Cushitic Lexicon and Phonology [1 ed.] 9783631600894

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Schriften zur Afrikanistik Re s e a r c h i n A f r i c a n S t u d i e s Band 28

M. Lionel Bender

Cushitic Lexicon and Phonology Edited by Grover Hudson

Cushitic Lexicon and Phonology 

Schriften zur Afrikanistik   Research in African Studies   Herausgegeben von Rainer Vossen und Georg Ziegelmeyer       

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M. Lionel Bender 

Cushitic Lexicon and Phonology  Edited by Grover Hudson 

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Contents Preface ........................................................................................................................ 9 Abbreviations .......................................................................................................  11 1. Preliminaries ...................................................................................................  13 1.1 Afrasian and Cushitic family structure ..................................................  13 Structure of Afrasian .......................................................................  13 Structure of Cushitic .......................................................................  14 Cushitic sub-structure and main languages .................................  15 1.2 Selected Cushitic comparisons: discussion ............................................  16 Selected Cushitic comparisons ......................................................  19 Addendum: Weakly distributed forms .........................................  70 1.3. Revision of structure of Cushitic .............................................................  89 Shared lexical innovations in Cushitic 120 basic items ..............  90 1.3.1. Discussion ........................................................................................  91 Revised structure of Cushitic .........................................................  91 Shared lexical retentions in Cushitic 120 basic items .................  92 Shared lexical innovations and retentions in Cushitic 120 basic items .............................................................  93 1.3.2. Comparison with lexicostatistical results .....................................  93 1.3.3. Unique items ....................................................................................  93

2. Cushitic Phonologies ...................................................................................  95 2.1. Cushitic phonological inventories ...........................................................  95 2.1.1. Beja ....................................................................................................  95 2.1.2. Agew ..................................................................................................  96 2.1.2.1. Bilin ...................................................................................  96 2.1.2.2. Kemant .............................................................................  97 2.1.2.3. Awngi ................................................................................  97 2.1.2.4. Proto-Agew ......................................................................  98 2.1.3. South Cushitic ..................................................................................  99 2.1.3.1. Iraaqw ...............................................................................  99 2.1.3.2. Proto-West Rift ................................................................  99

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2.1.3.3. Proto-South Cushitic consonants ...............................  100 2.1.3.4. Dahalo ............................................................................  100 2.1.4. East Cushitic ..................................................................................  101 2.1.4.1. Afar .................................................................................  101 2.1.4.2. Saho ................................................................................  101 2.1.4.3. *Afar-Saho .....................................................................  102 2.1.5. Dullay ..............................................................................................  102 2.1.5.1. Ts’amay ...........................................................................  102 2.1.5.2. Harso ..............................................................................  103 2.1.5.3. Gollango .........................................................................  103 2.1.5.4. Proto-Dullay ..................................................................  104 2.1.6. Somaloid .........................................................................................  105 2.1.6.1. Somali .............................................................................  105 2.1.6.2. Rendillé ..........................................................................  105 2.1.6.3. Baiso ...............................................................................  106 2.1.6.4. Boni .................................................................................  106 2.1.6.5. Proto-Somaloid .............................................................  107 2.1.7. Arboroid .........................................................................................  108 2.1.7.1. Arboré ............................................................................  108 2.1.7.2. Dasenech ........................................................................  108 2.1.7.3. Elmolo ............................................................................  109 2.1.7.4. Yaaku ..............................................................................  110 2.1.7.5. Proto-Arboroid .............................................................  110 2.1.8. Oromo .............................................................................................  111 2.1.9. Konsoid ...........................................................................................  112 2.1.9.1. Konso ..............................................................................  112 2.1.9.2. Gidolé .............................................................................  112 2.1.9.3. Bussa ...............................................................................  113 2.1.9.4. Proto-Oromo-Konsoid .................................................  113 2.1.9.5. Proto-SAOK: Somaloid-Arboroid-OromoKonsoid ..........................................................................  114 2.1.10. Highland East Cushitic .................................................................  114 2.1.10.1. Burji ................................................................................  114 2.1.10.2. Sidamo and Gedeo ........................................................  115 2.1.10.3. Hadiyya and Kembaata ................................................  115 2.1.10.4. Proto-Highland East Cushitic .....................................  116 2.1.10.5. Proto-Lowland East Cushitic ......................................  117 2.1.11. Proto-East Cushitic .......................................................................  117 2.1.12. Proto-Cushitic ................................................................................  118

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2.2. Overview of Cushitic phonologies ........................................................  118 2.3. Segmental comparisons across Cushitic languages ............................  120 2.4. Labials in *Cushitic .................................................................................  121 Cushitic labial correspondences ...............................................................  122 2.5. Coronal obstruents in *Cushitic ............................................................  124 2.6. Coronal sonorants in *Cushitic .............................................................  124 2.7. Palatal consonants in *Cushitic .............................................................  125 2.8. Velars in *Cushitic ...................................................................................  125 2.9. Post-Velar consonants in *Cushitic .......................................................  125 Cushitic coronal obstruent correspondences .........................................  126 Cushitic coronal sonorant correspondences ..........................................  127 Cushitic palatal correspondences ............................................................  129 Cushitic velar correspondences ................................................................  130 Cushitic post-velar correspondences .......................................................  132 2.10. Reconstructable vowels in *Cushitic .....................................................  133 Cushitic vowel correspondences ..............................................................  134 2.11. Overview of *Cushitic segments ...........................................................  138 2.11.1. Revision of phoneme inventory ..................................................  138 2.11.2. Canonical shapes in *Cushitic .....................................................  139 2.12. Difficult items ..........................................................................................  140 2.13. Labials in *East Cushitic .........................................................................  142 2.14. Coronal obstruents in *East Cushitic ...................................................  143 East Cushitic labial correspondences ......................................................  144 East Cushitic coronal obstruent correspondences .................................  146 2.15. Coronal sonorants in *East Cushitic .....................................................  149 East Cushitic coronal sonorant correspondences ..................................  150 2.16. Implosives and retroflexes in *East Cushitic ........................................  155 2.17. Palatals in *East Cushitic ........................................................................  155 2.18. Velars and uvulars in *East Cushitic .....................................................  155 East Cushitic implosive and retroflex correspondences .......................  156 East Cushitic palatal correspondences ....................................................  157 East Cushitic velar and uvular correspondences ...................................  157 7

2.19. Post-velars in *East Cushitic ..................................................................  162 East Cushitic post-velar correspondences ..............................................  163 2.20. Reconstructable vowels in *East Cushitic ............................................  165 East Cushitic vowel correspondences ......................................................  166 2.21. Overview of *East Cushitic ....................................................................  176 2.22. Canonical shapes in *East Cushitic .......................................................  177

3. The Phonological Development of Cushitic ...................................  179 3.1. Cushitic phonological correspondences ..............................................  179 Thirteen lexica illustrating Cushitic phoneme correspondences .........  179 Proto-families phonemic correspondences: first approximation.......... 180 Proto-families phonemic correspondences: second approximation.........183 3.2. Proto-form wordlists ...............................................................................  185 Cushitic proto-forms .................................................................................  187 East Cushitic proto-forms .........................................................................  191 *SAOK proto-forms ...................................................................................  198 Fragments, symbolic and diffused forms ................................................  198 Binarily distributed forms .........................................................................  206 Binarily distributed forms from list of weakly distributed forms ............ 210

References ............................................................................................................  215

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Preface This almost-finished study was left by Lionel Bender upon his untimely death in February 2008. It lacked only final checking, formatting of lists and tables, and cross-referencing. In doing this, I have perhaps made some decisions which were not those Lionel would have made, for example concerning choice of phonetic symbols, and the form of presentation of data. Cushitic Lexicon and Phonology is characteristic of Lionel’s work in its interest in lexicostatistics as evidence for genetic classification, attention to completeness and detail of data, conservative requirements of form-meaning correspondence in reconstruction, and presentation of criteria and methods. Data made accessible here will be greatly appreciated and used even by those who disagree with some of the conclusions. In the progression of Lionel’s career, this work marks a renewed interest and focus on Cushitic linguistics, after earlier periods of work on Amharic, the Ethiopian language area, and especially classification and reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan and Omotic. He made important contributions in each of these areas, as undoubtedly with the present work. For an obituary and a full list of Lionel’s publications, see Aethiopica 11: 223–234. Chapter 1, ‘Preliminaries’, begins by proposing the structure of Afrasian (Afro-Asiatic) according to Bender 1997 (Chadic, Egyptian, Omotic, and ‘MacroCushitic’ (Berber, Semitic, Cushitic), and of Cushitic, four groups according to a previous, preliminary, survey of basic-word comparisons: Beja, Agew, East, and South. The core of this chapter is the list of 120 basic-word Cushitic comparisons, plus another list of 56 less complete comparisons which make no contribution to reconstruction. Each entry includes, where these are reconstructed, Proto-Cushitic, Proto-East Cushitic, and proto-subgroup words. Recognizable Afroasiatic cognates beyond Cushitic are included; entries are evaluated, and items unique to subgroups are mentioned, with discussion concerning e.g. ‘wanderwords’, probable sound-symbolic words, and problems. At the end of chapter 1 the structure of Cushitic is revised, based on numbers of shared innovations, to five groups: Beja, Agew, Dahalo, South Cushitic, and East Cushitic consisting of Afar-Saho, Highland East, and ‘Core East’ consisting of Dullay and the ‘SAOK’ group of Somaloid, Arboroid, and Oromo-Konsoid. There is also a count of shared Afrasian retentions, which are of interest but unsuitable for establishing subgroups. 9

Chapter 2, ‘Cushitic phonologies’, begins with a presentation of consonant and vowel inventories of 25 Cushitic languages and on this basis reconstructions of the phoneme inventories of Cushitic and its major subgroups. The Cushitic inventory on this basis is conservatively reconstructed to 15 consonants and 3 vowels (a, i, u). Most of Chapter 2 is presentation of the lists of Cushitic and East Cushitic sound correspondences, presented by place of articulation (labials, coronals, etc.). East Cushitic correspondences are presented separately, as these more narrowly focused sets are supported by almost twice as many words as those for Cushitic. ‘Canonical’ CV-structures of Cushitic and East Cushitic words are also exemplified. Chapter 3, ‘The phonological development of Cushitic’, presents sound correspondences of the reconstructed Cushitic and Afrasian inventories, plus marginal correspondences not contributing to the reconstructions. Criteria for reconstruction are stated: for Cushitic, for example, a word’s being strongly represented in three of Beja, Agew, East, and South Cushitic. The bulk of this chapter is the wordlists, first of 79 Cushitic proto-forms, which are listed with the subgroups which support them, plus evaluative comments including identification of problems, subgroup proto-forms, ‘wanderwords’ and probable cases of sound symbolism. There are also lists of 132 East Cushitic proto-forms; proto-forms of the SomaliArboroid-Oromo-Konsoid subgroup; ‘Fragments, Symbolic and Diffused Forms’; and ‘Binarily Distributed Forms’, those supported in just two Cushitic subgroups. Grover Hudson September 2009

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Abbreviations Use of periods (e.g. E.C. or EC) varies. A-A: Asa-Aramanik AB: Alagwa-Burunge Af: Afrasian Akk: Akkadian Al: Alaba Amh: Amharic Ar: Arabic Arb: Arboré *Arb: *Arboroid Ard: Aroid Arg: Argobba A-S: Afar-Saho Aw: Awngi B: Bender Bai: Baiso Bd: Bedawiyet Ber: Berber Bi: Bilin Bj: Beja Bo: Boni Brj: Burji Bus: Bussa Ch: Chadic Copt: Coptic Cu: Cushitic Da: Dahalo Db: Dobasé Ds: Dasenech Dul: Dullay Dul W: Dullay without Ts’amay (=Werizoid) E: Ehret C: East Cushitic Eg: Egyptian

El: Elmolo E-S Ethio-Semitic Eval.: Evaluation EWC: Extended Welaitta Cluster Ga: Gato Gaw: Gawwada Ge: Gedeo Gf: Gafat Gi: Gidolé Gim: Gimira Gur: Guragé Gz: Gi’iz Ha: Hadiyya Har: Harari Hd: Hadaareb Heb: Hebrew HEC: Highland East Cushitic HEC S: HEC without Burji (=Sidamoid) Hrs: Harso Ir: Iraqw *Irq: Proto-Iraqwoid Ka: Kembaata KM: Kiessling & Mous 2003 Knf: Kunfel Ko: Konso *Kon: *Konsoid Lb: Libido LEC: Lowland East Cushitic lg.: language Mes: Mesqan M–C: Macro-Cushitic MSA: Modern South Arabian n: noun 11

N: North (Agew) N.d. : No data N E-S: North E-S (Gz, Té, Ty) N-K: Niger-Kordofanian N-S: Nilo-Saharan NWR: North West-Rift NWO: Northwest Ometo Om: Omotic Or: Oromo rel.: related (to) Ren: Rendillé S: Sidamoid (= HEC S) Sa: Saho SAOK: Somaloid-ArboroidOromo-Konsoid SC: South Cushitic Sem: Semitic SEO: Southeast Ometo S E-S: South E-S (Amh, Arg, Gf, Har, Guragé lgs.) Si: Sidamo Sod: Soddo Som: Somaloid *Som: *Somaloid Soq: Soqotri sp.: special or species Swa Swahili Té: Tigré Ti: Timbaro Ts’: Ts’amay Ty: Tigrinya Ug: Ugaritic var.: variety or variant Vd: voiced Vl: voiceless vb: verb W: Werizoid (=Dul W) Wel: Welaitta 12

WW: Wanderword(s) Xmr: Xamir Xmt: Xamta Y: Yaaku Z: Zway

1. Preliminaries 1.1 Afrasian and Cushitic family structure I assume that the Afrasian Phylum has four branches: Macro-Cushitic consisting of Berber, Semitic, and Cushitic, plus Chadic, Omotic, and Egyptian, but with the position of Egyptian relative to the others still unclear (Bender 1997).

Structure of Afrasian

(Bender 1997; position of Egyptian in doubt) 1. Chadic

2. Omotic

3. Macro-Cushitic

1.1. West

2.1. TN-DA

3.1. Berber

1.2. Central

2.2. Mao

3.2. Cushitic

1.3. East

4? †Egyptian

3.3. Semitic

Chadic (Jungraithmayr & Ibriszimow 1994, supplemented by Newman 1977, 1980 and Newman and Ma 1966) and Omotic (Bender 2003) have comparable solid lexical resources, based on established (basic) lexicon (from about 150 to about 300 items) rather than on initial consonants as so many sources are, even if the number of items is much greater. Bender (2003) covers 150 basic items and a supplementary 113, total about 263. Jungraithmayr & Ibriszimow (1994) consists of about 168 items. I searched for items of fundamental lexicon documented in all or nearly all branches of a family, so that comparability is high, rather than lexicon which illustrates putative regular correspondences of (usually) initial consonants, and brought in other lexicon to support phonological correspondences after these were established. No really equivalent sources exist yet for branches other than Chadic and Omotic, although there are many sources, some of them extensive. In particular, Cushitic is lacking. Dolgopolsky (1973) and Ehret (1987) are good pioneering starts, but both are marred by questionable methodology. Rather than list as many Cushitic items as possible by languages, it is important to take into account Cushitic family-tree structure.1 Obviously, cognates in two

1 The family tree of Cushitic used here is based on counts of purported cognates among the 64 isoglosses analyzed for the isogloss table in Bender (2005b), assigning 1 point for good ones representing a majority of a family, and ½ for less widespread ones. The potential totals exceed 64 because there are a few cases of mulitiple cognates, e.g. ‘egg’ as

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languages from two different major branches count for more than those from the same branch. It is also important to avoid extensive data gaps.

Structure of Cushitic 1. North (Beja)

2. Central (Agew)

3. East

4. South

3.1. Afar-Saho 3.2. “Core” 3.2.1. Lowland (SAOK) 3.2.1.1. Somaloid 3.2.1.2. Arboroid 3.2.1.3. Oromoid-Konsoid 3.2.2. Highland 3.3. Dullay

The classification is based on the commonly accepted splitting off of North (Beja) and Central (Agew). The rest was arrived at after completing an earlier version of the list of Selected Cushitic Comparisons, below. It resulted in the structure with four primary branches, South being separate from East as in Ehret (1987). The structure of East is complicated, going down to four levels, and the status of Highland vs. Lowland is not the usual one, Afar-Saho and Dullay being at a higher level. Figures supporting the structure are found in footnote 1. The full branchings of Cushitic and main constituent languages are given below (final -é of several language names is a reminder that this is a sylboth buup’+a and -kuk’- in Oromo and Konsoid. Highest is Oromo-Konsoid 40. OromoKonsoid, Somaloid, and Arboroid score 27 on all two-way comparisons. HEC scores an average of 20 vs. all the foregoing. Afar-Saho scores ave. 17 against all the foregoing; Dullay 16 against them, and A-S vs. Dullay only 11.5. South Cushitic scores an average of only 10 vs. all other families. But keep in mind that Oromo is far-flung and has influenced most other families and individual languages, while HEC, Oromo, and Konsoid are neighbors. Although close geographically, Dullay vs. SC is the lowest score of all: 7. The tree is not very different from that used by Sasse (1982: 15). The main difference is that Sasse (p. 15) has Omo-Tana (my Somaloid, Baiso, Arboroid), Oromo-Konsoid (Sasse’s MacroOromo), and HEC S (HEC less Burji) as three independent branches, while I combine them within “Core East Cushitic”. Afar-Saho and Dullay are independent branches at the highest level in both our trees. One minor difference is that I have Baiso as a Somaloid language (Heine 1978 calls Somaloid without Baiso “Sam”), while Sasse has it intermediate between Somaloid (his Eastern Omo-Tana) and Arboroid (his Western Omo-Tana). A second is that Sasse has Yaaku attached to Dullay while I have it in Arboroid.

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lable). A revised structure will be discussed in section 1.3, below, after the list of Selected Cushitic Comparisons and the Addendum: Weakly Distributed Forms.

Cushitic sub-structure and main languages (non-exhaustive; see Tosco 2003) 1. North (Beja): dialects: Bedawiyet/Hadaareb 2. Central (Agew) 2.1. South: Awngi/Kunfel; 2.2. North: Bilin, Kimant, Xamir/Xamta 3. East 3.1. Afar-Saho (AS) 3.2. “Core” East Cushitic 3.2.1. Lowland 3.2.1.1. Somaloid: Somali (dialect cluster), Baiso, Rendillé, Boni 3.2.1.2. Arboroid: Arboré, Dasenech, Elmolo, (hybrid Yaaku) 3.2.1.3. Oromo-Konsoid: 3.2.1.3.1. Oromo (dialect cluster); 3.2.1.3.2. Konsoid: Konso/Gato, Gidolé, Bussa 3.2.2. Highland East Cushitic 3.2.2.1. Burji 3.2.2.2. Sidamoid 3.2.2.2.1. Sidamo, Gedeo 3.2.2.2.2. Hadiyya/Libido, Kembata/Timbaro/Alaba 3.3. Dullay 3.3.1. Ts’amay 3.3.2. Werizoid: Harso (=Werizé), Dobasé, Gawwada, etc. 4. South 4.1. West-Rift 4.1.1. Northern: 4.1.1.1. Iraqwoid: Iraqw, Gorowa 4.1.1.2. Alagwa 4.1.2. Southern: Burungé 4.2. East-Rift: Qwadza, Aasax Others: Mbugu (Ma’a) hybrid; Dahalo (not South Cushitic?) Population figures for the languages are mostly estimates.2 2 Population estimates. Sources often differ. Some languages are found in several countries. Estimates are of native-speakers, for Ethiopia rounded off (from the 1994 Ethio-

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1.2 Selected Cushitic comparisons: discussion The list of 120 Cushitic comparisons below started with Bender (2007), in which diligent searches were made for cognates in all branches of Afrasian except Berber and Egyptian. The list was modified by extending to Egyptian-Coptic and Berber, trying other items for which comparable data were available, and then rejecting those which were found unsuitable. The rejected comparisons are provided, however, in the Addendum List of 56 Weakly Distributed Forms. The criteria for inclusion were as follows: 1 Items with reconstructable *Cushitic are always retained. 2 For items which have no reconstructable *Cushitic, at least two reconstructable immediate sub-families (Beja, *Agew, *East, *South) must be found. 3 Criterion 2 may be overruled for specified reasons, e.g. illustrating interesting wanderwords. In proposing proto-forms, majority rule among major branches prevails. To be accepted as *Cushitic, two or more of *Beja, *Agew, *East, *South must be involved, but not the combination *East and *South because there is still some doubt that South is not part of East. Exceptions are made when there is strong evidence that a form is a retention from *Afrasian, even if limited to only one current Cushitic branch (usually East, e.g. items 19, 36). For details on other levels, see 1.3 below. The form of entries is as follows. In the three columns of comparisons at the top of entries, the first is reconstructed *Cushitic; these and all items preceded by ‘B’ in the table are my reconstructions; preceded by ‘E’ next is Cushitic of Ehret (1987), followed by comparisions from Cushitic languages and groups numbered as in the family structure above: 1=Beja, 2=*Agew, 3=*East Cushitic, 3.1=*AfarSaho, 3.2=*Core East Cushitic, 3.2.1=Lowland, 3.2.2=*Highland East Cushitic,

pian national census); some names are re-interpreted: Afar 965,000, Saho 22,800, Awngi 357,000, Kimant 1650, Xamir 144,000, Somali 3,187,000, Arboré 4441, Dasenech 32,000, Oromo 16,778,000, Konso 150,000, Gidolé 50,000, Bussa 6600, Burji 35,700, Sidamo 1,876,000, Gedeo 637,000, Hadiyya 924,000, Kembata 488,000, Timbaro 82,800, Alaba 126,000, Ts’amay 8600, Gawwada 32,700. Others, from Grimes, ed., 1996 (Ethnologue): Beja 1,148,000, Bilin 70,000, Baiso 1000, Rendillé 32,000, Elmolo 0 to 8, Libido 100,000, Iraqw 365,000, Dahalo 3000. There are no estimates for Kunfel (probably included with Awngi), Xamta (prob. with Xamir), Gato (prob. with Konso), Harso and Dobasé (prob. with Gawwada). Totals: approximately 25,911,000 in Ethiopia, 1,719,000 in other countries (Eritrea, Jibuti, Sudan, Somalis, Kenya, Tanzania).

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3.3=*Dullay, 4=*South Cushitic. (See the list of abbreviations of language names and other abbreviations after the Table of Contents.) Following these, other comparisons may be given, including occasional items from these non-West-Rift languages, but I do not take a stand on their genetic classification. Following the 3-column list of comparisons are notes to other forms found in Cushitic and elsewhere (notes are generally ordered according to the list), especially items contributing in the reconstructions. Data gaps among Cushitic languages are noted, except for those languages which are often not documented and are of secondary importance (esp. Kunfel, Xamir, Timbaro, Alaba, Gato). Many notes except data gaps are preceded by one of these abbreviations: D: Diffusion, WW: wanderword, *Cu: Cushitic proto-form (similarly for Lowland: *LEC, *Core, *EC), and ?: indecisive/judgment withheld. E-S (Ethio-Semitic) reconstructions are my own unless otherwise indicated. N(orth) E-S consists of †Gi’iz, Tigrinya, and Tigré, S(outh) E-S of Amharic, †Gafat, Harari, and East and West Guragé language clusters. This is not in complete agreement with the more nuanced Hetzron 1972, but suffices for present purposes. Other relevant *Af(rasian), Ber(ber), *Ch(adic), *Sem(itic), *Om(otic), Nilo-Saharan (N-S), and East Sudanic (E.S.) items are given when available. Omotic sub-families are M-O: Macro-Ometo (Ometo plus C’ara), TN: ta/ne (includes M-O, Gimira, Yem, Kefoid), YK: Yem-Kefoid, D(izoid), A(roid), and other obvious ones (NW Ometo, SE Ometo, etc.). S-C (Satellite-Core) is a sub-family of Nilo-Saharan. Ek and En are the two immediate sub-families of East Sudanic. Finally are forms Unique to sub-families (except for loans into neighboring languages), and an Evaluation of the item in question, including comparisons to families other than Cushitic. I did not try to be exhaustive regarding probable diffusions, especially of isolated loans from dominant languages such as Tigrinya, Amharic, or Oromo into nearby languages. In fact, I specifically excluded these in most cases, for brevity’s sake. There is no difference between notation such as Agew *N: qap and N: *qap; both mean Proto-North-Agew qap. The notation ‘--’ means that the item in question is missing in the data base or is unreconstructable. The superscripts ‘^’, ‘O’, and ‘#’ associate different meanings with particular forms of their comparison set. Items in parentheses are based on only East and South Cushitic or on what I consider dubious phonology or semantics. Many others found in Ehret (1987) are omitted as being implausible or based on data I did not accept.

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Data sources are as follows. 1 Beja from Roper (1928) (non-exhaustive), Blažek n.d., and my own notes on Hadaareb. 2 *Agew from Appleyard (2006) (A 2006). N=Appleyard’s PNA=*North Agew. I include only Appleyard’s forms for individual languages (unmarked) except where other sources are revealing. 3 *East Cushitic from Sasse (1979) and (1982), the latter also the source of occasional items in all languages. 3.1 *Afar-Saho; Afar from Parker & Hayward 1985, and Saho from Welmers (1952) and Reinisch (1890). 3.2 *Core East Cushitic, and 3.2.1. *Lowland EC are my own reconstructions. 3.2.1 Lowland. Somaloid languages draw on Sasse (1978) on “Sam”, but I did not use “Jabarti” because Sasse expresses doubts about its provenance. In addition, Somali is from my fieldnotes and Bell (1953); Baiso mainly from SLLE 26 and Hayward (1978–9); and Rendillé from Fleming (1964). Of Arboroid, Dasenech is from Sasse (1973), Elmolo from Heine (1975), Yaaku (perhaps a hybrid with Maa and Bantu and probably now extinct) from Heine (1975) and Greenberg (1963) (Mogogodo). Oromo: Gragg (1982). Konsoid: Gidolé and Konso mainly from Black (1973) and Black and Sheko Otto (1973) respectively. Gato from my fieldnotes and Bussa from fieldnotes and SLLE 19. 3.2.2 *Highland East Cushitic (HEC) from Hudson (1989a): those restricted to other HEC than Burji are indicated by S (=Sidamoid). 3.3 *Dullay from Amborn et al. (1987); here W=Werizoid, or other than Ts’amay. Ts’amay: Hayward (1989). 4 *South Cushitic (SC) from Kiessling & Mous (2003) (KM) supplemented by Takács (2000) (T) and Appleyard (2006). Kiessling & Mous (pp. 2f.) state that East-Rift is inadequately documented and must be excluded. Ma’a is also excluded because of its hybridization. In SC, Iraqw is from Maghway (1989), Dahalo from Ehret, Elderkin, & Nurse (1989), Asa-Aramanik from Fleming (1969) (secondary and fragmentary). Other SC sources are fragmentary and I have not tried to use them beyond a few citations. Dahalo is probably not South Cushitic and maybe not East Cushitic either. Some other non-exhaustive sources of the above are Bender (2007) for all, Bender (1996) for N-S, and Bender (2005a) for E.S. For *Afrasian, M. Cohen (1947), and Diakonoff et al. (1993–7) are the main sources. Berber: my own lists from various authors and the excellent, but limited, Bynon (1984). Chadic: see the first paragraph of this chapter. Egyptian: Mercer (1961) and Takács p.c.; Semitic: D. Cohen (1970), Huehnergard (2000), and lists from Rabin (1975) and others. 18

Harari and some other E-S forms are from Leslau (1963). The SLLE (Survey of Little-Known Languages of Ethiopia) Linguistic Reports are also invaluable (see in References). The reader may wonder about several omissions. I did not use sources I consider to be methodologically problematic, including Ehret’s reconstructions of South Cushitic, Afrasian, and Nilo-Saharan (although Ehret 1987 contains many useful comparable items, some which are instructive if unreliable); Orel & Stolbova’s Afrasian; Dolgopolsky’s Cushitic; and Lamberti & Sottilé’s “Old Cushitic”. I have surely missed many library sources which could have been useful. This work is the poorer for these gaps, but I think my approach and coverage still has a contribution to make, especially in suggesting an improved replacement.

Selected Cushitic comparisons 1. ashes *Cu.: -(E: 76 ‘dust’ *ter-/tir-; different root) 1. *net+aš 2. *wiz+; N *CVbVr+

3. *darʕ +; B: darɗ+ 3.1. *gombod+ 3.2. -3.2.1. *t/ɗar+a 3.2.2. --

3.3. *tarʕ+o 4. *Irq: daʕ+araa Da: Ɂiiβ+u

1. Poss. retention from *Af D75 bәt, *ChN2 bәtu+, Om *TNDA bi/end+; see 35 ‘earth, soil’: *Agew bɨt+a; Ren ben(?). 2. D?: Té c’әbәl; *Agew N: Bi šɨbar, Xmt s’ɨ/abar; Ka, Ti t’abar+o, Al t’ɛbbɛr+o. 3. D?: Afar ‘dust’ bulol+o; Si buluul+o, Ge bulul+o; Bai bulolo. 4. *EC: *Irq; *Dul: Ts’ darɗ+o, Hrs, Db tɛrʕ+o, Gol tarʕ+o; Or ɗaar+a; *Kon tarɗ+: Kon tar+a, Gato tɛrrd+a, Gi tarɗ+at; Brj daar+a < Or. Unique: *Bj ‘fire-dust’ (‘dust’ haš; *Af C105 ‘sand’ haS); Da; *A-S; *Arb rom. Evaluation: No *Cu form, but EC and SC share a widespread form missed by Ehret. 2. ask, ^news *Cu.: -E: -1. Bd raat 2. N: *wanqәr

3. *^war+; B: *wa /or+; *ka(a)s-? 3.1. *es(s)er-; *^war+e 3.2. *wOr3.2.1. --

3.2.2. Sasse: *wOr+; S: *t’am3.3. *g/kas-a4. *maahas Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; Ren; El. 2. *EC and WW: Ty, Amh, Gur ^wәr+e, Har wäar < Cu ?; Bi war+é; *^A-S second; *Som wOr-: Som ^war-s-ad, Ren ^wo/ar-s-ad, Boni ^wor-s-id; Or ^war+ee; *HEC Brj wo/ar-s-, Si, Ha sp.: wor+e. 3. *EC?: *Dul: Ts’

19

gass-aɗ, Hrs, Db gisʕ-aɗ-, Gaw kasʕ-aɗ-; Bai hoos-ate; Ds Ɂeess- (?); Or gaaf-aɗɗ-a (?); *Kon: Gi -kaass-aɗ-, Bus -kaass-at. Also Aw kaas-ixw-a ? Unique: Bj; *Agew N; *SC; *A-S first; *HEC S. Evaluation: Unproductive form except at EC level. 3. bark (of tree) *Cu.: ka(L)f+ E: -1. (var.) 2. *qaf; *N: sinkw+a; B: N: *qarf

3. (*k’olf+) 3.1. *ʕ/Ɂall+o 3.2. *k’olf+ 3.2.1. B: *šool+

3.2.2. S: *omoll+a; k’unc+ 3.3. *qaq+ 4. *qaf+oo T: pak’+ (=Da)

1. *Cu: *Agew: Aw qap, Bi k’af, Xmt qaf; *SC; Da. 2. *Cu: Agew N (B): Bi qaref, Xmt qerәf+ti; Saho karef+ó; Gaw qof(f)ol+(t)o; *Kon k’olf+: Kon qólf+~qóffoll+, Gato qolfol+a. 3. D: Té lɨħs’+e; Bi lihíc’, Aw lɨt+i < E.S. 4. D: ?: Aw: kan+i; Brj: kan+a. 5. D?: *HEC S (second): Ge k’uunc’+e, Lb k’unc’+ɛɁu < Or k’unce? Unique: *Agew N; *A-S; *Dul (cf. El gogób+e); *HEC S first. Evaluation: *Cu based on notes 1, 2: *Agew N, *EC, *SC. Appleyard (2006: 28) does not have the forms with -r-; he may consider them to be loans from E-S, but the Saho, Dullay, Konsoid forms must be considered. Thus retention from *Af B krp, *Sem k’rp (*E-S k’әrf+it, Akk qulpu, Heb qәlaf, Ar qirfah, Soq qalyof), *Ch krp, kɓr. Cf. Om *TN k(‘)ol+, *N-S 294 kUr+to; Or k’ɔll+a ? Overlap with 90 ‘skin’. 4. bee, ^honey *Cu.: -E: -1. Bd: wiu; Hd: ɗin+a 2. *N: laɣl+a 3. See note 2 below 3.1. *didal+e; Sa: ^zizaal+e

3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. *dziidz+a; sp.: *daamm+o 3.3. *t’oonaq+o

4. *baɁar+a =47. ‘fly’ ^ɗím+é, ^*din+ú ~dan+ú Da sp.: táam+e

1. No data: Db. 2. Proposed *EC: *ziiz+; B: *d/ziid/z+; also kan(n)~kinn+; B: damm+. Cf. also A29 ‘honey’. 3. *EC prob. symbolic: *A-S; Bai zizáal+e; *HEC: Brj ^diid+a, Ka dišš+o < diid+co, Al zišš+u < ziiz+cu, Ha dišš+a < diid+ca. Cf. zi(i)z+o in SE Ometo, Berber e.g. Beni Snous dzizwi < vb. izi. 4. D?: Hd; *^SC; Da; Ts’ ^záamm+o; Or ^damm+a; Kon ^tan+ka. Cf. *Ch dm; Ber ^tam+ɨmt. All < Af B: *tam+. Unique: *Agew N; *Dul; Or kanniis+a; Kon hant+a. Evaluation: Symbolic *EC form. Possible *Af retention (=’honey’, see note 4 above). 20

5. belly, ^stomach *Cu.: gVr E: 132 ‘chest’ *gwadab ~gwidab 1. *kalaw+a 2. *gwɨ/әzgw+

3. (*god(e)b+) 3.1. *garb+a; *bag+u 3.2. -3.2.1. *ger+~*kar+ 3.2.2. S: *godab+a

3.3. *kar+a ? 4. *guraɁ+a Da: ɓágàm+a; man+i

1. *Cu: *Bj?, Bj ‘chest’: gwadaab (Appleyard 2006: 31); *A-S first; *HEC S: Si, Ge godob+a, Ka godab+a, Ti gwɔdab+a, Al gɔddɛb+a, Ha, Lb godab+o. 2. Derived from preceding?: *SC; *Dul: Ts’ garaɁ+e, Hrs, Db karaɁ+, Gaw karʕ+étto; Or gәɗ+a, ga(a)r+a; *Kon kar+ɗa: Kon kár+, Gato karr+da, Gi karɗ, Bus karɗ+a ~karɁ+a; *Arb ger: Arb, Ds geer+e, El gɛr+e. 3. D?: *A-S second; Da ?; Bai bog. 4. D: Som ur, Ren úur, ^ur; Y irɛ ? 5. D?: Hrs salasiħ +te; Kon sállulik+a; Brj salay. Unique: *Bj (or rel. to grb?); *Agew (Appleyard 2006: 31 says unrel. to *Cu); Da. Evaluation: Difficult item. *Af retention, combining notes 1, 2?: Sem kars’, Eg kns doubtful here, *Ch gd, k’ɗ, Ug and *N E-S kbd (Amh hod). Cf. also *Af C230bis k’Vb. Relationships of the various forms: gdb, grb, kr, gr unclear. 6. big, ^many *Cu.: gud(E: 37 *ga/ud-; one rejected) 1. *wɨn; *^g(w)ud 2. *N: xay-

3. (*gudd-~guud-); *wayn-; *leb; B: gud3.1. *nab-a 3.2. -3.2.1. gud-

3.2.2. *lob-a=^ 3.3. *ɗamm-a =^ 4. *dir *NWR: Ɂur Da: gàan-o

1. D?: Bj first; *Som wein: Som wein~weyn, Ren wéen, Boni wiin-. 2. *Cu: *Bj^; *Arb guɗ-: Arb guɗ-ida, Ds gudd-, El ^guut-ɨda; Or guɗ -a, gudd-aa =^; *Kon: Gi kutt-, Kon ɨguut-i; cf. also Om *EWC git-a. 3. ?: Sasse *EC: leb- =’male’, cf. *HEC : Brj ^lab-o(o), Si lob-o, low-o, Ge lum-o, Ha loob-, ^lob-. 4. WW?: Da; Db kaan-a; Brj gaan; Gi kaan-, Bus -kan-i; cf. Eg ^kn. 5. D: *Dul: Ts’, Db ɗámm-a, dɛmɁ-a, Hrs dɛm-a; Om: Ometo: Malo, Oyda, Doko damm-. Unique: *Agew N; *SC; *A-S; *Dul; *Som wEn; *HEC. Evaluation: Weak *Cu, poss. *Af retention: *Ch NM62 ^g-d-, Ber ^ggәt (Twareg, Kabyle, Tamazigt, Tachelhit). All Sasse forms are weakly documented. 7. bird *Cu.: -E: -1.*+k(e/a)l+ai 2. *N: dza/әx+әl

3. ‘small b.’: *kimbir+ 3.1. *kimbir+o 3.2. *kimbir+ 3.2.1. *kimbir

3.2.2. *c’iiɗ+a 3.3. *aagit+e 4. *tsiraʕ+a Da: šimpir+e

21

1. D: *SC; Or : c’irr+ii; *HEC: Brj c’iiɗ+a, Si c’e(e)Ɂ+a, Ge c’iɁ+a, Ka c’iiɁ+ata, Ti c’iic+u, Al c’ɨcu+tɨ, Ha c’iiɁ+, Lb c’ik’+o (in HEC, suf. +icco may be absorbed); cf. Ar tayyir, teer. 2. *EC: Da (< Or?); *A-S; *Som kimbir: Som šimbir+i, Bai kimbir+, Ren cimbír, Boni šimir(+a); *Arb: kimir+: Arb kɨrm+ate, Ds kimidd+i < kimir+ti; Or simbir, šimbɨrr+o, etc.; *Kon xampir+: Kon xámpir, Gato xambɨr +a, Gi hámpir+a, Bus hambir. Note also Sem. *knf ‘wing’, and pr ‘fly’ under Eval. below). Unique: *Bj; *Agew; *Dul; *HEC ? (Sasse 1982: 47 suggests sound symbolism) Evaluation: I do not consider *East to be rel. to *Af D34 pәr (from symbolic root ‘fly’, vb.?) in Sem (e.g. Ar ʕasfuur, Syriac s.ippor). See also *N-S 343 kabr/l+, *E.S. 3 kabar. The latter is not easily dismissed as coincidence, being found in Nera (karb+a) and Surma (e.g. Kwegu kúrb+a). *Om kap+ (~ap+ti) is prob. not related. Surprising Ehret missed *kimbir. 8. bite *Cu.: -E: two unconvincing forms rejected 1. Bd: finik; Hd: ɨfnɨk 2. *?ɨŋ-

3. (*k’aniin) 3.1. *ar-e 3.2. . -3.2.1. *k’an-in3.2.2. *gamɁ-

3.3. *qay/w4. *tluɁ; kiħ Da: k’an-; k’aħ -

1. *EC: Da (loan?); *Som: Som qan-iin, Ren xan-in, Boni aníin; *Arb kin-in: Arb kɨn-ɨn, Ds Gin-in; Or c’in-i(i)n; *Kon k’an-in: Kon k’an-iin, Gato iɣan-iine, Gi, Bus k’an-in. Unique: *Bj; *Agew; *SC; Da; *A-S; Dul (cf. Y -qau-); *HEC. Evaluation: No *Cu here and no wider connections other than weak *HEC with Om *Aroid gaɁ-. Surprising Ehret missed East k’an-in. See also 36 ‘eat’. 9. black, ^dark, Onight *Cu.: -(E: 549 *^ham-/him-) 1. *hadal/n 2. *N: ŋɨtsir-

3. (*^dum-) 3.1. *dat-a 3.2. -3.2.1. (*b/por- ?)

3.2.2. B: *kol3.3. *k/gumm-a 4. *booʕ; *gib ‘grow dark’ Da: hɨmmat-e

1. D?: *SC; Arb boriy-ɗa; *Kon poor-: Kon, Gi idem., Gato i-buur-, Bus poor-a. 2. WW: Gur lgs., e.g. Zway gәmball-a, Gura gәnbәn-ә, Gumer gәmbәn-a; Bai gamball-a, Ren gÃmbel-a; Ka gәmball-a, Ti gәmbɛll-a, Al gɛmbɛll-a. Rel. to name of a town (Gambella) in western Ethiopia? 3. D? Da; *Dul: Ts’ guum-a, Hrs -kuma, Db -gumɁ-ɛ, Gol kumm-a; Yaaku kumbu; Ha Ohiim+o, Lb Ohem+o (see also Coptic kmom, Ehret proto-form above, and 82 ‘night’ below. 22

Unique: *Bj; *Agew N; *A-S; *Som medow; *Arb -tiɗ-a; Or gurɁaacc-a; *Kon ^tukk(‘)an (cf. Gaw tuk-an, Gato Otooqәn+a’; see 82 ‘night’ below); *HEC. Evaluation: Innovations abound. Sasse’s *East: cf. *Ch d-m, On *TN Ot’um. *HEC: cf. En 8 *cOl, esp. Murlé kól-i. See also 19 ‘cloud’, 82 ‘night’. 10. blood *Cu.: bVr E: -1. Bd bo+i, Hd a+bʊy 2. *bɨr+i 3. *c’eeg+; A, B: *bor-

3.1. A: ʕabál, S: biil+ 3.2. *ɗiig+ 3.2.1. *ɗiig+ 3.2.2. *t’eeg+a; B: k’eg+~t’ig+~c’eej+

3.3. *c’eg+ 4. *tseed+ee Da: ɗíig+a

1. *Cu: Bj; *Agew: Aw bɨr+i, Bi, Xmt, Kmt bɨr; A-S; Appleyard (2006: 34) gives *EC based on Som ‘gray’ bor-a; *Arb bur+i: Arb burr-i, Ds bur, El bor-; Or ‘dark’ boor-uu; Kon ‘black’ poor-; Bworo bir-a. (Cf. 90. ‘red’). 2. *EC: *Dul: Ts’ c’ɛg, Hrs, Db c’eh+, Gol k’eq+te; *Som ɗíig: Som idem., Bai ɗig+i (~(Ɂ)iig), Ren ɗig, Boni díig; *Arb diik: Arb, El idem.; Or ɗi(i)g+a; *Kon ɗiik+a: Kon idem., Gato ɗiig+a, Gi ɗiik, Bus ɗig/k+a; *HEC: Brj c’eej+i < c’eeg+i, Ka k’eg+u < t’eg+u, Ti k’ɛɛg+i, Al k’ɛg+o, Ha t’iig+a, Lb t’ig+a. Also Da, perhaps < Or. Unique: *SC (KM 2003: 295 say cognate to *EC). Evaluation: For *Cu, assume -r > -y in Bj. *Af retention ? See *Ch N10 br. East: widespread proto-form, with *Dul and *HEC having problematical phonology here: how are t-, ɗ-, d-, c’-, k’ –, Ɂ- related? Sasse (1982: 47) says c’eeg+ rel. ɗiig+ is uncertain. See 90 ‘red’ below. 11. bone *Cu.: mik+ E: 435 *mik’w+, (439 *moc’+ rejected) 1. *mit+at; Bd: mikw+a 2. *ŋats

3. *laf+; *mik’+; B: mik+ 3.1. *laf+a 3.2. -3.2.1. *laf

3.2.2. *mik’+e 3.3. *mek’+ 4. *far+a Da: mikɁ+o, míttl’+o

1. ?: Bj first; Da second. 2. *Cu: Bd ‘bone’ sp.; Da first; *Dul: Ts’ mɛɛq’+te~mɨɁ+e, Hrs mik’+ce, Db mɛq+ate, Gol maq+te > maqq+e; Bus mɛk’+t’e~nɛk+ete~nɛg+ete (< HEC?); *HEC: Brj mic’+a, Si mikk’+, Ge micc’+o, mik’+e, Ka, Ti, Ha, Lb mik’+, Al mɨk’+a; loans into Om: *TN: mek’+ett, Yem meg+a, Bworo mɛk’+ɨtsa. 3. *EC first: *SC (metathesized); *A-S; *Som-Arb-Kon laf: Som, Ren, Boni, Kon, Gi, idem., Bai lef(+i), Gato, Arb lɛf, El ɽáfa; Or laf+e(e). Unique: *Bj; *Agew?; *SC?

23

Evaluation: Strong Cushitic innovation. Sasse (1982: 144) says Kuliak and Hadza have similar words (from my files, Hadza is approx. mit’+a, Kuliak is ɔk). See also note 4 in Bender (2003: 361) on possible root k’es as in *Af C225, *Eg, *Ch k’s, Ber ixs, iɣis?, also Om *Dizoid, *Aroid k’us (vowel not in agreement), suggesting root *mi+k’et+. But mik’+et, with a common Cushitic-Omotic suffix, seems more likely. Ehret form is *East plus Bj ‘marrow’ mik’wal. I found instead mikw+a, miik’w+ol, both ‘bone of arm or leg’. I agree with Appleyard (2006: 35) that *Agew does not reflect *Cu. There is a strong *East form laf+. 12. breast, ^chest *Cu.: see Eval. E: 463 *Ɂangw+~Ɂungw+; (two forms rejected) 1. Bd nugw, Hd en+ʊ 2. *Ɂa/ɨngw+

3. ‘suck’: *nuug3.1. *ang+u 3.2. (*an+u) 3.2.1. -3.2.2. *anuun+a

3.3. *ʕadun+ko 4. *isaaŋw; *^slabi ? *NWR: daʕab+a Da: �óon+e

1. ?: Bd ^daba; *NWR. 2. *Cu: Bd ‘nipple’ < Agew ?, Hd; *Agew: Bi ?ɨngw+i, Xmtɨqw, Kmtɨngw+ɨ, Aw angw; *A-S (Appleyard 2006: 37 says < Agew); El ɛnnumɁ ; *HEC: Brj unun+a, Si, Ge, Ti nuun+a, Ka, Ha anuun+a, Lb anun+a. 3. *East: Sasse has *naɁs and *^kesf+, not supported by my data. 4. Ds ^bal; Brj ^bár+a. Unique: *SC; Da; *Dul; *Som naɁas; Or harm+a; *Kon amp’+. Evaluation: Consider *Ch n-n, but more likely *Cu here is symbolic and WW, not possible to come up with a proto-form. Cf. *EC ‘suck’ nuug-, also N-S *S-C 281 a(ŋ)K+O, *S-C 298 nug+. 13. bring, ^carry *Cu.: -E: one form rejected 1. Bd: hai, ^(fi)yak 2. *N nax-s; ^mɨ/ әɣ-tw

3. -3.1. *ba(a)h; A: ^ʕuuke 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. *ambi-; ^baiɁɗ -

3.3. *okaas –; ^šeeq’ 4. *hub; lee-is =^ T: spp.: *loʕ/ħDa: kaaʕ-; gettokum-

1. No data: Hd; Arb; Gi; Bus. 2. D: *A-S ?; Or ^baaɗɗ-a; *HEC^: Brj bayɗ-, Si bayr-, Ge beɁeɗ-; cf. also Om *TNDA baɁUnique: Bj; *Agew N both; *SC (2); Da (2); *Dul both; *Som keen-, sid-; *Kon kaakk-; *HEC first. Evaluation: Unproductive item: much variation and several data gaps.

24

14. buffalo *Cu.: -E: -1. Bd: Ɂágab+a 2. *kɨw+a (?) 3. *gasar+

3.1. S: Ɂágab+a 3.2. -3.2.1. *kasar 3.2.2. B: boob+ (S?) 3.3. *kasar+ko

4. *sadeeɁ+a Sanyé: gáders Da: ɓeeʕ+a

1. No data: Hd; Afar; Hrs; Ds; Som. 2. WW: Té agab+á; Bi kәbg+a; Saho; Kunama gàug+à (?). 3. *EC or WW: Sanyé; *Dul: Ts’ gasar+ko, Db, Gaw kasár+ko; *Som gaisar: Bai gasí, Ren gasár, Boni kadars+a; *Arb gasEr: Arb gasɛrk, El g’ásar; Or gafars+a ?; *Kon kasar+: Gi kasar+t+, Bus kasar+ca; Ka gasar+a. 3. WW?: *E-S, Xmr: goš; Si goš+e; Om: C’ara ga(a)s+a; Yem gooš+i; Kfd gah+. Unique: *Agew (Appleyard 2006: 39 doubts including Bi kәbg+a in *Agew); *SC; Da; Or gafars+a (may go with note 2 above; cf. 49 ‘four’, 63 ‘horn’, 70 ‘laugh’, 74 ‘meat’, 83 ‘nose’; 107 ‘three’, 113 ‘urine’ and Sasse (1974–5) for Or -f-); *HEC. Evaluation: Unproductive item except in EC. Much diffusion. 15. burn *Cu.: -(E: 380 guf-; eight others rejected) 1.*lau~liw 2. *bir-bir (cf. 114 ‘hot’)

3. (*gub-) 3.1. *ħarar3.2. -3.2.1. *gub3.2.2. *S: bub-

3.3. *dil-; lub4. i.v.:*Ɂooh t.v.: daʕ; hamis; Ɂooh-is Da: guβ-, ɬah-

1. ?: Bj lau(w), Hd -law, unlikely rel. to *Dul second: Ts’ lub-i, Hrs u-llub-a, Gaw lup-. 2. D ?: Té ħarr-a; Bi harar; *A-S. 3. D?: *SC i.v.; Or ‘hot’ ooɁ- ? 4. D: *HEC S: Si, Ge, Ka, Ha bub- < Or bob- ?. 4. *EC or WW: Da; *Som gub-: Som gub-~gob-, Bai, Ren gub-; Or gub-a; Kon kup-, Gato ɨ-guub-e; Ge gub-. Unique: Bj; Da; *Agew < ‘be hot’ bɨr-; *Dul two; *Arb wa(a)t. Evaluation: Unproductive item outside of EC. 16. cat *Cu.: -E: -1. Bd: kaf+a; biss+a 2. *N: dVmmV+ra 3. B: *adurr+

3.1. A. dimmat+o; S: dumm+ó 3.2. *aturr+ 3.2.1. *aturr+

3.2.2. *S: adur+ine (?); B: adurr+e~adan+cu 3.3. *a(i)turr+e (symbolic) 4. *ɲaaɁ+ú

1. No data: Hd; Hrs; Ds. 2. WW: Bd biss+a; Som bisad+da; Si basu(rre); all < Ar and symbolic ?. 3. D: *Agew N: Bi dɨmmu+ra (suf. is sing.), Kmt damɨy +a; Ty, Té dɨmm+u, Amh dɨmm+әt; A-S. 4. *EC or D: *Dul: Ts’ aidur+e, Db, Gol aturr+e; 25

Bai, Or adurr+ee; *Kon: aturr+: Kon idem., Bus hatur+eca; *HEC S: Si, Ge adurr+e (see under Eval.). Also Om: Kfd: Bworo (Ɂ)adur+a. Unique: Bj; *Agew N; *Arb mit(y)+ir. Evaluation: Much diffusion. *Core perhaps aturr+, but Bai adurr+ee may be a loan. Hudson’s *HEC S is based unconvincingly on Si, Ge adurr+e (< Or?) and Ka, Ti, Al adan+cu, Ha aduun+a. Cats were probably exotic to Cushites. 17. chicken, fowl, ^hen *Cu.: -E: -1. Bd: an+dirh+e 2. *dirw+a 3. *lukk+(al+)

3.1. *A-S: dorAh+ 3.2. *lukk+al+ 3.2.1. *lukk+al+ 3.2.2. *lukk+o 3.3. *lukk+al+

4. *NWR: ^kurumb+ú, koonk+iya Da: ŋgáko < Swa.

1. No data: Hd; El. 2. D: Bd; *Agew: Aw dúr+a, Bi, Kmt dirw+a, Xmt jirw+a; *A-S: Afar dorr+ahi, Saho doro+hó; Om: C’ara dir+a. From E-S?, e.g. Gz dorh+o, Ty dәrh+o, Té derh+o, Amh dor+o. 3. *EC: *Dul: Ts’ luukal+e, Db lukkal+akkó, Gaw lukk+akko; *Som luk+: Bai lukál+e, Ren ^luk+u; *Arb lu(u)g+: Arb luuk+u, Ds lug; Or ^lukk+u, *Kon lukkal: Kon lukal+ita, Gi, Bus lukkal+; *HEC: Brj, Si, Ge lukk+. Also Om Ometo: Oyda lukl+e, Ganjulé lukk+o. Evaluation: Two main diffused roots, one in northern lgs., one in EC (if not *EC). 18. claw, nail *Cu.: -E: 611 *tsool+; 333 *laɳf, etc.; one form rejected 1. *+nɁaf 2. *laŋ+

3. (*šul+; qoy+; B: Koy+) 3.1. *lifiɳ 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. *t’u(lu)nk+a

3.3. *qoɁ+ 4. T: ‘finger’ *còl; AB: *tsaraf+u Da: tsool+o

1. D?: Bj; *A-S, E333 likely diffusion. 2. D: Bi c’ɨffɨr, Kmt t’ɛffɨr, Aw, Xmt tsef(ɨ)r; *SC < E-S *t’ɨfɨr < Sem θ’upr. 3. D or EC: *Dul: Ts’ q’wɔ+ako, Hrs qɔɁ+ɛ, Db qoɁ+ɛ, Gaw qoy+; Or k’eeɁy+a; Kon qáay+; Ge k’eɁy+a. 4. D: *SC (Takács), Da; Hrs šulšúll+e; Bai suull+i; Kon-Gato šoloq+. Unique: Bj; *Agew (‘finger nail’); *SC (‘finger’; Takács); *A-S; *Som ʕidd+i; Or k’een+ca; *HEC ? Evaluation: A daring hypothesis would unite *HEC t’-~c’- with Lowland š-, *SC c-. Two possible wider connections to *HEC: Om *TN t’ung+ (e.g. Gofa t’ugunta, Zaysé cukul+e) and *N-S 354 So(ŋ)k, esp. Ek/En šokn+a/šukom (Bender 2003: 114 ‘claw’).

26

19. cloud, ^fog *Cu.: di/um+ E: 19 *da/umm-; one rejected 1. *baal 2. *dVm(m)+

3A. ‘dark’: dum-; B: *urr+ 3.1. *ʕambur+e; *darur 3.2. *urr+ 3.2.1. --

3.2.2. B: *du(u)m+an; (B: S: *gom+) 3.3. *W: urr+ 4. *tlaf+iya tlaaŋw+a Da: máwìingu < Swa.

1. WW: *Bj; Ts’ pool+o; Arb bɔlán; Om: Aroid: Hamer polo+. 2. *Cu and WW (suf. +Vna shows borrowings from Agew thru Amh and Or): *Agew: Aw damm+in+í, Kmt dәm+әn+a, Xmt dɨm+ɨn+a; loan into E-S (nearly universal), even Gz dɨmm+ɨn+a); Saho ‘dark’ dum; Bai dum+an+ca (< HEC?), dumb+o, Ren duub+Ãt; Or duum+ess+a, dum+әn+sa; *HEC first: Brj, Ge duum+an+ca, Ha duub+a; also in Om, e.g. Ometo Kullo dam+ɛn+a, SEO ɗum+a, Kfd Bworo daw(ɨ)+n+a, *Ard ɗuum+i, ɗuup+a. 3. ?: Knf wel; Brj waal+ɔ; Om Yem ‘night’ wall+a. 4. D?: *A-S second; *Som daruur: Som idem., Bai darur+i; Ds deeri+c (?). 5. *LEC or WW?: *Dul W: Hrs urr+ácce, Gaw urr+atté; Yaaku ur+e; Or ‘^hur(r)+i; *Kon (u)urr+: Kon urr+atta, Gi urr+ašš+et, Bus uur+aa; Ge hurr+e. 6. D: =’darkness’: Or dukkan+a; Kon, Gi tukkan; Brj dukkán+i; Sasse (1982) says also Dullay. Unique: *Bj; *SC (two); *A-S first. Evaluation: *Cu retention from *Af D282 dәm, incl. Ar and Hausa. Appleyard (2006: 46) says +әna is a nominal formative in Agew. Much diffusion and interchange with Omotic with this item. See also 89 ‘rain’ below. 20. cold *Cu.: k’amb- ? E: -1. *(a)maqwer-a 2. *N: kәmb-

3. *ɖamħ -; *k’ab-; B: kab3.1. *d/ɗamh/ħ3.2. -3.2.1. *ɗahm-

3.2.2. *sirga; S: k’iid-a 3.3. *ošoŋ 4. n. *tsaaqw-a ‘cool’: tsaɁ Da: wílíʕìn-e

1. *Cu? and WW: *Agew N: Bi kanb-a, Kmt kәmb-a, Xmt kib-a; *Som qabòób: Som qaboob, Ren (n.) xob-ob, Boni abóob, Bai ambal; Arb kәb-әta, k’abb-ɛde < Or; El -ap-an (?); Or k’әb-әna; *Kon k’app-an: Kon k’ap-p-aan, Bus k’app-ann-; Brj kabb-eeɗ. Cf. Eg k.bb; *Af k’b. 2. *EC: *A-S: Afar damħ-en, Saho ɗamh-a; *Som ɗàħàn: Som aħan, Boni dàhàn; *Arb d/ɗɛhm-: Arb ɗäm-ɛt, Ds ɗeeɲ, Y dɛhm-o; Or ɗam-ɥc; *Kon ɗam(h)-: Kon ɗam-, Gato Gi ɗamh-ayt-, Bus ɗam-ayca. Unique: *Bj; *Dul; *HEC, *HEC S. Evaluation: The *Cu retention (note 1) is shaky because it may be a WW in East.

27

21. come, ^imperative ‘come!’ *Cu.: m(t)E: 454 *im(t)1. *-y-; Hd maɁa 2. *?ɨnt-; *N: ^laɣ w)-

3. *-mtii; B: -mti/e; (*dak’=’go’) 3.1. *-emeet-é3.2. *m3.2.1. *m(t)-

3.2.2. *^am-; *dag3.3. *Ɂokay~Ɂogey 4. *xaw Da: haʕ-

1. Imperative often irregular (Bender 1990), usu. y-: *Bj: Bd -yiɁe-, Hd e’ya; Ds yi-m~ci–m. 2. *Cu: *Agew from older prefixing vb. -Vnt (Appleyard 2006: 47): Bi ɨntәr, Xmt tәr, K tɨ(y)-/tɨw-, A ant/yint-; *A-S; *Som mi/et-: Som -mit-, Bai met-, Ren mit-; Brj ^int-e. 3. *Cu: Hd; Sa ^am-o; *Arb m-: Arb may-e, Ds -m-; *HEC: Brj: ^aam, Si am-o, Ge am-u, Ka, Al am-. Unique: Da; *Dul; Or ɗuf-a, ^kott-u; Kon ɗe, ^hoo(y)-; *HEC second. Evaluation: *Cu (notes 2, 3) retention assumes *-mt- > -nt- in Agew. Cf. *E-S mt/s’Ɂ (Syriac mt’-aa, Soq mty), Appleyard (2006: 47): Eg mj/y, Copt. am-; *Ch man? Irreg. impv. *y- reflects *Af C25: Eg yy, Ber iya (?); Om *TN y-, *Dzd yV-, *Ch ^ya. N-S: *S-C ayo is probably coincidental. 22. cook, ^ripen *Cu.: -E: -1. *-sal-; Bd: bišakw-=^ 2. *gi-s; ^gi-; tsɨ/aqw3. ‘bake’: *dub-

3.1. *ala(y)-=^ 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. *raɁ-is; S: gaf-; S: li/ eɁ-=^

3.3. *W: gaʕ4. *hur- > hurim > humim *^hamaad =Da; T: *sirDa: ɗak-

1. ?: Bj; *HEC ‘bake’: saL-: Brj sal-, Ka šol-, Ha sar-. 2. D: *Som kár-: Som kar-i, Ren kar-a, Boni kár-e; El k’ár-is. 3. D: Bai gaf-e < *HEC S: Si, Ge, Ka gaf-. Unique: *Agew (all); *SC (KM, T); Da; *Dul W; *Kon -anqal-; *HEC (all). Evaluation: Semantically problematical item because of (i) relation to ‘ripen’ and (ii) many varieties: ‘bake, boil, fry, roast, burn’. 23. cough *Cu.: -E: -1. Bd: šɁiš 2. *N: ?ɨ (n)qw- ?

3. *k’uf(a)ʕ 3.1. A: koʕʕ-; S: -ufuʕ3.2. *quf-a 3.2.1. *quf-a

3.2.2. *k’uf-aɗ3.3. (var.) 4. *tsuħit Da: ʕõhoɁóna, ʕeʕeð-

1. No data: Hd; Kmt. 2. Symbolic: *E-S Ɂuħuʕ; Da; Afar; Or ukku. 3. Symbolic: *EC: Sa; Ts’ Ɂub-aɁe, Hrs, Db guf-aʕ-; *HEC: Brj, Ge k’uf-, Ka kutt’- < k’uf-ɗ- ?; *Som (k’)uf: Som quf-a, Bai uf-e, Boni uf-aʕ; *Arb Ɂuf-: Arb -Ɂuf-a, Ds guf-~Ɂuf-u, El uf-e, Y -qop-; Or k’uf-aɁa; Om: *M-O: k’up’-. 28

Unique: Bj; *SC; *Agew N (Appleyard 2006: 48: impossible to reconstruct for sure); *Kon k’ayy-o~qaaw-. Evaluation: Largely sound-symbolic forms. 24. count *Cu.: ɗikE: -1. Bd: ɗigwi 2. *ci/әb3. (B: *ɗik-)

3.1. *sab; Sa: eħeesab < Sem. 3.2. -3.2.1. (ɗik-) 3.2.2. B: *ɗ/t’ig-

3.3. *ɗik4. *faad, T: *farDa: βalaað-

1. No data: Hd; Kmt; Ds. 2. *A-S , *Agew prob. < Sem. vb. Hsb, e.g. Amh ‘reckoning’ hisab. 3. *Cu?: Bd; *Dul: Ts’ ɗɨg/k-a, Hrs, Db ɗih-, Gaw ɗix-; Kon Ɂi-ɗig-e, Gi ɗih-; *HEC: Brj ɗig-, Si kiiɜ- (metathesis), Ha t’i/eg-; 4. WW?: Or lakk-; Ge laakk-oɁ; Yaaku -lookau-. Unique: *Agew (loans?); *SC; Da; *Som tir-i; *Arb ɛkas (cf. Ren ekkaac-a). Evaluation: *Cu: Bd and widespread East ɗik- retention < *Af, given also *Ch ɗgn ? 25. cow, ^cattle *Cu.: saɁ+a/pl.: lVw+ E: 241 *šaa-; 337 *ɬoo/ pl. ɬoɁ1.Bd: šɁa/^rɛu 2. *lɨw+/^kɨm+

3. *šaʕ+/^loɁ+; B: loɁ+ 3.1. *sag+a/^làa 3.2. *saɁ+a/^l3.2.1. *saɁ+a/^lo+ 3.2.2. *saɁ+a/^lal+o

3.3. *loɁ+o/^qol+e 4. *slee/^yakwaa ~hikwaa Sanyé: láuwon; Da: jáag+o

1. No data: Hd; El. 2. *Cu: Bd; *Agew: Aw ɨllw+a, Bi lɨw+o, Xmt lɨw+a; *SC; *^A-S; *Dul: Ts’ looɁ+oo, Hrs, Db, Gaw lóɁ+o; *Som: saɁ+a, Som saʕ+a/^loɁ+da, Ren saħ/^lóíly+o, Boni saɁ/^líh, Bai se; Or saɁ+a/^loon; Kon ^low+aa, Gi ^loh+a; *HEC: Brj, Si saa, Si lal+o, Brj lal+i, Ge lal+i/o, saayy+a, Ka saɁ+a, Ti lal+u, Ha saayy+a, Lb lar+o. 3. D: Arb ɔkit+ɛ; Kon okat+a. Unique: *^Agew (Appleyard 2006: 41f. not pursued here); Da; *Arb wáát > oot, perhaps < Om: *Dzd ot+~wet+; note also Té wuɁát. Evaluation: *Cu retention: Afrasians and *Cushites were pastoralists. Plural is often = ‘wealth, possessions’. Agew sg., other pls. suggest that the l- root was followed by a labial (or symbolic root? Cf. Engl. ‘low’ of cattle). Both roots may derive from something like ɬ-. Consider *Af: C432 ɬ-, Ch ɬ-, N30 ɬa, Sem liɁ(a)t, Eg ‘ox’ jwɁ. *N-S Core 239 Sa ‘milk’ probable coincidence. Different roots in N-S (t-roots) and Omotic (m-roots) suggest no single origin of cattle in NE Africa (Bender 1982). 29

26. cut *Cu.: -(E: 51 n. *gwaa; five others rejected) 1. Bd: wik, sp.: kirit 2. *kab-~kәb3. *mur; *k’aD-

3.1. *-irg3.2. *mur3.2.1. mur- ? 3.2.2. *mur3.3. *qak’-~qoħ4. *tsat; spp.: sik; quutl

*EC cont.: goy- (?); k’er~k’uurT spp.: *sar-; *k’ēr Da: haβ-i, k’eer-

*Cu: Bd sp.; *EC; *SC sp. *kē’r; Da; Saho gar-aʕ, kal; Ge kar-i; Om: Yem kar; N-S: *Ek kɨr coincidental? 2. *EC: *Arb mur: Arb, El sp. mur-i, Ds múr; Or mur-a; *Kon mur-: Kon i-muur-e, Bus -mur; *HEC: Brj, Si, Ka, Ha mur-, Si muɗ-. 3. D: Arb kut-; Or kut-a; Ge kut-. Cf. Engl. ‘cut’. 4. D: Arb k’ur; Gi –k’uur. Unique: Bj; *Agew (cf. *N-S 291 kOb- ?); *SC; Da first; *A-S; *Dul; Som gôy. Evaluation: Many vars.: ‘slice, cut up, split’, etc. 27. dance, ^sing, ºjump *Cu.: -E: -1. Bd: ard-a =º 2. *dzɨm- =^ 3. *kirb- =^

3.1. A: digir-e; S: ragad 3.2. -3.2.1. *sirb3.2.2. B: *sibir; *kad-=^ 3.3. *W: h/xirip

4. *niʕim; *^raaɁ *T: ra- =^ Da: wirik-

1. No data: Hd; Ds, El. 2. D?: Bd; Saho ^adar; *Som dur: Som idem., Bai du-dur, Ren dur-a. 3. *EC: *Dul W: Hrs, Db hirip, Gaw xirip =^; Som sp. širb-; Or sirb-; *Kon k/hirp- =^: Kon kirp-, Bus -hirp-; *HEC ^: Brj šibir =^, Si sirb- =^, Ge hirb-ess-. Unique: *Agew (or < E-S, e.g. Gz ‘chant’ zem-a, symbolic ?; see also Appleyard 2006: 51); *SC (both); Da; *HEC second. Evaluation: Unclear overlapping semantic field. Many varieties. Saho: cf. 48 ‘foot’. 28. die *Cu.: re(E: 594 *yaɳ-, mixed semantics) 1. *(i-)ya(Ɂ) 2. *kɨt-

3. (pl.: *leɁ-); *ray-s 3.1. *rab(-e) 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. *reh-

3.3. *far4. *gwaaɁDa: dzaaɁ-

1. *Cu: *Bj (?); Da?; *A-S ?; Arb ziye ?; Kon pl. le-; *HEC: Brj re, Si re-o, Ge rey, Ka, Ti reh-, Al ree, Ha leh-e, Lb le-ako. 2. D: *SC; Bai gwe, goy. Unique: Bj?; *Agew (cf. Om: Yem kit-, *Kfd k’it-~k’ir-; in Agew also -r occurs as pas.-refl.; coincidence?); *SC; *Dul; *Arb kup- (?); Or duɁ-a; *Kon to[w/y]- (last two related?). 30

Evaluation: *Cu weak innovation based on *East and r, l- > y- in Bj. Ehret’s form based on dubious semantics (‘die, meat, carcass, kill’). 29. dig, ^hoe *Cu.: kad-~kodE’s ‘cultivate’ not found herein 1. Bd: firik 2. ‘plow’: *N: g(w)әz3. *k’ot-; *ħaaɗ-; B: kot-

3.1. A: akaaf-a; S: faraʕ 3.2. -3.2.1. *k’ot3.2.2. S: him- (?); B: *k’ot- =^

3.3. *^qot+ 4. *fool; sp.: xwaa[l/d] *^doosl < dosl-im Da: ʕ/ħuɗ-

1. No data: Hd. 2. WW?: ‘spade’: Ty ħakäf+, Amh akaf+a; Har ħēkәf+a; Afar; Som akaaf-a =^; Or hakaaf+e. 3. *Cu: *Agew N: Bi gwәd-, Xmt gwɨz-, Kmt gwәz; *SC xwaal/d; Da (?); Afar ^goɗ+ma; *Dul: Ts’ got+i, Hrs, Db, Gaw qot-, Gaw qoɗ-; *Som qut: Som qod-i, Ren, Boni xut; Arb -gɛd-a, ‘plow’: kot+, Ds gooð-o, ɠot/z+; Or k’ot-a; Kon ‘cut’ k’ot- ?; *HEC B: Brj k’ot-, ^goɗ-, Si ‘plow’ k’ot-, Ge k’ot/Ɂ-; *Af B: hud-, Om *Mao hudz-. 4. Add to 3?: Aw gɨš-; Bai gooš+o (Om: Zergula, C’ara goš-, Bworo gɔš-; Appleyard 2006: 54 says *Om gɔšš-, but more likely loans); Gi k’oš, Bus -kaš ?. 5. D: Bai o(t)s-, Boni od-; El ot- ? Unique: Bj; *SC; *HEC S. Evaluation: *Cu (note 3) innovation is based on *Agew N ‘plow, till’ and East/ South, rejected by Appleyard (2006: 54, 111). Possible relation to *Af B: hud(note Da and Om Mao hudz-), but there are phonological problems. Sasse’s second form (‘scrape, sweep’) is not considered here. 30. dog, ^young dog *Cu.: kar+ E: -1. *+ya(a)s 2. *gɨzɨ/әŋ

3. *ker+; (*kut+); B: kEr+ 3.1. A: kut+a; S: kar+é 3.2. -3.2.1. *kAr

3.2.2. *waš+a 3.3. *kar+o 4. (var.) Da: náʕèet+e

1. D: Afar; Gaw ^kut+a; Kon, Gato kut+a. 2. *Cu: Saho; *Dul: Ts’ kar+o, Hrs xɛr+o, Db hɛɛr+o, Gol xar+o; *Som kAr: Bai kerr+e, Ren kar; *Arb ker: Arb kïrr, kair, Ds cer, El kɛr; Or: sar+e; Gi, Bus herr+; *N-S 50 kor+, often ‘hyena, fox’, prob. coincidence. 3. WW: Loans in S. E-S (e.g. Amh wɨšš+a); Dul ‘wolf ’ oš+e (?); *HEC: Brj wacc+o~wašš+a, Si waš +, Ge pl. wɔnš+a, Ka wәšš+, Ti wa/ušš+, Al wʊšš, Lb wuš; Om: Hozo-Sezo wɨšš+i; see also *E.S. 8 (w)Vs, esp. Nera wәs, Tama wus, wuuš+i, etc. N-K: Kordofanian wus+u. Unique: *Bj; *Agew (cf. Ber *aɁk/qzin; Takács 1999: 186); Da; Or sar+e (< *kar+e?), buc+i (loans in Harari, E. Guragé); *HEC. 31

Evaluation: *Cu kar was replaced in *Bj, *Agew, *HEC. The root is surely retained from *Af C189 kn, cf. *Ch kany, kal/r+a, *Sem kal-b, Om *kan+a, sometimes with mutations of sonorants (n > l, r) and sometimes palatalization to c-, s-. No Ehret form! 31. donkey *Cu.: dVk+; (okal+ ?) (E: 406 *dik’) 1. Bd: mēk 2. *dɨɣwar+

3. *ħarr+ 3.1. *danan; okol+o 3.2. *harr+ 3.2.1. *harr+ ?

3.2.2. *harr+e 3.3. *W: ħarr+e 4. *KM: daqway Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Ds; Da. 2. *Cu: *Agew (Appleyard 2006: 53, 56 says “areal”): Bi, Xmt dɨxwar+a, Kmt dɨɣwәr+a, Aw dɨɣwar+í; *SC; *Af D270 dek(‘)w. 3. *EC and WW: Saho ħer+a; *Dul W: Hrs ħar+, Db, Gaw ħarr+e; Ren éħel ?; Or harr+ee; *Kon harr+e/a: all: harr+. Also consider ‘young donkey’: Té ħuwér; Bi huwœr. 4. *Cu or WW?: *A-S second; Ts’ ɁuuɁulk+u; Bai kaylk+a ?; Arb ɔhɔɔl+a, El óol; HEC all harr+e; Ha hall+a; cf. *Af C62 okal+i =*Ch. Unique: Bj; *A-S first; *Som dAmeer. Evaluation: Two weak retentions. Combining from notes 3, 4 seems doubtful. 32. drink, ^water *Cu.: ʕVgw- ? V=i, u, a (E: *ʕag-; ‘drink’ in East, ‘eat’ in SC) 1. *g(w)aɁ 2. *dzaq-~dzɨq –; *^Ɂaqw-

3. *ʕi,u,ag-; ɗug- < t+ʕug3.1. *-oʕu-b-e 3.2. *ag-~i/uk3.2.1. *i/uk3.2.2. *S: ag-

3.3. *ʕuk4. Spp: *wah *SC: 36 ‘eat’: *ʕagDa: maɁw-

1. *Cu: *Bj: Bd gwa-, Hd ngaɁʊy-a; *^Agew: Aw aɣ+u, Bi ʕawk’w, Ɂak’w, Kmt axw, Xmt aqw; *SC; *Dul: Ts’ ʕug-i, Hrs -ʕok-, Db -Ɂuk-, Gaw ʕuk-; *Arb: (Ɂ)ik: Arb ik, Ds Ɂik, El îk, Y -eq-; *Kon: -i/uk-: Kon ikk-, Gato iyuuk-e, Gi -(u)k-, Bus huuk-e < he-uk-e; *HEC S: Si aag-, Ka aag-, Ti ag-, Ha, Lb ag-e; Om: Yem: ^aka. 2. D: Ts’: Ɂ/ɗug-e; Or ɗug-a; Brj ɗug-~ɗub/w-. Unique: *Agew first; Da; *A-S (cf. Som sp. ʕab-, Ren abħâb). Evaluation: Widespread *Cu innovation based on most major families. 33. dry *Cu.: kag-~gog(E: 560 *kah- doubtful; overlaps kag-) 1. *balam2. *kag-; *N: Ɂiz-

32

3. ‘~ up’: *-(h)go/eg-; B: gog-~kag3.1. *kaf3.2. *gog3.2.1. *gog-

3.2.2. vb.: *gog-; B: S: *mool-a 3.3. *q’/haħay4. vb.: *kah Da vb.: CaɁ- (coronal C?)

1. *Cu: *Agew: Aw kag-i, Kmt kag-a; *Som Vng-Ag-: Som engeg-; Bai gaŋgageɁ-e, Ren ángag, Boni an(g)eg-; *Arb gog-: Arb gog-íɗa, Ds gog-, El gog-ída; Or gogaa; *Kon kok-: Kon, Gi idem., Bus kook-ɛc; *HEC first: Brj, Ge, Ha, Lb gog-; Appleyard (2006: 57) perhaps also Dul. 2. *SC vb.; *Dul: Ts’ q’aha(y), Hrs háħay-a, Gaw háħá(ya); 3. ?: *HEC S: Si, Ka mool-a, Al mooll-a; Om: *Ometo mel-a prob. coincidence. 3. D: Ren ‘thirst’ sub-ub, Boni suug; Brj suggan-. Unique: *Bj; *Ag N; Da; *A-S; *Dul; *HEC second. Evaluation: Possible retention: cf. 95 ‘skin’ gog+ below. 34. ear *Cu.: a/ing + ? E: -1. *angwi(i)l 2. Ɂɨnqw+ w

3. (*nabħ+); B: nEb+ 3.1. *ayt+i 3.2. -3.2.1. *nAb+

3.2.2. *S: manc’+a 3.3. *qaam+te 4. *ɁiiɁ+a Da: Ɂágàddz+o pl.: eɁ+a

1. *Cu?: *Bj: Bd angwi(i)l, Hd angwil; *Agew: Aw ɨnkoɣ, Bi Ɂɨnk’w+a, Kmt ɨnxw+ɨ. 2. EC, D?: *Som nAb: Bai nɛb+e, Ren nab+ah; *Arb nɛb+: Arb nɛb, Ds nee < neb+e, El nɛp, Y nib+e; *Kon: nap+: Kon náp, Gato nab, Gi láp+itt. 3. D?: Som ɖeg: Som ɖég, Boni deg, Ren ɖog+; Brj ɗag+a; Or ‘hear’: ɗagay-a (see 58 ‘hear’). 4. D?: *SC; Da pl. Unique: Da; *A-S; *Dul (cf. Om: Ard k’aam+); Or gurr+a (> Amh jor+o); *HEC S. Evaluation: *Cu innovation if not diffusional. Eg ʕnx-wy relationship dubious. Cf. 58 ‘hear’. 35. earth, ^soil *Cu.: bu(r)t+ (E: 234 ‘dust’: *bus-, overlaps my *Cu) 1. Bd: buur, Hd buut 2. bɨt+a

3. *biy+; B: bu(r)t+ 3.1. *baɖ+o; A: ^burt+a 3.2. (*u/il+) 3.2.1. *biy 3.2.2. *ull+a

3.3. *b/piy+e 4. *ħapee, yaam+u Da: gùdd+e

1. *Cu and WW: Hd; *Agew: Aw bɨt+í, Bi ^bɨt+a, Xmt bɨt’+; *Kon pi(i)t+a: Kon pit+a, biit+a, Bus piit+a; Ge butt+ina. 2. ?: Bd; Bi bir+á; Afar ^. 3. *EC and WW: Kmt bɨy+a; *Dul: Ts’ biyy+i, Gaw píy+e; *Arb bii: Ds, El idem.; Or ‘dirt’: biyy+oo; Brj biy(y)+a. 4. ?: *Som u/il+: Bai úul+i, Ren il; *HEC: Brj 76 ‘mountain’ urr+a, Si u(u)ll+a, Ka ull+ata, Ha ull+a. Unique: *SC; Da; *A-S first. Evaluation: *Cu retention from *Af based on b-r and b-t forms. Appleyard (2006: 59) suggests there are two roots. See *Af ‘ashes’: D75 bәt’ (B: bәt); Om: Ometo bitt+a, Gim bwit. Interesting *N-S comparisons which cannot be dismissed be33

cause they are found in neighboring families (Berta, Kunama, E.S., Koman): 335 *buT+, 336 *bUr+. This item overlaps with A14 ‘dust’, A44 ‘sand’, below. 36. eat, ^bite *Cu.: Cam-; (*-k-) (E: 543 *-a/uħm-; 445 *ɬaam- rejected) 1. *tam-; Bd: Ɂam 2. *qw-

3. (*^k’om-; *-ħa/um- ~-ʕ-; B: *t-) 3.1. A: -okom-é 3.2. *-t3.2.1. *(ɗ)am; (t-)

3.2.2. *it3.3. *jiɁ- > -yiɁ4. *ʕag- = Da T: *Ham- (?)

1. *Cu and symbolism: Bd; *SC (Takács); *EC first and second (prefix vb.); Afar; Gaw ‘chew’ qanɁ-; *Som aam-: Bai (a)am, Ren -aħam, Boni aħaŋ; *Arb: aam: Arb ahám, yaam-a, Ds (Ɂo)kom; El -aam~-oom; Brj k’aam-, Si sp. mak’- (metathesis). 2. ?: *Bj: Bd tam, Hd tamy-a; Boni -dem-; *Kon ɗam-: Kon, Gi idem., Gato ɨ-ɗam-e, Bus ɗam-i. 3. *Cu: *Agew: Aw ɣú/ɣ w-, Bi k’w-, Xmt, Kmt xw-; *SC first; Ds koi, Y -ɛk-. Also see 32 ‘drink’. 4. *EC: Bai sp. eed-e; Y -deet- ?; Kon sp. eet; *HEC: Brj (i)it, Si, Ge it-i, Ka iit, Ti, Lb it-, Al ɨt-, Ha it-e. Cf. Pan-Berber ɨts (and IE *ed-, Engl. ‘eat’?). Unique: *Dul; Or ɲaaɗɗ-a; *HEC. Evaluation: Difficult item. Notes 1, 2: symbolism and retentions? -(a)m roots are widespread: Afrasian: *Af C60, Eg sp. ʕm, C246 k’am, *Sem h/ħu/am (but not *E-S), *Ch kám, *Om m-; *N-S 275 N-am, *E.S. 11 C-am; N-K (e.g. Swa. ɲama ‘meat’, suggesting symbolism as explanation. Appleyard (2006: 59) ignores this and links *Agew to *EC k’om. An innovated k-root is possibly *Cu (note 3; cf. 32 ‘drink’) and a t-root in *East (note 4) < *Af C315 t(y), D208 tV8 ? 37. egg *Cu.: see Evaluation E: 539 *k’wanħ+ 1. Bd: kuh+i, Hd: aqwɨh+ib 2. *qәɣal +Vna

3. -3.1. A: galal+o, S: unqoqoħ+o 3.2. --

3.2.1. *(h)ukuk+ 3.2.2. S: *k’uupp’+e 3.3. *ukaah+ 4. *qanaɁ+iya Da: ʕógòo+e

1. WW?: K-root: Bj; *SC; Da; Saho; *Dul: Ts’ ukahaay+te, Hrs okaah+e, ugah+e, Db ukaah+e, Gaw ukaaħ+e, etc.; *Som uk’aħ: Ren idem., Som ugaħ, “Jebalawi” ogáh; Arb haak+u ?, Ds ɠonɠ+ó; Or ank’aak’+uu, okokaŋ; *Kon hukukk+a: Kon húkukk+aa, Gi úkukk+a; Ha k’unk’+o; Harari ak’waħ, ak’uħ. 2. WW?: B-root: Bai bup’a; Or bupp’+a; *Kon: ɓuɓɓ+a: Gi idem., Kon ɓúɓɓ+aa, Gato ɓuuɓ+a; Y bolbol+iɁ; *HEC: Brj bubuul+e, Al buup’+aa; cf. also Soddo Gur bub+a; Om: *M-O: (ɓu)ɓul+e (~k’uk’ul+iya in some). 3. Combines b, k: Bus ɓuk’uul+e; *HEC S: k’uupp’+e: Si, Ge 34

k’uup’+e, Ka, Ti k’up’+. 4. WW of Semitic origin?: Amh ɨnk’ulal (also in Gz, Té, Ty, Arg, Gaf, Gur lgs.), Soq qehélihen, Shahri qahal+it, Mehri kal+i, etc.; Ber Tachelhit ta+glay+t; *Agew (Appleyard says N): Aw ɨnkwlal, Knf ɛkulal+i, Bi ink’wɔlalɛħ, Xmt enqulal, etc.; Afar; Or kaall+e; Om: *EWC k’uk’ul+ ia, Mao kial+. Unique: *Agew (or from E-S?). Evaluation: Difficult item. Possible symbolism and wanderwords. K and B roots seem to be intertwined in East and in Omotic, while there are many loans from E-S. In Afrasian, note MSA and E-S roots as above in note 4 and also note *Ch k’wái. Outside Afrasian, note N-S 123 *gun+~kUmb+, *Ek 58 kO(m)b+ in Nubian, Tama, West Nilotic. 38. elephant *Cu.: dakan E: 270: *zo1. Bd: kurib 2. *N: dzan+a 3. *Ɂárb+

3.1. *dakàn 3.2. -3.2.1. *arb+a 3.2.2. S: dzaan+e, f.: dann+aβa

3.3. *arab+ko 4. *daaŋw Sanyé arb; Da: dokkóom+i

1. No data: Hd; Bai; Bus. 2. *EC: Sanyé; *Dul: Ts Ɂaráf+ko < Ɂaráb+ko, Hrs, Db aráp+ko, Gaw arap+kó; Ren Ɂarab; *Arb arab: Arb idem., Ds Ɂarab, El árap; Or arb+a; *Kon arp+a~arb+a: Kon idem., Gi arp; Brj arb+a. 3. *Cu and WW: Agew *N: Bi, Kmt jan+a, Xmt zәhon dz- > z- in some cases. 39. enter *Cu.: -(E: 23 daɳ-) 1. Bd: da(i) 2. *tɨw-

3. *gal- =’go home’ 3.1. A: ħul-e; S: sa(w) 3.2. *gal3.2.1. *gal-

3.2.2. *gal-; *S: aag3.3. Ts’: Ɂaag-a 4. -Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; Hrs, Db, Gaw; El. 2. *EC: *Som gal-: Som idem., gel-i, Bai gale, Ren gel-, Boni kal-; Ds gal-; Or gal-a; *Kon kal-: Kon idem., Gi, Bus -kal-; *HEC gal-: Brj ‘stay overnight’, Ge, Ka, Ha idem. 3. Ts’ (loan?); *HEC S: Ge, Ka, Ha idem. 35

Unique: Bj; *Agew; *HEC S. Evaluation: Unproductive except in East. My data do not support Ehret’s Bj, SC form. 40. exit, go out, ^leave *Cu.: baHE: two forms rejected 1. Bd: fidig (?) 2. *f-; *^ba-t

3. (*baħ-); B: baH3.1. *-ew(s) 3.2. -3.2.1. *baħ-

3.2.2. *ful3.3. Ts’: líɠ 4. T: ‘go away’: roɁ Da: dik-

1. No data: Hd; Hrs, Gaw; Ds. 2. Cu?: *Agew^: (base idem. in all lgs.; Appleyard 2006: 91); Db ‘come up’ paħ –; *Som baħ: Som, Ren idem., Bai be(e)-, Boni bah-; Arb bɛɛ-; Or baɁ-a, bah-; Brj ba(Ɂ)-; Om: Ometo: Basketo ba- (chance?). Unique: Bj; *Agew first; Da; *A-S; *Kon so(o)k-.*HEC. Evaluation: *Cu weakly based on *Agew second and widespread root in East. Perhaps innovation, but note *Ch b2-. 41. eye *Cu.: il+ E: 326 *Ɂil+ 1. Bd: lil+i, Hd tɨlil 2. Ɂɨl+

3. *Ɂil+; (B pl.: int+ ?) 3.1.*int+i; Saho ‘see’: il3.2. *Ɂil (~in) 3.2.1. *Ɂil+/int

3.2.2. *ill+e 3.3. *ax+aa~ix+ 4. T, KM: *Ɂil+a=Da

1. *Cu: Bj; *Agew: Aw ɨll, Bi ʕɨl, Xmt ɨl, Kmt yil; *SC; Da; Saho ‘see’ il-; *Som: il: Ren, Som il, Bai îl; *Arb il: Arb ïll, Ds, El il, Y íl; Borena Or il+a; *Kon il+ta: Kon íl+ta, Gato ɨl+ta, Gi ilt; *HEC: Brj, Lb ill+a, Si, Ge, Ha ill+e, Ka ill+i, Ti, Al ɨll. 2. EC pl.?: *A-S; *Som pl.: Ren, Som ind+o, inɖ+o, Bai iɗ+o; *Arb pl. *(Ɂ)inn+: Arb ɨnɗ+a, Ds Ɂinn+u, El ínn+aɁ; Gi (Ɂ)inɖ+a. Unique: *Dul; Or ij+a. Evaluation: Are we to assume *Cu sg./pl. (notes 2, 3) or rather sometimes -l+t+ > -n+t+ (> -n+d+ > -n+ɗ+)? Universal except for Dullay. Relationship to *Af unclear: C63 l, Old Eg ʕn (also ir-t ?), *Sem ɳyn, *Ch ydn, N46 idә, Ber pl. әllәn. Perhaps retention. 42. fall *Cu.: -E: 330 *ɬäp-/ɬip-; 352 *dlib1. Bd: di/eb, ɗi/eb 2. *N: lәb-

36

3. *kuf-; (*piɁ- ?)B: biɁ3.1. *A-S: rad3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. S: *ub3.3. (var.) 4. *huuɁ Da: luttukum < luɗ- ?

1. No data: Hd; Db. 2. D?: Bd; *Agew N: Bi, Kmt lʎb-, Xmt lib-. 3. D?: Saho haal.; Brj hal-. 4. EC?: Ts’ bɨɁ-ɨ, biɁ, Hrs poʕ- (?); *Kon pi/eɁ-: Kon piɁ-, Gi sp. peɁ-, Bus peh; also *HEC S: Si, Ka, Ha ub-, Ge ib- ? Unique: *Agew?; *SC; Da; *Som kuf-; *HEC ? Evaluation: Should one accept Bd and *Agew N or is it contact? It seems the two Ehret forms could be combined. 43. fat (n.), oil *Cu.: (goob+ ?) E: one form rejected 1. *laɁ ?; Bd: goob 2. *saɣw+a; *N: c’omm+a 3. (*ħay-); B: gab

3.1. (var.) 3.2. *moor+ ? 3.2.1. *moor+ ? 3.2.2. *c’oom+a; B: *mo(o)r+

3.3. *goob+~koop+; hayɗ+o 4. *duɁiy+a; vb. waħ-; T: *aši (?); Da: --

1. No data: Da. 2. *Agew, cf. 70. ‘meat, flesh’ below. 2. WW?: *Agew N: Bi idem. (not in A 2006: 64), Kmt c’om(m)+a; Ty, Amh, Arg, Gur c’omm+a, c’oom+a, etc.; Or: c’oom+a; *HEC: Brj c’oom(m)+a, Si, Ti c’omm+a, Ge c’om+a. 3. WW: Amh mor+a; Aw mor+í; Ts’ moor+u; Som mo(o)r+; Arb, Or moor+a; *Kon moor+a: Kon, Gi idem.; *HEC B: Brj sp. moor+i, Si mor+e, Al moor+a; also Om: *M-O moɗ+~mor. 4. *EC or WW?: Bd; *Dul first: Ts’ goob+inte, Gaw koop+i, etc.; Bai k’ab+i ?; Or gab+ɨnna; *Kon kapp+: Kon, Gi idem.; Brj gabb+o. 5. D: *Dul second: Hrs, Gaw idem., prob. adjs.; *Kon hayɗ+: Gato, Gi, Bus idem. 6. WW?: E-S *sbħ (Gz, Ty, Té, Amh); Bi šәbәh (not in A 2006); Saho z/sebáħ; Ren subaħ; El siibiɁ. Unique: *Bj first; *Agew first; *SC all. Evaluation: Problematical item: why so many seeming wanderwords? All of c’oom+a, moor+ (note *Ch N95 mar), sɨbɨh (cf. Classical Arabic ‘large’ šәbħ ?) possibly from E-S. *East gab is also perhaps found in Bj and thus perhaps it is a *Cu innovation. 44. fire *Cu.: -(E: 106 *Ɂeekw+) 1. *nɨɁ+et; Hd tɔnɁ+a 2. *lәx

3. *gi(i)r+ ? 3.1. *gir+á 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *giir+a 3.3. *katt+e 4. *Ɂasl+a; T: xaɁ+ Da: Ɂèeg+a

1. ?: Hd; *Om tam+. Probable coincidence. 2. *EC (Sasse says < ‘live’: gir-): *A-S; *HEC: Brj jiir+a, Si, Ge, Al, Ha giir(+a), Lb gir+a. Also Guragé Wel jir+a. Cf. Om Yem gey+a ? 3. *Arb eek: Arb, El idem., Y ík+ú; Da < Arb ?; cf. *Af C142, e.g. Eg

37

x.t, Ber Twareg ‘be lit’ uku, Ch N48 ak+u, akw+a. 4. D?: Or abidd+a; *Kon apitt+: Kon idem., Gato abiit+a, Gi apitt, Bus puut+o; cf. Om SEO Zergula, Zaysé bud+o. Unique: *Bj; *Agew; *SC (both); *Dul; *Som dab. Evaluation: Many innovations here. Note 3: possible *Af retention or coin-cidence? Appleyard (2006: 68) links *Agew to *EC ‘warm’ laʕ-, which seems speculative. 45. fish *Cu: -E: -1. *aš+ 2. *Ɂas+a

3. (*kurDuum ~murkuuD+) 3.1. *kullum 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *k’urt’umɁ+e 3.3. *haar+e, B: kuLDuum 4. *Irq siy+óo Sanyé: gortom+i Da: mbàláβ+e

1. WW: *E.-S: (ʕas+a; Bj: Bd aš+i, Hd aaš+a; *Agew: Aw as+i, Bi Ɂ/ʕas+a, Xmt ħaz+a, Kmt as+a; Saho ʕaas+a < Agew?; Om: Kfd haš+o. 2. *EC and WW: Sanyé; *A-S; *Som: Som kalluun, Bai kunnun+i, kulɁúb+i; Or k’urt’umm+i; *Kon murkuɗ+a: Kon murkuuJ+a, Gato murguJ+a, Gi murkuɗɗ+á; *HEC: Brj k’urt’um+e, Si k’ɨltiɁm+i, Ge k’ult’um+e, Ka, Ti k’urtum+, Al k’urc’m+et, Ha k’urtum+eɁe, Lb k’urt’umm+eo; loans into Arg kalun, Harari tulum ?, Gur Zway tyulyuum ?; sporadic loans into Omotic, e.g. Yem k’urt’um. Unique: SC; Da; *Dul (cf. ‘crocodile’ A10 haar+o); *Arb bɛk. Evaluation: Difficult item. Much diffusion. Sasse’s *East (combining notes 2, 3) is a stretch. Cf. also Bai kulɁúb+i, *Ch krp, N49 kәrfi, and N-S: *En kVlVg+Vt. 46. five *Cu: -E: -1. *-Ɂay2. *Ɂankw-a

3. *ken3.1. *kon3.2. -3.2.1. *ken

3.2.2. *omut-e 3.3. *xo /ub-in 4. *kooɁan-i Sanyé šaan Da: dáwatt+e < 56 ‘hand’

1. Appleyard (2006: 68) suggests *Cu ken-/kon- incl. *Agew here; *SC, Sanyé; *A-S; *Som šan- (< kan- ?): Som idem., Bai kɛn(-i), Ren can, š→ n, Boni šaŋ; *Arb cɛn, Ds cèn, El cɛn, kɛn; Or šan~šɛ(ɛ)n; *Kon ken: Kon kén, cen, Gi hén, Bus hɛɛn. 2. ?: *Dul: Ts’ xobɨn, Hrs, Db huubɨn (?); Y xoop-i, xubin < Dul; *HEC: Brj umunt, Si ɔnt-e, Ge ɔɔnd-i, Ka ɔɔnt-o, Ti ɔɔnt-u, Al, Ha ɥnt-o, Lb ont-u (Sasse 1987: 184 says *HEC < humn-t < hub-n-t). Unique: *Bj; *Agew; *HEC. Evaluation: No *Cu kon- because restricted to East, South. *HEC possible relation to *Sem xmš, *E-S ħammɨst seems unlikely to me.

38

47. fly (n.) *Cu: tE: -1. *tif+a(b) 2. *tsɨnts+a 3. *B: tV, V=i, e, a

3.1. A. kaʕa(y), S: qaʕay 3.2. -3.2.1. *ti/e/a+ 3.2.2. *taay+a (B: taw+a, ten+)

3.3. *in+ako 4. pl.: *baɁar+a = 4. ‘bee’ Da: masasok

1. *Cu: t-initial forms: *Bj: Bd tifa(ab), Hd tifa+y; *Agew: Aw tsɨnts+á, Bi, Kmt šinš+a, Xmt s’ɨs’+a; loans in Té c’ɨnc’aay, Ty s’ɨns’ɨya; *Som tAk+: Som taxs+i, Bai tek+énte, Boni teɁes+i; Or tit/siis+a, tidic+a, etc.; *HEC: Brj taay+a, Si ten+icco, Ge tit+iica, Ka taw+ɨcowa, Ti tay+co, Al taw+a; Om: Mao ts’ing, Kfd Bworo zaanz+a. 2. Xmr bɨrry+u; *SC; Lb bɛrar+ako. All from *Af vb. ‘fly’ br, a symbolic root. 3. Symbolism: Amh (slang?) bɨmb+i; Bai vb. buub+e; Ha biimb+eɁe. Unique: Da; A-S; *Dul; *Arb kɛɗ+; *Kon hats’+ (?) Evaluation: *Cu (innovation?) difficult to ascertain beyond t-: *Agew and *HEC suggest -n-. Are the t- forms symbolic? Cf. Engl. tsetse, from S. African Tswana tsêtsê. 48. foot, ^leg *Cu: lVk+ E: 99 *^lukw-~ɬukw-; (357 *ragad-/rigid) 1. *ragad=^ 2. *lɨkw

3. *lVk, V=i,u,a; (*magin+ ?); B: luk+ 3.1. *lak; *ib+i 3.2. *lu/ok+ 3.2.1. *luk

3.2.2. *lokk+a 3.3. *luk+te 4. *dagir+a *^yaa+ee Da: ‘thigh’: luk+a

1. *Cu: *Agew: all: lɨk w; Da; *A-S first; *Dul: Ts’ luɁ+te, Hrs lux+e, Db luh+e, Gaw luk+é; *Som luk: Som lug, Bai lukk+a, Ren luh, loħ; Arb luk; Or ^luk+a; *Kon: lu/ok+: Kon lók+ta, Gato loɣ+ata, Gi lúkk+et, Bus lušš+a; *HEC: Brj lukk+a, Si, Ge, lɛkk+a, Ka, Ti lokk+ata, Al lokk+ɛt, Ha, Lb lokk+o. 2. ?: Waag Agew tsab; Yaaku dáp. 3. ?: Bj; Saho rigid; cf. *Af: B: rgd/l, *Sem r(i)gl, *Ch g2rɗ. Unique: *SC both (but KM 2003: 82 say dag+ira < lag+ cognate to *EC); *A-S second. Evaluation: *Cu innovation (but Appleyard 2006: 71 compares *Sem ‘walk, go’ hlk, which I find dubious). The widest-spread vowel is u, but all cardinal vowels may appear. If this reflects *Cu ablaut, the mechanism is unclear. Ehret’s ɬ- seems unmotivated.

39

49. four *Cu: -fVr; sVl E: 509 *salʕ-~saʕl1. *-fa(a)ɗig 2. *sәdz-a 3. *áfur; B: also: sVl

3.1. *-fEr3.2. *Ɂafur 3.2.1. *afur 3.2.2. S: *šool-e; Brj fɔɔla~fool-a

3.3. *salaħ 4. *tsigaħa; T: *s-l ? Da: saʕál-a

1. *Cu: *Bj; *A-S: Afar firey-i, ferey, Saho afár; *Som áfàr: Som afar, Ren afʌr, Bai áfar, Boni áfar-a; *Arb afur; Arb Ɂafur, Ds Ɂàffùr, El áfur; Or afur; *Kon afur: Kon aafur-i, Gi afúr, Bus afur; Brj. 2. *Cu: *Agew: Aw sedz-a, Bi Kmt sәj-a, Xmt siz-a (Appleyard 2006: 72 does not relate these to l-forms); *SC s-l (?); *Dul: Ts’ salah, Hrs sәlәħ-e, Db sɛlæħ, Gaw sálaħ; *HEC S: Si, Ge šool-e, šɔlg-e, Ka, Al šɔɔl-o, Ha sɔr-o, Lb soor-o. Unique: *SC. Evaluation: First *Cu retained from *Af B: pɗ (Eg fdw, Copt ftoo-w/y, *Ch -p, N54 fwaɗә, *Sem rbʕ ?). Second *Cu is an innovation. Do *f-r and *s-l roots go together? Consider Brj fool-a in HEC and other instances of f~s (f usu. in Oromo; cf. 14 ‘buffalo’, 63 ‘horn’, 70 ‘laugh’, 74 ‘meat’, 83 ‘nose’, 107 ‘three’, 113 ‘urine’. 50. give *Cu: hiw~huwE: 525 *-ħ1. Bd: hi(w), Hd: i’hә 2. *Ɂɨw3. (*-hiw~-huw, h-~ħ-)

3.1. A: -eħ-e, S: -oh-e, uħ-u 3.2. -3.2.1. *ken- (?) 3.2.2. *uw- (Sasse: < Ɂuhw)

3.3. *teħ4. *hadis Da: heeɁ-

1. *Cu: Bj; *Agew: Aw Ɂiy-, Bi Ɂɨ-, Xmt, Kmt yiw-; SC ?; Da; A-S; *HEC: Brj uuwi, Si/Ge uww-, Ha Ɂuuw-e. 2. D?: *Som síì-: Som sii, Bai si-se, Ren sii(-ca), Boni síi(a); *Arb sii-: Arb siy, Ds šiiy-i, El síɁ, Y iis-ee. 3. D: *Som ken-: Bai keen-, Ren kɛn-; Arb koon ?; Or kenn-a. 4. *Dul: Ts’ d/ɗaħ-, Hrs, Gaw -teeħ-, Db -teeh-; cf. *Om: ta- based on Dizoid ats-~ta- and Mao ti-~ta- ? Note Coptic taa-. Unique: *Dul; *Kon ɗaaš- (but cf. Ts’ d/ɗaħ-). Evaluation: *Cu retention < *Af C500 uw, based on Bj, *Agew,*E, *SC. 51. go *Cu: -ad(E: ‘go along’: *haad-; many semantically related forms rejected) 1. *gig; Bd: d-f 2. *fәt-

40

3. (*mar; dak’- = ‘come’; B: *-ad-) 3.1. *-eɗ-e-; Sa: ad-aw 3.2. -3.2.1. *-t3.2.2. *mar-

3.3. *aty4. Sp.: kaw, xuɁus *Irq: daqaw; Da: roɁAsa-Aramanik: adi

1. *Cu: SC: A-A; *A-S: Afar g-eɗ-é, Saho y-ede; *Dul: Ts’ әty-a, Hrs, Db -(Ɂ)aac-, Gaw ašš-, taħ-; Som aad; Arb iit/d; Si haad-i; Amh, Welani hed-, Arg heed-, Ty kәd- are doubtful here (biradicals). 2. ?: Da; Ren ir-; Ka ɨrook’-, Ti rook; cf. Ar raħ- ? Unique: *Bj; *Agew; Or ɗeem-u (cf. Ir tlem-u); *Kon (h)aan; *HEC. Evaluation: *Cu and *B East based on scattered occurrences, which could reflect retention from *Af: B: t-~d- (single consonant, a weak basis). Also North Ber (d)du, *Ch d(w), N59 ɗә, Om: *Dzd tV-, *Ard t-. *N-S 16 -tI-t is ‘general motion’ and probably coincidence. 52. goat, ^sheep *Cu: -E: -1. Bd: nɁai, Hd yaa 2. *N: fɨntVr+a 3. *riɁ+

3.1. A: korb+udd+a=^ 3.2. -3.2.1. *ar+i 3.2.2. *korb+eessa (?)

3.3. *t/dal+e pl.: Ɂaaráa; T: Ha(a)r+ 4. *fem., gen.: legaɁ+a Da: héer+i=^

1. WW: E-S: Gz t’әl+i=^, Té t’әl+it, Ty t’el < *Sem taly+; *Dul: Ts’ daal+e, Hrs tal+cé, Db tal+ce, Gaw tal+é; Kon telte+ta, Bus calce+ca; see also *Af B: dr, *Ch d-r, Om: *TN ^dor(s)+, *Ard dert+i; *N-S 109 dor. 2. *EC or WW: *SC Ha(a)r; Da; *Som rìɁ: Som ri+, Bai riɁ, Ren riħ+í, Boni ir+e; Ds Ɂìr; Brj ^ar+eé, Ge reɁ+e; cf. *N-S 91 ar+, *Ek 75 +ur in Nubian, Tama, Jebel. Sasse has also ‘male goat’: *Ɂorg. 3. D: Ir leeɁ+i; Saho là(h); Som ^laħ; cf. 25 ‘cow, cattle’. 4. WW: Adjoin to 2 above? D: Afar ‘ewe’ reyt+a; Or reet+ii (?); Kon ‘young ewe’ riitt+a; Ge re+cco. 5. WW: Afar; Or korb+eessa; *HEC: Brj korɓ+eeši, Si korb+eessa. 6. WW: AsaAramanik ofer+it; Ka felle+ccu, Ha fillak+icco; also Amh fɨyyәl, Knf f(ɨ)lәy, Aw fiyél+í ?; Om: Kfd Bosha fɛllɛr+o. Unique: *Agew. Evaluation: Cultural item: several possible WWs and much diffusion. Cf. 94. ‘sheep’ below. 53. gourd, ^calabash, °pumpkin *Cu: bukw+ E: 167 *buk’w-; one form rejected 1. Bd: bawal+a; kal 2. *N: bVɣW+a

3. -3.1. A: ɗal+a; S: gáb+o 3.2. -3.3. *b/pot+e *^ħáll+e 3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *bukk+ee; *^k’oom+o 4. T: k’wa(a)d+ *daħaaŋw Da sp.: puunte

1. No data: Hd; El. 2. D: Bi hanhám; Saho hánham. 3. D: Bi dubb+á; Saho dúbb+a; Amh °dubb+a. 4. *Cu and WW: Bd (?); *Agew N: Kmt biɣW+a, Xmt bәw+a; Or 41

°bukk’+e; *HEC first: Brj=^, Si, Ge bukk+é; Om: SEO: Koré buk’w+, Kefa-Mocha bukk’+o. 5. WW (vowels differ)?: Class. Ar. ‘clay jar’ qull+a; Bd kal; Amh k’ɨl; Har k’ul+uɁ (< Cu.?); Gur Silt’i kul+ә, Welani k’ul+i; Xmr k’ul+a; *Dul second: Ts’, Hrs, Db idem.; Yaaku kill+ip; Or k’ul+u; Al k’ul+aa; Om: NWO Gemu kul+é; *N-S 127 kal. 6. WW?: Agew Xmt bood+; Da; Bai bát+a; *Dul first: Ts’ boot+e, Db poɁ+e, Gaw poot+e; *Kon poti/ot+a: Kon potot+a, Gi pótit+a; cf. Om: *TN-DA bot+. 7. D?: Bai oomm+é ?; *HEC second: Brj k’oom+o, Si k’oon+co, Ge k’oon+jo, Ka k’oom+u, Ha k’oom+a. 8. *SC; Ts’ ɗáħan+ko, daan+te; *Kon ɗa(ha)an+ta: Kon ɗahaan+ta, Gi ɗaan+ta, Bus ɗaan+ca. Unique: *SC (T); *HEC second. Evaluation: Partially cultural item with much diffusion (WWs) and one possible *Cu innovation (note 4). 54. grass, ^leaf *Cu: Ha_ E: -1. *-siyam 2. *N: tsank+a; *^xats:

3. *ʕaw/yš+; B: *ʕaw/ys+ 3.1. *ʕays+o 3.2. -3.3. *aš+ko

3.2.1. *aš/s+ 3.2.2. -4. *Irq: gits+oo Da: táamìn+e

1. D: *Bj; cf. *Af C32=Eg sm. 2. *Cu and WW: *Ag ^xats: Aw ɣats+i, Bi Ɂәš+a, Xmt ħas’+a, Kmt aš+a; Ir ‘feather’ haj+i; *A-S: Afar ays+ó, Saho Ɂ/ʕays+o; *Dul: Ts’ idem. = ‘green’ ^ħáaš+e, Hrs aaš+ko, Db, Gaw ʕaš+ko; *Som ʕaus: Som sp. ʕaws+ka, Bai ees, Ren ħoós, Boni aas+e; Ds coll. Ɂiiš; Si hayss+o, Ge ass+o < an+so. Also here *Kon ayk+: Kon sp. áyk+itta, Gi áyh+itt, Bus ooyha ? Unique: *Bj; *Agew N; Da; *Arb ɗ/deet+a(n) (but cf. Or sp. dot+êenn). Evaluation: Possible *Cu innovation (but cf. Ar. ħašiš). Cf. A18 ‘feather’ and A33 ‘leaf ’. 55. hair *Cu: -E: one form rejected; two special varieties not included here 1. *ham+

2. *N: tsɨbk+a 3. (*rif+an+) 3.1. *dagVr+ 3.2. -3.3. *gaz+o~kas+o

3.2.1. *rifan~ɲirf+a 3.2.2. *ordza 4. *Irq: coll.: seɁeeŋw sp.: geew+i Da: tɁát+a

1. WW: Bi šugur, Knf zarg+i, K’wara t’ɔgur; *A-S: Afar dagu/or, Saho dagar; *Som dogor. All < *E-S t’әgur (e.g. Gz s’ɛgur). 2. *EC: Hrs rrifәŋ+ko; *Arb rupan: Arb idem. > refán, El rúpan; Or rifeen+sa; *Kon: Kon, Gato ɲirf+a, Gi rifan+t+, Bus rifan+ca. 3. ?: Dul: Ts’ gaz+o, Gol kas+o; cf. *Ch g2z, N66 gas+i. 4. WW?: Ren

42

adar; Ds ður~zur; *HEC: Brj ord+a, Ge ɔrd+a, Ti orz+at, Ha, Lb odd+a(a); cf. Ber Tamazigt azzar, rel. to Sem šʕr ? Unique: Bj; *Agew (but cf. Om: NWO Oyda c’ɨmb+ә); Da; *Dul ?; *HEC ? Evaluation: Unproductive outside East. Given the frequency of metathesis in Cu., *Lowland rfn~ɲrf is easily acceptable. Cf. also 57 ‘head’ below. 56. hand, arm, ^palm *Cu: (dab) E: -1. Bd ɛy+i, Hd waɁay+a 2. *N: nan 3. (*hark+); *^ganʕ+

3.1. *gab+; gi/en+aʕ 3.2. -3.2.1. (*hark+) 3.2.2. *ang+a; ‘hit’ gan3.3. *hark+o; *W: kan(ʕ)+

4. *KM, T: dab+a Da: dáβ+a Ir: daw+a

1. WW?: Aw taf, Knf tav (Appleyard 2006: 79 says < Amh ^t’ɨff+i, which I find dubious); *SC; Da; cf. *N-S 161 ‘appendage’ tab+a, e.g. Berta θab+a~lәb+a. 2. ?: *Agew N: Bi, Kmt nan, Xmt na/әn. 3. *HEC?: Brj, Si, Ge, Ka, Ti, Ha idem., Al ang+ɛt; Om: *Ard aan ? *EC: *Dul: Ts’, Hrs hark+o, Db hær+ko, Gaw ħark+ó; Or, *Kon hark+a: Kon idem., Gato harg+a, Gi hark, Bus haark+a. 4. ?: *A-S: Afar, gab+é, Saho gab+á; Arb kub+ɛ, El ûp? 5. *EC: *A-S: Afar gin+aʕ, Saho gen+aʕ; *Dul W: Hrs, Db, Gaw ^kanaʕʕ+e; *Som gaʕaam: Som idem., Ren gaʕaan, Boni k’áɁan, Bai gɛn+e; El gen+e; Y kinn+eɁ; Or ^gan+aa; *Kon ^kan+a: Kon idem., Gi kanaɁ+at; Sasse 1982: 77 also *HEC ‘hit’: Si, Ge, Ha idem., Brj ^gan+a. Unique: Bj; *Agew N?; *A-S; *HEC (contra note 2)? Evaluation: A weak *Cu innovation dab and a *Cu form with -n- might be possible. KM 2003: 79 relate dab to 105. ‘tail’ *dVb+, which I find dubious. Surprisingly no Ehret form here. 57. head *Cu: mat+ E: one form (‘crown of head’) rejected 1. *girm+a 2. *ŋat+a; *N: ɁaɣWt (> -r)

3. (*matħ+); B: mat+ 3.1. *am+o(m) 3.2. *mo/um 3.2.1. *mat+ 3.2.2. *S: (m)um+

3.3. *W: b/pax+te 4. *T, KM: sag+a Da: ʕan+i

1. ?: *A-S; *HEC S: Si, Ge um+u, Ti muum+e. 2. D: *Dul W: Hrs bax+te, Db pax+te, Gaw pukk+aʕ+ate; Ka bok’+uta. 3. D: Ts’ mugaɁ+; Brj muug+a. 4. *Cu (perhaps includes Agew; see Appleyard 2006: 81, but I consider this dubious); *Som mat+aħ: Som madaħ+a, Bai mɛt+ɛ, Ren mat+aħ, Boni mád+e; *Arb mɛt+ɛ: Arb idem., Ds pl. mett+u, El mɛt+ɛɁ, Y mit+ɛh; Or mat+a(a); *Kon mәt+a: Kon matt+a, Gato mәt+a, Gi mašš, Bus mәšš+a. 43

Unique: *Bj (possible relation to Amh gɨrma ‘great’ < vb. grm?); *Agew; *Agew N; *SC; Da; *Dul W. Evaluation: Problematical *Cu retention from *Af B: mAt (Om: *TN-DA mAt). Surprisingly, Ehret missed this. Sometimes ‘head’ = ‘hair’, e.g. Ka muum+ (see 55 above). 58. hear, listen, ^ear, °see, #know *Cu: ɗAg-; mac- (?) (E: 410 *-mk’w-l-) 1. *-maas-u2. *N: was

3. (*ɖe/og-) 3.1. *-eɗIg-e; *-obb-e 3.2. -3.2.1. *ɗAg-

3.2.2. *S: macc’3.3. *(k’)abak’4. *Ɂaxas; AB: Ɂititiis Da: eetit-

1. *Cu?: *Bj; Ag N; *HEC S (?): Si idem., Ka, Ha mɛc’-, Ti mɛc-, Al moc’-, Lb mәc’-. 2. *EC: *A-S: Afar #-eɗeg-é, Saho #-eɗig-e; *Som ^ɗVg-: Som, Boni ^ɗeg, Ren dag-, ^dog+e; Arb ɗɛg-ai, Y -dek-; Or °ɗag-aya, ɗag-e; *Kon ɗak-ay-: Kon, Gi idem., Gato -ɗag-ay-e, Bus -dak-ay; Brj ^ɗag+a, Ge #lak’-, Ka ‘get, find’ dag; cf. 34. ‘ear’. 3. D: *Dul: Ts’ q’әb-a, Hrs k’ebak’-, Db -qabaq-, Gaw apaq-; Brj aakәb-i. Unique: *Agew N (A 2006: 82 compares Om, e.g. SEO ‘ear’ waš+e~way+e, considers *Bj as possible here); SC; Da (but cf. SC: AB above); *A-S second; *Dul; *Som maqal. Evaluation: *East (thus *Cu ?) retention from *Af: B ɗg, *Ch d2gw. Possible *Cu innovation based on *Bj, *HEC (doubtful phonology: -s-~-cc’-); also *Agew N? 59. heart *Cu: wad/zVn E: -1. *gi/an(Ɂ)+a 2. *N: lVb(b)әk+a

3. *wazn-; wod/zVn 3.1. *q/galb+ 3.2. *wad/zn+ 3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *wadzan+a 3.3. *z/saʕ+ko 4. *T: mun+a = Da *muun+á

1. WW: Bi lәbb+әka, Kmt lәb+әka (Appleyard 2006: 82: unexplained suffix); Ts’ lub+o; El rúp+aiɁ; Or lapp’+ee, Kon lupp+; Ge lɨbb+e. All < *Sem lb(b), esp. E-S lɨbb+i < *Af C443 lb(b), Eg yb, Ber ur~ul, also in Om, e.g. Yem nib+a, Kfd n/l/ yibb+o, Mao: Hozo nibb+a. 2. ?: *SC; Da. 3. WW: Afar galb+a, Saho qalb+i/e; Or k’әlb+i; Ge k’alb+e < Ar qalb. 4. *EC and WW: Bi wadәn, Xmt ɨzәn; *Som wVdn+a: Som wadn+o, Bai wɨzen+a, Ren wéyn+a, Boni wend+e, wéen+e; Ds wozinn+i; Or onn+ee (?); Kon ‘center’ otant+a (?); *HEC: Brj, Si wodan+a, Ge onn+a < wodn+a, Ka wazan+a, Ti, Al wɨzɛn+a; Om: *EWC wozEn+a < HEC. 4. D: Arb sɛd+e; Kon sát+aata. 5. D: Gi mút’ur+a, Bus mut’ur+o < Om: *SEO muts’ur+o, Gimira muzar. Unique: *Bj; *Dul.

44

Evaluation: Much diffusion. *East form (oddly missed by Ehret) spread to Omotic, while another root spread from SEO to Gidolé and Bussa. Two widespread WWs from Semitic. 60. heavy *Cu: -E: two rejected 1. Bd: di/eg 2. *dzɨkaw-

3. *ʕi/uls3.1. *ʕi/el(i)s/š3.2. -3.2.1. *i/uls-

3.2.2. *S: keemɁ- (?) 3.3. *W: riʕiš4. *hiinlooɁ Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da. 2. *EC: *A-S: Afar: iʕilsee, Saho ʕelii-s/š; *Dul W: Hrs rišiš-a, Db, Gaw riʕiš-a; *Som ʕùlés: Som ʕulus, Ren ħulés; *Arb (Ɂ)ilcid-a: Arb (Ɂ) cida, Ds hiliš, El ilsɨd-a; Or ulf-; *Kon ul-f/s-: Kon ulsum-a, Gi -hurs-, Bus -hols-. Unique: *Agew; SC; *HEC S. Evaluation: Bd possibly related to *Agew? Widespread *East isogloss. 61. hide (vb.) *Cu: -E: -1. Bd: Ɂar; Hd: kwibil/s 2. *N: caus.: tɨb-s 3. *ɖe/og-; B: ɗEg-

3.1. *ʕVr 3.2. -3.2.1. *ɗek3.2.2. *S: maat’(-am)3.3. *baT-

4. *KM: naħat; ħaantees; maatl *T: da(ʕ)-

1. D?: Bd; *A-S: Afar uuʕur, Saho Ɂar. 2. *SC maatl; *HEC S: Si, Ka, Ha idem. 3. D: *SC (T); Or daɁ-. 4. *EC, *LEC, or WW: Som ɖag-, Ren deg-i; *Arb ɗek- (?): Arb -ɗɛss-ә, El dék-is, Y –ts’aq-; Or ɗok-; *Kon ɗek-: Kon, Gi, Bus idem.; Brj dag- =’escape’. Unique: *Agew N; *SC (2); *A-S; *Dul; *HEC S. Evaluation: *East possibly related to E-S dbk’ (-b- > Ø) ? 62. hit, ^beat, etc. *Cu: tak(E: 350 *dlaʕ; 626 *tlip; 629 *tlok; eight others rejected) 1. Bd: tah; Hd ^t’aɓ-

2. *tax(-s~-z) 3. *ta/uk’; tum-, ɖáw-; B: tok3.1. *A-S: tu/ok3.2. --

3.2.1. -3.2.2. *gan-; nak’3.3. *xav-; tup/ɓ 4. *KM: slaħ; lab, muɁ T: maħ-; ‘pound’: tuɁ-

1. No data: Bus. 2. *Cu and WW: Bd; *Agew caus.: Aw tas-, Bi t’әʕamb-, Xmt t(‘) az-, Kmt tay-; *SC first; Da ɗah-; *A-S: Afar -tok-, ɜog-, Saho -utuk; Or ɗaɁ-a; *Kon ɗaw-: Kon, Gi idem., Kon ^ɗokk-; cf. Om: Welaitta deecc-; Gimira dek(n); Ari daɁ-i. 3. ?: Hd; Afar tafaʕ-; *Dul tup/ɓ: Ts’ tuɓ, Hrs, Db cuɓ-, Gaw tup-. 4. 45

*EC: ‘pound’ tum-: Ren tum-a; Ds tu(u)n-; Kon -tum-. 5. D: *SC sp. tuɁ-; Som ku-ɖuf-o; Y -tuɁ-. Unique: *SC (2); *Dul first; *HEC (both; first: ‘palm’, see 56 ‘hand’). Evaluation: *Cu retention from *Af D272 dәkw, *Ch dwk =67 ‘kill’. Much semantic variation, e.g. Bd is ‘touch’ and Sasse *East is ‘push, touch’. Perhaps symbolic? Cf. A52 ‘swim’. 63. horn *Cu: kas ? (E: 256 *ɣaas +; one rejected) 1. *+daɁ 2. *N: gix

3. *gaas+ 3.1. *gays+ 3.2. (*gaas+~ga(y)s+) 3.2.1. *gaas+ 3.2.2. *buud+aa

3.3. *g/kaas+ko 4. *KM: xadaaw Ir: xarm+o; Da: tùmp+o

1. *EC: *A-S; *Dul: Ts’ gaas+ako, Hrs ka(a)as+o, Db kas+ko, Gaw kaas+ko; Som gees, Ren gás, Boni káas; Arb ga(h), Ds gaas; *Kon kaas+a: Kon, Gi, Bus idem., Gi kaas; Si, Ge gaaf+a < Or idem. For Or -f-, others -s-, cf. 14 ‘buffalo’, 49 ‘four’, 70 ‘laugh’, 74 ‘meat’, 83 ‘nose’, 107 ‘three’, 113 ‘urine’). Unique: *Bj; *Agew N; *HEC (also Or bud+a); Or gaaf+a (see note 1 above). Evaluation: *Cu retention from *Af: C266bis kVs~kVš ? Cf. Om: *TN-DA (k’) uš+, also possibly Mao (i)iš+, N. Ber. iš(š). Troublesome vowel variation (-aa-~ee-; Cushitic ablaut?) 64. house, ^hut *Cu: min~man (E: 436 *min+; documentation weak) 1. Bd: gaw+a 2. ŋɨn; *N: kәw

3. *man+~min+ 3.1. *ʕar+ 3.2. *min+ 3.2.1. *min+~man+

3.2.2. *HEC min+e~man+ 3.3. *man+ 4. *T: min *KM: mara; NWR: doɁ+o

1. D: Bd < *Agew N: ‘village, place’: Xmt kɨw, Kmt kәw. 2. *Agew: Xmt, Aw ŋɨn, Bi lɨŋɨn, Kmt nɨŋ; *SC (T); *EC: *Dul: Ts’ mann+e, Db mәn+o, Gaw man+e; *Som min: Bai, Ren idem., Som min+ki, Boni mîŋ; *Arb min+: Arb, El idem.; Or man+a; *Kon man(+a): Kon sp.: man+a, Gi, Bus man+a; *HEC: Brj, Ge man+a, Si, Ka, Ha min+e. For m~ŋ, see 29 ‘dig’, 86 ‘person’, 110 ‘tooth’, 112 ‘two’. 3. WW: ^goj(j)+o: E-S (e.g. Gf, Amh, Har); Saho; Som; Or goj+o, god+oo; Ka, Ti, Al: Hrs, Db kot+o; Om: *Kfd ^god+o; *Ch gd-. 4. D: Bi dɛs+a; Si, Ge daas+e < E-S, e.g. Té doos, Amh das. Unique: *Agew N; *SC mara, doɁ+o; *A-S.

46

Evaluation: *Cu innovation (but Appleyard 2006: 85 suggests *Sem ‘be firm’ Ɂmn, several Chadic forms, perhaps Eg ‘create’ ymn). *Agew vs. *East: min > ŋiŋɔ? 65. hyena *Cu: -(E: 580 waraab+) 1. Bd: galab+a; (var.) 2. *N: wәk/x+a~-ɨ 3. (*waraab+)

3.1. *A-S: yangul+a 3.2. -3.2.1. *(w)arab+ 3.2.2. *got+a 3.3. *W: oraap+

4. *KM: bahaa *T: gut+ Da: wáraaβ+a; Sanyé wórubes

1. No data: El. 2. D: Bd: karai; Té karáy. 3. D?: *SC (T); Y kot+ei; *HEC: Brj idem., Si, Ka, Ha got+. 3. *EC and WW: SC: Sanyé; Da; *Dul W: Hrs araap+icc+é, Db oraap+acc+é, Gaw oraap+att+é; *Som warab+a: Som waraab+e, Ren waráb+a, Boni war+áa; Arb war+ɛc; Or waraab+eessa; Har worab+a, Zway uraab+sa, Silt’i, Welani wәrab+a; Om: Kefa-Mocha woraabess+ó prob. < Or. 4. WW: Ts’ gudúr+ko < Om: Ometo godar+e or Aroid gudr+i. Cf. *Ek 91, esp. Nera kodil, Murlé gudul. 5. Afar dàl+ħu; Ds dèr+ì ? Unique: *Agew N; *SC; *A-S. Evaluation: No *Cu unless Bd related to *EC. Much diffusion. 66. intestines, ^large, °small *Cu: ma_ E: 423 *man-; two rejected 1. Bd: man+a, ^gwáraar 2. *dzir+

3. Sp. *Ɂus+; rim+; B: ma_ 3.1. *A-S: °ʕul+; A: maħd+a 3.2. -3.2.1. *maɗ+~men+

3.2.2. *hill+ee 3.3. *marɗ/ʕ+ 4. *KM: waqaant+u sp.: duruɁumáy

1. Hd; El; Bus. 2. *Cu: Bd; *East B; Afar; *Dul: Ts’ mar+e, Gaw marɳim+te; *Som minɖiqar: Som minɖiqir, Bai minɖaxár, Boni minɁer; Ds merd+e; Kon marQin+a; Ge maɗum+a. All < *Af C467 my~mɗ~mn. 3. *East first or D: Db us+ko; Bai us+. 4. *East second or D: Y irɛhm+oɁ = ‘belly’; Brj ri(i)m+a(a) Unique: *Agew; *SC; *A-S; *HEC. Evaluation: *Cu is a likely *Af retention, showing the same strange consonant alternations. Sasse’s *East are ‘stomach contents, uterus’, respectively. Both may be WWs. 67. kill, ^slaughter *Cu: -E: -1. *(ɨ)dɨr 2. *kɨw-

3. *-gši; ^k’ál3.1. *-igdif3.2. -3.2.1. *-ik-is ?

3.2.2. *siy3.3. Ts’: ɓʊk, *W: -pog4. *KM: gaas; tsuʕ

47

1. ?: Bj; Som dil. 2. *EC or D: *KM first; Ren agis-, Boni iis; *Arb -ɛkis: Arb ɨgɨs ekɛš-e, Ds (yi)s- (?), El ɛɔkɨs; Kon ik-aš. 3. *HEC: Brj sii, Si, Ge, Ti, Al, Ha ši(i); N-S: *Ek 94 si- (Nera, Tama) is probably coincidence. Unique: Bj?; *Agew; SC second; *A-S; *Dul; Or ajjees-a; *HEC. Evaluation: Unproductive item at *Cu level. Sasse’s *East is a prefix-verb. Cf. 62 ‘hit’. 68. knee *Cu: gilub+ (?) E: 61 *gwilb~gulb+ 1. Bd gumb+a 2. *gɨrb 3. *gi/ulb+; B: gi/uLb+

3.1. *gulub+ 3.2. *gilub+ 3.2.1. *gilb+a 3.2.2. *gilub+e 3.3. Ts’: gibíl+ko

4. *KM: guru+ guund+a Da: gill+i *W: kilpay+o

1. No data: Hd; Db. 2. WW: Bd; SC: also ugun+o~ugur+o; El gum; cf. Om: *Mao kum+; *N-S 320: kon+, *E.S. 33 ‘knee, elbow’, esp. Nera gumb+e. 3. *Cu and WW: *Agew: Aw gɨrb, Bi Xmt gɨrb, Kmt gɨrb-ɨ; *SC?; Da; *A-S; *Dul: Ts’ (also gílb+e), Hrs kilb+әyo, Gaw kilp+ayo; *Som gilib: Som jilib, Bai gilib, gir+i, Ren jílib, Boni ílùb; *Arb kur(+sɛt): Arb idem., Ds kúr; Or j/gilb+a; *Kon: gilb+a: Kon kilp+a, Gi kilp, Bus kɨlb+a; *HEC: Brj gɨlb+a, Si gulub+e, Ka gilib+a, Ha, Lb gurub, etc. Cf. E-S Amh, Arg, Gaf gulb+әt, some Gur similar, Har gilib. Evaluation: Difficult, nearly universal item with metatheses, l~r, t-suffix, and other variation. Certainly retention from *Af C461 gRb, *Ch grp. Metathesis to Sem birk (also in Guragé Silt’i, Welani, but Arabic rukb+a). Also in Om: *TN: gurmat+. 69. know, ^see, º(h)ear, #learn *Cu: ark= ‘see’; (ken-~ kan-) E: 375 *Ɂar-= ’see’; 536 ɣaaħn1. Bd: kan; Hd: akt-ɛ-

2. *-aq-; N: Ɂә(r)q-; #see note 1 3. (*hub-); B: arg3.1. *-eeɗig3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *S: lak’ (< ark’- ?); B: S: i(n)keɁn3.3. *Ɂaar4. *T: bar*KM: xuɁ

1. *Cu: Bd; *Agew #ki/an-t-: Bi, Xmt kɨnt –, Kmt kint-, Aw cin-s (Appleyard 2006: 91); Som a-qan-; Y -qɛɛn-oɁ-; *HEC S second: Si egenn-, Ge ɛgɛɁn-i, Ti ɨnkɛɛn-, Al ɨnkeɁ(t)n-e. 2. *Cu: Hd akt-ɛ-; *Agew: Aw (y)aq-, Bi ɁәrɁ, Xmt arq-, Kmt ax-; Som oog, Ren óog-; Ds Ɂok. 3. *Cu: *Agew (A 2006: 89–90 keeps roots of notes 2 and 3 separate); *Dul: Ts’ Ɂar-, Hrs, Db -Ɂaar-, Gaw ar-; Som gar-o, ^(Ɂ)arag, Ren gár-o; *Kon ^akk- < ark-: Kon, Gi akk-, Gato -aak-e, Bus haak-e < he-ak-e; *HEC first: Ge ºlak’, Lb lɛk’-, laɁ-. Appleyard 2006: 90 says this root is probably 48

the source of E-S ʕwk’ as in Gz, Amh, Har (but see Eval. below). 4. D: *SC (T) < Or bәr-i. 5. ?: *A-S; Ka: ‘get, find’ dәg- (cf. 34 ‘ear’, 58 ‘hear’). Unique: *A-S; Or be(e)k, bәr-i; *Kon up-naaɗ-. Evaluation: Difficult item. Much semantic overlap, esp. with 93. ‘see’, q.v. First *Cu (notes 2, 3) retained: Eg ʕrk’, Ar ʕrf (?), *Om al/r-, *TN: e/ar- ? *N-S 349 Or~ru = ‘see’ is probably coincidental. Second *Cu is an innovation. 70. laugh *Cu: -E: -1. (var.) 2. Ɂɨqw-at/-t

3. *kosl-~ksol-; B: kosol3.1. *-usu(u)l3.2. *(k)osal3.2.1. *kosal-

3.2.2. S: *osal3.3. *kic-a 4. *KM: qasaw Da: k’ik’- (symbolic?)

1. No data: Db. 2. D: *KM; Y -qas-; Or k’as (cf. Amh sak’- < *E-S sħk). 3. *EC; *AS; Som qosol, Bai osol-; *Arb kosal-: Arb -kɔɔl-a, Ds kósol, Y -qas- (?); Or kolf-a (for -f-~-s-, see 14 ‘buffalo’, 49 ‘four’, 63 ‘horn’, 74 ‘meat’, 83 ‘nose’, 107 ‘three’, 113 ‘urine’); Kon xosal-~-fosal-, Gi, Bus hols-; *HEC S: Si, Ge, osol-, Ka osal-, Ha osar-. Cf. Amh. 23 ‘cough’ k’osәl- ? Unique: *Agew; Da; *Dul. Evaluation: Good, though scattered, East form. 71. lion *Cu: garm+ E: -1. Bd: haɗ+a 2. *N: gәmәn+ 3. (*g/karm+ ?); B: garm+

3.1. *lubak 3.2. -3.2.1. (*n/leek+ ?) 3.2.2. *S: dzoobb+a 3.3. *g/karm+o

4. *diidaaŋw *T: fem.: taal+ Da: tel+e

1. No data: Hd; Bus. 2. *SC (T); Da. 3. *EC and WW: Agew ‘maned one’: Bi gʌrmʌn+ʌt, Xmt gәräk+ia; Also *Agew N: Bi, Kmt gәm+әna; Saho gámm+ = ‘mane’. *Dul: Ts’ garm+o, Hrs, Db, Gaw kárm+o; *Kon karm+a: Kon kar(r)m+a, Gi kárm+a; Brj garm+í; Om: *M-O: gamm+, but Koré, Harro, Zaysé garm+. 4. ?: *A-S; *Som libaaħ: Som libaħ, Bai lúban, Boni juwah. 5. WW: Sanyé nek+a; *Arb neek: Arb idem., nek’+a, El néek; Kon leenJ+aa < Or leenc’+a; Ge neenk’+a. For l~n, cf. 112 ‘two’. 6. WW?: *HEC S: Si dobb+icco, Ka zoobb+a, Ha hoobb+a; widespread in Om: *Ard zob+; Ometo Basketo zobb+a, Malé zob+i; Gimira dodb+a; Mao Ganza dwob. Unique: Bd; *SC. Evaluation: Much diffusion. Cf. Appleyard 2006: 93; I assume gam+ < garm+, a widespread WW, perhaps even *Cu. innovation. 49

72. long *Cu: -E: one rejected 1. *ragaag-a; saraar-a 2. *lәgәz-

3. *ɗer 3.1. *ɗe(e)r 3.2. -3.2.1. *ɗer

3.2.2. *S: k’eerar-a 3.3. Ts’: zigaba; *W: sikap-a 4. *tleed Da: rúmàt-e

1. *EC or *Cu: *SC ?; *Som ɖeer: Som ɗe(e)r, Ren ɖêr, Boni d’éer; *Arb ɗe(e)r-: Arb ɗer-, Ds ɗír, El deer-; Or ɗeer-aa; *Kon -ɗer-: Kon, Gato idem., Bus -ɗer-a. Doubtfully < *Af C345 twl, Ar tawiil. 2. D: Bai kaɁer-i; *HEC S: Ge k’eerr-a, Ka k’err-a-, Ti k’er-, Al k’ɨr-aro, Ha k’eer-; (also Brj harc’- ?) Unique: *Bj both; *Agew; *SC; Da; *Dul; *HEC S. Evaluation: No *Cu, but strong *East, surprisingly absent in Ehret. 73. louse *Cu: -E: 82 *Ɂint1. *taat 2. *N: bɨtt+

3. *B: ink+ 3.1. *inkaʕ+ 3.2. -3.2.1. *inkir

3.2.2. *ibib+e 3.3. *isq+ 4. *Ɂit+inoo ~Ɂit+idimo Da: ìtt+a

1. ?: Aw yint+i, Knf yent+i; *SC; Da. 2. *EC: *A-S: Afar ɨkaʕ+, Saho inqáɁ+to, ínkaʕ; *Som ingir: Som injir, Bai igir+i, Ren injír, Boni išir; *Arb ing/kr+: Arb ingr+oo, El ɨŋkɨr; Or injir+aan; *Kon ikkir: Kon íkkir+ta, Gato ikir+teta, Gi ikkir+ét. Unique: *Bj; *Agew N; *Dul; *HEC. Evaluation: It is curious that most families have forms with initial i-. All those with a velar element (except Dullay) are grouped under note 2, while note 1 forms have no velar (the basis of Ehret’s proto-form). 74. meat, flesh *Cu: šaɁ (E: 248 *ši+, based on dubious comparisons) 1. *+ša 2. *N: sɨx +a

3. (*soɁ+; ‘cow’: šaʕ+); B: so+ 3.1. *ħad+ó 3.2. -3.2.1. *soɁ

3.2.2. *maal+a 3.3. *sakan+ko; W: ku/ ors+e 4. *fuɁunay Da: dàβ+i =’animal’

1. *EC from Appleyard n.d. and Sasse. 2. D: *Agew N?: Bi sɨx+a, Xmt, Kmt siy+a, Kmt sɨy +a; Gz, Té, Ty, Amh sɨg+a. Cf. also Afar 25. ‘cow’ sag+a. 3. *EC second; *Bj: Bd ša, Hd tɔ+ša; *SC < Or foon (KM2003: 110 say < Pre-Or.); *Dul: Ts’ saɁán+ko, Gaw sakán+ko; Bai soo; *Arb so: Arb soɁ+o, sor+a, Ds só, El sow. Or foon (?); *Kon sow: Kon sów+aa, Gato sw+a, Gi sóh+a, Bus soɁ+o; For Or -f-,

50

cf. 14 ‘buffalo’, 49 ‘four’, 63 ‘horn’, 70 ‘laugh’, 83 ‘nose’, 107 ‘three’, 113 ‘urine’). 4. D?: *A-S; Som ʕad+. Unique: *Agew N?; Da; *A-S; *Dul W; *HEC. Evaluation: *Cu retained (notes 2?, 3, with phonological difficulties) < *Af: B: ša+, *Sem šiɁr ?, *Ch: N83 ɬew = ‘animal’; *Om ac+ related? Cf. 25 ‘cow, cattle’. 75. moon, month *Cu: see Eval. (E: 569 *ɬ eeh+) 1. *t(e)rig 2. *Ɂәrb/f+ 3. *leʕ+; B: leɁ+

3.1. *(ʕ)als+a 3.2. -3.2.1. *leɁ+ 3.2.2. *agan+ (~agen+, agun+)

3.3. *leɁ+o 4. *slaħaaŋw Asa-Aramanik: hlehle Da: hág+e

1. ?: *Agew; Aw árf+i, Bi Ɂәrb+a, Xmt arb/f+a, Kmt arf+a; *A-S dubious here: Afar als+a, Saho (ʕ)áls+a. 2. *EC: SC ?: *Dul: Ts’ lɛɁ+o, Hrs, Db leeɁ+o, Gaw leɁ+o; Ren yɛy+a; *Arb lɛɛɁ: Arb lɛ(h), El lɛɛɁ, Y lei; Or jiɁ+a ?; *Kon le(Ɂ)+: Kon, Gato, Gi ley+a, Bus leɁ+o. 3. WW: *Bj: Bd terig, Hd (t)ɔt(ɨ)rɨg; Agew Felasha serk+a; E-S c’rk’ (e.g. Amh cәrәk’+a, loaned into Or idem.). Unique: *Bj (WW or see note 3); *Agew?; *A-S?; Or jiɁ+a; *HEC (Sasse 1982: 24 says < Om, see *M-O: agVn+a, cf. Da), wide variation in second vowel: e, u, a in HEC, similar in Omotic. Evaluation: *Cu retention from *Af B: arb+, *Om arf, if one assumes *Agew and doubtful *A-S are sufficient. Diffusion from Om more likely. *Af tVr = 101 ‘star’, *Ch tәr+a, Ber i/atr+i may be a WW (cf. *N-S 302 t2Vr = ‘sun’, etc.) perhaps found as Bj ter+ig (but see note 1 above). 76. mountain, ^hill *Cu: See 103 ‘stone’ below. E: -1. *Ɂaw+ = ‘stone’ 2. *N: dәb(b)+a; B: gi /ar+

3. (*ʕal-; gub-) 3.1. *^ir+o 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *S: duun+a 3.3. *W: g/q/ɠup+o 4. *tloom+a Da: múlìim+a < Swa.

1. WW: Aw gar+i, Bi giir+a; Or gaar+a, guur+a; Si, Ge gaar+, Si goor+o; cf. Om: Dizi gyar+a, Sheko gaar+a, *Kfd, e.g. Bworo gu(u)r+a, also Mao Hozo gur+a; cf. Ugaritic gr. 2. ?: Aw ^kur; Ren kur; N-S: *E.S. 39 kur, prob. coincidence. 3. ?: Afar ʕ/Ɂal+e; *Arb ɛl+: Arb idem., El ɛll+eɁ. 4. WW: *Dul W: Hrs, Db gup+o, Gaw g/ɠup+o; Arg gubba; Om: Kefa gub+o. 5. D: Gi ^tull+ót < Or ^tull+uu; possibly < *Af D196 ^tVl. Unique: *Bj; *Agew N (Appleyard 2006: 102 links not pursued here); SC; *Dul W?; *HEC S.

51

Evaluation: Difficult item. Much diffusion. Sasse *East forms weak. Cf. 103. ‘stone’ below. 77. mouth *Cu: Ɂaf E: 191 Ɂaf~yaf+ 1. *+yaf+ 2. *N: mәkәy(+a)

3. *Ɂaf 3.1. *af 3.2. *Ɂaf+ 3.2.1. *af

3.2.2. *afaɁ+o 3.3. Ts’: bag+o, *W: pok+o 4. *SC: Ɂafa Da: Ɂáf+o

1. *Cu and WW?: *Bj; Bi Ɂәb, Felasha af; *SC; *A-S; *Som af: Som, Ren, Boni af; Ds Ɂaf+u < Or af+aan; Kon, Gato af+; *HEC: Brj af+ay, Si af+ɔ, Ge, Ka af+oɁo, Al af+o. 2. ?: *Dul: Ts’ bag+o, Hrs, Db pok+, Gaw pak+o; cf. Gi; Bus kap(+a); *Ch bk; cf. Italian bocca. Unique: *Agew N; *Dul; *Arb ohoɁ. Evaluation: Nearly universal root in *Cu retained from *Af, C380bis -p/f/b-, D71 *fX (X for undetermined phoneme), *Sem p, *Ch N88 ba. Appears as *Om ‘eye’ aap (semantics: ‘orifice in face’). 78. mud *Cu: See Eval. E: two forms rejected 1. Bd: t’iin 2. *dVqw+ (?)

3. *ɗ1ookk’+ 3.1 (vars.) 3.2. *ɗokk’+ 3.2.1. *ɗok’+ ?

3.2.2. *ɗokk’+e 3.3. Ts’: cook’+e, Gaw k’ooqq+o (?) 4. *KM: Irq: baaʕ+i

1. No data: Hd; Da; Ds. 2. ?: Afar ɗòob+a; *Som ɖoob+o = ‘clay’: Som ɗoob+o, Ren ɖób(+o), Boni doob+e (rel. to *Ch: NM t-ɓ-, Ar ‘brick’ toob?). 3. D: *Agew: Aw cɨq+i, Kmt šɨx+a; Saho c’ik’+á; Amh c’ɨk’+a. 4. D: Dul; Gi c’ookk’+a, Bus c’ookk’+o. 5. WW: Som ooq+o; El dók+at; Or ɗokk’+e; Kon ɗok’+. Unique: *SC; *Dul ?. Evaluation: Productive in *East. Ehret has two dubious forms, one a verb (E353). Appleyard 2006: 102f. unites c’- and ɗ- forms. This would lead to a *Cu innovation, but I remain unconvinced. 79. name *Cu: sim~sum E: 447 *sim+~sum+ 1. *+sɨm 2. *N: sɨŋw

3. *magʕ+ 3.1. *migaʕ+ 3.2. (*maK+) 3.2.1. *mak+

3.2.2. *S: sumɁ+a 3.3. *makah+ 4. *Ɂum+a Da: sáar+e

1. No data: El. 2. *Cu and WW?: *Bj; *Agew: Bi, Xmt, Kmt sɨŋw, (Aw sɨm < Amh sɨm?); Ds sun; *HEC S: Si, Ka suɁm+a, Ge suum+a, Ti, Al suuɁm+a, Ha, Lb 52

summ+a. 3. *E.S.: *A-S; *Dul: Ts’ maɁ+aa, Hrs mɛkaah+ko, Gaw makħ+akkó; *Som magaʕ~maʕg: Som magaʕ, Bai meg+e, Ren magaħ, Boni maɁag; Arb mɛk+ ~nɛk’+ (cf. 11, 64, 79, 86, 110, 112); Or mak’+aa; *Kon max+: Kon maxx+a, Gato max+a, Gi makh, Bus maax+a; Brj mak’+a(a) < Or. Unique: *SC; Da. Evaluation: Either *Cu retention < *Af B: sim~sum (*Ch N90 sәm, *Sem šm, Ber ism) or WW of Semitic origin in Cu and in Om: *Tn (sunts in M-O) and Dzd, e.g., Dizi sum(u)~sɨm (u). 80. neck, ^throat *Cu: (kVlm+) (E: 325 *ʕal+); 391 ‘nape’: *kolm; four others rejected 1. *(Ɂ)ala+ 2. *N: kɨrm+

3. (*luk’m) 3.1. *fill+a 3.2. -3.2.1. (*luk)

3.2.2. *B: kok(k)+e; S: goob+a 3.3. (var.) 4. *is+a; ^gwaɁab+a Da: isax; ^k’ok’+o

1. *Cu?: *Agew N: Bi kɨrm+a, gWɨrgum+a, Xmt qɨlm+a, Kmt xwɨm, Aw gurgɨm; Or ^gɔram+a; *Kon xólm+a (Appleyard 2006: 104 has *LEC ka/olm+), Gato xolɛm+a, Gi ‘front of neck’ hólm+a. 2. WW?: Da^; Bai ^kok+é; Ds ^ɠoo, El ^ook; *HEC: Brj kook+e, Si kokk+e, kokk’+e; also Om SEO Koré kook+e. 3. D? *Som luqun: Som idem., Ren luxum, Bon uɁun; *Arb luk+ (cf. 48 ‘foot’): Arb lʊk+ú, Ds luu+tti, El luk. Unique: *Bj; *SC (2); *Da; *A-S; *HEC S. Evaluation: *Af kOm, Om: *Dzd kum, cf. Agew Waag kam, Felasha kom, Agewmidir kum+i. *N-S 286 goN+ is prob. coincidental. Form with -r- or -l- is perhaps an innovation. 81. new *Cu: -E: one form rejected 1. *gEyi(b) 2. *Ɂәrɨz ~Ɂazɨr

3. (*B: haar-) 3.1. *ʕus(u)b 3.2. (*haar ?) 3.2.1. (*haar- ?)

3.2.2. *haar3.3. *qaw4. *ʕab Da: mpìa < Swa.

1. WW: *Sem, E-S ħds, (e.g. Amh addis) found as *Agew N: Bi ħaddís and, according to Appleyard 2006: 104f., also Bi aríd, Xmt ayɨr, Kmt az(z)i. 2. Probable WW: *Agew N (see note 1)?; Arb haar-ai; Or haar-aa; Kon haar-ayaa; *HEC Brj har-eya, others haar-. 3. ?: *A-S: Afar ʕusb-á, Saho ʕusúb; *Som ʕosub: Som ʕusub, Bai -usúb(i), Ren ħusub. Unique: *Bj; *SC; *Dul; *Kon awd/š- (or from *Sem?).

53

Evaluation: Possible *East or WW in East. Om: *M-O or-ett-, N-S: *E.S. 41 er~ar are probably coincidences. 82. night *Cu: (*kar ?) (E: 549 *ham-/him-; see 9 ‘black, dark’) 1. *+hawad 2. *qVr-, V=i,e,a

3. (*haw(ee)n) 3.1. *bar(+a) 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. (var.)

3.3. *awɨn+e 4. *Ɂamas+i Ir: xwer+a Da: hìim+a

1. *Cu?: *Agew: Aw ɣar, Xmt xar, Bi k’ir, Kmt xi/er, Knf kar+e (ɣar-e?); Ir; Afar hárr+aa; Ka an+kar+iya, Al han+kәrɁ+ɨt ? 2. WW?: Da; *Som hibeen: Som habeen+ka, Bai heméen, Ren ibeen, Boni hawéeŋ+ka; Ha hiim+o, Lb hem+o. Unique: *Bj; *SC; *A-S; *Dul (cf. Y áún); Or (h)alkan+i; *Arb kis(s)+a. Evaluation: Sasse *East weak: include *Bj? Om: TN (MO-Y): ‘black’ kar- makes *Cu retention weakly plausible. 83. nose, ^smell *Cu: sVn+ (E: 476 *iswŋw+) 1. Bd: ginuf; Hd: agnuf 2. *ɨsVn; q(w)ɨmb 3. *sVn+; *^šuɳs-

3.1. *san(+a) 3.2. *sVn+ 3.2.1. *sVn+ 3.2.2. *san+o 3.3. *sɨnd+e

4. *Ɂuruuŋ+a *Irq: duuŋiɁi *W: tom+o Da: sín+a

1. *Cu: *Agew: Aw ɨssán, Xmt ɨsɨŋ; Da; *A-S; Saho ^sin; *Dul: Ts’ idem., Hrs, Db, Gaw sɨnd+; *Som sam: Som, Ren idem., Boni saŋ; *Arb soon+o: Arb, Ds idem., El sɔɔn+oɁ; Or fuɲɲaan (f~s, see 14 ‘buffalo’, 49 ‘four’, 63 ‘horn’, 70 ‘laugh’, 74 ‘meat’, 107 ‘three’, 113 ‘urine’); *Kon si/on+: Kon síin+, soon+, Gato soon+a, Gi sín+a, Bus sin+o; *HEC: Brj su(u)n+a, Si san+o, ^sun, Ge, Ka, Al, Ha sɛn+, Lb sәn+. Unique: *Bj (cf. Ar, *E-S Ɂanf+ rel. to 77 ‘mouth’); *Agew second; *SC; *Dul W; Or ? Evaluation: *Cu retention, but also symbolic, maybe “pan-world” form; *Af B: sin+, Eg ^s(j)n, *Om sint’+, *N-S šVm, mainly ‘breathe’, Germanic sn-words. All canonical vowels occur as V. Ehret is too dependent on untypical forms. 84. one *Cu: tak(E: 565 *la/iħ- ?) 1. *(ŋ)gaal 2. *la(-ɣW) (m), la-ti (f)

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3. *mi/әt-; (B: *tok-) 3.1. *inik-i 3.2. -3.2.1. *tok-

3.2.2. *mitt-o; B: TVkk3.3 Ts’: dokk-o, *W: toɁ4. *T: tak; *KM: wak Da: tak < Or ?

1. *EC and WW: *Bj 86 ‘person’ ták ?; *SC (T); Da; Ts’, *Dul W: Hrs taɁ-ako, Db toɁ-on, Gaw m. tookk-ó; *Arb tok-: Arb tok(k)-o, Ds ták-ac, El tɔk-oɁ; Or tokko, etc.; *Kon t/sakk-: Kon tákk-a, Gato tak-a, Gi sákk, Bus šokk-o; *HEC (B): Brj ɗekk-i (m), ɗett-i (f), Ge taakk-a < Or? 2. D: Som mid; Or sp. mat-; *HEC: Brj mic, Si mit-a, Ge mit-e, Ka mɛt-o, Ti mɛt-u, Ha mat-o, Lb mәt. Unique: *Bj; *Agew; *SC (KM); *A-S; *Som kow (cf. Om: *Dzd k’oi). *HEC (but cf. *Af B mVt?, *Ch m-ɗ). Evaluation: *East B perhaps retention < *Af D161 tak(w), Ch ɗk, but surely a WW: cf. *N-S 261 de+g, N-S: *S-C 199 *tUk, *E.S. 43 Tok. Ehret 565 is based on Agew ‘one’, East and South ‘six’. 85. other, ^another *Cu: kal- ? E: 548 *hal-/hil-; 579: *war1. *wer 2. *Ɂәr-i, ar-i, Ɂɨl-i

3. *b/pil-; B: bil3.1. *ak-i; gar3.2. -3.2.1. *b/pil- ?

3.2.2. *wal-e < Or ? 3.3. *b/pil- ? 4. Appleyard: hal-

1. No data: Bai; El. 2. ?: *Bj; *Agew: Aw ^ɨlli-w?, Bi Ɂәri(ɣW), Xmt lәy-a, etc., perhaps < Amh lel-a (Appleyard 2006: 108), Kmt ay-iɣW?; *HEC: Brj wall-i, Si wal-e, Ge wel-e, Ka wel-u, Al well-u. 3. *Cu or WW: =Bd 84. ‘one’; *SC?; *A-S second: Afar gers-í, gar-u, Saho gar-ó; Som kal-e; Or wal-i; E-S Gz kalɁ-ɨ, Ty kalɨɁ. Om *EWC har-a said to be from Or 81. ‘new’ haar-aa. 4. *EC or WW: *Dul: Ts’ bil-e, Hrs pil-aako, Gaw pil-akkó; Or bir-aa; *Kon pil-: all: idem., Gi -bil-; Om: Zaysé bil-e. 6. D: Ds; Kon gay-b. 7. D: Db taɁakk-ó; Kon taax-a (cf. 84 ‘one’). Unique: *A-S first. Evaluation: Dubious *Cu innovation (notes 1, 2) if one accepts initial variation among g, k, h-, w-, Ɂ-. Ehret’s forms both seem to be on the right track. 86. person *Cu: -E: -1. *+ták 2. *N: Ɂɨxir+/pl. ɨk

3. *nVm, V=i,u,a (pl. ge/ or); B: nam 3.1. Afar: núm(+u) 3.2. *nam+~man+ 3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *man+a; Brj pl.: meen+a 3.3. *qau 4. *heed+i, pl. muu Da: háj+o

1. WW?: Kmt (y)ir; SC Ngomvia: hir+a; Gato urr+a, Gi orr; cf. Ber Tachelhit ur; *Ek 116 ir, esp. *SE Surmic hir+i. Coincidence? 2. *EC: Afar pl. naam+a; Or nam+a; *Kon nam(+a): all idem.; *HEC: Brj lam+e, pl. meen+a, Si, Al mɛn+, Ge, Ka man+, Ha mәn+. For l~n, see also 64 ‘house’, 79 ‘name’, 110 ‘tooth’, 112 ‘two’. Unique: *Bj (cf. 84 ‘one’); *Agew; *SC; Da; *Dul; *Som dad. 55

Evaluation: I do not consider ‘man, male’ here and I did not find Sasse’s *East plural form. Note 2 forms with -r- are probably mostly coincidences. Surprisingly, for this basic item, Ehret has no suggestions. 87. pull *Cu: šit ? E: one rejected 1. (Bd.: var.) 2. B: *gɨ/us-

3. *zit-; sp.: yug-; B: šit 3.1 A: hirig-, S: ħerig 3.2. -3.2.1. *šit- ?

3.2.2. *B: mid3.3. *W: sim; s/šit4. *Irq ‘drag’ Ɂuuruux Da: šuuk; las-

1. No data: Hd. 2. ?: *A-S; *Arb: herk-: Arb her-iy, Ds heerg-, El ɛrk-is. 3. *EC or WW: *Dul second: Hrs, Db šit-, šic-, Gaw sit-; *Som giit: Som jiid, Ren jit, Boni šiid-; Gi, Bus -tiš ? Unique: *Agew; Da (2); *Dul first; *HEC. Evaluation: Possible *EC retained from *Af C284 šd. This is Sasse’s *EC (but why the z- ?). I did not pursue Sasse’s second form ‘pull off, out’. 88. push *Cu: see Evaluation E: -1. (var.) 2. (loans < E-S)

3. Sp. *ɗ1iib-; -zri/ug-; B: ɗiib 3.1. *duf3.2. -ɗiib3.2.1. *-ɗiib-

3.2.2. *ɗiib3.3. *W: sukk’ur-; Ts’: tuŋgul-i 4. *Irq: -libi Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; Ds. 2. *E.C or WW: SC: *Irq; *A-S ?; Hrs t’iip-; Som ɗiiɗiib; Or ɗiib-a; Kon ‘squeeze’ ɗiipp-, Gi c’iip-; *HEC: Brj ɗibb-, Si t’iib-, Ge ɗiib-. 3. D?: *Dul W: Hrs, Db sukkur-, Gaw suqqur-; Ts’?; Gi, Bus –t’ukk’ur. Unique: *A-S?; *Dul W? Evaluation: *EC and perhaps *Cu possibly retention from *Af D247 dVp ? 89. rain *Cu: ir+ E: 489 *ʕir-; one rejected 1. *-bir+ 2. *N: sɨw+a

3. *roob-; daɁ; B: *ir+; vb. bok3.1. *rob 3.2. -3.2.1. *rob/p+

3.2.2. *t’een+a, Brj: c’een+a 3.3. n.: *irr+o, vb. ɗip4. *tlubDa: tuai

1. *Cu and WW?: Aw ɨr+í; *Dul n.: Ts’ ɛrr+o, Hrs, Gaw ir(r)aw(w)+o; Som ʕir+, Ren ħir; *Arb Ɂir+: Arb ïrr+i, Ds Ɂír; Om: *TN (M-O, Yem): ir+, *Dzd ir+u. 2. *EC: *A-S; *Som roob: Som, Ren, Boni idem.; *Kon roop+a: Kon idem., Gato,

56

Bus roob+a, Gi roop. 3. WW < Om: Som bok+e; Or bokk+aa; *Af 87 bVk, C385 b_k; also Om Welaitta vb. bukk-, Malo n. buk+, Oyda vb., SEO vb. buk-. 4. ?: Brj sp.: mis+i; Soq més+e. Unique: *Bj; *Agew N; *SC; Da; *Dul vb.; *HEC. Evaluation: *Cu retained noun based on Awngi and fairly strong presence in *East plus strong presence in Omotic; retained verb weak in Cu but strong in Ometo and set up for *Af by Cohen and Diakonoff; also perhaps a WW. Cush. noun is sometimes ‘water’ (e.g. Bd yam, Da màɁ+a). 90. red *Cu: di/umE: 25 *di(i)m- ~du(u)m-; one rejected 1. *adar/l2. *sar

3. *di/um; B: diim3.1. *ʕ/Ɂas-a 3.2. *di/um3.2.1. di/um3.2.2. *duum-o; B: *S: biiš-a

3.3. *Ɂid-a 4. *daaʕat Da: ts’iràràɁ-e

1. *Cu: Aw dɨmm-i, Knf dem-é; Or diim-aa; Kon tiim, Gato itim-; cf. *Af D280 dm = ‘blood’. *HEC first: Brj duww-aa, Si duum-o, daam-a, Ge diimm-o; 2. D?: *A-S; Som ɳas-aan. Unique: *Bj; *Agew; *SC; Da; *A-S; *Dul; *Arb bur (see 10 ‘blood’); *HEC S. Evaluation: The *Cu form may be retained from the *Af root ‘blood’ (cf. 10), C335, D280 *Ch dm, Sem dam, Ber idamn-, shifted in Cu to ‘red’. Or related to 9 ‘black, dark’ above, 82 ‘night’; see Sasse 1982: 59. 91. root, ^vein *Cu: -(E: 115 *t’iip’+ ‘hair, sinew’) 1. *gadam 2. *sɨr (< E-S) 3. *ħizz+; B: ħid/z+

3.1. *ra/imid+ 3.2. *hidd+ 3.2.1. hit(t)+ 3.2.2. B: *hidd+; S: *nigg+a=^

3.3. *he/i(s)s+ 4. *gam+a; (NWR: deeʕaar+u) Da: hidd+e < Or ?

1. ?: Bd: ‘taproot, tail’ niw+a; *HEC S: Si, Ka, Ha, Lb idem. ? 2. ?: *A-S: Afar rimid, Saho ramídd+í; Si rumuš+o < rumud+co. 3. *EC: Da < Or ?; *Dul: Ts’ ħizz+e, Hrs hes+e, Db hees+, Gaw ħiss+; *Som ħidid: Som idem., Bai ħidid+i, Ren ħiy ?, Boni ħidd+e; *Arb hiz+: Arb hïz, Ds hiz; Or hund+ee, hiid+a; *Kon hittin+a: Kon idem., Gato hɨtiin+a, Gi hittin, Bus hit+e; *HEC: Brj hidd+i, Ge hidd+a; 4. D: Ka, Ti, Al t’әp’+a, Ka t’әɓ+a; Bus ts’әp’+o prob. < Om: *TN t’e/amp+, *Mao t(s)’ap’+. Unique: *Bj; *SC; *A-S; *HEC S.

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Evaluation: *Agew loans from Sem ‘nerve, root’ sɨr < *Af: C260 sr(s)~šr(s), *Ch N107 šar+, Sem šurš, ^širw/ʕ, *E-S sɨr, Ber ‘tendon’ az’ar~asur. Ehret form doubtful (see note 4). 92. say *Cu: y-; -diɁ E: 598 *yo-; 497 ‘speak’ d-ʕ1. *di(Ɂ) 2. *N: y(ɨ)-; B: d-

3. *-ɖh-; *iy(y)3.1. *-eɗħ-e; *-iy3.2. *y 3.2.1. *-ɗ-e ?; -gi/eɗ3.2.2. *y-

3.3. *b/pay4. *T: y/Ɂo-; *KM: ɁooɁ *baw Da: yoo-m

1. *Cu: *Bj: Bd di, Hd idiɁ; *Agew: Aw diɣ, Bi duw?; *A-S first; *Som ɖah: Som ɜeh, Ren ɖa-i/ħ, Boni erah ?; cf. Omotic Gemu o’di-. 2. ?: Bd -nì; Aw n-; pan-Ber: ini; E-S W. Gur Mesqan nen-ә; *N-S 14 nV, *Ek 135 án- are probably coincidental. 3. *Cu: Hd Ɂiy-at; *Agew N: Bi, Kmt, Xmt y-; *SC; Da; *A-S second (Sasse form); Ds -y-; *HEC: Brj i(y)-, Si y-, Ge hiy(y)-, Ka, Ha y-, Ti yi, Al yii; *Om yi- (not in Mao). 4. D: *SC; *Dul: Ts’ bey-, bay-, Hrs, Db -paay, Gaw pay-; E-S Har baay-a probably not related (< bhl). 5. *LEC: Arb -gɛd-e; Or jɛɗ-e; *Kon kiɜ-: Kon, Gi idem., Gato -igiiɗ-e. Evaluation: *Cu y- is retained from *Af C489 ya, Eg y-, *Om yi-. East has another strong root based on -ɗ- with various antecedents, perhaps rel. to *Bj and so perhaps a *Cu innovation. Ehret has both roots, but flaws in both analyses. 93. see, ^look at *Cu: arkE: 396 *ark’- (‘look’ and one other rejected) 1. *-rih-~irh2. *N: q(w)al-

3. *Ɂarg-; (^de/oy-) 3.1. *A-S -ubl3.2. *ar(k’)3.2.1. *Ɂarg-~arag 3.2.2. *-l[a/e]Ɂ-

3.3. *W: -hiiɁ4. *Ɂar *T: ‘look at’: galDa: waħ-

1. *Cu: (*Bj < Ar ?); *Agew N: Bi k’wal-, Xmt qal, Kmt xal-; *SC both (?); *Som: Ɂarag: Som (Ɂ)arag, Ren arg-a, Boni ark(a); *Arb Ɂarg-: Arb aarr, Ds Ɂárg, El -arg-; Or arg-a; *Kon akk- (< ark- ?): Kon, Gi idem., Gato -aak-. 2. Saho ^ilaal-ise, Brj ilaal-, Si laɁ-, Al leɁ-e; this -l- root may be from 41 ‘eye’. Unique: Da; *A-S; *Dul W. Evaluation: Difficult item. *Cu retention (=69 ‘know’) seems secure; from *Af B: ark’- (?), *Sem rɁy, (=*N E-S; S E-S e.g. Amh ayy-; but Har riɁ-a < Ar). *N-S: 349 Or~ru, 17 a-gEl, En 61 ar~or (= 61 ‘know’) are all probably coincidental. For Or ɗag-e, see 58 ‘hear’.

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94. sheep, ^goat *Cu: -E: -1. Bd: Ɂan+e, Hd: nәɁ+a 2. (*N: bәg+a) 3. *B: Vr/l

3.1. *ill+ 3.2. -3.2.1. *ar/l ? 3.2.2. *S: gereb+co 3.3. *ʕeen+te

4. *beeʕ+a (symb.) Ir ^aar+i Da héer+i =^

1. No data: Bus. 2. ?: Bj; *Dul: Ts’, Gaw idem., Hrs, Db een+cé ? 3. *EC and WW: ^Ir; ^Da; *A-S: Afar pl. ill+i, Saho sp. íll+e ?; *Som Er+i: Som er+i, Ren ar+i, Boni ér+iya; *Arb (h)el+: Arb hel+at, El ɛlɛm ?; Brj ar+; Ber ilm; *N-S 91 ar+. 4. WW: SC: Sanyé hól+a; Ds huol+ec; Ka hooll+a, all < Or hool+aa. 5. D: Afar fem. id+a; *Som aɖ+i: Som idem., Ren idem.=^, Bai idaad(+o). 6. D: Saho f.: laħ; Som ^làħ+da; Kon masc.: lah+a (cf. 25 ‘cow, cattle’). Unique: *Bj ? (Hd ‘ram’ like Bd ‘goat’); *Agew N (< E-S, symbolic); *SC; *Dul ?; Or?; *HEC S. Evaluation: Cultural item with much diffusion. Sheep were probably a relatively recent introduction because there is no *Af source. See 52 ‘goat’. 95. skin, ^hide *Cu: -E: two implausible forms rejected 1. *+Ɂad+a; *gal/r+ 2. *Ɂax+a

3. *gog+ (Sasse, < 33. ‘dry’, q.v.) 3.1. A: ^galb+o, S: qarb+at 3.2. *gog+a 3.2.1. (*gog+)

3.2.2 3.3. *W: ʕi/ull+o 4. *fal+a Da: gìn+o *gog+a

1. ?: Bi gan+ó; Da gìn+o. 2. WW?: *Agew: Aw kurv+et, Xmt qәrb+i~qәbr+i, Kmt kwәrbәy; Afar^, Saho; Bai galb+a; all < E-S: Ty k’orb+ɛt, Té k’ɛrb+ɛt, Amh k’ɨrf+it, but see also Om: *M-O galb+. 3. ?: Hrs qool+o; *Kon k’ool+: Kon kóll+, Gi, Bus k’ool+ ? 4. *Cu, WW?: *Som gog+: Som idem., Bai gog+a, Ren góg; Arb gɔk; Or gog+a; *Kon kok+: Kon kók+a, Gi ^kok+at; *HEC: Brj, Ti, Al gog+a, Si, Ge, Ka goog+a. Unique: *Bj first; *SC; *Dul W; *Kon uw(w)+a. Evaluation: Difficult item. *EC root (note 4) seems to be a retention < *Af B: gog+ (E-S Gafat gwag+ɛ, Har, Gur gog+a, Om *TN goog/k+, *Om,*Mao gonk’) and also a WW. Cf. 33 ‘dry’. 96. sleep *Cu: -E: one rejected 1. *diw(ya) 2. *N: gәndz+

3. (*raf-; hdi/ur- ~hudr-) 3.1. *d/әi(i)n-e 3.2. -3.2.1. *raf-

3.2.2. *S: u/os(s)3.3. *raf4. *guɁ *T: bomDa: ɓom-

59

1. D: *SC (T); Da; Yaaku -pom-. 2. *EC or D: *Dul: Ts’ rәf, Gaw raf-; *Arb raf-: Arb, Ds idem., El e-râp-a; Or raf-a. 3. ?: *A-S: Afar ɗin-é, Saho d/ɗiin; Om: C’ara din-o. Unique: *Bj; *Agew N; *A-S; *Som (h)udur (cf. Da haddúr); *Kon: -muk-, peɁ-. Evaluation: Unproductive item at *Cu level. Sasse’s second *East form is not confirmed by my data (Somali only and probably a loan in Dahalo). 97. small *Cu: -E: one rejected 1. *dɨbɨl~dabal 2. *N: tsɨgw-

3. (*d/ɗi/ukk’-) 3.1. *ʕund-a; dag-o 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *B: hoof3.3. *takk-a~tikk-a 4. *NWR: niinaw Da: Ɂàamín-a

1. EC?: Bi šɨg w-axw, Kmt šɨg w-a, Kaïliña s’ɨg w-aq; Appleyard 2006: 125 reconstructs ts-; he expresses doubt that this belongs here); *A-S second; *Dul: Ts’ tәkk-a, Hrs, Db tiik-, Gaw tákk-a, tikk-, etc. ; Or tiqq-aa, diik-a. 2. ?: *SC; Da?; *Arb -nin-: Ds nin-i, El nɨn-, Y niɁin. 3. WW?: Amh tɨnnɨš; Y tinīn; Gi tinn-aɁ; Brj c’iɲʕ-a < Or t’inn-aa?; cf. Om: Hozo t’eend-i; *N-S 334 tan-~ten- is probably coincidental. 4. D: Ha goott-oo < Om *TN guutt- ? Cf. *East 6. ‘big’ guud-. Unique: *Bj; *A-S first; *HEC. Evaluation: Unproductive item, much indiosyncricity, symbolism (Notes 2, 3?). *Agew with *East is dubious. 98. smoke *Cu: -E: -1. vb. *kwarar2. *tiz

3. *B: i/ar ? 3.1. A: ʕer; S: tík+a 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *wiliil+e, (Brj: hilil+) 3.3. *W: kuut+e 4. (*NWR: vb.: quuɨ) Da: t’ùggw

1. No data: *SC noun. 2. WW?: Aw tiš+í, Bi tɨd +a, Xmt tɨy+a, Kmt tɨxz+a; > E-S Gz, Ty tis, Amh t’/c’is; Saho; Da? 2. WW?: Afar; Ts’ aar+to < Or ?; Bai ɨyy +i ?; *Arb ir+: Arb ïry+at, Ds Ɂéér, El ɨɨrɨ; Or aar+a; *HEC doubtful here. Unique: *Bj; *Agew; *Dul W (metathesis of Da, Ty tɨkk+i ?); *Som um; Kon k’ayy+; *HEC. Evaluation: Unproductive item; weak possibility of *East forms. Several WWs. Cf. 19 ‘cloud, fog’, 89 ‘rain’.

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99. snake *Cu: -(E: 308 *moxwr-, Agew and Yaaku only) 1. *kwarkwar 2. mɨrVw+

3. -3.1. *ál+a (?) 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. *hamas+a

3.3. *d/taw(w)+o 4. *KM: days+u, many vars. Da: gàw+e

1. No data: Bai. 2. ?: *Agew: Aw múr+i, Bi mɨr+awa, Kmt mәr+әwa; Y mɔrɔx ~mɔrxɔ?; Ka warr+a, Ti, Al wәrr+ ? 3. ? Ren tóof < *Arb: tof: Arb tɔf, El tôôf; note *Dul: Ts’ dәәw+e, Hrs, Db, Gaw táww+o. 4. WW: Or bof+a > Som móf+ua (?); Sanyé bof; Ge bof+a. Unique: *Bj; *Agew; *SC; Da; *Dul ?; *Arb tof; Or bof+a; *Kon maak+a; *HEC. Evaluation: Unproductive item with much idiosyncracity and many varieties. Tabu involved? 100. stand (up) *Cu: -E: -1. *(n)gad 2. *gw- ‘arise’ 3. (*heg-~hog-; kaʕ- ‘rise’

3.1 (var.) 3.2. -3.2.1. *Al- (?); kaɳ- ? 3.2.2. *S: uurr-is3.3. *šekar

4. *(waa)tlaw Irq: siħit Da: saaɗ-

1. D: Bi dәw y-; Saho daw y- (both: particle + ‘say’). 2. *EC or WW: *Som kaʕ: Som, Boni idem.; Or kaɁ-; Ds keɁ-; Brj k’aaɗ-. 3. WW?: Bai all-; Gi, Bus -ell; Arb -ɛliy, -yall-a. Unique: *Bj; *Agew; *SC; Da; *Dul; Or ijaaj-a; *HEC. Evaluation: Unproductive item: Appleyard 2006: 74 (‘get up’) says *Agew goes with *EC first form, but the semantics and phonology are rather weak. 101. star *Cu: (h[i/u]dk ?) E: 213 *ħVzk- (V=i,u,a) 1. *-hayuk 2. *N: tsɨngɨrw+a 3. *ħi/uzk+

3.1. *ħutuk+ta 3.2. -3.2.1. *hi_k+ ? 3.2.2. *beddzee+ko 3.3. *ħisk+e

4. pl.: *tsitsaɳ+u Sanyé: ≠iŋgol+ie Da: Tíngiliʕ+e

1. ?: *Agew N: Bi, Kmt šɨngɨrw+a, Xmt ts’ɨglɨw+a; Da with initial coronal (?) consonant, Sanyé with initial palato-alveolar click. 2. D: *Sem kokab: Amh kokәb; Aw kokɛv+i, Kmt kwɛkɛb; Som koakib. 3. ?: *Dul (cf. 120. ‘woman’

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*ħis+ko): Ts’ ħizg+, Hrs, Db, Gaw ħisk+; Arb hi(n)sVn+: Arb huzʊk, Ds hið+inti, Y hinson+i; *Kon (h)isk+: Kon ísk+, Gi hisk+, Bus hɨɨsk+o. 4. With 3 above?: *A-S; *Som ħiddig; Som idem., Boni hidd+é; also *Bj ? 5. D: *Som sp. bakal: Som idem., Boni bak’áal; Om: Yem baakur+a. 6. D: Brj t’olint+ee < Om *M-O t’olint+. Unique: *Bj?; *SC; *Arb?; Or urj+ii; *HEC (cf. Om: *Dzd biz, *Ard bez). Evaluation: Difficult item. On the assumption that ħdk > ħz/sk, I can accept Sasse *East and Ehret forms (with Cush. vowel ablaut). If *Bj also belongs, then *Cu innovation. Much diffusion. 102. steal, ^thief *Cu: *gVr- ? E: -1. Bd: gwihar 2. *k/qacәn-

3. *B: ger3.1. *A-S: garʕ3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *moor3.3. *g/kereʕ4. *fiis Da: Ɂaggwiy-

1. No data: Hd. 2. *EC: Bd; Bi aggar-is; *A-S: Afar idem., Saho gar-e/aʕ; *Dul: Ts’ gɛreɁ-ee, Hrs, Db, Gaw kereʕ-; Arb gɛrr-aca, El kɛrd-e; Kon ^ker+aa; cf. N-S *En a-gal~a-gur-. 3. D?: *Som ħad-: Som idem., Bai héet-e ?, Ren ħat-, Boni had; Or hat-a; Kon hat-, Gi -haš (caus. ?). Unique: *Agew; *SC; Da; *HEC. Evaluation: Weak *Cu retention on the basis of *Ch kr, N124 xәr-ә, Ber akɨr. 103. stone, ^mountain *Cu: *aw(r)+ ? E: -1. *Ɂaw+e(b) =^ 2. *ka/ɨrŋ+; *N: da/ɨngWɨr+

3. *ɗagħ3.1. A: ɗa(+hi), S: ɖaa 3.2. -3.2.1. *ɗag+a(ħ) ?

3.2.2. *S: kin+ 3.3. *W: awru+ko 4. *tlaaɳa+ Da: lúw+e~lúɳ+e

1. ?: *Bj: Bd áw+e, aweeb, Hd Ɂaweb; *Dul W: Hrs, Db awr+uko, Gaw awr+ukko. 2. D?: *Agew N: Bi dәngur+a, Xmt dɨgwr+a; E-S, e.g. Ty dәngwәll+a, Amh dɨngay; Appleyard 2006: 129f. says also in Beja ‘throwing stone’ dangeer. 3. *EC or WW:?: A-S; *Som ɖag+a: Som idem., Ren ɖagaħ, Boni dakáác+e; Or ɗaak+a, dax+a; *Kon: dak+a: Kon, Gi idem., Gato ɗag+a, Bus ɗah+e; Brj ɗag/h+a < Or. Cf. *Ch NM 103: (ɲ)d_G-. Unique: *Agew first, second (or combine with note 3?); *SC; Da; *HEC. Evaluation: Weak *Cu innovated form based on *Bj and *Dul. Weak *East form, perhaps from *Af (see note 3) and a *Cu form if notes 2, 3 can be combined.

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104. sun, ^day *Cu: Vr+ ? (E: 55 ‘daylight’, not covered here) 1. *(tɔ)yɨn(t) 2. *N: kwar+a

3. *Ɂad+o; orraħ+; ^guyy+; B: Vr 3.1. *ʕayr+ó 3.2. *Arr+ 3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *S: arr+e 3.3. *ukay+e, Ts’ o/uqay 4. *lalaɁoo Da: Ɂad+o < Or. Asa-Aramanik: let+u

1. WW?: Aw/Knf aw+a/aw+i; *Arb aw+ate: Arb au(w)+áte, Ds aaz/ð+u ?, El áó+teɁ; cf. Om: *TN, Mao ab > aw. 2. *Agew N: Bi, Kmt kwar+a, Xmt kwәr+a; Som qorraħ. 3. D: SC: A-A; Kon, Gato lɛt(t)+a. 4. *Cu and/or WW: E-S: Har Ɂir(r), Soddo ayr, ar+iit, Mesqan ar+et; *A-S; *Som orra(ħ): Som (q)orraħ+ ?, Bai ari+ti, Ren orraħ, Boni orah; Brj ‘midday’: orr+a < Or orra; *HEC S: Si, Ge ar(r)+išo, Ka, Ti arr+ɛt, Al arr+o; Eg rɁ, Copt re; *N-S 88 war, *Ek 160 ár, sometimes ‘moon’, both probably coincidental. 5. D?: Ha, Lb el(l)in+co; Bai ‘fire’ eléen+i. Unique: *Bj; *SC; *Dul; *Arb; Or (Ɂ)ad+u Evaluation: *Cu retention based weakly on -r- forms in E-S, East, Central, and Eg-Copt. Appleyard 2006: 130 considers these r-forms to be more than one root. 105. tail *Cu: dVb+ ? E: one rejected 1. *+niw+a 2. *tsɨm+a/әr+ 3. *dVb+ = ‘back’, V=i,u,a

3.2.1. *(ɗ)eeg+e 3.2.2. *(ɗ)eeg+e ? 3.1. A: géer+; S: sar(r)+a 3.2. (*ɗeeg+e)

3.3. *W: siit+o 4. *ħaysoo = ‘hair of tail’ Da: rik’+a

1. WW: E-S, e.g. Ty, Gf, Sod, Mäs, Izha c’ɨr+a, Amh jɨr +at, Arg c ‘irr+a; Kmt jɨrәy; Afar ?; Or ‘fly-whisk’ c’ir+aa; Si c’ir+a. 2. ?: *Agew: Bi šɨmar, Xmt tsɨmɨr, Aw tsɨmár; Ka šɛrim+a, Ti, Ha, Lb šeerim+? 3. D: *Dul W: Hrs sit+o, Db siit+o, Gaw siit+ó; Gi siitt+e. 4. *EC or WW: *Som daib: Som dab+o, Bai dɛb+e, Ren dub, Bo tib; El dup; Al dubb+o, Lb tub+o. 5. ?: *HEC: Brj ɗeeg+e, Ge eeg+e; Or eeg+ee; *Kon eek+: Kon éek+, Gato ɛɛg+, Bus ɛɛk+o. Unique: *Bj; *Agew ?; *SC; Da; *Dul W. Evaluation: *Cu supported by *EC retention from *Af D251 dab3, *Ch ‘back’ dɓ2. Many idiosyncratic forms, several scattered ones. Combine notes 1, 2? 106. thin *Cu: -E: three forms rejected 1. Bd: iyai, Hd: eyaah-ya 2. --

3. *k’all-~k’alɁ- = ‘insignificant’ 3.1. A: Ɂakul-e, S: urkutl3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *B: k’al-a 3.3. *ħaaf4. *AB: soohar *Irq Ɂiiraw Da: dláaɬùn-e

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1. No data: Bai; El. 2. D?: Bi Ɂɨqwt-, Aw qutt-; cf. Om: *TN ‘small’ guutt- and 97 ‘small’. 3. WW: Or k’al- aa; *Kon k’al-; *HEC: Brj k’alɁ-, Ge k’al/ɗ+a < Or? Unique: *Bj; *SC; Da; *A-S; *Dul; *Som ɖuuban ? Evaluation: Unproductive item. Sasse’s (1982: 124) *East is probably a WW originating in Oromo. 107. three *Cu: sedeh(E: 218 *sazħ-, based on East ‘3’, Agew ‘4’) 1. *m(e)hɛi(b) 2. *sәw/ɨɣW-a

3. *sed-~ses-; sazħ~saz(z)iħ-; B: sEdeH 3.1. A: sidoħ, S: adoh 3.2. *sed- > sEs3.2.1. *sed-

3.2.2. *S: sas-e 3.3. *(i)seh 4. *tam-i Da: séd-i

1. *Cu: *Agew: Aw šuɣ-a, Xmt šaqw-a, Bi sәxw-a, Kmt siɣW-a; *Dul: Ts’ zɛh/x, Hrs ɨ-zɛɛh, Db sɛzɛh, Gaw iséħ; *HEC S: Ge sәk-a, Ti sakk-i (used in counting). 2. *Cu: Da; Afar; *Som sAd-eħ: Som sad(d)eħ, Bai sɛd-i, Ren s’eyyaħ, Boni síddèh/Ɂ; *Arb sɛd-: Arb säz-á, Ds sedd-i, El sɛɛb-eɁ (?); Or sad-ii, sɛdɛh-i; Kon, Gato sess-aa; Brj fad-i(a) here? (for f~s, see 14 ‘buffalo’, 49 ‘four’, 63 ‘horn’, 70 ‘laugh’, 74 ‘meat’, 113 ‘urine’); *HEC: S: Si sas-e ?, Ha, Al, Ka sɛs-o, Ti sɛs-u Unique: *Bj; *SC. Evaluation: Difficult item. *Cu retention or innovation is based on notes 1, 2 (denied by Appleyard 2006: 137), strong *East plus *Agew and Dahalo. It seems that the proto-form contained a laryngeal element or alternated with a form having one. Relationship to *Sem θalaaθ (reduced in S. E-S, e.g. Amh sost), is unclear. Cf. Om: *Tn (MO-GYK) keedz-, *Dzd kad-u, perhaps metatheses of note 1? *Mao tiaz-i, e.g. Sezo siiz-e, perhaps from N-S, cf. Kwama twas-, Surmic tiiz-. 108. tie, ^sew *Cu: hir E: -1. Bd: asir < E-S ? 2. *N: Ɂɨntsәw-

3. *ħiɗ3.1. *(id)ħid =^ 3.2. -3.2.1. *ħid-

3.2.2. *S: usur- < Amh 3.3. *šab/(p)p4. *tseeg; kuf; ^hir-it Da: ^hud-

1. No data: Hd; El. 2. WW: Bd; *HEC S: Si, Ge, Ka usur- < Amh asɨr. 3. *EC and WW: ^SC; Da; *A-S; *Som ħiɖ-: Som, Ren ħiɜ-, Boni ħir, her; *Arb hid/t-: Ds hít-, hiiz-, Y -hed-; Or hiɗ-a; Kon hiɗ(-am): all idem., two foregoing related to ^; Brj hiɗ. Unique: *Agew; *SC (both); *Dul. Evaluation: Productive at *East level. Also see A47 ‘sew’ in Addenda.

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109. tongue *Cu: arrab E: 481 *ʕaanrab+ 1. *mida(la)b 2. *N: lanq+

3. *Ɂ/ʕarrab < *ʕanrab+; B: arrab 3.1. *anrab > arrab 3.2. *arrap+ 3.2.1. *arrap+

3.2.2. *arrab+o 3.3. *arrap+ko 4. *tsufiraaŋw Da: ʕéen+a

1. *Cu: *A-S: Afar arrab+á, Saho anráb; *Dul: Ts’ árrapɁ+ko, others: arrá(a)p+ko; *Som ʕarrab: Som ɳarrab, Bai irrɛb+i, Ren harrab, Boni arub; *Arb ɛrrɛ(b)+: Arb arrab~ɛrrɛb, Ds Ɂére, pl. Ɂerb+e, El ɛrrɛp; Or arrab+a; *Kon arrap+: Kon arrap+a, Gato arrɛb+a, Gi arrap; *HEC: Brj arrab(+o), Si arrab+a, Ge arrab+o, Al, Ka arrɛb+, Ha allɛb+o. Loans in E-S: Har ara, arr+aat, Gur, e.g. Soddo arɛm+ɛt, Izha anɛb+ɛt. 2. D: Bus intsir+e, etc. < Om: Ometo, e.g. Zergula intsir+i. Unique: *Bj; *SC; *Agew N; Da. Evaluation: *Cu based on very strong *East, possible *Bj (as mid-alab), retention from *Af B: aRb, Om: *Aroid adab~adim, *Dizoid yalb. 110. tooth *Cu: ilk+ E: 342 Ɂɨɣkw+ 1. Bd: kwir+e, Hd erd+a 2. *Ɂɨrkw+ 3. *Ɂilk+

3.1 Saho sp.: ik+o 3.2. *Ɂilk~ink’+ 3.2.1. *ilk+ 3.2.2. *S: ink’+o 3.3. *ilg+e

4. .*NWR: siħinoo A-A: lig+a Da: kálàt+i

1. *Cu innovation: Bd?; *Agew: Bi idem., Aw ɨrkw+í, Xmt ɨrɨqw, Kmt ɨrkw+ɨ; SC: Asa-Aramanik; Saho; *Dul: Ts’ ilg+e, Hrs, Db ilg+akkó, Gaw ílk+e; *Som ilk+o: Som idem, Ɂilig, Bai, Ren ɨlk+o; *Arb ilk+o: Arb ïlk+o, El ílk+oɁ; Or ilk+e; *Kon ilk+: Kon ílk+itta, Gato ilg+ita, Gi ilh+itt, Bus ɨl+ica; Brj ɨɨlk’+a, irk’+a. 2. Alternatives with -n-: Bi ɨnkw+ii; Som ɨnk+o; Y inje+ni, injit; *HEC S: Si hink+o, Ka, Ti ɨnk’+ Al ɨnku+t, Ha ɨnk’+e, Lb ɨŋk+o. Unique: Bj, SC anomalous in an otherwise nearly universal distribution. Evaluation: *Cu innovation. Alternation of l/n in Core needs to be explained (see 64 ‘house’, 79 ‘name’, 86 ‘person’, 112 ‘two’, also Sasse 1979: 12). *E.S. 59 Ni(l)+T ~ɲig+t is probably coincidence. Varieties (‘canine, incisor, molar’) not considered here. Ehret’s -ɬ- seems unmotivated. 111. tree, ^wood *Cu: -E: two misanalyzed forms rejected 1. *+hind+i 2. *kan+

3. *k’or =^ 3.1. *ħaɖ+a 3.2. *kAr+ ? 3.2.1. *k(‘)or+ 3.2. *hakk’+a =^

3.3. *g/kar+ko 4. *xaɁ+inoo A-A: k’oro Da: k’òr+o

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1. *EC: SC: A-A; Da; *Dul: Ts’ gar+ko, Hrs kar+ko, Db, Gaw kar+kó; *Som ^qor+i: Som idem., Ren ^xor+iyo, Boni ^or+e; *Arb kor+: Arb korr, Ds ^ɣor, El óroɁ (?); *Kon k’oyr+a, Kon idem., Gato k’or+aya, Gi k’oyr, Bus k’or+aayo. Unique: *Bj (cf. *Ch 136 it+, *Om int-, latter never with h-, so prob. Coincidence); *SC; *A-S; *Som geiz; Or muk+a, ^muun +i; *HEC (poss. Loan into *Aroid (h)aaK, e.g Ari haag, Hamer ak’+). Evaluation: Fairly strong *East form. Appleyard 2006: 140 suggests with reservation that Agew goes with note 1. Cf. A9 ‘bush, forest’, below. 112. two *Cu: lamE: 444 ɬa(a)m-a 1. *m(h)al2. *la/әŋ-a

3. *lam(m)-; sp.: *lakk-; B: lam3.1. A: namm-a, S: lamm-a 3.2. *l/nam3.2.1. *lam-

3.2.2. *lam-o 3.3. *lakk-i 4. *tsad-a A-A laam Da: líim-a

1. *Agew: Bi lәŋ-a, Aw laŋ-a, Xmt, Kmt liŋ-a; SC: A-A; Da; *A-S; Db lɛm-ee; *Som lam-a: Som lab-a, Bai lʌm-a, Ren lám-a, Boni lôw; *Arb laam-a~naam-a: Arb laam-á, Ds naam-a, El ɽáam-aɁ; Or lam-a; Kon vb. lam-; *HEC: Brj lam-a, Si, Ge lam-e, Si sp. laŋg-a, Ge laŋg-a, Ka lɛm-o, Ti, Al, Ha lɛm-u, Lb lam(-o); possibly Bd mal-e, Hd malɔɔb, mhal-o by metathesis? 2. Note n- or l- in Kmt, Xmr; A-S; Arb, Ds naam-, El ɽáam-a; also Bus taamm-u ? cf. 64 ‘house’, 79 ‘name’, 86 ‘person’, 110 ‘tooth’. 3. ? Velar element: *Dul (but Db lɛm-ee); Boni lôw, láuw-a; *Kon lakk-: Kon lakk-i, Gato lak-, Gi lakk-e); (Sasse 1979 gives -kk- form as specialized meaning ‘both, twin’). Unique: *Bj, unless metathesis of lam-; *SC; *Dul. Evaluation: *Cu innovation. Probable loans into Om: *TN nam-. Unexplained variations of consonants (notes 2, 3) and vowels a, e, i (Cushitic ablaut?). Ehret’s ʉ- based on *SC seems unjustified. 113. urine, ^urinate *Cu: sinD+ (?); ^šooKE: -1. Bd ^siiw, Hd íša 2. *^caɣ

3. *sinD+ (?) 3.1. A: ʕays+o; S: haš(š)-u 3.2. *sinɗ+ (?) 3.2.1. *sinɗ+ (?)

3.2.2. *šum+a, Brj sinɁ-a 3.3. *^šooħ-e 4. *^soox Da: sínt’+a; ^saaħ-aw

1. No data: Bus. 2. *Cu: Da; *Arb sinɗ+ > sinn+: Arb sinɗ+, Ds sinn+a; Or finc’(f-~s-, cf. 14 ‘buffalo’, 63 ‘horn’, 70 ‘laugh’, 74 ‘meat’, 83 ‘nose’, 107 ‘three’); *Kon

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sinɗ+: Kon, Gi idem.; *HEC: Brj sinɁ+a, Si, Ha šum+a, Ge šin+a, Ka šum+at. 3. *^Cu: *Agew: Bi šax-, Xmt c’aq-, Kmt šaɣ, Aw caɣ; *SC; Da; *Dul all idem. (pl. in Hrs, Db). Unique: *A-S; *Som kaat+i; Or finc’aan ? Evaluation: Symbolic roots (sibilants). Noun often = verb. *Cu noun possible retention from *Af B: si/ant+ (?), *Sem θayn(at), Om: *TN šeš, Mao Hozo šiyaš+ɛ, Sezo šiiš+e (?). (Cf. also *N-S ‘dung, urine’: ši). But final consonant is a problem. *Cu verb retention related to Harari šәħ-at (or loan?), Class. Ar. šaxx-at. Surprising that Ehret missed both forms. 114. warm, ^hot *Cu: -E: three forms rejected 1. *nәb-a ? 2. *bɨr – (cf. 15. ‘burn’)

3. (A: laʕ-) 3.1. *laʕin 3.2. -3.2.1. *kul-

3.2.2. *S: iibb-a 3.3. *luɓ/pas; W: fool-a 4. vb. *^haam Da: βúgù-

1. D: *Dul W: Hrs, Db, Gaw idem.; Kon vb. fool-. 2. ?: *Som kul-ail: Som kul-ayl, Bai kol-kol-, Ren kull-ol, Boni kul-eel; *Arb ku(Ɂ)l-: Arb kuɁl-e, El ‘heat’ kúll-aɁ. 3. D: Brj oyɜ-an < Om: Malé oidɁ-i, Ɂoid-i; *Aroid oiɗ-. Sasse (1982: 157) says base is ow-, but this seems dubious to me. Unique: *Bj; *Agew; *SC, Da; *A-S; *Dul first; *HEC. Evaluation: Unproductive item. 115. wash, ^clean *Cu: -(E: 161 *k’waat-) 1. Bd: šuguɗ 2. *N: Ɂɨnq-a 3. *Di/ak’-

3.1. *kaʕal-~ɳakal3.2. -3.2.1. *ɗi/ak3.2.2. *S: aanš-; mecc’3.3. *W: šoħ-

4. *hamatlit; sp.: ħuunts(it); ^gutl; *T: ^ ħelDa: k’wat-

1. No data: Hd; Ts’. 2. ?: *SC (T); *Som ħal: Som idem., Bai aal-e. 3. WW: Har mēc’-a, Gur mec(c)’-; Som may-ɖ- (?); Or miicc’-a; *HEC S: Si meecc’-, Ka mecc’-; cf. Ar maas’-a; Om: *NW Ometo mEc’-. 4. WW: Ren ^dix-; El dik-; Or ɗik’-; Gi c’ik’-~ɗik’-; Brj ɗik’-. 5. WW: *Som ɗak’-: Som idem., Boni ɗaɁ-; Y –t’ɔq-; Kon sp.: Jaq-. Unique: *Agew N; *SC; Da; *Dul W; *HEC S first. Evaluation: Unproductive item. Ehret form dubiously based on Aw quc- and Dahalo.

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116. water, ^flowing water *Cu: ma+ E: -1. *(e+)yam 2. *Ɂaqw+ 3. *wi/aʕ+; (*bik+ee)

3.1. A: lée, S: lae/y; *^weɁ+ 3.2. -3.2.1. *b/pic+ 3.2.2. *waɁ+a (for Sasse this is ^)

3.3. *Ɂand+e 4. *KM=T: maɁay Da: màɁa

1. *Cu: *Bj; *SC; Da; *HEC: Brj, Si wa(a), Ge wɛdeɁ+e, Ka, Ti wʊɁ+a, Al wa, Ha woɁ+o, Lb wәɁ+Ɂ; all < *Af: see Eval. 2. D: Amh wɨh+a, Arg huww+a, uh+á < HEC. *A-S ^weɁ+ (rel. to Té wáħɨz, wūħīz?). 3. EC: Ts’ bic’+i; *Som bice(o): Som biiy+o, Bai bɛk+e, Boni biy+o, Ren bic+é; *Arb bic+: Arb bi(y)c+é, Ds bí+é, El béc+eɁ; Or bis/š+aan; *Kon piš+; Kon, Gato piš+a, Bus piiš+e. 4. D: Or madd+a; Si sp. madd+a. Unique: *Agew (cf. *LEC 32 ‘drink’ *Ɂagw-, Om: Yem ak+a); *A-S ; *Dul (cf. Y ant+u). Evaluation: Proposed *Cu m-root (cannot account for HEC initial w-; Sasse 1982: 186 gives HEC as separate root) is a retention from *Af B: may, C485 mw/y, pl. -n, *Ch ymn, N142 am, *Sem my, Ber pl. aman, Eg m(y)w. Cf. also N-S: *E.S. 64 m(b)a(a)+N. A second, b/p root, is widespread in LEC. Cf. *Nilotic pl. Pi-K. If a loan, in which direction? Surprisingly, no Ehret form here. Appleyard 2006: 144 says Amh, etc. < Agew. 117. well (n.), ^spring, etc. *Cu: al+ E: -1. Bd: ri/e; suur+a 2. *^Ɂɨ/әl+

3. *ʕeel+; B: eel+ 3.1. *(ʕ)éel+a 3.2. *eel+a 3.2.1. *eel+a

3.2.2. *eel+a; *S: bal+e 3.3. *ʕel+ 4. *waʕ+amu *NWR: ħaal+a

1. No data: Hd; Da; Db. 2. EC, WW: Bd first; Té ʕél+á; Bi ^ʕɨl +, Aw ^al+i; 0SC: *NWR ?; *A-S; *Dul: Ts’ idem., Gaw ʕel+ko; *Som il: Som, Ren, Boni idem.; *Arb (Ɂ)eel: Ds Ɂeel, El, Y eel; Or eel+a; *Kon: el+: Kon el+a, Gi eel; *HEC: Brj ‘waterhole’: eel+a, Si ‘river’ eel+a, Ka el+oo, Ha ‘salt lake’ eer+a. Unique: *SC; *HEC S. Evaluation: Cohen’s *Af 64 el+a makes this a Cu retention, a variant of 41 ‘eye’, q.v. 118. wet *Cu: -E: four forms rejected 1. *ya(r)d-aɁ~yaɗ-aɁ 2. *N: qWɨt3. (*k’oyy-)

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3.1. *aɗuɗ-e 3.2. -3.2.1. (WW: qoyy-) 3.2.2. (var.) 3.3. *lAx-a, k’ap(‘)- ~c’ab/ɓ

4. vb.: *naʕ aj.: qaants-a ? Da: vb.: tað-

1. No data: Bai; El. 2. WW: Som: Som qoyy-an, Ren xuyyán; Arb: kuiy-e; Kon qoyy-, Gato iqooy-i. 2. WW of probable Omotic origin: *Dul: Ts’ c’aɓ, Hrs c’ápa, Gaw k’áp-a; Gi vb.: c’ap-, Bus k’ap-anaya; Om: Dorzé cap’/ɓa; Gimira syap (?); *Aroid c’ap’-i. Unique: *Bj; *Agew N; *SC; Da; *A-S; *Dul first. Evaluation: Unproductive item. Sasse’s *East is based on a probable WW. Ehret forms are based on dubious analysis. 119. white *Cu: -E: -1. Bd: ɛl/r-a, Hd wer-a 2. *N: tsaR-

3. (*ʕazz-; *B: ʕad-) 3.1. *ʕad-o 3.2. -3.2.1. *ʕad-

3.2.2. *S: waaj-o 3.3. *b/piʕ-a 4. *ʕabaakw Da: k’úuħùm-a

1. D: *S E-S: nәcc’-; Saho nәs’-ah. 2. ?: Aw fuc(c)-, Knf fac-i; Bus foot-ii. 3. *EC or WW: *A-S; *Som *ʕad: Som idem., Boni ad-; *Arb ez-i (basis of -zz- in Sasse LEC form?): Arb äz-i, Ds ez/ð; Or ad-ii; *Kon at-: Kon idem., Gato i’at-i, Gi at. Unique: *Bj (but cf. N-S: *Ek 172 Er-, esp. Nera er-~ar-); *Agew N (or < N E-S, e.g. Té s’aad-aa ?; *SC; Da; *Dul; *Arb (or with *East?); *HEC S. Evaluation: No *Cu form, but widely distributed *East form in A-S and LEC. 120. woman *Cu: -(E: 131 *nat’+) 1. *tak+at 2. *Ɂɨxwin+a 3. --

3.1. (var.) 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. *men+to 3.3. *ħis+ko; W: nahay+e

4. *hadee/pl. tigay Irq: ʕamɛɛn+i Da: nát’+a; gaan+a

1. Beja is fem. of 86 ‘man, person’. 2. D: Ir; Ds min < *HEC: Brj am(+a), Si pl. mɛɛn+to, Ge man+i, Ka, Ha mɛɛnt+, Ti ment+, Al mɛn+, Lb ment+o ? Cf. Om: Gimira may(i)n; Ari ma(a)n+a. 3. D: Da second; Ts’: gaan+te. Unique: *Bj; *Agew; *SC; Da; *Dul (2); Or naɗɗ+een; *Kon (ɗ)iskatt+; *HEC. Evaluation: Much idiosyncracy here. No *Cu or *East. Ehret’s form is East and *South only, but DA may be a loan. This form may be compared to *Sem Ɂnθ, and HEC to *Ch mn, less convincingly to Om: *TNDA ma+.

69

Addendum: Weakly distributed forms A1. all Cu.: kas(t)- ? E: none 1. Bd: kass-; Hd: hæs(sa) 2. *B: +ɨk

3. -3.1. [*ink-h = ‘one’] 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *S: gumɁ-a 3.3. *W: kaʕas-a 4. Ir: hl /tlémér-o Da: Ɂákkàl-e

1. *Cu or D?: Bj; Dul *W all: idem.; Som -kәst-e. 2. WW: *Af: Ar and E-S kull(-u); Ber kul(l)-; Afar kull-u and elsewhere < Ar. Cf. Aw wull-á, Knf wɨl-a; Om Gemu, Dorzé wu)u)r; Hamer wul(l); Arb bul-í; Om Kefa bull-i, Mocha bull-o or coincidences? 3. D: Xmr/Xmt ɨnk’+; cf. *A-S. 4. D: HEC *S: Ge ‘assemble’: gum-, Ka, Al, Ha guɁm-; Or guum-a. 5. D: Ge duccin-; Or dʊcum-a. 6. D: Ren ɗah-an, ɗaxxán; Gi ɗah-énn. 7. ?: Da; Bus kalakkal-e. Evaluation: Weak *Cu. innovation. Appleyard (2006: 22) says Awngi < Omotic. A2. ant Cu.: -E: none 1. Bd: hagan+e 2. (var.) 3. --

3.1. (var.) 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. ‘little’: t’ut’+ ~ c’ucc’+a; *S: ‘big’: got’+aa.

3.3. *W: ink’aak(‘)+e 4. (vars.) Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; Db, El. 2. D?: Bai t’unc+o; Or tuc’+e; *HEC: Brj c’uccc’+e, Si t’ut’+e, Ge t’ut’+ita. Unique: Dul *W; *HEC *S? Evaluation: Unproductive item. Much idiosyncracity as is typical of animal terms. A3. back Cu.: -E: 226 sar+; two rejected 1. Bd: gaɁ; sar+aat 2. *N: g̋rb+a 3. *di/ub = 105 ‘tail’

3.1. *ir; *sar(r)+a 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. *S: ‘area behind house’: gat+e

3.3. *W: konɳ+o 4. *daanda; *aluuŋw Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; Ds, El. 2. D: Bd second; *A-S second: Afar sàrr+a, Saho sar+á; *Af C269 sara (Ar sar+aa, Amh ‘spinal column sarasar (?)’). 3. D: *Agew N: Xmt jɪrb+a, Kmt gɪbr+a; Té gurbət, Amh jɪrb+a; Saho gurbát; Ren gʌrʌb. (Appleyard 2006: 27 implies that Agew is the original source). 4. D?: Sa ɳaad+a; Som, Ren aɖáħ. 5. D: Yaaku tól+ó; Kon tul+ta. Unique: *SC both; *A-S first; HEC *S. Evaluation: Ehret’s and Cohen’s root likely diffused from Semitic. 70

A4. bad Cu.: -E: 419 ‘bad, dirty’: mi/ag1. (Bd.: var.) 2. *dək(k)- ?

3. *ħa/um-; ‘small, weak’: *yar-; B: yEr 3.1. *um 3.2. *yEr3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *yer-~jor3.3. *W: mak-a4. *tlakw Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da. 2. *EC or D: *Som yEr: Som ‘small’ yar-, Bai ‘decrease’, Ren ’thin’: yer-; Or ‘weak’: yar-aa; HEC: Brj: yer-, Ha jor-a. Unique: *SC; *Agew; *A-S; Dul *W. Evaluation: Unproductive item. Ehret item based weakly on Bj ‘evil’ maag, SC, Dul. A5. bear (child) Cu.: -E: 184 ‘bear fruit’: fir1. Bd: fir-i 2. *kəbən-; *N: ɁɪɣwVr3. *ɖal-; B: ɗal-

3.1. *ɗal-; *bo/ak3.2. -3.2.1. *ɗal3.2.2. k’al-

3.3. *ɗal4. Vb.: laqwal; *xwayl-a, cf. A7 ‘boy’ Da: keem-; Ɂumuš-

1. No data: Hd; Ge, Ka. 2. Bd: =’bear fruit’ (see Ehret 184 above and also A21 ‘flower’, A46 ‘seed’). 3. *EC: *A-S first; *Dul: all idem.; *Som del-: Som dal-, Ren ɖel, Boni del-; *Arb ɗal-: Arb, Ds -ɗal-, El dal, Yaaku -dɛl-; Or ɗal-a; *Kon ɗe/al-: Kon -ɗel-, Gi dal-, Bus -ɗal-c-. Unique: *SC both; *Agew (~kamən), Agew *N; *A-S second; *HEC. Evaluation: Strong EC isogloss: Innovation? A6. beard, ^chin Cu.: -(E: 129 *gat’-) 1. -2. --

3. B: kaws+ 3.1. *dɪbɪn 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *S: (h)aareed+a 3.3. *kaws+ 4. AB: gaamf+a=^ Da: gat’+a; gák’an+e

1. No data: Bj; Ds, El. 2. D?: *Dul: all idem.; *Kon kaws+: Kon kawuss+a, Gi kaws; Arb goos+. 3. D: Db: páac’+e, Gaw paak’+e; Gi, Bus paac(‘)+. 4. D?: *A-S: Afar deben, Saho díbn+e, dibín; Som ɖaban (Har dɘbɘn=^ < Som), Ren daban/l. Also Irq daamóoga ? 5. HEC *S: Si, Ka ereed+a, Ge areed+a+=^ < Or haareedd+a? Unique: *SC. Evaluation: Ehret form based on Agew ‘face’ (cf. Da), not used here.

71

A7. boy, ^child Cu.: see Eval. E: three forms rejected 1. Bd: Ɂor 2. *N: +^qwɪr+a 3. *^Ɂin(a)m

3.1. *ɖayl+o; S: bãl+a 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. *S: belt+o/pl. *oos+o. 3.3. *miɁ+; *šamp’+o

4. ‘male’: naaŋw (cf. A5 ‘bear’) also: vars.; Da: vars.

1. No data: Hd. 2. Bd; Afar urr+u; cf. pan-Ber vb. arw- ? 3. D: Ir garm+aa; Afar gurbá+ʕu; El gúráir+eɁ; Or gurb+aa; Om Kefa gurmaš+o ? 4. D: *A-S: Afar ɗayl+o, Saho ɖayl+o; Or ɗal+a (see A5 ‘bear child’). 5. ?: Saho; HEC *S: sg. Si beett+o, Ge belt+o=^, Ka beet+a, Ha beet+o. 6. WW?: Som inan+, Ren in+am; Ds Ɂin+ii; Kon ɪnn+o. 7. D?: *Som weel: Som wiil, Bai ^er+e, Ren wel, Boni pl.: weil+a; El ^hɛl+ɛɁ; Kon ^hell+a. Remnant from *Af B wl- or loan (e.g. Sem. ‘bear child’ wld)? N-S 9 ‘brother’ er+ is probably coincidental. Unique: Agew *N (>Ty k’wəlʕ+a); *Dul both. Evaluation: No *Cu. Overlaps with ‘brother’, see 8 next below. A8. brother; o(lder), y(ounger) Cu.: See Eval. E: none 1. Bd: sa(a)n 2. *zan~zən

3. -3.1. *s/šaʕal 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. B: *ru/od+ 3.3. y.: ʕás+o 4. *maaŋ+ee Da.: Ɂáa+i

1. No data: Hd; Ds, El. 2. D: Bd; *Agew: Bi dan, Xmt zin(+a), Kmt zən, Aw sén. 3. D: *A-S: Afar saʕal, Saho s/šaʕal; Ts’ o: šaʕal +ko. Unique: *Dul; Or obboless+a; *HEC. Evaluation: Source of Bd, *Agew may be *Af Cohen 1947: #272, *Ch sn, thus retention. Appleyard n.d. says this item is the only instance of initial *z- in *Agew. A9. bush, ^forest Cu.: -E: one rejected 1. Bd: ɜau 2. *kVbVn+

3. B: hor+ 3.1. *garb+ 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. -3.3. *w/xor(r)+o 4. (var.); Ir: gar+a Da: tùum+i

1. No data: Hd; Ds. 2. D: Bi dɪbaɁ; Sa ‘wilderness’: díb+ō; Ren dobbás (?): Si dubb+o. 3. D: Ir?; Bi, Té garab; Afar garb+o, Saho garáb. 4. D: *Dul: Ts’ wór+o, Gaw h(ó)or+o, Gad xórr+o; Bai Ɂuur+a; El ‘tree’ óroɁ; Or hurruma ?; Brj ^hóor+a, Ha ‘woods inside’ hakk+oro,? 5. D: Yaaku book+o; Or bakk’+o. Unique: *Agew; *Kon mur+. Evaluation: Unproductive. Note 4: see also 111 ‘tree, wood’: *EC k’or. 72

A10. crocodile Cu.: -E: none 1. Bd: lɛm+a 2. -3. --

3.1. A: ɗabaad+o; Sa ílm+aa 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. *naacc+ 3.3. *haar+o

but =45 ‘fish’? 4. KM: -Ir: harar+io Da: gáħatl’+e

1. No data: Kmt; Db; Bus. 2. WW: Bd; Saho. Cf N-S Ek 41 ɛlɪm~uRm, e.g. Dongola ɛlim. 3. WW?: Amh , Guragé azz+o, Har ħaas; Aw, Kmt az+o. Xmt aqs+a; Som yaħaas, Boni jaháas, Ren yaħass+í. 4. D: Ir; *Dul: Ts’ x/haar+o, Gaw háar+o; Bai hal+áace; Om Welaita Cluster, e.g. Basketo (h)aylaš+o ? 5. WW?: Gaw naʕaacc+o; Or naac+a; *HEC all idem.; Kon naacc+aa, all < Or ? Unique: Arb ɲau. Evaluation: Often no known word or loan only. Crocodiles exotic in *Cushitic area? A11. cry, weep Cu.: -E: one form rejected for mixed semantics 1. Bd: wau 2. --

3. (*Ɂooy-); B: *il(m); ooy3.1. A sp.: boog- ~buuk3.2. *(p)ooy3.2.1. *pooy-

3.2.2. *od- (?); B: oy-; *(w)il–im 3.3. *Ɂooy-; *W: ilm4. *ʕaaʕ Da: sp. hillik’-

1. No data: Hd. 2. Symb.: Bd; Bi woyy-; Sa weeʕ-; Gi -aw-; Or waww-. 3. D or Symb.: *Dul: Ts’ Ɂooy-a, Hrs, Db ooy-; *Som ooy: all idem.; Kon sp. uy-; *HEC B: Brj oy-, Si o(Ɂ)oy-, Ka oɁ-. 4. *EC: Arb -booy-a < Or booy-a; *Kon pooy-. 5. *EC Dul *W: Hrs, Db, Gaw idem.; *HEC third: Brj ilim-, Ha wiɁl-; Or ‘tear’ íl+mam. Unique: *HEC first. Evaluation: Combine notes 2, 3, 4 ? (all symbolic). Note 5, cf. *Af B: -l ? Afar possibly < E.S. bək-a, Ar bak+aa < *Sem bky. A12. dirty Cu.: -E: none 1. Bd: yiwá+ti 2. *N: msq-

3. Vb.: *Dur3. (var.) 3.2. t’ur- ? 3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *t’ur3.3. -4. Vb.: *slaslaʕ

1. No data: Hd. 2. D: Afar wasak, Sa iskok; Som wisix. Also Gaw oskakkó ? All < Ar wasixa? 3. *EC , WW: Y dúrur (?); Or t’ur; Kon j’ur; *HEC Brj t’/cur-, Si, Ge, Ka, Ha t’ur-. Unique: *SC; *Agew N. Evaluation: Overlap with A4 ‘bad’, A9 ‘black’, A14 ‘dust’, 35 ‘earth’. 73

A13. door, gate Cu.: -E: none 1. ɗɛf+a; (yaf) 2. *N: bəl+a < Amh bʎrr

3. -3.1. (*af; ba(a)b < Ar) 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. -3.3. -4. ‘mouth-house’: Ɂaf+a mar+a

1. No data: Hd; Da; Dul W; Ds, El; Kon. 2. Symbolism (=’mouth’): Bd second; *A-S first; Bai úf+a gooy+a, Ren afaf+i. 3. D: *A-S second; Som al+baab+ka, Ren al+wáab < Ar. 4. Ts’ karr+e; Arb karr. 5 . ?: Som irid+i, Ren arit; Ka ur(r)uta Evaluation: Unproductive item: many data gaps, symbolism, loans. A14. dust Cu.: -E: 76 te/ir; 234 bus+ 1. Bd: haaš = 35 ‘earth’, etc. 2. *bɪt+a ‘= 35 ‘earth’

3. ‘cloud of ’: teer+i 3.1. *si(i)s+a 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *buk+o 3.3. -4. *tsatsaɁ+iya Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; Hrs, Db; Bus. 2. WW: Xmt awər+a, Kmt abwər+a; Ge awaar+a; Amh a(b)war+a; all from Or awaar+a. 3. D: Afar si(i)s+a, Saho šiš+a; Som ‘desert sand’: siis+o; Har siis+a. 4. *EC or D: Ts’ tɛr+ko; Yaaku tír+í; Gi t’ur+a; Brj ‘cloud’ tír+í, Ka, Ha dir+a (these account for Ehret 76 and EC). Unique: *SC; *HEC. Evaluation: Unproductive item outside EC except for overlap with 35 ‘earth’. A15. elbow Cu.: -E: none 1. Bd: ginuf 2. B: *kirN < Amh

3. *Dikl+; ɗu(m)ɗum+B: Dikil+ 3.1. A: ħusul; S: helúf 3.2. *cikil 3.2.1. *c’ikil

3.2.2. *c’ik’il+e 3.3. *t(s)’/ɗihil+e Irq: gongoox+i 4. *tluħay Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; Db; Ds, El, Y. 2. D: Afar= Som suħul~ħusul, Saho (note -f~-s-); Bai h/Ɂísil. 3. *EC first: *Dul: Ts’ s’ihil+e, Hrs t’ihil+e, Gaw t’/ɗihil+; Ren ɖíkkil; Arb cilik; Or c’ikil+ee; Gi ikil+et, Bus ilk+a; *HEC: Brj ‘forearm’ c’ikil+e =Ge ‘elbow’, Si ciigil+e. Unique: *SC. Evaluation: Also see 68. ‘knee’. Combine notes 2, 3?

74

A16. eyebrow Cu.: -E: none 1. (Bd.: phrase) 2. (loans)

3. -3.1. *A-S: minin 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *gaar+ 3.3. *W: teem+ 4. (phrases) Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; Db; Som, Ren; Ds, El. 2. D: Dul *W: Hrs teem+icce gút+u, Gaw pl. téem+a; Ka, Ha deemm+a. 3. D? Bai gar+a; Or gaar+a; Kon káar+a; *HEC: Brj, Si, Ge idem. Unique: *A-S. Evaluation: Unproductive item with many data gaps. A17. fear, be afraid Cu.: -E: two forms, not supported by my data 1. Bd: ɓaan; Hd: rikwi 2.*gwa/ɪɣ-

3. *naħ3.1. *mays/š; gil(l)3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *baajj-a < baad-ca ?; *S: waajj3.3. *W: fuur4. *tlaɁamDa: --

1. No data: Da; Ds, El. 2 Té faggad-a; Bi faggad; Afar fàgʕit-e. 3. D?: Dul *W: Db, Gaw idem.; Kon fur. Rel. E- S., e.g. Gz fərh-a, Amh fərr-a ? 4. D: ‘be startled’: Som naħ, Bai ne; Or naɁ-a; *Kon nah-: Kon idem., Gi nah-ima, Bus nah-no; Brj na(Ɂ)Unique: *SC; *A-S (both); *HEC, HEC *S. Evaluation: Unproductive item. Sasse East form may be a WW. A18. feather, ^wing, Oleaf Cu.: baal+ (E: 71 lop=^) 1. (var.) 2. *lab+; *^kanf+ < E-S

3. *kool-=^; *B: baal+ 3.1. *gal+=^; A: bal 3.2. *baal+ 3.2.1. *baal+

3.2.2. *ball+e 3.3. *paal+; ^kool+ 4. *haay+a Da: rádàn+e

1. No data: Hd; Bus. 2. ? Bd laat=O; Ha lad+o=^. 3. *EC and WW: *Agew: Xmt ləb+a, Kmt lab+a, Aw lab=í; Afar; Gaw paal+e; *Som ba(a)l: all idem., Som=^; Ds bál; Or baal=^; Kon paal+a; *HEC first; cf. Amh lab+a (Appleyard 2006: 65 says < Agew), Gur Zway ball+i, Sd ball+e; Om *Ometo bal(l)+; < Cush.? 4. *EC ‘wing’: Dul: Hrs, Db ^hóol+, Gol sol+e (?); *Arb ko(o)l+: Arb kɔll+a, Ds kuol, El kóol, Yaaku kol; Or kool+a, koll+a; Kon xóol+a; Ge kell+a. Unique: *SC; *A-S; *Arb d/tort+e. Evaluation: *East B may reflect *Af D 129 bl2 and thus be *Cush., perhaps a WW. *Af C366 pr is a different root, the symbolic verb ‘fly’.

75

A19. fence, kraal, etc. Cu.: -E: none 1. Bd: kalɛb 2. -3. (*Ɂoot+); B: oo(Kin)t+

3.1. *da(a)rat 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. *oot+a; B: dall+a+ 3.3. --

4. Vb.: *yab; var.: qwaam+a Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; Ds. 2. D: Bd; Bi káləb. 3. ?: *A-S; *HEC B: Brj óota, dallayá; Ge dallaɁ+a. 4. D?: Hrs keer+o; Or kell+aa. 5. *EC?: *Som oot+: Som oodd+a, Bai (Ɂ)oot(+i), Ren óot; Or sp. oot+ee; *HEC: Brj. Ka, Ha idem. 6. D: Ts’ Ɂoogunt+e, Gaw ohint+e; Kon oxint+a, Gi ohint. Evaluation: Unproductive item outside of weak Sasse (1982: 155) *East. Note 5 form reduced from that of note 6? A20. fight Cu.: -E: 492 *ʕol-; one item rejected 1. Bd: dir =’kill’ 2. ‘pierce’: *səb3. ‘war’: *ʕol+

3.1. *e/inge/iʕ3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. (*S: gan-am =’hit’ passive) 3.3. --

4. *qwaatl; slaqw n.: gaɁ+a =’war’ Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; Hrs; Ds. 2. ?: Bd; Som dirir. 3. D: Som laa, Bai ol-a; El isó lala; Or lol-a; Ka ool-am. Unique: *SC both; *Agew; *A-S; *HEC S. Evaluation: Unproductive item, overlaps with 62 ‘hit’, 67 ‘kill, ‘quarrel’. Ehret item based on Bj ‘hit’ uli (not in my data) and note 3 above. A21. flower, blossom Cu.: -E: none 1. Bd: far ‘seed’ 2. (loans); *N: ‘fruit’: fɪr

3. *bis+ 3.1. A: bor+oy; S: fir+é 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *daraar+o 3.3. *pis+ako 4. Var.: *bayriy+a Da: h/Ɂúluβ+e

1. No data: Hd; El. 2. WW? Bd; Agew *N: Bi, Xmt fɪr+a, Kmt fɪr(+i); Sa; Gi pulal(-a); also Om Yem fùr+à; all < E-S (e.g. Amh ‘fruit, seed’ fɪré) 3. D: Sem vb. abb, Té amboob+a; Bi ʕembob+a, Xmt, Kmt abəb+a, Aw ábib+i; Sa ʕemboob+a. 4. *EC: *Dul: Ts’ bɪz+ako, Hrs, Db pis+akkó, Gaw pís+olpis+kó; Kon vb. fit-a, pi(i)s-a; Ka, Ha fiit+a; 5. ?: Afar; *SC var. 6. Bai da(a)ráar+aa, rar+ato < *HEC or Or daraar+aa. Unique: *Arb kal-. 76

Evaluation: Problematical item. Incomplete data and much borrowing from Afrasian sources < *Af D35 pər, Ch pl. A22. forget Cu.: -E: none 1. Bd: baaɗin; nɛ 2. *N: mix-

3. *h/ab =’leave’ 3.1. *ħab 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *hab3.3. -4. *Ɂafaħam Da: sah/ħit-

1. No data: Hd; Ts’; Arb; Kon, Gi, Bus. 2. *EC?: *A-S; *HEC: Brj, Si, Ka hab-. Unique: Agew *N; *Som il(l)o-. Evaluation: Unproductive item. Sasse (1982: 88). *East weakly documented. A23. full, ^fill Cu.: -E: two rejected 1. Bd: tib 2. *N: vb.: ʔɪntaɣ3. *^-mg-

3.1. (A: vars.) 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. Brj huum-a(a); *S: womɁ-a

3.3. *xo/uc’4. Vbs.: *hats; *qip; sp *tip ‘fill up’: *bukul Da: t ̙ook- (t ̙ dental)

1. No data: Hd; Ds. 2. ?: Bd; SC sp. Unique: Agew *N; *SC several; *Som bu(u)ħ; Kon *^imak-; *HEC. Evaluation: Inadequate data. Appleyard 2006: 67 suggests Agew *N may relate to *EC. A24. god, ^sky Cu.: -E: ‘sky’ rejected 1. [Bd: rab cir+e 4. *daɁayee Da: mákk+o

1. No data: El. 2. *EC and WW: *A-S; *Dul: Ts’ tɪr+e, Hrs, Db cir+e, Gaw c/tir+e; *Arb t/cir(r)+a: Arb tɪrr+a, Ds cira+a; Or tir+uu; *Kon tir+: Kon tɪr+, Gi tir+a; *HEC: Brj, Ge tir+o. Cf. Om *NWO tir+e, Ari tur+i, Hamer tɪr+a < Or?; *N-S Core 245 til~ciil+. Unique: *Agew; *SC; *Som beer; *HEC (but cf. Om *Kefoid afar+o, E-S Arg amfah+a). Evaluation: Often =5 ‘belly’, 59 ‘heart’. Frequent loans. A36. many Cu.: -E: none 1. *g(w)ud = ‘big’ 2. *N bəjəx < E-S bzx 3. --

3.1. *mang-o 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. *lab-o (cf. ‘big’)

3.3. (*ɗamm-a =’big’) 4. *Irq: yaariir *NWR: Ɂur Da: káʕìm-e

81

1. WW: Agew *N: Bi bəjəx-, Xmt bəc’ək’, Kmt bəj-; Si bac’-a; Or bəc’-a. Appleyard 2006: 97 says origin of Agew is *N E-S bzx, e.g. Gz bəzx-a, Amh bɪzz-u, Har bəjiħ . Unique: *A-S; *Dul; *Som batan; Kon -lek; *HEC (but cf. 6 ‘big’ lob-a). Evaluation: Unsatisfactory item; mostly found under 6 ‘big,many’. A37. monkey, ^baboon Cu.: WWs ? E: 413 *^zaankeer+ 1. (var.) 2. *cəcəw+; *^dza/əggVr+ 3. *zaa(n)keer, B: daaCeer; Kalam

3.1. *A-S: d/zel+á 3.2. *k’lm~k’ml 3.2.1. *k’alam+ 3.2.2. *k’amal+; *^galed+e, *^pooham+u 3.3. *kelsa+ko

4. *ʕawt+ú Sanyé: ^gáldes Ts’: gɪlz+ako Da: jáɁaw+u; góloβ+e

1. D: Té hōb+áy; Sa hab+ú. 2. *EC, WW: *^Agew: Aw zagr+i, Bi jəggi/ur+a, Xmt zəjr+a, Kmt jəgɪr+a; Appleyard 2006: 26 says Agew loan in Amh zɪnjər+o; *AS?: Afar daaʕurr+e; *Som: Som ^daayeer, Bai daaɁeer, Boni dášer+a; *Arb de(Ɂ) er+: Arb dɛɛr+ita, El deer+ɪc, Y dɛɁɛr+ɛ; Ha dãgēr+a;. 3. WW: Som k’alam+i; Or k’alam+e~k’amal+e(e); Kon kemell+; *HEC: Brj, Si, Ge idem., Ha k’amar+co. 4. D?: *Dul: Ts’ as above, Hrs, gels+ako, Db kals+akko, Gaw kels+akkó; Gi, Bus keltaay+ta ? Unique: *Agew (Vervet, Appleyard 2006: 100 says source of Amh t’ot’a); *SC; Or ^jald+essa (loans in Bai idem., Sanyé); *HEC second (cf. Om *M-O galaš+o). Evaluation: Phonological problems and much diffusion. *Ch krm, gələg+ə suggestive. A38. mouse, ^rat Cu.: -E: none 1. Bd: gwib 2. *ɪnc+ɪw+a 3. --

3.1. *(ʕ)andaw+a 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. (var.) 3.3. Ts’: dab+, *W: ta(a)p+

4. *Irq: garaaŋw *AB: Ɂuungusu Da: mbáɲ+e

1. No data: Hd; Ds. 2. D?: Afar ^hantuut+a; Or hantuut+a. 3. D: Ts’, Dul *W: Hrs tapayc+akko, Gaw taap+akkó; Gi tapayy+a, Bus capayy+o; Ha dabay+ icco. Unique: *Agew (cf. Té ensláy, Gz Ɂans’ewa); *SC; *Som giir. Evaluation: Unproductive item. A39. navel Cu.: -E: none 1. Bd: tef+a ‘center’ 2. (var. loans)

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3. *ha/unɖur+; B: -ɗ3.1. *hUndub 3.2. *hanɗur+ 3.2.1. *hanɗur+

3.2.2. *B: hanɗur+a (< Or?) 3.3. *W: ħanɖur 4. *muruuŋ+ú Da: júkk+u

1. No data: Hd. 2. WW: *E-S ħɪmbɪrt, Gz idem., Amh ɪmbɪrt, loans into Agew: Aw ɪmbɪrt+í; Knf gwɪmbɪr+a, K’wara/Dembea gumb(e)r+a. 3. *EC and WW: *AS: Afar ħundub, Saho hí/óndub ?; *Dul *W: Hrs, Db ħand’urce, Gaw ħunɗur+te; *Som handuúr+: Som hund/ɗur+ta, Ren hanɗur, Boni hanɁúur; Arb hɛɛnc’ur, Yaaku hɛndér+o; Or hanɗuur+aa; Gi hunɗur+, Bus hanɗuurc+; *HEC: Brj haɗur+a, Ge hanɁur+a. 4. Gaw kusunt+e; Kon kusum+ta. Unique: *SC; *A-S ? Evaluation: Productive in EC. Difficulty separating cognates from loans. A40. old Cu.: -E: one rejected 1. Bd: vb. šɁi 2. *N: gən3. *gerʕ-; *k’im-; B: geer-

3.1. (var.) 3.2. -3.2.1. g/keer3.2.2. c’im-; *B: dull3.3. *g/keec-

4. vb.: *NWR diim, sp.: qar Da: --

1. No data: Hd, Da. 2. *EC first or WW: Afar egeer-; Arb ‘elder’ gair, Ds kar-u (?); *Kon k(‘)er-: Kon ker-ay, Gi, Bus k’er-; Si geer-ɗ. 3. D: *E.C second: Hrs c’im; Gi k’im-; *HEC: Brj c’im, Ge c’im. All < Or c’im ? 4. D? *HEC B: Brj dull-aci, Ge dull-oom < Or dull-ooma ? 5. D?: Ha moosir-; Or moof- (s~f, see 14 ‘buffalo’ and list there). Unique: *Dul; *Som du/ok’-. Evaluation: Productive only in EC. Possible that *gerʕ- is rel. to E-S vb. Ɂrgy-; cf. also Ch N64 vb. garə. A41. road, ^path Cu.: -E: one rejected 1. [loans < Ar] 2. [loans] 3. --

3.1. A: gít+a; S: ara 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. *S: doog+o, Brj daw(w)+a

3.3. *za/san+o; *W: onk+e 4. *^Ɂam+oo Da: lée gàan+o

1. WW: Ar darib (*Af C334 drb, Ch t-(r)b-); Bd darab, Hd dɛrɪb; Bi dərb; Saho daríb; Yaaku da(a)r ? 2. WW: Ar sɪkk+a; Bd sɪka(a)b, Hd sɪkk+a; cf. Ber “Shilha” asukk. 3. WW: *Dul: all: onk+e, Gaw also ung+e; E-S: Har úg+a, Zway ɔɔng+a, Silt’i ung+a, Welani uŋgə; cf. Om *TN og+ (never with -ŋ-), Yem ugn+a. 4. Db páan+o < *Kon paan+a: Bus idem., Gi páan+a. 5. ?: Bd gid; Afar gít+a; *Som git: Som jid, Ren jit, Boni šid. 6. D: Ha, Lb go(o)g+o; Om Ari goog+i. Appleyard (2006: 116) says HEC S goog+o < doog+o. Unique: *Dul first; *HEC S. Evaluation: Unproductive item with much diffusion and idiomaticity. 83

A42. run Cu.: -E: one rejected 1. Bd: ɗaab 2. *gi/aŋ-

3. *-rd-; *gib(b)3.1. *A-S: erd-e 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *B: gib-, Brj jib3.3. (var.) 4. *taaʕat Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; Gaw; Ds, El. 2. D: Té ħarrər-a; Bi harər; Db heer-. 3. ?: *Agew: Bi gaŋ-, Kmt, Aw giŋ-; Ge gong-. 4. ?: Ts’ tiir-i; Bai tiyara. 5. ?: Afar feer-e; Gi, Bus -feel. 6. D?: *EC second; Or sp. jiib-; *HEC: Si sp., Ge idem., Brj jib-, Ha gibb. Unique: *SC; *A-S. Evaluation: Unproductive item with many data gaps and much idiosyncracity. Sasse’s (1979: 23) first *East not verified in my data. A43. salt Cu.: -E: one rejected 1. Bd: milak; sp.: mos 2. *N: tsɪw+a 3. *B: sook+

3.1. A: asb+o; S: mulh+u 3.2. *sok+o 3.2.1. *sok+o 3.2.2. *B: soK+; *S: mat’in+e

3.3. *Dul sook(+is)+o 4. *dab+iya AB: *tsaxas+aa Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da. 2. D: Bd first; Saho; Som miliħ+da. 3. D: Agew *N: Bi, Kmt šɪw+a, Xmt c’ɪw+a > Gz s’ew, Té c’uw+á, Amh c’əw (Appleyard 2006: 118). 4. D: Afar; *Som ʕusuubo: Som ʕusbo, Bai ʕɛsɛb+o, Boni usuub+e. 5. *EC *Dul: Ts’: sooɣ+o, Db sook+iso, Gaw soq(iis)+o; Ren sp. súgudd+a; Arb sok+o, sug(i)+da, Ds šugutt+i; Or soog+idda; *Kon sook+itta: all idem.; *HEC: Brj sog+odd+i, Ha sook’+ide. Also here: *SC AB? 6. D: Ren mʌgʌt; *Arb makat: El makát, Y ‘soda’ makat; Brj sp. maagáad+oo; loan into Turkana amakat. Unique: *SC; HEC *S. Evaluation: Cultural item with much diffusion (e.g Ren címb+i, Yaaku c’umb+i < Swa. chumvi). Loans of Amh ‘salt bar’ amol+e (E-S) used as currency, also found. A44. sand Cu.: (loan < Sem. ?) E: 176 *haats’1. Bd: ass+ɛ, Hd tɪss+a 2. (var.) 3. --

3.1. A ħas+a, S hoots+a 3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. *maanc+; *S: šaaf+a 3.3. *W: caħ

4. *ħasaaŋw Da: ndoos+o < Bantu?

1. WW: Zway šɛršɛr+e, Har šɛħšer+a; Bi šɛɛšɛr; Ha šɛšɛr+a, Lb šaššar+a. 2. Bd; *SC; Afar, Saho; *N E-S ħos’+a < *Sem. 3. ?: Afar ʕidd+é; Som ʕind+e. 4. *Kon t/šahay: Kon táhay+ta, Bus šayhac+a; cf. Gaw c/taħ+akko, Yaaku tɛhɛi. 5. WW: 84

Gato s’aapat+a; HEC *S: Si, Ka idem, Al šɪffar+a ? Om: NWO šaf+a, etc.; C’ara šaaf+a, Anfillo šaap+. Unique: Dul *W; *HEC (but cf. Or maans+a); Or c’irr+acca (loan into Ge idem.). Evaluation: Difficult item with s~š “sibilant symbolism”; unreconstructable WWs. Note 2 source: *Af C105 haS, *Sem D1993 ħs’s’ (Amh ašəw+a). Also see *Ch g wsk, Eg š ʕ(y), Copt. šo, Om: *Aroid šam+i, Mao šakiw+, Mocha šiiš+o; *N-S 105 ce+~šɨš, Ek 134 sEEs+. Prevalence of s(h)ibilants. A45. scratch Cu.: -E: three rejected 1. Bd: šikiɗ/d 2. (loans < E-S ?) 3. *ħe/ok’-

3.1. A: hokow-e, S: hakuk 3.2. ho/ek’3.2.1. ho/ek’3.2.2. *hok’ook’-; *S: hangaar-

3.3. *W: qoš4. *gweeħ; ħoosl; noroɁ Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; Ds, El; Kon. 2. *EC or WW: Té ħankuak+a; Bi hankuak+a, Aw xwankixw-a, xuqtuxw-a, Xmr haak’-uru; A-S; *Som ħoq: Som idem., Ren sp. ox-, Boni hoɁ-; Arb hek-; Or hook’-, (h)ank’ook’-a; Gi, Bus -hek’-; *HEC: Brj, Ge idem. Source in Sem ħakk- (Ar, E-S ħkk)? 3. Ren ħanga-riir-a; HEC *S: Si idem., Ka haangaar-, Ha haar-. Unique: SC three; Dul *W. Evaluation: Widespread root in *Agew and *EC is most likely from *Sem (see note 2). A46. seed, ^sow Cu.: WWs from Sem. E: none 1. +tera < Sudan Ar 2. *N: ^fəz+

3. -3.1. *dar+o; zar+ 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *S: wit’+a 3.3. *b/po4. Pl.: *pisakar+oo Da: mbèedžu < Swa.

1. D?: *Bj: Bd tɛr+a, Hd (i+)ter+a; see also *Ek 138 ‘seed, sow’ ter (Nubian, Nera, Nyima). Perhaps = note 2 or 6. 2. WW: *E-S zər(Ɂ); Aw zér, Xmt zir+a; *A-S second; El zɛr; Ge zar+e, Ka zɛr+, Al zɛrr+ ɛta, Lb zɛr+a; Om *TN zar/l. 3. WW: Amh ‘fruit, seed’ fɪr+e, Har fɪr+i; Bd fãr, Waag Agew fer+e. Cf. A21 ‘flower’. 4. WW: Har sɛɲ+i, Gur səɲ+, etc.; Gaw sɛɲ+e; Som šinn+i; Gi saɲɲ+ét; Or saɲɲ+ii; Brj sɛɲ+e, Ge sann+e. 5. D: Ar ħabb(+at); Bd ‘grain’ habb+a; Saho sp. ħabb+ata. 6. *A-S first; Ts’ dɔɔr+o. 7. D: Bai wut’+á, Ren wut+a < HEC *S: Si wiit’+a, Ge miiɗ+a ?, Ka ‘grain’ wit+ɛt, Al wit’+ata, Ha wiit’+o. 8. D: Ts’ mígde+e; Ge miiɗ+a < Or miɗ+ani. 85

Unique: Agew *^N; *SC pl.; *Dul; *Kon h/xott+a. Evaluation: Unproductive item because of much diffusion, esp. from Sem. *dar (B: za/erʕ); notes 1, 2, 6. Agricultural cultivation perhaps unknown to *Cushites. A47. sew Cu.: see Eval. E: none 1. Bd: fir; haayid 2. *saɣ/q-

3. -3.1. A: rib-e; idʕid-e 3.2. -3.2.1. *hVd-

3.2.2. *S: gob3.3. (d/te(e)l4. *hirit Da: hud-

1. No data: Hd; Db; El. 2. WW: *E-S vb. (also Class. Ar.) sfa-; Bi šʌffʌt’-; Or supp’a; Si subb-; *Om sip-~sik- < *Af D322 sVp. 3. D: Té təltəl-a; Sa tartar. Also here: *Dul: Ts’ dɛɛl, Hrs téel- Gaw tel-; *Som tol: Som, Boni idem.; all < *Af D195 *tVl ? 4. ?: *Agew: Aw, Kmt saɣ/q-, Xmt s’aq-; Om *Aroid š/žak. All < *Af: B s/šak (?). Appleyard (2006: 120) gives Eg ‘woven fish-trap’ sq.t, *W. Ch. ‘weave’ sak’-. 5. *LEC or WW: Bd hayid ‘choose’?; Da; Ge hoɗɗ- < Or hoɗɗ-a; *Kon: hi/eɗɗ-: Kon, Gi heɗɗ-, Bus hiɗ-. 6. ?: *SC; Afar second; Bai irir-é. Combine with note 5? Unique: HEC *S. Evaluation: Cultural item with data gaps and several WWs. Perhaps introduced by Semites. Cf. 108 ‘tie, sew’. A48. shoulder, ^chest Cu.: kašš+ E: 612 kats-; (two rejected as implausible) 1. Bd ɛrgaan+e 2. *N: kəs+

3. *gudm+; *^ke/afš+; B: kašš+ 3.1. *labk+a; *sunk+u 3.2. -3.2.1. *kac~haš+

3.2.2. *gudum+o; *B: ke/ acc+ 3.3. Ts’: kacc+a, *W: ha/ eš(š)+ 4. *suum+a Da: jékkèl+a; t/door+o

1. No data: Hd; Ds. 2. D: Bi tag+á; Sa d/tag+á. 3. *Cu?: Agew *N: Bi kəs, Xmt kis; *Dul: Ts’ as above, Hrs hešš+é, Gaw h/xaš+ito; Ren; El ^kac; *Kon ka(a)+š: Kon xaš+itta, Gi háš(š)+itt, Bus kaas+ka; *HEC B: Brj kácc+oo, Ha hešš+e. 4. D: Or gurm+uu; *HEC: Brj gudum+a, Ge gurumm+o, dugumm+o; Ha gudum+o. Unique: *SC; *A-S both. Evaluation: Sasse’s first *East seems to be a case of diffusion; his second form with -f- a bit fanciful (see Sasse 1982: 112).

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A49. sky, ^above, Ohill Cu.: -E: two forms rejected 1. Bd: bir+e =’rain’ 2. (var.; sʕmay < E-S)

3. *waak’+ =’god’; ^i/urr=’top’ 3.1. *(ʕ)aran 3.2. *i/urr+ 3.2.1. *i/urr+

3.2.2. (var.) 3.3. *mu/on+to; *W: urr+ 4. *rawc Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; El. 2. D?: Té, Bi aryám; *A-S: Afar ʕàran, Saho arán. 3. *EC: Saho Oir+o; Dul *W: Db urr+acce, Gaw ‘cloud’ urr+atta; Ds ^urr+u, Y Ourr+u; Or ‘on top of ’ irr+a; Bus sp. urr+atta; Brj Ourr+a. Unique: *SC; *Dul. Evaluation: Unproductive item except for a plausible East semantic set. Cf. A24 ‘god’. A50. smell Cu.: -E: one rejected 1. Bd: i.v.: baraam 2. *qi/ar-

3. *šuʕs-; B: ur3.1. Saho: ur-e 3.2. *ur/l- ? 3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *S: ul; *B: su(u)n 3.3. (var.) 4. *tsaaɁ Da: i.v.: ɬeeʕ-

1. No data: Hd; Da; Gaw; Kon. 2. ?: Saho; *Som ur-: all idem.; HEC *S: Brj ulɁ-, Ge, Si ul-. Unique: *Agew; *SC; *HEC (cf. 83 ‘nose’). Evaluation: Unproductive item, Sasse’s (1982: 170) *East not supported by my data. Cf. 83 ‘nose’. A51. stick Cu.: -E: 68 *gomp-; one rejected 1. Bd: ‘pole’: ʕaɗ+a 2. *gɪmb+

3. *Ɂi/ul+; B: ul+ 3.1. *(ʕ)il+ó 3.2. -3.2.1. *ul+

3.2.2. *S: sikk+o 3.3. *tool(l)+ 4. *ħad+a; many vars. Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; Ds. 2. D: Bd; *SC: Afar ħadd+a. 3. WW?: *Agew: Aw gɪmb, Bi gɪmb+i, Xmt gɪbb, Kmt kɪmb+ɪ; Ehret: Burungé sp. gomp+ay; Som sp.: gamb+iya; see also Amh ‘trunk’: gɪmb (< Agew?); Om: *Kfd gumb+; *N-S 342: gomb+. 4. *EC : *A-S Afar il+o, Saho (ʕ)il+ó; Gaw ul+itta; *Som ul: Som, Ren, Boni idem.; El ûl; Or (h)ul+ee; Brj wol+aan+co ? Unique: *Dul; HEC *S. Evaluation: Unproductive item beyond East.

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A52. swim Cu.: var. of 62 ‘hit’ ? E: none 1. Bd umiy-a, Hd ʕɔm < Ar 2. *bamb3. *zak-

3.1. *-giir/l3.2. -3.2.1. -3.2.2. *daak- others often ‘hit’

3.3. Ts’: daax 4. *NWR: tuumbim Da: daak < Or

1. No data: Yaaku. 2. ?: *A-S: Afar gíir-. Saho i-giil-; Bai gir-is. 3. WW: Da; Ts’, Gaw -ɗaag-i = ‘strike’; Ren daag-a; Or daak-a; Gi taak-; *HEC: Brj daah-, Si, Ge daak-, Ka zɛkk-, Al zak-); prob. also Amh ‘duck’ daak+iya, ‘crawl’ dahä (N E-S dħk); Om *SEO dak-aaɗ. Probably variant of 62 ‘hit’: tak-. Unique: *Agew; *Som dammaal. Evaluation: Unproductive item. Sasse’s (1982: 52) *East seems unjustified since the item is likely a WW originating in Oromo. A53. termite Cu.: -E: none 1. Bd: birát 2. *tsətsəb+

3. *B: irm+ 3.1. *-rimb+ 3.2. -3.2.1. *irm+

3.2.2. *S: ool+o 3.3. *(Ɂ)il/rm+ate 4. (Many var.) Da: p’áaar+a; sp.: ɓúnts+e

1. No data: Hd. 2. *E.S. and WW: *A-S: Afar, irimm+i, Saho rímm+a; *Dul: Ts’ ʔɪlmat+e, Gaw irmátt+e; Bai Ɂiriri(m), Ren ririm; Arb lɪmm+e, Ds Ɂarm+aatti, Y riiri; Or rimm+a; *Kon irm+atta~+ašša: Kon irm+atta, Gi irm+ašša, Bus irrim+ašša; Brj hir(r)m+a. Cf. Maa (Masai) o+ríri. Unique: *Agew; HEC *S. Evaluation: Interesting *East form. A54. thorn Cu.: -E: one rejected on semantic grounds 1. Bd: diin; naw+e 2. *Ɂam~Ɂaaŋ+

3. (*k’udħ+) 3.1. *ke(e)n+a 3.2. -3.2.1. (*k’Vd/ɜ+) 3.2.2. *S: ut+a

3.3. *q’ant(s)’+e; *W: mutu(ʕ)+o 4. *laqaw+a; laqaym+o Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; Ds; Kon. 2. WW: Som k’odaħ+a, Ren kuɖáH; Arb k’ɛd+ɛ; *Kon k’uɗ+: Gi -k’uɗɗ+et, Bus -k’udd+eca; Brj k’uw(w)+a ? Unique: *Agew; *SC; *A-S; *Dul; Dul *W; HEC *S. Evaluation: Unproductive item. Sasse’s (1982: 129) *East probably WW.

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A55. throw Cu.: -E: none 1. (Bd. var.) 2. *N: mal-

3. *ʕaɗ-; sp. *da/orb-; B: *ʕad3.1. A: ʕid-e; S: ʕayd, ʕed3.2. *ʕad3.2.1. *ʕad-

3.2.2. *S: *ʕad3.3. *c’u/or-; *W: x/ħacap4. *kwaħ; vars. Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da. 2. *EC or WW: Bi diber; Ts’ derbar-i; Ren tarb-; Or darb- *Kon torp: all idem.; Ge darb-. 3. *EC: Hrs, Db ʕad-;*A-S ʕVd as above; Arb -Ɂad-e, Yaaku déeɁ ?; *Kon aɗ-: Kon, Gi idem.; Brj (h)aɗ-. 4. D: *Som tuur: Som idem., Boni t’úur; Ka torr- (poss. from E-S ‘spear’ tor ?). Unique: *Dul; Dul *W. Evaluation: Productive in *EC, but both Sasse (1982: 23) forms may be WWs. A56. warthog, ^(wild) pig Cu.: -E: none 1. Bd: yaag 2. *N: wənk/gir

3. (*booy(y)-) 3.1. A: her+eya, S: har+a 3.2. -3.2.1. --

3.2.2. *B: booyy+; golg+a 3.3. *W: lúum+e 4. Pl. *Ɂafaqur+aa Da: --

1. No data: Hd; Da; Db; Ds, El; Kon. 2. WW: Amh, Arg, Har karkarr+o; Gaw xarxarr+o; Som karkar(r)+o; Or karkarr+oo. 3. D: A-S; Or er+iya. 4. D: Zway Gur boyy+e; Boni búy+e; *HEC first: Brj booyy+é, Ge boyy+, booyy+e; Or bóyy+ee. Sasse (1982: 40) says root is *EC ‘naked’ *booy(y)-. 5. WW: *Som: Bai goly+aa, Ren gólc+a; Arb gwonž+a; Or golj+a; HEC second: Brj ^golg+a, Si ^golj+a. Unique: *Agew; Dul *W. Evaluation: Good illustration of diffusion: several WWs, one with possible *EC origin.

1.3. Revision of structure of Cushitic The genetic structure of Cushitic employed in sec. 1, which has been reworked several times, is now to be revised in light of the comparisons above. The methodology is a modified version of lexicostatistics with the following characteristics: 1. Simple numbers of proposed cognates, not percents, can be used, as data are complete for most families. The one exception is Dahalo, which is herein treated as a family; a slight modification is made to adjust for the 8 missing Dahalo items. 2. There is no attempt to arrive at time-depths.

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3. The count of proposed cognates is made on the basis of the “Notes” for each of the 120 comparisons. Those listed as D (Diffusion), WW (wanderword), and ? (Problematic) are not counted. Of course, other assumed loans and symbolic items are also not counted. 4. Occurrences in families (i.e. assumed to be reconstructable for the families) is required, not occurrences in individual languages, except that once shared family occurrences are determined, additional single-language occurrences are included. 5. There are three counts: (i) Retentions: those for which proto-Afrasian (*Af) forms, set up by me or my sources, seem to be the origins of the cognate sets; (ii) Innovations: those for which no *Af forms were found and which are therefore assumed to be original in Cushitic; (iii) Total of the above two categories. Crucial are the second category because it is shared innovations, whether phonological, grammatical, or lexical, which provide the best evidence for sub-grouping. Retention of an item from the proto-language in two families may be a chance occurrence, but sharing an innovation is rarely so. Let us examine the numbers of cases of shared innovations. The following chart gives the numbers by pairs of families (Beja vs. *Agew, etc., through *Konsoid vs. *HEC). The theoretical maximum exceeds 120 because Table 1 includes multiple potential cognate sets for most items. In fact, the maximum found was 41 (Oromo-*Konsoid) and the minimum 3 (several instances).

Shared lexical innovations in Cushitic 120 basic items *Ag 9 *SC 3 9 Da 3 7 9 *A-S 6 11 9 11 *Dul 6 10 5 10 11 *Som 5 14 10 13 24 16 *Arb 3 8 10 10 15 15 26 Or 4 13 9 12 21 27 34 26 *Kon 4 9 9 9 18 25 30 26 41 *HEC 8 14 8 12 13 17 20 11 21 19 Bj *Ag *SC Da *A-S *Dul *Som *Arb Or *Kon

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1.3.1. Discussion Abbreviations are thought obvious. Beja, Agew, South Cushitic, and Dahalo are all independent branches of Cushitic. All except Agew have overall very low scores against all other families: Beja averages 5.1 (on a total of 51), Agew 10.4, South 8, Dahalo 9.6. None of the four groups with any other family with the exceptions of Agew scoring 14 with Somaloid and Highland and 13 with Oromo. Dahalo scores only 9 with South. Beja and Agew seem to be a bit high (9), while the lowest scores in the chart are Beja-South, Beja-Dahalo, and BejaArboroid (all 3s). Notice that Beja is geographically near Agew and is distant from Dahalo and Arboroid. Highland East Cushitic is somewhat puzzling. It goes with Dullay, Somaloid, Oromo, and Konsoid (ave. 17.5), but scores only 11 with Arboroid. Other East families found in southern Ethiopia go together. Somaloid averages 32 with Oromo-Konsoid; Arboroid 26 with Oromo-Konsoid and also 26 with Somaloid. Dullay also averages 26 with Oromo-Konsoid, but only 15 with Arboroid and 16 with Somaloid. I am tempted to see evidence here of contact (more with OromoKonsoid than with Arboroid or Somaloid), but the map does not make this obvious. Afar-Saho is far away in the North, but averages 19.5 with SAOK, though it scores only 11 with Dullay. On the basis of the chart, the structure of Cushitic might be:

Revised structure of Cushitic 1. Beja

2. Agew

3. East Cushitic

4. Dahalo

5. South Cushitic

3.1 Afar-Saho 3.2 Highland East Cushitic 3.3 “Core East Cushitic” 3.3.1. Dullay 3.3.2. SAOK 3.3.2.1. Somaloid 3.3.2.2. Arboroid 3.3.2.3. Oromo-Konsoid

How does this compare with the previous structure (sec. 1.1), arrived at by a more conventional lexicostatistic count? There are two differences, one major and one minor. The major difference is that Dullay and Highland change places: Highland is now coordinate with Core and Dullay is part of Core. The minor difference is that Dahalo is separated out and forms an independent branch instead of being 91

part of South. I consider this minor because it has already been suggested by Kiessling and Mous (2003: 3): Dahalo is not part of South and is not particularly close to East. Furthermore, Dahalo is heading to extinction and has been infiltrated by extensive Swahili loan vocabulary. The charts of shared retentions and combined retentions and innovations are of less interest, but are provided as follows.

Shared lexical retentions in Cushitic 120 basic items *Ag 11 *SC 11 12 Da 8 8 11 *A-S 17 12 11 8 *Dul 9 6 6 4 10 *Som 9 11 7 5 17 13 *Arb 11 8 7 6 15 12 17 Or 13 14 10 8 16 10 19 19 *Kon 12 13 10 8 14 14 19 19 24 *HEC 15 13 11 9 16 9 16 12 17 16 Bj* Ag *SC Da *A-S *Dul *Som *Arb Or *Kon I will not go into detail here because (as stated above) I do not consider shared retentions to be a reliable measure of sub-grouping of language families. Scores are spread over a smaller range: lowest is 4 (Dullay-Dahalo) and highest is 24 (Oromo-Konsosid). Of course the broad outline is retained: there are still Beja, Agew, South, Dahalo, and East units. But the independent families now have higher averages against others (except for Dahalo): Beja 11.6, Agew 10.8, South 9.6, Dahalo 7.5. No obvious groupings emerge, though one wonders about the high score (17) of Afar-Saho vs. Beja (contact?). Oromo-Konsoid is still the highest (24), while Arboroid, Somaloid, and Oromo-Konsoid still form a group. Afar-Saho is now closer to this group than Dullay is. Highland is anomalous: close to Beja and Agew as well as other East. Following are the totals for retentions and innovations combined. The same patterns emerge, but differences are smoothed out. There is an SAOK group (*Somaloid-*Arboroid-Oromo-*Konsoid) with scores higher than any others (43–65). Afar-Saho vs. Dullay is not high (21), while Afar-Saho scores a bit better (ave. 35) against SAOK than does Dullay (ave. 33).

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Shared lexical innovations and retentions in Cushitic 120 basic items *Ag 20 *SC 14 21 Da 11 15 19 *A-S 23 23 20 18 *Dul 15 16 11 13 21 *Som 14 25 17 17 41 29 *Arb 14 16 17 15 30 27 43 Or 17 27 19 19 37 37 53 45 *Kon 16 22 19 16 32 39 49 45 65 *HEC 23 27 19 20 29 26 36 23 38 35 Bj *Ag *SC Da *A-S *Dul *Som *Arb Or *Kon

1.3.2. Comparison with lexicostatistical results Comparison with previous lexicostatistical results is facilitated by the article on the topic by Blažek (1997). Blažek considers work from 1965 to 1984, but comparability is limited to that. He looks at individual languages, whereas I consider only families, with the exception of Beja, Dahalo, and Oromo. Also, I attempt to separate innovations from retentions. Blažek’s diagram 4 (p. 184) shows full agreement with my overall result: Beja, Agew, South, Dahalo, and East as independent families. I refrain here from going into the many interesting details of his findings.

1.3.3. Unique items It is of interest to know which families have more instances of “Unique” items in Table 1. These are items which are distinctive of the family, having a unique form shared by no other family though perhaps by one or more individual language. One striking example is no. 10 ‘blood’, for which South Cushitic has *tseed+ee, while others have something like bVr or ɗeeg+ (which I do not consider cognate to tseed+). Or consider 52 ‘sheep’, for which *Agew North has *fɨntVr+a, while others have various forms (there is a wanderword with fel-, fer-, fil-, etc., which I do not consider to be cognate; *East has *riɁ+). Another example is 85 ‘other’, for which Afar-Saho has the idiosyncratic *ak-i, as well as *gar-, which might be part of a *Cushitic isogloss. The preceding three examples are the only ones I found with single languages having uniques; the usual situation is two or more languages having them.

93

It seems logical that the families which belong to larger groupings would have the lowest incidences of uniques because more items fall into cognate sets. The actual count from my data base is: Beja 61, *Agew 73, *South 81, Dahalo 51, *Afar-Saho 39, *Dullay 61, *Somaloid 23, *Arboroid 15, Oromo 25, *Konsoid 25, *Highland 55. This mainly supports the generalization, especially for SAOK (*Somaloid-*Arboroid-Oromo-*Konsoid), while the more isolated families (Beja, *Agew, *South) have the highest incidences. Dahalo and *Dullay are anomalous: the first being low compared to other “isolates” and the second high compared to other “Core” languages.

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2. Cushitic Phonologies In this chapter I list correspondences from family to family based on the lexemes of the lists of Selected Cushitic Comparisons and Addendum of Weakly Distributed Items. But first I briefly outline the mainly segmental phonologies of Cushitic languages, not including phonological phenomena at phrasal and higher levels, which are largely not relevant for lexical items. A few comments are provided on each table of consonants and vowels, with morphophonemic details kept to a minimum. For č and ǰ I write c and j except as noted.

2.1. Cushitic phonological inventories The most promising sources for Cushitic phonologies might at first seem to be synthesizing treatments such as Tucker and Bryan 1966, Hetzron 1972, and Ehret 1987. But these are unsatisfactory: T&B have only sketchy information on Beja, part of Agew, Sidamo, Oromo, and Somali; Hetzron does not consider phonology; Ehret presents only some overall generalizations. So one has to turn to grammars of individual languages and families.

2.1.1.  Beja (R. A. Hudson 1976; supplemented by Roper 1928) Consonants Stops

Labial

Vl Vd

Fricatives

Dental t

ɖ

Pal.-Alv.

Velar

Glottal Ɂ

k, kw

d

f

s

m

n

i, ii

u, uu

l, r

e, ee

o, oo

š

g, g

w

y

w

h

j

Liquids Glides

ʈ

b

Affricates Nasals

Retr.

Vowels

a, aa

Hudson’s š is palato-alveolar but groups with retroflexes (1976: 99). Arabic loans may have z, x, ɣ. Liquids l, r in some words alternate morpho-phonemically, -lbeing diminutive. Ɂ and h are sometimes a third C in verb roots, sometimes not. Assimilation of adjacent consonants is normal.

95

Roper (1928: 3ff) has also segments (dental d, t; alveolar z; post-alveolar c; retroflex n’, l’, r’, š’; and velar x, ŋ) said to be “…heard in the language, but…not strictly necessary for writing the language, and so are not used commonly in this book”. Roper has alveolar d, t, and no Ɂ. Vowels. Hudson (ibid. 100 and end-notes 8–10) notes some variations, including dialectal. Phonetically, it seems that short vowels tend to be lax: ɪ, ʊ, ɛ, ɔ. Roper’s system (ibid. 7–8) is more complicated and less symmetrical. Roper uses diacritics for “long”, “rather long”, “very short”, diphthongs, and final occlusive. Roper gives an accent symbol ´. Hudson has a detailed discussion (ibid. 100–102) of a complex system involving two accents ´ and `.

2.1.2. Agew Hetzron (1997: 477) says the Agew language family (N: Bilin, W: Kimant, E: Xamir, S: Awngi) has more internal variation than Italic. Thus, it is preferable to present phonological sketches of all varieties. For Xamir/Xamtanga see Appleyard (1987), BSOAS 50.

2.1.2.1. Bilin (Lamberti and Tonelli 1997) Consonants Stops

Labial

Vl Vd

t b

Ejectives Fricatives

Dental d t’

f

s, z

Affricates Nasals

ʈ

Pal.

Velar

Glottal

k, k

(Ɂ)~ʕ

w

ɖ

g, g (c’) š

w

k’, k’w x, xw

(h~ħ)

(-c), j m

Liquids Glides

Retr.

n

-ŋ, -ŋw

l, r w

Vowels

y

i

ɨ

u

e

ə

o

a

c is not initial and occurs only in Italian loans. Ɂ is marginal, alternating with k’ and ʕ, though a few possible minimal pairs exist. h is marginal, usually alternating with ħ, of which it is a weaker variant. c’ (~ts’) is from Tigrinya. Velars k’ and k’w alternate with q and qw. z is rare and z~d word-medially. x is initial only in Arabic loans (~k-), but otherwise is a full phoneme. ŋ, ŋw, and xw do not appear initially and ŋ is rare. There is no /ɣ/. ħ is a variant of h and is rare non-initially. r and y are rare initially. Labiovelars originated as biphonemic sequences. 96

All consonants except Ɂ may occur geminated, though geminated velars and ejectives are rare. Vowel length occurs phonetically. ɥ occurs in a few Italian loans. Central vowels ɨ and ə do not occur word-finally. There are many diphthongs: ey, ay, əy, aw, əw, uy.

2.1.2.2. Kemant (Zelealem 2003: 158) Consonants Stops Fricatives

Labial

Den./Alv.

Vl

Post-Pal.

Velar

t

c

k, kw

j

g, gw

Vd

b

d

Vl

f

s

Vd

Palat.

š

x, xw

z

Nasals

m

Liquids Glides

ɣ, ɣʷ

(-c), j

n

-ŋ, -ŋw

l, r

Vowels

w

y

i

ɨ

u

e

(ə)

o

a

Appleyard (1975) includes ejectives t’ and k’ but these are rejected by Sasse (1974) as being loans from Amharic (along with c’, c, and ɲ). Gemination is rare and nonfunctional lexically (except xwɨra/xwɨrra ‘child/children’) or morphologically. Vowels. Mid-vowels e and o may be recently introduced (Sasse 1973 says o is from Amharic). Similar to Awngi, Kemant has o ~ wə and also e ~ yə. The only initial vowels are ɨ and a, while ə occurs mainly before pause, where it alternates with a. Zelealem (2003) does not consider suprasegmentals.

2.1.2.3. Awngi (Hetzron 1997) Labial

Den./ Alv.

Palat.

Velar

Uvular

Vl

p

t

c

k, kw

q, qw

Vd

b

d

j

Vl

f

s

š

g, gw

z

ž

Consonants Stops Fricatives

Vd

ɣ, ɣʷ

97

Consonants

Labial

Affricates

Den./ Alv.

Palat.

Velar

Uvular

ts, dz

Nasals

m

Vowels ŋ, ŋw

n

Liquids

i

l, r

Glides

[ɨ]

u

e

w

o~wa a [æ]

Hetzron does not state whether the coronal series is dental or alveolar. I interpret H’s č as a palatal stop or affricate c, whose voiced counterpart H says is z. Geminates are rare. r is non-initial. The labio-velars and labio-uvulars occur only before -i, -e, -a. Awngi ŋ often corresponds to m in other Cushitic. Several other significant changes are discussed by Hetzron (ibid. 479–81), including t > r > y. Vowels. There is no distinctive length. The vowel system is really the canonical i, e, a, o, u. Most but not all occurrences of ɨ can be accounted for by syllable and phonetic structure. æ occurs only at morpheme boundary after palatal and before a. Tone and stress. Awngi has both tone and stress (ibid. 482ff.). The latter is usually penultimate. There are four tones: high ´, mid (unmarked), low `, and falling (high to mid, always final), of which the last two are rare.

2.1.2.4.  Proto-Agew (Appleyard n.d. and 2006) Consonants Stops Fricatives Affricates Nasals

Labial

Vl

Pal.

Velar

Uvul.

Glottal

t

k, k

q, q

Ɂ

w

Vd

b

d

g, gw

Vl

f

s

x

Vd Vl

ts

Vd

dz m

c Vowels ŋ, ŋw

n l, r

w

i

[ɨ]

e y

It is unclear whether x and ɣ are velar or uvular. 98

w

ɣ

z

Liquids Glides

Dent-Alv.

(u ?) o~wa

a [æ]

2.1.3. South Cushitic 2.1.3.1. Iraaqw (modified from Maghway 1989) Consonants Stops

Labial

Alv. Post-Alv.

Vl

p

t

Vd

b

d

f

s

ɬ

ts’

tɬ’

Fricatives Aff. Ejectives Nasals

m

Velar.

Uvul.

k, k

q, q

w

j

g, gw

ʕ

x, x

ħ

Ɂ h

Vowels ŋ, ŋw

r

Phar. Glot.

w

w

n

Liquids Glides

Palat.

l

w

i, ii

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo

y

a, aa

Maghway (ibid. 93) says ts and tɬ are affricated ejectives. There are no voiced fricatives. ʕ is a pharyngeal or glottal creaky-voiced obstruent. Vowels. There are two phonemic and three phonetic degrees of length. There are two tones: high ´ and unmarked low. All vowels can occur with either tone. All binary tone sequences are possible.

2.1.3.2. Proto-West Rift (modified slightly from Kiessling and Mous 2003: 5ff) Consonants Stops

Lab.

Dent.

Vl

p

Vd

b

Aff. Ejectives

Palat.

Velar

Uv.

t

c

k, kw

q, qw

d

j

g, g

ts’

Fricatives

f

s

Nasals

m

n

Liquids Glides

r w

Lat.

ɲ l y

Glot. Ɂ

w

tɬ’ ɬ

Phar.

x, xw

ħ, ʕ

ŋ, ŋw

Vowels

h

i, ii

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

99

2.1.3.3. Proto-South Cushitic consonants (Takács 2000) Consonants Stops

Lab.

Den./Alv.

Vl

p

t, tl1, tl2

Vd

b

d

Ejectives

Retr.

Alv.-Pal.

Velar

c

k1, k2

ɖ1, ɖ2

j

t’, ts’

Fricatives

f

Affricates

Glot. Ɂ

g k’1, k’2

š

s

Phar.

x

ħ, ʕ

h, hl, H

ts, dz

Nasals

m

ŋ

n

Liquids

r, l

Glides

w

y

Compare this to the list in Ehret (1987: 163); there are many differences. Takács does not specify the phonetic natures of H and his subscripted phonemes, setting them up on the basis of correspondences with other Afrasian families. He does not deal with vowels. I assume tl and hl are lateralized.

2.1.3.4. Dahalo (modified from Ehret et al. 1989; Elderkin 1976) Consonants

Labial

Dent.

Alv.

Palat.

Velar

Uvul.

Vl

p

t

t, ts

c

k

q

Vd

b

d

d, dl

j

g

Ejectives

Vl

p’

t’, tl’

ts’

c’

k’

Implosives

Vl

ɓ

ɗ

j’

f

s

š

ɠ

Vl Vd

B

D

m

n

Stops

Fricatives Nasals

ļ

Liquids Glides

w

dz

ɬ

ɲ l, r

Phar. ʕ

Ɂ h

x

ħ

h, hl

Vowels ŋ

i, ii

u, uu

e, ee y

Glot.

o, oo a, aa

Although Dahalo appears to be independent of South Cushitic, it is included here for convenience. This is the most elaborate consonant set in Cushitic, but the description is not explicit on some points.

100

There is also a pre-nasalized series mb, nd, ndz, nd, nj, ŋg and a labialized series ndw, ļw, ts’w, hlw, kw, k’w, ŋgw. Inclusion of the pre-nasals and labialized varieties multiplies phonemes. Ehret et al.’s inverted t, presumably a dental lateral, is here replaced by ļ, and his palatal implosive by j’.

2.1.4.  East Cushitic 2.1.4.1. Afar (Bliese 1976, 1981) Consonants Stops Fricatives

Lab.

Vl

Den./Alv. t

Vd

b

d

Vl

f

s

Vd

Nasals

m

Liquids

Retr. ɖ

Alv.-Pal.

Phar.

Glot.

ħ

h

k j

g

z

ʕ

n

Vowels

l, r

Glides

Velar

i, ii

w

y

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

/s/ is said to be alveolar; other coronals are dental. Vowels. /a/ is phonetically [ə] and /aa/ is [a].

2.1.4.2. Saho (Welmers 1952) Consonants Stops

Lab.

Den./Alv.

b

d

Vl Vd

t

Ejective Fricatives Nasals

Vl

Alv.-Pal.

ɖ

(j)

Velar

Phar.

Glot.

ħ

h

k

š

g (k’)

f

s z

ʕ

m

n

Vowels

Vd

Liquids Glides

Retr.

l, r w

y

i, ii

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

101

Rare t’, s’, x only in loanwords. c’ and ž are found only in citations from other languages. (Welmers says these are not loans: ibid. 145–6.) /j/and /k’/ are rare. Some dialects do not differentiate /s/ and /š/. Geminates of all except ħ, h, ʕ, w, y occur in V_V. Vowels occur long in __CV, e.g. boodo ‘hole’. One degree of stress ´.

2.1.4.3. *Afar-Saho Like Afar, Saho has additionally rare /k’/ and /š/ in some dialects, but here it is assumed that these are not reconstructable in *Afar-Saho.

2.1.5. Dullay 2.1.5.1. Ts’amay (Hayward 1989; Amborn et al. 1980) Consonants Stops Fricatives

Lab.

Den./Alv.

Vl

p

t

Vd

b

d

Vl

s

Vd

z

Affricates Ejectives

Velar

Uvul.

Phar.

Glot.

ħ

h

k š

Ɂ

g x

ʕ

-c, j

Implosives

ɓ

Nasals

m

Liquids Glides

Pal./Alv.

s’ ɗ

n

c’ (ɲ)

l, r w

y

ɠ -ŋ

q’ Vowels i, ii

u,uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

Consonants: Hayward (ibid. 5–7) gives valuable details. H lists w as velar. He does not state whether coronals are dentals or alveolars. /p/ is often phonetically [f]. /ɲ/ is very rare (only two word-initial instances) and it may be that /ɲ/ and /ŋ/ are allophonic. H combines ejectives and implosives because voicing is “not of classificatory significance here” (ibid. 3–4). ɓ, ɗ, and ɠ are implosives, having ejective allophones. Uuvular, pharyngeal, and glottal are grouped as “guttural” and dental/alveolar, palatal/alveolar and velar as “linguals”. H (ibid. 5) conveniently lists positional restrictions: all but c and ŋ occur word-initial, all but c’ and

102

ɲ in V__V, and all but j, ɲ, and h can be geminated in V__V. Many predictable assimilations occur. Vowels. Word-finally, only short vowels occur. There seems to be at least a two-way tone differentiation (high ´ vs. unmarked low), though no minimal pairs were found.

2.1.5.2. Harso (Amborn et al. 1980: 66–72) Lab.

Den./ Alv.

Vl

p

t

Vd

b

d

Vl

f

s

Consonants Stops Fricatives

Vd

Pal./ Alv.

š

Velar

Uvul.

k

q

Glot. Ɂ

g x

ħ ʕ

(z)

Affricates

Phar.

h

c

Ejectives

t’

Implosives

(ɓ)

ɗ

Nasals

m

n

Liquids

c’

k’ Vowels

(ɲ)

l, r

Glides

w

i, ii

u,uu

e, ee

o, oo

y

a, aa

Amborn et al. discuss consonants in detail (66–72) and mention that Dobasé differs only slightly. Phonemes in parentheses are marginal. Vowels. Amborn et al. (67) give details on allophones. There are two tones: high ´ and low (unmarked); ibid. (74).

2.1.5.3. Gollango (Amborn et al. 1980: 72–74) Lab.

Den./ Alv.

Vl

p

t

Vd

b

d

Vl

f

s

Consonants Stops Fricatives Affricates

Pal./ Alv.

š

Vd

Velar

Uvul.

k

q

Phar.

Glot. Ɂ

(g?) x

ħ ʕ

h

(c)

103

Consonants

Lab.

Ejectives Implosives

(ɓ)

Nasals

m

Liquids

Den./ Alv.

Pal./ Alv.

Velar

t’

(c’)

k’

ɗ n

ɠ

(ɲ)

l, r

Glides

w

Uvul.

Phar.

Glot.

Vowels i, ii

u,uu

e, ee

o, oo

y

a, aa

2.1.5.4. Proto-Dullay (extracted from Hayward 1989: 7–35) The Dullay phonemes can be extracted from the paper (ibid. 16), although most vowels, and consonants p, ɓ, ɗ, m, n, l, r, w, ħ, h and Ɂ were not specifically addressed by Hayward. It seems safe to assume all of these except /p, ħ, ʕ, h, Ɂ/, which are more problematic. The bulk of Hayward’s paper on Ts’amay is concerned with comparative phonology of the Dullay family. It is quite complex and cannot be summarized fully here. H argues that Ts’amay is archaic, e.g. preserving /s/ and /z/ and initial voiced stops where others have voiceless ones (ibid. 7–10), so that Ts’amay approximates *Dullay. Lab.

Den./ Alv.

Vl

p

Vd

b

Consonants Stops Fricatives

Velar

Uvul.

t

k

q

d

g

Vl

s

Vd

z

Affricates s’

Implosives

ɓ

ɗ

Nasals

m

n

Liquids

104

š

x

Phar.

Glot. Ɂ

ħ

h

(c), j

Ejectives

Glides

Pal./ Alv.

k’ j’

w

ɠ ŋ

l, r y

q’

ɳ Vowels

i, ii

u,uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

2.1.6. Somaloid 2.1.6.1. Somali (Puglielli 1997: 521–35) Consonants Stops Fricatives

Lab. Den./Alv. Post-Alv.

Vl Vd

t b

d

Vl

s

Vd

z

Affricates Nasals

š

Velar

Uvul.

k

q

w

Phar.

Glot.

ħ

h

Ɂ

g x

j m

Liquids Glides

ɖ

Pal.

ʕ

Vowels

n

i, ii

u,uu

(l, r)

e, ee

o, oo

y

a, aa

The Puglielli description is unsophisticated, but draws on previous work and judicious use can be made of it. /t, k, m/ merge with /d, g, n/ finally; /ɖ/ is initial but > r finally; /j/ occurs only syllable-initially. P’s chart has y (her j) as velar, but the palatal column is empty: I have combined P’s palatal-alveolar and palatal. There are phonetic details on pp. 522–3. Geminates and assimilations are frequent. Vowels. Puglielli (523–5) supports Andrzejewski’s analysis of 20 Vowels. each of the above has fronting and retracting varieties, and several monosyllabic minimal pairs, both lexical and grammatical, are given. In the text, however, all examples have unmarked forms as above, so that this seems to be a matter of vowel harmony. There are two tones: rare high ´ and unmarked low.

2.1.6.2. Rendillé (Pillinger and Galboran 1999; Fleming 1964) Rendillé is close enough to Somali almost to be considered a dialect (see also Fleming 1964: 59–60). Pillinger and Galboran’s description is not fully explicit because it is orthography-oriented and does not take a fully phonemic approach. My interpretation of their presentation of the Rendillé alphabet (ibid. 8–10) shows the following differences with Somali: Rendillé has no š, q, or ʕ, and Ɂ is marginal. Curiously, /d/ is given as dental /d/, but other coronals are not so marked (presumably they are alveolar). Vowels are the canonical five, long and short, but /e/ is given as /ɛ/. Gemination of consonants is common. There are two tones: high ´ and unmarked low. Fleming (1964: 60) largely agrees with this, but gives also š and a different set of vowels. 105

2.1.6.3. Baiso (Hayward 1978–9; Fleming 1964) Consonants Stops Fricatives

Lab.

Den./Alv. t

k

Vd

b

d

g

Vl

f

Vl

Vd

s

Pal.

š

Velar

p’

t’

m, m’

n, n’

i, ii

u,uu

l, l’, r, r’

e, ee

o, oo

Affricates

c’

k’

(c), j

Liquids Glides

Ɂ~h

(z)

Ejectives Nasals

Glot.

w, w’

Vowels

y

a, aa

The consonant system of Baiso is rather different from Somali-Rendillé and it may be that this is partly why Heine does not include Baiso in “Sam” (see 2.1.6.5 below). The set of glottalized consonants is remarkable: the ejectives are as in many lgs. of the area (e.g. Amharic), but glottalized sonorants and glide w’ (no y’ is given) are unusual (cf. HEC: 2.1.10 below). /c/ is problematical. H has h and Ɂ separate even though “without exception, [h] and [Ɂ] are in complementary distribution” (ibid. 543). /z/ is marginal and may occur only in loans: exception: ‘bee’ zizaal+e (symbolic). H (ibid. 542) says Fleming’s (1964) consonants are unphonemicized. Vowels. H lists the five canonical vowels and mentions long vowels (544–5) and vowel sequences (548–9) but does not state that all vowels occur long (examples of all occur in text, however). Geminate consonants occur. H (ibid. 545–7) discusses the placement of accent; he does not mention tone.

2.1.6.4. Boni (Sasse 1979: 96) Consonants Stops Fricatives Ejectives

106

Lab. Vl Vd

b

Vl

f

Vd

Den./Alv.

Pal.

Velar

t

k

d

g

s

š (c’)

Ɂ

h

(z) (t’)

Glottal

(k’)

Consonants

Lab. ɓ

Implosives

Den./Alv. ɗ

Affricates

Pal.

Velar

Glottal

(ɠ) c, (j)

Nasals

m

Liquids

n

ɲ

ŋ

y

i, ii

l, r

Glides

Vowels

w

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

Ejectives occur only in loans from Oromo. In Sasse’s chart of phonemes, s and n appear where one expects š and ŋ. These are surely oversights. Sasse gives two sets of vowels, presumably as in the Somali analysis of Andrzejewski (2.1.6.1 above), and no information on tone or stress.

2.1.6.5. Proto-Somaloid (*Sam: Heine 1978) Consonants Stops Fricatives

Lab.

Vl

Den./Alv. Post-Alv. Pal. t

Vd

b

Vl

f

Vd

d

ɖ

c

Velar

Uvul.

k

q

ħ

h

Ɂ

s z

Vowels m

Liquids Glides

Glot.

ʕ

g

Affricates Nasals

Phar.

w

n

i, ii

u,uu

l, r

e, ee

o, oo

y

a, aa

This excludes Baiso, considered to be coordinate with “Sam” and Arboroid. g > j /__ [V hi & fnt], b > β/V___V. Ejectives and perhaps pharyngeals and other highly marked segments such as glottalized consonants in Baiso probably have contractual origins. The existence of exceptional retroflex or implosive coronal as in Somali and Boni seem to be an areal phenomenon, e.g. in Cushitic Oromo and East Sudanic Gaam. The development of vowel harmony in Somali and Boni may be from areal influence from Nilotic and perhaps some Omotic lgs. There is probably a binary pitch-accent distinction. 107

2.1.7. Arboroid 2.1.7.1. Arboré (extracted from Kusia and Siebert 1994) Consonants Stops Fricatives

Lab.

Den./Alv.

Vl

(p)

t

k

Vd

b

d

g

Vl

f

Vd

Pal.

s

š

z

ž

Ejectives

c’ ɗ

Implosives Affricates

Velar

m

Liquids

n

w

h

k’ ɠ

ɲ

l, r

Glides

Ɂ

(x)

c, j

Nasals

Glottal

y

Vowels i, ii

u, uu

ɪ

ʊ

e, ee

o, oo

ɛ, ɛɛ

ə

ɔ, ɔɔ

a, aa

I have not encountered a phonological study of Arboré, so I have extracted the segmental inventory from the report by Dinote Kusia and Ralph Siebert in SLLE 20. I ignored some unclear symbols, redundant features such as nasalization, and assimilated forms such as β (three times in V__V, likely /b/). p, x, and ɬ occur only once in the data and ŋ only prevelar. Labialized bw, gw, kw and geminates occur. There is probably underanalysis in the vocalic system, and the basic system may be i, e, a, ə, o, u, long and short. There are also diphthongs ai, ɛi, au, aai. They mark one degree of stress.

2.1.7.2. Dasenech (Sasse 1972–3, 1976) Consonants Stops Fricatives

108

Lab. Vl

Den./Alv.

Pal.

k g

Vd

b

d

Vl

f

s

š

z~ð

ž

Vd

Velar

t

(x)

Glottal Ɂ

h-

Consonants

Lab. ɓ

Implosives

Den./Alv. ɗ

Affricates

Pal.

Velar ɠ

Glottal

c, j

Nasals

m

ɲ

n

Liquids

ŋ

l, r

Glides

w

Vowels y

i, ii

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

h- is initial only. n, l, r are lengthened initially and finally and s finally. No initial clusters. Vowels. Much allophonic variation. Short vowels are generally lax. There are two tones high ´and low (unmarked) plus falling (hi-lo sequence). Tone is almost exclusively morphological, though seldom the only determinant of form.

2.1.7.3. Elmolo (Heine 1972–3: 276–83) Heine does not give a phoneme chart. The following is extracted from some comments on consonants and the word list. Consonants Stops

Lab.

Den./Alv.

Vl

p ɓ

t

ɗ

Vl

f

s

Implosives Fricatives Affricate Nasals

Velar

Glottal Ɂ

k

j’

ɠ

hc

m

Liquids Glides

Pal.

n

ɲ

ŋ Vowels

l, r, ɽ w

y

i, ii

u, uu

ɪ, ɪɪ

ʊ, ʊʊ

e, ee

o, oo

ɛ, ɛɛ

ɔ a, aa

109

p, t, k alternate with b, d, g. Ɂ is automatic initially and finally before and after vowels respectively, but some speakers use initial ħ; and Ɂ also occurs finally after w, l. Vowels. Surely these can be reduced, probably to i, e, a, o, u, long and short. Diphthongs ai, ao, au, ɛi also occur. There seems to be one degree of accent, marked as ‘ before a following vowel.

2.1.7.4. Yaaku (Heine 1975) Consonants Stops

Vl

Ejectives

Lab.

Alv.

Pal.-Alv.

p

t

c

t’

c’

ɓ

Implosives Fricatives

Vl

Affricates

Vl

Nasals

m

Velar

Uvul.

Glot. Ɂ

k ɠ

j’

s

Liquids Glides

ɗ

Alv.-Pal. Pal.

q

x

š

ɲ

n

h

ŋ

l, r

Vowels

w

y

i

u

e

o

ɛ

ɔ a

/p, t, k/ are [b, d, g] or [β, ð, ɣ] unless in emphasis. k is post-velar and > t/__ g. /t’/ tends to [ts’]. Is /q/ is voiceless and implosive? m > ŋ word-finally, and /s/ > h/__C, #. Vowels. Heine gives details of allophonic variation (ibid. 35). There are two tones: high ´and unmarked low, plus compound rise and fall, and stress is a separate phoneme.

2.1.7.5. Proto-Arboroid (Bender; very similar to 2.1.7.1 Arboré) Consonants Stops Implosives

110

Lab.

Den./Alv. t

k

b

d

g

Vl Vd

ɓ

ɗ

Pal.

j’ ?

Velar

ɠ

Glottal Ɂ

Consonants Fricatives

Lab.

Den./Alv.

f

s

Vl

Pal. š

Vd

Velar

Glottal h

ž

Affricates

c

Nasals

m

ɲ

n

Liquids

ŋ

l, r

Glides

Vowels

w

y

i, ii

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

2.1.8.  Oromo (Lloret 1997: 493–519) Consonants Stops

Lab. Vl Vd

Ejectives

Fricatives

b

d

p’

t’

Nasals

Velar

Glottal Ɂ

k g c’

k’

c

Vd

j

f

s

m

n

Liquids Glides

ɗ

Vl Vl

Pal.

t

Implosive Affricates

Den./Alv.

š

ɲ

l, r w

h Vowels i, ii

y

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

/x/ replaces /k/ in Eastern Oromo and elsewhere, /k/ often > [x]. /p, z/ occur in loans. Geminates of all except /h/ occur. /ɗ/ is usually retroflex. /š, ɲ, y/ are not frequent. Vowels. There are no vowel sequences except for Eastern dialects, which have diphthongs. Long and short vowels are realized variously, e.g. with -Ɂ, or tense/lax. There are high ´ and unmarked low tones, realized as pitch-accent, and also distinctive stress.

111

2.1.9. Konsoid 2.1.9.1. Konso (Black unpub. 1974: 67) Lab.

Den./ Alv.

Vl

p

t

Vd

b

d

Fricatives

Vl

f

s

Affricates

Vl

Consonants Stops Implosives

Nasals

ɓ

ɗ

Pal.

Uvul.

Glot.

k

q

Ɂ

j’ š

x

c

m

Liquids

n

ɲ

l, r

Glides

Velar

w

h Vowels

i, ii

u, uu

e, ee y

o, oo a, aa

For notes on Konso, see Gidolé, next.

2.1.9.2. Gidolé (Black unpub. 1974: 67) Lab.

Den./ Alv.

Vl

p

t

Vd

b

d

ɓ

ɗ

t’

c’

k’

f

s

š

x?

Consonants Stops Ejectives Implosives Fricatives

Vl

Affricates

Vl

Nasals

Velar

Glottal

k

Ɂ

h

c m

Liquids Glides

Pal.

n

ɲ

(ŋ)

l, r w

Vowels y

i, ii

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

Geminates occur, but no ŋŋ in Gidolé. Konso and Gidolé /p, t, c, k/ (plus Konso q) are voiceless fortis when geminate, voiceless lenis after pause or fricative, oth112

erwise voiced. Especially in Konso, spirantization occurs in V__V or __C. Gidolé ŋ is rare except before velars and h. More details in ibid. (68). Vowels. See details in ibid. (68). Accent is high pitch and is marked ´.

2.1.9.3. Bussa (Wedekind et al. 1994) Lab.

Den./ Alv.

Vl

p

t

Vd

(b)

Consonants Stops Ejectives

p’

Implosive Fricatives

Vl

Affricates

Vl

Nasals

f

Velar

Glottal

k

Ɂ (?)

(g) t’

ɗ s, (t)s’

k’ š

h

c, c’ m

Liquids Glides

Pal.

Vowels

n

i, ii

u, uu

l, r

e, ee

o, oo

w

y

a, aa ay, aw, oy

Absence of /d/ and rarity of /b, g/ (one occurrence each in the data) are striking. [g] and [z] occur in at least one loan each. Geminates occur.

2.1.9.4. Proto-Oromo-Konsoid (Bender) Lab.

Den./ Alv.

Vl

p

Vd

b

Consonants Stops Ejectives

p’

Implosive Fricatives

Velar

Glottal

t

k

Ɂ (?)

d

(g)

t’

k’

ɗ

f

s

m

n

Affricates Nasals

š

h

c, c’

Liquids Glides

Pal.

ɲ

l, r w

y

Vowels i, ii

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

113

Diphthongs ay, aw, oy; one degree of distinctive stress or pitch-accent.

2.1.9.5.  Proto-SAOK: Somaloid-Arboroid-Oromo-Konsoid (Bender) Consonants Stops

Den./ Alv.

Lab. Vl

Velar

Glot.

t

k

Ɂ

g

Vd

b

d

Fricatives

Vl

f

s

Affricates

Vl

Post-Alv.

ɗ

Implosives

Pal.

š

h

c ?, j

Nasals

m

Liquids Glides

Vowels

n

i, ii

u, uu

l, r

e, ee

o, oo

w

y

a, aa

There is probably one degree of pitch accent. The above can be compared with *LEC (Black unpub. 1974: 87–88), which includes Afar-Saho. Black has in addition ejective k’ (his q) and pharyngeals ħ and ʕ. He does not have my palatals š, c, and j, nor vowel length.

2.1.10. Highland East Cushitic 2.1.10.1. Burji (Sasse 1982; Hudson 1989: 11–12) Consonants Stops

Lab.

Glottal Ɂ

p

t

k

b

d

g

Fricatives

Vl

Affricates

Vl

t’

ɓ

ɗ

f

s, (z)

c’

k’

š

h

c, j m

Liquids

114

Velar

Vl

Implosives

Glides

Pal.

Vd

Ejectives

Nasals

Den./ Alv.

n

(ɲ)

l, r w

y

Vowels i, ii

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

Sasse has implosive p’, which I have replaced with ɓ. He says t and d are dental. ɲ is initial only and occurs in loans from Oromo and Swahili; z too is also found only in loans. /h/= [h]~[x]. All consonants can occur geminate except h, z. See Sasse (ibid. 18) for PEC-Burji correspondences. Vowels. Allophones include lax varieties. Final, only -i, -u, -ee, -oo are permitted (presumably both -a and -aa can occur). Stress is usually (always?; perhaps a matter of dialect) penultimate.

2.1.10.2. Sidamo and Gedeo (Bender from Hudson 1989: 11–12) Consonants

Lab.

Den./ Alv.

Vl

Stops

t

Vd

Ejectives Fricatives

b

d

(p’)

t’

f

s

m, ‘m

n, ‘n

Vl

Nasals

Retr. ɖ š

Glides

w, (‘w)

Velar

Glot.

c

k

Ɂ

j

g

c’

k’ h Vowels

l, ‘l, r, ‘r

Liquids

Alv.-Pal.

y, (‘y)

i, ii

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

‘C = glottal onset consonant. In Sidamo, b > β or w/V__V; /p’/ is rare. /’w/ occurs in Gedeo. Perhaps ‘l ~ l in Ge. /’y/ is rare in Ge and Si. z occurs only in loans in Ge and Si. /c/ is [cc] between vowels.

2.1.10.3.  Hadiyya and Kembaata (Bender from Hudson 1989: 11–12) Consonants Stops

Lab.

Den./Alv.

Vl

(p’)

t

k

Vd

b

d

g

Ejectives Fricatives Affricates

t’ Vl

f

s, (z)

Alv.-Pal.

c’ š

Vl

c

Vd

j

Velar

Glottal Ɂ

k’ h

115

Consonants

Lab.

Den./Alv.

Alv.-Pal.

Nasals

m, ‘m

n, ‘n

(ɲ)

Velar

l, ‘l, r, ‘r

Liquids Glides

w

Glottal Vowels

y

i, ii

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

‘r occurs in Ka only. ‘p’ is found only rarely in Ka. In Ha, *HEC ɖ > Ɂ; rr > ll; z is found only in loans. /c, c’, j/ are phonetically affricates; /c/ > [cc] in V__V; /ɲ/ is rare in Ha and Ka.

2.1.10.4. Proto-Highland East Cushitic (modified from Hudson 1976: 247–8, 1989: 11–12) Consonants Stops

Affricates Nasals

Den./Alv.

b

d

p’

t’

f

s

Vl Vd

Ejectives Fricatives

Lab.

Vl

t

Vl

Alv.-Pal.

Velar

Glottal Ɂ

k

ɖ

g c’ š

k’ h

c

Vd m, ‘m

dz

j

n, ‘n

(ɲ)

l, ‘l, r, ‘r

Liquids Glides

Retr.

w, (‘w)

y

Vowels i, ii

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

Hudson’s list (1989: 11–12) excludes phonemes in fewer than four HEC languages and have Amh or Or cognates. I include here all which occur in Brj plus either Ge-Si or Ha-Ka. ( ) means rare. b > β or w between vowels. The affricate /dz/ is included to account for some d~z alternations (ibid., 8); z is rare in Brj, restricted to loans in the others except Ka. Hudson says the following are restricted to some but not all languages: p, ɓ, ɗ, z, ɲ, ɖ, ɽ. Given /ɖ/ in Brj, Ge, Si, it seems that /*ɖ/ belongs in *HEC (> Ɂ in Ha, Ka). All but r, h, ɓ occur geminate in at least one language. Pre-glottalized variants alternate with plain varieties ‘l~l, ‘r~r, ‘n~n

116

in Brj and perhaps ‘l~l in Ge. ‘w occurs in Brj (~w) and Ge only. ɲ is found rarely in Brj, Ge, Si. Stress is generally predictable (falling on long vowels and closed syllables), but phonemic in four of the languages.

2.1.10.5. Proto-Lowland East Cushitic In the new classification of 1.3.1. above, there is no longer a “Lowland East Cushitic”, since Highland is coordinate with Afar-Saho and Core East Cushitic.

2.1.11. Proto-East Cushitic (Bender) Consonants Stops Fricatives Nasals

Lab.

Vl

t

Vd

b

d

Vl

f

s

m

n

Retr. ɖ

Alv.-Pal.

Velar

c

k

j

g

š

Glot.

ħ

h

Ɂ

Vowels

l, r w

Phar.

ʕ

Vd

Liquids Glides

Den./Alv.

y

i, ii

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

This includes Afar-Saho, Highland, and “Core”. This is a minimal system. /ħ, ʕ/ are included because they are found in Dullay and Somaloid, /ʕ/ in Afar-Saho. Sasse (1979: 5ff.) and list in Sasse (1982: 18) includes additional consonants: /z/, a second retroflex, giving /ɖ1, ɖ2/, /k’/, /x ?/, but excludes /c, j/. Sasse (ibid. 25–31) has an extended discussion of the need for two (or more!) retroflexes to account for reflexes in lgs. such as Dullay ahd Konsoid. Gemination of all consonants can be assumed. Vowels are not stable. Most common alternations are i~u, e~o; some have a~i~u; less common is a~e~i~u; rare are i~o~u and e~u(u). Vowel ablaut must be assumed. Tones. High ´ and neutral (unmarked), usually morphological. Ehret (1987: 163 from list) has additionally /p’, t’, z, c’, ɲ, k’, x, G (not fully specified velar fricative)/. Ehret does not list vowels. Takács (2000: list, pp. 105–6) follows this system except no /p’, t’, x, c, j, G/; but there is /ŋ/. 117

2.1.12. Proto-Cushitic (Bender) Consonants Stops Fricatives

Lab.

Vl

t

Vd

b

d

Vl

f

s

Vd

Alv.-Pal.

Velar

m

Glot.

ħ

h

Ɂ

g

š

ʕ

c, j ŋ?

n l, r

w

Phar.

k

ɖ

ts, dz ?

Liquids Glides

Retr.

z

Affricates Nasals

Den./Alv.

Vowels y

i, ii

u, uu

e, ee

o, oo a, aa

Labialized velars and gemination of consonants are probable. Probably one degree of stress or pitch-accent. Ehret (1987: 10) reconstructs five vowels i, e, a, o, u, but does not list vowels with consonant correspondences (p. 163).

2.2. Overview of Cushitic phonologies It might be worthwhile asking how families are distributed with regards to overall phonological systems, especially consonants, which are the most detailed systems and for which descriptions are usually complete. After some experimentation, I arrived at a method. The inventories of consonants and vowels (latter not always available) were compared and counted, and from these counts, three numbers are assigned: segments held in common, segments found in system A but not in B, and segments found in B but not in A. For example, there are 19 segments held in common by Beja and *Agew (counting labialization as one); 6 held by Beja but not *Agew (counting gemination of consonants as one), and 10 by *Agew but not Beja. Although labialization does not apply to the same consonants in Beja and *Agew, it is counted as common. Beja-*Agew: t, k, Ɂ, b, d, g, f, s, m, n, l, r, w, y, i, e, u(?), a, labialization Beja only: ɓ, ɖ, s’, j, h, gemination *Agew only: q, z, ts, dz, c, x, ɣ, ŋ, ɨ, ə (Labialized consonants in Beja kw, gw; in *Agew qw, ŋw) 118

From these counts, three numbers are assigned: segments held in common; segments found in system A but not in B; segments found in B but not in A. Vowel-length, gemination of consonants, and labialization of consonants are counted as segments. Information on suprasegmentals such as stress is too limited to be of general use. This score, summarized as [19; 6; 10], can be further reduced to a similarity score of 3: 19 in common, minus the special features of Beja and *Agew. Without going into the many problems of interpretation involved in the counting and method of scoring here, let us see what the results are for comparisons of some of the principal families: Beja, *Agew, *South, and *East for Cushitic as a whole; and *Afar-Saho, *Dullay, *SAOK (*Somaloid-Arboroid-Oromo-Konsoid), and *HEC within East Cushitic. *Agew-Beja

[19; 6; 10], 3

*Afar-Saho-*Dullay

[23; 1; 10], 12

*Agew-*South

[23; 5; 12], 6

*Afar-Saho-*SAOK

[23; 3; 2], 18

*Agew-*East

[19; 10; 7], 2

*Afar-Saho-*HEC

[22; 3; 11], 8

Beja-*East

[24; 4; 4], 16

*Dullay-*SAOK

[23; 12; 2], 9

Beja-*South

[23; 3; 11], 9

*Dullay-*HEC

[23; 8; 11], 4

*South-*East

[25; 9; 2], 14

*SAOK-*HEC

[26; 0; 10], 16

Looking first at the major families, one sees that *Agew is distinctive, scoring only 3, 6, and 2 with Beja, *South, and *East respectively. Beja scores 16 and 9 with *East and *South, while *South-*East is 14. Thus, Beja, *South, and *East group together, though Beja is a bit less congruent with *South. Looking at families within *East Cushitic, *SAOK has a central role (as suggested also by Blažek 1997), scoring 18 with *Afar-Saho and 16 with *HEC, less with *Dullay (9). *Dullay is a bit anomalous, scoring 9 with *SAOK, but only 4 with *HEC. *Afar-Saho with *HEC is 8. The reader may have noted that counts of shared features are about 23, with a high of 26 (*SAOK-*HEC) and low of 19 (*Agew-East and *Agew-Beja). Thus it appears that there is a core of shared features, which may be summarized as follows for the major families: Labials: b, f, m, w (all families; note f for p, v. Bender 2003b) Alveolars: t, d, s, n, l, r (all families) 119

Palatals: c, j, y (one or more of these in all families) Velars: k, g (all families) Post-velars: Ɂ, h (in most families) Vowels: i, e, a, o, u (all families except no o in Agew) Less universal features include one or more retroflex or implosive, affricates, other fricatives, labiovelars (and other labialized consonants), pharyngeals, geminate consonants, and long vowels. Cushitic thus has an overall “bland” appearance with segments common to most world languages and no reconstructable more “exotic” consonants such as ejectives and implosives or pharyngeals.

2.3. Segmental comparisons across Cushitic languages Here I undertake the large task of trying to establish segmental regularities across major languages and East Cushitic language families as shown in tables below. Items from the list of Selected Cushitic Comparisons are included only if they have suggested *Cushitic or *East Cushitic forms. The following 19 items have no cognate series for either *Cush. or *E.C.: 9 ‘black’

67 ‘kill’

106 ‘thin’

12 ‘breast’

76 ‘mountain’

114 ‘warm’

13 ‘bring’

78 ‘mud’

115 ‘wash’

22 ‘cook’

81 ‘new’

118 ‘wet’

23 ‘cough’

98 ‘smoke’

120 ‘woman’

37 ‘egg’

99 ‘snake’

44 ‘fire’

100 ‘stand (up)’

I did not include items which are weakly represented across families, e.g. 44 ‘fire’, eek+ (Arboroid as a possible reflex of *Afrasian k) and gi(i)r+ in East Cushitic (Afar-Saho and HEC). Items in parentheses are less-than-fully attested. Agew splits are into *Ag/Ag N, and /dz- means “applies to Agew North only”. Afar-Saho splits into Afar/ Saho. Under *Dullay, when a split is indicated, it is between Ts’amay/*Werizoid. Under *Konsoid, splits are Konso/others. Under *HEC, splits are Burji/*Sidamoid. Occasionally, the forms of items in the list of Selected Cushitic Comparisons are changed in the segmental tables, for clarification, e.g. item 70 ‘laugh’ is given by Sasse as *ksol-~kosl- in *East Cushitic, and I have used the alternative *kosol in order to separate the positions of the vowel. 120

Dahalo is absent in the tables because of its uncertain status (v. 1.2 above). The chart consists of series of segments from the list of Selected Cushitic Comparisons, given in the usual order from Beja through HEC, but not all items of the list are included: only those with *Cu or *E.C. proto-forms and enough documentation in individual families to provide meaningful comparisons. A series exists for each consonant and vowel of the canonical morpheme shape CVC and the rarer shapes VC, CV, CVCVC, etc., where possible. Some are not possible, e.g. the second C in 66. ‘intestines’ ma_ (see 2.12 below). Presence or absence of + (nominal) or – (verbal), indicating morpheme boundary after final C is not to be taken as definitive.

2.4. Labials in *Cushitic Four phonemic labial segments can be reconstructed in Cushitic: /b, f, m, w/ However, f cannot be reconstructed initially in my data, and /m-, w-/ are very weak. There are five series for initial /b-/, with the following vowel being a, aa, u, or too variable to determine. All families are represented except South. The reflexes of /b-/ are [b-] except for [p-] in Dullay and Konsoid (one [b-] also in Konso 35 ‘earth’ biit+a). Non-initial /-b-/ has four series, with Dullay and Konsoid again tending to devoice to [-p-]. The lack of initial /f-/ is puzzling but small sample size may explain it. There are three series for non-initial /-f-/ with at least two families represented in each series. Since [p] appears only once (in Awngi 3 ‘bark’ qap), it seems that the “f for p” phenomenon is strong in Cushitic (see Ferguson 1976 and Bender 2003). Initial /m-/ has six series, one of them being 116 ‘water’ which has only Beja and South forms plus the dubious HEC w-forms. Otherwise, the reflexes are always /m-/ except for /ŋ, n/ in Agew in 64 ‘house, hut’ and /ŋ-/ in Agew 57 ‘head’. It seems that Agew has a tendency to replace m (see also /-m-/ next). There are eight series for non-initial /-m-/ and all families are represented. Variation is not great: Agew has velar nasal in 79 and 112 /-n-/ in Agew 21 ‘come’ is easily seen as an assimilation to /-t/ in the verb Ɂint-; similarly for Burji. /b/ sometimes occurs (perhaps from -m > -mb > -b). -mm- is sporadic. One weak series for /w-/ and two for /-w-/ occur. I will not attempt to account for the sporadic occurrences of geminates /-bb, ff, mm-/.

121

122

bu(r)t+

baH- ?

bukw+

bal+

35.

40.

53.

A18.

arrab

68.

109.

-fVr

af+

49.

77.

mik+

mat+

11.

57.

/m-/

ka(L)f+

3.

/-f-/

dab+

giLub+

56.

kamb-

20.

/-b-/

bVr+

*Cu.

10.

/b-/

No.

--

(m-)

-f-

-f- ?

--

-b ?

--

--

--

--

(b- ?)

--

b-

-b-

Bj

---

ŋ-

-f-

--

-f-

--

Ø?

-b-

--

--

--

--

--

--

*SC

--

(-b,f)

--

-f,p

--

-b(-)

-f,v-

-b-

-b-

b-

^b-

b-

b-

*Ag

mat+

mik+

af+

-fVr

--

arrab

gi/ulb+

--

kab-

baal+

--

baH-

--

bor-

*East

--

m-

-f

(-)f-

(-f-)

-b(-)

b-

--

--

(b-)

--

--

(^b-)

(-)b-

*A-S

--

--

--

--

(-f(f)-)

-p-

-b,p-

--

--

p-

--

(p-)

--

--

*Dul

Cushitic labial correspondences

m-

--

-f

-f-

--

-b(-)

b,(Ø)

$–

b-

b-

--

b-

--

(^b-)

*Som

m-

--

(-f-)

-f(f)-

--

-b,p,Ø-

Ø

--

--

(b-)

--

(b-)

--

^b-

*Arb

m-

--

-f-

-f-

--

-b-

-b-

--

-b-

b-

b-

b-

--

^b-

Or

m-

(m,n-)

(-f-)

-f-

-f(f)-

-b,p(-)

-p,b-

--

-pp-

p-

--

--

p,b-

(^p-)

*Kon

--

m-

-f-

f-

--

-b-

-b

--

(-bb)

b-

b-

b-

(b-)

--

*HEC

123

mi/an

m-

ma+

64.

66.

116.

(C)am-

garm+

si/um

kVlm+

lam-

21.

36.

71.

79.

80.

112.

lVw+

hi/uw-

25.

50.

/-w-/

59.

wad/ zVn

-m(t)-

20.

/w-/

dim

kamb-

19, 90.

/-m-/

mas+

58.

-w,Ø-

(-u)

--

m?

--

-m

--

-m-

(m-)

--

--

-m

m-)

--

m-

-w-

-w-

w,Ø-

-ŋ

-m(-)

-ŋw

-m-

--

-n-

-m,n,Ø-

-m(m)-

--

--

(-)ŋ, n-

m-

Ø

Ø?

--

(-m)

--

--

--

-m-

--

--

--

m-

--

m-

--

--

lo_+

wod/zVn

lam(m)-

--

--

garm+

(C)am-

-mti

kab-

dim+

--

--

ma/in+

--

Ø

Ø

--

-mm-

--

--

--

(-m-)

-m-

--

(-m)

--

(m-)

--

--

--

-Ɂ-

--

--

--

--

-m-

--

--

--

--

--

m-

m-

--

--

m-

m-

--

--

-h,Ɂ-

w-

-m,b,w-

--

--

--

-m,(ŋ)-

-m-

-Ø,m-

-b,m(b)-

Cushitic labial correspondences

--

--

(w-)

m-

--

(-n)

--

-m-

m-

--

--

--

(m-)

m-

--

--

Ø

Ø?

-m-

^-m-

--

--

--

--

-Ø-

-m-

--

--

m-

--

--

-lw,h-

Ø?

(-m-)

-m-

--

-m-

-m-

--

-Ø-

(-m-)

--

m-

m-

--

-w-

-l,r-

w-

-m,(ŋg)-

--

(Ɂ)m-

(-m)

-m-

-n,m/m-

(-Ø)

-w/m-

w- ?

--

m-

/m-

2.5. Coronal obstruents in *Cushitic The coronal obstruents are surprisingly problematic. Five series exist for initial /d-/, one being combined: 19 ‘cloud’ and 90 ‘red’, both reflecting ‘dark color’ and thus overlapping with 9 ‘black, dark, night’. Another, 92 ‘say’, is a very weak series, having an implosive or retroflex realization in East Cushitic. This makes for poor documentation, although /d/occurs at least once in each family except Konsoid. Non-initial /-d-/ is weak, with four series. 29 ‘hoe’ is unsatisfactory because it is /t/ in *East and d~z in Agew. 59 ‘heart’ wad/zVn is designated as d~z. In *East Cushitic, there is a case for a possible phoneme /dz/, but here I will assume the items in Agew are loans (Appleyard 2006: 82 implies as much), but the source is unclear. Konsoid and Dullay generally devoice. Voiceless /t-/ is also weak, having three series but at least one instance of /t/ in all families. Non-initial /-t-/ is also problematical, having three series, but occurrences of /t/ in all families except South and Dullay. The fricative /s-/ is relatively well-documented with five series, having /s-/ in all families. [š] sometimes occurs, especially (but not always) before palatal vowels. A strange correspondence of /f/ and /s/, both initial and non-initial, is seen in Oromo (e.g. in 83 ‘nose’ sVn) and less frequently in HEC and elsewhere. Sasse wrote about this in 1975, before “Galla” became “Oromo”, and I have found more examples. Non-initial /-s-/ is poorly documented; in fact there is only one short series (A1) with representations in Beja, Dullay, and Somaloid. There are no series for the voiced analog /z/.

2.6. Coronal sonorants in *Cushitic Three of these are found in *Cushitic, /l, r, n/, but /n/ does not occur initially and /r-/ has only one dubious series. /l-/ has only three series, but they are strong ones, having [l-] twice or three times in all families except Beja and South. A mysterious alternation with n- occurs in 112 lam ‘two’ (in Afar and Dasenech) and elsewhere, but this is not an occurrence of /n-/. There are eight series for non-initial /-l-/, which I write ‘L’ four times, to indicate strong alternation with /r/, especially in Beja, Agew, and HEC. Non-initial /-r-/ has nine series, showing less variation than /-l-/. It is seen that /r/ is strongly established in all families except Beja. Series 109 ‘tongue’ has geminate /-rr-/ throughout East Cushitic and is set up as /-rr-/. Non-initial /-n-/ has only five series, but has [-n-] in all families at least once. The main variant is [ŋ], especially in Agew and Somaloid: these seem to be a function of final position. 124

2.7. Palatal consonants in *Cushitic There are only four series for palatals /š, -š-, y-/ (none for /-y-/) in *Cushitic, all weak or dubious. There is no evidence for other consonants such as /c/. The series for /š-/ is suspect because it is a probably a sound-symbolic word (and it is limited to Agew, South, and Dullay. One series for /-š-/ is probably a loanword ultimately from Arabic, 54 ‘grass’ Haš+, although possible semantic shift from a kind of drug to the general word for ‘grass’ is hard to explain.

2.8. Velars in *Cushitic Here, two paired velar stops seem assured: /g/ and /k/, though the documentation for /-g-/ is weak. I do not treat labiovelars gw, kw as separate phonemes since they are usually products of following /o/ or /u/. For initial /g-/ there are five series, with [g-] in two or more families except Somaloid. At first I tried to derive 5 ‘belly’ gur from gdb, but later decided that gdb is not sure for *Cu, being based only on Beja ‘chest’ according to Appleyard and otherwise restricted to E.C. There are only two series for (non-initial) /-g-/. As generally with labials and coronals, both initial and non-initial velars have voiceless reflexes in Konsoid and Dullay W (i.e. Dullay other than Ts’amay). Initial /k-/ has nine series, with most families being well-represented. I do not accept ejective /k’/ as a *Cu phoneme: instances in Agew are from E-S and other Cushitic influence. For *E.C., see below under 2.18. Non-initial /-k/- has ten series with much variation. There are no phonemic velar fricatives /x,ɣ/ or nasals /ŋ/ in *Cushitic. Three wildly varying series with little representation, almost none in *East, are included under K.

2.9. Post-Velar consonants in *Cushitic The post-velars are a problematic lot. Initial /Ɂ-/must be admitted for its optional role in five series above. Initial /h-/ has three doubtful series, two with /ħ-/ in *East. 50 ‘give’ has [h-] in Beja and Afar; 101 ‘star’ has an h-form in Beja difficult to reconcile with the forms in *East, and 108 ‘tie, sew’ has h- in *South, perhaps a loan from *East. Initial glottal stop is optional in morphemes of shapes _VC: there are five series having [Ɂ-] as options in Agew (all five), South (41 and 77), and elsewhere in *East. Non-initial /-Ɂ-/ appears in one series (25 ‘cow’) in E.C. in Oromo and as a variant in Somaloid and HEC, but is doubtful in Bedawiyet as recorded by Roper in his šɁa. I have relegated /-h-,ħ/ to *E.C. because no sure attestations exist for *Cushitic. Finally, there are two very mixed series I have designated with H. One I have labeled H: 54 ‘grass’ Haš+. This series may represent a wanderword carried through Arabic. The other is a non-initial series. 125

126

dVk+

dakan

dab

di(Ɂ)

31.

38.

56.

92.

ad-

hi/udk

51.

101.

tak-

tak-

62.

84.

/-t-/

t-

47.

/t-/

59.

wad/z

ka/od-

29.

/-d-~-z-/

gud-

6.

/-d-/

dim

*Cu.

19, 9.

/d-/

No.

(^t-)

(t-)

t-

--

-y- ?

--

--

-d

(-)d-

--

--

--

--

Bj

--

t-

ts,š-

-d,z-

--

-d-

-d,z-

--

d-

t-

j,z,Ø-

d-

d-

*Ag

t-

^t-

--

--

--

ad-

-l,d

--

--

d-

d-

d-

--

*SC*

tok-

tok-

ti/e/a-

wod/zVn

ħi/udk

kot-

gud-

--

--

--

--

dum-

*East

--

-t-

--

--

-t-

-d,ɗ-

(^-ɗ-)

--

-ɗħ-

--

d-

--

(d-)

*A-S

t-

--

--

--

z/s-

ty,c-

-t,ɗ-

--

--

--

--

--

--

*Dul

--

--

t-

-(n)d,Ø-

--

-d

-t,d-

--

--

ɖ,ɗ,Ø-

--

--

-d-

*Som

Cushitic coronal obstruent correspondences

t-

--

--

-(-z-)

-z,ð,(n)s-

-t,d

-t-

-ɗ,dd,t-

--

--

--

--

Ø

*Arb

t-

ɗ-

t-

(Ø)

--

--

-t-

-ɗ,dd-

--

--

--

--

d-

Or

t,s,š-

(ɗ-)

--

(Ø)

-s-

--

(-t- ?)

-t(t)-

--

--

--

--

(-)t-

*Kon

ɗ/(t-)

--

t-

-dz-

--

(d-)

-t-,ɗ-

--

--

--

d,z-

--

d-

*HEC

127

bu(r)t+

mat+

35.

57.

saK-

83.

107.

lVk+

lam-

48.

112.

/-l-/

lVw+

*Cu.

25.

/l-/

No.

A1:

kas(t)-

sVn

79.

/-s-/

sVl-

si/um

49.

saɁ+

25.

/s-/

m(t)-

21.

-ss-

--

--

s-

--

--

--

(-t)

--

-l-?

--

(r-)

Bj

--

s,š-

-s(s)-

š-

s- ?

(šɁ-)

-t-

-t-

-t-

l-

--

l-

*Ag

--

--

--

--

s-

ɬ- ?

--

--

--

--

--

s-

--

--

s-

--

(^-t-)

-t-

-s-

-z,s-

s-

--

s-

--

--

--

--

(-st-)

--

s-

--

--

s-

-t,d-

--

-t-

(l-)

--

ɬ- ?

*SC*

lam(m)-

luk+

lo_+

*East

l,n-

l-

l-

*A-S

--

l-

l-

*Dul

l-

l-

l-

*Som

Cushitic coronal sonorant correspondences

--

sVn

--

--

saɁ+

mat+

bu(rt+

-mti

Cushitic coronal obstruent correspondences

l,n,ɽ-

l-

--

*Arb

--

--

s-

(s-)

--

--

-t-

--

-d,ð,z-

l-

(l-)

l-

Or

--

--

f-

--

--

s-

-t-

--

--

(l-)

l-

l-

*Kon

--

--

s-

--

--

--

-t(t),šš-

-t-

--

l-

l-

l-

*HEC

--

s-

s-

/s-

/s,š-

s-

--

(-tt-)

-t-/

128

al+

bal+

49.

117.

A18.

110.

gVr-

102.

ark-

69,93.

kar+

-fVr

49.

garm+

bu(r)t+

35.

82.

bVr+

10.

71.

gVr+

5.

/-r-/

28.

re/a- ?

iLk+

80.

/r-/

giLub+

kVLm+

68.

ka(L)f+

3.

/-l-~-r-/

il+

sVl-

41.

-r

--

--

(Ø)-

-ɗ- ?

(-r-)

-y,i-

--

-y-

(-r-) ?

--

--

--

--

( r-) ?

--

-l-

-l(l)-

(-r-)

-r-

-r,Ø-

l,r,Ø-

--

--

-r(-)

--

--

-r-

-r,l,Ø-

-r-

-r,Ø

l-

^-l-

-(d)z,j-

--

(-r-)

--

--

--

--

--

-r-

--

(l- )

--

-r- ?

-Ø-

--

(-l-)

-l

-l-

ger-

--

garm+

a(r)g

fVr

--

bor+

gar+

re ?

ilk+

--

gi/ulb+

--

baal

eel+

--

il+

-r-

(-rr-)

(-rr-)

--

-r-

(^-r-)

-l(-)

-r-

r- ?

(Ø ?)

--

-l-

(-r-)

(-l)

-l-

--

(-l-)

-r-

--

--

-r-

--

--

--

-r(ʕ)-

--

-l-

--

-l-

(-l-)

-l-

-l-

-l-

--

--

--

--

-r,Ø-

-r

--

(^-r-)

--

--

-l-

--

-l,(r)-

--

-l(-)

-l

--

-l

Cushitic coronal sonorant correspondences -l

-r(r)-

--

--

-r-

-r

--

^-r(r)-

-r-

(z- ?)

-l-

--

-r(-)

--

(-l)

-l

--

--

--

--

-r-

-r

-Ø-Ø

-r-

-ɗ,r-

--

-l-

^-r-

-l-

--

-l

-l-

--

-l-

(^-r-)

--

-r-

-r>Ø

-r

Ø

(-r-)

-r(r)-

(l-)

-l-

-l-

-l-

-l-

-l(-)

-l-

--

-l-

-ll-

--

-r(Ɂ)-

-r-

l-

-l-

Ø

--

--

r(r),l-

-l,r

--

-l/l,-r-

--

-ll-

-l,(r)-

-l,(r)-

129

mi/an

ke/an-

sVn

64.

69.

83.

y-

y-

--

-n(-)

--

--

--

-n

-rr-

-d-

-nd-

--

-n(n)-

--

--

-rr-

--

iy(y)-

kašš+

Haš+

--

*East

-y-

--

-s-

--

*A-S

--

-cc/šš-

-š-

š-

*Dul

Cushitic palatal correspondences

sVn

--

ma/in+

wod/zVn

--

arrab

hiɗ-

--

-c

-s-

--

*Som

-m,(ŋ)

(-n-)

-n,(ŋ)

-n,(nd)-

--

-rr-

-ɗ,r-

(-y-)

--

(-š)

--

*Arb

-n-

(-n-)

-n

(-nn-)

--

-r(r)-

-d,t,z-

--

--

--

Or

-ɲɲ-

--

-n-

-nn-

--

-rr-

-ɗ-

--

(-y-)

-s

(-j-)

s-

*SC*

--

--

-n

--

-ŋw

--

-r-

--

y-

--

^ts,š-

š,c-

*Ag

-n,ŋ

n-

n,ŋ

-n

-n-

--

--

92.

kašš+

A48.

--

--

Bj

--

(-n)

--

--

--

-l- ?

--

/y-/

Haš+

šooK-

54.

/-š-/

113.

/š-/

*Cu.

wad/zVn

59.

No.

dakan

arrab

hir-

38.

/-n-/

109.

/-rr-/

108.

Cushitic coronal sonorant correspondences

--

-š(š),s-

--

--

*Kon

-n-

--

-n-

(-nt-)

--

-rr-

-ɗ-

(-)y-

-cc/šš

-ss-

--

*HEC

-n-

-n(n)-

-n-

-n/-n(n)-

-n-

-rr,(ll)-

-ɗ

130

giLub+

garm+

gVr-

68.

71.

102.

ka/od-

29.

ke/an-

kVlm+

kar+

69.

80.

82.

kag-~gog-

kamb-

20.

33,95.

ka(L)f+

kag-

3.

/k-/

33,95.

32.

(Ɂ)Vgw- ?

gud-?

6.

/-g-/

gVr+

*Cu.

5.

/g-/

No.

--

--

(k-)

--

--

--

--

--

-g(w)-

gw-

--

--

x-

k,x,ɣ-

g,k,etc.

k,(c)-

k-

--

(x -) w

--

--

gog-

kot-

kab-

--

-gog-

Ɂi,u,ag-

ger-

garm+

gi/ulb+

gud-

gar+

*East

--

--

k-

w

gw

--

q-

-h ?

-g-

--

--

g- ?

--

g-

*SC*

k-

q,k-

-g-

^-qw-

-gg-

g-

g-

--

^g( )-

w

--

*Ag

--

Bj

(h-)

--

--

--

(^g-)

--

(k-)

--

--

g-

--

g-

--

g-

*A-S

--

--

--

--

g/q-

--

(q-)

---

-k-

g/k-

g/k-

g/k-

--

g,k-

*Dul

Cushitic velar correspondences

--

--

(-q-)

g-

q,x-

q,x,Ø-

--

g(-)

--

--

--

g,j,Ø-

--

--

*Som

--

--

(-q-)

g-

k,g,ɠ-

--

--

-g-

-k,(q)-

g,k-

--

k-

g-

g-

*Arb

--

^g-

--

g-

k’-

k’-

--

-g-

--

--

--

g,j-

g-

g-

Or

--

x,h-

--

k-

(k’-)

k’-

k’-

-k-

-k(k)-

(^k-)

k-

k-

-g-,k-

k-

*Kon

-k-

--

-g,k-

g-

k’,g-/k(‘)

(k-/)

--

-g-

/-g-

--

g-/

g-

--

--

*HEC

131

kašš+

A48

iLk+

110.

šooK-

saK-

107.

113.

dVK+

31.

-K-

hi/udk

tak-

62.

101.

bukw+

53.

ark

lVk+

48.

tak-

dakan

38.

84.

-k-

36.

69,93.

mik+

11.

/-k-/

kas(t)-

A1.

--

--

--

(k) ?

-k-

^-k

(-k-)

(-h)-x

(-w-) ?

--

--

(-kw-)

--

k,h-

ħi/uzk+ (-g-) ?

-k ,q -

-x,q,ɣ-

-x

--

w

-q ,x ,ɣw

-qw-

-xw,qw,ɣw-

w

-w

--k

-k ,q,Ɂ,x--

ta/uk’-

--

--

ɣw,ww

--

--

--

--

--

-kw

Ø

--

k-

--

--

--

--

ilk+

-k-

tok-

arg-

-k,g-

--

li/a/uk+

dakan

mik+

kašš+

--

--

--

--

(k) ?

-k-

--

--

--

--

-k

-k-

--

--

--

-ħ-

-h,x,ħ-

--

-g,k-

-g/k-

k(k),Ɂ-

-Ø-

--

--

-Ɂ/x,h,k-

--

q’/q,k’-

k/h,x-

k-

Cushitic velar correspondences

---

---

--

-g,k-

-g,Ø-

--

-g,(k)-

--

--

-g,k,h

--

--

(k-)

(-k-)

--

--

--

-k-

ħ/h-

-k(k)-

-g,Ø-

-Ɂ-

--

(-k)

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-k-

(-k-),Ø

-kk-

-g-

-kk’-

-k-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-g,k

-k-

-k(k)-

-k(k)-

-Ɂ-

--

-k(k),ɣ

--

(k’,k,g-)

k,x,h-

--

--

/k(k)-

--

-k,k-/

--

-kk-

-k’,Ɂ-

(^-kk-)

-kk-

-kk-

Ø

-k’-

k/h-

--

132

hir-

Ø-/

108.

/Ɂ-~Ø-/

(Ɂ)ark-

(Ɂ)af

(Ɂ)iLk+

69,93

77.

110.

40.

baH-?

Haš+

54.

/H-?/

saɁ+

25.

/-Ɂ-/

(Ɂ)il+

41.

ɁVgw- ?

hi/udk+

101.

32.

hi/uw-

*Cu.

50.

/h-/

No.

--

--

(-Ɂ-) ?

(Ø) ?

-y-

(Ø)

Ø

-Ø,Ɂ-

--

-h- ?

(-)h-

Bj

^Ø

^ɣ,Ɂ,ħ,Ø

--

Ɂ,Ø-

(Ɂ,Ø-)

y,Ɂ,Ø-

Ɂ,Ø,y-

^-Ø,Ɂ-

--

--

y,Ɂ--

*Ag*

Ɂ-

--

(h-)

Ø

(Ø)

--

Ɂ-

Ɂ-

^h-

--

--

*SC

baH-

Ɂaš+

saɁ+

ilk+

af-

Ɂark-

il+

ʕi,u,ag-

ħiɗ-

ħi/udk+

--

*East

--

ʕ,Ɂ,Ø-

-g-

(Ø-?)

Ø-

--

(Ø-)

--

ħ-

ħ-

-h,ħ-

*A-S

(-ħ-)

Ø,ʕ,ħ-

--

Ø-

--

Ɂ,Ø-

--

-ʕ,Ɂ-

--

ħ-

--

*Dul

Ø-

Ɂ,Ø-

-Ɂ,Ø-

Ø-

--

ħ-

ħ/h-

--

*Som

-ħ,h,Ø-

Ø,ʕ,ħ-

-Ɂ,ʕ,h,Ø-

Cushitic post-velar correspondences

(Ø)

(Ɂ-)

--

Ø-

(Ø-)

Ɂ,Ø-

Ø,(Ɂ)-

-Ø,Ɂ-

h-

h-

--

*Arb

-h,Ɂ-

--

-Ɂ-

Ø-

Ø-

Ø-

Ø-

--

h-

--

--

Or*

--

--

--

Ø-

(Ø-)

Ø,(h)-

Ø-

-Ø-

h-

h,(Ø)-

--

*Kon

-Ɂ,Ø-/

h,Ø-

-Ɂ,yy-

Ø/

Ø-

(Ɂ) ?

Ø-

/Ø-

h-/

--

Ø r, and if this is so, we could have further r > Ø, so that roots such as Arb ger could also be included. Finally, roots such as Gidolé karɗ, Gato karr+da may include a suffix of unknown meaning (I have not been able to identify this suffix in notes on Konsoid languages, mainly from Paul Black). It is possible that this root relates to Cohen’s (1947) *Af 230bis k’Vb, and perhaps North E-S *kbd (e.g. Amh hod). 10 ‘blood’. A root of form bVr is found in Agew, and in Chadic Newman has br. Beja boi, a+bʊy can reasonably be included (r > y). But including roots for dark colors such as ‘gray, dark, black’, as Appleyard does, is more risky, athough Arb 90 ‘red’ bur seems reasonable. A supporting similar semantic shift is seen in Sasse’s root 9 ‘black, dark’ dum-, thus 19 dum- ‘cloud’ via 90 ‘red’ di/um-, related to *Af ‘blood’ dm (*Ch dm, Sem dam, Ber idamn-). 25 ‘cow, cattle’. Singular with š- and plural with l- seems reasonable. Others derive these from ɬ- as suggested by the forms given with Cohen’s 432 (*Ch Newman 30 ɬa, *Sem li(Ɂ)at), but I do not reconstruct ɬ for *Afrasian (see 3 below). The

140

plural in Cushitic seems to include a -w- as seen in Bedawiyet, Agew, and Konso, and the vowel -o- in several families. There is possible overlap with 74 ‘meat’, q.v. 29 ‘dig, hoe’. The difficulty here is the extreme variability of the consonants and vowel. Perhaps this is because several roots are involved. 33 ‘dry’, 95 ‘skin’. Sasse derives these from a verb *-(h)go/eg-, which seems reasonable, since drying of animal skins is a common practice. The variant in Agew (kag-) is hard to explain. 36 ‘eat’. Some sort of symbolism seems to be involved, the root being -am with just about any initial consonant being accepted, perhaps originally being different kinds of eating (soft things, hardthings, fast, slow, etc.). Otherwise, it would be difficult to believe that am, tam, k’aam, etc., for ‘eat’ are unrelated roots. 37 ‘egg’. The problem here may again be symbolism. There are many roots involving duplication, most often based on b or k and sometimes both (often highly marked variants such asɓ or k’). But it is difficult to set up underlying forms for these, suggesting that sound-symbolic creativity (“word-play”) is at work. But what is it about eggs which motivate such creativity: the obloid shape? 45 ‘fish’. Like the foregoing (‘egg’), it is difficult to see what would serve as an underlying basis for the wildly varying forms in individual languages: murkuɗɗ+a, k’urt’umm+i, kullum, etc., and also hard to deny that they belong together. But why would ‘fish’ show such creativity? The fact that fish is tabu for food in much of the Cushitic world may be a factor, though it is unclear how this operates. 47 ‘fly’. Here, the problem is the plethora of forms beginning with t-: tifay, tekénte, tidica, taaya, etc. Is this yet another instance of symbolism? It is not clear how initial t- is symbolic of the item in question (appearance, sound, other?). 49 ‘four’. There are two roots which may be related: fVr and sVl. The former may go back to *Afrasian pɗ, and the latter may be a Cushitic innovation, perhaps related to the Cushitic f/s correspondence (usually seen in Oromo -f- for -s-). 54 ‘grass’. If they belong together, forms in Agew, Iraaqw, A-S, Dullay, Somaloid, Arboroid, and HEC have a variety of initials in the velar- and post-velar ranges, and second consonants in the coronal and palatal ranges. It seems hard to accept that these are all diffused from Arabic ħašiš, especially given the very basic nature of grass to pastoralists, but that would account for the presence of the highly marked initial. 64 ‘house’. The forms min and man are probably not related by a phonological correspondence, but indicate ancient “ablaut”: perhaps singular and plural related by a vowel shift. 66 ‘intestines’. All forms have initial m-, but the vowel and second consonant are extremely variable. Nevertheless, this may be a retention from a root found in *Afrasian with the same kind of variation. 141

69, 93 ‘know, see’, etc. The problem here is the polysemy over sensory and cognitive verbs, and the question of whether -k (or -g) is necessarily part of the root. (Egyptian has -k’- and Arabic has -f-, but Omotic, if it belongs, has Ø.) 73 ‘louse’. As in ‘fly’, an obscure sort of symbolism seems to be going on. Here it is initial vowel i- with various consonants, mainly nt and ng (> nj, kk). Perhaps we need to be generous in our acceptance of symbolism in these languages. There is no satisfactory explanation of such “phonesthemes” (Bloomfield’s term?) as the English gl- words or similar phenomena in German or Hausa, to name only two. 101 ‘star’. Forms such as Ts’amay ħizg+, Arboré huzʊk, and Konso ísk+ are easily acceptable, but should we also include Beja -hayuk, A-S *ħutuk+, Boni hiddé, and Yaaku hinsoni? These make for difficult phonological correspondences. 107 ‘three’. There seem to be roots with second consonant a velar and those with d or s, but are they ultimately related, perhaps through a form something like *sedeh? This does not seem to be an *Afrasian root.

2.13. Labials in *East Cushitic The cases for /b-, -b-, -f-, m-, -m-/ are stronger in *East Cushitic than in *Cushitic as a whole. A case can also be made for /w-/, though there are no series for /-w/. For /b-/, there are seven series, three of which carry over from *Cushitic. All families are well represented except Afar-Saho with only two instances. Dullay W and Konsoid devoice /b-/ to [p-], while Ts’amay retains [b-]. For /-b-/, there are fourteen series, three continuing from *Cushitic. Dullay W and Konsoid again show devoicing to /-p-/, while Somaloid and Arboroid often show reduction to zero. Several series (38, 43, 65, 88) have sporadic occurrences in Cushitic outside East; these may be diffusional or indicative of possible *Cushitic occurrence. There are five series for /-f-/, two of them carryovers from *Cushitic. All families show at least two instances of /-f-/ and most have four or more. No variation other than -ff- occurs except instances of [p] in 55 ‘hair’ and 96 ‘sleep’ in Arboroid. No series for /f-/ was found, but Sasse 1979 (18–19) has three series, two of them in SAOK and HEC, one (‘comb’ *fil-) in Afar-Saho, Dullay, Somaloid, and HEC. For /m-/, there are six series, two of which carry over from *Cushitic. All families have at least two tokens (Afar-Saho has only two) and most have four or more. Only two instances of [n-] provide variation. Non-initial /-m-/ has 11 series, five of which also occur for *Cushitic. All families are well represented and variation is modest. Three series occur for /w-/, one of then also *Cushitic, with two of them having sporadic occurrences outside East. Tokens of [w-] occur in all families except Dullay and Konsoid, where reduction to zero applies in the two instances cited. Sasse (1979: 42–43) has more examples of /w-/, all before a(a) except ‘dream’ 142

*wisl-~*wasl-. However, all are in SAOK only, except an occasional A-S or HEC. Non-initial /-w-/ is not found, but Sasse (1979: 43) has three examples, all in SAOK and Burji. Possible difthongs -aw- and -ay- are taken up under 2.20, below.

2.14. Coronal obstruents in *East Cushitic The stops /d-, -d-, t-, -t-/ seem secure in *East Cushitic. There is hint of a voiced affricate /dz/. Fricative /s/ is well-documented, but there is no indication of a voiced /z/ beyond those found in connection with d~z mentioned below. Initial /d-/ has four series. Two of these (19 ‘cloud’ and 90 ‘red’, via ‘dark’) overlap and also apply to *Cushitic. Thus, the documentation is slight, but Sasse (1979: 16) has another good series: ‘look at’ *dey-~doy- in SAOK, Hadiyya, Harso, and Yaaku. The obstruent pattern of devoicing as with labials appears in Dullay and Konsoid. There are five series for non-initial /-d-/. Two of these (6 ‘big’ and 51 ‘go’) are also *Cushitic. Reflexes are rather variable: [ɗ] appears with 6 ‘big’ in Arboroid and Oromo; [z] in Arboroid in two items; [s(s)] in Konsoid and HEC in the difficult item 107 ‘three’ (v. 2.12 , above). Dullay and Konsoid again undergo devoicing. Sasse (1979: 16) has three more: one only in SAOK, one (‘hole, cave’) in SAOK and HEC with semantic shifts, and one (‘left’ bidħ-) which I assign to -t- below. Three items, one initial, one also *Cu, have alternation of [d] and [z, s] to the point of providing evidence for a phoneme /dz/ in *East Cushitic. This is the method followed by Hudson (1989a) for HEC. But both Appleyard (2006) for *Agew and Sasse (1979: 15, 19–20) have more complex explanations having both *d and *z. I choose here not to reconstruct *z and I have no series for z-. Sasse (1979: 20) has three z- initial roots: ‘honey’ *zagm-, ‘pull’ *zit-, and ‘stir’ -*zrig-~-zrug-. I consider all these as fantastic. I have *zit- as * šit- (v. 2.17 below). Sasse has three non-initial -z- roots, of which I have only ‘heart’ wod/zVn+ (his *wazn-). Sasse’s medial -zz- (‘root’ *ħizz- is my *ħid/z+). V. also my ‘star’ *hid/ zk+. Another explanation for d~z is possibly symbolic expressiveness (especially with 4 ‘bee’). The similarity of 91 ‘root’ and 101 ‘star’ is probably coincidental. Initial /t-/ has four series, three also applying to *Cushitic. All families are fairly well-represented except Somaloid. Sasse (1979: 10) has three series, but one is only SAOK and Yaaku, one (‘spit’ tuf-) is symbolic, and one is a WW (‘ten’ tom(m)an-/tomn-). Non-initial /-t-/ has seven series, four also in *Cushitic. Variation is fairly high, but all families are well-represented except A-S and Arboroid. Sasse has two I do not have, but one is a pronoun, which I do not consider; one is ‘sell’ gat-, found in SAOK and HEC.

143

144

--

baH-

--

--

--

bal+

--

40.

42.

53.

85.

A18

A34.

--

kamb-

--

--

--

--

--

giLub+

20.

27.

34.

38.

43.

65.

68.

--

7.

15.

--

5.

/-b-/

bVr

35.

*Cu.

10.

/b-/

No.

--

--

(-b)

--

--

--

--

--

--

(^-b)

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-b-

Bj

-b(-)

--

--

--

--

--

-b-

--

--

--

--

-b-

--

(b-)

--

^b-

(b-)

b-

*Ag

Ø?

(-b-)

--

(-b)

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

*SC

gi/ulb+

waraab+

gab+

(Ɂ)arb+

nEb+

kirb-

kab-

gub-

kimbir+

god(e)b+

bitVH-

baal+

bil- ?

bot+

bi/-

baH-

biy+

bor

*East

-b-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-b-

-b-

--

(b-)

--

--

--

--

--

(-)b-

*A-S

-b,p-

/-p-

-b/p-

-b/p-

--

/-p

--

--

--

--

b/p-

p-

b/p-

b/p-

b/p-

(p-)

b/p-

--

*Dul

-b,(Ø)

-b,(Ø)-

(-b-)

(-b)

-b-

(-b-)

-b-

-b-

-b,(Ø)-

--

b-

b-

--

(b-)

--

b-

--

(^b-)

*Som

East Cushitic labial correspondences

Ø

(Ø)

--

-b,p

-b,p,Ø-

--

--

--

-Ø-

--

--

(b-)

--

--

--

(b-)

b-

^b-

*Arb

-b-

-b-

-b-

-b-

---

-b-

-b-

-b-

-b-

--

b-

b-

b-

--

--

b-

b-

^b-

Or

-p,b-

--

pp-

-b,p-

-p,b-

-p-

-pp-

-p/b-

-p/b,p

--

--

p-

p,(b)-

p-

p-

--

--

(^p-)

*Kon

-b

--

-bb-/

-b-/

--

-b-

-bb/

(-b-)

--

/-b-

b-

b-

--

--

-b-

b-/

b-/

--

*HEC

145

--

--

arrab

89.

105.

109.

-fVr

--

af

--

49.

55.

77.

96.

mat+

mi/an

--

--

57.

64.

66.

79.

19,90.

7.

dim+

--

--

26.

/-m/

--

11.

/m-/

--

11.

/-f-/

--

88.

--

--

--

(m-)

--

--

--

(m-)

--

-f-

--

-f- ?

--

-b ?

--

--

--

-m(m)-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

m-

--

ŋ-

(-)ŋ,n-

--

--

--

-f-

--

--

f-

--

--

--

(-b-)

--

--

--

(-b,f)

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

duum-

kimbir+

magħ+

ma_

mi/an+

mat+

mur-

mik+

raf-

af+

rif+an+

afur

laf+

arrab

dub

roob+

ɗiib-

(-m)

-m-

m-

(m-)

--

--

--

--

--

-f

--

(-)f-

-f-

-b(-)

--

-b

-f- ?

--

--

m-

m-

m-

--

--

m-

-f(-)

--

(-f-)

--

--

-p(Ɂ)-

--

--

(-p-)

-m, m(b)-

-m-

m-

m-

m-

m-

--

--

--

-f

--

-f-

-f-

-b(-)

(-)b

-b

(-b)

East Cushitic labial correspondences

--

-m-

(m,n-)

(m-)

m-

m-

m-

--

-f,p-

(-f-)

-p,f-

-f(f)-

-f(-)

-b,p,Ø-

(-p)

--

--

-m-

-m-

m-

--

m-

m-

m-

--

-f-

-f-

-f-

-f-

-f(-)

-b-

--

--

-b-

--

-m-

m-

m-

m-

m-

m-

(m,n-)

--

(-f-)

-f-

-f-

-f(-)

-b,p(-)

--

-p/b,p-

-p(p)-

-m,(b)-

--

--

--

m-

--

m-

m-

--

-f-

--

f-/

--

-b-

/-b(b)-

--

-b(b)-

146

m(t)-

(C)am-

--

garm+

--

lam-

--

--

21.

36.

45.

71.

86

112.

A37.

A53.

*Cu.

65.

No.

dim+

--

19,90.

105.

1.

--

--

59.

/d-/

--

wad/ zVn

2.

/w-/

--

20.

--

--

--

Bj

--

--

--

--

--

m?

--

--

--

-m-

(-m-)

--

--

d-

--

*Ag

--

w-,Ø-

(w-)

--

--

-ŋ

--

-m-

--

--

-n-

--

waraab+

wod/zVn+

^wa/or+

irm+

Kalam

am-

nam

garm+

kuLDuum

(C)am-

-mti/e

--

--

^w-

-mm-

--

-mm-

(-m-)

--

-m

(-m-)

-m-

-m-

/Ø-

--

--

-m-

--

--

--

-m-

--

--

--

-n(-)

w-

w-

w-

m,Ø-

(-m-)

-m,b,w-

--

--

-n,b-

-m,(ŋ)-

-m-

-n(-)

East Cushitic labial correspondences

ɗamħ-

--

--

(d-)

*SC

dub

duum+

darɗ+

*East

--

d-

--

*A-S

--

--

d/t--

*Dul*

d-

-d-

--

*Som

(d-)

--

--

*Arb

(w-)

(w-)

--

-m(m), Ø-

--

-m-

--

--

--

-m-

m-

m,(ɲ)-

East Cushitic coronal obstruent correspondences

(w-)

--

--

--

--

(-m)

--

--

(-m-)

-m-

--

--

--

d-

ɜ-

Or

w-

Ø?

w-

-mm-

-m-

-m-

-m-

--

-mm-

--

--

-m-

--

(-)t-)

t-

*Kon

--

Ø?

--

-m-

(-m-)

(-m-)

m-

m-

m-

-m-

--

-m-

/d-

d-

--

*HEC

--

w-,(Ø)

w-

-m-/

-m-

-m/(ŋg)

-m/m-

-m-/

-m(m)-

-m-/m-

-n,m/m-

--

147

ad-

--

--

51.

107.

119.

wad/zVn

--

--

59.

91.

101.

--

84.

A35.

21.

m(t)-

tak-

62.

/-t-/

t-

tak-

47.

/t-/

--

4.

/-d-~-z-/

4.

--

--

/d-~z-/

gud-

16.

?

6.

/-d-/

A37.

Ø

--

(^t-)

(t-)

t-

-y-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

^-d

--

-t(-)

--

--

t-

ts,š-

--

--

-d,z-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

z,j- ?

--

--

t-

^-t-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-d-

--

--

-mti/e

tir+

tok-

tok-

ti/e/a-

hid/zk+

ħid/z+

wod/zVn

d/zid/z

d/zid/z

ʕad-

sEdeh

-ad-

adurr+

gud-

daaCeer

-t-

t-

--

-t,ɗ-

--

-t-

--

--

-d/z-

-d/z-

-d-

-d-

-ɗ,d-

--

--

d,z-

--

t/c,t-

t-

--

--

-z/s-

-zz/ s(s)-

--

--

--

--

--

-ty,c-

-d/t-

--

--

-t-

--

--

--

t-

-dd-

-d(d),y-

-(n)d,Ø-

(-z-)

(z-)

-d(-)

-d(d),yy-

-d

(-d-)

--

d-

East Cushitic coronal obstruent correspondences --

Ø

t,c-

t-

--

--

-z,ð,ns-

-z-

(-z-)

--

--

-z-

-z,dd-

-t,d

--

ɗ,dd,t-

d-

--

t-

t-

t-

ɗ-

--

-(n)d-

Ø?

--

--

-d-

-d-

--

-d-

-ɗ,dd-

--

--

t-

t,s,š-

(ɗ-)

--

-s-

-t(t)-

(Ø)

--

--

-t(-)

(-ss-)

--

-t-

-t(t)-

--

-t-/

t-

ɗ/(t-)

--

t-

--

-dd-

-dz-

-d/d,z-

d,(z)-

--

-d/s-

/-d

(-d-)

--

(d-)

148

--

--

A19.

A34.

--

--

--

83.

107.

113.

A43.

--

--

--

--

--

2.

14.

60.

63.

70.

/-s-/

--

sVn

74.

saɁ+

25.

/s-/

--

mat+

57.

bu(r)t+

35.

53.

ka/od-

29.

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

(šɁ-)

--

--

--

--

(-t)

--

--

--

--

--

(-s-)

--

--

--

-s(s)-

--

--

--

--

-t-

(-d)

-t-

-d,z-

--

--

--

(-d- ?)

--

(ts- ?)

--

--

--

(f-)

ɬ- ?

--

--

--

--

--

kosol-

gaas+

gasar+

ʕi/ulVs-

ka(a)s-

sook+

sinD+ ?

sEdeh

sVn

soɁ

saɁ+

bitVH-

oo(Kin)t+

mat+

bot+

bu(r)t+

kot-

-s-

-s-

-s,š-

--

--

--

--

(s-)

s-

--

s-

--

--

--

--

^-t-

(^-ɗ-)

--

-s-

-š-

-s-

-ss/sʕ-

s-

--

--

s-

s-

--

-t/Ø-

-nt-

--

-t/t,Ɂ-

--

-t,ɗ-

-s-

-s

-s

-s,d-

--

(s-)

--

s-

s-

(s-)

s-

-d,t-

-dd,t-

-t,d-

Ɂ-(-t-)

--

-t,d-

East Cushitic coronal obstruent correspondences -l,d

s,Ø-

-h,s,Ø-

-c,s,š(-)

-s-

(-ss-)

s,š-

s-

s-

s-

s-

--

--

--

-t-

--

--

-t-

-f-

-f-

-f-

-f-

-f-

s-

f-

s-

f-

f-

s-

-t-

-t-

-t-

--

--

-t-

-s-

-s-

-s,(f)-

-s-

-ss-

s-

s-

(s-)

s-

s-

--

Ø?

-nt-

-t-

-t(t), šš-

-t-

(-t- ?)

-s-

--

--

--

--

s-

s/š-

f/s-

s-

--

s-

-t-

-t-

--

--

(-tt-)

-t-,ɗ,Ɂ-

For initial /s-/, there are six series, two applying also to *Cushitic. All families are well-represented, except Oromo has [f] thrice and [s] thrice; I could not find any conditioning. Burji also has one instance of [f]. Otherwise [š] occurs twice. Sasse (1979: 31–35) has a long discussion of /s/ and /š/, but does not significantly add to instances of /s-/ and /-s-/. Non-initial /-s-/ is not rare, as in *Cushitic. There are five series, none of them applicable to *Cushitic. Families are all well-represented except HEC only once. Here, Oromo has [f] in every case. Arboroid shows much variation. Palatal [š] appears three times in item 60 ‘heavy’ following palatal vowel /i/.

2.15.  Coronal sonorants in *East Cushitic There are six series for initial /l-/, of which three also have *Cushitic citations. All families have four or more instances. The variant /n-/ appears in 112 ‘two’ in Afar and Dasenech. This may be part of an areal feature, e.g. see Amharic tɪlant~tɪnant ‘yesterday’ and lək’əmt~nək’əmt, the name of a town in western Wellegga. [ɽ-] appears as alternant in Arboroid and [y-] and [j-] questionably in the item 75 ‘moon’ in Rendillé and Oromo respectively. Non-initial /-l-/ has 14 series, of which five also apply to *Cushitic. All families are well-represented. HEC has several cases of [r] and also of /ll/, but variation is slight overall. Sasse (1979: 21–22) gives three cases of palatalization of *l to j in Oromo: 75 ‘moon’ and 41 ‘eye’ (variant) as above; I do not have his ‘six’ *leħ. Although *Cushitic disallows initial /r-/ or nearly so, *East Cushitic has five series, including the problematic one of *Cu, namely 28 ‘die’ re/a-. One series, 96 ‘sleep’ raf-, provides a nice minimal contrast to 11 ‘bone’ laf+. All families are represented. There are no variants outside series 28 except [-rr-] in 55 rif+an ‘hair’, which series also has the metathesized form ɲirfa in Konso-Gato. Non-initial /-r-/ is the most frequent consonantal phoneme in *East Cushitic by far with 31 series, six of which carry over from *Cushitic. In addition, I have separated three series for /-rr-/ (one of these, 16 ‘cat’ adurr, may be symbolic). Variants other than /rr/ are surprisingly rare. Finally, there are two series with nearly equal distributions of /l/ and /r/ which I have designated as l~r. The main nasal in Cushitic is /n/. Initially, it is disallowed in *Cushitic and rare in *East Cushitic, with only three series. In the latter, Dullay is not represented. Already noted under /l/, initial l~n occurs; here it is Gidolé in 34 ‘ear’ and Burji in 86 ‘person’. There are 12 series for non-initial /-n-/, three also applying to *Cu. Variation is not great, consisting mainly of [nn], other nasals, and zero.

149

150

--

lVw+

lVk+

--

lam-

17.

25.

48.

75.

112.

--

--

il+

--

giLub+

--

--

iLk+

al+

--

17.

39.

41.

60.

68.

70.

85.

110.

117.

A5.

/-l-/

--

*Cu.

11.

/l-/

No.

--

(r-)?

(-r-)?

--

--

--

--

-l-

--

--

-l-

--

--

(r-)

--

--

Bj

--

^-l-

-r-

--

--

-r-

--

-l(l)-

--

--

l-

--

l-

l-

--

--

*Ag

--

(-l-)

(l-)

--

--

-r- ?

--

-l-

--

--

(l-)

-ɬ- ?

-l-l-

ɗal-

(Ø ?)

--

-l-

eel+

ilk+

bil-

kosol-

-l-

-l-

ʕi/ulVsgi/ulb+

(-l-)

--

--

l,n-

--

l-

l-

--

l-

*A-S

il+

gal-

lukk+al+

lam-

leɁ

luk+

lo_+

ɬ- ? --

lukk+al+

laf+

*East

--

-r- ?

*SC

-l-

-l-

-l-

-l-

--

-l-

/r-

--

--

-l-

--

l-

l-

l-

l-

--

*Dul

-l-

-l

-l-

--

-l(-)

-l,(r)-

-l-

-l

-l-

(-l-)

l-

(y-)

l-

l-

l-

l-

*Som

East Cushitic coronal sonorant correspondences

-l-

-l

-l-

--

-l(-)

-r(-)

-l-

-l

(-l-)

--

l,n,ɽ-

l-

(l-)

--

l-

l,ɽ-

*Arb

-l-

-l-

-l-

-r-

-l-

-l-

-l-

-l-

-l-

--

l-

j- ?

l-

l-

l-

l-

Or

-l-

-l-

-l-

-l-

-l-

-l-

-l,r-

-l,j-

-l-

-l-

(l-)

l-

l-

l-

l-

l-

*Kon

--

/-l,(r)-

-l,r/

--

-l,r-

-l/l,-r-

--

-ll-

-l-

--

l-

--

l-

l-

l-

--

*HEC

151

bal+

--

--

A18.

A18.

A37.

--

--

--

--

52.

55.

89.

96.

--

--

gVr+

--

bVr

--

--

--

1.

2.

5.

7.

10.

14.

26.

27.

/-r-/

re/a-

28.

/r-/

--

A15.

--

--

--

-i,y

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-y- ?

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-r-

--

--

(-r-)

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

l-

--

--

--

(-r-)

--

--

-r-

--

(-r-)

--

--

--

(-r- ?)

--

--

--

--

--

kirb-

mur-

gasar+

bor

kimbir+

gar+

^wa/or+

darɗ+

raf-

roob+

rif+an+

riɁ+

re/a-

Kalam

kool+

baal+

Dikil+

--

--

--

-l(-)

-r-

-r-

-r-

--

--

r-

--

--

r- ?

--

--

-l

-l

/-r-

--

-r-

--

--

-r-

--

-r(ʕ)-

r-

--

(rr-)

--

--

--

-l-

(-l-)

-l(-)

(-r-)

--

-r,Ø-

^-r-

-r(-)

--

-r-

--

--

r-

r-

(-)r-

--

(-l-)

--

-l

-l

East Cushitic coronal sonorant correspondences

--

-r(-)

-r-

^-r(r)-

-r-

-r-

--

--

(-)r-

--

r-

(-r)

(z- ?)

--

-ll,-l(-)

(-l)

(-l-)

-r-

-r-

-r-

^-r-

-r(r)-

-ɗ,r-

-r-

-r-

r-

--

r-

--

--

-l-

-l(l)-

-l-

-l-

-r-

-r-

-r-

(-r-)

-r-

-r(r)-

--

-r-

--

r-

(-)r-

--

(l-)

(-ll-)

(-l-)

-l(-)

-l-

-r-

^-r,(ɗ)-

--

--

--

--

-r-

--

--

--

--

(-)r-

/r(r),l-

-r-

(-ll-)

-ll-

-l-

152

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

81.

89.

98.

102.

104.

111.

A4.

A9.

A12.

A35.

ark

69,93.

72.

--

65.

garm+

--

56.

71.

--

-fVr

49.

--

31.

38.

--

30.

--

--

--

--

--

--

(-r)

--

--

-

--

--

(-Ø-)

--

--

-ɗ-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

(-r-)

--

(-r-)

--

--

-r,Ø-

-l,r,Ø-

--

--

--

--

(-r)

--

--

--

--

--

(-r-)

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-r,l

(-r-)

--

--

(-r-)

--

--

tir+

Dur-

hor-

yEr-

Kor

Vr

ger-

i/ar

ir+

-r-

--

--

--

--

-r-

-r(ʕ)-

-r

--

--

--

ɗeer haar-

--

--

--

--

-r-

--

(-r-)

(-r-)

garm+

arg-

waraab+

hark+

afur

(Ɂ)arb+

ħarr+

kEr+

-r-

--

-r(r)-

--

-r-

--

-r-

--

-r(r)-

--

--

-r-

-r-

/-r-

-r-

--

-r-

/-r(r)

-r-

--

--

(-r-)

-r-

-r-

-r(r)-

--

(-r)

-r

--

-r

--

-r-

-r-

--

-r

(-r-)

(-l)

-r(r)-

East Cushitic coronal sonorant correspondences

-r(r)-

(-r-)

(-r-)

--

-r(r)-

--

-r(r)-

-r(-)

-r(r)-

(-r-)

-r(-)

--

-r-

(-r-)

--

-r

-r-

--

-r(r)-

-r-

-r

-rr-

-r-

--

--

--

-r

--

-r-

-r-

--

-r-

-r-

-r-

-r

-r-

-rr-

-r-

-r-

(-r)

--

--

-r-

--

(^-r-)

--

--

(-r-)

-r-

-r-

-r>Ø-

--

-r-

-r

-r-

-rr-

-rr-

-r-

-r-

-r-

-r-

--

-rr-

--

--

--

-r-

--

-r-/

l-

--

--

-l-

r/

-rr,(ll)-

--

153

--

--

--

--

A39.

A40.

A50.

A53.

arrab

--

109.

A49.

--

94.

--

--

86.

A17.

--

--

8.

8.

/-n-/

--

34.

/n-/

--

45.

l~r

--

16.

/-rr-/

daaCer+

A37.

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-l- ?

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-r-

--

--

--

--

--

(-r-)

(-r-)

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

Ki/aniin2

Ki/an1iin

naħ-

nam+

nEb+

Vl/r

kuLDuum

i/urr-

arrab

adurr+

irm+

ur-

geer-

ha/unɗur

daaCer+

--

--

--

(n-)

--

-ll-

-ll-

(-r-)

-rr-

--

(-)r-

(-r-)

(-r-)

--

-rr-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

/-rr-

-rr-

-r(r)-

-l/r-

--

--

/-r-

--

-n

-n-

n-

--

n-

-r-

-ll,lɁ, nn-

--

-rr-

(-rr-)

-r-

-r-

--

-r(-)

-r(-)

East Cushitic coronal sonorant correspondences

-n

-n-

--

--

n-

-l-

--

-rr-

-r(r)-

--

l-,-r-

--

-r(-)

-r(-)

-r(-)

-n

-n-

n-

n-

--

--

-r-

-rr-

-rr-

-rr-

r-

--

--

-r-

--

-n(-)

-n-

n-

n-

n,l-

--

-r-

-rr-

-rr-

-r(r)-

-r-

--

-r-

-r-

--

--

--

n-/

l-/-n- ?

--

(-r-/)

-r,l-

-rr-/

-rr,(ll)-

/-rr-

r(r)-/

-lɁ/-l-

(-r-)

-r-

(-r-)

154

--

--

--

--

wad/zVn

mi/an

--

sVn

--

--

41.

46.

55.

56.

59.

64.

73.

83.

113.

A39.

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-n,ŋ

--

-n,ŋ

-n

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-n

--

--

--

(-n)

--

ha/unɗur+

sinD+ ?

sVn

ink+

mi/an+

wod/zVn+

^ganʕ+

rif+an+

ken-

int+

-n-

--

-n(-)

-n-

--

--

-n-

--

-n-

-n-

-n-

--

-nd-

--

-n(n)-

--

n-

(-ŋ-)

--

--

-n-

--

-m,(ŋ)

-n,Ø-

-n,(ŋ)

-n-

-m,n(-)

--

-n,(ŋ)

-n-,(Ø)

East Cushitic coronal sonorant correspondences

-n-

-n(n)-

-n-

-n,ŋ-

-n

(-nn-)

-n(n)-

-n

-n

-n(n)

-n-

-n-

-ɲɲ-

-n-

-n-

-nn-?

-n-

-n-

-n

--

-n-

-n-

-n-

-Ø-

-n-

(-nt-)

-n-

-n,(ɲ-)

-n

(-n-)

-n(Ɂ),Ø-

-n(Ɂ)/m,n-

-n-

--

-n-

-n-

-n-

--

--

--

2.16. Implosives and retroflexes in *East Cushitic The literature contains many instances of both implosive [ɗ] and retroflex [ɖ]. It seems impossible to be sure of the phonetic accuracy of most sources nor to separate the two, since the implosive may indeed be somewhat retroflex. For now, I choose to reconstruct a single implosive consonant /ɗ/. It has eight initial series and five non-initial, one of which (108 ‘tie’ ħiɗ-) is perhaps extendable to *Cushitic, where it appears as *South ‘sew’ hir-it. [ɗ] appears at least twice and usually much more frequently in all families in initial series and likewise for non-initial series except for Afar-Saho (noneall [d]). There is much variation with [d,ɖ,t’,c,c’] and others. Finally, there are three series I have labeled D because there is no clear pattern. However, it might actually belong with palatals since [c] or [c’] appears often. Sasse (1979: 25–31) sets up two phonemes (ɗ and ɗ1) and suggests there may be more phonemes in this range because of c’, t’, etc. in various languages. I will not attempt to resolve this situation here.

2.17. Palatals in *East Cushitic It seems there two palatals: /š, y/, both weakly documented. Initial /š-/ has only one series: the symbolic *Cushitic series 113 ‘urine’ does not carry over to *East (found only in Dullay). But the *Cushitic series for /-š-/, 54 ‘grass’, does carry over as does A48 ‘shoulder’ to pick up instances in all families except Oromo. A third possible palatal /c/ occurs in several families in A48 and also in the D series in 2.16, above, but there is no clear pattern. The glide /y/ has one initial series and four non-initial, one applying also to *Cushitic: 92 ‘say’ y-. Sasse (1979: 31–35) agrees that /s/ and /š/ are distinct, but merged in most lgs. except Oromo (where /f/ usually represents /s/). Sasse neatly summarizes this.

2.18. Velars and uvulars in *East Cushitic The velar stops /g/ and /k/ in both initial and non-initial positions are well-established. /g-/ has 13 series, four carrying over from *Cushitic. Every family is represented six or more times. The same devoicing pattern as with /b/ and /d/ applies here in Dullay and Konsoid and also here largely in Somaloid and in two cases in Arboroid. Palatalization occurs in a few cases (v. Sasse 1979: 18). Non-initial /-g-/ is not so strongly represented, having seven series, two of them carryovers. There is more variation here and some families are weak, notably Afar-Saho and Dullay. For /k-/, there are 12 series, of which four are also *Cushitic. There is much variation, including palatalization, e.g. item 27 ‘dance, sing’ kirb- has k- only in Konsoid (varying with h-) and perhaps should be set up as širb- except that it is hard to see how it so often produces [h, x] as in Konsoid and Dullay. Sasse (1979: 13) treats palatalization of k, including my series 7, 27, 30, 46, and several others. Ejectives also occur (see below). 155

156

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

24.

58.

61.

72.

88.

103.

A5.

ħir-

--

--

--

108.

113.

A39.

A55.

--

--

--

45.

A12.

A15.

D

--

1.

/-ɗ-/

--

20.

*Cu.

10.

/ɗ-/

No.

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

(ɗ-)

--

--

Bj

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

*Ag

--

--

(-t-)

--

--

--

^-r- ?

(ʕ)

--

--

Dikil+

Dur-

kuLDuum

ʕaɗ- ?

ha/unɗur+

sinɗ+

ħiɗ-

darɗ+

ɗal-

ɗagħ-

ɗiib-

ɗeer

ɗEg-

ɗEg-

ɗik-

ɗiig+

ɗamħ-

*East

--

--

-Ø-

-d(-)

-d-

--

-d

--

ɗ-

d-

ɗ/ɖ-

--

--

-ɗ-

--

d/ɗ-

--

*A-S

s’/t’,ɗ-

--

--

-d-

-ɗ-

--

--

-ɗ/ʕ-

ɗ-

--

(t’-)

--

--

--

ɗ-

--

c’,k’-

*Dul

(ɖ-)

--

-Ø,Ɂ-

--

-d,ɗ,Ɂ-

--

-ɖ,ɗ,r-

--

d,ɖ-

(ɗ-)

ɖ,d-

ɗ-

d,ɖ-

^ɗ,d-

--

ɗ,d-

d,ɗ,ɖ-

*Som

(c-)

(d-)

--

(-)d-

-d,c’-

-ɗ-

-d,t,z-

--

d,ɗ-

--

--

ɗ,d-

-ɗ,d,ts’-

--

ɗ,d-

d-

ɗ,(d)-

*Arb

East Cushitic implosive and retroflex correspondences

(-l-) ?

--

--

--

--

--

--

*SC

c’-

t-

-t’-

--

-ɗ-

-c’-

-ɗ-

-d,ɗ,Ø-

ɗ-

ɗ,d-

ɗ-

ɗ-

ɗ-

--

ɗ-

ɗ-

ɗ-

Or

Ø-

(j’-)

-J,ɗ(ɗ)-

-ɗ-

-ɗ-

-ɗ-

-ɗ

--

d,ɗ-

ɗ,d-

ɗ,c’-

-ɗ-

ɗ-

(-)ɗ-

ɗ,(d)-

ɗ-

ɗ-

*Kon

c’,c-

t’,(c’)-

-t,t’,c’-

-ɗ-

-ɗ/(Ɂ)-

-Ɂ/Ø--

-ɗ

--

--

--

ɗ/ɗ,t’-

--

(d/)

ɗ/d-

ɗ/t’-,-ɗ

--

c’/k’,t’-

*HEC

157

kašš+

A48.

y-

--

*Cu.

92.

A11.

No.

5.

--

--

35.

/g-/

--

18.

/-y/

A4.

--

--

67.

/y/

Haš+

--

*Cu.

54.

/-š/

87.

/š-/

No.

Bj

(^gw-)

--

(-y-)

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

Bj

--

*Ag

(-yy-)

/y-

(-y-)

--

--

-s

--

^ts,š-

--

*Ag

ooy-

iy(y)-

biy+

Koy+

yEr-

kašš+

-gši

ʕaš+

šit-

*East

--

-y-

--

--

--

--

--

-s-

--

*A-S

-y-

--

-y(y)-

-Ø/Ɂ,y-

--

-cc,š(š)-

--

-š-

š,s-

*Dul

-y

--

--

--

y-

(^-c)

-s(-)

(-)s-

j,š-

*Som

--

*SC

god(e)b+

*East

g-

*A-S

--

*Dul

--

*Som

East Cushitic velar and uvular correspondences

--

y-

--

--

--

--

-s

(-j-)

--

*SC

East Cushitic palatal correspondences

--

*Arb

--

(-y-)

-Ø

--

--

(^-c)

-s,š-

(-š)

j-

*Arb

g-

Or*

--

--

-yy-

-y-

y-

--

--

--

--

Or

--

*Kon*

(-y)

--

--

(-y-)

--

-š(š),s-

-š-

--

-š

*Kon

/g-

*HEC

-y,(Ɂ)-

(-)y-

(-y(y)-)

(-y-)

y/(j)-

-cc/šš-

/-ss-

--

*HEC

158

--

14.

15.

garm+

--

--

71.

102.

A40.

--

-g( )-

Vg -

gog-

32.Ɂ

--

--

--

58.

61.

79.

--

--

--

--

w

33=95.

w

--

--

(gw-)

--

--

--

--

(g-)

--

ag---

--

--

^g(w)-

--

10.

/-g-/

--

giLub+

--

56.

68.

--

43.

63.

--

39.

gog-,kag

--

6.

33=95.

gVr-

gud-

5.

--

--

--

-g-

^-q w

--

--

(-gg-)

g-

g-

--

--

--

--

k-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-h

-g-

--

--

--

--

g- ?

--

--

--

--

k-

--

(g-)

--

g-

magħ+

ɗEg-

ɗEg-

gog-

ʕi,u,ag-

ɗiig+

geer-

ger- ?

garm+

gi/ulb+

gaas+

^ganʕ+

gab+

gal-

gog-

gub-

gasar+

gud-

gar+

-g-

--

-g-

--

--

--

(-g-)

g-

--

g-

g-

g-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-Ɂ,k(ħ)-

--

--

--

-k

-g/h,q-

--

g/k-

g/k-

g/k-

g/k-

/k-

g/k-

--

--

--

g/k-

--

g,k-

-g,Ɂ-

(-g-)

-g(-)

-g(-)

--

-g(-)

--

--

--

g,j,Ø-

g,k-

g,(k’)-

(k’- ?)

g,(k)-

-g-

g-

g-

--

--

East Cushitic velar and uvular correspondences

(k,k’-)

-k,ss,q-

-g,k-

-g(-)

-k,(q)-

-k

g,k-

g,k-

--

k-

g-

g,k-

--

(g-)

g-

--

g-

g-

g-

-k’-

--k-

-g-

-g-

--

-g-

--

--

--

g,j-

g-

g-

g-

g-

g-

g-

g-

g-

g-

k-

-x(x),kh-

-k-

-k,g-

-k-

-k(k)-

-g-,k(-)

k,k’-

(^k-)

k-

k-

k-

k-

(k-)

k-

k-

-g-,k-

k-

-g-,k-

--

-g-/

-g-

-g-

/-g-

-j/g-

/g-

--

g-/

g-

--

g-

g-/

g-

g-

/g-

--

--

--

159

--

--

--

--

--

kašš+

46.

70.

100.

A6.

A18.

A48.

--

--

--

11.

17.

24.

/-k-/

--

45.

ka/od-

29.

--

--

27.

kag-

kamb-

20.

33.

--

30.

--

7.

--

2.

/k-/

103.

(-gw-)

--

(-kw-)

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

x-

--

--

--

--

k-

--

--

--

--

--

--

k-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

(š-)

(g-)

k-

--

w

gw

--

--

--

--

--

--

k-

--

(k-)

--

ɗik-

lukk+al

mik+

kašš+

kool+

kaws+

kaʕ-

kosol-

ken-

kuLDuum

gog-

kEr+

kot-

kirb-

kab-

kimbir+

kaas-

ɗagħ+

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

Ø

k-

k-

--

(k-)

(^g-)

--

--

k-

--

-h,Ø-

-g/h,x-

-k/kk-

-q’/q,k’-

k/h,x-

^h,s-

k-

--

--

--

--

--

k/x,h-

g/q-

/h,x-

--

--

g/g,k-

--

--

-k-

--

(^k-)

--

--

k-

q,Ø-

k,c,š-

k-

g-

k-

q,x-

(š-)

q,x,Ø-

(h-)

š,c,k-

-g,(k’)-

East Cushitic velar and uvular correspondences

--

-k,-g(-)

--

(^k-)

k-

(g-)

(k-)

k,q-

c,(k)-

--

g-

k,(c)-

k,g,ɠ-

--

--

k-

--

--

š-

--

-kk-

--

--

k-

--

k-

k-

k’-

g-

s-

k’-

s-

k’-

s,š-

g-

-k,x-

-g,h-

-k(k)-

k’,k,g-

x,h,k-

x,g-

k-

--

x,f,h-

k,c,h-

-k,g-

k-

h-

(k’-)

k/-h-

k’-

x/x,h-

k-

-g,k,h-

-g,k-

-kk-

-k’-

k/(h)-

k’,k-

--

k’- ?/

Ø-

--

k’-

g-

--

k’,g-/k(‘)

š/s,h-

k-/

--

--

--

160

hi/udk

ilk+

--

--

101.

110.

A15.

A43.

--

--

--

--

8.

18.

111.

A37.

K-

--

97.

--

73.

tak-

ark

69=93.

ark-

tak-

62.

93.

--

56.

84.

lVk+

48.

--

--

--

--

--

--

(k ?)

-k

--

-h- ?

^-k

--

(-k-)

(-h)

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-kw,qw-

--

--

kw,q,x-

--

--

-q,Ɂ,x-

-x-

--

-k w

--

(k’-)

--

--

--

--

(-g- ?)

--

--

g-,Ɂ-

-k

--

--

--

--

--

---

Kor

--

--

--

--

(k ?)

-k-

-g-

--

--

-k,q-

--

-k,g-

--

-k

Kalam+ ~Kamal+

Koy+

Ki/aniin

sook+

Dikil+

ilk+

ħi/udk+

ti/ak-

(Ɂ)arg-

tok-

ink+

tok-

Ɂa(r)k

hark+

luk+

--

g/k-

q’/q-

--

-ɣ/k,q-

-h-

-g,k-

-g/k-

-k(k)-

--

k(k),Ɂ-

-Ø-

--

-k-

-Ɂ/x,h,k

(k’-)

^q,x,Ø-

--

q,x,Ø-

(-g-)

(-kk-)

-g,k-

--

--

-g,k-

--

-j,g,Ø-

-g-

--

--

-g,k,h

East Cushitic velar and uvular correspondences

--

k,ɣ,Ø-

--

k,G-

-g,k-

(-k)

-k-

-k,Ø

--

g,(Ø)-

-k(k)-

-g,k-

-g-

--

--

(-k)

k’-

--

k’-

c’-

-g-

-k-

-k-

--

-qq,k-

-g-

-kk-

-j-

-g-

-Ɂ-

-k-

-k-

(k-)

k’-

(q-)

k’-,-ɣ-

-k-

-k-

-g,k

-k-

--

-Ø Ɂ, with a number of these being found under my /k/ or K (e.g. 70, 111). I choose not to reconstruct either *q or *k’ and instead set up four items with indeterminate initial K-. These are all wildly variable and dubious. Item 8 applies only to SAOK. 111 has k’ only in Konsoid. A37 looks like a WW in SAOK and HEC. Item 18 is weak. There are no series for nasal [ŋ] or fricative [ɣ].

161

2.19. Post-velars in *East Cushitic This is a richer domain than in *Cushitic. All of /ʔ,ʕ,ħ,h/ may be taken as phonemic in *East Cushitic, but not in *Cushitic. Initial ʔ has two series, but Afar-Saho is not in either and it seems best to retain the notion that these two series, like other marginal ones, show the optional use of ʔ- to make canonical form CVC. Sasse (1979: 51) makes a good case for initial /ʔ-/. Non-initial /-ʔ-/ has four series, one also in *Cu, but two of them (items 74, 75) encompass Dullay-SAOK only, and all four are weak. Six series, three of them carryovers from *Cushitic and one listed under H in *Cushitic, provide evidence for /ʕ-/. There is also one for /-ʕ-/. This pharyngeal does not occur in SAOK or HEC, but only in A-S and Dullay. Initial /h-/ is on firmer ground, having four series with [h-] occurring in all East families. But/-h/ has only one weak, highly variable series. Initial /ħ-/ has four series, two carryovers from *Cushitic (as h-), but [ħ] does not occur in SAOK or HEC except Somaloid. Likewise for the three /-ħ/ series. In Cushitic, the pharyngeals are replaced by /h/ or zero, except where they appear in loanwords, e.g. in Bilin loans from Ethio-Semitic. Sasse (1979) treats post-velars on pp. 38–41 (h), 35–37 (ʕ, ħ), and 50–53 (Ɂ).

162

163

--

--

74.

75.

--

al+

--

--

60.

117.

119.

A55.

--

100.

/h-/

--

56.

/-ʕ-/

Haš+

54.

32.

ɁVgw- ?

--

/ʕ-/

saɁ+

42.

Ɂark-

--

*Cu.

25.

/-Ɂ-/

69,93.

38.

/Ɂ-/

No.

--

--

--

--

Ø?

--

--

-Ø,Ɂ-

--

--

--

(-Ɂ-)

(Ø)

--

Bj

--

--

--

--

^ʕ,Ø

--

x,ɣ,ħ,Ø-

^-Ø,Ɂ-

--

--

--

--

y,Ɂ,Ø-

--

*Ag

--

--

--

--

ħ- ?

--

(h-)

ʕ-

--

--

--

Ø

--

(Ø-)

*SC

kaʕ-

^ganʕ+

ʕaɗ-

ʕad-

ʕeel+

ʕi/ulVs-

ʕaš+

ʕi,u,ag-

leɁ

soɁ

biɁ-

saɁ+

Ɂark-

Ɂarb+

East*

--

-ʕ- ?

ʕ-

ʕ-

ʕ,Ø-

(-)ʕ-

Ɂ,ʕ,Ø-

--

--

--

--

-g- ?

--

--

*A-S

--

-ʕʕ-

ʕ-

--

ʕ-

/-ʕ-

ʕ,ħ,Ø-

-ʕ,Ɂ-

-Ɂ-

-Ɂ,k-

-Ɂ,(ʕ)-

--

Ɂ,Ø-

Ɂ/Ø-

*Dul

-ʕ-

-ʕ,Ɂ,Ø-

--

Ø-

ʕ,Ø-

ʕ,ħ-

-ʕ,ħ,Ø-

--

(y)

(Ø)

--

-Ɂ,ʕ,ħ-

Ɂ,Ø-

(Ɂ-)

*Som

East Cushitic post-velar correspondences

(-Ɂ-)

-Ɂ- ?

-Ɂ-

Ø-

Ɂ,Ø-

Ɂ,h,Ø-

(Ɂ-)

-Ø,Ɂ-

-Ɂ,Ø,h-

-Ɂ,r,w,Ø-

--

--

Ɂ,Ø-

Ø,Ɂ-

*Arb

-Ɂ-

-Ø-

--

Ø-

Ø-

Ø-

--

--

-Ɂ-

Ø

--

-Ɂ-

Ø-

Ø-

Or

--

-Ɂ,Ø-

Ø-

Ø-

Ø-

-h,Ø-

--

-Ø-

-Ɂ,y-

-h,w,Ɂ-

-h,-Ɂ-

--

Ø,(h)-

Ø-

*Kon

-ɗ- ?

Ø

h-/

--

Ø-

--

/h,Ø-

/Ø-

--

--

Ø

Ø/ -yy,Ɂ-

(Ɂ ?)

Ø-/

*HEC

164

--

--

A9.

A39.

--

hi/udk+

hir-

91.

101.

108.

--

--

79.

A17.

baH-

--

40.

A34.

-H-

--

20.

/-ħ-/

--

31.

/ħ-/

107.

--

--

81.

/-h-/

--

56.

--

--

--

--

--

--

-h- ?

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

^Ø

--

--

--

--

--

--

(h-)

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

^h-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

bitVH-

baH-

naħ-

magħ+

ɗamħ-

ħiɗ-

ħi/udk+

ħid/z+

ħarr+

sEdeh-

ha/unɗur+

hor+

haar-

hark+

--

--

--

-ɗ-

ħ/h-

ħ-

ħ-

--

(ħ-)

-h,ħ-

h-

--

--

--

-ħ-

(-ħ-)

--

-Ɂ/h,ħ-

--

--

ħ-

ħ,h-

/(-)ħ-

-h,x,ħ-

ħ-

w/h,x-

--

h,(ħ)-

-ħ,h,Ø-

-ħ,h,Ø-

-ħ,Ø-

-Ɂ,ʕ,ħ-

-ħ,h-

ħ-

ħ/h-

ħ-

(-ħ-)

-ħ,Ø,h,Ɂ

h-

(Ɂ-)

--

---

East Cushitic post-velar correspondences

--

(Ø)

--

Ø

-h,Ø-

h-

h-

h-

--

-Ɂ,Ø-

h-

(Ø)

(h-)

--

Ø

-Ɂ-

-Ɂ-

Ø

-Ø-

h-

--

h-

h-

h,Ø-

h-

h-

h-

h-

--

--

-h-

-h-

-h,Ø-

h-

h,(Ø)-

h-

h-

(Ø)

(h-)

--

(h-)

h-

-Ø,Ɂ-

(-Ɂ-/)

-Ɂ,Ø

--

--

(h-/)

--

h-

--

-Ø,(k)-

h-

^h/(h-)

h-

--

2.20. Reconstructable vowels in *East Cushitic Unlike *Cushitic, *East Cushitic has a well-established five-vowel system. Highfront /i-/ is well-attested. There are six series, two of them applying also to *Cushitic, and all presumably having optional initial /Ɂ-/. Every family is represented at least thrice. Variation is limited to the prosodic alternant [ɪ-] with the exceptions of A53 ‘termite’ Ds Ɂarm+ and 89 ‘rain’ Ts’ ɛrr+o. 110 ‘tooth’ is universal for /i-/ within *East. For non-initial /-i-/, there are 19 series, including two with two instances each (7 ‘bird’ kimbir and A15 ‘elbow’ Dikil). Two series extend to *Cushitic. Variation is fairly high, especially with [ɪ,e,u]. All families have plenty of exemplars and A35 ‘liver’ tir+ is universal except for Somaloid. Four series, one also *Cu, are dominated by /-ii-/, supporting distinctive length for this vowel, though a minimal pair was not found (close is 24 ‘count’ ɗik- and 10. ‘blood’ ɗiig+). Finally, four series, one also *Cushitic, have sufficient variation with /u/ to justify an unresolved category i~u. The mid-vowel /e/ is stronger than in *Cushitic. It has four series, all noninitial, only one (102 ‘steal, thief ’ gVr-) having a *Cu form. Variation is high and A-S has no instance of [e] in any series. Long /-ee-/ has three series with no instances in Dullay and only /-e-/ in Konsoid (twice). The pair 102 as above and A40 ‘old’ geer- is minimal for vowel length in *East. There is also one /ee-/, 117 ‘well’ eel-, but this may be a borrowing from Semitic into Cushitic, not just East. Most frequent is e~a: seven series, one in *Cushitic. This may suggest the origin of /e/ in *East Cushitic from /a/, but the mechanism is not clear. There is a homonymous pair of shape ɗeg-: 58 ‘hear’ and 61 ‘hide’, but this is probably coincidence since they differ widely in the languages. As usual, /a/ is the most frequent phoneme, having eight initial series (counting 69 and 93 as separate), five also in *Cu, and 34 non-initial. In addition there are six /-aa-/series, two of a~o, and one of difthong /-aw-/. (a~i is taken up with V). The /a-/ series have at least three series represented for each family. Variation is relatively slight. Five series are carryovers from *Cushitic. Of the 34 non-initial series, eleven are carryovers from *Cushitic. Every family is well-represented and variation is moderate, with /-e-/ being most frequent. Of the long /-aa-/ series, one is found also for *Cushitic. All families are represented at least twice by long vowel except Afar-Saho only once. The /-aw/ series is weak, including only Dullay, Arboré, and Konsoid. One a~o series 2 ‘ask, news’ has initial w, but alternation only in Somaloid and HEC (see also 59 ‘heart’ under /o/). The other has initial t-. Vowel /-o-/ is fairly well-represented with twelve series, of which five carry over from series in *Cushitic, representing other than /-o-/. All families are wellrepresented except Afar-Saho. Variation is high, mostly with /a/ and /u/. Two weak series are dominated by /oo-/ and three by /-oo/ respectively. 165

166

35.

--

--

--

27.

--

(i)

21.

--

(-i-)

--

11.

24.

--

--

7.

--

--

--

7.

mti-

--

--

--

4.

/-i-/

--

(-i-) ?

(ʔ)ilk+

110.

A53.

(-y-)

y-

--

--

92.

89.

--

--

--

--

41.

73.

-i-

Bj

(ʔ)il+

*Cu.

41.

/i-/

No.

(-ɪ-)

--

--

-ɪ-

--

--

--

--

--

-(i),ɪ-

y-

(ɪ-)

--

--

-ɪ(i)-

*Ag

--

--

--

--

--(ɪ)-

--

--

--

--

(-i-)

y-

--

--

--

-i-

*SC

biy+

kirb-

ɗik-

mti/e-

mik+

kimbi2r+

ki1mbir+

d/zid/z+

irm+

ilk+

iy(y)-

ir+

ink+

int+

il+

*East

i-

--

--

--

-ee-

--

-i-

-i-

-i-

(-)i-

(i-) ?

-y-

--

i-

(i-)

*A-S

--

-i-

/-i-

-ɪ/i-

--

-i,ɪ,ɛ, a-

--

--

--

ɪ-/i-

i-

--

ɛ/i-

--

--

*Dul

i-

--

(-i-)

--

-i,e-

--

-i-

-i-

(-i-)

-i-

(-)i-

--

-i-

i-

i,ɪ-

*Som

East Cushitic vowel correspondences

i,ɪ-

-ii

--

--

--

--

-i,Ø-

-i,ɪ-

--

-a,i-

i,ï-

(-y-)

ï-,-i-

(-)i,ɪ-

i,ï-

*Arb

i-

-i-

-i-

--

--

--

-i,ɪ-

-i-

--

-i-

i-

--

--

--

i-

Or

i-

--

-i-

-i-

--

(-ɛ-)

-i,ɪ-

-a-

--

i-

i,(ɪ)-

--

--

((-)i-)

i,ɪ-

*Kon

-i-/

-i-

-i/i(i), e-

i-/

-i,(ɪ)-

--

--

-i(i)-

-i-/

ɪɪ,i-/

(-)y-

--

--

--

i-,(ɪ-)

*HEC

167

--

--

--

--

--

--

A15.

A15.

A34.

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

dim

8.

10.

88.

90.

/-ii-/

--

--

--

113.

--

--

hir-

108.

A35.

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

91.

85.

55.

52.

42.

-ɪ,e-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

(i-) ?

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

^-i-

--

--

--

--

--

diim-

ɗiib-

ɗiig+

Ki/aniin

tir+

bitVH-

Diki2l

Di1kil

sinD+ ?

ħiɗ-

ħidz+

bil-

rif+an+

riʔ+

biʔ-

--

-u- ?

--

--

-i-

--

-u-

-u, e-

--

-i-

--

--

--

--

--

--

(-ii-)

-ɛ/e-

--

-i,ɪ-

-ɛ,i-

-i-

-i-

--

--

-i, e(e)-

-i-

(-i-)

--

-ɪ,i/o-

--

(-ii-)

-i(i)-

-i(i)-

--

-i,e-

-u,i-

-u,i-

--

i,(e)-

--i-

--

--

(-)i-

--

East Cushitic vowel correspondences (-i)

--

--

-ii-

-i,ɪ-

-i,ɪ-

--

(-i-)

(-i-)

-i-

-i(i), e-

-i,ï-

--

-u,e-

---

-ii-

-ii-

-i(i)-

-i(i)-

-i-

-i-

-i-

-i-

-i-

-i-

-u,ii-

-i-

-i-

-i,e--

-i(i)-

-ii-

-i(i)-

-i(i)-

-i,ɪ-

--

-i,Ø-

i-

-i-

-i-

-i,ɪ-

-i-

-i-

--

-u(u), aa,ii-

-ii-

-e(e), i(i)-, ɛ(ɛ)-

--

-i-

-i-

-i-

-i(i)-

-i,u-

-i-

-i-

--

--

-e-

u,(i)-

168

--

--

34.

--

--

--

A4.

--

--

--

107.

61.

58.

--

--

--

30.

--

-a- ?

28.

re/a-

e~a

--

-i- ?

gVr-

102.

--

--

--

75.

107.

--

--

-a- ?

--

--

46.

/-e-/

A49.

--

--

gilub+

68.

101.

--

--

60.

i~u

---

---

--

--

--

--

---

--

(-a-)

--

--

---

---

-ɪ-

---

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

(-e-)

(-aa)-

--

--

-u- ?

--

yEr-

sEdeh-

ɗEg-

ɗEg-

nEb+

kEr+

re/a-

sEdeh

ger-

leʔ

ken-

^i/urr-

ħi/udk+

gi/ulb+

ʕi/ulVs-

--

--

--

^-i, e-

--

(-a-)

-a- ?

--

-a-

--

-o-

(^i-)

-u-

-u-

-i/e-/ -i-

--

-(ɛ)ɛ, e-

--

--

--

-a, (ɛ)ɛ-

--

-ɛ,i-

-ɛ/e-

-ɛ/e(e)-

--

u-

-i-

-i-

/-i-

-a,e-

-a,ɛ,e-

-a,e-

-e,a, o-

-ɛ,a-

-e,a-

--

-e,a,Ø-

--

(-ɛ-)

-a,ʌ,ɛ-

--

-i-

-i-

-u-

East Cushitic vowel correspondences

--

--

-e,ɛ, a-

-e,ɛ-

-ɛ,e, i-

-e,ɛ, ï,ai-

(-i-) ?

Ø

-ɛ-

-ɛ(ɛ)-, -ei

-ɛ,e-

^u-

-i,(u)-

-u-

i,ɪ-

-a-

-ɛ-

-o-

-a-

--

-a-

--

-ɛ-

--

-i-

-a, ɛ(ɛ)-

i-

--

-i-

u-

--

--

-e-

-a-

-a-

-e-

(-e-)

Ø

(^-e-)

-e-

e,(ɛɛ)-

(u-)

-i,ɪɪ-

-i-

(-)u-, (o)-

--

-e/o-

--

^-a-/

-a-

--

--

-e-

Ø

--

--

--

(^u-/)

-u-

--

169

1.

--

--

Ø-

arrab

109.

/-a-/

--

ark-

93.

-a-

af

--

--

-a,ə-

a-,-ə-

-a, (ə)-

(a-)

a(r)k

69.

77.

--

--

ad-

51.

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

^-ɪ,a-

49.

38.

16.

--

--

--

A40.

--

--

--

A37.

/a-/

--

(-i,e) ?

--

al+

72.

/-ee-/

117.

/ee-/

(-a-)

--

-a-

-a-

--

a-

--

(a-)

--

--

--

--

(-aa-)

darɗ+

arrab

arg-

af+

ark

-ad-

afur

(ʔ)arb+

adurr+

geer-

daaCeer

ɗeer

eel+

--

a-

--

a-

--

-e-

(a-)

--

--

(-ee-)

-u-

--

(-)ee-

-a/-a,ɛ-

a-

--

--

--

(-)a,i-

(-)a-

a-

-a,oo-

(aa-)

ə,a-, -aa-a(a)-

a-

(a-)

(a-)

--

-e(e)-

-e(e), ê-

i-

--

-a-

ai/a-

--

--

--

-e-

East Cushitic vowel correspondences

--

a,ɛ-, -e-

-a(a)-

(-a-)

--

(ii-)

(-)a-

a-

--

-a(i)-

-e,ɛ-

-e(e), i-

(-)ee-

-aa-

a-

a-

a-

--

--

a-

a-

a-

--

--

-ee-

ee-

-a,ɛ-

a-

(a)a-

(a-)

(-)a(a)-

--

a(a)-

a-

(-)a-

-e-

--

-e-

e(e)-

--

a-

--

a-

-a,ɛ-

(-aa)

(Ø-)

(a-)

/a-

(-ee-)

(-ee-)

--

(-)e(e)-

170

--

--

--

--

14.

17.

--

--

39.

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

55.

56.

56.

(-oo-)

Haš+

--

54.

43.

40.

--

--

-a-

(C)am-

36.

baH- ?

(-u-)

--

--

31.

--

--

--

-a, (ə)-

--

--

^-a-

--

(-a-)

saʔ+

25.

20.

--

-a,ə, i-

--

--

--

--

--

--

kamb-

--

--

--

14.

--

--

--

11.

20.

--

gVr-

5.

--

--

--

(-a)

--

--

--

-a-

--

-ee ?

--

--

--

(-e-)

(-a-)

(-a-)

-u-

^ganʕ+

hark+

rif+an+

ʕaš+

gab+

gal-

baH-

(C)am-

ħarr+

saʔ+

kab-

ɗamħ-

lukk+al

gasa2r+

ga1sar+

laf+

gar+

-i/e-

--

--

-ay-

--

--

--

(-o-)

(-e-)

-a-

--

--

-a-

--

--

-a-

-a-

-/-a-

-a,(æ)-

(-ə-)

-a(a)-

-oo-

--

(-a-)

--

/-a-

--

--

--

-a,Ø-

-a-

-a-

--

-a-

-a,(ɛ)-

--

--

-V-

(-a-)

-a,e-

-a, (ee)-

-a(a)-

(-e-)

-a,(e)-

(-)a,o-

-a-

(-a-)

-a,i(-)

-a(i)-

-a,(e)-

--

East Cushitic vowel correspondences

-i,e-

--

-a-

(-ii-)

--

(-ɛɛ)

-a-

-a-

-ee-

--

-a-

-a-

-a-

--

-a(a), o(o)(-a-)

-a-

-a-

-ə-

Ø -a-

-a-

-a-

-a, (ɛ)-

-ə, a(a)-

--

--

--

Ø

-e,ä, ɛ-

-ɛ,a-

-a-

-a, (ɛ)-

-e(e), ɛ-

-a-

-a(a)-

-a-

--

-a-

--

-a-

--

-a-

--

-a-

-a-

-a-

-a-

-a-

-a-

-a-

-a-

--

--

-ay, aa-

-a-/

-a-

-a-/

-aa-/ (-a)

--

-a(a)-

-a-/

--

Ø

-a-

-a

--

--

171

--

-a- ?

lam-

112.

--

--

kašš+

--

A48.

A55.

/-aa-/

--

--

A37.

--

--

--

--

A17.

A5.

--

-a- ?

arrab-

109.

--

--

--

103.

119.

--

--

100.

96.

--

--

--

86.

--

--

--

71.

79.

(-a-)

--

---

--

--

mat+

garm+

66.

65.

57.

--

-i,ə-

--

--

--

--

-a,ə, i,e

--

--

--

--

--

--

-ə,ʌ-

--

--

-a- ?

--

--

--

--

--

--

(-aa-)

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

(-o-)

--

ʕaɗ-

kašš+

Kalam~ Kamal

naħ-

ɗal-

ʕad

lam-

arrab

ɗagħ-

kaʕ-

raf-

nam+

magħ+

garm+

ma_

waraab+

mat+

-i,ay, e-

--

--

--

-a-

-a-

-a-

-a-

-a-

--

--

(-u, aa-)

-i-

--

(-a-)

--

--

-a-

-a/e,a-

--

--

-a-

--

--

-a(a)-

--

--

-ə/a-

--

-a(ɛ)-

-a-

-a-

/a,o-

--

--

(-a-)

(-a-)

-a-,-e

-e,(a)-

(-)a-

-a, (ʌ,)-

-a,ɛ,u-

-a-

-a-

--

--

a,(e)-

--

-i-

-a-

-a,(ɛ)-

East Cushitic vowel correspondences

(-a-)

(^-a-)

--

--

a,(ɛ)-

e,ä-

-aa-

-ɛ, (a,e)-

--

(-e-)

-a,â-

--

-ɛ-

--

(-e-)

(-a-)

-e,ɛ, (i)-

--

--

-a-

-a-

-a-

a-

-a-

-a-

-a(a)-

-a-

-a-

-a-

-a-

--

--

-a-

-a--

a-

-a(a)-

(-e-)

-a-

-a,e-

(-)a-

(-a-)

-a-

-a-

--

--

-a-

-a(a)-

-a-

(-a-)

-a,ə-

--

-a-/

-a/e-

-a-

-a/-

--

--

(-a-)

-a,ɛ-

--

-aa- ?

--

a/ɛ,ə,a

--

-a-/

(-a-)

--

172

--

--

--

--

bal+

--

81.

A18

A37.

--

(-ɛ-)

--

--

--

lVw+

ka/od-

--

25.

29.

53.

10.

18.

-a-

tak-

-o,ʊ

--

--

bVr

/-o-/

84.

2.

a~o

A6.

--

--

--

65.

--

--

--

63.

/aw/

--

--

2.

(-oo-)

-ə,ɪ-

(-)ɪ-

--

-ɪ-

--

(-a)

--

(a),ə

-a,ə-

--

--

--

(-aa-)

--

-aa-

-ee

--

--

-a-

--

--

--

--

--

(-u-)

--

--

bot-

kot-

lo_+

Koy-

bor

tok-

^wa/or+

kaws+

daaCeer

baal+

haar

waraab+

gaas+

kaas-

--

(^-o-)

-o(o)

--

-ii, a-

--

-a-

--

(-aa-)

-a-

--

--

-ay-

--

-o(o)-

-o-

-o(o)-

q’/q-

--

-a, o(o)-

--

-aw-

--

-aa

--

/-aa-

-a(a)-

-a/a,i-

(-a-)

-o,u-

-o,i-

--

^(-o-)

--

-o,a-

--

-a(a)-

-a(a)-

--

-a(a)-

-ee, a(a)

(-oo-)

East Cushitic vowel correspondences

--

-ɛ, o(o)-

--

--

^-u, (o)-

-o,ɔ, -a-

--

(-oo-)

-e(e), ɛ(ɛ)

(-a)

(-aa-)

(Ø)

-a(a)-

(-ee-)

--

-o-

-oo-

k’-

^-oo-

-o-

-a-

--

--

-aa-

-aa-

-aa-

-aa-

-aa-

-o-

(-o)

-o-

(q-)

(^-oo)

-a,(o)-

--

-aw-

--

(-aa-)

(-aa-)

--

-aa-

-aa-

--

-o-

-a-

(k’-)

--

--

-o,a-

--

(-aa-)

-a-

-/aa-

--

--

--

173

--

--

A9.

--

--

--

--

--

A18.

A43.

89.

--

/-oo/

A19.

A11.

--

--

--

111.

--

--

--

95.

--

--

--

74.

--

--

--

70.

/oo-/

--

--

70.

--

--

tak

wad/ Vzn

62.

59.

--

--

--

--

(-oo-)

--

--

---

---

---

---

-a,ə-

-a,ɪ-

--

--

--

--

--

(-a-)

(-o-)

--

-u- ?

--

--

^-u-

--

sook+

kool+

--

--

-o-

--

oo(Kin) t+

roob+-o-

--

--

--

--

--

-u-

-u-

-o,u-

--

ooy-

hor

Kor

gog+

soʔ

ko1so2l-

ko1so2l-

tok-

wod/ zVn+

-o(o)-

-o(o)

--

^-o(o)-

(-)oo-

-o(o)-

-a-

--

--

--

--

--

--

(-u-)

--

-oo-

oo-

oo-

(-uu-)

-o-

-o-

(-oo)

-o-

-o-

--

-V-

East Cushitic vowel correspondences

-oo-

-o(o)-

-o(o), ɔ,uo -o,u-

--

oo-

--

-u-

--

-o-

-oo-

Ø

-o-

-a-

o-

--

--

--

(o-)

-o-

(-ɔ-)

-o-

-a,Ø, o-

a,o,ɔ-

--

(-o-)

-oo

-oo,e-

-oo-

o-

(u-)

--

-o(y)-

-o-

-a,ɔ, o-

-a,Ø-

-o-

-a,o-

(-o-)

o/oo-

--

--

oo-

o-

-oo/o-

--

-o(o)-

--

-o,a-

o-

--

-a,o,ɔ-

174

--

--

--

--

--

--

17.

26.

45.

--

--

--

--

--

--

105.

A12.

A39.

68.

--

--

giLub+

49.

--

--

--

--

16.

lVk

--

--

15.

48.

-u-

gud-

--

6.

/-u-/

--

--

--

A50.

A51.

--

--

19.

/u-/

ɪ-

--

--

--

-Ø, ɪ-

--

-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-u-

--

--

ha/ unɗur+

Dur-

dub

gi/ulb+

afur

luk

mur-

lukk+

adurr+

gub-

gud-

ul+

ur-

urr-

(-o-) kuLDuum

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-a-

-u-

--

--

-u-

-i,e, a-

m-u

--

--

--

--

--

(-)i-

(u-)

--

-u-

--

--

(-i-), Ø-

--

-u-

--

--

-uu/u-

-u-

--

--

(u-)

--

u-

-u(u)-

--

-a,ɛ,u, i-

-i,(u)-

-a,ʌ-

-u, (o)-

-a,u-

--

-u-

(-u-)

-u,o-

--

u-

u-

--

East Cushitic vowel correspondences

-u,e-

(-u-)

(-u-)

Ø

-u-

(-u-)

--

-u-

-u(u)-

--

--

-u(u)-

(-û-)

--

--

-uu-

-u-

--

Ø

-u-

-u-

-u-

-u-

-u-

-u-

-u-

-u-

-u-

--

-u-

-u(u)-

(-u-)

--

Ø

-u-

-o,u-

-u-

-u(u)-

-u-

-u-

-u(u)-

-u(u)-

--

--

u(u)-

-u,ɛ,o-

-u-

-u-

/-u-

/-u-

-oo, ɔɔ-

-u,(i)-

-u-

-u-

/(-u-)

/(-u-)

--

-o-/

u-

(/-u-)

175

--

--

--

--

97.

98.

--

--

--

94.

A39.

--

sVn

83.

--

--

--

--

60.

--

-a(a)-

fVr

49.

104.

--

--

18.

V

--

---

mi/an

64.

8.

--

--

--

45.

i~a

--

dVm

19.

/-uu/

--

--

--

-ɪ,a-

--

--

--

--

/-ɪ- ?

--

-ɪ-

--

-a,e, ə,ɪ-

duum

--

--

(^aa-)

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-i-

ha/ unɗur+

Vr+

Vl/r

sVn

ʕi,ulVs-

afur

Koy-

i/ar

ti/ak-

mi/an+

Ki/aniin

(-o-) kuLDuum

--

-u,i, o-

-ay-

i-

-a-

-i(i)-

-i,e-, a-

--

-e-

(-a-)

--

--

-u-

(-u-)

-a,u-

--

--

-ɪ-

-i-

-a,(ʌ)-

-ɔ/ɔ,o-

(aa-)

-ə/i(i), a-

--

-a,ə-

--

--

a,u-

o,(a-)

-ɛ(ɛ)-

--

-e,ɛ-

-oo-

-a, (oo)e,a-

i,ɪ-

-u-

--

-i,ee, ï,ɪɪ-

i(i)-

-i-

-i,ɪ-

--

--

-e,u-

-u-

--

(ɪ-)

--

-i-

(-)a-

-u(u)-

-u(u)-

East Cushitic vowel correspondences

-a-

--

--

-u-

Ø

-u-

-ee-

aa-

--

-i-

-a-

-u-

-u(u), ii-

-u,a-

--

--

i(i), oo-

-u-,Ø-

-u-

(-aa-)

--

--

-a-

-a-

-u(u)-

-i(i)-

/(-a-)

o/a-

a/

-V-

--

-oo, ɔɔ-/

/(-e-)

--

--

--

-i,a-

-u, ɪ,Ø-

-uu-

Initial /u-/ has three series with attestations in all families at least once each. Non-initial /-u-/ has 12 series, of which three go back to *Cushitic. All families are represented at least three times and variation is slight. Long /-uu-/ has a single series and no attestation in Dullay or Arboroid. The series, 90 ‘red’ duum, appears in *Cushitic as dVm. Finally, a few unresolvable series remain. Three of them have i~a, but one of these, 64 ‘house’ min~man, is probably morphological, reflecting “Cushitic ablaut” between singular and plural. Seven others, of which two apply also to *Cushitic, are just too variable to classify.

2.21. Overview of *East Cushitic The revised chart of *East Cushitic consonants and vowels (cf. 2.1.11.1) is as follows: Consonants Stops Fricatives

Lab. Vl

Den./Alv. t

Vd

b

d

Vl

-f-

s

m

n

Retro. ɖ

Pal.

Velar

Liquids Glides

š

ħ

h-

Ɂ

g ʕ

Vowels

l, r w

Glottal

k

Vd Nasals

Phar.

i, -iiy

u, -uu-

-e-, ee

-o, oo a-,-aa-aw-

Phoneme /h/is reconstructable only initially and phonemes /f, e, o/ are reconstructable only non-initially in my data set. Other possibilities: D and H (indeterminate dental-alveolar and pharyngeallaryngeal) doubtfully indicate further phonemes. Also l~r and d~z may indicate further phonemes. All laryngeals and pharyngeals are weakly based. Gemination of all consonants can reasonably be assumed (v. 2.22 below; also Sasse 1979: 7) Long vowels are reconstructable except initial /ii-, uu-, aa-/, probably accidental gaps. Most common vowel alternations are i~u, e~a, i~a. Vowel ablaut (a morphological process) must be assumed, e.g. with i~a (~u). 176

2.22. Canonical shapes in *East Cushitic As with *Cushitic, VV here means identical vowels but CC does not mean necessarily identical consonants. Some reconstructed forms are not listed here because of incompleteness and/or uncertainty: 25 ‘cow’ lo_; 36 ‘eat’ (C)am-, 47 ‘fly’ t-, 66 ‘intestines’ ma_, 92 ‘say’ di(Ɂ), y-, 116 ‘water’ ma_. Sasse (1979: 50ff) points out that assuming initial Ɂ- eliminates V-initial morphemes and simplifies the statement of canonical forms. CCV: 21 -mti CVC: 2 wa/or+ 4 d/zid/z+ 5 gar+ 6 gud- 10 bor- 11 laf+, mik+ 15 gub- 18 qoy- 19, 90 dum+ 20 kab- 24 ɗik- 25 saɁ+ 26 mur- 29 kot- 30 kEr+ CV: 28 re/a- CVCC: 17 lukk+ 31 ħarr+ CVCVVC: 8 ki/aniin CVlC: 60 ʕi/uls- CVmC: 20 ɗamħCVnC: 56 ganʕ+ CVrC: 1 darɗ+ 27 kirb- CVCCVC: 7 kimbir+ CVCVC: 5 godeb+ 14 gasar+ 55 rifan+ CVCCVVC: 45 kurDuum

32 ʕVg- 58 ɗEg- 108 ħiɗ33, 95 gog- 61 ɗEg- 111 kor 34 nEb-+ 62 tok- 112 lam35 biy+ 64 ma/in+ 119 ʕad39 gal- 74 soɁ A4 yEr40 baH- 75 leɁ A5 ɗal42 biɁ- 83 sVn A9 hor43 gab+ 84 tok- A12 Dur46 ken- 85 bil- A17 naħ48 luk+ 86 nam A35 tir+ 49 fVr 87 šit- A43 sok+ 52 riɁ+ 91 ħid/z+ A48 Kašš+ 53 bot+ 96 raf- A55 ʕaɗ54 Haš+ 97 ti/ak57 mat+ 102 ger47 tV79 magʕ+ 103 ɗagħ- A48 kašš+ 101 ħi/udk A34 bidħ68 gi/ulb + 113 sinD+ 35 bu(r)t+ 56 hark+ A39 ha/unɗur+ 59 wod/zVn+ 70 kosol- 107 sEdeH

71 garm+ A40 gerʕA15 Dikil+ A34 bitVHA37 Kalam+~kamal+

177

CVCVVC: 65 waraab+ CVVC: 2 kaas- 10 ɗeeg+ 63 gaas+ CVVCVVC: A37 daaCeer+ CVwC: A6 kaws+ VC: 41 il+ 51 ad- VCC: 19 urr- 38 arb+ 41 int+ VCCVC: 109 arrab VCVCC: 16 adurr+ VVC: 104, A11 ooyVVCVnC: A34 oo(Kin)t+

72 ɗeer 89 roob+ A18baal+,kool+ 81 haar- 90 diim- A40 geer88 ɗiib+ 117 ʕeel+ A43 sook+ 77 af+ 89 ir+ 69, 93 arg- 73 ink+

94 Vl/r 104 Vr+ 92 iy(y)- 110 ilk+

A50 urA51 ul+ A49 i/urrA53 irm+

Consonants which occur word-finally: -b: 109 arrab -m: 45 kurDuum; 86 nam -n: 8 kaniin, 83 sVn -r: 49 afur; 72 ɗeer; 104 a(i)r; 111 kor -Ɂ: 74 soɁ; 75 leɁ The small sample size means that all generalizations here should be taken cautiously. There is one case of what appears to be an initial cluster: 21 ‘come’ -mti-, but this is misleading because it is a prefixing verb and thus a syllable break appears between m and t (Sasse’s 1979: sect. 3.3, principle 5). The most frequent type is CVC with 58 examples. The remainder scatter across many infrequent types. Initial CV- prevails over initial V- by 50 to 21. Of the C-initial cases, CVVC leads with 18 ahead of CVCC with nine and CVCVC with eight. The final sequences are geminates (one each: kk, rr, šš), sequences with penultimate l, m, n, r, w, and dħ, għ, mħ, gʕ, rʕ-, dk. V-initial cases are mainly VC (eight) and VCC (nine), recalling that in all cases, initial Ɂ- may shift these to the CVC or CVCC types. Final consonants are -b, m, n, r, Ɂ. Some chance is involved here, given the small sample size. Sasse (1979: 6, Sect. 3.3, principle 2) says “No (or very few) words ended in a consonant, i.e. all inflectional morphemes consisted of or ended in vowels; the naked root did not occur in actual utterances,…” I generally agree with Sasse in my other observations, but he uses less precise terminology, not separating clusters (tautosyllabic) from sequences (over syllable-boundary). 178

3. The Phonological Development of Cushitic 3.1. Cushitic phonological correspondences Thirteen lexical items exemplify 13 of the 18 phonemes of Cushitic presented in 2.11.1. These are f(p), t, k, b, ɗ, g, m, l, r, s, š, w, and a. (No d, y, i, u; maybe n.) Thirteen lexica illustrating Cushitic phoneme correspondences Gloss

*Af

*Ch

*Om

*M–C

*Sem

*Ber

Cush

b- , -t- ‘ashes’

bət

bətu

bi/end+

--

--

--

Ag: bɪt+a

w-, -l- ‘boy, child’

wl-

w-l

--

w-l

wald

wlt (f)

l- ‘cow’

l-

ɬa

Som. weel

--

l-

liɁ (at)

--

lVw+

m-, -t-; prob. w- ‘die’

mwt

mətə

--

mut

mwt

mut

--

t ‘eat’

it

f(p)-, -ɗ‘four’

ti

its-

t

--

ɪts

t-

pɗ

w

f aɗə

--

pt

--

Coptic: ftoow

Bj: faɗig

g-, -r-, b‘knee’

gRb

grp

--

grb

birk

--

gLb

f (p) ‘mouth’

p~f~b

--

aap+

p

p

--

af

sVm

səm

(loans)

sim

s-, -m-’name’

šm

šur

šurš

ism

si/um

--

z’ur

(loans)

xr

--

k/gr

--

akɪr

Bj: gwihar

lsn

aɬəsi

--

ls

lišaan

iles

--

may

am

--

am

my

aman

may

š-, -r- ‘root’

sr(s)~ šr(s)

šar-

k-, -r- ‘steal’

kr

l-, -s-, (-n-?) ‘tongue’ am- ‘water’

The specific question which concerns us now is how we get from the radical new *Afrasian proposed here to Cushitic as reconstructed above. This requires accounting for the absence of *Af z, ɗ, c, ɣ, h in *Cushitic. Notice that *Af p > *Cu f. Many other questions arise: How did Omotic get ejectives and how did Semitic get its “emphatic consonants”? (*Afrasian seems not to have had 179

an emphatic contrast.) How did Chadic and other families get idiosyncratic consonants such as ɓ, ɬ, ħ? How did vowel systems expand, etc.? These are topics deserving much investigation with a larger lexicon and must be taken up in subsequent work. In what follows, these abbreviations apply: AA Afrasian, Ch Chadic, Om Omotic, M–C Macro-Cushitic, Sem Semitic, Ber Berber, Cu Cushitic, Bj Beja, Ag Agew, and EC East Cushitic. Egyptian is not dealt with here (see Takács 2000, 2005, and sequels). Sources are Berber: Basset (1952); Chadic: Newman and Ma (1966); Newman (1977); Cushitic languages: herein; Omotic: Bender (2003); Macro-Cushitic: table within; Semitic: Moscati et al. (1969); South Cushitic: Takács (2000); all: Takács (2003). The table of Proto-Families Phonemic Correspondences: First Approximation, below, is a first approach to the topic of proto-languages, lacking *Afrasian and *Macro-Cushitic. Proto-families phonemic correspondences: first approximation Consonants *Ch

*Om

Eg

*Sem

p

p

p

p

b

b

b

b

ɓ f

f

m

m

m

w

w

w

m

*Ber

*Cu

Bj

*Ag

*SC

*EC

p b

b

b

b

b

b

f

-f-

f

f

f

-f-

m

m

m

m

m

m

w

w

w

w

w

w

t

t

t

t

t

t

t, t’, d, d’ t

t

t

t’ d

d-

t t’

d

d

t’ d

d

d

d

d

ts

ts

d

d’ -ts-

tl1, tl2 s

s ts’

180

s

s s’

s

s

s s’

dz

dz

s

s ts’

s

Proto-families phonemic correspondences: first approximation ś z

z

z

z

z

z’ n

-n-

n

n

n

-n-

n

n

n

n

l

-l-

l

l

l

l

l

l

l

l

r

-r-

r

r

r

r

r

r

r

r

ɗ

ɗ

ɖ1,2

ɗ

c

c

ɬ

š

š

š

š

ɗ š

ʈ

š

ɗ

ɬ

š

š

ž c

c

c’ j

j

j

‘J y

y-

y

y

y

-y-

y

y

k

k

k

k

k

k

k

k

k’ -g-

g ɣ

g g’ ɣ

g

g

g

ɣ

x

x

g

g

k

q

q

ħ

ħ

h

h

ʕ

Ɂ

h

q

ʕ

Ɂ

g

ɣ ŋ

h-

k1,2 k’1,2

x g

y

Ɂ

Ɂ h

ŋ ʕ

ʕ

ħ

ħ

h

h-

Ɂ

Ɂ

H

181

Proto-families phonemic correspondences: first approximation Vowels *C

*Om

Eg

*Se

*Ber

*Cu

Bj

*Ag

*SC

*EC

i

i

i

i

i

i

i

i

i

i

ii

ii

e

-e-

ee

ee

a

a

aa

aa

aa

o

o

-o-

oo

oo

oo

u

u

uu

uu

ii

ɪ

ii

i-~u-e-

e

e

ee a ə

a

a

aa

a

a

a

aa

o u

-u-

u

u uu

u

u

a

u uu

a

ə

u?

Agew has kw, gw. Beja: has gw, kw. Berber (Takács 1999) has h, ɣ and also -tt’- and -kk’- (emphatics). Chadic has also a fw, gw, kw, xw, fy, gy, perhaps mb, nd, ŋg. Semitic has interdentals (underlined below); t’, d’ are “emphatic”. South Cushitic hl is replaced by ɬ; vowels assumed for West Rift are from Kiessling and Mous (2003). The table of Proto-Families Phonemic Correspondences: Second Approximation adds *Afrasian and *Macro-Cushitic, combines p and f, and includes at the end unique or rare phonemes. *Af and *M–C forms are my proposals. This table shows that *Afrasian and *Macro-Cushitic have a set of 18 relatively well established segmental phonemes: 15 consonants and three vowels. In addition, *M–C has h, ɣ, and Ɂ as problematic phonemes. Of what remains at the end of the table, the long vowels and mid-vowels e, ə, o, are special developments of Cushitic families (except ii, aa, uu in *Semitic; aa, -e-, and o in *Omotic; ə in Chadic). Another category is idiosyncracies: segments found in only one language: ɓ and ‘J in Chadic; c’ and i-~u- in Omotic; “emphatics” t, d, t’, d’ and g’ and s’ in *Semitic; d’, z’, and ž in *Berber; ʈ in Beja; ɪ in *Agew; H and tl1,2 in *SC. This leaves a few cases of two-language or three-language coincidences. These are: t’ in *Om, *Sem, *SC; ts in *Om, *Ag, and *SC; ɬ in *Ch and *SC; dz and ŋ in *Ag and *SC; (t)s’ in 182

*Om, *Sem, Bj, and *SC; j in *Ch, Bj, and *SC; k’ in *Om and *SC; q in *Sem and *Ag; Ɂ and ħ in *Sem, *SC, and *EC. Proto-families phonemic correspondences: second approximation Consonants *AA

*Ch

*Om

Eg.

*p

p

p

p

*M–C *Sem *p

*Ber

*Cu

Bj

*Ag

*SC

*EC

f

-f-

f

f

f

-f-

p

*b

b

b

b

*b

b

b

b

b

b

b

b

*m

m

m

m

*m

m

m

m

m

m

m

m

*w

w

w

w

*w

w

w

w

w

w

w

w

*t

t

t

t

*t

t

t

t

t

t

t

t

*d

d

d-

d

*d

d

d

d

d

d

d

d

s

s

s

s

s

s

*s

s

*z

z

*n

n

*l *r *ɗ

s

*s

s

s

z

*z

z

z

-n-

n

*n

n

n

-n-

n

n

n

n

l

-l-

l

*l

l

l

l

l

l

l

l

r

-r-

r

*r

r

r

r

š

š

ɗ

ɗ

*š

š

š

*c

c

c

š

*ɗ

*š

š

r

ɗ š

z

r

ɗ š

ɗ

c

r

ɖ1,2

r

ɗ

c

*y

y

y-

y

*y

y

y

-y-

y

y

*k

k

k

k

*k

k

k

k

k

k

k1,

k

*g

g

-g-

g

*g

g

g

g

g

g

g

g

ɣ

*ɣ

ɣ

ɣ

h

*h

h

h

Ɂ

*h

h-

*Ɂ

Ɂ

Ɂ

Ɂ

ɣ

h

y

Ɂ h

h-

*SC

*EC

Vowels *AA

*Ch

*Om

Eg.

*M–C *Sem

*Ber

*Cu

Bj

*Ag

*i

i

i

i

*i

i

i

i

i

i

i

i

*a

a

a

a

*a

a

a

a

a

a

a

a

*u

u

-u-

u

*u

u

u

u

u

u?

u

u

183

Proto-families phonemic correspondences: second approximation Weakly Distributed Phonemes

ɓ

t, d, t’, d’ t’

t’

t’ d’

-ts-

ts ts’

s’

ts s’

ts’ dz

dz

z’ ś

ɬ

ɬ tl1,tl2

ʈ ž j

j

j

‘J c’ k’

k’1,2 g’ x

x

ŋ q

q

ʕ

ʕ

ħ

ħ ɪ

ii

ʕ

ii

ħ

H ii

ii

e

-e-

i-~u-e-

184

e

e

Proto-families phonemic correspondences: second approximation

ə

aa

aa

o uu

ee

ee

ee

aa

aa

aa

o

o

-o-

oo

oo

oo

uu

uu

uu

ə

Takács (1999: 263) lists Egyptian consonants as they correspond to “solidly reconstructable Egypto-Semitic and Egypto-Afro-Asiatic consonant correspondences”. My interpretation of this is the following list of Egyptian consonants: p, b, f, m, w, t, d, s, z, n, l, r, š, y, k, x, g, ɣ, q, ħ, ʕ, h, Ɂ, h

I do not include t and d, which are said to correspond to Semitic and AA k and g respectively. All these correspond to my *Afrasian except that Takács has no ɗ and he has additionally ɣ, q, ħ, ʕ, h, Ɂ, h. Three of these (ɣ, h, Ɂ) are reconstructed for *M–C. This leaves Egyptian looking most like Semitic, which is no surprise, since most Egyptian work has been done in a Semiticist framework. Vowels are not considered here, though it seems safe to posit i, a, u for Egyptian.

3.2. Proto-form wordlists Below are six wordlists compiled from the comparisons presented above: Cushitic Proto-forms; East Cushitic Proto-forms; *SAOK Proto-forms; Fragments, Symbolic, and Diffused Forms; Binarily Distributed Forms; and Binarily Distributed Forms from the List of Weakly Distributed Forms. I have replaced Sasse’s proto-forms where they do not agree with my conclusions, and did not include those of Sasse’s proto-forms which are not documented in my sources. The wordlists are alphabetized following the English alphabet with necessary modifications as follows (not all possibilities occur as initials); see 2.11.1 above for the Proto-Cushitic phoneme chart. Ɂ, ʕ, a, aa, b, c, d, dz, ɗ, D, e, ee, f, g, h, ħ, H, i, ii, j, k, K, l, m, n, ŋ, o, oo, r, s, š, t, u, uu, V, w, y, z

185

Capital letters stand for unspecified phonemes in the range indicated, e.g. D a voiced coronal. ‘R’ is for probable *Afrasian Retention; ‘In’ for probable Cushitic Innovation; and ‘WW’ for wanderword of unknown origin. Parenthesized items are found only in East of the four Cushitic families, but are believed to be *Cushitic on other evidence. I follow Jungraithmayr and Ibriszimow (1994) in “grading” isoglosses, with judgments reported as follows: A: Excellent, B: Good, C: Fair. The guidelines are: for *Cushitic: A = strong in three or four of 1 (Beja), 2 (Agew), 3 (South), East. B = strong in two of 1, 2, 3, East, except not 1 and 2 only or 3 and East only. C = strong in 1 and 2 or 3 and East; for *East Cushitic: A = strong in three or four of 4 (Afar-Saho), 5 (Dullay), SAOK (SomaloidArboroid-Oromo-Konsoid), HEC (Highland East Cushitic). B = strong in two of families 4, 5 (SAOK, and HEC). C = strong in families 5 and SAOK or families SAOK and HEC only. But the criteria are not strictly followed, and other possibilities exist, for example: found in Dullay, Konsoid, and HEC but weak in SAOK, so grade B. A few forms are included even though they do not appear in the list of Selected Cushitic Comparisons (SCC) because they lack appropriate series for phonemes. Items with initial vowel can also occur with optional initial Ɂ. In individual languages, final consonants may occur in some contexts. Use of final – or + to indicate following morphemes is general, but absence of these does not mean the item is consonant-final in *Cushitic or *East Cushitic. In entries of the wordlists, ten families are listed by number 1–0 as follows: 1. Beja

5. Dullay

9. Konsoid

2. Agew

6. Somaloid

0. Highland East Cushitic

3. South Cushitic

7. Arboroid

4. Afar-Saho

8. Oromo

*Af=*Afrasian, *Ber=*Berber, *Ch=*Chadic, *Eg=*Egyptian, *Om=*Omotic, *Sem=*Semitic Parentheses indicate less than dominant appearance in the family.

186

Cushitic proto-forms In entries below: the first row is: the second row is: and the third row is:

form & form number & gloss R/In/WW & families grade (A/B/C) & comments

a ad- 51 go R (2),(3),4,5,(6),(7),(0),*Af B. Weak: V and C both highly variable.

(aw(r)+ 103 stone In 1,5 C. Very weak. Not in SCC.)

af 77 mouth R 1,2,3,4,6,(7),8,9,0 A. In all families except Dullay.

b baH- 40 exit In 2,(5),6,(7),8,(0) B. -ħ in 5,6; -h in 6,8; -Ɂ in Or,Brj.

al+ 117 well R (1),2,(3),4,5,6,7,8,9,0,*Af A. Possibly WW. ʕ- in 4,5.

bal+ A18 feather In 2,(4),(5),6,(7),8,(9),0 B. Also ‘wing, leaf ’. Perhaps a WW.

(C)am 36 eat R (1),3,(4),6,7,9,0,*Af B. Symbolic root, often has C-, esp. k-, t-.

(bok- 89 rain (vb.) R (6),8,*Af C. Not in SCC.)

angw+~ingw+ 34 ear In 1,2 C. Could be contactual. Not in SCC. ark- 69 know R (1),2,5,(6),9,0,Eg,Ar,Om A. The following seems to be the same root. ark- 93 see R 2,3,6,7,8,9,*Af A. In all families but A-S. Initial Ɂ- found marginally in 2,5,6,7. arrab 109 tongue R (1),4,5,6,7,8,9,0,*Af C. In E.C. and *Af. anrab in Saho.

bukw+ 53 gourd In (1),2,8,0 B. Perhaps a WW. -w- in Bd. bu(r)t+ 35 earth R 1,2,(4),9,(0),*Af A. Mixture of -r, -t roots; Afar has ‘soil’ burt+; -uu- in Bj. bVr+ 10 blood R 1,2,4,*Ch B. Appleyard adds ‘black’ (6),7,8,(9) here. -r > -y in Beja. d dab+ 56 hand In 2,3 C. Weak, but not likely diffusion. 187

dakan 38 elephant WW 2,4,0 C. WW also in E-S, maybe Ometo.

giLub+ 68 knee R 2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,0,*Af A. In all families but Bj.

-di(Ɂ) 92 say In 1,2,4,6 B. Dubious phonology. ɖ- in Somaloid.

(gog+ 95 skin R 6,(7),8,9,0,*Af C?. East only, but must be *Cu.)

dim- 19 cloud R 2,(4),6,8,0,*Af B. Semantically perhaps with ‘red’ (v. di/um below). di/um 90 red R 2,8,9,*Af B. Cf. bVr for ‘black’=’red’ and dum ‘cloud’, also ‘black, dark’. (dVb 105 tail R 6,(7),0,*Af C? Not rel. to dab ‘hand’ above. Not in SCC.) dVk+ 31 donkey R 2,3,*Af C. Weak. f -fVr 49 four In 1,2,6,7,8,9,(0),*Af A. Has an alternate sVl, q.v. g (gaas+ 63 horn R 4,5,6,7,8,9,*Af C. All East, but found in *Af). garm+ 71 lion WW 2,5,9,(0) C?. East and Om., perhaps *Cu.

188

gog-~kag- 33 dry R 2,6,7,8,9,0,*Af B. Rel. to ‘skin’ gog+ above? (goob+ 43 fat In (1),5,(6),8,9,(0) C. Diffused to Bd. Not in SCC.) gud- 6 big R 1,7,8,9,*Ch,Ber B. ‘many’ in Beja. gVr+ 5 belly R 3,4,5,7,8,9,*Af B. Perhaps different roots entangled. gVr- 102 steal R (1),(2),4,5,7,(9),*Ch,Ber B. Probably *Af origin. h hir- 108 sew In 3,4,6,7,8,9,0 C. In all East except Dullay. hi/udk+ 101 star In 1,5,6,7,9 B. Problematical phonology. hi/uw- 50 give R 1,2,3,4,0,*Af A. Strong: in all four families and *Af.

H Haš- 54 grass In 2,(3),4,5,6,(7),0,Ar A. Problematical, perhaps Arabic loan. Sasse has ʕ-, but it occurs only in (4),5,(6). ħ-, Ɂalso occur; Ø- is most common. i il+ 41 eye R 1,2,3,(4),6,7,8,9,0,*Af A. Missing in Dullay. Has Ɂ- in 3,(7). ilk+ 110 tooth In 1,2,(3),(4),5,6,7,8,9,(0) A. Strong: occurs in all families. Ɂ-rare. (ingw+~angw+ 34 ear; see angw above.) ir+ 89 rain R (2),5,6,7,Om B. Has ħ, ʕ, Ɂ, Ø-. R?: strong in Omotic. k -k- 36 eat In 2,3,7 B. Weak: single consonant kag-~gog-, v. gog above. (kal- 85 other In (1),3,4,(6),8 B. Dubious: prob. phon. Not in SCC.)

(kar 30 dog R (4),5,6,7,8,9,*Af C. East only but found in *Af.) kar 82 night R 2,(3),(4),(0),Om B. Om: MO-Y makes *Cu possible. kas(t) A1 all In 1,5,6 C. Very weak. kašš+ A48 shoulder In 2,5,(6),(7),9,0 B. Problematical phonology. ka/od- 29 dig In 2,3,(4),5,6,7,8,(9),0,*Af A. Extremely variable phonology. ke/an- 69 know In (1),2,6,0 B. Problematical phonology. kVlm+ 80 neck In 2,8,9,*Af B. Intrusive -l,r- into *Af form; cf. kaLf+. l lam- 112 two In 1,2,(3),4,(5),6,7,8,(9),0 A. WW. In Omotic. Sometimes n-~l-. Dullay has variant lakk-i.

ka(L)f+ 3 bark R 2,3,(4),(5),9,*Af A. Assumes -r, l- is sometimes lost.

lVk+ 48 foot In 2,4,5,6,(7),8,9,0 B. *Af origin doubtful. Beja ragad and SC dag+ira may be cognate.

kamb- 20 cold R 2,6,7,8,9,(0),*Af B. May be a WW in East. -m- lost in all but Agew and Baiso

lVw+ 25 cattle R (1),2,3,4,5,6,8,9,0,*Af A. Assumes s- and l- roots from Af ɬ. Cf. saɁ+a below. Not in Arboroid. 189

m m- 66 intestines R (1),(4),5,6,(7),9,*Af B. Strange consonant variations. ma+ 116 water R 1,3,0*Af C. Weak. w- in HEC and E-S unexplained. mas- 58 hear In 1,2,0 C. Very weak. Phonological problems. mat+ 57 head R 2?6,7,8,9,*Af C? East only plus 2, Om TN-DA. mik+ 11 bone In (1),5,(9),0 B. Also in Omotic TN. min~man 64 house In 2,3,5,6,7,8,9,0 A. Also 2,3? i/a may be old sg./pl. -m(t)- 21 come R 2,4,6,(0)*Af B. Old prefixing verb. o (okal+ 31 donkey R (4),(5),(6),7*Af*Ch C. East only, but in *Af.) r re/a- 28 die In 1,4,(9),0 C. Weak. R. y in Beja. Cf. 10 ‘blood’. s saɁ+a 25 cow R (1),2,3,4,5,6,8,9,0*Af A. Cf. ‘cattle’ lVw+ above. Not in 7. 190

saK- 107 three R 2,5,0 C. Weak. sedeh- 107 three In 2,4,5,6,7,8,9 B. Perhaps in *Af. (sinD+ 113 urine R 7,8,9,0*Af  C? Only in East but also clear in *Af.) si/um 79 name WW 1,2,(7),9,*Af A. Unclear whether from *Af or WW. sVl 49 four In 2,3,5,0 A. Alternant of fVr above, q.v. sVn 83 nose R 2,4,5,6,7,8,9,0*Af B. Perhaps symbolic ‘world-form’. š šooK- 113 urinate R 2,3,5Om B. Prob. in *Af, but also symbolic. (šit 87 pull R 5,6,9,*Af C? East only but clear in *Af.) t t- 47 fly In 1,2,6,8,0 B. Single initial consonant. Symbolic? tak- 62 hit R (1),2,3,4,8,9,*Af A. Prob. phon. Possibly symbolic.

tak- 84 one WW (1),3,5,7,8,9,0*Af A. WW, but found in *Af. Symbolic?

Vr+ 104 sun R 4,6,0E-S,Eg C?. Weak East, perhaps in *Af.

tam- 36 eat R 1,(6),9 B. Poss. from *Af; see am above.

w wad/zVn 59 heart In 2,6,(7),8,9,0 B. Also in Omotic from HEC?

V (Ɂ)Vgw- 32 drink In 1,2,3,5,7,9,0 A. ‘water’ in Agew; ‘eat’ in SC. ʕ- in 3,5, Ɂ- in (2),(5),(7).

y y- 92 say R (1),2,3,4,(7),0,*Af A. Strong retained root.

East Cushitic proto-forms ʕ ʕad- 119 white In 4,6,7,8,9 B. Initial ʕ- in A-S, Som.

a -ad- 51 go R 4,5,(6),(7),(0),*Af B. Weak distribution. Also in (2),(3).

ʕaɗ- A55 throw In 4,5,7,9,0 A. Possibly WW.

adurr+ 16 cat In 5,(6),8,9,0 A. Perhaps a WW. Consonant -t- or - d- ?

ʕaš+ 54 grass WW 4,5,6,(7),0Ar A. Also in 2,(3). Perhaps WW. ʕeel+ 117 well R 4,5,6,7,8,9,0*Af A. Initial ʕ- in 4,5, Ds. Also in Bd, 2,(3).

af+ 77 mouth R 4,6,(7),8,9,0*Af A. Initial Ɂ- rare in data base. In 1,2,3. afur 49 four R 4,6,7,8,9,(0)*Af A. In all families except Dullay. In 1.

ʕi/u/ag- 32 drink R 5,7,9,0 B. Initial ʕ- in 5, Ds. Also in 1,2.

(C)am 34 eat R (4),6,7,0*Af B. Also in (1),3. See *Cu.

ʕi/ulVs- 60 heavy In 4,5,6,7,8,9 A. Initial ʕ- in A-S, Gaw, Som, Arb.

(Ɂ)arb+ 38 elephant In 5,(6),7,8,9 B. Initial Ɂ- in Ts’, Ds.

191

(Ɂ)arg- 69 know R 5,6,(7),9,0 A. Ɂ- in Ts’, Db, Som, Arb, Ds. ~ark93. See 6,7,9,*Af. Also in (1),2,3. arrab 109 tongue R 4,5,6,7,8,9,0*Af A. Universal. ʕ- in Som. anrab in Saho. Perhaps in Beja. b baal+ A18 feather R (4),(5),6,(7),8,(9),0 B. Also in 2. Perhaps a WW. baH- 40 exit R (5),6,(7),8,(0) B. Db, Som have -ħ-. Found in Agew. biɁ- 42 fall In 5,9,0 B. Phonological problems and weak distribution. bil- 85 other In 5,8,9 B. b~p. Weak distribution. bitVH- A34 left In 5,6,8,9,0 A. Phonology of final segments unclear. biy+ 35 earth In 5,7,8,(0) B. Rel. to *Cu root with -r? V. bu(r)t + below. Found in Kimant of Agew. bor 10 blood R 4,6,7,8,(9)*Ch B. E.C. ‘dark’ forms from Appleyard. Also in 1,2.

192

bot 53 gourd WW 5,(6),9Om Also Xamta. bu(r)t+ 35 earth R(4),9,(0) C. Also in 1, 2. d daaCeer+ A37 monkey In 4,6,7,(0) B. Also perhaps in 2. Problematical phonology. Perhaps WW. darɗ+ 1 ashes In 5,8,9 B. Also in South. Sasse has -ʕ- but I consider ɗ- more likely since found in 5,8,9. diim- 90 red R 8,9,0*Af B. *Af is ‘blood’. Rel. to ‘dark, cloud’? In *Ag. duum+ 19 cloud R(4),6,8,0*Af B. See ‘red’ just above. Also in Agew. dub 105 tail R 6,(7),0*Af C? I do not relate this to dab in *Cu above. d/z d/zid/z+ 4 bee In 4,(5),0OmBer B. Symbolic. Also in SE Ometo, Ber. ɗ ɗagħ+ 103 stone R 4,6,8,9,0Ch

A. Sasse’s -ħ- seems justified by cons. alternation. Perhaps found in Ch. ɗal- A5 bear In 4,5,6,7,8,9 A. Excellent East isogloss except for HEC. ɗamħ- 20 cold In 4,6,7,8,9,*Af B. Traces of h or ħ in 4,6,7,9 ɗEg- 58 hear R 4,6,7,8,9,0*Af B. East only but *Af is evident so it must be *Cu. ɗ- in all families.

g gaas+ 63 horn R 4,5,6,7,8,9,*Af A. All East. *Af dubious. HEC loan from Or. (-f- for -s- in both) gab+ 43 fat (n.) In 5,(6),8,9,(0) B. Also in 1 Perhaps WW. k- in Dul. W, 9. gal- 39 enter In 6,(7),8,9,0 B. k- in Konsoid.

ɗEg- 61 hide In 6,7,8,9,(0) C. Possibly rel. to E-S dbk’.

^ganʕ+ 56 palm (hand) In 4,5,6,7,8,9 A. All but HEC. -k- in Dul W, Konsoid.

ɗiib- 88 push R 4,(5),(6),8,9,0*Af? A. Also in (3). Doubtfully *Af.

gar+ 5 belly R (4),5,7,8,9 B. Also in 3. Rel. to godeb below?

ɗiig+ 10 blood In 5,6,7,8,9,0 A. Phon. probs., esp. with initial. Not in 4.

garm+ 71 lion WW 5,9,(0) C. Also in 2. -k- in Dul W, Konsoid.

ɗik- 24 count R 5,8,9,0*Ch A. Also in (1). ɗ- in all families. D Dikil+ A15 elbow In 4,5,6,7,8,9,0 A. Phonological problems. Dur- A12 dirty In (7),8,(9),0 B. Weak.

gasar+ 14 buffalo In 5,6,7,8,9 B. k- in Dul W, Konsoid. -f- for -s- in Oromo. geer- A40 old R? (4),7,9,(0) B. Possibly rel. Eg., Ch. ger- 102 steal R 4,5,7,(9)ChBer A. Also in Bd, Bi, so perhaps *Cu. k-: Dul W, Konsoid

193

g[i/u]lb+ 68 knee R 4,5,6,7,8,9,0*Af A. Also in 2, 3? k- in Dul W, 7, 9.

ħiɗ- 108 tie In 4,6,7,8,9,(0) B. Loan in Brj? Also in 3. ħ- in 46 only.

god(e)b+ 5 belly R 4,5,7,9,0*Af A. k- in Dul W, Konsoid. Also in 1 .

ħid/z+ 91 root In 5,6,7,8,9,0 A. Variation in final; C. ħ- in 56 only.

gog-~kag- 95 skin R 6,(7),8,9,0*Af B. Also in Om; perhaps a WW. K- in 9.

ħi/udk+ 101 star In 4,5,6,7,9 B. Var. in final C. ħ- in 56 only. In 1?

gog-~kag- 33 dry R 6,7,8,9,0*Af B. k- in Agew, Konsoid. Perhaps also in 5 ‘skin’/’dry’ one root?

i il+ 41 eye R (4),6,7,8,9,0*Af A. Also in 1,2,3. Ɂ- only in Arb.

gub- 15 burn In 6,8,9,(0) C? k- in Konso.

ilk+ 110 tooth In (4),5,6,7,8,9,(0) A. Also in Bd, 2,(3). Ɂ- only in Som.

h haar- 81 new WW (7),8,9,0 B. Poss. origin of WW in East.

ink+ 73 louse In 4,6,7,8,9 B. g~k~j, n~Ø. No Ɂ-.

hark+ 56 hand In 5,8,9 C. Restricted to SAOK and Dullay. ha/unɗur A39 navel In 5,6,7,8,9,0 A. Possibly a WW. Phon. probs. hor+ A9 bush In 5,(6),(7),8,0 A. Phonological problems. ħ ħarr+ 31 donkey In (4),(5),8,9,0 B. h- in 90.

194

int+ 41 eye R 4,6,7,(9)*Af B. Pl. of *il+. Has Ɂ- in (7),(9). irm+ A53 termite In 4,5,6,7,8,9,0 A. Also in Masai? iy(y)- 92 say R 4,(7),0 B. Also in (1),2,3Om. i/ar 98 smoke WW (4),(5),(6),7,8 B. ʕ- in Afar, Ɂ- in Ds. i/urr- A49 sky In (4),5,7,8,9,0 B. Semantic variability: ‘up, etc.’

k kaas- 2. ask In 5,(6),(7),8,9 B. Also in Aw. g- in 58, -ɁɁ- in Ds, hin Bai. kaʕ- 100 stand In 6,(7),8,(0) C. Ds,Or have -Ɂ-, Brj -ɗ- (formative?). kab- 20 cold R 6,7,8,9,(0)*Af B. Also in Agew with -mb-. k’ in 89. kag-, v. gogkašš+ A48 shoulder In 5,(6),(7),9,0 A. Perhaps diffused. Also in 3. kaws+ A6 beard In 5,(7),9 B. Weak distribution. Only instance of -aw-. ken- 46 five In 4,6,7,8,9 B. Also in South. Much var.: k, c, h, škEr+ 30 dog R (4),5,6,7,8,9,*Af B. Much var. as in ‘five’: k, x, h, c, s-. kimbir+ 7 bird In 4,6,7,8,9 B. Much var. as in ‘dog’: k, x, s, š-, h-. kirb- 27 dance In 5,6,8,9,0 A. Much var. as in ‘bird’: k, x, s, š, hkool+ A18 feather In 5,7,8,(9),(0) B. Initial h, s in Dullay.

kosol- 70 laugh In 4,6,7,8,9,0 A. -f- in Oromo. kot- 29 dig R (4),5,6,7,8,(9),0*Af A. Doubtful in 2,3. Much phon var.: k,h,q,g,ɠ,x-. k’ in 89. kuLDuum 45 fish In 4,6,8,9,0 A. Hard to set up a proto-form. Loaned into Omotic. K Kalam~Kamal A37 monkey In (6),8,(9),0 B. Perhaps a WW. Kor 111 Tree In 5,6,7,9,0 A. Also in (3) Koy+ 18 claw In 5,8,(9),(0) B. Problematic phon.: q’, q, k’. l laf+ 11 bone In 4,6,7,8,9 B. Also in metathesized shape in 3. lam- 112 two In 4,(5),6,7,8,(9),0 A. Also in 1?2,(3). WW. n- in Afar, Arb, Ds. leɁ 75 moon In 5,(6),7,8,9 B. Also in 3? j- in Oromo, y- in Ren.

195

loɁ+ 25 cattle R 4,5,6,7,8,9,0*Af A. Part of *Cu isogloss as pl. of ‘cow’. luk+ 48 foot R 4,5,6,7,8,9,0. A. Also in 2. Rel. to *Af? Cush. Vowel ablaut? lukk+(al+) 17 chicken In 5,6,7,8,9,0 A. Loaned into Ometo. m ma_ 66 intestines R (4),5,6,(7),9,*Af B. In Bd. Final consonant var. as in *Af.

n naħ- A17 fear. In 6,8,9,0 B. Weak distribution: perhaps a WW. nam+ 86 person In (4),8,9,0 B. Sometimes metathesis to m_n. Brj l-. Cu vowel ablaut. oo oo(Kin)t+ A19 Fence 5,6,8,9,0 A. Problematical phonology ooy- A11 Cry. 5,6,9,0 B. Also in (2). Perhaps symbolic.

magʕ+ 79 name In 4,5,6,(7),8,9 A. much var. in final: -Ɂ, k, k’, kħ, g, x(x).

r raf- 96 sleep In 5,7,8 B. Weak distribution

man~min 64 house R 5,6,7,8,9,0 A. Also in 2,3. Cu. ablaut perhaps old sg./pl.

re/a- 28 die In 4,(7),(9),0 B. Also in 1 as y-?

mik+ 11 bone In 5,(9),0 B. Also in Bd, loans in Omotic. -mti/e 21 come R 4,6,(0)*Af C. Prefix vb. Also in 2 (nt < mt, also as in Brj). mur- 26 cut In 7,8,9,0 B. Little var. except Si muɗ-.

196

riɁ+ 52 goat WW 6,(7)O B. Also in SC, Da. rif+an+ 55 hair In (5),7,8,9 C. Metathesis of rfn to nrf in Gato. roob+ 89 rain In 4,6,9 B. Weak distribution s saɁ+ 25 cow R 4,6,8,(0)*Af B. Also in Bd, South.

sEdeh 107 three In (4),5,6,7,8,9,(0) A. Also in 2. Perhaps two roots: sd, sk. sinD+ 113 urine R 7,8,9,0*Af B. perhaps symbolic. soɁ 74 meat R 5,(6),7,8,9 B. Rel. to *Af ša+ unclear. -f- in 8. Also in 1 and loan in 3. sook+ A43 salt In 5,6,7,8,9,0 A. In all but 4. sVl 49 four R 5,0 C. Variant of f_r, from *Af? sVn 83 nose R 4,5,6,7,8,9,0*Af A. Also in 2. Perhaps world-wide symbolic. š šit- 87 pull R 5,6,9,*Af B. Weak retention. Much var.: s, š, g, j-. t t- 36 eat In (6),(7),(9),0 C. Mainly in HEC. Possibly it (cf. Engl.). t- 47 fly R 6,8,0 B. Also in 1,2. Single C: Symbolic? tir+ A35 liver In 4,5,7,8,9,0

A. In all but Dullay, but perhaps a WW: in Omotic and N-S. ti/ak 97 small In 4,5,8 B. Also in Agew? tok- 62 hit R 4,8,9,*Af B. Also in Bd, Agew, South. tok- 84 one R 5,7,8,9,0*Af A. Surely a WW. In 1 (‘person’), 3 Much var.: t, ɗ-, s, š-. Perhaps world-wide symbolic. u ul+ A51 stick 4,(5),6,(7),8,0 A. Initial u-~i-. ur- A50 smell (4),6,0 B. Weak distribution. Urr- 19 cloud 5,8,9,(0) B. Possibly a WW. V Vr+ 104 sun R 4,6,(0)E-SEg B. Weak. ʕ- in Afar-Saho. Vl/r 94 sheep WW 4,6,7,(0) B. Also in Iraaqw. -l- in A-S, Arb. w wa/or+ 2 news WW 4,6,8,0 A. Also in E-S, Bilin. 197

waraab+ 65 hyena In 5,6,(7),8 B. WW, also in Sanyé, E-S, Omotic. Ø- in 5. wod/zVn+ 59 heart In 6,(7),8,(9),0 B. WW, also in 2, Omotic.

y yEr A4 bad In 6,8,0 B. ‘small’ in Somaloid, ‘weak’ in Oromo.

*SAOK proto-forms bok- 89 rain (vb.) R (6),8 Loan from Om? In *Af.

ir+ 89 rain R (2),5,6,7Om has ħ, ʕ, Ɂ, Ø-. R?: strong in Omotic.

ɗeer 72 long In 6,7,8,9 Dubiously rel. to *Af. twl.

Ki/aniin- 8 bite In 6,7,8,9 k’ in 9, c’- in Oromo

-gši 67 kill In 6,7,(9) Prefix verb in SAOK. -k- in 7,9. Also in 3.

mat+ 57 head R 6,7,8,9,*Af Also in 2?. Much var. in final -C.

gud- 6 big R 7,8,9 Also in Beja (as ‘many’). Perhaps in Om.

nEb+ 34 ear In 6,7,9 l- in Gidole.

Fragments, symbolic and diffused forms Following is all items of the Wordlist of Selected Cushitic Comparisons and list of Weakly Distributed Forms which appear to be symbolic in the wide sense, wanderwords, or widely diffused, though these still might be reconstructable to *Cushitic or a sub-family. Obvious borrowings in a single language or family from a dominant language are excluded. It also includes Fragments: forms found in three or more families which seem unlikely to be loans and could thus be cognates retained by chance in distant families. These are marked in the first row by ‘?’. The first-row form is an approximation for the purpose of identification, often that found in one of the relevant languages. Proto-forms of the two lists preceding this one are not included here unless they are questionable proto-forms.

198

a a(b)war+ A14 dust Diffusion 2,8,9,(0),Amh From Oromo? adar 55 hair Diffusion (6),(7),0,(Ber) Rel. to Sem šʕr ? adar~dur 27 dance, etc.? (1),(4),6 Coincidence? addən- A31 hunt WW 2,4,(7),8,(0),E-S From E-S af A13 door, gate Symbolism (1),4,6 from ‘mouth’ (C)alla- A24 god, sky WW 34,5 From Arabic am- 21 come? (1),(4),7,0 Possibly *Cushitic a/ell- 100 stand? (6),(7),9 Poss. SAOK isogloss ʕas+ 45 fish WW 1,2,(4),E-S, Om Kfd Appleyard (2006: 68) areal ʕaš+ 54 grass WW 45,6,(7),0,Ar Perhaps from Arabic b bad A32 lake, etc.? (2),4,(6) Cf. German

baɗ- 13 bring, carry? 4?8,0,OmTNDA Poss. *E.C. isogloss bag+ 5 belly, stomach? 4,(6),(7) Poss. *E.C. isogloss bahar A32 lake, etc. WW (1),2,(9),(0),Sem From E-S bak+ 77 mouth? 5,9,*Ch Cf. It. Bocca bəc’- A36 many Loan 2,8,(0),E-S Appleyard (2006: 97) < N. E-S bek+ 116 water? (5),6,7,8,9 Poss. isogloss. biss+ 16 cat WW (1),(6),(0) From Arabic? bit- A21 flower? 5,(9),0 Source? bof+ 99 snake (3),(6),8,(0) From Oromo bol+ 19 cloud, fog WW 1,(5),(7),Om Hamer Source? boos- A26 grave, tomb? (1),(5),9,(0) Poss. isogloss

199

booy+ A56 warthog Diffused (6),8,0 Sasse: < E.C. ‘naked’ booy- A11 cry Diffused (7),8,(9),Zway From Oromo? bot 53 gourd WW (2),5,(6),9Om Source? bub+ 37 egg Symbolic (6),7,8,(9),0,Om *M-O Also Soddo Guragé bulol+ 1 ashes, dust? (4),(6),(0) Poss. *E.C. isogloss bVr 47 fly, vb. (2),3,(0),*Af Symbolic or isogloss c’ c’iiɗ+ 7 bird Symb.?; Diffused 3,8,0,Ar? Source HEC?

d daak- A52 swim WW 5,(6),8,(9),0,Amh?,Om Poss. rel. to ‘hit’: takdan- A25 good? (6),8,0 Perhaps