Craftsman of the Cumberlands: tradition & creativity 9780813190389, 9780813147895, 9780813116723

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Craftsman of the Cumberlands

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Craftsman of the

Cumberlands Tradition & Creativity MICHAEL OWEN JONES

Publication of this volume was made possible in part by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities. Copyright © 1989 by The University Press of Kentucky Paperback edition 1989 Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com

09 08 07 06 05 765 4 3 The illustration “Types and subtypes of slat-back chair” on page 235 is from Patterns in the Material Folk Culture of the Eastern United States by Henry Glassie. © 1968 by the Trustees of the University of Pennsylvania Press. Reprinted by permission. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Jones, Michael Owen. Craftsman of the Cumberlands : tradition and creativity / Michael Owens Jones

p- cm. —(Publications of the American Folklore Society) Bibliography : p. Includes index. ISBN 0-8131-9038-X (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Chairs—Kentucky—History—20th century. 2. Furniture—Kentucky— History—20th century. 3. Chair-makers—Kentucky—Psychology. I. Title. II. Series : Publications of the Americ an Folklore Society. New series (Unnumbered) NK2715.J57 1989

749'.32'097691—dc19 89-5542

This book is printed on acid-free recycled paper meeting the requirements of the American National Standard for Permanence in Paper for Printed Library Materials.

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yaya’ a wy, Member University of the Association TAS on American Pressesof

To the Memory of... My parents, Woodrow Owen Jones (1915-1973) and Anne Elizabeth (nee Blackford) Jones (1915-1976), the former a farmer as well as a tool designer, and the latter a public school teacher; their influence was strong and lasting. Richard M. Dorson (1916-1981), historian and folklorist, who inspired many of us in his charge, whether or not we followed the path of folklore studies quite as he did. Chester Cornett (1913-1981), chairmaker, who taught me about craftsmanship, and whose life and work forced me to reflect on the human condition.

Other Books by Michael Owen Jones Inside Organizations: Understanding the Human Dimension (co-editor, 1988) Exploring Folk Art: Twenty Years of Thought on Craft, Work and Aesthetics (1987) The World of the Kalevala (editor, 1987) Foodways and Eating Habits: Directions for Research (co-editor, 1981) | People Studying People: The Human Element in Fieldwork (co-author, 1980)

The Hand Made Object and Its Maker (1975) Why Faith Healing? (1972)

Contents Preface ix 1 The Chairmaking Business 1 2 The Masterpiece and the New Design 48 3 Man of Constant Sorrow 80 4 The Unique and the Antique 113 5 Security, Seclusion, and Self-Esteem 155 6 It Takes Half a Fool to Make Chairs 196

7 The Beauty Part and the Lasting Part 235 Bibliographical Notes 263 Index 284

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Preface

This book is about craftsmen living in southeastern Kentucky in the 1960s. Known simply as “chairmakers,” many of them made baskets, musical instruments, and other furniture, such as tables and cabinets, as well as chairs.

Who were these craftsmen? How did they design and construct chairs? How did families, friends, and customers respond

to the craftsmen and their works? How did the attitudes and expectations of others affect the craftsmen and the things they made? I focus on one woodworker, Chester Cornett. Born in 1913, he learned chairmaking from his grandfathers and his uncle. Of the fifteen or more furniture makers I met or learned of, he seemed

the most knowledgeable and dedicated. Many admired his chairs for their comfort, durability, and appearance. He often experimented with materials, techniques of construction, and designs; for example, he created dining chairs with seven or eight legs and two-in-one rocking chairs with eight legs and four rockers. Although a master at his craft, Chester Cornett led a troubled

life. Through his chairmaking and other expressive forms, he attempted to cope with marital discord, poverty, and illness. Some of his chairs fulfilled a craving for old-timiness, security, and a sense of self-esteem. The discoveries about chairmakers in southeastern Kentucky raise larger questions. What compels people to give aesthetic value to some aspects of their daily lives, even the making of utilitarian objects? How does style develop? Why are traditions perpetuated? This study also concerns methods, including con-

cepts and ways of researching folk art. It grows out of my doctoral dissertation at Indiana University (1970), several articles

Xx Preface on folk art and aesthetics, and especially a book entitled The Hand Made Object and Its Maker (University of California Press, 1975).

The book I published in 1975 differed from other studies at the time in the amount of information on the craftsmen’s lives. The

few biographies of folk artists before it dealt with painters or sculptors, not with those who produced utilitarian objects like chairs. Most research on folk craft focused on the techniques of construction and the historical and geographical distribution of forms. My book was of interest to those who felt there was more

to the study of folk art than a preoccupation with painting and sculpture or an attempt to set the makers of objects within a cultural context as simply transmitters of tradition; they realized the pervasiveness of the aesthetic impulse and the importance of the individual. Ihave rewritten that book rather than simply reprinting it. The introduction and conclusion of the present version are entirely

new. In other chapters, while retaining some of the earlier themes and information, I have reorganized and expanded both description and analysis. I have substituted some illustrations and added others. My intent is to provide greater detail about chairs, chairmaking, and chairmakers in southeastern Kentucky and to place this descriptive matter within the broader context of

folklore research. People often ask folklorists how their field differs from anthropology or other related disciplines. They inquire about what folklorists do, and how and why they proceed in this fashion.

They want to know what folklorists can contribute that is uniquely theirs. As I reflect on my research among chairmakers in southeastern Kentucky in the late 1960s, I realize that what I

perceived to be significant, what I questioned and sought answers to, and what I reported grew out of my orientation as a folklorist rather than as a specialist in some other field. After all, I

had chosen to study traditions, and to do so in certain ways. What intrigued me was the continuities and consistencies in people’s symbolic expressions through time and space. I examined these expressions with regard to the immediate circumstances in which they were generated. I focused on the activity of

PREFACE x1 making chairs, including the tools, materials, and traditional techniques of construction. I compiled information about the experiences of chairmakers that shaped their perceptions, motivated them, and informed their craftsmanship, as well as gave meaning to what they made. I also explored the relationship between craftsmen and their customers, particularly the economics of chairmaking and the taste and aesthetics of consumers. Attention to these matters in this combination seemed to me, as a folklorist, to best answer the question of why specific objects existed and exhibited particular features. Much of what I learned about chairmaking had not been reported before, especially the ways in which the craft fulfilled a need to express and an urge to create. My research challenged

some long-standing assumptions about tradition and the individual; it offered new perspectives on some old issues concerning creativity and aesthetics. It seems fitting, therefore, to conceptualize this inquiry into the activities of chairmakers of the Cumberlands as a case study in the methods of folklore research. My thesis is that the chairs owe their traits and features to the tools, materials, and techniques used in construction; to designs learned from other chairmakers; to preferences and expectations of customers as stated by them or inferred by the craftsmen; and to each maker’s unique discoveries and inventions on the one hand, and his self-concept, values, and aspirations on the other. This study illustrates that many objects people make are both means of achieving some practical goal and ends in themselves, to be admired for their form. Technological and creative processes, therefore, are intertwined; evaluations of products admit considerations of both fitness for use and appearance. Moreover, tradition is not an enemy of creativity, innovation, or change. Modeling in behavior does not exclude perfecting skills and mastering techniques to produce excellent forms; neither does it exclude transforming designs rather than simply imitating and repeating them. Finally, it appears that even the simplest chair made by hand may communicate much. Produced by one person in interaction with others, using traditional techniques and inspired by de-

xii Preface signs that have been repeated through time and space, a handmade chair exhibits continuities and consistencies, as well as elements of originality and uniqueness, specific to the circumstances of manufacture. A crucial question is, what can be inferred about human behavior through a study of these objects? In conclusion, this book has three purposes. One is to report on chairs, chairmaking, and chairmakers in southeastern Kentucky for the intrinsic interest this subject might hold. A second is to reassess the meanings and application of certain terms. The third is to demonstrate the use of methods of folklore research. I hope the volume achieves these objectives, but more, that it contributes to the understanding of particular individuals, spe-

cific societies or subgroups, and perhaps the species of homo : sapiens as a whole—which, I believe, is the ultimate purpose of folklore studies.

| I am indebted to many individuals, not only for assistance in writing and publishing this volume, but also for their help, advice, and support in earlier research embodied in this book. I want to thank Professor Warren R. Roberts for introducing me to the study of folk art and technology and encouraging the original research project in 1965-67. To Professor David E. Smith I owe my gratitude for a number of kindnesses connected with my original investigations, from stimulating research to assisting me in obtaining the necessary funds. Professors Richard M. Dorson, John C. Messenger, and Roy Sieber provided constructive criticism and helpful insights. I benefited in the early years from discussions with many other people, including Henry Glassie,

Carlos C. Drake, Willard B. Moore, Robert B. Klymasz, and David Bidney.

I would like to express my appreciation as well to the many students in my classes who not only tolerated my attempts to express some of the ideas in this volume, but also helped me articulate them. To mention only a few of the graduate students over the years with whom I have had important exchanges of ideas about folk art, there are Anne Armstrong, Barbara Allen, Carole and Michael Bell, Jackson Braider, Jennie Chinn, Don Christensen, Norine Dresser, Robin Evanchuk, Kay Hardman

PREFACE Xi Enell, Deirdre Evans-Pritchard, Sara Selene Faulds, Magda Ferl,

Russell Frank, Rachel Fretz, Bruce S. Giuliano, Barry Glass, Susan Gordon, Verni Greenfield, Clodagh Harvey, Judith Haut, Michael Heisley, Joanne Farb Hernandez, Teresa Keeler, Roberta

Krell, Robert Leibman, Erica Meltzer, Susan O’Brien, Colin Quigley, Judith Samuel, Sue Samuelson, Anthony Shay, Sharon Sherman, David Shuldiner, Chris Simon, Amy Skillman, Steven Stern, Patricia Atkinson Wells, Diane Vidal, Daniel Wojcik, and Patricia Mastick Young.

In regard to the preparation of the present book I want to thank Simon J. Bronner, Leslie Prosterman, Eugene Metcalf, and ! others who urged me to return to the subject after a dozen years,

rewriting my earlier book as I had often said I wanted to do. Individuals who assisted in various ways, particularly through encouragement and the exchange of ideas over the years, include Kenneth L. Ames, Michael J. Bell, John A. Burrison, Kristin G. Congdon, Keith and Kathi Cunningham, C. Kurt Dewhurst, William R. Ferris, Gladys-Marie Fry, Robert A. Georges, Joyce Ice, Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Yvonne Lockwood, Marsha MacDowell, Stephen Ohrn, Elliott Oring, Gerald L. Pocius, Richard Poulson, Thomas J. Schlereth, Robert Trent, John Michael Vlach, William A. Wilson, Don Yoder, and Charles Zug, III. 1 am indebted also to Judith Haut for editorial

suggestions and to John D. Alexander, Jr., for technical as-

sistance.

Finally, I wish to thank the many people in southeastern Kentucky of two decades ago who answered my questions and

permitted me to photograph the chairs in their possession, particularly the several craftsmen who revealed to me details of their lives and art. Some of these people are identified in this book by their actual names; others are not. On 5 September 1981, Chester Cornett died in the Veterans Administration Hospital in Cincinnati, Ohio. The subject of my research twenty years ago and of the present book, he had been

ill for two years and had made no chairs during this time. Fortunately, however, the last chair he built was documented in detail by Herbie Smith and his wife, Elizabeth Barret, in a ninetyminute film called Hand Carved.

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ONE

The Chairmaking Business The afternoon was hot, the humidity high, the air still. It was one of those dog days of August. My wife Jane and I headed northeast from Hazard on Highway 80, traveling slowly because the road was narrow and winding and because we were looking for a craftsman we had read about two months before in the Louisville Courier-Journal. How we would find him we did not know. The

brief article mentioned only a workshop near Dwarf, “deep in the mountains of Perry County.” The steep, wooded hills on our right did not invite human habitation. To the left, however, between the road and the river, an occasional wide spot held a home or country store amid the box elder and weeping willow trees. Suddenly the greenery was broken. In isolation stood a decrepit building that once had been a coal company office and weigh station but now seemed to be used as a house. Covered with gray and black shingles, the twostory building blended with the coal dust of the yard.

A sign mounted high on the south side of the structure proclaimed in bright orange letters that this was the home of

hand Mad Furniture maker of the Cornett chaires we make iney thin ar hit Cant be mad A similar sign adorned the building’s north side, we discovered

as we continued past the house and down the highway, not stopping until we were a mile away. I was about to begin my second year as a graduate student in folklore and American studies at Indiana University. Because I was interested in American folk art, the article about this chair-

2 Craftsman of the Cumberlands maker in the Louisville paper, dated 20 June 1965, had attracted my attention. At the urging of Warren Roberts, one of my men-

tors, my wife and I had driven from Bloomington, Indiana, to southeastern Kentucky in mid-August 1965 to meet Chester Cornett. Although familiar with European masterpieces of painting and sculpture through training in the history of art, | knew nothing about woodworking and had had no previous interest in chairs. I was writing my master’s thesis on the traditions of a Kansas

farmer who was my parents’ neighbor in a rural area near Wichita where I was born and reared. The traditional forms included custom, belief, and play, but not art. I had long been intrigued by the aesthetic impulse, however, having had aspirations at one time to be an easel painter and then a photographer. Thomas Hart Benton, the regionalist noted for his murals and lithographs depicting traditional life in the Ozarks, and W. Eugene Smith, a photographer from Wichita whose visual essays on a country doctor, a midwife, a Spanish village, and Welsh miners treated ordinary people with depth and feeling, inspired me. Although I took studio courses in art at the University of Kansas, I majored in American history, international relations, and art history. It was not until my senior year that I enrolled ina course in folklore studies. Early in the class, I realized that this

field was what I had been seeking for so long. I applied for admission to the graduate program in folklore at Indiana Univer-

sity; at the time, UCLA offered only the master’s degree in folklore studies, and I knew little about the program at the University of Pennsylvania (the University of Texas and Memorial University of Newfoundland had not yet established folklore programs).

By the summer of 1965, I had taken a dozen courses in folklore. I was writing my master’s thesis. I had done fieldwork

in southern Indiana on various topics. I was anticipating the preparation of a doctoral dissertation, one that would focus on contemporary folklore and be based on field research rather than the use of library or archive materials. But about what? I hoped this craftsman in southeastern Kentucky would warrant study. Emphasizing that his chairs were made without glue or

THE CHAIRMAKING BUSINESS 3 nails and that these large and elaborate works were created with a few simple tools, the newspaper article led me to believe there was sufficient complexity to chairmaking, and enough skill and

artistry in this man’s efforts, to engage a student of folk art in search of a suitable subject. We did not stop the first two times our car crept past Chester Cornett’s house. In the yard stood a barefoot man in dingy blue overalls, his long hair and beard masking his features. He was flanked by two teenage boys brandishing planks; their jerky movements indicated something might be wrong with them. Contributing to the foreboding quality of the scene was the coal dust, which smothered the grass and clung to the siding, deepening the shadows cast by the building as the sun set. The only bright spot was the craftsman’s hand-lettered sign, with the

promise it implied. :

The next day we forced ourselves to drive to the chairmaker’s

home from our motel in town. This time we stopped. I shuddered to think of my embarrassment later if I were to return to Bloomington empty-handed because I had been afraid to talk to the craftsman. What would I tell Professor Roberts, an experienced fieldworker, who had urged me to meet Chester Cornett

and who had equipped me with tape recorder and cameras? And besides, the morning sunshine had dispelled some of our misgivings of the night before. Introducing ourselves to Chester Cornett, we mentioned the newspaper article we had read about him, tried to explain our

interest in studying things that people make, and asked if we could photograph him at work. “Didn’t you fellas drive by here last night?” he asked. We were trying to find his house, I said lamely, and once we located it, it seemed too late to stop. Rushing on, I again expressed an interest in his work, saying I wanted to learn more about chairmaking. The situation was awkward, not only because I was unsure of myself and uncertain of what I wanted to know, but also because the chairmaker seemed equal-

ly ill at ease. He did, however, begin to tell us about shaping chair “posts” (legs) with a drawing knife, the task he had been engaged in when we drove up. We spent a week with Chester, asking him about his chair-

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9 Chester's slat press had room enough to bend at least seven slats.

THE CHAIRMAKING BUSINESS 15 sure in the same direction at the ends of a piece of wood, but in the opposite direction in the middle. When a piece of wet wood is bent under constant pressure, it acquires curvature, which it retains after drying. Because the piece of wood was riven out of a

plank along the grain, it does not crack or break under pressure—the occasional exception being walnut, which few craftsmen other than Chester were willing to use for chairs.

Another handmade tool is the work bench or vise bench.

Chester's bench was half a split log about six feet long. Toward the middle were three hickory stobs or pegs. By inserting two wedges, Chester could hold chair posts or other pieces in place while he worked on them without their moving around. Made about 1957, his vise bench was of oak with locust legs. The stobs were 3 inches high by 1% inches square and were set into the log

about 6 inches deep; the two front pegs were about 6 inches apart and about 7 inches from the third stob. The two wedges were triangular in shape, about 8 inches long, 2% inches thick, and 1% inches in width, tapering to % inch. At the time I met him in August 1965, Chester was not using a

turning lathe. All other chairmakers | later met or heard about depended ona lathe to turn the rounds and posts of a chair. The lathe was usually an electric one, either bought new or used or else built from salvaged materials. The first chairs Chester made as a youth had square posts. He whittled the rounds with a knife. Later he turned posts and rounds on a handmade, footpowered lathe similar to one he had operated for his grandfather as a teenager in the 1920s. It is nearly impossible to shape a square piece of wood, even if

it is green, on a foot-powered lathe because it cannot be spun consistently fast enough to overcome the impact of a chisel blade

suddenly being thrust against it. Hence, the post or round is usually roughly hewed with an ax or drawing knife from a square to an eight-sided piece before it is placed in the lathe. About 1950 Chester ceased to use the foot-powered lathe. He could not find a blacksmith to repair certain parts, and lacking a

helper to operate the lathe, he found it awkward and tiring to pump the pedal and chisel a whirling post simultaneously. I wonder, however, whether Chester had come to consider the

16 Craftsman of the Cumberlands lathe an intrusion that distanced him from the materials he seemed to take great pleasure in handling. Unlike other chairmakers, then, Chester did not turn posts and rounds. He hewed them with an ax or hatchet, then carefully shaped them eightsided with a drawing knife, and finally used a pocketknife to cut “notchin’” reminiscent of chisel work done on a lathe. TECHNIQUES

Not every chairmaker procures all his materials or executes by himself all the many possible steps in making a chair. Because Chester was the first chairmaker I observed at work and because he did so much of the work himself, I use him as a model in the following description, with occasional reference to other craftsmen I met later. Even Chester did not always use the full range of steps described here. Sometimes Chester cut the timber in the hills, preferring to do

so in the fall and on the “olden moon” when the wood is

relatively dry and less subject to cracking during seasoning. Lacking an automobile or even work animals, he had to “pack in” the logs or log sections (“bolts”) on his back, or tie strips of hickory bark around the logs and drag them. But the trees that provided the bark woven into chair seats or bottoms could be stripped (skinned) in the woods (see figs. 10-13). Chester had a system of grading hickory, the source of bark, from 1 to 5, depending on length, number of knots, and straightness of the tree. A number 1 pole had no knots, was perfectly straight, and grew about 30 feet from the butt to the section where it began to

branch. The day I went into the hills with him to get bark we found a number 4 pole that had 15 feet of usable length, was slightly crooked, and contained numerous knots on the lower part of the log. While his grandfather Cal almost invariably used maple for the posts of a chair, yellow locust for the rounds, and the inner bark of a shagbark hickory pole for the seats, Chester tended to rely in the early years on locust for rounds and maple, white oak,

or ash for the posts, owing to the relative strength of these woods. He first used sassafras about 1950. “It’s good bendin’,

THE CHAIRMAKING BUSINESS 17 an’ you can shape it better’n any kind of wood I ever worked,”

he said. In addition, the tree grows in gnarled and twisted shapes already naturally bent for slats, rockers, or posts. About 1960 Chester began using walnut for chairs, making four dining chairs at the request of a customer. Walnut, he said, is “pretty, but it’I] burst up on you, an’ hit’s hard to bend—hit’ll break “fore it'll bend—unless it has a lot of white wood” (the thick wood between the bark and the inner part of a black walnut tree). He found a bit of white an attractive contrast on walnut chairs, but

some customers did not, Chester said. The two other chairmakers I interviewed who made black walnut chairs (Aaron and

Hascal) did not bend the posts. | Once he had a bolt cut in the hills or culled from a sawmill,

Chester split it into quarters to make the posts of a chair (fig. 6). He drove an ax into the bolt to start a cut and then split the log

using a hickory maul and dogwood glut, a method that preserved the natural strength of the wood by cleaving along the rain.

° Next Chester roughly shaped the planks into posts about 4 inches square by hacking many slight cuts into the plank and gently slicing them off so that the hatchet blade did not gouge into the wood. Then he cut off each corner of the square, thus forming an octagon-shaped piece. He cut off the ends to make the posts the same length and eliminate splintering. He prepared the dowels for rounds and pegs from smaller pieces of wood. For some of his cheaper chairs, he shaped the pieces entirely with a hatchet rather than finishing them with a drawing knife. He shaped slats in much the same way (fig. 14). Once he had roughly hewn a block to about 4 inches in thickness, he split it into slats /% or % inch thick. Two or more slats could be riven from a single board, like shake shingles, using the edge of a hatchet as

a froe or cleaving tool. Later he trimmed the slats at the drawing horse, “cooked” them in hot water to make them pliable (fig. 15),

put them in a press to dry, and finally dressed them with a drawing knife at the shaving horse once again.

After he hewed out pieces for the posts, Chester measured them with his hands and thumbs to mark off the holes for slats

18 Craftsman of the Cumberlands and rounds. Next he shaved them roughly with a drawing knife. The post in figure 8 is white oak, destined for the back leg of a settin’ chair. The face of the post, or stile, is cut out more deeply

for the sake of comfort and appearance. To do this, Chester oriented the post so the face was toward him and then took small

cutting bites to start the curve just above the seat. Turning the knife at a 30-degree angle, he began the cut at the extreme left

end of the knife, drawing it forward to the right end. The movement was long and smooth. To make the slats and posts pliable enough to put into the presses in which they seasoned into curved shapes, Chester cooked the slats for twenty minutes and the posts for an hour (or a week, if the posts were completely unseasoned). The board in the tub holds the pieces under the boiling water (fig. 15), preventing their floating to the top. The next step was to insert the slats and posts into a press. Sometimes Chester pressed more posts than needed for a chair in progress because he had orders for others and because a post might split. To increase the curvature of slats, Chester put small blocks of wood behind them. For the slats on his rocking chairs with eight posts and four rockers (the two-in-one rockers), he bent the slats a full 180 degrees; the blocks were therefore very large. ‘The slat

press in figure 9, containing three slats for a settin’ chair in progress, was made to accommodate as many as seven slats fora regular rocker.

Seasoning time depended on the type of wood, when it was cut, and the part of the chair for which a piece was to be used. The fastest drying wood is sassafras; it can be seasoned by the fire. Willow dries nearly as quickly. The wood requiring the most time to season is oak. Wood cut when the sap is up takes longer

to cure. Chester stored hickory pieces for rounds under a vegetable stand, sassafras by the stove in the living room or the oven in the kitchen, and other pieces in a cardboard box left on the stovepipe above the potbellied stove. He leaned presses with slats and posts against a tub in the yard with the fire burning for at least two days. Slats loosened in the presses as they dried; Chester also sometimes shook a press, determining from the rattle whether the slats were loose enough to remove. He air-

THE CHAIRMAKING BUSINESS 19 dried the rounds and the dowels for pegs at least six months and then cooked them in the oven for thirty to forty minutes before final assembly. A settin’ chair may take three or four months to season fully; the bark seat requires at least a week, during which time it should be sat on to put “swag” into it. After cooking, breaking, pressing, and seasoning the posts by

a fire, Chester shaved them once again to remove soiling and scarring. If he removed too much of the seasoned wood, he would have to drive the posts into the press again. In figure 16, Chester mortises the back posts for the slats— held in place by two wedges and three stobs projecting from the face of the handmade workbench. Each mortise required about twenty-five separate strokes with a hammer (or hatchet) and chisel. The next step was to check the angle at which to drill holes for

the rounds or stretchers (fig. 17) and then to determine the proper length of the slats (fig. 18). Chester trimmed off the excess length, beveling the end of the slat with his pocketknife to assure a proper fit in the mortise. On a few chairs he cuta hole all

the way through the post for the slat so it would stick out. Chester marked the rounds for the notchin’, that is, the decorative detail equivalent to turnings on posts and rounds fashioned on a lathe (fig. 19). He called the procedure “layin’ off the rounds” (or “postees”). With his pocketknife he incised the wood about ¥s inch deep at each mark and then cut notches. To complete the round, he carved a tenon on each end. Because they are less dry (having been seasoned a shorter time), the legs shrink around the stretchers or rounds, the tenon equalizing the pressure of the leg on the stretcher, which prevents its cracking.

The chair was then ready for assembly (fig. 20). Using a hickory maul to avoid scarring the wood, Chester drove the pieces of the back together. He tapped each joint with the head of

a hatchet, listening closely for the sound indicating that the pieces were secure.

Chester drilled holes in the posts at each end of a slat into which he later drove walnut pegs. “I have to use twelve pegs an’ hit takes a right smart time,” he said (fig. 21). At this time Chester was using walnut pegs on light-colored

20 Craftsman of the Cumberlands chairs such as hickory, sassafras, and white oak. He put the lighter-colored hickory pegs in chairs made of red oak or walnut.

Both the large number of pegs and the contrasting colors served decorative purposes. Only a thin peg or pin at each end of the top

slat in back was needed to protect the chair against abuse; the differential rate of seasoning of pieces prevented the chair’s coming apart under normal use. After Chester pegged the back of the chair, he assembled the

front posts and stretchers or rounds, and then attached the sides. The chair was ready for “barkin’” or “bottomin’,” that is,

weaving a seat (fig. 22). At any time, Chester might find it necessary to peel bark, a difficult and unpleasant task. On finding an appropriate tree, he had to fell it, remove the rough outer bark with a drawing knife, being careful not to cut into the inner bark, and strip off the inner bark with a pocketknife before any of it dried. “The worst thing I had to learn was jerkin’ bark,”

he said. He preferred to use the bark straight from the tree because it was easier to weave and lighter in color; often, however, he had to store bark and then soak it in a tub of hot water for twenty minutes or so (which darkens it) to restore its pliability. When weaving the seat, Chester used the thicker butt end of the strip of bark as the needle and the thinner tip for joining to another splint. In contrast to many chairmakers, he used bark of different widths and wove a variety of patterns, depending in part on the amount he hoped to charge for a chair. The widest strip was 2% inches, the narrowest was % inch; he varied the pattern of overlapping splints from two-weave to five-weave, for

the widest and narrowest strips. He said that the thicker and wider the bark, the longer it would last, and the easier and quicker it was to weave. He preferred narrow bark. The seat on one of the larger rocking chairs required about 160 feet of wide bark and 400 feet of narrow bark. Unlike some chairmakers, he wove the seat in the same pattern underneath as on the top. He

also turned the sap side of the bark down so the attractive diamond-shaped grain of the other side was up (some, like Aaron, split the bark in two, discarding the top half with its diamond grain; they preferred as smooth a surface as possible). The top stretcher, or seat round, was smooth rather than eight-

sided like the other rounds so as not to cut into the bark and

THE CHAIRMAKING BUSINESS 21 weaken it. On the chair in figure 22, this round is curved like the slats for greater comfort and because “it looks better thataway,” said Chester. To begin bottoming, he tied one end of a hickory splint to the curved round of the seat at the back of the chair on

the left side as it faced him. He carried the splint across the round, took it under and brought it back up; tension held it in place. Had the splint been uneven in width because of knots, or too wide, Chester would have trimmed it with his pocketknife. His grandfather used to make the top front stretcher oval rather than cylindrical to prevent the bark splints from drawing toward the center of the seat front and bowing in the front stretcher. Chester did not do this, first because of the extra time required, and second because his weaving was so tight that the splints did not draw together (as I write this, two decades later, the fronts of chairs he made for us in the mid-1960s still have not bowed in). In figure 22, the warp of the splints going from the front to the back of the chair is slightly loose near the front; at the back where he has begun the woof, the seat has tightened. Also apparent is

the pattern of three under and three over. “I use a three-weave on the inch stuff, I use a two-weave on the two-inch stuff, an’ on the half inch of real nar’ I use the four-weave. On the real nar’ | use the five weave.” The only chairmaker to do so, Chester inserted short pieces of bark at the back of the seat and at the front between the posts; this improved the appearance. Since a single strip of bark was not long enough for the whole seat, Chester had to join several strips. On the splint already in the seat he cut a small notch on each side near the end. Then he cut a hole in the end of the next strip that he would use. He slipped the notched splint through the hole in the other splint. This notch lockin’ always holds. Most craftsmen, and even Chester when he made cheaper chairs of wide splints in a twoweave pattern, did not splice the splints but merely overlapped them. The final steps in constructing a settin’ chair or a dining chair were to use a rasp to file the edges and tops of the four posts, and then to place the chair against a windowpane or on top of the kitchen table to ascertain whether it was level (fig. 23). Chester made rocking chairs in much the same way as he

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130 Craftsman and the Cumberlands is slat back with turned posts. Not yet aware that Chester made panel-back chairs on other occasions, including three decades later (fig. 65), but having seen many slat-back chairs, I assumed that there was a progression from panel-back to slat-back chairs. “When did you change the design to the slat-back chair?” I asked him as we talked about his early panel-back rocking chair. Chester said, “In the chairmakin’ business you make all kinds of different chairs an’ different types of backs.” I thought he had not answered my question. For two years I organized his works sequentially on the basis of what I assumed was a steady evolution in style. When a chair exhibited what I surmised to be both early and late features, I thought of it as a transitional work; even so, many chairs did not make sense, especially when their dates of manufacture conflicted with the “stylistic evidence.” Eventually I realized that Chester, in fact, had answered my question; it’s just that his response was not what I was looking for or could appreciate at the time. My perspective had been that of easel painting and of sculpture, not craft work. After telling me that in the chairmaking business a craftsman knows a variety of

designs that he makes whenever the need or desire arises, he added: “I’ve made different types of chair seats. Chair seat like that a chair you’re settin’ in there is a different chair.” He was referring to a settin’ chair with a panel bottom rather than a woven hickory bark seat. Like other chairmakers, Chester was pragmatic. He knew many chair designs, including different types of backs as well as seats, and employed them when called upon to do so or when he thought they would find a willing buyer. For example, ina letter to a customer dated 10 November 1966, Chester writes that he is nearly finished building the chair the customer had ordered. He enclosed a Polaroid snapshot of it and also a picture of a different chair he had just completed. He concludes his letter: “If there is iney thin that you dont Like about the Rocker I Will Wate one

Weak Befor I Crate hit Let me no if you are satfide with hit There are a lot of difernt dezins” [emphasis added].” Seven days later, Chester wrote to the man, “I ame sendin some more Pictures of differnt dezines that I have the Prises of [emphasis added].” In sum, experimentation led to the conceptualization of dif-

THE UNIQUE AND THE ANTIQUE 131 ferent forms. Knowledge of varied designs meant increased sales. Although the chairmaker had his own preferences, and certain underlying propensities and proclivities might inform his work, a particular design—especially an older one—could appear at any time. CUSTOMER PARTICIPATION

A peculiar mixing of design elements in four chairs made in the early spring of 1967 resulted directly from customer influence (fig. 70). A man in North Carolina wanted walnut dining chairs similar to dining chairs that Chester had just made (fig. 71). The finials are elongated, the slats curve upward toward the center, and there are double pegs in the ends of slats. But the customer also found an earlier chair of Chester’s attractive (fig. 41, center). This is a redbud settin’ chair—not a dining chair—which is not as tall as a dining chair and has stiles on the back posts. Lacking other information, and on the basis of these three sets of chairs, one might assume a steady progression from a period of settin’ chairs with stiles and no finials (the chair made in 1961)

to a transitional period of dining chairs with stiles (the North Carolina chairs of 1967) and a later period of dining chairs with finials and no stiles (1966-67). One would not know from their appearance the order in which the chairs were made or the direct part played by the customer directly in the execution of what, in fact, was the most recent design. “Boy, that’s a nice chair there,” said Beechum in reference to the California rocker, which Chester made in 1967 (fig. 73). Built

of red oak, it was Chester’s second version. This chair was influenced indirectly by the customer; the first (fig. 74) was directly influenced by him. Together the chairs illustrate several ways that elements of design originate, and how they develop or change. Having seen an article about Chester in Appalachian South,

Willard Moore (then living in Berkeley, California) wrote to Chester in the fall of 1965. Moore had a set of four dining chairs.

They had spindle backs and pointed finials, and the seats were caned rather than woven of hickory bark splints (fig. 75). He wanted a rocking chair reminiscent of the dining chairs.

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THE UNIQUE AND THE ANTIQUE 147 day while I was a-gettin’ ready to cook some wood and he asked me if I was a-gonna eat it.” Still, Chester contended that if the

chairs were not pegged they would not sell, as “people like it, and it makes the chair look better; holds the slats, too.” Only two pegs, one at each end of the top slat, are structurally necessary if a chair is made in accordance with the principle of differential seasoning of the parts. Forty to two hundred pegs are a bit excessive, although some of the chairs Chester made in 1967 of wood purchased at a lumber company required the use of

a few more pegs because the wood was already seasoned. The pegs on older furniture made by other craftsmen are hidden from view, rather like the pins in the backs of Aaron’s chairs. Pegs in most of Chester’s chairs since the mid-1950s were visible; sometimes they were highly exaggerated in size, shape, number,

or visual appearance. By the early 1960s there were two small pegs at the end of each slat, and beginning about 1964 Chester made the pegs of a wood that contrasted in color with the wood of the chair, except in cheap chairs made with nails or in chairs that the customers specified were to be solid walnut, a demand

that Chester took literally. If Chester had really wanted the chairs to look antique, then he should have limited the pegs to two per chair and hidden them. Chester also thought the tall rocking chairs, which he occasionally built after about 1962 or 1963, were old-fashioned in appearance. Again, they are unique, not antique. The mountain-style rocking chairs made years ago by other craftsmen are less than four feet high, whereas some of Chester’s chairs are six feet or taller. No one made such tall chairs in the past, for, in Chester's words, “A rockin’ chair in the house, if you ain’t got much room, is right in the way. You can’t hardly get around ‘em.” Few houses in the area or cabins in the mountains had much room. Two other traits that Chester considered to be antique are the oc-

tagon-shaped posts and rounds, and the notches or incised lines that correspond with turnings. Neither quality is old-fashioned in the form manifested on Chester’s chairs—although both are reflective of stages in the traditional process of turning chairs on a lathe.

148 Craftsman of the Cumberland On the legs of some chairs made in the past by other craftsmen one finds a few incised lines; they were not put there solely for decorative effect or out of nostalgia for the past. “Well, they do

that so the mark will stay stationary there,” explained Chester. “Don’t matter whether they would sand it or whatever, the mark wouldn’t disappear so they could see it right off. An’ hit really looks nice on a chair—pencil mark or a mark caused by a chisel or a knife. You kin see it right on it. Those marks is put there while it’s

still in the turnin’ lay. But I put my marks on there—used to— with a pocketknife. I jest marked an’ rolled the post around on my legs.” Chairs that Chester made in 1966 and 1967, especially, had pencil marks all the way around each post at the places where holes were to be drilled, and Chester left them there. “Looks more handmade thataway,” he said. Other chairmakers like Aaron erased or sanded off the pencil marks, but Chester had emphasized a trait he considered old-timey to such an extent that it became characteristic of him. The eight-sided posts are not found on antique chairs either, but are peculiar to Chester’s works from the mid-1950s through the 1960s. Chester’s grandfathers, great-uncles, and other “oletime chairmakers” did make posts eight-sided sometimes, using an ax, before turning them on the foot-powered turning lathe. Customers would not be likely to see this, of course, unless they were present during construction. “You can’t turn a square piece on a foot-powered turnin’ lay,” said Chester. The chairmaker would have to “split “em out, then hew ’em out—you'd have to straighten ‘em out with an ax—into eight-square finish with an ax, an’ then you'd center that with a compass to find the center.” At that point the post was turned on the lathe and chiseled into a cylindrical form. Chester’s first chairs were neither eight-sided nor turned.

“When I started makin’ chairs I made ‘em foursquare on accounta I wasn’t strong enough to turn that turnin’ lay myself. And the turnin’ lay b’longed to my grandfather an’ he, uh, he didn’t like for the boys to prank with it, he was afraid they’d tear it up.” Chester made and occasionally used his own lathe, but it was

THE UNIQUE AND THE ANTIQUE 149 cumbersome to handle, difficult to repair, and tiring to operate. It was virtually impossible for one man to wield a lathe effectively while turning posts and rounds. “It kinda gives your leg out an’ makes it ache. You run it maybe four or five hours a day, if

you've got a whole bunch of stuff to turn, it really gets you. It takes two big men to pedal one of them things all day.” “The last turnin’ lay I made,” said Chester in the mid-1960s, “hit’s been about fifteen years ago.” The power wheel broke. He could find nobody to weld it properly, he said, “an’ it jest kept givin’ me trouble, an’ I jest quit plumb foolin’ with a turnin’ lay of any kind.” So how did he make chairs? “T just turned loose an’ started makin’ it nothin’ but handmade—ever’ thing by hand.” That was about 1953, around the time when Ruth left. During the years that followed, Chester developed in his own mind a distinction between handmade chairs with octagonshaped pieces made with a drawing knife and homemade chairs produced by hand on a turning lathe. Both types differed from factory-made chairs, whose pieces were sawed by machinery in a factory, then glued, nailed, and screwed together. “That ole man’s a genius considerin’ what he has to work with,” said Hascal. “A man needs planers, jointers, and everything else to make chairs.” Not Chester. All he needed, and all he ever really wanted, was a sharp instrument in his hands so that he could shape his raw materials as directly as possible. CONTINUITIES AND CONTRADICTIONS

Perhaps the most interesting contradiction of all is that a man who tasted, smelled and felt the wood he worked with, and who wanted to be in contact with his materials, in 1967 bought him-

self planers, jointers, and everything else needed to make chairs. He made several chairs with the equipment, using the planer to shape eight-sided pieces of wood so the chairs would

still be recognizable as his and would continue to be “old- |

fashioned.” He also used a router on the drill press to make notches on the

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218 Craftsman of the Cumberlands Chester was more explicit than Verge in his assessment of Aaron’s early chairs. Of the rocker shown in figure 111, he said, “That’s a good lookin’ chair if they was a few improvements in it.” He listed eight.

¢ He would have bent the crest [the top slat] “to fit the head better.”

¢ “The top slat oughta been wider where it goes into the postees.” ¢ “You need the panels nar’er than that to make it comf’tabler.” ¢ “I'd a put more rounds in it, put in at least two rounds b’low the seat.”

¢ “Hit shoulda had more designs [turnings] b’low the arms, kinda like the decoratin’ b’low the seat.”

¢ “T never did like this type of arm,” by which he meant the barrel

design, the only element in the chair of which Verge approved because it was similar to his; Chester, however, usually made

flat arms, although he had used barrel arms on quite a few

chairs. ¢ “Now that decoratin’,” Chester noted, “hit’s unusual an’ a little

bit differnt. I’ve never seen decoratin’ like that b’fore. That’s what people are lookin’ for.” Chester agreed that “the number of panels is right for the chair. But if he’d made a real crook in the backs like I made ‘em he’d a had toa made the panels nar’er an’ he’d have to have more of ’em.” ¢ “The chair needs patchin’—you need to patch the gapsin’twixt the bark.” The gaps in the seat were formed when the splints drew away

, from each other as they dried. To my knowledge only Chester used winter bark (skinned in early fall) taken directly from the tree. Aaron and other men in his area used summer bark, which has more sap and consequently shrivels up more when it seasons. In addition, Aaron and others stripped off and discarded the top half of the inner bark; thus the splints were only half as thick as Chester’s and the edges turned down as they dried, leaving gaps which Chester found objectionable. Chester was more impressed with Aaron’s recent works, as was Aaron. “That’s a new design on me,” Chester said about a chair made in 1967 (fig. 113). “I’ve never seen that decoratin’

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230 Craftsman of the Cumberlands hundred-dollar banjer.” Morris's baskets, however, seemed to be much better designed and made. Two other men should be mentioned. Coy, who was born in 1894 in North Carolina, lived in a mountain hollow near Wooton for more than forty years. He claimed to have been called to the

area by the founders of the Frontier Nursing Service at Wendover to make chairs, a craft he learned from his stepmother who showed him pictures of chairs. In the 1960s he still occasionally made chairs, which he said he sent to an outlet in Massachu-

setts, but the only customers I know about were tourists who stopped in front of the Hyden town courthouse where Coy was peddling his stools. “Them look jest like factory-made chairs. He’s copied them off

a factory-made chair shore ‘nough,” said Chester in regard to Coy’s chairs (fig. 123). Hascal even suggested that one of the chairs was not handmade at all but rather was a factory-made chair that Coy was falsely claiming as his own. Coy was elderly and in poor health when I met him in 1967. His sons refused to make chairs, he said, or to help him make chairs (one is a farmer, the other a coal miner). Coy was then producing only a few stools

and rolling pins. The other man was O.P. Jackson. Born in 1891, he had had, he

proudly repeated several times, only five months of formal schooling. His son, who lived close by, made beds, chests and tables in cherry and black walnut in direct emulation of the imitation Early American high-style furniture produced in the furniture factories in Berea. “I never liked to make chairs and still don’t; you can’t make no money at it,” said O.P.’s son, who claimed to have taught his father how to use a lathe and how to make chairs. Until 1930 O.P. whittled chairs with a pocketknife; together father and son “packed ’em” five miles to Wayland to sell, receiving $1 for a settin’ chair and $5 for a rocking chair. “Boy a dollar them days looked big as a bedspread,” said the son; “we thought that was a lotta money.” Thirty years later they had increased the price of a rocking chair ninefold, but hoped to get still more. O.P. contended that the box-bottom chairs (fig. 124) and stools he once made were based on his own ideas. “I don’t have no

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y y Coy, , y, in

e rdchairs e a eged] made b Co of Wooton, Kent ck wo settin

937 ( f ) and in e ear y 950s. The later one may not be handmade

at all .

, id ° . °

education never been to school more’ nN fi ve months y lif *

y ee Ww 2g ce ina wnile. You o1n one es makin | in’ Ww 1 ign.on 1 just started e . chairs with box bottoms an’ ever Y one like ‘em SO I kept m ki ’ ut you kno there’s otta be new desi ns on h il Ye

e :e e’

e ° °e

,

e

em. , who also claimed e to° have originated the double

—_

- Om Cnalr, Sal at SOMeEDO y in the Wayland area got the idea from him about 1960, and that is indeed th wL. evan tO Inake Mat Kind OF CNnalr e e e

ee

fd

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fore, ver to disco t hinh fact d borrowed the box-bottom that hethhad . e€ 1ae€a OxXe

Kentuck, althou Co Mma hd y mayhhave developed the idea indepen-

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oS SS SS SSS SES SER apenas mites Sane eens teetante OR SS a KAA No Seeneuuniekeneeeee OREM REAR RE TE REED 1 ID n

Poe|. |. eee ‘ oe Bo =Zoe ERE Eeee NS8 Orchid, Louisa County, \ — Virginia, Square-post slat3 back C. chair, southeast of Gum

a Spring, Louisa County, a oaes B Virginia. D. Mule-ear slat-back

mi chair, north of Alpharetta, eto Fulton County, Georgia. palnear E. Mule-ear slat-back chair from 1Ege Louisa, Louisa County, Virginia. F. Mule-ear slat-back 1 ro chair inSouth Paxville, Clarendon = B.-4,County, Carolina. Henry

J

pi Glassic, Patterns in Material Folk . i— Culture of the Eastern United D

\E States, pp. 230-31.

. IN cea ca TY yp SARIN) =

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F

THE BEAUTY PART AND THE LASTING PART 239

chairs (both rockers and settin’ chairs), and bark-back chairs. Some chairs have woven seats, others are panel-bottom. Types and subtypes are traditional (not just the researcher’s analytical constructs) when reflecting “native cognitive categories” and serving as models for craftsmen, thereby exhibiting, or testifying to the existence of, continuities and consistencies in human thought and behavior. Aaron’s first settin’ chair, for example, was closely patterned after a mule-eared chair made by a neighbor; Aaron conceived of

it as typifying handmade rather than factory-made chairs, and therefore as traditional in form, material, and manufacture. Chester’s two-in-one chairs constitute a distinct category of chairs. Although the overall form was unprecedented in other men’s works and not emulated by contemporaries or successors, it extended or transformed concepts of traditional form and design (e.g., handmade, ladder-back, mule-eared). Some craftsmen repeated or reproduced certain design elements within a general form, which therefore are traditional. A rocking chair by Chester’s uncle eighty years ago has finials, barrel arms and turnings (fig. 63); so does a rocker that Chester made fifty years ago (fig. 66). Rockers constructed by Verge, Hascal, and Aaron in the mid-1960s also have barrel arms; on some of the chairs by the latter two the arms have flattened surfaces on top, so there are no turnings on the arms (e.g., figs. 102 and 114).

Some symbols are traditional, and some traditions or transformations of them are symbolic. The heart motif on Chester’s chair for his daughter represents love. Chairs of walnut and extensive ornamentation are seen as expensive, special, and suggestive of social and economic status. Plainness and simplicity of design might be associated with austerity, lack of ostentation, and nonmaterial values. To Aaron, the slat-back form and evidence of personalization of design stood for traditional values and ways of doing things in the region with which he identified strongly. Factory-made chairs suggested to some a lack of per-

sonal pride in making chairs and connectedness with people. The deeply curved slats on some of Chester’s chairs were like “somebody huggin’ you,” protective and providing security.

240 Craftsman of the Cumberlands Apprenticeship is another area of traditionalism in chairmaking. Chester began making things by hand as a small child, later

operating the turning lathe while his grandfather Cal made chairs and aiding his uncle Linden as he wove seats. Aaron’s training came when he joined Verge and Hascal at the chair shop. Hascal had helped his father Verge and uncle Everett with

minor tasks. O.P.’s son taught him to use a turning lathe and other equipment. Coy’s stepmother gave him rudimentary instruction and showed him illustrations of chairs as models. The tradition is that of learning through doing under another's supervision rather than that of formal classroom education or reliance on instruction manuals. The process entails establishing a work rhythm, modeling behavior, and immediate feedback (as well as narrating, ritualizing, and other expressive behavior characteristic of firsthand interaction) that communicate and reinforce ideas about the best ways to do things and the appropriate forms to make. Tools, techniques of construction and choices of materials constitute

yet another dimension of tradition in chairmaking. A person can

construct a chair from pieces whittled with a pocketknife or shaped with an ax. Those who made chairs for their own use often did this rather than going to the expense of obtaining a turning lathe and the trouble of learning how to use it. They knew, however, that those who made chairs as a livelihood employed more elaborate equipment, including lathe, workbench, slat and post presses, drawing horse, and so on. Working wet wood typified traditional chairmaking. The absence of glue,

screws, and nails in chairs surprised people unaware of the arcane method of making chairs using a combination of green lumber, partially seasoned wood, and fully dried pieces. This was the mystery or secret of chairmaking, known by those who

, learned the craft directly from others. Tradition was entailed in the most frequent choices of mate-

rials and the conventional wisdom regarding wood characteristics. Chairmakers cited the same attributes of each wood, perhaps having made similar discoveries but sometimes seeming to repeat what they had heard from others. Remarks about walnut virtually took the form of a litany: “It’s a pretty wood but

THE BEAUTY PART AND THE LASTING PART 241

awful easy burst,” said all chairmakers, some of whom had never actually used it. While craftsmen typically chose a common hardwood for settin’ chairs, which was the “right” choice, given the chair’s heavy use and the value of durability, walnut traditionally was used, if at all, for fancy and expensive chairs, serving as an index of wealth and status or a vehicle of special meanings. Some people thought of the activity of chairmaking as tradi-

tional because they associated it with an older way of life. A nephew and two cousins of Chester who had helped him make chairs in their youth, the farmer Morris who made some chairs for his own use, and Chester’s wife viewed chairmaking as a typical subsistence endeavor from the past that was out of place

in a contemporary cash economy. On the other hand, Chester and Aaron esteemed old-time chairmaking forms and construction techniques for what they expressed or symbolized about craftsmanship, aesthetics, and a way of life with which they identified. Finally, some individuals were conceived of as traditional—as types who embody a complex of behaviors, values, and ways of

doing things continuing from the past. When examining photographs of chairs by Aaron (about whom he knew nothing), Chester praised Aaron as an “ole-time chairmaker” because of the form and design of the chairs and the construction techniques and skills that were apparent. To Beechum and Hascal, Chester epitomized the traditional (and master) chairmaker. Some townspeople spoke of Chester as a “character” because of his old-fashioned appearance and ways. Why did some chairmakers emulate the construction techniques, the forms, or the designs of other craftsmen? Why did some of them sometimes transform the traditional, producing innovations? Why were some people drawn to the tradition of chairmaking as an occupation or a preoccupation while others were repulsed? Aaron reproduced his neighbor Henry’s chair to learn how to make chairs. In the chair shop he emulated Verge and Hascal because he was learning but also because he was of subordinate status. Having learned not simply forms and designs but an

242 Craftsman of the Cumberlands interrelated complex of construction techniques, material selection, and conventional wisdom, he continued to reproduce the chair forms. Gradually, he transformed the techniques and designs to distinguish his works from those of the chair shop and

himself from the other chairmakers. He opted for the ladderback style with multiple turnings or decorative ornaments because to him this was traditional, making his chairs stand out from mass-produced, factory-made chairs. Because they were traditional, he thought his chairs more attractive. They were also

more uniquely his, of concern to him perhaps because of his unpleasant memories of life in northern cities where he was just another anonymous worker in a factory. In traditional chairmaking he seemed to find himself. The craft allowed him to live at home in the mountains, gave him a degree of independence,

and provided him the means of doing something well with which he could be pleased. Chester responded to customer stipulation and selection. He

built odd chairs to attract buyers and to attract attention to himself, enlarging his consumer base. Having become known for strange chairs and new designs, there was the expectation of more from him and the promise of publicity. He increased the number and prominence of pegs in chairs in the belief that this distinguished him from other chairmakers, bringing him customers. He experimented with materials, construction tech-

niques, and designs because of his skill, capabilities, and dedication to chairmaking. Rather than simply reproduce a chair, he would focus attention on an aspect of it, exploring how to make rocking or “settin’” a more pleasurable experience, how

to build a chair out of readily available but otherwise wasted materials, or how to develop a single design element into a complex pattern. Sometimes he ritualized the making of chairs, losing himself in thought and immersing himself in chairmaking as a way of coping with emotional problems. The solidity, large size, and sense of enclosure unique to some of his chairs sym-

bolically expressed his need for seclusion and protection. His preoccupation with tradition, and his claims to traditionalism even in the face of techniques and designs that were transformations or innovations, identified him with a period prior to the

THE BEAUTY PART AND THE LASTING PART 243

times of stress. He was a chairmaker because he grew up with the craft, because he found in it a source of identity as well as livelihood, and because he was driven to it periodically as escape; it was a means of coping, a way of adjusting, and a solution to personal problems. Some people who knew how to make chairs refused to do so. It reminded them of subsistence living and the deprivations associated with it; chairmaking would not provide them with an adequate income, they were not particularly talented, or they derived little satisfaction from making things by hand or for a living. For Verge and Hascal, making chairs sometimes was a way of

making money. Verge turned out chairs of one size, using a simple design and wide bark for the seat because standardization maximized productivity and because plainness in form was

a moral virtue. Hascal often claimed to innovate or to want to innovate, but his chairs were strikingly similar to his father’s whose values he challenged, not through chair designs, but by describing licentious behavior in which he allegedly engaged. If and when he made chairs, Hascal repeated or reproduced traditional designs because of the dominance of his father, his own fixation on the idea of breaking free, and the paralysis that ensued. Coy made the kinds of chairs his stepmother urged him to ' produce and that the Frontier Nursing Service purchased from him in large quantities. To Chester, Aaron, and Hascal, Coy’s chairs were uninspired and uninspiring, too closely resembling factory-made chairs. Morris and Courtney were farmers who made chairs only for their own use; lacking equipment, knowledge, and customers, they turned to models that were most easily emulated. O.P. bottomed chairs in later years with rushes that he bought from a store; he was too old to locate and strip hickory bark in the woods as he had once done and as other chairmakers did, and his son refused to help him. Some of O.P.’s chairs had box bottoms; a principal motive for using the design,

he implied, was economic. “I don’t have no education, never been to school more’n five months in my life,” he said, “but you know, there’s gotta be new designs once in a while.” He com-

244 Craftsman of the Cumberlands plained that someone else in the area had recently taken up chairmaking using this design, competing with him for customers.

The chairmaker repeats or reproduces designs to learn his craft. Once he becomes proficient, he finds he has acquired a set of behaviors so numerous and so integrated that it requires great dedication, desire, and ability to disentangle the behaviors, or to transform or abandon one of them. Construction techniques or designs are used or rejected owing to persons or ideas associated with them, their relationship to the maker’s identity, or custom-

er selection or stipulation. Innovation may be the product of experimentation or seemingly idle play with materials, as well as the outcome of others’ suggestions or expectations and of emotional states and psychological processes. Of special importance

in understanding why forms are repeated and activities are emulated is the fact that, first, they have proven effective and, second, they define the situation, providing models for what to do and how to do it. While novelty is exciting, familiarity is comfortable. The two forces compel much of human behavior. I encountered a curious situation in the 1960s. A museum

director had declined the opportunity to purchase some of Aaron’s chairs for the museum’s collection; they seemed too refined. He thought Chester’s unsanded and unvarnished chairs epitomized folk things. In contrast, the owner of a book-

store and gallery chose not to purchase Chester’s chairs. The sophisticated design and utility of his work assailed her notion of what folk craft objects ought to be.

Which craftsmen and whose chairs were most traditional? Chairs by Courtney, Coy, Verge, and Hascal evince the greatest continuities and consistencies in form and design. Except for Coy perhaps, none of these men identified himself exclusively or even principally as a chairmaker; indeed, several even denied they were chairmakers. None was very good at chairmaking, nor did any of them further the craft by developing ways to exploit the materials, enhance the comfort and appearance, or improve the construction of chairs. When we consider not only design elements, but also appren-

ticeship, tools and procedures, and especially involvement in

THE BEAUTY PART AND THE LASTING PART 245

and dedication to chairmaking, Chester and Aaron stand out as traditional craftsmen. Indeed, they made traditional chairmaking central to their lives, deriving their essential identity from it.

On the other hand, they were the most innovative. By taking | tradition to heart, Chester and Aaron developed the skills and will to utilize, as well as transform, others’ knowledge, procedures, and designs. They needed the comfort of tradition and the stimulation of novelty, which together yielded a sense of self and self-esteem. CONCEPTUALIZATION AND IMPLEMENTATION

Some people construct chairs for their own use. Perhaps they cannot afford to purchase one, or they want to learn new skills,

respond to a challenge, or seek diversion. Each step in the process may be a learning experierice, and the product may bea chair that “could be improved upon.” Others build chairs for a living. If they work in a factory, they probably do not know, or rarely interact with, the consumer. The product and its manufac-

ture are likely to be standardized; designs may be predetermined and construction largely mechanical. A few craftsmen make chairs not only as a livelihood but also as custom production. They fulfill specific requests and are sensitive to customer

selection. Objects may be personalized and expressive. The processes of conceptualization and implementation discussed here characterize the manufacture of handmade or homemade chairs intended for sale by a maker who has direct experience with some customers. A chairmaker must decide what, exactly, is to be constructed. Of

what materials? Using what techniques and tools? If a chair of a

certain design and material has been ordered, then the craftsman’s choices are narrowed. When the chairmaker builds un-

solicited works for which he then seeks customers, the constraints on forms, materials, and construction techniques are more ambiguous. He can construct chairs according to his own sense of beauty and goodness. He may repeat what has proved

successful in the past, either appealing to the lowest common

denominator of taste or to a narrow range of interests and

246 Craftsman of the Cumberlands values. He might try something new. While the choice is his alone, bearing on it are concerns about income, willingness to cater to the whims of others, and personal preferences and predilections, as well as exigencies of the moment (such as whether construction is routine work or fulfills expressive needs). Before he can build it, the craftsman must visualize the chair. It is likely to fall into an existing category, its overall design a familiar one. This is because in learning to make forms he has

learned typical forms themselves. Moreover, he is creating an object that serves a practical purpose, whether for settin’ or for rocking. Those forms produced widely over time and space must have something to recommend them, and many consumers and prospective customers want no other. Utility and expectation precipitate the image of a particular form, be it a settin’ chair or a sewing rocker, a slat-back chair or a bark-back one, or “a chair just like the one made for ____..” The craftsman may have a feeling, a desire to do something different: to use an atypical material, to turn a different kind of spool on the leg or stretcher, to make the chair special somehow.

The chair’s image is vague, or only part of the form is sharply

focused. Trying to clarify it brings to mind images of other chairs, or aspects of them, and perhaps of tools or construction techniques. To achieve what he feels he wants, the chairmaker may have to experiment, discarding what doesn’t work. If he is repeating a design, then the craftsman is likely to emulate existing techniques of construction. When selecting an unfamiliar wood, however, or one that is difficult to work, he must ascertain its characteristics and imagine how he will shape it to achieve the chair he wants to make. If he is transforming a familiar design and bringing into existence something novel, he will probably recall prior experiences with various materials and procedures, choosing some as precedents, while developing other, unprecedented solutions through trial and error.. Conceptualization and problem-solving do not end when the implementation process begins. Decisions, choices, visualization, experimentation, and other processes continue as the craftsman manipulates materials and constructs the chair. And while build-

THE BEAUTY PART AND THE LASTING PART 247

ing one chair, he may imagine another. Unanticipated difficulties

could provoke a change in procedure. The grain or color of a wood may have an unexpected effect. Correcting a mistake might alter what was originally envisioned. The rhythm of work and sensations in working can influence the outcome. As one

aspect of the chair takes shape, perhaps the earlier desire, vaguely felt, suddenly crystallizes into an image. During the building of the chair, and certainly after it is completed, there is a process of feedback and response. The craftsman

has perceptual evidence by which to judge his capabilities, the defensibility of his initial vision, the skills required to master techniques. The form is perfect, all things considered, or it is

not. The chair is just what the customer hoped for or it is disappointing. It is practical but not very attractive, visually appealing but not too useful, satisfying in both form and function or a complete failure. Whether others wax enthusiastic, complain, or make suggestions for changes, the craftsman infers much from their reactions. Some of these attitudes, values, and

expectations may influence what he makes, how he makes it, and of what material. Like their customers, chairmakers have criteria of beauty and utility often expressed as preferences and as standards of excellence. Chester preferred the light color of freshly peeled bark in a seat, for example, and splints of narrow width. He used the entire thickness of bark for strength, whereas Aaron and others split the bark, discarding the top half with its diamond pattern and coarser grain as unattractive. Aaron made small pins to hold the slats in place and hid the pins in the back of the chair; over the years Chester gave increasing prominence to pegs, turning them

into decorative features. All chairmakers seemed to find pleasing the juxtaposition of different colors and textures. To produce

cheap chairs quickly, some craftsmen inserted slats of green rather than seasoned wood; later these loosened, rattling when the chair was used. All knew the “right” way to make chairs, but they did not always take the time or have the patience to season the various pieces properly. Some criteria were stated as rules of design and construction. “T don’t like a low seat with a real high back,” said Verge. “I

248 Craftsman of the Cumberlands always made my own front posts 19 inches and the back posts 41% inches,” he insisted. Also, he was appalled at ornamentation. “For myself, I like a decent, plain-made chair.” Verge refused

to make chairs with square posts or to bend the back posts backward or outward. According to Chester, if a chair was made from square posts rather than turned ones, then horizontal slats would not look right; such a chair required a crosspiece at the top

and another above the seat with a wide vertical panel in the center flanked by two narrow panels (fig. 63). Chairs with eightsided pieces demanded slats, not panels. “That’s the only thing about it,” he said, “you got to kind of make your back go in with

the postees.” He also contended that he always bent the back posts above the seat, or carved them to thrust backward. Craftsmen sometimes do not verbalize preferences or articulate standards but let the chairs speak for themselves. Or they imply their biases when remarking on the works of other chairmakers rather than explaining their standards during the construction of their own chairs. However their opinions find expression, the craftsmen’s values and attitudes regarding useful design affect what they create and how. INTERACTION IN FOLK ART

As late as the 1960s (and perhaps in some quarters today), scholars tended to assume that by definition folk art lacks originality, that craftwork is overwhelmingly utilitarian without aesthetic concern or expressive qualities, that “country” furniture imitates high-style fashions, and that, once established, tradition dictates form. A study of chairmaking in southeastern Kentucky challenges these assumptions and uncovers a situation of greater complexity than had been thought to exist, particularly in regard to why the chairs exhibit the characteristics they do. Given the fact that in the craft of chairmaking someone constructs something for sale to another person, an object’s charac-

ter owes much to the tools, materials, and techniques of construction, as well as to the customer and the craftsman. Many chairmakers found walnut difficult to work, for example; if they

used it, then they tended to bend the slats and posts little, if at

THE BEAUTY PART AND THE LASTING PART 249

all, in contrast to the way they shaped chairs of other woods. A turning lathe produces an entirely different surface from a drawing knife or an ax. When Chester used a router on his new drill

press, he produced rough notching in contrast to the sharply incised ornamentation he had made with a pocketknife. Customers influence the nature of the product through stipulation of design elements, materials, and construction. The ugliest chair he ever made, said Aaron, was a one-armed high chair requested by an arthritic woman in Hazard. On another chair, he substituted flat arms, modeled after those on Chester’s recent chairs, for the barrel arms he usually made because that was what the customer requested. Craftsmen also infer custom-

ers’ expectations through what they have selected in the past, the comments they have made, and the ways in which they have treated chairs. Given a choice between a chair whose seat is of

wide bark and one bottomed with narrow strips, insisted

Chester, the customer will select the latter. Aware that some

customers let their chairs weather, he also made seats with wide bark, which is more durable, he said. Ultimately, however, control over form rests with the individual who uses the tools to manipulate the materials creating the object to be purchased. Is the craftsman an ole-time chairmaker or does he just prank around with it? Does he make chairs for the sake of the money or for the sake of makin’a good chair? Does he

emphasize the beauty part or the lasting part? In addition to motivation for making chairs and the degree of professionalism

and dedication, an individual’s values, criteria of beauty and utility, skill, and style affect the things he makes. Chairs are supposed to be useful. Finials that break if the chair

is tipped against the wall or turnings that weaken the chair are not acceptable on settin’ chairs; a sewing rocker should not have arms. While constraining a craftsman, utility also offers opportunities to explore. How do you prevent a rocking chair from tipping over backward? How do you increase accessibility in a high chair? How do you prevent the feet of a settin’ chair from damaging linoleum floors? In the chairs he built, Chester addressed these issues, and more. Many chairs made by hand are communicative, expressive, or

250 Craftsman of the Cumberlands even symbolic. People attribute meanings to chairs and consider

their ownership (or lack of it) a reflection on their aesthetics, values, or station in life. To one woman it was “sort of an honor, I

guess” to own a handmade chair in a world of mass-produced

furniture. Although he liked many of the chairs he made, Chester contended that some were “too fancy for a poor man like

me.” The brother of the woman who purchased the chair with hearts that Chester had made for his daughter said he “wouldn’t give fifteen cents” for it. Chairs are the objects of associations. They may stand for something as a symbol. Some of Chester’s chairs and tools reinforced a museum director’s ideas for an exhibit of “vanishing industries” from a “bygone era.”

If the objects are symbolic to people after they are constructed, then they and the process of making them are likely to be meaningful to the craftsmen who build them. Because of the

materials, design elements, or other features, chairs may be special and intended to make a statement about the relationship

between the craftsman and the person for whom the chair is made. A chair that is difficult to construct might stand for the craftsman’s mastery. Features associated with the past and prized for this association could become symbolic, a visible sign of invisible ideas and qualities. The identity of chairmaker might evoke a cluster of unpleasant associations or build self-esteem. Tradition plays a part, not as a force but as a source of ideas

about how to do things. Traditional forms and processes may serve as models, having proved effective in the past or being taken as a definition of people and their ways. All the chairmakers made certain types or subtypes of chairs associated with the area. Aaron, in fact, balked at the idea of a Windsor chair, which I described to him; he considered it inappropriate to himself and to southeastern Kentucky. In addition, both Aaron and Chester cultivated traditional forms and processes as a way of defining themselves. The chairs have the features they do because of the immediate circumstances in which they were made. This situational context encompasses every feature and circumstance mentioned before. : Folklore studies in particular, among the several fields in which traditions sometimes are examined, direct attention to the actual

THE BEAUTY PART AND THE LASTING PART 251

situation of manufacture and use of objects (or the performance context, in the case of storytelling, singing, and so on). After all,

folklorists look for, document, and analyze traditions. These they elicit from individuals or observe in people’s interactions, noting when and under what circumstances traditions were learned or manifested. To answer the question of why products of traditional manufacture exhibit particular characteristics, those engaged in folklore research concentrate on circumstances in which these things are conceptualized and brought into existence. This requires attention to at least the following four matters: ¢ Technology: The tools, techniques of construction, and materials, as well as the uses to which the object is to be put and the means of utilizing the object. ¢ Producer: the craftsman’s self-concept, motivations, and aspira-

tions, knowledge of and skill at this endeavor, values and intentions, and criteria of formal excellence, in addition to preferences and predilections, on the basis of which a characteristic mode of execution, construction, and presentation develops. ¢ Consumer: Customer stipulation of form, materials, and design elements, as well as customer selection of, treatment of, and comments about such object from which the craftsman is likely

to infer values, attitudes, preferences, and associations that inform the customer’s expectations, satisfaction, and object use. ¢ Product/Producer Interface: Models and precedents for a work,

the requirements of useful design (e.g., appearance, access, strength, durability), the process of conceptualization as it affects and is affected by implementation, and the craft identity, activity, or product as a vehicle of expression or locus of symbols. As I discovered in my research, every chair had its story. The

craftsman remarked on some circumstance under which it was built, purchased, or used. He dated it, identified its materials, described the procedures or problems in manufacture, commented on some of its features and sources, and sometimes assessed its quality, attractiveness, and utility. A customer re-

252 Craftsman of the Cumberlands ferred to the date, price, and circumstances of purchase, commented on the chair’s construction, design, or use, and expressed opinions, attitudes, and values through treatment of the chair as well as statements about the object or its maker. ART, AESTHETICS, CREATIVITY, AND STYLE

In my study of traditional chairmaking I heard the word “art” only once. “These are just a marvel to look at as art,” said Hascal

in regard to some of Chester's chairs. “Beautiful,” “pretty,” “nice,” and “looks good” cropped up occasionally. So did “fits your back perfectly,” “sets good,” and “lasts good.”

When I asked what they thought art is, a few individuals alluded to arrangements of flowers or leaves and cones, and the

like, or knickknacks having only a decorative purpose. Such things were not labeled art but were referred to as “a pretty” or as “pretties.” I heard some young children use the terms “a pretty”

and “pretties” in reference to a broken toy, or a chewing gum wrapper, and other objects that appealed to them, but seemed to

have no useful purpose. Beechum’s miniature corn sleds provoked similar responses (fig. 128); they were the sort of thing

that should be put on a fireplace mantel and admired, said several people who saw the sleds or photos of them. Despite contending that he made chairs “for the beauty part,” Chester identified himself as a chairmaker only, not an artist, an artisan, or a craftsman. Searching for an example at my urging, Chester hazarded a guess that the wooden jewelry a visitor had made and proudly shown us might be “art.” In response to my question about what art is, Aaron told me about a man who could have been a “real artist,” for he made excellent drawings. One was a pencil sketch of a boy beside a lake fishing, his pole stuck into the bank with the line adrift and the boy asleep, a straw hat tipped forward on his head and a can of worms beside him. Aaron’s sister-in-law and friends suggested as examples of art paintings by a local woman. I pressed Aaron, asking him if he thought chairs and chairmaking are art. He reflected on the issue while closely inspecting a completed chair, sanding a bit here and filing a little over

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