive, in

some respect, under their laws, in the same and Hurons do under those of his Majesty. I perceive in these two tribes, by nature arrant and declared enemies of the Iroquois, a great inclination to reside among the French. I am of opinion that it would be well to encourage and strengthen this inclination, in order both to profit by the peltries they carry to the English, and to oppose

manner

as the Algonquins

them, when necessary, to the Iroquois, if these be disposed to an open rupture, the rather as the English may adopt the policy, which they have attempted, to reconcile those hostile tribes in order to bring them all down upon us.

Mess" Dolier and Galinde's Voyage I return to

new

discoveries,

and

I

to

Lake Ontario.

say that already Mess" Dolier and Galinde, priests of Saint

Sulpice, Missionaries at Montreal, have traveled tribes.

The Map

I

annex hereunto, under the

they have penetrated. and without giving all

The its

all

over Lake Ontario and visited

letter

small proccs verbal, letter D.,

unknown

show their route and how far which they drew up somewhat hastily,

C,

will

form, will furnish evidence that they have taken possession of

all

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

gk

I,

that dritrict. I shall correct, as far as possible, that Instrument, and shall canse to be planted in every quarter, where the King's subjects will go, his Majesty's arms, with the sign of hit religion, under the impression, if these precautions be not at present of use, they may become at another time. 1 am assured that it is the Iroquois practice to

0

pull down the arms and written placards attached to trees in the places of which possession is taken, and convey them to the English, whereby that Nation may learn that we pretend to remain masters thereof. It is for his Majesty to determine if this practice of posting up notices is to be continued or interrupted, until he be perfectly assured of all the important posts in the Country. .

Quebec,

Talon.

10'" S**' 1670.

M. Talon Extracts from the Good.

I.

You

M.

Colbert.

Memoir addressed by M. Talon

will understand,

According as

I

My

Lord, by the Memoir

unknown

adventurers have set out to discover

of use to his state.

to

to I

Monseigneur Colbert. furnish the King, that

countries and to seek out things which

have advices,

I

shall despatch others,

some

may

be with the precaution

necessary to such enterprises.

by the return of the Algonquins, who will winter this year at Tadoussac, that two European vessels have been seen very near Hudson's bay, where they wigwam (cabanent) as the Indians express it. After reflecting on all the nations that might have penetrated as far North as that, I can light only on the English, who, under the guidance of a man named Des Grozeliers, formerly an inhabitant of Canada, might possibly have attempted that navigation, of itself not much known, and not less dangerous. I intend dispatching thither over land some man of resolution to invite the Kilistinons, who are in great numbers in I

learn

Good.

come down to see us, as the Ottuwas do, in order that we may what the latter savages bring us, who, acting as pedlers between those

the vicinity of that Bay, to

have the

first

pick of

nations and us,

The

make made

us pay for a round-about of three or four hundred leagues.

proposal to me by Captain Poullet of Dieppe ought to be mentioned here. This man, wise by long practice and experience acquired from an early age, and become a skilful navigator, offers to undertake the discovery, if not yet accomplished, of the passage between the two seas, the Southern and Northern, either by David's Strait or by that of Magellan, which he thinks more certain. After having doubled the opposite coast of America, as far as California, he will take the western winds, and, favored by these, re-enter by Hudson's bay or

David's To exsmine

letter which he is to present to you, if he have not which would be to penetrate as far as China by one or the other of those passages. If you desire to hear him, my secretary will have him

strait. thii

proposal.

I

have given him a

altered the plan,

repair to you. Good. II. All the girls sent out this year are married, except about fifteen whom I caused to be distributed among families of character, until the soldiers, who solicit them, have formed some establishment and acquired wherewith to support them.

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

g8

To promote Good.

An

extract of this

mint

nH|jed to

lie

my

is

custom, of the sum

house keeping,

for their

provisions

Miss Elienne, appointed tlieir Matron by the Director of the General Hospital, ryill rctum to France to take charge of those to be sent this year, should his ° ]yiajesty have the goodness to let some come; in which case it will be well to

Good. article

fifty livres,

some

in addition to

I made them a present, as Canada currency, in necessaries suitable

the marriage of those girls

of

fur-

.

.

M Bdiiu-

•

i

,

,

strongly that those destined for this country be in no wise naturally deformed; that they have nothing exteriorly repulsive; that they be hale and strong for country work, or I write in this sense to Mess" the at least that they have some aptness for hand-labor.

recommend

Three or four young women of good family (naissance) and distinguished for their accomplishments, would tend, perhaps, usefully to attach by marriage some officers who are interested in the Country only by their allowances and the profit of their lands, and who do not become further attached in consequence of disproportion of rank. The girls sent last year are married, and almost all pregnant or mothers; a proof of the Directors.

fecundity of this country.

A

one hundred and

slight present of

two hundred ^cus

or

fifty

Miss Etienne would

to

be well employed.

Should the King send other young women or widows from Old to New France, it is well that they be provided with a certificate from their Parish Priest, or the Justice of their place

Without

the effect that they are free and in condition to marry.

of abode, to

this,

the

Clergy here object to confer this sacrament on them; indeed, not without reason, two or The same precaution might be observed three marriages having been acknowledged here.

who

and that ought to be the business of those

regarding widowers;

will be entrusted

with the passengers.

Speaking of

Tobenotertin theeitmct.

gQ

who

farmers

girls,

we ought not

lose sight of the comfort of the hired laborers

necegsary Jq t^jg country, both

ygj.y.

are at their ease, and as

new

as

assistants

work

their

in

to

the

Colonists after the expiration of their ordinary

term of three years. Good.

for

III.

On

this

head

Canada were transported

I

must observe

hither,

that if all the

money which

and made use of in specie,

this

not be accommodated, but expenses would be double.

suppiiei ma.tbe Bent witbuuthesi-

•

the

uition.

t^.

,

Kings money

,.

.

.

•

i

r

i

King orders

the

country would not only

This practice of turning •

i

.

i

c

•

i

into commodities suitable lor nourishment or clothing, tor

women who marry, and of who would like every thing

providing furniture for the establishments of soldiers and young

new

families

to be got

who come

here,

is

not agreeable to the merchants,

from themselves, good or bad, and at so high a rate that

it

would require double the

expense, were people reduced to what they wish.

Goods

Good.

I sent

some

Quebec,

in

obliged to

are of use also to be exchanged for grain

into certain places to

order that, by finding at

come

to

Quebec

in

;

dwell on and explain this

has complained to

home

in

it

is for

article,

because

Canada.

1

I

this

those articles which they need, they

I

for

purpose

may

not be

three

be received in payment,

also, that the grain to

M. de Terron that

had Magazines established

among

and

search of them, and abandon their families

sometimes four days and in order, conveyed here in a single vessel. I

be distributed

;

the farmers at a distance from

and

may

be

have been informed that a Rochelle Merchant

busied myself too

add that had

I

much with

trade,

and that

I

not had them, several of the

PARIS DOCUMENTS settlements, either

commenced

would desire nothing

:

would be

or completed,

^

L entirely ruined;

and tome people

better.

IV. I must not forget to acquaint you, that the Abb6 de Queylus applies himself zealously to the reorganizing of his Clergy, to the increase of the Montreal Colony, and to providing subjects for the Missions, who, by the discoveries they make, acquit themselvet o«>.

He

worthily and usefully for the King. recover the Indian Children

up

— the boys

Good.

Tills

oM»b-

lishmrnl niuu be encuurogod.

in his

who

fall

Seminary, the

pushes his zeal further, by the care he takes to

into the hands of the Iroquois, in order to bring

girls

among

persons of the same sex

who

them

form at Montreal

a sort of Congregation to instruct youth in reading, writing and little handiwork o o ^ , \ The r\ Princess de Conty is the principal promoter of this pious ( ouwagcs de main). •

.

She made me the depository last April, in Paris, of her intentions, which she backed by a first donation of twelve hundred livres. Other persons of a like disposition, feeling themselves urged by charity, gave me to understand that they would willingly participate ia this pious work if you approve my engaging in it I shall do so, and I have reason to hope with some success, without my application thereto detracting in any way from what I owe the action.

;

affairs

you place

Towrttetotha Abb« de Queyiiu.

will perhaps

in

my

Four

charge.

lines, indicating to

^^^ pleasure with which the ^^^ Christianity

King

learns from

M. de Queylus and

my despatches

his

community

the zeal they evince

and his Majesty's service, would have a very good effect. He to draw his income from France ; he hopes you will such cases as justice shall be on his side.

have need of your authority

grant him your protection in

my

number of little savages brought up by the must say their zeal for this charity revives, and that they are about looking up new subjects to rear them according to our manners, language and maxims. It would be well to encourage the disposition they evince for this work by two I

found greatly diminished, on

Good.

return, the

Bishop and the Fathers; but

I

or three approbatory lines.

whom

communicated the King's desire that he should exercise the them together for the management and carrying of arms, has promised to do so, and assures me that he will not fail therein; I think it will be well to distribute some standards to them after they shall have been enrolled under Good. a chief in form of a company. On the supposition that his Majesty would approve it, I told my secretary to meet the expense .thereof, as well as of what would be necessary for the purchase of some swords, of moderate value, to be offered to them as prizes, in order to encourage them in manoeuvring and firing correctly on Sundays and holidays. V. M. de Courcelles, to

Good.

Good.

to distribute Good. Some miut '*'"

to

I

inhabitants from time to time, collecting

Here I must say, that if it do not render the Royal medals too common some of them to those who will undertake great enterprizes or useful discoveries, either of new countries or of mines, or of forests, I would ask a dozen to serve as an incentive to induce

whom money

persons to accomplish

would not be so strong an inducement.

difficult

undertakings

This description of reward

is

more

economical, and often times more powerful than any other. VI. In order to contribute in fact, as well as by counsel, to the settlement of Canada, I Good. have, myself, afforded an example by the purchase of a tract of land covered

with timber, except two arpens which were found cleared. I have had it cultivated and improved in such a manner that I can say it is the most considerable in the country. I still propose to enlarge it; it is of sufficient extent to admit of some hamlets; it is in the vicinity

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

70 of

Quebec and may be of use

give

it

one; and to render

Majesty, he can annex to

have caused

it,

be erected.

to

create emulation their lands in the

among

to that town.

ten thousand

could receive a

He

title if his

will not, perhaps, be displeased

who

the officers and wealthy colonists,

hope of receiving some

livres in

It

Majesty pleased to

more susceptible of a mark of honor, which I expect from his under such names as he shall please, the three Villages which I with beginning by

me

to

will labor zealously to extend

title.

You know. My Lord, that M.

Good.

same

it

clearing a farm for

Berthelot has directed

him

;

me

to expend, in his behalf,

other persons in France solicit

me

to

do the

These Titles which I propose, and to which the lands should be proportionate, would be a very useful means to advance the Colony. for

When

VII. to

them, at a small expense,

I

was

in

true.

France the King did

be struck here suitable

and you inform

Good.

'tis

for the

me

issue the necessary orders, that

me

me

the honor to say to

country and which

When you

such would be your sentiment.

work

shall

that he wished a coin

should remain here in circulation,

be prosecuted.

It will

will please to

be of the highest

utility

to the Colony.

Done

at

Quebec,

this tenth of Nov''"', 1670.

M.

Colbert to

Talon.

M.

Talon.

The King has entirely approved the proposition you have made to enter into a good and intimate correspondence with the English of Boston, and even to carry on some trade with them in commodities which you will mutually require. But as regards the fisheries, which they will prosecute in view of the country under the King's obedience, his Majesty desires that they shall experience the same treatment as his subjects receive from them on like occasions, and this conduct must be observed as well in the trade they may pursue with the savages around Pentagouet as in that which the King's subjects shall prosecute with the Indians around Boston that is to say, that you should establish reciprocity between the two Nations. ;

The

resolution you have taken to send Sieur de la Salle towards the South and Sieur de Luisson to the North, to discover the South Sea passage, is very good ; but the principal thing to which you ought to apply yourself, in discoveries of this nature, is to look for the copper mine. Were this mine once discovered, and its utility evident, it would be an assured S'

means

to attract several

February,

Frenchmen from Old

to

New

France.

1671.

M.

Colbert to

M.

de CourceUes. Paris, ll"- March, 1671.

Sir.

Smce you do not find it convenient to undertake the journey into the Iroquois country which the King referred to you, and which was in no manner compulsory, you may dispense

PARIS DOCUMENTS: But

therewith.

his Mnjesty thinks that nothing

H

I.

so essential to

is

tlie

quiet of his subjects of

New

France as to keep always in a state of alarm the several Savage tribes that may trouble them, being certain that nothing but the apprehension of a severe punishment can prevent them violating the peace his Majesty has granted them.

As

your proposal

for

to

send some companies hence

to repair

to the outlet

of

Lake

which the Iroquois may make on the other Indian Nations under the King's protection, his Majesty does not consider it necessary for the good of his service; yet he refers, notwithstanding, to you and to M. Talon what will be most convenient, being well persuaded that you will execute, with your ordinary firmness, whatever resolution you may jointly adopt. Nothing can better promote the good of that Colony than to take care that the inhabitants Ontario

and

prevent

shall exercise

for

the incursions

themselves in the management of arms at such time as will be most convenient

them; and

his

me

Majesty has instructed

to

say to you, on this head, that

it is

of no less

importance to his service to review said inhabitants from time to time, and to encourage them

••••••••••

to such training

by some

prizes,

than to excite them to the clearing and cultivation of the land,

and to the undertaking the coneftruction of Vessels to reap the advantages of maritime commerce. •

M. Talon Extracts from the

King.

to the

Memoir addressed by M. Talon

to the

King On the State

of Canada.

Peace prevails both within and without

somewhat

whom

at the Indians

they

who

waged war, have,

among them who,

this

Colony.

The

Iroquois, after having

grumbled

placed themselves under the King's protection, and against in fine,

remained within their duty; and except some brute mass

in his drunkenness, cracks a skull, there is reason to believe that the

will alwtnys prefer peace to war.

English of Boston and of the other seacoasts enjoy the same tranquillity as we, and, far from incommoding, evince a warm desire to live in peace with us, and a disposition to establish some correspondence, which we have already begun on our side, and which it will

The

be much the more easy

to

keep up, as

I

understand, by persons

refreshments II.

I shall

may

much

Pentagouet

Wherefore

and

intervals, so that factories, shelter

my power,

as will lay in

his Majesty's behalf, especially as

assured Acadia can furnish great assistance

Colonel Temple,

to

be found from place to place.

execute, as

by M. Colbert, on

who have gone

no more than sixty leagues.

and returned, that the passage across the country I hope to be able to settle some twenty persons, at is

who appears

to

Republican than Monarchical.

;

and

if

the instructions given to

to what regards I can, I

my

Secretary

the marine, to which

I

am

shall have some conversation with

me much disgusted with the Boston government, which is more To Sieur de Marson, whom I had sent to Boston to demand

the restitution of a Vessel which had been pirated by an Englishman, that

oflBcer

expressed

a desire to retire within the King's dominion, and to live there under his protection

and

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

72

has even some useful domains which he abandoned in the receded country, 1 shall await his Majesty's orders as to what I the property of which had been granted him. me, by his intermediation, great facility in promises who this Colonel, ought to do in regard to obedience.

He

recalling the

French families established among the English.

I

may

obtain, through him,

some

sailors,

am

also encouraged to

hope that

some ship carpenters, and mechanics capable of

constructing Saw-mills, of which the country

is

there those mechanics of that nation, to the

disagreeable to the King, as they will not

I

fail

in great need.

If

I

number of twenty,

find I

it

easy to introduce

presume

it

cannot be

to be useful to his service.

III. A month ago or more I dispatched, at two several times, and by two different canoes and different routes, Sieursde Saint Lusson and la Nauraye, to continue the opening of the road hence to Pentagout and Port Royal, and to convey at the same time some Instructions which his Majesty's service demanded, and to prepare new memoirs, until I could furnish him more I expect their return every moment. correct information before ray voyage.

Sieur de

La

Salle has not yet returned from his journey to the

But Sieur de Lusson

is

Southward of

this country.

returned, after having advanced as far as five hundred leagues from

and set up the King's arms in presence of seventeen Indian nations, assembled, on this occasion, from all parts; all of whom voluntarily submitted themselves to This the dominion of his Majesty, whom alone they regard as their sovereign protector. was effected, according to the account of the Jesuit Fathers who assisted at the Ceremony, here, and planted the cross

with

all

taking

the

pomp and

possession

eclat the country could afford.'

prepared

by Sieur de

I

shall carry

with

Saint Lusson for securing

me

those

the record of

Countries to

his Majesty.

The

place to which the said Sieur de Saint Lusson has penetrated

is

supposed to be no more

than three hundred leagues from the extremities of the Countries bordering on the Vermilion or

South Sea. Those bordering on the West Sea appear to be no farther from those discovered by the French. According to the calculation made from the reports of the Indians and from Maps, there seems to remain not more than fifteen hundred leagues of navigation to Tartary, China and Japan. Such discoveries must be the work either of time, or of the King. It can be said that the Spaniards have hardly penetrated further into the interior of South, than the French have done up to the present time into the interior of North America. Sieur de Lusson's voyage to discover the South Sea and the Copper Mine will not cost the King anything. I make no account of it in my statements, because having made presents to the Savages of the Countries of which he took possession, he has reciprocally received from them in Beaver what can balance his expense. Three months ago I dispatched with Father Albanel, a Jesuit, Sieur de Saint Simon, a young Canadian gentleman, recently honored by his Majesty with that Title. They were to penetrate as far as Hudson's bay draw up a memoir of all that they will discover; drive a trade in furs with the Indians, and especially reconnoitre whether there be any means of ;

wintering ships in that quarter, in order to establish a factory that might,

when

necessary,

supply provisions to the vessels that will possibly hereafter discover, by that channel, the

—

communication between the two seas the North and the South. Since their departure, I received letters from them three times. The last, brought from one hundred leagues from here, informs

me

that the Indians, '

whom

they met on the way, have assured them that two

This meeting was held at the Falls of

St Mary.

— £o.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

78

I.

:

English vessels and three barks have wintered in the neighborhood of that bay, and made a of beavers

vast collection

there.

my

If

letters, in reply, are safely delivered

Establishment will be thorougiily examined, and his Majesty will

information

about

As those

it.

discovered by the French, possession, in

he

is

Imve

(ancienncment)

proposed to

I

draw up

me

to

his proces verbal in the

form

have furnished him.

I

dispatch a bark of sixty tons hence to Hudson's bay, whereby

expected something will be discovered of the communication of the two seas.

it is

adventurers

full

originally

have commissioned the said Sieur de Saint Simon to take renewed his Majesty's name, with orders to set up the escutcheon of France, with which

entrusted, and to

It is

have been long ago

countries

the said

to

Father, this

who form

some mark of honor,

this design subject tiie

if

King

no expense,

to

shall give

I

If the

them hopes of

they succeed; besides idemnifying themselves from the fur trade which

they will carry on with the Indians. IV. His Majesty will be able to see by the abstracts of the Registers of Baptisms, which

my

have entrusted to seven hundred;

tliat

Secretary, that the

number of

children born this year

hereafter a considerable increase

may

is

between

be expected, and there

is

believe that, without any further aid from French girls, this Country will furnish

one hundred marriages I

think

is it

more

daughters

their

in the first year,

and a great many more

among

easily

the soldiers

who

of

four that I asked

for,

engagements with

form

to

more than

may marry

fifteen so

the officers

or

oH'

Neither

are settled and disengaged.

necessary to send«out any young ladies, having this year received

instead

and

reason to

according as time progresses.

inexpedient to send out girls next year, in order that the farmers

it

six

I

qualified,

principal

inhabitants here.

V.

I

am

no Courtier, and

assert, not

through mere desire to please the King nor without

just reason, that this portion of the French

me

I discover around

causes

me

What will become something grand. and those colonies of foreign nations, so

Monarchy

to foresee this;

long settled on the Sea-board, already tremble with affright, in view of what his Majesty has

accomplished here

in the interior

them to

to spread without subjecting themselves at the

have war waged against them

greatly to fear.

They already

the Savages throughout arbiter of

all

Peace and War;

;

and

Done

at

make

this

2''

in

have caused

all

to

to confine

them

be effected, do not allow

same time to be treated as usurpers, and what they seem, by all their acts,

truth, is

name

tiiose Countries that he alone

is

is

spread so

far

abroad

among

there regarded by them as the

detach themselves insensibly from the other Europeans, and

whom

the others take up arms

Quebec,

Vol. IX.

this,

I

are aware that the King's

with the exception of the Iroquois, of ourselves to

The measures adopted

within seven years.

within narrow limits, by the taking possession which

November, 1671. 10

I

am

not yet assured,

whenever we

we may

safely promise

please.

Talon.

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

74

M. Extracts of a

am more

France

few

M.

Colbert. to the Minister,

when

I

wrote

And

the State of

my last dispatch that Acadia and New

years be in a condition to furnish the Antilles

necessary for their use.

On

11"" 9"" 1671.

firmly convinced at present than

will in a

to

Memoir addressed by M. Talon

Canada, dated I

Talon

in order

that

this aid

be more

with the salted provisions

prompt,

think

I

it

would

be necessary to interrupt, without violence, the trade the English carry on with the King's subjects inhabiting Port Royal, from whom they obtain, yearly, quantities of salted meat in exchange for some druggets and other stuffs of Boston manufacture. This, in my opinion, can be naturally enough effected by sending from France or hence to Port Royal some few stuffs to supply the most urgent demands; also some looms, which the Colonists demand, to

weave their sheep's wool, and the flax produced by the aid of their hand-labor from the For my part I shall provide for these wants as much as my liealth permits. II.

soil.

my Secretary's hand one of the first four lettres de cachet which the my return here last year, whereby his Majesty ordered the Captains of

have placed in

I

King had

issued on

his ships or others to do as

as beneficial to

I

renew them

should direct them for his Majesty's service.

I

it would be any persons on

think

this year, and to forbid those Captains to take

me on the ground»that should the people Colony would scarcely increase, whatever pains you would take to augment it. Several persons have returned this year; but a considerably greater number expect to go back next season, in consequence of the facility with which passports are given. board, to return to France, without a permit from

;

return, this

III.

my dispatches,

After closing

the

Abb6 de Queylus proposed tome

Montreal for the support and treatment of sick and aged Indians, and

endowment of ten thousand livres. God from this work of piety, it may also afford

feeling themselves near the chiefs of their tribes, will

other relatives.

I

who

which they

solicit

more

facilities to

win the

for that

by

the

children,

easily detach themselves

did not promise to write you on this proposition, until

to do 80 by the Bishop of Petr6e, HospituUeres,

make,

In addition to the glory which

purpose, an original accrue to

to found an hospital at offers to

Abbe de Queylus and

I

may who,

from their

had been requested

the Mother Superior of the

promises to furnish Nuns for the management of this establishment, for only the King's consent, and a charter at the proper time; having on

part, neither promised nor excited hopes of anything except this permission,

if

my

the proposal

appear reasonable to you. IV. Whilst concluding this memoir, Sieur de S' Lusson returns from Pentagouet, but so broken down by the fatigue of his journey, and so enfeebled by the hunger he suffered, that I doubt his ability to go to France, whither I should be very glad he would repair to have the honor to inform you, in person, what be saw at the Rivers Pemcuit and Kinibiki, both covered

with handsome English settlements, well built and in beautiful valleys. those districts, though for the most part English by birth, received him saluted

him with Musketry and Cannon, and

all

regaled

him

demonstrations of evident joy at seeing that Pentagouet and the

King's possession.

Whether

this

extreme joy be an

effect

the

title to

The

Colonists of

in princely style;

best they could

with

the lands were in the

of the fear they entertain in

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

^

I.

consequence of the vicinity of the French, or of a real desire to pass under his Majesty's dominion, I cannot determine; they have authorized Sieur de Saint Lusson to make proportiU to me on this subject, which 1 forbade him to communicate to whomsoever. He is the bearer of the Memoirs to you. If the project

submitted to

Hospital, and which

I

better adapted than

me by M. Le

consider, in

some

Tourneur, one of the Directors of the General be effected, I know no quarter

parts, practicable, could

those Rivers to render

it

successful for the

relief of the hospital

and

the advancement of the Colony; a mixture of French among the English would attach to the King's service those who would not naturally belong to his Majesty on the restitution which has been made to him of that quarter. I

am

assured that the English will urge the settlement of the Boundaries between Pentagouet Should his Majesty give me any orders on that subject, I shall do my best to

and Boston.

execute them on taking charge of his instructions.

Temple' repairs to Old England, with the design to with him before he had undertaken that voyage.

1

am

return.

likewise assured

that

Colonel

would have desired a conference

I

«

Talon.

ouyt

is

Dean of Qnebec one of the Vicars-general of Quebec at this

of the Seminary,

also mentioned a
.

1869, in

oompaay

|>arish of

December, 1700.

Qoebec

Tlie

Very

:

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

94

Here the Ciphers terminate Memoir, M. de Fronteuac,

;

and

in case

to conceal his

persona in the interest of the Jesuits should read the

game, continues

in letters thus

every reason in the world to be pleased with the civility Reverend Jesuit Fathers, who gave me a token thereof at a ^^^ urbanity of the meeting I held, some days ago, of the Gentlemen of the Clergy, Noblesse, Judiciary and Third Estate, for the purpose of having them take a new'oatii of fidelity, having offered me their New Church, without my asking it of them, and decorated it as much as lay in their power. First

Iiavc, personally,

^

A»fmbi

hoidenat Quebec

I

considered, as the like thereof

was never done here

before, that all the

pomp and

eclat that

the country could contribute ought to be displayed on that occasion, in order to impress

more

mind the respect and veneration they ought to entertain for his Majesty. form to what they never had had before, and to compose a sort of corps of the Clergy, Noblesse, Judiciary and Third Estate. I was first disposed to adjoin the Religious Communities with the Gentlemen of the Seminary, and the Jesuit Fathers had agreed to it in the beginning. But the Vicar General having afterwards thrown great difficulties in my way, though he, too, had consented, I at once understood tliey came from them, notwithstanding he alleged to me only that it was not the custom in France for them to mix strongly on the public

I

endeavored then

to give a

with the Clergy.

did not, therefore, think

I

For the Noblesse,

one and the other. to as

many

I

it

proper to force 'them, for fear of disobliging the

two

selected

or three gentlemen here,

whom

I

united

of the officers, and the ordinary Judges and the Syndic of the farmers with the

Body, we held a meeting the most brilliant ever seen in Canada, at which there was a concourse of more than a thousand persons. I endeavored to inculcate on them the sentiments of obedience and fidelity they owed the King, and to make them understand, also, the obligations they were under to you, for all the aid you every day procured for them. They appeared convinced of the one and the other, and with all the tokens of joy possible took the oath I demanded of them, copies of which I send you under letter H. I had the Gentlemen of the Sovereign principal merchants

and burgesses of Quebec, having organized their

little

same terms on the first day I sate among them. Several were so much affected by it, that on the next day they asked me to take the same Oath, which I allowed them. Mr. Talon was not present, because, unfortunately, he was somewhat unwell. Council to take

A

Vn.

in almost the

it

Hurons attended

that ceremony, and

Mr. de Villeray, intending to

solicit

Apropos of

Council, M. de Frontenac warns

the influence of the Jesuits,

j uuderstandmg nor knowledge, he

!•

He

openly stated here that he (242

is

Farmer General from

Minister that though this

the Sovereign

man

lacks not be feared as a busybody, but particularly as

i

attached to the Jesuits. It is

the office of the to

writes the following in cipher: is

of the

uniform, have not omitted taking the vows.)

number

of those who, without wearing the

(Letters:) I therefore consider

to

(ciphers:)

this

Country,

deprive it

the Jesuit

my

duty to

much

trouble

it

advise you thereof, in order that you should see whether, after having been at so

knowledge and direction of affairs in them a door by which they could again

Fathers of the

would be expedient

to

open to

enter indirectly.

Quebec,

this 2^

Novemb' 1672.

Frontenac.

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

M.

Colbert to

g^t

I.

(hunt de Frontenac. Paris, IS* June, 1673.

g.J,^

In respect to the Iroquois, as the Colony easily restraining

them within

is very numerous, his Majesty doubts not your and the terms of their obedience, which they have But you must not expect that his Majesty can send you

their duty

sworn and promised to his Majesty. troops from here, inasmuch as he has not considered that necessary, and desires you punctually to execute what is contained in your Instruction to discipline the inhabitants of that Country, by dividing them into Companies and having them drilled as often as possible, so as to enable you to make use of them on all the occasions you may require. The assembling and division of all the inhabitants into three orders or estates, which you had done for the purpose of having them take the oath of fidelity, may be productive of good just then. But it is well for you to observe, that as you are always to follow, in the government and management of that country, the forms in force here, and as our Kings have considered

it for a long time advantageous to their service not to assemble the States General of their Kingdom, with a view perhaps to abolish insensibly that ancient form, you likewise ought only very rarely or— to speak more correctly— never give that form to the corporate body of the Inhabitants of that country; and it will be necessary even in the course of a

little time, and when the Colony will be still stronger than it now is. insensibly to suppress the Syndic who presents petitions in the name of all the Inhabitants, it being proper that each speak for himself, and that no one speak for the whole.

•

The

•

••

•

•

•

•

Provincial of the Recollets has, within eight days, dispatched

embark

to join their

Monastery

in

Canada and with a view ;

to the

«

two

,

Friars

who

are to

continued increase of their

had the same Provincial informed to-day to send thither two others of the most and I shall also take care that he send some over every year, in order to be able thereby to counterbalance the excessive authority the Jesuits have assumed in that country.

number, efficient

I

;

Journal of Count de Frontenads Voyage

The

to

Lake Ontario in 1673.

by the Count de Frontenac, on arriving in Canada, of the Treaty the Iroquois were negotiating with the Outaouaes, was of too great importance to the trade of the country not to oblige him to prevent its ratification. By this Treaty, in which the Iroquois were urged forward principally by their neighbors, they offered to supply the Outaouaes with alt the goods they required, and the latter were to carry to them generally all their peltries, and the exchange was to take place on Lake Ontario. The only means to traverse and upset this negotiation was, as had been frequently before proposed, to establish a Post on the same Lake, which would prevent the communication of intelligence received

the Nations of the South with those of the North, and force the latter to continue to bring us

not only

all

the peltries that usually

came by the River

of the

Long

Saut, but even those

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

96

our neighbors profited by, through the

facility'

Lake without any

of being able to cross the

Count de Frontenac found himself much embarrassed in the adoption of a without money, without ammunition, without

impediment.

seeing himself without troops,

resolution,

canoes, and arriving in a country, to the situation of which, and the

humor

of

its

inhabitants,

he was almost an entire stranger, and where he had not, as yet, sufficient friends to enable him to undertake, on his own credit alone, what those'who had preceded him dared not execute with all the knowledge and all the aid they were masters of. He was of opinion, however, that the loss of the trade would infallibly entail in a short time the rupture of the peace, since the Iroquois and the Outaoiiaes, being in a position to dispense with us, and finding greater facility in their hunting and trade, would more easily

resume that inclination they naturally feel for war, inasmuch as they had an idea that it with less risk on the arrival of a new Governor, who they knew had no troops. These considerations, and the letters received by Count'de Frontenac, in the course of the winter, from the Reverend Jesuit Fathers who are missionaries among the Iroquois, who advised him that these people were not over and above well disposed, finally determined and obliged him, despite all the obstacles and all the difficulties he anticipated in the execution of

they could undertake

that design, to resolve on undertaking

water

sufficiently

ought not

warm

to give entire publicity to

he had determined,

government inhabit

with

for navigation.

it,

;

to

the

in

it,

course

it

as soon as the river

would be

free of ice,

and the

Nevertheless he considered, for divers reasons, that he

and contented himself with of the

next spring, to

letting it

visit

the

be understood that

whole extent of

his

become acquainted with the country, and in that way with the Indians who assure them of his Majesty's protection provided they observed the peace

to

us.

And

as his predecessors

had never undertaken similar voyages, except with a considerable

number of men and canoes, so as not to expose themselves imprudently to the insults of the Indians, whose fickleness is ever to be dreaded, he declared he would invite the officers who had settled in the country to accompany him on the voyage, and would order out canoes and people from each settlement, so as to be in a state to defend themselves against

all

the Indians

might undertake; and by manifesting to them some evidence of Onontio's power, induce them the more readily to confine themselves within their duty.

To impress these sentiments the more strongly upon them, and to show them that the Sauts and Rapids, which obstructed the River in many places, were not an insurmountable barrier by which the Frenqh could be prevented reaching them when necessary, he resolved to take with him two flat bateaux, similar to that Mr. de Courcelle had some years previously carried to the head of the Rapids, and even to mount them with some small pieces of cannon,' in order to achieve something new which may inspire the Savages with more respect and awe.

He

therefore caused

two

to

sixteen men, with considerable

be constructed of a particular model, capable of containing provisions, and had

them painted

in a fashion unlike

any

thing seen before in the whole country, and ordered canoes to be pressed,. and directed the

Hurons to make some others of bark found in the public store. But in order that the Iroquois, who are very suspicious, may not be alarmed by these preparations, he thought proper to send some person of credit to them to advise them of his intention to go as far as Kente to visit the French Mission and establishments, and to exhort them, at the same time, to send thither deputies from each Nation, to whom he would

:

PARIS DOCUMENTS

97

confirm, on the part of his Majesty, Oiiontios, his predecessors,

all that had been promised them in his name by the and receive from them new tokens of the obedience and submission

they owed him. Por

purpose

this

lie

selected Sieur de Lasalle as a person qualified for such a service by the made into that country and by his acquaintance with the Indians, He

diSerent journeys he had

sent him orders to leave iMontreal as soon as the navigation would permit, and to prdceed to Onontagu^, the place where all the Nations assemble for business, and to invite them to send delegates to Kent^ towards the end of June; he was to carry the same message, should be

think proper, to the four other villages.

However, as soon as the very severe frosts were over, Count de Frontenac had the construction of the bateaux prosecuted with great care and assiduity ; the necessaries for his expedition collected, and orders issued to hold the canoes in readiness all along the shore, and to

engage persons suitable for such an enterprise, so that every thing may be ready in the end of May to depart for and repair to Montreal, which was to be the general rendezvous.

latter

The voyage had to be postponed for a month in consequence of bad weather and the delay of the spring sowing, which put Count de Frontenac to the necessity of despatching Sieur de

Hautmeny anew

to the Indians to change the rendezvous, and to defer it to between the and ^O"- of July. June the 3"* was the day finally fixed for his departure from Quebec. He had a sloop' sent to Montreal, some days before, with the munitions of War and other articles he was taking from Quebec; and having left orders with Sieur Prevost, Town Major, to follow him with all the Brigades from the River sides and adjoining places, and to reach Montreal on the 24'*, he led the van with a part of the Castle garrison, his guards, stafl', and some volunteers. He IS"-

visited

all

the officers on his route,

and arrived on the

16""

who endeavored

to outstrip each other in entertaining

him,

June, about 5 o'clock in the evening, at Montreal, where he was received

by Mr. Perrot, the Governor, amidst the roar of all the cannon and musketry of the people who were under arms, and was addressed on the beach by the Officers of Justice and the Syndic of the Inhabitants, and finally by the Clergy at the door of the church, where the Te Deum was sung. Passing Cape de la Magdelaine, the Reverend Father D'Ablon, Superior of the Jesuits,* who was returning from visiting his missions, informed him that he had learned from the Indians that some Dutch ships had arrived atManath, of which place they had made themselves Masters that it was to be feared they would afterwards repair to the mouth after a feeble resistance of the River S' Lawrence, to exclude French vessels from it, and would attempt ascending even to Quebec, should they learn that he was at a distance with the main force of the country. But Count de Frontenac, seeing no foundation for this intelligence, continued his route, and of the Island,

;

requested the Father not to divulge the news

;

and

in case

it

should spread, to encourage those

Une Oribane a sea vcMel from 30 to 90 tons. Diet de Richelet. 'Rev. Claude Dablon arrived in Canada in 1656, and was immediately s«nt miasionary to Onondaga, whara be eontinaed, with a brief interval, until 1658. In 1661 he set out overland for Hudaon'a Bay, but sueeeeded in reaching only the head waters of the Nekouba, 300 miles from Lake St. John. In 1668 he accompanied Maiquette to Lake Superior, and preached '

;

(nni, 72), at

tb«

as late as July, 1698. See IV., 48.

Ha

the gospel in Wisconsin; assisted, in 1671, at the great council held by St Lusaon with the Indiana Falls of .St Mary,

and was Superior from 1670 to 1680, again

compiled the Relation of 1671, 2; and are

still

extant

Vol. IX.

many

in 1685, 1688,

and

of his MS3., of interest and value to the early bi«tor>' of the

Ed.

13

Weatem SUt««

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

98

He

who may

feel

alarmed.

whom

left

Commandant

he

readiness at the

first

did not omit, however, sending orders of

Quebec and the circumjacent

news he should

by him

places, to hold

to Sieur de Tilly, all

the militia in

receive from him, with particular instructions

what

to do'

at the least intelligence of the enemy's approach, and sent two canoes to Tadoussac, so as to be promptly advised of the appearance of vessels in the river. He also commanded carriages

made for the guns which were on the ground and in very bad order at Quebec, whither he assured Father D'Ablon that he should return with all possible diligence on the first news he should receive of the approach of this pretended fleet, and would arrive there soon enough to to be

enemy effecting any thing. During the ten or twelve days he remained at MontreaLhe thought of nothing but regulating what was required, as well for the construction of the p-ort he designed, as for the division of the Troops and Canoes into brigades and squadrons, and the supplying them with Commanders; he had considerable trouble in arranging the ranks and the line of march in such a way as He divided theni into nine sections, including the detachment not to leave any one dissatisfied. of the Hurons who desired to accompany him, and composed each of ten to twelve canoes; so that, including those of his staff, he found he had nearly one hundred and twenty canoes with the two flat bateaux, and about four hundred men. He next gave orders to have a wagon road constructed overland from Montreal to a placecalled La Chine, distant about 3 to 4 leagues, so as to avoid the Sauts in the river between Montreal and that place, there being none more dangerous, and to provide for the carriage of all the necessaries for the expedition over that road. After every thing had been successfully accomplished through his vigilance and assiduity, he caused all the troops who had arrived on the preceding day to take up their line of march on the 26"" and 27"", and arrived there, himself, on the evening of the 28"". June 29"". Finished putting all the munitions of war and provisions on board the canoes and bateaux and Count de Frontenac, having chosen M. de Chambly as a most efficient, and the oldest officer in the country to command the troops under him, detached him with three canoes, with orders to encamp on the South shore at the foot of the first Rapids, which are at the head of Lake S' Louis, and departed with all the squadrons intending to join him there. But having discovered, in passing, that the Indians were creating some disorder, having got drunk at the house of a Montreal settler, he was obliged to land for the purpose of punishing the Indians, and the man named Roland who had given them drink contrary to the prohibitions repeatedly issued, whom he ordered to accompany him on the expedition. The consequence was, he could camp only at the head of the Isles de la Paix,' whence he sent orders to Sieur de Chambly to proceed, with his squadron, beyond the first three Rapids. 30'\ Passed the first two with incredible labor and fatigue in consequence of the bateaux, the dragging and towing of which required more Ihan fifty men, who were up to the shoulders, in water. This caused him much uneasiness, tempered, however, with great satisfaction on beholding the manner the officers acted and the alacrity with which every body toiled. The Hurons, whom Count Frontenac brought with him, set the example; they achieved wonders; and those conversant with their humor, acknowledged they performed without any difficulty, for him, what no one had ever before dared to propose to them. He, therefore, had them and the whole fleet regaled at night with some Brandy and Tobacco, for which the Hurons sent two of their oldest chiefs to return thanks, and to protest to him that their young prevent the

;

'

On

the >outh aide of

Lake St.

Lonii,

snd

in front of the Seigniories of

Cbateauguaj and Beauharuois.

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS: braves were ready to do

all

behind any of the French.

1.

he ordered them, and that,

Camped

90 in obedience,

they would never be

at the foot of the S* Rapid.

Rapid in the morning with much difficulty, on account of a Sault The bateaux found in some places scarcely any water, and the rocks cut the feet of the people hauling them, who in other places were up to their armpits in water. Nevertheless, their good humor never diminished, and after having towed the same bateaux all the afternoon, First of July, passed this

in

it.

for

more than a league with the water up

to their waist,

South, a league and a half distant from the outlet of Lake

July

encamped

at the Islands to the

St. Francis.

Completed the passage of the two Rapids which intervened between us and our we arrived at noon and as the crews of the bateaux were very much fatigued, and several of the canoes had been damaged by towing, Count de Frontenac commanded others to relieve the men with some canoes for an escort, and sent them along the North shore to a Point' two leagues further up, and encamped with the remainder of the troops at the outlet of this Lake. S**. There could not be finer navigation or more favorable weather than on the S* ; a light Northeaster having sprung up, gave the bateaux an opportunity to go as fast as the canoes, so that we arrived at the Islands at the head of the Lake time enough to repair the bateaux, which had been injured by the rocks in the Sauts and at those places where they had to be dragged. 4"'. Continued the route, and passed through the most deliglitful country in the world. The entire river was spangled with Islands, on which were only oaks and hard wood; the soil is admirable, and the borders of the main land on the North and South hanks are equally handsome, the timber being very clean and lofty, forming a forest equal to the most beautiful in France. Both banks of the River are lined with prairies full of excellent grass, interspersed with an infinity of beautiful flowers; so that it may be asserted there would not be a more lovely country in the world than that from Lake S' Francis to the head of the Rapids, were S*.

entrance into this Lake, where

it

;

cleared.

more delightful than any we had Long Sault on the North side, and little yet seen it was opposite the mouth of a River by which people go to the Mohawks.' The Great River, here, Sieur Le Moine was sent to examine that which goes to is only a musket shot across. the Mohawks, and reported that it formed a large, circular, deep and pleasant basin behind the

Made

three leagues this forenoon,

:

Point^ in front of which

we had

informed him that there was

and halted

at a spot

channel leading to the

near the

halted,

five days'

and that the Iroquois,

easy navigation in that

whom

river,

he found there, had and three when the waters

were lower.

was resumed, and it was resolved to keep to the South shore, the design being to go and camp above the Long Sault, and at threequarters of a league below it to cross over; but the rain which supervened obliged Count After having dined and rested awhile, the march

to cause the entire fleet to come to anchor at the North side, at the place where intended to cross over, and he had time only to get the bateaux to do so and to encamp

de Frontenac

we

himself with the three Rivers brigade and his staff on the South shore, opposite the place where the other sections had anchored. We found in the Western forest, or Camp, a

white flower as beautiful as can be seen, with an odor similar to that of the Lily of the Valley, but much finer. It was sketched through curiosity. •

Point an Baudet, Soulang«« county, C. E.

'

Maisena Point,

St.

Iiawrence connty, X. Y.

•

— Ed.

Suppoaed to be Graaa

riyer,

St Lawrtnea ooonty, N. Y.

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

100 5'\ Rain threatening, to get

them

we

contented ourselves in despatching the bateaux

past the Rapid of the

not to cross until the weather was fleet

Long

Therefore,

having passed, a storm sprung up which obliged the

who were

the break of day

was sent to the fleet at tiie North having cleared about 10 o'clock, the

Saut, and the order

settled.

it

crossed over and advanced to the foot of the 1" Rapid of the

to hasten on those

at

in the centre,

and

Count

to

Long

Sault; but one-half

go by land as

to prevent those in the rear

far as the Rapids,

going further on

;

so

camped half a league above. He sent the others into a cove, after he had remained more than two hours under the rain, without a cloak, very uneasy about the bateaux, which experienced much difficully in ascending the Rapid; one of them would have run adrift in the current, had not the people behind thrown themselves into that four only were able to pass, and these

the stream with incredible promptness and bravery.

who dragged

impossible to conceive, without witnessing, the fatigue of those

It is

bateaux.

They

the

were, for the most part of the time, in the water up to the armpits, and

walking on rocks so sharp that many had their feet and legs covered with blood. Yet their gaiety never failed; and they made such a point of honor of taking these bateaux up, that as soon as they had arrived in Camp, some

among them commenced jumping,

playing Prison

base (jouer mix barresj, and other games of like nature.

The

and 6"" was so rainy that the Count could not sleep through fear of the biscuit getting wet, insomuch that having ordered Sieur de Chambly not to allow the canoes to start until he saw settled weather, and to push on only the bateaux with experienced hands, as they did not carry any provision* capable of spoiling, he waited until noon to set out the weather having cleared up, with the appearance of no more rain but a league had not been traveled, nor the bateaux overtaken, before a tempest burst, so furious that all thought the provisions would be wet. With care, however, very little harm happened, and after night of the

5""

;

;

halting about three hours, he proceeded on with

some

five or six

canoes, to find out a place to

camp, to give [time] to relieve the people in the bateaux, in order that they might follow him with all the troops; and -though there were three or four ugly rapids to be passed, they did not fail to surmount all those difficulties, and to arrive before sundown at the head of the Long Saut, where Count de Frontenac had traced out the Camp opposite a little Island,' at the end of which the North channel unites with that on the South. Started the Canoes very early, with orders to cross from the North side at the place where they should find the river narrower and less rapid; and left, with all the Canoes, two hours afterwards, and proceeded until eleven o'clock in better order than during the preceding 7"'.

days, because the navigation

was

easier.

Stopped three or Four hours, about a quarter of a

league from the Rapid caljed the Ilupide plat.

The weather appeared Rapid, which

is

very

this induced us to determine on passing the on account of the trees on the water side tumbling into

the finest in the world

difficult

;

the river, obliging the canoes to take the outside and go into the strongest of the current.

He

consequence, and ordered all those in them, and two carpenters whom he sent along, to take axes to cut all the trees that might obstruct the passage of the bateaux, and took with him the Three Rivers brigade and his staff" to lay out the camp, having left

detached six canoes

in

two brigades with the bateaux and the rest for a rear guard. But on landing at five o'clock in the afternoon there came a storm, accompanied with thunder _and lightning, more furious than

all

the others that preceded it; so that

'Isle

it

was necessary

aui Chats.

to dispatch orders in all haste to

PARIS DOCUMENTS: L the bateaux and to

IQI

the fleet to cast anchor wherever they happened to be which it was very consequence of some of the bateaux being in the midst of the Rapid. The rain lasted the whole night, during which the Count was extremely uneasy, lest precautions should not have been taken to prevent the provisions getting wet. all

;

difficult to effect, in

Next morning,

break of day,- having sent for intelligence, news was brought about seven the care every one took to preserve his provisions; and the bateaux arrived a quarter of an hour afterwards at the Camp. As at

o'clock .that there

was not much harm done, through

every one had suffered considerably from the fatigue of the night, it was resolved not to leave the Camp before ten or eleven o'clock, in order to collect all the people and give them time to rest. The weather was so unsettled that, through fear of rain, we waited until noon, and though a pretty strong South West wind arose, and the river was very rough, we failed not to make considerable head way, and to camp at the foot of the last Rapid.

We

had proceeded scarcely an hour when the Montreal brigade de Frontenac from our S"* encampment, and sent by Lieutenant De D"".

our

— was found

fleet

make

of Ensign Morel, to

direction

Rapids

in a place

which

— detached la Valtrie,

by Count under the

a second convoy and carry provisions beyond the it

had been ordered to occupy as a depot. As soon as to the North, and came on board

was perceived, he crossed over from the South

the Admiral.

The Count wrote by him to M. Perrot, Governor of Montreal, to whom he sent orders to have new canoes furnished to Sieur Lebert to join this Fleet, and to endeavor to bring in one voyage what he had at first resolved to have brought in two.

Two

hours afterwards, arrived at the place Sieur de

la Valtrie selected to build

a Storehouse.

was a Point at the head of all the Rapids, and at the entrance of the smooth navigation.' The Count strongly approved Sieur de La Valtrie's selection, and resolved to sojourn there the whole day, to allow the troops to refresh, and to* have leisure to send off a second canoe to Montreal with new orders, and to hasten the return of the canoes which were to bring up the provisions. At six o'clock in the evening two Iroquois canoes arrived, bringing letters from Sieur De La Salle, who, having been sent into their country two months before, advised the Count that after some difficulty, founded on the apprehension the Indians entertained of his approach, they had in fine resolved to come to assure him of their obedience, and that they awaited him at Kent6 to the number of more than two hundred of the most ancient and It

influential,

though they had considerable objection

jealousy they

felt

on seeing Onontio going

to

to repair thither, in

Kent^, as

it

consequence of the

implied a preference of that Nation

to the others.

This obliged him

had resolved to opinions, that

it

Abbes de Fenelon and d'Urf^ to go in all haste to Kent6 mouth of Katarakoiii, twenty leagues below Kent^, which he

to request the

to invite the Iroquois to the visit,

having judged by the Map, after considerable consultation and different

would be a very suitable place on which

Though Count de Frontenac had appointed

proposed establishment. with the Indians only with that

to erect the

this interview

purpose, he did not omit, however, taking advantage of the jealousy they entertained

minds

and requested those gentlemen

;

only to

let

them know that he did not

always their

owed

common

to assure

them

that he expected

them

prefer the one to the other, and that he should be

father so long as they remained in the Obedience and Respect they

the King. '

in their

in that place

Presumed to be Chimney Point,

in the present

town

of liebon,

St Lawrence eotmty, New-York.

—

Stt.

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

102

10"". Left the Camp about five o'clock in the morning and though Count de Frontenac had determined on the preceding day, and before he received the news of the approach of the Iroquois, to leave the bateaux with the greater portion of the Troops behind, and to take with him only two or tiiree brigades to reconnoitre as quickly as possible the outlet of the Great ;

Lake, and the post he was about to his design,

and concluded he ought

fortify at the

to

informed of the intention of the Iroquois.

column than heretofore.

made more than

mouth of the River Katarakoiii, he changed

proceed with more precaution until he should be better

We

The weather was

therefore proceeded in a body, and in closer

so serene and the navigation so smooth, that

camp

ten leagues, and went into

at a cove about a league

we

and a half from

Otondiata, where the Eel fishery begins.

We

had the pleasure, on the march, to catch a small Loon, a bird as large as a wild goose (Outarde), of the most beautiful plumage, but so difficult to be caught alive, as it plunges it is no small rarity to be able to take one. A cage was made and orders were given to endeavor to raise it, in order to be able to send it to the King. ll'\ The weather continuing fine, a good day's journey was made, having passed almost all that vast group of Islands with which the river is studded, and camped at a point above a River called by the Indians Onnondokouij^ up which many of them go a hunting. It has a very considerable channel. Two more loons were caught alive, and a Scanonton,^ which is a sort of Deer, with head and antlers, however, handsomer than those of the deer of France. 12"". Broke up camp very early in the morning, and, having proceeded until 10 o'clock, halted three hours to eat and rest. On approaching the first opening of the Lake, the Count

constantly under water, that for

it,

wished

more order than had been already done, and

to proceed with

in line of battle.

He

accordingly arranged the whole fleet in this wise:

Four squadrons, composing the vanguard, went in front and in one line. The two bateaux followed next. After these came Count de Frontenac at the head of all the canoes of his guards, of his staff, and of the volunteers attached to his person having on his right the squadron from Three Rivers, and on his left those of the Hurons and Algonquins. Two other squadrons formed a third line and composed the rear guard. This order of sailing had not been adhered to for more than half a league, when an Iroquois canoe was perceived coming with the Abbe d'Vrfe,^ who, having met the Indians above the River Katarakoiii, and having notified them of the Count's arrival, they were now advancing ;

with the Captains of the Five Nations.

They

him with evidence of much joy and confidence, testifying to him the obligation they were under to him for sparing them the trouble of going farther and for receiving their submissions at the River Katarakoiii, which is a very suitable place to camp, as they were about signifying to him. After Count de Frontenac had replied to their civilities they preceded him as guides, and conducted him to the mouth of the River Katarakoiii, into a bay about a cannon shot from the entrance, which forms one of the most beautiful and agreeable harbors in the world, saluted the Admiral and paid their respects to

—

' Oskennonton is the Mohawk for a Deer. to be now Gannannokoui. Ed. Rev. Lascarb d'Ukkk, Dean of the Cathedral of Puy, came lo Canada in 1668, and was detached to the Indian mission at the Bay of Quiutc. This having been abandoned by the Sulpitians, Abbe d'Urfe returned to France in 1678. He, however, '

Supposed

*

came again St. Vallier.

to

Canada

Mtal preietU,

in

1685,

3, 21,

and

in

1686 was in charge of one of the frontier parishes in the district of MontreaL

59; Faillon.

Vie de Mde. Bourgeoyi,

I.,

179.

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

I.

Iflg

capable of holding a hundred of the largest ships, with sufficient water at the mouth and in tiie harbor, with a mud bottom, and so sheltered from every wind that a cable is scarcely necessary for mooring.

The Count, enraptured in

at finding a spot so well adapted for his design, immediately landed,

having examined, during two or three hours, the shore and situation, he re-embarked a canoe to explore both sides of the entrance to the river and some points which jut out

and

after

Lake, so that he did not return

into the

The was

until

8 o'clock

in

the evening.

Iroquois impatiently awaited for him to present him their respects in his tent, but as

he sent them word to postpone

late,

it

until

the morrow,

when

it

it

would be more

convenient to see and entertain each other, to which they willingly consented. -13*.

Beat the

reveille

at

day break, and

at

seven o'clock every body was under arms;

pursuant to the orders issued the preceding evening,

around Count de Frontenac's laid in front of his tent for

They were

tent,

them

all

the troops were drawn up in double

file

Large sails were pass between the two files.

extending to the cabins of the Indians.

to sit on,

and they were made

astonished at seeing such preparations, seemingly

to

new

to

them, as well as

than sixty of the oldest and most influential of the sachims.

all

those

There were more

guards with their watch-coats, none of which they had ever before seen. After having

sat,

and, as

is

their

custom, smoked some time, one of them, named Garagonti^, who has always been the warmest friend of the French, and who ordinarily acted as spokesman, paid a compliment, expressing

name of all the Nations the joy they felt on learning, from Sieur de La Salle, Onontio's come and visit them; that though some gvil^ disposed spirits had endeavored to jealousy among them at his approach, they could not hesitate to obey his orders, and excite to come to meet him in the confidence they felt that he wished to preserve peace always

in the

design to

with them, and to protect them against their enemies, treating them as a Father would his children; that they were then coming ^true children to assure him of their obedience, and to declare to him the entire submission they should always manifest to his commands ; that he was speaking in the name of Uie F'ive Nations, as they had only one mind and one thought, in testimony

the

name

whereof the CaptaVof each Tribe intended to confirm what he had just stated

in

of the whole.

Each Captain

in particular accordingly

complimented the Count, and

in substance, though in different and very eloquent terms, which

is

told

him the same thing

very remarkable, adding only

much obliged to Onontio for having abridged the voyage to Kent^ and for having been pleased to receive them at Katarakoiii; that they did not intend to pay their respects to him by these preliminary compliments, presented whilst waiting his orders and the day he

that they were

should appoint for

Each worthy of

them

to

hear the proposals he would be pleased to

make them.

Captain presented, at the conclusion of his speech, a Belt of

stringed

note,

because formerly

it

was customary

to

present

Wampum,

only

which

is

some fathoms of

Wampum.

Count de Frontenac having had a fire lighted near the place where they were seated, answered them in terms adapted to their manner of speaking. Children! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. lam pleased to see you come hither, where I have had a fire lighted for you to smoke by, and for me to talk to you. O, but 'tis well done. My Children, to have followed the orders and commands of your Father. Take courage, theij, my children; you will hear his word, which is full of tenderness and peace; a

word which

will

fill

your cabins with joy and happiness;

for think

I

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,

104 not that war

with me.

is

my voyage. My Children,

the object of

Courage, then,

My and

spirit is full

of Peace, and she walks in

company

rest yourselves.

The Count thereupon presented them with six fathoms of Tobacco, and added: Children You have taken great pains to come to see me, and I regret to have given you "

:

the

trouble of so long a voyage, which

I, however, tried to abridge by not obliging you to go to Kent6 and by lighting the fire for you at Katarakoiii. Let not fear close your ears, or disturb your minds. I am aware that there have been plenty of ill disposed persons desirous to persuade you that Onontio was coming into these Cantons only to devour your Villages, But, Children, that is not true; those are busy-bodies who would break the peace and union that exist between us, and you will never find in me any other than the feelings of a real father, Cheer up, then, your spirits, so long as you will act like true children and continue obedient. and be persuaded that I had no other design in this voyage than to visit you, as it was very

reasonable a Father should be acquainted with his Children, and the Children with their Father. I cannot, however, sufficiently testify to you ihe joy I feel to see that you not only fully obeyed my orders with promptness, and have come in great numbers to meet me, but that you have also brought your wives and children with you, because this is a certain mark of One regret only remains, that I cannot speak your tlie confidence you place in my words. language, or that you cannot understand mine, so that there might be no necessity for Interpreter or Spokesman. But in order that you may be fully informed of all I have said to you, I have selected Sieur Lemoine, to whom I shall communicate in writing what I have stated to you, so that he may explain it to you, word for word, and that you may not lose any of my remarks. Listen,

then, attentively to him.

Here

is

sometliing to open your ears, in order that you

may

be

disposed, in a day or two, to hear the thoughts of Onontio.

The Count then handed and

Lemoyne, and presented to each nation for the women, with some wine, brandy

the paper he held to Siem^

a gun, a quantity

prunes and raisins

•

^

biscuit.

The

whWi

Sieur Lemoyne explained to them, and with the presents made to them in the commencement, and whicfi^appearing, Indians appeared highly pleased with the speech,

according to their fashion, considerable, 'caused them to hope that magnificent ones would be at the close, when Onontio would communicate his intentions to them. It was remarked that their countenances were much changed, and that Torontesh^tir-their orator, the most astute, most spirittiel, and most influential man among them, from being sad and pensive before, assunied a gaiety not usual to him. He has been always an enemy to the French and Count de Frontenac was obliged, in consequence, to greatly in the interest of the Dutch. pay him particular attention and to keep him to dinner with him. Sieur Rendin was busy meanwhile tracing out the fort at the place designated by the Count, and according to the plan that had been approved of by him, and as soon as they had dined, men were ordered to work at the trench, where pickets were to be set until it should be determined in what manner the troops were to be employed, and until the tools were put He then embarked in a Canoe to visit the banks of the river or harbor, and was in order. delighted to find at the head of the bay a prairie, more than a league in extent, as handsome and level as any in France, and to see the river winding through its centre, very wide, and

made them

capable of admitting barks and vessels for over three leagues continuously.

He

returned to the

camp

according to his wishes,

in

great spirits on perceiving that he had found every thing

and that God had seemingly blessed

his enterprise;

but what

PARIS DOCUMENTS

T.

:

105

still more, was to find every body so impatient for work, and so anxious to advance their undertaking, which he hoped to bring soon to an end. This ardor thus exhibited by them caused him to alter his resolution to divide the troops into four brigades,

increased his joy

and

have them relieved every two hours, in order that the work should not intermit, and he accepted their proposal to divide the labor among them, each undertaking what might be allotted to him. This had.so good an effect that, early in the evening, -they began to make a clearing, with such energy that the officers found difficulty in drawing the people off to rest and to

work the next morning. when the entire brigade

sleep, so as to be able to

Day had

14"".

scarcely broken

fell

to

work according

to the allotment

had been made, and all the officers and soldiers applied themselves to it with such heartiness and zeal that the site of the Fort was nearly cleared. Sieur Lemoyne had orders from the Count to bring him, at each meal, two or three of the principal Iroquois, whom he entertained at his table. He fondled their children every time he met them, and had bread, prunes, raisins, &c., distributed among them, which so gratified the

that

Indians that they would not leave his tent, no more than the induce them to dance in the evening.

women, whom he

treated to

IS"". The work was continued with the same zeal but the rain which fell throughout the morning of the 16* prevented operations until noon, when every effort was made to recover lost time. The Indians were astonished to see the large clearance that had been made; some squaring timber in one place ; others fetching pickets others cutting trenches, and that different operations advanced at the same time. In the evening he caused notice to be given to the Captains of the Five Nations that he would grant them an audience the next day, at ;

;

eight o'clock in the morning.

Every thing being prepared to'receive them, they came

17"".

manner

may

Count

in the

same

when he submitted to them, in his speech, all be seen from the annexed copy of his address, which was accompanied by

the conditions he desired

as the first time,

of them, as

to see the

magnificent presents in Indian fashion.

Count de Frontenac's Speech

to the Iroquois:

Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. I signified to you the other day the joy I felt to see you arrive here with all the proofs of submission that Children owe their Father, and with such entire confidence that you had brought even your Firrt

Wort.

wives and

You

Children

little

!

ones.

alleviate, in truth, thereby, all the trouble

and fatigue

I

encountered on

my voyage, and

oblige me, by the respect you have for my commands, to give you every assurance that you can desire of my friendship, and of the King my master's protection, if you continue to observe faithfully his will, of

which

I

am

the interpreter and executor.

I

have even reason

to

persuade

myself that you will not fail therein after the protestations you have given me and the knowledge you have afforded me of the good understanding in which all the Nations now live, inasmuch as you have informed me that they were all of the same spirit and bad but the one opinion. But as 'tis the duty of Children to be obedient to their Father, 'tis likewise the duty of a good Father to communicate to his Children Instruction and Information the most useful

and necessary Vol. IX.

for

them.

14

\

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

lOfj

I cannot give you any become Christians, and He is the Sovereign Lord of Heaven and of Earth; the to adore the same God that I adore. who preserves you who absolute Master of y our lives a nd properties; who hath created you furnishes youfbodjand drink who can send death among you in a moment, inasmuch as He is Almighty, and acts as he willeth, not like men who require time, but in an instant, and This In fine, He it is who can render you happy or miserable, as he pleaseth. at a word.

Children! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Oayugas and Senecas.

advice more important or more profitable to you than to exhort you to

;

;

;

God

is

Jesus

called

;

and the Black

Gowns

know Him whenever you

here,

who

are his Ministers and Interpreters, will

I leave them among you and in your you respect them, and prevent any of your young braves daring or presuming to injure them in the smallest degree, as I shall consider the injuries done them as personal to myself, and such I will punish with the

teach you to

Villages only to teach you.

I

are so disposed.

therefore desire that

like severity.

Hearken, then, well to the advice I give you, and forget it not, as it is of great importance, and you ought to be aware that in giving it I labor more for you than for myself, and I study only your happiness. The Hurons, here present in great number, must incline you thereto, since you see with your own eyes that they have learned to honor and serve the God of whom I speak to you. Ancients! Give herein the example to your Children, as your judgment must be sounder

than theirs

;

or if you be not yet disposed to

become

Christians, at least do not prevent

them

becoming such, and learning the Prayer and the Commandments of that great God which the Black Gowns will willingly teach them.

two points, very easy of observance. The first is your whole heart, and your whole soul, and your whole strength. Ancients Is there any thing more easy than to love what is perfectly sovereignly amiable, and what can constitute all your happiness?

These

consist only of

!

to love

Him

beautiful,

with

what

is

The second thing he requires of us is, to love our Brothers as we love ourselves. That is to say, that we assist them in their necessities, and furnish them drink, and meat and clothing when they are in need of them, as we would wish should be done to ourselves. Again, Ancients, for to you I address myself, believing your minds to be sufficiently endowed to

comprehend

it, tell

Commandment? As I am obliged

me

frankly, is there

any thing more just and reasonable than

this

by my profession as a Christian, you ought to be more come not here save with a heart filled with gentleness and peace to my children, to assist them in all things, and to give them a proof of a

to observe these

easily persuaded that I

communicate these to true and sincere friendship.

Children! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas.

Lend not an ear

to the counsels of certain busy-bodies,

excite distrust and suspicions,

and who, assuming

to

who,

at

my

Take

courage, then.

approach, desire to

be your friends, meditate only your ruin

and destruction. Listen to

me

and trust

my

words.

I

am

frank and sincere, and shall promise you nothing

you on your side may do likewise. me even reproaching you with the various treacheries you formerly committed against my nephews. No, I will not dispel from your countenances that joy which I there behold. I content myself with telling

but what

I

will exactly perform, desiring that

The dread

I feel

of disturbing the peace

I

promise you prevents

PARIS DOCUMENTS: you only

I.

107

on the past and on the present consider well the greatness and power of behold the number of persons accompanying and surrounding him, the ease and celerity with which he has surmounted all your SauU and rapids, and passed bateaux mounted Onontio

to reflect

;

;

with Cannon over them, which you never could have imagined possible for him to have steered through the smoothest and most tranquil of rivers, and that in a voyage made only for pleasure and without any necessity. Infer from this what he could effect if he desired to

wage war and

to crush

acknowledge he War and Peace.

will

My

is

any of

his enemies.

a good Father,

who

you

If is

reflect seriously

not cruel, and that he

on is

all

these tilings, you

the absolute arbiter of

I now ratify it, assuring you that every thing they promised you shall be faithfully observed, but on the same conditions they did impose on you. These, I understand to be, that, besides the French, all the Indians under the

predecessors concluded the latter with you, and

protection of the King,

who

my

Master, and his Allies, shall participate in that same peace, and

it shall be hanged. I shall set my hand to it on my side do you any of your youth insult any Indian under the King's protection, or any of his Allies in the Countries under his dominion, I shall deem myself injured, and shall avenge it in the same manner; and you should not be surprised at this, for what confidence can you have in the assurances I give you of my friendship and protection, if you perceive me capable of abandoning those to whom my predecessors granted the same for so long a time, and who are my friends? Here, then, is something to make you remember my first speech, which in two words consists in exhorting you, as much as lies in my power, to become Christians, by listening with respect and submission to the instructions the Black Gowns will give you on that subject, and then like Christians, or even as good politicians who wish the preservation and advantage of your Country, to observe strict peace on your part, as I shall do on mine, by chastising the first who will happen to violate it. Fifteen guns, a quantity of powder and lead of all kinds, with gun flints, were thereupon presented to them. The Count then resumed his speech:

that the

first

will

DreaK

the same. Ancients; for

;

if

Children! Onnontagues, Moliawks, Oneidiis, Cayugas and Senecas.

Second Word.

not io persuade you by mere words;

make

I

pretend

my

good intentions to maintain a I will true and solid peace with you by more effectual evidence, and I do not think I can afford yoa a stronger proof of that than by the settlement I am about to make at Katarakoiii, where I have already spread the mat on which I am seated, and where I have lighted the fire to which I manifest

have invited you to come and to smoke. I intend to make it considerable in a little while, and to have goods brought thither by my nephews, in order to spare you the trouble of carrying your peltries so far as you have done. You will find here all sorts of refreshments and commodities, which

1

shall cause to be furnished

you

at the cheapest rate possible, as I

do not

intend that you be treated otherwise than as Frenchmen.

But you must consider that it is a matter of expense to convey goods so far, and that your obtaining all your supplies at your door will save you considerable trouble, as you will not -be obliged to go and seek them more than a hundred leagues from your villages, over rough and bad roads.

my Nephews

and to do nothing but what is just Otherwise Invite your Nephews to I shall chastise tiiem. I beg of you to do the same, on your side. respect all the French, and to aid them as far as they are able, supplying them, for payment. I shall

induce

all

to love you,

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

108

with Indian Corn and other provisions, if they require them, and if such can be easily brought from your Country. You will thereby console me, and show yourslves to be my children, and This is my second word; this that you are disposed to live as Brethren with my Nephews. present will oblige you to give

it

some consideration.

Twenty-five large overcoats were presented to them

;

and some time afterwards, Count de

Frontenac, continuing his speech, added:

Children

Third Word.

the

common Father

of

!

all

Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Sehecas.

how

the Nations,

can

I

As

I

am

avoid reproaching you with the treachery

and cruelty you have exhibited towards your Brethren, the Hurons, preventing them visiting their relatives; and how can I refrain from telling you that it is not good, inasmuch as you

them

and threaten to split their skulls? towards them alike? I treat them like other Frenchmen, as my true there are numbers of them here they will tell you I make no children. Inquire of them distinction between the one and the other. Do not behave so again, for I insist that they be free to live wherever they please. Have you not been allowed the same liberty? And your people, do they not remain at Montreal and

treat

as slaves,

See you not that

I act

—

—

like, going and coming whenever they think well, without any objection? Prevent, then, complaints being made hereafter to me on this subject, for I shall become angry, and I insist that you, Iroquois, Algonquins and other nations who have me

every where else as long as they

Otherwise, those

as Father, live henceforth as Brothers. effects of

But

my

act differently, will feel the

wrath.

to prove to

the French,

who

I

you

that I require nothing

conjure you most earnestly to

more than a let

perfect union

between you

all

and

your children learn the French language,

which the Black Gowns can teach them. That would unite us more strongly, and we should have the satisfaction to understand each other without an Interpreter. To begin with a matter that I consider most advantageous for both Nations, I invite you to give me four of your little girls, of from seven to eight years old, and two of your little boys, whom I shall have instructed with all possible care, and taught French and writing, which are of so great importance. I know it is not a trivial request that I make, being aware of the love you bear your children but I can say, that I shall take as much.care of them as if they were mine own ; I shall adopt them as such shall keep the boys by me, and place the girls with the Nuns at Quebec, where the Hurons already have some of theirs, and where, they can assure you, that they are well reared I shall frequently visit them, and you can come and see them there whenever you please; promising you to restore them when you require them back, should you not wish to have them married with some of the French, when they have attained a proper age. If you grant me this request, I am sure you will be hereafter pleased at having done so, and at seeing them in the position in which I shall place them. I conclude my third word and my third present, by repeating to you that I shall thereby know the friendship you entertain for me, since you cannot give me any greater mark thereof. Twenty-five shirts, twenty-five pair of stockings, five packages of glass beads and five coats were given them as a third present, and then the Count said to them: ;

;

;

That he forgot to state that he had recently learned that some Frenchmen among them endeavored to persuade them that they were persons of great importance among us, and even Nephews of Onontio; but that they were rogues and worthless fellows, whom he should

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

I.

JOg

chastise as soon as he could catch them.

Let them not be stopped, then, by what those knaves them be assured that when he desired to communicate his intentions to them, he should send some person of character, such as Sieur de La Salle, or write to the Black Gowns to inform them of his wishes; that, in fine, to prevent the disorders their young men created in their Cabins, and which may cause some difficulty among us if they pretended to do the same in ours, they must be on the alert to keep them from committing excesses or getting drunk, as there was nothing so unbecoming rational men of well regulated minds, and that we had such profound contempt for drunkards, and that if they acted in like manner towards their young men, they would infallibly correct them of that habit. As soon as Count de Frontenac had finished his discourse, the Hurons, who were present at the audience, took up the word, and in a speech, which had nothing barbarous in it, addressed the Iroquois, telling them that they were very glad to confirm what Onontio had just said to them on the advantage they would derive from being Christians, and the good treatment they

might

tell

them, and

let

experienced, as well in their own persons as in those of their children, by the education which was given them; that it was one of the greatest obligations they were under; and when the Iroquois would perceive the advantage theirs would derive therefrom, they could never thank Onontio sufficiently for the favor he offered them. They hoped the permission requested, to let their relatives return to them, would not be refused; and as they hin) to-day as their

good

common

all

regarded

Father, they were very desirous to live henceforward together in

and as true brethren ought to live. This speech was accompanied by a belt of Wampum which they offered the Iroquois, and it is impossible to conceive the effect it had on their minds, nor the joy of the Count on witnessing the proceedings the Hurons had adopted of their own voluntary motion, and without advising him thereof until an hour previous to the audience. The Iroquois thanked him for what he had just said, evincing every mark of satisfaction that could possibly be expected, and requesting until to-morrow to communicate their resolution more fully. They appeared highly gratified that Onontio had at the first and second audience addressed them as children, and thereby had bound himself to act towards them as a Father; the other Onontios not having made use of that mark of authority, and they having intelligence,

never consented to be addressed otherwise than as Brothers.

The works were meanwhile

continued with the same diligence as on the preceding day, and

the Three Rivers detachment having completed the excavation of the French, began to set

up the IS*. late,

pickets,

The

the matter

The

five

and completed one of the flanks of the

fort.

Iroquois were expected to assemble in the morning, but not being ready until very

was postponed

until the afternoon,

when the Count

received

them as

heretofore.

deputies spoke, one after the other, and each testified, in his harangue, the joy

experienced at meeting a real Father in Onontio,

they too would be most obedient children

;

whom

they conjured to be persuaded that

that they well understood that

all

the suspicions

which were endeavored to be fomented among them were but chimeras, since he had not proposed any thing to them but what was for their advantage; that they thanked him for having

was the greatest advantage that could ever accrue to them that they promised him also to do what they could to influence their young men and children in that regard, and that they would themselves endeavor to show them the example by receiving respectfully the Instructions of the Black Gowns, and preventing any especially exhorted

them

to

become

Christians, as

;

of their people oflering the smallest insult to them.

it

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

110 After first

which they made

their presents,

each of a Belt of

Wampum,

ia

answer

to Onontio's

word.

They then resumed their speech, and said they saw with equal joy the establishment he had commenced at Katarakoiii, and they clearly perceived the benefit tiiey should derive from a Cabin so convenient to theirs, where they could obtain their supplies and not be obliged to go

them

so far to seek

Onontio seemingly forgot,

would

fix

were forced heretofore to do. But there was one tiling that and which they requested him to declare ; that was the price he

as they

on the merchandise, in order

that,

by informing their young men of it, they may more where they had been in the habit of taking

easily persuade

them not

them, but come

to Katarakoiii for all their supplies

to carry their peltries

;

they insisted particularly thereupon, and

more eloquent than the others, added, in an address which it was true that the news they had heard of the ruin of the Dutch and of the King's conquests in their Country had much afflicted them, sympathizing in the disgrace of a Nation which had been friendly with them, through whom they had received the Captain of the Cayugas,

exhibited nothing barbarous, that

their supplies, but they had reason to console themselves, since for one friend they lost they

who promised to assist them in all their necessities this it was that caused them to hope he would take care of them, for it being his interest not to have roguish children, he doubted not that a price so reasonable would be set on all the supplies to be furnished them that they should have every cause to be satisfied. And this was their second word, which was followed, like the others, by presents similar to the first. found a Father

;

In the third, they earnestly exhorted Onontio to assist sole

them against

enemies remaining on their hands, as he had ordered them

the other tribes, and

it

saw themselves about

would be a shame

for

him

the Andostaguez, the

to live in

peace with

all

to allow his children to be crushed, as they

fortified with men and canoes, and they not having the means of going to attack them in their fort, which was very strong, nor even of defending themselves if the others came to attack them in their villages.

to

be; the Andastoguez being strongly

In the fourth speech they protested that they would blindly follow the orders of Onontio relative to the

Hurons, Algonquins and other nations

them

liberty to go

at

offering

And

full

them any

in the

fifth

and that henceforth they would leave wheresoever they pleased, without retaining them by force or ;

violence.

speech, which related to the

little girls

and

little

boys, they represented that

was important, and they could not come to any resolution on it until they had returned to their villages, promising him to propose it to all the Tribes; to point out to them the advantage they should derive from it to use all their efforts to oblige them to give Onontio that satisfaction, by assuring them that the word he had pledged them would be punctually executed, and that their children would be restored as soon as they should demand them back. They concluded by repeating their thanks for the civilities and good treatment they had the affair

;

received from Onontio, congratulating themselves on the treated them, even to

and urbanity with which he their children, acknowledging that they had never before experienced affixbility

such in their Country.

Each Deputy, in them that

assuring

Hurons, and offered them a present, compliance with Onontio's wishes all would hereafter live as brothers,

particular, returned thanks to the in

full liberty to go and come whenever they thought proper. Count de Frontenac having forthwith recapitulated all the heads of their answers, invited and urged them again to become Christians, and to have their children instructed, recommending

and they should have

PARIS DOCUMENTS: them

especially to respect the Black

as that

was

Gowns, and

m

I.

to prevent

drunkenness among their yonth,

the chief cause of the greatest disorders that occurred.

Secondly, he assured them they should be advised of the orders he would issue for the establishment at Katarakoui, and the price to be fixed on the merchandise, which he could not determine at present, as he did not precisely know how much the freight would amount to, it would be higher at so distant a place, accessible only by a difficult navigation; but that he assured them in advance that they should be favored as much as possible, and that being considered as his children, he did not pretend they should be treated otherwise than as

since

Frenchmen. In regard to the war against the Andostaguez, they might very well believe he would never suffer them to be oppressed, as it was a point of honor with him, and a duty he owed his children not to let them perish, but as the season was already advanced to go on the

War

path this year, and as some preparation was necessary for such purpose, they when they would come to Quebec to communicate to him their

should concert together resolution on

the

demand he had made them

to

give

him some

little

boys and

girls to

be instructed.

He rejoiced to see them disposed to do all he told them relative and other Nations, and this was the true means to oblige him them the peace he had promised them. He made

did not take

it

ill

for their little girls

their declining to give a decisive

and

little

boys, as

it

was an

to the to

answer

affair that

Hurons, Algonquins

maintain always with to the request

he had

could not be arranged except

in the presence of all the Nations and in their villages, but he implored them to acquaint him promptly of the decision they should adopt, and to believe that his request arose only from the friendship he bore them, and from his desire to receive a proof of theirs.

In reply to their statement, that some of their tribes had already complied with his request by sending a few of their daughters to Quebec when peace was concluded, he was very glad to tell them that there was considerable difference between the demand Onontio had then made and the one he was now proposing for then, some of their girls were required as pledges and hostages for the promise they had given to observe peace now, the request was made through pure friendship and desire to unite more intimately both Nations, by causing those young children to be taught the language, and to be brought up according to the manners and customs of the French and as he intended to restore them as soon as they should be required back, he understood, at the same time, that when he should restore them, they would furnish others, and thus a perpetual exchange would be established, which would finally and insensibly lead them to accommodate their manners and customs to ours ; that it was quite just that a and the same tenderness which Father should always have some of his children by him made it so painful for them to furnish him with some of their children, created in him also the desire of soliciting them. That the comparison of the Hedge-hog, which some of them used in their speech, pointing to the young men who acted as Onontio's guard, and expressing surprise at the readiness with which their Fathers had given them up, was in no way applicable, since so far from having done so through want of tenderness for them, as was the ;

;

;

;

its young, they, on the contrary, considered that they could not give them a greater proof of friendship than to place them near a person who could do them a service and procure advantages for them and that Onontios, such as he, found more embarrassment in refusing those offered by their parents, than difficulty in asking

case of the Hedge-hog in abandoning

;

for

them.

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

112

told them they could which they replied, that departure, and would then

them

in this wise,

remain or return to their own they would occupy a day or two more in preparations

to

Count de Frontenac

rose, after

having spoken

to

Country whenever they pleased

;

for their

and

come and receive his commands. The whole day was employed in great industry at the Fort; half the palisades were set, and Count de Frontenac sent his two bateaux in the morning with Sieur de Brucy to take whatever had been

Sieur de

left at

La

Valterie's post.

and as the entire ground was to be inclosed on the following day, Commanders of the detachments that he required of each no more than an acre he told the and a half of abatis, after which he should send them home. The consequence was, that 19*. Finished the fort

two squads with

them

finished the task assigned

were

that night, and the others

far

advanced

theirs.

The

20"".

came

Indians

to the great village

He

;

others

;

morning

in the

went down

to take leave of

One

Count de Frontenac.

set

went

to Montreal, and the remainder to Ganeious and Kente.

had previously spoken in private to each Captain and Chief of the Five Nations, to

whom

he made presents, as well for themselves as for their little children, and all departed so satisfied that they could not desist from praising the frankness and mildness with which

Onontio treated

therfi.

perceiving after dinner that the Three Rivers and Saurel detachments had

The Count,

completed their task, permitted them to leave next morning, and resolved

to

send away also

Du

Quay, S' Ours and La Durantaye, he himself resolving to wait, with his his staff and some volunteers, composing about twenty canoes, the arrival of the guards, convoy which vyas sailing from Montreal. But at night he received news which tended to those

of

delay the departure of the squadrons.

Deputies

Ganatoheskiagon,

of

The Abbe de

Ganeraski,

Kente

Fenelon' sent him word that the

and

proposed coming

Ganeious,^

to

Katarakoui, to the number of more than a hundred, on Friday night or Saturday morning at latest, to present him their respects.

Notwithstanding the to deprive '

officers offered to

them of the pleasure

delay and postpone their departure, he did not wish

of returning, and persisted in his

Eev. FBAN501S DK Saugnac dk Fenklon arrived in Quebec on the

On

Laval, on the 11th of June, 1668.

the north shore of Lake Ontario.

township

in the

of the Congregation in the expedition

Nunnery

C.

W.

at MontreaL

above mentioned.

On

In 1670

lie

memory

resolution, judging

from

of June, 1667, and

the l5th of September following, he

In order to perpetuate the

eounty of Victoria,

27^

first

of

liis

was ordained Priest by Bishop de was sent Missionary to an Iroquois tribe on labors there, his

name has been

given to a

returned to France, in the same ship with Mde. Bourgeoys, foundress I., 212. In 1673 he accompanied Count de Frontenac he sided with Governor Perrot, in the misunderstanding

Vie de la Sceur Bourgeoys,

his return to Montreal,

that occurred between that officer and Count de J^rontenac, whose conduct M. Fenelon severely censured in a sermon he

pr«ached at Easter, 1674.

he

insisted

on

He

was, in consequence, cited before the Council at Quebec.

his privilege of remaining seated

aoknowletlge, and declined to answer

On

appearing before that body,

and covered when addressing the Council, whose

all interrogatories.

He was

jurisdiction he refused to

thereupon committed to prison, whither M. Pcrrot had

Their coafinement was but short, however, for the whole affair was referred to the King, and nothing more was heard of the prosecution. Garneau, I., 216, 218. Abbe Fenelon is said to have returned finally to France, but at what precise time is not stated. He was still in Canada in 1676, according to Hennepin. Nouvelle Decouverte, Amsterdam,

already been sent.

1694. p. 14.

repeated

This author confounds him with the celebrated Archbishop of Cambray, and the mistake has been lately

by various

That prelate was born in 1651, and ordained at Paris

writers.

Perland's Obtervatiom, p. 15), seven years later than the Indian Missionary,

Vie de la Saiir Bourgeoys,

I.,

178.

— Ed.

who was

in 1675,

by Mgr. de Ilarlay (Abbi

the Archbishop's half brother. Faillon.

map of Canada, 1753, in Mitchell's North America, and in that accompanying Kalm's Travels. Ganatcheskiagon was near Darlington, or Port Hope, in the Newcastle district; Ganarask6 was the mouth of the river Trent, and Ganneious is now Nappane all on the north Ganadatsiagon, GanaraskQ and Gannejouts will be found mentioned on Vangondy's

map

of

Bide of

Lake Ontario.

Kentfe

ia still

preserved on

modem

maps.

— Ed.

—

PARIS DOCUMENTS the proceedings of the Indians that

:

I.

Jj3

was not necessary

to take much precaution against he had proposed to keep by him. 21". Therefore, the Three Rivers and Saurel squadrons led in the morning, followed in the afternoon by those of Contrecoeur and Bertier Count de Frontenac having ordered them to

them, nor

it

to retain a greater force tlian

;

proceed to Montreal in the same order in which they had come, and to wait the one for the other in the Rapids, so as to assist each other and to be able to pass through without accident.

The clearing of' the interior of the Fort and the construction of the barracks were continued, and there arrived two or three canoes of Indians who had left to go to Ganeious. Among these was the Captain General of all the Five Nations, who returned to assist the delegation, on being informed that the Deputies of Ganatcheskiagon and the other Northern Villages were to come to Katarakoiii, in order to assist also at their deliberations. Count de Frontenac was much pleased at this, perceiving thereby that he persevered in the sentiments of submission and peace which he assured him he should ever entertain, though naturally he might be induced to wage war, and his interests may obviously lead him thereto. In the evening arrived the Delegates from Ganatcheskiagon, Ganeraske Kentd and Ganeious,

same compliments as the others, so that it may be said that all the Nations North and South of Lake Ontario evinced the same submission to his orders. to offer the

to the

The

brigades of Dugu6, S' Ours and La Durantaye departed at day break; and after La Chevrotiere, whom Count de Frontenac dispatched to Montreal from the head of the Rapids to hasten the Convoy which was to leave that place, brought intelligence that the canoes would start without fail on the 17"' of this month. This afforded him much pleasure, 22^.

dinner.

hoping, as he did, that he should not have long to wait for them. 23'^.

,

Sieur de Brussy returned at eight o'clock in the morning from the post at the head

of the Rapids with the two bateaux freighted with provisions which had been

left

there in

and reported having met one of the brigades on its return ; it had the wind aft and was making great headway. Count de Frontenac gave audience, about ten o'clock the same day, to the Deputies of Ganatcheskiagon, Ganeraske, Kent6 and Ganeious, who spoke to him in nearly the same terms as the others, and assured him of their respect and submission. passing,

Having

replied

forthwith

thereto,

and expressed

his

not being in

displeasure at their

attendance at the same time as the rest to hear what he had to say, he recapitulated

all

the

requests he had made, on which he enlarged at considerable length, having exhorted them particularly to

become Christians and

This they promised and one will to obey him.

the French.

and a good understanding with him that they should all have but one mind

to maintain a firm peace

to do, assuring

24"' and 25"'. Continued the works as usual, every man exerting himself to forward them; and Count de Frontenac designated the Garrison and workmen whom he was to leave in the Fort after his departure. ae"". Caused to be removed into the store he had constructed, the provisions and ammunition which were to be left there, and directed what work was to be done during the winter. 27"'. He resolved to depart, hoping the Convoy would arrive soon, and that he should meet it the first day. He accordingly embarked at eight o'clock in the morning, and camped at Otondiata without hearing of the Convoy, which caused him great uneasiness. 2S"'. Though the wind was Northeast the camp was broke up at day break we had not made three leagues when the Convoy was perceived to the number of twenty-five Canoes. ;

Vol. IX.

15

;

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

114

This gave him the more pleasure, as he learned by the officer in command that every thing he required had been put on board and was in good condition, except four bags of biscuit which had been lost in a Canoe that had upset. Count de Frontenac delaj^ed this officer as little as possible, so that he might not lose the favorable wind, whereby he could at an early hour the same day reach the fort, which would,

by means of

this fleet,

The wind, however

have a supply of provisions fair for

for

one year.

those ascending the river, was so contrary for us that

we were

forced to halt, half an hour after passing the convoy, and to wait until seven o'clock in the

evening, when,

it

becoming more calm, we continued the voyage, and after sailing until more we arrived at the head of the Rapids, at the place called La

than two hours after midnight,

where Sieur de La Valterie was stopping.

Galette,

Left about eight o'clock in the morning, and, notwithstanding the excessive heat,

29"".

succeeded in passing the Long Sault Rapid and in camping

at the Islands at tiie

head of Lake

S' Francis.

A

30"".

weather

The

Northeast wind rose up so strong that

we w6re

obliged to remain and wait for fair

Lake. This we did the next day and slept at La Chine. month of August. Arrived at Montreal about ten o'clock at night, to the of Count de Frontenac as out of one hundred and twenty canoes that had

to cross the

first

of the

entire satisfaction

;

accompanied him, not an accident had occurred to a single one, notwithstanding the perils ordinarily incurred throughout all the Rapids which must necessarily be passed in such

To

voyages.

the

special

protection of

successful execution of an enterprise

God

are

we

indebted for

whose importance

this,

as well as for the

no doubt, be better developed in securing the entire Country, it also obliges the will,

independent of its Iroquois to keep the peace despite themselves; affords full liberty for the Missionaries to continue their missions without fear, and secures the trade, which was going to utter ruin.

the course of time

;

since,

But what must be more glorious

to him is to have effected it by his energy and skill alone have executed without troops, without any funds from Court, and without any other assistance than that afforded by the officers who have settled in the Country, what had heretofore been considered very difficult, and what people had contented themselves merely

and

to

in projecting with considerable aid and means. all the officers requires us to proclaim that, next to God, whose seemingly was Himself to conduct this enterprise, its principal glory belongs to them, and that Count de Frontenac is under obligations to preserve for them an eternal gratitude,

'Tis true that justice to

will

it

and that

in

no Regiment, however well disciplined and paid

it

may have

been,

was there

ever greater vigilance, activity, zeal and obedience observable than were manifested by

all

these gentlemen.

M.

Colbert to

M.

de Frontenac.

(Extract.)

Paris, 17

•••

Sir,

•

Your

•

•

•

•

•

principal study ought to be to increase the

as his Majesty has been surprised to see,

by the

number

•

May, 1674. •

of the Inhabitants of that country,

returns you have sent me, that there are only

PARIS DOCUMENTS 6,705 men,

:

I.

115

women and

children throughout the whole extent of Canada, and is therefore whoever made up those returns committed a very great error, as the country contained, ten years ago, more people than at present. Hereafter His Majesty wishes you to see that those returns are more correct, in order that he may be better informed of the number satisfied that

of People in that Colony.

His Majesty

desires, moreover, that

you continue

to discipline

them by accustoming them

••••••••••

to

the constant exercise of arms, and dividing them into companies, according to the Instruction furnished you previous to your departure. •

As

made to continue their Missions in the far countries, his Majesty thinks 'twould be more advantageous both for the Religion and bis service if they attended to those more near, and whilst converting the Indians, lead them to civilized society, to the request the Jesuits

and to abandon their manner of living, in which they can never become good Christians. His Majesty, however, does not pretend that these good Fathers be in any wise circumscribed in

He

merely desires that you would encourage them to second. His Majesty's views. their

functions.

You of

will readily

Majesty's intention

to

them, and gently

understand by what

I have just told you, and more especially by the state have explained to you at the commencement of this letter, that his not that you undertake great voyages by ascending the river S' Lawrence,

Europe, which

affairs in

communicate

is

I

nor that the inhabitants spread themselves, for the future, further than they have already done. On the contrary, he desires that you labor incessantly and during the whole time you are in that country to consolidate, collect and form them into

be placed

in

Towns and

Villages, that they

may

a position the more easily to defend themselves successfully, so that should even

the state of European affairs be altered by a happy and advantageous peace, to his Majesty's it much more agreeable to the good of this service that you apply yourself to the clearing and settlement of those tracts which are most fertile and nearest

glory and satisfaction, he deems

the sea coasts and the communication with France, than to think of distant discoveries in the interior of the Country, so far off that they can never be settled nor possessed

by Frenchmen. This general rule may have its exceptions in two cases: The one, should the countries of which you take possession be necessary to the trade and traffic of the F'rench, and be open to discovery and occupation by any other Nation that may disturb French commerce and trade. But when such a category does not exist, his Majesty is always of opinion that you may and

—

ought

to leave the

Savages at liberty

to bring

you their

peltries,

without giving yourself the

trouble of going so far in search of them.

The other is, that the countries you might discover may approximate you to France by communicating with some sea, more Southerly than the mouth of the River S* Lawrence, such as would be the case with Acadia. The reason for this is, as you are perfectly aware, that the greatest drawback to Canada is the mouth of that River, which bf ing very much to the North, is open to vessels only for four to six months in the year. •

••••••••••

His Majesty likewise desires that you continue to encourage the Jesuits, the Recollets, the Montreal Seminary to take young Indians, to rear and instruct them in the Faith and lead them to associate

He

with the French.

likewise wishes you to see that the Vessel, which has been begun, be completed as soon

as possible and be ready for

may

its freight to be sent to France; and he desires that this Vessel be an example to induce the Inhabitants to build some others for their own trtide.

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

116

always understood that he was the wealthiest of all the inhabitants of Canada, the most extensive merchant, and even that he already had some vessels at sea which had opened a trade with the American Islands and as his Majesty In regard to Sieur de Villeray, his Majesty

lias

;

has invariiibly stated to you that nothing was more important and necessary than such establishments, those, therefore, who apply themselves thereto ought assuredly possess the greater share of your confidence and good graces, in order that, by the favorable treatment they

may

experience at your hands, they

be invited to increase that trade, and their example This assuredly is the rule and order you ought to

induce others to apply themselves thereto.

and though you may meet with some imperfections in these sort of people, it is necessary to dissimulate and bear with them, inasmuch as the good of which they are capable greatly exceeds the harm; and as the Company had commissioned said Villeray to receive the ten per cent duties, you ought not to give that office to any other, on the pretext that said observe

;

Villeray

is

attached to the Jesuits.

Count de Frontenac Extracts

from the

Frontenac,

On

to

M.

Colbert.

General Memoir addressed to

the

by M. de

Minister,

the State of Canada in 1674.

Having received your orders very

and given instructions quite recently f^^. taking the Census, which had been already begun, I know not whether it can be finished before the departure of the vessels, nor whether I shall have it in my power to send But you shall have it next year, at farthest, with as much exactness as it to you this year. You will find at the settlement of possible, for I shall not seek to conceal anything from you. fi^li'ou'amo'l

Jesuits

«ince

J*

ih°/

late,

lui

La Prairie de la Madelaine, belonging to the Jesuit Fathers, a who have come to settle there since last year, and are

considerable increase of Iroquois, resolved to

make

a fixed and

permanent abode there. to

No

'^pieiheS'

^ernhawton'u?''"*

that

I

person can desire more earnestly than

shall use

my

every

effort,

both to

there being a greater necessity than ever for (of which

I

shall

I

number

the increase of the

of

have the honor to command, and therefore it is discipline them and accustom them to the use of arms,

inhabitants in a Country which

I

it,

and the example of what occurred

have the honor of speaking to you by and by) warning us

to

at

Acadia

be more on

our guard for fear of being surprised.

With that view, I have renewed the orders I had already issued to Commandants and Seigniors of the settlements to have their people drilled

all

the Governors,

as often as possible,

who

are divided into Companies, to which I have appointed Officers, Sergeants and Corporals.

But

I

find it

very

difficult to

constrain

them

to

keep arms, powder and

consequence of the poverty of the most part of them, as on account w«ntof«rm» now-

**"

*''^'»

'^^ Scarcity

of arms and ammunition existing

three vessels have arrived,

'

The word*

and brought

this

(o/"

lead, as

90 — 20.

much

in

21. 39. 69 18

year in the Country, where only

scarcely any.^

in italic! are in ciphers in the origiuaL

PARIS DOCUMENTS You

will please to observe,

My

:

117

I.

Lord, that a great quantity of arms and powder is every year is prosecuted every winter by the French,

absorbed by the Indian trade, and the hunting which

who, in their necessity, part even with their guns, for which they find a ready gale; neither do the merchants ever bring enough of these, and had not the King reserved some in hia stores for unforeseen use, the same difficulties would always recur. years since any poioder or other muniiioru have been sent hither, and therefore

It is several

what remained

is

consumed, notwithstanding

I

economized

it

as

much

as possible since

I

have

been here. I

found here

about 4,000 pounds of coarse, and a hundred pounds of fine powder, as

o?ily

see by the returns

I

sent you the

first

year

came

I

you may

here; and you will judge from these that

You will have also seen the number of balls, which is very small, ball hat not though a been and fired, we should not have enough for two days, were toe attacked. there cannot be much remaining.

I see

no remedy

for that,

except such as

it

should the War, and other more important

Country, which I

is

will

be in your power to supply from France,

affairs,

allow you to provide for those of this

deeply interested in wishing for a solid and permanent peace. to order all the

have not failed

merchants to retain half the powder and guns they received

and not to part with them before the summer, nor until we shall have beard what Dutch intend to do in our River, which, I think, is one of our strongest defences, in

this year,

the

consequence of the c?Md"'''fro'm

II-

m"]?

difficulty in

^^

^^^

^^^^

ascending

same

it.

zeal that led

me

last

year to undertake the voyage to

Lake Ontario, the effect and utility of which have been perceptible this year, I managed the Indians, and the post I erected, are the sole causes that prevented the Iroquois adhering to the Dutch, who sent twenty Ambassadors this year among them, to engage them to renew the war against us; but they remained faithful to the promises they gave me have come this year in solemn Embassy to Montreal to give me eight of their to'iikSo^'u^a***

since the

way

;

and

children, belonging to the principal

first

families of their Villages; have there ratified all

the conditions of the Treaty concluded last year with them; have promised to prevent the Mohegans of Taracton, a Nation bordering on New Nethe'rland, continuing hostilities against the Outawacs, seven or eight of whom they killed, which may be of important consequence;

and promised not to prosecute the Trade that, I advised you last year, they had begun at Gandaschekiagon with the Outawas,' and which would have ruined ours by carrying to the Dutch the peltries they might collect. In fine, they evinced such thorough submission, were so affected by the good treatment, presents and entertainments they received, that every body in this Country is surprised to see them in these sentiments. But what creates more profound astonishment is, to see that they have granted me what they invariably refused all Governors, and what M. de Tracy and M. de Courcelles never could obtain from them, after having defeated them, and after having gone to burn them in their Villages. The Jesuit Fathers, who know them better than any one, were at first deceived, and could never believe, until they had seen it, that they had resolved to give me their children. Nevertheless, here are eight that to

me

for the

I

have

in

my hands, who

are eo

many

hostages, responsible

peace so necessary to this Colony, and which they would not dare, henceforward,

to break. »S«e supra, Note

waa probably

2, p.

112.

Tlie

water commuiucation north of Rice Lake, in Canada Weat, through which

carried on, will b« found laid

down

in Bouchetl^i

Map

of Canada, 1881.

— En.

thi» trad*

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

118

The alms

the

King has been pleased

to

bestow on the Ursuline Nuns has arrived quite

had placed the fourteen* girls swrVur^TSeM seasonably for the support of these children, as I ^niended to write ^jjj^ ^j^gjj^^ which, with the six Huron girls they already had, make at present ten female savages, whom they instruct so successfully as to edify every one. have agreed with them that eight of those children shall be supported out of the thousand livres the King gave, which is about forty ecus each, and that I should pay the board of the other two from the charities some private persons sent me from France, in consequence of little

I

what

I

had written

them.

to

In regard to the four Iroquois boys,

with a

woman who

the charity

my own If

it

I

have received

family, at

be

has great care

my own

;

of

I

placed two of them,

the other two,

who

are very young, to board

are about nine or ten years old,

expense, and send them

his Majesty's intention

who

them, where they are supported on the remainder of

to continue the

I

shall rear in

for Instruction, daily, to the Jesuit Fathers.

thousand

livres

annually to the Ursulines,

Female Indians, where the King will always have eight increased by other private charities of those who will be number will be supported; this inclined to aid in so pious a work, which I consider the most meritorious in the sight of God and the most useful for this Colony that can ever be proposed. Be pleased. My Lord, to communicate your intentions hereupon to the Bishop of Quebec, before he return to this Country, in order that those good Ladies may be able to arrange their plans accordingly, and have the clothes and other necessaries for that establishment they

offer to establish a

Seminary

of

brought from France next year. If the erection of Fort Frontenac has been productive of the effects that I have described to you above, and (insured) the safety of the Missionaries among the Iroquois, who are never weary of thanking me, as the Secretary by whom I send this can show you from several of their letters, it has also been not less advantageous to commerce, for never since the French came to Canada have so many Indians been seen down in Montreal as this year. The Iroquois, who used to come hither' only in spring and towards summer, and not leave it the whole winter, and the Outawacs, who came there towards the month of July to attend the Great Trade, have come down this year in such great numbers that there were as many as eight hundred atone time. It was a pleasure to see them mingled with the Iroquois, who had accompanied their ambassadors, and who had been formerly their bitterest enemies, and to remark the submissiveness with which they observed all the regulations I had made to prevent any disorders in trading. Therefore, never has so quiet a sale been witnessed; not a single complaint having been made by an Indian against a French person, nor by the French against

an Indian.

All the French, as well simple traders as wealthy settlers (gros habitans),

profitable purchases there,

and the Indians, on their

side,

were

satisfied at the prices at

made which

goods were sold them.

They the if

received no less attention, presents, and public festivities, at which they assisted to

number

of 800, and private entertainments which

I

the expectations they had conceived, on receipt of the

Cataracouy, had attracted

descended thus l'rt'i^?oSic°'

laid

down

to

far, I

A" me

iiither this

hope there

always had during their stay and news of what passed last year at

season four or five

will be a great

many more

;

new of

tribes,

who had never

them next

year.

these considerations coinciding with the two in

your dispatches,

representations of Sieurs Bazire and

relative

to

Le Ber, who with

new

before

establishments,

that

you have

united with the

the principal people of the Country are

» PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

I.

j^g

persuaded that the security and preservation of the Trade depend on that of this Post, have me to find the means to support it without any charge to the King, since he will in not the present state of his affairs incur any extraordinary outlay. And as I could not

determined

support it any longer at my own expense, as I have done for the last year, I placed it in their hands according to the terms you will find in the agreement I made with them, and which I send you, marked letter D. If you grant them the privileges they ask, and which, costing the King nothing, will in no

wise prejudice the country, they will continue the undertaking, unless you absolutely desire I shall go next year and pull down the Fort, if necessary, with as much alacrity as I had pleasure in seeing it constructed.

that post to be abandoned.

^°

'"

cIJSdm°n«' ton

"Mm/uMh*

Ix.

pcrson

morc persuaded than

Is

I

that the good of this

^^^^ Grants (Conceuiom) be not extended except in the cases

™e-

Colony demands you point out to

I came to this Country, where I have not made any new grants of land, except in the vicinity of the old ones, to the increase of which they may contribute. For it is certain that the Country will never be thoroughly formed until it will have towns and villages. This, however, will never be accomplished unless by following the example the English and Dutch have set in their country; which is, to designate the place where the Indian trade will InJ'EngiiSh.'^"'"''

It is

a gospel

I

have preached ever since

be carried on, with a prohibition

to pursue it in private settlements, or to take possession of Rapids and carrying places, as persons of all sorts of professions are in the habit of doing here, by virtue of grants they formerly obtained, and which ought to be revoked, so as to force them to settle in the towns, where the Indians would be obliged to come, as there would be nobody to

stop

them on the way.

it is

thus our neighbors have built up Manatte and Orjjnge; and we, too, would have towns

Country had we observed the same

in this

be accustomed to

them

less license;

strictness. But to more authority must be given,

effect that, the

people must

means

or larger

to chastise

afforded.

Capture of Penu-

K

the BiioeamM-rs of SHint I).>minio. The English of B(>»ci>^perate in t'>n

HI.

Though

I

be Overwhelmed with despair in having to speak to you of

all

thcse coutests, and to have nothing news to communicate, I o but disagreeable o caunot forbear advising ^ you of the misfortune that has overtaken M. deChambly:' .^

•'

Gemseq on the River Saint M'i.y'"'"'Ippb^K« Pilot to the What I know of it, from j^,^^^ ^^^ ^f gj^^^ ^^ Marson, who commanded there. a letter Sieur de Chambly wrote me, is, that he was attacked on the 10** August by a Buccaneering Vessel which came from Saint Domingo and had touched at Boston that she had one hundred and ten men on board, who, after landing, kept up their attack for an hour} °^ ^'*

wound and

of the capture of Pentagouet, and of

1-ir.ie..

;

musket shot through the body, which put him hors de combat, whereupon Ensign and the remainder of the Garrison, consisting, with the settlers, of only thirty ill affected and badly armed men, immediately surrendered at discretion that the pirates Chambly to Boston plundered the Fort, removed all the cannon, and were to carry Sieur de that he received a his

;

(with Sieur de Marson, to capture whom they sent a detachment into the river Saint John), having demanded from him a ransom of a thousand Beavers. As I did not receive this newa until the close of September, by Indians whom Sieur de Chambly dispatched to me with his Ensign to conjure

remained, purpose.

I

I

me

ransom, and as only one month of navigation Aciidia, even had I the articles necessary for that

to give orders for his

was unable to send help to contented myself with sending some persons with Canoes to endeavor to obtain

;

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

120

and whether any attempt was made against bring back Miss de Marson and those who remain on the River

information as to the condition the fort was

Tort Royal, with orders to

left in,

Exchange to a correspondent at Boston, that Sieur Formont furnished me, for the ransom of M. de Chambly, which I am obliged to instruct my Agent at Rochelle to pay,- considering that it is not for the honor of the King, for which I shall always Saint John; and to send

bills

of

whatever little property I possess, to abandon a Governor, in presence of our neighbors, mercy of pirates, who would have taken him along with them and perhaps killed him this poor gentleman, moreover, assuredly deserving, by his merits and long service, a better fate. I also wrote a letter to the Governor of Boston to express ray astonishment at seeing him, whilst Peace existed between his Majesty and the King of England, furnishing a retreat to Pirates and Ruffians without a commission, after having so gravely insulted us; and that for sacrifice

to the

mine own

part,

had

acted so,

I

I

should

a good correspondence with them.

deem myself failing

I

am

in the orders I received to cultivate

persuaded those of Boston have employed these

people to perpetrate this outrage on us, having supplied them even with an English Pilot to

conduct them, bearing with impatience our vicinity and the constraint which this places upon

them

in their fisheries

M.

Frontenac,

de

and

trade.

IV. I have Conformed to the orders

you gave me

to continue to

encourage the

JO

Seminary of Montreal, and the Recollets to take young Indians for ' them in the faith and civilizing them. The last ask i'eteU)''reS?upyoSK indiaus. nothing better, and exert themselves in that way at the Cataracouy Mission, where they assuredly will succeed. As for the others, I have shown them an example, and demonstrated to them that, whenever they are disposed to make use of the credit and influence which they have with the Indians, they will civilize them, and have, like me, some of their orders he has received, invites the

Jesuits, the '

'

^^^ purposc of instructing

children.

^^^

h™experi'enc«''''in

jMuuFathJrs!'" "

'^^^

Teasous

I

a thing they never will do, unless absolutely constrained thereto

have already stated to you, and which

it is

by

useless to repeat.

They will act in like manner respecting the extent of their missions, on which subject I have spoken to them in the manner you ordered, but in vain, they having declared to me they were here only to endeavor to instruct the Indians, or rather, to get Beavers, and not to be Parish priests to the French.

They have

same within eight days, and withdrew two Fathers whom they at Cape de la Madelaine, one of the most populous in this country, because a sufficient number of Indians do not resort there at this moment; and when I wished to represent mildly to the Father Superior the inconvenience the people were subjected to for want of spiritual aid, he did not hesitate to give to me the same reasons that I have affirmed the

always kept at their settlement

already stated to you. Nevertheless, after having resolved not to leave any of their Fathers there, the charitable

admonitions

I

them have obliged them, within a few days, to alter their come to inform me that they would leave one there, be only for this winter, and to permit the great noise it has made to

addressed to

determination, and the Superior has since

but

I

believe that will

blow over. Demands

Recoiiet

Fathers to oppose the Jesuits; that order already excites the.renvy.

I

If the Rccollct .

i,

,

Fathers were more numerous, and were employed, they would ^ , ,

•

i

,

.

assuredlv 00 wondcrs in the missions; but the two ^

whom i

i

,

you did me the honor *'

jq inform me that you demanded last year did not come, nor the four this year. presume they were retarded by some mysterious means, as there begins to be great jealousy

of them,

however

fair

a face be shown them.

;

PARIS DOCUMENTS: L

Itl

They require active members, and to be more numerous, and that you should tell the Bishop that you desire him not to allow them to remain idle, but that he send them into adjoining and distant missions. The Superior who came last year is a very great Preacher; he has cast into the shade and given some chagrin to those in this country, who certainly are not so able. V.

I

would mention a great many other matters to you were I not ashamed of the length of and were not my Secretary in a position to give you the information in case you

this despatch,

desire

I

it.

shall

merely say, that we have not a single gunner here. King will be pleased to incur this expense.

person, whenever the

This

Two

is

a very necessary

Interpreters,

one for

the Huron, another for the Algonquin language, are not less necessary, in order that we may • jmuiu, no doobt. not pass through the hands of the 212 • when treating with the Indians, especially as we can have faithful persons who are attached to the King's interests and service, to tell

them what

is

proper for them to hear; and to know, also, exactly their answerg

and sentiments. VI. Sicur JoHet,

juii"rrrnmhuio"

sSmh

8^"" ""

whom

Monsieur Talon advised me, on

to dispatch for the discovery of the

my arrival

from France,

South Sea, has returned three months ago,

and discovered some very fine Countries, and a navigation so easy through the beautiful rivers he has found, that a person can go from Lake Ontario and Fort Froutenac in a bark to the Gulf of Mexico, there being only one carrying place, half a league in length, where Lake Ontario communicates with Lake Erie. A settlement could be made at this point and another bark built on Lake Erie. These are projects which it will be possible to effect when Peace will be firmly established, and whenever it will please the King to prosecute these discoveries.

He has been within ten days' journey of the Gulf of Mexico, and believes that water communications could be found leading to the Vermilion* and California seas, by means of the river that flows from the

to South,

and

is

West

my

Grand River that he discovered, which runs from North Lawrence opposite Quebec.

into the

as large as the Saint

Map

and the observations he has beea he has lost all his minutes and journals in the shipwreck he suffered within sight of Montreal, where, after having completed a voyage of twelve hundred leagues, he was near being drowned, and lost all his papers and a little Indian whom he brought from those Countries. These accidents have caused me great regret. He left with the Fathers at the Sault S" Marie, in Lake Superior, copies of his journals these we cannot get before next year. You will glean from them additional particulars of I

send you by

Secretary the

he has made of

it,

able to recollect, as

this discovery, in

Quebec, '

this

which he has very well acquitted himself.

Frontbnac.

14 November, 1674.

The Gulf of California wag callud by the Spaniards Mar de Cortea, or more commonly Mar Bermejo, from it» rsMmblane* and color to the Red Sea. In igooranceof this fact, the French translated Bermejo by the word " VermeiUa." fiA«a'«

in shape

JHtcovery of the Mittiuippi,

Vol. IX.

4.

— Ed.

16

:

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

122

Sieur de la SalUs Petition for a grant of Fort Frontenac. s

The

Memoir

for the

1674.

maintenance of Fort Frontenac.

proposer, aware of the importance to the Colony of

Canada

of the establishment of

Fort Frontenac, of which he was some time in command, and desiring to employ his means and his life in the King's service and for the augmentation of the Country, offers to support it at his expense,

and

to

reimburse

its

cost on the following conditions, to wit:

his Majesty be pleased to grant in Seigniory to the

That

leagues of country along the border of

Proposer the said Fort, four

Lake Frontenac, the two

Islands in front

named

Ganounkouenot and Kaouenesgo and the interjacent Islets, with the same Rights and Privileges obtained hitherto by those who hold lands in the country in Seigniory, with the right of fishing in Lake Frontenac and the adjoining Rivers, to facilitate the support of the people of said Fort, together with the command of said place and of said Lake, under the orders and authority of His Majesty's Governor, Lieutenant General in the Country; on which condition the proposer will be bound 1". To maintain the said fort; to place it in a better state of defence ; to keep a garrison there at least as numerous as that of Montreal, and as many as fifteen to twenty laborers during the two first years to clear and till the land to provide it with necessary artillery, arms and ammunition, and that so long as the proposer will command there in his Majesty's name, and until some other persons be authorized to settle above the Long Saut of the River Saint Lawrence, through which people pass to said fort without being charged with similar expense, or to contribute to that which the Proposer will be obliged to incur for the ;

;

preservation of said Fort. S*. To repay Count de Frontenac, His Majesty's Governor and Lieutenant General in Canada, the expense he incurred for the establishment of said Fort, amounting to the sum of twelve to thirteen thousand livres, as proved by the statements thereof prepared.

To make

all those willing to settle there in the manner usual in said them the trade (la traite). when their settlements will be in the condition required by the edicts and regulations of the Sovereign Council of said Country. S**.

Country;

To

grants of land to

to allow

number possible of Indians to grant them land for them trades, and to induce them to lead lives more conformable to ours, as the proposer had begun to do with some success when he commanded there. 6*. To build a Church when there will be one hundred persons; meanwhile, to entertain from this moment one or two Recollet Friars to perform divine service and administer the 4*'*.

villages

attract thither the greatest

and

tillage

;

;

to teach

Sacraments there. 6"".

His Majesty, accepting these proposals,

Proposer Letters of Noblesse, in the

Country

at

his

in

is

very humbly supplicated to grant to the

consideration of the voyages and discoveries which he

made

expense during the seven years he continually lived there, the services

he rendered in the Country and those he will continue to render; and necessary to serve him as

titles

possessory to said Seigniory.

all

the other'letters

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

M.

Colbert to

II.

Igg

Count de Frontenac. St Germain en Laye, 15 March, 1676.

Sir,

commence answering

I shall

the letter you wrote

me on

the 14'^ Nov' last by notifying you

that you will have to write, for the future, directly to the King, and not to me, as you

do

;

and that you

only of every thing that passes in

done there

for the

now

be required to render his Majesty an exact and detailed account, not

will

New

France, but of every thing you think necessary to be

whatever may relate to war, justice, police, and the you will receive in return letters and orders from his Majesty. that you who are Lieutenant General of the King's Armies and

good of

his service, in

increase of the Colony, and I

shall

say further,

••••••

Commander-in-Chief of a Country, ought not to style me My Lord, but, simply. Sir. This I omitted to communicate to you until now. You cannot do any thing more agreeable to his Majesty than to labor continually to increase settlers. You can easily effect this by keeping them at peace with the Iroquois and other Indian Nations of said Country. The post you have occupied at Lake Ontario will, doubtless, accomplish this and his Majesty has been much pleased to learn that the Iroquois have given you eight of their Children as hostages of the Peace they are to observe, and that more than pight hundred Indians came down to Montreal last year. He is fully persuaded that by ;

them

and giving them to understand that he will cause those to be severely punished who violate the Peace which has been conceded to them, they will not only be disposed to associate with his subjects, but will even increase the fur trade which is the sole means to strengthen and enrich the Colony. His Majesty is also confident that the example you have given the Jesuits and the Montreal Seminary, by assuming the charge of some little Indians, will induce them also to rear and and his Majesty orders instruct some others in our customs and the principles of Christianity

treating

well,

•••••• ;

me

to mention to

you on

this point the propriety of exciting those Ecclesiastics to take charge,

voluntarily, of those little Indians, but that

it is

not feasible to constrain them to do

Grant of Fort Frontenac

to

Sieur de

la Salle.

Decree accepting the Proposals to Robert Cavelier, Sieur de

WPfr-

so.

la Salle.

Compeigne, 13 May, 1676.

The Kino

having caused to be examined, Cavelier, S' de la Salle, setting forth that if heirs, successors

and

assigns, the Fort

in it

his Council, the proposals

•

made by Robert

should please his Majesty to grant him, his New France, with four

called Frontenac, situate in

named Ganounkouesnot and Kaouonesgo, and the hunting and fishing on said lands, and in tb« Lake called

leagues of adjacent Country, the Islands adjoining

Islets,

with the right of

Ontario or Frontenac, and circumjacent Rivers, the whole by title of Fief, Seigniory and justice, appeals from the judges of which will lie to the Lieutenant General of Quebec, with

;

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

124 the

Government of said Fort Frontenac, and

property he possesses in this for the erection

Kingdom

letters of Noblesse,

he would cause considerable

be transported to the said country of

to

and establishment there of settlements which may,

New

France,

the lapse of time,

in

contribute greatly to the augmentation of Colonies in said country; said de la Salle offers to

reimburse the sum of ten thousand Fort Frontenac, to keep thereof,

in

which cannot be

livres, the

good order the less

amount expended

said Fort,

for

the construction of said

and the garrison necessary

than that of the Fort of Montreal

;

to

for the defence

maintain twenty

during nine years' for clearing the land which shall be conceded to him

men

and, until he shall

;

have a church built, to keep a Priest or Friar to perform Divine Service and administer the Sacraments; which expenses, &c., the said de la Salle will defray at his sole cost and charges, until there be established above the Long sault, called Garonouoy. some individuals with similar Grants to that he demands, in which case those who will have obtained said grants shall be bound to contribute to the said expenses in proportion to the lands which will be granted to them.

And having heard

the Report of Sieur Colbert, Councillor of the King in

Royal Council, and Comptroller General of Finances, his Majesty in Council hath accepted and doth accept the said de la Salle's oflFers, hath in consequence granted to him the propriety

his

of said Fort called Frontenac, and four leagues of adjacent country, computing at two thousand toises

each league, along the lakes and rivers above and below said Fort, and half a league, or

one thousand

toises,

inland; the Islands

named Ganounkouesnot and Kaouonesgo, and

the

adjacent Islands, with the right of hunting and fishing on said Lake Ontario and circumjacent rivers to be

;

the whole

by

title

of Fief, and in full seigniory and justice, on condition that he cause

conveyed immediately

sum

to

Canada

less

certificate

from Count de Frontenac,

than the

all

the effects he possesses in this

of ten thousand livres in

cannot be

money

or movables

Majesty's Lieutenant

his

;

Kingdom, which that he produce a

General in said country

reimburse the sum of ten thousand

livres expended in the construction of said Fort; put and maintain it in a good state of defence; pay and support the garrison necessary to guard and defend it, which is to be equal at least to that of Montreal ; likewise maintain twenty men during two years to clear the land, who shall not be otherwise employed during that time

cause a church to be erected within the six

first

years of his grant, and meanwhile to support a

Priest or Friar for the administration of the Sacraments; also, induce the Indians to repair

them settlements and form Villages there in society with the French, to whom he be cleared, all which shall be cleared and improved within the time and space of twenty years, to be computed from the next 1676 otherwise his Majesty shall be at liberty, at the expiration of said time, to dispose of the lands which will not have thither, give

shall give part of said land to

;

been cleared or improved.

by the said de

la Salle

His Hajesty wills that appeals from the judges (to be appointed

within the limits of the said Country conceded by his Majesty)

lie to

the

Lieutenant General of Quebec

; and to that end his Majesty wills that all Donatory and Concessionary Letters hereunto necessary be issued to the said de la Salle, together with

those

for the

government of said Fort Frontenac, and

letters

his posterity.

'

Further

down

the text

is

two year*.

of Noblesse

for

him and

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

y^

II

Patent of Nobility for Simr Cavelier de la

Salle.

Loms, by the Grace of God King of France and of Navarre, to all present and The Kings, our predecessors, having alveays esteemed honor to be

Greeting.

powerful

motive

to

stimulate

their

to

come,

the most

generous actions, have been careful to

subjects to

by marks of dignity those whose extraordinary virtue hath rendered them deserving thereof; and as We are informed of the worthy deeds daily performed by the people of distinguish

Canada, either in reducing or

civilizing the savages, or in defending

frequent insults and those of the Iroquois, and,

finally,

in

themselves against their

despising the greatest dangers,

Our name and Our empire to the extremity of that new world; We but just on our part to distinguish by honorable rewards those who have rendered themselves most eminent, in order to excite others to deserve like favors. in order to extend

have considered

it

Wherefore, being desirous to treat favorably Our dear and well beloved Kobbrt Cavblier, Sieur de la Salle, on account of the good and laudable report that has been rendered of the worthy actions he has performed in the country of Canada, where he has been some years settled, and for other considerations Us moving hereunto, and of

power, and royal authority.

Our

special grace,

We

have ennobled, and by these presents, signed by Our hand, do ennoble and decorate with the title and quality of Nobility, the said Cavelier, together with his wife and children, posterity and issue, both male and female, born and to be born in lawful wedlock. We will, and it is Our pleasure, that in all acts, as well inclusive as exclusive of judgment, they be taken, deemed and reputed noble, bearing the rank of Esquire, with power to reach all ranks of knighthood and gendarmerie;' to acquire, hold and possess all sorts of fief and seigniory and hereditaments noble, of what title and quality soever they may be, and enjoy all honors, authorities, prerogatives, preeminences, privileges, franchises, exemptions and immunities which the other Nobles of Our kingdom enjoy and are wont to enjoy and use, and to bear such arms as are affixed thereunto, without the said Robert Cavelier paying Us or Our successors, kings, herefor any fee or indemnity, be the amount thereof what it may; We have discharged and do discharge him, and have donated and full

do hereby donate him the whole, issued this date in

and reasons entered in the arret of Our Council, shall remain annexed hereunto under the

for causes

Our Presence, copy whereof

Our Chancery. Therefore those composing Our Court of Parliament the same place, that they do Enregister counterseal of

We

command our loving and faithful Councillors, Chamber of Accounts, Court of Aids at

at Paris, this

present Patent of Nobility, and allow and

permit the said Robert Cavelier, his children and posterity, born and to be bom in lawful wedlock, to use and enjoy the contents thereof, fully, peaceably and perpetually, determining

and putting an end

to all troubles

and obstructions,

all

edicts

regulations and other things to the contrary notwithstanding, which

and declarations,

we

arrets,

have derogated, and

by these presents do derogate, For such is Our Pleasure. And in order that this be firm, Given at Compeigne, the 13»* of stable and everlasting. We have hereunto affixed Our Seal. May, in the year of grace One thousand six hundred and seventy-five, and of Our Reign the thirty-third. '

Gendarmerie; a sort of royal cavalry, consisting of the

manded by

and danphin's eompanie*, 4o. They were eooTheir arms were a sabre, musquetoon and itoni pistob;

king's, queen's

the king, queen and pl-inces, whose names they bore.

their uniform a scarlet jacket with velvet facings. Did. de RieheUl.

— Eo.

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

126

XIV.

Louis

to

Count de Frontenac. S'

Monsieur

le

Comte de Frontenac.

•

«

*

•

•

•

Germain, 15 April, 1676.

•'•

*.*

•

You ought to attend to the punctual execution of the order I gave Sieur Duchesneau to have a general Census of all the Inhabitants, of all ages and sexes, prepared, as I cannot persuade myself that there are only 7,832 persons, men, women, boys and girls, in the entire Country, having caused a much greater number to be sent over within the fifteen or sixteen years that

I

have had charge of

have been omitted.

it.

A considerable

more exact enumeration be made, and that I be of children which will be born in the course of natives of the Country, who will have been married.

I wish, therefore, that a

carefully infornied, every year, of the

each year, and of the boys and

new

portion of the Inhabitants must of necessity

girls,

number

you ought not to turn your attention thereunto without urgent necessity and very great advantage, and you ought to hold it as a maxim, that it is much better to occupy less territory and to people it thoroughly, than to spread one self out more, and to have feeble colonies which can be easily destroyed by any sort of accident. In regard to

•

•

On

discoveries,

«

•

*

Commerce and

«

*.* am

•

•

*

you that you must not suffer any person, invested with Ecclesiastical or Secular dignity, or any Religious Community, to follow it in any wise, under any pretext whatsoever, nor even to trade in any peltries and I consider it unnecessary to tell you that, for the sake of example, you ought not to allow any of your domestics, nor any other person, in your name or by your authority, to do so and I even forbid you ever to issue any license or permit for the (Indian) trade. the subject of

the Indian trade,

I

very happy to

tell

;

;

Louis

XIV.

to

Count de Frontenac.

••*••••*••

Dunkirk, 28 April, 1677.

Monsieur

le

Comte de Frontenac.

• I

cannot but approve what you have done in your voyage to Fort Frontenac

to reconcile

the minds of the Five Iroquois Nations, and to clear yourself from the suspicions they had entertained, and from the motives that might induce

them

to

wage war.

You must

yourself to maintain peace and good understanding between those people and

without, however, so far relying on the precautions you adopt for that

and not

to place the said Inhabitants, in a position vigorously to

repel

incursions those people

all

Moreover,

I

wish you

I

exert

subjects;

purpose as not to be,

oppose and effectually to

may make.

to cultivate a

good understanding with the English, and

not to give them any cause of complaint the Treaties

my

to

be careful

— without, however, permitting any thing contrary

have concluded with the King, their Master.

to

PARIS DOCUMENTS

me to repeat to you the orders continually to encourage the Inhabitants to Maritime It

only remains for

U.

:

I

127

have issued, each preceding year,

Commerce,

to the establishment of being certain that these three points are very easy means to produce abundance in the country, and the consequent multiplication of the Inhabitants.

Manufactures and

fisheries,

Doubting not your exact conformity hereunto, de Frontenac,

in

I pray God to have you. Monsieur le Comte Written at Dunkirk, the 2S"' day of April, 1677.

His holy keeping.

(

Signed

Louis.

)

and lower down. Colbert.

lAcense

to

Sieur de la Salle

Louis, by the grace of

God King

Robert Cavalier, Sieur de petition presented to

of

New

France; and

Us

la Salle,

to

Discover the Western part of

of France and of Navarre,

GaEETiNa:

We

To Our

New

France.

dear and well beloved

have favorably received the most humble

your name, to permit you to endeavor to discover the Western part have the more willingly assented to that proposal as there is nothing

in

We

We

have more at heart than the Discovery of that Country, where there is a prospect of way to penetrate as far as Mexico, the success of which, to Our satisfaction and the advantage of Our subjects in that Country, We have every reason to expect from the application you have exhibited in clearing the lands We granted you by the Arret of Our Council of the IS*** May, 1675, and Letters Patent of the same dat6, in forming Settlements on said lands, finding a

Fort Frontenac, whereof We have granted you the Seigniory and government, good state of defence. These and other causes Us moving hereunto. We have permitted, and by these Presents, signed by Our hand, do permit you to labor in the Discovery of the Western part of New France and for the execution of this undertaking, to construct forts in the places you may think necessary, whereof We will that you enjoy the same clauses and

and

in placing

in a

;

conditions as of Fort Frontenac, according and conformably to IS""

May, 1675, which

We

Our

said Letters Patent of the

have, as far as necessary, confirmed, and by these Presents do

We

Will that they be executed according to their form and tenor; on condition, nevertheless, that you complete this enterprise within five years, in default whereof, these presents shall be null and void ; and that you do not carry on any Trade with the Savages confirm.

called

Outaouacs and others who carry their Beavers and other

perform the whole

at

your expense and that of your

a privilege, the trade in Cibola. skins.

We

peltries to

associates, to

command Count

Montreal

whom We

;

that

you

have granted, as

de Frontenac, Our Governor

and Lieutenant-General, and Sieur Duchesneau, Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance, and the Officers composing the Sovereign Council in said Country, to aid in the execution of these Presents, For such is Our pleasure. Given at S' Germain en laye, the twelfth day of May, 1678, and of our reign the 35'^

Louis.

Colbert.

—

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

128

XIV.

Louis

to

Count de Frontenac. S'

Monsieur I

am

treaties

le

Germain en Laye, 12 May, 1678.

Comte de Frontenac.

well pleased to learn that

my

you have always maintained

authority in the different

into with the Iroquois and other Indian tribes, and in regard to the

you have entered

my intention is that you always contribute whatever between the two Nations, without, however, allowing lies in your power to maintain peace any encroachment on the countries under my domination. Endeavor I am equally well pleased that the education of the Indian children continues. to increase their number; and though it be proper to give their parents to understand that they are not restained by force, it is well to retain the greatest number possible of them. I highly approve your having given orders to Sieur de Marson, commandant of Acadia, to keep on good terms with the English, in order that no rupture may occur. pretension of the General Major Anglois;'

Louis Monsieur

Do

le

not

XIV.

Count de Frontenac.

Comte de Frontenac,

fail

to advise

me

frequently of

European nations established near between them. I desire,

to

New

what

transpires

between the Indians and the

France, and the success of the war that exists

morever, that .you constantly maintain peace, friendship and good correspondence

with the English and Dutch, without, however, foregoing any of the rights and advantages appertaining either to my Crown or my subjects in that country; wherefore, I rely on your observing

tlie

prudence necessary

for

my

service and that of

my

subjects.

recommend you likewise to keep my subjects always in peace and union among themselves much as lies in your power, and in any difficulty you may experience there, exert yourself preserve them safe from dangers without, and always to take care that justice be well

J

as to

administered within; you will effect this end more easily than you imagine, particularly

if you you break up Coureurs des bois and hunters who contribute only to the destruction of the Colonies and not to their prosperity, and thereby oblige every person to apply himself to Agriculture, the clearing of land and the establishment of Manufactures and Trade.

take care that crime be certainly punished, and

Written at

S'

Germain en Laye, the

25"'

if

day of April, 1679.

Loms. '"Le General Major Angloit."

I

presume

this last

word ought

to hare been

Androi; but

I

hare followed the text

Kd.

PAllIS

DOCUMENTS:

Count de Frontenac Extracts of a

Memoir addressed

to the

to the

II.

Igg

King.

King by M. de Frontenac. Quebec, 6 November, 1679.

Sire All the wonders that constantly attended your Majesty's arms, from the

commencement of War, could be surpassed only by a prodigy as surprising as that of the glorious reace* which you have just given to all Europe. This grand work fills your subjects of New France with universal joy, in the hope they I.

this

entertain of soon experiencing the effecls of that goodness with which your Majesty to

promise them that he will think of the preservation and increase of not omit, Sire, whatever depends on

I shall

labor with

still

and principally

in

without,

I

in all

have been fortunate enough

hope

I

may

it

to

in

that

peace and union

your despatches. what might disturb

to prevent

among

this tranquillity

not be less so within, and that with your Majesty's aid every thing

shall be peaceable there as well as I

Colony.

care to encourage those composing

maintaining them

themselves which your Majesty inculcates If hitherto I

this

pleased

greater ardor in the cultivation of their lands, in Trade and the establishment

Manufactures,

of

my

is

on the part of the Indians.

have received divers advices from the Jesuit Fathers and other Missionaries, that General

Andros was soliciting the Iroqouis, underhand, to break with us, and was about convoking a Meeting of the Five Nations, to propose, it was reported, strange matters there, of a nature to disturb our Trade with them and also that of the Outawas and the Nations to the North and West. Nevertheless

I

learn, from the last letters I have seen, that this

and that the Small Pox, which

is

the Indian plague, desolates

meeting did not take place,

them

to

such a degree that they

think no longer of Meeting nor of Wars, but only of bewailing the dead, of whom there is already an immense number. As they have brought this disease from Orange and Manatte, it will be a reason to dissuade

them

as

much

as possible from continuing their

much more with

trade there, [and to invite

them

to pursue

it

us.

The same letters. Sire, state that General Andros has issued orders at Orange to remove the Frenchmen who retire thither to Manatte, whence he afterwards sends them to the Island of Barbadoes but that he has retained there and even well treated a man named P6r6, and others who have been debauched from Sieur de la Salle, with the design to employ and send them among the Outawas, to open a Trade with them. ;

It is to

be desired that the dread of transportation to those Islands, and the prohibition this has, as is reported, issued against trading with the French, may deter the latter

same General

from going to that quarter, as some have lately done; and even that the Indians who ar« amongst us, and especially those of the. Mission of La Prairie de la Madelaine, who are very

numerous and on the road, may not carry their peltries Ihither as they ordinarily do. But what precautions soever I use, and though I sent Sieur de Saint Ours, one of the Captains in the troops your Majesty formerly had in this Country, and a relative of Marshal d'Estradcs, 'The peace of Nimtguen, July

Vol. IX.

17

31, 1678.

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

130

Chambly, which is the principal pass, to keep watch there, he cannot effect any thing some men. May it, therefore, please your Majesty to maintain a garrison at that place, which is one of the most considerable in tlie country, through which almost the whole communication with New England is carried on. It is not less difficult, Sire, to put in execution, as punctually as I should wish, your Majesty's Their number increases every reiterated orders against those who trade with the Outawas. ascertain precisely when they difficulty so great to open, and the country is so year, and the depart or when they return, in consequence of the secret correspondence they keep up with to

unless he have

men are stationed at all Summer, when they go up and come down, the Provostand guards that I give him when he requires them, are insufficient

the Inhabitants, and even with the principal Merchants, that unless the passes to await them there in the

marshal's aids, the soldiers

L

to check the course of this disorder. II.

If

your Majesty do not think proper

securing the country against contribute to

its

increase,

and

sent out will be a very great

all

to

manner of

send hither some regular troops, who, while

insults,

would likewise, being well employed,

number of men proposed to be advantage, provided they be good workmen. The scarcity of

to the clearance of the land, the

these and high wages cause the planting and the harvest to be deferred so long, that continual

miracles of fine weather are necessary to complete the one and the other.

came

more zealously than to induce every body, whether ecclesiastic or secular, to rear and maintain some Indian children, and to attract their fathers and mothers to our settlements, the better to instruct them in the Christian Religion and French manners. I have joined example to my exhortations, having always brought up some in my own family and elsewhere, at my own expense, and impressed III.

Since

I

to this

incessantly on the Ursuline

country there

is

nothing

I

have labored

Nuns and Jesuit Fathers not

at

to inculcate

any other sentiments

in

those under their control. Nevertheless, the latter having pretended that the communication with the French corrupted the Indians and

was an obstacle

were giving them. Father Fremin,' Superior of La Prairie de la Madelaine, far from conforming to what I told him was your Majesty's Intentions, has since three years removed all the Indians who were intermingled there with the French to a distance of two leagues further off, on the lands obtained from M. Du Chesneau on his arrival in this country, the title to which I did not think proper to give them until I should learn your Majesty's pleasure, for reasons I had the honor to submit which to the Instruction they

are of importance for his service, and for the advantage and safety of the country.

hope the Mission established by the Ecclesiastics of the Montreal Seminary within half a all others, and induce those to visit it who have been most opposed to it, either from interest or otherwise. I

league of their town, will be an example to

Fkontenac. ' Rev. Jacques Fr£min is said to have arrived in Canada in 1665. He accompanied Dablon the year following, to Onondaga, where he remained until 1658, after which, his labors were confined to Canada uiitij 1667, when he was sent Missionary to the Mohawks. In October, 1668, he went to the Senecas, which tribe he attended until 1671, when he was recalled to take

charge of the Indians nt Laprairie. Charlevoix,

and in

in

I.,

32.'5,

398, 402, 452.

1679 Father Fi^mln visited France to procure some aid for

Canada

in 1682,

and died at Quebec on the 2d July, 1691.

— En.

This Mission was removed to the Sault St Lonis it.

Faillon; Vie de S. Bourgeoyt,

I.,

256.

in 1676,

He was

again

—

)

PARIS DOCUMENTS

M.

Du

Chfsneau [

Extracts of the

10 Nov*-" (

to

M,

ArcbtTM da MlnlsUrs ds

:

II.

jgi

de Seignelay.

It

Marine.

]

Memoir addressed by M' Duchesneau

to the Minister, dated

1671),

1« Extract.

My

Lord, to what relates to the disobedience of the Coureurs de bois, and I must it has at length reached such a point that every body boldly contravenes the King's interdictions; that there is no longer any concealment, and that even I recur,

not conceal from you that

\

parties are collected with astonishing insolence to go

'^

Indian country.

all in

of the Colony.

who

in the

my power to prevent this misfortune, which may be productive of the ruin have enacted ordinances against the Coureurs de bois; against the merchants furnish them with goods; against the gentlemen and others who harbor them, and even

have done

I

and trade

against those

who have any knowledge

of them and will not inform the justices nearest the inasmuch as several of the most considerable families in this country are interested therein, so that the Governor lets them go on, and even shares in spot.

All that has been in vain,

their profits.

You might have understood it. My Lord, from all that I have taken the liberty to write to you these late years ; from the information of the Bailiff of Montreal ; from that I continued to transmit;

from the interrogatories of those arrested by an association under color of making peace with the Sioux, and from the extracts of the letters of those who furnished

me

information.

Those which reached me this year confirm it; they state particulars which merit attention. These are That the Coureurs de bois not only act openly, but that they carry their peltries to the English, and endeavor to drive the Indian trade thither.

That Du Lut, the leader of the

refractory,

who

and

has ever been the Governor's

correspondent, keeps up an epistolary intercourse, and shares whatever profits he makes with

him and Sieur Barrois,

his secretary,

who

has a canoe

your Lordship that this Du Lut has Governor and an officer in his guards. to advise

among

his.

Whereupon,

it is

apropos

for three years past a brother-in-law near the

That the Governor takes the precaution to pass his Beaver in the name of merchants in his and that if Du Lut experiences difficulty in bringing them along, he will take

interest;

advantage of the agency of foreigners. That he applies to the Governor for Tobacco and beads for presents, and desires that a quantity of Indian goods be imported next spring, even though they be dear. That he guarantees to forward then a quantity of Beaver, and will send down some canoes

towards the end of September.

Several have, in fact, returned freighted with merchandise.

And

it

is

"^,

I

come down loaded with

peltries,

and

one of the causes of the Governor's sojourn at Montreal from the month of July made the news he pretended to have received that

to the beginning of October, though he

—

—

the English General, Andres, wished to debauch the Iroquois the pretext of his stay. That the Indians complained to the Governor, in the Council held at Montreal, that the

French were in too great numbers

at the trading posts,

and that he had curtly rebuffed them.

/

:

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

132 The man named La September of

Taupine,' a famous Coureur de bois,

last year, 1678, to

who

month of

set out in the

go to the Outawacs with goods, and wiio has been always

1 being advised that he had traded two days 150 beaver robes in one single village of this tribe, amounting to nearly nine hundred beavers, which is a matter of public notoriety, and that he left with Du Lut two men wliom he had with him, considered myself bound to have him arrested, and to interrogate him; but having presented me with a license from the Governor, permitting him and his comrades, named Lamonde and Dupuy, to repair to the Outawac nation to execute his secret orders, I had him set at liberty; and immediately on his going out, Sieur Prevost, Town major of Quebec, came at the head of some soldiers to force the prison, in case he were still there, pursuant to written orders he had received from the Governor, couched in

interested with the Governor, having returned this year, and in

*

these terms "Count de "

New

TaoTsrssAO,

Councillor of the King in his Council, GoTernor and Lieutenant General for

"Sieur Prevost, Major of Quebec,

is

ordered, in case the Intendant arrest Pierre Moreau, aliat

"sent to Quebec as bearer of our despatches, upon pretext of his having been in the bush, to

"and

hia

Majesty in

France.

to

employ every means

for this purpose,

at his pcriL

Done

at

La Taupine, whom set liim

We

have

forthwith at liberty,

Montreal, the 5lh September,

1679.

"Signed "

" and lower down,

FaONTENAa

by my Lord, "Babrois."

It is certain, My Lord, that the said La Taupine carried goods to the Outawas; that his two comrades remained in the Indian country, apparently near Du Lut, and that he traded there that he saw so many Coureurs de bois that he could tell me neither their number nor ;

their names.

whom the King has even this year given a gratuity of and who has only within a year ceased to be the Governor's servant, so far from punishing those who have disobeyed the King, and attending to the execution of his orders, himself sets the example of violating them and sends people into the bush. You will learn all I wish to tell you. My Lord, from the extracts of the letters I have received and signed, the originals of which I reserve to exhibit to you whenever you so order; from the interrogatories of the said La Taupine, which he refused to sign, declaring that he from the ingenious answers of the did not know how to do it, though he writes well constable named Genaple, from the said Bisard's letters, and from the answers of a merchant Sieur Bizard, Major of Montreal, to

300",

;

named Garos. M.

De

Sisse,* a

Island of Montreal,

man

of rank. Priest of the Seminary of Saint Sulpice, established in the

whose

private affairs take

him the honor of an audience That the man named F6r6 having resolved

him

to France, will tell you, if

you

will please

to give

to range the

Woods, went

with the English and to carry his beavers there, in order to obtain some

to

Orange

Wampum

to confer

beads to

was arrested by the Governor of that place and whose residence is at Manatte; that his plan was to propose to him to bring him all the Coureurs de bois with their peltries, if he would receive them, and it is even supposed that he undertook to join Du Lut, and that they should

return and trade with the Outawacs; that he sent to Major Andros, Governor General,

'

The Tawny.

'

Rev. Augusts Meulande de Cic£ came to Canada,

Kentfe.

Faillon;

Vit de Mde. Bourgeoyt,

\.,

Vli.

it is said,

— En.

in 1668,

and was some time Missionary among the Indians at

PARIS DOCUMENTS: head

all

turning

the Coureurs de hois; that

188

even suspected that the said Per6 gave hopes or Outawae over to the English, which would bring about the ruin

the trade of the

ail

II.

it

is

of the Colony, and that the said Perre, as

is understood, has returned to the Outawacs, after having been well received and greatly caressed by Major Andros, and brought with him the

man named

Poupart, a settler of this country, and one Turcot, a long time a French refugee English the in order to escape the punishment of the crimes he had committed.

among It

therefore evident,

is

My

Lord, and every one agrees in the opinion, that there

The number of those those who set out every

almost general disobedience throughout this Country. estimated at nearly

five

or six hundred, exclusive of

the best qualified to improve and defend the Colony; they have

Du Lut

the

in

day.

is

an

Woods is They are

as their leader, well

adapted to act treacherously, and to engage them not only to carry their peltries to the English, as they have already begun to do, but even to divert thither the Indian trade this

all

prevent

it,

my

the neglect of the Governor,

who

to

bear in mind,

My

the Indian country ruined the colony, because those for

work, abandoned

care of rearing their cattle; licentiousness

among

to quit; that

is

so true,

My

Lord,

who

who went

to trade for peltries to

alone could improve

it,

being young

wives and children, the cultivation of their lands and the that they became dissipated; that their absence gave rise to

their wives, as has often

they derived but

little

been the case, and life,

is

still

which

of daily occurrence; it

was beyond

benefit from their labors, because they

to waste in drunkenness and fine clothes the

who

This

it.

their

that they accustomed themselves to a loafing and vagabond

power

and

Lord, that there Was a general complaint, the year previous

arrival in this country, that the great quantity of people

and strong

;

has the power in his hands to

and who, on the contrary, clandestinely encourages acted in good faith every body obeyed him.

when he Be pleased

that

to

arises from

evil

gave them licenses having the larger

little

they earned, which was very

their

were induced trifling,

part, besides the price of the goods,

those

which they

them very dear, and that the Indians would no longer bring their peltries in such abundance to sell to the honest people, if so great a number of young men went in search of them to those very barbarians, who despised us on account of the great cupidity we manifested. The following year, when the King first farmed out the trade, the farmers complained that this great license in ranging the woods was ruinous to them, because the peltries were taken to foreigners; that those which were brought in did not fall into their hands in discharge of the debts they contracted for the advancement of the colony, because the Runners hid themselves from them and took their merchandise elsewhere; that they therefore were overwhelmed with letters of exchange and defrauded of their rights. Bold

In 1676 his Majesty interdicted the Governor, by his Ordinance, from giving Licenses to

trade in the Interior, and in the Indian country.

The Sovereign was

it

known

Council, before

set forth that to the

by

whom

I

laid the

King's Ordinance, issued an Edict by which

the diligence of the King's Farmers the Ordinance would be

French Traders among

return to their settlements by the

the Indians of the farther nations, enjoining

menth of August

made

them

to

of the following year, under the penalties

contained in the said Ordinance, which would be affixed in the villages of the Nipissingues, S' Mary of the Falls, S' Ignace of Lake Huron, and S' Francis Xavier of the Bay des Puanta.' The Miwion of St. Mary wai at the foot of the Falls of that name, between Lake* Horon and Superior that of 8l Ignaet was originally on the North shore of the StraiU of Uichilimakinac, but was afterwards moved to the South side, or extreme point of the peninsula of Michigan; and that of St. jPraneit Xavier on Fox river, between Green Bay ud I^e '

Winnebago.

;

The

earlier Minionariea

gave the name of "St Franoia" both

to the river

and

to tha lake.

— Ed.

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

134

—

The Governor, though he made a great clamor because this Edict was rendered in could consequence of the urgency of the affair, in his absence and when he was at Montreal the Council, for the return of the Coureurs not dispense with issuing orders, conjointly with

—

de

bois,

almost

all

of

whom

did return in

fact,

with the exception of three or four.

Meanwhile, the Governor, in order to elude the prohibitions laid down in the King's Ordinance, and yet not to appear in contravention thereunto, issued licenses to hunt, which served as a pretext to nullify those orders; his Majesty, as was just, again remedied this by his last Ordinances.

Since that time, the Governor has done nothing to oppose the Coureurs de bois, and he has

contented himself with saying that the evil was so great as to be irreparable; that

it

was only

the consequence of his being deprived of the privilege of issuing licenses, and that

continuance could only be obviated by granting an amnesty.

In expectation of this, every

and thus disobedience has become almost universal. The Provost, who is a very worthy man, and who desires much to do his duty, has labored vain; and though he has frequently received good information, the delinquents have always

body licensed in

its

himself,

received better than he.

my

For

part,

my

who can

Lord,

duty, but without any success

;

and

only order, all

have done every thing consistent with

I

the trouble

I

my

aversion the Governor entertains to me, and to cause

Such,

my

Lord,

my

have taken has served but to increase the ordinances to be contemned.

the true state of the disobedience of the Coureurs de bois, concerning

is

had the honor of twice speaking to the Governor. I could not avoid telling him, with possible deference, tiiat it was a disgrace to us and the Colony that our Master, who is so all redoubtable to the whole world, who had just dictated the law to the whole of Europe, whom all his subjects adored, should have the affliction to learn that his orders were despised and

which

1

which had received so many proofs of his bounty and paternal tenderness, and that a Governor and Intendant sate, with folded arms, and contented themselves with saying that the evil was irremediable, and did not make use of the garrisons maintained by his Majesty, nor of a provost, nor his aids, nor guards, nor of the assistance which could be drawn from the settlers, to crush the rebellion and to make a memorable example which would

violated in a country

remain on the minds of the people, in order to keep them in the respect, they owed to so good and so great a Prince. In return for this representation, I drew down on myself words so insult that I

day, and I,

shall

I

was

forced to quit his study to allay his wrath.

there found the King's farmers, with

notwithstanding, had the ordinance

do

all

in

my power

towards

several of the .Coureurs de bois,

The Trade

that

is

its

all

strict

that

we

whom we

execution

carried on at Montreal

is

do

full

;

and obedience

of contempt

and

returned, however, the next

continued to speak on this subject.

anew, copy of which

published

shall

I

fidelity

but as the Governor

will be

done

sufficiently

I

is

sent you,

and

interested with

in vain.

important to advise you of

its

disorders. it, and so soon as the Indians them guards, which would be well enough if these did their duty and saved them from being tormented and plundered by the French, instead of being employed for the purpose of learning the amount of their peltries, in order to take more assured steps

The Governor has

imperceptibly rendered himself master of

have arrived he furnishes

on the strength of that information. obliged the Indians, afterwards, to pay his guards for the trouble they took to protect them, and he never granted those Indians the privilege of trading with the Inhabitants

The Governor

PARIS DOCUMENTS: they had given him a certain

until

which he

of them, and

number

II.

185

of bundles of beaver, which he has always exacted

calls his presents.

His guards have traded openly in the public Fair, their belts on their shoulders, after having persuaded the Indians, whom they guarded, to come and meet them in their barracks. The common report is, that the Governor had goods sent up to Montreal, which private persons disposed of for his account, and that he allowed foreign Merchants to trade contrary

down in the we compute the beaver

to the prohibitions laid

So

that, if

regulations and Edicts of Council.

received by the Governor from the Indians as his presents; which is given to his guards; that which these same guards trade voluntary or by force; what he trades on his private account through individuals, and finally, what the foreign merchants obtain in barter or get underhand by intermediary settlers, it will be seen that the that

greater part of the Beaver brought by the

and

all this is

Outawas does not turn

to the profit of the

Colony,

notorious.

But not to occupy myself save with what has taken place this year in the said Trade, every one has seen' that a small portion of Indians only having come down, and in separate parties, they were constrained to make as many presents as there were parties, though they had sometimes but four or

The belt of

five

canoes together.

Indians having included in their presents to the Governor some old Moose hides and a Wampum, which they appreciate highly, and which the French do not value as much

as they do

Beaver,

he caused his Interpreter to

tell

them, according to their mode of

when they spoke with Beaver. This the Indians were obliged to do in order to have the liberty to trade. A Rochelle Merchant, named Chanjon, who is under the protection of and .employed by speaking, that such did not open his ears, and that he did not hear them except

the Governor, having carried to.Montreal a great

and of which there was but few

many goods

recently received from France,

in the Country, has himself traded

and carried on

traffic

through the medium of the Governor's Interpreter, named Vieuxpont, and of other persons, to wliom he made a pretended sale of his goods, and he got more than 15,000" worth of Beaver, to the knowledge of

all

the Inhabitants,

was out of my power Council which detained me in this

And

as

it

to

who

dared not complain of him.

go up to Montreal, in consequence of the

city, to

affairs

of the

calm the minds and terminate whatever differences

might occur, I sent my ordinance to Sieur Migeon, the bailiff there, to prevent this violation. But he dare not have it executed, and the matter having been laid before the Governor he laughed at

it.

During the continuance of the Trade, a little Savage having got into difficulties with a Frenchman's boy, some disorder had nigh occurred, as each took sides with his Nation. But the Governor having called the people to arms, the affair was settled by means of seven packages of Beaver which the Outawacs were obliged to give him. When there was a question about paying his guards, the Indians offered him forty-five Beavers; this did not satisfy him, though the present was considerable enough, and of artifices were

Lusigny,

Du

made

use

of,

Lut's brother in

even threats, to oblige them

to

add

to

the number.

law, an officer of the guards, bad half of

it;

all

sorts

Sieur de

the other they

divided between them.

most humbly beg of you, My Lord, to permit me to assure you anew, that everything I have the honor of writing to you is the pure truth, which I have not told with any design injure the Governor; but considered myself obliged thereunto, because none but myself

I

now had to

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

136

and conscience, and dare acquaint you with the state of the country, and I am hound in honor by the fidelity I owe you, to let you see that it is time to remedy it. through die a thousand deaths than deceive you, and render myself unworthy, I

had rather

you have been pleased to repose in me for more than 18 years, that me in your estimation, I hope I have devoted myself to you; and whatever is done to discredit you will find, at the end, that I am obedient, faithful and sincere in all that you command me. fraud, of the confidence

(2d Extract.) I

my

send you,

Lord, the General Census, with {he number of Marriages and Baptisms.

There are nine thousand four hundred persons. Five hundred and fifteen in Acadia. Twenty-one thousand nine hundred arpens of land under cultivation. Six thousand nine hundred and eighty-three horned cattle.

One hundred and

forty-five horses.

.

.

Seven hundred and nineteen sheep, ewes and wethers. Thirty-three goats.

Twelve

asses.

Eighteen hundred and forty guns, and

,

One hundred and

fifty

nine pistols.

I have separated the Census of the Indians

who have

quitted the villages and settled

among

with the remarks you have ordered.

us,

I send you of those who have formed villages, there are still some others French in Spring and Summer; but as they are vagrant, and do not come steadily, I have not been able to procure their names after the receipt of your letters, because they had already left for the chase. I shall go myself in Spring to all the places where there are any, and punctually perform whatever you ask of me in this regard. I communicated to the Religious communities, both male and female, and even to private

Exclusive of what

who

resort to the

persons, the King's and your intentions regarding the Frenchification of the Indians.

They

hope to let you have some all promised me to use their best efforts news thereof next year. I shall begin by setting the example, and will take some young to execute them, and

I

Indians to have them instructed. {3* Extract.)

can assure you, My Lord, that the gratuity is very well employed by the Ursuline nuns, instruct French and Indian girls; by the Grey nuns ( hospitalieres ), whose houses are a refuge for all the sick French and Indians and by the Congregational nuns of Montreal, who I

who

;

have devoted

where there little girls

it

is

to the construction of a building they are erecting at the Montreal Mountain,

an Indian mission, so as

My

Quebec,

to

be nearer to

it,

and better enabled

to instruct the

there.

this 10"" Nov''" 1679.

Lord,

Your most humble, most obedient and most faithful servant Du Chesneau.

—

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

M.

My

Du

Cheeneau

M.

to

H.

]jg7

de Seignelay.

Lord,

The Governor and England, and which

are just advised

I

that

the nearest to us, that

is

Old England; that they are alarmed

reported

it is

war has been

at

Orange, a town of

New

declared between France and

and are taking precautions at that place

there,

to prevent us attacking them. I

had the honor

to confer

with the Governor on

to content ourselves, until the receipt of

more

this subject,

and

it

has been deemed prudent

certain intelligence, with merely giving orders to

the people to be on their guard, and dispatching, at the opening of the spring, a bark to Isle Perc6e, in order to obtain early and assured information. I

.

My

thought.

of the English in

Lord, to give you in this communication a brief detail of the condition this Country, and that you would pertnit me the liberty to inform you that

they have three pretty considerable posts on the seaboard at the South. The first is the town of Boston, distant twenty leagues from Peintagoiiet which belongs to the French.

The

second, Manatte, a city situate at the

mouth of a

river, distant nearly

one hundred

leagues from Boston.

And

same river, fifty or sixty leagues from Manatte. Towards the North Sea, they have some forts at Hudson's bay. the third. Orange, on the

Boston

a pretty large town,

is

filled

only with merchants, where,

it

accomplices in the death of the late King of England have retired.

democratic; and

it

Britannic Majesty.

General Lebret Its

harbor

is

This

The town

It

has a Sovereign Council, which

it

elects, as well as the

and are so

ill

devastation

years past.

He

is

an old man,

ill

who

with him.

qualified for war.'

number of merchant vessels. A disastrous fire broke consumed nearly two hundred houses, and even several

it

;

Three

indifferently fortified.

Millions.

Its

inhabitants apply themselves altogether to commerce,

trained to arms that a handful of savages, of late years, committed such serious

among them

for the

French of

Indians,

who

to

many

filled this office for

Governor,

satisfied

ordinarily filled with a

loss is estimated at is

is

a Republic, under the protection of England, faintly recognizing his

out there two or three months ago ships.

some of the

is

chosen annually, yet can be continued for as long a period as they are

is

said,

is

Their government

are

this

still

that they

were obliged

country to

to

make themselves masters

greatly inclined "to

would not be

difficult

of that town, aided

by the

purchase peace.

recommence the war, were

burn those found in its harbor. Manatte is entirely independent of Boston.

It

It

vessels sent

from France

acknowledges the King of England, and the

Governor who acts there on behalf gf the Duke of York. This place is pretty regularly and Major Andros, Governor of the country, has some reputation. It has likewise a few vessels in its harbor. Orange which is a small town nearer to us, and adjoining the Iroquois, by means of whom

fortified,

—

the English attract to themselves the trade of the Indians in that direction, to our prejudice

has a local governor,

who

is

subject to Major Andros.

which circumstance causes them already '

to seek out

It is

means

not capable of

Mr. Leyeret continued gorernor, by annaal electiou, from 1678 until bis death, March

Vol. IX.

18

much

resistance,

to prevent us attacking them. li, 1678.

HtUckinton, \^ SIS.

— Ea

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

138

Towards Hudson's bay, as 1 already have had the honor to inform your Lordship, the English have some forts for trading only, in which, as we are informed, there are sixty men to This will eventually ruin our trade

carry goods to the Indians and to receive their peltries.

with the Outawacs, which

the most considerable, and constitutes the subsistence and wealth

is

of the Colony.

My

have the honor to write you, that the English cannot do us much hurt, and that war with them would be for Our advantage, because we could assuredly drive them from the places in which they are established to our injury, and

You

perceive clearly,

Lord; from

which they have usurped from

The

I

all

us.

inhabitants of this country are hardy, intrepid, and naturally warriors, and, moreover,

very alert of limb, and capable of enduring great fatigue.

r '

Coureura ie bois should return home, they I do not think, My Lord, that English this continent. What we would have on we have anything to fear by land from the to dread would be only from the ships of Old England cruising at the mouth of the River

were very

It

desirable, in that event, that the

being, without contradiction, the best qualified for enterprizes.

Saint Lawrence, to capture those coming to I

My

doubt not.

preservation of this country. sacrifice therein I

considered

me, which

to

even

my

my

duty,

it

will

Canada

or returning to France.

Lord, but the Governor requires of you the necessary articles for the I shall

do

in

all

my power

to discharge well

my

duty, and will

life.

show you

My

Lord, to send you the copy of the letter that has been written

the alarm of the English, and entirely satisfy you that the Coureurs

de bois were conveying their peltries to Orange, to the prejudice of the Colony and the

complete ruin of the Revenue of the King's farm. I

am, with most profound respect,

My

Lord,

Your most humble, most obedient and most Quebec,

this 14""

faithful Servant,

Duchesneau.

Nov', 1679.

«»«» M.

Da

M.

de Saurel to

Ohesneau.

Letter written to Intendant Duchesneau, of

and which he received the

New

France, by Sieur de Saurel,

Novemb', 1679.

14""

Sir,

communicated to you. They are quite recent, for Lafleur, an Inhabitant of Saint Louis, brought them. He was on his way from Montreal, where M'' Perrot and M' d'Oilier advised him to be the bearer himself of them to the

The news

arrived from Orange are curious enough fo be

'

'

Rev. Francois Dollier de Casson was

Lake Ontario,

iu

company with Father

bom

Gallinfee.

about the year 1620, and came to Canada about 1668. Supra,

Seminary of St Sulpice, at Montreal, but resigned that France.

him

After his return to

Canada he resumed the

a History of Montreal, including the

first

p. 66.

He

office in

office,

succeeded M. de Queylus

1676,

when he was

(

In 1670 he explored

Supra, 62

obliged,

by

ill

),

as Superior of the

health, to go back to

and died 25th September, 1701, aged 80 yearst He left behind It was written about the year 1673, and is

thirty years of that settlement.

preserved among the Manuscripts of the Mazarine Library

(

H., 2706, folio). Faillon

;

Vie de Mde. Bourgeoyt.

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

II.

I39

Count, notwithstanding they would, themselves, write to him

he was doing, but a me to send the letters to the Count, and gave me the particulars of his Journey, which are: Having gone to Lake Champlain to hunt for Runontons, he met Guillaume David, who resided about two years ago in these parts, and who went with a big boy, his son-in-law, his wife and several small children to

nnd

;

this

pain in the side having seized him here, he begged of

New

Netherland, where he lives at present.

Lafleur inquired the

news from

his country

;

to

which David answered him that Mde. the Governess of Manatte dining at one Mainvielle, a F'rench Merchant's, told him that news had come of a French fleet having entered the Thames and captured the English Admiral, and sunk a number of ships in sight of London that ;

the French have no longer freedom to trade at Orange, and that as soon as they arrive there

they are sent to Manatte and thence to Barbadoes. confirmation of this news, which he found to be true.

but he escaped in the night and came back.

proclaimed between France and England.

The

He

Lafleur was They wanted

says

it

is

Orange to learn the him to Manatte, whispered about, that war is at

to send

English, at Orange, are alarmed, for they

have sent a certain M' Philippes to examine the roads leading towards them. He had two Savages for guides. It is expected that they will throw trees into a little stream by which people go to their country, and

by that means obstruct our road.

This

is

all

the

news,

come into these parts. M' de Boivinet's information will have made you acquainted with it. You will permit me to assure you that I shall be, all my life. Sir, your most humble and most obedient Servant, Desaurel. Sir.

There

is

a good deal

of other unfavorable intelligence

• Compared with

the original remaining in our hands at Quebec, the H"" November, 1679.

DUCBESNEAU.

Ixmia

XIV.

to

Count de Frontenac.

•••••••••• S'

Mens'

le

Germain, the 29 April, 16S0.

Comte de Frontenac,

•

You have learned, since your letters were written, that the news you received of the rupture between me and the King of England had no foundation. Therefore you have no precautions on that subject; and you ought to be assured that, on all occasions of this importance, I shall have you punctually advised of what you will have to do. It is very important that you always keep my subjects, throughout the whole extent of country where you command for me, in a proper state of military discipline, so that, being divided into regular Companies, they may be in a position to defend themselves and secure to take

But, particularly, banish from your mind all the Consider well the difficulties which you but too easily and too lightly allowed to arise there. in that country, person my representing post in which I placed you, and the honor you have of you to bear with oblige and which must elevate you infinitely above all those difficulties, that freedom and repose which they need.

many

things,

on the part of the public and of individual

settlers,

which are of no account

in

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

140

comparison to the submissive obedience they render to

my

with which

orders,

have every

I

and when this principal point of obedience and submission is so well you ought to act with all moderation, and rather suffer errors of trifling to increase consequence, in order to reach the object which must be your principal aim protection inhabitants by the numbers of and strengthen that Colony, and draw thither and good treatment you afford the old settlers. And you perceive, clearly, that your

reason to be satisfied established as

maxims

;

is,

it

—

inhabitants, and obliging

But

reflect

one,

is

which you have hitherto observed, driving away the principal

are far from those

more

other persons, through special discontent, to return to France.

particularly, that to accomplish these ends neither interest nor favor, for

To

necessary.

any trade

many

thither;

freedom to

afford an extensive

to

excite,

continually,

all

the

all

merchants and

inhabitants

to

all

ships that carry

commerce,

agriculture,

manufactures, fisheries, and other profitable enterprises whereby they

may

any

be confined to

wandering through the woods in search of an advantage which tends to the entire ruin of the Colony, and of the little commerce it may have in these few words consist the burthen and end of your entire duty, and of what you

work and

their

settlements, and prevented

;

can do to render your services agreeable to me.

Du

M.

[

Extracts of the

Ghesneau

to

-

M.

de Seignelay.

Arohires de la Marine et des Oolonies en France,

]

Memoir addressed by M. Duchesneau

to the Minister,

13 Nov*^,

1680. (l'« Extract.)

As

his

inflict

them It

My

Majesty and you,

on the Country, there to return

is

Lord, are convinced of the great injury the Coureurs de hois no further question except to discover the best means to oblige

without prejudice to the absolute obedience due to the King's

would appear there are no other than

to notify

them

to return

will.

home, and that

if

they

make

a sincere and frank declaration in court of the time they have been absent, for what persons they have been trading in the Indian Country, peltries shall

they have had, and

how

be pleasing to his Majesty,

point by the deception, or

first

if

vessels

who

has furnished them goods,

how many

they disposed of them, such grace shall be granted them as

who

will

be very humbly supplicated to send orders on this

coming from P'rance next year

and

;

they refuse obedience, they shall be punished with

if all

they be found guilty of the rigor set forth in his

Majesty's ordinances, which assign corporal punishment in case of repetition of the offence.

This proceeding appears the most natural and most proper, because authority, and does not destroy those facility of

who have

disobeyed

;

it

preserves the King's

who, through

escape in the woods, and the difficulty of being taken,

may

despair,

and the

be driven to pass over

which would be a general loss to the Country, since there is not a family of any condition and quality soever that has not children, brothers, uncles and nephews

to the English,

among them.

PARIS DOCUMENTS I

have conferred with the Governor on

this plan,

:

141

II.

and put

in writing, for his perusual, as

it

he desired. I

cannot refrain from adding.

of this

has so long fomented I

My

Lord, that

it

appears to

me

important that

it

should not be

an assured means of your becoming acquainted with the manners Country, and of thoroughly informing yourself of the causes of the rebellion and of what

wholly neglected, because

never can agree.

it is

it.

My

Lord, to the pardon of the leaders, such as Dulut and Perr6e,

ought to be made an example

of, for

those

who

who

will experience the effects of the King's mercy,

them the example of revolt and disobedience. Count de Frontenac and I have already commenced together the prosecution of the Coureurs de bois, of those who outfit or protect them. In concert with him I renewed my ordinances on this subject, and I issued one to oblige the Justices to inform against those disobeying the King's wishes, copies whereof I furnished. On this head. My Lord, I think it would be necessary, in order to secure better obedience to his Majesty, that his Ordinance were extended to those who fit out and harbor the Coureurs de bois. Sieur Perrot, Governor of Montreal, was the first who (on the complaint of a Merchant whom he had caned) had the misfortune to be prosecuted for infraction of the King's Ordinances and of those I issued in consequence, which have been transmitted to you, and are now sent again with the rest. Pursuant to the order you gave me respecting local Governors, I waited on Count de Frontenac to notify him of it, so that justice may be done. He was of opinion that I should order, at the foot of the petition presented to me, that the said Merchant should make his complaint to him, which I did; and by the Ordinance he issued afterwards, he reserved to himself what regarded the violence that had been committed by the said Sieur Perrot, and referred to me what appertained to the disobedience of his Majesty's Ordinances. This affair is presently under investigation, and the Council has not yet as they gave

terminated the proceeding.

There are great complaints against said Sieur Perrot, as well on account of his violent conductX He is accused of having excited a sedition at Montreal, with a view as for his open trading. to obtain the repeal of the King's Ordinance forbidding subordinate Governors imprisoning people. This sedition I allayed. But as all these complaints have likewise been made to Count de Frontenac, I shall not speak further of them to you, but content myself with sending the pieces I have concerning them to Monsieur Tronson, Seignior of the Island of Montreal, who will not fail to communicate with you thereupon. ^

A

similar accusation of violating his Majesty's Ordinances has been brought within eight ^ days against Sieur Migeon, Judge at Montreal. The Governor, on the petition presented to

him by Sieur Boisseau, agent is

for the

Farmers, has likewise referred

this

affair to

me;

it

entered.

The

said

Agent has

also

been accused of

like violation, of

taken, and seven Coureurs de bois have been arrested,

who

which information has been

are under Interrogatories, and will

be judged at the earliest day.

you in support of my belief that the Governor protected several Coureurs de bois, you will not blame me for having strong suspicions thereupon; and although the formal promise he made me to prosecute them persuades me that he is no longer so disposed, yet I believe my fidelity towards you requires me to advise you I

My Lord, after

all

the pieces which I have sent

generally stated that he keeps up a written correspondence with Du Lut, and that it the man true he receives presents from him, and has been unwilling that I should imprison

that is

think,

it is

1

'

142 named Patron,

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

uncle to the said

am

of his enterprise, to which, I

who

a very honest man,

is

Monsieur Tronson of

is

Du

Lut,

who

who knows

receives his peltries, and

the object

assured. Monsieur Dollier, Superior of the Montreal Seminary,

not altogether a stranger; he will not

fail,

perhaps, to advise

it.

My Lord, that the Governor has forbidden Interpreters to let me know, without his permission, what the Indians, belonging to foreign tribes, would wish to have communicated to me; that he has commanded the Provost, who is a very worthy man, and who is very anxious to acquit himself of his duty properly, not to arrest any Coureur de hois pursuant to my Ordinances, without sending him word; and that he has dispatched again that famous Coureur de bois. La Toupine, whom I had arrested last year, and whose Interrogatory It is he whom he employs to carry his orders and to trade among the Outawas I sent you. Nations, and also to bring down the peltries left there by one Randin, who was that pretended Ambassador with wiiom, and his associates, the Governor had made a Convention respecting the Trade; copy of which, compared with the Original, I send you. I shall further tell you,

You you.

can. I

My

Lord, have the pieces in corroboration of everything

I

have just written

to

send them to Monsieur de Bellinzany.

I have observed silence and obeyed the Governor even with greater deference. him the declaration of the Montreal Judge, which is one of the pieces I make use of to prove what I advance, because I received it on the information he had furnished me, and because mention was made therein, among other things, of the embassy of the said La Toupine. This declaration has afforded the Governor occasion to illtreat that Judge, and he writes that the prosecution against him is an effect of his vindictiveness.

In

all

I laid

things

before

(Second Extract.) In respect to the King's orders to inquire, with great care, into the increase or diminution of the Inhabitants, and to reproach myself by comparing the five or six last years, say. I

My

Lord,

have done

all in

Permit me, you, that

all

if

my power

you

persons.

can truly

advantage and advancement of the Colony.

for the

please, to repeat to

you what

I

the pains which His Majesty and you,

be unattended by the success expected from them, those

I

there be any decrease because I have not executed the King's orders, that

if

You can

who ought

had already taken the

My

if

liberty to state to

Lord, will take for this Country, will

not directed by honest and disinterested

the injury done by the bad example and trafficking of be regarded only as the fathers of the people, and studying solely to

not conceive

to

promote their happiness. J

my mind to send you the census of this year, because I There are eight hundred persons or more in the bush, you to the contrary, and I have not been able to obtain the all those who are interested with them conceal it.

have not been able to make up

dare not certify

it

to

be correct.

whatever may be stated to precise number, inasmuch as

The country This induces

sufl^ers

me

so seriously from the scarcity of people, that

My

many

farms

lie

uncultivated.

you still entertain any commisseration for this wretched country, to send hither two hundred work people. Permit me. My Lord, to communicate to you the increase of the Colony, by the statement of Baptisms and Burials, to which I have annexed that of the Marriages. By last year's census, it would appear that there were nine hundred and forty persons in Canada," exclusive to supplicate you.

'So in the MS., but evidently an error for 9,400.

Lord,

if

See previous dispatch of M.

Du Chesnean,

dated 10th November, 1679.

PARIS DOCUMENTS of 615 others at Acadia, of

whom

I

:

II.

I43

have not received any enumeration

this year; 21,900

arpens of land under cultivation, 6,983 horned cattle, 146 horses, 319 sheep,' 33

goats, 12

asses; 1,840 fusils and 159 pistols.

On

account of the absence of the Coureurs de bois,

is

it

not to be expected that the

cultivation of the soil should be increased, nor that the cattle should multiply,

the unfavorableness of the seasons, and the want of people to take care of them;

owing

and as

to

it is

presumed that each Coureur de bois will have carried a gun, there will be a decrease of at least eight hundred fusils. 404 children, to wit, 193 boys and 211 girls, have been baptized; and 85 persons of all ages have died. There ought to be, consequently, an increase of 319 in the population. Therefore the colony ought to reckon nine thousand seven hundred and nineteen souls, exclusive of the 615 of Acadia. There have been sixty-six marriages. to be

(Third Extract.) not repeat to you,

I shall

omit any

last year.

Among and even to the

I shall

my

Lord,

all

the abuses that are committed, because

merely say that they are renewed

I

did not

this year.

camp and confines of the Indians, Wigwams, by the Governor's guards, his domestics, the soldiers belonging of Quebec and Montreal, by several privileged persons, even the local

others, that of the trade prosecuted within the in their

garrisons

Governor of said place. This disorder has reached such a point that the inhabitants presented their complaints to me against it, which I proposed laying before the Governor, but he did not approve of it. This obliged me to withdraw without doing anything further. 1 drew up my statement thereof, in order to advise you of the truth, and to protect myself against representations to the contrary that may be made to you, and had it certified by some gentlemen or Seigniors of Fiefs,

who were

of the Governor's suite,

when

I

spoke to him,

all

of

whom

are in the interest

of the Coureurs de bois. It

again happened that the Guards and soldiers, in their lust for gain,

were opposed to wounded, and a

anew

repaired

One

their designs.

of the

Guard intended

soldier beat a settler, even in

to the

who

Governor,

my

ill

treated

to kill an Indian,

presence.

all

whom

those

who

he seriously

All this excited fresh tumult.

contented himself with surrendering the soldier into

I

my

hands, to have justice done him.

because a Priest belonging to the Montreal Seminary was present, who gave me notice of this disorder. He informed his superior, M. DoUier, thereof, who will be able to give the facts in his report to Monsieur Tronson, and the I

have not drawn up a minute of

this last action,

you the truth, if you ask him. had examined the affair of the soldier,

latter will tell

condemned him to some reparation, and After his condemnation, the to the costs appertaining therein to the witnesses and bailiffs. Governor sent the Town Major of Montreal to demand him of me, as he had something for After

him

to

I

do;

justification.

I

I

prayed him solely to make the application in writing, in order to my own The next day the said Major went to release him, and left with the Gaoler an

order, which, with

my judgment,

I

send to M' Bellinzany.

sr '

In previous dispatch, 719 sheep.

— £>•

;

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

144 If I

My

you have the goodness,

have pointed out

Lord, to listen to

to you, I shall observe,

if

you

me

touching the remedy applicable to what

please, that

on the arrival

at

Montreal of the

little Island separated by a small creek from the houses of whose advances it is necessary to set some Guards, to prevent insult or Three or four men, at most, suffice for that purpose. violence by the French.

Indians, they are placed on a

the citizens, against

This being the case.

My

Lord,

seems that

it

if

the Governor's Guards, his servants, and the

soldiers are permitted to trade, they ought to erect their booths with the other citizens in

the

Common, which

to the Indians, since

to

is

the site for the

fair,

they ought to prevent

and not have the liberty

to offer violence

themselves

it.

His Majesty orders me, a second time, to pay an entire deference to the Governor's will, and inculcate this conduct on the Sovereign Council, except in the administration of justice

between Individuals. I reiterate to

you,

My

Lord,

and with a good heart do us.

I

assure you,

whom,

you

the assurances I have already given that is

commanded me, and

will be satisfied with

I shall

avoid every thing that

my conduct and with

absolutely

may

embroil

that of the Officers

and myself,

I

ask again of

entire freedom to perform our duties without being insulted, intimidated or

menaced by

of the Council, for

you

My Lord,

all

that

all

the Governor and

as well as for all the officers of Justice

his people.

(Fourth Extract.)

The farmers ( of the Revenue ) have much more reason to complain than the Coureurs de bois and the trifling police in Canada is the cause that the peltries go to the Countries inhabited by the English. This is so true, that persons not only get the French to carry them thither, under the pretext of hunting Moose (Chevreuils Sauvages), to be sent to the King,, but even employ Indians to carry their Beaver there ; and this is what induced me, three months ago, to issue the ordinance I send you. What will increase the disorder is, that the English pay for the Beaver double what is paid at the Farmers' store, and that in Cash or Wampum, on which they have a profit; and what is worse, those in the highest authority pursue this trade. You will learn the truth from the declaration of the Montreal judge whom 1 have mentioned Pardon me, My Lord, if I presume to say to you that it is important that even the to you. King express himself strongly on this matter. In answer to his Majesty's orders to me, to examine with the Farmers whether, besides the dispersion of the Coureurs de bois, there be not some expedient to attract the peltries to this Country and to increase the revenue. After having conferred several times on this subject with Sieur de La Chesnaye, one of the interested, who has spent over twenty-six years in this Country, we are agreed on two points First. That the King and you, My Lord, have the goodness to recommend to the GovernorGeneral and to private persons not to evince so much anxiety to obtain peltries, and not to constrain the Indians, as they have done frequently, and even this year, to make considerable presents, giving them almost nothing in return. This discourages them, and forces them to repair to Foreigners, by whom they are better received and treated. Secondly. When the Coureurs de bois are extirpated, and no further trouble, that it may please the King and you to issue twelve, fifteen, or at most twenty licenses per annum, for as many canoes, each manned by two or three men; to be distributed, not through favoritism but in turn, to those families who may have need of them, and to be granted like the concessions (of land), in order that they be bestowed only on those deserving them and this

^

—

;

**a(pnaw thence they went to the Fox river of Green Baj-, where they were found in 1666. The Menomoniee, Chippeways and French drove them thence to the Wisconsin river, where Carver met them in 1766. Schoolcraft derives the name of the Saos from Osaukee, signifying those who went out of the land. Outagami, tlie name of the other, is the Algonquin word for a Fox, which epithet they obtained, 'tis said, on account of their great cunning; but their real name is Mu*quakia^ from Motheak, red, and Aki, land or country. forced

;

Vol. IX.

SI

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

IQ2

they entertain a profound contempt for the selfish, and do not, unless by great of. necessity, avail themselves of negotiations that people wish to make a traffic This is what occurred a year ago when the Iroquois made an irruption into the country of

themselves

;

The latter the Illinois, in which the Miamis were engaged. I shall speak of this by and by. sent them accommodation an being in great dread of the Iroquois, induced the former to seek intervention of presents, and besought them to enter into an amicable arrangement without the ;

the Governor of the French, because this cost them too much. 'Tis our interest to keep these people united ; to take cognizance of

however

trifling these be;

to

watch

carefully that not one of

all

their differences,

them terminate without our

and protectors to bring them into total dependence by these means, by gentle treatment, a few presents, and embassies by not allowing a great many of the French, who are always very insolent, to go into their country, and by enforcing his Majesty's last ordinance regarding the licenses to be

mediation, and to constitute ourselves, in

all

things, their arbiters

;

;

granted for these trading voyages.

They ought

also to be

made

to

understand that

all

their happiness consists in being attached

to the French, which they cannot better evince than by establishing a perpetual trade with

them, as

this affords the

friendship and obliging us to provide

means of maintaining mutual

for all their wants.

and what will alone crown all our designs with success, is, according to the dictates of our duty, to establish Religion on a solid basis among those people who have any disposition thereunto. This would succeed, were those in authority in this country to chastise such as set the Indians bad example, and to forbid, in accordance with

But our

principal

interest,

the prohibition contained in the King's ordinance of the year 1679, the conveying of Brandy to the Natives, inasmuch as drunkenness is, among them, the greatest obstacle to religion;

destroys both their health and substance, and gives rise

among them

to quarrels, batteries

and

murders, that cannot be remedied on account of the distance; and these poor creatures have Buch an inveterate passion for brandy, which they use only for the purpose of inebriation, that

nothing

too valuable to procure

is

it.

This produces,

in addition to the disorders

I

have just

their beaver then they must run into debt to means to pay for these, they return no more, and thus cheat the French who have advanced them their substance.

mentioned, the waste, in debauchery, of

all

;

obtain their necessary supplies; having no

To convey

a correct idea of the present state of

explain the cause of the cruel Illinois.

subject

The all

former,

who

war waged by

all

those Indian Nations,

it is

necessary to

the Iroquois for these three years past against the

are great warriors,

who cannot remain

idle,

and who pretend

to

other nations to themselves, though they compose only five villages, and can muster,

under arms, no more than two thousand men

at

most, never want a pretext for commencing

hostilities.

The

following was their assumed excuse for the present war: Going, about twenty years ago,

to attack the Outagamis, they

met the

Illinois

This continued during the succeeding years, and

and

killed a considerable

finally,

number

of them.

having destroyed a great many, they

them to abandon their country and to seek for refuge in very distant parts. The Iroquois having got quit of the Illinois, took no more trouble with them, and went to war against another nation called Andostagues, who were very numerous, and whom they

forced

Pending this war, the Illinois returned to their country, and the Iroquois complained that they had killed nearly forty of their people who were on their way to hunt entirely destroyed.

/

PARIS DOCUMENTS beaver

in the Illinois country.

II.

:

|g|

To

obtain satisfaction, the Iroquois resolved to make war on Their true motive, however, was to gratify the English at Manatte and Orange, of whom they are too near neighbors, and who, by means of presents, engaged the Iroquois in this expedition, the object of which was to force the Illinois to bring their beaver to them, so

them.

that they

may

go and trade

it afterwards with the English ; also, to intimidate the other do the same thing. The improper conduct of Sieur de la Salle, Governor of Fort Frontenac, in the neighborhood of the Iroquois, has contributed considerably to cause the latter to adopt this proceeding; for after he had obtained permission to discover the Great River of Mississippi, and had, aa he alleged, the grant of the Illinois, he no longer observed any terms with the Iroquois. He ill-treated them, and avowed that he would convey arms and ammunition to the Illinois, and would die assisting them.

nations and constrain

They

did, in fact,

them

to

remark that he carried quantities thereof

thither, and that after having traded with them he returned without prosecuting his discovery, whicli^was the pretext for his journey to the country of the said Savages as it was to that of the French. The Iroquois dispatched, in the month of April of last year, 1680, an army, consisting of

between five and six hundred men, who approached an Illinois village where Sieur de Tonty, one of Sieur de la Salle's men, happened to be with some Frenchmen, and two RecoUet fathers whom the Iroquois left unharmed. One of these, a most holy man, has since been killed by the Indians. But they would not listen to the terms of peace proposed to them by Sieur de

who was

Tonty,

slightly

wounded

at the

commencement of

the attack

;

the Illinois having

hundred leagues thence, were pursued by the Iroquois, who killed and captured as many as twelve hundred of them, including women and children, having lost only thirty men. The Iroquois, returning home loaded with beaver and some goods, passed by the Miamis, and deliberated whether they should attack them. They did not do so, however, and some of fled a

some women belonging to demand their prisoners, saying they were friends. Their request was granted, and an Illinois child was given them in the place of the one that had been killed. Another detachment of the Iroquois army, met some hunters belonging to the Bny des their followers having, whilst hunting, killed a child and captured

that nation, the chiefs of their village

Puants,*

them

whom

it is

and the

on prisoners.

victory achieved by the Iroquois rendered

ever since that time

but

to the Iroquois with presents to

they captured and brought into their country, without, however, subjecting

to the ill-treatment they inflict

The

went

to

not doubted that they have been Illinois are

them

send out divers war parties.

but indifferently

so insolent that they have continued

The

success of these

is

not yet known,

successful, because those tribes are very warlike .

so.

They were, however, somewhat apprehensive

Governor was dissatisfied Fort Frontenac and invite them

that the French

with them, and expected that he would repair this summer to thither ; they were prepared for this, and he might possibly have arranged matters, but he baf neglected this voyage.

Another unfortunate circumstance occurred on the nineteenth of last September. Some Indians of the Bay des Puants, going hunting, met a Seneca Iroquois, a man of influence in his should not send village; they made him prisoner, to serve as an hostage in case the Iroquois back some of their people

whom

they captured as above stated, and brought him near the 'Green Bay, Wisconsin.

— Ed.

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

164

quarters of the Kiskakons at the village of Michilimakinak, and invariably treated him very well for

from

some days previous

to the arrival at the said village of Sieur

Fort Frontenac, after his interview

the Miamis,

among whom

Tiohontat6i having met a

with Sieur de

la

Salle,

de Tonty, on his return

and who was on

the said Sieur de la Salle proposed to winter.

little Illinois girl,

the Seneca's slave,

who had gone

his

way

to

Meantime some astray four days

Helore'lTer capture, brought her likewise to tiie said place of Michiliniakinak, into a cabin near

whence some Illinois on their departure had carried her off, and brought her into the cabin where Sieur de Tonty was then regaling some Indians, in return He had given his knife to for some good oflSces he had received from them in his necessity. time. presented to them at the The Tionontates he had cut up the tobacco to Illinois an the Iroquois Seneca prisoner, who on seeing the came into the said cabin and brought thither The Tionontates would fain induce the Illinois to Illinois girl recognized her as his slave. give her up to him, and passed some jokes on them, which so irritated them that one of the Illinois arose quite Sngry and said the Illinois slave could be removed and he would master the Iroquois; and on the renewal of some rude jokes, he snatched from his comrade's hands the knife Sieur de Tonty had lent him, and with it struck the Iroquois, and even those who would prevent him repeating the blow, and finished by killing him, notwithstanding all the efforts that were made to prevent him. Immediately the Tionontates thought only of sending off to the Iroquois to advise them the Kiskakons' village,

that one of their chiefs had been killed by the Illinois in the cabin of the Kiskakons with the

Frenchmen's

knife.

At

the

same time «11 the Outawa

nations, on hearing of this murder, took

to flight, dreading the anger of the Iroquois; and, doubting not but they

in their

Country, sent word

to the Governor of the French,

Intendant, and they concluded that nothing

was

to

who

would ere long have war

spoke on the subject

be done for the

moment

to the

but to send to

the Iroquois, to lay before them a true statement of the occurrence; to invite them to

come next

spring to Fort Frontenac, whither the Governor would repair; to notify them, meanwhile, not

up any expedition; and, in order to dispel the alarm of the Outawas, to advise these, also, of the measures about to be adopted with the Iroquois. The Intendant is persuaded, and dares to answer for it, that we shall reestablish peace and quietness throughout the country, and secure our trade, if attention be paid to the Iroquois; if some presents, which cost nothing, be made them; if those they make be well employed, and reserved to be returned to them when occasion requires, as was the practice with Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelles; if the impression be removed from their minds that we wish to furnish arms and ammunition to the Illinois, and, if they be assured, on the contrary,

to get

that

we wish nothing

are,

and

to chastise those

use, as well those

which

peace among all those nations, whose Fathers we who infringe it. For this purpose the Jesuit fathers will be of great who are among them, as those of the Mission of La Prairie de la Madelaine, else than to preserve

is filled, in

our midst, with the most considerable of that nation;

also, the

gentlemen of

who have charge of the Mission at the Mountain of Montreal, where there are Iroquois who are much esteemed. Not but that we always have the English, as well some Saint Sulpice,

towards Manatte and Orange as towards Hudson's Bay, as Impediments. From all that has just been stated, respecting the tribes from whom we derive beaver, w& can form an opinion of their present condition, and may conclude that nothing disturbs their repose but the Iroquois. For, although they are infinitely more numerous, the Iroquois is so

PARIS DOCUMENTS terrible, in their estimation, that

There

is

no doubt, and

it is

Illinois,

maizes war on them they will all scatter, and trade and no longer at liberty to bring their peltries.

the universal opinion, that

and

in a short

if the Iroquois are allowed to proceed time render themselves masters of all the Outawa

and divert the trade to the English, so that friends or to destroy them. tribes,

To make them would

II.

when he

will cease because they will be dispersed

they will subdue the

:

it is

absolutely necessary to

make them our

our friends, the best means, in addition to what has been already stated, who have been most frequently among those Indians, to send

be, in the opinion of those

among them every two

years some intelligent Frenchmen, who possess the tact, which some have, to arrange whatever unfortunate occurrences might take place, such as unforeseen

murders, or even to bewail,

after their fashion, the deaths of the most considerable of their even to gain over in an underground way, as they term it, or, as we say, underhand, those who have the management of their affairs, and for this expense fifteen hundred livres tribes, or

well employed would suffice. If

them

it

should be thought proper to destroy them, or to place ourselves in a position to resist they should desire to make war on us, as is apparent from the disposition in

in case

which things are and the state of their tempers, the expense would be much greater, as at least twelve hundred men would be required to be maintained by his Majesty, as in the year 1665, for no mercy should be shown them, and this war should be concluded in a short time, after which the French would be masters absolutely of all the tribes. There is yet another mode, which would be more advantageous, not only by rendering us masters of the Iroquois and of all the other nations, but also by establishing and preserving, in a solid and profitable manner, the trade with the islands of South America that is, for the King to purchase, or cause the farmers, or some other company which may be formed, to purchase Manatte and Orange from the Duke of York, with the country belonging to him. And though this might require a considerable sum it would be soon reimbursed, for, ;

independent of our entire possession of the fur trade to the exclusion of the English,

who

take

and of the Iroquois being unable any longer to injure us, we should form, in the country moreover possessed by the English, a considerable establishment. The consideration that the English inhabit the most fertile and the tinest country of our America, and we the least fruitful and the most disagreeable, will, perhaps, be deemed off a great portion of

it,

conclusive.

Their territory extends from the River Pentagouet, which is in Acadia, to beyond that Maryland called the South river,> which adjoins, and rises in, the country of the Iroquois. and Virginia, with which the aforesaid territory is confounded, are not comprehended in it. all, and It is true that Boston, an English town which acknowledges the Duke of Vork not at the authority of the

King

of England but slightly,

may amount to eighty leagues. All who have been in that country

agree that

is

it is

included therein, with

very temperate

;

its territory,

which

that the navigation there

always open that ships arrive and depart at all seasons that grain and fruit grow there ia profusion and especially that the fisheries of cod, salmon and mackerel, as well as of all other fish so excellent fish that are cured and exported, are equally easy and abundant there, and the in consequence circumstances that all the inhabitants of that country are in most comforUble

is

;

;

;

of that trade, which they carry on. '

DeUware

riTer,

— Bo.

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

166

'Ti8 certain that in Boston there are several merchants worth 3, livres, and that the fisheries are the principal source of their wealth. Acadia, which belongs to us and

lies

4, 5,

adjoining to those countries,

is

6 and even 700,000

in almost a similar

position, and has the same advantages and navigation is open there throughout the year, with the exception of only two months in certain places. Yet nothing is done there; and although 'tis inhabited by about five hundred French, including both sexes and all ages, they depend ;

altogether for support on the English, and, to obtain their necessaries, carry to the latter a few

with the Indians. their discords are a much Their poverty is not the only misfortune of these French greater. Among them there is neither order nor justice; and those who are sent hence to command them, pillage them, and, notwithstanding, continue themselves in the most furs, for

which they are content

to trade

;

\

abject misery.

The English do much more than enhance the value of their own property they carry off what we neglect; and have, already, three considerable establishments on the Island of Newfoundland, which belongs to us, and extend their boundaries as much as possible ;

towards Acadia.

They

are

still

at

Hudson's Bay, on the north, and do great damage

to our fur trade.

The

farmers (of the revenue) suffer in consequence by the diminution of the trade at Tadoussac

and throughout that entire country, because the English draw one and the other design, they have two

forts in the said bay

off the

— the

Outawa nations;

for the

one towards Tadoussac,

at Cape Henriette Marie, on the side of the Assinibouetz. means to prevent them succeeding in what is prejudicial to us in this regard, would be to drive them by main force from that bay, which belongs to us or, if there would be an objection to coming to that extremity, to construct forts on the rivers falling into the

and the other

The

sole

;

lakes, in order to stop the Indians at these points.

Should the King adopt the resolution to arrange with the Duke of York for his possessions which case Boston could not resist, the only thing to fear would be that this

in this quarter, in

country might go to ruin, the French being naturally inconstant and fond of novelty.

But

as this could be

remedied by rigorous prohibitions, that consideration ought not to

which would accrue, and the great advantages must eventually derive from the transaction. Quebec by us, Intendant of New France, the IS"" 9^" 1681.

prevail over the great benefit

his

Majesty and

his subjects

Done

at

Du

Chesneau.

— ;

PARIS DOCUMENTS

Mctract of the Instructiona Instruction

de

la

New •

•

to

H.

:

M.

^57

de la Barre}

which the King desires

to be placed in the hands of Sieur Barre, chosen by his Majesty as bis Governor and Lieutenant in

France.

•

••

•

May, ,',

Versailles, the 10"" • •

•

1682.

After having explained to him his Majesty's intentions on all that relates to religion, he must be advised of whatever regards the defence of the country by arms, which must be his principal function.

And,

first,

Majesty doubts not but he

his

said country inhabited by the French,

is

sufficiently

which commences

Lawrence, and continues along the banks of that

informed of the situation of the at the

river as

fiar

mouth of the River Saint as the

mouth of the lake

called Frontenac.

He

is

equally informed that the Savages, nearest adjoining the French settlements, are

the Algonquins and the Iroquois; that the latter had tranquillity of the Colonies of

repeatedly troubled the peace and

New

France^ until, his Majesty having waged a vigorous war against them, they were finally constrained to submit and to live in peace and quietness,

without making any incursions on the territories inhabited by the French. But as these and warlike tribes cannot be kept down except by terror, and as His Majesty has even

restless

—

been informed by the

last despatches that the Onnontagu^s and Senecas Iroquois tribes have killed a Recollet and committed many other violences, and that it is to be feared that they will push their audacity even further, it is very important that the said Sieur de la

Barre put himself

in a condition to proceed, as early as possible,

most favorably situated

for this expedition,

with 6 or 600 of the militia

along the shores of Lake Frontenac to the mouth

of Lake Conty, to exhibit himself to these Iroquois settlements in a condition to restrain them within their duty, and even to attack them should they do anything against the French wherein he must observe that he is not to break with them without a very pressing necessity, and an entire certitude to promptly and advantageously finish the war that he will have

undertaken against them.

He must not only apply himself to He must also endeavor to keep the

prevent the violences of the Iroquois against the French.

Savages

prevent the Iroquois making war on the

very certain that

if

these Nations,

at

Illinois

whose

peace

among

and other

themselves, and by

tribes,

all

neighbors to them,

furs constitute the principal trade of

it

means being

Canada, see

themselves secure against the violence of the Iroquois by the protection they would receive ' This gentleman, who had been Maitre de Reqn^tea ( an officer in the Court of Chancery ) and Intendant of Bonrbonnaia. was appointed governor of Cayenne, when that island waa reduced by the French in 1664. He retamed toon after to France, and war being declared against England in 1666, was sent with a fleet to the West Indie*. He rednoed Antigna and Montserrat in the following February, and recovered Cayenne, which had fallen into the hands of the Eoitlish. As a reward of these successes, he was created Lieutenant-GeneraL He next defeated an English fleet near the Island of Nevis, after aa engagement of three hours. Bojan't Voyage to Cayentu ; Sactft L'Hoimntr Fraxeoi*, He continued Governor of Caoads

He was

and is accused of having converted his official authority to the corrupt no doubt but he did much to lower the reputation of the French among the Five Nations. Charlevoix says of him, that his advanced age made him credulous when he ought to be distrustful, timid when he ought to be bold, dark and cautious towards those who deserved his confidence, and deprived him of the energy until 1686.

a decided

purpose of increasing his

own

enemy of La

fortune.

Salle,

There

is

necessary to act as the critical condition of the colony

demanded when he administered

its affairs.

— Ed.

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

168

from the French, they will be so much the more encouraged

to

buy

their merchandises,

and thereby increase trade. But to arrive at these so advantageous results, great exertion must be made to discipline the Colonists, by dividing them into companies in each settlement, exercising them in the use of arms, subjecting them to frequent reviews, and to observe tliat they all have by them the arms necessary for service in case of need; and finally, to keep them constantly drilled, in order to render them capable of effectually defending themselves in case they are attacked, for which

make use, with advantage, of the officers of the troops which went some years ago under the command of Sieur de Tracy.

purpose he will be able to thither

His Majesty desires that he cause all

be prepared, shortly after his arrival, an exact

to

the inhabitants, divided into settlements, in which he will distinguish those

women and

bear arms from aged persons and children, record the number of

who

girls

of

roll

are all

fit

of to

ages,

and endeavor to furnish his Majesty with complete and correct information of the state of the His Majesty again particularly enjoins on him to place himself in a condition to Colony. defend himself by his own resources, it being neither the convenience nor the intention of his Majesty

send regular troops to those parts.

to

Independent of the establishment which the French have along the bank of the river S* Lawrence, a part of Acadia is still occupied by them; and as advices have been received

were seizing several posts which have been always occupied by the French, and send also to the Governor of Boston to explain to him the points to which the bounds of the French domination extend, and to request of him to confine himself within the limits of the Country belonging to the English. And as there has been no Governor for a long time in that quarter, and as Sieur de la Valiere has for two years performed such duties without commission, his Majesty desires that the English

his Majesty desires that he inform himself of this particular,

that he inquire officer first

who

if

the said Sieur de la Valiere

could properly

»

fill

is

capable therefor, or

if

there be any other

the place, in order to inform his Majesty by the return of the

Vessels. •

•

»

•

•

•

•

•

#

•

Several private inhabitants of Canada, excited by the hope of the profit to be realized from the trade with the Indians for furs, have undertaken, at different periods, discoveries in the countries of the Nadoussioux, the river Mississipy, and other parts of North America as his Majesty does not think that these discoveries can be of

any

;

but

and that attention to Agriculture in the cleared settlements would be much more advantageous, his Majesty is not willing that he continue granting those licenses, but merely permit Sieur de la Salle to complete the discovery he has

commenced, examined

consider, after having

any

as far as the

into

it

mouth of

utility,

the said Mississipy river, in case he

with the Intendant, that such Discovery can be of

utility.

Conference on the Intelligence received

from

the Iroquois.

Extracts of the Opinions rendered at the Conference held at the Jesuit Fathers on

the subject of the

House of the

news received from the

Iroquois.

This day, SS** March, M.VI. eighty-two, on the receipt by us. Count de Frontenac, Governor and Lieutenant-General for the King in New France, of intelligence from Sieur de la Forest,

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

II.

jgg

Major of Fort Frontenac, touching Sieur Lamarque's voyage to the Iroquois, undertaken by our orders, in consequence of the news we received last Autumn of the death of one of the Seneca Chiefs, iiilled by an Illinois, at Missilimakinac among the Kiskakons, and of letters written by the Reverend Jesuit Fathers who are Missionaries among the Iroquois, wherein they note the dispositions of the Savages, having deemed

M' DuChesneau,

Intendant,

we had him

it

proper to confer thereupon with

invited to attend, for this purpose, at the house of the

Reverend Jesuit Fathers of this city, where we thought it our duty to summon Sieur Provost, Major of Quebec, and to invite the Reverend Father Bechefer, Superior of the said house, and the Rev. Fathers d'Ablon and Fremin to assist thereat, they being persons well versed in the manners and customs of the Indians by several years' experience, acquired as Missionaries

among them,

in order to consider all at once the

most proper expedients to avert the war reason to believe the Iroquois wish to continue against the Illinois, over whom they have already gained great advantages; a contest that would involve the Outaouacs and other Indian tribes under his Majesty's protection, and possibly might, if not remedied, draw,

which there

is

in a little while, another

war

into the heart of the Country.

And

the Intendant being arrived at the house of the Rev. Jesuit Fathers, at three o'clock in the afternoon, we requested him and the persons above named to have the goodness to give in writing their opinions on the following points, which were extracted from said letters after

the same had been read: •

1".

As

Nations

to the place at

for a

which

it is

best to give a rendezvous to the deputies of the Five

conference with them.

2''.

The time

S**.

About what number of Indians

to

be fixed for that purpose. is

it

supposed, from those letters of advice, will be

to be able to fix what escort we ought to accompany us. 4"'. As (o the means to defray the expense necessarily attendant on the inarch of the troops to compose that escort, and for presents which it will be proper to give, according to the custom of the Five Iroquois tribes, in confirmation of the speeches and proposals to be made to them in order to avert the war, and support them pending their sojourn and on their return home.

hunting

have

in the

neighborhood of Fort Frontenac, so as

to

On which points the Very Reverend Father Bechefer' stated, in the name of the aforesaid Fathers: My Lord, the Governor having done us the honor to ask our opinions, we have what follows, entirely submitting our thoughts to his, as he has infinitely more knowledge and information than we 1". That it would be better that My Lord should convoke the Iroquois deputies at the Fort which bears his name, rather than any where else, it comporting more with the dignity belonging to a person of his quality to cause the said Deputies to come to a fort of bis government than for him to go on their territory. 2^. In consideration of the request which (as appears from the letters above mentioned) the Indians of the different Iroquois tribes have made to My Lord, that he would be pleased to stated

:

Mohawka and Ooeidaa to • became Superior, an 1 filled that office several years. lie was in France in 1690, and sailed from Rochelle, on the 28th July, 1691, to retom to Canada; bat on the 10th of August was obliged, by ill health, to put back to the port from which he had sailed a few week* before. '

Bev. TatEHBT BicuEncs arrived in Canada in 1665, wa« sent as early ai 1666 to invite the

Council at Quebec, and was a missionary in their country in 1C70-1. Shea.

Vof/ages de

La

Ilonian, cd. 1728, L, 852.

Vol. IX.

He

died soon

after.

22

— Ko.

In 1680 he

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

170

assemble them before the young

men

n

of their tribe, being returned from hunting, could form

June would be the proper time for said meeting. S**. It is not expected that many Indians would be in the neighborhood of F'ort Frontenac at the time of meeting, the season for hunting the Beaver and the Moose (Orignal) being over, and those returning from winter hunting being for the most part home in their villages at the time appointed for the meeting. As to the force by which it is proper that My said Lord

war

parties; that the 16"" of

ought to be accompanied to secure him against insult from the Savages, should they entertain any bad design, though that belongs not to our profession, and we are not qualified to judge correctly of it, yet, as our opinion therein is requested, we think that it would not be proper for

My

made

Lord

said

to take

much

with him a

to the said fort, the first

men

would would give umbrage to the

canoes, of four

or fifteen

larger force than in the

time excepted, when he went to build each,

suffice.

The

it;

different

voyages he

and therefore twelve

reason of this

is

the fear that a

Indians, of wiiich they are very susceptible, as numerous escort happened on divers occasions the consequence whereof would be, that the Iroquois deputies (on notice thereof from their people, who are always accustomed to exaggerate in their reports) would either not attend the meeting, or perhaps, on arriving at it, take to flight in dread of being seized, and thereby break off the negotiation, the necessity for which is Moreover, should they entertain any bad design against the French, sufficiently palpable. they are too politic and adroit to execute it at present, being desirous to terminate the war which they have commenced with great success against the llinois and the Oumiamies, allies of the French with whom it is to be presumed they desire to live at peace, at least until they have completed the war they have begun, provided their design Be not disturbed, and they be ;

allowed to destroy our

allies.

what relates to the support of the Deputies during their sojourn and return to their must be expected that there will not be less than fifty persons, as well men as women, and the expense ought to be calculated accordingly. The presents ought to be considerable and some must be given not only to the chiefs, but also to the warriors, because the affair is to prevent them continuing a war to which they are greatly inclined, and which 4"".

As

villages,

to

it

;

they are certain of waging with success.

The above

are the sentiments of Fathers D'Ablon, Fremin, and of

signed

Thierry Bechefer,

:

me

the undersigned.

of the Society of Jesus.

The said Major said As My Lord the Governor is pleased to ask my opinion as to what ought to be done regarding the war which the Iroquois wish to continue against the Illinois and Outaouacs respecting a Savage who has been killed I think My Lord the Governor :

;

must order the Five nations

them through those he himself, and make them

to

send him Deputies to Fort Frontenac, that he

send on his behalf,

shall

if

may

speak

to

he do not think proper to go up there

presents, in accordance with the speech that will be

communicated

to

appease them; and this can be done in the beginning of June, when they shall repair thither according to orders.

That he does not

believe,

though

that there can be, at this season, any

considerable enough to render

harm than good. As for the means to him, he

it

it

may

number

all

the letters communicated to us,

of Indians in the neighborhood of Fort Frontenac

necessary to go there with a large force, which

to subsist the Indians

and the Intendant

be stated in

will agree

whom

about

the Governor will invite to

that, if

may do more

come

to

speak

they please. Signed,

Provost.

PARTS DOCUMENTS The

The Governor

Intendant said:

liaving desired

:

him

to write his opinion

immediately preceding him, he begs pardon for any errors

it

repetition, perhaps, of

same things

m

II.

it

may

and announce

possibly contain, by the

may

have been expressed by those already given their opinions, each having retired by himself, as was requested, tiie

that

who have to prepare

his ideas in writing.

After having attentively examined the letters sent to the Governor, by Fathers de Lamberville' and Gamier,* Jesuits, and by Sieur De la Forest, Major of Fort Frontenac, of the 17th

December of proceeded

3 January, 7, 16, 16, ]8, and 28 February of the present year, he

last year,

to say:

obtained over the of those from

That

it is

liinois,

whom we

obtain a great

That in consequence of Kiskakons and near that of

whom we

receive

all

quite evident tiiat the Iroquois, inflated by

propose to destroy that Nation, which

many

tiie

victories they have

with

us,

and one

peltries.

which occurred

the accident

tlie

is in alliance

last

autumn,

in

the Village of the

Tionontatez of the Outaouais nation, our ancient friends, from

the peltries that

come

into the country, and which they bring to Montreal,

having traded for them with the Far nations, the Iroquois are seeking an opportunity to

after

destroy both these tribes, and thus gratify their resentment against the French, saying that one

of their Chiefs having been killed by an Ilinois in the village of the said Kiskakons, in

presence of Tionontatez and of Frenchmen, they must, according to their custom on like occasions, avenge that

murder on them as accomplices, for not having killed the murderer. The continuance of this war is, doubtless, prejudicial to the country, and its consequences

dangerous; because,

if

we

suffer our allies to be destroyed, the Iroquois, stimulated

success they probably will obtain over those tribes,

almost inevitably turn on

But

as

it

is

us,

when they

will

who

by the

are but imperfectly disciplined, will

have no other enemies.

impossible to effect what appears to be necessary to avert the

war without

considerable expense, and as he, the Intendant, has express orders not to authorize any, unless

War

be declared, he entreats the Governor to have the goodness to authorize, on his part, the

smallest possible expenditure, unless he judge such indispensable, as

though the

War

be not declared against us,

Rev. Jean de Laubebtille

'

is

it is

against our

allies,

who

it

appears to be

;

for

are a part of ourselves

supposed to have immigrated to Canada in 1668; he was sent MiMionary in 1671 to Onondaga, He continued at this Mission until 1687, and by his leal and high

wliere he founded the church of St. John the Baptist

character exercised a great influence

mentioned year he

last

fell,

among

the Qnondagss, with whose language he was intimately oooTarsaot

unfortunately, into a snare set for him by

De

Is th«

Denonville, Oorernor of Canada, whereby he

wa«

the innocent cause of leading a number of the Iroquois into the hands of their enemy, who sent them to the Freoefa galleys. Tlie Onondagas acquitted him of all participation in this perfidious act, but represented that he could not rviuaiu among

them any longer with escort with

which he

Catarakouy.

attacked by seurvy, and removed to Potherie represeuU him as being at fall of

1698

;

young men were highly incensed at the seizure of their brethren. They gave him an In September of the same year ho waa Chaplain at Fort Niagara, where he was Catarakouy in a very low condition. Was he Superior in 1690f See eupra, IIL, 716. La Saut St, Louis in 1691. Hittoire it tAmeriqM, HL, 131. He returned to France in the

safety, as their

set out for

among

in the course of the next year they requested M. de Callierta does not appear that be came again to Amerie*. He waa known

but was so greatly regarded by the Onondagas, that

to recall him, with a view to his residing

among them.

It

name of Teiorhentre. See III., 453. JuuEN GARSiEn, brother of the celebrated Benedictine, waa bom at Connerai. in the dioeese »f Mans, aboot the year 1643. He came in 1662 toCanadii, where he completed his studies, and received Holy Orde^^ April 166«. having bMn the first Jesuit ordained in that country. He was sent to Oneida in 1667, whence he visited Onondaga, and went to Caynga He acted In 1671 he was ordered to the Senecas, where Hennepin found him in 1679, whence he retired in 1688. in 1668. as interpreter to the Uurons at the peace of 1701, and is said to have returned to the Senecas in 1702. L«fiUn, who was hia pupil, and learned from him all he knew of the Indians, says that Father G. had spent more than sixty yearn on the Mission, and that he was well acquainted with the Algonquin, Huron and Iroquois languagaa. Mr. She* myi that h« waa itill •

the Iroquois by the

Rev.

alive in 1722.

— Ed.

:

NEW-YOEK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

172

(qui sont d'autres nous tncmes).

indicating that

it is

and unless he be escorted, shall

On

the

all

letters

impossible to prevent the continuance of that war, unless the Governor, as

they say he promised, convoke the Indians

he

and, moreover,

This, then, being granted,

month of June, at tTie nearest place to them and unless he support, by presents, the proposals

in the

for fear of surprise,

;

make

the

first

proposition, he, the Intendant, said: It v^ould be desirable that the Governor

convoke the Indians

at Montreal,

country; this could be done at

which

little

is

a

populous place, and the second city in the

expense and with great safety, as his household alone

However, as all the letters insinuate the necessity of the Governor's being near the Iroquois, and even propose to him to fix the meeting at places forty leagues from their village, he would not presume to insist absolutely on Montreal; yet he cannot avoid entreating him not to advance so near the Iroquois, but to select Fort Frontenac, which is a fortified place, should it not be considered more expedient to invite them

would be

sufficient.

to Montreal.

On

the

All the letters agreeing that the Iroquois are preparing to start in the spring

2"^:

for the war,

and that

not possible to prevent this unless they be assembled in the

it is

would seem that the Governor ought to be requested to the time for them to meet him at the place he will select.

of June, before they depart, IS"" of the

On

the

same month

3'"''

point: It

as

is

it

impossible to state precisely the

number

the meeting; the Governor having considerable experience in

all

month fix

the

of Indians that will attend

these matters, in consequence

of the frequent assemblies he has held, would be better qualified than any other person to

determine witli

this point.

due deference,

Yet, since he absolutely desires an opinion hereupon, he would submit,

he should determine

in case

to proceed as far as

by taking some young men of the country to double garrison of Quebec, which he may increase by 15 or 20

his guards,

persons, he

Fort Frontenac, whether with the soldiers of the

would not be

not only to check, but even to chastise the Iroquois, should they

in a position

in the respect they

fail

owe him.

On

As there

the 4"":

by the King's

no funds, it appears absolutely necessary that an advance be made whose iiands will be deposited, in part payment of the advance, whether of wampum or furs, which will be made by the nations for whom

the presents,

all

are

collectors, in

peace shall be secured.

Signed

We, Count de Frontenac, Governor order which

We

for the

King

Duchesnau.

:

Country, in observance of the

in this

requested should be preserved in this Conference, and without having any

knowledge of the sentiments above written. Say, that

We

are not of opinion that a rendezvous should be given to the five Iroquois

Nations at the locality near la Famine,^ designated in the letters

we

we have

received, because

could not go thither in a state to be protected against the insults and designs of the

Iroquois without a large

number of men and

canoes, that could not be ready by the time

indicated in those letters, and without an excessive outlay, which the Court would hardly

approve

of,

after all the prohibitions his

Majesty has given

31 March, 1680, not to draw any sums of

money from

us, especially in his

of Canada, under any pretext whatsoever, without advising

may, with greater '

difficulty,

him thereof; and

be allowed on an occasion when

Presumed to be Salmon creek or

river,

Oswego county.

despatch of

the said farmers (of the Revenue)

its

this

expense

necessity does not appear

See IIL, 431, note

1.

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

II.

173

may be made, his Majesty could scarcely persuade himself that this was of such a nature, seeing that it would be incurred only as a precaution

indispensable, since, wlmtever representation

and

prevent the Iroquois continuing a war against tribes from Montreal. to

Though

five

hundred leagues distant

the preparations for going to Fort Frontenac be less expensive, as less precaution

would be necessary

for the safety and dignity of our character, yet we could not, were we to avoid affectation, have the Iroquois come thither without making our escort much larger than

usually accompanies us in our ordinary journeys (when

and

we this

fifty

or sixty men), especially

when we

consists merely of fifteen or 20 canoes

understand by those despatches have gone to hunt in the neighborhood of said fort. Again, could not be done without incurring an expense which, though less, could not fail to be

considerable, and be subject to the

we were

understhnding that

we

it

take into consideration the large number of Savages

same censures of the

going to the

are accustomed to have,

court.

Moreover, the Savages,

men and canoes than which we perceive by

with a larger number of

fort

would be confirmed

in their suspicions,

those same letters were being impressed on them by efforts to persuade them that

we

not take a journey of this sort thither unless

already resorted

as

to,

we have

we would

had some design against them; a trick

experienced, by ill-disposed Indians,

who would

make

fain

things worse.

Therefore, to avoid these embarrassments, the best expedient

is

to invite

them

come

to

to

all

of which are equally to be feared,

three from each nation, about the 15"" or 20"" of June, alleging,

we

we

think

Montreal by Deputies, to the number of two or if it

be deemed proper,

thiit

in which we by some indisposition which would prevent our going even so far, were it not for the extreme desire we have to see them and to discover means to arrange all matters acquainting them at the same time that, to facilitate their voyage to Montreal, provisions would be furnished them at the time they will appoint, either at Fort Frontenac or at any other place on

cannot go sooner by reason of important business

are engaged;

or, if

thought

better,

—

their route that they will designate.

What has still more strongly determined us to adopt this opinion is, that by conferring with them on the 15"" June, figreeably to their alleged desire, this conference will be almost useless, and require another in autumn, as it will not be in our power to say anything positive to them, before that time, regarding the satisfaction the Kiskakons and Tionontates propose to

them

;

for

we would

not

will desire us to submit

know from

to

these the resolutions they will adopt thereon nor what they

— matters we

cannot be informed of until the coming

Outaouaes, which will not be before the shall then be better advised,

make

by some

end of July and commencement

down

of August.

of the

We

vessel arriving from France, of the policy the Court

we have fully informed his Majesty and the Marquis of Seignelay of the death of that influential Seneca, who was killed among the Kiskakons at Michilimakinac, by an Ilinois, and of all the dispositions of the Iroquois, as expects us to observe on similar occasions, as

well as of their insolences, presumptions, threats and evil designs, both against the Ilinois and the Outaouaes, and even against the French ; also of the need we stand in both of troops

and money, either to anticipate them, or to protect ourselves against the expeditions they might undertake against our allies and this colony. This will also serve us for a guide as to the policy we shall have to observe in our speeches to them, and acquaint us in what

manner we

shall prepare

them

;

that

is

to say, with

more

or less mildness.

Signed

:

Frontenac.

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

174

M. Du Cheaneau Copy

to

Count de Frontenac.

of Monsieur Duchesneau's letter to Monsieur de Frontenac of the

28*''

July, 1682. Sir,

On

the intelligence

we

are continually receiving, from

Iroquois towards us, and on learning that no aid

considered that

I

could not, without failing in

is to

my

all parts,

of the evil disposition of the

be expected

tliis

duty and in the zeal

I

year from France,

have always

I

felt for

the King's service, omit communicating my opinions to you, in order to avert a war which would be the utter ruin of this country at this time, when it is wholly defenceless. Y^ou will pay such attention thereto as will please you; for I am persuaded that in these and all other matters you have more knowledge than I, and that I must not interfere therein any further

than

is

agreeable to you.

Since you did not deem

it

proper to repair to Fort Frontenac in the month of June

last,

as

the Iroquois requested, to prevent the departure of their warriors against the Illinois, and to it would appear to me them in the month of August, causing them to be convoked for that time, because, should you not do so, they would doubt not but you would be abandoning the Illinois to them, and would be well pleased that they should do themselves since they would have some reason to think that you would give justice on the Kiskakons yourself no more trouble about a matter, the consequences of which you perceive better

render them the justice against the Kiskakons you had promised them, of the greatest importance that

you

visit

;

than

I.

you a request not to assemble them at the Fort, but at Famine and as it appears to me difficult for you to refuse them at the present conjuncture, when, having no hope from France, we are obliged to manage them more than we should do at another time and, besides, as you ought not to do anything unworthy

However,

as the Iroquois sent

Techoueguen,* or

—

at la

;

your character, and security all

that

— is

I

it is

but prudent not to expose yourself to their rashness, but, on the

preserve your dignity and your authority intact, and to

contrary, to

have bethought

me

to

due your rank and go as

and manned by

speak

to

them

in

propose to you whether you do not think you could preserve far as the fort;

a resolute body of men, none

proceed thence in the bark, well armed,

of

whom would make

their

appearance

except those you wish, followed by the brigantine in the same condition, and have yourself

conducted to one of those two places, and there, without landing, send for the Iroquois to come and speak to you, observing the precaution not to allow them to come on board in great numbers. I

submit

all

this to

your pleasure, and beg of you

to

approve

my

laying

my

opinions before

you, which I do only for the King's service and the preservation of this country.

I

am,

Sir,

Your most humble and most obedient Servant, DuCHESNAU. 'Oswego.

— Eo

PARIS DOCUMENTS: H.

(hunt de Frontenac

Copy

of Count de

to

M.

Du

I75

Chesneau.

Frontenac's ADswer to M. Duchesneau's letter of the

28"> July, 1682. Sir,

was on the point of dispatching

a canoe to you, with advice of what Sieur De la Forest touching the insult the Iroquois have perpetrated on the bark, by forcibly taking merchandise out of it, when I received your letter of the 2S'* July. What caused me to defer sending it to you was that I was expecting further news from Fort Frontenac, which I

has just told

me

might inform me with more certainty of the consequences of that act, in order the better to concert with you the measures proper to be adopted. What you state to me is well considered, and may, I think, be executed with surety and dignity by putting the brigantine in order, which it is not, as a part of its rigging has been taken to equip the bark; it only remains to be examined, after the insolent manner in which the Iroquois have answered

them, whether

it

would

my

last

summons, evincing a

flatter their

arrogance too

me to go and seek which would appear in

disposition to oblige

much

to take a step

some sort to degrade the dignity of my character, and give them reason to believe that we them dreadfully, and that it is in their power to dictate the law to us. But wherever and however this interview take place, on which I am resolved when I shall have seen the Kiskakons, we must previously consider the means of making the necessary preparations for this voyage, and of placing, this winter, the fort and bark beyond insult. fear

This is one of the principal precautions to be taken to arrest the bad designs of the Iroquois and to preserve the country. As all this cannot be done without expense and early attention, and as I know you have not funds, I considered it my duty to propose to you to defray it between us, and, in case the King should not allow this expense, to engage ourselves in our name to the merchant whom you will please to select for this purpose, to pay him equally for whatever he might

and brandy, which compose the indispensable supplies. Whereunto ought be added whatever may be proper for presents, since you know

furnish of flour, pork

I

as well as

that speeches, unless they are seconded, have no eflect on Savages.

Though and

my

the news, which M. Dollier informs

we ought to have sufficient zeal we are intrusted with that

appeal,

the country, whilst

me you communicated for

to him, indicate your

the King's service and the preservation of

charge, to do

all

that depends on us for

its

security against the attacks of the Iroquois, and to leave everything in a good condition for

who

and who, perhaps, will not arrive in sufficient season to have flour manufactured and conveyed to the Fort, which is the most urgent matter. You will please let me know at the earliest moment if you approve this expedient; awaiting

those

which,

will

I shall

come

to relieve us,

remain. Sir,

Your most humble and most obedient servant,

Montreal, this

S'"

August, 1682.

Fhontbnac.

a

;

:

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

176

Conference hettoeen Count de Frontenac

and

(lie

Ottawas.

Montreal the

The Kiskakons, OutaoSesinagos, who

those iu

of the Indians called Outaoues,

Sable^

IS""

August, 1682.

and some Miamis, composing a part

arrived at Montreal on the eleventh day of August, 1GS2,

number of 26 canoes, had an audience with

my

Lord Count de Frontenac, on the IS"" of said month, and Nonchekkiskakon being spokesman, and M' de Vieupont, who came down with them from Missiiimakina, acting as Interpreter, they stated in their first word to the

That they have not

Firaiword.

a great

many

things to say to their father Onontio, except

him to have pity on them for the Iroquois kill them. That they would not have come down had not Onontio sent them word to do so that they come to see him and to hear his voice, and have no other word than what they brought him last fall, and request him not to abandon, but to have pity on them.

that they consider themselves dead, and pray

They recouuted

Second Word.

;

the affair of the Seneca killed in their country last

Summer

where they were celebrating the festival of the Dead, some Hur ons. their neighbors, returning from hunting, had met in the bush a little Ilinois girl, about seven years old, who had escaped Those men would frona among those of her nation taken prisoner by the Iroquois. have brought her to their feast of Indian corn, beyond the Village of the Kiskakons; hearing of which, some of the Ilinois, who are married at Missilimakinac, were there to see her, and having found only some little children in the cabin where she was, they questioned her, and discovering by the names of her parents, which she communicated to them, that she was an Ilinoise, they brought her to the village of the Kiskakons. Having been informed that Annanhac, one of the Seneca Chiefs, had left the main body of the victorious Iroquois army to come to Missiiimakina, they visited him having stated on his arrival there that a little Ilinoise had left him on his march to Detroit, he went with the Hurons to the village of the Kiskakons, to see if it were she, and having recognized her, said that he had even adopted One of the Ilinois opposing it, both became so heated that the her, and insisted on having her. killed by him before any of those who were in the cabin had the Ilinois, was by insulted Seneca, immediately They came down to advise Onontio thereof; to testify the power to prevent it. their displeasure to him, and to request him to interpose in order to settle this afiair; but not On finding him at Montreal, they applied to M' Perrot to communicate the matter to him.

by an

Ilinois

at

Missilimakinac,

suspecting nothing,

when they

learned that

;

their return they gave belts to the* Hurons, to be presented in their

name

to the

Senecas

whom

they were going to see; and in place of appeasing their minds and acquitting them of this death, the Hurons attributed to them all the blame, without speaking of the belts which they

were entrusted

to present,

among them.

on their behalf, as a token of their regret that this accident had

The Hurons,

were the authors of the unfortunate affairs, they went frequently in secret. Third Word. That they are come to hear the voice of Onontio, and to learn what he will say to them to restore their spirits; that they entreat him to be pleased to always protect them; to take pity on their coudition and permit them to trade the few peltries they have brought. occurred

therefore,

having an understanding with the Iroquois,

'The Outawas of the Talon and Sable (Sand drove them to Michilimakinae.

La

)

to

whom

tribes formerly inhabited Manitoualin Islaud, but the dread of the Iroquois

Ilontan's Voyage, ed. 1706,

II.,

20.

PARIS DOCUMENTS Count de Frontenac answered

11.

:

I77

was very glad to see them, but what they told him among them being of consequence, it was necessary that they endeavor to arrange that matter. On this subject he had to tell them that, as soon as M' IVrrot had given him notice of the arrival last autumn of their deputies at Montreal, he hod sent to that he

of the Seneca killed last year

Onontague and

to Seneca to exhort the Iroquois to suspend their resentment on account of this death until he should confer next sunmier with them at Fort Frontenac, where he invited

them

to repair,

and where he would not

fail

to attend after he

learned from them the satisfaction they proposed

making

had seen the Kiskakons, and

for the death of

Annehac, which

could be regarded only as a private quarrel, with which the tribe had nothing to do, since it had sent deputies to inform him what share it had in that accident. That the Iroquois had

come in the month of June as far as the South shore of Lake Frontenac, to hear their voice thereupon, as it was diflicult to believe that the murder of Annanhac had not been committeTd with the participation of all the Kiskakons, they not requested him, by their answer, to

having broken the head of the murderer, nor arrested him. the Iroquois until they had

proposed to

make

for the

come down,

in order that

he

That he had postponed answering may learn what reparation they

death of Annenhac.

That they must not imagine themselves dead on that account, but consider what they intended to offer the Iroquois to restore their spirits on making proper proposals on their side, he would on his part, as the common~ftither of the one and the other, endeavor to satisfy them. That it would be necessary for them to select, for this purpose, three or four of their Chiefs to confer with him in private, so that the resolutions they would adopt, being secret, may be the more effectual. The Kiskakons made no reply to that; they merely urged Onontio to permit them to commence trading, as, they said, they distrusted the Iroquois, and feared they might in their ;

absence sack their villages, take away their old men, their

women and

children

;

therefore

they requested that they might trade and return as soon as possible.

But Count De Frontenac having told them that it was necessary that the Hurons, of whom they complained, and who were hourly expected, should be heard in their presence, that they may be afterwards reconciled and made friends, they consented to tarry. Meanwhile one of the Miamis, having taken up the word, stated that they likewise were daily slaughtered by the Iroquois. The Count having answered that this was the first news he had of it, and having afterwards inquired how many of his men the Iroquois had killed, and at what place, the Miami replied The Count rejoined. Were there not that he came not to complain nor to demand satisfaction. Frenchmen in his country did not De la Salle, who had made an establishment there, exhort them to build a fort to defend themselves against those who should attack them, and

—

W

concurring therein, also confessed that the Iroquois had told him to retire from their war path, as they had nothing to say against him, but against the Ilinois ; nevertheless they failed not, on four occasions, to kill him, and to seize some of his people, for which he vvas not asking satisfaction of Onontio. But hia

even

to unite themselves

with the Ilinois?

The Miami,

and tone indicated that he intended to obtain it and to avenge himself. that when he would see the Iroquois he should reprove them, and point out their error, in order that they may repair it and that a similar recurrence be prevented; and then gave the whole party wherewith to smoke and eat, and to drink his health. air

The Count told him

Vol. IX.

23

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

178

The IS"" August, 1682. Some Hurons, or Tionnontatez comprised under the name Montreal on the to the

Count,

IS"" of

in the

of their chief Sataretsi,' arrived at

August, to the number of ten canoes, communicated their

audience given them on

The

tlie l-S""

word

first

of said month, 1G82, through their Orator,

M' Le Moine acting as their interpreter, and M' de S' Paul for the Kiskakons, who were invited to the same audience: Firsi Word. Speaking in tlie singular number under the name of Sateretsi they had come down at the request of Onontio their father, who had told them by the Frenchmen to descend to Montreal, where they had come to hear his voice; that he saw them poor and miserable, because their young men amused themselves drinking; that they did not neglect coming at the command of their father, to learn his will and to request him to inform them of what was occurring; that they hear many rumors, and that the earth is turned upside down; that this causes them trouble, and they have recourse to Onontio to restore them their senses and to give them good advice. B«oondWorpicc) on it. though that is not expressed in the King's Internal peace

The Bishop

those fathers have resolutely determined it, and which places them at loggerheads with our Prelate. I shall say nothing to yt)u of this matter, which is not within my attributes, save only that this place is not suitable for the purpose for which they pretend it is destined and multiplying mendicant establishments in this country is not of advantage to a people so poor as that throughout the patents.

wisiied to prevent

cabrez) to persist,

(se sont

;

entire of this Colony.

Having been obliged that

we have

actual truth,

with time,

you

2,248

in all

men

women

be taken of the people of this country,

capable of bearing arms, and about

however people may write you

to the

The

contrary.

souls.

renewing the allowance

for the

I

This

found is

the

population will increase

breeding considerably in this country and few children dying.

please, neglect

We

to direct a census to

Do

not, if

marriages of French women.

experienced serious embarrassment in the month of January

last in

regard to Dollars.

They were here in some number, and a quantity of them being light caused considerable disorder among the lower classes. It not being customary in this country to weigh them, induced the Intendant and me to assemble an extraordinary session of the Council, at which it was fle-ur

and

resolved, subject to his Majesty's pleasure, to have the dollars of weight

marked with a

and those which were light with some cypher fixing their value. now in operation without any noise or difficulty.

This was done>

de is

You

lys,

are pleased to permit

my

son.

fiill

on him

me

to

remind you that you have granted

me

your protection for

beg you to allow some trifle of the merit of the services I have rendered the King to and having served eight years as Captain, which rank he reached through all the grades, to do him the favor to distinguish him among those of his [rank], and to consider that, as I am not near you to beg this of you at a fitting time, your goodness must make up all I

;

deficiencies.

which

it

From

also, I solicit

the allowance of the salary of 1600'"' as State Councillor,

pleased the King to grant me,

except through you,

me

it,

1

flatter

his Majesty's opinion of

when

I

shall

act as chief

As

me what

ask you

myself you will not refuse

my

conduct, and to direct this in

I

all

I

cannot expect favors,

—

to

communicate to you will

things, certain that

be perfectly and willingly obeyed by

Quebec, the

4""

Your most humble, most obedient and most obliged servant Le febure de la Barre. November, 1683.

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

Representation on tlu Revenue

II.

j|j^

and Trade of Canada.

Extract of the Memoir addressed to Mess", tlie Tartners of tlie Society tn Commandi/e of the Farm and Trade of Canada, On tlie means of preventing the smuggling of beaver.

The Beavers

can be prevented falling into the hands of the said Mess", the Farmers by first of which is

various routes; the

CATARACOUr, OR FoKT FeONTENAC. This post is situate on the border of Lake Ontario. It was erected Count de Frontenac, apparently for the security of the country, but, in

in the

year 1673 by

the purpose of trading with the Iroquois; to serve as a place of refuge and entrepot for the Coureurs de bois scattered among all the Outawas nations, and to carry on thence a trade in beavers with fact, for

the Dutch and the English of Orange and Manatte.

Some years afterwards. Monsieur De La Salle went to France and induced his Majesty to concede to him the property of this fort, of which he was at the same time Lord and Governor, on condition of reimbursing the cost of its establishment, and keeping up a number men for three years, which he fulfilled, and Duchesneau, then Intendant of that Country.

of

for

which he has had

his release

from Monsieur

Said Sieur De La Salle, who has not observed in his affairs all the management necessary, allowed himself to be since led away into useless discoveries, which have absorbed all the advances made by his creditors to maintain this establishment.

Monsieur de

who

Barre,

la

has succeeded the said Count de Frontenac in the government

of Canada, having judged this post necessary to the success of the continual speculations of

Sieur de

la

Chesnaye, who sent thither a great quantity of merchandise under the charge

Champagne, on pretence of abandoned by Sieur de la Salle.

of Serjeant is

fortifying

and guarding the

Information has already been received that the said English.

If this

be not remedied, not only will

all

said fort, which,

Champagne had

tlie

beaver which

'tis

said,

sent Beavers to the tlie

said

Champagne

go to them, but also a large amount, exceeding Thirty canoes, that said Sieur de Barre has in the woods, in partnership with Sieur de la Chesnaye, under the charge of

will procure, la

Du

Lut, so notorious for his pernicious enterprizes.

The

first thing which seems capable of arresting this disorder is, not from the Minister, whose intentions are opposed to such speculations.

The second is, that the De la Salle, who, in the obtaining this support; diligent clerk,

anything

said Mess". Partners enter into association with the said Sieur

unfortunate state of his

in that case, the

who would

to conceal

see

what

is

affairs,

will

company would have

consider himself happy in at that post a faithful

passing, and prosecute at the same time a

and

somewhat

considerable trade.

These are the only two means of remedying it ; otherwise, the projects of the said M. de the said Sieur De la Chesnaye will be quite as successful as they desire.

La Barre and

Fort Chamblt is

is

to say, to

Lake Champlain,

since the

the second place by which quantities of Beaver are diverted to foreigners

Orange, Manatte, and even to Boston.

That post

is

erected on

;

that

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

212

wars with the Iroquois, and belongs to Monsieur de Ciianibly, formerly captain

last

in the troops

sent to Canada, at present Governor of Martinique.

a Seigniory, very pleasantly situated on said Lake, from which rises the

It is

Richelieu,

little

river

discharges itself at Saurel into the River Saint Lawrence, after a course of

tliat

There was formerly a pretty considerable number of settlers there, the have removed, or are reduced to poverty because they have not been is become the refuge of people who pay attention only to the Orange

about twenty leagues. greater portion of

whom

sustained; so that

it

and Manatte trade. over

It is

fifty

leagues from Quebec, going up the River (Saint Lawrence) as far as Saurel,

But

[and] the said River Richelieu.

more mild a mill

made

five

leagues from Montreal, to which

The

across the woods.

climate there

it

is

has a

much

and produces all sorts of good grain. It has the convenience of the inhabitants. Hunting and fishing are very abundant, so

tlian at

for

The

Quebec.

only

is

it

pretty easy communicatioa over a road

that a sober and intelligent

man

soil is fertile,

could easily settle himself there, more especially, as he

could drive quite a considerable trade with the Indians were he to keep always on hand an

assortment of suitable goods.

The

said

Sieur de

la

whom

Chambly owes about 4,000 livres, sum of 6,000"". poor and cannot even pay what he owes the [King's] Domain

Chesnay, to

Sieur de

sold the above Fort to Sieur de Saint Ours, Captain in the said troops, for the

The

Ours

said Sieur de Saint

for that

The

is

purchase; so that the said Sieur de

la

Chesnaye pretends

to reenter in possession.

His sale

said Sieur de la Cliesnaye has a bad foundation for his claim.

having no special power to make said Seigniory to Miss Tavenet,

and, moreover, the said Sieur de

it;

known

to

Monsieur de Puymoren (according

account), on condition, however, that she will not be at liberty dispose of

de Chauibly's death, unless she agree

So

to

come

to

Canada and

invalid,

it

to

the

M. Boivenet's

until after Sieur

on the said Seigniory.

settle

that, should Mess", tlie partners desire to prevent the

is

Chambly donated

Beaver trade which

is

carried

on with the Indians in that direction, they cannot do better than to induce the said Sieur de Chambly for a certain sum [to prevail] on Miss Tavenet to of

Chambly;

it

can be had without any

difficulty,

sell

them the Seigniory

under such circumstances,

for the

sum

of

3,000 francs at most. It is of so much the more importance that they should make this purchase, as the English of Orange and Manatte begin themselves to come to trade with the French this has been the case not over fifteen days since, when the said Sieur de Saint Ours arrested three of them, who, M'. De La Barre gave orders, should have liberty and permission to sell their merchandise. ;

If the

commencement

of

the

trade

be

not

prevented,

it

will

cause

much damage

to

the Revenue.

The

arrival of the said English in our settlements is a

Sieur Salvaye,

who was

sent last spring by M. de

la

consequence of the embassy of the

Barre

to the

Governors of Manatte and

Orange, with orders to adopt, with them, measures for the advantage of the Colon}'. the Governor's secret

is

not inquired into; but

it is

Here

averred that the said Salvaye conveyed

voyage more than eight hundred Beavers on the said Sieur de laChesnaye's account, in This is another disorder which return for which he brought back Dollars and Wampum. cannot be remedied except by making the Minister thoroughly understand the importance in this

of removing If

it.

Mess", the Partners cannot purchase the said post of Chambly, another expedient can

be had recourse to in order to prevent trade in that direction

;

namely, to obtain from his

PARIS DOCUMENTS

IL

:

213

Majesty authority for the Collectors to dispatch a canoe every month from Quebec or aome other part of the Colony, with two or three men, who will themselves go to Orange, which ii the frontier post, with

These men would

some

furs, in

order to avoid suspicion.

and would ascertain every thing that might pass, and on their reports those could be prosecuted who might be discovered contravening the King's order, which it is absolutely necessary that the said Mess", the Farmers should obtain and send to this country for publication. Otherwise, the want of it will always be felt. act as spies

Remonstrance of Sieur de Memoir

to

la

render

SaUe against M.dela Barrels Seizure of Fort Frontenao.

My

Lord, the Marquis de Seignelay, an Account of the condition

which Sieur de Lasalle had left engaged on his Discovery. 16S4. in

fort

Frontenac during the time he was

Count de Frontenac, being invested with the government of New France, found there a who were scouring the woods with impunity, and going to

general breaking up of the French, the English to

whom

make war New-York. The irregularity of the former was repressed and the (designs of the latter defeated by the construction of the Fort which M' de Frontenac caused to be erected in the way of the one and the other. The advantage the country derived therefrom at first caused this fort and the lake, to be called, in token of acknowledgment, by the name of Frontenac. The late Lord Colbert gave the property and government of it to Sieur de Lasalle, on condition of paying on account of the King the cost thereof, which amounted to eleven sell

the peltries of our

allies,

on

unless they would carry the Beaver to them by

thousand

livres, for

which he has a

whom he has likewise satisfied. He sent thither from France, and among whom there have ordinarily

receipt,

the Iroquois threatened to

Lake Ontario and afterwards

and nine thousand

supported there at his

livres

own

to

on account of individuals,

expense, as

many

as

fifty

men,

been two or three Recollets, as appears by the extract of

the audit.

Sieur de Lasalle then directed his attention to the increase of the buildings and clearance!; encircling the place with a strong wall on the land side, and strengthening the palisades

towards the water. He erected French and Indian houses there, had cattle conveyed thither, and barks constructed which navigate every part of the lake, keep the Iroquois in check, deprive the English, without violence, of a part of the trade, and close the passage to the deserters, agreeably to the express orders

Things were

in this state in

M' de Frontenac had

the year 1679,

when Sieur de

received.

Lasalle departed on the design

Lord Colbert; and although he has since suffered a loss exceeding Fifty thousand 6cus, he has always carefully preserved this post, the importance of which he understood, and in command whereof he left Sieur de Laforet, who

which he executed by order of the

was

its

late

.Major.

unable to return to Quebec, in the month of October, 1682, after having completed his discovery, having been prevented by severe illness, which delayed him nearly four

He was

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

214

He sent a petition to M' de Frontenac, whom he still supposed to be Governor, and whose protection was more important to him, inasmuch as the Iroquois entertained great respect for his Excellency; begging him to attend to the safety of this fort, and should the garrison he had left there not be sufficient, to place such a one there as he might consider adequate, the pay of which would be furnished him by Francois Noir, merchant of Montreal. M' de Frontenac handed this petition to M' de Labarre, his successor in the government, months.

who promised

to attend to it; but instead of

recalled the garrison from that fort,

doing

so, he, after M"'

de Frontenac's departure,

which would have been abandoned had not the said

Francois Noir, empowered by Sieur de Lasalle, absent, reconducted thither a sufficient number of

men and

articles necessary for their

before leaving,

all

the Coureurs de bois having any excuse

The

to

all

the regulations laid

down

took,

to prevent

go up there to pursue their trade elsewhere.

proofs hereof, as well as of the good condition in

to return to Montreal, exist in

He

support and the preservation of the post.

necessary precautions, and executed

which he

left

this post

when about

due form.

M' de Labarre, who entertained views which have since become manifest, ordered him to Quebec, and having frightened him with threats, forced him to surrender the property he had conveyed to Sieur de Lasalle's fort into the hands of the men named Lachesnaie and le Bert, at the

first

nor

to

cost thereof in Montreal, without regard to the expense incurred for transportation

the risk run of losing the whole in the rapids to

wished that the

profit derived

by the said Fran§ois Noir,

be passed to get there;

in the

name

he even

of Sieur de Lasalle, the

proprietor of the place, should be paid to the said Lebert and Lachesnaye, saying that his

Majesty had given him power to take away the lands and to grant them to whomsoever he thought proper, and that he took them from Sieur de Lasalle, and that therefore no more remained.

Every one was surprised at this proceeding, the reason for which could not be divined, unless same interest in the affair as Lachesnaye and Lebert that it is publicly known that they have between them more than one hundred canoes trading on their account in the woods, over and above the twenty-five which his Majesty permits to be sent thither for the that he had the

;

advantage of individuals. Sieur de Lasalle met as many as sixty-six of them on his way, of which not one belonged to the twenty-five he had power to license, and the passports for which were talked of with so much ostentation, that eight, conducted by Desloriers, Gibaut, Lacroix, Sainte-gemme, the Auvergnats, Turpin, Couture and their comrades, being sent under pretence of carrying provisions to Sieur Chevalier de Baugy, were encountered by Sieur de Lasalle about one-third of the way, so loaded with trading goods that, being unable to take in provisions These are independent for themselves, they had perished of hunger had he not succored them. of the other canoes which had preceded him, and which were already dispersed in every direction. As soon as Lachesnaye and Lebert were authorized by M. de Labarre, they drove from Fort Frontenac whatever soldiers had been placed there by Sieur de Lasalle, and prevented Major de Laforet to return in command there unless he became their partner. Not being willing to consent to this, in consequence of the knowledge he possessed of the injustice committing towards Sieur de Lasalle and his creditors, he has been obliged to return to France. Two clerks have been put into his place there to trade; into his fields, in which crops were planted, the cattle were put to pasture; some of these have since been killed. His grain and other provisions have been consumed, although M' de Labarre caused flour to be sent up there in the King's name, the return of which has been signed by M' de Meulle, Intendant, and sent

PARIS DOCUMENTS to

my Lord

flour

and

as having been

employed

215

in his Majesty's service, notwithstanding a part of that

had been traded for M' de Labarre's

iiis

H.

:

profit,

and the remainder paid

for

by Sieurde Lasalle

company.

His houses, barks, rigging,

sails,

boats, canoes, furniture and utensils have been

of without any sort of indemnification.

The

been

fort has

made

aae

exposed to the insults of the Iroquois, without any other defence than that of a kitchen boy and another person to take care of the cattle, at a time when people were writing to my Lord that they were on the eve of war.

This was

left

and more than four hundred men. the and who ought not to have been sent to a distance, had any reliance been placed on the information which had been given, as veritable as it was specious. But such confidence was placed in the friendly disposition of the Iroquois, after the to justify the dispatch of all those canoes,

best qualified to repel

th»3

Iroquois,

confirmation of the peace in 1682, and the hostages at this very time the people

who ought

to

left

guard the

by them with M' de Frontenac, that fort were sent to carry beaver to

New

England, and returned with dollars and with goods adapted to the trade. The men named Dulignon, Gilles, Meneret, Lehoux, Salvaie, and several others who have been employed in those journeys, have in going and. returning passed through the country of the Iroquois, where

M' de Labarre would not have

risked his property had he thought there

bad been any

disposition to a rupture.

Sieur de Lasalle's creditors,

who

lent him, after his

losses,

wherewithal

to sustain

hia

him of that fort and be enjoyed by persons who had

enterprize, in vain represented the injury they sufiered in dispossessing

leaving a property he had

no right

But

to

made over

to

them,

in

payment,

to

it.

in order to

prove more clearly that the pretended abandonment, by which M' de Labarre

excuses the wrong he has inflicted on Sieur de Lasalle in seizing pretext,

and that the true motive was

in regard to fort Saint Louis, to

to get all the profit of

which he

known

fort

Frontenac,

more than

Ladurantaye, and the

as chief of the Coureurs de bois, to carry

a

is

mere

he acted in the same manner

sent, in the spring of 1683,

loaded with goods, conducted by Chevalier de Baugy, Duluth, well

it,

oflf

thirty canoes

man named

the peltries of the Indians

assembled there by Sieur de Lasalle, and to deprive him of the means of getting paid

for his

advances, and that under pretext of orders which Sieur de Lasalle would have received as he ought, had any other than a simple letter been brought him wherein M'

him that he considered little

he

knew about

it.

his discovery useless, for reasons

He

afterwards caused

all

those,

De Labarre

informed

which show, plainly enough, how whopi he (La Salle) had sent for

them to return and find him, causing the property accusing them of desertion, notwithstanding they carried letters who on arriving at "Quebec, found it to be out ofjiis power to

assistance, to be arrested, preventing

entrusted to

them

to

be seized,

from the said Sieur de Lasalle,

make

use of the goods he had laid aside for a voyage to France, inasmuch as they

still

lie

where M. de Labarre's people had them forcibly put. It was a cause of no less surprise to see M' de Labarre, who was aware that Sieur de Lasalle held a commission from the King to make an establishment at the Illinois, abandon him of his own motion to the Iroquois, to whom he declared at Montreal in full council, without any complaint on their part, that they might kill him and the people who had collected near abandoned

in the places

his fort, without that being of

any consequence.

He

ought,

it

appears to me, at least have

warned Sieur de Lasalle and his people to retire, rather than deliver them to the Iroquois, whose difierent parties, that had gone in search of him after that permission, had undoubtedly

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

216

murdered him, had he not escaped had experienced.

On

in

consequence of the fortunate defeat one of them

returning from his discovery and arriving at Quebec,

all

that Sieur de Lasalle could

M"' de Labarre was the restitution simply of his fort, without anj indemnity what had been taken from him and for the wrongs inflicted on him and his creditors.

obtain from

for

And

although he had all the vouchers in support of the foregoing, he dare not importune Lord about the matter, had he not had the goodness to demand a Memoir from him of it, the truth of which cannot be denied, whatever M'' de Labarre may say to the contrary.

my

Wherefore, my Lord is most humbly supplicated to be pleased to have the proofs examined, which Sieur de Lasalle is ready to present, and after having ascertained the vast losses inflicted on him, his creditors and M'" de Laforet by such violences, to grant the indemnity therefor on the profits of the canoes which are in the wilderness contrary to the King's orders, and particularly on those that are at fort Saint Louis and in the neighborhood of Fort Frontenac, the revenue from which belongs to Sieur de Lasalle, according to His Majesty's concessions, and in case my Lord considers it necessary to have the affair investigated on the spot, to send the order and power for that purpose to the Intendaut, who can have entire cognizance of it.

Mepresentation of Sieur de la Salle of his outlay on Fort JFrontenac,

Trade of that •

Memoir touching the Frontenac.

expenses

and of

the

post.

incurred

by Sieur de Lasalle

at

Fort

1G84. r

Sieur de Lasalle purchased fort Frontenac, in 1675, on the following conditions:

To

sum of ten thousand francs expended on the construction of the little which Count de Frontenac had caused to be built there, receipt whereof he has from M'' Duchesneau, then Intendant of New France. 2. Inasmuch as Sieurs Lebert and Lachesnaye had the use of it two years after that, and expended on it about nine thousand livres whilst Sieur de Lasalle was in France, he was obliged to pay them; that appears by an account of the late Sieur Bazire, partner of Sieur Lachesnaye, whom Sieur de Lasalle left in New P" ranee. 3. The late Lord Colbert, moreover, obliged Sieur de Lasalle to keep twenty men there at his expense f»r the term of two years, and a permanent garrison equal to that of Montreal; which he did, as appears by the extract of Count de Frontenac's reports, and the expense thereof has been very great, and exceeded eighteen thousand livres a year, as well for men's wages as for the flour which cost eleven livres the minot, delivered at said fort, whither it was necessary to have it conveyed from Montreal, no grain having been got in during the first four years, through divers accidents which prevented advantage being taken of the fertility of the 1.

stockade

soil that

repay the fort

has since proved very productive.

4. As the Iroquois who dwell around Lake Frontenac, which is one hundred leagues long and twenty wide, carry their peltries to New York, he, with a view to deprive the English of some of them, caused decked vessels to be built, in order that the Iroquois, finding at their

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

II.

217

door and on their road the things they required, might prefer this accommodation to the low prices of the English. Considerable advantage would have been derived from this, had not the various shipwrecks which occurred in the years 1678 and

No

destroyed the means thereunto.

1679, and domestic robberies,

new vessela since, one 40 and the other of 26 tons. The expense of these amounts to nearly nine thousand livres ; and this is not surprising, inasmuch as the freight from Montreal to fort Frontenac, of iron, rigging, tow, sails, tar, pitch, anchors and other naval stores, is two sous per pound weight, because the difficulty of the of 35

time has been lost in building two

@

rapids, in addition to the distance of the places, requires an increase in the

wages of the hands. More than one hundred arpens of land have been cleared, which are now under tillage, and produce very good grain. Each arpent, it is known, is worth one hundred and ten livres ia the remaining part of Canada, and it has cost more at Fort Frontenac for reasons already stated. 6. A considerable number of cattle had been conveyed from Montreal. This expense is easily calculated by the distance of seventy leagues, and the difficulty of the roads, which had not been opened and it was necessary to construct in very difficult places. The cattle have been reduced to twenty, through the disorder caused by M' de Labarre at Fort Frontenac 6.

since he seized 7.

own

it.

Sieur de Lasalle has likewise settled several inhabitants,

whom

he had conveyed at his

expense, with their families, and fed and provided with every necessary during two

entire years.

He

has greatly increased the accommodations, built very fine bams and stables, with a which is ready to be raised. 9. He had it inclosed by a strong wall on the land side, which he should have finished on that of the water had he not been prevented by the business of his discovery. It ia ninety-three toises in length,* three feet thick, and fifteen feet high. 10. He has been, moreover, obliged to pay for the flour Mr. de Labarre sent thither at the King's expense, and which is entered in the statements. 11. There is a house at the mouth of the Niagara river, the most important on the whole lake, to cut off the trade of the English, and which the barks of the fort can reach in two days ; it costs about two thousand livres. It is all that remains from the fire which happened 8.

Mill,

at the little fort that

had been constructed there.

on account of the fertility of the land, the abundance of game and fishing, and the mildness of the climate, which is much more temperate than in the other parts of New France. Winter is shorter there by half, and much milder, insomuch that sowing there is done at leisure, and sufficient time would still remain

The

situation of this fort is very advantageous, both

for the cultivation of

hemp and

flax.

feeding considerable herds of cattle,

Near there are some very fine pastures, capable of the hides and tallow of which would be of very

great advantage.

Around the lake are

to

be found wild apple

Indians extract very good Oil

;

trees,

chestnuU, and nuts from which the plum and cherry trees,

also, divers sorts of grains, mulberry,

and other necessary materials. all winds; the Its harbor is very fine, the mouth safe, the bottom excellent, sheltered from navigation very good throughout the entire lake, in various parts of which convenient harbors

and

all

sorts of building timber, stone

are to be found.

»»8X6—868 feet— Eft

Vol. IX.

28

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

218 Almost

all

the peltries of the English pass by this lake, except those which

direction of the Illinois,

whence the Iroquois bring them by the River Ohio

Fort Frontenac and the establishment at Niagara supplied with

made

turned aside and

down

French, from

disposal of the

The

to go

to

Quebec, and, by that means,

whom

the

other

come from the so that were

;

provisions, they could be all

nations would be

the Beaver placed at the

obliged to purchase

it.

barks are highly necessary there, as well to facilitate freight as to head off those Indians

who may

take other routes.

There are likewise,

all

round

this lake,

(pecans), wolverines (Imcps-cerviers), large

numbers of

be had at a low price in consequence of their being to be transported to

elk, bears, otters, martins,

and small deer, the grey moose, little

wild cats

whose skins can

etc.,

valued by the English, and

difficult

them, as the Iroquois go thither most frequently by land.

This post being preserved, there against our Colony, because,

is

nothing to be feared from the expeditions of the Iroquois

by means of

the barks, their settlements can be surprised whilst

unprepared; they not having any knowledge of our approach across the lake, and consequently no leisure to retreat, or to profit by the advantages they possess in their way of making war, to which they will never have recourse as long as they see themselves menaced by danger so imminent, and which would be to them inevitable. It is still

of great importance to arrest in that direction the pretensions of the English,

who

have approached there through Pennsylvania, the extremity of which abuts almost on the Iroquois country. It

has already prevented, and will hereafter prevent, the accomplishment of the designs

of the English, to themselves.

who have attempted by means of the Iroquois to attract the Outaouacs They were to go to them by the route leading from Lake Huron to the village

and would have effected it had not Mr. de Frontenac interposed this fort, acknowledged by the whole country, as well in preserving the trade and peace as in arresting the lawlessness of our deserters, who had in that direction a very easy way through which to withdraw to the foreigners. It is the part of New France from which most can be expected for the establishment of various leather and woolen manufactures, as cattle can be raised there at much less cost than

called Teiaiagon;'

whose usefulness

in colder places,

is

where the length of the winter causes great expense That which was required to be incurred

in feeding

them during that season.

necessaries from Montreal to Fort Frontenac

much

is

diminished,

now

for the

and housing

conveyance of

that provisions are to

be had on the spot, and since vessels there can go down twenty-five leagues to meet the canoes bringing supplies thither, and which must still be used on account of the rapids that interrupt the navigation in four or five places.

It

could easily be reduced

still

further, because,

who would keep wagons for which are not navigable, and bateaux to go from one rapid to the other, the expense would be much diminished, and the products of Lake Frontenac and its environs easily brought down. The canoe men now get eight francs the hundred weight in place of twelve, the price paid before the barks were constructed. Two men carry, at eacii voyage, twelve or thirteen hundred weiglit, and employ, ordinarily, twelve to fifteen days in going up, and four or five in each intermission being short, were settlements granted to persons

facilitating transport at places

'

In Coronellia'

map

of 1688, this Indian village

Charlevoix' and later maps, latter point.

— Ed.

it

occupies

what

is

is laid

now

down about

Toronto.

Canada West; but in was moved from the former to the

the present site of Port Hope,

Possibly, the village

h

PARIS DOCUMENTS coming down from twelve to*

the end of

They

so that they can

;

to thirteen

ten to twelve voyages, and, consequently, traniport

thousand weight from the opening of navigation

November, when

are obliged,

make

219

II.

:

when

it is

in the

month of

April

closed by the ice at Montreal.

returning, to bring back, gratuitously, as

much

peltry as the canoes

can hold, so that the return voyage does not increase the expense.

This

consists, then, precisely:

In the freight and risk of the cargo from France to Montreal.

1".

the ton, which amounts to six deniers^ the pound

;

The

freight

is fifty livres

the insurance six to seven per cent.

minor expenses of loading and unloading, packing and carting, which are inconsiderable, and common to every thing brought to New France. S**. In paying the carriers from Montreal to fort Frontenac at the rate of eight livres the hundred weight, as already stated. 2^.

the

In

4"'.

may be had on Twenty men are

In the maintenance of the garrison, the food for which

garrison

may be

also of great service in securing the trade.

the spot.

This

sufficient for it;

these should be permanent, with as many others as would be coming and going in the barks and canoes, and would attend to sowing and the harvest without any expense, because they would willingly engage themselves to do so, provided they were promised to be employed, in

preference to others, at trading, at which they could

profits

whose

make

considerable gains without injuring

customary to send them out on half the they can realize over and above the price of the goods. This interest obliges them to

those at

disposal they were, inasmuch as

it is

be more attentive, and they expend on their return whatever they have made in necessaries,

So that the expense of the garrison, of a commandant and a Serjeant, will not exceed four thousand livres which will be easily made out of the profits realized by the traders at the places not accessible by barks. 6"". In the refitting of the barks and wages of six sailors and a pilot; for the repair of the barks one ship carpenter only is necessary, who could act as seaman and pilot. His wages will amount to three hundred livres, and the rigging as much more, yearly; the wages of six

which they purchase

sailors to

at the store.

twelve hundred livres a year.

Those two posts will be furnished with sufficient merchandise by sending thither to the value of twenty thousand livres per annum, expended in France on goods suitable to the trade; and sixty voyages of the canoes will be necessary to convey them there, at the rate of forty livres per voyage, increasing the price of the merchandise two thousand five hundred livres or thereabouts.

The

freight

from France

to

Montreal at the rate of thirty tons, at 60* the ton, will amount

to fifteen hundred livres.

The insurance on the principal at 7 per cent comes to fourteen hundred livres. The minor expenses to one hundred crowns {ectu). The expense of barks, pilots, carpenters and seamen to four thousand livres, so advances and expenses will amount to the sum of thirty-three thousand five hundred

that the livres.

remarked that the payments to the canoe men, sailors, soldiers, and for the double repair of the barks, are made in goods at this country's rate, which is ordinarily care be taken that of France, and therefore such expense will be less than is noted, provided which will grain The Indians. the to to have constantly on hand sufficient bread to be sold

But

it is

to be

be raised will pay a great portion of '

this expense, as

it

is

certain there can be distributed,

A ihnur w»» the twelfth part of a tout. —En.

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

220

much as two hundred minots of it at the rate of forty pounds per minot a Leaver worth four francs being easily given for a four or five pound loaf. In addition to this, an armorer and a smith at each post, by repairing the arms and axes of the Indians, may make at their trade over one thousand francs each per annum, clear of all expenses. To drive a profitable trade, twenty thousand livres must be expended in France in the yearly, as

;

purchase of the following assortment: Five pipes (tonncaux) of brandy at the rate of two hundred livres the pipe. Five pipes (tonneaux) of Wine at 40" the pipe; 2,000 ells of blue Poitou Serge at 2" the ell; 1,000 ells of Iroquois blanketing at 2" 10' the ell; 1,800 white shirts (chemues) at 30 sous; five hundred pairs of stockings at 1''" 6' the pair; 2,000 pounds of small kettles at 1'" 6' the pound; two hundred pounds of large black glass beads at 10" the pound a thousand axes for the trade at 7 and 8 sous the pound ; 4,000 pounds of powder at 10 and 12 sous the pound ; 7,000 pounds of ball and 3,000 pounds of lead at 120"^ the thousand; 1,200 guns at 10"" each; ;

2,4:00 flattins at

30 sous the dozen; 100 dozen

steels ( Batles-feu) at 1"' 5' the

of large tinned looking-glasses (miroirs fer-blanc) at l"' 10' the dozen

pound

at 3' the

;

250

ells

of scarlet stuff (ccarlatine) at 4"" the

ell

dozen

;

50 dozen

;

60 pounds of vermilion

;

and 400"" of tobacco at

17 sous.

These

They

things, carried to the Indians, will produce as follows:

get a pint of brandy for a beaver; and consequently, were only

(tonneaux) of

two and a

half pipes

sold, allowing the remainder for the expense of the fort and the pay of the

it

whom

sold at one hundred sous the quart, the ten barrels, retailed hundred quarts to the barrel and of four beavers per quart, would produce four thousand beavers, at four livres a piece, or an equivalent in other peltry, which would amount to sixteen thousand livres, and leave, consequently, fifteen thousand

soldiers

and

sailors, to

it is

to the Indians at the rate of one

livres profit.

The wine would

pay the expenses of freight and wages,

also serve to

at the rate of

40 sous

the quart.

The

of Poitou serge sells for six francs to the Indians, and that of Iroquois blanketing

ell

for eight livres,

thousand

The

and consequently on these two

articles there

would be a

profit of thirteen

livres.

one hundred sous, and the stockings for eight livres, so that on more than four thousand livres gain. francs the pounds, and consequently there would be 5,600"" profit on

shirts sell for at least

these two

articles there sell at four

Kettles

is

that article.

Glass beads

two

articles

Powder

sell

at eight francs the

sells at

pound, and axes at thirty sous a piece, so that these

two thousand livres. 40 sous the pound, and lead at twenty

would leave a

profit of

sous,

which would make on these

two articles over thirteen thousand livres. Guns sell 24"" each, and therefore would produce 2,400"" more than their cost. Tobacco sells at eight francs per pound; it would therefore give over 2,000"' profit. On the scarlet stuff (ecarlatine) one-half would be gained, which would be worth one thousand

The

livres.

profit is

steel, etc.,

so

proportionably greater on the other small articles, such as knives, vermilion,

that with

20,000"" properly employed, twenty thousand *

An

old coin, valued at sixty sous.

— Ed,

ecus* profit could

PARIS DOCUMENTS: H.

221

be made a year, clear of

all expenses, now that all that was necessary to be incurred for buildings, barks, clearances, conveyance of provisions and such like, has been expended by Sieur de Lasalie, who would not have failed to realize great profits, though he might have

been obliged

to labor for

the envy of those

who

them, were

not for the heavy losses he has suffered rather through were jealous of him than in consequence of his own ill fortune or by it

reason of tempests.

M.

de Seignday to

M.

de la Barre.

Extract of the Minister's letter to Monsieur de la Barre, dated Versailles, the 10"" April, 1684.

" Maladministratton of of gain

this

Governor, covetous of authority;

still

— reproaches of the King and the Minister."

more

so

I cannot sufficiently express to you how much his Majesty has been surprised at the conduct you have observed towards a habitant who wished to remove to the English, whom you wanted to hang of your own authority, and who, having escaped, was hung in effigy at Montreal. Hit Majesty could not comprehend how a man like you, who are acquainted with the laws of the Kingdom, could have desired to assume unto himself a power of life and death in cases not And although he sends you aa military, and on which his Majesty has not yet pronounced. Ordinance to the effiict that inhabitants not domiciled, who will desert, shall be judged by the Council of war, at which the Intendant shall always be bound to assist, his Majesty wishes you to examine this matter again with him, because it is to be feared that constraint only augments among the people the desire to remove to the English and Dutch, where they will enjoy

more freedom.

when of your own authority, without and without carrying the affiiir before the Sovereign Council, you caused to be given up to one Guillin a vessel captured by the men named Radisson and des Grozeliers; and, in truth, you ought to prevent the appearance before his Majesty's eyes of this kind of proceeding, in which there is not a shadow of reason, and whereby you have furnished the English with matter of which they will take advantage for, by your Ordinance you have caused a vessel to be restored, that according to law ought to be considered a Pirate, having no commission ; and the English will not fail to say that you had so fully acknowledged the vessel to have been provided with requisite papers, that you had it II. It

is

impossible to imagine what you meant,

calling on the Intendant,

;

surrendered to the owners, and will thence pretend to establish their legitimate possession of Nelson river, before the said Radisson and des Grozeliers' had been there. •For particalan regarding theae two men, oontult Ckarltvoix' BiUoirt XouvtlU

J'^anei, I, 476, tl ttg.

— En.

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

222

M.

M.

de Seignelay to

de Meules.

Extracts of the Minister's letter to Monsieur de Meules, Intendant of Canada. Versailles, the lO"" April, 16S4.

You cannot

I.

too

much encourage

Majesty continues

He

to

the Gentlemen of the Montreal Seminary to increase

Indian villages in the neighborhood of their settlements.

the establishment of the

allow them the grant of 6"

has also granted 500

for the Indian

liv.

liv.,

His

which he gives them every year.

women

He does women

of Montreal at the Mountain.

not wish them to be placed with the Ursulines, and has given orders to send over three to teach

able

them

introduce

to

and three others

to knit,

manufactures into

these

them

and the country, which

to teach

to spin

to

make -

The Colony

New

of

France having need of strengthening and increasing

he can avoid

would oblige

Monsieur de

Yet, as circumstances

it.

it

itself

by peace

and advantages which the inhabitants will derive from their commerce and

facilities

agriculture, his Majesty writes to if

be

be an advantage to

will

the Colony.

and the

lace, so as to

to

be proclaimed, he

provided he certainly finds

may

la

Barre that his intention

arise in a

empowers the

said

himself in a condition to

is

not to

make war

country so distant as Canada which Sieur de la

terminate

it

Barre to begin

it,

advantageously in a

year's time.

In regard to the expense to be incurred for this war, his Majesty's intention carefully economized;

is

the said Sieur de la Barre

was made

it

be most

last

year by

that

and he has discovered even that the expenditure incurred

entirely contrary to form, since those expenses ought to be

incurred on the authority of your orders, in regard to which, however, you ought not to interpose

any

difficulty,

He

is

when

the Governor

demands

it,

in the interest of his Majesty's service.

pleased to grant for the expenses to be incurred during this year, and until the dispatch

sum

Apply yourself sedulously to economize and send me an exact account of the expenses you will incur, and all the vouchers of next year's vessels, a

of 15 thousand".

it,

in

support of them. II.

He

has granted the government of Montreal to Sieur de Callieres; and as he has served

a long time in the Infantry, and find

it

III.

necessary to I

is intelligent,

wage war against

recommend you

to

pay

he can

assist

Monsieur de

la

Barre

in case

he

the Iroquois.

strict attention to

the care of said soldiers, to review

frequently, to observe that the Captains frequently exercise them,

and

to

inform

me

them

punctually

as well of their conduct as of that of their lieutenants.

His Majesty

Company's IV.

You

is

not

willing

that

either

the

one or the other have any servant on the

roll.

are not justified in the pretension to enact ordinances to oblige the inhabitants to

in their houses; and when the said Sieur de la Barre was pleased that you sign with him the ordinance he issued in this regard, he felt a deference for you that he was

keep arms

not obliged to have, since that ordinance

is

an attribute of

the defence of the country and the military be, to have his ordinances executed,

and

to

his principal function,

which regards

command, and your duty in this matter ought fine those who would fail therein.

to

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

II.

Hfg

V, His Majesty has been informed that the said Sieur de la Barre has taken possession of is the private property of Sieur de la Salle, and that the men and cattle belonging to the latter have been driven off, so that the lands attached thereto have remained Fort Frontenac, which uncultivated

;

and though

there be any truth in

it I

it is

scarcely probable that this information

write to Sieur de

La Barre

is

well founded, should

that his Majesty wishes he should attend

to the reparation of the

wrong he might have done to Sieur de la Salle, and with that view that he restore all the property belonging to him to Sieur de La Forest, who returns to the said country by his Majesty's order. Do not fail to render him all the assistance he may require to maintain the establishment which the said de la Salle has made at the said fort In regard to the walls you propose for the bastion (pour fair balir la tour), bis Majesty does not consider that expense necessary.

You

VI.

The

will find three ordinances

first

annexed hereunto.

prohibiting merchants and inhabitants of

New

France from exporting to foreign

countries any beaver and other peltries.

The

second prohibiting foreigners carrying on with said country any trade in said

and obliging the French who will return to the ports of the

And

will

Kingdom.

the third to oblige those

other parts of

New

peltries,

go trading, to take out licenses, and to give security that they

who

will trade in peltries at

Hudson's Bay,

Isle

Perc(5e

and

France, except Acadia, to carry them to Quebec to receive payment for

them, and the fourth

[to be] retained

by the Farmers [of the revenue], as

is

customary.

It is

highly important that you carefully attend also to the execution hereof.

appended hereunto an edict for the punishment of the French who will to Manatte, Orange and the places belonging to the P^nglish [and] Dutch, which you will cause to be enregistered in the Sovereign Council after having communicated it to Monsieur

You

will find

remove

de

la

Barre.

M.

de Seignelay to

M.

de Mevle^.

Extract of a letter from the Minister to M. de Meules.

••••••••••

Versailles, the 10'* April, 1684.

•

write also to him (M. de la Barre) that his Majesty has not approved of his conduct in regard to a Colonist who was desirous of removing to the English, and whom he would have hanged of his own authority, and who, having escaped, has been hanged in effigy at Montreal, I

he not possessing the power of life and death in cases not Military, and on which his Majesty has not yet given an opinion. And, although his Majesty sends you an ordinance purporting that the inhabitants, not domiciliated, who will desert shall be judged by the Council of war, at which you will always assist, he desires you will again examine into that affair with Sieur because he believes that constraint only stimulates the desire among the Inhabitants of removing to the English and Dutch, where they will experience more freedom.

de

la Barre,

•••••**••• NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

224 •

You

will find, also hereunto annexed, an Edict for the

remove

to Manatte,

will cause to ftr

de

/

Orange and other places belonging

punishment of the French who will and Dutch, which you

to the English

be enregistered in the Sovereign Council, after having communicated

it

to

la Barre.

Ordinances against Emigration Ordinance prohibiting

all

from Canada

to the

Frenchmen removing

British Colonies.

to Manhatte,

Orange and other

places belonging to the English and Dutch, on pain of death against those

who

\

By the /

will not be domiciliated.

Versailles, the 10"" April, 1684.

King.

His Majesty being informed that several vagabond and loafing Frenchmen, who had immigrated to New France, have removed to Orange, Manatte and other places belonging to the English and Dutch, and that under divers pretexts they incite settlers there to leave their residences and to desert, for the purpose of settling in the said places of Orange and Manatte,

V

which would prevent the tillage and clearance of the lands, and cause eventually the entire ruin of the Colony; it being necessary to remedy the same, his Majesty hath forbidden and doth expressly prohibit all Frenchmen who have immigrated to New France quitting the country and removing to Manatte and Orange and other places belonging to the English and Dutch, on , pain of Death against those who will not be domiciliated ; his Majesty wills that their trial be V, had and perfected before the Council of War, which shall, to this end, be composed of the

number of 7 Judges, Captains or other militia officers

who

or Lieutenants of the troops he maintains in said country,

are there, whereat shall assist the Governor and Lieutenant-

General, and the Intendantof Justice, Police and Finance in the said country to the

Frenchmen

settled

and domiciliated

in

New

France,

who

;

and

in

regard

will be convicted of the

same

desertion, his Majesty wills and orders that their trial be had and perfected by the Sovereign Council of Quebec, and that they be punished according to the rigor of this day's Edict. His

Majesty Orders and Ordains, &c., &c.

Edict for the punishment of Frenchmen

and other places belonging

to the

who

will

remove

to Manatte,

English and Dutch.

Orange

Versailles, 10""

April, 1684.

Louis, &c..

To

all

present and to come, Greeting:

subjects settled in our Country of

New

France, and

Being informed that divers of our

who have

lands there to

them belonging,

keep up an intercourse with vagabond and loafing Frenchmen who have deserted to settle at Manatte, Orange and other places under the dominion of the English and Dutch, and that they have been led, by this example of Jeucantise and licentiousness, to abandon the cultivation and clearing of their lands, which would inevitably bring ruin on the Colony, were it not promptly remedied ; Wherefore we have, by these presents signed by our hand, expressly

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

IL

225

forbidden and prohibited all Frenchmen, inhabiting New France, removing to Orange, Manatte and other places belonging to the English and Dutch, without our permission or that of those who have authority from us to grant it We Will that those of our subjects who shall ;

become

ringleaders, and

who, as Chiefs, will have undertaken to desert and remove to the said English and Dutch, be condemned to Death ; and in regard to those who shall be taken deserting individually, or who shall have followed the said leaders, that they be condemned to the galleys for life. We enjoin our Judges to condemn them to the said penalties agreeably

We give in Command, to our beloved and faithful Councillors, the persons holding our Sovereign Council of Quebec, that they cause these presents to be read, published, enregistered and executed according to their form and tenor. For such is Our Pleasukb. to these presents.

And

in order that

these

to

it

presents,

be a thing forever firm and Stable, we have caused our seal to be affixed without at all in other respects Our right and that of Others

[infringing], &c.

^»

!»

»

Commission for Sieur de Commission Louis, by the Grace of to cause

for Sieur

de

God King

some expeditions

to

We

could not

Versailles, 14'^ of April, 1684.

of France and of Navarre, Greeting:

be undertaken

divers savage tribes, and to convey to

been of opinion that

la Salle:

la ScUle.

in

them the

make

Having resolved

North America, to subject to our dominion

light of the Faith

and of the Gospel,

a better choice than of Sieur de

la Salle to

We

have

command

all the Frenchmen and Indians whom he will employ for the execution of the have entrusted unto him. For these and other reasons Us moving, and being moreover well informed of his affection and fidelity for Our service, We have by these

in our

name

orders

We

presents, signed

de to

la Salle to

by Our hand, constituted and ordained, commission and ordain, the said Sieur as well in the Country which will be subject anew

command under Our authority,

Our dominion

in

North America, from Fort

St.

Louis on the River of the

Illinois,

unto

New

whom he will employ in the expeditions them to live in union and concord, the one with the other, keep the soldiers in good order and police according to Our rules, appoint Governore and special Commanders in the places he shall think proper, until it shall by Us be otherwise ordered, maintain trade and traffic, and generally to do and exercise for Us in the said country Biscay, as well

We

all

among

have entrusted

to

the French and Indians,

his care, cause

that shall appertain to the Office of

Commandant, and enjoy

its

powers, honors, authorities,

prerogatives, preeminences, franchises, liberties, wages, rights, fruits, profits, revenues and

emoluments during Our pleasure. To execute which, [We] have given and do give unto you power, by these presents, whereby We Command all Our said Subjects and Soldiers to acknowledge, obey and hear you in things relating to the present power. Fob such is Our Plkasurk. In Witness whereof, We have caused Our privy seal to be affixed to these presents. Given at Versailles, the 14'* April, 16S4, &c.

Vol. IX.

39

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

226

•••••••••• M.

My

Lord, •

An

amdassador from

Barre

de la

to

M.

de Seignelay.

Senecas arrived here at the time

tlie

moment

He manifests every kind disposition at the me to secure his person and suite without his

attack.

obliged

in other respects very well, in order to try

Fathers,

Rev"* Jesuit

to

his

written

who me a

him, and to

great

the Iroquois

peril in

of their

This

it

as yet, treating

him

withdraw, by means of him, the

to

its

security above

all

Missions.

I

have had no

things.

may

Majesty to please to write to M. Barillon, that he

King of England, Iroquois

in

being aware of

and be able

news

as yet, so as to gain time to be able to have troops and provisions

Fort Frontenac for

•

Were

are

received the

•«•••«••••

negotiation with him

conveyed

who

I

those people destroy us.

Dunkuen

prohibiting Colonel

attack us,

I believe

would be of very great

it

obtain an order from the

with arms and ammunition, the

to assist,

utility in this

He

war.

has

and I have sent a man expressly to compliment him, ask of him the same thing which he doubtless would grant me if he had an very

civil

general

••

letter,

express order on this subject from the King his Master, •

•

•

•

•

•

•

Your most humble and Most obedient Quebec, the 6* June, 1684.

My

to

•

servant,

Le Febur de la Barrb.

(signed)

Meverend Father de Lamherville

•

M.

de la Barre.

Lord,

I

come

at the beginning of the year to

joy

I feel

that your arrival in

three Burgomasters

who

renew

to

you

my

respects,

and to

testify to

you the

Canada has averted the scourge of war from the Colony. The you have acted here agreeably to your intentions. They

visited

again held, eight days since, great Councils with the Captains and warriors, at which they have

made them; they say they must not who has spoken to them so authoritatively and with so

resolved to give you satisfaction on the proposals you

contravene the orders of their father,

many proofs of benevolence, and who has uttered no menace or angry expression. The man named Garanontie has spoken by a Wampum belt to the Chief of the and has turned the musket towards the Chaouennons. obedience; he desires that his

allies

Our

warriors,

father Onontio, he said, merits

should not be hereafter insulted.

enumerated among your

He

told

me

that

if

you

and that there is a strong disposition to satisfy you. Presents conjoined with kindness and courtesy are arms which the Iroquois scarcely ever resist; on the other hand, tiireats or even war would have wished

to protect the

Oumiamis, they

will be

allies,

been equally fatal to the Colony. You know better than I that a few bandits in Italy have disabled troops six times more numerous than theirs, and that the Burgundy dairymen formerly gave considerable trouble to the Prince. Soldiers who would prove good in the centre of a plain would be thrown into disorder in such forests as these here, and besides that, the Iroquois, daring

and well armed, and

who makes war

like a thief,

would have

inflicted

PARIS DOCUMENTS considerable injury on the French.

The prudence

The country

valor and intrepidity.

indebted

II.

:

SS7

of a Chief goes hand in hand with his

your prudence for its preservation; a premature v?ar would have indubitably reduced it to extremities. Sieur de la grand Guele, who has been entirely won over by your liberality and the kind bearing with which you received him, is become your creature. He appears to be your man is

to

Garakontie. He panegyrized you a few days ago when addressing the warriors, and exhorted the one and the other to act in a friendly manner to all your allies whom of business with

they will meet

in the hunting grounds to which they are about to proceed; to assemble here again in the spring, and to form a numerous war party, the chief of which is called Hannntakta, to whom I gave a present in your name. He it was who last year opposed the Cayuga8~an3

Senecas, in order to keep the promise he caused to be made to you that he should not go to that year against the Illinois and Oumiamis, which he faithfully observed. I say that he will possibly go to Montreal to pay his respects to you, and to observe nigher than here what

war

sort of a

man you

As Sieur de

are (comme vous avez resprit/uit).

grande Gueule says he

(These are his words.)

see you this summer to speak of divers matters in answer to the message you entrusted to him, and particularly about the affair of the armorer, I have not inquired of him, for you, what he desired this year, which is the first of la

go

will

to

the pension you are so good as to allow him.

It

The man named Qreouahd, of Cayuga, told me also he intended to visit you at Montreal. is he who made Father de Carheil' to withdraw from Cayuga, and who treacherously brought

the six Tionnontat^s there.

Chiefs in Cayuga.

He

exceedjngly proud.

is

Sorrennoa and he are the two greatest

made who were conquered by the

of this Oreouahd that the English of Albany (formerly Orange)

It is

use to prevent Sieur Penn purchasing the land of the Andastogu^s,* Iroquois and the English of Maryland.

I believe he will be better pleased with you than with the English, afler he shall have the honor of an interview with you. I told him that if he should wish to see Father de Carheil again where he was going to, you will send for him to Montreal. He has great influence among the Cayugas has conceived profound esteem for you as a great Captain, which he also ;

Your dexterity and experience in winning over all those various I believe, most intimately, and he will be convinced that

piques himself to be.

characters will attach him to you, as

^everead

Etisnkk Dx CAsaBiL arrived at Quebec od the 6th of August,

remoTed, in November of the following year, to Cayuga hill

The obduracy

health returned thither.

;

he

left that place in

ISM; went 1671 on

in 18S7 to

Onoodaga, wbenea ht but on recoTcriog

ac Retv/rn of the Troops at Fort Frontenac.

Review made

at the

head of our

little

Army, composed of

the King's Troops,

of the Militia of the Country, and Indians that have joined us, in presence of

who have been so good as to and of the Serjeants-Major commanding the Brigades

the Officers, Volunteer Noblesse

all

accompany

us,

of Militia. In the bark

La

hundred

Generate,

(cent) of the

gone down

to

La

Galette, the

e""

of August, 1684, to unload the

Canoes.

Monsieur de Saint-Michel, commander of said bark.

The

Pilot,

La

Fontaine.

Messier.

Blondeau.

Ren^, King's carpenter. Boisjolly,

La Montague,

la Fleur, Arnault, Labrie, Soldiers.

General Return of the King's troops, according to the review

made

thereof in presence of the

General, the 14 August, 1684.

Monsieur Sieur de

In said

Du

Tast, First Captain.

La Groye, Company

Lieutenant.

—2

Serjeants, 41 Soldiers, 1

Drum.

Monsieur de Cahouet, second Captain, present. Monsieur de Saint-Basile, Lieutenant, left sick at Montreal. In the Second

Company

—

1

Serjeant, 43 Soldiers, 1

Drum.

—

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

II.

Chevalier Aubry, 3' Captain, present. Sieur de La llouarie, Lieutenant, present. In said

Company

Five soldiers

Serjeant, 41 Soldiers.

1

in the bark, as

above,

5.

Total, 4 Serjeants, 130 Soldiers, 2

Drums.

Return of the Soldiers of the Vanguard, commanded by Monsieur Dugu^.

Monsieur de Longueil, Major, ^

The Captain

> present.

of Montreal,

Sieur Mautet, Lieutenant,

Company

—

)

34 Soldiers, 1 Drum. Monsieur D'Aumeny, Captain of the lower end of the Island, present. In said

2 Serjeants,

Sieur de la Fleur, Lieutenant.

—

Company 12 Serjeants, 39 Soldiers. Monsieur de Chailly, Captain of the upper end of the Island. Sieur de Saint Missel, Lieutenant, absent on duty. In said

—

In said

Company

A man

from the Convoy,

2 Serjeants,

35 Soldiers,

1

Drum.

1.

Monsieur de Sueves, Captain of the C6te8 de Sorel, Sieur du Vern^, Lieutenant. In said

Company

—

2 Serjeants,

etc.

45 Soldiers.

Total, 10 Serjeants, 193 Soldiers, 2 Drums.

Return of the Corps of reserve. Monsieur de Villebon, Brigade-Major. Monsieur de Godefroy de Saint Paul, Captain of Three Rivers, present. Sieur de la Bretonniere, Lieutenant, present. In said

Company

—

24

1 Serjeant,

Five Soldiers from the Convoy,

Soldiers, 1

Drum.

6.

Monsieur du Tilly, Captain of the C6te de Beaupr^. Lieutenant.

Sieur In said

Company

—

2 Serjeants,

66 Soldiers.

Monsieur de Beauvais, Captain of the Cote de Batiskan, present. Sieur de Montplaisir, Lieutenant, present.

In said

Company

—

2 Serjeants,

37 Soldiers.

Monsieur Duchesnay, Captain of Beauport, present. Sieur Traversy, Lieutenant, present. In said

Company

—

35 Soldiers-

2 Soldiers,'

Monsieur de la Fert6, Captain of the Cote du Cap-Rouge, present Sieur de Mezeray, Lieutenant, present. In said

Company

—

Total,

2 Serjeants,

49 Soldiers,

9 Serjeants, 216

1

Drum. Drum.

Soldiers, 1 [2]

Return of the Rear-guard, commanded by Monsieur D'Orvilliers. Monsieur de Lotbiniere, Colonel, commanding the Quebec regiment.

Monsieur Dupuy, Major. '

/Sic.

for

S«rje»nU

— Ea,

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

236

Sieur Desambaux, Aid-Major.

Monsieur de Beaulieu, Lieutenant of the Colonel's company, present.

—

Company

In said

2 Serjeants,

*

75 Soldiers.

Monsieur de Beaumont, Captain of the Island of Orleans, present. Sieur Thibierge, Lieutenant, present.

—

4 Serjeants, 70 Soldiers, 1 Drum. In said Company Monsieur Dumont, Captain of the Cote de Lauzon, present. Sieur Vincelot, Lieutenant.

Company

In said

—

3 Serjeants,

59 Soldiers.

Drum.

9 Serjeants, 204 Soldiers, 1

Total,

In the Fort.

The Reverend Father

Frangois,' a RecolletFriar,

Colin, Interpreter,

Sieur Prenouveau,

La Le

Pertuy, locksmith.

Baptist, servant.

Sieur Bertet,

Fleur,

Vasser,

Carpenters. M'". Moyse, Petitit Trein, Montroux, Pelletier, Bastien,

Le

Petit Breton, Caulker,

Jean de Quebec, Marmande,

LAnglois, Mesnier Cassan, Cassan,

Company omitted therein. M. Cahouet's Company omitted therein.

Soldiers of Monsieur Dutast's

La

Grenade, Soldier of

Jean Bardineau,

Gregoire, farmer of the

Pierre Pruneau,

and

fort, his wife,

five children, for three persons.

Jean Dubois, Bisestre, Mechanic,

Making,

Done and concluded

at

in

all,

twenty-nine persons.

Fort Frontenac, the Fourteenth August, 16S4.

Le Febure delabarre.

*»«» Presents of the Onondagas "^

'^^^ Onnontagues,

^"ifZi'fer^ These are

to be kept

Onontio at

to

La

Famine^

Uh

who

is

Orator of that

God

to witness the sincerity of his heart,

il words, he spoke '

He was

by

fifteen

also.

leagues

presents,

After having

and having assured Onontio of the truth of his

in this wise:

Rev. FRANgois Wasson.

661, 670.

1684.

La Famine, about 25

Nation, spoke

not only on behalf of tEe Senecas, but of the other four Iroquois Nations

taken

Iber,

whose mediation between the French and the Senecas the

Qgngral accepted, having repaired to a place called

from their country, Hateouati,

the

He came

to'

Canada

in 1681,

succeeded by Father Luke Buisaet.

and was

— Ed,

six years

among

the Iroquois at this post

Ze

Clercq

:

Gaspetie,

:

PARIS DOCUMENTS: 1" I

Word

Answer

of the Iroquois.

As

give you a beverage devoid of bitterness,

of Onontio to the words of Hoteouat6.

have placed

I

you may have experienced during the voyage, and to dispel what bad air soever you may have breathed

Hatchet and

between Montreal and

satisfaction.

to purify whatever inconvenience

2" I

this place,

tion with

in

your hands the media-

Senecas,

the

what you ask me.

I

refer to

wish truly to do

I

down my

therefore lay

you

to obtain a reasonable

Word.

take from you the hatchet with which you

Remember he

threaten to strike the Senecas. is

287

II.

your child, and that you are bis father. 3«

Word,

Answer.

M. Lemoine, your ordinary envoy, having come last year, and speaking to us in your name, cut a deep ditch, into which he told us you and we should cast all the unkind things that might occur; I have not forgotten this word, and in obedience to it request you to throw into that ditch the Seneca robbery, that it may distufb neither our Country nor

That

ditch

men have no

well cut, but as your young

is

and as they make

sense,

this

a

pretext for committing acts of hostility anew, after

having cast the Seneca robbery into that

ditch, as

as

I

you

Stop your young men,

desire.

shall restrain mine.

I

cover

it

up forever.

yours. 4"'

I

Answer.

Word.

again set up the tree o f peace, which

planted at Montreal in the conference

we

we had

the honor to have with you last summer. S"-

It is

not

I

who

think of throwing

it is

your nephews

it.

I

strengthen

i

W\

who have

it

down

seriously shaken

it.

Word.

I exhort you. Father, to sustain it strongly,

in order that nothing 6">

I

again

was

tie

up

may shake

it.

Word. which

(je rattache) the Sun,'

obscured:

altogether

dispel

I

clouds and mists that concealed

it

all

the

from our

sight. V*"

Answer.

Word.

The robbery committed by your nephews

make war been shed

I

Where

has blood

promise you that satisfaction

shall be afforded

have

not a sufficient motive to

is

against them. "?

the Senecas on

you for the by the

experienced

loss the

French

pillage of

'Tis well that

deceive of you

me

not.

is,

Etionnontat^

you promise

The

first

that you

restore

prisoners

Seneca, and a third

who

who

A fignrstiTe

ezprMsion, meaning to renew a firm Peace.

La

Ptthtri*.

satisfaction: I

expect

me

the

two

are

with

the

remains at Cayuga.

their

merchandise. '

me

thing that

— Ei\

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

238

Onontio,

my

Answer of Onontio.

Word.

S"-

father, I

am always uneasy and

cannot pluck up courage, whatever kindnesses

you have the goodness quiets

me U

drums,

etc.

may g"-

fire

show you what

deference

I

pay

to

your

demands.

pray you return to Quebec, so

that your children

The

dis-

I

to

behold soldiers, hear these

to I

What

show me.

to

depart to-morrow and quit this country,

sleep in peace.

Word.

Answer.

of peace and the halls of

our

I

accept the selection you have

made

of this

Councils were at Frontenac or at Montreal.

place for our conferences, without, however,

The former

extinguishing the

a poor country, where

is

Grasshoppers prevent

me

the

and the men. I kindle the fire of peace on this spot, which is the most agreeable that we can select, where there is good fishing, hunting, &c. second

is

very

far

away

10""

Our warriors

as well

which

I

have lighted at

Montreal.

for our old

Word.

have accepted the peace.

by

sleeping,

fire

Answer.

You need

as our other chiefs I

bear their words

not doubt the obedience of

soldiers; endeavor to

by your own. To prove uphold the tree of peace,

this belt.

my

make .yourselves obeyed to

you that

I

firmly

sent to Niagara to

I

cause the army to return which was coming

from that direction. Eleventh Word.

You told us, enemy no more. shall

last

We

to

Remember

strike the

heard your voice.

We

go no more to war in that quarter. ]2"'

He

summer,

Answer.

the

to

that the Maskoutenek

Oumeami.

Answer.

my people this spring, That's well; you bound my Oumeami who

in divers rencounters; but as

arms

I

Therefore strike neither

the one nor the other.

Word.

has killed some of

brother

is

allowed myself to be struck, without

word not

to

you

need

struck you

not ;

pursue the

I shall

commit any more

send him

acts of hostility.

defending myself. 13""

Word.

Answer.

Regarding the Illinois, I am at war with him; we shall both of us die fighting.

Take heed,

in firing at the Illinois, not to

strike the French

whom you meet

path and in the neighborhood of Fort 14th

Word.

Restore to us the Missionaries

have withdrawn from our

villages.

on your S'.

Louis.

Answer.

whom you

They

my

shall not

mediators

;

have commenced shall

be taken from you

who

and when the Senecas

are will

to give rae satisfaction, they

be restored to them as well as to the

other Nations.

PARIS DOCUMENTS 16* and

239

Word.

last

Answer

Prevent the Christians of the Saut and of the Mountain coming any more

seduce our people to Montreal; to

U.

:

dismember our Country

as

among

It is

us to

MountJiin

them cease they do every

my

not

of Onontio.

children of the Saut nor of the

who dismember your country it is who dismember it by your drunk;

yourselves

let

enness and your superstitions.

year*

liberty to

is full

come and

Besides, there

reside

among

us.

The General has added two presents to the above. By the first he said You see the consideration which

I have for the request you have made me. I ask you in return, if the Seneca, Cayuga, or any other commit a similar insult against me, that you first give him some sense, and if he will not hear you, that you abandon him a« :

one disaffected.

By

the last belt he exhorted |them to listen not to evil counsels, and told

Tegannehout back

M.

them

conduct

to

Seneca, and to report the above conclusions.

to

de la

Barris proceedings with

Memoir of M. de Labarre

War

the

Having been obliged

to

as to

(he

Five Nations.

what had occurred and had been done regarding

against the Senecas.

leave early in June, agreeably to the resolution adopted by the

Intendant, the Bishop, the heads of the country and myself, to wage war against the Senecas

lm«dfe4 canoes belonging

for having, in cold blood, pillaged seven

and detained the attacl^ed

latter, to

number

the

the Illinois, where Chevalier de

Saint Louis of

Fort

same

himself; and having also resolved, at the his twelve

companions who had come

country before they heard of treat

them

ill,

endeavor

we

who

Outaouacs bring as

to

are Missionaries there, and to request

engage our French

many

Governor of

to

made

come

to

arrested

;

and afterwards

gallantly defended

last year;

and had

my

left

me

their

not to

considered three things proper and

to divide the Iroquois

purpose to send some persons expressly to communicate Fathers,

Baugy

;

a circumstance that would have obliged

this attack;

First, to

Frenchmen

time, to seize Teganeout, one of their chiefs, and

to ratify the peace

but merely to secure their persons;

necessary to be done:

to

of fourteen, as prisoners for nine days

my

among themselves, and

for this

sentiments to the Reverend Jesuit

them

to act; secondly, to send to the

assistance by the South, by

Lake

Erie,

and

to

as they could of the savages, our allies; and thirdly, to advise Colonel Dongan,

New York,

of what

we were obliged to do, whilst at the same time I should throw men into Fort Frontenac to secure it. Being arrived at month, we sent for M' Dollier, Superior of the Seminary of

a considerable reinforcement of

Montreal the tenth of the said said

town and of the Indian Mission

at

the Mountain, and

the Reverend

Father Brias,

Superior of the Mission of the Sault Saint Louis, who, after having concurred with us, furnished seven Christian Iroquois, friendly to the French and pretty shrewd, two of whom we sent with some Belts of Wampum to the Mohawks, and two to the Oneidas, to say to

them that

we were

resolved to observe

peace

made with them

— that

we were

very

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

240

willing to live there as with friends

we were

the Frenchmen

had

— and that we requested them not

about to wage against the Senecas,

whom

to interfere in the

war

cruelly insulted us in the instance of

they had plundered and seized, and of Fort Saint Louis which they

and

attacked since,

who had

peace

in violation of the

made

year at Montreal

last

three others to Onontague to explain the same things, and finally

I

;

we

sent the

dispatched Sieurs Guillet

and Hebert to the Outaouacs to advise Sieurs Ladurantaye and Dulhut of my design and of the need I had of their assistance, and sent my orders to the Reverend Father Enjalran, Superior of said Missions, to operate there and to send instructions to different quarters according to his usual zeal and capacity, whilst I dispatched Sieur Bourbon to Orange or to notify Colonel Dongan of the insult the French had received from the Senecas, which obliged me to march against him, whereof I gave him notice, assuring him that if he wished to revenge the twenty-six 'Englishmen of Merilande, whom they had killed last winter, I would promise him to unite my forces to his, that he may obtain satisfaction for it or

Manatte

avenge them.

On

month

the twentieth of the same

troops, with five or

I

dispatched Sieur Dutast,

first

Captain of the King's

picked soldiers and six mechanics, carpenters and masons, with

six

provisions and munitions of war, to throw themselves into Fort Frontenac, and put

beyond

haste,

Montreal, on Saint John's day, to return to

make

I

in all

all to

out the detachment of Militia which could follow

to the country.

it,

embark at la Chine, I proceeded from Quebec, where I had requested the Intendant to

which, having caused

insult; after

me

to the

war, without inconvenience

arrived there on the twenty-sixth, having used great diligence on the route,

and found the people ordered and some canoes purchased, but as they were not sufficient embarcation of all, we caused fifteen flat ( bottomed ) pine bateaux, each capable of conveying fourteen or fifteen men, to be constructed in a hurry. for the

I

divided

all

my

or vanguard, which

small force into three divisions I

commanded.

the

I left

;

placed myself at the head of the

management

first,

of the second to M'. D'orvilliers,

the third, composed of troops from the Island of Montreal and commanded by Sieur Dugue, ancient Captain of Carignan. Sieur D'orvilliers was environs, had been, since the fore part of Spring, reconnoitring Lake Ontario and the Seneca Country, to see where the descent should be made, and in what direction we should march to their two principal villages, of which he had made a faithful and exact plan. I selected Sieur de

ancient Captain of Infantry

;

Villebon-Beccancourt,' formerly Captain of the King's Dragoons, as Major of the Brigade

I

commanded, so that, acting in my place, as I was obliged to have an eye to all, I could confide I lefl Quebec the in him; he succeeded therein with all possible diligence and experience. ninth of July, at the head of Three hundred militiamen, accompanied by the said Sieur de '

Chevalier de Villkbon was son of the Baron de Bekancourt

in 1690 to Port

Royal and proceeded thence

He went to

river.

in the following

to seize him,

until September,

removed

but the attempt

he then proceeded

to his fort,

of October; but his defence in the

month

of July of

was

and did not reach Port Royal

to the River St. John.

failed.

return to Fort Naxoat, on the River after;

his vessel

year with a commission of Governor of Acadia, with which

possession of that place, he

men

After this expecJition he returned to France, and was sent

St John, where

was captured whilst he was absent up the

Quebec, whence he repaired again to France, and, in consequence of his representations at Court, came out

where he was detained

1691,

to the Eiver

St.

lie

arrived at Quebec in the beginning of July,

until 26th

November

following.

After taking

In 1692, Governor Pliipps sent three armed vessels and 400

In 1696, he assisted at the reduction of Fort Pemaquid by Iberville, and, on hig

John, with his Indians, was taken prisoner by the English, but was released shortly

where the English, under Colonel Hawthorn, followed and attacked him on the ISth enemy to retire. He continued on the River St. John until 1700,

so gallant as to oblige the

which year he

died. Charlevoix.

— En.

;

PARIS DOCUMENTS Villebon, and arrived at Montreal the sixteenth, where the twenty-first, to

who

embark the King's

brought me, troops.

of provisions, in which

1

Two

in addition to

Thus,

had much

after

in

I

U.

241

was joined by Sieur

hundred and

D'orvilliers

fifty militia,

having issued every possible order

on

some bateaux conveyance

for the

consequence of the scarcity of canoes and of I detached Sieur de Villebon

difficulty in

experienced persons to conduct them

:

the portages of the rapids,

my brigade and the two Companies of King's troops, and ordered them to and second portages, where I should join them, so that on the thirtieth I paued their encampment, beyond the said second portage, and we proceeded next day, both brigades together, Sieur D'orvilliers bringing up the rear with the third, one day behind us. On the to lead the

pass the

van with

first

of August, being in Lake St. Francis with about two hundred canoes and our fifteen bateaux, was joined by the Reverend Father Lamberville, Junior, coming on behalf of bis brother, from Onontagu^, and by the Reverend Father Millet from Oneida. By the annexed letters from Onontagud you will learn that these people, having been joined by the Oneidas and Cayugas, had obliged the Senecas to appoint them mediators as to the reparation they should agree to make me for the insult which had unfortunately been committed against the French in the month of March, and prayed me to send M'. le Moine to them, with whom they could first

I

terminate this all

me

with the provisions

from

la

On

This obliged

affair.

haste, to send

I

from there the

me immediately new bark I had

to dispatch a

canoe to Fort Frontenac

in

built in the winter, in order to freight her

brought, and to send the Canoes in which they were loaded to fetch others

Chine.

the second

we

arrived at the Portage of the

notwithstanding the care

I

had taken to send

fifty

Long Sault, which men ahead, to cut

I

found very

difficult,

the trees on the bank

river which prevented those passing who were to drag the Canoes and bateaux because the stream being voluminous and the bank precipitous, the people were beyond their

of the

depth the

moment they abandoned

bateaux; this necessitated

my

draw

the shore, and were not strong enough to

said

sojourn at that place, where, having been joined by the

Christian Iroquois of the Sault and of Montreal, they undertook, for

a few

presents of

Brandy and Tobacco, to pass the said bateaux and the largest Canoes, which they fortunately accomplished in two days without any accident. On the morning of the fifth, 1 found the new bark arrived at La Galette where I had all the provisions discharged from the canoes before eight o'clock in the morning; and these dispatched at the same, on their return, to la Chine to be reloaded. The strong winds from

and obstinately continued during the remainder of the month, were the cause of the great diligence that the bark had made, and likewise delayed our march so much that I could not arrive at the Fort with my canoe alone until the ninth. I was joined there by Father de Lamberville, whom I

the South West, which constantly prevailed

all

this time,

dispatched next day to his brother at Onontagud, that

I

had so much respect

for their request

and

whom

I

instructed to assure that Nation

for that of the other two, that

1

should

mediation to war, provided they procured me reasonable satisfaction. Three me to adopt this resolution : the first, because it appeared by letters I bad received from Colonel Dongan, in answer to the message by the man named Bourbon, that he was very far from the good understanding of which his Majesty had assured me but much disposed to interfere as our enemy in this matter. The second, because I had few provisions, prefer

their

things obliged

;

and

I

was made to forward flour to me with any diligence from because the wind prevailed so strong from the South west that my

did not see that any effort

Montreal

;

and the

Vol. IX.

third,

31

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

242 bark did not return from notify the

army of the

La

Soutii,

Galette, and

which was

Fort Frontenac with that of the North.

I

could not dispatch anotlier to

to arrive forthwith I

Lake Ontario

from Niagara, of

afterwards reviewed

all

my

to

arrival at

our troops, as annexed,'

Moine having overtaken me on the same day with the remainder of the Christian not previously arrived, I dispatched them on the sixteenth to Onontaguc, placed in iiis hands and Tegancouj-t, the Ambassador from the Senecas, whom I had arrested Seeing the wind always contrary, 1 sent, on the preceding day, eight of the at Quebec. largest Canoes that I had, to the bark at La Galette, to bring me ten thousand weight of flour, bread beginning to fail, which caused me a good deal of uneasiness, and created considerable murmurs among the troops and the militia. Finally, on the twenty-first, my canoes arrived with what I sent them for. I set to work immediately, with all possible diligence, to have bread and biscuit baked ; and sent off forthwith the King's troops, D'orvilliers' and Dugue's two brigades, and two hundred Christian Savages to encamp at La Famine, a post favorable for fishing and hunting, and four leagues from the river of Onontaguc, so as to be nearer the enemy, and able to refresh our troops by fishing and the chase, as we were short of provisions, intending to join them myself with about three hundred Frenchmen, whom I had remaining. On the twenty-fifth, the Canoes I had detached from La Galette to Montreal arrived, but in far less number than I had looked for, and brought me only eight or nine thousand weight of flour, instead of twenty thousand, I expected, and which I left ready for loading when I departed. I caused bread and biscuit to be immediately made for the support of our who were at the aforesaid place called La Famine. troops, On the twenty-seventh, at four o'clock in the afternoon, a canoe of M'. Leraoine's children arrived from Onontagud with Tegancourt, who reported to me that the Onontagues had received orders from Colonel Dongan, and Sieur Iroquois

le

who had

which he sent by one Arnaud, forbidding them to enter into any treaty with me without his express permission, considering them the Duke of York's subjects, and that he had caused the Arms of the said Duke to be raised three days before in their village; that the Council had been convened at the said place of Onontaguc, to which Sieur Lemoine had been invited, and the matter having been debated, these Savages got into a furious rage, with some danger to the English delegate said they were free, and that God, who had created the Earth, had granted them their country without subjecting them to any person, and requested Father Lamberville the elder to write to Colonel Dongan the annexed letter; and, the said Sieur Lemoine having well sustained the French interests, they unanimously resolved to start On the receipt of this news I in two days to conclude affairs with me at La Famine. immediately called out my canoes in order to depart, and was accompanied by a dozen of others, having caused six of the largest to be loaded with bread and biscuit for the army. After having been buffeted by bad weather and high winds, we arrived in two days at La Famine. I found there tertian and double tertian fever, which broke out among our people, so I had also left some sick that more than one hundred and fifty men were attacked by it at the Fort, which caused me to dispatch, on arriving, a Christian Savage to Onontagu6 to M'. Lemoine, to request him to cause the instant departure of those who were to come to meet me. This he accomplished with so much diligence, though he and his children were sick, that he arrived on the third of September with fourteen Deputfes; nine from Onontagu6, three from Oneida, and two Cayugas, who paid me their respects, and I entertained them in the ;

;

'

For this papf r gee

p.

234.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

n.

:

243

best manner I was able, postponing the talk about business until the morrow morning, when matters were fully discussed and peace concluded after six hours' deliberation, three in the

morning and as many after dinner; Father Brias speaking for us, and Hotrchouati' and Garagonkier for the Iroquois Tegancout, the Seneca, was present, the other SenecaTnol daring to come in order not to displease^Colonel Dongan, who sent to promise them a reinforcement of four hundred horse and four hundred foot, if we attacked them. The treaty was concluded in the evening on the conditions annexed,' and I promised to decamp the next day and withdraw my troops from their vicinity; which indeed I was obliged to do by the number of sick, that had augmented to such a degree that it was with difficulty I found enough of persons in health to remove the sick on board the canoes; also by the scarcity of provisions, as there was no more than the trifle of bread I had brought them. I allowed the Onontaguea to light ;

the Council

fire

at this place without extinguishing that at Montreal, in order to be entitled to

take possession of

it

by their consent when the King should desire

it,

and thereby exclude the

English and Colonel Dongan from their pretensions.

On

leaving the Fort,

I

had ordered one of the barks

Lake Erie

the South to return by

to Missilimakinack

to ;

go to Niagara to notify the army of

she had a favorable passage

;

found

had arrived, only six hours previously, to the number of seven hundred men, viz., one hundred and fifty French, and the remainder Indians. I departed on the sixth, having had all the sick of my troops embarked before day (so as not to be seen by the Indiana) to the number of one hundred and fifty Canoes, and twelve flat bateaux, and arrived in the evening of the same day at Fort Frontenac, where I found one hundred and ten men, of the number I had left there, already departed, all sick, for Montreal. Having given the necessary orders it

as to the

number of

soldiers to be left there for the security of that post, until the arrival

from France of Sieur de Laforest, its Major, I started, about nine or ten o'clock in the morning, on my return. Shortly after my departure, the bark arrived from Niagara with some French officers of the army, who brought me news from it at night, and assured me that the chiefs of all the savages had accompanied them to the Fort, desirous to see me,

and would

visit

me

at Montreal,

Lamberville, the elder,

he was very glad

where

I

was

came likewise with

to wait for them.

these

The Reverend Father de

Gentlemen on account of some

difficulties

Onontague, whither he returned. We worked some hours together; I then sent him back to the Fort with some of the arrived French ; the others being desirous to leave and come down again into the Country. After having waited some time for Mess", du Tast and de Cahouet, to whom I gave one of

my

to arrange for

canoes and two of

my

guards, well acquainted with the navigation, to

pilot

their

journey down the river. bateaux and troops in safety through the rapids, I fever had seriously whose I likewise took on board one of my canoes the Sieur Le Moine, augmented, and who had served the King in this affair with so much zeal and affection, aided

resumed

my

by the intimate knowledge he had of the Iroquois language, that it may be said the entire Colony owe him a debt of eternal gratitude. and Finally, in my return of three days, I accomplished what cost us thirteen in ascending, had which, flour, of found in the stores at Montreal and la Chine, forty-five thousand weight country. we received it, would have enabled us to have made a longer sojourn in the Upper

Done

at

Quebec

(^ Oatr6ouati,

the 1" day of October, 16S4.

otherwise celled

OronA OmuIi

nkiM he mannfaotureg by merely *

See

p.

28G.

(Big

Mouth ). Bdmtml.

Latinizing the French.

— Elk

Le Feburk db la barre. ThU U

U nont«n'» fMnoni Or»tor. OrmffuU,

whoM

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

244

Abstract of the preceding [

I

de la Barre.

Omitted, the Memoir being already printed in

M.

My

Memoir of M.

de la

Barre

M.

to

1st Octohei^ 1084.

full. ]

de Seignelay.

Lord, address you these lines in advance, deferring an account of

my

all

conduct, the receipt

of his Majesty's orders, and the answer to those you were pleased to honor return of the ships by which to you, verbally,

now

to

shall take leave to

send you the Captain of

me

what, in writing, would be too long, and to enable

impostures by which write

I

it

is

sought to blacken

me

in his Majesty's

me

my

with, until the

guards to report

to reply to all the

and your estimation.

inform you that our war has not been bloody, and that

I

I

concluded with the

Senecas a peace, which apparently will be of some durability, and as honorable as possibly can be with Savages.

That Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York, has forgotten the orders he had received from the King, his Master, and has pushed matters against us to such an extremity, that the consideration of the affairs of Europe alone retained and prevented

who

fain

would assume

to

me marching

against

him

be sovereign lord of the whole of North America, south of

(au dessous) the river Saint Lawrence, and has caused the arms of the

Duke

of York to be raised

which they were not every where similarly respected) at a moment leagues distant, having traveled nearly two hundred to get there.

in the Iroquois villages (in

when I was only six As I am arranging

all

the proofs of these things, to be transmitted,

I

refer the details to

my

Captain of the guards, and content myself with informing you that the four companies of marines have safely arrived, and in good condition; that Monsieur de la Salle's people are

them the

aid you have ordered; and that, on a perfect obedience to all the orders I shall receive from you, which will doubtless insure me, against the falsehoods and calumnies retailed to you to my prejudice, a protection in favor of your most humble and most

departing for the Fort of the Illinois where until

I

can send you an exact answer, you

I

furnish

may

rely

obedient servant (S**)

Quebec, the

7""

M.

My I

Le feburk de la Barre.

October, 16S4.

de Meulles to

M.

de Seignelay.

Lord, thought you would be somewhat impatient to learn the success and result of the war the

General had undertaken against the Iroquois, which rendered

it

necessary for him to

call

a

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

j^

II.

part of the people of this Country together and

The

expense, for that expedition.

make all necessary preparation, at his Majesty'i troops have been as far as a place called La Famine, thirty

leagues beyond Fort Frontenac.

The army consisted of nine hundred French aud three hundred Savages, and from the Niagara side there was an army of six hundred men, one third of whom were French, and the remainder Outawacs and Hurons, amounting in all to eighteen hundred men.

What

Indians there were, evinced the best disposition to fight the Iroquois to the death. who brought the last six hundred men from Missilimakinak, has

Sieur de la Durantaye,

informed us that he learned from a Miami Chief that more than a thousand Illinois were coming to our aid, on learning that we were about to fight the Iroquois to such a degree are they their irreconcilable foes. Certainly, never was there remarked a better disposition ;

and conquer them, and purge the country of that nation which will be eternally our All the French breathed nothing but war, and, though they saw themselves obliged to abandon their families, they consoled themselves with the hope of liberating themselves by one victory from a Nation so odious as the Iroquois, at whose hands they constantly dread ambushes and destruction. But the General did not think proper to push matters any further, to fight

enemy.

and, without any necessity, sent Sieur

time

when every one was

in

Lemoyne to the said Iroquois to treat of peace at a good health, and when all necessary provision was made of food,

&c., to dare every enterprize;

and finally, after various comings and goings on one side and the other, the General concluded peace, such as you will see by the articles I take the liberty to

send you, as written by the hand of his Secretary.

My

the officers who had any command in that army, and all who composed it, who have testified so deep a displeasure and so sovereign a contempt for the General's person that they could not prevent themselves evincing it to him. I assure you. My Lord, that had I strayed ever so little from my duty, and not exhibited

This peace.

Lord, has astonished

exteriorly, since his return, the respect I

against him, and

The

all

owe

his character, the

whole world would have risen

would have been guilty of some excess.

said General excuses himself because of the sick, and even says that the troops lacked

food; to which

I

feel

obliged to answer, being certain that he seeks every pretext and has

recourse to every expedient to exculpate himself and perhaps to put the blame on me. 'Tis certain that there was a great number of sick among the Militia he took with him to Fort Frontenac, who were in perfect good health on arriving there but having encamped for a fortnight in Prairies between the woods and a pond, it is not surprising that some fell sick. Again, he made them stay at La Famine in places that were never inhabited, entirely surrounded by swamps, which aggravated the sickness in his army and had ;

;

he remained there longer, he would not have saved a man. This has caused all to remark that he did not care; that he had not the least desire to make war; that he made no use of these long sojourns, except to employ them in his negotiations. Had he seriously wished to attack the said Iroquois,

he would not have wasted ten or twelve days at Montreal,

fourteen or fifteen at Fort Frontenac, and as many at La Famine ; he would have remained merely adayor two, and have used the greatest dispatch possible to fight the Iroquois, and not uselessly consumed all his provisions; he would have, indubitably, surprised the said Iroquois, who were not expecting this attack, especially as the greater number of their young men had

been at war

He

in the

beginning of the spring.

says he lacked provisions

;

true, he would be the cause and could not had supplied him, generally, with whatever he required

though that were

but accuse himself of imprudence, as

I

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

246

of me, of which the whole Country faith,

is

he would have had everything in

15"" of

August

he departed on

;

he required of desired. This

me is

the

and with a little precaution, or, rather good abundance. He had determined not to leave until the

a witness 15"'

;

That did not prevent me furnishing

July.

such as bateaux, canoes, arms, ammunition, and

;

so true, that there yet

remained

at the

place called la Chine, thirty-five thousand weight of flour

all

all

the provisions he

end of the Island of Montreal, at a and five of biscuit, which he found

and which he had requested me to retain for him at Montreal. Had he not and had he been disposed to push into the Iroquois Country, the first convoy of for the greater number of the Militia, provisions which accompanied him had sufficed on

his return,

halted,

;

unwilling to wait for the King's supplies, had laid in their own private stock, the most part of which they brought back with them, as all the Captains in command will certify. This convoy consisted of eighteen canoes full of biscuit, pork, brandy, and, apparently, other things which I do not precisely know, having been loaded at Montreal whilst I was at Quebec, where I was issuing orders for the provisions that the General had demanded of me, and for saving the harvest of those who had gone on the expedition. If it had been the General's design to make war, he should not have caused the cargoes of the eighteen canoes I have mentioned to be put into barks thirty leagues from Montreal, above the Rapids, instead of letting the voyage be continued by the canoe men who were paid to go Fort Frontenac, and who had already accomplished the roughest part of the road, and who, without a doubt, would have arrived in three days at the Fort. This was represented to him by all the officers, who stated to him that the barks required wind, which, being contrary, would keep them more than three weeks from arriving, which turned out to be true.

Notwithstanding

all

put in the barks.

these reasons, he absolutely insisted that

Some have

assured

me

all

the said provisions should be

that the canoes of said convoy were partly laden

let the circumstance be known, that he had caused the'barks to precede the canoes, to put the goods secretly into them, and keep the knowledge of the fact from every body. In this way he made use of these canoes to convey that merchandise to the Fort at the King's expense, which has always been his practice for two years, ever pretending certain necessity to transport munitions of war, and making use, by this means, of these conveyances for which the King is made to pay under pretext of keeping It is impossible to conceive the quantity of Brandy that he has caused the Fort in good order. eighteen months, whereof I have had most positive information, thither during conveyed to be and of which I had the honor to advise you in my last. Others supposed that he had the said provisions put on board those barks in order to obtain time, and, by this address, to negotiate a peace with the Iroquois, as he had sent Sieur Lemoyne to them, who is a very brave man, and who was in despair at all this negotiation, All the delays at Montreal, the Fort, and at La stating openly that they ought to be whipt. Famine, caused the useless consumption of a portion of the supplies, which however did not fail, other convoys having been received from time to time; but they were always wasted,

with merchandise, and, not being very desirous to

without anything having been done. After the said General had determined in his

Bourbon, an inhabitant of obliged to

wage war

he confided to tell

him

that

1

me was

this

country, to

own mind on this war, he sent the man named Dongan to advise him that he was

Colonel

against the Iroquois, requesting

him not

to afford

eight days after the departure of the said Bourbon. astonished, that he should havfe thus proceeded

;

them any aid; which This obliged

me

to

that the Iroquois having

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

II.

247

insulted us, and did I intend to fight with and destroy them, I should not have

who have an interest in our destruction, as he Dongan, who is an Englishman, and consequently

to inform neiglibors thereof

deemed

it

proper

nflbrded thereby an

opportunity to Colonel our born enemy, to give underhand information of our designs to the Iroquois, and convey secretly to them all that may be necessary for their defence against us. I asked him if he did not perceive that the English would never desire our advantage, and that they would contribute all in their

power

to destroy us,

though at peace as regards France

;

that they

of the Fur trade pjosecuted by us in this country, which would

would always be jealous make them protect the

Iroquois always against us.

This Bourbon negotiation gave Colonel Dongan occasion to use some rhodomontade, as the me and assuredly it was that obliged him, having this information, to send an Englishman, who was in the habit of negotiating with the said Indians, to raise the General has informed

Duke act

of York's arms

take

to

the

;

among

first

the Onnontaguds, which

possession of

movement on the English

side,

and

the country. it is

is

We

an Iroquois

wishing by that

village,

have not heard talk of any other

even certain that they will never cause us any

apprehension in that quarter, and that they could not prevent us achieving that conquest this year,

had the General been willing

You can hardly

believe,

My

to fight.

Lord, that the General has alone undertaken the war without

having consulted any person, neither

officers of the army, nor gentlemen, nor the people of the most interested, nor any individual whomsoever, except Sieur de la Chesnaye, with whom he acts in concert for the entire destruction and ruin of the country. He has again made peace in this manner without any communication with any of

who

country

the

are

the officers or others of those

who were

near his person.

What seemed

wonder

a

own

in the

make demanded the opinion of any person. His Majesty never acted thus. He has his Council of War, and when he is about to commence hostilities he demands advice of his Council, communicating to them the reasons which he may have to do so, and even causes the publication of manifests throughout the Kingdom, wishing But the General has treated to lay before his people the justice of his undertakings. country

is

war and

that one individual, a subject of his Majesty like others, should of his

will

peace, without having consulted, or

of peace like a sovereign with the said Iroquois, having employed none of those who were who were acquainted with the Iroquois tongue, except as Interpreters. He

nigh him, and

all have concluded on war, among themselves to attack from Chief was necessary to make them select a

dared not consult the

and but

little

officers,

being certain that they would

the enemy.

make war against the Iroquois, design was to attack the principal His ask. all they them and that, he grants to come and condescend even not did Senecas, who instead of showing him any civility, people had if them to it meet him, and gave an insolent answer to those who proposed There came any thing to say to them, let them take the trouble to come and see them. altogether on this embassy only a certain sycophant who seeks merely a good dinner, and a or ten miserable real buffoon, called among the French la Grande Gueule, accompanied by eight perceive by the will you as manner, fellows, who fooled the General in a most shameful

The

far

said general proceeds at the head of a small force to

from doing

—

send you, and which I doubt not he also will send you. They will assuredly excite your pity. You will see he abandons the Illinois, among whom as M. de La Salle is about to establish himself, and who are the occasion of this war, inasmuch articles of

peace

I

have the honor

to

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

248

the Iroquois went to attack erected

away

among them, and

those

whom

Sieur de

his lieutenant of the guards,

When

them even

in

La Salle had left who is still there.

who

are our allies, and

consider

moment

command

there,

and sent hither de Baugy,

it

also

peace was

altogether to their

my

duty

intentions, he consents to the siaugliter of the

its

among whom

some powerful establishment under M. de I

in

he concluded this peace he already had his Majesty's letter eight days in his

possession, but so far from conforming to Illinois,

Fort Saint Louis, which Sieur de la Salle had

of which the General took possession, having ousted and driven

to inform

His Majesty designed to plant a

new Colony

or

la Salle's direction.

your Lordship that the General

left

La Famine

the

concluded, without taking the least care of the troops, abandoning them

own

guidance, forbidding them on pain of death to leave the place until

a long time after him, fearing to be surprised by the Iroquois, and having (so to say) lost his wits, caring little

what became of the army.

Certain

it is

that he

went up

to the Fo.rt

without

taking information about any thing, and returned in the same manner.

The worst of this affair is the loss of the trade, which I find inevitable, because the Outawas and other Savages who came to our aid, will hereafter entertain no respect for us, and will regard us as a people without courage and without resolution. I

doubt not,

my

Lord, but the General sends you a letter which he received from Father

who is a Missionary in an Iroquois village at Onnontagu^, whence came with whom peace was negotiated. The Father, who had learned the General's intentions from Sieur Le Moyne, has been wise and sufficiently discreet, anticipating his design, to write to him in accordance with his views, and to ingeniously solicit that which must flatter and highly please him. But one'thing is certain, that all the Jesuits at Quebec, and particularly Father Bechefer, have openly stated there for six weeks that the Country was destroyed if peace were concluded; which is so true that, having communicated to him the two letters I wrote to the General, he highly approved of them and advised me to send them to the I shall take leave to send you copies of them, requesting you, most humbly, to be Fort. persuaded that I speak to you without passion, and that I state nothing to you but what is most true and reliable, and this only because I feel obliged to let you know the truth as regards all Lamberville, the Jesuit,

those Ambassadors

things, without 1

which you

should wish.

My

that the* General and

which

we

will never

have the

least confidence in

me.

Lord, to avoid explaining myself in this manner, fearing you might infer

live together

I ;

were greatly since

it is

disunited,

certain that

which

we never

is

quite contrary to the

manner

in

had, personally, the least difference,

wishing in that to conform myself to your desires and his Majesty's orders, aware that it is the most assured means that I can take to be agreeable to you. This is the sole ambition I have in the world,

and to prove

greater devotedness than

to

you that no person can

be,

with more profound respect and

I,

My

Lord,

Your most humble and most oh: Servant. This,

Country

My

Lord,

is

only incidentally.

I

defer informing

you of what has occurred

in this

during this year, until the departure of the vessels.

Quebec, the

10"" S""", 18G4.

De

meulles.

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

M.

My Lord, My first

duty on arriving

most humble thanks this letter, since I

for

de CallUrea

in this

was not

M.

My

349

de Seignetay.

government, which

Please,

it.

to

U.

I

sufficiently fortunate to

you

my

saliBfaclion therein

by

derive from you,

Lord, to permit that

make

I

is

to tender

be able to do so vivd

voce before

my

departure from France, which occurred whilst you were so gloriously occupied in the King's service before Genoa.

have been perfectly well received here. My Lord, under your auspices, and with great demonstration of joy by all the inhabitants, particularly by the gentlemen of the Seminary, and by M. Dollier, their Superior, who is a man of great merit and exemplary virtue, as are I

ail

the other Clergy of that Seminary, with

whom

I hope to live in perfect union, and to by causing the King's orders to he punctually executed. I found the troubles of Canada appeased by the arrangement which M. de la Barre entered into with the Onnontagues, who form a part of the Iroquois, on their promise to oblige the Senecas (another tribe, the principal and bravest of the Iroquois nation) to repair the damage

satisfy alf the inhabitants of the Island

they had done the French by the pillage of seven canoes, freighted with merchandise. But as the said Senecas have not been a party to this treaty, and the Onnontagues have declared

M. de

Barre that the entire Iroquois nation reserved unto itself the power of waging war them would remain on earth ; and inasmuch as the Illinois are under his Majesty's dominion since M. de la Salle's discovery and the to

la

against the Illinois as long as a single one of

construction of Fort Saint Louis, which he built in their country; the most intelligent in these parts believe this peace between us and the Iroquois uncertain, until they be obliged to leave

the Illinois undisturbed. It is reported here that these Iroquois have already departed to attack the Illinois, and to endeavor to exterminate them before the arrival of M. de la Salle, who, they learned, was on his way to their relief by the Grand River. It would be a serious loss to us should they succeed in this design, as the best allies we have among the Indians are the Illinois, who, on

hearing of the war between us and the Iroquois, were coming

picked Warriors, the bravest that they had.

de

la Salle's

on

his

way

Mons'. de Tonty,

to

our aid with a thousand

who commanded them

in

M.

absence, having returned to this country by M. de la Barre's orders, had started

to Fort Saint Louis, but the ice forced

him

to

come back and wait

until the spring.

In addition to this bad disposition of the Iroquois, we have further to apprehend that it is fomented by the English, who evince a willingness to protect them as if dependants on their Colonies. Nevertheless, it is not to be doubted that they have always been subject to France since the first discoveries made by Sieur de Champlain and other French Captains,

who

took possession thereof

in the

name

of our Kings, which has never been disturbed or

contested up to this time by the English.

These considerations,

My

Lord, oblige us to be on the

of representing to you that, in case of war,

it

alert,

and cause

will be necessary to give

me

to take the liberty

some one

in the

country

command the troops and militia here, under the orders of the Governor cannot be every where in so vast an extent of country as that of New France and

a commission to General,

who

;

myself here on the frontiers of the French Colonies bordering on the Iroquois, and of the English of New England and New York, who are the only enemies to be feared, I consider it my duty to offer you my most humble services on this occasion, and to request you that, finding

Vol. IX.

38

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

250 employ me

to

in this

War, by doing me the honor

of granting

me some

title to

command

Governor General's orders, beyond the limits of my government, as the Major will suffice for the guard of the Island whilst we shall be in the beseeching you to believe that I shall endeavor to give you a good account of this War, field the troops and militia, under the

;

and of what

The

be intrusted to me.

shall

services

I

have rendered for 20 years, without

me

some experience in war superior to that of the officers of this country, who have not been employed for a long time. I learn. My Lord, by a letter I received from M. de la Barre, the arrival of the but as these reinforcements you sent him, with some Naval Captains to command them intermission, in his Majesty's glorious campaigns, entitle

to

;

gentlemen are not apparently destined to remain long in this country, their profession qualifying them rather for sea than for land service, without mentioning the expense they will thereby entail on his Majesty, I am not prevented hoping that you will have the goodness to consider me on this occasion as being one of your most devoted creatures, and one

who

desires nothing, with greater passion, than to signalize himself under your orders, so as

honor you have conferred on me by selecting me. I leave to my brother to communicate to you a fuller detail of what I write to him of the affiiirs of this country, and am, with all due zeal and gratitude, to deserve the

My

lord,

Your most humble, most obedient Montreal, in Canada, this 9'"

and most obliged Servant, The Chev' De Callieres.

Novemb', 1684.

^n

M.

»»

Barre

to the

King.

••#•••*•••

Memoir •

de la

»

to the

King

in

answer

to his despatch of the 10"" April last.

Your Majesty will have seen, by the despatches I have sent you by the Express bark on the June, what necessitated me to wage war against the Iroquois, and to march against them for that purpose, to which the general clamor of all the people of this country, as well great as small, very much contributed. Your Majesty will perceive, by the proces verbal annexed, that 6""

I

did not wish to engage in the matter except on a certainty

the despatches as

;

and

that, learning as well

from the Messengers of Colonel Dongan, Governor of

New

from

York, the

my march to conclude a peace, which I think some durability those people being undeceived in the belief they had entertained that the French could not reach them in the Southern countries, in consequence of the greatness This has caused of the distance and of the vast number of portages to be passed to go there. an expense to your Majesty which appears to me pretty considerable, but, in my opinion, it declaration of the English, I took advantage of

will be of

will save a

;

much

greater for the future, and will impress on your Majesty the necessity of the

King of England sending

precise orders to his Governors of

authorizing the carrying the to reduce the Iroquois,

who

war will

New

into his territory; without this

have a door open

by the English, and a reinforcement of

York, or of your Majesty's it

is,

at present, impossible

for their retreat into the country occupied

their troops almost hard

obliged to travel 200 leagues in order to attack them.

I

by them, whilst we

shall

be

perceived the difficulty attendant on

PARIS DOCUMENTS: war

11.

f5J

be 80 great, especially as regards the transportation of supplies, arms and I do not comprehend how all the inhabitants of the country have evinced so impatient a desire for it ; because, when once commenced by them, it cannot so soon be terminated, and the Iroquois cannot be reduced, except after many years, posseising, as they do, so convenient a retreat among the English* also, because operations cannot this

to

munitions of war, that

be carried on except with a large body of Regulars and of Indians, and not of Militia; and because it is certain the Colony will be exposed to daily incursions, which will altogether

•••••••••a

endanger the safety of the country. •

my guards, expressly to Your Majesty to render an account of what has happened at our pretended War expedition, and of the quality of the Seneca Country, to which he had been purposely to reconnoitre early in the Spring, he will As

I

send Sieur Doruilliers, Captain of

also inform

you of the conduct of Colonel Dongan (Governor of New-York) towards

us,

and of

the difference that exists between his professions and his conduct in regard to the Iroquoisi

and especially the Senecas, infantry, at the

to

whom

he sent an

offer

of 400 horses and an aid of as

same time that he had the Duke of York's arms planted

many

in their villages,

and

dispatched Sieur Arnault,' his ambassador to the Ononlagues, Oneidas and Cayugas, to forbid

them in express terms, as subjects of the Duke of York depending on him and his government, from entering into any treaty or conference with me without his special orders. This having caused a great noise among the said Savages, hastened them to conclude their Your Majesty will be able to see by my proces verbal, and the Rev. F. de Lamberville's letter of the 29"* August last ; so that nothing more remains for me to do than

treaty with me, as

to await

Your Majesty's decision how I must act with the said Colonel whereunto you will me your orders, without which I shall suffer everything, and with which I shall ;

please send

be able, without •

•••••••••

much expense

me

or risk, to iiave this Colonel spoken to in another language.

your Majesty's orders in regard to the English, as well those of New- York as those settled on Hudson's Bay. I fear they have attacked the French posts last year in Nelson's gulf, and that Katisson,' who I learn is at their head, has opposed force and violence to the justice of their cause, of which Your Majesty shall be informed. Whether I must oppose force to force, and venture by land against those who might have It

remains

for

to request

committed some outrage against your subjects by sea, is a matter on which Your Majesty will please furnish me with some precise and decisive orders, whereunt*! shall conform my conduct

and my actions. Quebec, the 13 Novem', 16S4. '

Abnold Cobneussem Vieli, a

citizen of

Le Febub db la Baku. Albany, and a

capacity, he obtained a grant of land from the

Wachkeerhoba, and was on the north bank of the Mohawk *

wcU known

Mohawks, September, river.

Indian interpreter.

For his aerTieea

1688, a little above Sebaneotady.

The

in the latt«r

tract wai called

— Ed.

Radisson.

n"

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

252

Meverend Jean de Lamberville

M.

to

de la JBarre.

July

lO"-

1684.

Sir,

A

general Assembly of

the Iroquois will be held here, at which

all

intended to unite

it is

Senecas that you wish to persuade the four Iroquois Nations not I am surprised that M. le Moyne or some other persons have to aid them in case of war. not told you that all these villages were confederated, and that one could not be attacked against you, and to inform

tiie

without becoming embroiled with the others. Did affairs permit, I should have much wished

My

who

have been spoken

goes to you, whilst

I

to,

still

war without

fitter

that

I

you

which

my thoughts on

matters; this

is

many things. The Ontagues

a great

the honor to see you.

all

keep them disposed

possible, an infinitade of evils

desire

to tell

when he will have would like much to settle

brother will inform you of

the reason

my

brother

you satisfaction, in order to avoid, if Canada; and as 1 know not whether you

to give

will overtake

listening to proposals for peace, I wish to understand whether

it is

not

withdraw, if possible, rather than give occasion to the Iroquois to say that

I

The Onontagues and other nations say that it up arms against you who are their neighbor, and who form almost one

deceived them, by propositions for peace. grieves

them

to take

country with them.

They acknowledge

that the Senecas are proud and insolent on account of their great

you desire

of warriors; but that

if

induce the Senecas to

make

you,

it

from

must

at once

satisfaction

which they will

be very acceptable, so as not to be obliged to come to

extremities that will be very disastrous. fortified places

by some

to maintain peace will

number

If

war

abandon

occur, Sir, all those

who

have houses apart

their dwellings, for the grain

and the houses

and otherwise many will be brought away prisoners to be cruelly tortured always think that peace ought to be most precious to you, and that all the advantages that can be held out, ought to cause you to shrink from war. A delay in order to arrange every thing more leisurely, and after having received assistance from France, would

will be burned,

and

insulted.

I

you from much embarrassment which will follow from all sides. Pardon me if I my thoughts; you will not disapprove at least of the zeal with which am, with much respect and submission. Your most humble and * Most obedient Servant, (Signed) De Lamberville.

extricate

give free expression to I

Reverend Jean de Laniberville

to

M.

de la Bavre. 11"- July, 1684.

Sir,

A

troop of Senecas, on their

way

to

buy

arms, are two days [distance] from here.

and

to

their supplies

They

and munitions of powder, lead and

are expected in order to talk fully of affairs,

endeavor to preserve peace by inducing them

to give

you

satisfaction.

I believe, if

you

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

g58

II.

are really desirous to come to aa arrangement by which an effort will be made to aatisry you, and wherein will be prescribed the boundaries of the war and of trade, you would have leisure to provide with less trouble and embarrassment for the security of Canada, either

by erecting Forts

La Famine

at

or towards the Senecas under the pretext of establishing a

blacksmith or at La Galette, according as you

may

think proper.

do not believe that you will derive any advantage this year from the war, if you wage it; for not only will almost the whole of the Iroquois prosecute it in Canada, but you will not find the Senecas in their villages, in which, they give out, they will not shut themselves up, I

but conceal themselves in the grass and prepare ambuscades every where

for

you.

On

your declaration to the Iroquois that you had no ill-will except against the Senecas, they convoked a general Diet here at which they will conclude on a league against you, if you will not accept the propositions of peace to which the Onontagu^ wishes to obtain the consent

who

of the Seneca in the

woods

has already placed in security the old grain, and constructed a retreat

for the children,

The Warriors

women and

old men, of which you will be ignorant.

are to prowl every where, killing without, if possible, being killed.

Indian corn be cut,

harvest of the French grain to which the Iroquois will set the Iroquois suppose that they are forts

;

If their

much blood and many men.

will cost

it

all

You must also resolve to lose the fire. As for the French settlements,

abandoned, and that the people have retired wilhia the

otherwise they would be a prey to the enemy.

It is the

opinion that

if

you begin the war,

will h6 of long duration, and that to feed

it

have to bring provisions from France. The Iroquois believes that he will destroy the Colony in case of war, for he will never fight by rule a'gainst us, and will not shut himself up in any fort in which he might be stormed. Thus they are under the impression that, no person daring to come into unknown forests to pursue them, they can those in

Canada you

will

nor captured, having a vast hunting ground in their rear, towards Merilande and Viginia, as well as places adjoining their villages, wholly unknown to the French. If winter were not so cold in this Country, that would be the time to wage war, for neither be destroyed

cannot be concealed, but every thing must be provisions, arms, powder and lead. You cannot believe, Sir, with what joy the carried Senecas learned that you would, possibly, determine on war; and, on the report the savages bring them of the preparations apparent at Kataroakouy, they say, that the French have a great

one can then see

all

around, and the

trail

—

desire to be stript, roasted and eaten; and that they will see if their flesh, which, according to them is saltish on account of the salt the French make use of, be as good as that of their other

enemies

whom

The envoy

they devour.

of the Governor of

considerable reduction for a Beaver,

;

7

@8

and so with the

Everything considered,

here, promises the Iroquois goods at a as much lead as a man can carry Beaver ; a

New-York, who

lbs.

of powder for

is

rest.

Sir, if

you

will be content with a satisfaction

we

shall

endeavor

you from the Senecas, you will prevent great evils which must fall on Canada especially will much in case of war ; you will divert from it famine and many misfortunes the hands of the into fall will who French confusion and great suffering be spared the on their captives. cruelties brutal Iroquois, who, as you are aware, exercise the direst and most assuredly will you There is, besides, no profit in fighting with this sort of banditti, whom not catch, and who will catch many of your people that will be surprised in every quarter. The man called Hannatakta and some others of influence told me they pitied you. These five are their words ; they besought you not to force them to wage war against you ; that the to obtain for

;

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

254

Nations would be obliged

you; that the French and the Iroquois being so

to unite against

near the one to the other, the war would be too disastrous to you, because, say they, our

mode

of fighting, of harrassing, of living, of surprising and flying to the woods, will be the

ruin of the French,

armies

who

who

are accustomed to fight against towns capable of defence, or against

appear in the plains

;

if

there be misunderstanding

it

ought

to

be

settled.

All

war you will try the ways of mildness, and what they have plundered that if you begin by a

the Iroquois are persuaded that before going to tell

the Senecas to appease your anger for

desire to

wage war, and

;

will not act as a father towards your children, they have already

declared beforehand that they will

all

unite against you.

Reverend Jean de Lamberville

to

M.

de la Barre.

July 13, 1684.

My I

i

Lord,

have the honor to write to you by Father

They cannot be persuaded

Millet,

who

passes here in retiring from

among

you have determined on waging war against them, not having demanded any satisfaction of them for the merchandise of the Frenchmen whom the Seneca^ plundered. To turn away the scourge of war and the miseries which must follow it, especially among the French, who will find themselves attacked by all the Iroquois, if any hostile act is committed against the Senecas, I have strongly urged the Onnontagues to give you satisfaction according to the Instructions the Christian Iroquois, your deputies here, had. To-morrow a great number of Senecas are expected, with several Cayugas and the Ambassadors from the two Lower nations, to talk about business. The Senecas, consequent on the declaration you made to them that you would proceed to the Iroquois.

that

their country, have concealed their old grain, prepared a distant retreat in the depths of the forest for the security of their old

have of value out of their

men,

villages.

much joy they are determined ;

their

women and

The Warriors,

children, and conveyed whatever they

in great

number, have heard this news with they have none, and will not shut

to fight, not in their forts, for

themselves up anywhere, but under cover behind trees and in the grass, where they will try to do you considerable injury, if you want war. The Onnontaguez men of business wish

—

—

having lost none of their men only some goods. Must the father and children, they ask, cut each others' throats for a few clothes? The children must satisfy the father, to whom they owe honor and respect. one presented to the Senecas and Further: last year I guaranteed by two belts of Wampum that if the Iroquois army should meet the French, who were towards Illinois, the other here and any acts of hostility follow on one side or the other, they should mutually arrange the difficulty without it leading to any consequences and is what we are endeavoring to persuade the Senecas to do. Father Millet, to whom I communicated all, and who has just passed, will tell you everything, and how apropos it would be that M. Le Moine should come here to He fetch those chiefs and warriors under the pass you will give them through him. can come here in all surety and without any fear, and conduct them to your rendezvous near Seneca or to the Fort, in order to settle matters in a friendly manner.

to arrange matters, especially

;

—

—

;

i

'

PARIS DOCUMENTS

255

II.

:

The

Iroquois say, they will not commit any act of hostility against you, unless you commence by attacking the Senecas or by refusing to accept all satisfaction for, they remark, it They all say that their mode of warfare will be is painful to come to blows with their Father. disastrous to you, but that the respect they entertain towards you, and which we also insinuate among them, withholds them until they are forced, they add, to wage a sorrowful war, either

i

despite themselves, against you.

They

wish,

first

of

all,

they say, to avoid the reproach of

not having kept their word which they gave. I told the above to M. le Moine. My brother expects to leave with your deputies to carry to you the result of the Iroquois '

!

where the Onontague, who assumes to be a moderator, pretends to force the Senecas to disavow what two of their Captains caused their warriors to do, and to quieten again your mind; that is, they say, by some satisfaction which may afford you an honorable pretext to pay a friendly visit to Kaniatarontagouat and not to appear there as an enemy.

Diet,

I

inform you, that the Iroquois say they have accepted the satisfaction they

forgot to

received for the death of their captain,

Hannh enhax, k illed by

the Kiskakons, and that

it

would

seem very strange to them that you should refuse the satisfaction they wish to induce the Senecas to give you for the pillaged merchandise which, in their estimation, is next to nothing compared with that important [council] fire in your children's cabin. I pray God that He conduct matters for His glory and the country's good, and that He preserve you as long as is the wish,

My

Lord, of

^our very bumble and most obedient '

Servant,

•

J.

Meverend Jean de Lam/jerville

to

M.

Db Lambebvillb.

de la Ban-e. 18'^ July, 16S4.

Sir,

The Council convoked atOnnontague was, at length, held on the iC and 17** of July. You will see by the Memoir I inclose in this letter what you said to the Onontagu^s and what they reply by three Belts. Since you spoke, or I have made you speak, to the Senecas assembled here

in a

body, Chiefs and Warriors, and their answer,

we

have spoken to them by

three Belts, and they have answered you by nine. These are twelve Belts which your ambassadors take to you. I know not if you will accept the trifling pains we have taken to cause satisfaction to be given you, and to extricate you from the fatigues, the embarrassments and consequences of a disastrous war, and procure

same time freedom of trade; for the Senecas informed me at night, by express, that would give you more satisfaction than you expected, because they wished, through respect they for you, not to wage war any more against the Oumiamis, if you so wish it, and even against any other nation if you insist on it. In fine, they do not wage war save to secure a good peace. at the

They

return without striking a blow, without shedding blood, etc •

Rev. Jacques de LambervUle.

— Ed.

'

Now

Irond«qvoit B*j, Monroe Co., N. Y.

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

256

The Seneca

Iroquois

offer

you more than you would have believed. The Onontagu6s all sorts of machinery in motion

considered their honor engaged to this meeting, and heve put

to induce the Senecas to condescend to place their affairs in their hands.

On

day of the Council every thing was almost despaired of, and the plenipotentiaries, to see me, saying they gained nothing on the Senecas, and that up to that time they too willingly accepted war; that they rejected the presents which you and they had made them. They sent back to me for more belts, only to combat the obstinacy of the S^pecas; the chiefs and warriors acted with great zeal, so that having gained the Oneidas and Cayugas over to their side, they came to high words. Meanwhile, the Deputies succeeded one another to sound me on the state of affairs and to learn the true cause of the withdrawal of our Missionaries. Finally, I told them that the real cause was that the displeasure they perceived you felt at being disparaged by the Senecas, and in which they also participated, had caused their withdrawal until the Senecas should satisfy you. At length the Onontagues have persuaded these to confide in them and to place their affairs in their hands that if you did not accept their mediation, they would unite, according to their policy, with all the other Iroquois against you. La Grande Gueule' and his truimvirate have assuredly signalized themselves in this rencounter. My brother, who will inform you of every thing, will relate matters more in detail. Meanwhile we await your orders which you will please convey to us by M. le Moine, whom the Onontagues request you to send instantly to them at Choiieguen in all security and without the least fear. all

the

first

excited,

came

—

—

Reoerend Jean de LambervUle

to

M.

de la Barre.

Onnontague

My

this 17"' August, 1684.

Lord,

Your people have brought been wind bound three days

my

brother back here with the greatest possible diligence, having

at one island.

In order not to cause you any delay, which could

only produce a useless consumption of provisions by your army, they arrived

here with and having passed the rest of the night in conferring together, we had the Chiefs and Warriors assembled at daylight, after having obtained information from La Grand Gueule and Garakontie. We declared our intentions in the presence of several Senecas who departed the same day They carry one of to- return to their country, where they will communicate your approach.

Sieur

your

le

Due

at midnight,

belts to reassure those

who

are alarmed by your armament.

The Onnontaguez have dispatched some of theirs to notify the Oneida, the Mohawk and They wish the Cayuga to repair to Ochouegen* to salute you and to reply to your proposals. so much to see M. Le Moine here, whom you promised them would come, that it appears that nothing could be done had he not arrived.

Also, as you advised

the sight of your barks and Gendarmes, they likewise give

when you

will see faces painted red '

See note Bupra,

p.

and black 243.

at

you

them not

Ochouegen. °

to

be troubled at

notice, not to be surprised

Oewego.

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS: I

gave a Cayuga some

letters for

II.

257

you 8 or 10 days ago.

1 do not know if he will have Colonel Dongan had the Duite of York's placards of protection (dcs sauvegardcs) affixed to the three Upper Iroquois villages, and that he styled himself Lord of the Iroquois. Here, a drunken man tore these proclamations

delivered them.

1

believe

I

advised you

that

down

and nothing remains but the post to which the Duke of York's escutcheon was attached. I gave La Grande Gueule your belt underhand, and have remarked to him the things you wish him to effect. He calls himself your best friend, and you have done well to have attached

you

who

has the strongest head and loudest voice among the Iroquois. overcoats {capnts) and shirts which you have been so good as to send to be used on occasions, are a most efficacious means to gain over, or to preserve public opinion. An honorable peace will be more advantageous to Canada than a war very uncertain as to ita to

this hoc,

The

I am of opinion, whatever Mess" the Merchants may say, that the war would be very prejudicial to them, and that you do them a good turn by inducing the Iroquois to give

success.

you I

satisfaction.

am, with

all sort

of respect and submission,

My

Lord,

Your most humble and most obedient servant, . J. DB Lambekviixb, Jesuit.

Reverend Jean de Lamherville

to

M.

de la Barre.

Onnontagu^,

My

this 28"' of August, 1G84.

^9

Lord,

>M. le Moine's arrival has much pleased our burgomasters, who have exhibited towards him many attentions, and have promised to terminate matters with you in the manner you de«ire. The Onnontaguez have called the Deputies of each Nation together, as I have advised you. The Cayugas came here the first, with 2 young Tionnontat6s to restore them to you; we expect the Senecas, and as we were RopTng^TiaT the Oneldas would arrive tS^Sf; one Arnaud, whom Father Bruyas is well acquainted with, came here on horseback from Mr. Dongan to tell the Iroquois that he did not wish them to talk to you without his permission, being complete master of their country and of their conduct towards you that they belonged to the King of England and the Duke of York; that their Council fires were lighted at Albany, ;

and that he absolutely forbade them talking with you. Two words which we whispered in the ears of your pensioner. La Grande Gueule,' caused US to see at once how unreasonable, in his opinion, was so strange a proceeding as that of M. Dongan, after having himself exhorted the Iroquois to give you satisfaction, in order to avoid a When M. le Moine and I will disastrous war which would have very bad [consequences]. have the honor to see you, we shall give you the particulars of these things, and how, we being two or three days' journey from here, '

La Grande Gueule made

Se« note, supra,

use of high words against

p. S48.

«

Vol. IX.

#

33

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

258

this messenger, exhorting all the warriors and chiefs not to listen to the proposals of a

who seemed

opposed to

to be drunk, so

all

reason was what he uttered. Wampum. The 1" and

Tlie said Messenger has produced three strings of

who have promised

2""^

man

are from the

Dongan that they would not go to meet exhort them Onnontaguez, to to give their string of Wampum also us; and the S** was for the The latter have answered, by La Grande Gueule, that they as assurance of the same thing. esteemed themselves too highly honored by your having granted them the embassy of M. le Moine, and by your having placed the affairs of the peace in their hands, to commit so cowardly

Mohawks and

the Oneidas,

M'.

an action and so grave a fault as that which seemed to be desired they should perpetrate. After many disputes the Onnontagues counseled among themselves, and concluded to inquire of M. le Moine if he would not wait the permission M. Dongan wished the Iroquois to have from him to talk with you, and if he would not tarry, and you remain at the Lake, ten days

more, so as to learn M. Dongan's

final will.

This

is

apiece of Iroquois cunning, not to embroil

themselves with M. Dongan, and to follow entirely what M. well

knew would

and knowing, moreover, that delay was directly contrary requdeted M.

le

Le Moine should

say,

whom

they

not wait so long, matters having advanced to the point at which they are,

Moine himself

to

your instructions.

The

Iroquois

communicate their opinion to the Cavalier, which he you will be glad to learn when he will give an

to

certainly did in an excellent manner, as

account of his negotiation.

He

has thought proper to send you one of his canoes at once to inform you hereof, and to

assure to

you

that as soon as the Seneca deputies shall have arrived here, he will endeavor to

have them dispatched hence at the earliest moment

leave with the Senecas

^

who

to

be conducted to you.

If not,

he will

are here.

Tegannehout has acted his part very well and harangued strongly against Mr. Dongan's Messenger and in favor of Onontio. Good cheer and the way you regaled him were a

when it might perhaps have failed in any other who had not experienced proofs of your friendship such as you did him the honor He will return with M. Lemoine. to give him. strengthening medicine which has sustained his voice,

The

who

Cavalier says that, before returning to his Master, he wishes to speak to the Senecas

Tegannehout somewhat, in order that he may win those of and not suffer them to yield to the solicitations of Sieur Arnaud, to whom the Onnontaguez have given two wretched belts to tell M. Dongan that they could not do otherwise than as he himself had urged them to do to wit, to settle matters peaceably with you; and to soothe his spirit if he were dissatisfied with them for not going to Albany whence they had returned very recently. A letter which he has given to M. le Moine are expected here.

I caress

his Nation over to his opinion,

;

is

sent you.

Whatever Sieur Arnaud may

whom we

expect to-morrow.

say,

we have

Monsieur

return to you, inasmuch as his delay I

is

le

not neglected to send for the Oneida deputies

Moine

will use the greatest possible diligence to

not very agreeable to himself.

am

always.

My

Lord,

Your most humble and most obedient servant, J.

DE LaMBERVILLE.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

Reverend Jean de LamherviUe

II

:

to

M.

359 de la Barre. Onnonta^,

My

this 27'*

Sept, 1G84.

Lord,

Lake by very strong head winds. A day before the Iroquois deputies met here, the Senecas sent belts to the 4 Iroquois villages, to declare to them that, should you disembark in their Country, they would attack you. Six or seven hundred Mohegans (LoujisJ were preparing to go to the assistance of the Iroquois, as the Outaoutes were aiding the French. Some Seneca scouts have been as far as Kaionhouague,* where you have concluded the peace, to be certain of the place at which your army had encamped. The Onnontagues were, for several days, under the impression that they had killed me. Tegannehout's arrival in his country will have calmed the minds in communicating the peace to them from you. No news have as yet been received from Seneca. Some say they will I

return here after having been delayed ten days in the

shortly

come here

on important matters.

to confer

inform you of whatever

I shall

Sieur Arnaud, M' Dongan's deputy,

OnnoDta^, though he had assured delay

is

If

any one come here from the Fort

I

shall

have learned.

me

has not reappeared here since

that he should return in ten days.

my

departure from

'Tis said that his

caused by his not having found his master at Orange, and that he has gone to Manath

him of the proceedings of the Onnontagues and of your arrival at Gainhouagu^.' had the honor of writing to you from the Fort, whence I sent you a Wampum belt from I the Tionnontatt's. I have given Sieur Hannataksa the belt of Wampum and the red Calumet in your name, and told him that you would be ever obliged to him if he would turn his arms to the left of Fort Saint Louis,^ where the Illinois are mingled with the Oumiamis, in order to to inform

give no cause of complaint.

was regarding matters on the side of the Senecas, and fearful that they confusion on arriving here, I made some presents, in your name, to some captains

Uncertain as

would create

who

I

could best curb their insolence, so as to prevent the brewing of the storm.

Your man of venal being,

business, I

whom

mean La Grande Gueule,

you do well

to

keep in pay.

I

is

not astonished at any thing

;

he

!•

a

assured him that you would send him the

jerkin you promised. are gone to the borders of Merilande and Virginia to fight, have sent

The Cayugas who some

home

of their warriors to say that the English had killed three of their men, and that, having

they had cut their throats after subjecting them to some bad treatment, and that their little army is still in the English Country. After having spoken to you of others, I must acquit myself of a part of my duty, by thanking you very humbly for all the kindness you have been pleased to shower on me. I should have

taken

five

Englishmen

alive,

wished you, in addition to the good health in which it pleased God to preserve you in the midst of an army weakened by diseases, greater satisfaction for the trouble you have taken for what was the public good. Many individuals assuredly know that, if you had not accepted considered a very favorable peace since no one had been killed on either side, the Colony would have been exposed

to the

mercy of the

Iroquois,

who would

pounce, in different directions, on

defenceless settlements, the people of which they would carry '

S«e

NoU

1,

HL,

481.

— Ed.

off"

*

in order to pitilessly

P*""*. >"•

bum

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

260 them.

I

who knows

pray God,

His blessings on you

the sincerity of your intentions, to be your reward and to heap

of the wishes of him

to the extent

My

who

entirely,

is

Lord,

Your most humble and most obedient Servant, J.

I told

DE LaMBERVILLE.

Colin that you would remember him and his comrade.

The Tionnontates have disposition, gained

sent to thank

you over

the Onnontaguez

to treat for peace,

say] that they were attached to Onnonthio.

Some

furs are to

Hanagoge and Garakonti6.

be collected

There

is

having, by their obliging

lives of many, and [to Grande [Gueule] has pronounced your

and thus preserved the

Sieurde

panegyric here, and professes to keep the promise he

be observed.

for

this

la

made

fall.

you, to cause the articles of peace to

He

is

treating on this subject with

no news yet from the Senecas.

or three leagues front, and the most populous of them having only thirty or forty settlers V the majority of them twelve to fifteen, and even five or six. If these be concentrated, they will need shelter against the rigors of the severe winter, and require stockaded redoubts as places of security for themselves, their cattle, their grain and flour. If the major portion of the strongest and most vigorous are to be detailed effected without causing

'

Je

lie

(loute pas

pour avoir part a

que Je cette nianeuvre on ne doive afendre que

la perte

dc cette nation.

— Text.

IcB plus timidea

Sauvages leurs ennemis se rcveilleront ,

;

PARIS DOCUMENTS

HI.

:

^95

war, or for the transportation of provisions, what means will those who remain fortify themselves, malie their harvest and gather their grain and fodder into iho

for the

have to

redoubts at a distance from their settfements? 'Tis certain that stores of grain and flour

the

must be provided, and that serious

people must be anticipated, unless provision

of the

part

suffering on be seasonably made with

great precaution.

You may depend upon

My

Lord, that the English are the principal fomenters of the them to extend their sovereignty uniting with them as one nation, in such wise that the English pretend to own nothing lets it,

insolence and arrogance of the Iroquois, adroitly using

than Lake

become

By

Lake

Saguinan country, that of t'te Hurons if thesA and the whole territory towards the Micissipy. have written to Sieur de la Durantais, whom I have appointed commander

OntJirio,

Erie, the entire

their allies,

the letter

I

our Frenchmen at the Outauas, you will again see. My Lord, what measures I have adopted for the occupation of some posts in the Saguinan in order to encourage our Indians whom possibly he will collect from the most distant parts and at whose head he will march. over

As

all

for our Outauas, I

do not expect any thing from them, having nought else to ask of them I have not considered it best this year to refuse

except to come and witness our. actions. twenty-five licenses, believing

among

shall appoint for them,

am

of very great importance to have a number of Frenchmen

the Outaouas to control the Indians, and to protect them against

the part of the Iroquois

I

it

very sorry.

more sorry

My

;

I,

moreover, expect

when

all

those French to join

new

me

expeditions on

at a rendezvous I

march.

I

Lord, to find the

affairs

of this country in so deplorable a state.

I

am

would avoid the loss of all by too much precipitation, to temporise and to incur the danger of being overpowered by the Iroquois. Be assured. My Lord, could I manage better, I would do so with pleasure. Had I no fear but for myself and for those who, without any other than our own resources, will share with me the dangers of an expedition against an enemy that can put two thousand men under arms, I slill

to see myself constrained, if I

should have no more cause for apprehension than in the several other

affairs into

which

thirty

years of the King's service have led me. I it

cannot avoid stating to you,

will be out of

My

Lord, without betraying

your power to reestablish the

good troops hither

;

and that

affairs

honor and conscience, that

of this country unless you send some

would be much better

it

my

for

you

to incur at

once the expense

necessary to put every thing on a proper footing, than to do so by piecemeal. It will

not be in

my power

to

advise you before this autumn of the success of our

be backed by some presents to gain over the leaders, until you put us in a condition to do better, and to speak with more authority. Colonel Dongan will, perhaps, interfere to prevent a rupture between us and the Iroquois. The Merchants of Orange, who support him, would be very sorry that a war should prevent the Iroquois hunting negotiations.

They

will

by whose means they expect to attract to themselves the trade with the Outaouacs who have been attached to us only by the dread of being pillaged by the Iroquois. The latter perceiving that, do their utmost to encourage and persuade those Indians that a peace concluded between them, independent of the French, will be more to their advantage for beaver,

and much more durable. It is proper for you to know.

My

Lord, that the Iroquois are aware of every circumstance The English, who have free that transpired at Paris touching the affairs of this country.

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

296

access to the ocean during the entire winter, take care that the Iroquois be informed of

whatever concerns them. They knew, last year, of the change of Governor and that you were sending troops, long before our arrival in this country. I am with respect,

My

Lord,

Your most humble, most obliged and most obedient servant.

The M. DE Denonville.

M. Memoir on

M.

de Denonville to

de Seignelay.

the Present state of affairs in Canada, and the Necessity of

waging

war, next year, against the Iroquois.

Quebec,

Our Lord,

war

reputation

no

is

that

interest

is

1G86.

absolutely lost both with our friends and our enemies; to reetablish

it.

My

matter in point of expense, trouble, and the grievous consequences of a

trifling

But,

absolutely necessary.

is

S"- 9"",

My

and the King's glory are therein

Lord,

when every one

is convinced that God's and that the hearts and heads of those

stake,

at

entrusted therewith are occupied only with thoughts of effectually performing their duty so as to be free from self reproach,

any defects

will supply

in

I

annex

Memoir the

to this

whom

all his

Heaven

labor with confidence under the conviction that

our knowledge and

protector near the King, with

foundation and motive of

all

all

ability, especially

when we have you

for our

things are possible, his Majesty's piety being the

undertakings.

duplicate of the letter of the

month

of

June

last, in

advised your Lordship of the expedition of the Iroquois at Saguinan against our

which

I

allies, the

Hurons and Ottawas of Missilimakina. I have learned, since then, that the English have a Their artifices greater hand in those expeditions than even the Iroquois who struck the blow. reach a point, My Lord, when it were much better that they had recourse to acts of hostility on the coast, by burning our settlements, than to do what they are instigating the Iroquois to perpetrate against us for our destruction. I

know beyond

a particle of doubt, that M.

Dongan hath caused

Nations to be assembled this spring at Orange in order to

them against Frenchmen in

us, that

the

I

woods

My if

more nor

less

Lord, that there

is

than

no

if it

artifice,

to

make them

were he who was

he has not recourse

presents of arms and ammunition,

to carry

to, in

on

hostilities.

Add

to

this.

order to persuade them of their ruin,

Father de Lamberville, the Jesuit missionary of the Onnontaguez, evil designs of the English, set all his friends to

storm; and taking upon himself to give them an account of every thing,

obtained a promise from them that they would not absence, M.

the Five Iroquois

wished to declare war against them that they must plunder our they could easily overpower on their entering the country, and

one of the Five Nations, being advised of the to avert this

all

in public, so as to excite

;

they did not master us.

work

them

whom

with this view Mr. Dongan caused his merchants neither

tell

Dongan

stir

until

he had seen me.

sent an express to the Iroquois to notify

them

that they

During his must march.

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

III.

297

without delay, to attack the Colony, giving orders to bring him Father de Lamberville'i brother,' who had remained as it were a hostage, calculating thus to deprive ua of all the

He was sending people at the same time, to our >fontreal draw them over to him, promising them Missionaries to instruct them, and assuring them that he would prevent the introduction of Brandy into their villages. All these intrigues have given me during the whole of this summer not a little trouble in order to avert this storm. M. Dongan has written me, and I have answered him as a man may do who wishes to dissimulate, and does not yet feel himself in a condition to get angry, much less to overcome his enemy. I thought it better to temporize and to reply to M. Dongan by Missionaries

among

the Iroquois.

Indians to debauch and

concealing rather than evincing any chagrin, not being in a position to be able to injure

an opponent.

whereof

Dongan

I

The

letters I

have received from, and the answers

transmit you) will explain to you

my

I

have sent

conduct in this rencontre.

to,

him (copies

Meanwhile, Mr.

Frenchmen and Indians from ui. Colonel Dongan's letters will notify you sufficiently of his pretensions which extend no less than from the lakes, inclusive^ to the South Sea. Missilimakinac is theirs. They have taken its latitude have been to trade there with our Outawas and Huron Indians, who received them cordially on account of the bargains they gave, by selling their merchandise labors secretly,

by

all

possible artifices to seduce our

;

for

Beaver which they purchased

at a

much higher

price than we.

Unfortunately

we had

but very few Frenchmen at Missilimakinac at that time.

M. de la Durantaye, on arriving The Hurons were hastening to escort there wanted to pursue the English to pillage them. them after having expressed a great many impertinences against us. Sienr de la Durantaye did not overtake the English who met the Senecas on their way to join, and escort them through Lakes Erie and Ontario, until they should be beyond all danger of an attack from us.

My

Lord, that the English and the Senecas understand each other wonderfully well, and are perfectly agreed; and this union dates particularly from the year that M. de la Barre went against the latter, for whilst he was on his march, the Senecas ran to

Thus you

easily perceive.

Orange to see Colonel Dongan to request him to take them under his protection, giving themselves up to him by a public instrument which was recorded and sent to England, and then he caused posts with the English arms to be set up in all their villages. Yet we have had Missionaries there previous to that time, before an Englishman had cognizance that Senecas

were in existence. I annex to this letter a Memoir of our Rights to the entire of that Country, of which our registers ought to be full, but no memorials of them are to be found. I'm told that M. Tallon has had originals of the entries into possession (prue$ de po*»e$nm) of a great many discoveries that have been made in this country, with which our registers ought to be loaded. Doubtless, he will have given them to

My

late

Lord, your father.

Father de Lamberville, having given me an account of all the intrigues of the Colonel who aimed at carrying the Hurons away from us and drawing the Outawas to himself, I loaded

him with presents

to gain over the greatest intriguers

secure the favor of

all

the

among

young men who were intending

to

the Iroquois chiefs, in order to

march against

us.

He

arrived

very opportunely, for ail the Nations, under M. Dongan's assurance that the good Father would not come back, were assembled and marching; but his return revived the party of the Father

by means of secret, called here "under-ground" presents. The entire summer was spent in coming and going for the purpose of releasing prisoners, the Outawas wishing to make application for them to the Iroquois without my participation,

who

dispelled this storm

'

Vol. IX.

R«T. Jsoque* d« Lamhenrille.

S8

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

298 agreeably to

promises of the Seneeas to surrender tliem provided

tlie

The Hurons and Outawas

the demand.

finally resolved

not

did

I

to repair to Cataraqui,

make

and the

Onnontaguez only have surrendered their prisoners, the Seneeas saying theirs were not willing Father de Lamberville came here in the last days of September to give me an to return home. account of all his troubles and fatigues. Whatever partiality he may entertain for the Mission where he has, for fifteen or sixteen years, been daily exposed to destruction at the hands of the Iroquois, he admits, himself, that nothing

So

not humbled. destroy

all

our

perfectly true

one

allies,

who

fear

My

is to

be effected for those Missions,

But up and hate

his

if

that nation be

Lord, that the Iroquois have no other design than to

after the other, in order finally to annihilate us,

Dongan and

the entire policy of M.

JS'iagara, to intercept us.

the Iroquois,

is it,

merchants whose sole object

have not dared

to this time they

their domination

more than

is

to

and

in that consists

post themselves at

to touch that string

with

ours, loving them, in truth, for

their cheap bargains only.

M. Dongan caresses considerably our deserters whose services he requires

in order

to

execute his designs which contemplate nothing less than the destruction and ruin of our trade

by pushing his own. them until I shall be

That wakes up our in a position to

restless spirits (libertins),

and induces me

to

manage

check them more severely.

You will perceive, My Lord, by one of the Colonel's letters,^ that he asks something from the King which he says is his due. He is a very selfish man and, should you consider it proper, would assuredly govern himself accordingly. whom he draws money.

But the secret

is,

he

is

not master of those

merchants from

Father de Lamberville has gone back with orders from nations next spring at Cataraqui to talk over our will

come, but

my

principal object

is

Father remains alone, as he must send back

present state.

storm

will,

I

He am

is

a

man

I

me to assemble all am persuaded that

[some of them]

to attract

experience less trouble himself in withdrawing. of our designs.

affairs.

the Iroquois scarcely

any

to that place whilst the Jesuit

younger brother, this year, in order to That poor Father, however, knows nothing

his

of talent and says, himself, that matters cannot remain in their

very sorry to see him exposed, but should

without doubt, burst sooner upon

us, for

withdraw him this year the the Iroquois would surely discover our I

plans by his retiring.

Meanwhile, I have advices that the Five Nations are forming a large war party, it is supposed against the Oumiamis and other Indians of the Bay des.Puans who have been attacked in the beginning of this year, one of their villages having been destroyed by the Iroquois.

On

receiving notice thereof, the hunters of those

tribes

pursued and overtook

the Iroquois party and fought them with considerable vigor, having recovered several prisoners

and killed many of the enemy, who, without a doubt, pant for revenge. I sent the Western Indians word to be on their guard and, when they will be required to march to join me, to cause their women and children to be removed to a distance. I

say nothing to you of what they (the Iroquois) have done to the

Illinois,

whom

they

spare not, having within two years destroyed a vast

number of them. Nothing more is required. My Lord, to convince you that the caseadmitsnotof any hesitation, and that the Colony must be put down as lost, if war be not waged next year. The

Iroquois destroy our allies on

we

do not declare

in their

all

sides,

who

are on the point of turning their backs on us if

favor; plunder our canoes wherever they find them, and no longer 'See

III.,

460.

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS! observe appearances.

world

will send,

them

at

My

Nevertheless,

deranged

in the actual

Lord, war

state of the

and the redoubts which

Colony.

299

the most dangerous thing In the

is

Nothing can save us but the troops you Yet I dare not begin to work

necessary for us to build.

it is

make the least movement towards down on us, before I am in a condition

for, if I

the Iroquois

HI.

these itedoubts, to attack

will assuredly

1

draw

all

them.

my orders for our next year's expedition, will make known to you have adopted to insure success to our plans. The distance is terrible and victory is in the hands of God. If you will be pleased, My Lord, to take the trouble to read all these orders, with the accompanying Map, you will understand all my projects. In The copy

I

transmit of

the measures

all

order to give a of the force

I

little

shall

I

of the best of

more character

have with me.

whom

I

to our expedition,

whom we shall

station,

have overrated somewhat the numbu'r

cannot detail more than eight hundred

will be required to

manage

but go and come during our expedition, those

I

in

fifty

canoes for convoys.

one hundred

will

do nothing

order to transport provisions for our troops and for

during the winter, at the post

near the Senecas, to serve as a retreat

militia,

They

we must occupy either at Niagara or who will be desirous to harrara

our Indians

for those of

them during the winter and the year following. Without this, nothing efTectual will have been done towards humbling that nation, for to confine ourselves to driving them from their villages and to come away after that has been effected, is not accomplishing any great things, as they immediately return and reestablish themselves in those same localities. As you, My Lord, are perfectly acquainted with the ruinous condition of this Colony, you

The

understand very well the deplorable consequences of this war.

settlements will have to

be concentrated, and herein it is that we must expect many difficulties; for establishment of the Colony would have almost to be begun over again. This it

me to

to

demand

renew the

I

have already made

occupy the posts necessary to be guarded.

points that are very requisite to be protected; station a strong party, because

it

is

for

in truth the is

that causei

Regular troops to support our Militia and

Otherwise,

I

will not be able to preserve several

Chambly among the

rest,

where

I

should like to

the most important pass on the route to the English by

Lake Champlain. That post will, moreover, be a constant source of uneasiness to such Indiana as would wish to cross the River Richelieu and then proceed to our settlements on the communicating as it does with- la Prairie de la Madelaine, it would also some sort, the entire country between that settlement and Sorel. Reflect, again. Lord, if you please, how important is the post at the end of the Island of (du Bout de VIiU Montreal, that of Chateaugu6, that of la Chesnaye and that of Isle Jesus.

River

S' Francis

;

secure, in

My de) i

do not mention to you,

My

Lord,

the other separate and isolated settlements which we All those details, My Lord, require considerable troops,

all

must endeavor to secure from insult. which cannot fail to greatly advance this country by contributing to render the Colony more compact, and to bring it closer together by means of forts around which clearances would be made. This,

My

Lord,

no

is

trifling

matter

for

which preparations are required. For what enemy as that Nation, which has assuredly

certainty can there be of destroying so powerful an

two thousand men under arms

exclusive of a large

are estimated at twelve hundred?

The

number of other

vast extent of forest

tribes, their allies,

into which they

who

will certainly

and where Indians alone can pursue them the uncertainty of the force of the Indians we shall have with us the difficulty of rendezvousing so far off, are considerations that ought to make us reflect on the means of sustaining ourselves in case we should not meet that retreat,

;

;

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

300 success

we may desire, and which we

cannot secure without a manifest interposition of Heaven

in favor of such a variety of projects.

Mohawk country by was proceeding against the Senecas, 'tis very certain that I could not only create considerable alarm among the English, which would keep them at home, but obtain a great advantage over the Iroquois by separating them and pillaging and laying waste the corn fields at both ends of their cantons. It would be very desirable that I could destroy all their corn in the same year, so that it would be out Thus they would be reduced to of the power of the one any longer to support the other. great misery, and become a burthen to the English, should they apply to them for means Were way of

to live.

be able to send a strong detachment to the

in a position to

I

the River Riclielieu, at the

Had

having only

same time

a sufficiency of troops

I

my

command,

present

would not

I

I Jiiust

some other year what it is impossible once, it would be much better and

that I

to

fail

undertake such an enterprise, but

attack those Indians in detail and endeavor to effect first. 'Tis true, were all done at promote our expedition and considerably

accomplish in the

to

essentially

dishearten our enemies. I

am

very sorry.

My

Lord, to witness

all

the expense required for the support of Fort

fifty men. might support

CatJiracouy, with a garrison of merely

It

thereabout are not better, so that

itself.

it

is

very unfortunate that the lands I

am

not yet sufficiently well

acquainted with the environs to be able to write you with sufficient accuracy respecting that can be done there

;

nevertheless,

all

of great consequence to preserve that post at the

is

it

mouth of the Lake, though posts in this country do. not command passes so completely as to prevent the Indians avoiding them some two or three leagues either above or below. Yet that post, and one at Niagara would render us entire masters of the Iroquois keep them in great check and respect, and give us immense advantages in our trade with the Illinois and Outtawas as that route is shorter, and much less difficult than the one we usually take, in which there is an infinite number of portages and rapids, much more dangerous than those on ;

;

the Cataracouy side.

The you

letters

I

copies, will

Michilimaquina.

Durantaye

have written

inform you of Sieur du

Lhu

Sieurs du

to

my is

Lhu and de

orders to

them

la

to fortify the

at that of the Detroit of

at that of the portage of Taronto.

Durantaye, of which

Lake

These two posts

I

send

two passes leading

to

Erie, and Sieur de la

block the passage

will

against the English, should they attempt togo" again to Michilimaquina, and serve as retreats

marching against the Iroquois. I have issued for the assembling and marching of our Indian allies and for their repairing to Niagara with Sieurs du Lhu and de la Durantaye. You will see, also. My Lord, the orders I have issued for marching the It looks very well on paper, but the business remains Illinois in the rear of the Iroquois. yet to be done. Many difficulties may intervene from the nature of the Indians, who

to our Indian allies either while hunting, or while I

are

send you,

little

successive

also,

My

accustomed

to

Lord, copies of the orders

obedience and

months that are required

Chevalier de Tonty,

who came

charge of these matters.

I

to the prosecution of a design

to reach the rear of the

to see

me

at Montreal in the

during several the

Senecas from their country.

month of

last July,

has taken

have given him twenty good Canadians with eight canoes loaded

fifty muskets all I could collect in the country. He carries some powder and lead and other articles of trade. Had the guns you sent me arrived, I should have given him a good number of them. He left at the end of August and calculates to

with one hundred and

;

;

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

|M

III.

arrive at Fort St. Louis' before the hunters will have set out.

number, of Indians he

will be able to bring

exertions to succeed in this

themselves to

with him, but

I

He

could not assure

am

certain he will

me

make

of the great

which he will participate largely if the Indians will allow be governed and advised by him. 1 cannot sufficiently praise his zeal for the affair, in

He is a lad of great enterprise and boldness, who undertakes a the Fort of the Illinois last February, to look for M. de la Salle at the lower end of the Mississippi ; has been as far as the sea, where he learned nothing of M. de la Salle except that some Indians had seen him set sail and proceed southward. On the success of this expedition. great deal.

He

left

receipt of this intelligence he (de Tonty) returned to Fort Saint Louis of the Illinois, and thence to Montreal where he arrived in the beginning of July with two Illinois chiefs, to whom I have made some presents, as well as to another who had not come. They have promised me wonders. Nothing remains but the execution, which is in the bands of God for according to what I am told of the temper of those savages, sometimes a mere nothing

only

is necessary to cause them to change their minds. He will have about twenty good Canadians with him to march at the head of the Indians; this he hopes will encourage them. He will have to march three hundred leagues overland, for those Indians are not accustomed to Canoes.

should have greatly desired to have made my letters to you more brief. But, My Lord, as necessary to inform you of the state of our affairs, and to render you an account of my conduct, I thought I would send you all the orders as I had issued them, so as to be corrected if I fail in any respect, being very anxious to give you satisfaction. I

it is

I am in receipt of letters from the most distant parts; from the upper Mississippi, from the head of Lake Superior, from Lake des Lenemyngon,* where they propose wonders to me were I to establish posts for the Missions, and for the Beavers which abound there. But in truth, so long as the interior of th« Colony is not consolidated and secured, no certain reliance can be placed on all those distant posts where, hitherto, people have lived in great disorder, and in a manner to convert our best Canadians into banditti. All these posts at a distance cannot maintain themselves except from the interior of the Colony, and by sure communication with it. Whilst we have the Iroquois on our hands, can we be certain of any thing? Solicited by the English, they daily plunder our canoes and openly declare they will continue

80 to do, as they are unwilling that

and our

The

we

should carry ammunition to the Savages, their enemies

allies.

perishing

if

the Iroquois be let

the security of this Colony which

danger of advantage alone, and we make war and have not a decided

principal affair at present

is

over fhem; and however decided our advantage

may

is

in evident

be, the people, separated as they are, will

always be in danger. Yet, My Lord, if you aid us with troops, war will be the least inconvenience for if we wage it not, I do not believe the next year will pass away without the whole trade being absolutely lost; our friendly Indians revolting against us, and placing ;

themselves at the mercy of the Iroquois, more powerful, because better armed than any of

them. The whole of the Hurons are waiting only for the moment to do so. Had I not by Father de Lamberville's care, fortunately avoided war from the very beginning of this year, not a single canoe would have come down from the forests without having been taken and plundered in the River of the Outtfiwas. We should have lost a great number of good men. '

•

Ftoria,

111.

'Lake Aleminipigon of the older Geographcra; now Lake St

Allll^ north of

Lake Sapcrior.

— Elk

\

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

302

My

This,

Lord,

is

a long narrative about the state of the affairs of the country with the

Iroquois which absolutely require that sees to

its

it.

we wage war withoufany longer delay. Every person it now, who had been hitherto the most opposed you of our wants, you will aid us both in men and other

necessity so clearly that those concur in

I

hope that on the sketch

I

give

My Lord, I had the honor to ask you for Regulars, for in employment of people picked up here and there is very unwise. It requires time to make them fit for service, and on their arrival they will have to take arms in their hands and fight. If you propose to send us any, it would be well to have them arrive at the end of May, which is the season when the Northeast winds prevail in our River. To do that, the ships ought to leave Rochelle in the month of March. Sieur Dambour, one of the best of our ship captains that come to Canada, can give advice thereupon. Our march cannot begin before the fifteenth of May, for we must let the sowing be finished, and the storms before that time are furious on our river and on Lake Ontario. necessaries.

In regard to troops.

truth the

say nothing of the risks to be incurred of the loss of the harvest next year on account of

I

the war, nor of the necessity of building storehouses. will be

done of which we dare not dream

if

If troops

be sent us

many

things

you do not send any.

A

few days since a man named Antoine L'Epinart, an old resident among the Dutch, at present among the English, came to Ville Marie on the Island of Montreal, in search of a child he had boarding with the Jesuits. He reports that the English kept guard three months this summer, our deserters having told them that I would attack them for having armed the Iroquois against us. He also says, that the Iroquois are attracting the Mohegans (LoupsJ and other tribes towards the Andastes,' with

had

evil intentions

whom

they are forming alliances; that he believed the Iroquois

towards us; that the English

who had been

to the

Outtawas had been well

received and invited to return with merchandise, and had well nigh procured from the Iroquois the restitution of their prisoners, by which

means they

will

be more attached

us; that the Merchants of Orange had urgently entreated Colonel

Dongan

to

them than

to

to request the

Senecas to surrender the prisoners; that the Colonel had convoked a meeting of the Five Nations

who went

to see

satisfaction of the Iroquois

and the Hurons

;

and

him; that

it

is

the general belief that the Colonel will obtain

whereby the English

will attract to themselves both the

that their cheap bargains will

ruin

our trade.

The

Outtawas

said Antoine

L'Epinart assures moreover, that a Company of fifty men was formed to go to Missilimakina; that their canoes were purchased, and that the too low state of the waters had prevented them starting; that they

were waiting only

for the rain to raise their rivers,

and that the Senecas

had promised to escort them. I have heard of Sieur de Lhu's arrival at the post of the Detroit of Lake Erie, with fifty good men well armed, with munitions of war and provisions and all other necessaries sufficient to protect them against the severe cold, and to render them comfortable during the whole winter

wherever they will entrench themselves. M. De la Durantaye is collecting people to fortify himself at Michilimaquina, and to occupy In this the other passage at Taronto, which the English might take to enter Lake Huron. this way our EnglishmeiTwill find some body to speak to. All this cannot be accomplished without considerable expense, but

our honor and our property. '

See note

2, p.

227.

still

we must

maintain

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

UI.

The Oumeamia and other Indians of the Bay des Puans have expressed much joy to me on being told that Sieur du Lhu was posted at the Detroit, but I am very sorry to hear that Tonty has learned on the road that these same savages had quarreled with the Illinois, which might prevent the latter attacking the Senecas in the rear, as we had projected. It would, in truth, be an afflicting circumstance to see our allies devouring one another instead of uniting with us to destroy the common enemy. But it is useless to be vexed at it. Nothing remains but to be prepared for every thing that may happen, and to rely only on ourselves. If God give us the advantage, the people will rouse to our aid. My Lord ought to place no reliance on the changeable disposition of a people without discipline, or any sort of subordination. The King must be master in this country if he would eflect any sort of good, and success therein cannot be secured without expense. The M. DE Dbnonvillb.

French Right Memoir

Iroquois Country

and

Iludsoiia Bay.

proof of the Right of the French to the Iroquois country and

Hudson's Bay. *

to

The French were

in

to the

the

circumjacent countries.

first

discoverers of

Francis

I.

New

France, otherwise called Canada and all the who discovered

sent out Verazzano, a Florentine, in 1623,

the 47"' degree, and Jacques Cartier of Saint Malo, in 1634 and 1636, who discovered the Island of Newfoundland and ascended the River Saint Lawrence up to the

from the

SS*" to

Saut Saint Louis.

These facts are proved by all the Relations that have been written since, and particularly by those of Champlain, pages 9 and 10, and of L'Escarbot, pages 3 and 29. These discoveries having been made, the French have always continued in the design of maintaining themselves therein. To secure those countries, the same King Francis granted

Roche Robertval. greatly occupied by the Civil Wars, he did not himself Although King Henry IH. found wish to abandon the right he possessed over North America. On the 12* January, 1698, he a Commission in 1540 to Sieur de

la

appointed the Marquis de Costenmeal and de la Roche his Lieutenant-general in the countries River Saint of Canada, Hochelaga, Newfoundland, La Brador, the River of the Great Bay or Lawrence, River of Norembegue and countries adjacent to said provinces and rivers. There

one thing very remarkable in these letters patent: They mention that those countries were length; not inhabited by any subjects of Christian princes. L'Escarbot gives them at is

page 434. Sieur de 8"-

9ber, 1G03.

than

from

was appointed Lieutenant-general in the said Countries on the successfully Next, Sieur Champlain succeeded Sieur Damons and labored more

Mons

likewise

He says himself, that his predecessors to discover all the interior of the country. of New France; interior 1604 up to 1620 he has been more than 500 leagues into the

ail

that he defeated the

their River, Iroquois, explored (reconnu) and took possession of

'

Rrfeixed Us iopra,

jx »»7.

— Ep.

and

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

304

Saguena towards the North. The Relation of Sieur L'Escarbot, At page 450, he says, that they had received the same thing. beyond the 1" Sault of the River Saint leagues hundred upwards of five intelligence from Lawrence including the Great Lake it flows from, and that they likewise had a knowledge of the Saguena country toward the Northwest, and of the Iroquois country to the Southwest. Sieur Champlain who commanded in New France made divers voyages thither up to 1630. There was also a company established under Sieur de Caen's name, but as those interested thought more of their private interests than of permanent establishments, Louis XIII. dissolved ^^^^ Company, and on the SQ* April, 1627, a new one was organized to which

that he ascended that of

printed in 1612, confirms

This conceMion

I.

King conceded the entire Country of New France, called Canada, in latitude from Florida which his Majesty's Royal predecessors had had settled, keeping along the sea coasts as far as the Arctic Circle, and in longitude from the Island of Newfoundland westward to print.

^jjg

Great Lake called The Fresh Sea and beyond, both along the Coasts and into the interior and along the rivers flowing there and discharging themselves into the River Saint Lawrence and into all the other rivers that convey them to the sea. It is certain that all the Iroquois lands are included within that concession, inasmuch as

to the

them and as the discoveries previously made extend much Hudson's Bay, inasmuch as it is on this side of the Arctic Circle.

Sieur Champlain took possession of farther

;

also the North, or

Since that time the French have continued their commerce within the countries of the said Grant. In 1656, Jean Bourdon ran along the entire coast of Labrador with a vessel of 30

proved by an Extract of the August of said year. IH' 1661, the Indians of said North Bay came expressly to Quebec to confirm the good understanding that existed with the French, and to ask for a Missionary. Father Dablon went overland thither with Sieur De La Valliere and others. Father Dablon has given his

tons, entered

and took possession of the North Bay. New France of the

ancient Register of the Council of

certificate

of

Frenchmen.

the

fact.

In

This

is

26"' of

1663, those Indians returned

Quebec

to

to

demand other

Sieur D'Avaugour, then governor, sent Sieur Couture thither with five others.

Said Sieur Couture took possession

anew

of the head (fonds) of said Bay, whither he

overland, and there set up the King's arms, engraved on copper.

This

is

went

proved by Sieur

D'Avaugour's order of the 20"' May, 1663, and the certificates of those who were sent there. In 1671, Sieur de Saint Lusson was sent by Sieur Talon, Intendant in Canada to the Sault Saint Mary at the Oulawas, where all the Nations a hundred leagues around, to the number of 17, repaired aiid voluntarily submitted themselves to his Majesty's dominion. Said Sieur de Saint Lusson afterwards erected the Cross there, and affixed thereto his Majesty's arms. These Seventeen tNations included all those of the Outawas, and of the entire of Lake Huron, Monsr. Talon's Me-

thosc of

M?ci^r"mbru'iL''^

la

i.mi£fS^!°

"^^ '

Lake Superior,

of the whole Northern country and of Hudson's Bay, of Illinois,* as is

proved by the Relations

the said Sieur Talon, and

by the proces-verbal of

Bale des Puans' and of the Lake of the

thereof which were sent by

the taking of Possession. As regards the country of the Iroquois there have been divers entries (prises) into possession.

In 1656, Sieur de Lauzon, Governor of New France caused a fort to be built on the lake named Gannontae ' some leagues from Onnontagu6 and placed a garrison in it, and so regarded the country as belonging to his Majesty that he

made

grants of land whereof the Actes

are proof. '

Oreen Bay

"

Lake Michigan.

'

Onondaga.

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS: In

1666,

Sieur Talon

805

concluded a treaty with the

consequence taken of their lands and original

111.

forts

which

Record of the entry into possession.

English succeeded, did not

make any

is

Iroquois, and posseuion was ia proved by the aforesaid Treaty and the

The Dutch

of Manatte, to whose rights the

opposition thereunto.

In 1669 was renewed the entry into possession of the lands of the Iroquois of Lake Erie. Sieurs Dolier and Galin6e,

The English made the first

who were

present, gave their certiBcate thereof which

in justification of their

pretended right to the North Bay

discovery thereof; that in 1479 Sabastien Cabot

discover some passages

Frobisher made

;

Pennemud' was

in

who

same

to

In 1576, 77, 78. Martin

discovered the Straits which bear his name.

1583 on the North east coast of Newfoundland to the

allege that they

Seven years afterwards, Humphrey Guilbert was

three voyages thither.

Richard Witaboux* went

reported.

was towards Labrador

but he returned without effecting any thing.

there also and, after that, John Davis

may

is

coast, in

;

Etienne

sometime afterwards

1590 Captain Georges also went towards the

North, and in 1612 Maner, an English Captain, went again to the North where he found a

passage in the 63'' degree ; finally, that in 1662 they established themselves there, having been conducted thither by Radisson and des Groselliers to the head (fund*) of the North Bay. The English cannot derive any advantage from all these voyages, because those who went as far as the SG"* degree have only explored some small portions of the coasts of Labrador

without entering into the North Bay and without making any sojourn or establishment there,

and the others could go

who

Westward

proceeded further, were merely in search of the passage whereby they to the East Indies without intending to

make any

settlement, and he

approached the nearest to port Nelson was only about the 63^ degree. Had the English in making their voyages any other design than to discover the said passages, they would not have

who

failed to obtain grants of the countries they discovered, as

they had done of Florida in 1607,

and of the North Bay when they were conducted thither. The settlement made by the English in 1662 at the head of the North Bay does not give them any title, because it has been already remarked, that the French were in possession of those countries, and had traded with the Indians of that Bay, which is proved still better by the knowledge the men named Desgroselliers and Radisson had of those parts where they introduced the English. They had traded there, no doubt, with the old French Coureurs de bois. Besides, it is a thing unheard of that rebellious subjects could convey any right to countries belonging to their Sovereign.

The English have still less right to the Iroquois country. It has been established by the Memoir on Acadia that their settlement on the Coast of Florida was a pure usurpation that, even though the grant made by the King James I., in 1607, were valid, it could include, even ;

according to the terms of that Grant, only countries not inhabited at that time, and it is cerUin that the French were then in possession as far as the 40"' degree, and that Sieur Champlain

had already discovered and taken possession of the country of the

Iroquois, as can be seen in

his Relation. Etienne Pareienn of Budn.

Vol. IX.

HarrU

Voyagt", t, 686.

39

— Eo.

*\in«itboiini«. />»

Ltit

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

306

M.

de Denonville

M.

to

de Seignelay.

Quebec, 11 November, 16S6.

My

Lord, add,

I will

you

if

please, to all

my despatches

that

impossible to do anything of

it is

King incur considerable expense

for the preservation of this colony unless the

for a

moment

number of

years to support of the war, inclose the towns and erect redoubts. In this case,

My

which we have every reason we may calculate that the King will be master of North

God on our

Lord, with the blessing of

to expect as justice

is

on our side,

America, where Religion

will

make

great progress, and our trade will flourish.

highly important that the Ships which the

It is

King

month by

will please to send us with troops

They can

necessary ammunition, arrive in the month of May. fifteenth of that

designs,

easily reach

and

Quebec on the

March.

sailing on the 15""

Dorabour, one of our old Captains will willingly undertake to act as pilot with his vessel and return immediately; he will arrive in France still in sufficient time to come back the same year with his ship's

cargo".

Delorme will do the same with his vessel if We must not flatter ourselves that this war

we

should be certain that

effect

such a

of

knowledge of the

all

result,

evil

they can,

when

My

Lord desire

to charter

will terminate as

God

soon as

will blind our

it.

we would

wish.

To

enemies by depriving them

protected by the English, inflict on us.

War once declared, it is an indispensable necessity to establish, and maintain a post of two hundred men at Niagara, where married farmers ought, in my opinion, be placed to make clearances and to people that place, in view of becoming, with barks, masters of Lake Erie. If

should greatly wish to have a Mill at Niagara.

I

we

are desirous of reestablishing our credit with the

have one hundred and It will

fifty,

or at least one hundred,

men

Far Indians, we

be highly proper that our Canadians maintain the post Sieur

the Detroit of Lake Erie. 'In this

way

Shall require to

at Cataracouy.

Du

I'hut has fortified at

our Coureurs de bois coming from Michilimaquina,

could take the route, by Lake Erie, to Niagara, protected by the two hundred there; and thence in our barks to Cataracouy,

whence by convoys they could

men

in garrison

repair to Montreal.

In this way our settlers could draw their peltries from the Outaouas and other distant places where they have a very considerable stock of them, which if lost, or if trade be interrupted, would ruin the Country. Should the War continue the route by the Outaouas river, which falls into the St. Lawrence at the end of the Island of Montreal, would be no longer practicable as it is very dangerous, small parties being able to plunder every thing.

You

see

by

my

letter

and memoirs.

My

Lord, of what advantage

it

was

English the passage by the post of Detroit which Sieur du L'hu occupies with

to close fifty

on the

brave men.

This could not be effected without considerable expense, all the memoranda whereof have not yet come from Michilimaquina. Goods have been sent to the latter place to procure provisions

which must be purchased from the Indians; ammunition and other necessaries maintenance during winter of fifty men have also been transmitted thither.

The

expenditure account sent you by M. de Champigny and myself,

greater than

you

anticipated.

I assure

you.

My

Lord,

I

greatly regret

all

is

for the

doubtless

these expenses.

much But

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

III.

g07

your Lordship must calculate on a Country Ipst, if you do not incur and continue a miracle from God arrest all the deplorable consequences of the War.

tbeni, unless

much management of the people will be necessary, and many difficulties have to be surmounted in order to concentrate the settlers there. And for this purpose I must observe to you, My Lord, that M. de Laval, the old Bishop. *ould be of great assistance here. It appears to me that he has so strong a hold over the hearts of the people throughout the entire Colony, that his presence here would be of great service in persuading them by 'Tis certain that

will

what we should be obliged

gentleness to do, willingly, case,

it

will

be necessary for our

new Bishop

to seek

Seminary which M. de Laval makes his residence. It would be highly necessary that the Seminary of should have the direction of

all

to have enforced by coercion.

In that

some other lodgings than the hole of a Ville Marie,

on the Island of Montreal,

the Parishes from Sorel inclusive, on both sides of the river,

up to Montreal; for in consequence of the distance and the difficulties of the navigation it is very inconvenient for the Seminary of Quebec to forward thither all the assistance that is necessary, and to keep every thing in order. It is a matter to be arranged between our Bishop and the Abb6 Tronson. It is

highly important.

My

Lord, that you request the Queen to send

me Commissions

in

blank for the Commanders of such posts as I shall be obliged to occupy; that of Niagara among the rest. Allowing four Captains for two hundred men required there, it may happen

would suffer should the oldest of the four be unqualified for such a command. must not conceal from, and it is my duty to inform, you that of the mnny Naval Officers, none are capable of commanding a post of one hundred men except Mess" de Crisaty who have more experience than any of them, yet are commanded by the four Ensigns of .Marine. I cannot too highly praise these two brothers, who are industrious and possess merit. It requires talents to command in a place like that of Niagara, where the best is not too good. A commander cannot have too much authority, wherefore, My Lord, it is proper that you send me orders signed by yourself, for we have disorderly spirits which it will be necessary to keep in check. I believe. My Lord, that in this as in every thing else you have confidence in me, inasmuch as I have the honor to speak to the King whenever I have the honor to write to you. Therefore is there occasion for truth, and not of passion nor prejudice which would be highly criminal in me were I capable of them. I do not say that I am incapable of being sometimes that the service I

'

deceived in people, but Sieur de Troye

is

I

will

be the

first

to correct myself,

and

to

admit

my

error.

the most intelligent and most efficient of our Captains; he has that

excellent tact required for the possession of

all

the qualities necessary to

command

others.

Better conduct than that he exhibited in the northern expedition, is impossible; for he needed address (acavoir fuire) in order to induce Canadians to do what he got them to perform, and to retain

them

in obedience.

command of a post. I have not delivered the commission of Commandant which you sent me, at my request, for for a Major the Major of Montreal. 1 know him better than I did last year; a man may do who would be a bad Commandant. If you permit me to take M. de Calliere with me, I request you to send me an order to I

have

still

some Captains

qualified to take

authorize S' Provost, Major of Quebec, to absence.

He

is

command

at Montreal during

a very honest and intelligent man. '

The M«rquis anJ CheT«Iier de Criiwy. Chartnti*.

M. de Calliere's

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

308

I have not troubled you, My Lord, for any of the subsistance of d'Orvillier's Company which has been a year at Cataracouy. I have stopped out of the soldier's pay, the bread and pork furnished him at the current price of the country; it amounts to only three sous per day; so that the soldier is left the balance of his stipend to pay the farthing (deux liurs) in the livre. Hospital money, (Invalides roles), and to defray the expense of linen, stockings, shoes and blankets. I think it would cost the King less to leave this balance for the soldier's necessaries, than to supply them in kind. This rule will be adopted by us for the future, if you so

approve

One

it.

of our merchants

may have some

letters I

is

about to leave Bourdeaux for this place on the

first

of March

;

I

from your Lordship by him.

am

with profound respect.

My

Lord,

Your most humble, most obliged and most obedient Servant

The M. DE Denonville.

M.

de Denonville to

M.

de Seignelay.

Quebec,

My

IG""

November, 1GS6.

Lord,

my

Since writing

letters,

a very intelligent

man whom

I sent to

who

Manat,

has conversed

and had much intercourse with Colonel Dongan, reports to me that said Colonel has dispatched fifty inhabitants of Orange and Manat, among whom are some Frenchmen, to winter with the Senecas, whence they will depart for Michilimaquina at the opening of the spring, under an escort of those Indians to carry along with

prisoners on the part of the English governor,

by the

service he renders them, to

who

abandon our

is

them and

Huron

restore the

desirous to prevail on the Outaouas,

alliance

in order to attach themselves to

the English.

They

carry thither plenty of goods in order to undersell us.

This

is

not

all.

Colonel Dongan has given orders that one hundred and

Englishmen, accompanied by several Mohegans (Loups) should follow the

But

this party is not to leave until spring.

is to

seize the post of Niagara.

driven I

off,

or

we must

send you.

Jesuits,

who

My

it

believe there

is

no room

to

doubt that the design

bid adieu to the entire trade of the country.

my

permission to thank him' for a deceitful protection he this

summer

whom

he

to expel him.'

is for

My

Lord, that you read that

you

to place

me

letter, in

order to understand from

For the Superior's

it

how

in a situation to act powerfully against those Iroquois

proteges of the English. '

other

the English once established there, they must be

Father de Lamberville, Missionary to the Iroquois, from among

'Tis important.

important

I

fifty

with goods.

Lord, Colonel Dongan's original letter to the Father Superior of the

requested

had extended to cunningly wished

Were

first fifty

letter, i«e III., 464.

'

See

III.,

45C.

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

IIL

309

All those expeditions, My Lord, render it indispensably necessary, it seems to me, for ni to declare war, and for you to adopt measures to render us efficient support, whilst the King

having no w.ir on his hands

is

at liherty to

send us some of his troops.

The war begun, and misfortunes;

badly carried on, by M. de la Barre has been the cause of all our has reunited the Iroquois to the English who adopt the true means of

it

destroying this Colony in a few years by depriving it of its allies and commerce. require no less than two battalions, My Lord, if you wish to succeed. Nothing will be secure in this country, if you do not fortify the post of Niagara and that of Cataracouy. Villa Marie and Quebec must absolutely be inclosed in time, and the best thing

We

possible done to concentrate our settlers.

Wonders

are recounted to

me

of the English settlements which are collected into villages, alone are at the mercy of the Wolves.

We

in a state to defend themselves.

M. de Vauban to request him to furnish us some one to superintend our Works if you desire them to be continued, for Villeneufue is so much occupied with his Maps, that it is out of his power to think of any thing else ; besides, he cannot be stationary in any one place except in winter, and all tlie works are suspended in that season. The same man who came frotn Manat told me, that there arrived there within a short time from the Islands of St. Christopher and Martinique fifty or sixty Huguenots, who are settjing themselves at Manat and its environs. Here is fresh material I know that some such have arrived at Boston from France. I write to

for banditti.

Whilst writing sent

word

this,

to the fifty

My

men who

there of the hundred and

The

Lord,

cause of this order

fifty

is,

I

receive further advice from Orange that Colonel

are to winter

among

men whom he

is to

Lake

the Senecas, not to start until the arrival

dispatch as a reinforcement in the spring.

that he has learned from

bieing stationed at the Detroit of

Dongan

some Indians the

fact of Sieur

Du

L'hut

Eri^.

detachment and the Indians attack that post, you perceive, My Lord, no more terms are to be observed with the English. Please send me orders on this point, for I am disposed to go straight to Orange, storm their If that

fort,

and burn the whole concern.

If the English continue their expeditions in this

war be waged

against them, nothing

is

to

manner and the King

be expected

for this

Colony but

is

unwilling that

its ruin.

They

never denied the King's right neither to the Iroquois among whom we have missionaries since that people were first discovered; nor to the lakes where we always have a number of

where we for a long time possess establishments. Now, the English governor prompted by the cupidity of the merchants, and by his own avarice to drag largesses from them, claims the whole country as his, and will trade thither posts, nor to the Illinois

though an Englishman has never been there.

Under pretext of hunting he gives his creatures passes, one of which wa« taken at Michilimaquina I would have sent it to you had he who was bringing it not upset in the ;

water and been thereby drowned. See,

My

by giving

there be any thing more pressing than to check these expeditions, either permission and the means to make war on them ; or by causing the capture of

Lord,

me

if

the emissaries of M. Dongan,

who

is

so covetous of

money

that he will spare no effort to

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

310

satisfy the cravings of his

merchants

who

alone are pleased with him, he being greatly hated

by the people on whom he makes pecuniary levies for his own advantage. Meanwhile, My Lord, 1 shall change nothing of my original hostile design, the execution of which I shall advance by all means in my power, in order to thwart our enemies' plans. One of our merchants has informed me that he intends to dispatch a vessel from Bourdeaux I can receive some letters of advice from your for this place in the beginning of March. Lordships by that opportunity. Whilst writing this of the

news

what he all

me

Manat.

that

letter here,

My

Lord,

I

had the honor to communicate

writes

his order at

Of

I

I

receive from Father de Lamberville confirmation to

you respecting Colonel Dongan.

I

send you

concerning the talks the said Colonel held with the Iroquois assembled by

Have

My Lord. My Lord, concerning the designs of the English,

the goodness to read theih yourself,

have the honor

to advise

you

of,

no other proof will be necessary than what you see of the Colonel's intrigues, who has nothing else in view than the destruction of this entire Colony, which is imminent if the King do not apply some effectual remedy thereto. I fear the Outaouas will revolt through [the interference of] the English who conduct their prisoners to them and furnish them merchandise at a much cheaper rate than we. That, My Lord, will cease if you send us two good battalions, and the funds necessary to sustain the movement and to occupy the post at Niagara. The whole is an intrigue of the Orange Merchants who make presents to the Colonel. Great complaints are made of the trade at Cataracouy where goods are too high, because the third of the profit must go to M. de Lassale. If the King desire that post to be settled (sepeuple) it will be necessary that his Majesty take the property of it out of M. de Lassalle's It is hands, and throw the trade open to the colonists, contenting himself with the fourth. with the Indians, reestablish tlie trade and to attract the best means that can be adopted to them thither. The bad state of affiiirs. My Lordj is a source of great mortification to me, but you see that the English of Manat and Orange do not treat their English people of Virginia and Maryland better than [they treat] us.

M. de Calliere writes me

who

that he has arrested a rogue lately settled in the

attempted to persuade several respectable young I

am

men

to

withdraw

Chambly

country,

to the English.

with respect.

My

Lord,

Your most humble, most Obliged and most obedient Servant,

The M. DE Lamberville.

;

PARIS DOCUMENTS Governor Dongan

to the

(U

III,

:

Meverend Jean de LamherviUe.

[TBAN8LATBD FBOH THX LATIN.] Albany,

20«*

May, 1686.

Reverend Father, I received your

letters of the 10** instant and I hereby assure you, that I shall labor strenuously to extricate you from any danger to which you may be exposed from the barbarians. I regret that our Indians are so troublesome to yours; but, as I am informed by the Christians, the Indians consider the country which they conquer in war as their rightful possession ; but I insist not on this. I doubt, however, whether that country, where the Indians are waging war, belong to our or to your King though to me it appears probable that it belongs to ours, ;

because, as

am

West a few degrees towards the South. whereas yours lies to the North; but this cannot in any wise justify our people invading yours, and I shall, if I can, manage so that they be not troublesome, in any way, to yours. I leave the decision of any question about territory to the King, my master, and I think Mr. Des Nonville will do the like. I have not yet spoken to the Indians, and your messenger cannot wait here any longer. In order that peace may be preserved between us, let your Governor send a message to me, should our Indians disturb yours, and I shall do the like in all justice, as far as lies in my power. Your governor will, I hope, exert himself so that in this way the I

told, it lies in

respect to ours.

Indians will be retained in subjection.

but

I

hope that Mons' Des Nonville

Indians subject to our King.

my

I

hear that our Indians fear something from the French

on the tnatter before he invade the

will reflect maturely

Time

does not

now admit

of writing to Mons' Des Nonville, but

service will not be wanting

if needed. I have I shall write to him before I leave here; coming here and convoking the Indians, than to reprove them for some injuries they have done the subjects of the King of France in Canada. I commend myself Reverend Father, to your most pious prayers. Your most humble servant, DONOAN. (Endorsed)

no other motive

for

Reverendo Patri Domino

De

Lamberville d

Societate Jesus.

Governor Dongan [

M.

to

M,

de DenonviUe.

Already printed, IIL, 4S5.

]

de DenonviUe to Governor Dongan. [

Already printed, m., 4S8.

]

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

312

»%

Governor Dongan [

M.

to

Already printed, IIL, 460.

Already printed,

^»

Governor Dongan [

NoTK.

— The word "Indians"

Merchants,

)

de Denonville. ]

de Denonville to Governor Dongan. [

(

M.

III.,

»

^

to

M.

461. ]

de Denonville.

Already printed, HI, 462.

]

in the 9th line from the top of p. 463, Vol.

and the word " Mihillmiqum"

IH

is

in the

in the following line, is " Miohilmiquina,"

French translation "Marchandi^

— En.

*»> Abstract of

M.

de Denonville's Letters

and of

ilie

Minister'' s

Answers

thereto.

Council of Canada. '

Monsieur

Summary

De

of letters written in 1686.

Answers.

Denonville.

Religion.

There is no inhabitant of the Pretended Reformed Religion. There were only a few soldiers, the most of whom have made an act of abjuration. Were some small gratuity bestowed on them, it would have a good effect. 50 or 60 Huguenots of the islands of Saint Xtopher and Martinique have taken refuge at Manatte.

Some have

from France.

also arrived at

Boston

His Majesty are no

is

very glad to learn that there

Protestants in

soldiers wlio

were

been converted,

still

Canada and

that the

of the P. R. R. have

PARIS DOCUMENTS

UI.

:

813

War.

We

have

our Indian

fallen

allies that

recover from

it,

among

into such discredit

we

unless

shall not be

able to

by some considerable

advantage over the Iroquois

who

are endeav-

oring to seduce them.

A

His Majesty

after

mature examination of

reasons adduced in

the

his

concurs

letters

with bim in the necessity of waging war against the Iroquois, and for that purpose hu long since issued the necessary orders for the

Huron, named Escou tache ,' under the

guise of negotiation, delivered seventy

men

belonging to his Tribe, and 36 Outawas into

preparation of troops, arms, ammunition and the other things he will require for

its

suc-

view of aflerwards propo-

His Majesty anticipates from bis prudent conduct and bravery, a happy

sing a peace between those Iroquois and these

termination of this expedition, and only re-

two

commends him

their hands, with the

tribes,

and of achieving it by surrendering

cessful

prosecution.

these prisoners.

omy the

The Jesuit Fathers have broken up this pretended Treaty, having even prevailed on the

him with a

Onontagu^s, one of the

five

husband with

to

strict

funds appropriated, of which part, so that

they

may

I

econ-

supply

suffice for

the termination of this war.

Iroquois nations,

to disavow that act.

These Onontagu^s have, themselves, brought back to Fort Cataracouy five soldiers of that fort who had deserted, and have requested their pardon, which he did not think prudent to refuse them in the present conjuncture, and, in order to preserve the good will of those Indians, he has considered

it

proper to over-

are the cause of

the bad

all

intentions of the Iroquois; they make

them

act

with the view of destroying us and of rendering themselves masters of the country.

Colonel

Dongan has assembled them

Manatte, and promised them

all sorts

He

at

of pro-

made war wage them against us. He even sends emissaries among our Indian allies in order to unite them with against the

tection

presents

receive pardon for such a crime,

French.

4o induce them

about

confidently stated to dispatch

glishmen

in

has

to

write to

under his obedience in America. And I observe to him that on Colonel Dongan becoming aware of this Treaty, his Majesty

countries

is

persuaded that

expeditions he

that the Colonel

one hundred and

fifty

is

En-

the design to attack the Detroit of

Lake Erie which

is garrisoned by the French. Should that be the case, he does not consider that he has more terms to keep with them, and would be inclined to go straight to Orange carry their fort by assault and burn the whole

concern. '

Vol. IX.

not more

M. de Barilion to complain of Colonel Dongan, and I advise M' de DenonI communicate to him, also, the ville thereof. Treaty of Neutrality and the orders issued by the King of England for its execution in the I

the Iroquois. It is

may

readily take leave to desert.

look that crime.

The English

His Majesty approves his conduct on this but he must take care lest the soldiers, aware of the facility with which they occasion,

Compare

supra, p.

40

Hi.

— Ed.

it

may

will put

an end to

be preparing.

all

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

314

Since Monsieur de la Barre's

visit,

quois are in perfect union with the

the Iro-

English

under whose protection they placed them-

when

selves that year,

the English caused posts

I notify him that his Majesty is about to nominate Commissioners immediately, who with others to be also nominated by the King of

England on

bearing the arms of England to be set up in their

formity

country, although the French have had mission-

terminate

aries there

first,

and have an infinitude of incon-

testable titles of their rights to that country.

all

which may French and the

subjects of difference

between

then

exist

will endeavor, in con-

his part,

with said Treaty of Neutrality, to the

English regarding the countries in America belonging to both Kings.

Colonel Dongan has written to the Superior of the Jesuits that he would afford protection

his

— and

Religion

fairs of

him every

provided he meddled only in to

af-

him (de D.) that

Majesty was indebted to him 25""% and

being a very

selfish

man, might, he believes,

be gained over with money,

His Majesty

grounds of

is

not acquainted with the

this Colonel's pretensions,

but

it is

necessary that an eye be kept on his conduct,

because

if

he contravene the orders he has

received, and will hereafter receive to keep up

a good understanding between the two Nations,

His Majesty will request the King of England

if desirable.

deprive him of his Govern-

to be pleased to

ment. of the greatest importance not to pro-

It is

tract the war,

fifteen

168 " "'.

possible,

not protracting this War, and hopes by the

wise measures he (deD.) has adopted, that he

terminate

money he it is

at least, the first

desirable that he could attack

two

largest Iroquois Villages in

prevent them coming to rees-

during the winter, what might be

destroyed in summer.

That such is necessary, likewise, in order to prevent them coming to attack the settlements of the Colony which are at a considerable distance the one from the other, and unable to assist

will conclude

each other.

this year.

it

Advise him that he will be able

to

campaign, and winter in their coun-

try, in order to

tablish,

amounting

specifies

In case the war cannot be terminated

in one year,

His Majesty is^persuaded of the necessity of

require, for that purpose,

to

hundred regular troops with the ammu-

nition and

the

and

He would

this year.

it, if

plish

that

with

the

assistance

to

accomMajesty

his

him; to wit, 800 soldiers actually in Canada and a like number sent thither presently, exclusive of the militia of the country; and the necessary arms and ammunition his Majesty causes to be transmitted to Quebec. In regard to the money, I explain to him that of the 168""" he demands, I shall cause 30" to affords

be expended

in

France

in the

purchase of a

portion of the articles he reqiitres.

the balance of 134™'" is

to

equal to 103°"" French currency,

him

And

as to

Canada currency, which

that 50""'" of

it

I

observe

were sent him

last

year, and that I order the remaining 63""" to

be transmitted to him.

Post of Niagara. Immediately on declaring war, his intention is to fortify in

the best possible

at Niagara; this is of the great

manner the post consequence

order both to furnish the people getting their peltries from the

facilities

His Majesty approves of post, but, is very glad to

regard

in

in

of

build, that

Outawas and

to it is

all

his fortifying this

have him informed

the forts

he proposes

to

necessary that he avoid at the

same time incurring too great an expense; And

PARIS DOCUMENTS

HI.

:

815

other distant places, and to secure a retreat for

therefore I cause

the Illinois, in case they be pressed by the

be observed

Iroquois. But it would be proper to send masons from France as the wages of those of this country are 3"' and 3"" 10 sous a day, and they are moreover indiSerent workmen. It is so much the more necessary to fortify

that post, as

on

will seize

He

also

Chambly;

it is it,

to

if

be feared that the English

proposes to construct a post at at la Prairie de la Magdelaine, to

King

master of that country until

his

forts at all the Falls (Saulis),

First, not to build but

attention.

one fort a most urgent; and

year, beginning with the

secondly, to construct only slight fortiScations, suitable for warding off a surprise, as he has

not to do with any power capable of carrying

on a

siege, so that a simple wall with loop

outside, are the only

will never

be have Majesty

and Barks on

all

the Lakes.

works admissible

in that

country.

regard to

In

among

places.

represents that the

two most essential things to him to which he must pay

holes (creneaux), and a ditch and pallisades

not anticipated.

prevent the incursions of the Iroquois at those

And

to

workmen he

will find

many

the soldiers, but he must not hesitate

to oblige those of the

country to work, fur-

nishing them with the necessary support,

not being proper, at a conjuncture like

them

suffer

to take

need of them.

it

(his, to

advantage of the existing

Meanwhile,

I

write to Sieur de

masons and 20 laborers to be sent to that country, and I recommend him to manage so as get them to Mauclerc, to look up 4 or

five

with the troops. His Majesty approves the measures he has adopted for the approaching campaign, and

enlist

He

is

troops to

making Lake Ontario

preparations to go with his at the

end of June.

the Jesuit Fathers,

has nothing to add except that, as he possibly

some confidential officers to collect all the Frenchmen who are abroad trading, and the greatest possible number of the Indian allies, and to bring them to the rendezvous which he has appointed for them and he has directed Sieur de Tonty to proceed with the

him to until opportunity an confinement in them keep will offer to send them to France, as his Majesty thinks he can employ them in the Galleys. He can send even by the return of the

Illinois to attack the Iroquois in the

vessels

Has and

issued

orders to

to

;

the same time that he

falls

rear, at

on them from

another point.

He mand

has sent orders to the Officer in comof the post of

Lake Eri6

Frenchmen taken among

to cause all the

the English to be

may

take several Iroquois prisoners in the

course of this war, his Majesty desires

which

soldiers, those

will

whom

have

over the

before the departure of those ships. His Majesty approves the issuing of such orders,

and

I

send him an ordinance prohibit-

ing under penalty of death, the French going to the neighboring nations

shot.

carried

he will have captured

without a pass.

Chevalier de Callieres has recently caused a

Canadian

settler to

be arrested

induce some young

men

who wished

to

of the country to

It is of

that

man,

importance to make an example of if

he be guilty of

this crime.

repair to the English.

The Iroquois can arm 200' men and have made an alliance with the Mobegans (Nation

His Majesty does not think the great number of these Savages is to be feared, inasmuch as

•Sio.Qu«r»f »,000.

— Ea

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANSUCRTPTS.

316

who

are to furnish them as many as make war on us, independent of a number of other Tribes, their allies.

du Loup)

they have no experience in

1,500, to

the contrary that those

great

lect

from among our

he will colbe of great

allies will

when conducted by

service,

War; hopes on

whom a

man

of such

experience as he.

He

has dispatched Sieur de Tonty to collect

together the Illinois, and has given him 150

guns

to

That

arm

has been as far as the

mouth of

the River Mississipi in search of Sieur Salle without

who

Indians

a portion of them.

officer

advise him that his Majesty sends three

I

hundred guns

De La

having received any news of

Only learned when returning, that some Savages had seen him at the River des Mouilla which is 40 leagues north of the mouth of the River Mississipi, and that he had left that place to go towards the South. Said Tonty has brought back with him 2 Illinois Chiefs who have promised that their Nation would perform their duty against the him.

His Majesty of Sieur de

be distributed as a

to

gift to

the

will serve with him.

very impatient to receive news

is

La

Salle.

Let him communicate

every particular he will learn of that gentle-

man, and

him every protection he

afford

stand in need

of,

will

should he return.

Iroquois.

As

there

try to

is

no General Officer in the Coun-

command under

him, and

as, in

case of

whole war would devolve on a few Ensigns of Marine who are at the head of the first companies, and are not qualified for so great an enterprise, he demands an order for one of the inferior Governors to command in his absence, and under his authority in his presence, and proposes Chevalier de Callieres, governor of Montreal, who, he assures, has all his falling sick the

I notify

of Sieur

him,

all

him that the King has made choice to command, under

the troops that will be in Canada.

In

regard to the conduct of the war and the

command

of the country, they

of right to this

Commandant.

would belong

Nevertheless, as

he gives assurance that Monsieur de Callieres is highly qualified, his Majesty sends commissions (des patentes) with a

name

blank to be

of such of these

two

filled

with the

officers as

he will

the qualifications requisite to acquit himself

consider best qualified, in case he should find

properly of such duty.

himself unable to act; but he must observe that he

on

is

not to

make use of this power except

this occasion only.

His Majesty approves of his taking the said Chevalier de Callieres with him, in such capacity as

he shall think advantageous

for

his

Majesty's service.

Justice and

He

His Majesty does not consider the increase

one hundred and

very considerable, more especially as regards

being at present 12,373

number of which he ought to augment by every means nothing being more advantageous for that Colony than

last year,

persons, there

souls.

of the Country.

sends the census of Canada, which has

augmented since ten

The Actual State

the Indians, the

endeavor

to

;

PARIS DOCUMENTS

UI.

:

817

the acquisition of

new subjects for

his Majesty,

without any expense to the Kingdom. These Indians will, moreover, be of great use in establishing Christianity in the Country.

His Majesty has been, likewise, surprised that there has been less land under cultivation in

1686 than

that he so

in 1685.

manage

He

as that

wishes, in advance, it

will increase,

by

who

will

Majesty approves the measures

he

giving lands to be cleared to those

be able to take them.

The

Seminary are

His

greatly increasing their Establishments on that

adopts

Priests of the Montreal

island,

and as

which

is

soldiers

it is

a quarter the settlement of

for

the

peopling of

the

Island

of

Montreal.

highly important, he will induce the

who

will

get married to establish

themselves there in preference.

more important than the suppression of the disorders which prevail in tba woods, and he has drawn up regulations to correct them; but it will be very difficult to cause these to be observed, if some means be not found to give employment to the Sons Nothing

is

of the Noblesse, and of those

He

who

(plus raisonnables) It is to

and 6 sous

be feared,

if

And

also approves

and to give the best behaved

them

to the others.

would not

into regular companies,

8 sous of France per day to

against the Coureurs de bois; Approves the regulation which he has

made on

that subject.

live as such.

proposes, for this purpose, to enrol these

you^g men

His Majesty continues to recommend him to execute with severity the ordinances made

they be not retained by

his proposal to

into regular companies, but

it

enrol

would be

necessary that he should so manage that they cost

more than those

maintained by his Majesty,

who

at present

promises to

that arrangement, that the English will se-

establish one forthwith on that footing.

duce them.

I explain to him that of the 6 sous a day which the King will give them as soldiers, 4' 6"* will be sent to the country in money and IS** will be retained in France to be expended

in the

purchase of clothing which will be trans-

mitted them every year.

He

will

be at liberty to

select,

for

the

company, one of the old

command

of this Captains already settled in Canada

who

will

have more authority and influence over the minds of those young men than any other officer

who might

be sent thither. Majesty has granted an

alms of a

of Gentlemen, very

His hundred ecus

some

have caused him to be notified, that their actual misery proceeds from their ambition to

He

represents that there are

many

families

worthy persons, in extreme and solicits want, not having even bread ;

charity for them.

to each of these families,

and

I

;

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

318

live as people of quality

and, therefore,

it

is

who

future, those

are not gentlemen assuming

that rank which reduces

He

does not consider

war

of

like

this, to

it

As regards

expedient in a time

them

to mendicity.

Majesty

letters of Nobility, his

does not consider

institute a search after

and without labor

proper to prevent, for the

necessary to grant any

it

people of Canada

spurious Nobles, the more especially as those

more

who have assumed

the country of a part of the children of those

the quality unjustly would

who

not become more industrious.

He

embark in some business. The post of Cataracouy is very advantageously situated for trade, and it would be well will

Sieur de

La

Salle,

to

purchase

and open

it

Gardes de

of

to relieve

send him six comla

Marine

;

and

•

His Majesty will possibly reassume Fort Cataracouy in course of time, but there is no

to attract settlers thither, but to accomplish

Majesty ought

I

and

;

recommend him to be careful not to fill them with any who are not really Gentlemen.

of nobility except to such as will be rich and

that, his

are truly noble,

missions

of opinion, only, not to grant patents

is

to the

hurry at present.

from

trade to all

its

the world.

Sieur Asks

5-*^rat,

Governor of Placentia.

He may,

he must arrest French sailors of

if

who come

the pretended Reformed Religion into the ports belonging to his

Government

in

let

English vessels.

without

him be

M" Gregory

those

to trade

in

any thing

without being sure of success.

the

Ottawa Country.

[Llcenoei, Warrants, &c., 1686, 1702, V., in Secretary's OfBce, Albany.

Thomas Dongan Captaine

cause

careful not to undertake

in this regard,

Commission of Major

difficulty

be arrested and sent to France, but

sailors to

]

Generall Governour and Vice Admirall of the province of

Newyorke and dependencyes.

To Major Patrick Magregore Greetting Being well assured of your loyalty Conduct and Courage I have Commissionated and appoynted And by these presents doe Commissionate and appoynt yow the said patrick Magrigore To bee Captaine and Coniand'' In Cheife of such men as by my order yow are to go along with from Albany to the Ottwasse Countrey a tradeing As

also of a

Company which Likewise by my

order

yow

are to Overtake and proceed together

with in the said Journey which sayd Companyes as Captaine and Comander in Cheife

yow are

to

Leade and Conduct

in their sayd

Journey

'

During the old French government young gentlemen used

board the ships of war. midshipmen.

When

They were

called Gardes de la

Ottwasse Countrey and from office yow are to observe such

to the said

thence back again to Albany In the Execucon of which

to receire brevet commissions

Marine

(

Jarriei^

Military Dictionary

and were permitted to serve on ),

and were of

similar rank to

they had acquired a knowledge of their profession, they were promoted to the rank of officers.

— En.

»

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

III.

Instructions and directions as yow already have or from me Hereby Comandeing and Requyreing all and Every

Companyes

3^9

time to time shall Receave from person and persons of the said

Give due observance and obedience to the said patrick Magregore in the premisses as they will answer the Contrary att their uttmost perrills this Commission to be in force one yeare and no Longer Given Under my hand and Scale att ffort James thij fourth day of december 1686 And in the Second yeare of his ma"" Ileigne

_

By

,

.

to

_

Tho Donoah

,

his Excellencyes

Comand Is.

SWINTOK




1

1

the State

of Canada.

Memoir

for the Marquis de Seignelay Regarding the dangers that threaten Canada, the means of remedying them, and of 6rmly establishing religion, commerce and the King's power in North America. January, 16S7.

Canada

encompassed by many powerful Colonies of English who labor incessantly to ruin it by exciting all our Indians, and drawing them away with their peltries for which said English give them a great deal more merchandise than the French, because the former pay no duty to the King of England. That profit attracts towards them, also, all our Coureurs de bois and French libertines who carry their peltries to them, deserting our Colony and is

establishing themselves

They employ

among

the English

who

take great pains to encourage them.

these French deserters to advantage in bringing the Far Indians to them

formerly brought their peltries into our Colony, whereby our trade

The English have begun by

whom

is

the most powerful and best disciplined Indians of

they have excited entirely against us by their

avowed

who

wholly destroyed. protection

all America, and manifest

usurpation of the sovereignty they claim over the country of those Indians which appertains

beyond contradiction

to the

King

for nearly a century

without the English having, up to

this

present time, had any pretence thereto.

They last

also

employ the Iroquois

to excite all our other Indians against us.

year to attack the Hurons and the Outawas, our most ancient subjects

;

They from

sent those

whom

they

swept by surprise more than 75 prisoners, including some of their principal Chiefs killed several others, and finally offered peace and the restitution of their prisoners, if they would quit the French and acknowledge the English. ;

They sent those Iroquois to attack the Illinois and the Miamis, our allies, who are in the neighborhood of Fort Saint Louis, built byM. de La Salle on the Illinois River which emptiei into the River Colbert or Mississipi ; those Iroquois massacred and burnt a great number of them, and carried off many prisoners with threats of entire extermination if they would not unite with

them against the French.

Colonel Dongan, Governor of

Englishmen to take possession,

New-York, has pushed in the

King

this usurpation to the point of

sending

of England's name, of the post of Mislimakinac

^

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

320 which

is

a Strait communicating between

even declared that to

all

Lake Huron and

the

Lake of the

Illinois,'

and has

those lakes, including the River Saint Lawrence which serves as an outlet

them, and on which our Colony

is

settled,

The Reverend Father Lamberville,

belong

to the English.

a French Jesuit who, with one of his brothers, also

among the Iroquois, wrote on the first of November Governor of Montreal, who informed the Governor-General thereof, that Colonel Dongan has assembled the Five Iroquois Nations at Manatte where he resides, and declared to them as follows a Jesuit, has been IS years a Missionary

to Chevalier de Callieres,

:

1" That he forbids them to go

Cataracouy or Fort Frontenac and to have any more

to

intercourse with the French.

That he orders them

2^

they took from the Hurons and Outawacs,

to restore the prisoners

in order to attract these to him.

That he is sending thirty Englishmen to take possession of Missilimakinak and the and adjoining lands and orders the Iroquois to escort them thither and to afford

S^

lakes, rivers

them physical assistance. 4"" That he has sent to

recall the Iroquois Christians

belonging to the

Mohawks who

reside

where they and converted by the care of our Reverend Jesuit Fathers, and

since a long time at the Saut Saint Louis, in the vicinity of the Island of Montreal,

have been established by that he would give

us,

them other land and an English

Jesuit, to govern them.

6* That he wishes that there should not be any Missionaries except whole of the Five Nations of Iroquois, and that the latter send away our have been so long established there. e* That if they are attacked by Monsieur de Denonville the

latter will

his

F'rench Jesuits

The

Iroquois.

— He

his

accompanied

his orders

who

have to do with him.

That he orders them to plunder all the French who will visit them bring them to him, and what they'll take from them shall be good prize.

to bind

7*''

and dispatched

throughout the

;

them and

with presents to the Five Iroquois Nations,

thirty Englishmen, escorted

by

Iroquois, to

make an

establishment at

Missilimakinak.

The

Iroquois plunder our

Frenchmen every where they meet them, and threaten

much exposed and without any fortifications. These measures, and the discredit we are in among all the Indians

to fire their

settlements which are

our

allies in

M. de

la Barre's

and borne the insults of the

time

;

for

latter,

for

having abandoned

having suffered them to be exterminated by the Iroquois

render war again absolutely necessary to avert from us a

general Indian Rebellion which would bring

down

ruin on our trade and cause eventually

even the extirpation of our Colony.

War

is

likewise necessary for the establishment of the Religion, which will never spread

itself there

except by the destruction of the Iroquois: so that on the success of

the Governor-General of

May

Canada proposes

to

commence

hostilities,

which

against the Iroquois on the 15th of

Country and of the Religion if he be not assisted, or the Establishment of the Religion, of Commerce and the King's Power over all North America, if

next, depends either the ruin of the

granted the required aid. If

men

King will employed since,

consider the Merit in the eyes of God, and the Glory and utility which the

derive from that succor,

it

is

easy to conclude that expense '

Michigan.

— Ed.

was never

better

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

mmm

III.

independent of the salvation of the quantity of souls in that vast Country to which His Majesty will contribute by establishing the faith there, he will secure to himself an Empire of more than a thousand leagues in extent, from the Mouth of the River Saint Lawrence to that of the River Mississippi in the Gulf of Mexico; a country discovered by the French alone, to which other Nations have no right, and from which great Commercial advantages, and a considerable augmentation of His Mnjesty's Revenues will eventually be derived. The Marquis de Denonville, whose zeal, industry and capacity admit of*no addition, require* a reinforcement of J, 500 men to succeed in his enterprise. I( less be granted doubtful and a

war

greater expense to

him. success ii drag along, the continuation of which for many years will be a His Majesty than that immediately necessary to guarantee its success and is

made

to

prompt termination. The Iroquois must be attacked in two directions. The first and principal attack must be on the Seneca Nation on the borders of Lake Ontario, the second, by the River Richelieu and Lake Champlain in the direction of the Mohawks. 3,000 French will be required for that purpose. Of these there are sixteen companies which make 800 men and 800 drafted from the militia, 100 of the best of whom the Governor-General destines

to

conduct 50 canoes which will come and go incessantly to convey he has only one-half, though he boasts of more for reputation'!

Of the 3,000 French

provisions.

sake, for the rest of the militia are necessary to protect and cultivate the farms of the Colony, and a part of the force must be employed in guarding the posts of Fort Frontenac, Niagara,

Tarento, Missilimakinak so as to secure the aid he expects from the Indians, on

whom, however, he cannot

Illinois

and from the other

rely unless he will be able alone to defeat the Five

Iroquois Nations.

The

Iroquois force consists of two thousand picked Warriors (cTeliu) brave, active, more

of the gun than our Europeans and all well armed; besides twelve hundred Mohegans (Loupn), another tribe in alliance with them as brave as they, not including the English who will supply them with officers to lead them, and to intrench them in their villages. If they be not attacked all at once at the two points indicated, it is impossible to destroy them or to drive them from their retreat, but if encompassed on both sides, all their plantations of Indian corn will be destroyed, their villages burnt, their women, children and old men captured and their warriors driven into the woods where they will be pursued and annihilated by the t)ther Indians. skilful in the use

After having defeated and dispersed them, the winter must be spent of Niagara, the most important in America, by means of which

excluded from the lakes whence

all

the peltries are obtained

;

all it

in fortifying

the post

the other Nations will be

will be necessary to winter

troops at that and some other posts, to prevent the Iroquois returning and reSstablishing

themselves there, and to people those beautiful countries with other Itidians served under us during this war.

As

it

and that

will

have

commence on

the 15* of May, it is necessary to hasten the reinforcement and month of March next in order that it may arrive in season to be employed, be accompanied by munitions of war and provisions, arms and other articles the estimates of the Governor-General and Intendant of Canada.

operations

to send

who

off in the it

required in

The vast extent of this country and the inconveniences respecting the command which may occur during the war suggest the great necessity of appointing a Lieutenant-Governor over it, as well to

command

VoL. IX.

the troops there in the absence, and under the orders, of the Governor-

41

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

822

General as to enforce these throughout all parts of the Colony beyond the Island of Montreal towards the great lakes wliich are at a considerable distance from Quebec. The Marquis de Denonville who sees the necessity of establishing that office is of opinion

Governor of the Island of Montreal, is eminently qualified for it by and industry in the King's service, and his experience in war, said Chevalier de Callieres having served twenty years with reputation in his Majesty's armies throughout the whole of his glorious campaigns. that Chevalier de Callieres,

his application

XIV.

Louis

Extracts of a

to

and

Messrs. de DenonviUe

Memoir

of the

King

to the

de CTianvpigny.

Marquis de Denonville and Sieur

de Champigny.

••••••••••

Versailles, SO"- March, 1687.

•

His Majesty has approved the conduct observed by said Sieur de Denonville towards the Iroquois, and the measures he has commenced adopting in order to place himself in a position to

wage war

against

And after having maturely examined all the Majesty has been convinced of the necessity of that war,

them with advantage.

reasons adduced in his

letters, his

and to that end has long since issued the necessary orders for the preparation of the troops, * * * * * • arms and ammunition of which he may stand in need. His Majesty has approved of Sieur de Denonville's calling the Iroquois nations together at Cataracouy, so as to effect the withdrawal of Father de Lamberville, and in case this has not been accomplished, it is necessary to adopt measures to prevent his remaining exposed to the fury of those Savages.

He has been surprised at the proceedings of Colonel Dongan, and has given orders to Sieur de Barillon his Ambassador at London to complain of him to the King of England. Meanwhile, as, since the Colonel has thus acted, the Treaty of Neutrality has been concluded at I^ondon, copy whereof has been transmitted to him, and as his Britannic Majesty has given positive orders to all his Governors of the territories in America under his obedience, copy of which is hereunto annexed, to conform themselves strictly thereunto. He doubts not but 'twill put an end to all the expeditions that Colonel might have commenced against the interests of the French, contrary to the intentions of the

does not consider

it

for the

may demand

his master.

expedient to make any attack on the English.

that Sieur de Denonville report

England

King

if

desires, nevertheless,

that Colonel will conform himself to his instructions from

execution of said Treaty, in order,

his recall

His Majesty therefore,

He

if

he contravene them that hfs Majesty

from the King of England.

In regard to the pretensions of the English in America, his Majesty has approved of the

Memoir of His rights to the best part of that country, and is very glad to let them know, thereupon, that He is about to nominate immediately Commissioners who, with others whom the King of England is on his side also to name, will, in the execution of said Treaty of Neutrality, endeavor to put an end to all differences which said Sieur de Denonville having sent a

PARIS DOCUMENTS

may

Kings

in

HI.

between the French and the English regarding the countries belonging to liis Commissioners to make use of it

exist, at present,

to both

:

America, and will refer that Memoir

in the discussion they will have, on the subject, with those of England.

As

to the expeditions got up by the English to prevent the trade of the French and to

draw

it

to themselves, the said Sieurs

de Denonville and de Champigny must expect that nothing but their industry and attention in having the passes guarded, can secure to his Majesty's subjects

accustomed commerce, as it is certain that they will always experience opposition on the part of the English, and that those Savages would prefer trading with the latter than with their

••••••*••• ••••••••••

the French in consequence of the advantage they derive from selling their goods at a higher rate to the English. •

His Majesty has no knowledge of Colonel Dongan's claim of 25' lb. which be pretends are due him in France. He, therefore, has nothing to say to him on that subject. •

His Majesty has seen the Memoir sent by the said Sieur de Denonville respecting the for the next Campaign, of which

measures he has adopted, and. the orders he has issued,

He

has approved, and doubts not but success commensurate to his expectations will follow,

having

to

contend only with Indians

contrary, those

whom

who have no

he will be able to marshal, will prove most

of his ability and experience.

Finally,

He

retain

efficient

being led by a

man

expects to learn, at the close of this year, the entire

And

destruction of the greatest part of those Savages,

who His

experience in regular war, whilst on the

as a

number

of prisoners

may be made

He desires him to manage so as to Any who will have been captured before

Majesty thinks can be employed in the galleys,

them

until there

be vessels going

France.

for

the sailing of those vessels can even be sent by the return of His Majesty's ships which will

convey the troops. •

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

••

•

His Majesty has been highly pleased to learn the voyage which Sieur de Tonty has made to the mouth of the River Mississippi, but would have wished that he had gained intelligence

••••••••••

there of Sieur de

His pleasure, •

He

if

La

Salle, for the fate of

he return, that they afibrd

whose expedition he feels great him every sort of protection.

authorizes Sieur de Denonville to do

presented to

Majesty

is

him by

what he

one of Colonel Dongan's

willing that he surrender

them

if

will think

Officers for

he see

anxiety, and

it ia

proper respecting the demand

two negro

deserters,

and

bis

fit.

As regards two women of bad character. His Majesty does not approve his proposals to send them back to France, inasmuch as that would not be a punishment sufficiently severe to prevent the consequences of that disorder

;

but

He

desires that they be put to hard labor

on

the public works, such as drawing water, serving masons, sawing wood, or other laborious occupations, in order that such punishment being public, may affijrd a more salutary example in that country.

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

824

M.

My

de Denonville to

M.

de Seignelay.

Lord,

On

2^ of this

tlie

select

month,

I

received in

They were transmitted

March.

and

to

tliis

city the King's orders

and yours of the

who remained

me, by Mons"" de Champigny

at

30""

Quebec

to

send off the Militia of the Colony.

me great joy to learn that the King has had the goodness to succor this country, you continue to afford it the honor of your protection. I leave to the Intendant th6 duty of advising you of the arrival of M. d'Amblemont and of the other vessels which bring us troops and ammunition, and of reporting to you the condition of every thing. I have come in advance in order to make all the arrangements for our march and to receive earlier the answers I was expecting from the Iroquois by the Fathers de Lamberville. The younger has arrived alone with letters from his elder brother who has resolved not to repair to gives

It

and

that

Katarokoui without the Chiefs of the Iroquois; but

I

doubt much

if

these Savages, distrustful

come on hearing of my marching with a retinue too great to be agreeable to them, for they would prefer that I should have no more than 20 attendants, so that they may be more frank in their Councils and in a position to address me arrogantly according to their as they are, will

invariable custom. this induces

me

It

has been their particular care always to inquire about

to fear that the

escort.

All

poor Father will experience some difficulty in extricating himself

This makes

from the hands of those barbarians.

me

very uneasy.

found our people disgusted with past proceedings sufficiently to

I

my

to resolve

on accompanying the troops, which obliged

wherein

set forth the

me

make

it difficult

draw up a

to

them

for

sort of Manifesto

This was accompanied by a Pastoral letter of the Vicar-General; the entire population were seen after this to prepare with extreme alacrity

for the

I

march.

All this

motives of this war.

was promulgated only

at the

moment

it

the people; therefore, such publication did not send forward the

every body to prosecute that

it

you may correct me

a similar error in future.

with good if

will.

I

send you both the one and the other.

there be any thing improper in them, and

I

am, moreover, very desirous not

should not be acquainted either after or before doing

you, so as not to

make

became necessary to assemble news of the war, but induced

a move without your orders.

decision on the part of those

who

it.

may

My Lord,

so

avoid committing

do any thing with which you

to

I

I

should wish

But the

are entrusted with the King's

distance. affiiirs;

much

My

to be nearer

Lord, requires

otherwise, the service

will greatly suffer.

In the letters you.

My Lord,

I

had the honor to write you in the month of November of

a tolerably exact account of the state of public

affiiirs.

last year, I

We have

gave

learned since

who are scattered -durantays who commands

from Missilimaquinack that Father Angelran, Superior of the Missionaries

among

the

distant

nations

of that

region,

and Sieur de

la

Missilimakinak and other posts in our possession, had experienced great

difficulty in retaining

Hurons and Outaouas, and preventing them repairing to the Senecas with a resolution to come to an understanding with, and submit themselves to the latter, and thus become their allies, and introduce a trade with the English who have made a strong impression on them by the cheapness of the goods their merchants offered last year at Missilimakinac, where they went as I had the honor to inform you by my letters. This Huron nation, all

the

naturally faithless and fickle like

all

Savages, and the Outaouas, although enemies of the

Iroquois of long standing, would willingly side with the latter, through dread of their

power

PARIS DOCUMENTS Boi through the lures of them in peace with the Far Nations with whom had created considerable

the English

III.

:

who promise them

335

in addition to

enemy and to make them masters of our Frenchmen are in the habit of embarrassment

in the

cheap bargains, to keep

the entire trade of the other trading.

All this,

managing of these people so as

My

to divert

Lord,

them

from their purpose. lA-t length the Hurons and Outaouas decided to send me this winter the tw o most influential amongst them with four of our Frenchmen, who conducted them to us over the ice^ Thus, My Lord, those Fathers have warded ofi' the greatest misfortune that could overtake us at present from that quarter to wit, the abandonment by this people of our alliance and their adhesion to our enemies. The post occupied by Sieur du Lhu at the Detroit of Lake Erie, and the Frenchmen whom Sieur de la Durantays has collected at Missilmakina [coupled with] the harangues of the Fathers- backed by the menaces of Sieur de le Durantays, have been no mean assistance to Sieur Vallois. All this. My Lord, required the outlay of

—

money

to feed our Frenchmen who garrison the posts, to defray the expense of the journeys wherein diligence was necessary without any gain to those who were employed both on the route and in the posts where good guard is kept up as in a fortified town {vUU de guerre.) M. de Champigny and I have not forgotten to welcome our two Jndian envoys whom we have been obliged to retain some months until the severe cold had terminated, before sending them

over the ice as far as Lake Huron where they embarked on the the winter, according to the

news we have

accompany Sieurs de

received of them.

S**

May, on the breaking up of

They

left

seemingly with a firm

Durantays and du L'hu with their people to join me, in accordance with my original project of last year and the orders I had dispatched to them, a report whereof I had the honor to transmit to you with my last letters. I understand that the English have advised the Senecas that I was about to attack them, resolution to

and have obliged them their Castle

la

to recall, to the defence of their country against us, six

who had gone

to attack the

Miamies.

the tribes in the direction of Virginia are, also,

Thus

come back

the terror which has seized our enemies

hundred men of

Other parties who had gone is

in

to

war

against

consequence of similar directions.

highly expensive to Colonel Dongan.

I

have, likewise, understood that a party has returned from Virginia bringing a dozen English prisoners

whom

they will also burn, and Mr. Dongan scarcely troubles himself about

the matter.

A

great

number of

those warriors have hunted in the neighborhood of Catarokoi.

We

are

anxious, at present, to learn whether poor Father de Lamberville, the Jesuit missionary who remains at Onnontagu6, will extricate himself out of their hands when they hear the great in consequence of the extraordinary preparations required to be made, impossible to prevent being bruited abroad, notwithstanding I have always given out that I was going only to the general meeting projected at Catarokoi, where I did not wish to be either insulted or trifled with. I always observed this tone until the moment of marching,

rumor of war, which,

it is

a duty to publish the Manifesto, accompanied by the Pastoral Letter. you an idea of Colonel Dongan's genius, I cannot do better, My Lord, than transmit you his artful letter which sufficiently indicates that I must be distrustful of him, and that he aims only at deceiving us in order to enrich himself and his merchants at the

when

I

considered

it

In order to afford

expense of this Colony. I

know

that he has dispatched

and cover the

retreat of the thirty

men with men whom he

fifty

plenty of canoes and provisions to reinforce sent off last fall to trade with our OuUouas.

;

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

326

He

also invites the

Senecas

go and meet them in order to act as their escort.

to

You may

rely an the truth of this intelligence.

they have not retreated before

If

we

French deserters, without

On

whom

I

do not believe they will have any

They

are accompanied by several of our

arrive at the lake,

reason to be satisfied with their voyage and trade.

they had never dared to undertake that expedition.

receiving information on the 12"" Ps'oveniber of last year, that one Gideon Petit,

who

Chambly, was proposing to go over to the English, and had ( mentioned something about it himself, and engaged some one to accompany him thither, M. de Calliere caused him to be arrested and committed to prison where he remained some months until the Intendant and I notified Sieur Gaillard, the commissary, to set him at liberty, if there were no proofs against him. But we have since discovered, by his escape last March, that our suspicions were well founded. The running away of these people appears to me so much the more criminal under existing circumstances, as they are so many spies our enemies profit by to learn what we are doing. The impunity of Sieur de Chailly casts great discredit on my prohibitions. At another time. My Lord, the crime would affect only the King's revenue, but at this conjuncture, the safety of the country is endangered by the information these lawless rascals convey to our enemies. Herein, My Lord, I have no other interest at heart than the King's service, for in other respects, I wish evil neither to this person nor to that. Gideon Petit says, that his design was to go to France last year in our ships, but he spread the report only the better to his father was very conceal his intention of going to the English. He is from Rochelle unfortunate in business, and is dead some bad debts are due to him in this country; since V he has been here his trade has always been with the English although large profits can be keeps a house of bad repute

at

.

;

;

;

realized, he

and

this, '

no better

is

all

off in his

circumstances than the majority of those

other sorts of business which are prohibited

who have

pursued Another named

by the King.

Salvaye, an inhabitant of the Seigniory of Saurel on the River Richelieu, has also disappeared.

He

a

is

man

of activity

whom

M. de

la

Barre and M. de Frontenac employed as envoy to

the English to negotiate with the Governors last year, that I

him,

of his trad«

;

;

a knave

was aware of some proceedings of

who his

pretends to be honest.

which tended

to the

I told

continuance

thought to take him on the point of honor by some confidences and favors

I

I knew enough to be almost certain of his designs, without, any proofs, and it is herein the severities of authority are necessary however, having without any formalities of law. However, as I have not yet the honor of being sufficiently

He

promised

me Wonders.

we

known

to you,

people

who would

not be guilty in the eyes of the public, in order to avoid giving any one

pain

thought

better not to

I

and as

it

in like severities

commit

are liable to

fall

to prison until

into the inconvenience of punishing

we had set out for On the whole, it

intending to do, both with regard to Gideon and Salvaye. that well.

I

receive a brief

My

word of

instruction from

you

Lord, that these sorts of punishments

for

my

may be

the war, as is

well.

guidance in this regard.

My I

I

was

Lord,

know

dangerous, for a governor may,

vengeance and commit injustice; but woe to him who thus abuses his Master's authority. He deserves not to be intrusted by the King with any command, but to be driven off as unworthy to serve and command any where. I considered the inclosing of Villemarie^ to be of too great moment in this time of war,

under specious pretexts, easily exercise

to

wait for your permission

My

his

Lord, to have 'See note,

it

p. 281.

done.

— Ed.

I

had a quantity of stout and long

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

III.

which two-thirds, or at least more than the half, have been set up. have given orders that a statement of this expense should he transmitted to you in order that you may be able to see that we, therein, have studied economy, as much as possible by making the soldiers work. I thought it necessary to spare the colonists in this expenditure. pickets prepared, of

I

I Ccinnot

do

full

he

is

an utter stranger

but the King I

the service he loves

to self-interest

making others perform

duty, and to

is

and knowledge of Mr. de Calliere, especially and knows so well how to acquit himself of} and applies himself always to the perfoVmance of hit

justice to the care, application

what generally regards

aa

theirs

;

he enters into

all

details

;

some may be

disaatis&ed,

better served.

omit entering Into the detail of

of the SO"" March of this year which

the points in the

all

Memorandum

have received from you,

I

My

of the King's orders

Lord, as

I

postpone the

answer to the whole until my return from the Campaign. F'or this letter is only intended to give you an account of our actual condition, and of my departure, which will take place on the IS"" of this month. The Intendant «l]as arrived here with all our Militia, and accompanies me as far as Cataracouy in order that I may become acquainted with that post, and be able to give you an account of the expenses already, and yet to be, incurred thereon, and of the manner in

which our army, on a small

My

plan

is to

scale, will be

embarked on Lake Ontario.

proceed to the Senecas, the strongest Castle and the nearest to Niagara.

number of

course will be along the Southern shore, contrary to the advice of a

people

My who

go by that of the North as the surest and most tranquil. And here, I shall take the liberty briefly to detail to you the reasons I have for following the course believe that

I

ought

to

I adopt.

The

first is,

that

by following the Southern shore,

as regards the village to which

I

mean

Oneida, Onnontagu^, and Cayuga- Castles, and allowing them to be certain as to which

The

2^ reason

is,

that

I

induce the

do so they will leave Tonty,

I

keep the enemy

to go; for during several

I

finally to the four

intend to

enemy

to

in

days

a state of incertitude

it

leads

Seneca

me

along the

villages,

without

visit.

come

in quest of,

La Durantays and du Lhu, on

and

to

meet me,

for if they

their side respectively, at full

any uneasiness, whereas if I go by the North, the enemy coming to wait for me at Niagara, may fall on those Gentlemen who are to approach from that direction by Lake Erid. Those different and distant rendezvous do not fail to disquiet me for it is in the power of the- enemy to profit thereby. All that I could do is to cause them to delay their arrival at Niagara, in order that I may be the first to reach the enemy to draw him towards

liberty to act without

me

and away from the others.

must inform you, My Lord, that I have altered the orders I had originally given last year to M. de la Durantays to pass by Taronto and to enter Lake Ontario at GandaUitiagon' I have sent him word by Sieur Juchereau, to form a junction with M. du Lhu at Niagara. this winter, to join Sieur du Lhu at the chiefs who t ook back t he two Huro n and Outaouas Detroit of Lak^Erie, so that they may be stronger and in a condition to resist the enemy, Should he go to meet them at Niagara. I believe. My Lord, that I have omitted none of those I

precautions necessary for the dispatch of this in the

hands of God alone,

for, in truth,

which is of great importance. Success of the most experienced is of very little avail

affair

the skill

is

in

without provisions a wooded country where the inhabitants can live as long as they please •

See note

2, p.

112; and compare d'AnriUe**

Map

of Xorth America, Improred L}Ddon, 1775.

— Eo.

;

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

828

the punctual rendezvous which must be kept

out of consideration

(sans manger), leaving

400 leagues. must be indebted to chance alone for prisoners, for should they incline ever so little to run away, how many of them can be caught? From all this, My Lord, it is impossible for the most experienced to determine whether this war will soon terminate or not. I am truly persuaded that it is the interest of the Colony t« preserve peace, but it is necessar)'^ that this nation be first destroyed or at least humbled. You at a distance of three or

We

must

My

clearly perceive.

Lord, that

it is

my

interest to terminate this war, for

it is,

indeed, a

march a foot in the woods to carry, oneself, one's own provisions in a haversack All these. to be devoured by mosquitoes, and to have no more comforts than a mere soldier. My Lord, are not pleasures to make a Governor-general forget his duty by protracting a war, rough

life

to

;

my

especially at All

my

hope

time of

is to

ourselves; perhaps I

know

not, yet,

consider

it

and lay waste their

we may

fields,

with

all

and

to

women and

be able to catch their

what Indians Tonty, du Lhu and

falleu into great discredit I

life.

spoil

la

come

we

end

shall all

apply

Durantaye

will brfng us, for

we have

those tribes.

very fortunate that the six hundred Senecas

expedition have

this

children.

back, because

all

the

who had

set out

on a war

Indian tribes having remained at peace and

undisturbed during the summer, will be able to assemble and join du Lhu.

There

is

reason for strong hope

if

we

have

many

Indians, lor they alone are capable of

pursuing the enemy into the woods accompanied by some of our brave Coureurs de bois,

whom I have taken with me those most experienced and most familiar with the route. It is one of them, who is in my guard, that has enabled me to have the Map prepared for you which We shall omit nothing. My Lord, I sent in order to afford you some idea of our expedition. of

that will be in our power,

and

shall

endeavor

by

profit

to

all

the

advantages that

God

bestows on us. It is of importance to become masters of the post of Niagara, and to form an establishment If time will permit me to have a second expedition got up against the Mohawks, I shall there. willingly attempt

it;

but

I

do not think

I shall

be able to do so before

I leave Chevalier de Vaudreuil in the Colony to

command

my

return.

the troops there, and to take

care of the posts necessary to be occupied and fortified for their security and that of the

He

inhabitants.

will

employ himself in having pickets prepared whilst Monsieur de Champigny

go from Seigniory to Seigniory to issue all orders necessary for the good of the interior of the Colony which stood in need of the assistance you send us, and of an Intendant so experienced and so devoted as he. I cannot sufficiently thank you for having sent him to us, nor will

my wishes that you may have his like in every quarter where you require so and so disinterested an officer. I do not think, My Lord, that you have any complaints of any differences between us, or of our union being prejudicial to the King's interests, although we are good friends. The seed of mischief-makers is not lost, for all that, in this sufficiently express

faithful

country.

What

has been maliciously reported to you of Sieur Provost, Major of Quebec, must not

destroy him in your estimation,

most upright, and the only officer

I

My

Lord, since, without contradiction, he

least selfish, person I

have seen

who

have found

in the

is

the honestest, the

country; up to this time he

is

the

has not meddled in any commerce, nor been mixed up with any of

the past quarrels, having attended only to his duty.

What

I

have learned

for certain

regarding

made

the report

was employing

Had

I

to

as a

you of him,

mason

to

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

lU.

that he has a hired

man

is,

whom

been previously informed of

best

mason

as servant It is

whom

the contractor

the custom of this country.

should have told him not to have any thing to do with

it, I

The

considering the consequences.

it,

he was paying his wages.

329

contractor, with

whom M. de MeuUes had agreed, is the whom I distnisted; and therefore,

mighty great drunkard

in the country, but a

having gone up

last year with the Engineer, I requested the Major of Quebec, and Sieur da Comports, our Provost, to watch him. It is a great falsehood that the Major had made use of any

one's

name

for the

his house or

I know that he has no goods either at and speculates in no sort of trade. This arises from revenge on Engineer whom he opposed in regard to some men he had furnished him

purpose of supplying materials, since

any where

the part of our

little

by my orders

for the

pay, although

I

else,

purpose of assisting him in preparing his Maps, and whom he did not had given him some money for that purpose. M. de Champigny can inform you. My Lord, what sort of a man our Major is, and whether he be capable of dishonesty. Our Engineer is a fool, a rake and a debauchee who must be tolerated because we have need of him. You are not to attach credit to any thing he will write you against others, as he acts only by caprice he is a leaky vessel. Nevertheless, he is an admirable draughtsman and is very quick when he likes. M. de Vauban can-easily give an account of his mental character. Had I not boarded and lodged him in my own quarters, I could not have got any thing from him, he being indebted every where. The Intendant will give you an account of the manner he ;

store covered, the paved stone roof not being sufUcient to prpvent the water penetrating through the joints; besides, the lime and cement used in the work do not at all

had our

resist the frost of this country.

I

came

a circumstance I have witnessed in several places since

here.

I shall

to you on my return, about the Redoubts most necessary That of Niagara and that of Katarakoui are the most important at present. But

have the honor of writing

to be built. all

It is

those establishments will soon

the purpose of cultivating the that of Katarakoui out of

fall

soil,

M. de

to ruin if settlers be not introduced at those places for

and

this

prompts

me

to desire that the

la Salle's hands, in order that people

King should take

be sent thither to feed the

For the continual transportation of provisions, will cause the expense to always exceed the profit, and the same will be the case with Niagara. However, locating too many settlers there, has its inconveaiences, for we must avoid the disease of the country which is to be too much dispersed. The Intendant and I, with the moat experienced in the country, shall see what they deem most expedient, in order to communicate cattle and' cultivate the land.

you -an opportunity of acquainting us with your orders. You may rely on it. My Lord, that I shall study M. de la Salle's interest in whatever depends on me. Chevalier de Tonty intended to have gone to France last year, but I dissuaded him from so doing in order to prevail on him to proceed again in search of news of said Sieurde la Sieur de Tonty is a very enterprizing lad, of good qualities. It were desirable that Salle. and la the King would do something for him hereafter. We have also Durantays, du Lhu honor the have shall I service. good Forest with some others who, up to this time have done each of of capabilities the to give you this fall, a more reliable account of the conduct and of it

to

you

this fall,

and

to afford

these gentlemen.

Vol. IX.

42

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

880

have anticipated the order you gave of permitting our officers to contract marriage; two Captains have already got married, viz. Sieurs de Meloise and Dumus.' I expect that Sieur des Cayrac will also get married on returning from the campaign. Those [whose marriages] I opposed are young persons, minors having fathers and mothers who will never consent to Buch disadvantageous connections as those they wished to form, which cannot be of any benefit I

to the colony.

We

have also one lieutenant and two sub-lieutenants married. I

am

with profound respect,

My

Villa Marie,

Lord,

Your most humble, most obedient and most faithful servant The M. de Denonville.

8* June, 1687.

Louis

XIV.

to

M.

de Dmonville. Versailles, 17"- June, 1687.

Monsieur le Although

Marquis de Denonville.

enough my intentions in my despatch of the 5"" of the month of February last when I sent* you the Treaty of Neutrality concluded at London on the le"" of Novemb' of last year, between my subjects and those of the King of England in the Islands and countries of the Continent of America and have, in my other despatch of the 30"' March following, most expressly forbade you to make any attack on the English, I have thought proper to write you this letter to advise you that I have given full power to Sieur de Barillon, my Ambassador to the King of England, and to Sieur de Bonrepaus whom I have I

have explained

to

you

fully

;

sent for that purpose to London, to terminate with the Commissioners

Majesty has named on his

whom

his Britannic

might have been committed on that Treaty, the existing differences between the French and English Companies respecting Hudson's bay, and generally all whatsoever may have occurred in that country between the part, all the contraventions that

two Nations; And as the said Commissioners have agreed that nothing new should be undertaken by one party or the other during the negotiation, and as it is my intention that such should be observed throughout the whole of the country under

my

obedience,

I

am

very

you conform to my intentions in that regard, and forbid you making any attack on the English, and that I order you even to prevent any injury being done them in their persons or property pending the continuance of the actual negotiation at London. Willing, on the contrary, that you cultivate a good understanding with those who command in that Country for the said King of England, and that you so act that I may not receive any glad to state too that

I

desire that

complaint of your conduct in this matter. '

Sift

And

the present, &c., &c., &c-

Qui Dumas.

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

M.

My

Champigny

de

M.

to

:

HI.

33I

de Seignelay.

Lord,

When

I was on the point of starting to dispatch the troops for the rendezvous near Montreal, where M. de Denonville had already arrived for the purpose of issuing the necessary orders for his march, Chevalier de Vaudreuil came here in the Sloop L'arc en Ciel which anchored at Cape Torment, 9 leagues from Quebec. He brought me the news that the King had the goodness to send some Troops and ammunition for Canada, which arrived very apropos in the present state of affairs, and caused universal joy. Though my presence appear necessary

here in this conjuncture,

and

my

to leave

his, for

and

I

considered myself, notwithstanding, obliged to leave immediately

on the march, having agreed with M. de Denonville to that effect whom M. de Denonville had also left the distribution of the troops, in case any should arrive during our absence, as he was

to get the troops

militia

orders with the Lieutenant-General to

considered highly qualified, of which duty he, in I started,

fact,

has well acquitted himself.

then, on the 31" N(arch with Chevalier de Vaudreuil, who, fatigued as he

and without attendants, was desirous expedition.

On

the same day,

Quebec and of the other

I

to join

M. de Denonville and take a share

in

was the

sent forward the Regulars, and the Militia of the vicinity of

places on

my

route.

On

the

7""

we

of June

arrived at the

Camp

on S*

There I mustered the Regulars and 930 men, exclusive of a hundred who were

Helen's Island, near Montreal, the place of rendezvous. Militia.

engaged

The former numbered 832 and the latter The Indians who

to conduct the convoys.

were present

On

to the

are domiciled

among

us in various missions

number of 300.

the termination of this review, the Marquis de Denonville divided the troops into four

and gave each officer his rank, according to your orders. My Lord. The Militia were in like manner divided into four battalions, and the whole embarked in two hundred flat bottomed batteaux, and in almost as many bark canoes. They will have provisions for three months, including what has been supplied at Montreal and what is to be obtained at Cataraquoy, to which place a hundred men are constantly conveying supplies. The whole army departed on the ll"" June. I followed it for three days, and witnessed the difficulty of the route and the courage both of the Regulars and of the Militia who were

battalions,

obliged to be incessantly in the water up their waist, to haul the batteaux through the cascades and rapids which are frightful even to behold. The Indiana performed good service in tbota difficult places.

As I was in haste to arrive at Cataracouy as early as possible, I lefl the army and went in advance with a detachment of thirty men for the purpose of giving orders, and of having every make only a brief halt. Owing to the care of one Sieur d'Orvilliers who has been two years in command there, I found every thing in good He is an officer so strongly attached to the service, and who does every thing so well, condition. Whilst there, a good number of that I cannot speak to you of him in sufficiently high terras. necessary in readiness so that the army should

Iroquois Indians

who happened

to be in the neighborhood,

were

seized, for fear they

might

weaken so far our enemies. I dispatched a de la Durantaye, vessel from that place with provisions and ammunition for Niagara where Sieurs as they will be allies, our du Lhu and Tonty are to be with all such Frenchmen and Indians,

furnish intelligence of the march, and in order to

able to collect in the country of the Outtawas.

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

332

I, also, had two other barks freighted with provisions and ammunition, and two large flat bottomed bateaux prepared to convey some petereros (jnerricrs) and field pieces for the use of the army; and as I was to return to Quebec before the departure of the King's ships, I tarried only two days and left M. Gaillard, Commissary, there to attend to every thing pursuant to my orders. I met M. de Denonville with the whole army at a place called La Gallette,' 25 lengues from Cataracouy, after having surmounted all tiie rapids and dangerous places. It was very fortunate that the Iroquois did not oppose his march in the different passes where, assuredly, they could have given him a great deal of annoyance and caused him the loss of some of his men. The entire army was in high spirits and in good condition. M. de Den'onville expressed to me his satisfaction, especially at the vigor and obedience of the Canadians and of all their officers. In passing Montreal, I gave the necessary orders to continue the uninterrupted transportation of provisions to Cataracouy for the victualling of the recently arrived troops, and to arrange so that the farmers who have remained at home should, conjointly with the soldiers, perform the work of those who are with the army. I did the same every where I passed. On arriving at Quebec, I paid a visit on board the King's ships in the harbor. M. d'Amblemont, who commands VArc en Cicl lying at Cape Torment, came here in a sloop to confer with me, and told me that on the le"" June he had dispatched la Frrponne and la Bretonne to Acadia, as the former could not contain the ammunition and other articles embarked for that place, and as he was sending the soldiers who are designed thither, with orders to take in Coal at Cape Breton. I was to visit VArc en Ciel at Cape Torment. I found her in good condition. M. d'Amblemont informed me that he could wait no longer for a Merchant vessel which was to bring them supplies, and requested me to have provisions furnished from this country, to be replaced on the arrival of the ship. I did so, for which I have taken a receipt also from Chevalier d'Harvaux, commander of la Perle, from Sieur Croiset, Chief purser acting as Commissary of the fleet, and from the Commissaries of Provisions. La Perle and le Pro/und leave this harbor to-morrow to join M. d'Amblimont. Le Fourgon, commanded by Sieur de Saint Michel, is obliged to remain here because seventeen of his crew are sick in hospital. I have, with M. d'Harvaux, Dutast sent by M. d'Amblemont, Jullien and Croiset, drawn ;

up a proces verbal

thereof, and, afterwards, of the requisition said Sieur de Saint Michel

presented to me. I yesterday received a letter

me

that he transmits

me

fifty

from M. de Denonville, dated Cataracouy the

3""

instant advising

Iroquois taken in the vicinity of that place to be forwarded to

France in the King's ships agreeably to your orders. I'll take advantage of the delay of le Fourgon, on board which I shall have them embarked, and as the crew are insufficient to convey so many prisoners who are difficult enough to guard, I reinforce them by

some passengers and seamen belonging to la Catherine, a merchantman that was wrecked last autumn near Tadoussac, and could not be got off. I learn from the same letter of M. de Denonville that Sieur de la Forest had come to give him notice that Sieurs de la Durantaye, du Lhu, and Tonty had arrived at Niagara, the place indicated to them, with a hundred and sixty

Frenchmen and nearly 400 Indians that they had captured GO Englishmen of New-York, in two divisions, escorted by some Indians, our enemies, and conducted by a French deserter from Canada. They were on their way to seize Michilimaquinac and other posts, and to establish trade there with the Indians to the prejudice of us

who

;

are a long time in possession thereof. '

Now Prescott,

C.

W.

— Ed.

Those Englishmen

will

remain

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

HI.

prisoners until his return, in retaliation for those of Orange and Manhatte having furnished powder, arms, ball and assistance to our enemies, the Iroquois. They sent, likewise, to the

take possession thereof, and to set up the arms of England there. They are our most dangerous enemies from whom we have the most to fear. All these proceedings of the English who are backed by the Iroquois, were, if not stopped, sufficient to ruin the entire commerce of Canada. I have learned by a letter from M. Gaillard that M. de Denonville left op the 4'* instant, the weather being fine, and that they ought to be, by this time in the enemy's country. We have so much the more reason to anticipate a successful issue of this expedition as the Iroquois have not, up to the present time, appeared to us to be advised of it, the residence of Father Illinois, to

Lambervilie among them having removed himself from them, and

Fourgon

is

suspicion.

all

at present with the army.

He, very fortunately, extricated any news of him before the

If I receive

communicate them to you. Through the care bestowed by the Captains of the King's ships on the troops they have had on board, the latter have suffered less than in past years. Only seventeen died on the voyage; it is true that several have fallen ill since their arrival, and that as many as 130 have been in hospital. They have not been dangerously sick. I know not how they could be attended to, were it not for the assistance we received from the good Hospital Nuns. They exhibit indescribable care and charity, and have expended more in six weeks than they would have done in one year. The ammunition, pork and brandy were found in good condition in the quantities specified I reserve. My Lord, my answer to the several points of the despatches in M. de Maucler's lists. you write me, until the last vessels, when I shall give you exact information of the entire harvest and of the expense incurred both this and the preceding year; and send you the estimates and advise you fully of the actual state of the Colony. I leave in a few days according to my arrangement with M. de Denonville on a visit to the several districts to see whether my orders have been executed respecting the harvest and other agricultural labor on the farms of those who are with the army; whether the troops are in good health and live orderly; and whether they adopt measures to oppose the incursions the Iroquois may possibly make into the country. I shall take information, at the same time, of the state of the Churches and Priests' houses in order that Divine Service be performed and sailing of

le

I shall

spiritual consolation afforded the people. '

I shall

afterwards go to Montreal to await there the arrival of M. de Denonville and of the

army, and to attend to every thing of which It

would

afford

me

great satisfaction

if I

render you an account by the last ships.

I shall

were

sufficiently fortunate as to

be able to arrange

matters in a manner that would be agreeable to you, having no stronger passion than to prove to

you that I am, with most profound Quebec, IG"- July, 1687.

respect, &c.

•

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

334

French Conquest of

the

Seneca Country.

Minute of the taking possession of the Country of the Iroquois, called Senecas.

On the nineteenth of July, One thousand commanded by Messire Jacques Rene de Brisay,

six

hundred and eighty-seven, the Troops

Chevalier, Seigneur, Marquis of Denonville

King throughout

whole of Canada and country of New France, in presence of Hector, Chevalier de Calliere, Governor of Montreal in said country. Commanding the camp under his orders, and of Philippe Rigaud Chevalier de Vaudreuil, Commander of the King's troops, which being drawn up in the order of battle, Charles Aubert, Sieur de la Chenays, citizen of Quebec, deputed by Messire Jean Bochart, Chevalier, Seigneur de Champigny, Noroy, Verneuil and other places, Privy Councillor of the King in his counsels, Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance in all Northern France, presented himself at the head of the Army, who stated and declared that on the requisition of the said Seigneur de Champigny, he was taking possession of the village of Totiakton, as he has done of the other three villages called Gannagaro, Gannondata and Gannongarae, and of a Fort half a league distant from the said village of Gannagaro,* together with all the lands in their vicinity as many as they may be, and how far soever they may extend, conquered in His Majesty's name, and to that end has set up in all the said Villages and Forts His said Majesty's Arms, and has caused to be proclaimed in loud voice: Vivele Roi, after the said troops had beaten and routed eight hundred Iroquois Senecas, and laid waste, burnt and destroyed their provisions and cabins. Whereof, and of what precedes, the said Sieur De La Chenays Aubert has required that an Acte be granted to him by me Paul Dupuy Esquire, Councillor of the King and his Majesty's Attorney at the Provost's Court of Quebec Done at the said Village of Totiakton, the largest of the Seneca Villages, and others places. Governor and Lieutenant-General

for the

the

:

in presence of the

Reverend Father Vaillant, Jesuit, and of the Officers of the Troops and of the Militia Witnesses with me, the said King's Attorney undersigned, the day and year above mentioned.

And have

signed the Minute, Charles Aubert de

la

Chenays,

J.

Rene de Brisay,

Monsieur de D6nonvilIe, Chevalier de Calliere, Fleutelot de Romprey, de Desmeloizes, de Ramezay, Fran§ois Vaillant of the Society of Jesus, de Grandville, de Longueuil, Saint Paul and Dupuy.

my hands, by me the Undersigned Councillor Secretary of and Chief Clerk of the Sovereign Council at Quebec. Signed Penuret.

Collated with the Original in his Majesty,

Compared and

copy on paper, lying at the (where it remains) by the undersigned resident Royal Notary in the Prevote of Quebec, this twenty-fifth day of July, one thousand, seven hundred and fifty. (Signed) Dulaurens. Secretary's

'

certified according to the collated

Office,

Castle

St.

Louis,

Quebec,

For the location of these Seneea towns, see IlL, 261.

— Ed.

:

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

^H

lU.

Francois Bigot, Councillor of the King in his Councils, Intendant of Justice, police and Finance and of the Navy in the whole of New France

To

all

whom

it

may

concern

Collation on the other side

is

:

We

certify that

Royal Notary

Monsieur Dulaurens

in the Prev6t

Le Fourgon and I^Embuscade.

what has been put on board the Ships ie Fourgon and

UEmbuscade. First.

1 boat to serve for the landing of the cannon and 4 pieces of iron cannon of the calibre of la"*. 4 field carriages for the said cannon. 500 balls.

3 mortars.

200 bombs. 300 loaded grenadoes. 100 iron-shod wooden shovels.

200 spades. 60 pickaxes. 200"" cannon powder. 200"" gun powder. 60 quintals of pork.

20 barrels of Brandy. 1 petard,

4

with

its

platform, craujps and

iron pincers.

2 maces.

The

crab, rigged.

1 limber of a field piece.

300 eight-inch

nails.

30"" of saltpetre.

3 bundles of 3-inch rope. 30 anchor rings {Organneaux).

70 plank.

tire-fonds.

all

their furniture.

PARIS DOCUMENTS 200 stoppers 60"" of

Wax

for the

:

IV.

481

bombs.

old ointment with

some

verdigris.

8 handspikes. 3 wash-hand basins.

3 iron rods. 3 mallets. 30,000"- of Flour. 1 Roll of tobacco.

ObsS^aiions on

the State

of Affairs in Canada.

Extract from the Observations on the State of the Afiairs of Canada at the departure of the ships, the IS" November, 1689. It appears that the ill founded hope of Peace with the Iroquois, caused the inactivity in which the last Campaign had been passed. M. de Champigny advises that nothing had been done but encamping 22 companies near Viilemarie, on the Island of Montreal. The Iroquois, to the number of about 1500, made a descent on that Island on the B*^ August, and perpetrated whatever destruction and cruelties they pleased. Sieur de La Rabeyre was thereupon detached from Viilemarie with about 80 men to throw himself into Fort Roland within view of which they were defeated. Several officers here, some of whom were in that fort which was commanded by Chevalier de Vaudreuil, report that having deliberated with him as to making a sortie to receive that reinforcement and to place the Iroquois between two fires, Sieur de Vaudreuil was prevented by the precise orders which he had. The. Iroquois returned the 13"" November with 150 men only to some frontier settlements where they committed similar grave disorders; killed and led the settlers away into captivity. News of this last action was received at Quebec at the moment of the departure of the ships, in a letter from Chevalier de Callieres to Monsieur de Frontenac and in two others to the Bishop, which they have transmitted. Sieur de Frontenac had come down from Montreal. He had not had time during the brief period subsequent to his arrival to acquaint himself with the state of affairs. He sends no plan he expected that they would have executed this year the expedition against New-York, of which Chevalier de Callieres sends another plan. M. de Denonville also furnishes one, and all agree in representing it as the principal means left for the preservation of Canada. The English have It appears that such a conquest would produce the eflect anticipated. hardly any Colony so well settled, or whose trade would be of such advantage or utility to France, in regard to her interests and those of Canada. But the season is too far advanced to be able to effect it this year. It has to be accomplished before the beginning of September, rather earlier than later, especially on account of the necessary concert of vessels which must be employed. 'Tis even thought that, were it to be executed next year, notice to that effect must be given now, or at latest next March to M. ;

de Frontenac in order that he make preparations for

it.

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

43!^

A

portion of the necessary expense has been incurred last year, partly for those articles

brought back in the two ships commanded by Sieur de La Caffiniere. M. de Frontenac who is intimately acquainted with the country and with the enemies he

made

will have to deal with, will, apparently, have

use of

all

existing

means

practicable to

repress their incursions, maintain the Colony, and particularly to reestablish confidence in all

minds.

terrified

In addition to Colonists,

it is

to

what has been written, respecting the small amount of be observed that the

assure, that their good will

heard to first

state, that

is

who have

officers

alienated

and

;

it

is

Sieur de Frontenac will be as

to

discipline

among

the

returned to France from that country

be inferred from what some have been

much

obstructed as he hae been during his

administration, for he will be obliged to act on different principles and according to other

which have been perhaps too dominant during this war. Meanwhile it appears from all that has been collected from letters and reports that, the King being unwilling to increase the expenditure at present, a vigorous defence can be maintained in that colony by harrassing the enemy with the troops already there, the militia, some friendly Indians and by means of the still remaining posts. The extraordinary expenses for carrying the war into the enemy's country, and maintaining the already abandoned posts of Niagara and Cataracouy, having ceased, it is to be hoped that M. de Frontenac, by a more enconomical and better management of the ordinary funds than has hitherto existed, will, in the extremity he has found matters, have employed the several means still at his disposal, with more success. The concentration of the settlements on the Upper part of the river, and the fortification of posts have been begun since the year 1687. The sudden attack by the Iroquois last year consequent on want of vigilance, and the absence of subordination among the settlers have frustrated those precautions and brought on the misfortunes which have happened. It appears that orders are to be issued to continue those particular concentrations above Three Rivers where the settlements, more exposed than in pther places, are more widely scattered, and farther from one another; poor land with a small number of men, so that there is no inconvenience in reducing them and gathering the settlers in places where they will be able to defend themselves and provide also for their subsistence in consequence of the facilities councils than those

the Seigniors will be obliged to afford their tenants, especially for feeding cattle.

The

posts are apparently to be occupied

sowing and during the harvest, Incursions,

dared

it is

to

by the greatest part of the troops

guard the

to be hoped, will be prevented

to attack the posts, at least

settlers

who

by vigilance.

at the

time of

are then obliged to be abroad.

As

the Iroquois have not hitherto

with any advantage, parties can be sent out, even at those

times, according to circumstances.

At other order to

seasons, larger bodies can be detailed and the Militia adjoined to the Soldiers, in

keep the enemy

at

a distance from

tlie

Colony by detachments which

will

always

gain some advantage over them. This, in addition to the aid to be

derived from three or four bateaux which can be

constructed in the country for service at the passes on the lakes,

is all, it is

thought, that can

be done for the protection of the Colony. B'rom the reports of officers and colonists here, it is the conviction that considerable advantage can be derived in the existing state of things by operating, as just stated, for the

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

IV.

^99

by making the Indian allies act beyond the Colony and in distant quarters against the Iroquois conjoining to them even a few officers and soldiers, and some Canadians who are best adapted to this sort of warfare, and also calling out the French at the posts of Fort Saint Louis of the Illinois, of Michilimakinak and in Hudson's Bay, with defence of the Colony

;

;

the neighboring tribes. It

appears necessary to

move

the Iroquois of the Sault and of

La

Prairie de

La Madelaine

Monsieur de Frontenac have not already detached them, in order to place outside and in a position to operate against the enemy, without fearing the disorders that them

from Villemarie,

may

if

occur by retaining them within.

Iroquois Allies.

Assurance

is

given that very good service can be got from these against the enemy, provided

they receive some aid fpr the support of their families, and some ammunition. trifling

from

enemy;

expense, and will be productive of great inconvenience to the

employed,

assisted nor

whom

it is

to be feared they will alter their inclinations

It is

but a

whilst, if neither

and join the Iroquois

they separated, so as to be able to subsist and to live more quietly

among

the French.

Abenaquis.

The Abenakis,

or

Canibas,

who

The

occupy,

preservation of Acadia

towards the coast, the country above Acadia

Canibas.

Douaques or Mount desert to the River Saint George which separates Acadia from New England, ordinarily reside on the River Quinibequy and disperse themselves for

English

inland from

the purpose of hunting as far as

Quebec,

whither they have been attracted by the Mis-

Of

sionaries.

all

the Indians these are

the

bravest and most formidable to the English.

The

experience of

what they

eifected

last

year by the capture of Fort Penpuit and 16 pallisadoed settlements, ought to be an assurance

of what

may

be expected from them, were

is

due to these

They alone have prevented invading

and

security depends for a solid

the

and ita foundation on the

settling

it;

continuance of the war they will wage against the English, and on their assistance

if it

be

would be supposed much more important to leave them in their ancient dwelling places, which are more convenient for waging war against the English, than to draw them to Quebec for the purpose of domesticating them there. Moreover, the trade

attacked.

It

they bring thither,

is

less

than that they car-

ried on with the settlers of Acadia;

and as

they to receive some assistance for the expe-

regards the very scanty fruits Religion collects

which they can be led against the

Iroquois in the direction of Quebec, and against

from these Tribes, the Jesuits and Missionaries can employ themselves equally in the direc-

the English, towards Acadia.

tion of Acadia.

ditions on

They can be put in motion at a expense, and the enemy thus harrassed discouraged, and

we

shall

trifling

will

be

maintain ourselves

whilst waiting a more favorable opportunity to subjugate

them, or to force them to a peace.

them some

65

Lord

is

requested to order

trifling presents.

'A Memoir of the

Canibas has been furnished by a gentleman of Acadia, who is the only one that I know who is

of

Vol. IX.

My

an appropriation from the Canada funds to make

conversant

New-York.

with the Coasts and

places

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

484

Illinois

and Southern Indians.

Fort Saint Louis.

For the preservation and maintenance of Fort Saint Louis, to

keep the

Illinois

and other southern

With

this

view,

it

is

at the

same lime, necessary

good understanding with the French, and in by means of small presents, even by giving them some

tribes in

their natural hatred against the Iroquois,

ammunition.

it is,

supposed that

it

will be necessary

to

give

orders to

M. de Frontenac to aid Sieurs de La Forest and Tonty who promise to maintain themselves in that post without being any charge to the King, and also to send back Sieur de la Forest who has suggestions to make to M. de Frontenac, whereby the enemy can be greatly damaged, should time and circumstances permit.

Outawacs towards the North: Missilimakinak. It is also

supposed

to

be highly necessary to order M. de Frontenac to maintain the post of

Missilimakinak, with a view of keeping the Outawacs in good understanding, and to engage

them to wage war against the Iroquois by making them, also, some trifling presents. The war which has always existed with the Iroquois has never obstructed the communication with the Nations of the North by way of the river of the Outawacs and other routes which are the outlets of all the chief commerce of the French who would lose it were Missilimakinak abandoned, in which case that trade would naturally be conveyed by those Nations to the English who would not fail even to settle there, as they attempted to do three years ago

when taken on

their

way

thither.

ilr Summary

of Intelligence

from Canada.

1689, 1690.

Extracts from the Letters and Memoirs of Mess" de Frontenac, de Denonville

de Champigny, Chevalier de Callieres &c. State of affairs before and since Monsieur de Frontenac's arrival, up to the departure of

the Vessels.

M. de Champigny advises by 6""

his letter dated

war were what kept M.

July, 1689, that the affairs of the

in the

same

state as last year;

de Denonville in suspense, was his not being able to do any thing until he should learn his ,

Majesty's Iroquois

intentions

and the

who were always

plans of the

expected to come

in to conclude a firm peace.

Champigny advises by his letter November that a party of 1500 Iroquois which had come on the Island of Sieur de

of the

le""

Montreal on the

5""

to attack the forts,

August, not having dared

had

laid

waste the country,

;

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

IV.

435

set fire to every thing

men and

children, on

and carried

many

off

whom

of

men, wothey had

perpetrated unheard of cruelties, and that they

have since been parties

Mess" de Frontenac and de Champigny advise that Sieurs du Luth and Mantet, since that burning, have, with 28 Canadians attacked 22 Iroquois and two canoes, and killed 18 of them, took three who were given to the

and

killed

in several

places

in

small

some persons.

by the defeat of Lieutenant Rabeyre, who was

M. de Frontenac adds in his letter of the IS"" November, that, having arrived on the 12''' &^' at Quebec, he had gone to Montreal in quest of Mess", de Denonville and de Champigny, and had. found consternation spread among the people, and the troops dejected; that the people were still terrified by the burning at their very doors of more than three leagues of country on the Island of Montreal and in the canton of La Chine, by the forcible carrying off of more than 120 persons, after a massacre of 200 burned, roasted alive,

dispatched at the time of the Iroquois foray of

devoured,

Indians to be burned, one only having escaped.

Said Sieur de Frontenac

war

is

of opinion that

were not sent out often enough, and that had such advantages been experienced parties

they could have greatly lowered the pride of the Iroquois which had been vastly inflated

5"'

children

being

torn

from

their

throw himself into a fort, and who, having fallen in with the main body of the enemy, was taken prisoner after

mothers' wombs.

having performed wonders.

in transporting the corn of the Indians of the

the

of August, to

The had

troops, fatigued

by the alarm they have for six weeks

having been employed

since,

Sault mission and in building them a fort, were exhausted the bateaux and canoes were in disorder, so that not 20 of them were fit ;

for use.

The Bishop received

sends with his letter those he

Said Sieur de Frontenac writes in his letter

l?* November

of the 17"" 9**' that the ships being ready to

from Montreal the

he learns by a letter from Chevalier de

relative to the disorders of this second invasion

sail,

of the Iroquois, and says he cannot describe

Callieres of the 14"", that one hundred and

among the people The appearance of a small Indians is sufficient to make

the terror they have spread

fifty

and the

before,

soldiers.

had made a descent, the day La chesnaye and the Island of

Iroquois

on

number of those them abandon every thing; that it is to be feared the country must be abandoned if it be not powerfully reinforced and if this war be not terminated by the capture of Manathe and Orange, from which the King will derive

that said Sieur de Callieres had immediately

great advantages, in addition to the subjection of the Iroquois, who obtain arms and powder

sent a reinforcement of two Companies to River des Prairies, and detached a party of

only from these two places.

170 Indians to the Lake of the Two Mountains to endeavor to cut off the enemy's retreat.

Jesus, opposite the lower end of the Island of Montreal (bout de Plsle de Montreal du cole d'en has)

the very

had burned the settlements up to captured and killed all the in-

fort,

habitants,

two only of

whom

had escaped

states, that it having been up any military movement. Mess", de Denonville and de Champigny had.

M. de Frontenac

very

difficult to get

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. him that

doubtless for that reason, informed

the execution of the proposed project against

New-York was

no bateaux or canoes being ready and the season so far advanced Mess" de Denonville and de Champigny proposed to M. de Frontenac only the carrying out the plan that had been projected before

juncture of

M. de Denonville says that M. de Frontenac

was not

of opinion to demolish Fort Catara-

couy, but that he would have done as 16S8

had

it

it

as early

not been for the hope of a

That it is a great evil to have occupied posts beyond the reach of the Colony, and that it had been better to let the Indians come to the settlements in peace with the Iroquois.

his arrival relief

affairs,

—

to send

of the

150

garrison

men

in

canoes to the

Fort Cataracouy

of

commanded by Sieur de Valrenne,

to

whom

M. de Denonville had previously sent Sieur de Saint Pierre with orders to abandon the said post of Cataracouy.

quest of the goods.

M. de Champigny

November

impossible in the actual con-

M. de Frontenac was astonished

in his letter of the 16"" of

states, that

M. de Denonville, seeing

resolution,

at

this

and that a person who had been

was not persuaded

himself unable to maintain Cataracouy, had

four years in that country

given orders to abandon

of the importance of this post, whereof ten

it,

and

to

blow

it

up,

no pass, independent of the number of men which it would require to convey supplies, and the that post being useless in a bay, occupying

garrison

having almost wholly perished in

1687 and 1688.

And by had

stated

his letter

that the

of

e**"

he good

July, 1689,

garrison

was

in

and that one man only had died there. Champigny likewise says, that M. de Frontenac appeared angry at the abandonment of this fort, and had resolved to send Sieur de

assistance thither

He

had demonstrated

consequence and the advantages

from

it for

to

to

him the

be derived

the preservation of the trade with

the allies who, without this

fort,

would have

gone over to the English long ago; and more-

health,

reasons.

years' experience

;

that he does not

believes

it

know

his

was razed because

enemy demanded its demolition, and that was a place to confer with them in time of peace. But that M. de Denonville had previ-

over, that such an

abandonment should have

taken place before the receipt from Court of

any of the orders on the subject which said Sieur de Denonville had solicited, after the insolent propositions of the Iroquois by belts, by one of which, transmitted by Sieur de Frontenac, they

demanded

in bitter irony of Sieur

de Denonville the demolition of that Fort; a

the

demand

it

it,

ously issued his orders.

and give them so palpable an admission of our weakness.

that ought to have sufficed to prevent

in order not to

aggravate their insolence

M. de Frontenac could not fail to oppose abandonment by various reasons too long to be detailed, which the mere inspection of the map will easily suggest; and to try, by carrying out a part of M. de Denonville's project, if it were not possible to prevent the loss of that post, which he apprehends will this

^.'*

ruin our reputation in the opinion of the allies,

when they

will perceive that there will

no

longer be a place where they can hope to find

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

IV.

a retreat

who

are

4S7

and

;

still

also, in

less

that of the Iroquois

disposed to peace.

He

bad hoped to throw in season a sufficonvoy into that fort, by attaching 26 Canoes of provisions and ammunition to those which were to convey the 150 men designed by Monsieur de Denonville for the relief of the garrison, and to take advantage of that

cient

opportunity to send back three of the Indians

returned from France, in order to announce to the Iroquois Nations that the King had done

them

the favor to send

their

Chiefs

should come

Continual

them

who were in

all

back with they

waiting until

quest of them.

rains, the difficulty

of collecting

amount of kept up among the settlers, whose

the requisite canoes and the small discipline

services are necessary to conduct the Canoes,

prevented him, notwithstanding effecting the embarcation

the

6""

at

all

his efforts,

La Chine

before

of November, after having been there

three whole days.

He had

not been two days in Montreal and

the convoy had not proceeded two leagues,

when

Sieur de Vallerenne appeared in those

bateaux with the garrison.

A

proposes as a remedy that M. de Fronte-

everybody; he reported that he had burnt and thrown into the river every thing he could, and as for the two brass guns, that he had brought them as far as Lake Saint Francis when he threw them into a place where they would be easily recovered that he had undermined the walls

send thither a detachment of

of the fort in several places, and doubted not

M. de Denonville says he had given orders to sap the walls of the fort before leaving

it,

and that they were satisfied with undermining, which will not produce any effect.

He

nac be ordered

to

three hundred men, to assuredly destroy

it.

return so prompt surprised

;

but said mines had had their

effect-

Monsieur de Frontenac will endeavor to ascertain the truth,

and whether the Iroquois

or English think of occupying that post which

could render them absolute masters of the

and of all the other Northern Nations, our allies, and consequently of the

Outawacs

entire trade.

The

numwere drowned them by of

entire garrison has returned to the

ber of 46

men

;

six

the accidental upsetting of a bateau.

They

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

438

met no one on the route, a circumstance that would have greatly facilitated the progress of the convoy.

The nition

property

—

is

left in

the fort

—arms, ammu-

estimated at twenty thousand ecus.

M. de Champigny states the same thing; and M. de Frontenac explains that this information came from a friendly Indian who

M. de Denonville states that the English of Boston and Manatte have made considerable

escaped from the hands of the Iroquois, but

them

that he does not attach ever, he

was about

any credit

to

it

;

how-

to supply all the posts.

presents to the Indians in to

wage an

order to induce

irreconcilable

war

against

Colony on one side, and the English by the river, and are to send six and

us,

to destroy the

vessels for that purpose.

The Abenaquis, or M. de Champigny reports of Penkuit by the Indians

M. de Denonville

also the capture

who have no powthem with

Canibas. states that in

consequence

of the good understanding he has had, through

who occupy

last

two

summer.

the

That they belong mostly to the Sillery mission which will increase and become stronger

who

if provisions can be supplied in order to enable

Penkuit, 16 Forts from the English during the

new

summer, in which were 20 cannon and 200 Men. He says it will be necessary to attract them to the mission established near Quebec, under the name of Saint Francis de Salles, where he saw them to the number of 600 souls; that they will be maintained by supplying them with clothes, powder and lead, and if they are to be induced to settle there, the village must

der but what he

them

to cultivate

furnished

some

fields

in

their

establishment two leagues from Quebec.

it

Should their war with the English continue, will draw the Iroquois down on them. There-

fore, it will

be advantageous that they come to

take refuge in Quebec and

that

means

of

support be furnished them.

Jesuits, with these Indians,

woods

neighborhood of Boston, and

in the

are disposed to

become Christians, he has

been afforded the means to

be

seize, exclusive of

fortified.

CoxvERTED Iroquois at the Mission of La Prairie de la Madelaine. M. de Champigny reports the same thing his letter of the le"" 9^'.

in

M. de Denonville says that he caused to be removed into Montreal the Mission of the Sault, otherwise, of

La

Prairie de la

which, he had been

Magdelaine,

notified, the English

were

desirous of seizing.

That they must be withdrawn from Montreal, and their fort rebuilt by the soldiers, with redoubts and palisades.

And

that he

is

of opinion to remove to a

distance from the French settlements another

Mission which

is

within three quarters of a

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

IV.

489

league of Montreal and composed of Hurons

and of Iroquois, crease

if

it

be desirable

in-

to

it.

Observations and Plans for the War. Monsieur de Frontenac has sent three of the Iroquois who arrived from France, to inform

Alid.

the Chiefs that the others are at Quebec, and

he

will urge the negotiations of peace

means Chevalier de Callieres writes that to expect a peace with the Iroquois

it is

idle

by means

of negotiation as long as the English will be

the defensive policy cannot prevent the

Canada by the Iroquois invading

utter ruin of

the settlements scattered along the river, which

they will burn and ravage though twice the

number of troops were in But if New-York, were reduced

for

in his is

which he

an idea

to sue for

will be granted.

before or after

project

all

power.

not yet well acquainted with details, refers to

may be

and money

our enemies.

That

He

by

M. de Champigny so that

formed of the want of troops

for the execution of the

against New-York,

and

for

proposed defence

against the Iroquois.

Canada would be considerable were the Iroquois reduced, and New- York conquered;

the country.

requests information as to his course of action

taken, they will be

in this last affair, in order that he,

peace on such conditions as

This expedition can be made harvest, and he submits two

may make

on his

preparations so as not to

fall

part,

into

the inconveniences of last year.

plans for the execution of this expedition &c.

(His plan

is

reported.)

M. de Champigny writes that the New-York him difficult on account of the distance, the danger of the roads and

expedition appeared to

great labor attendant on the conveyance provisions,

and

because

the forces of

of the

country being thus occupied, the Colony will be

exposed to imminent danger from the invasions of the Iroquois, nity to attack

it.

who would

seize the opportu-

M. de Champigny does not believe that M. de Frontenac's negotiation for peace with the Iroquois will be successful, as they have been rendered insolent by the advantages they have had and by the solicitations of the English, without which they would not have underta-

ken any thing against us; and having no hope of peace, he must prepare for war and have a number of bateaux and Canoes made against the Spring serviceable.

;

the old ones being un-

i

/

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

440

M. Memoir

de DenonviUe

to

M.

Canada prepared M. By de DenonviUe.

respecting

1690.

de Seignelay.

for the

Marquis de Seignelay in January,

Extract.

Independent of never

suffer to

tiie

interests of the Catholic religion

make any

among

progress

which the said English and Dutch

the Natives, regarding

all

will

our Missionaries as their

most bitter enemies, whom they will not tolerate amongst the Indians within their reach, the Commercial jealousy entertained by the English against the French is the principal cause that will ever render the two Colonies incompatible, and must convince us that the French ought not to trust the English or Dutch of that country. The chief motive of the late Queen Mother in beginning to support Canada has been to have the Gospel announced in that New World where an infinite number of various tribes exist without any knowledge of the true God. The English and Dutch have always thwarted that design, and have likewise regarded it as opposed to their Commercial interests. Their entire ingenuity has constantly been employed to accomplish the expulsion of all the

who resided among the Tribes in their neighborhood. They succeeded we have no more of them among the Iroquois since several years. Though the interests of the Gospel should not engage us to keep missionaries in

Missionaries

so well

that

Iroquois and other Indian villages, the interest of

civil

manage as always to have some never govern themselves except by those Missionaries, who trade must induce us so to

our interests and I

of

am

all

to

government there

;

for the

the

all

advantage of

for these Indian tribes

alone, are able to maintain

can

them

in

prevent their revolting against us every day.

convinced by observation, that the Jesuits are the most capable of controlling the

spirit

the Indian tribes, for leaving out of consideration their tact, they alone are masters of the

different languages

by reason of a very long experience successively acquired among them by

the Missionaries they have maintained, and continue to maintain in great number.

On

quitting

Canada

I left

a very good disposition

who

portion of the Abenaqui Indians

to convert to Christianity the greatest

that purpose they must be attracted to the mission recently established near

name

of S' Francis de Sales.

I

time from the vicinity of Boston.

For Quebec under the

inhabit the forests in the neighborhood of Boston.

saw

as

many

I left it in

as six hundred souls arrive there in a short

a condition to be greatly increased

if

protected.

expended a certain amount there which was not useless. The good understanding I have maintained with these Indians through the care of the Jesuits, especially the two Fathers Bigot, brothers,' contributed to the success of all their attacks, this summer on the English, from whom they seized sixteen forts exclusive of Pemcuit, containing twenty pieces of cannon, killing more than two hundred of their men.^ By means of some presents

I

of clothing,

powder and

useful to the

lead, they will

French Colony, especially

mission of S' Francis de Sales.

It will

'

Rev. Jacques, and the Rev. Vincent, Bigot.

*

The

the

first

first falls

of these attacks

if

they are prevailed on to come

was made on the 27th June,

I.,

very

and settle at the

new

be necessary carefully to maintain and

of the river Cocheco. Belknap's History of

August, of th* suae year. Williamion's Maine,

612.

They

will be

be easily maintained in our interest.

1689,

on that part of the town of Dover, N. H., which Hee about

New Hampshire,

— Ed.

fortify that

L, 198.

Pemaquid was destroyed on the 7th of

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

TV.

Village for, doubtless, the English will be able to send

441

some Iroquois

to attack

This

it.

mission protects Quebec which will not be attacked until the former be taken.

Of all the Indian nations, the Abenaqui is the most inclined to Christianity. come the Hurons who are few in number, and then the Iroquois. But the evil the English It is

is

After them, disposition of

a formal obstacle.

a fact that the Iroquois have

but they are carried

away by

more esteem and

inclination for us than for the English,

the influence of the low prices of goods they require, combined

with the higher rate the English pay for Beaver.

Our Iroquois mission at la Prairie de la Madeleine which I was obliged to remove within the precincts of the town of Montreal, must be regarded as a leaven which will, some day, usefully contribute to the conversion generally of the Iroquois, because there are .some from

nations there, who,

mission and It

it

it is

to be hoped, will attract their relatives thither, if care

be removed from Montreal, where drunkenness will bring about

ought to be well located

in

The

The

to

it

the

its

destruction.

a position easy of defence against the enemy, with strong stone

redoubts flanked by good palisades. best location for

all

be taken of that

appears to

me

soldiers ought to

be employed in constructing

it.

be between Chateau Guay and their old village.

These Indians must be removed to a distance from drunkenness. I put them in the town of Montreal because I had notice that the enemy had resolved to seize them, the fort at their mission being in a very poor condition, and for many reasons beyond repair. There is another Indian mission under the charge of the Seminary of S' Sulpice, situate three-quarters of a league from the town of Montreal. It is composed of Iroquois and Hurons In order to its increase, it ought to be removed far from town and from the French settlements. Complaints have, long since, been justly made of the evils caused by ardent spirits, and of the obstacles they oppose to the progress of Religion. contrary

who

Avarice alone has made those allege the traffic, which assuredly proves

expected to enrich themselves by this unfortunate

the destruction not only of the Indians, but also of the French, and of trade entirely.

This

by the experience of many years, during which we have seen none become wealthy by that traffic, and have witnessed the destruction of all that great body of friendly Indians whom we had around the Colony; and by the few aged men to be seen among the French who are old and decrepid at the age of forty. Excesses from Brandy drinking are frequent in that country, in the same manner as those from wine drinking in Germany. Even is

established

the

women

drink.

have witnessed the evils caused by that liquor among the Indians. It is the horror of horrors. There is no crime nor infamy they do not perpetrate in their excesses. A mother throws her child into the fire; noses are bitten off; this is a frequent occurrence. It is another I

Hell among them during these orgies, which must be seen to be credited. They get drunk very often on purpose to have the privilege of satisfying their old grudges. Punishment cannot be inflicted on them, as on Frenchmen who may commit a fault. Remedies are impossible as long as every one is permitted to sell and traffic in ardent spirits. However little at a time each may give, the Indians will always get drunk. There is no artifice that they will not have recourse to, to obtain the means of intoxication. Besides, every house is a groggery. Those who allege that the Indians will remove to the English, if Brandy be not furnished them, do not state the truth; for

long as they do not see Brandy

Vol. IX.

;

it is a fact that they do not care about^drinking as and the most reasonable would wish there never had been

56

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

442 any such thing and clothes

;

for

they set their entrails on

fire

*

and beggar themselves by giving their peltries

for drink.

The union

of the Clergy with the Governor-General and Intendant

the sole effectual

is

means of governing that country well, the people of which are not easily managed. It would be greatly to be desired that the Clergy throughout Christendom were those of

New

France.

Their poverty induces

/

The

latter is

especially

two Hospitals of

the

without a house.

Exclusive of the inability of the Governor-General to protect the country

act

on the defensive, the great

allowed to spread. itself too

difficulty in controlling the people arises

much; and from every

without neighbors, in a savage independence. Colony, and to collect the

may

as holy as

to say that without the continuance of his

cannot support themselves;

Majesty's benevolence they

Quebec and Montreal.

me

I see

settler

be encountered herein, must be overcome

if

obliged to

maintaining himself, isolated and

no remedy

for this

but

we would

to concentrate the

Whatever

forming good inclosed villages.

settlers,

when

from the Colony being

not hazard

obstacles

the destruction

of the entire population.

V

The extent of the Colony from Saint Paul's bay on the north side of the River Saint Lawrence to the head (bout) of the Island of Montreal is about one hundred leagues, and from River du Loup to Chateauguay, an equal distance. The weakness of that country arises from isolated settlements adjoining interminable forestsIf

under such circumstances

it

be desired to continue the occupation of remote

that of Cataracouy or Fort Frontenac,

it

will

add

to the

expenses which cannot be of any use to us, whatever

may be

those posts cannot do injury to hostile Indians but to difficulty of reaching,

Nothing

is

more

such as

alleged to the contrary

;

for

ourselves, in consequence of the

and the cost of maintaining, them.

certain than that

it

was a

the occupation of posts so remote that those

Colony and of

forts,

weakness of the country and increase

assistance.

The

great mistake to have permitted, in times past,

who occupy them

are

beyond the reach of the

have thus been necessitated them, and in that way to participate

garrisons

the interests of those Tribes nearest to

to

enter

into

in their quarrels

and conciliate them. We have, thus, drawn down on ourselves the enmity of their enemies and the contempt of our friends, who not receiving the assistance they were made to expect or might desire, have on divers occasions embarrassed us more than even our enemies. This has been experienced more than once.

in order to please

It

had been much better not

to

have meddled with their quarrels, and

to

have

left all

the

Indians to come to the Colony in quest of the merchandise they required, than to have prevented

by carrying goods to them in such large quantities as to have been frequently obliged to sell them at so low a rate as to discredit us among the Indians and to ruin trade ; for many of our Coureurs de bois have often lost, instead of gained, by their speculations. Moreover, the great number of Coureurs de bois has inflicted serious injury on the Colony, by physically and morally corrupting the settlers, who are prevented marrying by the cultivation of a vagabond, independent and idle spirit. For the aristocratic manners they assume, on their return, both in their dress and their drunken revelries, wherein they exhaust all their gains in a very short time, lead them to despise the peasantry, and to consider it beneath them to their doing so

espouse their daughters, though they are themselves, peasants like them.

they will condescend no more to cultivate the returning to the

soil,

woods for the purpose of continuing

nor the

listen,

In addition to this,

any longer, to anything except

same avocations.

This gives

rise to the

PARIS DOCUMENTS: ionumerable excesses that

many among them are guilty

IV.

|/||

of with the Squaws, which cause a great

deal of mischief in consequence of the displeasure of the Indians at the seduction of their wivea

and daughters, and of the injury thereby inflicted on Religion, when the Indians behold the French practicing nothing of what the Missionaries represent as the law of the Gospel.

The remedy

for this

is,

not to permit, as far as practicable, the return of any person to the who cannot follow any other business, nor to allow ill conducted

Indian country except those

persons to go thither; to oblige

all to

bring to the Governor and Intendant a certificate of good

behavior and good morals from the Missionaries country; which

is

;

to find

employment

for the

youth of the

a very easy matter, for the cod and whale fisheries afford a sure commerce,

and made a business

closely attended to

There

of.

is

if

reason to believe that the wisest and

^

oldest merchants of the country are tired of sending into the bush, but there will be

always too many new and ambitious petty traders, who will attempt to send ventures thither, both with and without license. It is very proper that an ordinance be enacted holding the merchants responsible furnish goods, there It

bois, for did the

merchants not

/

bois.

has been found necessary for the support of some frontier forts to incur some expenses,'

which have been advanced by the merchants from the

first

licenses to be issued.

write on the subject and order that I

Coureurs de

for the fault of unlicensed

would not be any Coureurs de

have already observed that

it

it

to

whom M.

be proper that

It will

de Champigny promised repayment

My

Lord the Marquis de Seignelay

be done accordingly.

is

of importance that the

Indians be governed by the

Missionaries, and that the Governor arrd Intendant act always in concert with the latter;

otherwise, there will ever be a risk of inconveniences arising from the interests of private individuals

who

are influenced only

by avarice.

This truth has been only too often realised.

Great precaution must be used against the restlessness of all the Coureurs de bois, whose spirit leads them always to a distance and to constant roaming. Proposals for new discoveries are pouring in every day. It

will

be

difiicult

to find persons sufficiently enterprising

hardships of going over land in quest of those

whom M.

de

La

and

reliable

to

endure the

Salle has left in Mexico.

The

Two years ago I could have had Monsieur Cavelier informed me of his brother's death. The Missionaries whom we have among the Outawas, who are very numerous, are greatly thwarted by the libertines and the debauched, and have need of My Lord the Marquis de

intelligence of his death has cast great discredit on that voyage.

had people

for the expedition,

Seignelay's protection.

The

Missionaries

about Tadoussac enjoy quietness in consequence of the good order

introduced there by Sieur de Grandville, commercial agent for the Farmers (of the Revenue).

Some

Indians have recently been discovered towards Labrador to

whom

Missionaries have

gone from Tadoussac, as they had expressed a desire to hear the Gospel. Our affairs at Hudson's bay will prosper if the Northern Company continue to cooperate with, and second the designs of, D'Iberville, one of the sons of the late Le Moyne, whom I left resolved to go and seize Port Nelson the only remaining post in the possession of the English. For that purpose

it is

absolutely necessary,

I

believe, that

My

Lord the Marquis de Seignelay

inform Monsieur de Lagny that the King intends that the Northern Company undertake the capture of that post, and furnish said Iberville with every thing he requires to render his design successful.

He

will

winter from the English.

want two In truth.

ships.

My

He

Lord,

it

has already at Quebec one that he took this

would be very advantageous

to the

King's

"

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,

444

had said Iberville some honorable rank in the' Navy, in order to excite emulation among the Canadians who will follow the sea. A commission of Lieutenant would work marvels. He is a very fine fellow and very capable of rendering himself expert and of doing service

good

service.

The

Iroquois

war

continuing, as there

the Indians in the direction of the

is

every appearance

Outawas who

traffic

will,

it

with

trade will be diverted towards Port Nelson, or the River Bourbon.

d

the

facilities

direction, very strongly convinces

me

of the necessity

depriving the English of that commerce. get up this year

some expedition against

But

it

we

must be

What

have learned of Sea in that are under to bethink ourselves of

Lake Superior

possessed by the Indians beyond

both against us and

us, the greatest part of the

to reach

effected

without

I

the

fail, for

they will

us.

This Northern Company requires that My Lord should order M'. de Champigny to attend I fear some divisions are creeping their meetings sometimes when he considers it necessary. about failure. will bring its There is no fear that the presence of an Intendant in there which

M. de Chartipigny, can be productive of any harm. know not if My Lord the Marquis de Seignelay is informed that the English of Boston and Manatte have resolved to destroy the French Colony of Canada. They repeatedly so promised their Indians, to whom they also made considerable presents to induce them to wage an unrelenting war against us. They promised them to send five or six ships of war into the River to attack the Colony, and to blockade it in that direction whilst the Iroquois would attack it above, as they have already done, which would ruin it in one year. Certain it is that such is their plan, and information has been received of that having been determined on in Ships must come from England to them for that purpose. full Council. As regards Acadia, that country is in great danger inasmuch as it has no fort of any value, and the settlers there are scattered and dispersed, as in Canada. It would be desirable that the King had a good fort at La Heve for the security of ships. That post would be much more advantageous than Port Royal, which it is not easy to get out of to defend the Coast from pirates, and to be more convenient to the Islands of Cape Breton and Newfoundland as well as the Great Bank. Fish is so abundant on all the coasts of the King's territory, that it is desirable that the King's subjects only should go there to catch them, and that his Majesty were sufficiently powerful in that Country to prevent Foreigners fishing on the Great Bank. They ought to be The Spaniards go every year to those of deprived, at least, of fishing on the King's coasts. Labrador adjoining the Straits of Belle ile. The English trade there more than we. Hitherto, all the people of Acadia as well as those of Canada have paid more attention to the Beaver trade and to the sale of Brandy than to the establishment of Fisheries, which, nevertheless, afford the most certain and most durable profit, and are best suited to the inhabitants of the country, and to the augmentation of the Colony. For what each settler might realize annually would supply him most abundantly with clothes and as the fishing season begins only after the sowing and terminates before the harvest, every individual of any industry would find means to drive a profitable business, without abandoning agriculture, as the Coureurs de bois do. The Canadians are adroit and would become in a short time as expert as the Basques in Whaling, were they to apply themselves to it. If the establishment of this

like

A

I

;

fishery be persevered in, there

is

reason to hope that they will turn their attention to

encouraged by the stimulus of gain.

But he who

is

desirous of commencing

it,

is

it,

being

not wealthy.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

445

IV.

:

and will find it difficult to defray its expense. The last ships have brought to Quebec from Bayonne some harpooners for Sieur Riverin. I doubt if he have means to pay their demands. He gave me strong assurances that he would not de discouraged. The Intendant will help

him

as far as lies in his power, in order to sustain him.

The

condition in which

I left

the affairs of the country would

demand prompt

assistance

;

no doubt but the English continue their intrigues to induce the Iroquois not to abate their incursions to lay waste the colony which they have commenced doing, without any effectual resistance being offered. The Iroquois, having discovered its weakness, will not

for there

is

conclude a durable peace, as they are constantly urged forward by the English. It is

impossible for the country to undertake any thing of

moment

against them.

For

who

all the cantons must be attacked at the same were destroyed had they not found shelter in the other four Iroquois villages. No less than three four thousand men would be necessary for that purpose, for it is impossible to go in one summer to all the Five Nations, one after the other. They must all be reached at the same time, which is not difficult if preparations be made a year before hand. But as the King has need of his troops elsewhere in this season of war, I see but one means certain, which is that his Majesty seize Manatte by sea; it has a walled fort, and the town is inclosed by palisades. That can be easily done with six frigates on board of which twelve hundred men will have been embarked, who, landing on the Island, will take the town sword in hand, and subsequently render themselves masters of the castle by means of some bombs. Meanwhile, Orange could be easily secured from Canada with a strong detachment of eight hundred men at most who will burn that town and all the surrounding settlements as far as Manatte. The main body will the detachments out sent to set fire to the be obliged to remain at Orange until the return of places towards Manatte. It will be also necessary to postpone setting fire to Orange and the neighboring towns until those at a distance be burnt. It will be well to bring to Quebec all the prisoners which will be made, and not to leave any of them in the Country. My Lord the Marquis de Seignelay must not expect that Canada can accomplish any more, nor detach any greater force without entirely exposing the Colony. It will be moreover requisite that all the Militia of the government of Quebec that can possibly be mustered, be marched to Three Rivers and Montreal to remain at these places as long as the expedition against Orange will last. This must consist only of canoes, picked soldiers and Coureurs de bois. Bateaux cannot be used on account of the portages between Lake Champlain and the river of Orange. These detachments must be prepared to be attacked by the Iroquois on their way back from the expedition. The departure from the Country and the march must be prompt, and in good order. Chevalier de Calliores is the best qualified to lead successfully such an expedition which must if possible, be simultaneous with that of Manhatte for the distance between the places, and the uncertainty of the winds prevent communication, derange every thing and require the attack on Manhatte to be made only by sea without expecting any assistance by land. Otherwise, inconveniences attended with too much danger would be incurred. What is to be done is, to send notice very early to Canada of what the King will consider

time, and treated like that of the Senecas,

@

;

proper to be accomplished.

marching order

My

I

doubt not every disposition would be made to place things in

at the earliest notice.

reasons for wishing Orange to be burnt and destroyed are, that

we

are not yet in a

condition to retain so ugly a post as that, and at such a distance from our settlements.

In

44S this

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

.

way

broken up the trade between the English and the Iroquois,

will be

forced to have recourse to us for supplies.

hand

at

Manatte

in order that the Indians

who

Suificiently large quantities of these

may

not want for any thing

;

will be thus

must be on

otherwise, instead of

being conciliated they would be

irritated, and constrained to have recourse to those other places where the English are settled, along the coast of Pennsylvania towards Virginia. Another reason necessitating the expedition against Manatte is, that it would be an assured means of preventing the Hurons and Outaouacs coming to an accommodation with the Iroquois for the purpose of taking advantage through them of the cheaper bargains of goods It is certain afforded by the English, and of the higher price at which they purchase beaver. all the Indians are seeking only an opportunity to trade with the English. Manatte being taken and the inhabitants disarmed, a strong garrison must be left in the fort, capable of making a good defence in case it be attacked by the people towards Boston, who can put a number of vessels afloat. Therefore the disarming the people of Long Island [and]

that

of Manatte must not be neglected in case

it

be considered inexpedient to bring them away in

the ships.

Again, it would be easy for those frigates, if they had time, to ravage the whole of the Boston country which has not a single fort along the coast; for as I believe his Majesty will not be able to avoid sending a strong reinforcement to the Islands, for the purpose either of driving the English thence, or of protecting those Islands from the incursions and expeditions the said English or

Dutch

will be [meditating], I

doubt not but

this reinforcement sailing early

from France will easily be able to make the attack on Manatte and proceed afterwards

to

the Islands.

The Boston

coast

palisaded, unless

it

is

considerable but very

difficult to

well as Sieur de Villebon

whom

settled,

but

it

has no post of any account.

have been done within six months.

who

have been frequently

at

is

be mustered.

M"'

Perrot

The is

Even Boston

is

not

population of that colony

is

acquainted with that coast, as

man named Lamotte all of named Pere is also at Rochelle

at present at Rochelle with a

Boston and Manatte.

A man

who is thoroughly conversant with the vicinity of Manatte on the land side. This Pere may be of great use in this expedition. He is very willing. Such is the surest means to secure Canada, oblige the Iroquois to make peace, and to master the English Colony which might eventually be ceded to the King by a Treaty of Peace with England an arrangement that will never be made if his Majesty do not at once become master of it. It is to be remarked that all the naval expeditions to be made in that quarter must be between the month of May and end of August for in other seasons of the year, the stormy western gales which frequently prevail in that country, drive vessels off the coast. The Indians, our allies, are very glad to see us at war with the Iroquois, inasmuch as they All their tact was exerted in 16S8 to prevent a peace between the Iroquois are quiet at home. ;

;

and

us.

had sent orders to the Captain commanding Fort Cataracouy to abandon that post after having sapped the walls by piling timber well smeared with tar against them. Had these been set on fire on leaving the fort, the walls would have entirely crumbled ; instead of that, he contented himself with undermining them, which doubtless will have no effect, the walls being only two feet thick. To remedy this, it will be well to order M. de Frontenac to send a party I

two

@ three hundred strong, with implements;

they will raze

all

the walls in a day or two.

PARIS DOCUMENTS: I

must observe

destroying that in 1688, did I

here, that

fort.

He

M. de Frontenac

IV.

not of

is

447

my

opinion as to the propriety of

does not appreciate any of these reasons.

not expect to have

made

should have had

it

razed

^

n »

Captain Duplessi^

I

peace.

Plan for

the defence

of Canada.

Experience has demonstrated, by the trifling impression made by three thousand men on the Iroquois in 1687, that it is very difficult to derive much advantage from going to their country in quest of them, laying aside the very heavy expense and the hardships attendant thereupon which bring very

That

little

benefit to the

French Colony.

had the Senecas, then, instead of attacking, as they did, the King's troops,

made a

descent on Canada, as they ought to have done, they would have swept every thing before

them as far as the other side of Quebec, notwithstanding the arrival there of sixteen companies which were distributed over sixty leagues of territory, four hundred men being sufficient for such an expedition, one-half on the North and the rest on the South, side of the river. The reason is, each company was spread over from two to three leagues of country and being without a single fort they would have been defeated one after the other before they could have been got together.

The destruction in 1687 of the Indian corn belonging to the Senecas, subjected them to but a small amount of inconvenience. Not one of them perished of hunger, as two arrows are sufficient to enable a Savage to procure meat enough for a year's support, and as fishing never

The

fails.

demolition of Catharacouy will henceforth afford them liberty to

come and harrass us summer and the

during the entire spring, as soon as navigation will be open, throughout the

They

come by two routes, But their principal

by which they reached the Island be made by Lake St. Peter, centre the them in the of country, leaving which places them at liberty to go up to Montreal, or down to Quebec. They can effect both these objects at one and the same time, by dividing their party which, no doubt, is much stronger than that of 1689, it being the interest of the English and Dutch to unite with them, in order to monopolize the fur trade which is very considerable, inasmuch as more than two millions worth of Beaver has been embarked this year, on account beginning of the

fall.

will

of Montreal being open to them.

of the country or of individuals, and almost as

The

means

that

effort will

much remains

in the country or in the woods.

is to have immediately bottomed sloops in form of small brigantines, which will be sent out in packages and put together on the spot. On these can be mounted two or four small guns carrying a one pound ball to some distance and some good brass swivels (pierriert de fonie.) They must have eight oars on each side. The crew independent of officers is to consist of two sailors to steer and work the craft and thirty soldiers, each having a cartridge box always full, a fusil in reserve to remain in the cabin, in the benches of which the powder

sole

to arrest

the forays of the Iroquois barbarians

constructed at Rochefort twelve

flat

and munitions are to be carefully stored. Each sloop must have, likewise, swords with hafts, or spontoons to defend them against boarders.

fifteen to

twenty

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

448

They

employed during the

will be

entire season of navigation, to wit:

— Six

in

guarding

the lake above Isle Perrot;' one-half at the foot of the North, and the other at that of the

A

must be constructed in the most convenient cove of that Island to serve as a retreat in case of a storm, and to repair thither, one after the other, every eight days for provisions; and the meat will be served out to them cooked, a little more than the ration of the soldier who remains on shore, and who has some comforts. Each sloop is to have a good South, Rapid.

fort

bark canoe which will be laid across the chain well secured, to be used in case it is desirable to ascend a rapid to look for the enemy, or to land should it become necessary to pursue them. When they discover the enemy they will fly before them, witiiout firing a shot, not so however, as not to afford them a hope of overtaking them. This, however, is merely to draw them into the Lake, and when they will perceive the Canoes of the Indians

precipitately,

in the middle of

it,

they will charge them.

small guns and swivel, they will sink as

man

to

swim

three or four leagues.

They

same manner.

It is

many

Those

not

difficult to

understand that with their

as they will strike, and that

detailed to guard

Lake

difficult for

it is

a

S' Peter will act in the

mouths of the rivers which flow into it from Lakes S' Sacrament and Champlain, and receive provisions and other necessaries from the forts S' Francis and Sorel, two leagues from the said mouths. will

station themselves at the

15 February, 1690.

? Observation on the above. «'

This plan, which would entail too heavy an expense, appears to require too many men not even have much of an effect. There are an infinite number of other routes

who would by which

the Iroquois could come.

precaution.

when

They send out canoes

They descend as scouts,

the rivers and enter the lakes with great

and land, as has always been

their custom,

discovered.

" Persons conversant with the Country are however of opinion that a few strong sloops as

many

as four at most, could be built in

Buch as occurred last year.

It is

Canada, with the design solely of preventing surprisals

reported that such

was M. de Frontenac's

Message of Count de Frontenac Message

to be delivered to the

Outawas

to the

Ottawas.

to dissuade

them from the Alliance they

propose to make with the Iroquois and the English.

Men you,

!

left

I give

you notice that Onontio,

who

plan."

1690.

has never deceived you, and who,

when he quitted

the whole world in peace, has again returned.

He

learned that the Country he had left in peace and which he loved so much, was groaning; and that the storms, by which it was shaken, were utterly destroying his children whom he had adopted. Hear him! I am about to speak in his name. '

I^ke

St, Francis.

—Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS "Children!

lie says:

protection

I

am

449

astonished to learn on arriving that you have forgotten the

My

have alv?ays aflbrded you.

I

IV,

:

knowing what to imagine. Remember, that I am your

heart

distracted

is

by several thoughts, not

who have adopted you and who have

father,

loved you so

tenderly.

have given you your country

I

;

have driven the horrors of war from

it,

and introduced

You were wandering about and exposed

to the Iroquois

I

peace there.

You had no home tempests.

before that.

my

have laid them, and have brought you in to

I

Cabin sheltering you

in

it

from

every thing that could injure you.

You were then but

little fatherless Children who, however, possessed more courage than you you are men, supported by a powerful father. You did surrender your bodies through a desire to enter into my cabin, the building of which had only been begun. What, Children! now that you see it big you would destroy it, by wishing to cover it,

d(J

now

that

yourselves, with blood, by uniting with

Hark I

ye, I speak to

you as a

father.

what was formerly your enemy. My body is big. It is strong, and cannot

die.

suppose what you witnessed above Montreal has frightened you.

But think ye

am

I

no more, or that

such as has prevaile'd during children's heads

when

I

was

my

I

am

in the

absence? and

if

humor

of remhe

prisoners

after the capture of the

Country.

evening she returned, greatly elated, on board the Admiral's ship.

we wished

to restore

were

The English

mustered that very night; they consisted merely of

women

and children and none of any consideration except Captain Davys' who was commander of the Fort which Sieur de Portneuf took. There were, besides, his lieutenant's two daughters who appeared very well bred. Tlie Count had ransomed them from the Indians, and put them to board. Another girF of nine or ten years of age who was somewhat well looking, had ?n.TA!m. to retum to the Mohawk village in order to avoid the impending tempest. But our panjf thim lo ibe Jd..ha»it Village;

on

llieir

whl'm

declining

ih *y

ffp'ri-

•onvra and talk uf

Sault,

,

their missionaries, and aided by Indians encouraged by a reinforcement M. de n j j Callieres had sent them, remained faithful, and declined the proposal. This

^jQJ^jjwk party having, before arriving, captured twelve persons belonging to the

brought them back, and told our Indians that

hostilities;

adding that

if

the Iroquois did not wish to

there

ought to be a cessation of

make

peace, they would withdraw

from them and remain in their village, smoking. Our Indians gave them for answer that the governor must be spoken to and nothing be undertaken, meanwhile, on one side or the other.

M. de Frontenac being except twenty-five

at

Quebec and

the

who remained with

they had not burnt those of our people in the beginning of '90

and

the lives of thirty of theirs

Mohawks being unable

whom

is

to

These Mohawks have,

They added,

they had captured on the retreat from Corlard

la

Madeleine

also, reported

last

that Chevalier d'O, a reduced Captain,

de Frontenac in the month of by ggnt to the IroQuols J M. n eador to the Ir>given up and sent by them to Boston, where he remained to tl-""^™Kl'wrof

yr.mun»c'. Ambas-

u.e"'M.'Ih"wk',''"wh';;

8 Krenohmen, iii$ companions, burnt. ^'TiuIiiIIm'"*"''''

and two other Frenchmen

to

•'

1690, had been

that his interpreter

him, had been burnt by the **

m

Company

supposed

who had accompanied

May ;

IroQuols to which they had been distributed ; that Father Millet, lu three Villages ^ ° itmi the Indian Villages ; that the ^ Jesuit, was a prisoner with other Frenchmen,

English the

home

likewise, that

summer, because we had spared at Corlard when it was burnt by our Frenchmen inform you particularly regarding every thing that

La Prairie de who were found

at

and Indians. M. de Frontenac occurred on both sides.

to wait, they returned

their relatives at the Sault.

held

of Acadia

taken a vessel

loaded

with

beaver,

apparently

belonging

to

where M' Perrot was; that they had captured four or five others, Isle Perc^e last summer: They, likewise, stated

be those that had been fishing at

that our Upper Indians had struck several blows on the Iroquois and killed fifteen or twenty of

were very scarce in New England; that the entire country was abandoned; that the old men, the women and children had retired to Boston and Manatle that only four of the ships belonging to the fleet which had appeared before Quebec, had their

men;

that goods

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

500

returned to Boston, and that the others had remained at the mouth of this River for the

purpose of laying as

it is

wait for the French Ships

in

;

but this last statement

is

probably not true,

impossible to winter in those parts which are very dangerous, and the greater portion

of their vessels were small ketches, with a great

many

sick

and wounded, and no provisions

on board. L»

^^

piaquo, an In-

G'?M"iiawkT

Plaquc, an Indian,

who

set out

Inc'eu

who

'''''''*•

him

as to obtain

their

luformcd him of what they said and done at the Sault. ' had to surrender five prisoners

the Sault last

prisoners so

Mohawks on

intelligence from them, met, on his return, the

lo 11..- suuii, »mi restores l^Mtlhe priaon, r» h- had tak. n Delonguig to Ihejr

men from

with some of his

wlutcr ou an excursion to capture some English

way home,

This obliged °

he was conveying, and on his return to the Sault

FranJ^w^'Kuu ^^ Confirmed what the Mohawks had stated. This Indian is proceeding to France, ^^^' saying that he wishes to see the Great Onnontio, that is, the King, of whom he has heard so much talk. He is a very brave, and well looking man ; the nephew of the

—

Great

—

Mohawk who was

the Chief of our Indians, Monsieur de Denonville was here,

When

or

the reennBiraction of the Goalie of

we wrote

vou. J

'

MyJ

Lord, respecting r o '

M. de Frontenac who occupies it at present, has also remarked it, and would wish it to be rebuilt. If the King is disposed to incur tliis expense at present, it were well, the building not being worth any thing. It will cost at least 20,000 f. by making use of the old foundations. And if his Majesty do not Quebec

the bad condition of the Castle of Quebec.

desire that to be done,

may

it

will suffice to cover

it

with shingles, replace some beams that are

and make the necessary repairs without thinking of building a

rotten,

roof,' or slating

it,

as

possibly be required, for the walls are not sufficiently strong to bear such a weight; and

provided two or three thousand livres be laid out on

But these are always

it,

it

can

last

some years

longer.

heretofore, which though

useless expenses similar to those incurred

amoun', form nevertheless a pretty considerable sum.

trifling in

Quebec, 10th May, 1691.

Champigny.

M. Extract from the

de

Champigny

Memoir

instructif

lo the Minister.

annexed

to

M. de Champigny's despatch of

the 10th May, 1691. Fortified places into

•

which the people can

season of war, constitute

retire for security, in

Canada

Every house borders on the forest, and is consequently open to the unimpeded incursions of the enemy. It is plain, then, that villages inclosed with palisades must be completed in order to protect the settlers from the Indians; and Quebec and Villemarie fortified with a good wall, particularly the former, in consequence of the attacks from the sea to which it is open so as to afford the people a place of refuge in case of an attack by Europeans, and a means of making a vigorous

the

main stay

defence ^

it.

parts of the world.

is

exposed on

all

sides.

simple picket inclosures such as they have, being insufficient and of no duration.

;

Mansarde.

invented

in ail

A

roof, the

Jamei

top of which

itilitary Dictionary.

ia

flat

— En.

and the

sides perpendicular; so called

from Mansard, the

architect,

who

PARIS DOCUMENTS The

IV.

:

601

aware of the importance of that fortification, has submitted to My Lord the Marquis de Seignelay in his letters of the month of November 1690, the views he entertained to effect it without sulyecling the King to any expense. Nothing more is Intenrlnnt in that country,

necessary than to appropriate to that purpose the twenty-five licenses usually issued every year

Outawas Country, each of which produces a thousand livres ; they are bestowed gratuitously to settlers and are of no benefit to his Majesty. The public interest cannot be belter advanced than by applying them to that use. Fifteen more can be issued for for trading in the

the Illinois trade, each of which will also produce a thousand livres, and thus an annual fund of forty thousand livres would

we

be obtained, provided peace existed and

could send to

those Tribes.

The French for several years occupied Fort Cataracouy sixty leagues beyond Montreal ; the Marquis de Denonville had been constrained to cause it to be abandoned at the close of the year 1689,

it

being untenable in time of

War

consequence of the

in

difficulty of victualing

it.

M. de Frontenac has always intended to establish it, because it is his work, and he still persists in that design. But there is no appearance of its possibly succeeding, owing to the many difficulties which attend it. All the buildings have fallen, and almost all the walls have been blown up, so that it would require to be rebuilt anew, which cannot be effected unless at incredible expense, and even were this fort rebuilt it would need as much preparation, expenditure and men to supply it with necessaries as to make a campaign in the enemy's Besides, strictly speaking, this fort

territory.

is

a prison for the confinement of a garrison,

and does not prevent the going and coming of the enemy except they be within musket shot.

Hence it is to be concluded that it is very difficult to reestablish it; that it requires a considerable sum to maintain it, when built, and that it is utterly useless. It will be possibly alleged that it is a retreat for the Indian allies of the French when they come to make war against the Iroquois; but that argument is destroyed when it is known that they always make their attacks suddenly, and that as soon as forest

they strike the enemy, they retreat homeward, the All that can be

and the swiftness of their heels being their greatest security.

that post

There

at

to carry on trade there in time of peace.

is

is

done

not the smallest

the country.

But we have

do not think we should so

shadow of a doubt but Peace it

not; and although people

flatter ourselves.

It is

is

may

the principal and greatest good of

represent that

true that in the

month

it

will be

made,

I

of April last there

arrived at the village of our Indians at the Sault, a league from Montreal, a party of one

hundred and forty-six Iroquois from the Mohawk country, who said that there ought to be an end of killing, which means, that peace ought to be concluded, and gave notice that a large body of eight hundred Iroquois with some Mohegans and Englishmen among them, was coming to attack the Sault, in order to carry them off and afterwards overrun the Country for the purpose of inflicting on

it all

the injuries in their power.

converted to whatever use people please.

good

faith

and wish

to

The speech and

If they like,

it

these

Mohawks

will

be

will be said that the Indians are in

detach themselves from the other Iroquois villages

;

but no reliance

is

to

would be overwhelmed by their own nation As a seem to desire peace, inasmuch as they have burnt Clievalier d'O's interpreter and two other Frenchmen whom M. de Frontenac sent with him, a year ago; and have delivered Chevalier d'O to the Mohawks who sent him to Boston to save him from destruction, as a return for our Frenchmen and Indians having spared the lives of Oreoaou^, a Chief of one thirty of their people who were at Corlard when it was burnt. be placed on them,

for they, themselves,

general observation, the Iroquois do not

:

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

SOS of those villages in 1689,

who was

went hunting

among

a prisoner

in the

beginning of

suspect that he will have gone back to his

us,

and

is

one of those

who

returned from France

Spring and has not returned, which makes us

last

own

country.

Another similar prisoner

killed

one

of our Christian Indians, whilst hunting with him last winter, and went afterwards over to the Iroquois. killed

some of

Illinois have made some attacks on them within a year and and the English are continually with the Iroquois to divert them

The Outawas and their people,

Thus,

from any thoughts of peace.

it is

evident that matters are more embroiled than ever;

and as we are not in a condition to go with force of arms to the Iroquois to destroy all their towns at the same time, nothing remains but to make some presents to all our Indian allies, Outawas, Illinois and other Upper Nations in order to induce them to continue to harrass the enemy; to act in like manner towards the Abenakis, Canibas and other Nations of Acadia so that they

may

persist in their attacks

on the English in the neighborhood of Boston;

in which and advantage; engage our Christian unite with our French to do the like in the direction of Orange,

they have heretofore experienced invariable success, Indians settled in the Colony to

and to be most vigilant within the settlements; to perform the sowing and the reaping in a body without being dispersed and at too great a distance, as the Iroquois most generally take advantage of those seasons to attack the Colony; on which occasions success has hardly ever failed them up to the present time. For the support and continuance of this war, it is necessary that the King be so good as to assist the country, as he has done of late years, with a supply of troops, money, provisions and ammunition. The Intendant has sent My Lord the Marquis de Seignehiy estimates of all tliat is required, wherein he has only entered the articles absolutely necessary. It is full time

who have not had any for three years. empty; and the Treasury without any funds except paper money, which is not

that they arrive as well as the clothing for the Soldiers

The

stores are

employed so profitably as ordinary currency. It is proper to add to this Memoir the news which has just arrived from Montreal, in proof that the war rages worse than ever. The eight hundred Iroquois whose approach the Mohawks reported, made their appearance at the upper part of the Colony. Three or four hundred of them fell on the lower part of the Island of Montreal, where they burnt twenty-five houses, and took, or killed three persons; the others have scattered themselves, in divers bands, through different places without any one being aware where they will strike as they keep the woods. It is evident then how important it is not to flatter ourselves any longer with the hope of peace, and to send from France (if the preservation of this Country be desired) necessary aid in men and ammunition to provide, at the same time, for the security of the three principal places, and when such defences will be constructed, to proceed against the enemy who at present rules the Country and prevents the sowing being completed, which throws the settlers into ;

great consternation.

Oreoae,

the Iroquois chief

who was

home, as we have already

stated, has

displeased with his Nation

when he

"Canoemen of Chevalier d'O. to

a prisoner

come

here, and

in to-day

was supposed

from hunting.

He

to

have gone

appeared greatly

learned that they burnt the Interpreter and

the

two

M. de Frontenac has proposed to him to speak to those nations,

which he answered, that since they had burnt Chevalier d'O's men he was no longer their This will show that affairs are more

Captain, and that perhaps they would burn himself.

confused than ever.

Quebec, 12th May, 1691.

Champigny.

JV

PARIS DOCUMENTS

M.

My

:

/

IV.

508

de Cliampigny to the Minister.

Lord,

^^® have just leamed by a canoe sent by M. de Callieres, that the eight whom we were threatened, Iiad made their appearance Bt'ihe lower en.l*r.f and wcre dispersed in North and various bands throughout the neighborhood o o Ihi- Island, burn^S I'Tiiinaie I"""""-, part of South of Montreal;' that three® v> four hundred had invaded the lower r piwttiiilora of M. (Ib caihAres. ^jj^j {gland where they burnt twenty-five houses in which, fortunately, there The were but one man and two women who have been killed or taken prisoners. by Mons' Callieres saved considerable persons precautions adopted de have a number of thereabouts; also the grain, furniture and cattle which were distributed among the forts. We ittanot yet known do not yet know what place will be attacked by the others who are in the woods where ihti others , a wHiaiighi. and at liberty to make a descent at whatever point they please, and it is scarcely possible with the few troops in the country to garrison the three principal places, and the ^orts, and to take the field against them. The difficulty of continuing the sowing, tinainiflhe'^«.wrng The

800

inKjunis

i»iri)*auack"Ml.'ir-

hutidred Iroquois with

iim

•

i

i

t

,•

i

i

which had ouly been begun throughout the entire Upper country above Three Yoa Rivers, and the want here of munitions of war, are most unfortunate circumstances.

Munuy

uncaay.''''"

my

how important it is that we be supplied with troops, I am reduced to the necessity of having the leaden gutters and weights melted in order to be run into bullets. M. Gaillard who is about to embark, will explain to you every thing you desire to know. He has a thorough knowledge of the state of this Country. He takes charge of a Memoir I have drawn up on every particular, so that he may have the honor of conversing with you thereupon, when he submits it to you. He is as well informed as I am of its contents, and you can repose entire confidence in his Demand*

reinforce-

°"'°'''

^""^

^ware, then,

Lord,

provisions and ammunition.

representations, being

full

of integrity and honor. I

am

with most profound respect

My

Your most humble, most obedient and most obliged servant Chahfiont.

Quebec 12 May 1691.

M.

My

de

Olmmpigny

to

M.

de Pontchartrain}

Lord,

We could

Thank^the Minister

mentasenL

•

Lord,

uot dcsiro morc agreeable news than those

from you by the

fleet

you have had the goodness

Lotng PnfLTPiAUx, Count de Pontcharthaih, son of Paul Ph61ypeanx, Lord de

we have

to send us P.,

just received

under the

Secretary of State,

command

was bom

in 1648.

was admitted Councillor in the Parliament of Paris, and in 16G7 was elected first President of the Parliament of Brittany. He was appointed Intendant of Finances in 1687, and succeeded M. de Seignelay as Secretary of State, In 1699 he was appointed Chancellor, and after having served his country with zeal in that office for the space of in 1690.

At

the nge of 17 he

15 years, resigned the post

meditation and almsgiving.

in

1714 and retired to the Institution of the Oratory, where he occupied his time in prayer, reading

Towards the

close of his life

the 22nd of December, 1727, at the age of 85. poor, he

was

and wealth.

he removed to his Chateau of Pontchartrain, where

lie

expired on

Though was necessary to oblige him to accept an office which conferred on him power, patronage In authority he preserved an inviolable attachment to the laws and forms of jiutice. Siograpkie Univertell*. so honest that force

M. de Pontchartrain was very small of stature, thin, but well formed.

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

904

who has acquitted himself very well of his charge whereof he will render you Count de Frontenac will communicate to you the reasons which induced him not officer to Hudson's bay, and why he detained him here. Le Soldi (TAfrique goes to

of M. du Tast,

an account. to

send that

Acadia, and la Catherine remains with us for the purpose of conveying the latest intelligence to you.

This succor was needed, and has arrived at a time when

We know

not

how

to express to his

we were

in great

want of it.

Majesty the deep obligations of the country

My

we have

powerful protection he has afforded; and as

it is

we

If the arrival of this fleet has diffused general

tender to you our most humble thanks.

throughout the country,

I

through you,

Seignelay.

I participate in

my

obtained

it,

joy

have individually experienced the most profound gratification

on learning that the King had bestowed on you the your orders;

Lord,

the

for

offices

My

held by

Lord

the ftLirquis de

the joy as in duty bound, and feel highly honored in serving under

zeal, exactitude

and

equal

fidelity herein will

my

to deserve the

effiirts

honor

of your protection. The

Iroquois con-

sinee M: ly"" c'mse preatdt'sl ruction in the siHicmints of Montreal and euvi'ons-

Since the despatchcs I have had the honor to address

May by

Francois Xavier and

le Saiiit .

.

,

vQu, tho Iroouois have contmued to T '

never acted with so

le

Glorieux, •

remam

m -

_

much

which ^^

,

My Lord

have been handed

will

i

de Seignelay last mi

•

i

harrassing the Colony, J a us. ^

1

hey J

many Frenchmen

obstinacy, having taken and killed

and committed great havoc throughout the settlements of Montreal and its environs. A party Indians called Loups, three A arty consisting consistiug of English, Iroquois, Mohawks, and M.iuwiira'n.TI'na!a''Mad"iainer9u',and routes

hundred

camp

prizes

the ooionisis. B.Mten In turn by M.

in

has just fallen on La Prairie de la Madelaine where we had a huudrcd men including both Regulars and Militia. They surprised

all,

of slx ,

and routed our

«».!•

i

Militia, to

»

whose support the '

'

r^

i

,

i

•

i

•

^

i

mimeuiately. Itegulars proceeded i o

mi 1 he

killed several officers, soldiers and militia and retreated. enemyJ fifed avolley; J been repaired by Captain de Vallerenne, commanding a small separate Our loss has detachment. He fell in with the enemy on their way back, and though inferior in point of numbers, he fought them with such tact, resolution and courage that he cut them to pieces, having killed or wounded nearly all of them, and this has most effectually reestablished our honor. That officer deserves your protection. My Lord. M. de Frontenac sends you a

de vairenne at the head of an inferior

'

'°'°*-

detailed account of this action. I

do not transmit to you by

the sailing of la Cat/ierine.

this opportunity a report of

I will

merely say that

we

shall

my

department, deferring

it

until

need early assistance in the spring

equal to that afforded this year, together with a thousand soldiers, for we have every reason This is to fear that the English will attack us by sea towards the close of next May. particularly to solicit the honor of your protection, being with most profound respect.

My

12 August 1691.

Lord,

Your most humble, most obedient, and most obliged Servant, Champignt.

f

PARIS DOCUMENTS

*

detained

505

•••••••••• M,

I

IV.

:

de Frontenac

him [M. du Tast]

to

M.

de Pontcliartrain.

as well as Sieur de

Bonnaventure here for reasons which I S"* September; the first with orders to

submitted to you, and they sailed hence only on the cruise, as long as his stores permitted, along the

there are

some

Manathe and Boston

vessels from

river, where we are informed and to touch afterwards at Placentia and

mouth of our ;

the Islands of St. Peter as his orders from Court direct.

The

other will land Sieur de Villebon at the place he shall select for his establishment, and

ordered to

is

call at

Port Royal, to push as far as Boston and Manatte, and acquire

all

the

information and knowledge possible respecting the entire of those coasts, with a view to render

you a

faithful report thereof,

possibly be desirable to

make

which may

facilitate the

execution of any demonstrations

it

will

against them.

This year the opportunity would have been the most favorable in the world, in consequence of the situation of affairs in that country and the confusion which must prevail at Manatte, as you perceive by the copy of Sieur de St. Castin's letters which I send you. Those the Governor of Boston and M. de Nelson ' address me, and which I annex, will lead you also to conclude that the nature of their

advances and their friendly language, so diflerent frota what they formerly addressed to M. de Denonville, indicate that their arrogance is somewhat abated, and that they are greatly afraid of* our incursions and of those of our Indians.

know

I

not whetheryou approve

my answer

and the complaints

I

make

that,

under pretence

of asking leave to release their prisoners in the hands of our Indians, they appear rather to entertain the design of attempting to alienate the latter from us and to debauch even our

of our people in their hands, we have no interest in exchange unless they include such as are among the Iroquois so as to make the

As they have none

Frenchmen.

listening to an

exchange general. It will,

nevertheless, be always well to

make other

overtures,

prescribe to

me what

which

course

I

I

know what

they desire to propose, and

could submit to you by our last ships,

am

I

if

they should

shall request

you to

to pursue.

would be useless for me to repeat to you all the arguments contained in my despatches of to the Marquis de Seignelay on the subject of the capture of Manath, and New- York, as the most assured means of terminating this war and of utterly reducing the Iroquois. It

Neither

is it

necessary for

me

to tell

you

that, according to

my limited

information, the

Canada

cooperate in that expedition, even were they more numerous than they are, owing to the distance of the places; the difficulty of the communications, of the precise forces cannot

many

have explained suflBciently in detail; that ther^re, the only thing we could undertake from here would be to attack Orange, for which wouldBtill be required both time and forces in addition to those we already have, so as not to expose this country by utterly stripping it and that, if the design were formed to proceed to Manath, such could not be accomplished except by sending an expedition by sea to bombard it, and by landing at the same time a force which would conquer it. rendezvous necessary to be made, and

other reasons

I

;

I

if

proposed likewise sending other vessels against Boston, to bombard that place, and to see

the fright into which

it

would throw "

Vol. IX.

its

inhabitants,

See note, IV., 211.

64

— Ed.

would not

force

them

to surrender,

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

606

whereof there is some appearance. This would at least cause a diversion give them some occupation and prevent them thinking of sending reinforcements to Manath, the capture whereof is alone necessary for the security of this country, which is very well able to dispense with that of Boston. I believe it would be necessary to burn and entirely destroy the latter city, were we masters of it, and to think only of placing the post of Port Royal on a ;

solid foundation. I

am aware

European affairs, it will perhaps be difficult to think But the King's arms are everywhere accompanied by such considerable

that in the present state of

of matters so remote.

•••«••••••

good fortune and success, that I hope those he will have gained over campaign will place him in condition to undertake what he pleases in more •

My

his

enemies

this

distant countries.

Lord

Your most humble and most Obedient Servant

Frontenac.

October 20 1691.

M.

de VUlebon

Extracts from a

to

Memoir annexed

de Pontchartrain.

12""

them

Had

de Pontchar train. to Chevalier de Villebon's letter to

My

Lord

October, 1691.

On 1"

M.

Acadia.

the English succeeded in gaining our Indian allies over to agree to a peace with

after the fall of

Port Royal, there

is

no doubt but Canada would have been entirely

consequence of the facilities they possess of reaching Quebec from the river Saint John and from Pentagouet in ten or twelve days at farthest, and of the knowledge of the state of the country and of our forces. Therefore, they cannot be too closely engaged in our interests this is easily effected by

exposed and,

I

dare add,

lost, in

;

Munitions of war ought especially to form a large proportion of these presents, and the gentlemen of the Company of Acadia, besides, ought to supply them, as they do the settlers, with whatever will be of use

continuing the presents that his Majesty has begun to

make them

this year.

to them.

A

garrison ought to be always stationed, during the war, at the place where I

am

going to

The Indian never feels so much encouraged as when he sees himself* sustained. As the Cod constitutes the greatest part of the New England trade, and as that fish is transiently with them, they are obliged to come and fish along our coasts, and it may be

reside. S**

only

asserted that half of

New England

prevent them entering our ports, to

has supported itself by this trade

wood and water and

;

and as the Indians bad weather,

shelter themselves from

they will leave nothing undone to engage the said Indians in a peace, or to establish

themselves at Port Royal, where, once settled, they would easily attract those Indians

would be forced

to go thither in order to procure their necessaries.

who

—

;

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

IV.

507

Respecting Boston. by well informed inhabitants of Port Royal, who returned from Boston in the month of May, that there were no fortifications to the town, although Count de Frontenac, on the report made to him, states that there is a sodded inclosure around it. There are only two 3^.

I

am

told

gun-batteries on the

The

left,

going

in.

no great affair. It is of stone with four small bastions, on a little island somewhat perpendicular, and washed by the sea a battery of ten or twelve guns, without embrasures, must be passed; the channel is narrow, and their resource, in case an attempt be made to pass the fort, is to sink two vessels for the defence of the mouth of the harbor. No town can be easier burnt than Boston. More than fort at the entrance,

two-thirds of I

it

about a league from the town,

is

consists of frame houses, covered with shingles.

The

streets are

very narrow.

estimate the town, having been there twice, as two-thirds the size of Rocbelle.

Respecting Manatte.

The memoirs which Count de Frontenac sends respecting Manatte are very correct The Governor sent thither by the Prince of Orange is called Colonel Slaughter. He arrived there this spring in a frigate of forty-six guns and about one hundred and fifty soldiers, and on his arrival, caused a colonist' and ten or twelve others who had seized the fort, to be hung. The expedition against Manatte would be the most advantageous for Canada. It would render the King master of a fine Country, and put an end at once to the Iroquois war. The expense incurred for Canada during two years would be more than sufficient for this expedition. A French privateer has taken three Vessels this summer within view of Boston. I could not learn where he was fitted out. Two or three frigates would be required to cruise along the coast. No vessels could enter without being captured. This year's fleet to the number of ten or twelve, arrived there without convoy.

Petition of

To My Lord de

My

M.

de Callihres to

M.

de Poivtchartrain.

1691.

Pontchartrain, Minister and Secretary of State.

Lord,

Chev' de Callieres, Governor of the Island of Montreal and territories adjacent, and commander in chief of Canada in the absence and default of Count de Frontenac, represents to you that, when his Majesty was pleased to honor him in 1689, with the commission of commander in chief in addition to that of governor of the Island of Montreal, whereof he is in possession since 1684, his Majesty having regard to the modicity of his ordinary pay of 3,000" and to the expenses to which he is subject, being on the frontier of the Colony where he has the honor to command all the troops and militia of the country, and where he bears the chief brunt of the war against the English and the Iroquois, granted him as a gratuity for the year 1690, the

annum, equal '

sum

of 2,000" with the hope of increasing, and fixing

to the allowance to his other governors of the >

Jacob Leuler.

Ed.

American

it

at 3,000" per

islands

who have

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

508

3,000" old pay and 3,000" gratuity annually.

prevented him

him

He

hopes,

year enjoying the plenitude of his Majesty's bounty, the gratuity granted

last

for that year

My

But the vast expenses of the war having

amounted

to only 1,500".

Lord, that you will have regard to his long service of twenty-eight years,

twenty of which have been spent in the King's armies and the last eight in his government; to those he renders with success and all possible zeal and industry in the defence of the entire Colony, and to the great need he has of support in a period of general scarcity throughout this country, where he is subject to heavy expenses appertaining necessarily to his office, and is obliged even to pay a high rent for a house, being the only governor to whom the

King does not

He

furnish quarters.

requests of you the favor,

My

Lord, to cause to be accorded to him, this year, a gratuity

of 3,000", equal to that of the other governors of the Antillas,

same expenses, and

for

Memoir on Memoir on it

.

^^^

^^ ^^^^

of

.^ ^j^^

that they are preparing to

the state

of Canada.

New

1691.

England having been unsuccessful

^^^^ 1690, for the couqucst of Canada,

renew the attack with a greater

who commanded the former expedition, has Orange, three men of war, which he is to add to

General Phlips' Prince of

New- York, whereof he has been this year to

are not subject to the

the present state of Canada, and the aid required to be extended to

for its preservation.

The English

Dangers to which ana ai»expo«e

who

your prosperity he will ever Pray.

force,

in the expedition

it is

they

conSdently reported

both by sea and land.

obtained for that purpose from the all

the forces of

New

England and

created Governor General, and gives out that he

is to

return

besiege Quebec, with five thousand land forces, whilst another body of three

thousand English and Iroquois are to march to the attack of Montreal. The troops maintained in Canada by the King were about thirteen hundred men in 1690, They have decreased since ; more than half have been at the date of the English attack. either killed on divers occasions or have died of disease.

More than two thousand men,

including Militia, Regulars and Veterans, have been lost in Canada since the War.

This remarkable diminution in a country that is sparcely peopled, the settlements of which extend more than eighty leagues along the river S' Lawrence exclusive of the frontier forts which are more than three hundred leagues off, renders this Colony unable to resist any new attack by the English, unless promptly aided by his Majesty. Eeinforcemcnte required for the defence of Canada.

For that purposc, Canada requires one thousand

effective

men

are reduced to fifteen or sixteen men.

This reinforcement will

of his Majesty's troops; the officers being paid,

new

to

complete the

some ofc which not increase the pay roll (etat)

thirty-two Compauics his Majesty has maintained hitherto here,

\

•

\

ones will not be required.

There are three towns to be garrisoned, viz* Quebec, Viile-Marie in the island of Montreal, and Three Rivers, besides several small posts throughout, and on the frontier of, the Colony which render this aid absolutely indispensable. '/St«.

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

IV,

gQgg

Flour, Pork and other provisions are also required for the subsistence of the troops, with arms and ammunition as per memoirs of the Governor General and tlie Intendant. It is necessary to fortify Villemarie by doubling and terracing the palisades which the Governor of Montreal erected there and widening the ditch. This will not be a great expense; it will secure the entire Colony, whereof the island of Montreal is the frontier and the most important barrier in the whole Country against the incursions of the English and Iroquois. It would be further expedient that his Majesty be pleased to send this year, four frigates of about 40 guns to cruise at the mouth of the river S' Lawrence, and along the Coasts of Acadia and New England. These will be sufficient to cripple the Naval expedition which is to be

New England, with a design of returning to besiege Quebec; and would secure the passage of the reinforcements his Majesty will please to send hither, and the trade of his subjects on all these Coasts those four frigates can also capture prizes there, which will indemnify his Majesty for this expense. ^^ comports with His Majesty's interest, glory, and piety to preserve Canada Beaaons for pre; ierTtogc.i>«dfc vrhich is the first and most ancient of our Colonies in America and the establishment whereof has cost his Majesty and his subjects several Millions. That country is useful of itself, by furnishing a quantity of peltries, to wit Beaver, Martin, Elk. for making robes (Duffies), black Fox, Bear and other Skins which are sold in France and foreign Countries for considerable sums; it exports Indian corn, wheat, peas, and other vegetables and articles, which contribute to the supply of our Insular Colonies. fitted

out at Boston, the capital of

;

It is

capable of furnishing very fine masts and

Vessels, as

all

has been shown by the specimens thereof

sorts of timber for the construction of

that have been transmitted;

whereby we

with that of Sweden and Norway. Exclusive of a quantity of Whale, porpoise and other oils, a large amount of dry Cod and its stationary fisheries, the establishment of which has been Salmon can be supplied

would be placed

in a condition to dispense

;

commenced

A

both on the coast of Acadia and in the river S* Lawrence.

great quantity of French wines and brandies, and of

all

sorts of manufactures are sold

there; these are exported every year from Rochelle, Rochefort, Bordeaux, Bayonne, Dieppe

and other ports whence

is carried on a considerable trade with this country from which his Majesty derives large revenues. One of the chiefest reasons his Majesty has to preserve this Colony is, because it carries on the trade in green cod, in which are engaged more than four hundred merchants' vessels, the property of his subjects, who go for that fish to the Great

Bank and

Newfoundland coast dependent on the government of Canada, and supply it. This trade alone is, also, one of the most considerable that is carried on in France ; it is estimated to amount to between fifleen and twenty millions annually, and could not be prosecuted in time of war, should the English become Masters of Canada. to the

almost the entire of Europe with

It

this

comports with his Majesty's glory not Country, and

abandon over ten thousand of his subjects, in who would there be put to the sword or constrained to submit to the to

Conqueror's yoke.

But the

interest that

is

paramount

to all others in his Majesty's heart is that of the Religion

which, after having taken such deep root there by his pious care and charity, would be utterly destroyed and abandoned to the fury of heretics, and especially of French Huguenots who

have

fled in great numbers to and openly proclaim that they

New

England; constitute the main force of those expeditions;

will

revenge themselves on the Priests, Friars and Nuns of that

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

510 Add

Country.

to this, the loss of the entire fruits of so

many

holy Missions which have

whom more than forty thousand souls owe, under and charity of his Majesty, who therein satisfies the pious intentions of the late King his father, who resolved to maintain this Colony with a view to propagate the Faith among a barbarous people, in order to drawdown on the Royal Family the blessings of Heaven which we behold so abundantly showered on it.

converted a great number of Indians, of

God,

their salvationto the forethought

Measures recommended for

Remarks on what

New

of

the

hettei'

Defence of Canada.

appears Important to the King's service for the preservation 1G91.

France.

As the inhabited parts of Canada lie along the River S' Lawrence, both on the North and South shores, and as the cleared lands extend on an average only a quarter of a league back into the woods, the settlements are, by such proximity, always in danger of being burnt by the enemy who possess, by instinct, so thorough a knowledge of the forest that they find themselves much less embarrassed in it, than we in the best beaten roads. This shows that it is impossible to protect, with the troops in this country, all the houses situated as they are at a considerable

in

—

or to save them from danger except by collecting them all into villages which can be inclosed by pickets between Montreal and Three Rivers a very short time, and thereby placed beyond insult; the Indians rarely attacking fortified

distance, one from the other;

—

at least

posts.

There

is

no doubt but the people of

this

Country,

who

are not very docile nor easily

governed, would strongly object to shut themselves up, loving liberty and, by no means, discipline.

But

it is

well to constrain

to those contravening

it,

them

of having their

by a Royal houses razed; the enemy, also, in this instance

order, with a penalty will

be thus deprived

of the privilege of burning the settlements, as they are in the habit of doing to their advantage

and our prejudice.

And

in order that the settlers

may be

able to plant and to attend to their harvests and

other operations in perfect safety, the troops can be distributed around said forts, causing regularity to be observed in

That one

is

to say:

—

all

things.

let several of the

peasantry assemble with their arms and

for the other, whilst they will be

supported by detachments of soldiers

;

work all

equally the

retiring every

night to their post in good order.

This being regularly observed, the bravest of the

be sent out with our Savages who selected from to

among

the troops.

settlers can,

will be attached to six or

The remainder

without fear

for the

seven hundred good

Country,

men

to

be

will be sufficient to guard the posts confided

them.

The detachment

to

be composed of said troops,

for an expedition against the

Mohawks and even

settlers

and Indians

will be strong

enough

against Orange which they can insult whilst

detachments will lay waste and burn the adjacent settlements

(plat jiays.J

PARIS DOCUMENTS And

IV.

:

in order to facilitate the success of this affair,

it

511

would be desirable that the places

occupied by the English on the Coasts might be bombarded and cannonaded from the sea at

That would worry and throw them assuredly into all sorts of panic; and, loving their trade better than war, it would oblige them to think seriously of seeking repose and of no longer inciting and urging the Iroquois by presents to invade our territory. These would, undoubtedly, accept a peace, which, however indifferent it may be, would always be more beneficial to us than the greatest victories and advantages that we might gain over them, short of their utter annihilation which is very difficult to effect, as we have neither suffScient troops nor, even had we the force, sufficient facilities to admit our going to their Country in a somewhat considerable body, on account of the Rapids and inaccessible places which have to be passed to reach it. This forms no impediment when they make a descent on us, nor when they return home, because they go across the woods, which we cannot do except the same time.

with

difficulty.

the necessity that may exist of making war against them, a hearty union must be always maintained with the Indian tribes in our interest; because it would be very disadvantageous and altogether ruinous to trade should they form an alliance with the Iroquois: for, besides encouraging them to carry their peltries to the English, they might even seduce them into a mutual league for the destruction of the Colony. To avoid such a misfortune, it is well to preserve the posts we occupy in their country, namely. Fort S' Louis of Louisiana, Detroit, and Michilimacquina. These can be kept up at a very trifling expense which will not be of less utility to us than if it were more considerable. By this means, we render ourselves masters of those Indians, who are much better adapted

To remedy

than we, to the war to be

And

for that

waged

against our enemies.

purpose they can be

won by some

presents to which they are very sensible.

no wise increase the expense the King has concluded to incur for the support of this Colony, if it be deducted from the extraordinaries of the war, which would amount to a much greater sum, were the enemy to be attacked by large armies, as has been heretofore

This will

in

the case.

Our Indians were well Ofliicers

wage war

send from

to

any thing

in the adjacent Missions will not ask

the others, than to

in their

own way,

that

is

better, after the

and small

in large

example of which it

parties

points very frequently against the five Nations.

all

and soldiers are to be found among the Regular troops

same manner. Those of respectability belonging

to the country, almost all of

who

will act perfectly in the

whom

are well disposed and

They cannot fail to be the woods as the Indians,

very enterprizing, will eagerly demand leave to attack the enemy. very useful, possessing as they do almost the same knowledge of

with whose manners they are also acquainted, which

And

as

it

may happen

that the

them would not be always

number

so

who would

volunteer to accompany

be undertaken; and that Regulars were well if the Governor General had

sufficient for the expeditions to

would have to be attached to those sorts of parties, the Royal authority to commission such as he might

They have

a very great advantage.

is

of Colonists

much ambition

it

find qualified for such expeditions.

that nothing seems to

them

diflScult

when

of undertaking any thing extraordinary, by which distinction can be acquired,

pleased as an encouragement to them, to reward those

who would

there if

the

is

question

King were

occasionally signalize

;

612

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

themselves with a silver

gilt

the other a branch of palm or

medal of

trifling value,

having his portrait on one side and on it would produce most certainly

some other honorable device;

•wonderful emulation and effect were the Governor General to have a distribution It is to

among

number of

these for

the most valiant.

be remarked that the enemy come rarely

to

invade the north part of our territory

They can be prevented by incurring a very trifling by constructing four long bateaux, with oars, in each of which twenty or thirty soldiers can be placed with a small cannon and some swivels and by stationing two of these bateaux to guard each lake. The Iroquois would assuredly be thereby prevented passing, as they have only bark canoes which could be sunk by firing small shot into them. The King being at war with so many enemies, it may possibly happen that some of their adventurers may surprise Quebec which is without any fortification or force to resist an attack, however trifling it may be. except by lake S' Louis or S' Peter.

expense; that

is,

;

The Canada,

plan to obviate such an accident, which would inevitably bring with is

to

have two small galleys constructed here, to serve not only

it

the loss of

for the transport of all

the provisions required by the troops in the Upper country, but for going to reconnoitre

all

the

would approach, and prevent them attempting any of those things above alluded by annoying them with those two galleys which would give warning at Quebec, of

craft that to,

their approach.

This can not

Quebec are narrows and Traverses the passage through which causes the best pilot to tremble ships are always stopped there unless they have the wind and tide entirely favorable, which happens but rarely. As regards the maintenance and armament of these galleys; to save expense they can be commanded by two captains of the troops of this country, and in order that they always be in a condition to sustain all the fatigue to be endured, their crews should be formed of good soldiers and sailors selected from the other companies, as is the custom for Grenadiers in the Regiments in France. Their pay might also be increased on account of the trouble they will be exposed to; all which could be effected without any extra expense to the King, by appropriating a part of what has to be paid for chartering vessels employed in the transportation of supplies and ammunition to the stores of Mont-royal, in which service those galleys can be employed, as we have already observed, whenever fears are not entertained for Quebec. Those two galleys could be easily supplied in a short time with rowers, by condemning thereto deserters and other persons of the country who would deserve punishment. This would tend considerably to keep the Volunteers and Libertines within the bounds of duty and submission. fail

of success, because within ten or twelve leagues of

called Isle au Coudre,

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

518

IV.

Narrative of Hie most remarkable Occurrences in Canada.

An

1690, 1691.

Account of the most remarkable Occurrences in Canada from the departure of the frigate La Fleur de Mai, on the 27*'' November, 1690, to the close Sixteen hundred and Ninety-one.

left Quebec, the troops, which were all collected there, were and as the small stock of provisions received from France was hardly sufficient for a month's supply. Count de Frontenac, the governor general, and M' de Champigny, the Intendant, resolved to distribute them throughout all the Settlements, and to oblige the farmers This was effected with to feed them for the same sum the King allows his soldiers a day. some difficulty, the crops having that year fallen very short. The joy felt by every one for

Shortly after the English had

sent

away

;

we had

would be followed by powerful reinforcements from France, moderated, however, in some degree, the sorrow that scarcity might create. The death of Sieur Lemoyne de S" H^lene Lieutenant in the army, affected every one profoundly. That gentleman had, as already stated, been wounded in the late affair, whilst fighting courageously against the English. He was an officer of distinction who on divers the success

gained, and the hope that

it

occasions afforded proofs of his bravery against the Iroquois; at the North, against the English,

from

whom

he had right boldly taken Corlard, the preceding winter.

six months of winter which are to be certainly calculated on in this country, and the impossibility of receiving any supplies until Spring, rendered every thing excessively dear. Wheat was worth some twelve to fifteen livres* the minot; Wine one hundred 6cu8 the barrel ; Brandy, six hundred livres, and all other articles in proportion. Every description of food was acceptable, and the ground was no sooner bare of snow than herbs, roots, and the trifling quantity of fish that could be caught, constituted the sustenance of a large number of families. This pitiable state to which the country was reduced, absolutely prevented the possibility of thinking of sending any expedition against the enemy. The entire Winter thus passed away without 8carcelyr,k»i''up

and

tii

i

.

it

move

soldiers

who have

prosecute the Canada expedition;

if

sent and of that they

in the alliance

take advantage of the absence of the English to

It will arrive in

inflict

some

may

season to

expect in future.

with the French, will be able to serious damage on them if they

not, a powerful diversion will

of the whole of Acadia at least, rendered more

difficult,

be effected and the invasion the English not having, up to the

present time, turned the capture of Port Royal to any account.

This vessel

John, precise information of the preparations and

will obtain, at the river Saint

dispositions of the English, so as to send

word thereof

Monsieur de Frontenac overland. pass to Port Royal and convey some to

Minas to and ammunition, which the Company is to send thither. Nelson has stated that the English admitted having mismanaged matters when they attacked Quebec in 1690, and that they ought to have previously destroyed the adjacent settlements of

She

will be able to notify the inhabitants of

articles of provisions

the Colony, on both sides of the river, and they will apparently adopt that course.

mistake of the English in that

first

of the season and from the delays they had experienced.

They

bribes or threats to seduce the inhabitants of those settlements. project of this expedition being

The

expedition might have arisen from necessity, from the lateness

deemed

will endeavor, hereafter,

However

that

may

by

be, the

certain, the reinforcements intended to be furnished

M. de Frontenac ought to be sent early in order that he may have time to adopt proper measures to prepare the settlers, and provide, also, for the Upper part of the River and the to

preservation of Montreal. If the

King's

affairs

were

in a state to

admit of sending some men of war, not only the

overthrow of the English designs and the destruction of

New

this

armament, but even the ruin of

England, appear certain.

But should

his

Majesty not wish to make this diversion with his naval

remains but to use diligence

in

forces,

nothing

forwarding to Quebec the subsistence of the troops and the

most required particularly for the war, with 400 soldiers at least. These could be conveyed by two good, commodious fly boats (flutes), and one or two men of war, to articles that are

sail at latest

If the

on the ao"" of March.

merchants could not be got

to leave

with the King's

fly

boats, the second

man

of

war

convoy them, and the first would arrive in season to proceed on the expedition against Hudson's bay with the two ships belonging to the Northern Company, which has greatly suffered from the fruitless preparations of the last two years, into which it has been led. They have one vessel in Canada which will be found ready, but the other, which has been sent to the Islands in order to return to France to take in the articles required for the Hudson's bay expedition, cannot be back in season, and it will be necessary to assist might be retained

that

to

Company.

In regard to Trade, as the plans presuppose an attack on

Canada by the English, there

is

inconvenience in suspending a more extensive commerce, and it is thought possible to manage with the preparation of only two or three of the largest merchantmen of Rochelle among

less

Vol. IX.

69

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

546

men

those which are eagerly offering themselves, so as to be ready to accompany the

The delays wines and

of war.

of the mercliants arise simply from the time they require for collecting the Bourdeaux j,he

dry goods, which they procure in other places

Rochelle.

tiian

These might be

omitted this year, and the attention of the merchants directed solely to the articles necessary

which may be procured

for the support of the settlers,

In

cases, should

all

second vessel of war

it

in Rochelle.

be deemed proper to extend greater assistance to the Colony, the

may

be detained until the tenth of April in order to be dispatched with

the merchants destined thither. In the present circumstances of that country, rendered important by an Establishment that

has cost more than a century of care and expense; which prevents the English becoming masters of North America, and which will cause them a very serious diversion pending the

many expenses

war, and in trade during peace;

can be curtailed and others suspended this

year, and these only incurred which regard the war.

Here it will be observed, that the sojourn the men of war under M. du Palais' command were obliged to make at Spaniards' Bay,' having consumed the time of the expedition fixed for the reduction of the English posts at

ship

le

Newfoundland, contributed,

also, to the

Bon whi"ch had not any one on board acquainted with the Bay of

loss

of the

Placentia, at

the head whereof»lies the best harbor in the world.

That expedition can be refitted agreeably to the proposal of Sieur de Le Lande Magon for The Governor of Placentia the invasion and destruction of the English posts in said Island. can cooperate therein, and said Sieur de Magon will afford the necessary aid for the subsistence and fishery of the settlers of the islands of Saint Peter. Provision will be

made

for the preservation of the

people of Placentia, for their support,

their fishery, and for strengthening the fortifications and garrison,

the supplies of said garrison, and whatever

Note.

When

Phips was

to be

made

is

necessary for the King's service.

Quebec in 1690, at the sole expense of the government M' Nelson, the chief man of the country was only 87'^

to attack

of Boston, the contribution of

Memoir on Acadia, New England, New - York and

I.

by the contract

Nantes in preference toothers, and on condition of furnishing

for obvious reasons with those of

Virginia.

1692.

Memoirs of M. Lamothe-Cadillac respecting Acadia,

Extracts from

the

England,

New

New

Netherland and Virginia.

Indians of Acadia, In regard to the Indians in general, they are, also, of a good figure, active, strong, with

black eyes and hair, without beards or hair on the body, expert hunters, swift of foot, good marksmen with the gun, gluttonous, proud, haughty, cruel, charitable to their friends, vindictive and unforgiving.

language

is

They

entirely dissimilar.

are divided into various tribes, or by provinces, and their

In some places they are better made, more warlike, and more '

See note, tupra,

p. 844.

—

PARIS DOCUMENTS civilized than in others;

whom

Lords, for

they have more love and regard for their offspring than for their They have chiefs whom they call Sagomos, that is to sny Their

best warrior or the

whilst menstruating, into their

they set their food. days.

man

After a

best

He

They do

hunter.

wigwams; they construct one

woman

is

is

generally the one

not admit

women

;

please and

among

or girts,

apart for them at the door of wiiich

con6ned, the husband does not approach

They like poligamy marry when they

have the same

547

they entertain consideration and some respect.

the

is

V.

and wives.

fathers, motiiers

them who

:

unmarry

in like

privilege with this exception, that they have only one

iier for forfjr

manner.

husband

The women

at a time.

with him his arms and every thing he possessed during his

Wheu

which is not much; they fire, on the same day, several shots around their cabins to drive away, say they, the ghost of the deceased. iThey acknowledge a master on High, and a master below they will not pray to Him on high, because, say they, he does them no harm, and they pray to him below that he may not ill-treat them^ This is in brief the account of this province. '•I a

II.

dies, they inter

life,

River Saint John.

Schiginnigtou' is twenty-three leagues by sea from the river Saint John, whose mouth is twelve leagues from Port Royal across the bay.* There are several harbors for vessels of thirty to thirty-five tons, but they are not worth stopping at and describing. The mouth is very wide; two islands are visible at its larboard side on going in, and a cape on its starboard the soil of which is red, like blood. The harbor is very commodious and free from rocks. Large vessels can enter and anchor there, especially with a south, or south west wind. It possesses an earthen fort of four bastions which could be placed in its original condition at a trifling expense. About a third of a mile above the harbor are two large perpendicular rocks so close to each other as not to admit the passage of more than one vessel at a time. At that point precisely are Falls which are impassable either by ship or canoe without being wrecked. We must wait for half flood and then they are passable either at the flow or ebb of the tide, without any danger. These Falls, which are only from seven to eight hundred paces in length, being once surmounted, the river becomes all at once half a league wide; also very deep and a vessel of 50 tons can without danger sail up 3-5 leagues. It must be allowed that this is the finest and richest river in Acadia and New England, and the most convenient for navigation. The greatest variety of timber is to be found on its banks; hazel, walnut, cherry, vines, all bearing fruit which is not bad, and indicating that if care were taken in its cultivation it would succeed much better. In a word, there is no sort of timber but can be had there. Around a lake near Gemseq' is a pinery in which material for very fine masts could be found; in the environs of the same lake, is a tin mine. 1 have seen [some of the ore

of this river

that the Indians It is

number soil,

of lakes and rivers that

empty

and the salmon fishery there because

it

furnishes

canoe 150 leagues. '

Chiegneeta

•

Jemtec, as

Grand Lake,

it is

To

much

avoid

its

width and depth, and this arises from the great

into'it; the richest,

and a hundred other species of

anciently called

f

lie

nsaps, \ay

its

the greatest quantity of

furs.

I

fi.^h

abound there; the

ascended this river in a bark

prolixity I pass over in silence the visible beauties of that •

written in

because of the superior quality of

incomparable, extending eighty leagues into the interior;

is

trout, shad, gasparot, sturgeon, turbot

richest,

for casting bullets for their hunting excursion.

were smelting, which they used

the most navigable on account of

of Fnndy.

on the east banli of the river

Lake Freneuse, on

it»

North.

Ed.

St.

John, opposite wh»t

is

now Oagetown, haring

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

548 One thing

country.

to be regretted

is, tliat

every spring at the breaking up of the rivers cannot

contract the

Micmac This

low

the finest parts, or the

and

lands, are overflown

this inundation continues a long time, as the

empty themselves on account of those two rocks I have already spoken of, which mouth of this river. Marble exists there. Thirty leagues up the river is a Naxehouac,' and thirty leagues farther up

fort at a place called

They

tribe is pretty warlike.

year make

ice,

Indian corn, beans, kidney beans and pumpkins

fine fields of

leagues further,

is

in their country.' rises in a lake

and abounding

another fort where the Canibas ordinarily retreat to It is

is

one of the Marisizis.^

are well built and good hunters; clear the land and every (citrouillcs).

when they

anything and 12 leagues long and one wide; very deep

on the bank of a small stream which discharges into

Madagouasca which is and pike. It is a very

called

Forty-four

in trout, carp

fear

this river

Moose hunting country.

fine

Of New-York and Manatte.

III.

From Rhode

Island to

New-York

Island and the Main land but besides, one place flood (Stale)

course

;

where the

is

There

55 leagues.

is

Long

a good passage between

necessary to be acquainted with the Channel, there being,

river is very narrow,

because of a rapid they

call

South, and wide, of

to steer

is

it is

Hellgate

Long

—

which cannot be passed, except that

is

Island; this

Porte d'Eii/er.

to say,

at half

The

safest

leagues long and inhabited

is fifty

and produces a prodigious quantity of wheat, which makes as good sell their produce at New-York. Long island seems joined on its west side to another called Staten island. It forms a hook which juts out into the sea. It will be necessary to make the Cape and steer from one end

to the other

bread as the finest grain in France; they also carry on whale fishing and

for this

hook; when near

visible

this

;

is

a passage and the opening

it

mouth of the New-York

precisely the

between the two islands become It is well to keep the lead

river.

going, in consequence of the sand banks at the entrance.

Manatte, so called

when

in the possession of the Dutch,

three leagues long and one wide.

The

is

properly speaking an island,

on a triangular point of land, and on the banks of two rivers, one called the South River and the other the North River. It has four Bastions, and is faced with stone and terraced on three sides on the North, South and East. Some barracks and the gate are on the west side the ditch is but a miserable affair, fort is situate

;

;

and

is

almost

filled

up on the East and North.

order; good muskets,

There

is

a very fine armory which

is

in

good

There are 27 pieces of It is surrounded by houses on all sides except the South. The roadstead cannot be cannonaded without razing and throwing down almost one entire street. The same is the case on the side of the town which is built of brick and stands on the banks of the two rivers. It is not inclosed either by There is one wooden wharf but smaller than that at Boston. The Vessels walls or palisades. enter the port and are aground at low water. There may be in the town five hundred men capable of bearing arms, but they could [muster] 3,000 men in a short time. Here it must be remarked that there are a great many Quakers or Tremblers who are non-combatants. The Dutch church is in the fort. The garrison consists of 60 men. The population is composed of fusils, pistols, halberts, pikes,

swords, cuirasses.

iron cannon around the fort, and four small brass pieces at

'

'

Kaxoat

Charlevoix.

river St.

the river Nashwaak, opposite Frederickton, N. B.

The locality in the text is presumed John and Eel stream, where stood according to Williamson

The other Madawaska. '

On

Marecliites or Etcln'mins.

called " Indian Village" It is

is

to

its

— Ed.

be Meductic point, just above the confluence of the

( I.,

477,) a Marechite Village.

on the east side of the river near the Little

wholly within the State of Maine.

—

Ibid.

gate.

Falls,

and opposite to the mouth of the

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

V.

549

Calvinists, Lutherans, Anabaptists,

Jews, Quakers. AhuJievx, French Protestants nnd some Their trade is made up of beaver and peltries which they buy from the Iroquois whale oil, pork, staves, horses and tobacco. The people are almost all Dutch; there are about forty English families, and a great Catholics.

Each

sect has

its

Churcii and lieedoni of religion. ;

many

This Island

French.

is

batter the fort or the town. richer in

money than Boston.

They have Negroes as in Boston. an Island, on which cannon can be planted to

almost entirely cleared.

East Northeast, within 120 rods of the

fort, lies

of wood, and easy of access.

It is clear

Its principal

is much They have

This town

currency consists of Spanish coin.

considerable merchandise there also.

On go

to

little

the other side of the South river

Albany. fort,

It is

is

a small town called Newiazze.'

People pass there to

no great things.

utterly defenceless.

It

Orange is thirty-five leagues from New-York. It is a has a few guns in very bad order and perhaps sixty men

bearing arms.

Note at the end of the Memoir.

The preceding Memoirs

are drawn up only on the idea Sieur de la Mothe Cadillac has of There are some more extended ones of Acadia, in which are noted down even all the Winds necessary to enter each river, and particularly to which point of the compass the current sets, either at flow or ebb, and several other particulars.

the Country.

Louis

XIV.

to

Memoir of

the

made by new

those

Count de Frontenac and M. de Champigny.

King to Count de Frontenac, Lieutenant-General, and Sieur de Champigny, Intendant, of New France. (28"" March, 1693)

The

report

making there

for a

that the English of

who have

returned from Boston, of preparations which were

expedition against Quebec, and the information they have also given

New

York on

their side were,

the upper part of the river, have induced the

with the Iroquois,

King

to

powerful reinforcement of men, ammunition, arms, provisions, to dispatch shortly the vessels

Frontenac

may

to attack the

Colony by

adopt the resolution to send thither a

mopey and

other articles, and

intended to carry and convoy them, in order that Count de

be in a condition to prepare for repelling the enemy, should they come to make a vigorous war on them in case they confine themselves to menaces.

attack him; or to

Sieur de Frontenac's capability and experience prevent his Majesty giving him any particular

what he has to do for the defence of the Colony against the threats of the enemy, and assaulting them when able. His Majesty is entirely disposed to refer herein to what he shall deem proper, and to say to him only, that after having caused to be examined Sieur de la Motte Cadillac's proposal to have vessels of war of light draft, and adapted to the defence of the narrow defiles of the rivers and lakes on the usual route of the English and Indians coming from Orange, He has issued orders at Rochefort that the plans, for their

instructions as to

'

Ifew Jeney.

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

550 construction be sent to

His Majesty's intention

Canada with is

all

that

is

necessary for procuring timber for that purpose.

that they cause these bateaux to be built as soon as they will have

received these plans and specifications, in order that they

may be

make use of them this the command of these

able to

Sieur de Frontenac can confer Motte Cadillac, but that must be done very secretly and

year for the defence of the country.

bateaux on said Sieur de

manner

that

intelligence

la

of these

armaments be not conveyed

their descent.

to the

An

1692, 1693.

account of the Military operations in Canada against the English and the Iroquois, since the

The

to

!

'^Narrative of the Military Operations in Canada.

^^ ^^

in such a

enemy previous

Iroquois not liking to

month of November 1692.

wage war except

By M.

de Champigny.

secretly, ordinarily select the season

when

the

French settlements on the frontier of the Colony. and the ground covered with snow, they retire home and do not

trees are full of leaves, to approach the

When

they see the leaves

fall

appear any more, or at least very rarely, during winter.

Count de Frontenac being desirous to take advantage of the season of their retreat in order heavy blow on them, dispatched from Montreal in the month of January a force of six hundred and twenty-five men, consisting of one hundred soldiers, two hundred Indians, and the remainder the most active young men of the country, under the command of Sieurs de Mantet, Courtemanche and de Lanoue, Canadian officers, accompanied by Sieur de L'Invilliers and twenty other officers, with orders to proceed against and destroy the Mohawks, and afterwards to commit as great ravages as possible around Orange. This party provided with every thing necessary for so long and fatiguing a march on snow shoes through woods and over frozen rivers, dragging their provisions after them, were guided so correctly by our Indians that they arrived near the three Mohawk villages, within fifteen leagues of Orange without being discovered. At nightfall, on arriving, our Indians in company with some Frenchmen went to reconnoitre two of the Villages, situate a quarter of a league the one from the other. On approaching these, they heard the enemy sing which obliged them to wait the Indians should retire in order to surprise them whilst sleeping. The main body, in until the meantime, advanced in two divisions, so as to be -able to make a simultaneous attack on both Villages. Our scouts did not delay reporting that the enemy made no more noise. The Villages, which were surrounded by strong pallisades and closed with gates, were approached; our Indians scaled the inclosure in order to open the gates. A crowd entered and became to strike a

masters of all

its

all

the cabins without resistance.

The

small Village, after having been burnt with

was abandoned at day break, and the Indians and their families brought the large Village where the commanders left a portion of their force to guard them.

contents,

prisoners to

Early next morning our party set off for the third Village, distant seven or eight leagues, where they arrived in the evening, and surprised it on the following night in the same manner as they had the others; set it on fire and brought the prisoners to the principal Village.

PARIS DOCUMENTS: The Count's

V.

orders were not to give any quarter to the

arms, and to bring

away

the

Women

and Children

551

men who would be

for the purpose of

found under augmenting our Indian

But this order was not strictly executed, because they surrendered at discretion and expressed themselves pleased at having this opportunity to come and live with our Indians, to whom they were closely related so that, of about eighty fighting men found in those

villages.

;

were killed, and the others, with the women and children, were made prisoners to the number of two hundred and eighty persons. This expedition having succeeded as much as could possibly be desired, and our Frenchmen having perceived that a young Englishman,' a prisoner of our Indians whom they brought with them on this march, had made his escape during the night on which the two Villages were taken, and that he would undoubtedly notify the English of their design, judged it unsafe to remain any longer in the enemy's country, as the smallest delay might prevent their retreat, having to travel over the lakes and rivers on which the ice was beginning to rot. Therefore, after they had sojourned only one day at the principal Village, they burnt it, and set out with all the prisoners. On the first and second days of their homeward march, several Mohawks, who, whilst hunting in the neighborhood, had learned the destruction of their Villages, came to join them, expressing their desire to follow their wives and children. They reported that the English and Iroquois had received intelligence, the former by the young Englishman who had escaped, and the latter by four Iroquois who on their way to Orange discovered the trail of our party and then returned to their village to notify the warriors, who were then assembled there to the number of seven hundred, deliberating on the expeditions they were to organize in the spring, and who they believed were on their march to attack our party. On the third day the avant-couriers of the Iroquois did, in fact, overtake our Indians, and submit several three villages, only eighteen or twenty

propositions to them from their people and the English, to induce our people to wait for

on pretext of having a

talk about peace

them

which they represented, on the part of the English, was

The Commanders correctly judging it a feint to enable the English and Iroquois to overtake them, for the purpose of attacking them, resolved not to wait; but our Indians having received new assurances of good faith from the enemy who already concluded in Europe.

were in great consternation at the destruction of the three Mohawk were almost certain of their being inclined for peace in order to avoid similar treatment with which our Indians were threatening them and that, moreover, our party being come to wage war, it must oppose the enemy in case they should dare attack it, so that the resolution was adopted to wait for them and to construct a fort of stockades, for the purpose of security and the confinement of the prisoners. asserted that the Iroquois

Villages; that they

;

Two days afterwards, the Iroquois to the number of three or four hundred men arrived, in company with some Englishmen, within musket shot of the fort, where they at once entrenched themselves behind a large abatis of trees. Our Frenchmen and Indians judging correctly thereby, that their design was not to talk of peace resolved on immediately attacking them. They sallied from the fort and advanced towards the enemy and some shots were exchanged on both sides and the foe repulsed within their retrenchments which it was not deemed expedient to force, for fear of falling into some ambush. We lost on this occasion [eight men*] and the enemy as many according to their report." Our Frenchmen having learned from some Mohawks who came over to them, that the English were coming with a large body to reinforce the Iroquois and attack our people, 'John BaptUt VanEpa., IV., 616.

*

De

U Potherie,

III, 178.

^

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

552 abandoned the

fort

an hour after the last action, and continued their march the remainder of

wounded on litters. The enemy pursued and encamped within half a league. Some Iroquois came again to assure our Indians that the English Commander was approaching to make peace, and pressed them to wait for him but our officers aware that this was merely to amuse them, made answer that they had been waiting too long for them, and if they wished to come, let them repair to the centre of Lake Chaniplain, where they would again wait for them, either to receive their propositions or to fight them. Our party marched the the day, conveying the

;

whole of next day, followed by the enemy, and reached the lake on the day following; the ice on it was found all rotten, and the men sunk in some places up to the waist. The greater number of our Indians separated from our Frenchmen with intention of striking across the woods, and the prisoners being too much embarrassed by their baggage (equipages) and the women by their children, were almost all forced to remain on the lake-shore. Only fifty of them followed, and the other prisoners promised to come in the spring. Our Frenchmen having arrived at a place where they had secreted, when on their way up to the Mohawk country, a portion of their provisions to serve

them on

their return, discovered these entirely

spoiled by the rain; so that they found themselves entirely destitute at a distance of nearly fifty

wounded

leagues from our nearest settlements, having to carry the

unfavorable circumstances.

They

under these

also,

dispatched four Indians and one Frenchman to advise us

maybe promptly sent them; and those messengers M. de Callieres immediately dispatched one hundred and fifty men to them with provisions on their backs. Never was there such distress. They were four.

of the

circumstances,

reached Montreal in

that

assistance

five days.

About one hundred and twenty, overpowered by fatigue, remained behind until they should be somewhat restored by the supplies that we forwarded to them. or five days without food.

Two

many threw down

or three died of hunger;

their arms,

and almost

all

arrived without

blankets (convenes) and half naked, scarcely able to drag their heels after them. surprising under such untoward circumstances was, that the

did not dare to follow

had it not been have returned. Poly,

did not pursue

this special interposition of

feet.

them

;

Certain

they it is,

Providence, not a solitary Frenchman would

was out, letters from Acadia and from Sieur d'Iberville commander of were received at Quebec, stating that two Frenchmen who had deserted from that

Whilst le

for

enemy

over the lakes, as the ice melted under their

What was

place last

this party

summer with some

English prisoners, had repaired to Boston whence they had been

sent to Acadia by Governor Phips to carry off or assassinate Sieur S* Castin, a gentleman

esteemed among our Indians

— and

that these

two Frenchmen having been

arrested,

had

confessed every thing, and reported that warlike preparations were in progress on a large scale

Quebec by sea with ten thousand, and Montreal by land with two thousand, men. This led Mess" de Frontenac and de Champigny to make the necessary preparations for the extensive fortification of these two posts, and to put them in a complete slate of defence. At the opening of spring, M. de Callieres sent out a detachment of nine Indians in the direction of the English to procure some prisoners, in order to ascertain the designs of the enemy. They went within two leagues of Orange*where tliey discovered five or six men at work in the bush. They killed all except one whom they brought off a prisoner. He was a Frenchman at

Boston preliminary to coming next spring

who had been

to attack

taken at Placentia four years ago; he assured us that the English had issued a

proclamation calling on the people to prepare to attack Quebec

;

that orders had been sent

PARIS DOCUMENTS: throughout the entire country

to

muster the

settlers

May and

;

V.

553

that the rendezvous

was

fixed at

Boston;

were to be ten thousand men This news confirming what had been brought by the French who exclusive of the crews. attempted the murder or seizure of Sieur Saint Castin at Acadia, obliged Mess" de Frontenac and de Champigny to urge on the fortifications of Montreal and Quebec, so as not to be surprised, and to notify the Acadian Indians to bold themselves in readiness to march to the that they were to leave on the 10"" of

Quebec

assistance of

And

in order to

that there

at the first notice they should receive of the sailing of the fleet.

have some reliable news of the enemy's departure and movements, M. de

Callieres dispatched from Montreal different parties of Christian Indians in the direction of

Those who proceeded towards Boston took some English whose heads they were obliged to break, being unwilling to accompany them the

Boston and of the Iroquois Villages. prisoners

;

others did not find an opportunity to strike a blow, so that nothing could be ascertained

through them.

month of May, M. de Frontenac dispatched four canoes with twenty-three men, escorted by twenty-seven others, to convey his orders to Missilimakinac and to adopt measures for bringing down the peltries. They went through in safety, but the escort, in returning, was attacked above the Island of Montreal by a party of the enemy in ambush on the margin of In the

the River,

Among

the

who

fired

number

men and

a volley on the canoes, killed of those

was Sieur de

la Valterie,

a Canadian

took

prisoners;

officer,

who commanded

the party.'

Three or four parties of Abenakis and Canibas arrived at Quebec from Acadia in the course of the same month and in June, bringing some English children whom they had captured, and the scalps of several men whom they had killed in the neighborhood of Boston. Those who arrived last have informed us that the English bad sailed from Boston and that an English lady, whom they had taken and left in Acadia, bad assured them that several of her relatives were gone on board the fleet. This intelligence caused the works at Quebec to be hastened. The settlers within twentyfive leagues were commanded to repair thither, and in less than a month the town was inclosed by pallisades fraised after the new fashion, and having a sodded parapet from fifteen to eighteen feet in thickness the platforms were placed within the bastions, on terre-plains of eighty feet from the parapet; two extensive pieces of Masonry were constructed, one on Cape Diamond, which commands the entire town, for sixteen pieces of cannon, and the other on a height which defends the Cape. M. de Frontenac visited the settlements below Quebec in ;

order to dispose the people to retire into the woods with their movables, cattle and provisions,

on the

first

news of

the enemy, so that the latter

may

not find any thing

— not

even a blade

of grass or any refreshment. In the latter end of June, an Iroquois Indian belonging to a Village called Oneida, arrived at

Quebec with a Frenchman who was a prisoner

This Indian said that he came on ascertain whether there were not some

there.*

behalf of his family and a portion of his Village, to means to negotiate a peace, and that he was disposed to mediate with the other Iroquois to '

" tuerent

hommes

da nombre desqaels eUit 1« Siear de la Valterie." It ii not clear from La Potherie and Charlevoix say he was killed. The one Iroquois of the Mountain was taken prisoner. HUtoirt

in Letter V. of the

3d volume of La Potherie,

;

— Ed.

*

A pi»tole i> 10

fr»nc«—11.87*.

'

St.

Lawrence.

»

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

55G

The smallness of the force in that government did not permit marching openly against the enemy, in the uncertainty which prevailed as to what quarter they would attack. M' de Calliere merely ordered every one to retire into the forts, and sent as large a reinforcement as he could to the Sault which was threatened the most. The Indians, on their Bide, promised to meet the artifices of the enemy in their own style ; to allow as many of them as pleased to enter their fort, and then to seize them, knock them on the head, or send them to M' de Calliere. The Marquis de Crisafy commanded all the French who were at the Sault a garrison was sent to the fort at Sorel which had been abandoned, and all the officers whom business had called to Quebec, on the arrival of the ships, returned to their posts. Finally, the party

coming by Lake Saint Francis appeared

first in sight

of the Sault at noon.

enemy contented themselves with firing several There was no great loss on either side the volleys which were answered by a like fire. enemy withdrew in the evening and our scouts reported that they wete turning towards Lake Saint Francis, doubtless with a design to hunt there, and to send out small parties. They surprised some farmers who after the main alarm had passed away were unable to abstain from It was, however, not deemed expedient to pursue the enemy, the number visiting their farms.

On

our appearing to be expecting them, the

;

were garrisoned, not equalling half their force although the party from the Sault and Mountain, which had been recalled, had returned. Thus, the expense incurred to fit them out, and which always amounts to a considerable sum, was found to have been thrown away. The wife of Chaudiere Noire* one of the principal Iroquois chiefs, who had been taken some months ago on the defeat of the party commanded by her husband, and who was a prisoner at the Sault, had a desire, it was discovered, to run away. Tataconicere an Oneida Chief belonging to that Mission, on such suspicion, dragged her without the fort and knocked of persons that could be mustered, after

all

the posts

He then struck his hatchet into the gate as a sign that he would not grant any one, inviting his brethren to do likewise. No news, however, were received of the Lake Champlain party, and when the time for their attack was supposed to be near, a young lad and two squaws deserted from them and

her on the skull.

pardon

to

reported that, after the escape of the Indian already mentioned, they had held a Council during

two whole days; that a

part, seeing their project

that one hundred did, in

fact, retire;

was discovered, had advised a

retreat,

that the remaining three hundred were intending

and to

come when we should have withdrawn. Our scouts now discovered them encamped on a desert island in lake Champlain, but as the season was pretty well advanced no great harm was anticipated from them. M' de Calliere, thereupon resolved to send, agreeably to the Count's orders, to revictual Chambly, and dispatched a canoe to examine the passes of the river Richelieu where it was feared loaded bateaux would, apparently, not find sufficient water.

enemy had

This canoe in returning

some persons and taken others prisoner at Vercheres, drove the cattle into the woods, and scalped a soldier at Saint Ours. This, it was supposed, was a small detachment from the main body. The convoy for Chambly set off". It was composed of six Companies that were to winter in the government of Quebec, and some fifty Indian scouts. All the wood necessary for fuel for the garrison was cut and hauled.

learned that the

killed

Black Kettle.— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

V.

mm

557

Chambly and went to the borders of Lake Champlain, to enemy who were there. They succeeded in overtaking only

Several Indians joined those at

endeavor to surprise some of the

one Seneca whose head they broke; two others, who were accompanying him, escaped, in whose wallets were found the scalps of two farmers of Sorel, a father and son, who had beea killed whilst hunting in the islands of Lake Saint Peter. The ice beginning to form, every one retired to his post, and attention waa directed to preparations for a winter expedition, whereof we shall presently speak, and which made a great sensation among the enemy. Though the Mohawk be not the most numerous of those composing at present the Five Iroquois Nations, its humiliation has always appeared a matter of importance. The most of the Indians of the Sault belong to that tribe, many of whom are actually their brethren and relatives, whom they have endeavored by all acts of kindness to persuade to come and join them and to unite with them in prayer. The Mohawks on their side omitted no effort to seduce the greatest number possible of our Indians; and frequent negotiations, secret communications, messages of which it was impossible for us to have any knowledge, and which were very much to our prejudice, engaged us to omit nothing to obtain by force what our Indians could not effect by their negotiations. Moreover, this tribe being the nearest to the English is, also, that in which most of the parties are organized against us, and our Southern settlements have often unfortunately experienced the prowess of these Indians, who the first waged war with the French, and who would never have concluded a hearty peace had not M' de Tracy humbled them by three consecutive expeditions within the space of eighteen months.

These motives, and the concurrence in sentiment of the oldest and best heads of the Sault and of the Mountain, obliged the Count to direct his attention thereto.

The

expedition was less difficult than that of Onontagud which had aborted the preceding and the great desire our Indians felt to undertake it actuated as an inducement not Accordingly, at their request Lieutenants de Manteth, to allow them to become cool. Courtemanche and Lanoue were detached to command the French, who. they said, were

fall,

necessary for that expedition.

The Count promised

Commanders, a number of number of Regulars and Militia. From the first setting in of the winter, then, attention was turned to the preparation of whatever was necessary for this undertaking. The Intendant dispatched orders in season to Montreal, to put in readiness provisions, ammunition, snow shoes, trains and other articles to join thereto, in addition to these three

other officers, and the greatest possible

sufficient for six

The Hurons

hundred men.

were invited to attend, some Algonquins and Soccoquis of Three Rivers

of Loretto, the Abenakis of the

and furnished, each,

thirty to forty

men

;

falls

of the Chaudiere

joined them.

The

smartest soldiers of each

Company,

(all

not being adapted for these expeditions), and

such of the Militia of each settlement as were considered qualified, were detailed for the occasion.

The whole numbered more than

exclusive of the officers.

six

hundred men, both

Sieur de Manteth led the van and

French and Indian,

commanded

those belonging to

the government of Three Rivers.

Sieur de Courtemanche followed him with those of the government of Quebec, many of had come from almost opposite Tadoussac, a distance of more than thirty leagues from

whom

NEW- YORK COLONIAL

558

To

that city.

abandon

Canada

it

is difficult

to

the credit of the Militia of

expedition with a right good will, such as their property

essential injury.

It

MAJSTUSCRIPTS. can be said, that they went on this

be met with among people

and settlements whatever the season

may

who

cannot

be, without doing themselves

would, then, be the height of cruelty to oblige them to go on these

own expense, inasmuch as, independent of the danger to life inseparable who have been any length of time engaged in it are, by the fatigue attendant

expeditions at their

from war, those

thereupon, rendered incapable of labor for a long while after their return.

misery which has prevailed

for several

Moreover, the

years in this country, exempts them sufficiently from

Therefore, the large sums such movements necessitate, must Those acquainted with this country are absolutely ignorant on that head, and many others who are here do not comprehend one-half the expense. Those who enter into the details have, alone, a perfect knowledge of the subject. January 20"*. All the forces from the lower part of the Colony arrived at Montreal. 25"" Started from La Prairie de la Madelaine, and went to encamp at Chambly, where they

the expenses they should incur.

not excite surprise.

tarried on the twenty-sixth. 27"" All the 30*''

The

Frenchmen marched

Indians

The number

who had been

thence, and on the

hunting joined them.

of officers amounted to

some twenty-five

or thirty,

many

of

themselves the Seniors or superiors of those in command, went as volunteers. February 1&^ Arrived in the evening within sight of one of the little Mohawk '

two

divisions, for the

Sieur de Lanoue remained to seize the

whom

finding

Formed

forts.

purpose of proceeding against another only a quarter of a league

Sieurs de Manteth and Courtemanche marched against

and children

whom,

he experienced no

first,

in

which he found only

difficulty in

off.

it.

overpowering.

five

men, several

One man, however,

women

escaped,

notwithstanding his vigilance. Sieur de Manteth found still fewer people in the second fort. They burnt that taken by Sieur de Lanoue, and repaired together to the other, where Sieur de Courtemanche remained

with a detachment

to

guard the prisoners they had captured and some others

whom

they caught

hunting in the woods. Sieurs de Manteth and De Lanoue marched with all the rest, towards the principal fort where they arrived on the night of the Eighteenth. They were surprised to hear great uproar and war songs, which made them apprehensive, at first, that they were discovered but it turned out to be some forty warriors who were about to join a large party that was organizing at Oneida. The noise having terminated, means were found to open the gates of the fort into which an entrance was easily effected, and it was captured without any loss but that of one Frenchman, and one Indian wounded, though several muskets were tired. Some twenty or thirty men, and several women were killed as well in the first assault, as in the subsequent intoxication of our Indians and the cabins, the pallisades of the fort, the provisions, and whatever clothing could not be removed, were set on fire. Finally, on the Twentieth, the drunkenness of the Indians having passed off, a junction was formed with Sieur de Courtemanche at the little fort where he had been left. The number of prisoners amounted to more than three hundred, one-third of whom were capable of bearing arms the remainder were women, little children or old men the plunder such as is to be found in Indian wigwams. ;

;

;

;

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

V,

559

be remarked that two young Dutchmen, a long time prisoners at the Sault, and whom our Indians were carrying along with them, escaped in the course of the night of the first attack, in addition to the Indian already mentioned and some others who might have had It is to

cognizance of th\? expedition.

This proved, eventually, of dangerous consequence. in deliberating whether Orange should be attacked, or the

21" Passed in taking rest and

march homeward commenced. The Indians represented that they were loaded with prisoners whom they could not in any way be persuaded to kill, though they had on setting out from Montreal, promised to do«o, both to the Count when they demanded permission to organize this expedition, and to M' de Calliere. This was one of the points on which the latter had the most insisted, and it formed part of The Count enjoined this on him, and he did all in his his instructions to the Commanders. power to impress it on the minds of the principal Indian chiefs whom he bad caused to be expressly assembled at his house.

But these sort of people do not act like others they willingly promise what is asked of them, reserving to themselves to perform what they have promised, according as their interests, which they do not always clearly understand, or their caprice may suggest. The French, therefore, found it impossible to make them listen to reason on this head and this obstinacy, as well as that evinced by them on another occasion, (as will be seen by and by) was the cause that this expedition was not accompanied by all the success that was anticipated. 22»

and about 1696 waa aent to

Sometimes he was

in

danger of beiug

stifled in the

summer

midst of the

hunt, in

tall grass,

thirst, not finding a drop of water any where in the parched prairies. During the day he and at night obliged to take his rest on the bare earth, exposed to the dews, to the injurious

atmosphere and to

Kip't Jesuit Mistiom, 209.

;

followed these Indians during the most oppressive heats of July on their

many

— En.

other miseries.

These fatigues brought on a deadly fever which soon put an end to his

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

568

The

reinforcements sent by the Count were disembarked as soon as possible.

be

and many others became

were found passage. But we hope to

they will be

fitted

part young men,

The

sick,

that, with time

for the

who

mode

ill

Some

of

them

since they landed; about forty died on the

and the attentions already begun

to

be afforded them,

of warfare peculiar to this country, as they are for the most

adapt themselves to

it

with the greatest

facility.

three ships rimpertinent, la Perle and la Fille bien-aimce arrived in the end of July.

Sieur D'Iberville had captured on the

a cargo of Tobacco

from Boston

;

way

a small English vessel coming from Virginia with

and Sieur Robert took another craft of fifteen to eighteen tons going Newfoundland, the crew of which assured us that the English

to the island of

were again threatening Canada after their expedition against the West Indies. On the twenty-first of the month of July we were informed by letters from ftr de Calliere Eight hundred of the enemy at the that our Indians had discovered a body of Seven

@

Cascades of the River

Some

des Iroqiiois,

on their

way down

soldiers belonging to Sieur de Lorrimier's

to Montreal.

Company, who had been

sent expressly on

the scout, thought they had seen their camp, within six leagues of Montreal, on the island itself,

opposite that of

The apparent

La

Presentation.

Count to dispatch M. de Vaudreuil Companies that were at work at Quebec, and one hundred and fifty of such newly arrived forces as were found to be in the best state of health. This greatly interrupted our fortifications, which it was hoped might be completed during the remainder of the season, and did not result in any great things, no more than did the levy of eight hundred men raised by M'' de Calliere in his government with very great diligence. He marched with this force in the resolution to fight the enemy before they separated, which would have been of the greatest importance, as small parties are more to be feared during harvest than a large troop, which ordinarily retires on the slightest check. He went as far as the Cascades without meeting either the enemy or any sign of their having passed. M"^ de Vaudreuil arrived at Montreal a few days after M. de Calliere's return, and the troops were distributed throughout the settlements to gather the harvest which had been, this year, more abundant than heretofore. The movement was productive, at least, of one good effect. A Mohawk Indian, a prisoner at the Sault, made his escape after M'' de Vaudreuil's arrival, and saw that the reinforcements immediately with

certainty of these news, obliged the five

so long expected had, in fact, arrived from France, and that, on the slightest alarm,

put ourselves in a condition to return the enemy the blows they were coming to

His report cannot but have a good

effect,

from the change that has taken place

we

inflict

could

on us.

in the disposition

of the Iroquois.

The Count, who was preparing

go up to Montreal, received, on the seventeenth of August, a piece of the most agreeable news he could expect. This was the arrival of more than two to

hundred qanoes, both of Frenchmen and Outaaacs, which had come from their country freighted with a prodigious quantity of peltries. His orders had been most punctually executed in those parts, and whatever Indians were met unprovided with any means of transportation of their own, were accommodated by the French to enable them to get their effects down. It is impossible to conceive the joy of the public on beholding such a vast quantity of riches.

impatiently

waiting for this prodigious heap of

Missilimakinac.

The merchant,

the farmer and

For several years Canada had been

Beaver, which was reported other individuals

to

be

at

who might have some

PARIS DOCUMENTS

V.

:

569

were dying of hunger with property which they did not enjoy. Credit was exhausted and the apprehension universal, that the enemy would become masters, on the way» of the last resource of the country. Therefore, terms sufficiently strong were not to be found Father of the People, to praise and bless him by whose care so much property had arrived. titles so much in vogue since four years seemed not and Preserver of the Country sufficiently expressive; and those who were at a loss for terms, contented themselves with demonstrating, by the joy depicted on their countenances and the gaiety of their hearts, the peltries there,

—

—

gratefulness of their feelings.

On

this intelligence

he set out, on the twentieth, from Quebec, and the principal Chiefs of He arrived at Montreal on the twenty-

each Nation came as far as Three Rivers to meet him.

eighth, and on the following day, the Indians of the various Tribes delivered their Speeches,

the burthen of which was, for the most part, to inform him that they had

obedience to to

the order he had transmitted them by Sieur D'argenteuil,

demand a favorable trade. The Hurons dilated a little more, and enumerated

pretty fully

come down

in

to hear his voice and

all

the parties they

had

organized against the Iroquois, pursuant to Onontio's commands.

Trade was opened on Monday, and the answer until after its close.

This interval was epiployed

in

to the

one and the other was postponed

reading Sieur de Louvigny's letters, and

most influential of those who came down, had communicate from whom an account was received of what had occurred in the Upper Country; of the good or evil dispositions of the Tribes, and of the merit of each particular Indian who possessed any degree of consideration. This was absolutely necessary to be in hearing whatever matters of importance the to

;

ascertained, in order to treat each as he deserved.

The

only disagreeable intelligence

we

got was, that the Miamis had received some presents

from the English through the medium of the Mohegans (Loups).

This

affi)rded a just subject

of apprehension lest that Nation had received them in order that they might trade in their country, and lest they would possess, by this means, free intercourse with all the others, which

would bring about the entire ruin of Canada, both

and war. The Count much larger number of Frenchmen, Regulars and Militia, than he had at first proposed, to expel the enemy from that post, if they had seized it, or to prevent them entering it. This is to be done by Sieurs de Manteth and de Courtemanche whom also he dispatched at the head of all the Frenchmen, whose orders are, in regard to trade

was, therefore, under the necessity of sending a

to think

more of

fighting than of trading.

The principal Indian Chiefs were, in turn, entertained at the Count's table. The feast came off on Sunday the sixth of September, when each emulated the other in

gene.ral

singing

of war and recounting his exploits.

The King's

presents to the Indians were distributed on Monday among each of the tribes; the Count selected this opportunity to address them, and praised or censured each according to his deserts.

They

The

following are the proper terms of

iiis

discourse.'

retired all seemingly highly pleased,

and set out three or four days afterwards, their Chiefs having received particular presents and having been greatly caressed.

They were the

Illinois,

is to

followed by the French under the direction of Sieur de Tonty,

under

whom

serve Sieurs de Manteth,

remain at Missiliraakinac, and '

Vol. IX.

There

to act as Sieur

ia

no ipeecb

72

in the

commandant

Courtemanche and D'argenteuil

de Louvigny's Lieutenant. French Text.

— Ed.

;

at

the last

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

570

who have each their stations fixed, the man named Perrot is to immediate neighborliood of the Miamis, in order to execute whatever will be ordered him. This place is called Malainet,' and the great concourse of Indians who repair thitiier, among whom this man possesses very considerable credit, induced the Count to select In addition to these officers

occupy one

in the

him to be stationed between the Miamis and the other Tribes who might receive proposals from the English; a barrier which destroys all their designs. Lesueur, another voyageur, is to remain at Chagouamigon and to endeavor to maintain the peace lately concluded between the Sauteurs and the Cioux. This is of the greatest consequence, as trade

is

now

it is

the sole pass by which access can be had to the latter Nation,

very profitable, the country to the South being occupied by the

Masscoutins

who have

whose

Foxes and the

already, several times, plundered the French, under pretence that they

were carrying ammunition to the Scioux, their ancient enemies. These frequent interruptions would have been punished ere this, had we not been occupied elsewhere. Lesueur, it is to be hoped, will facilitate the Northern route for us by means of the great inQuences he possesses

among

the Scioux.

There had been some

trifling difficulties in

the presents intended for the Tribes, and the

The

during this voyage.

latter

regard to the conveyance of the remainder of

manner

was arranged

[at the

the French should govern themselves

moment

of setting out from] Montreal,

and the Count tranquilized the minds of every one by his orders and the correct interpretation of those of his Majesty. He was obliged to spend a whole night at la Chine, in order to have what remained of the presents distributed in his presence among the several French canoes.

Each took a portion of them on board without

difficulty so that

nothing was

left.

One Canoe,

however, has since been obliged to return in consequence of the want of strength and of three soldiers

who were

in

skill

it.

After the departure of the French the Count thought only of returning to Quebec, and of quitting Montreal

which he could leave

in all safety in the

hands of M' de Calliere.

Before

he received two different pieces of intelligence by some canoes which had been dispatched to him by Sieur Provost, the lieutenant-governor of Quebec.

he

left,

Tlie

first

was from Hudson's bay

:

M"'

Pachot, one of the directors of that

Company wrote

him that three English ships, which had wintered in that Bay, had attacked Fort Saint Anne whose garrison consisted only of four men and one criminal in irons, as already slated. That the enefny had at first landed forty of their men against whom our Frenchmen held out during the first night; but on the second, seeing more than a hundred approaching, they had to

abandoned their

The

and

fort

retired as quietly as possible.

English found in this

will deprive

Canada

The second news in that quarter,

an English

more than fifty thousand 6cus' worth of Peltries, exclusive of Cannon which might be there. This is a very serious loss, and

fort

the munitions of war, and the

of considerable beaver. the

Count received came from Acadia.

Sieur de Villebon, the

wrote him that the Abenakis lacking goods, went

fort,

and

liad

commander

them to Pemkuit, however, no apprehension

in search of

purchased some with their beaver; that,

need be entertained that these communications would result in a peace, being simply for trade, and that hatred was always existing between these nations. This has been confirmed to us by the Indians who came since to us, and by Father Binneteau, the Jesuit missionary to those Tribes.

Too much

reliance '

is,

however,

not

Maramec, or the Kalamazoo

to

be

placed

ia Michigan.

— Ed.

on

this,

on account of the

PARIS DOCUMENTS: proximity of fort Pemliuit which, at present,

is in

V.

57I

a condition not to be attacked; though

it

could have been easily taken last year, had the orders that were issued been obeyed. Sieur de Viiiebon sends, also, other intelligence which he had received from two Frenchmen recently from the Boston prison.

They

stated,

among

other things that Governor Phlips'

was

with eight hundred Englishmen and Indians, to endeavor to seize him in his fort on the river S' John ; that he is waiting for them in good spirits, and that he does not apprehend this fleet can do him any injury.

ready to

Tiiat

sail

the Governor has approved the conduct of those of Chignictou or Beaubassin, the

territory belonging to Sieur de Lavalliere, Captain of the Count's guards

who, having been landed during the night, repulsed them with loss; and that Sir Phlips had severely censured the Commandant of that landing party for having so acted

attacked by the English

who

towards people who, up to the present time, had committed no adt of

hostility.

Those two prisoners reported further, that fifteen days before their departure from Boston, seventeen men of war of from twenty to sixty guns, had arrived in a very bad condition from Martinico;^ that their army had been defeated there; that they had lost three thousand men and that two of their large ships had been sunk that many of their people had come over to us; that the fever (pesic^had broken out on board their ships and that the governor had put those that arrived in quarantine. It was also said that they were very sorry those ships were in such bad condition, for had it not been for that, there would be still time to take Quebec; but as soon as they would refit, they should send them to the mouth of our river in order to ;

endeavor

to capture

our ships on their return.

Advices have been received from New-York, that the Iroquois were always very insolent, killed three or four settlers near Orange.

and had

was

also reported, that considerable misunderstanding existed

between the Governor who had withdrawn on board his vessel, and that they were insulting each other daily; that the people of that town were heartily tired of the war, and of the interruption of their fishing and commerce, having lost more than fifty vessels within four years. It

of Boston and Sir Furfax, Captain of a large English ship,

What

has occurred in the Islands

other news, so

much

is

better

credit will be given to

known it

in

France than here.

As regards the

as can be reposed in prisoners

who

are not

always well informed.

We, however, entertain no doubt but General Phlips will, eventually, carry out his threats provided he have the means to do so, to which he is the more strongly committed as, apart from the vexation of having been once already repulsed, it is the sole means of staying the

who so long lay waste the people of his government. have received advices that some of that Nation have, recently, had considerable negotiations with the English. Those of the river Konebeky have concluded a peace which they pretend is only conditional, and merely to recover their prisoners. Those of Pamnaaaniske,' frequent incursions of the Abenakis,

We

and of Amireaneau have not gone so of their Chiefs

who

far in the treaty,

and wished merely

to recover

some

are in the hands of the English.

Nevertheless, there is every reason to be apprehensive of all these negotiations, unless the Indians receive considerable presents from us, as the English supply them with goods at a low rate '

*

and the

fort

of Pemkuit has

Sic. Phijw.

An

Island in the Penobscot river,

its

foot

on their necks.

"Sir Francis Whcc'er's fleet Supra,

now

called Indian Oldtown.

Considerable presents and an open p. 665.

nilUamxm't Hitory of Maine,

L, 68, 473.

—En,

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

572

trade to supply their wants, will alone prevent

Therefore, whatever friendship they

English.

them seeking whatever they require from the

may

evince for us,

essential not to neglect

it is

preventing them so far allying themselves commercially with the English as to destroy the confidence they repose in us.

war most vigorously. Every hope the aid they will receive from and we to do so them means will be employed to engage France will stimulate them thereto better than our messages, which the urgency of affairs assured us that they will, next Spring, renew the

They have

;

elsewhere prevented us effectually following up. The negotiation we had commenced with Tareha the Oneida, has been almost entirely

broken

The

off

his return in the beginning of October.

by

Iroquois held a

first trip.

number of

The English

took"a very active part therein, and

presented by this Tareha to Onontio, to visiting

them

will conduct

;

that

safely to

if

tell

him

all,

we and

were prevented allies have

our

he will send two Frenchmen, capable of regulating

Albany

the future, the Tree of Peace and

—

War

at his

together, caused a belt to be

that the Chiefs of each Tribe

entertain of the detachments

him here by the dread they

continually in the field

Count gave him

consultations respecting answers the

affairs,

they

—

where they are to treat for is to say, to Orange, having been transported from Onnontagk to that place,

that

and that terms can be concluded there by all the nations; that is to say, the Iroquois, the Dutch and us. This Belt was at once rejected by the Count who contented himself with answering, that since the Iroquois were not willing to accept what had been generously proposed to them, he

means

them

obey his will. Tareha presented another Belt from the Oneida Cabins, in whose behalf he had spoken at first. They thanked Onontio for the kind reception he had extended to the said Tareha ; and for having restored them the Indian, his nephew and their relative, and assured him that they possessed assured

to constrain

should not meddle in the bad

affairs into

The Count promised Tareha, by him

to

which the Iroquois might

fall.

a belt in reply to the last that he would not confound

or his in the expeditions he premeditated against the Iroquois Nations, the execution of

which a prompt repentance alone could prevent. He was dismissed with pretty considerable presents both for himself and brother, and some were given to an old woman called Suzan, who it was known had taken great care of the French prisoners at Oneida, and who had come to see the Count with Tareha. Since the departure of this Indian the greater part of the Companies who are to winter in this government have arrived here. We have learned at the same time, that a party of six Indians of the Sault, at the head of whom was Laplaque, had struck a blow within a short distance of Orange. They captured two of the soldiers belonging to the garrison of that town; they were obliged to break the head of one,

who having

untied himself in the course of the

night after his capture, inflicted on three of our Indians; whilst sleeping, several blows of an axe, the

marks only of which

will

remain; the other has been brought hither, and assures us that

the English of Boston, New-York, and Virginia are preparing to sea,

and that another detachment

make a descent near Montreal. The ship la S'' Anne, belonging

is

to

come

be organized at Orange, with

to the

hither in the Spring

all

by

their Indian allies, to

Hudson's bay company, arrived here on the twenty-

month ; found the English in peaceable possession of the fort we occupied in that Bay, and having been attacked by a vessel of thirty-six to forty guns, fortunately got away

eighth of this

PARIS DOCUMENTS after

V.

:

573

an engagement of two hours, and brought back every thing the merchants destined and the Indian trade. ,

for the

winter's supply of their people,

Such are nearly all the most important occurrences in Canada since the sailing of the ships Those who will understand the true state of the country, and the manner in which last year. war can be waged there, with such indifferent forces as we have had up to the present time, must admit that the funds his Majesty has entrusted to us cannot be more usefully employed, nor the glory of his arms be more brilliantly sustained by a handful of men.

Lome XIV. Memoir

of the

to

M.

King

to

and M.

de Frontenac

de Champigny.

Count de Frontenac and Sieur de Champigny.

8

May

1694.

The

threats of the English as

communicated by the

Officers returned

close of 1692, and the information Sieurs de Frontenac and de

from Acadia at the

Champigny have pretended

to

have had, that they design a general invasion of Canada and to besiege Quebec, having been without any result, and as there is but little appearance that those English have been since in a condition to prosecute the attack, his Majesty is persuaded that Sieur de Frontenac will not only have placed the country in a state of security against their incursions and Indian forays, but be able to have executed the projects, which, he had informed his Majesty, he was preparing with a view to prosecute hostilities vigorously against them ; so that his Majesty is not without hope that the Iroquois may be disposed to make some advances towards peace.

••••••••••

•

His Majesty desires that they conform themselves

to the order

he gave them

last year,

to

cease paying the Christian Indians 10 silver 6cus' for every Indian killed, 20 6cus for each prisoner,

and half these sums

for

women;

This expense cannot be afforded, and of the invasion of the successfully

made

Mohawk

this will

appears so

it

be a further diminution of the estimate.

much

the less necessary as on the occasion

country and the retreat of the French party which had so

that expedition, the hope of this recompense did not prevent the Christian

Mohawks, and rendering that expedition not only even very destructive to the French, all whose sufferings Sieurs de Frontenac and de Champigny have described in the Relations they have sent of the retreat of the French, who allowed themselves to be prevailed on by their Indians to form a camp and to remain in Indians conniving at the escape of the useless, but

it,

in order to afford the

English time to muster and pursue them, as they have done.

the escape of the prisoners to the

number of more than

300, not been favored by the friendly

Indians, the entire of the fund appropriated to the expenses of Canada, to

pay these rewards.

Finally, his Majesty understands

regard, in the condition previous to the formation

subsistence and other supplies furnished these Indians entirely

on

his Majesty's account. '

Each 60

tora.

— Ed.

Had

would not have

sufficed

that they replace matters in this

of that resolution, inasmuch as their

when they

are

employed

in war, are

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

574

M. Memoir

d^

Villebon to

M.

de Pontchartrain.

My

Lord de Pontchartrain respecting the expedition to be organized against fort Pemquid; dated 20"' of August 1G94. By M. de Villebon.

The English have

for

so well understood the importance of reestablishing fort

Pemquid, which

our Indians had taken from them in the beginning of this war, that they adopted, in 1692,

every suitable measure condition; and surprise,

it

may

for its

recovery without sparing any expense to place

it

in

its

present

be alleged, that they are quite safe there from Indians, unless in case of

and even from French,

if

the resolution be not adopted to attack

them

in form.

They judged very correctly that in building Pemquid, they were depriving our Indians of the power of going freely coastwise on their expeditions; embarrassing them in an extraordinary degree in hunting Deer which were very abundant thereabout, and that the Indians, finding themselves thus straitened,

would be obliged

to enter into negotiations, as has

in fact been the case; having been tempted by the proximity of our enemies

of merchandise they would require,

supply them with all sorts them over to their interests by cheap

bargains.

the French of the friendship of the Indians

way

find themselves in a

Company

of the

at

Boston

who were

able to

prices, in order to gain

This, however, did not, at any time, deprive

who always amused

the English, until they

would

abundance of every description of which the gentlemen year and have continued to supply this season, suitable to

to obtain goods,

furnished last

their use.

No

conjuncture can be more favorable than the present to attack fort Pemquid, inasmuch as

they (the Indians) are resolved to wage a more vigorous and a more cruel war than heretofore; as they have demonstrated in the last expedition,* having spared neither

The

capture of fort

Pemquid would embolden them the more

as they

precaution to adopt to avoid discovery; since they are always uneasy, lest the

nor children.

would not have any

when

passing near

it,

march and prepare some ambuscade for them on they are not accustomed to come back except in small squads in

enemy would become aware of

the return of their parties, as

women

their

order to avoid being discovered.

Moreover, on the capture of that fort, which the English represent as impregnable, the latter would lose the best post they possess in this entire government, and we could extend our bounds teiii or twelve leagues to the river Quinibeki which is to be considered the property of the King, since it is at present exclusively inhabited by our Indian allies; and it would be easy, after the expedition against Pemquid, to station an officer there and some soldiers in one of the Indian forts, for the purpose of maintaining possession of the place, which would even

them a great deal of satisfaction. Fort Pemquid is situate in a commodious and

afford

Rock

that

is

not at

all

dangerous.

The

fort

which only is a the right on going in, and is

safe bay, at the entrance of

stands on a point at

handsomely located.

The man named Abraham Boudrot, an inhabitant of Port Royal, who came from there within six weeks, and who goes to and fro to Boston by Count de Frontenac's and my advice, having been twice in Fort Pemkuit has assured me that he had thoroughly examined it, and that each curtain was about 160 feet in length, being, as well as he could judge, quadrated by four bastions. after

'

On

Oyster river N.

W.

of Portsmouth,

N«w'Hampshire. Belknap,

I.,

216.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

V.

575

That on the entrance or Northwest side where lies Roadstead, this curtain forms a wall eight or nine feet thick, and on this front sixteen twelve and sixteen-pounders are ranged in battery on the wall

with sodded embrazures; and

itself,

tliat in

the centre of this curtain

the gate which is of oak, six inches thick, 12 feet wide and ten feet high, but not

is

crowned

by any work. That on the northeast, towards the harbor for sloops, the curtain may be six feet thick, and is mounted with two four or six-pounders. That the curtain which fronts a portage, half, or at most three-quarters of, a league in length, leading to a

little

harbor they formerly occupied,

is

the weakest, because they apparently

concluded that they could not be attacked on that side except by Indians, and that they had properly but two curtains to fortify; mainly those I have mentioned; since the fourth, of

which I have said nothing, resembles that at the Portage.* This expedition may be undertaken at two seasons of the year. The first, of which I propose to treat, appears to me by tbe last advices I have received from Boston, to be the safest and properest. It is the end of May or the IS**" of June at latest. It is very certain that the enemy hath all the trouble in the world to fit out every year their frigate, which is not ready, however diligent they are, before the 16"" or 20"' of May, and cruises towards Port Royal and Cape Sable, in order to make known to this former place that it must remain attached to their interests, and to maintain the other at the same time, and to protect their fishing vessels

They

on the Coast.

may

year from Old England, and whatever

receive hardly any

news

at that season of the

no ways in a condition to oppose the projected expedition, which will be almost executed before they have any intelligence of it. The other season at which this expedition may be undertaken is at the end of August at furthest. But as the vessels destined for it would, apparently, go first to Quebec, and as it is so uncertain what time they might arrive here, the Court would incur an expense which, in consequence of delays, might turn out entirely useless, and render the enterprise more difficult of execution another year, on account of the advice the enemy may receive. And supposing, arrive thence

is

even, that they did arrive before the end of August or the month of September, the English would find themselves reinforced by the mast fleet and convoy, which do not fail to come

annually to Pescatou^ at that season.

Add

to this, the

winds begin

to be squally and,rough on

those Coasts at the close of September.

Another weighty consideration also is, that the Indians can be relied on at the season I mention the Spring, as they all return from hunting and repair to their principal quarters

—

—

in order to plant their Indian Corn,

whereas in the month of August or September, they are by families along the rivers in order to live on the Fish and Game they may kill. It is only by having advices early from France that word can be sent them. But I would not guarantee that the same number would be present as in the Spring. For the expedition against Pemquid, and to control at the same time, the New England all

distributed

Coasts, three ships will be required:

One of 46 to 48 guns; another, a frigate of 36 guns, and boat adapted to the transportation of whatever is necessary for the garrison and requisite for making the landing. a

fly

'

Pcmaquid

river issues from a

pond in Nobleborough, Maine. The fort stood on the east bank of the river near its from 14 to 16 feet), and completely Commanded its entrance. The ^uin^ some of which are now high, are melancholy remains of great labor and expense. It was called, at different times, Fort George, Fort

mouth, (where the tides three feet

rise

Frederic and Fort William Henry.

Williamton, L, 67.

Ed.

'

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

576

In sailing from France directly for the River Saint John, one hundred good picked soldiers

make the I men from the three crews. To these may be conjoined one hundred attack on shore. should support these by an equal number of Indians, who are much greater adepts at the musket than all our Soldiers, but less obedient, and in a sortie should not perhaps be much should necessarily he embarked on board the ships, to form a landing party and to

depended on to stand their ground. However, being supported by 200 Frenchmen might assuredly engage them not to give way. 4 Brass 12 or 18 pounders, with their cedar carriages, equipments and ammunition. 4 Trains, or Devils, to transport them at once, from the sea by the portage I have mentioned these will be of trifling inconvenience on board the ships, when dismounted. 30 Rakes, 24 of 100 iron-shod shovels to remove the earth 300 Grenades 2 gunners

— them iron — 50 good

—

—

axes.

4 pieces of Coarse Clocheterre canvas for bags to hold earth. Two mortars of only about 12 1300 weight, with cedar carriages and equipments. 200- Shells

—

@

2 bombadeers, as

it

is to

be feared that having only one, he

through sickness or some other accident. I shall land the troops in that harbor which

is,

may

fail

either

at farthest, only three-quarters of a league

Pemquid, whence there is a wagon road to the fort; and the landing having will have only to cruize at the entrance of the Bay of Pemqui, and enter the ships been made it at the first shot from our battery, in order to anchor at an Island which is at the Northwest,' and beyond the range of the guns of the fort; and in the course of the night, they could come and lie alongside the fort which, as far as I can judge, would require only twenty-four hours of a distant from Fort

brisk attack.

To

insure the success of this expedition will require perfect understanding and agreement

between the Commanders of the naval and land such orders as I

shall

it

forces

;

wherefore

take the

liberty

of representing, were

addition to the knowledge he

is

I request the

may

will consider proper so that the King's service

Court

to give

not suffer.

M. de Bonnaventure

selected

already in possession of respecting the country, he

that, is

in

of a

temper not to cause any difficulty. This post being captured, attacks could then be made along the coast. Sieur Baptiste would, with some pilots whom we have here, conduct the ships in safety, and a portion of the Islands within sight of Boston could be destroyed without any risk. Profound secresy must be observed in France respecting the vessels to come here, so that the people of Boston may not have any information by way of Old England of this expedition. I am very glad to remark, when asking for two hundred shells, that such a number will not be required for fort Pemqui, but it may eventually happen that we would find the attack on Pescatoue feasible, and we may be in want of some to attack the fort, for it is very certain that, should all the Indians take the field next year, it will be a bloody campaign for our enemies. As the Indians of Cape Breton could not be readily notified in consequence of the distance, and as it was they who went on board the Man of War la Brelonne, and who, M. de Bonnaventure observed to me, were very much pleased, they could be shipped on the way hither; to effect which nothing is necessary but to enter Spaniards' bay,^ where some will be found awaiting the news from France, with a settler who is going thither this fall to establish himself there. '

Now, Rutherford

Island.

WtlUamton,

I.,

68.

— Ed.

'

S«9 note, supra,

p. 644.

Two

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

V.

577

months' Provisions to be brought

for

the subsistence of the Indians

estimated at 200 men, to be loaded equally in the 3 vessels.

2000 2 200

lbs. of

Flour.

tierces of Molasses, to flavor their Sagamitd. lbs.

of Butter, for the same purpose.

10 barrels of Brandy; without which

'twill

be impossible

to

on them to

prevail

act efficiently.

In order to avoid incumbering the ships, the surplus of the provisions they

during two months, can be sent

for,

on their

arrival, to

may

be procured cheaper than in France, and be advanced by the Company's agent • that Country.

Memorandum

of Presents for the Indians of Acadia, for the

his Majesty grants

them

in order to

require

Minas or Port Royal, where they could

wage war

sum

who

is

in

of 3640" which

against the English.

2000 '" of Powder. 40 barrels of bullets. 10 barrels of

Swan

shot.

400 lbs of Brazilian Tobacco. 200 Tomahawks, of which M' de Bonnaventure will furnish the pattern. CO selected guns like those of this year. 200 Mulaix Shirts, averaging 30' each. 8 "" of fine Vermilion.

200

tufts

of white feathers to be given the Indians in order to designate them during the

@ 7*;

to

be selected in

will be

all

assembled at

night in case of attack, and which will cost at most only six Paris by M. de Bonnaventure.

Which

presents will be distributed

among

when they

the Indians

the rendezvous to be indicated to them.

Narrative of Occurrences in Canada.

Memoir of

the Negotiations in

Cadillac.

In order to inform you of

proposals for peace,

made

Canada with the

1694. Iroquois.

By M.

de

la

Mothe

1694.

what has occurred

this year,

I shall first state to

you that the

October 1093 by Atharea the Iroquois, were continued by two Indians who arrived at Montreal in the month of January, with the assurance that the Chiefs of the Five Nations were coming for the purpose of learning what M. de Frontenac's intention

was

in

in regard to the negotiation entered

Vol. IX.

into

73

by

their

Atharea; that they were coming to

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

578

^

>

whether they would be well received, and if there would be safety for their Chiefs who were at a distance of five days' journey of Montreal awaiting their return, and the answer the Count should give them. M. de Callieres having advised the Count of this deputation, sent (so as to lose no time) these two Iroquois back to their Chiefs with assurances, in advance, that they could come in all safety and that no harm would occur to them ; that they would be conveyed to Quebec with a good escort and without the smallest risk that the Count would .there listen to their words, and that they might in conjunction with him, devise some expedient for the conclusion ascertain

;

of a peace.

These two Iroquois and their Chiefs were expected some days, but in vain; and their knavery was soon admitted. Nevertheless, when nothing more was thought of them, the Count again received advice that three other Iroqupis, belonging to the Mohawk village were come and had Belts for our Indians of the Sault and the Mountain. M' de Callieres having questioned them,

made them go down

Count's orders before speaking

first

after

Quebec, where they remained two days by the

this

they flung three belts, that

is

to

say, three

Chamber.

propositions, into the Council

The two

;

to

assured our Christian Indians and others, that the road to the Five Nations

was

Orange and Corlard that they might go there and return without danger, and that their hatchet was tied up pending 45 days on condition that they, also, would tie up theirs for the same time. (To tie up the hatchet means a Truce.) The third Belt was addressed to the French and embodied tlie same proposition.' The Count kicked away these three propositions or Belts, and by this mark of contempt and haughtiness, indicated to the proudest nation throughout this New World his indifference for peace, and said to them " I consider it a very bold and rash proceeding on your part to come here for the purpose of seducing and debauching my Children of the Sault and of the Mountain. There they are present in this Council. They will tell you their thoughts at home. Think you that you are able to corrupt or to shake them? You deceive yourselves. They are submissive and obedient to me, as true Children ought to be to their fathers." Our Indians hereupon uttered a cry expressive of their approbation of what he said. The Count continued in this wise " Although I regard you here as spies and fellows bribed by the Great Arrow,^ I cannot, however, forget that [ am your Father, and that you are my Children, who have become rebels and disobedient to my orders. Wherefore and in order to afford you leisure to reenter into clear as well as that to

;

:

—

:

—

I will indeed tie up my hatchet for two moons, on this condition that if Teganissorhens be not here before the expiration of that time, and with two principal Chiefs of each nation, I will no longer listen to your voice, and should you return to submit to me any new proposition,

yourselves,

and declare to you, that I will commit to the kettle those who shall be so rash as to undertake such an embassy. Once more I repeat to you that Tegnnnisorens alone

I protest

dare to

and those who will accompany him, will find their path open; that it is hear, and that I will not close my ears to his word; that the road will be shut him, and that those who will be taken will nefr^scjjpe roasting."

G.

these propositions at length, see

^

IV^

92, also Coldcn, 8to., 163.

\

'

his voice

I

will

to all others but

Governor Fletcher of New-York.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

V.

:

579

Language so haughty undeceived these three envoys who were surprized at it. They were sent back, two days afterwards to Montreal and thence to the fort of tiie Indians of the Mountain and Sault, to present them the two Belts the Count has rejected, to which their Chief jeplied in these terms

:

—

19th April,

Onontio, that

1694.

he arts were _bad

is ;

to say our Father, has rejected

but no matter.

He was

your Belts; he was aware yoar

wise to allow you to come here, in

may be no longer at a loss to know our intention respecting your negotiation, to answer by this Belt, that speaks for all my Nation, and is to assure you that our^hfiatt is good and pure; that we shall never follow any but Onontio's will. He is our Father who fenderly lovesHs, who does not abandon us, and we shall be always obedient unto him. We have nothing to do either with Corlard or Orange, and have still less thoughts of going into your villages to convey thither proposals of our movement. We have no other mind nor aim than that of our F'ather. If he hang up his hatchet, we shall hang ours up likewise, and if he sharpen it in order to strike the better, we will go whither he will turn it. However, as you have solicited Onontio to tie it up for two moons and he has consented, we shall tie up ours also, and during that interval Teganissores and those who will accompany him, will be at liberty to come freely and without fear. No harm shall be done them, for our Father so order that you

which

I

ordains

The

it.

Indians of the Sault

made

the

same answer by the second

which the three what they had seea

Belt, after

Deputies, took the road towards Ononta^, where they were to report

and heard.

At the expiration of two moons, that

is

about Saint John's day, Teganissorens and two of

the most influential Chiefs of each Iroquois Nation arrived at Montreal and then

came down

Quebec, where M' de Callieres happened to be. The Count received them quite courteously, and at a formal interview let them know, that he deplored their misfortune, and was touched with compassion for their errors. He then dismissed them, and they were conducted to the to

custom, two days without explaining

lodgings prepared for them.

They were, according

themselves, and on the

they delivered a public discourse in which they reported the

3"*

to their

propositions they had to submit on the part of their Tribes agreeably to the resolution of their

Council; and with this view Teganissorens, in the before the

Count

in

Clergy and Laity, in 23^ May, 1G94.

name

of the Five Nations, laid three Belts

presence of the principal Indian Chiefs and the most influential of the this country.

The

following

is

the Tenor of the l'«

Belt.

Father Onontio Atarh^a, whom we sent unto you last year in order to ascertain whether were safe to come and see you, assured us, on his return, that if I came with two of the most considerable of each Nation, you would again condescend to listen to the proposals we should submit, and that even should affairs not be arranged, we could return in all security. On this message we set out and here we are on your mat, (that is, chair) to speak to you of peace in the names of the Five Iroquois Nations, and even of our Brethren, the Great Arrow and Peter Schuyler, mayor and commandant of Orange. !

it

p-

2" vith a riew to iu stability aad tiw kKraaat of iu Talae for the adraati^ of the Coiooj, has beeoiM wocae thaa bad, and appeals to have KMitrd laagii^ m tlw ialcrior af the tammUj haa beea beea WMMTaiitly J^gravaied. aiaea pemiittff^ This bm beea pfod«eti?aam Quebec preceded,

some days, by the

Militia of that

government

;

by the Abenakis and by the Hurons

of Loretto.

From Three Rivers to Montreal the army proceeded in a body (en corps), and the Count and Intendant reached the latter place on the 22"* of June.

A

canoe arrived three days afterwards, from Missilimakinac, bringing letters from Sieur de La Motte the commandant, which contained various news, good and bad. It is necessary to dwell somewhat on the affairs of that country. Those who will give themselves the trouble to read this Narrative, will in the

draw such information from

it

as they will think proper,

present conjuncture, Nations, so difficult of government, can

discretion, without endangering the total loss of all

spot can, with great difficulty

be

Canada, since all the only, divert them from their evil designs.

left

skill

and see

to their

if,

own

of those on the

It was remarked, at the close of last year's Relation, that the Deputies from the Iroquois had been received, through means of the Hurons, by the five Nations of Missilimakinac and their allies their belts accepted and peace almost concluded between them. Those Deputies set out on their return, on the lO"" of October, after a number of Councils and other private conferences to which Sieur de La Motte was not invited. He, however, ;

found means to learn all that transpired from Onaske, Chief of the Kiskakons business presents and Belts had passed] besides several merely of thanks. present

was a Calumet of red

stone, of extraordinary beauty

and

size,

— [that various The

by which

all

principal

the

Lake

namely, the Outaouas and others, invite the Five Iroquois Nations to smoke the same Calumet and, whilst smoking, to recover their senses, and to assure themselves that

tribes,

Missilimakinak and their that this present

is

not

allies will

made them

remember Anick's

Anick's belt was explained by Onaske. Iroquois and invites us to eat the Nations had agreed to

The

Indians

dare not

all

them not on

their side forget,

It

comes, he says, from the English through the

White meat,' and I see that, when these Deputies had HowBrer, you can rely on their eating me, also.

who had been down

and gave out that

we

it.

belt; let

in vain.

to Montreal arrived a

the French were dead

make our appearance on ' i.

e.,

;

that the

the Great Lake,

The French. De La

few days

Quebec

i: e.

left, all

after at Missilimakinac,

was stopped up and that the Sea; that we had neither Wine,

Potherie, HI., 261.

river

— Ed.

r

;

PARIS DOCUMENTS: nor Brandy nor any merchandise grieved them

Sieur de

more

La

that they were returning with their old shirts and

;

— without having had a drink.

He made

who was

— what

was by no means

Motte's embarrassment, on receipt of this intelligence,

but he was reassured by the arrival of a solitary Frenchman canoes, and

645

V.

who had embarked

small,

in the Indians'

entrusted with letters from the Count.

the most, to the Indians, of the blow which Sieur de la Durantaye had inflicted

on the Iroquois, and promised them that the scarcity of goods, which arose merely from the

among them

delay of the ships by the winds, would not prevent the distribution

remained

them

in their

Had

whom

it

even on

in the stores at Missilimakinac at the usual prices,

of

what

credit, in order to assist

winter encampments.

not been for this foresight he never would have succeeded in appeasing the Indians

interest alone governs,

in quest of

whom

and

neither difficulty nor fatigue will ever prevent going

a cheap bargain, wherever they

Council and thus addressed them Brothers.

From

all

:

imagine

will

—

among you, but many have remained it

to be found.

time have rebellious children existed, and in

from

me

I

time have some been

all

firm and have not wavered.

vain.

is

24"" of 8'*' in a general

Suspicion has spoiled the hearts of some

seen to hear with joy the voice of their Father.

endeavor to conceal

it is

them together on the

After having thus soothed them, he called

speak, then, to

your thought; your those whose hearts waver, and who I see

suspected that the Governor wished to conclude peace for himself alone, without including generally

all his

children in

Let them

it.

on

reflect

that has been done, and reject the evil

all

See with what fury he is striking and and will no longer fighting at present; he has cast away his body an Indian expression listen to the Iroquois for whose utter destruction measures have been taken. Behold with joy Catarokouy, i. e. Fort Frontenac That is the Great Kettle from which the whole world will take what it wants to keep alive the war unto the end. Be not impatient; Then will Onontio invite all his children to that Kettle has not yet boiled it will boil soon. the feast and they will find wherewithal to fill them. The tears and the submissions of the Iroquois will be no longer received as in times past. They have overflowed the measure the patience of the common father is exhausted ; their destruction is inevitable. Brothers: I hear tbe words of my father; The proud' Onnask^ answered in these terms: designs malignant spirits have induced them to adopt.

—

—

;

;

—

he

is

fighting, he

to follow

does not

me have

let the

Iroquois go.

me from my purpose I will warriors who will not abandon me think fit, and let me do as I like.

divert

;

;

Big Head, the most influential of

execute I

urge no one to follow

all

thoughts, that

if I

It is

me

the nations, spoke thus I

my

peril of

at the

it

time that you are grieving at our misconduct. saying a word. But 'tis time to relieve you.

those

who

vain for

you

wish to imitate him

I

only to remain quiet and on their mats.

:

;

life

let

;

I

are unwilling

to attempt to have some young

every one act as he will

Father,

have suflered from

I tell

;

it

I

perceive for a long

as well as you, without

you publicly and no longer conceal

my

have been, in any manner, concerned in the peace proposed to us, whilst it was unintentionally. You could have seen that my son Mikinac was

the Iroquois were here,

mourning for

it;

face painted

and

he has not washed his face, neither has he combed his hair. his hair dressed '

;

his heart feels glad

Faithful

De

;

he

la Potherie, III, 264.

is

You

will see his

determined on war according to

—Ed.

i^

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

646 your wishes

my

'Tis

;

thought

As these two

Two

days

Sieur de little

thought

all

shall

do

is

there on this earth that will look

me

in the

?

most considerable among the Nations, none other presumed

to

sung the same song.

they demanded some Frenchmen to accompany them on the war-path

after,

La Motte

Brandy

I

chiefs are the

contradict them, and

Who

'tis his.

;

what

eyes, and find fault with

furnished; but

to sing the

War

it

was impossible

song:

to get

They even broke

whom

them to start without giving them a some French cabins where they

into

to find a supply.

This could not be prevented, and a

Commandant who

is at all

times greatly embarrassed to

them to act, could never absolutely effect his purpose had he persisted in refusing them what they so passionately love. Are they not, in like manner, but too much disposed to go in search of some to the enemy, if they should not procure it from us? Onaske, despite the belts presented to him by people belonging to his own Nation, and the considerable presents they offered him and he obstinately refused, organized a party whereof means were found to debauch a great number, and faction ran so high that his canoes were cut get

in the night.

son, of

The

Notwithstanding

whom we

all that,

he departed and at Detroit joined Mikinak, Big Head's

have already spoken.

'

Iroquois had been hunting the whole

•

of the winter, living on very

good terms with

the Hurons.

The Outaouacs, who were

had

there, having disposed of a quantity of goods the English

The arrival intrusted to them, one of them had been arrested, but even he was set at liberty. of Onnask^ changed the face of affairs. Wilameck, chief of the Poutouatamis, who left his The Hurons gave and WiJamak were preparing to go and attack them. On receipt of this news, they bundled up their packs and our people did not pursue them until some days afterwards, but they made such speed, marching day and night, The attack was vigorous and well sustained, but most of the that they overtook them at last. According to Iroquois, after a rough fight, were obliged to throw themselves into the water. the report of those wiio have been taken, over 40 warriors were drowned on this occasion. They have brought back to Missilimakinac thirty scalps and thirty-two prisoners, men, women 500 beavers,' exclusive of several goods, and children. The plunder amounts to between 4 the remainder of what the English had given them. Some Hurons who were following the Iroquois, were taken at the same time, and have been since given up to their own tribe. This blow was of so much the more importance that it entirely broke up the inceptions of peace between the Iroquois and Upper allied Nations. We are under every obligation to the address of Sieur de La Mothe who knew how to find means to move Onaske, Big Head and country expressly on a war excursion, joined him with 30 of his Tribe. intelligence to the Iroquois that Onnaske, Mikinac

@

Mikinac his son.

It is

not probable that the English will confide their goods to the Iroquois we might get our

as their Agents, as long as they will be apprehensive that

and employ them

Indians to strike similar blows, and carried

away by

returns they will side,

the

first

are of a very fickle disposition; allow themselves to be

gust of wind, and pass easily from one extremity to the other.

make them

when no one

all

for this venture will

be too poor.

But may we not

fear,

The on our

will be at Missilimakinac to take advantage of these circumstances;

encourage good, and divert bad intentions; to

make

use in

fit

to

season of firmness or presents;

that this trade so successfully interrupted in its inception will not be entirely reestablished to '

which may be valued

at fifteen thousand francs.

La

Poiherie, III, 266.

— Ed.

'

—

PARIS DOCUMENTS

V,

:

647

That of the Beaver, though constituting the sole support of the Colony, would not be the most serious. It is to be apprehended that the English and the Nations who would abandon us, forming a common interest, may turn their arms against us; or at least, the loss of Canada

that

we

?

should be entirely deprived of their aid against the Iroquois, the

What

cease to hold communication with them. discover designs,

a

And how, at when those who

are present, notwithstanding

great deal of difficulty ere

To

believe, however,

gain over?

What

intrigues

three hundred leagues' distance, divert the execution of their evil

?

in quest of our

we

chiefs could

moment we should

and

they succeed

all

to assure the Court, as has

goods to Montreal,

is

their care

and application, experience

?

been done, that they come every year

an indication either of malice, or consummate ignorance in

Interest alone governs them; their sole desire is to live comfortably Every thing turns on these two points, and is it to be presumed that they will undertake a voyage to Montreal of more than 500 leagues in search of their necessaries, at a time when they will be supplied at a lower rate at home by the English or the Iroquois? They used to come there formerly, 'tis true but the road on the English side was neither opened nor known to them, and our retreat from Missilimakinac would render it absolutely free. athingnot to be expected That, should they continue to wage war against the Iroquois they would dare totally to abandon their villages, as they used to do in the time of the ancient They would then fairs, and leave their wives and children at the mercy of their enemies? find themselves under an absolute necessity to make peace, and that peace would be our ruin. It is also -alleged that the French traders ciiuse considerable injury to the people of Missilimakinac who alone were in the habit formerly of carrying on the trade, and distributing among the most distant Nations what they used to draw from us. That is true but did they Were we acquainted, in those furnish any to the Nations with whom they were at variance ? us than even the Outaouaes, who more attached to multitude of Allies are times, with that and all of whom regard the King and his representatives as their Father? Missilimakinac will The Nations will assemble there, still carry on the trade, but the Beaver will go to Orange.

regard to the Savages.

and

to

be .dlothed.

;

—

—

;

but they will lose clothe

all

recollection of Onontio,

them and make them drink Brandy which they are animated,

Protestants

will

Even though they would,

?

in future regard only the English

reflections

on

it

new Churches;

how

fer\'ent

soever be the

this

is

them ?

long,

'tis

true, but too short for the

Narrative are at liberty to

make such

fit.

Onnask€, on his return, presented the scalps and a La Mothe adding, thereunto, these words:

Sieur de

and,

will the latter permit

Those who read

as they will think

will

they dare preach the Catholic religion in sight of

Public interests have required this digression which

importance of the subject.

who

at discretion.

Will Missionaries be in security in their zeal with

and

little

prisoner he had brought along, to

;

you what 1 have done. The French, who have wintered at the Saguinan, have doubtless informed you of it. I believe that you are aware that my arms, my legs and my waist have been tied ; that guns and kettles had been suspended to stop me ; I passed over them all. I listened to you Father; I have performed thy will; I have fulfilled thy word. Retain, I request you, what you have given me. Let the warriors have some Brandy to drink; I pledged myself that they should have some; I will not taste any of it; I promised it to them. They did as you desired; they told you no lies; they have killed the Father.

I

shall not tell

iWsc^"mberat Piscato^, lalesl,

,/

Manatte about the

beginning of July.

tlie

Previous to Starting for Manatte the fleet would assist the Canadians and

""^aStn "^h^

iSd

may

the enterprise t

liberty to sail for

GGl

would meet the troops from Canada and the

Indians from Acadia, so as to leave tiiere (or Boston in Theycoui

M.

de Pontcliartrain.

Quebec,

My

14"'

November

1709.

Lord,

I did

myself the honor

to

way of Placentia, and rendered you go up to Montreal, in the course of the winter,

write to you this spring by

an account of the reasons that obliged

me

to

on the reports M. de Ramezay sent

me in several consecutive letters, confirming the intelligence enemy were wishing to make some expedition on the ice. Unformed you by the same My Lord, of the efforts M'' Dudley, governor of Boston, was making through those of

that the letter,

Orange

to induce the Iroquois to declare themselves against us,

the authority of the

over these Indians.

breaking up of the

new Governor who had This obliged me, on ice, for

having employed

for that

purpose

arrived at Menathe, and Peter Schuyler's influence

my

side,

to dispatch Sieur de Joncaire, at the first

the purpose of maintaining these Indians always in their neutrality,

making them understand that it is for their interest not to take any part between the English and us. He would have been entirely successful in this, could he have been every where, but having been absent on a tour

to Seneca, whilst waiting until

the Onnontagues

were ready

to

come

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

829

VI.

down with liim, as they had promised, the English sent Abraham Schuyler to Onnontague with four Dutchmen and some Englishmen to sing the War song in the Villages, and to present the hatchet to the Nations on the part of the Queen of England. Abraham Schuyler having had a long conversation with the Reverend Father de Lamberville, and having likewise expressed

to

him

his regret at being obliged to present the hatchet to the

so well that he persuaded this good father to come himself to Montreal to of what was passing; and as he desired nothing better than to send off account give me an Father de Lamberville, of whose influence over the minds of the Onnontagues he was aware, he took advantage of his absence, as soon as he savv him depart and told the Rev"" Father de

Indians,

managed

remained, that his life was not safe, insinuated to him that the only means of from certain danger to which he was exposed was, to accompany them to himself extricating Orange, which this good Father complied with as appears by a copy of a letter that he himself Mareuil,

who had

addressed to Father d'Heu, Missionary at Seneca, and which

annex hereunto. In order to Abraham Schuyler immediately I

engage the Onnontagu^s the more to declare war against us, made some drunken Indians set fire to the Father's Chapel and house, which he

first

caused

be pillaged.

to

Sieur de Joncaire

who was

knowing the Indian

fifteen leagues off,

having learned this news, did not think proper, who were with him, but at the same time

character, to risk the soldiers

who was at Seneca, nor to return without to accommodate matters, sent a canoe and his means some ascertaining whether there was not soldiers to Fort Frontenac with the annexed letter to Sieur de la Fresniere who commands

not wishing thus to abandon Father d'Heu

there,

As

and returned alone to the Senecas. all

this intelligence.

English prisoners

we were on

whom

My

Lord, conjoined to other

news already furnished us by some

our Indians had captured since the spring, demonstrates to us that

the eve of a most sanguinary

war

in this

country, and the more to be apprehended

—

I from that moment made appeared that the Iroquois were declaring against us preparations to give the enemy a warm reception ; and the Abenakis Indians having brought me on the 20"" of June an English prisoner 46 years old, a man of character, whose examination

as

it

I adjoin, I sent this prisoner to

Quebec

in order to let the

better the necessity of being on their guard against

all

Intendant and his son understand

contingencies.

I

transmitted

my

orders

Three Rivers to Sieur de Cabanac, commandant of that post since M. de Crisafix death, and to M. de I'Angloiserie at Quebec, for the farmers to place their more valuable property in safety, and that all capable of bearing arms be ready at the first news of the enemy's ships, to repair to Quebec with as much provisions as possible, and their arms. The government of Montreal being the most exposed to the incursions of the Iroquois, I called together at my house M. de Ramezay, M. de Longueuil, M. de Bellemont, Superior of the to

Seminary and Seigneur of the Island of Montreal, the Superior of the Jesuits, the Missionaries of the Indians and whatever there were of Captains at Montreal, and having communicated to them all the aforesaid news, it was resolved that it was necessary to oblige all the settlers within this government to remove their families, movables, grain and cattle into the town, 80 that should the enemy happen to hold the country with any considerable force, they could not, at least, find any supplies in the settlements, principally on the south shore which apparently would be most exposed to their incursions. And as fort Frontenac is untenable during hostilities with the Iroquois, unless at a vast expense, at

my

quarters,

when

it

was resolved

to

abandon

it.

I

called a second Council of

War

But Sieur de Joncaire having fortunately

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

830

arrived at Montreal, and having assured

who were

bringing Father d'Heu

their villages,

I

profited

me

tliat forty

Senecas were coining down with him,

and a French blaci^smilh

wiiom they had

by the occasion, and the sojourn of these Indians

into fort P'rontenac the supplies

it

at

some years in Montreal, to throw for

needed.

annex hereunto what these Indians have said to me and my answers. You will understand, My Lord, by their speeches and conduct up to this time, that 1 did not hazard too much when I stated, at the commencement of my letter, that if Sieur de Joncaire could have been every I

where, he would have counteracted the influence of Abraham Schuyler.

him

for

in

such a situation,

when he found

It is

very fortunate

himself out of danger, that he returned to the

Senecas without knowing precisely what would turn up, and that, after he had made his men kill,

not three weeks before, one Montour, a

Frenchman by

who was endeavoring for exerting himself to make them

birtb,

but entirely devoted

two years

English and in their pay,

the last

the Upper Nations,

declare against us.

to attract to I

owe

to the

them

Sieur de Joncaire, who, in this matter and by his return to Seneca, has given evidence of

the firmness that

is to

be expected from a worthy

officer

who

all

this justice to all

has solely in view the good of his

Majesty's service.

The Senecas, My Lord, having gone back very well satisfied with me, and I with them, I was making preparations to go down to Quebec to hasten its fortifications, when an Indian whom I had sent express for news to the Mohegans (Loups) residing near Orange, came and told me that the enemy were working hard and fast in constructing bateaux, and that they were even having

come

their provisions carted along the river Orange, so as to be quite ready to

to Montreal as soon as they

This news.

My

would have

Lord, conjoined to a letter

I

intelligence that their fleet

was

in the river.

received next day from Sieurs de Rouville and

send you, caused me to adopt the resolution of having the enemy's stores seized and their wagons broken, and with this view instead of taking the troops to Quebec, where they were much required, I left them with M. de

de

la Periere,

copy whereof

I

have the honor

to

Ramezay, and having sent orders to Three Rivers to send up two hundred men and the Abenakis Indians of S' Francis, I organized a force for M. de Ramezay of nearly fifteen hundred men, and gave him the annexed orders, fully persuaded that with such a detachment he had nothing to apprehend, and was in a condition to undertake any thing on Lake Champlain, as in fact, I have reason to believe that M. de Ramezay would have fully achieved had it not been that, unfortunately for us, he employed a young officer, his nephew, on the day he approached Crown Point, to go on a scout, who having advanced too far, was himself discovered by the enemy, which consisted of a party of a hundred and some odd men including Englishmen, Dutchmen and Mohegans (Louj)s). This mishap having deranged the plans which M. de Ramezay had laid down for seizing Crown point, he effected a landing three-quarters of a league lower down, and seeing the enemy defiling off" in canoes and coming towards the place where he was, made preparations to give them a warm reception, when he got word that other Englishmen were in the woods in great numbers. This at first prevented him ordering a charge to be made in canoe against those on the river, but perceiving at length that the enemy, on discovering his position, were beginning to wish to get out in the stream, he ordered a volley to be fired at them by which some thirty of them were killed. It is unfortunate for M. de Ramezay that the enemy were the first to discover him; otherwise, he would have surrounded that party, and it maybe added, would have performed other good service. This misfortune is the more serious as it

;

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

831

VI.

Ramezay puslung on further; because having, on the same night, heard the two guns, and believing that it might be some wounded Englishmen in need of help, he sent two or three canoes to the spot, which discovered two Dutchmen, who having taken our Frenchmen for their people, came to the water side; but having found out their mistake, wished to make their escape. This they would have effected Iiad Sieur de Rouville, who commanded this detachment, not ordered them to be covered by the men's guns, and obliged them to embark with him. 1 annex hereunto the statement of these two prisoners, to M. prevented M. de

reports of

Ramezay and

de I

forgot.

on the

My

of May,

S""

Quebec.

their examination at

Lord, to inform you in the beginning of I

The

obtain intelligence.

my

letter, that

on arriving at Montreal

detached several small parties of Indians to take some prisoners so as to English having the same design, a party of twelve or fifteen men,

composed of Englishmen and Mohegans (Loup!) met in Lake Champlain a party of our Indians of the Sault, two of whom they killed and scalped. Returning by the river Bnouskyt* the same hostile party discovered another of our detachments from the Sault au Recollet on Our men being surprised, the English killed one its way back with some English prisoners. of them; but our Indians rallying, disembarked and so vigorously pressed the enemy, who were on shore, that after having killed four or five of their men, they routed the remainder who are in danger of perishing of hunger, having no provisions and almost all of them having thrown aside their arms.

This party of the enemy having experienced such bad luck,

we have

not seen any of them

since near that river; but our Indians not being satisfied and feeling piqued, asked

them go on an excursion with some

not less dear to

me

to

make

Frenchmen and

me

to let

to allow Sieur

la

Periere to

their zeal, and at the

the French take the

This party.

of the most active

command. I assented to this on the spot, in order not to same time to let them see, that their interests were us than our own, and that it was sufficient for them to be attacked to induce

de Rouville and de

throw a damp on

fifly

My

field.

Lord, having gone to the fork of the river Pynictigouk to carry off some

English, who, as they were told, were there scouting, and not having discovered any thing,

came to guerrefiUe^ where having prepared an ambush for the English, examination I annex hereunto, and came back with their party whose they caught two to join M. de Ramezay on Lake Champlain. M. de Costebelle informing me. My Lord, that he was advised that an expedition consisting of 12 or 15 large ships, was fitting out in England, and that he had no doubt it was intended for him I received advice, at the same time by M. de Subercasse that nothing was more certain than that the expedition getting up at Boston was designed for us, and that it was to be joined retraced their steps, and alive,

;

by a very considerable

On

by M. de Ramezay gave

fleet

from Old England.

two Dutch prisoners taken renewed the orders I had issued to all the settlements had on both sides of the river forty and fifty leagues

the strength of this intelligence and the examination of the

new

in

Lake Champlain,

ones to the scouts

whom

I

I

from Quebec; visited the settlements myself; reviewed the settlers, inspected their arms, had lists made out what were wanting, and of what required repairs; encouraged the one;

answered the objections of others '

'

;

increased even the officers of militia in order to insinuate

Onion Rirer, Vt In June one of the RoaviUcB, vilh one hundred and eighty French and Indians, made another attempt opoD Deerfield.

Hutchinson,

II.,

163.

— Eu.

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

832 to the settlers

what

T

wished them

and

to do,

finally,

having returned to Quebec, caused a

War to be held which was attended by M. Raudot, Jun^ M. de Louvigny and whatever captains were in town.

Council of

On

the night of the 16"" or l?"" of August,

leagues from Quebec, advising

me

I

M. de

I'Angloiserie,

received a letter from Sieur de Plaine dated 20

that he had discovered 3 leagues above Bic, that

is

to say,

below Quebec, eight vessels under sail and two others which he thought he saw later to the North, with other particulars which you will learn from his letter. Notwithstanding all the precaution I had taken, I confess to you. My Lord, I could not help feeling some embarrassment at this news, for, according to M. de Subercasse's letters, I could not expect the enemy's fleet for a month at soonest, and according to the information Sieur de The troops Plaine told me he received, I could not flatter myself that this fleet was French. were still partly at Montreal; the town, in spite of all the care and pains Sieur le Vasseurtook, was still open at many points; the cattle were to be driven, and the women and children sent, a matter so much the more difficult as into the woods and the men brought into town

some

forty-five leagues

those

who ought

—

themselves, were the that

it

me

to assist

first to

in

insinuate to them, notwithstanding

was impossible the enemy would invade

you, but

it is

make every

encouraging the people to

all

the

sacrifice to

news

I

was

defend

receiving,

This will appear incredible

this country.

to

nevertheless, most true.

Sieur de Plaine's letter having been handed to

me

at

two o'clock

in the

morning,

I first

set

about issuing what orders I considered necessary, and having thus spent the night of the IG"" or 17"" and the whole of the following day, I called another Council of War on the IS"" and from that time drove work forward as rapidly as possible; but as the harvest was yet out, and as it was as dangerous not to gather it as not to employ the whole of that time in fortifying the city of Quebec, M. Raudot, Jun', and

considered

I

obtain information of those at Tadoussac, and

it

proper to send out

new

scouts to

meanwhile we put the farmers, who were

arriving from day to day, at the most urgent work.

We had

already taken the precaution, some time previously, to employ the sailors belonging

to the vessels at

Quebec, with a view

to relieve, in

some degree,

the owners of the ships from

the expense they were subjected to by being delayed, so as to diminish at the same time the

number of facilitate

the farmers

the country

Our new

we were

work

;

obliged to furnish Sieur

without which

Le

we would have run

Vasseur, and by this means

the risk of a famine next year.

scouts having returned from Tadoussac, without either themselves or any

else there having seen

any thing,

I

dismissed the people, and this justice

is

due

body

to all the

farmers in the governments of Quebec, and Three Rivers, that notwithstanding the reports

which had been circulated [respecting] their harvests and little private affiiirs, I saw tliat they were favorably disposed to come and throw themselves into Quebec. Those of Three Rivers, indeed, have in some sort done more than was to be expected of them, for they went up twice to Montreal and came down once to Quebec.

••#»#•

I

have the honor,

My Lord,

to relate to

you

all

the

news

that I have received up to the present

time as well from the Iroquois, from Orange, from the English prisoners as from Acadia,

all

which together confirm the intended invasion by way of Montreal and Quebec. The lowest estimate was, that I should be attacked at Quebec by six thousand men and at Montreal by two thousand. It was even pretended that among the number of these 6000 men against

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

VI.

838

Quebec, there were to be five regiments of Regulars; the remainder were raked up in Scotland and promised, as a bounty, free plunder and fine lands alrejidy cleared in this province. It is

now

proper that

The government

I

give you a faithful return of the forces in Canada.

of Montreal,

My

Lord, contains about twelve hundred

men between

the

ages of seventy and fifteen years.

The government fifteen

of Three Rivers contains about four hundred

men between

seventy and

years of age.

The government of Quebec contains two thousand two hundred men between the ages of seventy and fifteen years and that within forty leagues of territory; to wit, twenty leagues above and twenty leagues below Quebec.

The and it

troops

fifty

amount

men, but

I

detachment at Detroit, to about three hundred do not calculate on having at Quebec more than two hundred and fifty, in all, exclusive of the

being highly proper to leave the remainder at Montreal, for without troops, however well

may

always some disturbers, and such delicacy exists in this country that one Canadian cannot be got to arrest another. disposed the farmers

The

be, there are

hundred and some men, and in the Colony we may All this footed up makes four thousand, eight hundred and fifty men. Deduct one-third for the old men, or the young people of fifteen years, incapable of bearing arms, and which would have to be sent into the country to guard the women, the children and the cattle, I should have remaining in all three thou^nd three hundred and fifty men. Of these three thousand three hundred and fifty, I should want at least one thousand men to defend the government of Montreal there remain for Quebec two thousand three hundred and fifty men, who, according to the news, were to be attacked by Sailors

amount altogether

to five

calculate on five hundred Indians under arms.

;

six thousand.

M. de Ramezay having sent Sieur de Joncaire to me with his letter of the 10"" of September and an Indian named Arousent, lately arrived from the enemy's camp, I had the letter examined in presence of M. Raudot, Jun'. He informed us that the enemy continued encamped on the river of Orange, with the design to come to Montreal, and that the Iroquois not being able to resist the powerful solicitations of Peter Schuyler had

all

finally declared in their

favor; that Peter Schuyler in order to be better master of the Indians had taken the resolution

come and construct a fort at the end of Lake St. Sacrament, and that the English, to the number of six hundred, were to seize, as soon as possible, on Crown Point, so as to be more convenient to this place whenever they would think fit to come; that they bad five pieces of cannon and several grenades, as well as mortars to discharge them that their plan was to take Chambly, and, next, to get to Montreal, or down to Quebec; according to the news they would receive of their fleet. As we were at the 15"" of September, and, according to the report of this Indian, the enemy had not yet any news of their fleet, I thence inferred that we should have no more to apprehend for Quebec, considering the advjinced season. But as they were still in camp, and if they should come to Crown Point, they would be within two days' march of Chambly, it appeared to me of the greatest consequence not to permit them entering our territory, and with l!;is view I adopted the resolution of going myself to Chambly, and in order not to strip

to

;

the government of Quebec,

Vol. IX.

I

took with

me 105

only the Regulars, four hundred Militia of that

/

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

-634 government, the Indians

who were

and the Abenakis Indians of

at

Quehec and on passing Three Rivers, two hundred men

On

S' Francis.

arriving at Sorel, I sent the entire force to

Chambly under the orders of Sieur de la Chassaigne, whilst I proposed to proceed thither myself, by way of La Prairie de la Madelaine. M. de Ramezay having on the way advised me of a Belt, that Arousent had given in passing to the Indians of the Sault S' Louis on the part of the Mohawks, I was very glad to learn from these Indians when at Montreal, the purport of that belt, and what were their sentiments. They told me that the Mohawks had sent them word by Arousent that it was with great which had been placed was impossible for them to refuse that was at Orange and that was

regret they had consented to Peter Schuyler's message; that the hatchet in their it,

hands did not afford them any pleasure, hut that

not daring to do

so,

considering the large military force

resist the

English army; that

but

if

it

they did not do so,

them

good brothers, that the French never could was still time for those at the Sault to take their choice and to they might consider themselves dead men, and that they need

arriving there every day; that they advised

retire,

it

as

not expect any quarter.

The to see

Chiefs of the Sault having told

me

me

this,

and

signified to

arrive with a great force so as to be able to reply

communicated

to

They thanked

me

me

more

were very glad the Mohawks, they

that they

easily to

the purport of their answer to these Indians.

Arousent had brought, by which they gave had not willingly taken up the hatchet against Onnontio, but only because they could not help it; that if the thing were so, they could easily disengage themselves from a bad business that they had only to continue their neutrality so faithfully observed on the part of the French that for them of the Sault, they were resolved to live and to die with their father; that the threat of the English did not frighten them; that they knew by experience that the French up to this time had always beaten them that they hoped such would still be the case, and that so long as they would be under Onnontio's wing, they feared nothing; that Arousent, the bearer of the Belt, could inform them how they were fortified at Quebec, Montreal, and of the force that was stationed at Chambly, awaiting the English; that it was for them, the Mohawks, to reflect on the past war so as to be able to adopt prudent measures respecting the present; that they ought to reflect that the English had abandoned them, in the last war, and would do the same thing again in this, as soon as there would be

them

their Brethren for the Belt that

to understand that they

;

;

;

peace in Europe.

I

agreed with these Indians that they should give this answer, and made

them add, that if Peter Schuyler caused the Mohawks too much very much welcomed by us. This

affair

having thus terminated,

Indians came to see me.

I

remained

My

Lord,

until the

through want of provisions, to send back the

I

left

regret they

would always be

Montreal for Chambly where

15"" of

October,

Militia, as well

as

when all

I

all

the

saw myself obliged

the Indians, retaining at

Chambly only the regulars to wait for two parties of fifty men each whom I had in Lake Champlain. As the enemy continued according to all accounts, encamped about 15 leagues from Orange, I left, as I

remained

have just the honor of informing you, the regular troops

until the ao"" of October,

when M. de Ramezay

news by a Dutch prisoner who was taken by sent to

me

at

at

Chambly, where they

ordered them to return, on receiving

four Indians of the Sault S' Louis,

and

whom

he

Quebec.

This prisoner.

My

Lord,

who

of Militia raised within the

doubly related to Peter Schuyler, is lieutenant of a Company government of New- York by order of the Queen. I have the is

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

835

VI.

annex hereunto a copy of his commission, as well as of the letter M. de Uamezay wrote me regarding him in which he relates all the prisoner had told. This letter, or rather what this prisoner states, shows that it was not without reason nor uselessly that I caused Quebec and Montreal to be fortified, and that I was on the alert during the summer. It is almost incredible that the enemy should remain four months without making any attempt honor

to

on us, and that we should, during that time, have harrassed them so seriously that within the government of Boston two-thirds of the grain has remained in the field, through want of men, This is a fact and some of our parties have been as many as three or not daring, to garner it. weeks in the neighborhood of some English settlements without being able to take one prisoner, because no one would venture abroad. The enemy being, according to the report of this prisoner, always designing to return next year, and having preserved for that purpose their bateaux and canoes, I shall on my part neglect nothing in my power to contribute to the defence of the colony but as powder is an essential element in war, I beg you. My Lord, to reflect that as we have not received any this ;

year, and are always obliged to furnish

our scarcity be known,

we

some

to the Indians, to

whom

it is

not prudent to let

shall fall very short of that article next spring, unless

good as to have some sent

us,

according to the request

we make

in

our joint

you be so

letter.

Vaddbeuii:*

Examination of Ensign Samuel Whiting. Examination of Samuel Whiting, aged forty-six years, son of a Minister settled He is Ensign of Militia under at Dunstable, eleven leagues from Boston. M' Ting, the brother-in-law of the Governor-General of New England. He

was taken on Sunday, second intelligence:

A

—

of

June 1709 and reports the following

Boston about the middle of May, from England with orders to have in readiness one thousand men to be distributed throughout a fleet which is to sail from Scotland on the 12"" of April to attack Canada. This fleet consists of eight large men of war and flyboat arrived at

twenty-two smaller vessels

some

officers

who

his return

there

is

to be a land force of six thousand

named M. Maccardy, a Scotchman, who home, in the present war under the Duke

The General on

;

men,

all

Scotch, except

are English.

is

in hii youth served in France, of Marlborough,

by

whom

and

he was

recommended to his Queen, on her applying for a person fit to command the expedition. M. Vetch, also a Scotchman, who is to be appointed Governor-General of Canada when reduced by the English, will command under him. Queen Anne has obtained from her Parliament half a million for the expense of this

pay and maintain the thousand men she furnishes. delay at Boston. For this reason the thousand men were at once raised on the arrival of the flyboat which brought out arras for those of New England.

expedition.

The

New

fleet is

England

not to

is

to

make any

i

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

886

Two

Colonels settled at Boston are to accompany the naval forces; one

is

named M' Taylor,

the otiier M' Hasby.'

Meanwhile, the people of

New

England, pinched by the continual subsidies they must pay, are dissatisfied with the war, and their Governor whom they accuse of encouraging it in order to have an opportunity to enrich himself and friends.

Colonel Vetch on arriving from England in the flyboat rode post to Orange,

He was

his uncle, Peter Schuyler.

to

Peter Schuyler received a letter in the

name

Queen Anne

of

to the effect that

disposed to side with the French, he was to withdraw forthwith to them, but

many

men

with

if

were he

he would be

would appoint him Chief of the land expedition.

faithful to his party, she

Fifteen hundred

to consult

be away only eight days.

are to be raised in the government of

New-York

;

the Iroquois and as

Indians as possible are to join these.

In order to gain them over, the

Schuyler

for distribution

Queen sends out among them.

After the conquest of Canada, the fleet

is to

presents which she addresses to Peter

proceed to Acadia and Newfoundland.

The French of Canada are to be sent to England for exchange, the French having taken a large number of English at sea. The Scotch are to have Canada if they take it. They have been thinking of making themselves masters of

The Flyboat

it

for the past four years.

does not bring any news of the probability of Peace.

Reverend Pierre de Mareuil

to (lie

Reverend Jacques d'^Hea.

Copy

of a letter from Father de Mareuil, Jesuit Missionary at Onondaga, Father d'Heu, Missionary of the Senecas, dated IG"" of June, 1709.

to

Reverend Father,

As war with

the Iroquois and English

is, I

perceive, certain, and as

M' Peter Schuyler has

sent a belt to protect us against insult, and even given orders to conduct us to Orange, if preferred,

I

have adopted

The Governor's of our party.

brother would have been

me

Father; try to follow

us.

to

much

it been convenient to you to be you to accompany him to Orange, and send, if necessary, for you by the interpreter. Adieu, my dear I recommend myself to your holy S. S. Your most humble and most

M. Joncaire's brother

has even promised

we

this last alternative.

pleased bad

will propose to

obedient Servant

(Signed) ^Sic.

de Mareuil.*

Hobby.

Maeewl is stated to have come to Canada in 1706. He remained in the Iroquois country until the above when he was conducted to Albany by Lieutenant-Colonel John Schuyler, " the Governor's brother." New-Y

July, 1711.

Sir,

your despatches of the 1" of May, 25"' October and 3^ year, with the papers annexed thereunto; and the duplicates of those of 14"" and I have rendered an account thereof to the King. His Majesty has been very glad to learn that your movements in the month had obliged the enemy to burn the forts he had erected along the river I

am

in receipt of

November of last November, 1709, of October, 1709, of Orange, their

bateaux, pirogues and the supplies of provisions they had collected for their intended expedition against Canada. His Majesty has approved of every thing you have done to obtain the

nothing must be neglected to be exactly informed of the enemy's adopt the necessary measures to thwart them ; but you ought at the same and to movements, time pay great attention to unravel, as much as you can, the incorrect intelligence that may be communicated to you, so as not to make any false movement, nor causelessly incur any expense. His Majesty commends you to apply yourself particularly to these objects. He has been much gratified by the assurances the Deputies from the Onnontagues gave you that they did not intend making war against the French. Neither these assurances nor those of the Mohawks must prevent you being constantly on your guard, and anticipating any movements they might make conjointly with the Dutch. His Majesty recommends you to pay strict attention hereunto. He approves your exchange of Peter Schuyler's nephew for Father de Mareuil, the Jesuit, and of the other prisoners. You did very well to take advantage of the opportunity afforded by that exchange to obtain news of what was passing at Orange. His Majesty has been satisfied with the assurances you afford him that you will in future prevent the frauds which the Interpreters commit in the matter of the Indian presents and the trade in Brandy. You cannot pay too strict an attention to this, and I cannot too strongly recommend it to your watchful supervision. particulars

thereof;

He

has seen the messages of the Outaois, Senecas and other Indians of those parts, and has learned with pleasure their dispositions and assurances not to declare in favor of the English,

and

with the French. You ought to direct all your attention to retaining them and to nullifying all the movements whereby the new Governor of Menathe win over the Five Iroquois Nations to his side and to induce them to rise

to live in peace

in these sentiments, is

endeavoring to

against the French.

measures

to

prevent

There

is

reason to hope that he will not succeed,

if

you adopt

suitable

it.

His Majesty has highly approved the answer you have caused the Indians of the Sault S' Louis to give to the proposal the Governor made them not to wage war any more against the English of Boston, and to observe neutrality with them. You must prevent this by all manner of ways, and keep these Indians in their present sentiment of never abandoning the interest of the Colony.

His Majesty has been likewise highly satisfied that you found means to break up M' Dudley's draw the Abenakis of the sea-board to Boston, in order to carry their Beaver thither and to purchase goods there. That is of great importance, and his Majesty recommends you

design to

to prevent these Indians

continue hostilities.

by every means trading

at all with the English,

and

to

engage them to

PARIS DOCXJMENTS: You have done

well to send Sieur Dubuisson to

place, as the latter's affairs obliged

him

to

remain

VII.

command

857

at Detroit in Sieur de la Forest's

Quebec during

at

but he has returned to his post early in the spring, and that M. de

la

the winter.

I

doubt not

Mothe Cadillac has taken

his departure for Louisiana.

His Majesty has approved of your having permitted an inhabitant of Detroit to go to the Ouabache on the information you received of the existence of a Silver mine there, and that you have given him orders to bring you some specimens from that mine. Be so good as to send me word, at the same time, whether it be productive. This discovery, as well as that of the Copper mines which are reported to be abundant, is of great importance, and nothing must be neglected to acquire thorough information on the subject, and to discover the easiest means to render it useful. It is desirable that you find means of .irranging the affair of Paskou6's tribe with the Iroquois. It is of importance and deserves all your care. By the Memoir of the King you will see what his Majesty's opmion is of the expedient you proposed, and I have nothing to

add thereunto.

M.

My

•

On

M.

••••••••••

Lord,

de

VatidreuU

to

de Pontcliartrain,

and Dupuis from Boston on the 17"* of March last, news from Europe. Different persons had, however,

the departure of Sieurs de Rouville

the English had not yet received any

them aA Orange and elsewhere that, unless a revolution should break out in England, there was not the least doubt but that the King would furnish a considerable fleet to M' Nicolaon, who returned to England only with that sole view. This information, furnished by persons in whom I could not fail to have confidence, caused me to adopt the resolution to send back again to Orange, and as I required a pretext, I had recourse to that of restoring a servant that Major Livingston had left behind sick when returning to Three Rivers. I even added to this servant another English prisoner, whom I sent back on his parole in order to obtain Sieur de Beaunny, whom they have detained since three or four years from me in the Boston Government. They told

have retained up to the present time in Orange the three Frenchmen whom I sent to fetch back these two men, and I have not had, since that time, any news even of the English prisoner

whom

I had sent back on parole. This conduct of the English does not surprise me. They have done it, they say, to prevent me knowing what was passing among them, and herein lies their mistake; for by detaining my three men, they have afforded me more reason to suspect

the truth of their expedition than

The

if

they had immediately sent them back to me.

Frenchmen whom I had sent to Orange, have had the honor peviously to observe to you, leads me to suspect at once the cause, and to assure myself of the matter, I dispatched an Indian, who, under pretext of going to

as

non-return at the time indicated of the three

I

Orange

like the rest to trade,

been able

to effect this,

Vol. IX.

employed every means

he examined, pursuant 108

to

to

speak to these three men.

my

orders, every thing that

Not having

was doing

at

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

858

Orange, and remarked that they were beginning to collect bateaux there, and that they were

very busy purchasing up Indians, and

But

my

as

I

left

me no room

was unwilling

This intelligence was confirmed shortly

barii canoes.

to doubt that the

to incur useless

enemy were preparing

e.xpense, I contented

opinion to the Intendant, and requesting him in

means

my

Meanwhile,

arrived, at this

of their voyage, gave

me

after

Sieur Beaucourt's I

issued orders to

word of command. juncture, with Deputies from the Onnontaguez Sieur

the farmers generally throughout the entire country to be ready at the

Baron de Longueil

by other

myself then with communicating

letters to facilitate

to place us at least beyond insult from a sudden attack.

de Joncaire arrived some days

after

invade this country.

to

first

;

him, with six Senecas, and both rendering

to understand that the English

Iroquois to declare themselves against us; that, however,

had spared no pains

me to

an account

engage the

could rely on the fidelity of many,

I

but that there was a large portion of them in favor of the English, as they had been gained over by the presents which were heaped on them, and persuaded that

we

could never resist

the forces that were to attack us.

have done myself the honor to advise you already, My Lord, that M. Raudot and I had adopted measures to bring down to Montreal the Upper Indians, our allies. Sieur de Tonty whom I had sent to Detroit, arrived the first; Sieur de S' Pierre and others who had gone up I

by the Grand river came some time afterwards, and altogether brought us nearly four to five hundred Indians. I employed the time these Indians sojourned at Montreal to endeavor to accommodate the differences that might exist between them, and also Paskoue's afTair last year, and that of the Poutouatamis with the Senecas. I kept these Indians at Montreal nearly two months, but the season beginning to be unpleasant, they could not remain any longer. It would have been a hardship to wish to retain them, as some among them had nearly five hundred leagues to travel before arriving at their winter quarters. I, in like manner, detained two months the Iroquois who came down with M. de Longueil and Sieur de Joncaire; but perceiving that they began to grow weary, I thought 'twas much better to send them back than to retain them by force, and thereby furnish the remainder a reason to declare against us. I already observed to you. My Lord, that I had adopted measures with the Missionaries of Acadia to be informed of the opinions of the inhabitants of those parts, who, I was previously aware from divers private letters, were discontented with the English, by whom they were very badly treated.

On

the

4""

of August

I

received

at

Montreal a letter from Father Felix,' a Recollet

Missionary at Acadia, in which he informed

from Pintagowet fort,

sent sixty

to attack the

men with

of the 21" of June

These

to

me

English garrison

that Sieur Castin having sent forty Indians

at

Port Royal, M' Wetsche,' governor of that

arms in three pirogues up the take two or three farmers prisoners. their

forty Indians of Pintagowet,

Royal

river of Port

in the

morning

commanded by one L'Aymalle, on perceiving these them to surrender. As they fired first,

three pirogues, went to the water side and cried out to

they did no injury to our Indians, but the latter having discharged their pieces, killed twenty

and wounded several more at the first fire, and afterwards became masters of these three pirogues and all who were in them, except one man who escaped. After this expedition, the Indians demanded assistance from the Settlers at Port Royal, who, having assembled from all parts, proceeded with the Indians to invest the Fort at Port Royal, expecting to take

it

because a great number of the garrison had died of sickness during the '

Rev. Felix Cappes.

'

Sic. "Vetch.

—Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS M' Weitche,' the Governor, had recently

winter, and

other

On

859

VII.

:

lost his

Major, Engineer and three or four

officers.

this

for aid,

I

news, and on the request of Father Felix on behalf of all the inhabitants of Acadia two hundred men, both Regulars and Militia, and twelve

resolved to send thither

under the command of the Marquis d'Alogny. My orders were already issued, the warned, and waiting only for a few carriages which they required, when I received some people letters from M. de Costebelle, on the morning of the 6"" of August, informing me that the skipper of an English bark, a prisoner of war at Placentia, after having been interrogated, and after officers,

the truth, had assured him that two 70-gun ships had arrived IQ* of June with M' Nicolson that they had been detached from a fleet consisting of ten sixty, and one seventy-gun ships, with three bomb ketches, and thirty transports carrying from twenty-four lo thirty guns; that there were two Boston ships of fifty guns with five transports, on board which three thousand New England Militia were to embark; that they were actually victualed and provided with military stores, in order to be ready to put to sea as soon as the men of war should arrive from Old England. M. de Costobelle's letter added, that these made their appearance on the 20"" of June, sixty leagues

having promised

at

to

Boston on the

tell

lO"* or

;

off Boston, according to the report of a

the

S"*

Martinique privateer

of July and stated that he had seen

them

who had

arrived at Placentia on

quite close, and had counted as

many

as

thirty-five sail.

This same English prisoner had further assured M. de Costobelle that two thousand Militia and Indians were to proceed against Montreal, and that it was very certain that it was intended to take

On

Canada

this year.

and on information received from Teganissorens, an Onnontague Chief, by brought me three strings of Wampum from him, to let me know that it was

this advice,

an Express

who

that there were at Orange fleet had sailed from Boston for this country two hundred bateaux already built and that one hundred additional were to be brought there at the earliest moment; and, moreover, that Abraham Schull* had visited all the villages in order add to which, the letter you did M. de Costebelle to engage the Iroquois to declare against us I found it, the honor to write, dated the ll"" of March last, copy whereof he had sent me, assistance to the people of Acadia, impossible for me to furnish any regret, my profound to use to them, and having no troops here to allow me to detach a number sufficient to be of any the people of this place being unwilling, on hearing of the menaced attack, to leave their

time that the English

;

;

—

country to defend another.

M. de Costebelle's despatches, I assembled at my quarters in Montreal the Onnontagues and Senecas who had accompanied M. de Longueil and Sieur de Joncaire, and afl,er having communicated to the one and the other the news and the three strings of Wampum that Teganissorens had sent me, I let them know that, as the Dutch had openly avowed themselves, I could no longer refrain from making some prisoners in that direction, in

On

the receipt of

order to obtain intelligence.

me that I was Master that they saw clearly that my reasons were was thereupon resolved in the same Council, that, in order to strengthen our party Onnontagud and among the Senecas, [it would be well to send back their Deputies,] who

The

Iroquois answered

valid; and at

;

it

relating to the Ancients all that occurred at Montreal in

experienced by those

who were •

Sit.

Vetch.

their regard,

and the treatment

going back, as well as by those that remained, would *

Sic Schuyler.

— Ed.

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

860 assure the Chiefs

anew on my

part that

I

entertained no unfriendly design against them, and

break with them, my intention was to observe most exactly the peace concluded by the late Chevalier de Cailieres; that in token of my sincerity, I was restoring to them three of their people whom I caused to be taken out of the hands of the from desiring

that far

to

Oyatonons; that I required nothing but Neutrality from them, and to abstain from taking any part between the English and us. On the day following this Council, I agreed with M. de Ramezay as to the number of men he should furnish me from his government, and after having left to him the care of issuing the proper orders,

I

caused a grand feast to be given to

those domiciliated and the others, so as to

get them

all

the Indians then at Montreal, including

to chant the war-song.

was attended

It

by between seven and eight hundred persons. Sieur de Joncaire and after him Sieur de la Chauvignerie having commenced to raise the hatchet in my name, the Indians of the Sault S' Louis, Sault au Recolet, the Nepissings of the entire Island,' immediately responded with loud shouts of joy. The Indians who had come down from the Upper Country did not follow their example. Some of them hesitated a long time between the desire to declare themselves, and the fear of thereby closing the path to the English

;

for, after all.

My

Lord,

all

Upper

the

JNations,

even

to the Indians of

Lake Superior,

number of twenty, having commenced

Meanwhile the Hurons up the hatchet, the other nations followed, and finally, in presence of the Iroquois of the [Upper] Country, who were spectators of this feast, all accepted the hatchet of Detroit, to the

resort thither. to sing

and

to take

against Peter, and, after their fashion, pleasure.

However,

made me master of their bodies to

dispose thereof at

my

as I have the honor already to inform you, I have not been able to take

I have been will, owing to the season being too far advanced. them back, contenting myself with retaining of all the tribes only a certain number, so as to let the English and Iroquois see that I was always master of the Upper Nations, as they left me their children as hostages. These remained with me until I became certain that the enemy could no longer invade this country. Information so positive as that I was receiving from all parts, allowing me no longer any

advantage of their good constrained to send

excuse for doubting that part,

adopted

all

to our enemies.

we were about

to

be vigorously attacked above and below,

I,

on

my

the precautions I considered advisable so as to oppose a vigorous resistance I

wrote strongly on the subject to the Intendant; sent orders to the Marquis

d'Alogny at Quebec to hasten the

fortifications,

and have the

Women,

Children, old

men and

the cattle not required within the town, removed into the depths of the forest, on the

alarm of the enemy being in the

river.

My

the spring, the farmers took the precaution to construct parks in the woods, and sufficiently at rest

on

this point.

I

first

orders on this point having been issued early in

was likewise

my mind was

perfectly satisfied that Sieur de Beaucourt

would not neglect any thing on his part to place the town in a condition to stand a siege and t heard, by every opportunity, that the fortifications were perceptibly advancing from day to day, which afforded me sincere pleasure. I owe this justice. My Lord, to Sieur de Beaucourt; ;

he has discovered the secret to please every body; the farmer has returned, without difficulty and regret, as many as four times to the works; and, satisfied with the reasons that Sieur de Beaucourt gave him, went home contented and convinced that we should beat the enemy. Such good dispositions were not to be neglected ; I have been myself in several settlements to '

of Montreal. Charlevoix, IL, 363.

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS bold reviews, to encourage the farmers to

make

8G1

VII.

:

a good defence, and to abandon every thing

for the public good.

Meanwhile, however anxious

I

was

to get to

Quebec,

the seventh of September, because the English

made

I

could not start from Montreal before

use of every means not only to induce

the Iroquois to declare against us, but even to debauch our domiciled Indians, assured that they did not intend to harm that, if

they joined

us,

;

who

they were irrecoverably

whom

they

could remain undisturbed in their village, but lost

and had no more quarter to expect-

made some impression on

minds of the Indians, and even on certain of the French who were apprehensive that the Indians would abandon us, it became of imperious necessity that I should be on the spot to destroy those underground Belts, the more dangerous inasmuch as the Indians make it a point of honor, among tiiemselves, not to All these threats having

inform us of them.

I

can assure you.

those promises and threats;

number of

eighty-four

duty to take

— that

is

for,

My

Lord, that

when news

the

have succeeded therein

I

arrived that the

in spite

of

all

in the river to the

not one of our Indians but occupied the proper position

sail,

it

was

his

and Bescancourt came to Quebec, and

to say, the missions of S' Francis

those of the Sault S' Louis, Sault au Recolet and Bout de it

enemy were

I'Isle

proceeded

to

Chambly when

became necessary; the one and the other having, as a mark of their fidelity, sent their children to Montreal and Three Rivers. 'Tis true that I had the precaution before

women and

leaving Montreal to visit

down,

to pass

all

the missions within that government, and afterwards, on

through S' Francis and Bescancourt, where

I

had made

all

my way

the Indians understand

means to resist our enemies was for us to unite together and all to form but one body that it was a mistake to expect to be able to defend ourselves in different places that this war was one of religion, but at the same time a common one, it being the intention of the English to utterly destroy them, if successful in conquering us and driving us from this Continent. These reasons, My Lord, backed by the Missionaries, having made an impression on their minds, I came down to Quebec, where I found matters in a pretty good state. that the only ;

•

•

;

•• ••••••••••• •

Quebec,

•

•

•

•

•

•

de Pontchartrain to

•

Vaudreuil.

this 25"" October, 1711.

M.

•

M.

de

Vaudreuil. Marly, 2S«» June, 1712.

Sir,

His Majesty has approved the measures you have adopted to obtain information of the enemy's designs, and the embassy you sent to the [ Indian ] Nations. You cannot employ a better agent than Sieur de Longueil when you will have any negotiation with the Iroquois. He is likewise satisfied with the measures you have adopted with the Onontagues and the Senecas,

who were

at Montreal, respecting the prisoners

you wished

to

be made in the territory

of Orange.

You have done to

well to have the hatchet taken up against the English by all the Tribes, and have retained their children by you until you were sure the enemy could no longer come

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

8G2

•••••*•**•

into the Colony, so as to give

them and the Iroquois

to understand that

you are Master of the

Upper Indians. • It is

having

fortunate that the enemy's fleet had been wrecked, without the Colony of

a drop of blood, though

lost

I

am

would have made, would have forced them administration.

It is

Canada you

well persuaded that the vigorous resistance to retreat as

they did during Count de Frontenac's

an interposition of Providence and a visible mark of

its

protection, for

which the entire Colony ought to return God thanks. His Majesty is persuaded like you, that you ought not to embroil yourself with the Iroquois, by reason of the cruel war which would be the consequence in the Colony, but this must not prevent you making them thoroughly sensible of the fault they have committed, so that they may not in future again fall into it, and may attach themselves the more to us. You must always prevent the Abenakis going to Boston to trade their beavers; and I am persuaded that you will find means to effect that object as you have already done. I exhort you thereunto, for his Majesty, in consequence of hard times and the war in which he is involved, is not in a position to remit the supply of goods which you require. I

to

have learned with pleasure Sieur de Rouville's return, and that the Iroquois were preparing

come down.

I

doubt not but your reception of them has been consistent with the dignity

wrong they You know how to profit by this opportunity so as to attach them more closely to you, by making the most to them of the pardon you have granted them. His Majesty recommends you to preserve peace constantly with them and the other Indians, and to adopt all the means necessary for and that you have given them

that belongs to your character,

have been guilty

that purpose. •

Whatever

of,

*•••*•*•*• ••••••••••

M'^

Nicolson

may

say, I do not believe that the English will

expedition this year against Canada.

and

in a condition to repel the

year well prepared for their reception.

enemy.

fit

out another

Nevertheless you ought to be constantly on your guard,

last

•

to understand the

without, however, estranging them from you.

It

appears to

me

so

much

the

more

easy, as

you were

cannot recommend you too earnestly to pay undivided and perfect attention to the preventing the trade in, and the sale of Brandy among the Iroquois. His Majesty's orders in I

this regard

on

must be executed without favor you redouble your vigilance.

to

any person whomsoever.

He

desires

that

this point

M. My 1

de

Vaudreuil

to

M.

de Pontchartrain.

Lord,

am

very sensible of your goodness in assuring

me

of his Majesty's approbation of

services last year, and of his being pleased to approve of all the

movements

I

had made

my to

PARIS DOCUMENTS

VII.

:

863

oppose the designs which the enemy had formed against this Colony. I will always pay more attention to the proper performance of my duties, in order to merit, thereby, the favors his Majesty will be graciously pleased to bestow on me.

My

letters by way of copy whereof I annex hereunto, rendered you an account of every thing that occurred in this country up to the twenty-third of July, about which time, I went up again to Montreal, having already made one voyage thither at the breaking up of I

did myself the honor,

my

Placentia, £\nd in

the

Lord, to write you since the spring four

three,

first

ice.

My

My

fourth letter,

Lord, being only an abstract of the contents of the others, and of what

took place up to the arrival of the King's ship, I

had the honor

last

I

do not repeat

it

if

the earliest date, to the reestablish ment of Michillimakinac,

we

our

allies,

who were This

their doing so.

during the winter the secret in the place

almost

to unite

man named Saguina having discovered

this year, for the

with the Poutauatemis in order to wage war together

The

to

win over

the other tribes to his interest, pursued these unfortunate people as far as Detroit,

where they have •

a considerable number of

where they were wintering, but having further found means

•••••••••• •••••••••••

all

•

Upper

should run the risk of losing

against the Maskoutins and the Outagamie, not only destroyed

them

the

destroying one another, having no person in that place to prevent

what occurred

is

affairs in

attention were not directed, at

Country, and then took the liberty to represent to you, that

all

here.

year to give you an account of the situation of

killed or taken prisoners nearly a

occurrences at Detroit,

and Maskoutins

who were

My Lord,

there,

thousand of both sexes.'

in regard to the

•

wholesale destruction of the Outagamis

made me apprehensive

that the Iroquois

would take the part

of the former, who, two years ago, had been to renew alliance with them and place themselves

under their protection, and

make some overtures

to

to

whom

them on

even a party had retired

when I

this subject,

of Sieur de la Fresniere,

me from Fort Frontenac, where who had come down to be cured

as a part of his garrison,

was

Joncaire, which he wrote

on

their

sent

way

to

last winter.

I

was preparing

to

received at Montreal a letter from Sieur de

he was commanding in the absence

of the fevers from which he, as well M. de Joncaire informed me that the Senecas being Montreal, the Onontagues had induced them to abandon the journey and had suffering.

him four Deputies with three

strings of

Wampum,

«'

to say

" That they were drawing by the arms their three children, M. de Longueil, Sieurs de Joncaire and La Chauvignerie, and that they invited them to Fort Frontenac to hold a general Council with all the Iroquois Nations who were to assemble there.

That they had learned from some Iroquois who came from Detroit, that Nations were to fall on them, and that to be in readiness for all events, they, on '•

prepared canoes and

all

the

Upper had

necessary provisions, so as not to be surprised.

That they did not wish this news to be conveyed to me by any them or settled at Katarakouy, but by the French of the Fort."

•'

to

all

their part,

Indians, either belonging

These demands of the Iroquois did not customary '

to

M. Dubuisson's

fail to embarrass me, the rather as it was not go to Fort Frontenac to arrange matters, but to Montreal, or to their country

official

report of the seige of Detroit in 1712, and of the

published at length in General

W.

R. Smith'* very valuable

Mamacra of the Ootagamii and Maskouteni, HUtory of WUcontin, III., 814. —Ed.

is

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

864

when I thought proper to send there. Besides, I was aware that Peter Scul' had made two consecutive journeys to Onontague for the purpose of renewing the ancient league, and to create distrust in their minds at the same time in respect to the occurrences at Fort However, not to have any thing to reproach myself with, I took, the resolution to send Mons' de Longueil thither with Sieur de la Chauvignerie, Sieur de Joncaire being there already, and they set out on the the morning of the twenty-seventh of August, when, in the evening, I received another letter from Sieur Joncaire, in which he Pontchartrain of Detroit.

informed despite of

go

me all

down

that he did not succeed in preventing the departure of the Indians, and that, the Onontagues and Cayugas could do, the Senecas had adopted the resolution

number, both Chiefs and men of influence that the other and that a great portion of their canoes were built; that some Indians even of Virginia had been with them, and that they amounted to as many as a thousand or twelve hundred warriors; that he considered it his duty to communicate this information to me, because the Iroquois did not declare the precise point where they would strike that their canoes were constructed in the very spot in which they made those in the Marquis de Denonville's time when they came to attack the settlements of Lachine that it did not appear to him probable that Peter Scul^ would suffer them to strike the Upper Nations, from whom he annually derives a considerable to

to Montreal, forty-five in

;

four Iroquois Nations were always continuing their meetings at Onontague,

;

;

quantity of peltries

;

that there

design against this country.

was every reason

apprehend that they entertained some

to

thereupon, adopted what precautions

I,

I

considered necessary to

avoid a surprise below here, and, at the same time, gave notice, by some Indians, to our allies to

be on their guard.

The Senecas

arrived four days afterwards at Montreal, and told

speak unless Sieur de Joncaire were present.

granted them

me

that they should not

by no means sorry to retain them near me as long as possible, as I was persuaded that the others would not make any movement so long as those deputies were in my hands. Sieur de Joncaire having returned from Fort Frontenac, the Senecas communicated to me, on the tenth of September, the message I have the honor to annex to this letter, to which I gave the answer which is thereunto adjoined. During Sieur de Joncaire's absence I had time to interrogate the principal Seneca chiefs in private.

They admitted

to

me

I

main cause of

that the

their

their request, being

coming down was, that they knew to have any war with the

better than the other Iroquois Nations

how important

people of the Sault

principal suft'urers in the last war, being daily exposed

;

that they

were the

it

was not

to the forays of our allies, whilst the others, less accessible to the

Upper Nations, remained

very quiet in their villages; that Teganisorens was singing the war song the whole of this winter against Saguina and the people of Detroit, being urged thereunto by the English to

whom

he

resolution of

is

wholly attached

;

that being unable to stop this expedition, they took the

Mess" de Longueil, de Chauvignerie and de Joncaire, by whose means they hoped to effect their purpose that being aware of the Teganisorens' obstinacy, they had, despite the Onontagues, who had stopped them, afterwards adopted the resolution to come down, flattering themselves that, so long as they were here, the others, though assembled, would not set out that should they proceed I would at least be aware of the fidelity of Senecas, of which they supposed they could not give me a stronger proof than by coming and placing themselves in my hands. first

inviting

;

;

'

Sic Sehuyler.

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

865

VII.

During that time, My Lord, up to the twenty-fifth of September, I received several notices were always persisting in their designs; that they continued assembled at Onontagu6, and, let whatever happen, that they should march, without troubling themselves that the Iroquois

about the Senecas

who were

and

at Montreal; they even sent Belts to the Indians of the Sault

of the Mountain, requesting them to remain passive on their mats, and not to take any sides, neither for nor against them in this

had no

will

affair.

but mine, and that, whatever

Perceiving

this,

My

I

Our Indians made answer

to this Belt, that

they

should do, they would do likewise.

Lord, and that the season was already too far advanced to permit

me

••••••• •••••••••• •••••••••• •••••••••••

any longer your orders to be sent to Michillimakinac, I immediately adopted the Ligny thither. I also dispatched Sieur Deslietten' to the Uinois and Sieur de Vincennes to the Miamis.

to await

resolution to send Sieur de •

I have learned, with much satisfaction, by the despatch of the twenty-eighth of June, that you approve the answer I sent last year to the letter M'' Nicolson wrote me from Port Royal in conjunction with the Queen of England's Council. • •

November

•

6,

Vaudreuil.

1712.

a

M.

I

>

I

de Pontchari/rain to

M.

de Vaudreuil.

-'

'

'

Vers''^es,,4* July, 17 15. ' ^Vfc /

Sir,

His Majesty has approved the measures you have adopted on the iqfbrmation you received were preparing another expedition last year, of which, however, there was

that the English

no probability, after the ill succcess they had had the year preceding and the good understanding which existed between us and that Nation. This ought to impress on you the necessity of being constantly on your guard against the information communicat#4' to you, the most of which is false and serves only to create expense and excite alarm throughout the country. You will have understood this by the advice I gave you, in the first instance, of the suspensiou of hostilities, and afterwards of the conclusion of Peace, which finally procures tranquillity for the country and security for trade and navigation, advantages by which merchants and farmers will usefully profit, if they will, and to which you ought to contribute protection and the necessary facilities, by your encouragement. His Majesty orders me to recommend you to pay attention thereto.

'

Vol. IX.

Delietto,

a relatiTe of Sieur da Tonti. Charlevoix, IL, 266.

109

— Ed.

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

866

Memoir on It is for

Detroit.'

the King's glory and the interest of the Colony to preserve the post of Detroit, for

divers reasons.

The

and principal

first

is,

themselves masters thereof, as neighbors of the English,

that it

is

if

that

post be

abandoned, the English would render

separated only by Lake Herie from the Iroquois, the near

who have

already

made two attempts

to seize

it,

and

to

form an

means of which they would carry on the whole trade with all the Indian The first was in 16S6, when they sent 7 Englishmen from Orange with 5

establishment there by nations our

allies.

Abenaki Mohegans (Lou-ps)

to

sound the disposition of the Indians as to whether these would when they would bring some goods and, in fact,

be glad to receive them the following year,

;

they did perform their promises to the Indians in 1687, but were met by the French

marching by

M""

The French and

de Denonville's orders against the Iroquois.

who were

Indians to the

number of 800 men, who had set out from Detroit and other posts occupied by the French, M' de Denonville at the Senecas on the borders of Lake Ontario, encountered 32 canoes in which were 60 Englishmen and some Mohegans {loups) who had gone from Orange with merchandise to trade at the Detroit with the Outaois and Hurons then at Michilimakina the whole of their goods were plundered and distributed among the Indians and French, as contraband and in the possession of a people without a passport either from the King or from Governor-general of New France. The parties were sent to Fort Frontenac, where they remained until the return of M"^ de Denonville, who transferred them to Quebec, whence, after a detention of three weeks, he sent them back to Orange. Since that time, the post of Detroit to join

;

new expedition. The second reason is, that the King, preserving this post with a garrison, would afford means to prevent any movements the Iroquois might make and the engagements they might enter into with the Indians, our allies, either as emissaries of the English or on their own account. The third reason is that, if we have war with the Iroquois, Detroit may keep them in check because between that post and them, there is only Lake Heri6 by which they can be attacked, as in 1687, when all the old and new grain of tlie Iroquois was destroyed that this post would, moreover, furnish sufficient provisions to the French and Indians who might has been established, which has prevented the English presuming to send out a

;

assemble there preparatory

The

fourth reason

is,

to

going to war against the Iroquois.

that the preservation of this post

establishment at Michilimakina, since, from the

is

of importance for the proposed

commencement

of the present year up to this more than 800 minots^ of Indian corn have been exported from Detroit; and the more Michilimakina will augment, as the land there is poor and does not produce corn, of the more consequence is it that some Indians remain at Detroit to cultivate the soil, which is good

time,

thereabouts, particularly for Indian corn.

These reasons soldiers, sufficient

will show the necessity of fortifying that post and of garrisoning it with 20 one sergeant and an officer, under the orders of the Commandant; this would be both to guard the fort and to prevent the Coureurs de bois going thither.

There are two modes of defraying this expense without any cost to the King. First, to give up the trade at this post exclusively to the officer in command there, as is the case at present, on condition of his defraying all the necessary oharges, even the presents for managing the '

Supposed to have been written by Captain de

la Forest..

— Ed.

'

2400 bushels.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

8G7

VII.

who come to trade there whence it follows that the conditions heretofore imposed by M. de La Mothe on divers private persons can no longer exist, as these cannot derive therefrom any further advantage than that of carrying on trade there to the prejudice of the Commandant Indians

;

who must meet

all

the expense thereof.

These settlers are unable to improve any grant of land, as they possess no other retreat and asylum there than the fort, for were any houses without the fort, they would be exposed even the Hurons and Outawas are each in their to be burnt, and their occupants to be killed fort, like the French, and the Poutouatamis, who have not as yet had time to erect one, have taken shelter between the French and Huron forts, and they often have alarms which oblige them to put their wives and children into the French fort. Therefore, M. de la Mothe's idea of establishing a colony there is impracticable and incompatible with the exclusive trade his Majesty [has conferred] on the Commandant of that post, which is not to be governed otherwise than Fort Frontenac, where there were formerly some settlers whom the King ;

obliged to abandon said place? and

if it

that the settlers

When

Sieur

Commandant

be his Majesty's intention that the

Detroit enjoy the trade of that post as the

King enjoys

that of Fort Frontenac,

who remain only in the fort have orders to abandon it. de La Mothe undertook this establishment, his Majesty

it is

of

necessary

granted him 150

who

desires

to be in a position to defend this post as he ought, requires from his Majesty only

twenty

soldiers,

whose pay and clothing were provided by the King.

Sieur Delaforest,

one Serjeant, with their pay and clothing, which he

soldiers and

without any charge

for transportation,

and

will receive

these soldiers will not cost his

at

Quebec

Majesty any more

than his other troops in garrison in that country, and would render his Majesty very good service there,

it

not being

fitting for

an

officer

who

has the honor to

a fort 350 leagues from Quebec, in the centre of the Indian

command

nations,

to

for the

King

in

be alone and

without troops.

The second mode would is

be, that his Majesty should

the case with Fort Frontenac.

in this

command than

It is indifferent to

it

less suited to the

this fort

on his

who

own

account, as

has no other view

to acquit himself to his Majesty's satisfaction.

These two plans can be applied equally still

manage

Sieur Delaforest,

to the establishment of Michilimakina,

establishment of a colony than Detroit, the

does not produce Wheat, and so

little

soil there

which

is

being so poor that

Indian Corn that the resident Indians of the place are

every year so very short of food that they are obliged to scatter themselves along the Lakes,

where they

live partly

on

fish,

and on small berries called

bluett

which are very common

in

that country.

But

if

the free trade of licences be established, exclusive trade can no longer exist at

Detroit either for the King or the to

any extraordinary expense

because the

Commandant, and

in that case his

Majesty will not be subject

and the twenty soldiers who will be in that fort, with bit allowances, and the soldiers with their pay in

for the Officer

officer will be satisfied consequence of the privilege of trading which they will enjoy. Done at Quebec, the first of October, one thousand seven hundred and fourteen.

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

868

M.

de Vaudreuil to the

Duke of

Orleans.

Memoir addressed by M. de Vaudreuil

Extracts of the

Regent of J" ranee, February,

to the

Duke

of Orleans,

1716.'

1" Extract.

The Marquis de Highness is submit reasons

Governor-general of Canada, persuaded

Vaudreuil,

convinced of the necessity in

which

exists of preserving this Colony, will not here

He

support of such policy.

that your Royal

will endeavor only to

Memoir the means of accomplishing it. One of the surest is to prevent the imminent danger should a new war break out with the English.

to

which

this

communicate in

this

Colony would be exposed

It is easy to comprehend this, if it be considered that there are at present, in Canada, only 4484 persons, between fourteen and sixty, capable of bearing arms; That the twenty-eight companies of Infantry which the King maintains there, consists, in all, of only 628 soldiers, including Sergeants, Corporals, and lance-corporals, and that this handful of men is dispersed over an extent of one hundred leagues of Country. And if it be at the same time borne in mind to what degree the power of the English has advanced in this part of North America, there being in the English Colonies, contiguous to Canada, sixty thousand men capable of bearing arms ;

cannot be,

for an instant,

doubted but the English, on the

first rupture between France and England, would employ all their efforts to seize the whole of Canada, and consequently the entire of North America, whence might follow the loss of Mexico, from which they would expel the Spaniards in a few years without any resistance.

It

They have made their intentions sufficiently clear by the expedition they fitted out in 1711, and even since the peace, by the twenty-second Article of the Instructions given by the city of London to its representatives, wherein it is expressly stated that they shall demand of the Ministers of the preceding government the reason at present called lie Royale,

were

left

Should this Island of Cape Breton pass resource would be

left for

why Canada and

the Island of

Cape Breton,

to France. to the English,

with the rest of Canada, no further

the Cod-fishery, which would be a serious loss to the

commerce of

the Kingdom. It is

impossible to express

how much the power of England would increase should she seize how formidable that power would become in Europe.

the remainder of North America, and

This must render peace to

Infantry as to

The

sufficiently intelligible the necessity that exists to take

Canada by sending some people augment the population.

fortify

reestablishraent of the companies

King reckon

is

thither, as well to

advantage of the

complete the Companies of

within the ordinary rule,

it

not being just that the

Colony on twenty-eight companies of fifty each, when they hundred and twenty-eight men. A governor would render

for the defence of a

are found to be reduced to six

himself responsible for the consequences, should he observe silence in such a case. The conjuncture is favorable for reestablishing them; the great number of soldiers discharged from the regular army greatly facilitates the levies; they will cost little, and the '

Compare Charlevoix,

II.,

402,

by which

it

Beems a slmiUr letter to this was addressed to M. de Pontchartrain in 1714.

PARIS DOCUMENTS: balances remaining from to

the

869

VII.

nou-completion of the regiments of preceding years otight

maice the ordinary funds of

years furnish

said

sufficient

for

reestablishment of

the

said companies.

would be well

hundred men. Two hundred can be conveyed in the King's ship which will go to Canada, and the remainder on board those destined for He Royale, whence it would be very easy to bring them to Canada, by obliging all the barks which sail thither from He Royale to take a certain number of them, and even the King's ship which goes to Canada and will touch at He Royale will be able, when there, to take one hundred more with the two hundred it would It

to

send out this year a reinforcement of

five

already have.

As many more might be conveyed next year, and one hundred and fifty annually during the when the companies are more than complete, to grant discharges to the old soldiers in order that they may marry and settle in the country; which would

following years, observing,

materially benefit

placing

it

it

by peopling

insensibly with disciplined settlers adapted to labor, and

it

make it feared by the Indians and to upset be war with th^m. With such assistance in case

in a position to

English, should there

the projects of the of war, a hope

may

even be entertained of recovering Acadia and the Island of Newfoundland. S""*

One

Extract.

of the Marquis de Vaudreuil's principal objects of attention since he

Canada, has been

to preserve

peace with the Indians, and to prevent them as

Governor of

is

much

as possible

resorting to the English to trade.

He

has succeeded herein pretty well up to the present time with very

dares to

flatter

himself that he will

still

little

expense, and

succeed therein despite the advantages they find

the English, and the continual solicitations the English

employ

them But he cannot do so except by making them some presents annually, and to attract

among

to themselves.

especially this

year when they are impatiently expecting them.

He would

be very

illy

the necessary presents,

him

a confidence he is

;

among And seize

received should he arrive without having wherewith to

make them

and would run the risk of losing the confidence they repose in in such need of to terminate the difierences these Indians have

themselves. the English,

this

occasion,

who

only seek means to estrange the Indians from us, would not fail to and give them to understand that they are not of any consideration

in France.

Your Royal Highness

aware how prejudicial to Canada the alliance of the how much its trade would suffer thereby. It would be a pity to give these Indians cause to complain, for want of a few presents ; their zeal and fidelity, of which they have afforded proofs on divers occisions, and principally in coming to the Marquis de Vaudreuil's aid as soon as he let them know that he was about to be attacked by the English, demand that some attention be paid them. is

sufficiently

Indians with the English would be, and

The Marquis this year to

de Vaudreuil hopes, then, that your Royal Highness will be pleased to send

Canada

thirty thousand livres' worth of presents for the Indians, and to continue to send thither annually the usual gratuities. It is

more advantageous

to

make

the purchases in France than in

cost 100 per cent more), provided those authorized to

Canada (where they would

make them do

not act as in preceding

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

870 when

was remarked that they charged the King more in France than the merchants of Canada sold them for and that what was purchased for three livres by Canadian importers of similar goods, cost the King nine. It would be proper to send annually to Canada forty thousand weight of powder, sixty years,

it

;

and six hundred Tulle fowling pieces ; these are the best, the Indians are conversant with them and do not want any others. The only article of our merchandize the Indians prefer to that of the English is powder, and it will be a great inducement to them to come to trade with us, especially if your Royal Highness has the goodness to order that it be sold at the King's store at thirty sous, the price previous to 1712, and not at forty-five, as at present. The Indians complain of this advance ; they consume from twenty to twenty-five thousand weight of powder annually the surplus thousand weight of lead in

pigs,

;

will serve to form a reserve for fear of falling short, so as not to be in

The Marquis de Vaudreuil supplicates your Royal Highness to be among the Indians such posts as he will find adapted to

establish

without being obliged to give notice beforehand, but merely

to

him

to

of these posts for

am of opinion

that

it is

pleased to permit

the good of the service,

render an account thereof and of

them; otherwise he will be obliged two years, which might be very prejudicial.

his reasons for establishing

I

in

war should break out with the English.

case

^

want of a supply

to

postpone the establishment

absolutely necessary to introduce licenses again for Michillimakinak;

to issue twenty-five annually as heretofore; also to allow the sale of

Brandy there; and

at the

posts thai are to be and have been already established, such as Forts Frontenac and Detroit.

These licenses cannot but be of great advantage

,

to the

Colony, and will prevent the Upper

\ Indians trading with the English.

The circumstance that has partly led them thither, heretofore, is the length of the voyage make to Montreal in quest of supplies, which they find among the English at lower rates and without going so far. If goods be carried to them they will certainly prefer

they have to

such to those of the English ; their natural antipathy to the latter, and the risks they run in the journey, will engage them so to do. Besides, a great portion of the Indians will, by this means, be attracted to that place,

whereas they are

all

manage them more

nomadic (errants) ; and the Commandant of that post will be enabled to and even to make himself feared by those Tribes in consequence of

easily

the reinforcements he will annually receive.

By is

such means also will the Coureurs de bois be prevented, who, no matter what precaution

taken, do not

fail

to get off

every year; these

men

incurring the penalties of the law binders their return.

V

^ i'

are lost to the Colony, as the fear of

Your Royal Highness

will be

under

the necessity of granting them an amnesty.

Those who

will obtain these licenses,

which are to be examined (vises) by the Intendant, same time, and to repair to the Commandant

will be obliged to take their departure all at the

whose orders they shall be subject. The disorders caused by the sale of Brandy, in past times, may be presented as an objection. They are easily remedied by permitting each canoe to take only a small quantity, and by obliging the proprietors of the Canoes to deliver it all to the Commandants of the posts to

at Michillimakinak, to

which they

will go, who shall sell it to the Indians on their account and in their presence, observing to furnish these Indians only half a pint a day for four persons.

PARIS DOCUMENTS: In this it

way

there need be no fear of the evils which brandy

do good, by preventing the Indians,

will

English, who, in the hope of attracting

who

prevention of which

is

to themselves, is

it,

cause

going

;

in

on the contrary, quest of

it

to the

do not refuse them any; they the cause of those disorders, the

aimed at by the abolition of the trade.

'Tis certain that the Indians, finding to the English.

may

cannot do without

them

supply them with some even to take to their villages, which

rum

871

VII.

They know

French brandy at home, will not go in search of any

the difference between the one and the other and will always

prefer that of France. It is, therefore,

necessary to have

some

at Fort Frontenac, at Detroit, at Michillimakinac,

which it will be considered proper to establish. The English, always alive to whatever will secure the friendship of the Indians, come even It is the to their country to trade with them, and speak even of making establishments there. Marquis de Vaudreuil's opinion that it would be well to put the Indians up to expelling them, should they execute the design they entertain of coming to establish themselves among our Indians, or on our territory. They have, accordingly, wished to seize the territory occupied by the Abenakis and the Indians of the River S' John, on the ground that it depends on Acadia which has been ceded and

at all the posts

them by the French. But the Indians made answer to them, that this that they were not subjects of the French, but only to

territory has

always belonged

to

them

;

and friends; that the French could not give the English a territory that belonged to them, and which they would not quit. They were correct in saying that the French are only their allies, the Marquis de V^audreuil having always so styled them, in order not to be responsible for what they may do.

The Abenakis have done more,

last

year

—

their allies

at least according to the advices received

by the

Marquis de Vaudreuil; they have captured more than twenty small fishing vessels from the English.

As

may

be attended with some consequences, the Marquis de Vaudreuil beseeches your Royal Highness to let him know your intention, and in what manner he is to act in case the that

English should establish themselves

He

and another little,

for the

and serve

The plan,

among our

Indians and in our territory.

requests also an order for the building of a

fortifications

use every effort to take

will also

They have long been promised

it; it will cost

more strongly to us. of Quebec were commenced in 1712, according

state to resist the English,

You

River S' John,

•^

to attach these Indians

which has been approved

Royal Highness

Church

for the Indians of the

Abenakis of Piskadoue.

will

it,

at Court.

who

will not

Were fail,

to Sieur de Beaucourt's

they once completed, that town would be

in

a

should war break out between them and us, to

the consequence of which

would be the

have the goodness to give orders

entire loss of

Canada.

Your

for their continuance.

have the goodness to direct that He Royale be

That island, so Cod fishery, would soon find itself under the dominion of the English, if advantage be not taken of the peace to put it in a condition to resist them during the war. In addition to the loss of the Cod, it would be also attended by that of the Canada trade. Should the English once get that island, they would be masters of the sea on that side; the risk the ships trading to Canada would then run, would greatly diminish their number. important

for the preservation of the

fortified.

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

872 The

garrison of that island

is

danger of perishing of hunger, should your Royal Highness

in

not have the goodness to cause some ships to be dispatched in the provisions to

it;

those intended for

it

last

year not having been sent

permitting any to be sent so early from Canada.

month

off,

That garrison has need

of April with and the season not

also of clothing.

Description of the Fortifications of Quebec. Report on the Fortification and Situation of the city of Quebec, the Capital of Canada. By M. Chaussegros de Lery, Eugineer-in-Chief.

The

situation of this place

on that of the land, as the

is

favorable on the side of the River S' Lawrence, and unfavorable

locality is

Cape Diamond from the summit will be partially commanded by the at

17

;

the ground rising according as

two-thirds of

its circuit

it

difficult

of fortification,

hill at

Artigny's mill,

recedes from the place,

does not require to be

there being a great pitch

and as the works and by another hill, under-marked

to Coteau de la Potasse

(

Potash

it is

hill ),

favorable, inasmuch as nearly

All that part from the Coteau de la

fortified.

Potasse marked S, which fronts the River S' Charles around to the Redoubt marked H, or top of

Cape Diamond, and beyond that

need of any other

fortification

height, in front of the River S'

Lawrence, has no

than that of the Batteries already there, as

is

it

precipitous

and there are only some few small steps, which could be rendered impassable at the first necessity; there are three good bateaux, in the Lower town, at high-water mark (a Jlotaison), marked F, D, E. Those on the escarpment, in the Upper town, are not so well situated, being too high, especially that of the Chateau. The works on the land side, between the Cape Diamond Redoubt, H, and Coteau de la Potasse, S, do not amount to much, being open in several places, through which the town is entered; though some of these were left to serve as entrances to the town, they have no gates, not even a miserable barrier; the space between Cape Diamond Redoubt, H, and the edge of the escarpment, 2, is open, so that thirty men could enter the town abreast, that point having never been closed. This redoubt, though badly turned, having its left face undefended, is fit for use, being in good repair; and though it were well turned, flank 3 is situated too low to (escarpe),

defend this

left face.

Curtain R, and flank strictly speaking,

3,

and face

4, are

commanded by

the hill 5 of

Cape Diamond, or more

concealed (ojfusquce) by that height in consequence of

its

proximity; the

above ground, and at one place as far as the cordon, by the draft of the actual works, having a large breach towards its centre some earth has been thrown up behind, which does not touch the wall; the flanks and faces of the tenail have open embrasures; to make use of them, it would be necessary to put some earth there for a platform and to construct the merlons. These works are without a ditch. The mill battery, marked G, is fit for service, and though it forms a dead angle, NoTTt. It comCurtain

is

raised only four, five or six feet

as appears

;

i.

mancled by the hoighu

.

,

.

it IS

no

/^

,

less etiectual,

,

•

11

i

being greatly elevated.

All the fortification, 6, 7, 8, to complete the inclosing of the town, consists

elevation without a ditch in front, open and crumbling in

many

places,

merely of an

having in one part a

;

PARIS DOCUMENTS bad upright pallisade at the nothing to prevent Itedou/jt,

Jloijal

foot,

VII.

:

873

which can be scaled without any

difficulty,

there being

it.

marked

I.

The barracks

This redoubt

are good.

is

not completed, as some

remains to be put on the terreplain, and the merlons are to be constructed, some doors and windows to be inserted and the flanks of the barracks to be finished. The Daujihin

earth

still

Itcdoubc

is

incomplete,

of a rising ground.

much being still to The plans, profiles,

be done to elevations

Its location is

it.

and

drafts,

which

bad, being on the slope

have drawn, exhibit

I

the actual condition of these two redoubts. Saint Unule's Redoubt, marked L, for the reception of cannon, consists merely of one double-

faced platform with embrazures of gabions, without a ditch, being inclosed pallisade stuck upright

;

it

has no communication with the place and

is

the guns that might be put there in time of need would be soon captured at a distance

at its gorge;

as this redoubt is

from the place, without communication and without a ditch, and surrounded only

by a wretched

The

;

by a miserable

open

pallisade,

it

would be cannon and people

lost.

which is marked; it is excavated some 2 and 3 feet; the rampart is not begun, the earth which has been removed from the ditch having been used to repair the gardens and fill up a pond, so that there is only this excavation of 2 and 3 feet. 5* Nicholas Redoubt, marked N, is a mere trifle, being very small, covered with wooden machicoulis, the same as the Gallows redoubt {Redouteau Boureau,) G G. 5' Roch Redoulu, marked M, is surrounded by a small ditch; the parapet, almost entirely ia inclose the palace is not advanced, having only the ditch,

fortification to

is made of gabions. The Potash Tenail, marked f f, is badly turned, not being defended at any point. The fortification raised on Coteau de la Potasse, which occupies the border of the escarpment, too low, being in some places only 6 feet high above the escarpment, which can be made

ruins,

is

use of at this point.

The

fortification,

Q, O, P,

nor parapets completed

where there

11,

and there

is

is

;

it

imperfect; Joubert's demi-bastion Q, has neither its rampart forms, on its left, a dead angle towads the escarpment, marked 9, 10, is

a gate; the approach to this angle

a passage of 7

@

by a covert way along the escarpment,

is

8 feet between the end of the wall, 11, which goes

down

to this

escarpment and the edge of the escarpment, 12, behind this wall, 10, 11; it is difficult to construct a rampart there, and at present there is no chrmin dcs rondes^ from which we could fire over its parapet; there are some loop-holes beside the gate, but they are situated too low, fire would be completely traversed from without; the Curtain, 13, is raised six feet over the ground; in bastion O, the ramparts and parapets are not built the Curtain, 14, is not formed, except by a retrenchment the same as that of the Place the bastion, F, is not

so that the

;

;

finished;

it

is

opposed to the

raised over the ground, as hill

at Artigny's Mill,

but without a ditch,

it

shown by

the sketch.

This bastion

being raised above the ground, like

make any

being impossible to

all

is

entirely

that fortification,

at the right face of the bastion, O,

which

is situate on the brow of the hill that is very precipitous; from the height at Artigny's Mill, the faces of bastion F and of bastion O could be easily destroyed. All the

front,

and '

from 15 to 16, is exposed to this hill, the fortification not being covered by any ditch were desirable to construct one before bastion F, it would be necessary to lower the

if it

A space

between the rampart and low parapet under

Vol. IX.

it

110

for the

rounds to go about it Janu/ Military Dictionary.

— Ed.

;

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

874

which would be

faces of said bastion, or to raise the counterscarp

built,

and the covert way

of about twenty feet above the level of the ground on which the faces of this bastion stand

would cause a great expense, it being necessary to prolong the glacis of the covert way, which would not prevent the revetement of this bastion being always exposed at that height; as this bastion is situate in a low locality, I doubt if earth be found in the neighborhood within two hundred toises to construct its rampart, which will be thirty feet high, for the vicinity of this

this place

is

nothing but rock covered with a

have remarked that there

I

Vaudreuil

Done

is

at

is

little soil.

neither cistern nor well within the fort, and the Marquis de

badly lodged there.

Quebec, the 15th October, 1716.

Chaussegros.

Signed

*

i>

»

>

Ramezay and Begon

Messrs. de

Council of ike Marine.

to the

Proposed establishment at Niagara. Lifawn^Xve™"mach^st^m^""^!: whuLrLen'^Suaii'y Bent every year to

niMageihaiNaiioD. t This is a Stone (ort creeled at the mouth of I^ke On-

November, 1716, observe that M. de Longucuil* had informed them on his return from the Iroquois that it would be ncccssary to have a small post North of Niagara, on Lake Ontario, at n r. ^^ about 100 Icagues from Fort Frontenac.t which could be reached in 7 or 8 days ,

peace concluded by M. de Callieres in

\

•'

in CanOC.

That

/-tit-.-, LiaKC Jl.arie. ^"*

r\f \\\o ''"''

plies on their way to and from hunt-

mf»id'^hem"

M""de

^^ approved, the trade there must be carried on

for the

account

KiniT -I^lllg.

M.

de Longucuil has also proposed to build a bark for the purpose of p transportation irom one post to the other, and considers it a sure means to l

*.•

i

i

i

-i

•

.'

''o'^ciliate

go

the Iroquois, and to secure the greater portion of the peltries which

to estab-

except

to the English,

be^doie Cthe premises, and reqoesu permiMion '

profit for his

Majesty's benefit.

This post being established, would afford means to prevent the Coureurs de ,

.

roind'fu'and that Th'.!'»"i»i"hriha'ifK°

and produce a large

bols goiog to trade to '^"^""

to

^^^^ P"^*

^'^

"'

Vaudreuil

lish this post

ro

Indians from

passing from hunting o in the neighborhood

?'h'e'

for''?he'K"g^il'

Vol. IX.

Hobby. Butekinson,

117

IL, 162, 153, 181, Ao.

— £o.

930

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

having been sent back to

me

to Placentia.

Sieur Morpin has sustained

liis

usual reputation;

yard-arm to yard-arm, and, though inferior in strength, prevented the enemy boarding, and had he not been knocked overboard by a he fought for the space of three hours,

manoeuvre, he would have obliged the enemy to

armament

to aid the

4""

him

of September; another ship-master

He depended much on

go.

The same English

and Indians of Acadia.

settlers

next day, a bark coming from Quebec, freighted

on the

let

provisions,

v?ith

was taken on

sailed

from Canada

the 30"" of July at Spaniard's bay'

by two English men-of-war, the Chester and Leopard, belonging

He

which

this little

privateer captured,

to the

Canada

expedition.

on his guard.

is

Expedition against Canada.

M. de Costebelle to M. de Pontchartrain : Placentia, 25 October, 1711. English prize, arrived at Placentia on the 20"" October, has confirmed to

— The me

master of an

the expedition of

me that it consists of a landing force of 8,000 men, and of 4,000 who have proceeded across the country to attack Port Royal.^ Sends the proclamation that the English had printed at Boston and distributed among the people of the English against Canada, and assured

New

France.

Capture of French Vessels.

The Boston

galley, with 3 brigantines, has sailed from that port at the close of

September,

loaded exclusively with munitions of war for Quebec.

The King's

ship

le

Heros, and

fe

Vermandois of Rochelle, have been taken at the Island of

Per^^e, and sent to Old England.

The

aid,

which was on the way

to the

French and Indians of Acadia, and consisted mainly

of munitions of war, has been captured in part on board Sieur Morpin's brigantine, after an

engagement of three hours with an English

Had

to decline boarding.

frigate of

30 guns, and after having forced

it

Captain Morpin not been knocked overboard in the course of the

made contrary to his orders, he would have sustained this unequal fight with some hope of escaping from his adversary.

action by a manoeuvre

He

is

apprehensive that the bark of M. Goubin,^ Missionary, loaded with the remainder

of said munitions of war, has experienced the

same

fate.

Sieur Morpin has been sent back to him from the prison of S* John.

Cape Breton and the Coast of Labrador. Expedition of the English previous TO THE War. Mes^T' de

Vaudreuil and Begon

to

M.

de Pontchartrain: Quebec, 12'* of November, 1712,

— State

that they transmit a Memoir, containing

all the information they have been able to obtain respecting the establishment that could be formed on the Island of Cape Breton and the

Labrador Coast, and all the papers they have been able to find relating to the boundaries between us and the English in North America, together with a Memoir they have drawn up on the subject.

That they have not as yet learned any thing respecting the statement that in 1688, before war had been yet declared, the English had captured a French vessel in the port of Chibouctou,* laden with dry goods that a little while aRer, they went to take the port of Chedabouctou, ;

'

See note, lupra,

p.

644.

'

Sie.

Qii

?

Mont Royal.

'

Gauliii.

'

Now

Halifax, N. S.

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

be publicly sold at Rodelln' the proceeds of this pillage. That a report on the subject as soon as they shall be ready to find some justificative

and afterwards caused they will

make

931

VII.

:

to

pieces thereupon.

Sundry documents are annexed

to this despatch.

The Boundaries with the English.

Acadia.

—

MtxT de Vaudreuil and Begon to M. de Pontchartrain : Quebec, 16"* November, 1713. Sieurs de Vaudreuil and Begon have not yet received the Treaty of Peace between France and England signed at Utrecht on the ll"" of April last, ^^^ they have seen a printed copy of it whereby it

appears that

all

Acadia

is

ceded

to be

to

England according to

important to restrict within the extent of the Peninsula

its ancient limils,

known on

all

Acadia, for reasons explained at considerable length in the Memoir,

the

maps by

Map and

it is

name of

despatch annexed,

who

which Sieur Begon prepared with Father Aubry, Missionary of S' Francis, conversant with that country than any other person here.

The documents mentioned

which

the

is

more

are not annexed.

Rivers Ouabache and Mississipi. Mess" de Ramezay and Begon

to

M.

de Pontchartrain: Quebec, 13" September, 1715.

Ville,* a Jesuit missionary, and Sieur de Vincenne, write Sieur de

Ramezay

— Father De

that the English of

Carolina have recourse to every expedient to attract the Indian Tribes of the South by means of the Iroquois, and Sieur Illinois,

Begon reports

that Father Marmet,^ a Jesuit Missionary to the

writes respecting the encroachments of the English in the rivers Ouabache and

Mississipi,

where they

are building 3 forts.

Oath required of the French who remained at Port Rotal, &., under the dominion OF the English.

—

M. Begon to M. de Pontchartrain: Quebec, 25" September, 1716. A French inhabitant of Port Royal has reported to him that he read the orders received by the governor from the Court of England on the subject of the proclamation of the new King and of the oath of fidelity and religious abjuration (de religion) to be exacted from all the settlers, to the effect that he shall

oblige the French

the English

;

who

will remain under the English

dominion to take 4 of these oaths

like

but that on the French becoming indignant at such proceeding, he had contented

himself with requiring them to take the oath of allegiance; that he had even promised them, in his Britannic Majesty's name, that they should have freedom of religion and be at liberty to retain their Missionaries,

and that they could remain as quiet on their lands as

if

they were

native English.

Notwithstanding these

offers the

French refused

to take the oath of fidelity,

and promised

merely not to take up arms as long as they should be under English dominion, as they could not pledge themselves to any thing else, and that they would never violate the obedience due by good subjects to their prince. The English governor, being satisfied with their answer, told

them simply '

Rhode

that he should report

to the

Court of England.

Island.

'Rev. Louis Maris dc Ville the Peorias in the Chronologigue. '

it

—

Rev. Jacques

fall

m

wag Missionary

said to have emigrated in IT02;

of that year. Kip.

lie

belonged to the

Illinois Mission,

at Kaskaskias in 171

and

is

snid to

1,

and was sent to

hare died in IT38. Littt

Er>.

Marmet became Mimiuimiy

stationed nt Kaskaskias, lUinoid, Charlevoix.

to the Indians at the

He died

in 1736,

mouth of the Ohio

according to

tliat

as early aa 1700,

and was afterwards

unreliable authority, the List* ChroHotofique.

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,

932

This governor immediately dispatched a small English vessel from Port Royal to convey the same intelligence to the French and Indians of Minas and Beaubassin and to the Indians of the two Missions of the Rivers S' John and Pentagouet, to induce them to take the Oath of fidelity,

and

them that they should enjoy the

to declare to

free exercise of their religion.

M' Breton, an officer of the troops belonging to the garrison of Port Royal, and Sieur Capon> commissary of said place, embarked on board this vessel with an English crew and two Frenchmen, one named Jean Landry, an inhabitant of Minas, and the other named Melanson, an inhabitant of Port Royal, one of whom acted as captain (mailre d'equipage) and the other as pilot.

That said Sieur Capon, a native of Bourdeaux, where he has been a wine merchant, told him when on his mission, that he was the sole deputy on the part of the King of England to publish this proclamation and receive the oath of fidelity; but being French, he had requested the Governor of Port Royal to send an English officer of that garrison with him, in order to remove all cause of suspicion from himself, and that M"" Breton had been adjoined. That he proceeded first to Minas, where, having called the F'rench and Indians together and published this proclamation, he invited them to swear allegiance to the King of England, which

they

all

refused to do.

That he went next and Indians refused,

That

said Sieur

Beaubassin, where, after the proclamation had been read, the French

Capon

leagues above which

women and

to

in like

children,

is

manner, to take the oath of allegiance.

repaired, last April, to the

mouth (au

ban) of the River S' John,

the village of the Malicites and Abenaquis, consisting of 3

among whom

there are about 100

men

40

@ 400 men,

capable of bearing arms.

Said Mess" Capon and Breton told the Missionary of these Indians that the object of their

was

them the accession of Prince George of Hanover to the Crown of England, and to propose to them in his name to place themselves under his protection by taking the oath of allegiance to him; that the King of England would allow them the same and even larger presents than the King had been accustomed to give them that they would be at liberty to preserve their religion and to retain their Missionary. The Indians answered, that they were too few in number to speak of these propositions that as far as they were concerned, they were ignorant of what was passing in Europe; that perhaps the English wanted to deceive them that they were expecting the return from France of their father, the Marquis de Vaudreuil, when they would be able to answer according to the information they should visit

communicate

to

to

;

;

;

then receive.

The two Frenchmen who were on board

this vessel,

and who speak the Indian language, so

from supporting the propositions the English were making to the Indians, strongly exhorted the latter not to trust them.

far

Father de

la Chasse, the Jesuit missionary of the Abenaquis, has informed him that Mess" Breton and Capon proceeded, at the end of April last, from the River S' John to the mouth of that of Pentagouet, where all the Indians of that mission had again assembled, and had submitted to them the same propositions that he had presented to those of the River S' John.

The demand, and answers

are reported in the letter.

Extent of Acadia as claimed by the English; and what is to be opposed to them. The English, both of the Boston and Port Royal governments, publicly assert themselves masters of

all

the countries from Boston to Port Royal, Minas and Beaubassin,

which they

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

933

VII.

name of Acadia or Nova Scotia, by the Treaty of boundary than the S* Lawrence, although this Treaty they have no other and that peace; states that Acadia shall be ceded according to its ancient limits, which comprehend only the peninsula whereunto alone the name of Acadia is given in the maps, all the rest being laid down pretend have been ceded to them, under the

maps as New France. They have even wished, in execution

in the old

of this treaty, to oblige Sieur de Belisle and Jean

Denis, frenchmen settled at Pentagouet, to leave that place, but the Indians of that village opposed it, and told the English that, as these two Frenchmen had married Indian women

they were considered to belong to their Village and Nation, whereupon the English have not insisted

any

further.

-» »

I

»

Abstract of Messrs. de VavdreuU and Begon^s Despatches, with the Report of the Minister thereupon.

Canada.

Abenakis.

Mess" de Vaudreuil and Begon report that the expedition of the Abenakis, against the English fort situated to the Northeast of the River S' George, has not succeeded on account of the continual rains, which obliged sent back, burnt a

saw

mill

and

them killed

to retire after having

some

cattle.

They

made some lost

prisoners

whom

an Indian belonging

they

to the

River Saint John.

By

sending back the English prisoners, that nation, they expected, would

let

them remain

andisturbed; but whilst engaged hunting, the English visited and burnt their village.

aroused the Indians afresh, in vain,

This

owing fort

who made

This

divers attempts to capture the English fort; but all

to their little experience in these operations.

having been built two years ago on French

territory, to

the prejudice of the

bounds and limits laid down in 1720,' and the King having forbidden any assistance in men to be furnished the Indians, Mess" Vaudreuil and Begon are of opinion that it would be proper to require the King of England to raze that fort. The Abenakis having gone hunting, the English captured forty of them whom they placed in the hands of the Iroquois. The latter sent two of them, with two Englishmen, to Naurantsouiik, to treat of peace there with the Abenakis of that village. These deputies, not finding the Abenakis, left some Tobacco and Calumets in the cabin and attached to a tree a piece of bark on which they drew two moons, to indicate that they would return in two months, and carried away with them another piece of bark, which Father Rasle, the missionary of that village, had attached to the door of his church, on which he had written that the Indians would not listen to any overtures of peace until the English had entirely abandoned all the Abenakis lands, and, if they burned their church and village, that the Indians would go and burn the meeting houses and settlements of New England. These Deputies did not return to Nauransoiiak. The English, who acted with the Iroquois, were of opini(Jn that this negotiation would be more successful if they could gain over the '

1700. Pott, p. 938,

— Ed.

—

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

934 Indians of the

Saint Francis Mission,

and with

this

view sent a

belt, last

February, to

the Village.

The most

of these

Indians, and

those

of Becancourt,

were hunting or

Some

who remained in them. The deputies

at

war, which

They merely

prevented these deputies explaining the veritable object of their voyage.

said

were come to speak of peace. told them that they and brought back a great number of ought to cease striking the English, and detach themselves from those of Naurantsoiiak and Panoiiamske, who, alone, could not bear up against the English. One of these Deputies had orders to signify privately to four of the most considerable chiefs, and who were least attached to the French, that those who would be inclined to make peace that they

the Village ran after

of those

their people,

with the English should retire with their families to the Iroquois;

That those who would unite with the Abenakis of Naurantsouak would not be safe either in their village or on the road, and that the Iroquois declare themselves equally against them, and against those of Naurantsouak. All the Indians,

when informed

Deputies that they would cease

of this secret and of the threats of the Iroquois, told the

hostilities, if the

Iroquois would prevail on the English to give

the Abenakis up their lands and prisoners which they had taken from them.

On

month of June, they met the English, who and had obtained their promise to wage war

the return of these deputies to Orange, in the

had just renewed

their alliance with the Iroquois,

against the Abenakis.

They

Abenakis were very willing to obey them, and to cease it was on condition that their lands and prisoners should be given up to them whereupon the Iroquois became mediators, and invited two Chiefs from each Abenakis village to accompany them, two months after that, to Boston. The Abenakis having been notified that the Iroquois deceived them, sent word that they were not disposed to risk themselves with them at Boston. told the Iroquois that the

hostilities against the English,

without stating that ;

They acquainted M. de Vaudreuil

whom they

of

it,

and told him,

were. sending back to Boston, and

whom

in presence of

an English prisoner

they authorized to repeat to the Governor

of Boston that they would not make peace until the Abenakis, who were detained prisoners, were restored; until the English hud left their lands and repaired the wrongs and injustices they had done them and that for the settlement of the terms of the peace, they desired no other mediator than M. de Vaudreuil. Those of S' Francis, to the number of sixty, and those of Becancourt to the number of forty, set out afterwards on a war party, to the government of Boston. The former returned after having killed ten prisoners,' burnt several houses and saw-mills, and captured eighteen prisoners. Only one of their men was wounded. The others have also returned, after having, in connection with those of Nantansoiiak, killed seven persons, burnt two picket forts which had been abandoned, and killed a quantity of cattle. The Hurons of Loretto have also been twice at war; they killed six Englishmen and took ;

-f

one prisoner It

this

;

one of their Chiefs has been killed on that occasion.

appears by the report of the prisoners that public sentiment in

war

is

divided.

The

New

England respecting

people complain loudly of the Governor for continuing

their will.

'Sic.

Qu?

Persons.

Ed.

it

against

PARIS DOCUMENTS The understanding

wliich manifested itself between

935

VII.

:

tlie

Nations, had seriously intimidated the Abenakis, and the

Knglish and the Iroquois of the Five ill

disposed

among them

represented,

to those of the Tribe who were going to fight, that the Iroquois would declare against them, which cooled them down considerably. M. de Vaudreuil thought it necessary, for the encouragement of the Abenakis, that the Iroquois domiciled at Sault S' Louis and the Lake of the Two Mountains should join them; being in no wise apprehensive that those of the Five Nations would declare against the Abenakis. They were invited so to do by all the Abenakis Indians and by tjie Hurons of Loretto. They resolved on this junction, and requested M. de Vaudreuil to permit them to go to war. They set out on the twentieth of September, numbering one hundred and thirty-four of the Sault S' Louis, forty-five from the Lake of Two Mountains, and thirty Abenakis of S* Francis. They will not return before the beginning of November. The Abenakis have, likewise, sent Belts to the Outawas to invite them to join. It were desirable that they should cooperate in this war, because it would put an end to their trading at Orange, and to the English efforts to penetrate the upper countries. They [the English] have [sent] flags (jMnllom) there by some Outawas, who have seemingly received them with

pleasure.

Sieur de Vaudreuil will conform himself to the King's intentions in order to maintain the

Abenakis, as much as possible,

He

own

wrote, as of his

in the possession

of their lands.

accord, to the Governor of

New England

to ask that the English

should retire from the lands of the Abenakis and leave these Indians in peace. It is

proper that Monsieur de Vaudreuil be ordered to sustain the Abenakis

continue to require the Governor of

New

lands belonging to the Abenakis, and to let the Indians alone. the French appear in this war, but he assist the

is

It

is

not proper that

Abenakis, by giving them to understand that the design of the English

war against the French on account of the peace and endeavor

to

in

now

is

to

wage

Europe, they attack their

allies

invade their territory and to destroy them, and intend to act in the

same manner towards the other Nations who adjoin them on the sea all

to

secretly to encourage the other Nations to

to render themselves masters of the entire Continent; that, being unable

seizing

;

England to withdraw the English from the

side,

and by

the coasts and harbors, put a stop to the navigation of the French.

That eventually they will seek, by open force, to expel them from the Continent, and if they should succeed, would make slaves of all the Nations, because, finding themselves sole [masters], they would give no more powder, nor ball, nor guns to those whose destruction they would desire, and would not pardon any one. That all the Nations should adopt early measures to ward off this misfortune. The Iroquois, who are more intelligent than all other Nations, ought to be made to understand

necessity,

its

the Outawas,

it is

They must be Colonies, and nevertheless,

and be

told that if the English

wish

to

form an alliance with

in order to obtain assistance from that tribe against the Iroquois.

also

informed of the vast number of people inhabiting the English

how few the French are who maintain the Indians

18 January, 1724.

in the country; that in liberty.

it is

these Frenchmen,

;

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

93G

Louis

XV.

to

Vaudreuil and Begon.

Messrs. de

Extract of the Memoir of the King to Mess" de Vaudreuil and Begon, formerly

Governor-general and Intendant of Canada. Versailles, 30

May, 1724.

His Majesty has considered the report of Sieurs de Vaudreuil and Begon on the subject of

War of the English against the Abenakis. He will add to his orders conveyed in his despatch

the

of the

9""

of June of last year, that

it is

not expedient that the French appear in this war, but it is proper, at the same time, that Sieur de Vaudreuil "do secretly encourage the other nations to assist the Abenaquis, by giving them to understand that the design of the English

is

to

make themselves masters

of the entire

continent; that as the peace wliich exists between the Princes of Europe does not permit

waging war against the French of Canada, the English attack their allies and try to invade their and to destroy them; that when they will have accomplished that, they will seek to invade the territory belonging to other nations adjoining them on the sea side, and that, by seizing on all the coasts and harbors, they wish to put a stop to the Navigation of the French, in order to oblige them eventually, by means of open violence, to abandon the entire continent territory

that then, finding themselves sole masters, they will enslave

all

the Indian nations

whom

they

any more powder, ball or guns, and who will be no longer able to acknowledge that they have been deceived ; that early measure should be adopted to ward off this misfortune; that efforts ought to be made to impress it on the Iroquois, who are more capable of understanding it than any other Nation, and to remark to them, that if the English are endeavoring to form an alliance with the Ottawas, it is with a view of obtaining assistance will not furnish with

from them

for their (the Iroquois') destruction

;

to explain to

them the

large

in the English Colonies and the small number of French in Canada; that

this small

number of French

amount of people it is,

nevertheless,

that maintain the Indians in liberty.

* M.

My I

de

Vaudreuil

to the

Minister.

Lord,

had the honor

to advise you,

by the ship

le

Cheval Marin, of the disposition of the English

Abenakis War, and of the Governor of Boston's answer to the letter I had It remains for me to give you an account of the English expedition against the mission of Father Ralle, who had the misfortune to lose his life on that occasion.

as regards the

previously addressed him.

All the circumstances attending this affair deserve to be fully narrated

;

you

will permit

me

not to omit any of them. Since the close of October, 1723, the Abenakis did not cease harrassing the English, with a

view

to force

the Miamis,^

them

whom

to quit their territory.

Those

of the village on the River St.

John joined

they induced to resume the arms they had a year ago laid down; burnt

A

'

Sic.

MicmacB.

— Ed.

five

PARIS DOCUMENTS or six Knglisli houses near Port Royal, aiuJ

drove

garrison into

tiie

to

937

eight or ten Englishmen, took as

favorable time, under the apprehension that the large

that harbor would render their ettbrts abortive.

Eight of them,

number

prisoners,

of ships at anchor in

who were

to their villages without having struck a blow, attJicked an Knglish bark, after

many

were making coiUinua! sorties. These same Indians, men, wished to attack Caticeand, where the English were

on consulting together they postponed the execution of the project

fortifying themselves, but

a more

VII.

thi; fort, vvlio

the iiumijer of one liuridred

to

killefl

:

unwilling to return

which they captured

having killed the crew that defended her.

The

Panaouamsquee,' which had not done any thing since the commencement of

V^illage of

hostilities three years ago,

them early

being

now

excited by our domiciled Indians of St. Francis,

whom

on the other four villages of the same Tribe, and killed and captured nearly 100 Englishmen and 14 Vessels loaded with salt and fish.^ I

sent to

Those of parties

in the spring, prevailed

St. Francis

since

and Becancourt, aided by some Mohegans, continued sending out war

month of March

the

last; the

Hurons of Loretto joined them

in

assisting

the Narantsouans. Several Iroquois of the Sault and of the Mountain also took up arms with considerable success; and

I

have reason to hope that the mass of these Villages will espouse the quarrel of

the Abenakis.

There was every appearance that the Narantsouans and the other Indians, their allies, would eventually tire out the English and oblige them to abandon their forts on the river of Narantsouac, when the Village was surprised on the 23"* of August last. The English, accompanied by some Indians,' called La Porcelaine, arrived thereunder cover of 'the long grass and brushwood with which the environs were filled, and came on the cabins unawares. This village was without pallisades, and the Narantsouans considered themselves sufficiently secure there in consequence of the care they took to send out scouts. The last of these who had come up the river had not seen any trails of the English, who were coming through the woods, and announced their arrival only by a discharge of musketry. The Narantsouans then in the village numbered 50 Warriors. Those who were not hit by the bullets which riddled the bark of the Wigwams, having immediately rushed to arms, made a few moments' resistance, crying to the

women and

children to

fly to

the river which

was yet open.

Father Ralle, the ancient Missionary of the Abenakis, on whose head the English had year set a price,

who was exhorting

lands and country, went out of his house on hearing the noise, but the

moment

he

appearance, the English fired a volley at him by which he was immediately killed. the Indians

who

possessed not the courage to

was

perceived that the Father

slain.

last

the Indians belonging to his mission to preserve their

The

resist, fled

made

his

Those of

towards the river as soon as they who had held out

bravest (resiates) of the warriors,

a long time against the English, seeing that they were on the point of being surrounded, flung

themselves into the river like

edge with their shots.

all

the rest, and the English Indians pursued

them

to the water's

Firing, as they did, unimpeded, against a mass of frightened people

who were crossing a river, some in canoes and some swimming, it is surprising that a single man should have escaped. They killed, in this action, only 7 men, 7 women, 14 children, and wounded 14 persons very

slightly.

The mass

of the

villiige

which escaped amounts

'

See note, supra,

'

Compare Willianuon, IL, 127 Penhallow, in JVne Uampihirt HUlorical ColUctiom, L, [and guided by a aquaw]. Some such words seem to be wanted here to majce up the

'

p. 671. ;

Vol. IX.

118

96, 100.

sense.

— Ed.

to

160

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

938 persons,

among whom

their Missionary

remain 29 Warriors, who were so incensed at the death of tlie sacred vessels belonging to their Church, that they

tliere still

and the profanation of

would have pursued the English the day following their defeat, had they not found themselves without arms, powder and clothes. They had the affliction to witness, without being able to prevent, the burning and plunder of their Church and Wigwams. After having paid every attention to their wounded, every body set out on their way to Canada, where they arrived to the number of 150. The deplorable condition to which I saw them reduced, prompted me to receive and furnish them all the assistance they stood in need of. I have provided, up to this time, for their subsistence, which I shall continue to do for one year, in order to enable them to lay out plantations at Beaumont' and St. Francis, and to furnish our warriors thereby with means to continue hostile operations. They have assured me that they were going immediately to adopt measures to make the English feel the wrong they are guilty of in retaining their lands and their prisoners, and that whilst one Abenaki remains alive, he would oppose the English. The domiciliated Iroquois appear to entertain the same sentiments.

The

English, thus harrassed, will perhaps get tired and let go.

I

beg of you

to observe

of extreme consequence that the English do not

become Masters of the Narantsouac which would bring them too near Quebec and place them in a position to make a flank attack on the Colony. Besides, it would be to be feared that if that territory passes into their hands, the Indians, who are its owners, would feel irritated in consequence, and consider themselves abandoned, which would possibly detach them entirely from us.

that

it is

river,

If the "English sincerely desire

conform to the bounds

war

laid

down

peace they must raze their forts on the River S* George, and in 1700.

'Tis certain that our Indians will not cease

waging

against the English so long as they will be encroaching on their land.

I shall follow exactly

in their regard,

the orders you have given

and direct

listen to reason,

all

and restore

my to

me

in respect to the course I

am

to observe

war; but the English must the Abenakis their land and prisoners. These are their attention to put an end to this

sentiments, and they are resolved to persist therein.

Sieur de Louvigny,

who

the legitimate measures

He

I

has an intimate knowledge of the Indians, and

have adopted to terminate

this war, proceeds to

is

acquainted with

France

this year.

you more particular information on the subject. Though the English have already expended a considerable amount to win over the Iroquois to their side, they have not accomplished their object, and I have always kept them neutral. will furnish

The English expend, this year, more than 20,000 crowns without producing any effect on the minds of these Indians. I flatter myself that those domiciled among us will take up arms and defend their brethren, the Abenakis. Deputies from the Five Nations came this summer to assure me that they will not take up the hatchet in favor of the English against the Abenakis ; and in order to retain them in these favorable dispositions, I thought I could not do better than to send Sieur de Joncaire to winter at

Niagara and among the Senecas.

According

news to be received from Sieur de Joncaire, I shall determine whether to send Sieur de Longueuil to the Onontagues, among whom he has considerable influence. to the

Those of the Sault S' Louis and of the Mountain, governed by the Jesuits and the Priests of S' Sulpice, have not yet responded to my intentions, though they have organized some 'Sic.

Becancourt

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS successful parties.

the

same time,

missions, as

goods

for

I

I

to

make them

more promptness.

act with

have these Missionaries written to not

to

am

hope shortly

VIT.

:

but too well informed that they permit

I

beg of you, at

allow any trading houses in their

to

tiie

French

purposes of trading, especially those of the Mountain,

who

to furnish Indians

with

detain the Indians that

come down from the Upper country, to trade with them. This is a considerable prejudice to the commerce of Montreal. The Algonquins and Nepissings have inflicted some considerable blows this summer on the English, and

still

Father Breslu, Missionary of the

daily continue their incursions.

aux Tourtes, where he has had a church and dwelling

Isle

has always resided there since.

He

is

built, carried

a Priest thither

thoroughly conversant with their language.

He

has not been able to

same pension of 500" that Sieur Bresid enjoyed.

them on

Majesty's expense,

it

Missionary, and one in

You can

well judge.

is

who

an excellent man, greatly beloved by the Indians, and

make

a longer slay at

that place, being unable to live there, unless his Majesty have the goodness to grant

stop these Indians and settle

latter at

beg to observe that

I

this Island,

where a

fort

if it

him the

be desirous to

has been constructed at hia

highly important that this mission be provided with a resident

whom confidence can be placed. My Lord, that all these movements

expense, and whatever pains

I

cannot be made without serious

take to reduce them, agreeably to your intentions,

I

cannot,

demanding a supplementary grant of Ten thousand weight of Powder, Twenty thousand weight of Lead and Balls, one hundred guns, and one hundred and fifty withal, dispense with

blankets, to indemnify the Indians of Narantsouac for the losses they have sustained, and to

engage the other Indians, by presents, supplement,

I

shall

deprived of the aid which

I

have flattered them

Without

part of the Abenakis.

to take the

move should they

be absolutely unable to get the Indians to

;

they would not

to expect,

this

see themselves

fail to

a circumstance that would be highly prejudicial to the interests of this Colony.

withdraw,

I shall

omit

nothing to prevent the English encroaching on the lands of the Abenakis. In order to render an exact account of the funds to be employed for these Indians,

necessary that nothing be delivered except on

commands on I

my

I request

order.

you

will

issue

it is

your

this point.

have the honor to be with most profound respect,

My

Lord,

Your most humble,

&c.,

28 November, 1724.

Vaudrbuil.

Memoir on Of

all

the Indians of

the present Condition

New

of the Abenaquis.

France, the Abenaquis are those

a position to render the most service.

hundred warriors. Two Lawrence, near Three Rivers one below that town, altogether, about five

who have

This nation consists of

1724. performed, and are in

five Villages,

which number,

of these Villages are situate along the River S'

—

at

what

the other, ten leagues above, at the Village of S' Francis.

is

The

called the Village of Becancour;

three others are in the direction

of Acadia, and are called Narantsouak, on the River Kanibekky; Panasamsd^, on the River

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

940

Pentagouet and Medocteck,' on the River S' John. The Village of Narantsouak is nearest New England that of Medocteck nearest Acadia, and that of Panaouamke nearly in the centre. ;

These three villages have different routes, each by its own river, whereby they reach Quebec This circumstance it is that constitutes the importance of their position as in a few days. regards Canada, of which they are the strongest barriers, and that ought to be attended to by the Court so as to prevent the English destroying these Villages in the war they are actually waging against the Indians or, what would amount to the same thing, their obliging the Indians to abandon tiieni and to retire elsewhere, which is evidently their sole aim. For, far from making establishments on the Peninsula of Acadia, which has been ceded to them by the Treaty of Utrecht, and their right to which no one disputes, it does not appear that a solitary Englishman has as yet taken up land there, or at least cultivates any, in the whole extent of that province, whilst, since that treaty, and contrary to what is agreed to therein, they have located a number of settlers on the rivers belonging to the Abenaquis, and ;

Wherefore does that happen, unless for which these lands are much nearer than Acadia, and of taking possession of them when they shall be in the humor to nominate Commissioners to settle its boundaries with France? Should the Court not think proper to assist the Indians publicly in this war, which is waged on the lands their

title to

which, of right,

is

denied.

the purpose of constantly advancing towards Canada, to

by

the English against them,

it

seems

at least

expedient that

it

complain loudly of the

contraventions by the English of the treaty of Utrecht; adopt measures to put an end to them,

and have

it

settled at the

Congress

at

Cambray,

that the English shall not be permitted to

molest the Abenaquis by encroaching on their territory and establishing themselves, contrary to the law of Nations, in a country of which the said Indians have been from all time in possession.

Otherwise,

what

it

will follow that the Abenaquis, tired of the

War,

will

abandon

their country,

more probable, will, without quitting it, make the best terms they can with the means of much larger presents then we can possibly make these Indians, will soon succeed in gaining them over, especially by giving them to understand, as they will not fail to do, that France has cared nothing for them except when she had need of them,

or

is

English, who, by

whilst now,

any part

when

it

is

in their quarrel

her interest not to embroil herself with England, she refuses to take

with the English.

Indians, and the proof of

it

would be too

This reasoning

is

within the comprehension of the

plain not to convince them.

If,

on the contrary,

the Court succeed in replacing matters on their ancient footing, and in putting a stop to the

usurpations of the English, the Abenaquis, on hearing the

and more

to France,

fact, will

attach themselves

more

without thinking of quitting their country, and we, thereby, shall have

completely provided for the security of Canada on the land side. The knowledge of their customs and genius, acquired by an uninterrupted residence of fifteen years among them, impresses me with the belief that the best way to fix this attachment, and even to render it eternal,

would be

to increase, particularly in favor of the three villages adjoining the English,

the gratuity which the Court annually allows them, and to transmit every five years a silver

medal of the King, which the Indians will, in their way, look upon as an abiding word that will incessantly tell them that the King continues to honor them with his Royal protection. M"' de Vaudreuil, Governor-general of Canada, and M'' Begon, Intendant, approve strongly of this expedient, which I have had the honor to submit to them before I took my departure. '

See note, supra,

p. 904.

— Ed.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

M.

JBegon

to

:

941

VII.

Count de Maurepas.'

Extract of a letter written to the Court by Mons"" Begon, Intendant in Canada, dated

tiie

twenty-first of April, one thousand seven

hundred and twenty-

on the subject of the war between the Abenakis and the English.

five,

have the honor to inform you that the Marquis de Vaudreuil was advised on the twelfth of

I

March

last

— the day on

which he arrived

at Montreal

— by

a letter from

the

commanding

Chambly that three English Deputies had arrived at that post on the preceding M' Dudiay,* son of the late Governor of Boston, Colonel Taxter,' member of the Council, both deputies from the Boston Government, M' Atkinson,^ deputy from the government of Pescadou^, and M' Schult,* merchant of Orange, who stated that he came only officer

of

evening,

viz',

companion to those gentlemen. These delegates arrived at Montreal on the thirteenth of the same month, and delivered to the Marquis de Vaudreuil a letter from the Governor of Boston, containing only a vague answer to that addressed to him last October on the subject of the English expedition against Narantsouak of the preceding August, and a justification of the death of Father Rasle, the missionary of that Village, who was killed by the English on that occasion. This governor also added, that reliance might be placed on the representations these delegates may make, whom he had furnished with instructions, without explaining the matters on which they were as a

to speak.

At

their first conference,

the prisoners

whom

on the sixteenth of said month, they demanded the restitution of

the Abenakis had taken, &*.

demanded

M. de Vaudreuil should cease assisting the Abenakis with munitions of War and with provisions; as such conduct was contrary to the Treaty of Utrecht, which prohibited them favoring the enemy, and as the Indians were Rebels. M. de Vaudreuil answered them, that the aid he furnished the Abenakis consisted in the yearly presents the King made them since the foundation of the Colony, as they are under his Majesty's protection. And if they employed these presents in making war against the English, the latter could blame only themselves, as they had impelled these Indians, who had never been In a second conference they

*

that

Jean Fbedirice Phelippeaux, Count de Maurepas, wa« the son of Jerome (tupra, p. 736), and graodson of Chancellor da He was born in 1701, and created Knight of Malta whilst ;et a minor. He was appointed p. 503.

Pontchartrain. Supra,

Secretary of State at the age of fourteen years

the

office until

patronaj^e to

construction

went

1725,

;

but the Marquis de la Vrilli^re, subsequently his father-in-law, bad charge of

when Count de Maurepas commenced

his administration at the age of 24.

He

soon extended hia

men of science sent expeditious to tlie equator and the pole to measure degrees of the meridian ordered the of new maps, and dispatched officers to examine imperfectly-known coasts and countries, whilst the celebrated ;

;

to study the

Botany of Peru. At his desire M. de la Verandry was sent, in 1738, to discover the Pacific Ocean, Rocky Mountains. An epigram which Count de Manrepas wrote on Mde. de Pompadonr, the Mistress of Louis XV., caused his downfall in 1749. After his disgrace he retired to Pontchartrain, and was succeeded in his office by his brother-in-law, the Duke de la Vrillidre. On the accession of Louis XVL, and after a retirement of more than 25 years, Count de Maurepas was recalled and made President of the Council. Ue died N'ovember, 1781, greatly Jussieu

and reached,

in his journey, the

regreltcd by the King. Biographie Universelle. after him.

— Eu.

Lake Maurepas,

in Louisiana,

and an Island

in

Lake Superior, wore

called

' Colonel WiLUAM Dudi-kt, son of Joseph, was born October 20, 1686; graduated at Harvard College 1704; married a daughter of Judge Davenport in 1721, and died September 27, 1767. New England Genealogical Regitltr, L, 71. •

Samuel Thaxter.

*

Theodore Atkinson. Belknap's

Kea

Hampshire, HI., 68.

*

Sic.

Mr. Schuyler.

;

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

942

either their allies or subjects, to

wage

it

from which they

for the possession of their country

would expel them. denying that they were not attached to us, 'twas said, that they had been for full eighty years united with us against the English when we were at war with the latter; since which time they have always styled the Governor of New France their father; received from him commissions confirming the elections of their chiefs, and have hoisted

And

in reference to the Englisli

the French flag in their villages.

That, on the contrary, they had been almost always at

war with

the English, even

when

and the Governor of Boston having since the Treaty of Utreclit, and previous to the commencement of hostilities between the Abenakis and the English, gained over Abemesnie, the nephew of Raxou, Chief of Narantsouak, and having given him, after his uncle's death, an English flag to be carried to the village of Narantsouak, and a the two crowns were at peace

commission of Chief

;

command

to

was

there, this Indian

so badly received there

by the people

of his village, that they tore the commission and the English flag, and said that they did not

New

receive any except from the government of

France.

about eighty years that they have French Missionaries, and profess the Catholic religion, these had never been troubled by the English until the last war, and that the Indians have never been willing to receive Ministers, and have always vindicated their freedom of

That

for

religion and the possession of their territory, independent of the English. In the third conference the English maintained that the lands of the

that the Indians had sold those lands to them.

Abenakis were theirs

They submitted some unsigned and informal They added, in their submission to the Crown of England,

papers, which, they pretended, were deeds of the purchase that they had effected. that the Indians had in divers meetings given

and had taken the oath of allegiance; that they submitted the matter to M. de Vaudreuil, and made him judge of the justice of their claim, and handed him copies of these pretended donations

made

He answered

to them.

them, that the Indians had always told him they had never sold their country

to the English, nor

presented

;

had ever submitted

brought and convinced

The

to

them

;

that he

knew nothing about

that the Indians had always assured him they were forgeries; in his presence of the

the papers they

that they must be

genuineness of the documents.

English said, that credit ought to be attached to their word, as they were not people

who were in

the habit of imposing on others.

They

consented, with difficulty, that the Indians

power

to

They were asked what was the object of their voyage, if they had not authority to treat They answered, they had come only to recover their prisoners, communicate this peace?

of

of S' Francis and Becancourt should be brought to Montreal, saying they had no treat with them.

to

M. de Vaudreuil the justice of their cause against the Abenakis, and learn some news of this war. That Mess" Atkinson and Dudelay would return to Boston, and that M' Texter would remain

at

Montreal

for the

These having arrived

purpose of conferring with the Deputies from the Abenakis.

at Montreal

on the twenty-third of April

of the most ancient of the entire Nation, the English

last, to

the

number

of seven

announced their intended return home,

as they had nothing to say to the Abenakis.

They were gone to

told that

St. Francis,

one of their party, an interpreter of the Abenakis language,

Becancourt and Three Rivers

prisoners at these places, and his

own

niece

for the

who was

who had

purpose of recovering the English

with the Ursulines of Three Rivers, had

:

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

given the Abenakis to understand that the English had

come

943 Montreal to negotiate a peace

to

They were likewise informed that these Indians had heen hrouglit to Montreal at

with them.

made by the

the request

They

VII.

said

Englisli to

their

that

M. de Vaudreuil. had spoken without

interpreter

their

authority

;

notwithstanding, obliged to admit that they had requested M. de Vaudreuil to

come, and

they were,

make them

they consented to confer with these Indians, which conference did not take

finally

place until the twenty-ninth of April, as they were awaiting the return of that Interpreter of

the Abenakis language.

They employed

this interval to advantage, for they

practices they could contrive to

made

meanwhile, of all the go and speak to them at

use, in the

induce the Abenakis Deputies

to

their tavern.

Sieur Schul,' their emissary, went also in the course of the night to see the Indians,

The

who

listen to

him, and told him that they would speak only at M. de Vaudreuil's house.

Interpreter

having arrived, the English and Abeuakia Deputies assembled at M.

would not

de Vaudreuil's.

The

English, at the outset, objected to speak

The

the Abenakis. to say to

them

latter

asked them,

why

first,

saying that they had nothing to say to

they had brought them hither

they had nothing

if

M. de Vaudreuil having exhorted the one and the other of them not to get

?

angry, and to converse peaceably

—

The

English began and said to the Indians: That they had come only with good intentions; that they had selected M. de Vaudreuil, as he is the friend of both parties and the father of the Abenakis, to be their mediator, and to

arrange their differences justly. that they were very glad that the English had come only with a and that they, too, had requested their father, M. de Vaudreuil, to be their mediator. They said, that they complained that the English should seize their lands contrary to right and reason ; that some Abenakis were unjustly detained as prisoners of war at Boston and Port Royal that they hrivate iudividualai

—

Iji.

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

§8^

7* The Iroquois never gave themselves to the English otherwise than as they gave themselves to us. If the English regard them as subjects, we can consider them such likewise, and with a better right, as I have just demonstrated. We alone, indeed, can justly do it, for, in fine, if they have given themselves up to France as subjects before they did so to England, they no longer possess the right to make themselves over to others, and we are justified in maintaining our possession. S"" It must, however, be admitted, as I have already remarked, that there is not an Indian Nation in North America that ought to be considered in any other light than as friends and The Iroquois are allies of the English, but they are allies of the French, also their allies. ;

war waged by the two Crowns.

alliance has existed in spite of the

Therefore, [if] Article 15

of the Treaty of Utrecht regards the French and the English equally, we are justified in preventing the English molesting the Iroquois, who are our allies. Therefore, if to have a fort

on Iroquois territory, though with the consent of the Iroquois themselves, be to molest the Iroquois, the English are also deemed to molest them in having caused a post to be at Niagara,

erected at Chouegen,

we

be theirs that 9""

All this

territory,

but

is

this

which

is

it

as

much our

and

them

to demolish, as

it

can

under the supposition that Forts Niagara and Chouaguen are on Iroquois principle is false. The bounds of the Indian territory are indefinite, if it be

pretended to include their hunting ground in villages

interest to require

should raze that of Niagara.

fields are located,

We

on French territory.

and on

it.

Their country properly

is

only where their

Niagara and Chouaguen are

this principle the posts at

do nothing, then, but rebuild a house in ruins on our

own

soil,

where

Fort Denonville stood, whilst the English, in establishing themselves at Chouaguein, build on

French 10""

territory.

The

possession of the River Saint Lawrence, and the liberty the French have to settle

on what part of

it

soever they think proper, as well as on the Lakes, are so fully admitted by

the English themselves, that, in order to preserve good correspondence between the

Crowns,

it

two

has been specially stipulated in the Treaties formerly concluded between the

Governors of

New

France and

New England

that the subjects of Great Britain should not

have the privilege of coming thither to trade with the Indians that they would be deemed by the sole act as contravening the order of their Sovereign, and would subject themselves to ;

the confiscation of

Up

all

their goods,

and to other penalties,

etc.

Treaty of Utrecht, the English considered themselves so little masters of the Iroquois that they have never been able to prevent them having constantly in their villages French Missionaries, officers, garrisons, and some sort of forts. Even during the last war, they 11""

to the

had Missionaries among them, who would

still

be there, were

it

not for the violences which

the English have been always guilty of towards them, not with the consent of the chiefs of the Nation, but through indecent artifices constantly had recourse to even in time of profound peace, hiring individual Indians to get drunk and to insult the Missionaries.

have been, in

fact, so

These persecutions

frequent and so importunate, that the Missionaries, ever in danger of

their lives from these

drunken hirelings, have been obliged to abandon the place. This did not prevent the Chiefs and Council of the Five Nations asking the Governor-general of New France, repeatedly since the peace of Utrecht, to furnish them

,

..

,

beyond

my

i

,

,

,

knowledge.

)

At

Quebec. Warrlora.

"^^he

Hurons.

1 Village

.

At

The Abenakis. The Bbenakis.

the

60 a 70

men

;

60

bearing arms,

River Saint John, adjoining the English.

.

1 Village called

.

1 Village called

.

1 Village.

Panasamsket towards the mouth of said Narentchaan, at the head of said

river,

200 150

river,

Becancour.

The Abenakis.

GO

Warriors,

At Saint

Francis.

The Bbenakis. 1 Village, including those of Michiskoui and those who migrate, The Armorial bearings (Totums) of this Nation, which is divided into two .

sections, are the

There

Pigeon

are, besides,

(lourtre^)

some

tribes

and the Bear.

who

carry the Partridge, the Beaver and the Otter.

At Three

The Algonquins.

.

fifteen

The

180

Rivers.

See Montreal. 15

men, Tetes de Boule or

Tribes of the Interior.

These are wandering Savages who have no knowledge either of the order or form of villages, and evince the least intellect they inhabit the mountains and lakes in the Their armorial bearings are unknown, interior, from Three Rivers to Lake Superior. hey have. any if ;

Boston and

The Mohegans (Lowps) who understand

the

Orange.

Bbenakis and

whom

the Bbenakis

is equal to from Lake Champlain to the head of Lake Erie 300 leagues. This nation may be six hundred men, under British rule. No person could give me any information of their customs. This only by way of remark.

understand, are dispersed from Boston to Virginia, which

—

605 •ThiB word

Part HI., 653.

ia

Otter, (Loutri) in Schoolcraft's Hittory

— Ed.

of the Indian Tribea of tin United

States, 4to.

Philadelphia, 185S.

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

VIII.

1053 WaiTlori.

6ti6

Montreal.

They

Algonquins.

are twenty

men

settled with the Iroquois of the

Two

Mountains;

remains of a nation the most warlike, most polished and the most They have for armorial bearings, an Evergreen Oak

this is all tliat

attached to the French.

20

( Chcne Vert),

Al

The

Nepissingues.

remainder has

A its

the

Lake of

part of this tribe

is

the

Two

Mountaitu.

incorporated with the Iroquois.

village at the lake of their

name.

Here are

fifty

men

The

bearing

60

arms,

The Armorial

bearings of this Nation are, the Heron for the Achaguc, or Heron

the Beaver for the Amekoties the Birch for the Bark tribe ; Blood for the ; Miskouaha or Bloody people (Gens du Sang.) Remark, Sir, if you please, that besides the arms of the principal stocks to which

tribe

;

I exclusively confine myself, leisure

not permitting

by peculiar devices. no more than sixty-three

tribe distinguishes itself village,

amount

to

—

At

The

who compose

Iroquois,

me

to obtain thorough details, each

The Iroquois who I mean warriors,

are masters of this

60

the Sault Saint Louis.

exclusively the village are nearly three hundred and

300

three bearing arms,

These two villages are shoots of the Iroquois of Lake Ontario, or Frontenac, and have the same armorial devices. Those of the three principal tribes are the Wolf, Bear and the Tortoise. Note. Argent, to the Wolf gules, &c. Tiiey usually design them merely with charcoal.

—

The Grand River of

At Lake Nepissingue there

is

the

Oulawas.

one small village of thirty men,

who

bear a Squirrel

30

AtchitamH,

JUver and Lake Themiscaming.

They have for device an Eagle, Tabittibis are one hundred warriors. At the mouth of the Themiscaming there are twenty warriors, At the head of the Lake, twenty domiciled, These Indians are what are called Tctes de Boule, who amount to over six hundred

The

in the

I shall

100

20 20 600

Northern country,

speak of them hereafter without reference to their numbers.

At

The Outawas

amount to one hundred and eighty warriors the two Kiskakons (1) and Sinago (2) the Bear (1) and Black

of this village

principal branches are

Squirrel

Missilimakinak.

(2),

;

;

180 2,045

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

1054

Warriors.

2,045 River Missisaguc.

The

Missisagues on the river called

number

They have

Lake Superior

At

the Falls of Saint

Mary

men, and twenty men on the Island

thirty

Manitouatim of Lake Huron.

— At

for device, a

the

are the Sauteurs, to the

Mouth.

number of

two divisions, and have for device, the Crane and the Cat Michipicoton

The Papinakois and

those of the interior

— At North of the

;

first

50

Crane,

this

thirty

;

they are in 30

fish,

Lake.

are twenty warriors,

and have

for

Hare

device, a

20 River Ouiiepigon.

The Oskemanettigons have

The

who

Monsonis,

for device, a

The

forty warriors.

They 40

are migratory, estimate themselves

Abittibis and the Tttes de Boule

the

number of

have

first

two hundred men, and have

Moose (Orignal),

200

come

there also.

all

Some have informed me

with the Eagle.

for arms, the Partridge

that they are in

The

are domiciled there to the

for device, the bird called the Fisher,

that

have already stated

I

one hundred warriors.

Namesilinis have one hundred and

fifty fit to

They have

bear arms.

for device,

a Sturgeon,

The

150

one hundred and forty warriors strong, have for armorial

tribes of the Savannas,

device, a

Hare

140 Gamancttigoya.

The Ouace

are in

number

sixty

men, and have

for device a

Cat

60

fish,

Tecamamiouen, or Rainy Lake,

These Indians are the same as those who come lake to the number of one hundred men,

Lake of

The

Cristinaux are scattered hereabout, to the

They have

for device, the

Cristinaux are around this lake to the

Assenipoels.

They

are about this

100 Woods.

number

of

two hundred warriors.

Wild goose,

200

Lake

The

the

to Nepigon.

Ouneiiigon.

number of sixty men,

60

See Sdoux. South of Lake Superior.

Kiouanan.

In this quarter there are domiciled forty Sauteurs,

who have

the Crane and the Stag,

The Sauteurs

of Point

Chagouamigon

for device,

40 are one hundred and

fifty

warriors

150 3,285

PARIS DOCUMENTS:

1055

VIII.

Warrioni,

3,285

The

Scioux, at the hecid of this lake, in the

computed

scnttured, are

The

at three

woods and along the

300

hundred men, the Otter.

They number one hundred and

they formerly sprung.

of Lake Ounepigon, and have

for device, a

fifty

to the south

160

Big Stone or a Ilock,

Puans have retired, since 172S, to the Scioux to the number of eighty; they have for

80

Armorial bearings, the Slag, the Polecat (Pichoux), the Tiger, The

The AyoBois

Jiead

of Lake Superior.

are settled at the south of the River de Missouris, at the other side of

They

the Mississipi.

are no

more than

Lake Michigan

The

Dog and

2,000

Asssenipoels, or Pouans can, according to others, vie with the Scioux, from

whom The

though

Scioux of the Prairies are, in the opinion of Voyageurs, over two thousand men, Tlieir Armorial devices are the Buffalo, the Black

The

lakes,

Folles Avoines, north of this lake,

The most Kiliou

eighty.

with

il3

They have

is

a species of Eagle (the

80

Fox,

dependencies.

number one hundred and

considerable tribes have for device, the Large

— that

for device, a

sixty warriors,

)

Bear, the Slag, a

tiiiled

most beautiful bird of

this country,)

—

160

/

perched on a cross. In explanation of a Cross forming the Armorial bearings of the Indians, that

formerly a Chief of the

Folles

Avoines finding

himself

it is

stated

consented, after trying the ordinary remedies, to see a Missionary, who, Cross in hand, prayed to God for his recovery, and obtained il from his mercy. In gratitude for this

benefit, the

which the

to the

The Bay,

Chief desired that to his arms should be added a Cross on

Kiliou has ever since been always perched. In 1728 there

Pouteaatamis.

number at the

was a small

\

\

_\

village of this nation retired

on an island

20

of.

head of

^__^

dangerously sick,

this

Lake

is

the sojourn, or rather the country of the Sakis.

This nation could put under arms one hundred and fifty men. Others do not count but one hundred and twenty. They have for device, a Crab, a Wolf, and

160

a She-Bear,

Fox

The

river of the consists,

Foxes discharges

when

for device, a

River.

into this lake.

not separated, of one hundred

This nation

men

now

migratory,

bearing arras.

still

They have 100

Fox,

The Kickapous, formerly

their allies,

may

be eighty men.

They bear

for device, the

80

Pheasant and the Otter,

The Maskoutin has

for

Armorial device, the Wolf and the Stag.

estimated at sixty men,

This nation

is

60 6,466

—

NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

1056

Warriom.

6,465 River Saint Joseph, south of hake Michigan.

The Poutebatamies, who village of the

The

call

themselves the Goveraor's eldest sons, compose the

River Saint Joseph,

principal tribes bear the

There are

in the village

or

;

number

the

one hundred warriors

of

100

Golden Carp, the Frog, the Crab, the Tortoise. who bear as their arms a Crane,

about ten Miamis

Also, eight Illinois Kaskakias,

notched

to

whose device

is

a feather of an arrow,

two arrows supported one against the other

(

X

)

10

'~-i?=^^'x?^^-~-v,c

in saltier (like

a

St. Andrew's cross.) These are the nations best known to us as well along the Grand River of the Outawas as north and south of Lakes Superior and Michigan. I propose now proceeding again from Montreal by way of the Lakes to Missilimakinak.

From Montreal; Lake I

have spoken of Sault Saint Louis on the

first

Route.

page.

To7iiata.

Some

Iroquois, to the

device,

is

number

of eight or ten

men, have

Their

retired at this place.

without doubt, like that of the village from which they issue

;

the

Deer, the Plover, &c., as hereafter,

10

Lake Ontario, or Frontenac There are no more Iroquois

The

;

south.

settled.

Mississagu^s are dispersed along this lake, some at Kente, others at the River

Toronto, and finally at the head of the Lake, to the number of one hundred

and

fifty in all,

and

at

Matchedach.

Tiie principal tribe

is

that of the Crane,

150

North of Lake Ontario.

The

Iroquois are in the interior and in five villages, about fifteen leagues from the

Lake, on a pretty straight

line, altho'

distant from each other one days journey.

This nation, though much diminished,

is still

powerful.

South of Lake Frontenac.

The Onnontagues number two hundred Cabin on the top of a Mountain, The Mohawks, towards New England, not for device of the village a Steel

The Oneidas,

their neighbors,

This village has

for

and a

warriors.

The

device of the village

is

from Orange, are eighty men, and have 80

fiint,

number one hundred men or a hundred warriors,

is

100

device a Stone in a fork of a tree, or in a tree notched with

Their device

a very large Calumet,

The Senecas form two device

a

200 far

some blows of an axe. The Cayugas form a village of one hundred and twenty warriors. generally

is

villages, in

a big Mountain

which are three hundred and

120 fifty

men.

Their

350 7,686

PARIS DOCUMENTS

:

1057

VII?.

WwrhMC

7,686

own, and every man has his Thus the Oneida designates his village by a particular mark to designate him. next he designates his tribe by the bird or animal, and finally he Slone, a fork Besides the arms of each village, each tribe has

its

—

See the designs which

denotes himself by his punctures.

you

in

had the honor

I

to

send

1732'by Father Francois, a Recollet.

Tlie five villages belonging to the

Plover, to which

I

belong

same

tribe,

have

for their

arms

in

common,

the

the Bear, the Tortoise, the Eel, the Deer, the Beaver, the

;

Potatoe, the Falcon, the Lark and the Partridge. I

doubt not but the other nations are as well distinguished, but our Voyageurs, little curiosity in these matters, have not been able to give me any information.

having

The Tuscarorens have a village of two hundred and fifty men near who brought them along. I know not their hieroglyphics, Niagara

The

Iroquois have

some cabins

—

the Onontagues,

260

LaJce Oataiio.

at the Portage.

Lake Erie and Dependencies ; South

Side.

The Chaouanons towards Carolina, are two hundred men, The Cherakis, Chicachas, Totiris, are included under the name Flalheads. Flatheads by the Iroquois, who estimate them at over six thousand men, more than

The

is

in

I'm told they had for device a Vessel, (un Vaisscau.)

thirty villages.

Ontationou6, that

200 of

those

who speak

Men

the language of

Iroquois because they understand each other

— may

be

fifty

men.

I

know 60

nothing of them,

The Miamis have Tribes.

for device the

There

6,000

so called by the

;

is

Hind and the Crane.

likewise

that of the Bear.

These are the two principal are two hundred men,

They

200

bearing arms,

The Ouyattanons, Peanguichias, Petikokias, are the same They can place under arms three hundred and villages.

Nation, though in different fifty

men.

The

devices

of these Indians are the Serpent, the Deer, and the Small Acorn Illinois. The Metchigamias at Fort Chartres, number 250 men, The Kaskakias, six leagues below, have a village of one hundred warriors,

The The

Peorias at the Rock, are

fifty

men,

Kaokias, or Tamarois, can furnish two hundred men, All these Indians comprehended under the name of Illinois, have, for device, the

360 260 100 60 200

Crane, the Bear, the White Hind, the Fork, the Tortoise. River of

the Missouris,

The Missouris. The Okams or Kamse. The Sotos. The Panis. This only as a note, as Vol. IX.

I

do not

know anything 133

of these Nations except the name.

16.236

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

1058

Warriorp,

15,235

Luke Erie;

-PThe Hurons

present are two hundred

at

Detroit.

They mark

men, bearing arms.

the

200

Tortoise, Bear and Plover,

The Pouteouatamis have

a village there of one hundred and eighty men.*

bear for device the Golden Carp, the Frog, the Crab, the Tortoise. Saint Joseph, south of Lake Michigan,)

The Outawas have two

villages there,

other of Kiskakons, and

They have

the

composed one of the

may count two hundred

same devices

tribe

They

(See River

of Sinagos

180 ;

the

200

warriors,

as those of Missilimakinak

;

that

is

to say, the

Bear

and Black Squirrel.

Lake Saint

At

the end of the

little

Clair, which leads to

Lake Saint

Lake

Huroii.

Clair, there is a small village of Mississagues,

which numbers sixty men. They have the same devices as the Mississagues of Manitouatin and Lake Ontario; that is to say, a Crane,

60

Lake Huron. I

On

have spoken before of the Mississagues who are to the North of this Lake. the South side, I know only the Outawas, who have a village of eighty men at Saguinan, and for device the Bear and Squirrel,

80 15,955

80

Less,

15,875

Remark. All the Northern Nations have this in

much by the device of his wife's who carries a similar device to his. as

as

common

;

man who goes to war denotes himself own tribe, and never marrries a woman

that a

by that of his

you would, Sir, have been better satisfied with my researches. would have written to the Interpreters of the Posts, who would have furnished me with more certain information than I could obtain from the Voyageurs whom I questioned. I am If time permitted, I

engaged

in the history of the Scioux,

which you have asked of Monsieur de Linerot.

Missilimakinak. * Instead of 180, only 100 NoTK.

men must be

counted.

— JoDcaireis supposed, by some, to have

been the author of the preceding enumeration, but this cannot -well be, as that officer was on the Ohio at this date, and the writer was at Michilimackioa. It it attributed to M. de la ChauTignerie, by Mr. Schoolcraft» in History of the Indian Tribet of tht United State; III., 668. En.

—

PARIS DOCUMENTS

YIH.

:

1059

•••••••••• Louis

•

XV.

Messrs. de BeauJiamois

to

His Majesty approves the alternate sailing

recommends Sieur Hocquart

to

last

and Hocquart.

year of the two sloops on Lake Ontario, and

pursue the same course

eacii year, so as to

keep these two

vessels in order. If it

use to

were possible to navigate Lake Champlain with vessels of that description, it will be of have one built for the transportation of supplies to Crown Point; but before hazarding

their construction,

it

Lake

will be well to cause that

acquainted with the rocks to be met there.

When

be surveyed, with a view to become

to

Sieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart shall

have acquired correct information on this subject, they will report the same, and his Majesty will cause his intentions to be communicated to them.

His Majesty has learned with pleasure that Captain Desnoyelles' expedition against the Foxes and Sacs in 1735, has not been attended by any bad consequences. As he causes his intentions regarding these Indians to be fully explained to the Marquis de Beauharnois, he will content himself here to recommend him to conform thereto. He hopes to learn that the Chaouanons will have kept the promise they gave Sieur Joncaire, the

commandant

in their country, to

come down

de Beauharnois discourse on their migration.

on that course, they will be easily persuaded to

Marquis

this spring to Montreal, to hear the

probable that, should they determine

It is

settle at Detroit;

and that

it is

very desirable,

But the

so as to protect the fidelity of these Indians against the insinuations of the English.

movement induces

delay they interpose to that

Beauharnois with

whom

to dissuade

will

meet with more

his

Majesty

difficulties

his Majesty to

than he had anticipated, and that the English,

informed they trade, had

is

However

them therefrom.

and

to accomplish that removal;

apprehend that the Marquis de

made

sufficient progress

among them

that be, Sieur de Beauharnois should neglect nothing

this object deserves

now

settlement which a party of Cherakis and Chickachas has

the more attention by reason of the

made on

the river Oio, as Sieur de

Beauharnois must be aware.

His Majesty

is

satisfied

with his explanations respecting his deternjination

among

press the afiuir that occurred

Indians

A

demanded of him.

in

1734 not to

the Ouiatanons, and to be content with the pardon these

mild and moderate policy

is

always preferable, when

it

can be

pursued without affisctiug the honor of the Nation and the glory of His Majesty's arms. there are occasions policy

may

to decide

when

it

may

be absolutely necessary not to stop short, and

be accompanied by very unfortunate consequences.

on the course he

is

It is for

But

when such

Sieur de Beauhamoii

to adopt in occurring circumstances, and his Majesty cannot but

rely on his zeal and prudence.

As

respects theScioux: according to

what the commandant and Missionary

at that post

have

written to Sieur de Beauharnois, relative to the dispositions of these Indians, nothing appears

wanting on that point. But their delay in coming down to Montreal since the time they so, must render their sentiments somewhat suspected, and nothing but facta But what must still further whether determine their fidelity can be absolutely relied on. can increase the uneasiness to be entertained in their regard, is the attack on the convoy of M. de to be

promised to do

NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.

1060

adopted the course he had informed the Marquis de Beauharnois he should take, to have revenge therefor. His Majesty will wait impatiently Sieur de Beauharnois' report of what shall have been done on that subject, and is, meanwhile,

la Veranderie,' especially if this officer has

persuaded that he will have adopted such measures as will have appeared

to

him the most

suitable for the public service.

His Majesty has been very glad to learn that the Senecas, when they visited Montreal last summer, seemed well disposed towards the French. But though their fidelity appear above suspicion, Sieur de Beauharnois must not be less attentive in watching the conduct they observe towards the English. This is what His Majesty recommends him to do. The readiness with which the most of the Abenakis Chiefs who had received commissions from the English have given these commissions up to the Marquis de Beauharnois, must aHbrd and it is to be desired, that those who still have any of them a good idea of their fidelity may follow their example, as Sieur de Beauharnois has been promised. But he must not rely, altogether, on this proceeding: he must be always attentive to whatever may occur to induce ;

them to accept new commissions. For these sorts of connexions are ever dangerous. As regards Sieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquarts' proposition to let the Chiefs of the St. Francis Indians make a voyage to France, pursuant to their request; it seems to His Majesty Nevertheless, should Sieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart deem useless to incur the expense. But he recommends them not to enter into it absolutely necessary. His Majesty may concur. any sort of engagement in that regard, without having first received his orders.

He

to,

on the subject of the Chicachas

new

expedition against that nation,

has caused the Marquis de Beauharnois to be written

Indians, to inform

him

of

the preparations on foot for a

••••••••••

from Louisiana.

He recommends him

to

do whatever

power, on the Canada

will lie in his

side, so as to effect, at last, the reduction of these Indians. •

Versailles, lO"- of '

He

May, 1737.

This gentleman was sent, set out with his party

by orJer

of the French government, on an oyerland expedition to discover the Pacific Ocean.

from Montreal

passed through Lake Superior, and proceeding as near due West as he could, went

;

along the foot of Lake Winnipeg, ascended the River of the Assinibonis and directed his course towards the Rocky Mountains, for several days, over large tracts of land free from timber but covered with very tall grass.

European had ever been, were found great

pillars of stone, leaning

upon each

stone each, and sometimes such stones were found laid upon one another and as

other. it

The

In some places, where no

pillars consisted of

were formed

the prairie, about nine hundred lengues west of MoiitrcKl, the party discovered a large stone, like a stone about a foot long and between four and five inches broad, covered on both sides with curiosity

was separated from the

pillar

and transmitted

to the Secretary of State at Paris,

with the Eastern languages, affirmed that the inscription was

in

Tartarean characters.

one single

At one place in and in it a smaller

into a wall. pilliir,

unknown

characters.

This

where Missionaries conversant Without reaching the Rocky

Mountains, M. de la Veranderie was obliged to abandon the prosecution of his expedition, his party having got mixed up in a

war which the Indians

waging against ench other. Kalm's Travel', III., 123; Garneau, II., 126. The as the North Western Territory of British America, and lies North and "West of Minnesota. Three hundred miles West of Lake Wirmipei;, on the Assiniboin river, the French erected Fort la Reine, mentioned by Carver, 109 ; three others were built farther West, the most remote of which stood on the bank of the Rivar Paakoyac Ei>. of those parts were

country thus explored, embr.ices what

—

is

known

PARIS DOCUMENTS

Earl Waldegrave

to

:

VIII.

lOGl

Count de Maurepas. Ppris,

16* January, 1739.

Sir, ^ \^K

I

Count de Mawepas.

to

Canada.

My

Lord,

You have

I had

been able to perceive by

done and proposed

the 12'*

to

my

despatches of the 22"" of July

last,

and of

do in consequence of what you did me the honor

of August, 1739, 29 February and 13'* of

New

May

to

the

10"

instant,

communicate

to

what

me on

last.

present date. Had there been any movement, I should have been notified of it immediately, having people continually abroad. I have communicated, My Lord, to M. Hocquart your despatch of the IS"" of August one

Nothing

occurred in

lias

England up

thousand seven hundred and thirty-nine, and

expenses of I

we have made

the proper arrangements together for

utility.

have been informed,

my

always been on this

to the

My

Lord,

by the

first

month, which has reported that matters

were

vessels, of the aifairs of

A vessel arrived

guard against every event.

in the

same

here

from

position,

Europe, and have

Isle royale

on the 25"' of

and that the Spaniards

were making a great deal more progress against the English, than the English against them.

The

precautions

Point, and to

the

same

I

have adopted.

My

supply that post with

to Fort

Crown

Lord, have been to send a good garrison to

every thing necessary for

its

defence.

I

have done

Chambly, and have sent Sieur Rochbert de La Morandiere to Niagara to have the whereof were falling down, and, next, to Fort Frontenac to put every These posts, My Lord, will be furnished this fall with the troops, provisions

fort repaired, the pickets

thing in order.

and ammunition I

calculate.

effective

it

My

may

require in case of rupture with our neighbors.

Lord, on six hundred Regulars.

who would

militia

serve well

rely as absolutely as on disciplined

when

There may be twelve

to fifteen

occasion requires, but on

whom

troops, the long continuance of peace having

the ardor of the Canadians;

thousand I

cannot

damped Lake of

four hundred Iroquois of Sault S' Louis and of the two hundred Algonquins and Nepissingues and more than seven hundred Abenakis of Acadia and" this place. As regards these Nations you are aware. My Lord, of their inconstancy. I took the precaution to let our domiciliated Indians know by some strings of Wampum, not to go far from home, in case they may be wanted. I advised you last year by a despatch of the 25'* of October, that I had transmitted to you on

Two

Mountains

the twenty-ffih

munitions of stores.

I

;

of (he same month one thousand seven hundred and thirty four, the estimate of the

War necessary

for the defence of the country, and to complete those in the King's took likewise the liberty to ask you to send forty fifty thousand weight of powder

@

;

PARIS DOCUMENTS

VIII.

:

10G9

@

you have not thought proper, My Lord, to send more than thirty forty thousand weight of it. It is, however, the most important article for the Colony, as well as a larger quantity of muskets which would be required to arm those who have none. They would not be lost, for they would be returned to the store after the close of the expedition, if we should find ourselves in that category.

I am

with most profound retpect.

My

Lord,

Your most humble and Most

obedient Servant,

Signed

Quebec, the 31 October, 1740. llie preceding despatcli

KoTE.

was written

Beauharnois.

:

in cypher, except the paasagei in Italic.