Comprehending Equity: Contextualising India's North-East 9780367530747, 9781032022901, 9781003182726

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COMPREHENDING EQUITY

This book interrogates the idea of equity in the context of India’s North-East region. The region is comprised of diverse ethnicities heralding different socio-political and historical contexts. The present volume attempts to bring to the fore the ever-widening socioeconomic gap between dominant and marginalised groups and the challenges of traversing towards equity and social justice in this context. The book looks at the socio-economic disparity and exploitation in the region, conspicuous in the form of poor governance, ethnic violence and a sense of marginalisation and disillusionment. Based on case studies and research of different states and communities in the North-East, the volume discusses the complex and unique socio-economic challenges of the people in the region. It analyses the issues of representation, identity and ethnic dominance, affirmative action, food security, sustainability, access to education, territorial conflicts and ineffective governance, among others. The book offers insights and perspectives into concepts such as equity, justice, fairness and discrimination by juxtaposing the concepts and global economic order which depicts the extreme levels of deprivation especially among those belonging to disadvantaged communities. This volume will be of interest to scholars and researchers of sociology, social anthropology, development studies, politics, law and governance, and South Asia studies. Kedilezo Kikhi is currently Chair Professor, Dr. Ambedkar Chair, and Professor at the Department of Sociology, Tezpur University, Assam. He completed his post-graduate degree and PhD from North Eastern Hill University, Shillong. He is credited with several publications in national and international journals, dailies, texts and reference books for tertiary as well as school education. Two of his most notable books include India’s Northeast – Nagaland: Vibrant Ethnic Communities in Transition (2 Vols.) and The Dynamics of Development in Northeast India. Dharma Rakshit Gautam is currently Research Officer and Assistant Professor, Dr. Ambedkar Chair at Tezpur University, Assam. He completed his post-graduate degree at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi, and completed research degrees (MPhil and PhD) at National University of Educational Planning and Administration (NUEPA), New Delhi. Some of his publications include articles, chapters and a book titled Education Among Scheduled Castes.

COMPREHENDING EQUITY Contextualising India’s North-East

Edited by Kedilezo Kikhi and Dharma Rakshit Gautam

First published 2022 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2022 selection and editorial matter, Kedilezo Kikhi and Dharma Rakshit Gautam; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Kedilezo Kikhi and Dharma Rakshit Gautam to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN: 978-0-367-53074-7 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-02290-1 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-18272-6 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726 Typeset in Bembo by Apex CoVantage, LLC

Dedicated to Social Scientists & Activists involved in the Struggle for Equity in India

CONTENTS

List of tables x List of contributors xii Forewordxiv Acknowledgementsxvii   1 Introduction: equity and differing contexts in North-East India Kedilezo Kikhi and Dharma Rakshit Gautam SECTION I

1

The concept and the context

15

  2 Social equity: a conceptual note Dhruba P. Sharma and Ankur Jyoti Bhuyan

17

  3 Understanding equity and equality: some conceptual and pragmatic considerations Narender Kumar

28

  4 Equity – a crucial debate in contemporary India 38 K. Jose SVD   5 Equity and ethnic politics in North-East India 56 Susmita Sen Gupta

viii Contents

SECTION II

Ethnicity, development and governance

69

  6 Politics of identity formation in Sikkim: an insider’s view A.C. Sinha

71

  7 Ethnicity, food security and deprivation: the marginalised Hill people and distributive [in]justice in Manipur Ngamjahao Kipgen

80

  8 When boundaries matter: land, laws and territorial conflict in Manipur, North-East India Roluahpuia

98

  9 Ensuring social justice in tribal society: reservation of women in the local bodies of Mizoram Joseph K. Lalfakzuala

108

10 Equity, reciprocity and environmental ethics: comparative study of agricultural practices vis-à-vis sustainable development among the tribes of North-East India N.K. Das SECTION III

119

Tangle of subjugation: Women and religious minority

135

11 Women trafficking: Subtle lying challenge towards building equity Madhurima Goswami

137

12 Locating women within ethnic movements: a case of Assam Barasa Deka

148

13 Pangals in Manipur: a community symbolising disadvantaged status in the state M. Amarjeet Singh

162

Contents  ix

SECTION IV

Domain of education

173

14 Equity-driven financial reforms for school education in North-Eastern States of India 175 Yazali Josephine 15 Classroom as a site of exclusion in massified higher education in India 187 C.M. Malish 16 Brewing knowledge in the university: just add North-East and Stir Soibam Haripriya

204

Index221

TABLES

6.1 Demographic composition of ethnic groups in Sikkim (2003) 75 6.2 OBCs and MBCs in Sikkim 78 7.1 Receipts and expenditure of the government for the period from 1899–1900 to 1908–1909 85 7.2 Monthly rice and sugar received and issued at Imphal, capital of Manipur (in kgs) 89 7.3 Monthly allocation of rice, kerosene oil and sugar to Churachandpur District 91 8.1 List of villages under Henglep Tribal Development Blocks whose land records are maintained under valley district 105 9.1 Abstract statistic of village councils in relation to the numbers of women elected in village council election 2012 114 9.2 Abstract statistic of local council in relation to the numbers of women elected in local council election, 2012 114 9.3 Numbers of members elected to VC and LC vis-à-vis women reservation115 13.1 Population of different religion communities in Manipur  163 13.2 Population of Pangals in Manipur 163 13.3 Literacy Rate (%) Census 2001 165 13.4 Work participation rate (%) 166 13.5 Occupational classification (%) 166 13.6 Nature of employment by religion 167 13.7 Reservation in state government jobs and admission to professional courses 168 13.8 Representation in Manipur Legislative Assembly 169 13.9 Population and political representation 170 15.1 Growth of GER and enrolment in higher education 192

Tables  xi

1 5.2 Growth of private sector 193 15.3 Relationship between initial days experience and social group belonging196 15.4 Teaching-learning and classrooms experience 197 15.5 Awareness about bridge/remedial coaching among the students 198

CONTRIBUTORS

Dr. Ankur Jyoti Bhuyan is Assistant Professor, Kumar Bhaskar Varma Sanskrit and

Ancient Studies University, Nalbari, Assam. Dr. N.K. Das is a former deputy director (Superannuated), Anthropological Survey

of India (ASI), Kolkata. Dr. Barasa Deka is Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Gauhati

University (GU), Assam. Dr. Dharma Rakshit Gautam is Assistant Professor and Research Officer,

Dr. Ambedkar Chair, Tezpur University (TU), Assam. Dr. Madhurima Goswami is Head, Centre for Women Studies and Associate

­Professor, Department of Cultural Studies, Tezpur University (TU), Assam. Dr. Soibam Haripriya is a postdoctoral fellow, Department of Conflict and

­Development Studies, Ghent University, Belgium. Dr. K. Jose SVD is Director, Sanskriti-North Eastern Institute of Cultural Research, Guwahati, Assam.

Prof. Yazali Josephine is Professor-Superannuated, National Institute of ­Educational Planning and Administration (NIEPA), New Delhi. Prof. Kedilezo Kikhi is the Chair Professor, Dr. Ambedkar Chair and Professor of

Sociology, Tezpur University (TU), Assam.

Contributors  xiii

Dr. Ngamjahao Kipgen is Associate Professor, Department of Humanities and

Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), Guwahati. Prof. Narender Kumar is Professor, Centre for Political Studies–School of Social Sciences (CPS-SSS), Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi. Dr. Joseph K. Lalfakzuala is Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science,

Govt. T. Romana College, Aizawl. Dr. C.M. Malish is Assistant Professor, Centre for Policy Research in Higher Edu-

cation–National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration (CPRHENIEPA), New Delhi. Dr. Roluahpuia is a former Raghunathan Family Fellow, the Lakshmi Mittal and

Family South Asia Institute, Harvard University. He is currently with the Indian Institute of Technology, Roorkee. Prof. Susmita Sen Gupta is Professor, Department of Political Science, North Eastern Hill University (NEHU), Shillong. Dr. Dhruba P. Sharma is Associate Professor, Department of Political Science,

Gauhati University (GU), Assam. Prof. M. Amarjeet Singh is Professor, Centre for North East Studies and Policy Research, Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI), New Delhi. Prof. A.C. Sinha is Professor-Superannuated, Department of Sociology, North Eastern Hill University (NEHU), Shillong.

FOREWORD

People live longer and lead healthier lives in this century than in the previous centuries. A shift in focus from a perspective of the percolation effects of growth to a people-friendly approach to development centred on the notion of human development has, no doubt, contributed to improving health and well-being of people. The commitment to building socially inclusive societies reinforced ideas of equity and justice as bases to focus on the deprived and disadvantaged groups more than ever. The global initiatives and national priorities now converge and reinforce the need for equity and social inclusion. Equity is an inclusive notion, and it implies fairness. It denotes an end to barriers to entry to participate in all aspects of societal engagements and access to resources based on the needs of different segments of the population. And quality in the distribution of resources is different from equity in access to resources. Equality implies equal provision of resources for all, while equity demands unequal sharing of inputs to move towards equality in outcomes. Equity includes the idea of justice. It accepts individual differences and varying circumstances of birth and ensures that they do not constrain a person from realising his/her full potential. Development experience indicates that all groups in a society do not progress at the same pace. There may be barriers to entry more for some groups than for others. Barriers to entry may be visible or invisible. The visible barriers to entry include economic and physical, while invisible barriers may be social in nature. The barriers to entry, in fact, are sources of exclusion from participation, partially or fully, in societal activities. Equity, thus, demands provision of basic minimum standard facilities for all, and it does not put a limit to opportunities for anybody to progress. Equal inputs need not always lead to equal outcomes. Equity may imply provision of unequal inputs depending on the needs of the groups under consideration. Disadvantaged groups in general require more attention and support than those

Foreword  xv

from advantaged social groups. By ensuring equity rather than equality in access to resources, one is creating comparable conditions to compete for opportunities at the entry level as well as at the exit points. The provision of additional resources and support to students from deprived groups is an example of equalising the conditions for competing and succeeding in education and in professions. The logic of reservation policies stems from this premise. Equity also implies a respect for diversity. Any society will have diverse segments of population representing varying characteristics. Respecting diversity means that everyone’s unique qualities and attributes are valued. The idea of inherited merit was an underlying but unspecified criterion in student admissions and job selections. The replacement of this idea with the notion of equality of rights was a move towards equity in access to facilities to perform well in the competition for education or jobs. Further, the move towards the idea of equality of opportunity looks more closely into the variations in the opportunity structure and help design measures to overcome the barriers. These changes in understanding reflect a friendly attitude towards national diversity, extension of democratic principles and legitimacy of affirmative actions by elected governments. Most countries, for example, follow a policy of equality of opportunity in their student admissions, progression in education and in the employment market. Equity and inclusion are ideas embedded in democratic principles. Democracy has an inherent orientation towards equity and social justice. Democracy is an ideology which has the least tolerance to inequalities in society and injustices against humanity. Democratic practices believe in promoting diverse views, thoughts and equality of opportunities as core values. In many democratic societies, the aspirations of the public outstrip the surplus-generating capacity of the state to invest in social development. Even under such constraints, many democratic regimes design progressive public policies to ensure fairness in the allocation of resources and in the distribution of benefits from development. The legislative measures to make education a fundamental right in many countries, the quota system in admissions and employment, an increase in public commitment and support from the international community to expand opportunities and extend them to the deprived sections reflect the changing orientation and better targeting of the disadvantaged. The progressive state actions in social sectors, especially in education, have helped to reduce inequalities between generations. The evidence on intergenerational mobility across countries has highlighted a strong and persistent link between parental status and opportunities for children to progress in education and in their life thereafter. In other words, education and other social institutions become agencies that help in reproducing intergenerational inequalities, in the absence of public policy and actions aligned to equity considerations. The inheritance of land and wealth from one generation to another helps in maintaining, if not widening, the intergenerational inequalities. There is also ample evidence pointing to the fact that parental education has emerged as a crucial factor in promoting intergenerational mobility. These evidences reinforce the need for achieving equity in education

xvi Foreword

provisions and outcomes as necessary steppingstones to create a more equal society in the future. A welfare state is committed to collective action for social protection. Social exclusion implies denial of right to resources in the present and opportunities to progress in the future. Social exclusion leads to cumulative marginalisation resulting in durable inequality in any society. The interventions made in the past in favour of regions and social groups in India indicate its efforts to overcome inequalities. The North-Eastern region of India is relatively less developed and needs targeted attention. The region has its own features in terms of culture, geography and history. Apart from geographical uniqueness, this region comprises many ethnic tribes who have remained disadvantaged due to their life in aloofness and isolation from the mainstream populace. This region requires affirmative policies to get focused attention and targeted support to ensure social cohesion and economic well-being. The present volume has successfully addressed the issues of the region both from a theoretical perspective and from an empirical premise. The division of the book into four distinct but related sections – (a) the concept and the context; (b) ethnicity, development and governance; (c) tangle of subjugation – women and religious minorities and (d) domain of education – provides a comprehensive analysis and inference. The analysis and academic insights provided by Kedilezo Kikhi and Dharma Rakshit Gautam, the authors of the volume, is to be lauded for its rigor in unravelling the intricacies in allowing people to lead a life that they value worthy of human dignity. Prof. N.V. Varghese Vice Chancellor, NIEPA, New Delhi 15 July 2020

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

At the outset, we’d like to thank Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, New Delhi (Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment, GoI) and Tezpur University, Assam, for becoming instrumental in reconceptualising the philosophy of Bharat Ratna Babasaheb Dr. Ambedkar in the context of North-East India during the present time. In pursuit of our goal to further ideas and philosophy of Babasaheb, several activities are continuously being conceived and acted upon by Dr. Ambedkar Chair, Tezpur University. Organisation of national seminar on equity in collaboration with ICSSR, New Delhi & ICSSR-NERC, Shillong (21 and 22 June 2018) was one of these activities which actually turned out to be the source of origin of the present volume. Therefore, our gratitude shall remain primary towards those involved in the process of successful organisation of this seminar which includes all the contributors for the seminar. Out of this seminar, few have shown keen interest and support towards our idea of developing a volume for the dissemination of erudite ideas on the theme. This list, which is a combination of senior academicians, social scientists and younger scholars, includes Prof. Narender Kumar, Prof. A.C. Sinha, Prof. Yazali Josephine, Prof. Susmita Sen Gupta, Dr. Madhurima Goswami, Prof. M. Amarjeet Singh, Dr. N.K. Das, Dr. Dhruba P. Sharma, Dr. Ankur Jyoti Bhuyan, Dr. K. Jose SVD, Dr. Ngamjahao Kipgen, Dr. Roluahpuia, Dr. Joseph K. Lalfakzuala, Dr. Barasa Deka, Dr. Soibam Haripriya and Dr. C.M. Malish. We’re truly thankful to all of them for their kind encouragement and support. We’re highly indebted towards Prof. N.V. Varghese who, apart from providing continuous support, has taken special pain to read our manuscript and agreeing to write a foreword for the present volume. The present volume would not have been possible without acknowledgement and immense support of Ms. Shoma Choudhary from Routledge, New Delhi. We’re extremely thankful for her special interest and motivation that has pushed us

xviii Acknowledgements

to carve out a volume that may further enhance academic comprehension about equity while striving towards any generalisation for a diverse country like India. At the same time, our thanks shall remain incomplete without mentioning the names of unknown reviewers who have helped in enriching the content and adding rigour to it. Further, we cannot miss the name of Ms. Shloka Chauhan, who is another important face of Routledge to us in terms of providing logistic and other necessary support to us before we actually needed any. We hope that this modest attempt of ours shall contribute to generating comprehension about the idea of equity with insights from the North-East states of India. We’ll remain grateful to the readers for their critical reflection that may enrich ideas on equity at local, national and international levels and help the world in becoming more equal than hitherto. We’d like to humbly admit and own the responsibility for any (inadvertent) error or misconception found in the book and would be grateful for receiving any constructive feedback.

1 INTRODUCTION Equity and differing contexts in North-East India Kedilezo Kikhi and Dharma Rakshit Gautam

The term “equity”, with its acknowledgement as a key requirement for development, has now become a buzzword among academicians and planners of sustainability. However, there’s a predicament of its true comprehension to be reduced into a definition. This is probably due to the dynamism entailed in the concept of “equity”, making it transcendental; its entanglement with absolute ideals of “equality” has added further obfuscation. However, there’s no denial that the aim of any society to achieve true and holistic development can’t materialise if it is not equitable too. Establishing “equity” is a mindful (albeit arbitrary) act of doing as well as undoing to attain higher, yet common prosperity in each context. The context could be one or many with their demarcation still conjoined at a common horizon of human welfare.

Understanding equity and equality General comprehension fails to distinguish and therefore allows interchangeable usage of equality with equity. However, conceptually, these are different. Equality insinuates the idea of sameness, while equity includes the idea of justice that brings fairness. Though the latter idea appears to be the most plausible with respect to the establishment of an egalitarian society, there’s no denial that the definition of such an idea should be dynamic to exclude discretionary arbitrariness that has continued till the times of kingdoms and dynastic rule. This is how the principle of democracy gets the desirable conducive environment for its rooted establishment in a state. In this way the tendencies for the status quo subsided, gradually providing opportunities for those who seldom have access to productive resources in a state. However, these people form the masses, while few, had control over the access to resources. It’s noteworthy to mention that the privileged minorities have held their sway over the masses who exercise little or no discretion on any matter pertaining DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-1

2  Kedilezo Kikhi and Dharma Rakshit Gautam

to their own development or well-being, becoming a minority in the political or social discourse. It is important to mention that the majority (who have in turn become a minority) unquestionably think it as natural for the reason presumably of lack of sufficient merit, which largely is constructed as an outcome of access to productive resources. Interestingly, ownership of productive resources in India is either found to be a natural corollary of existent social stratification on caste lines, or their access is restricted when it is seen as a function of social capital. Further, meaningful access to resources with gainful returns such as education could not transcend the scope determined by cultural capital, and therefore even the hypothetical proposition of equal access, e.g. through RTE (Right to Education) may not help in achieving the substantial change to undo ascriptions based on social stratifications. To put it simply, through various researches it’s found that affirmative action policy of reservation in admission to education could not help with the successful graduation at different levels of education other than the elementary or primary level. Even at the lowest level of education, learning results are far from satisfactory. In this way, comprehension and scope of equity become sufficiently wide that demands its (equity’s) operation at least for the stage of “input” and “processing” whose combination will yield the (desirable) equitable “outcome”. As it’s noticed, there are factors both internal as well as external which influence any production process; therefore, the need is to contain the exclusionary impact of involved factors. As equity is an approach applied in a context to make it egalitarian, such a treatment inevitably requires a holistic comprehension of the context. Importantly, there’s an existence of unfair or discriminatory treatment that helps in protecting the privilege of the dominant groups. In India, discrimination by the privileged few is conspicuously ubiquitous due to large prevalence of the aforementioned static social structures and multifarious aspects such as ethnicity, religion and region. This is apparent in the socio-economic disparity in the country which further is exacerbating and thus narrowing the scope of establishing an egalitarian society. In such a scenario, economic development, when observed with a myopic lens, is largely nothing more than a misnomer to many people who are clustered historically as well as administratively into different disadvantaged communities such as scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and religious minorities. Apart from these, there are universally acknowledged categories on the grounds of gender and physical disabilities. All of these when taken together forms the masses, albeit their individual and collective disadvantage varies according to culture and region operating at meso and micro levels in a vast country like India. Using an analogy to explain the situation, it appears there are numerous pyramids that are operating with a wider base of disadvantaged masses carrying the miniscule minority at the top. These may be operational; however, they are not sustainable given the intensity of interconnectedness among different entities in a macroeconomic relationship, thanks to the universal growth of capitalism. Such interdependence may succumb to disparity in the long run and also to the situation of

Introduction  3

shortfall of demand disrupting harmony of optimal operation for different sectors in an economy at macro level. Economic hardships have a challenge for establishing equality in existing social stratification, while vice versa is equally true. Here, the most important phrase is “justice”, which has perennially remained elusive. Probably, the eternal bias in its establishment has made it non-achievable. The perspective of the privileged section was always considered and defined as the measure for justice. Thereafter, everything done appears to be natural for everyone, especially when sensitivity to varied (existing) perspectives is arbitrarily controlled under the guise of “merit”, which largely is primordial. An example is the prevalence of the system of castes in India, with its archaic meaning in general as well as in academic sense, without a serious challenge being posed to its continuation. Interestingly, the concept of justice has never broadly undermined the “fairness” concept. The only difference relates to the usage of the concept, either by conservatives or by others. Conservatives held their opinion that prohibits any change which they believed shall lead to decline from the ideal pristine world. They thus supported the wisdom of aristocratic class to ensure fairness in their kingdom. The advancement of the modern state on the global horizon, and especially the mark of the French Revolution, challenged notions of the status quo, putting forth the idea of individual liberty in the comprehension of justice. Such an idea was not truly liberal, as the idea of “merit” was furthered to the middle classes, and therefore justice largely remained commutative when seen under the ambit of redistribution. However, the insight for social justice, i.e., where collective good is taken as the ideal, sporadically surfaced but was forced into the oblivion by the liberalist tendencies which made individual merit and the associated benefits-worthy principles for defining fairness in the redistribution of resources with their productive returns. Such an idea became accelerated and widely accepted, as it was found conducive for the growth of capitalism which gradually tends to become exploitative, making the gap of classes explicit. When seen in the formal structure of the functioning of a state, this brings forth the fact that the general prevalence of comprehension about the merit gets reproduced in policy matters, thus truncating the very philosophy of justice when seen in a holistic manner. Despite all of this, the silver lining needs to be mentioned. This pertains to the underlying dynamism which forces the evolution in comprehension and implementation of the idea of justice. Such evolution is credited to various strands of movements highlighting the perspectives of the disadvantaged community which has remained untouched while the comprehension of justice is being done and deliberated. Movements happened both sporadically as well as in an organised manner in different parts of the world (especially after the 19th century), compelling redressal in the context while sensitising at the global level. The ordering of redressal and sensitisation is not fixed and holds potential to foreshadow the alteration by inclusion of the (unheard) voices when the redistribution of resources is being carried out at either the local or global level. Therefore, the demand is to prioritise an approach that may yield equality of status as the final outcome gradually if not immediately.

4  Kedilezo Kikhi and Dharma Rakshit Gautam

The need may then be to understand the (existing) reality to the furthest micro level and from the lens of equitable allocation. This will have non-uniform and non-generalisable interventions in differing social as well as spatial contexts, though the replicability stands non-zero chances especially when such realities are a part of a single country. India can be a perfect example for understanding such a proposition where analysis of exclusionary experience on the basis of caste can infer towards knowing the phenomenon of exclusion for other disadvantaged categories in different societies of the country. Because of huge cultural and spatial diversity, and a peculiar system of social stratification, India provides innumerable contexts of deprivation demanding vehement discussion under the broader umbrella of equity.

Context of North-Eastern region The North-Eastern region of India holds potential for a special mention due to its unique geographical position vis-à-vis other parts of India where its value as an integral unit apart from political association was deferred until recently. Apart from geographical difference, this region largely comprises ethnic tribes who have remained disadvantaged due to its history of aloofness from the mainstream populace. As a result, there are several contexts that necessitate affirmative action policies to check the arbitrariness in appropriation and resulting social reproduction of the statuses. Affirmative action policies are nothing but equity measures in a context to make it conspicuously egalitarian. There are primarily two aspects which are plausibly responsible for the success of a policy which remain true for policy for equity. One is the successful implementation of the policy formulated, and the other is true identification of the context and cause for injustice which demands the exploration of the need for such policy. However, due to dynamic pattern of social living, both aspects appear mostly to be entangled, i.e., lack of holistic implementation can in the course of time become the cause of injustice. For example, reservation of women in elected seats was thought of as an instrument to empower the voices of women, but in the wake of non-challenged notions of patriarchy, such a policy could not liberate women from the subtle lying subjugation. Exploring the issues that highlight concerns for equity become important in this case, to ensure that the possibility of equality is on the horizon even if it is not achieved immediately. The North-Eastern region of India and its underlying issues are largely unnoticed due to its aloofness and possibly due to its small representation in the parliament. Elements of arbitrariness can easily become operational due to limited willingness of policy makers in sustainable development of the region and for the reason of proxy representation. There appears to be enough scope for manoeuvring, for those who get access to policy makers and are successful in convincing them with their (limited) understanding, thanks to paucity of research on several aspects associated with this region. As a result, the realities of the region are themselves a cause of contestations and conflicts among people belonging to different ethnic groups and between ethnic and non-ethnic groups. Such examples include arbitrary

Introduction  5

drawing of boundaries, assignment of scheduled status to groups and communities, non-proportionate political representation, etc. Apart from these, there are certain irrefutable modern compulsions of migration which has had many implications on the traditions and culture of the region. Also, in the name of modernity and development, safeguards meant to preserve unique tribal culture through community/individual ownership of land are taken away, leading to ethnic clashes as happened in Manipur. The clashes which have become more frequent hold their origin in improper distribution of resources and failure of public welfare schemes as public distribution system (PDS). Coming to the gendered aspect, this is largely understood as an issue which is out of context when seen in the North-Eastern region as grossly misplaced. Though lying at subtle level, societies are empirically gendered in nature like other parts of the country. Gendered aspects get highlighted in the tribal polity and in the collective ethnic movements. The polity, despite having reservation for women, could not empower the voice of women for their own good and has buttressed a patriarchal mindset, though by proxy means. Embedded patriarchy in tribal societies do get overshadowed in collective ethnic movements where individual voices of suffering become marginalised under the pressure of collective good for the community in the context of redistributive tussle with other communities. Therefore, it is unproductive to understand a phenomenon from a uni-perspective, and at the same time it’s worrisome when observed from women’s standpoint as an aggregate reality emerging from the micro-level situation. More painful is the subjection of women to physical torture when their trafficking is being witnessed as a rampant phenomenon in different parts of the region. There could be economic aspects associated with this apart from other phenomena of tourism and aloofness from mainland India. Thus, the grim economic situation of the majority of the people, making them vulnerable to become prey, could not be easily dismissed. This has made the region more dependent on the grants and policies governed by the centre. The region in this way has turned out to be peculiar for lack of financial reforms which could have ensured self-sustenance to take care of their different aspects, including education, which holds potential for real development. Despite the fact that there’s good literacy, the region lacks the necessary requirement for universalisation of secondary education and massification of higher education. The reality is changing, though, with a greater number of enrolments from different sections of society. However, whether it is an example of inclusion remains a pertinent question, as mixture of students from different ethnicities and classes has posed a real challenge leading to desperation in continuation of the strategy of reservation. It may be empirically true as an instant consequence due to diverse cultural as well as educational experience. Then, what should be done becomes another important question to grapple with. From the research and global experience, it appears that greater inclusion at different associated fronts could be the key to resolving maximum challenges instantly and more so gradually. The important fact here is that due to the gradual nature

6  Kedilezo Kikhi and Dharma Rakshit Gautam

of the explicit returns/results of such a strategy, support of the state is inevitable, as all the successful institutions (educational and others) in the country grew with the foundational support of the state. When looking at a federal country like India, the concept of inclusion (as an implementation strategy) of disadvantaged from the North-Eastern region should be a part within region and with equal resonance at different institutions of the country.

Overview of the present volume In a way, the concept of equity involves judicious distribution of available resources ensuring positive access and avoiding over- and underconsumption in the process. Therefore, the most prominent underlying aspect here is “justice”, a concept which itself is ever evolving since time immemorial, though it has remained an essential ideal for a state marching towards peace and prosperity. The important questions that emerge here spontaneously are, justice of what, for whom and how? Further, it could be noted that these questions rest on a more fundamental query of “why” this is needed at all. The hypothesis which has emerged is that concentration of available resources (natural as well as created) will accentuate existing imbalance and lopsided (undesirable) development of a state. All the developing states fall in rudimentary and nascent stages of equitable environment due to transition phase(s) they are undergoing. India, with its strange, socially stratified structure based on primordial lines and attuned economic as well as other development areas, has become a classic example of faulty (re)distribution. Here, it may also be noted that normatively, the assumption of primary onus on sovereign authority of state to ensure equity holds enough merit. To cite and infer a few scholarly deliberations, “equity” may be associated with “fair distribution” (Rawls, 1971), capability enhancement (Sen, 1985, 2001, 2002), compensation for untoward primordial situations (Dworkin, 1981), equal opportunity policy (Roemer, 1998) and also environment (biotic and abiotic factors pertaining to geography). Apart from environment, equity which is largely related to geography, there’s preponderance of social equity with broad dimensions on the lines of gender, caste, tribe, minorities and disability. Some of the conspicuous issues that have cropped up relate to education, health and polity as well as other developmental aspects. Some of the indicative dimensions of equity in education includes equity of access, equity of results and equity of outcome; however, there are influential factors as income, identity, technology, critical literacy, hidden curriculum, institutional habitus and so on. Health equity is identified as basic (Sen, 2002) for its interrelation with other aspects of human life. Health disparity is one conspicuous feature with differential availability, utilisation and affordability of health services. Though the issue of equity is a matter of prime concern for India as a whole, comprehension of different federal states and region provides a relatively neat scenario at empirical level. The North-Eastern region of India is peculiar in almost all terms as culture, geography and historicity. The region has remained aloof of the

Introduction  7

fruits of development at the centre (in Delhi) and had been integrated (instead of assimilated) to act merely as a security buffer. Only very recently after 2001, the government of India made a modest attempt to justify its recognition and initiated a special plan of developing the North-Eastern region by setting up a Ministry of Development for the region. Apart from general issues of equity, though in nuanced form from other parts of India, there are issues of biodiversity and those pertaining to ascribed subnational identity for the people in this region. In this context, an attempt to have confluence of ideas on equity in India in general and the North-Eastern region particularly is being made by Dr. Ambedkar Chair, Tezpur University. The initiative was in the form of a national seminar on the theme “equity with special emphasis on north eastern region” held during June 2018 at Tezpur University in Assam. This volume is the outcome of selected presentations of eminent persons and social scientists from across the country and the region. The volume has been divided into four broad sections: (a) the concept and the context; (b) ethnicity, development and governance; (c) tangle of subjugation  – women and religious minority; and (d) domain of education. Part I, titled “The Concept and the Context”, has four chapters, three of which are by social scientists (Dhruba P. Sharma and Ankur Jyoti Bhuyan, Narender Kumar, Susmita Sen Gupta) and one by a missionary (K. Jacob Jose). In Chapter 1, Sharma and Bhuyan attempt to delineate the idea of “social equity” with a historical and conceptual understanding. The authors argue that while the term appeared only in the latter half of the last century, it is indicative of the positive and moral dimension of our conceptual universe. The trajectory of its evolution has had its roots in modernity. On a historical note, it began with the social contract tradition, then evolved under constitutional design and eventually metamorphosed within the new public administration. On the conceptual front, Dhruba and Bhuyan argue, social equity must be contextualised within the “shifting value paradigm” of American society, in the wake of John Rawls’s theorisation of justice as fairness (Rawls, 1971). The hypothetical articulation of basic institutions embedded in an environment of fairness, justice and equitable service resolved the moral dilemma of the time to leave behind the existing “value paradigm” of American society. On the other hand, the emergence of social equity also insinuates a radical dissociation from “value neutrality” and espousal for “social values” reflected in administrative behaviour. The authors in this chapter conclude that the move from constitutional arrangement of equity to articulation and the urge for its inculcation on the administrative front remain a procedural one. The prevalent state of multiple forms of inequality insinuates the need for the procedural success to get translated into a substantial one. Chapter 2 by Narender Kumar comprehends the difference between equity and equality. He states that in a popular general sense, there seems to be no major difference between the two terms; but if we look at these terms from an academic sense, then there is a lot of distinctiveness between the two. With an aim for conceptual clarity, this chapter investigates the way these two concepts have developed and

8  Kedilezo Kikhi and Dharma Rakshit Gautam

are positioned differently. This has been shown through the ingredient terms that mark meaning to these concepts. These terms, such as fairness vs. same, process vs. outcome, difference vs. similarity and need vs. abilities, define these two concepts. There is invoking of Ambedkar who has been very concerned with the process of achieving equality in the society. Finally, there is a critique of the equity, which is so dependent on conscience, morality, etc., that has not remained focus, but the evolution of equity has gone beyond those implying more pragmatism. Kumar in his piece draws a discussion and concludes that conscience becomes important in case of equity and equality may not be established in its absence. He takes a position by stating that over the centuries, there has been evolution of constitutional and legal ethos that moves above and beyond the considerations of conscience and that is how one needs to understand the difference of equity and equality. Equality presumes all to be equally equipped to use given assets or resources, whereas equity assumes all necessarily not being on the same footing and thus, needing unequal treatment according to the standing of individuals or groups in different spheres of life. K. Jacob Jose in Chapter 4 argues, amidst booming global economic growth, aided by advanced science and technological innovations, tens of millions of people in the developing countries are languishing in extreme levels of deprivation from the necessities of life. He reiterates, today 80 per cent of the global population who live in the developing countries own only 20 per cent of the global GNP, and the remaining 20 per cent own 80 per cent of GNP at a time when about 1.2 billion people live on less than one dollar a day. Likewise, in India, the top 10 per cent of population own 40 per cent of the wealth, whereas the bottom 30 per cent own just 10 per cent. Jose elucidates that India is emerging as the home of millionaires and multimillionaires, but where one-third of the “world’s extreme poor” also live. Today, scholars and development agencies stress on the aspect of inclusive development, allowing people to lead a life that they value worthy of human dignity and enabling them to actualise their capabilities to flourish. This calls for an ethics of care for humanity, implying an option for the underdeveloped. Jose also regrets that presently, our nation (India) is in the grip of major challenges: jobs, farmers’ welfare, rising prices, economic opportunities and social justice on the one side, and violence which hinders social well-being for large segments of people due to polarisation of various sorts. He explains that cattle lynching, governance deficit, spewing of communal venom and denigrating religious sentiments have become the order of the day. Jose in this context urges citizens of our country to become more aware that though India as a nation has moved people out of abject poverty, they have consistently become more unequal. Jose fervently attempts to highlight the need for equity in contemporary India as a whole and the North-East region in particular. In the same section, Susmita Sen Gupta explains the concept of “equity”, associating it with “fair distribution”, “capability enhancement”, “compensatory for untoward primordial situations”, “equal opportunity policy” and so on. Social equity has broad dimensions on the lines of gender, caste, tribe and minorities. The

Introduction  9

primary focus of her chapter is on equity in terms of ethnicity. It examines whether equity as an ideal and value has been given preponderance within the context of ethnic politics in two selected states of North-East India, viz. Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya. Sen Gupta enquires whether inter-ethnic relations in the NorthEast have been marked by an equitable and fair distribution of social, economic and political resources. Sen Gupta has structured her chapter into five sections. In the first section, a conceptual analysis of “equity” is taken up. This is followed by a brief discussion of the constitutional provisions on the right to equality in India with certain restrictions. In the third section, Sen Gupta focuses on the internal colonial model and minority nationality movements to examine the applicability of the principle of equity in these situations. The fourth section locates the equity discourse within the specific contexts of ethnic politics in Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya, while the fifth section summarises the concluding observations of the article. Part II of the book is titled “Ethnicity, Development and Governance”. The first chapter in Part II is by A.C. Sinha, who takes note of the historical context of national commitment and consensus for positive discrimination in favour of certain weaker segments of Indian society like the tribal communities. In Chapter 6, Sinha argues that one of the guiding principles for awarding scheduled tribe status to certain communities was their belonging to a distinct region by tradition, which rules out consideration of the migrants for the same treatment. The chapter describes under what circumstances Sikkim became an Indian state in 1975 and how, naturally, it was not covered by the provisions of the Indian constitutional privileges to the communities within its limits initially. He argues that the small state of Sikkim has a strong Nepalese ethnic demographic dominance, which has been migrating to Sikkim for the last hundred years. But now, interestingly, Nepalese are wielding power in the state, and they have waged a concerted movement to have them recognised as the scheduled tribes constitutionally. Through this chapter, Sinha examines the travail of such a demand for the last three decades. In Chapter 7, Ngamjahao Kipgen validates how in Manipur state, natural calamities such as “bamboo-famines” called Mautams and Singtams have been an integral part of the Kuki-Chin tribal socio-economic trajectories. Relying on a subsistence economy, the Kuki-Chin communities have survived and could successfully cope with such catastrophes by means of their traditional ecological knowledge. However, Kipgen argues, the inroads of modernity and the state have ushered in social and economic inequality; therefore, their encounter with such calamities have impoverished and marginalised the Kuki-Chin tribals in Manipur. To Kipgen, marginalisation in Manipur is not merely a result of lack of development and inadequate and ineffective governance but is also related to locality, ethnic status and history. He argues that the development strategy followed by the central and the state governments have perpetuated regional imbalance between the hills and valley of Manipur. The issue of marginalisation in contemporary Manipur cannot be limited to discussions about poverty alleviation and sustainable participatory development. This was explicit in the inadequate relief and rehabilitation of the affected

10  Kedilezo Kikhi and Dharma Rakshit Gautam

hill population following the famine-like situation during 2007–2008. Kipgen in his chapter further reiterates that the failure of the PDS (public distribution system) to provide food and relief to the affected population is not merely symptomatic of bad governance but also reflective of the political divide between the hill and the valley. Various welfare schemes and financial grants available for poverty alleviation, including the PDS facilities, are not properly utilised and disproportionately appropriated by some ethnic constituencies, leaving the families living below the poverty line destitute. Kipgen, with the help of empirical study, critiques development and poverty alleviation policies by reviewing the failure of the PDS system during Mautam in Churachandpur District of Manipur and argues that the failure and indifference of the state in extending support during such natural calamities further alienated the hill tribals. He suggests practical policy measures to improve the citizen’s entitlements and augment distributive justice in order to alleviate poverty of the marginalised sections living in Manipur. Chapter  8 by Roluahpuia addresses the intricate relationship between land, laws and territorial conflict in Manipur. He claims tribal land ownership systems are considered as “backward” and “primitive”. This underlies the assumption that underdevelopment among the tribes is rooted in their land ownership. In the state of Manipur in North-East India, this has been a long-stated claim behind the agenda for the implementation of a uniform land policy. Roluahpuia argues that given the peculiar and distinct geography (hill and valley) of Manipur, it is useful to examine how the land question (re)produces different conceptions about land use, rights and control. His article methodically explores the question of land, examining how land issues are not merely an ethnic problem, but an issue tied with rights, governance and resource claims. In doing so, Roluahpuia highlights how the stated goal of reforming tribal lands needs to be seen in the larger politico-economic dynamics and contestations that inform the state of Manipur. From the state of Manipur, we move to Mizoram in Chapter 9. A Mizo himself, Joseph K. Lalfakzuala conceptualises Mizo tribal society as more egalitarian in term of gender relations due to the absence of caste system and rigid class formation. But at the same time, Lalfakzuala situates that in terms of political consciousness, the social and political institutions of the tribal society negate women participation. He explicates that this has been because of the duality of the traditional institutions which function both as social and political institutions, such that women have been excluded by the customary law and practices. In such a condition, Lalfakzuala addresses in his chapter how social justice will be ensured in the tribal society. On the other hand, the natures in which most of the tribal communities are accommodated by the Indian state ensure protection of their “ways of life” under special provisions. Such that, when Part IX and Part IX(A) were made applicable to the whole of India, the tribal-dominated areas are excluded from the applicability of the said provisions, which includes the state of Mizoram. As Lalfakzuala writes, the village council in Mizoram had been instituted since 1954 for local governance and has continued to date. But he questions, though the provision of the village council act does not deny women participation, when an institution is wholly dominated

Introduction  11

by traditional norms and practices, women do not find space or are not given due recognition. The essay claims that until 2014, when women reservation was made mandatory, the presence of women in the local governance was negligible. The last chapter of Part II, by N.K. Das, intends to discuss the themes of equity, reciprocity and environmental ethics by interrogating the sustainability discourse in the realm of agricultural practice and allied activities among selected tribes of Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland. Pursuing a comparative approach, Das in Chapter 10 aims to show how high sustainability of production systems is achieved by tribespeople through employment of ecological knowledge, customary laws and reciprocity. Das rationalises in his chapter that the purpose of ethnographic case studies is to highlight the centrality of equity in terms of equality in opportunities and access to natural resources which the highlanders nurture and take benefit from. To further contextualise and situate the ethnographic illustrations from Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh in the realms of equity and sustainable development, Das presents in his chapter a brief appraisal of pertinent literature on equity, sustainable agriculture and sustainable development discourse with focus on indigenous knowledge and environmental ethics. Part III, “Tangle of Subjugation  – Women and Religious Minority” brings together three chapters, of which two focus on women while one pertains to religious minority. The chapters on women try to highlight a peculiar issue, showing subjugation of women that has resulted in their physical as well as mental exploitation through rampant cases of their trafficking in the region, and also to portray location of women vis-à-vis ethnic movements in the region where subjugation of their voice becomes evident. Subjugated experience is also brought in through the lens of religious minority in the context of Manipur. Chapter 11, which begins Part III, is by Madhurima Goswami. In her chapter, she focuses on the real issues of sexual exploitation of the girls and child brides in Assam and the situations in other states of North-East India, especially after the spread of capitalism. The indication of unequal conditions of contemporary global capitalism is further highlighted by the abolitionist movement initiated by one strand of feminism. Its proponents view capitalism as an institution of coercion and discrimination and take sex workers as victims and sex slaves. The issue of trafficking according to them is a paradigmatic form of violence against women implying gender inequality. Sex work becomes the last resort for the women facing pauperisation. Goswami in her chapter attempts to look at equity more as a radical concept than equality. She also looks at the current issues of equity which are found in everyday life-patterns of the trafficked victims, work redistribution and recognition by the state. The chapter explores dimensions of human trafficking and sexual exploitation in the areas prone to economic vulnerability and cultural inhibitions. Barasa Deka in Chapter 12 shows how interaction between ethnicity and gender has been a complex one. Deka argues that there is a demand of collective rights for the preservation of distinct ethnic identity. This has intensified the debate of individual vs. collective rights within liberal democracies. She argues that the consolidation of ethnic identity is expressed through ethnic/identity movements. Women have been part

12  Kedilezo Kikhi and Dharma Rakshit Gautam

of such ethnic projects where they have been considered as the symbol of cultural distinctiveness of an ethnic group. Ethnic movements have drawn mass participation of women for the pursuit of collective goals. Citing inferences from the state of Assam, she mentions various identity movements since India’s independence. However, women’s question within such space has remained a neglected issue. The ethnic space has provided a space of mobilisation for women, which is marked by the formation of various women’s organisations. However, Deka questions in her chapter whether the participation of women in identity movements has led to the alteration or radicalisation of existing gender relations, which is a much-debated topic. She states this can be contextualised in relation to the issue of women’s representation, and such understanding brings out the conflict between collective rights and gender equality to the forefront. The last chapter of Part III is by M. Amarjeet Singh. In Chapter 13, he makes an attempt to highlight issues of religious minority in the state of Manipur, where he took example of Pangals (officially known as the Meitei Pangals). Pangals otherwise constitute an important community in the state and have close cultural and linguistic ties with the Meiteis, the state’s numerically largest community. However, Singh states in his chapter that the community is lagging behind in terms of education, employment and political representation. Ironically, their disadvantage is furthered by their religious identity. The chapter attempts to look at the causes of the development deficit among the Pangals, a topic which has not been critically studied so far. He has drawn his argument upon insufficient academic and activist literature, media reports and his own personal experience. Part IV, titled “Domain of Education”, has one chapter on school education and two chapters on higher education. Chapter 14 is by Yazali Josephine, who deals with equity-driven financial reforms for school education in North-East states. She argues in her piece that equality of educational opportunity is an accepted goal of Indian policy, but the reality falls far short of this ideal. Financing of education is an instrument to achieve equality of opportunity. The financing system must be seen not only in terms of adequacy of the amount but also in terms of methods of financing, sources of financing and its distributive effect among various levels of education, groups of people and regions. Josephine contends that in a federal country like India, where education is mainly a state subject, the transfer of resources for education from the centre to the states and from the states to local authorities or other entities has created imbalances among the states. She states further that the general cost escalation has aggravated the problem of finance for education. In a federal framework, irritants in intergovernmental relations have created additional dimensions to the problem. The problem of educational finances is not restricted to the question of allocation of adequate financial resources. It includes the matter of the efficient utilisation of resources, their proper allocation to improve efficiency, and to realise the objective of equity and equality. Josephine shows that in the recent past, India has embarked on large education reforms aimed at rapidly expanding the supply of education, achieving equity in the provision of education and significantly improving the quality of education. These changes in

Introduction  13

the global economy have provoked new kinds of trends in three forms of reforms in the education sector: finance-driven reforms, competitiveness-driven reforms and equity-driven reforms. She states that important among the three are financedriven reforms, as large numbers raising issues of equity and quality are dependent variables of finances. The challenge for educational planners in the present context lies in their efforts to combat such situations of financial austerity with quality and equity in education without sacrificing the broader objectives of educational development. To Josephine, due to lack of a vibrant economy, despite the relatively high literacy rate, the North-East region also suffers from alarmingly high youth unemployment rate at 14 per cent. Therefore, she states in her chapter, a review of financial mechanism, utilisation pattern and cost-effectiveness of finances from time to time and region to region will help to combat the situation. This chapter lastly raises the vital issue where studies in this field are expected to consider new policy suggestions. Chapter 15 by C.M. Malish shows higher educational classrooms as a major site of exclusion. He highlights in his work that higher education is the central pillar of the knowledge economy. Higher education institutions (HEIs) are entrusted with the task of production of new knowledge and human capital required for emerging knowledge sectors along with provision of resources for associative living. Malish explains that since the 1960s, higher education witnessed rapid expansion in developed countries, and expansion became a common feature across nation-states at the turn of the new century. Likewise, Indian higher education underwent rapid expansion in last two decades. As a result, HEIs are now occupied by students from diverse socio-economic and academic backgrounds. However, Malish maintains, much of the discussions on equity and affirmative action revolve around question of access. Post-admission phase of student life is yet to be fully explored in India. Malish developed this chapter based on a large-scale empirical study carried out in 12 HEIs located in six states in India. He argues that democratisation of higher education requires three Cs: inclusive curriculum, inclusive campus and inclusive classroom. He shows analysis of empirical evidence suggesting that disadvantaged social groups are systemically excluded in the classroom and that institutional-level efforts to ensure academic integration of students from diverse backgrounds are inadequate. It raises serious concerns about academic outcomes of students from disadvantaged social groups which constitute a major share of student enrolment in public institutions in the era of massification. Malish argues that as the classroom is emerging as one of the major sites of exclusion in the massified higher education system in India, attention is required to develop and promote inclusive classroom and teaching learning practices and an empathetic teaching community. This necessitates a revisit and revision of the institutional structures and processes, pedagogical methods and tools and proper orientation of teachers to the changing classroom environment. Soibam Haripriya’s Chapter 16 examines the setting up of centres of North-East studies in the context of the state’s rescinding of scholarships and funds towards higher education. Demands of commercialisation have changed the nature of

14  Kedilezo Kikhi and Dharma Rakshit Gautam

courses that are offered in universities. Haripriya’s chapter explores the ways in which North-East centres/programmes become spaces where it is possible to pursue social justice and knowledge production, yet the question of methodology seems obfuscated in the ruse of interdisciplinarity. Haripriya attempts to locate North-East study centres in the context of the empirical theory divide in social sciences and examines its implication for such centres. We as editors of this volume would certainly think that this book is one of the most contemporary and exhaustive works on the theme particularly in the context of the North-East region. But having said that, we believe that the issues debated in the present volume shall not be able to capture the whole gamut of “equity” in the region. This limitation is a challenge for an exhaustive comprehension and shall therefore require revisiting the issue in multiple formats. The intention of the current work is to open up a channel or at least initiate a discourse towards the inclusive approach as an alternative strategy that may help us in inching towards sustainable development. We keenly look forward to your inputs on the debate.

References Dworkin, R. (1981). What is equality? Part 1: Equality of welfare. Philosophy & Public Affairs, 10(3), 185–246. Rawls, J. (1971). A theory of justice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Roemer, J. (1998). Equality of opportunity. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Sen, A. (1985). Well-being, agency and freedom: The Dewey lectures 1984. Journal of Philosophy, 82(4), 169–221. Sen, A. (2001). Development as freedom. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sen, A. (2002). Rationality and freedom. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

SECTION I

The concept and the context

2 SOCIAL EQUITY A conceptual note Dhruba P. Sharma and Ankur Jyoti Bhuyan

Introduction Justice is a perpetual aspiration and a necessity for the human civilisation. Historically, contemplation for justice can be traced to the Greek period. An irreversible corollary of this enduring history is the protean nature that justice has acquired. Justice has been aptly delineated in the contexts of the social, economic and political domain. Encouragingly, in its modern embodiment, it has been depicted with a constructive hypothesis about society with an equal concern for all members. The reflection of social justice in the modern form is epitomised primarily in John Rawls’s theory “justice as fairness”. It came as a response against the consequentialist utilitarian idea of understanding justice through the maxim “greatest happiness of the greatest number” (Bentham, 1823). To be precise, the utilitarian principle insinuates sacrificing the cause of some individuals for the benefit of most. However, against this, Rawls’s deontological theory proposes a more egalitarian plateau through social contract. The contract under a veil of ignorance brings the concept of justice as the first virtue imparted through the basic structure of society. Rawls in his theorisation allows initial inequality of condition through equality of opportunity but equalises the condition by taking special care of the least advantaged members of society (Rawls, 1971). Though the conceptual design of the basic structure (embedded in egalitarian socio-economic principles) has secured substantial academic consensus, the Rawlsian paradigm, as pointed out by the critiques, is not completely free from the shortcomings. While Rawls went much ahead of utilitarianism to lay down the principles of fairness for institutions in liberal societies, he failed to touch upon the issues of unequal parties like that of persons with disability, animal species, parties of global justice and the future generations (Nussbaum, 2006). Moreover, thinkers like Martha Nussbaum and Amartya Sen have redefined the DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-3

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very nature of understanding it by exploring the new frontiers of justice through the conceptual lens “capability approach”. However, the Rawlsian contribution needs to be acknowledged for perceiving the significance of equality without sacrificing the concern of liberty; also, simultaneously necessitating the issue of fairness. It’s worth mentioning that in the world outside political theorisation, the quest for an egalitarian world is still an unfulfilled one. Truly speaking, the ever-enduring contemplation of justice is an indication of a world which has yet to become just. The arrangements of the socio-economic principles within basic institutions have failed to accommodate the interests of all; indeed, in many ways, the stratification of individuals in society is a glaring example of different life outcomes for many. For instance, in 2018, 26 top-notched billionaires own the same as the 3.8 billion people who make up the poorest half of humanity, down from 44 billionaires the previous year (Oxfam Report, 2019). Concentration of wealth is ever augmenting, with resultant economic, social and political consequences. The differentiated fate and life outcome of individuals are visible in all aspects of life reflected through the issues of poverty, illiteracy, discrimination, marginalisation and injustice of many kinds. The evidence of inequality, discrimination and injustice is as real today as it has always been. However, the quest for justice and egalitarianism has been reinvigorated with newer theoretical speculation and adjustment of the institutional norms. The theoretical innovations have, in turn, brought material dividend by introducing new avenues for making society more inclusive. The guiding principles of the socio-economic institutions for conceptualising primary good and distributing benefit-burden of collective life are a matter of serious concern. It is at the backdrop of this concern that this chapter proposes to engage with the evolution of the guiding principle of socio-economic arrangement of society vis-à-vis the question of social equity. Stratified location of individuals and groups in the society is a reality that is difficult to ignore. Stratification based on economic, social, age, gender, race, ethnic and religious grounds have resulted in different and contradictory life outcomes for members of society. Quite often the differences have appeared in a clearly delineated and conspicuous pattern. However, post-enlightenment political modernisation has elicited responses of political systems to ponder and act for modifications of principles to cater to the requirement of a balancing mechanism. That is evident in the changing contours of social and political philosophy as well as holistic changes in policy priorities of different governments. The life graph of the concept of social equity is a special case to understand how the egalitarian telos of the socio-­ economic institutions have changed. Since the enlightenment period, the egalitarian scale could be sketched as moving (from) individuality-liberty-­democracy, justice and equality-equity. Thus, the concern for equity is a way of pushing the trajectory for greater perfection. However, in general perception, the terms equality and equity are often misread and used interchangeably. That’s why, before going deep into the detail of the concept, it is appropriate that we clearly indicate the overlapping nature as well as the differences between the two.

Social equity  19

Issue of equity and epistemic injustice The conceptual tools for understanding “equal treatment” within the basic structure of society have been neither very old nor consistently the same. “Equal treatment” with particular reference to moralistic human concern does not carry a legacy of many centuries. Concern for “equal treatment” is a corollary of modernity. Since the dawn of modernity, whispers claiming equality started, and it was even hastened after the French Revolution. However, the paucity of an inclusive understanding never allowed the process to be fulfilled. This has had a lot to do with the conceptual drought and absence of moral grammar of the said time. Also, theorisation of lived experience gets thwarted due to the paucity of valiance, verbalisability and opportunity. It may be noted, though concern of equality was right there, there had been no justification or explanation for individual specific “experiential epistemology” (Guru  & Sarukkai, 2012) embedded in inequality and injustice. Subsequently, there had been no concern for initiating case-specific deviation from normal equal treatment within the equality formula. Conditions like this, where incapacity of judicious exercise of collective cognitive mechanism allows ground for biases and prejudices that distort perception, judgement and theorisation, context of epistemic injustice occurs, involving epistemic insensitivity, epistemic irresponsibility or meta ignorance (Medina, 2012). The failure of conceptualising and devising socio-economic principles with a holistic approach to touch upon context-specific cases of inequality had been a matter of epistemic injustice. As such, the absence of equity perpetually perpetrated inequalities in an enduring form with tacit consent. However, during the latter half of the last century, the world witnessed wide concern about equity, ranging from academic deliberation to that of administrative policy making. It may be noted that in the wake of interwar economic crisis and the downturn of capitalism, John Maynard Keynes in his work The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money (1936) came with the proposition of strong government intervention in the economy. He pleaded for giving capitalism a moral face eventually resulting in the public sector-specific safety nets. In a way, the Keynesian proposition necessitated the proactive role of the state in terms of providing public goods to its citizens. This economic proposition had a proportional political and administrative outcome. The Keynesian proposition, supplemented with simultaneous changes in the philosophical, constitutional, academic and administrative front (which will be discussed later) made the ground for an orientation of social concern and values. Eventually, on the administrative front, it went beyond a normal understanding of equity to that of context-specific social equity with the objective of an inclusive society in mind.

Construing equality and equity Both equality and equity are concepts of normative political theory. Practically speaking, no individuals are equal; neither they are same in terms of their appearance, strength or ability. Some are more capable or fitter than others; similarly, some

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have better inquisitive minds and reasoning capacity than the rest. That means no individuals are equal and hence doesn’t deserve equal treatment with the others. This proposition has been the bedrock of social stratification within the traditional societies. As for instance within the Hindu social domain, the caste system had been working as a catalyst for social and economic hierarchy. It was sustained with the justification that the castes originated from different body parts of the almighty, and corresponding to that, they had to observe the duties that they were assigned to, with no option for social and occupational mobility. To put another example, the Darwinian maxim of “survival of the fittest” in his Origin of Species (1859) prepared the ground for individualism that eventually emerged in the form of capitalism that would justify the interest of those more capable than the others. Prior to this, a similar justification had come on the economic front from Adam Smith in his Wealth of Nations (1776). As such, the proposition that equality is not natural had been firmly established as a norm in society. It is only in the wake of modernity that the concern for equality became a reality (Heller, 1990). Equality and equity are kindred concepts alongside the other normative values of political philosophy. They are often used interchangeably. As part of normative political theory, their meaning overlaps to a considerable extent. In a simpler understanding, both show concern for equal worth of individuals and hence equal treatment for all. It invokes justification from the simple fact that specific moral capacities are universal to humanities. As for instance, human capacity to feel pain and pleasure, capacity to experience affection for others and the desire for selfrespect are moral capacities that are ubiquitous (Williams, 1997). Besides, it is an intrinsic value on other grounds too; it is a requirement to be fair in terms of our associational life; it is desirable for self-respect of every individual; it generates reciprocity of respect for others; eventually, it is expected to foster a feeling of fraternity (Acharya, 2008). It is an appropriate observation to count equal treatment as intrinsic to modernity and political philosophy. Locating human individuals as core of objective knowledge production in the post-enlightenment era eventually resulted in an attitude of valuing the worth of human individuals. The changing moral codes of normative philosophy inspired a more humanistic and righteous attitude. It is within the changing contours of moral philosophy that the concern for equal treatment began. The understanding of modernity in terms of equal treatment for all appeared both as a moral claim and a necessity. In the meantime, the practical context for equality had been secured with the movements like the American war of independence (1776) and the French Revolution (1789). While the French Revolution propagated the ideals of “liberty, equality and fraternity”, the American Bill of Rights was another remarkable moment in this development. It may be noted that concern for equal treatment for all has been an undercurrent theme of political modernity. This also sits at the heart of basic structure of society that deals with the socio-economic arrangement for shared and collective living. Here, the generally perceived notion of equal treatment is that of equality. It may range from accepting the norm of “one man one vote, one vote, one value” on the political front to that of understanding equality in terms of “equal

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distribution of resources” (Dworkin, 1981). The conceptual undertone of equal treatment of individuals pertaining to equality is same treatment for the stakeholders. The implied logic is counting the moral worth of every individual and hence considering them as deserving identical treatment. On the other hand, the concern for equity is a later development attempted to cover a relatively wider ground with “calculation of fairness, right and justice” (Nalbandian, 1989) Equity is a matter of understanding the nuances of individual’s disposition and their specific requirement. It is incisive in the sense that it goes beyond plain consideration of equal treatment. While equality calls for exactness of treatment for one and all, the crux of equity is equivalency rather than exact sameness (Guy & McCandless, 2012). As for instance, we may assume a premise where a mother has to distribute pocket money between two kids; the best way would be to divide the amount equally between the two, which would simply render them in an equal footing. With a little hypothetical change, let us argue that one of the said kids is a person with disability and she needs to hire a rickshaw to her school from the allotted pocket money. In this situation a simple equal treatment won’t place them on equal ground, and the kid with disability needs an additional allocation of money to be on an equal footing. Here, the first premise is a case of equality, and the later one is of equity. While the former entails a mathematical exactness of treatment between the kids, the later one reflects penchant for recognising the specific treatment that the kid’s special condition may demand. As such, the concern for equity is more incisive and inclusive than mere equality. In a way, it is appropriate to say, equity implies an equation of equal treatment, to be deviated only with specific justification (Lucy, Gilbert, & Birkhead, 1977). For a better understanding, another example could be presented here. Inside the classes at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, where the brightest of students from across the country make entry, generally there are a few from marginalised backgrounds who fail to grasp the lectures due to linguistic barriers, as the English language is mostly alien to them. Here, remedial classes are conducted beyond the normal lectures, keeping in mind their relative disadvantageous position. Now, the normal class lectures are open for all with a standard methodical and procedural arrangement. However, the arrangement for remedial classes is meant to help the relatively disadvantaged students to cater to their specific needs. This is a matter of equity. This mechanism is deeply rooted in the reality of individual life concern, and it is more inclusive in nature. At the operational level, it goes much beyond simple formula of equality. As such, both equality and equity are important normative elements of modernity and inevitable guiding principles for liberal democratic institutions. Equality and equity unfold proposition for making the society egalitarian. They could be seen as different stages of creating better arrangement for individuals within society. However, equity needs to be seen as a subsequent development, having a wider perspective that includes the concern for “fairness, right and justice”. It has been seen as a correcting measure for balancing the scale between the advantaged and the disadvantaged. The more our basic institutions advance treatment of equity, the

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more equal our societies will become. The endeavour of justice could be better realised with the instrument of equity.

Contextualising social equity in reference to public administration The term social equity could be counted as a derivative and a logical expansion of equity. It is rooted in the “shifting value paradigm”1 of contemporary American society in the 1960s and 1970s (Hart, 1974). The conceptual design capitalised on the disenchantment with positivist construction of value-free public management which seemed to lack empirical merit (Rivera & Ward, 2008). As against this, the changing context called for a modification in terms of policy priorities and process to make administration proactive with regard to social issues. Thus, on the social front, equity unfolded as operational guidelines for public administration to change the orientation of serving the interest of society. It denotes an intention for fairness, justness and appropriate action in terms of administrative dealing. It is appropriate to say social equity in the administrative front is a remarkable adjustment within the trajectory of socio-economic egalitarianism. It calls for radical modification of modus operandi of the socio-economic institutions. As such, social equity is an attitude of structural as well as process-driven change that is embedded in a considerate and positive orientation for social values. It is rightly argued that equity as a concept evolved from a philosophical (social contract)2 to a structural (constitutional)3 to an administrative (social equity)4 concern (Guy & McCandless, 2012). The intent of equity had been delicately poised within the earlier tradition of social contract. However, it lacked the conspicuous vocabulary to elicit firm consensus or to draw a line for legal regulation. However, John Rawls’s work Justice as Fairness was a tantalising hypothesis that invoked the doctrine of justice and social equity. Rawls (1971) conditioned his contract of justice under a hypothetical veil of ignorance in an initial position where the liberal rational individuals would choose the following principles in a lexical order: • •

Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive liberty compatible with similar liberty of others. Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both: a To the greatest benefit of the least advantaged, and b Attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality and opportunity.

As such, Rawlsian understanding of justice as fairness allows initial inequality of condition through equality of opportunity but equalises the condition by taking special care of the least advantaged members of society (Rawls, 1971). In the sphere of comparative political analysis, it could be reasonably argued that the trajectory of social equity also replicates the conundrum pertaining to the actual place of values in political science. Historical evolution of comparative

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political analysis reflects a radical dissociation of political science from “mere normative values” in the wake of decline of British political philosophy and emergence of “empirical” American political science during the 1940s and 1950s. The impact of positivism and the urge for an empirical, data-oriented and value-free approach resulted in a purely mechanistic behavioural revolution. This mechanistic attitude also found its place in the domain of public policy and public administration. As discussed earlier, though the approach had been presented as value free, in reality, there had been a dearth of empirical merit. However, the later realisation of a fault line involving excessive value neutrality and retreat to post-behavioural intent also brought back the necessity of valuing social consideration. In the meantime, the collective consciousness of the Minnowbrook conference held in 1968 and the ideals of new public administration eloquently contextualised social equity within public administration. The factual justification for this assertion could be derived from Guy and McCandless’s (2012) survey where they acquired the data counting the number of published articles on equity in the journal Public Administration Review. Between 1940 and 1969, a total of 54 articles surfaced bearing discussion on equity; since 1969, the number has been close to 800. It may be noted that the first Minnowbrook conference of 1968 was a defining moment in terms of evolution of the concept of social equity. As such, right up until the second half of the last century, the term had been mostly valued with a normative orientation; thereafter, it appeared as a pragmatic as well as a philosophic and ethical matter5 (Chitwood, 1974). It has also been argued that “placing social equity principles in the context of human rights can open the door to broader considerations of ethical reasoning that will ultimately contribute significantly to our understanding of the role of social equity in public administration and public policy” (Alvez & Timney, 2008). Issues of social equity range from class and gender to that of public servicerelated areas including shelter, health care, employment, criminal justice, education and so on (Gooden & Portillo, 2011). Besides moral philosophy, the attainment of equity within public administration necessitates a conceptual involvement of both political science and economics (Campbell, 1976).6 In reference to the conceptual engagement, it had also been put alongside terms like diversity management, spirited public administration and cultural competency (Gooden  & Portillo, 2011). Rather, the concept has appeared as a guide in managing public and administrative programmes. To put it differently, issues of social equity have been understood as part of citizenship discourse, but their implementation is a matter of measuring efficiency and success of public administration.7 It is in this context that social equity has been defined as the fair, just and equitable management of all institutions serving the public directly or by contract, and the fair and equitable distribution of public services, and implementation of public policy, and the commitment to promote fairness, justice, and equity in the formation of public policy. (The National Academy of Public Administration, 2000)

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On the other hand, within academic reference, the post-Minnowbrook tradition has been seen as a desired shift of attitude on part of administration with a consideration for fairness, justice and social concern. Another way to understand this has been in reference to the political nature of administration. Continuously, it is supposed to take cognisance of popular criticism, attitudes and needs, within the limits of law and fair dealing; it inspires a spirit of administration that contributes to the reality of democratic society involving social understanding, sympathy and regard for the individuality of every citizen (Appleby, 1947). Social equity in this context needs to be comprehended in terms of its essence at the levels of structural norms, process and policy implementation. Here, both public administration and its policies require inculcation of an orientation of social equity.8 Now, this also presents significance of social equity for civil service systems on a few grounds; the material benefit that come from government employment, the intrinsic rewards of government employment and opportunity for political representation (Wise, 1990). This change is not merely one of administrative demeanour; rather, it represents an essential attitudinal change of administrative perception bearing consequence for individual well-being. As such, besides valuing efficiency and effectiveness, social equity became a core element in terms of distributing public services (Gooden & Portillo, 2011). Appropriation of social equity from the normative to an administrative aspect could be understood in a three-dimensional distributive pattern of public services; equal services to all, proportionally equal services to all and unequal services to individuals corresponding to relevant differences (Chitwood, 1974). Here, the first proposition endorses simple equality, whereas the other two propositions offer cases for equity. From a philosophical point of view, this could be associated with the Rawlsian assertion of concern for right to equality and liberty of individuals and at the same time the appropriation of an unequal treatment sensitive to the least advantaged. The particular distributive pattern helps us understand public administration with a sense of responsiveness, orientation for inclusivity and welcoming citizen participation in decision-making. This change of pattern could be seen in the form of new public administration. As such, in the post-Minnowbrook Conference period, the concern for social equity has surfaced and an orientation for its application has augmented. Within academia, the trajectory of equity and social equity from being a part of moral philosophy to becoming a discourse within political philosophy and public administration has been phenomenal. Though there is no universal definition to understand social equity, its concern could be seen navigating around moral philosophy, political constitutions and public administration. By and large, the concern of social equity has been contextualised within basic institutions of society; however, it necessitates modification of the structural socio-economic norms of the basic institutions that would allow scope for fairness in terms of its dealing. Thus, the specificity of individual needs and their deliverance have been emphasised, even if it requires deviation from the standard protocols of policy priorities and implementation. This approach draws validation from the normative and philosophical

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urge to understand the nuances of an individual’s location and place in the society. Inequalities based on gender, race, class, caste and varied lived experience of citizenship have been some of the bitter realities of society; concern for social equity is a procedural remedy for these inequalities. The duty-driven approach9 of correcting the inequalities and the procedural adjustment for bettering the attitude of public administration have contextualised social equity within the gamut of deontological philosophy.

Conclusion Equity is indicative of the moral dimension of our conceptual universe. Social equity is a logical expansion of equity navigating through the lines of fairness and justice within new public administration. It is a potential instrument for realisation of egalitarian telos of liberal democracy. It embodies the moral development that human beings have come to cover. However, the moral concern is part of the larger world of reality. Modernity is a blessing because it allows rationality to creep into the context where an equal treatment for all could be agreed upon. Many of the constitutions that appropriate concern for social equity are illustrations and a move from a philosophical to a structural dimension of equity. For instance, efforts of affirmative action undertaken in the US polity and Indian constitutions are clear cases of initiative for social equity. However, the advancement from structural to administrative or social equity was much required. This got a genuine push after the Minnowbrook conference that urged the public administration to reinvigorate itself for becoming the carrier of a change in the world of reality. Since then, social equity has been recognised as a matter of urgency, remedy for socio-economic inequalities and an instrument of inclusive polity. However, in reality, the world has yet to get rid of many forms of democratic deficit. The questions of economic inequality, of concentration of wealth, of discrimination based on race, caste, gender and religion, all continue to loiter. This is the puzzle that calls for pressing concern. It may be argued that the move from constitutional arrangement of equity to articulation and the urge for its inculcation on the administrative front remains a procedural one. The prevalent state of multiple forms of inequality insinuates the need for the procedural success to be translated into a substantial one.

Notes 1 This refers to the replacement of the existing value paradigm of American society, which is devoid of substantive ethical content. The existing value paradigm denied legitimacy to social equity and suffered declining public confidence in America. The shifting value paradigm refers to the Rawlsian idea of justice that provided an alternative ethical paradigm of social equity as well as a code for equitable public administrators. 2 Guy and McCandless (2012) assert, historically, that the theory of social equity has been present in the social contract tradition. They are of the opinion that Hobbes (1968) accounted for peoples’ recognition of equality by nature, which is essential for a peaceful, just society. The next social contractarian, John Locke (1689), pleaded for natural rights for the individuals in the society in the post-contract context. On the other hand,

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Jean-Jacques Rousseau (2004) asserted that the greatest good of all reduces to liberty and equality, neither of which can exist without the other. 3 Since the period of French Revolution (1789) and the American Bill of Rights (1791), the world has witnessed increasing concern for rights, equality and justice reflected in the constitutional design of many countries. Over the years, the issues of social justice, positive discrimination and structural arrangement have come to appear in many constitutions and amendments across countries. This has been instrumental in converting the theoretical concern into structural norms. 4 Social equity at the administrative front has come into place in the wake of the Minnowbrook Conference and the emergence of New Public Administration in the 1970s. In a way, it laid the ground for a new public administration with an approach of serving society to secure justice, fairness and appropriate administrative action. 5 By now, the Rawlsian paradigm of justice had established the philosophical credential of social equity in terms of figuring out the socio-economic principles of societal basic institutions. On the other hand, the emergence of New Public Administration prepared the ground for pragmatic concern vis-à-vis policy formulation and its execution. 6 Campbell asserts that the political science part is about the contestation between the aspect of “what ought to be” and “what is” in relation to the federalist/decentralized and monocentrist/consolidationist/centralised dichotomy within American administration. On the other hand, the economic part enters into the discussion in reference to the understanding of efficiency (how to offer more or better services with available resources) and economy (how to maintain level of service while also spending less money) of goods and services provided to the citizens. 7 The concern for equity had been shifted from the philosophical and constitutional aspect to that of administrative in the form of social equity. In the wake of emerging New Public Administration, the focus was now to inculcate social values in terms of providing socio-economic services. In American administration, attempts had been made to bring an efficient public service delivery system. 8 Equity in the social form requires its transformation from being a philosophical issue and constitutional norms to that of an administrative structural design that would make space for fairness in terms of public services. It called for a new approach of public administration which is beyond simple equal treatment. Accordingly, the administrative policies are supposed to approach a preferential treatment for the least advantaged in the society. 9 The duty-driven approach needs to be understood within the tradition of deontological theory. The deontological theory came against the consequential tradition. While the consequential tradition, like the Utilitarian philosophy, is concerned with the “end” or “consequence” even if it calls for giving up the concern for a few for the sake of many, deontological theory doesn’t buy that argument. It is driven by the concern of “duty”, “procedure” or “process” and believes in making a better arrangement for securing the concerns of every individual. Rawls’s theory of justice is a prominent example of deontological theory.

References Acharya, A. (2008). Equality. In Rajeev Bhargava & Ashok Acharya (Eds.), Political theory: An introduction (pp. 57–72). Delhi: Pearson. Alvez, J. D., & Timney, M. (2008). Human rights theory as a means for incorporating social equity into the public administration curriculum. Journal of Public Affairs Education, 14(1), 51–66. Appleby, P. H. (1947). Toward better public administration. Public Administration Review, 7(2), 93–99. Bentham, J. (1823). A fragment on government: Or a comment on the commentaries. London: E. Wilson, Royal Exchange and W. Pickering, Lincoln’s-Inn Fields.

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Campbell, A. K. (1976, September–October). Approaches to defining, measuring and achieving equity in the public sector. Public Administration Review, 36(5), 556–562. Chitwood, S. R. (1974, January–February). Social equity and social service productivity. Public Administration Review, 34(1), 29–35. Dworkin, R. (1981). What is equality? Part 2: Equality of resources. Philosophy and Public Affairs, 10(4), 283–345. Gooden, S., & Portillo, S. (2011, January). Advancing social equity in Minnowbrook tradition. Journal of Public Adminstration, 21(1), 161–176. Guru, G., & Sarukkai, S. (2012). The cracked mirror: An Indian debate on experience and theory. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Guy, M. E., & McCandless, S. A. (2012). Social equity: Its legacy, its promises. Public Administration Review, 72(S1), S5–S13. Hart, D. K. (1974, January–February). Social equity, justice, and the equitable administrator. Public Administration Review, 34(1), 3–11. Heller, A. (1990). Can modernity survive? Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Hobbes, T., 1588–1679. (1968). Leviathan. Baltimore, MD: Penguin Books. Keynes, J. M. (1936). The general theory of employment, interest and money. London: Palgrave. Locke, J. (1689). An essay concerning human understanding. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lucy, W. H., Gilbert, D.,  & Birkhead, G. S. (1977). Equity in local service distribution. Public Administration Review, 37(6), 687–697. Medina, J. (2012). The epistemology of resistance: Gender and racial oppression, epistemic injustice and the social imagination. Oxford: Oxford Scholarship Online. Nalbandian, J. (1989). Nalbandian on the court and social equity. Public Administration Review, 49(3), 293–294. National Academy of Public Administration. (2000). Standing panel on social equity in governance: Issue paper and work plan. Retrieved April  3, 2018, from www.napawash.org/ aa_social_equity/papers_4)ublications_01.pdf Nussbaum, M. (2006). Frontiers of justice: Disability, nationality, species membership. Harvard: Harvard University Press. Oxfam Inequality Report. (2019). Public good or private wealth? Oxfam inequality report, the India story. Retrieved from www.oxfamindia.org › default › files › Davos-India_Supplement. Rawls, J. (1971). A theory of justice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Rivera, M. A., & Ward, J. D. (2008). Social equity, diversity, and identity: Challenges for public affairs education and the public service. Journal of Public Affairs Education, 14(1), 2–8. Rousseau, J.-J. (2004). The social contract. Harlow: Penguin Books. William, B. A. O. (1997). The idea of equality. In P. Laslett & W. G. Runciman (Eds.), Philosophy, politics and society. Series II. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Wise, L. (1990). Social equity in civil service systems. Public Administration Review, 50, 567–575.

3 UNDERSTANDING EQUITY AND EQUALITY Some conceptual and pragmatic considerations Narender Kumar

Introduction “Justice delayed is justice denied” is an axiom highlighting the relevance of justice. However, in a society with inequalities of various kinds, without realising equality, justice remains denied. Therefore, the process that leads to equality becomes a crucial component for establishing justice in that society. This brings vitality of the concept of equity that may yield equality (as an outcome). This chapter tries to understand the difference between equality and equity by shedding light on the general misconception about equality. Equity echoes the preconditions, which enforce equality that may check the denial of justice. Equality has been a desired goal of many human struggles and revolutions, especially reflected as one of the objectives of the French Revolution with few others. Equality being the desired goal or objective or an end but without applying the adequate means, could the end be achieved? It is in this context that the term “equity” becomes important and relevant. The popular figure drawn (Figure  3.1) to understand the difference between equality and equity tells a lot about the relevance of equity vis-à-vis equality and how we have been trained to look at the issue where equality has been considered to be a marker to ensure justice. It tells that if one treats people equally, then justice is done; but that is done only in principle or formally and not realistically and substantially. However, the graphic tells that equality is not realised but denied, despite equal support given to all the spectators irrespective of their height, there being impediments for the smallest person, which denies justice to him/her due to their height and standing, and here comes the relevance of equity. As all the persons do have different standings and capabilities to attain justice, so we need to provide them with what is known as a level playing field. Without providing that level playing DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-4

Understanding equity and equality  29

FIGURE 3.1 

Understanding equality and equity

Source: Google Images. Retrieved from: http://www.tamraexcell.com/journal/personalization-only-forthe-privileged/

field to the shortest person, as per Figure 3.1, justice may not be realised by him/ her or by someone at the margins of the society.

Understanding equality Equality has been described differently by different social scientists. According to Laski, “equality means that no man shall be so placed in society that he can overreach his neighbour to the extent which constitutes a denial of latter’s citizenship” (2003, p. 153). Laski is primarily concerned with the status of a person in the society on the one hand and his/her rights as a citizen on the other, and this implies that one person may not be allowed to be so advantaged that the social standing becomes an impediment in realising the citizenship itself. On the other hand, according to Barker, “equality means equal rights for all the people and the abolition of all special rights and privileges” (1951). This definition seems to be more straightforward, as it makes all the citizens equal; and even if there are special rights and privileges, then those have to be first abolished, and only then could the equality be realised in its true sense. In his classical piece Discourse on Inequality (1754), Rousseau pointed out two kinds of inequalities among the human species: natural/physical inequality, viz. age, health, bodily strength and the qualities of the mind; and moral or political inequality, depending on a kind of convention that is established through a process,

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or through consent of men. Rousseau strongly believed that the natural inequality being natural in its locale cannot be altered, whereas the latter could be. Therefore, he remained confined to finding out the cause of genesis of the political/moral inequality, for which he attributes the invention of private property leading to the emergence of political/moral inequality. For him, asking for the source of natural inequality was useless, it being unalterable. One may argue that Rousseau’s assertion, “it is useless to examine the source of natural inequality”, is nothing but philosophical justification of inequality terming it as natural. In contemporary times, Rousseau’s idea has been challenged with the conception of difference, where life expectancy and happiness index play a significant role in reducing the so-called natural inequalities. Karl Marx extended the argument of addressing inequalities, but the base remained in private property for him as well. The contributions of Rousseau and Marx on inequality makes it clear that the concerns for inequality are quite long-standing. The renowned contemporary economist Thomas Piketty, in his celebrated contribution, criticises not only social sciences but also economics in particular for a “childish passion for mathematics and for purely theoretical and ideological speculation” (2014, p.  32) regarding inequality. This passion, along with the “foolish disciplinary squabbles”, has reduced the “inequality question” into merely a “technical question”. Piketty suggests that the “inequality question” has concerns which are beyond being merely technical and need to be studied across the disciplines of social sciences and with an interdisciplinary approach. Inequality of one kind might lead or contribute to inequality of the other kind. If the social institutions based on primordial identities such as race, religion, ethnicity, caste and gender shape economic inequality, then these contribute to discrimination, oppression and exclusion. The role of the social institutions such as caste, gender, race and ethnicity in the inequality could better be ascertained through “graded inequality” in the Indian context, where the location of individual in the caste hierarchy largely decides the availability of rights and goals to be achieved. This is also the case with gender, where women have been subjected to do unpaid domestic work since time immemorial; the tribes due to their segregation; minorities, especially Muslims due to their religion, and so on. We can say that equality stands for equal rights, equitable distribution of resources, equal opportunities for development and relative equality with due recognition of merit, abilities and capacities of various persons. Not only this, but equality implies abolition of special privileges available to some classes or some persons in the society. It also stands for the abolition of all humanmade inequalities and discriminations. Nevertheless, when we look at the right to equality given in different contexts, equality seems to have been introduced and thought to be working despite there being a prevalence of special privileges. And if special privileges are in place, can there be equality? One simple example could be seen in the fundamental rights in the original Constitution of India, where right to property and right to equality existed simultaneously, though later, right to property was made a legal right instead of a fundamental one. Similarly, former royalties which were given special pensions and other benefits were also abolished in due course of time.

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Understanding equity Equity has been understood as just, even-handed and impartial, the term indicating a process/means that are fair, as it recognises differences and attempts to counteract unequal individual opportunities, ensuring people what they need as basic requirements. Equity derives from a concept of social justice. It represents a belief that there are some things which people should have, that there are basic needs that should be fulfilled, that burdens and rewards should not be spread too divergently across the community, and that policy should be directed with impartiality, fairness and justice towards these ends. (Falk, Hampton, Hodgkinson, Parker, & Rorris, 1993, p. 2) Aristotle in The Politics (1984) makes a significant observation that standards of justice or fairness are different in different regimes, viz. in oligarchical regimes, rule by the rich is thought to be fair; in democratic regimes, considering people alike is seen as fair. The lesson from Aristotle’s observation to be learnt is that there is no universally recognised standard of fair treatment, in terms of either procedures or distribution. Different ways of dealing with people can plausibly be represented as fair, as long as they treat people who are similar in important respects. In contemporary times, John Rawls’s theory of “Justice as Fairness” has signified the importance of fair treatment. Rawls argues that specific principles of justice can be justified by showing that they would be chosen by representative individuals placed in a carefully constructed, artificial choice situation and employs a concept of “veil of ignorance” where identities of individuals like economic or social position, religion, sex, age, etc., will have no bearing on the decision (1971, p. 12). A principle of need, on the other hand, proposes that we strive for an equal outcome in which all society or group members get what they need. Thus, poor people would get more money, and richer people would get less, less developed and underdeveloped more than the developed. What constitutes fairness depends on the specific nature of the decision-making process. For instance, a fair trial in court, a fair contest among candidates, a fair grade in exam, a fair price in market, a fair agreement among parties, etc., are variety of contexts entailing a corresponding range of criteria of fairness. Equity could also be understood in terms of concerns for sustainable development where intergenerationality becomes a crucial factor. Here the argument is, “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (Brundtland, 1987, p. 37). Equity can also be applied across communities and nations, and across generations. Defining poverty in terms of sustainable development, the Brundtland Report says: Poverty is not only an evil in itself, but sustainable development requires meeting the basic needs of all and extending to all the opportunity to fulfill their aspirations for a better life . . . Meeting essential needs requires not only a new era of

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economic growth for nations in which the majority are poor, but an assurance that those poor get their fair share of the resources required to sustain that growth. (1987, p. 15) It means the presence of a minimum level of income and assets for all whereby everyone is having equal access to resources and opportunities could actually realise equality in genuine sense through the process of equity. Moreover, equity refrains providing extra resources to those who already have but advocates, making them available for those who do not have in the present.

Equity and ecological problems It has generally been argued that poverty contributes to environmental degradation because those suffering from poverty are primarily concerned with two square meals. Contrarily, a very high level of affluence is also accompanied by a high level of consumption leading to resource depletion and waste accumulation. Many environmental problems such as global warming and chemical contamination are the result of affluence rather than poverty, as has been argued by many and can be observed on the ground. If we apply the conception of equity, then the people who are responsible for degrading the environment should be made more responsible for preserving the ecology, and the poor who need fulfilment of their very basic and fundamental requirements could be punished only as much as they create troubles beyond their requirements.

Equity and decision-making process Differences in power lead to differences in people’s ability to influence decisions affecting their environment. Many of the tools of analysis being promoted for environmental decision-making do not pay adequate attention to distributional issues. It does not take into consideration how the costs and benefits are distributed, who bears the costs and who gets the benefit. The existing decision-making structures have been told not representing all sections of society. One of the authors, Robert Bullard (1994), maintains that in the USA, environmental racism excludes people of colour from decision-making structures, like boards, city councils and industrial commissions. Analogously, in Australia, several groups such as Aborigines, migrants, young people and women have also been protesting that they are not sufficiently represented in the decisionmaking process. The arguments for intra-generational equity are particularly relevant between nations of differing prosperity. The logic of sustainable development would seem to require that each nation/region meet its own needs without reducing the ability of other nations to meet theirs. This may explain the extent to which some nations or regions might be affecting the environment of others and their inability to meet their needs.

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Generally, the division of the world has been done into north and south. Most of the developed and affluent countries are in the northern part of the globe, including Japan, the USA, Canada and the countries that make up Europe; and most low-income countries are south of them, including those in Asia, Africa and South America. While Australia is geographically located in the southern hemisphere, it is considered to be a part of the ‘north’, which makes the division confusing; and now some of the countries having locations in the south are becoming part of the north. It shows that the location of the countries vis-à-vis concerns for equality are to be understood in terms of their standing, and the inequality can be addressed through the conception of equity and not of equality as that has already led to a major difference in their standing.

Equity for effective transformation The United Nations has also been concerned with the question of equity. One of its commissions1 has been especially concerned about the issue, and it has incorporated the notion of equity in relation to lowest- and highest-income populations, meaning thereby between the income of the 40% of the lowest-income population and the 10% of the highest-income population that may vary from one country to another. Among other meanings, equity is a relationship between the growth observed in a given country and the income distribution that occurs in it. The inference that one gets from this is that the social differences of a given reality vary according to the differences that exist in each society. The Commission has identified that out of three objectives, if at least one objective is fulfilled, that could be considered to be making improvement in a country’s equity: 1

To minimise the proportion of people and homes whose living conditions are below what the society considers acceptable. 2 To promote the development of the potential talents existing in all groups of society, progressively eliminating the juridically established privileges and discriminations, as well as inequality of opportunities of any kind, including those related to social, ethnic or geographical origin, or even to sex. 3 To aim that neither power, nor wealth, not even the fruit of progress, concentrate in such a way that the liberty scope for the future and present generations is restricted (CEPAL, 1996, p. 2).

Equity in the philosophy of Ambedkar Ambedkar has been one of the architects of equity in many senses. He was concerned with the processes adopted to bring changes in the existing system that was marred not only by inequality but also by graded inequality. The idea of equality treats everyone at the same standing, but Ambedkar, through the idea of reservation, introduces a process that is to be seen as equity that asks the beneficiaries to be

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treated differently. He talked not only of reservations for the marginalised sections but also for distribution of resources through nationalisation of land and industry. He was the one who opposed private property, because he feared that private property could become a major hindrance in achieving equality. That’s why, soon after independence, in his speech while speaking on the Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Bill 1954 on 19 March 1955 in Rajya Sabha: The Article 31, with which we are dealing with, in this amending Bill, is an Article for which the Drafting Committee and I can take no responsibility whatsoever. We do not take any responsibility for that. That is not our draft. The result was that the Congress Party, at time when Article 31 was framed so divided within itself that we did not know what to do? What to put and what not to put? There was a section in Congress Party; one section was made by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, who stood for full compensation in the sense, enacted as our land acquisition, namely, market price plus 15 percent solarium. That was his point of view; our Prime Minister was against compensation. Our friend, Mr. Pant who had conceived his Zamindari Abolition Bill before the Constitution . . . wanted a very safe delivery of baby. So, he had his own proposition. There was this struggle and left the matter to them to decide in any way they like and nearly embodied what their decision was in Article 31. The Article 31 in my judgement is very ugly thing, something which I do not like to look at. (Ambedkar, 1997, p. 948) We can understand the anguish of Dr. Ambedkar, given the fact that he had proposed the nationalisation of land in his Memorandums “State and Minorities” submitted to Fundamental Rights Committee in 1946; later speaking on the Resolution and, finally, in the Manifesto of the Republican Party of India in 1956. Similarly, while understanding the concerns of minorities, he argued for having two levels of representation of minorities, one in the legislatures and the other in the executive which is much more relevant in present-day India, where their representation has gone down significantly. Elaborating about the principles for the minorities’ question, he underlined the following: 1

2

3

Majority Rule is untenable in theory and unjustifiable in practice. A majority community may be conceded a relative majority of representation, but it can never claim an absolute majority. The relative majority of representation given to a majority community in the legislature should not be so large as to enable the majority to establish its rule with the help of the smallest minorities. The distribution of seats should be so made that a combination of the majority and one of the major minorities should not give the combine such a majority as to make them impervious to the interest of the minorities.

Understanding equity and equality  35

4 The distribution should be so made that if all the minorities combine, they could, without depending on the majority, form a government of their own. 5 The weightage taken from the majority should be distributed among the minorities in inverse proportion to their social standing, economic position and educational condition so that a minority which is large, and which has a better social, educational and economic standing, gets a lesser amount of weightage than a minority whose numbers are less and whose educational, economic and social position is inferior to that of the others (Ambedkar, 1979, pp. 373–374). Thus, Ambedkar suggested larger safeguards against communal majority and innovatively introduced the concept of relative majority. This was to overcome the dominance of communal majority vis-à-vis minority that would make the absolute majority a relative majority. In this scheme of things, he suggested a method to give relatively high weightage to minorities in the legislature in terms of number of seats so that the majority community could be checked for any kind of undue impositions on the minorities in democracy. Ambedkar was concerned not only about the absolute majority of the majority community, but about a bigger minority within the minority communities that might become a majority among the minorities. To address this, he suggested that high priority be given to those minorities who are educationally and economically more backward. This would pave the way to moderate the majority power and ensure steady representation. The suggestions and principles that Ambedkar raised had more to do with equity than with equality, as he was not convinced that by merely mentioning fundamental rights, these will actually be realised by the persons and groups facing different kinds of inequalities, and these inequalities could be addressed only through a process and adoption of some pragmatic means giving support differently to those who are located differently in terms of resources of various kinds. The abolition of private property while discussing the Abolition of Zamindari System Bill also needs to be considered a measure of equity that will finally make people realise justice.

Equity, equality and attached terms2 To understand the concepts of equity and equality, it may be useful to find meanings attached to the terms attached with these concepts. In the following discussion, we shall try to explore these. As social scientists, we use two terms, “fairness” and “same”. Fairness is attached to equity, as it treats individuals/regions/nations with just and fairness principles which justify treating the unequal unequally; whereas equality refers to a state where everyone is considered to be at the same level and all get similar resources, whether they require those or not. Another difference is reflected with the terms “process” and “outcome”, where equity for obvious reasons is attached to the process, whereas equality refers to outcome; and therefore, without going through a process, the outcome of equality is not feasible.

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Equity represents impartiality, i.e., the distribution is made in a way to make opportunities available to all the people with considerations of existing standing and location. Conversely, equality indicates uniformity, where everything is evenly distributed among even the unevenly located people. Recognition of difference is the mainstay of equity, and efforts are made to counter the manner in which individual opportunities are not equally distributed. On the contrary, equality recognises similarity for all, and so it aims at treating everyone similarly that may go against the one standing below or in last. With equity, all the people can have access to what they need. With equality, in contrast, all the people get the same thing, i.e., rights, resources and opportunities. Thus, in equity, those already possessing similar assets are not provided in abundance or for the second time, but given to those who are in the need. Thus, the difference is marked by the presence of achievement gaps among the individuals, as the problem may lie not in terms of abilities of the individuals involved, but in the differential opportunities that they are affordable which may be rooted in the historical presence of oppression, discrimination and marginalisation due to colonisation in case of nations, slavery in case of Blacks, untouchability in case of scheduled castes, geographical segregation in case of scheduled tribes; disparities of natural resources in case of regions and so on. Another issue that the debate between equality and equity raises is that the former believes the fault lies with the victims of colonised, slaves, untouchables, etc., and this is known as deficit thinking. However, the latter provides an opportunity to address the question by looking at the position of the individuals or spaces. And that is where the chapter tries to locate the debate on the difference of equality and equity for the justice to be done.

Critiquing equity It was in the fourteenth century that a distinct body of law known as equity was developed for those dissatisfied with the law who could approach the Crown for justice. As the number of petitions to the Crown multiplied, they were referred to the Chancellor. In the absence of binding precedent with respect to petitions, each case was considered on its merits. In case the application of the common law had been harsh or unjust, the Chancellor used his “conscience” and provided relief in equity. Describing the discretion involved, Seldon3 noted: Equity is a roguish thing: for law we have a measure, know what to trust to; equity is according to the conscience of him that is chancellor, and as that is larger or narrower, so is equity. ’Tis all one as if they should make the standard for measure, we call a foot a chancellor’s foot; what an uncertain measure would this be! One chancellor has a long foot, another a short foot, a third an indifferent foot. ’Tis the same in the chancellor’s conscience. (1984, pp. 223–224) Thus, the discussion signifies that conscience becomes important in the case of equity, and equality may not be established in its absence. Nevertheless, there

Understanding equity and equality  37

has been further evolution of the conception of equity where conscience has not remained a dominant factor; rather, few other terms have become attached to it, bringing greater clarity. The question has not just remained that of dependence on the goodness of human beings. Therefore, over the centuries, there has been evolution of constitutional and legal ethos that moves above and beyond the considerations of conscience, and that is how one needs to understand the difference of equity and equality. Equality presumes all to be equally equipped to use given assets or resources, whereas equity assumes all necessarily not being on the same footing and thus, needing unequal treatment according to the standing of individuals or groups.

Notes 1 The United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, known as ECLAC, UNECLAC or, in Spanish and Portuguese, CEPAL, is a United Nations Regional Commission to encourage economic cooperation. 2 Retrieved May 12, 2019, from https://keydifferences.com/difference-between-equityand-equality.html 3 17th century J. Selden, Table Talk, quoted in Evans, M. B., & Jack, R. (Eds.). (1984). Sources of English legal and constitutional history (pp. 223–224). Butterworths, Sydney, 1984.

References Ambedkar, B. R. (1979). The writings and speeches of Babasaheb Dr. Bhimarao Ambedkar (Vol. I). Bombay: Government of Maharashtra. Ambedkar, B. R. (1997). The writings and speeches of Babasaheb Dr. Bhimarao Ambedkar (Vol. XV). Mumbai: Government of Maharashtra. Aristotle. (1984). The politics. Translated and with an introduction by Carnes Lord. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Barker, E. (1951). Principles of social and political theory. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Boullard, D. R. (1994). Dumping in Dixie: Race, class and environmental quality. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Brundtland, G. (1987). Report of the world commission on environment and development: Our common future. United Nations General Assembly document A/42/427. Retrieved April 2, 2019, from https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/content/documents/5987our-common-future.pdf CEPAL. (1996). Retrieved April  1, 2019, from www.cepal.org/es/publicaciones/2352equidad-transformacion-productiva-un-enfoque-integrado Evans, M. B.,  & Jack, R. (1984). Sources of English legal and constitutional history. Sydney: Butterworths. Falk, J., Hampton, G. R., Hodgkinson, A. T., Parker, K., & Rorris, A. (1993). Social equity and the urban environment: Report to the Commonwealth environment protection Agency. Canberra: Commonwealth Environment Protection Authority, Commonwealth Government Printer. Laski, H. (2003). Authority in the modern state. Clark, NJ: The Law Book Exchange Ltd. Piketty, T. (2014). Capital in the twenty-first century. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Rawls, J. (1971). A theory of justice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

4 EQUITY – A CRUCIAL DEBATE IN CONTEMPORARY INDIA K. Jose SVD

Introduction Discrimination of persons and communities  – Indian statesmanship (failure of understanding). Immense diversity  – racial, cultural, linguistic, political  – wider and deeper understanding. Lack of inclusive development and separatist tendencies and extortion – perennial concerns of administration and common people. Racial, cultural and religious differences leading to intolerance and conflicts, violence, killings. Fraudulence of various intensities in several places – lack of social responsibility and learning from the past. The blame game of political parties and others – due to abject and inadequate futuristic vision. Not recognising the need for a constructive role of youth in public life – more concerted engagements and balanced conclusions. Not promoting the enlightened minds/ideas, seeing it more valuable than money  – question of combinations. Pace of change and development – not adequately considering the geographical moorings. And inadequate coordination between people’s participation, NGOs and governments; and scores of anomalies plague our nation in no uncertain terms. Now, how can we even seriously consider the concern of equity with a certain sense of optimism and honesty? In this backdrop, the present chapter attempts to present a picture of equity in the country where a separate emphasis has been placed on the north-eastern perspectives.

A clarion call to equity India’s huge population could certainly be an important asset, because this young country, with an average age of 28 as of this writing, and 65 per cent of its population under 35. We could have a great demographic advantage as 600  million young people are under 25, which means we should have a dynamic, youthful and DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-5

Equity – a crucial debate  39

productive workforce for 40 years. The question that automatically arises is how best we can put this huge population into productive use. These are times when we are invited to build up shared leadership at various segments of our society. One would obviously join with scholars and academic fraternity saying “India: the future is now . . .” (Tharoor, 2013, p. xi). On the other hand, with a total population of 1.27 billion persons, which is 18 per cent of the world’s population; with one-third of the world’s poor; with 27.1 per cent below the poverty line; with a per-capita income of US$3,700, which is 1/12 that of the developed countries; ranking 136th in the human development index, India repeatedly encounters, besides economic and political instability, ethnic and communal outbursts which have proved fatal to its development. On the other hand, India also has 60 million child labourers, and 72 per cent of the children in our government schools drop out by the eighth standard. India has trained the world’s second largest pool of scientists and engineers, yet 400 million are illiterate, and India also has more children who are not in school than any other country in the world. We celebrate India’s IT triumphs, but information technology has employed a grand total of 5 million people in the last 25 years, while 10 million are entering the workforce each year and we don’t have jobs for all of them. Educating and training them to take advantage of these opportunities we can turn them away from anti-social forces like Maoist insurgencies violently disturbing the peace in 165 of India’s 602 districts, and these are largely made up of unemployed young men. (Tharoor, 2012, p. 410) That is the context in which we are called to fight against illiteracy for a long time to come. Certainly, we need to create more jobs for the age group who can be gainfully employed. This will also certainly pave the way for amelioration of insurgency from various parts of the country. It is absolutely clear that there can be no prosperity without peace, and good governance is a prerequisite for every step taken forward. It is said in many Indian languages – if it is too much, even the Amrit (nectar) becomes a poison. Today there are a lot of discussions on the oneness of our culture, which only helps to further distance those who have not been part of it. It would be meaningful if emphasis is laid on development programmes related to health, literacy, job-oriented training and so forth. In any sense, we cannot go on harping on monoculture while India decisively promotes multicultural engagements within the nation with a worldwide recognition of a need for celebration of cultures. In contemporary Indian Republic which has turned 74, for example, the extreme right-wing ideology has led to dissensions and discord in various parts of the entire country. Scholars of various disciplines were disillusioned by the attitudes of elected leaders, whose hate speeches have often contributed in spreading disharmony in the society. There appears to be little concern for the multiple diversity

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that exists in our country as there is a mad race for transforming the country into a uni-cultural religious entity. However, there is a need for more inclusive and enlightened Indian mind set where less privileged may feel more secure . . . for India is a country greater than the sum of its parts. Therefore, instead of trying to bulldoze the “other”, it would be worth preparing the ground for a new national consciousness based on multi-culturalism and egalitarian values which our nation cherished for centuries.

A governance deficit A large country like India is certainly not an entity which can be easily administered. It would require an enormous amount of administrative and organisational skills that are required for mobilising resources, allocating responsibilities, setting priorities and regularly monitoring inclusive development. The problems, however, are in no way insurmountable and can be overcome, if the basic issue of providing good governance and an effective and responsible administration is urgently and adequately addressed. General breakdown of law and order, insurgency and rebellion in several parts, misuse of public funds on a vast scale, slow if not negative economic growth, private armies ruling the roost, criminals in legislatures and even as ministers, and above all the poor getting a raw deal are all immediate concerns to be addressed sooner than later (Rao, 2002, pp. 13–14). As it is said, winning people over to an idea and making it popular is only half the battle. Over the last few decades, Indians embraced the ideas of education, entrepreneurship, globalisation and urbanisation because they saw them as keys to a better life. However, there is a huge crisis of governance, especially where the responsibility is divided politically on federal count making the issues actually orphaned. For example, education, where the onus is federally shared by the central, and the state governments, has been a regular victim of budget cuts. In this context, one should earnestly believe that the only way to push changes through and safeguard our economic and social future is to create a safety net of ideas. It is imperative to ensure that our ideas transcend political agendas and are endorsed and demanded by a large number of people. If we can do this, we will insure our future against instability, slow growth and inequality (Nilekani, 2009). In the recent past, the academic community has kept a close watch over the policies and strategies in our democracy. They have come to close grip with the prevailing situation that the policies in our democracy which were not often in reasonable consensus across the political spectrum. The longitudinal, desired impact on some of the decisions based on the ground realities should be tested with equanimity and concern for the person on the lowest ebb of the society. Therefore, checking the excessive politicisation of the decision-making process, the speedy delivery of justice, the ever-increasing need for lowering the bar on corruption, upholding of legal and administrative reforms to give a boost in the arena of reducing poverty, illiteracy and disease are crucial in upholding “equity” in the context

Equity – a crucial debate  41

of our forward movement as individuals, as societies and as a nation (Jalan, 2019, pp. 16–29).

Local resources and indigenous communities Another major challenge everyone should take note of is regarding the concern with local resources and indigenous communities. Communities have a direct linkage with the natural resources, so much so that they are part of their social matrix. Of course, climate change has a direct bearing on the diminishing natural resources. Yet, this is not an issue for the environmentalists alone. There are innumerable cases of resources owned by the people being taken away without their consent, and often without adequate remuneration. If the tribal communities feel that the natural resources in their areas are taken away from them without adequate compensation or without any advantage to them, resentment is bound to build up. Take, for example, the sudden rise of Maoism in certain states of Eastern and Central India. The announcement of dams and other mighty projects in North-East India with little consideration to the needs or difficulties of local communities sends a shiver through their spines. Governments have also played into the scheme of distortion of truth by promising to amend the Land Acquisition Act by changing, quite cunningly, the definition of the clause “Public Purpose” to include any private entity this reflects the general tendency; anything has value in so far as it guarantees financial gain – this includes even people and communities.

Party interests, interests of the people Political parties will show a similar sense of responsibility when they make sure not to allow their parties’ interests to play cheap politics in this context is playing with national interests. Indigenous people feel disturbed when they get the impression that major decisions are taken in their regard merely to suit the fortunes of the ruling group or the need of the party, and not on the merit of the issue. It is imperative to remove the deep-rooted corruption (with special reference to administrative and procedural corruption) as early as possible. It is idealistic to think of a corruption-free India, but envision a country in which, at least to begin with, the corrupt are convicted and punished within a reasonable time frame. Corruption certainly is an indication of overall decline in values and bad governance. Today the old need the young to break new ground and take their society forward. But the young too need the old to caution, guide and lead events with maturity and wisdom in the long-term interest of the community and of the wider society. Tribal culture readily gave such a role to seniors in their society. In some cases, it would seem, adults had renounced their responsibilities. When the enthusiasm of youth learns to be guided by the wisdom of experienced persons who represent the community’s sense of responsibility for the common good, some difference is bound to come. However, party interests should resonate well with

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the interests of the people if long-term equations of welfare can be maintained and nurtured.

Pathways against inequalities There is a requirement of adequate technocrats and experts on world-class policies to unleash India’s growth potential, not narrow-minded politicians who will only glorify the nebulous past and divert people’s attentions from the immediate, pressing concerns of poverty, literacy, unemployment and other issues. We need a more robust mechanism to ensure equitable distribution of resources that are already available. Today, we need committed and enlightened individuals who can respond to contemporary needs; for this, we need the humility to reinterpret our civilisational assets. The danger that values decline and fall in a market-driven society is a known fact, but we often forget that reflection on values has become absolutely necessary – lest we perish. Inequalities have touched new heights as opportunities for quick money have grown for a tiny minority, even as inflation, joblessness and development-induced displacement steal the life chances of the majority of people. Overexploitation of working people around the country who continue to work for very low wages (Srivastava & Kothari, 2012, p. 415).

Adhering pluri-cultural identities This debate is also necessitated by an increasingly globalised socio-cultural, economic and political scenario that has been impacting young people in their homes, in their religious beliefs and in the realm of awareness of their cultural roots/community identities – often displacing them in the hazy shores of uncertainty. Here, one is reminded to be socially responsible, take ecology and technology into consideration, embrace life-giving dimensions of culture and move on being aware of even the aggressive and contentious issues, negotiating between real and imagined enemies. We, as a nation, accommodate various peoples and culture, each with its own beauty and agility. People of each category need room to live, grow and flourish. Though all of us live in the larger geographical arena of India, we have also specificities to accept, accommodate and cherish. We cannot forget that under the overarching “Indian-ness” resulting from cultural convergence, there always have been varying degrees of linguistic, ethnic, geographical, religious and cultural variations over historical periods of time. In order to live side by side with people of various religious and cultural affiliations, we have to progressively learn soft skills to negotiate between various situations. Often, we can expect every encounter with a new cultural setting to expose us to frightening uncertainties, unprepared negotiations, unwanted conflicts, belittling destabilisation, with special reference to land and resources. And of course, we cannot exclude a positive possibility of hybridity, new vistas and cross-fertilisation – therefore, a new begging too.

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Not mere memory of glorious past, but creative ideas for future When India gained independence in 1947, the world looked to India – not because we were exceptionally rich economically, but because we had a unique message for the world; it expected India to do greater things in the near future. Certainly, Gandhiji was a great harbinger of creative ideas. Likewise, Tagore emerged as a new genius to the world whose message was of bringing humanity together and overcoming differences. His message of coexistence of multiple cultures was essential to national identity. If they were with us today, certainly, they would have been dismayed by the poverty of millions, illiteracy, lack of adequate shelter and healthcare, clean water and so forth. In today’s India, neither the political nor the educational leadership has succeeded in evolving an Indian identity combining the richness of its millennial traditions with a maturing political and economic progress (Desai, 2013, p. 301). India cannot foster those creative energies without an active engagement with its sons and daughters who are willing to undertake a rigorous understanding of their extraordinary cultural and intellectual wealth; often we call this the wisdom of the ancestors. For this to become a reality, certainly we need to uphold pluricultural identities, which will hold sway only for any futuristic and desirable society. On the other hand, today’s Hindutva view of India has a considerable potential for mischief. It breathes the spirit of intolerance, alienates the minorities and even large sections of the majority, and works against national unity (Parekh, 2011, p. 152). Therefore, we need to move on, not merely forgetting the past but rooted in the life-enhancing thoughts and ideas of the past and envisioning a new and more creative future for us and for posterity. Otherwise, we may end up merely mourning our failures, and in that process, we may miss out on major possibilities of the future. No doubt, the secular and pluralistic fabric of the nation needs to be strengthened, not by merely living in the glorious past, but by engaging with creative ideas of positive change and inclusive progress for all. Yes, we need to move forward cherishing the air, water, forest and other elements in the nature as hospitality of our Mother Earth.

National scenario Our motherland India is considered to be one of the fastest-growing economies. There are real hopes across the spectrum that one day we will finally overcome the defeatist legacies of centuries of feudalism and foreign rule and become a developed country that can hold its head high in the family of world nations, if not also turn into a formidable superpower. However, there is another side to this debate, wherein focus is turned towards people and communities who are being left behind or being abandoned in India’s pursuit of prosperity through globalised development. For example, a recent book provocatively titled Why India Is Not a Great Power (Yet), by Karnard (2015), asserts that India does not fulfil the requirements of global power status, at least at present. The author maintains that to be a great

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power, a country needs a “driving vision”, a sense of “national destiny”, defining of “national interests”, and “willingness to use coercion and force in support of national interests” along with “imaginative” use of both hard and soft power (Cfr. Pande, 2017, p. x). Again, we have Vidiadhar Surajprasad (V.S.) Naipaul, who argues that India’s problems are not external or caused because of periodic invasions or conquest. He says India is a “wounded old civilization” that, while “aware of its inadequacies”, is without the intellectual means to move ahead. There are others who say, “India is not, as people keep calling it, an underdeveloped country, but rather, in the context of its history and cultural heritage, a highly developed one in an advanced state of decay” (Cfr. Tharoor, 2013). Yet, the academic and social researchers are more than aware that the marginalised multitudes of this country  – individuals and communities of great potentials – are suffering on account of the corruption and irresponsibility of successive governments, powerful corporations and others. The present and the future of India are threatened, creating more dangers than opportunities. This is why we argue that equity as a concept of contemporary relevance is certainly a crucial debate in our country today. What we find so heartening in India is that overall, there is an optimism in people of all walks of life that modern India is in control of its own destiny, because the people of India hold this energy to unlock the national enthusiasm into its full fruition. Achieving that vision may require greater determination than that of the present-day intensity. But our quest for equity is certainly worth striving for, for we shall pursue even higher goals, and our potentials are never inadequate. In recent years, say in the life span of about ten years of national governments, we have seen a positive energy for enhancing governance, while in many other circumstances, we have witnessed irresponsible decisions or misgovernance too. As the 70 per cent living in rural areas and working in the agricultural sector, dream of a greater India, should essentially include the reform in the system than mere political alteration. India should commit itself to a peaceful, pluralist, egalitarian, moral and internationalist vision; if not, it will betray its past and its future. In sum, we need to build up resources to revamp the research output of the country. In other words, the role of the intelligentsia is recognised today more than ever. We need much more farmer-friendly regimes while considering rejuvenating the agricultural sector. This is also necessary in the light of showing concern for the rural poor who deserve a much more sympathetic attitude from the government. Today, while communal fascism, hate mongering and unmaking of India is widely rampant, there is a need to build up an inclusive society.

Peace, progress and prosperity The constant endeavour of individuals, societies and nations is to attain peace, progress and prosperity. Any attempt to change only the system of society without changing mental attitudes will not succeed; for example, the concept of Swatch

Equity – a crucial debate  45

Bharat Abhiyan without first building up a Swatch Mann (mind). Will it be easy? So, the need is to envision an enlightened individual/society. For this we may hold fast to three important pathways: 1 2 3

Education with value system Religion transforming into spirituality Economic development for societal transformation

As righteousness in the heart of every individual will sow undoubtedly the vital seeds of peace in the world, education has to be so designed that the young minds catch the values in their early stages of growth. Likewise, moral science class should be so structured that will elevate the young minds to love the country, love other human beings – even those belonging to religions other than theirs – and this will elevate them to higher planes of living. Thirdly, there is a need to promote five capabilities: disciplinary mind, synthesising mind, creative mind, respectful mind and ethical mind (Kalam, 2014, pp. 174–179). Yoga, Acche din, Make in India, digital India, bullet trains, cow vigilante forces, anti-conversion bogie, demonetisation, black money mania, Hindutva bandwagon, Gita as a national book, Sanskrit as sacred language, Swatch Bharat Abhiyan, Congress Mukht Bharat, rewriting of the Constitutions, etc., would be far too inadequate to build a robust India’s democracy, with its religious, ethnic and cultural pluralism and a never-ending priority to pull out its people out of the depth of poverty and ensure well-being (Cfr. Tharoor, 2012, p. 408). In recent years, there has been a constant and steady move from humanity to narrow nationalism, from nationalism to Hindu majoritarianism, then to Hindu exclusivism. This is a sheer irresponsible lowering of the great Indian cultural heritage into eagerness to impose uniformity on the entire nation. Imagine, for example, if the US Democratic Party’s Hillary Clinton gives an open call for a Republican Party-free America! Don’t you think it would in all likelihood would mark the end of not only her ambition to become the president of the USA but also her entire future political career? But in India, the world’s largest democracy, some of the seemingly veteran political stalwarts are calling for congress-mukt India! Over and over again! Are they only afraid of Congress? They will do well in learning valiant lessons from even the smaller political segments that also have positive energy to give fillip to our forward movement as a nation. They instead must go for peace, progress and prosperity, enhancing engagements more and more. One could blame everybody else for all anomalies, but it won’t help. Overpopulation, corruption at various segments of society, illiteracy, political bickering, poverty, fostering divisive forces of justice and amity between communities are all demons against which we need to continue our strenuous fight – but we cannot succeed without real imagination, determination and valour. A confident, openminded, risk-taking nation is the need of the hour. Everyone should contribute their share in enhancing equity in this arena as well.

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Development debate A renowned economist, Mahbub ul Haq, had challenged the conventional understanding that higher economic growth rate eventually translates into the economic upliftment of the poor. He proved that relationship between economic growth and human development is not obvious. We hear on a day-to-day basis that the globalising India is in a state of rapidly deteriorating ecological and social health. Inequalities have touched new heights as opportunities for quick money for a tiny minority, even as inflation, joblessness and development-induced displacement steal the life chances of the majority of people. To counter these anomalies, small and piecemeal efforts undertaken by individuals and civil society groups will be quite inadequate. It is here that the state policies supported by democratic dialogue will be necessary. In sum, development debate will necessarily point fingers at elimination of poverty and hunger. To achieve this, we shall take up fight against the huge demon – corruption at all places.

Poverty, hunger and corruption After 70 years of independence the word poverty should not have any relevance in a country like India. It would be understood only with reference to the past. The only place you are able to see poverty must be in the museum. Poverty does not belong to civilised human society. Eliminating poverty should be a matter of will, because it is created by institutions we have built and policies we pursue, it can also be undone (Yunus, 2011, pp. 44–64). The tragedy in our times is that corrupt practices have risen beyond any imaginable limits. We know when we discuss this deep malady, we do not merely mean to say that it is just about the wrong use of finances, but this has a lot to do with the wrong use of power. We have any number of instances where we hear about taking bribes in government offices, also about various forms of manipulation and pushing a particular party’s interests through underhanded and unfair ways, even physical elimination of opponents. Thus, poverty and hunger linger on in the face of corruption of all sorts. When citizens are not alert, the mechanisms of accountability are placed in deep slumber, and certainly the structures of enforcement lie idle.

Intolerance, fanaticism and violence When we observe the past several years of the functioning of the governments, we are sadly aware of the proliferation of intolerance, fanaticism and violence that continue to grow in many parts of the country. Violence takes many forms: ideological conflicts, terrorism, pathological forms of nationalism, racial violence, ethnic cleansing, domestic violence, workplace abuse . . . Today we are confronted with majoritarian discourse to the “New Constitution”. What is most worrying

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is the fact that our Constitution is under threat. Hindutva ideologues want a New Constitution with one language, one culture, one religion and one Hindu rashtra ideology! But can we easily forget that every one of us has many identities, and Hinduism is surely no monolith either. Certainly our nation should rise up to respond to the central challenge of accommodating the aspirations of different groups in the national dream (Tharoor, 2018, p. 280). What are the pathways ahead? We suggest the following four as most fitting for the current forward movement of the country. 1 2 3 4

Cultivating intellectual competency Eliminating corruption and violence Recapturing the real issues Strengthening democratic institutions

Cultivating intellectual competency in India “You have become a disciple in order to benefit the world”, said Silabhadra, the Buddhist professor at Nalanda University, to Hiuen Tsang from China. Intellectuals must develop a sense of responsibility (Stiglitz, 2012). While knowledge and skills will decide the direction of the economy, values alone will ensure cohesion to a community and a future to a society. Here is where intellectuals with vision can help. They are more powerful than actual power-wielders (Mahbubani, 2013, p. 64). While one diligent observer of the national events in the past will not fail to notice the “cultivated intellectual poverty” of our leaders who are called to govern the people of our country, politicians of today who govern our country have shown over and over again that they have become intellectually poorer. No wonder that “mediocre minds” occupy the higher echelons of the Hindutva cohorts. Scholars in various quarters believe that “the fact remains that the present regime has given free rein to the most retrograde elements” in Indian history, who are busy rewriting textbooks to glorify Hindu leaders, and whose only concerns are ancient science, love jihad and Ghar Wapsi (Cfr. Tharoor, 2012, p. 268).

Eliminating corruption and violence Violence takes various forms: ideological conflicts, terrorism, pathological forms of nationalism, racial violence, ethnic cleansing, domestic violence, and so forth. Corruption has become so rampant in nearly every part of the world and at every level of society that it almost stuns us into a state of helplessness. Think about the Incredible India: Many people say, in India, corruption has become a way of life, an integral part of our culture (Atal & Choudhary, 2014; Menamparampil, 2011). In a culture that accepts speed-money and graft as normal, it is not easy to generate the needed political will to fight corruption, despite many official recommendations. Every day we hear of corruption charges against ministers, government

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officials, judges, medical professionals. This will not allow our country to rise above to become a prosperous, happy nation.

Recapture the real issues affecting the nation There are many challenges we as a nation face today. Some of them are real, while others are projected as problems yet just divert the attention of the people from the real ones. Poverty (the richest 1 per cent with 73 per cent of the wealth), ill health (46 per cent of children are malnourished), unemployment (31  million youth), democracy and secularism (under threat), communal violence and religious intolerance, underdevelopment, divisive politics and need for enlightened leaders may be cited as some of the most pressing issues for us today. Therefore, we need to identify the major challenges affecting our country today.

Strengthening democratic institutions For example, Uttar Pradesh has itself fallen to the lowest position for health care according to the Health Index of Niti Aayog, while responsible persons who are elected by the people go around giving health hints to voters in Kerala, Karnataka and Tripura and so on! Some states act as a drag on the entire country in economic growth, social harmony, education and health facilities, and women empowerment. Yet, they blame others in spite of their doing their best. There has been a constant and steady move from humanity to narrow nationalism, from nationalism to Hindu majoritarianism, then to Hindu exclusivism. Nayantara Sahgal (2017) in her “A Hindu Speaks” laments the sharp narrowing of cultural and social interests at the national level. Vast slices of our multi-religious, multi-cultural heritage  – which includes literature, architecture, language, food, music, dance, dress and manners are being dishonored and disowned, leaving us shrunk into a mono-culture which is not only not Hinduism, but the antithesis of all India has stood for, worked for, and safeguarded as the proud and cherished inheritance. As mentioned earlier, if the Democratic Party’s Hillary Clinton gave a call for a Republican Party-free America, I am sure it would mark the end of her political career. But in India, the world’s biggest democracy, the Prime Minister and other big leaders have often been calling for a Congress-mukt Bharat. This shows they are in desperate attempt to move away from the age-old way of doing things which were initiated by the former ruling segment. The Sangh Parivar and other likeminded groups were gathering all nuts and bolts to assemble the Hindu Rashtra constitution. The Hindutva view of India has a considerable potential for mischief. It breathes the spirit of intolerance, alienates the minorities and even the large sections of the majority, and works against national unity (Parekh, 2011, p. 152). Certainly, celebrating the pluricultural identities will hold sway for any futuristic and

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desirable society. Strong and valiant voices should amalgamate salient philanthropy side by side with the vibrant local governments, empowering the pluricultural identities on a real-time basis (Parekh, 2011).

A look into North-East India North-East India has been a fascinating universe for both scholars and laypeople alike. The ethnographic mapping of migration which was taking place for a considerable span of time is a prime cause of change which is at various intensities in any given geographic segment. It is not easy to understand the churning which is taking place in North-East India. However, the observation that we need not so much the language translators but the cultural translators to interpret one people to another is beyond any doubt (Menamparampil, 2011). We know cultures separate people more sharply than political boundaries. But we need to discover the uniting elements in each of the individual cultures, more importantly than what divide and separate us. Then we enrich each other even while holding on to our individual identities. In North-East India, while we analyse growth and movements of people during the past 25 years, we see that two contradictory forces have been simultaneously at work: broadly, we may name them as life-enhancing forces, and negative or destructive forces. The concerns related to financial and administrative viability in the context of heavy dependence on Central subsidies is a perennial case in point as and when we debate on the challenges faced by North-East India. On the other hand, the poor infrastructure, paucity of trained human resources and marketing problems too emerge as vital challenges. This also has resulted in perennial challenges to exploitation of existing natural resources of hydropower, oil and gas, coal and limestone and other sources of wealth. Anyone who analyses the scenario in North-East India would agree that violence in this part of the country keeps growing. As history moves ahead, hatred has only been mounting, and people go to the furthest limits of cruelty against children, women and others. How should communities emerging from their relative isolation to tangible transitions direct their course of action which will bring in adequate transformation in a given time and space? How can they handle challenges arising in a society while they move from subsistence-farming economy to money-economy, investment-economy and globalised economy in a relatively rapid pace? Another major point of debate is the huge wealth amassed by some individuals at the expense of many others – the capital accumulation that has given rise to an affluent indigenous elite that dominates economic and political life in some states is more evident than in other cases. However, the concern is that while some move out of the poverty line, others become exorbitantly rich. This has contributed to making individuals become unequal at the cost of community resources. This points to the possibility that abundant resources in situations of weak governance tend to generate conflict, lawlessness and “retarded development” (Karlsson, 2011, p. 41).

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Change in demographic pattern The people of North-East India have been worrying for decades about the fast-changing demographic pattern of the region. Whether the immigrants are foreigners, or Indians from other parts of India, when the indigenous people’s proportion falls significantly, there is bound to be a sense of alarm. We are aware of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) debate for the past several years. When we take a concerted look at North-East India, the state of Assam has major difficulties with reference to the population influx. Certainly, it was an ever-present concern that there was a need to protect and promote or reassert the cultural identity. Then, there was always a concern with economic opportunity and prosperity with employment generation for the already existing population (Verghese, 2004, p. 38).

High dependency syndrome A possibility of such an undesired situation developing could set the indigenous people to learn to go beyond acquiring agricultural and administrative abilities and develop those skills that are needed for free enterprise and creative economic ventures. Otherwise, they may develop a dependency syndrome which is already prevalent in the communities which are used to the system of spoon-feeding from the central pool of resources. Harnessing the natural wealth of the region is needed to take the people on the path of “progress and prosperity”. For example, in Meghalaya, coal, uranium and limestone are plentiful, while in Assam, oil and tea are the boon; and every state is thus called to identify locally viable ways of protecting and harnessing natural resources. But the point is whether or not the outflow of natural resources leads to “development” for the local populace. Even, the issues related to the type of development proposed for the region often crop up in public debates, but the end result is not so praiseworthy.

Deterioration of North-Eastern societies According to Dawson (2002), as individuals and communities grow “deracinated and despiritualized”, they become self-centred and forget the sources of their moral vitality: family, region, local clay and their spiritual roots. They fail to draw energy and motivation from the organic and life-giving dimension of culture and lose the ability to see the sublime in the ordinary and greatness in themselves. It is in such situations of helplessness that people, especially the youth, develop attitudes that are aggressive and contentious, and grow stubborn and unbending. In contemporary culture, young people are being built from the outside by the demands of the market which dictate to them what they must do and how they must live their lives. This implies that their lifestyles are often in search of transitory

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and superficial things. In order to face the challenges, we will have to aim at building youth from the inside, starting with their experiences and their reflections on these experiences. In this context, one cannot overemphasise the growing gender discrimination, depleting of herbal heritage, pessimism and addiction to various sorts of drugs, etc. These also need our special attention. A random analysis of the past ten years or so throws light on the communities in various parts of the North-Eastern region. Incidents of witch-hunting, lynching, corruption, violence – especially against children and women – are all pointers towards lack of goodwill, tolerance and respect. Perhaps the value systems propagated by Srimanta Sankaradeva in Assam and other great personalities who greatly contributed to the democratisation of society are sadly being forgotten. These are times when we count on contemporary leaders who can lead the society onward.

Leaders with inadequate vision When William Jones or Max Muller translated the sacred books of the east for western consumption, they brought the two worlds closer to each other. While Mahmud of Ghazni brought ruin in several parts of India during his aggressive campaigns, his travelling associate, Alberuni, opened out the possibility for the Indian and Arab worlds to enter into a friendly relationship. Therefore, it is imperative that we celebrate diversity and pluralism consistently, building upon complementarities of ideas than harping on contradictions that divide and destroy one another. In today’s world, we have evidently more persons and groups that are skilled in widening the gaps between people and cultures than people who help in bridging the distances. We know history has evidence, for example, Emperor Asoka who suggested restraint in a speech to build equanimity in various groups of people. While he said that by disparaging someone else’s sect, one inflicted damage on oneself, he was inviting reflection on the plain truth that overconcern for one’s sectarian interests is merely counterproductive (Sen, 2009, p. 75). Today, we need leaders with global perspectives, people with right motivation, clarity of thought and performance; otherwise, we choose to embrace devastating failure rather than become pioneers and pathfinders of today for a more desirable future. But how do we achieve this on a day-to-day basis when we come to realise that there is an erosion of tolerant ideas of India that is pushing our thinking into medieval times? This will not take our poor out of the debris of abject poverty, ill health and deterioration. Pinker, in his book Enlightenment Now: The Case for Reason, Science, Humanism, and Progress (2018), makes the case that civilisational growth, guided by reason and science, has been on a rapidly ascending trajectory since the mid-18th century (ToI, June 9, 2018). These are times when a significant role of enlightened persons is felt across the spectrum of an inclusive idea of India.

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Peace with justice The peace desired by us cannot be achieved without justice for the people. Therefore, justice is a mandatory prerequisite for peace. The struggle for “rights of deprived sections of society” has to be built up to oppose the current assault on basic human values in the name of religion. Here, we see a need to speak up for issues that are affecting our communities, the state and the society at large. We need to retrieve the values of freedom movement from the clutches of communal politics, politics in the name of religion. To reconnect with the plural, mixed heritage and cultural diversity of the country and strengthen the syncretic aspects of religious traditions – the traditions which look at religion as a uniting force, not a divisive disrupter (Puniyani, 2007).

Intellectuals versus fanaticism Today we need to promote in a decisive way educational research in humanities and social sciences. This will work as a deterrent against the growing fanaticism at various quarters. Our universities and other established research institutions in North-East India have very significant contributions to make, especially since India is passing through some very difficult times wherein we observe daily some elements of fanaticism being tacitly allowed to creep in and grow. The recent book of Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-first Century, refers to the “rising human capital hypothesis”, which argues that “human capital” is far more important than financial capital and real estate, capable managers more than rich stockholders, specialised skills more than unearned advantages of nepotism (Piketty, 2014, pp. 21–22). Therefore, today we require more intellectual ferment which decisively cultivates belief in diversity. We need more intellectually sane voices who are willing to adhere to the “secularist” Indianism of the nationalist movement as against the particularist fanaticism of the Ayodhya mob. Maybe this battle has to be fought for a lifetime, not only with vigour, but with greater application of intellectual acumen as well (Cfr. Tharoor, 2018, p. 280). The life-enhancing forces are the democratic institutions, ecological concerns and cultural awakening. Of course, all these did not take place at a single stroke. They became a true force through the consistent efforts of people who dared to dream big; they were built painstakingly as a large edifice by the valiant men and women who decisively upheld pluricultural identities as a collective wisdom of the ages. The negative and destructive forces like insurgency, terrorism, corruption and so forth raise their fanatic stronghold while intellectuals take their prolonged holidays.

Need for learning from science and technology However, there are new hopes. Intellectuals are finding the debates of human sciences and scientific discourses complementary and are beginning to speak a similar

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language and reach out to each other. As Fred Alan Wolf says, “any time two great branches of human endeavour come together, an entirely new civilization is created. Science itself is always seeking greater and greater models to describe the mysterious universe” (Gould, 2006, p. 3). Experts in human sciences and physical sciences must invite each other to a sense of common responsibility. For we all want to go beyond the present state of knowledge and the present levels of human achievement. Human sciences and technology should march forward hand in hand towards the final goal of realising the ultimate destiny of humanity and the whole of the Cosmic Reality. They must become co-creators of a common future. Our tomorrows will be built on daring imaginations. Young people of today need to take responsibility for the plans they make for tomorrow. They need to be decisively aware that the fuel of enthusiasm that took us so far will be by far not sufficient to sail through the ever-soaring competition in any conceivable arena of life and work. Therefore, they have no other option than to embrace the idea of more original researches, leading to better-quality publications and faster and greater dissemination of information that will ultimately matter. In the 21st century when we are passionately engaging with fast-paced supercomputers and nanotechnology, we are sadly reminded of the hungry millions who are deprived of daily meals for their sustenance. How do we respond to these anomalies amidst scientific advancement and craze for plenty? Undoubtedly, individualism and corruption eat into the very fabric of our social life. Black money, qualitative change in character, role and influence of people who are placed high in the social ladder, all of these are our concerns. It is often true that people are angry at the levels of corruption, but anger is not enough to turn their miseries into alternative vision and constructive future. We need to focus more on broader national agenda to turn a challenge into an opportunity (Varma, 2004). It’s time to break loose of pessimism and guard against short-term political agendas that violate the social fabric. Let us trust in our ability to do more and commit ourselves to embracing a peaceful, pluralistic, egalitarian, moral and nationalistic vision. We shall then truly celebrate not only our individual identities, but group and national identities for a more cohesive, prosperous tomorrow.

Concluding thoughts One may be reminded that though there was a lot of discussion on whether our former president Pranab Mukherjee should attend the function organised at the RSS Headquarters on June 7, 2018, it finally took place, and the message was loud and clear. The president reiterated that the Soul of India resides in pluralism and tolerance, and that this came with assimilation of ideas over centuries. He spoke in no uncertain terms that our constitution represents the hopes and aspirations of a billion-plus people of India. Today, what is our response to these and similar concerns of our country?

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To enhance equity in our times, we need to work wholeheartedly and with long-term strategies. Just imagining that politicians too with a very narrow-minded obstinacy with protecting and promoting just a segment’s whims and fancies would not build a robust India with various aspirations of innumerable people. Vision, direction, determination, co-ordination and hard work only will bring in welfare of the people, not just slogans and hatemongering, violence and creating inequalities and disbelief. When we take note of the North-Eastern states, we are aware that they were created precisely to enable the respective communities to safeguard their identity, and resources of unique heritage. These are miniscule communities in national terms who are limping into the highly competitive world of modern India, some at comparatively higher speed while others with great caution (e.g., the Puroik tribal community in far-flung villages of East Kameng District in Arunachal Pradesh). But these communities too have great aspirations. They too want to taste the fruits of development though currently living in the pristine form of simplicity, yet their agility for upholding humane values is beyond an iota of doubt. Today economic inequality in India is more pronounced than ever. Recent initiatives like demonetisation or fight against corruption did not bring in any tangible advantage to the poorer sections of the people. The number of scams which were unearthed in the past ten years or so has not punished the perpetrators adequately. Any frank analysis on poverty in India for the past decade or so does not throw adequate signs of optimism as well. Then what about the need to protect and preserve the sanctity of our constitution of the country as the republic turned 70 years of its existence? Eradication of poverty was always a stated priority of all the governments that came to power from the time of independence. Certainly, it is an ethical, social, political and economic imperative of humankind. We are also aware that a successful nation has to be politically free, economically prosperous and equitable, and socially peaceful and cohesive. Now, one would certainly think India as a nation has a long way to go before it reaches its goal of arriving at an equitable stage. But journey we must, and the journey has to gather momentum. In the meantime, we must not be fooled by diverting attention to many other matters which can be given a lower place on the priority list. In the case of North-East India, it is a known fact that the region has also received substantial support for considerable number of years from the central government and other agencies, for a long period of time. It is time that we reinvent strategies for promoting equity and thereby embrace development trajectories on a real-time basis.

References Arcot, R. V. (2014, August 16). Inclusive growth a key take away of human development. Decan Herald. Atal, Y., & Choudhary, S. K. (2014). Combating corruption. New Delhi: Orient Blackswan. Dawson, C. (2002). Dynamics of world history. Wilmington: ISI Books.

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Desai, V. N. (2013). From statecraft to soulcraft. In Clay Chandler & Adil Zainulbhai (Eds.), Re-imagining India: Unlocking the potential of Asia’s next superpower (pp.  301–305). New York, NY: Mckinsey & Co. Deterioration of Assamese society. (2018, April 7). Assam Tribune. Guwahati. Gould, D. (2006). Science and the soul. Paragon House: St. Paul Publications. Jalan, B. (2019). Resurgent India: Politics, economics and governance. New Delhi: HarperCollins Publishers. Kalam, A. P. J. A., & Mahapragya, A. (2014). The family and the nation. NOIDA: HarperCollins Publishers. Karlsson, B. G. (2011). Unruly hills. New Delhi: Orient Blackswan. Karnard, Bharat. (2015). Why India is not a great power (yet). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Mahbubani, K. (2013). The great convergence. New York: Public Affairs. Menamparampil, T. (2011, August 13). Keynote address. One day consultation on research priorities in social sciences in northeast India. Guwahati: Sanskriti-NEICR. Nilekani, N. (2009). Imagining India: Ideas for the new century. New Delhi: Penguin Books. Pande, A. (2017). From Chanakya to Modi. New Delhi: Harper Collins Publishers. Parekh, B. (2011). Re-imagining India. New Delhi: Orient BlackSwan Publications. Piketty, T. (2014). Capital in the 21st century. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press. Pinker, S. (2018). Enlightenment now: The case for reason, science, humanism, and progress. New York: Viking. Puniyani, R. (2007). Communalism: An illustrated primer. Bombay: Bombay Sarvodaya Friendship Centre. Rao, K. S. (2002). Wither governance. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. Sahgal, N. (2017). A Hindu speaks. Indian Cultural Forum (Oct. 11). Retrieved from: https://indianculturalforum.in/2017/10/11/a-hindu-speaks-nayantara-sahgal/ Sen, A. (2009). The idea of justice. London: Penguin Books. Srivastava, A., & Kothari, A. (2012). Churning the earth. New Delhi: Penguin Books. Stiglitz, J. (2012). The Price of inequality. London: Allen Lane (Penguin). Tharoor, S. (2012). Pax Indica: India and the world of the 21st century. New Delhi: Penguin Books. Tharoor, S. (2013). India the future is now. New Delhi: Wisdom Tree Publications. Tharoor, S. (2018). Why I am a Hindu. New Delhi: Rupa Publications India. Varma, P. (2004). Being Indian: The truth about why the twenty-first century will be India’s. New Delhi: Penguin India. Verghese, B. G. (2004). India’s North East resurgent. New Delhi: Konark Publishers. Yunus, M. (2011). Towards creating a poverty-free world. New Delhi: Orient BlackSwan Publications.

5 EQUITY AND ETHNIC POLITICS IN NORTH-EAST INDIA Susmita Sen Gupta

Conceptual analysis The study of equity is important as it has been guiding state intervention in the social field and in the design of public policies in the last few decades. The state has been assigned the responsibility for reducing the huge social inequalities. John Rawls’ A Theory of Justice (1999) underlines the principal approach to alleviating inequity by targeting the most disadvantaged. Rawls introduces the concept of “justice as fairness”, shifting the philosophy of distribution to the greater society rather than to individuals. He presents two central principles to outline his philosophy. The equal liberty principle holds that individuals are entitled to the maximum amount of liberties to the extent that it is good for society as a whole and that can be applied to all. The difference principle holds that inequalities are acceptable only if they are redressed to the greatest benefit of the most disadvantaged. The first principle of equal basic liberties is to be used for designing the political constitution, while the second principle applies primarily to economic institutions. Fulfilment of the first principle takes priority over fulfilment of the second principle, and within the second principle, fair equality of opportunity takes priority over the difference principle. The first principle affirms for all citizens familiar basic rights and liberties: liberty of conscience and freedom of association, freedom of speech and liberty of the person, the rights to vote, to hold public office, to be treated in accordance with the rule of law and so on. The principle ascribes these rights and liberties to all citizens equally. Unequal rights would not benefit those who would get a lesser share of rights, so justice requires equal rights for all in all normal circumstances.1 The equity paradigm derives the concept of a fair equality of opportunity from Rawls’ second principle. The difference principle does allow for inequalities in outcomes to the extent that equality of opportunity exists. In Rawls’ view, individuals living in a society must commit to view one another as DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-6

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free and equal.2 Under the social equity paradigm in the development context, this implies that a greater priority should be placed on the most disadvantaged to meet their unique needs. Amartya Sen’s The Idea of Justice and the capabilities approach support the focus of poverty alleviation on the specific and individualised needs of the disadvantaged. This is to say that the services need not be prioritised/concentrated on privileged sectors, but rather the most effective for the disadvantaged, based on their particular needs and capabilities. Sen maintains that each individual is born with unique capabilities based on many factors; each individual, however, is practically subjected to multifaceted barriers. He holds that inborn capabilities are not necessarily met with opportunity which would allow an individual to realize that capability. Sen supports development as a vehicle to bring uniquely specific opportunities needed to address the unique needs of the impoverished.3 Charles Tilly’s concept of durable inequalities maintains that categorical inequalities exist via exploitation and opportunity hoarding. These asymmetrical relations between groups keep the disadvantaged bound to one tract and the privileged poised to continue reaping the benefits of their social resources. Whether consciously or not, people’s position on the social mobility ladder is largely fixed as a result, and this perpetuates intergenerational cycles of poverty. Tilly’s4 work provides a central theoretical framework for understanding why inequality and inequity persist. This chapter will discuss the internal colonial thesis to examine whether the basic propositions of the model corroborate with any of these theoretical frameworks.

Right to equality and restrictions on it in the Constitution of India Having arrived at a broad understanding of the concept of equity, it will be pertinent to look at some of the provisions of the Constitution of India which deal with the right to equality. Article 14 of the Constitution provides that “The State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India”.5 While equality before the law implies the absence of any special privilege in favour of any individual and the equal subjection of all classes to the ordinary law, equal protection of the laws implies the right to equality of treatment in equal circumstances, permitting differentiation in different circumstances. Equal protection also requires affirmative action by the State towards unequals by providing facilities and opportunities. In other words, it means the right to equal treatment in similar circumstances both in the privileges conferred and in the liabilities imposed by the laws.6 None should be favoured, and none should be placed under any disadvantage, in circumstances that do not admit of any reasonable justification for a different treatment. Thus, it does not mean that every person should be taxed equally, but that persons falling under the same income category should be taxed by the same standard. The principle of equality does not mean that every law must have universal application for all persons who are not by nature, attainment or circumstance in

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the same position, as the varying needs of different classes often require separate treatment.7 The principle does not take away from the state the power of classifying persons for legitimate purposes.8 In order to be reasonable, a classification must not be arbitrary, but it must be rational in the sense that it must not only be based on some qualities or characteristics which are to be found in all the persons grouped together and not in others who are left out, but those qualities or characteristics must have a reasonable relation to the object of the legislation.9 The guarantee of equal protection includes absence of any arbitrary discrimination by the laws themselves or in the matter of their administration. Even where a statute itself is not discriminatory, but the public official entrusted with the duty of carrying it into operation applies it against an individual, not for the purpose of the Act but intentionally for the purpose of injuring him, the latter may have that executive act annulled by the Court on the ground of contravention of the guarantee of equal protection. Article 15 of the Constitution lays down that the state shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any other. However, nothing in this article or in clause (2) of article 29 shall prevent the state from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the scheduled castes or scheduled tribes.10 In view of these constitutional safeguards guaranteed to Indian citizens, this chapter will examine whether such rights could be accessed by different ethnic groups in North-East India. But it is evident that the emphasis given by both John Rawls and Amartya Sen on the necessity to meet the unique needs of the disadvantaged does find an echo in these provisions enshrined by the Constitution of India.

Internal colonial model and the principle of equity This section examines whether relations between core and smaller ethnic communities in multi-ethnic societies reflect the values of equity or not. The focus will be on the “Internal Colonial Model” of Michael Hechter. According to Hechter, regionalism is the outcome of a real or perceived sense of internal colonialism. The theory in essence implies that the relationships between members of the core communities and peripheral communities in a state are characterised by exploitation. It is true that the internal colonial model is more appropriate as a tool of understanding regionalism in North-East India primarily because a feeling has gained ground and has been articulated by the local intelligentsia that the central government treats the region as an “internal colony” or “colonial hinterland”.11 Interestingly, this perspective has also been endorsed by militant organisations of the region.12 On the other hand, smaller nationalities like Bodos, Rabhas, Karbis and others in Assam have sought to safeguard their distinct interests by raising the demand for separate territorial units since they perceive a sense of discrimination and neglect as part of the larger Assamese society. It is from this angle that the internal colonial model is also useful for comprehending the intra-regional dynamics of North-East

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India. According to this model, the core community, having acquired an advantage over the outlying communities in the period of state-building or in the early period of modernisation, uses its political and economic power to maintain its superior position. The cultural and in some states ethnic differences between the communities do not disappear, and in certain circumstances, they may form the basis of demonstrations and separatist agitations by members of the peripheral communities. The two basic propositions of Hechter’s model are as follows: 1 The dominant community defines and regulates influential roles and positions of the state in such a manner as to exclude members of the peripheral communities. 2 The economic development of the peripheral regions is controlled so as to make them highly specialised in their products and thus much more vulnerable to fluctuations in world markets than the core region is.13 Thus, the internal colonial model clearly demonstrates the fact that the relationships between core and peripheral communities in a state are not marked either by a fair distribution of social and economic resources or by an equal opportunity policy for both the dominant and the outlying communities. In other words, internal colonialism is beset by an inequitable allocation of resources. The absence of equality can be clearly perceived in the form of denial of positions of authority and political power as well as in terms of deprivation of economic self-sufficiency and well-being. The same is true of most minority nationalist movements launched worldwide. Hence, it may be argued that the negation of the principle of equity is a major catalyst for such movements. It may be pointed out in this context that the internal colonial model replicates a situation of “durable inequalities” propounded by Charles Tilly. This is because internal colonialism creates a scenario in which the core community continues to enjoy the privileges of state power by perennially excluding the peripheral communities from influential roles and positions. As a consequence, the marginalisation and deprivation of peripheral communities become a perpetual and durable phenomenon.

Equity and ethnic politics in Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya It may now be possible to locate the equity discourse in the context of ethnic politics in two states of North-East India, viz. Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya. In Arunachal, ethnic issues came to the forefront of the political debate in 1994 when the All Arunachal Pradesh Students’ Union (AAPSU) had served a “Quit Arunachal” notice to Chakmas and other migrants to leave the state peacefully by September 30, 1994. Migration in Arunachal Pradesh refers mainly to the settlement of Chakma and Hajong refugees, originally belonging to the Chittagong Hill Tracts and Mymensingh Districts, respectively, a part of erstwhile East Pakistan. Pakistan’s policy of persistent religious persecution of these tribes and the

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displacement caused by the Kaptai Hydel Power Project forced them to migrate and take refuge in India in 1964. The refugees initially joined their brethren in Tripura. However, as the Pakistani government showed no signs of taking their people back and as the Tripura government took a tough stand because of the heavy burden of refugees there, the refugees moved further east. Under these circumstances, the Government of India embarked on a plan of settling these refugees in the North East Frontier Area (NEFA), now Arunachal Pradesh. The Chakmas, Hajongs and also the Tibetans were allowed to settle in NEFA when it was under the Ministry of External Affairs up to 1965 and then directly under the Ministry of Home Affairs until 1972. It may be noted, however, that neither the people of NEFA nor their representatives were consulted in settling refugees in the area. The Chakmas have been residing in certain demarcated areas of Arunachal like Diyum and Bordumsa in Changlang, Chowkham area in Lohit and Kokila area in Papum Pare Districts of Arunachal Pradesh. The present population of Chakmas and Hajongs stands at 66,000 approximately.14 In this context, it may be observed that ethnic conflicts arise when different ethnic groups in a state compete for valued resources and opportunities in societies undergoing social mobilisation, industrialisation and bureaucratisation. In a system of ethnic stratification in which one ethnic group is dominant over the other, some members from the less privileged ethnic group may attempt to move into the economic niches occupied by the rival ethnic groups, and if they fail to do so, they are likely to protest against the system of ethnic stratification as a whole and attempt to mobilise their own ethnic group. On the other hand, the privileged group may mobilise to defend its interests and may also use ethnic sentiments in doing so.15 Such mobilisation and counter-mobilisation constitute the crux of ethnic politics. It is obvious that a deep sense of inequity lies at the root of ethnic politics, especially in stratified societies in view of the fact that resources are not allocated equitably to different ethnic groups leading to conflict of interests and generating a struggle by the less privileged group to explore larger opportunities than the existing scheme of things would have offered. This chapter, therefore, views ethnic politics in Arunachal in terms of a competition for resources and opportunities culminating in ethnic mobilization by the more privileged Arunachalese to defend their interests from being threatened by the desperate struggle for existence launched by the Chakma refugees. The AAPSU, which is articulating the ethnic sentiments of the Arunachalese, has won the support of the state government. On the other hand, the Union government is perceived to be sympathetic to the aspirations of the non-indigenous, i.e., the Chakmas, primarily because of its decision to grant citizenship to the Chakmas. The AAPSU strongly condemned the move and believed that it was an attempt to woo the potential voters at the cost of annoying the indigenous people of the state. On January 9, 1996, the Supreme Court of India, ruling in the case of National Human Rights Commission vs. State of Arunachal Pradesh, gave a direction to ensure protection of the life and personal liberty of Chakmas residing in the state, and to process their applications of citizenship in accordance with the law. This

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judgement was followed by a positive decision of the Delhi High Court. In the case of People’s Union for Civil Liberties and Committee for Citizenship Rights of the Chakmas of Arunachal Pradesh vs. Election Commission of India and others, the Delhi High Court ruled in favour of registering Chakmas and Hajongs as voters in Arunachal Pradesh. However, these court directives have been ignored.16 Meanwhile, the proposed Citizenship Amendment Bill, passed in the Lok Sabha on January  8, 2019, sought to grant citizenship to six minority communities  – Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis and Christians – without valid documents from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan after six years of stay in India. Although the bill was not introduced in the Rajya Sabha by the outgoing NDA government in the wake of countrywide protests, it evoked angry reactions in Arunachal. Tobom Dai, general secretary of the influential All Arunachal Pradesh Students’ Union, said, We are protesting against this Bill because it would serve as a legal basis for legitimising the claims of Chakma and Hajong refugees as the indigenous people of our State. It will also defeat various other regulations currently in force here.17 The All Arunachal Pradesh Students’ Union has made it clear to the centre that people of the state will not accept citizenship to Chakma and Hajong refugees at any cost. Thus, political intervention by the Union and state governments in the ethnic conflict and their perceived identification on both sides of the ethnic divide seem to have accelerated the process of ethnic polarisation in Arunachal and has deepened the ethnic divide.18 In such a volatile atmosphere, the Chakmas have complained bitterly of discrimination and injustice by the state government and its administration. They highlighted the cancellation of ration cards, withdrawal of trade licences, closing down of hostels meant for Chakma students, termination of stipends and withdrawal of basic facilities like health, education and public distribution system as evidence of the state government’s antagonistic attitude towards the Chakmas.19 On the other hand, the AAPSU had alleged that the migrants are posing a serious threat to the demographic balance of the state and threatening the very identity of the indigenous people of the state.20 In the perception of the AAPSU, the migrants constitute a sizable non-local population vis-à-vis the small indigenous population, and it has articulated the concern of the indigenous tribal society about protection of its rights to land and resources and its natural aversion to share these with non-locals.21 The AAPSU had also given a call for boycott of goods brought by the Chakmas to the market, thereby enforcing an economic embargo on the migrants. However, this was self-defeating because it resulted in a shortage of fruits and vegetables since the Chakmas were the main suppliers of these items, particularly in Changlang District. These facts clearly demonstrate that the AAPSU which claims to represent the interests of the local community perceives the migrants as intruders into the tribal

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land and is reluctant to share community resources with the migrants on an equitable basis. It appears that the Chakmas did enjoy certain social, economic and educational facilities before the outbreak of ethnic conflict between the locals and the migrants. But sudden aggravation of the conflict led to an abrupt termination of facilities hitherto accessed by the migrants. This indicates that although the natives and the migrants peacefully coexisted and shared resources on a more or less equitable basis for almost three decades since their rehabilitation, politically significant social forces which resorted to ethnic politics questioned the status quo and sought a greater share for the local community at the expense of the migrants. Thus, ethnic politics in Arunachal not only brings into sharp focus the issue of allocation of resources between the natives and the migrants, but this politics is also characterised by a complete denial of certain resources to the less privileged migrants, resulting in a situation of inequity. In Meghalaya, another state of North-East India, an enquiry into ethnic politics reveals a deep divide between the locals and the outsiders. Meghalaya is a predominantly tribal state, and each political party, whether national or regional, has vowed to protect the tribal identity in their constitutions as well as election manifestoes. In its first election manifesto after the formation of Meghalaya, the ruling party, viz. All Party Hill Leaders’ Conference (APHLC), pledged to safeguard the legitimate interests of all non-tribal residents in the proposed new state.22 The assurance for such protection of non-tribal minorities became imperative for the party in view of a sense of insecurity of these communities in a newly born hill state with a tribal majority. In reality, however, a number of measures were adopted by the government that steadily eroded the civil and political rights of the non-tribal minority communities. The Introduction of Meghalaya Transfer of Land Regulation Act, 1971, prohibited the purchase of land by a non-tribal in the state of Meghalaya or the transfer of land from one non-tribal to another. This was followed by the introduction of rules that reserved government jobs and public employment for the local tribal population. A large number of non-tribal eligible voters were disenfranchised on the eve of the elections of 1977, and a fresh electoral roll was prepared for the assembly elections of 1978. The issue of a permanent residence certificate was institutionalised by government orders and issue and renewal of trading licence to non-tribals became more stringent.23 The relationship between local tribes and non-tribal migrants became strained during the ethnic disturbances of 1979, and several incidents of violence occurred during this period. But contrary to its commitment, the APHLC government failed to safeguard the interests of nontribals during such disturbances.24 Political programmes of the Hill State People’s Democratic Party (HSPDP), another regional party of Meghalaya, seem to be entirely based on pledges for the tribals, so much so that interests of non-tribals hardly find a mention in them. The party categorically described itself as a tribal regional party25 which could serve the state and its people better to enable them to develop according to their own genius. The party proudly proclaims its success in amending the Meghalaya

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Transfer of Land (Regulation) Act, to totally stop the sale of land in the state to the non-tribals.26 Interviews with prominent leaders of the HSPDP elicited the response that interests of non-tribals are not contradictory to the interests of tribals. This implies that the party leadership admits the role of non-tribals in Meghalaya who constitute a significant section of the electorate, knowing fully well that no party in Meghalaya can afford to alienate non-tribal voters altogether, if it aspires for success in the electoral arena. Thus, the HSPDP has sought to modify its brand of ethnic regionalism in response to the compulsions of electoral politics. But at the same time, the party observes that an apprehension is gaining ground among the tribal youths that non-tribals are snatching the business away from them and are thus exploiting the tribals. The allegation is unfounded and not substantiated by ground reality, because the Autonomous District Councils in Meghalaya have been regulating trade and business by virtue of their power of issuing trade licences. Moreover, like the APHLC, the HSPDP’s professed stand on non-tribal interests is not vindicated by its role during ethnic disturbances in Meghalaya. The HSPDP does not seem to have been able to contribute in any significant way towards bridging the so-called “tribal–non-tribal” divide, a nomenclature that itself smacks of inequity. To elaborate further, it may be noted that the terms “tribal” and “non-tribal” have been dominating the political vocabulary in Meghalaya since the beginning of ethnic conflict in the late 1970s. Such a label has not only been used as an instrument of ethno-centric propaganda, but the very use of the phrase has been based on an assumption that the interests of the two are contradictory and can never be complementary. In the context of Meghalaya, therefore, “tribal” and “non-tribal” are mutually exclusive categories and the non-tribals are not entitled to an equitable access to socio-political and economic opportunities vis-à-vis tribals. The political programme of yet another regional party, viz. the Public Demands Implementation Convention (PDIC), is completely silent on the interests of nontribals. Rather, the party’s opinion in favour of 100% reservation of Assembly seats for tribals27 reveals the party’s discriminatory stance on the issue. Without citing the interests of non-tribals, the manifesto of Hill People Union (HPU), another regional party, merely promises to strive for peace and harmony among the various communities inhabiting the state.28 But the party’s record in the promotion of communal harmony does not seem to be very outstanding. It appears, therefore, that the regional political discourse in Meghalaya is dominated by a rhetoric that strongly favours the tribal majority but excludes minority rights, leaving very little space for non-tribal minorities. The PDIC’s recommendation for reservation of all seats of the Meghalaya Legislative Assembly in favour of local tribals reflects an element of chauvinism because it seeks to deny the nontribals even the token political representation constitutionally granted to them in the State Assembly. This reveals that the prevailing political arrangement in Meghalaya is an antithesis of the principle of equity in the sense that the political ethos permits very little space for the exercise of minority rights.

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It will be interesting to highlight the views of national parties of Meghalaya as well on the interests of non-tribal minorities. In this regard, the Meghalaya Pradesh Congress Committee (I), i.e. MPCC(I), promises to ensure that minorities in the state are protected and they get their due shares. The party also promises to set up a formal mechanism to consider their grievances, if necessary. The party even claims that it would like the minorities in the state to feel that they are equal partners in the development of the state.29 The MPCC(I) accords full recognition to the role of non-tribals since the pre-independence days.30 Ironically, such appreciation of the contribution of non-tribals seems to have led to an identification of the Congress as a party of non-tribals. In reality, however, the Congress(I) in Meghalaya played a less-than-commendable role in protecting non-tribal minorities during the ethnic disturbances in 1987 and 1992 when the party happened to be in power. Perhaps the party was anxious to dilute the popular perception of the Congress as a non-tribal party and took a lenient attitude towards dealing with violent ethnic clashes in 1992. In other words, the Congress as the ruling party remained passive and did not enforce the rule of law by prosecuting the perpetrators of violence on non-tribal minorities. The Meghalaya Guardian commented thus: “the authorities can create legislations or relevant system to help the locals get their due share of economic benefits; but the Government cannot just remain as a passive onlooker to such serious ethnic violence and bloodshed”.31 In spite of its passive role during ethnic disturbances, the MPCC(I) expresses its concern about the erosion of communal harmony and an ever-deepening hatred among different communities of the state. The party seems to share the views of regional parties while trying to trace the roots of communal tension from the phenomenon of influx. But in reality, non-fulfilment of popular expectations after the achievement of statehood is one of the important factors which seem to have led to communal riots in Meghalaya. The Communist Party of India (CPI), another national party operating in Meghalaya, has an official stand on the clashes between the tribals and the nontribals. Speaking on the issue, a veteran leader of the party observed that the Khasis, the Jaintias and the Garos hoped that all their problems will be solved once they got rid of Assamese political domination and achieved statehood. In reality, however, they got only political freedom, not economic freedom. In the field of trade and business, the tribal traders had to face stiff competition from their non-tribal counterparts. This, according to the CPI, is the crux of the problem. As a possible solution to the problem, the Meghalaya unit of the CPI suggests the decentralization of the marketplace to ease the pressure on Barabazar and urges that the local tribals be given the first preference to carry on trade and business.32 It is surprising that the CPI in Meghalaya does not explain the tribal–non-tribal divide in terms of class struggle. This is because class polarisation in the Marxist sense has not taken place in Meghalaya, and the friction basically concerns the same class with different ethnic affiliations. It is, therefore, a case of intra-class and not inter-class conflict that marks the politics of Meghalaya today.33 This implies that in the competition for access to various opportunities, the conflict lines are drawn not between different classes, but between different ethnic groups with similar class interests. Thus,

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conflicts have arisen among educated/entrepreneurial elites, public servants and professionals belonging to different ethnic groups over a larger share of jobs or entrepreneurial opportunities. Needless to say, the outcome of the competition always weighs in favour of local tribals by virtue of the reservation policy in education and employment and a stringent policy to regulate trade by non-tribals. As a consequence, local tribals are fast catching up with non-tribals and even outdoing them in several fields. The process of emergence of an educated elite in Meghalaya through the spread of Western education has culminated in the capture of important jobs and professions by members of this section. The Khasis have also grabbed the bulk of contracts for road construction and for supply of goods to various government departments.34 This shows that different ethnic groups in Meghalaya are interlocked in a stiff competition for access to jobs and business opportunities. However, the local tribals have a definite edge over non-tribals in this competition not only in terms of better opportunities after acquiring statehood, but also because of certain constitutional safeguards guaranteed by the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India. Another dimension of ethnic politics in Meghalaya manifests itself in a strong resistance against large-scale industries and introduction of railways primarily due to the apprehension that both will lead to influx of outsiders into the state. So, the resistance is basically a pre-emptive move to protect local interests vis-à-vis those of outsiders. On the whole, ethnic politics in both Meghalaya and Arunachal Pradesh is based on discriminatory treatment to non-natives or migrants.

Concluding observations In view of what this chapter has presented, it is evident that multi-ethnic societies of North-East India are also sharply hierarchical societies in the sense that heterogeneity in terms of ethnicity has also given rise to unfair, discriminatory and inequitable allocation of resources, thereby providing a material basis for a more equitable socio-economic and political order in place of the existing one which deprives opportunities to the marginalised and disadvantaged ethnic groups. The study has focused on inter-ethnic relations in both Meghalaya and Arunachal Pradesh and has found that such relations in both states are marked by shrinkage of socio-political and economic space for the non-indigenous communities. It is evident from the section on constitutional safeguards that equity is of paramount importance as a guiding principle of the Indian Constitution. But actual practices in the states selected for study reflect a negation of this principle. A deeper look into this phenomenon shows that the three major ethnic groups of Meghalaya, viz. the Khasis, the Jaintias and the Garos as well as the major local tribes of Arunachal, may be numerically large in their respective states, but after all, they are miniscule minorities on an all-India basis. This has generated a sense of insecurity among local communities and has pushed them to the quest for a political arrangement which guarantees a privileged position for themselves. On the other hand, communities which are numerically larger from an all-India perspective are minorities

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in Meghalaya and Arunachal Pradesh. Ironically, they have been deprived of their minority rights within the same constitutional set-up that has guaranteed special safeguards for minority (all-India) indigenous tribals of the aforesaid states. The roots of inequity in ethnically heterogeneous states of North-East India can be traced to this anomaly of reorganisation of states whereby numerous linguistic and ethnic groups were lumped together, were subordinated to other units or were manipulated into state formations which resulted in intensified tensions among the groups and also a recurrent demand for state formation by discontented groups. This chapter has cited empirical data from the two states as evidence of inequity and argues that an urgent resolution is called for because persistent denial of equality to a section of the society cannot be legally and morally sustained for an indefinite period. However, in the quest for an equitable order, what must not be lost sight of are the local concerns. In other words, it must be understood in no uncertain terms that most of the inequities in multi-ethnic societies are deeply rooted in the concerns of the local communities for protection and preservation of their distinct ways of life, customs and traditions, heritage and socio-economic and political rights including rights over community resources. All tribal communities inhabiting states of North-East India are extremely sensitive over this issue. Hence, any scheme for redistribution of resources must take into account these local sensitivities while seeking to protect minority rights and interests of disadvantaged and deprived sections in deeply hierarchical societies of the North-East.

Notes 1 Dutta, S. (2017, April). Rawls’ theory of justice: An analysis. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science (IOSR-JHSS), 22(4), 40–43. 2 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Revised ed.). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 3 For details, see Sen, A. (2009). The idea of justice. Cambridge, MA: Allen Lane and Harvard University Press. 4 For discussion, see Tilly, C. (1999). Durable inequality. Berkeley: University of California Press. 5 For details, see Basu, D. D. (2006). Introduction to the constitution of India (19th ed., pp. 87–98). Nagpur: Wadhwa, Reprint. 6 State of West Bengal v. Anwar Ali (1952) S.C.R.289; Ramana v. I.A.A.I, A. 1979 S. C. 1628. 7 Dhirendra v. Legal Remembrance (1955) I.S.C.R. 224. 8 Chiranjit Lal v. Union of India (1950) S.C.R. 869. 9 Ameeroonissa v. Mehboob (1953) S.C.R. 404 (414); Pathumma v. State of Kerala, A. 1978 S.C.771. 10 Art. 15 of the Constitution of India. 11 See, for instance, Misra, T. (1980, August 9). Assam: Colonial hinterland. Economic and Political Weekly, XV(32), 1357–1367. 12 The United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), for example, asserted that Assam is treated as a colonial hinterland of India and natural resources like oil are being extracted by the centre without adequate payment of royalties to the state. 13 See Hechter, M. (1975). Internal colonialism: The Celtic fringe in British national develop­ ment, 1536–1966 (pp. 9–10, 38–40). London: University of California Press.

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14 Cited in an appeal made by the President, Committee for Citizenship Rights of the Chakmas of Arunachal Pradesh, to the members of Parliament on August 8, 1995. 15 See Brass, P. R. (1991). Ethnicity and nationalism: Theory and comparison (p.  47). New Delhi: Sage Publications. 16 For details, see Prasad, C. (2007, April 14). Students’ movements in Arunachal Pradesh and the Chakma- Hajong refugee problem. Economic and Political Weekly, 42(15). 17 Citizenship Bill: Chakma and Hajong communities in a spot. (2019, January 14), The Hindu. 18 Sen Gupta, S. (2015). Transformation and consolidation of ethnic identity in Arunachal Pradesh: Exploring the role of the educated elite. Political Sciences and Public Affairs (open access), 3(2). 19 Arunachal heading for bloodbath. (2009). Eastern Panorama, pp. 31–32. 20 An Appeal published by Organizing Committee People’s Referendum Rally (AAPSU was in the forefront of the Committee), 1994. 21 Ultimatum submitted by the AAPSU to the Government of Arunachal Pradesh, August 1, 1986. Also see K. K. Jhunjhunwala’s comments in Eastern Panorama, October 1994. 22 See Election manifesto of the APHLC. (1972). 23 For discussion, see Dutta, B. (2018). Collapse of a colonial cosmopolity: The social history of transforming lives and a space called shillong. In P. Gill & S. Choudhary (Eds.), Insider outsider: Belonging and unbelonging in North-East India (pp.  47–63). New Delhi: Amaryllis. 24 For discussion, see ‘Awe- inspiring tales of official laxity’, a report by a Special Corres­ pondent in The Shillong Times, December 29, 1979, p. 1. 25 Election manifesto of the HSPDP. (1983), p. 4. 26 Ibid. 27 Election manifesto of the PDIC (1987). 28 Election manifesto of the Hill People Union (1988). 29 See Meghalaya pradesh Congress(I) election manifesto. (1993, February). State assembly elections (pp. 14–15). 30 Interview in place of discussions with Mr. D. D. Lapang on January 3, 1991, in Shillong. 31 See the editorial titled ‘A suicidal course’ in the Meghalaya Guardian, October  9, 1992, p. 4. 32 Interview with Prafulla Misra, veteran CPI leader, on January 4, 1991, in Shillong. 33 Sen Gupta, S. (2005). Regionalism in Meghalaya (p.  79). New Delhi: South Asian Publishers. 34 Ibid, pp. 69–74.

References Arunachal heading for bloodbath. (2009). Eastern Panorama, pp. 31–32. Basu, D. D. (2006). Introduction to the constitution of India (19th ed.). Nagpur: Wadhwa. Brass, P. R. (1991). Ethnicity and nationalism: Theory and comparison. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Citizenship Bill: Chakma and Hajong communities in a spot. (2019, January 14). The Hindu. Dutta, S. (2017, April). ‘Rawls’ theory of justice: An analysis. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science (IOSR-JHSS), 22(4), 40–43. Dutta, B. (2018). Collapse of a colonial cosmopolity: The social history of transforming lives and a space called Shillong. In P. Gill & S. Choudhary (Eds.), Insider outsider: Belonging and unbelonging in North-East India (pp. 47–63). New Delhi: Amaryllis. Election manifesto of APHLC. (1972). Election manifesto of HPU. (1988). Election manifesto of HSPDP. (1983).

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Election manifesto of PDIC. (1987). Hechter, M. (1975). Internal colonialism: The Celtic fringe in British national development (1536– 1966). Berkeley: University of California Press. Meghalaya pradesh Congress (I) Election Manifesto. (1993 February). State assembly elections (pp. 14–15). Misra, T. (1980, August  9). Assam: Colonial hinterland. Economic and Political Weekly, XV(32), 1357–1367. Prasad, C. (2007, April 14). Students’ movements in Arunachal Pradesh and the ChakmaHajong refugee problem. Economic and Political Weekly, 42(15), 1373–1379. Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Revised ed.). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Sen, A. (2009). The idea of justice. Cambridge, MA: Allen Lane and Harvard University Press. Sen Gupta, S. (2005). Regionalism in Meghalaya. New Delhi: South Asian Publishers. Sen Gupta, S. (2015). Transformation and consolidation of ethnic identity in Arunachal Pradesh: Exploring the role of the educated elite. Political Sciences and Public Affairs (open access), 3(2), 1–5. A suicidal course. (1992, October 9). Meghalaya Guardian, p. 4. Tilly, C. (1999). Durable inequality. Berkeley: University of California Press.

SECTION II

Ethnicity, development and governance

6 POLITICS OF IDENTITY FORMATION IN SIKKIM An insider’s view A.C. Sinha

Sikkim became part of the Indian Union in May 1975 as a state and joined the North Eastern Council (NEC) after about two and half decades. Prior to that, the princely state had a type of representative body known as the State Council, in which two ethnic blocks of Lepcha-Bhutia combined and Nepalese had equal representation. Interestingly, by then there’s no awareness among them about the concept of scheduled tribe, affirmative status for the traditionally disadvantaged community. However, the concept of scheduled castes, another affirmative status for the disadvantaged (caste) communities was not unknown, as sections among the Nepalese were recognised as one with a reserved seat in the Council. Likewise, a segment of the Limbus, who were said to be Buddhists, and Tshongs (alleged migrants from Tibet), were bestowed with an elective seat in the Council. Once Sikkim merged with India, the State Council was recognised as the State Legislative Assembly with 32 seats (Lepcha-Bhutia = 12, scheduled castes = 2, Buddhist monks = 1, General = 17). For the assembly, though Lepchas, Bhutias, Limbus and Tamangs have been recognised as the scheduled tribes by the Government of India, they do not have ethnic representation in the State Legislative Assembly. It’s important to note that a dozen of the other backward classes (OBCs) communities from the Nepalese cultural commonwealth have staked their claims to be the scheduled tribes, which are pending before the Government of India for its approval. Impetus for claims for scheduled tribe status among the OBCs escalated once Sikkim joined NEC and its Chief Minister made a promise to grant constitutional status to all the communities of Sikkim as the scheduled communities. This chapter intends to analyse the empirical reality of such a political promise.

Background of the constitutional provision towards “reservation” On December  13, 1946, Jawaharlal Nehru moved the objective resolution in the Constituent Assembly. The proclaimed objective would be an “Independent DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-8

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Sovereign Republic” that guarantees to its citizens, “justice, social, economic and political; equality of status, of opportunity, before the law; freedom of thought, expression, belief, faith, worship, vocation, association and action, subject to law and public morality”. The Resolution went to say that “adequate safeguards” shall be provided for minorities, backward and “tribal areas”, and depressed and “other backward classes”. Amongst the debaters on the Resolution, one Jaipal Singh (captain of the first Indian Hockey team) elaborated his ideas on equality in that context: As a junglee, an Adivasi, I am not expected to understand the legal intricacies of the Resolution. But my common sense tells me that every one of us should march in the road to freedom and fight together. Sir, if there is any group of Indian people that has been shabbily treated, it is my people. They have been disgracefully treated, neglected for the last 6000  years. The history of Indus Valley Civilisation, a child of which I  am, shows quite clearly that it is the newcomers – most of you here are intruders as far as I am concerned – it is the newcomers who have driven away my people from the Indus Valley to the jungle fastness . . . The whole history of my people is one of continuous exploitation and disposition by the non-aboriginals of India punctuated by rebellions and disorder, and yet I take Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru at his words. I take you all at your word that now we are going to start a new chapter, a new chapter of independent India where there is equality of opportunity, where no one would be neglected. (Guha, 2016, p. 104 cited from the Constituent Assembly Debates, Vol. 1, pp. 144–145) There were obviously three traditions behind the above commitment: (i) Hindu reformists approach to assimilate the tribes in the Hindu fold as the Backward Hindus (G. S. Ghurye) vis-à-vis V. Elwin’s plea for creating “tribal national parks free from various exploiters”; (ii) Coupland Plan, for creation of a Crown Colony for the North-Eastern India and Upper Burma within the British Empire; (iii) the Gandhian commitment to remove “untouchability” towards the socalled “depressed castes” and Dr. Ambedkar’s plea to empower them to fight for their rights, status and honour. To add clarity, the author wishes to state that while the first and second commitments refer to the areas (tribal “areas” of the Fifth Schedule and North-East region under the Sixth schedule of the Constitution), the third commitment mentions social and structural disabilities basically among the Hindus, albeit it was also among the others, as the Muslims. In the context of proposition by Jaipal Singh and historical debate between Mahatma Gandhi and B. R. Ambedkar on separate electorates, there’s a rich corpus of literature available on the issue of equality. However, there’s a dearth of literature on such understanding in the case of Sikkim. This chapter is an attempt to fill such a void.

Politics of identity formation in Sikkim  73

Social set-up in the feudal Sikkim Sikkim was a princely state without a written constitution, and it was run on a despotic pattern. The earliest settlers of land, the Lepchas, were inveigled through a mythical device to be co-opted among the immigrant ruling tribe, Bhutias for social, political and economic purposes. Part of both communities, Kazis, the aristocrats, had formed a privileged ‘socio-cultural club’ of their own, which was presided over by the ruler, as it was he who would finally decide who was the real Kazi or noble. Apart from these, there was a small segment of the Kirat community like Limbus, who lived mainly on the western border of Sikkim, but they were largely ignored by the Kazis. It’s interesting to note that in the wake of lack of a standing army, territories belonging to Sikkim were usurped by Bhutan from the East and Nepal from the West. The lost territories were secured by the British from Nepal after the Anglo-Nepalese War, 1813–1814, and from Bhutan after the Anglo-Bhutanese War of 1863–1864, respectively. Later in 1866, the British turned these into the present District of Darjeeling. As a part of their economic policy which was centred around generation of revenue through cash crops, the British traders in 1867 encouraged Lepcha Kazis to invite Nepalese to Sikkim for cultivating cereals and pay land revenue in cash. Since then, a large number of Nepalese moved to Sikkim and altered the demographic scene of the land by as early as 1891. For the next six decades, Sikkim was a typical feudal despotic state, which had a variety of forced labour imposed upon the cultivators by the Kazis and Thikkedars. This situation could be undone only after the intervention by India in 1947 (Sinha, 2008). Movements against the forced labour were initially suppressed with high-handedness but in vain, and gradually such a demand formed the basis of a multi-ethnic political party, Sikkim State Congress, established in December  1947. This new forum demanded formation of a popular government, abolition of the system of landlords and a merger of Sikkim with India. They launched an unprecedented agitation against the ruler’s inaction on their demands and were ultimately able to form a government, which could not last for long in the absence of any legislative framework. At last, a compromise was struck between the ruler and the ethnic groups who led political parties. As per the agreement, about two-third Nepalese were equated with one-third of the Lepcha-Bhutia combine for representation in the proposed 18member representative body, the State Council. This parity formula for the Council was extended to other walks of life for the next two decades. The first State Council had 12 elected and 6 nominated seats, which were increased to 18 elected seats in 1973, the year of the last election for the Council. There were few reserved seats for scheduled caste (Nepalese) and Buddhist monks.

Sikkim under Indian dispensation In order to build a fair tripartite agreement between three parties (the ruler, the Government of India and the leaders of the political parties), efforts were made

74  A.C. Sinha

to eliminate the possibility of domination by any community. In this context, constitutions of the various countries within the British Commonwealth, such as Fiji, New Zealand, West Indies and Mauritius, were consulted. India through its efforts has attempted towards distributive justice and formed the State Legislative Assembly. The composition of the first State Legislative Assembly had 12 members from Lepcha-Bhutia, two from scheduled castes (Nepalese) and one Buddhist monk, while 17 seats belonged to the general category. In 1978 (prior to ensuing assembly elections in 1979), a new development was noticed where the Government of India declared Lepchas and Bhutias as the scheduled tribes in the state which was resented by the Nepalese ethnic block. The issue of reservation of the seats to the Lepcha and Bhutia was challenged in the court of law. After a prolonged litigation, the verdict was given by the Supreme Court of India in 1993 that reserved seats for the Lepcha and Bhutia by name had the sanction of the tripartite agreement, signed on May 8, 1973 (Kazi, 1993). Further, in 2003, the Government of India enlisted Limbus and Tamangs as the scheduled tribes for the state of Sikkim and the Darjeeling District of West Bengal. The rationale given was that these communities were by and large indigenous communities of these states for centuries. Interestingly, during this time issue of representation for OBCs engulfed the entire country, and Sikkim could not remain unaffected. When the issue was raised in the Assembly, Nar Bahadur Bhandari, the then Chief Minister, ruled out its applicability to Sikkim. Within a few months, a majority of his party members in the House revolted and he lost his government on the issue. The short-lived successor government of Sanchman Limbu recommended that about a dozen of the communities be recognised as the OBCs, which was promptly approved by the federal government. Within a few months, state elections to the assembly were held; Pawan Kumar Chamling was elected in November 1994 to be the Chief Minister of State, and he remained in the office consecutively for five terms. We have noted previously that the Government of India extended “compensatory discrimination” in the form of a reservation system by terming Lepchas and Bhutias as the scheduled tribes and Kami, Saraki, Damai and Majhis from the Nepalese as the scheduled castes in 1978. Through a proposal of the government of Sikkim, Bhujel, Gurung, Limboo, Manger, Rai, Sunuwar and Tamang were added to the central list of the OBC on May 25, 1995. This list was further extended by adding Sanyasi, Jogi and Thami in 2000. Though the state government has proposed a number of variations to the ethnic list of state, the Government of India named two more communities, Limbus and Tamangs, as scheduled tribes in 2003. Thus, so far as the Government of India is concerned, there are four scheduled tribes in Sikkim (Bhutia, Lepcha, Limbu and Tamangs), four scheduled castes (Kami, Saraki, Damai and Majhis), and eight communities as OBCs, while the rest of the people belonged to the “general” category. The population composition of these communities can be understood from Table 6.1.

Politics of identity formation in Sikkim  75 TABLE 6.1  Demographic composition of ethnic groups in Sikkim (2003)

Namgyal Ethnic Groups

Current Ethnic Divide

Reservation System

Percentage (%)

Lepcha-Bhutia

Lepcha Bhutia Limbu Tamang Bhujel, Gurung, Rai Manger, Sunuwar, Sanyasi Thami and Jogi Newar, Brahmin, Chhetri Kami, Sarki Damai, Majhi

Scheduled tribe (1978) Scheduled tribe (1978) Scheduled tribe (2003) Scheduled tribe (2003 OBC OBC (1995)

37

Nepalese

Higher castes Low castes

OBC General Scheduled caste Scheduled caste

23

23 6.6

Source: Vandenhelsken (2010).

Recent developments in identity formation in the state A committee for ethnography In March 2005, the government of Sikkim formed a committee of experts (under the chairmanship of the author) to prepare “an Ethnographic Report on the Various Ethnic Groups of Sikkim”. The preliminary seating was held in Gangtok to work out a strategy for collecting the field data along with secondary literature. There was a conscious opinion in the committee to do field ethnography for enumerating relevant information. The necessity for this has arisen due to non-­ availability of data on population profile and settlement pattern of the Jogis and Thamis of Sikkim, two among several other communities on which the report was to be prepared. Adding to the difficulty was scanty information on the Dewan community, which was not listed ethnographically by the census operation as a distinct community. A brief description/narration about the working of this committee and field ethnography to understand the underlying political dynamics follows: After reaching Sikkim for the field study, I was joined by Prof. Shaikh Rahim Mandal of Centre for Himalayan Study, North Bengal University and a Deputy Secretary, Department of Social Welfare, the Government of Sikkim to facilitate the Committee. We visited a number of villages in South and West districts of Sikkim to locate unique ethnic villages of the various communities and particularly settlements of Jogis and Thamis. Our intention was to observe the functional aspect of the socio-cultural situation as claimed by the reports of various committees. Interestingly, there was hardly a village, which belonged exclusively to one community. The only exception we

76  A.C. Sinha

found was some Limbu villages on difficult terrain bordering Nepal in the West. Jogis were by tradition, holy beggars, who would sing in the praise of Lord Shiva early in the morning and visit households seeking alms. Naturally, their number in the state was very small, as they do not live together in compact settlements of their own, and also due to abandonment of traditional vocation by many. Due to their small and scattered settlements, they tend to marry outside their community though maintained Nepali as the language for communication. After a prolonged field visit and discussions, the committee submitted its report however there’s no interest shown by the government as was noticed through a very cold response from the latter. Therefore, the committee in the situation of non-availability of official recipient submitted the report to meet its fate with the member secretary. It may be noted that prior to appointment of the Committee, the government of Sikkim had asked the “Most Backward Communities” (MBCs) in the state to prepare their respective ethnographic reports claiming that they had a better claim to be considered as scheduled tribes. Six of the communities, Bhujel (3,326), Dewan (number unknown), Gurung (37,105), Kirat Rai (72,418), Magar (10,858) and Suunwar (number unknown) presented their ethnographic reports to the Committee with the claim that they belonged to the ancient Kirat tribal stock. However, due to non-availability of representative authority from Thamis and Jogis, their ethnographic accounts were missing, while for Dewan there was a published ethnographic report, whose ethnic identity was fuzzy, as they were not counted as such by the census operators and rather, they were considered to be the part of Kirat Rais. It is apparent that Rais, Gurungs and Magars were demographically the major communities, while other communities like Bhujel (3,326), Thamis (223), etc. were minor ethnic groups of the state. Bhujel, Dewan, Gurung, Kirat Rai, Magar and Sunuwar presented their ethnographic reports to the Committee to stake their claim for the status of scheduled tribes. To strengthen their case, these communities published their respective reports (Sinha, 2005). These reports give the impression that at least some of these communities such as Dewan and Sunuwar were descendants of the ancient Kirats, and possibly they were forced by circumstances to follow some of the Sanskrit traditions and the Brahminical rituals. These communities emphasised their differences with the fellow Kirats on the count of speaking different languages. However, it’s found empirically that they have a common lingua franca of Nepali. Interestingly, most of these communities, besides others such as Limbus, Lepchas, Tamangs and even Bhotias, intermarry among them. There are really very few mono-ethnic villages in the West, South and East Districts of the state. Their rite-de-passage exhibits a common pattern along with other caste Hindus in terms of rituals and personal effects. No doubt, many of the communities have their sacred specialties, but emphasis to brahmin priests on special occasions is a

Politics of identity formation in Sikkim  77

common thread amongst most of them. Inclination towards Brahminical style of living becomes apparent from the fact that every one of them considered it to be an enhanced status symbol to be imitated.

Further developments: constitution of a new commission and thereafter There’s complete inaction by the government on the report submitted after ethnographic field study in Sikkim till November 2005 when the government decided to reconstitute a new commission, probably to satisfy their political aspirations. On December 1, 2005, a new commission under the chairmanship of B. K. Roy Burman, with three anthropologists, three ministers, and the speaker of Sikkim legislative assembly, was appointed. The commission took three long years to complete the report and submitted its recommendation to declare the entire state of Sikkim as scheduled district like the regions enumerated under the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution, applicable to the North-East region of India. The author reviewed the report as per the request made by ICSSR, and unfair political treatment was highlighted. It’s mentioned that there appears to be lack of rationality to provide scheduled tribe status as a blanket category for the reason of underlying differing realities for different ethnic groups in the state of Sikkim. For example, the treatment given to “Bhotias” who, as per the commission’s recommendation, would become a scheduled tribe in the state of Sikkim; while no such status shall be bestowed on Bhotias living in the Darjeeling District of West Bengal, thanks to political boundaries of the two states. Probably due to such contradictions, the report of B. K. Roy Burman Commission (2009) has not been implemented. Once the Government of India declared Limbus and Tamangs as the scheduled tribes in Sikkim and Darjeeling respectively, the government of Sikkim decided to refurbish their ethnic list by creating a new category, “Most Backward Classes” (MBCs), which included Bhujel, Dewan, Rai, Gurung, Manger, Jogi, Sunuwar and Thami. Furthermore, with a view to apparently playing even-handed with the agitated “General Population”, they placed the remaining (general) communities among the OBCs such as Newar, Bahun, Chhetri and Sanyasi (see Table 6.2). In Sikkimese socio-cultural parlance, these are primarily “tagadharis” (those who were entitled for the sacred thread: Dwij: the twice-born castes) with exception of the Newars. The state government has mounted a strident movement to get Sikkim declared as a “scheduled district” such as former hill districts in the state of Assam, where all residents in the districts were constitutionally termed as scheduled tribes. Considering the social realities of Sikkim, it appears to be a political move to provide a broader categorisation for non-universal population in the state. It can be noted that there are two such areas outside the North-Eastern states where scheduled tribe status was given to all the residents. These are Chakrata subdivision of Dehradun District in Uttarakhand and Lahul-Spiti in Himanchal Pradesh. However, these areas were created as scheduled areas as a continuation of the practice initiated during the colonial period.

78  A.C. Sinha TABLE 6.2  OBCs and MBCs in Sikkim

List of OBCs (Government of India)

List of OBCs (Sikkim Government)

List of MBCs (Sikkim Government)

Bhujel Gurung Rai Manger Sunuwar Sanyasi Thami Jogi

Newar Bahun Chhetri Sanyasi

Bhujel Dewan Rai Gurung Manger Jogi Sunuwar Thami

Source: Vandenhelsken (2010).

What should be done? A few points for consideration Declaring “tribal” status as a blanket category holds implications for equity, as the same treatment for differing ethnic communities may yield inegalitarian outcomes. In the context of Sikkim, due to various ethnic communities which includes the migrant communities, assigning “scheduled” status appears to be a non-equitable proposition. There’s no denial to the fact that some or many communities may actually need safeguards as “scheduled tribes” due to their relative disadvantages. However, such a need should be verified without a political bias, as appears to be such in the case of Sikkim. It’s been observed that this issue is serving a political purpose other than bridging existing social disparity. There are indigenous communities such as Lepchas, Bhutias, Limbus, etc., who fall into the tribal category because of their long history of isolated tradition. But other communities, when looked historically, have the fact of being immigrant to Sikkim like other migrant communities in various states of the country. Therefore, it will be quite unfair to overlook the legal framework of justice with different treatment towards the same stock of (migrant) communities merely due to political boundaries. The Roy Burman Commission recommended that Sikkim be termed as a scheduled district with a view to awarding all the Sikkimese, irrespective of caste and ethnic affiliation, status of the scheduled tribe. In case that is conceded, not only the Nepali cultural commonwealth, but all the migrants, like Marwaris, Biharis, Bengalis, Deswalis, Brahmins, Chhetris, Newars and the like, become scheduled tribes. That did happen in the case of the hill districts of the British Assam such as Naga Hills, Lushai Hills, Khasi Hills, Garo Hills and the Frontier Tracts of Assam. These were then known as the excluded and partially excluded areas and there was even abortive effort of creating a Crown colony out of them. Considering the special situation and overall isolation and infrastructural backwardness, the Constituent Assembly appointed the Bordoloi sub-committee to consider their special circumstances. That is how the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution applicable to

Politics of identity formation in Sikkim  79

them was envisaged. Thus, there’s an inevitable need to undertake a study to evaluate possibilities for such a status in Sikkim based on the socio-historical experience of ethnic communities residing there.

References Guha, R. (2016). Democrata and dissenters. Gurgaon: Penguin Random House India. Kazi, N. Jigme. (1993). Inside Sikkim: Against the tide. Gangtok: Hill Media Publishers. Roy Burman, B. K. (2009). B. K. Roy Burman Commission Report. Gangtok: Department of Publicity, Government Sikkim. Sinha, A. C. (2008). Sikkim: Feudal and democratic. New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company. Sinha, A. C. et al. (2005). An ethnographic report on certain communities of Sikkim. Gangtok: Department of Social Welfare, Government of Sikkim. Vandenhelsken, M. (2010). Reification of ethnicity in Sikkim: ‘Tribalism’ in progress. Bulletin of Tibetology (Special Issue), 46(1), 161–194.

7 ETHNICITY, FOOD SECURITY AND DEPRIVATION The marginalised Hill people and distributive [in]justice in Manipur Ngamjahao Kipgen1

Introduction Indian democracy is trapped in a vicious circle of exclusion and elitism, where marginalised sections of population are excluded from active participation in democratic politics. Such an elitist orientation perpetuates the deprivations and disempowers the marginalised. The root of the problem was identified quite clearly by none other than B. R. Ambedkar in the context of his argument for linking political democracy with economic and social democracy. On January 26, 1950, he said, “We are going to enter into a life of contradictions. In politics, we will have equality and in social and economic life we will have inequality” (cf. Chand, 2007). This contradiction is still very much predominant today and has led to growing inequality and elitism. It is in this context that there is an urgent need to reassess the economic and social rights, particularly the right to food. The Indian Constitution provides a sound framework for thinking about the right to food – it is one of the basic economic and social rights that are essential to achieving “economic democracy”, without which political democracy is at best incomplete. Generally, the right to food can be interpreted as an entitlement to be free from hunger! How, then, do we interpret the term “freedom from hunger”? In their book, Hunger and Public Action (1989) Drèze and Sen pointed out the distinction between “growth-mediated” and “support-led” processes. The latter does not operate through fast economic growth but works through a programme of skilful support of healthcare, education and other relevant social arrangements. In a sense, infrastructure and development, and creation of economic facilities, are a positive attack on poverty, especially if this enhances the entitlement of the most deprived section of the society. This chapter attempts to discuss the basic entitlements and responsibilities associated with the right to food. The entitlement approach to starvation and famines DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-9

Ethnicity, food security and deprivation  81

concentrates on the ability of people to command food through the legal means available in the society, including the use of production possibilities, trade opportunities, entitlements vis-à-vis the state such as PDS, and other methods of acquiring food. The entitlement approach concentrates instead on the ability of different sections of the population to establish command over food, using the entitlement relations operating in that society depending on its legal, economic, political and social characteristics. For instance, the National Food Security Act 2013 includes food entitlements through subsidised grain, direct feeding programmes or related interventions and so on. I argue that this entitlement would mean to be free from hunger, which derives from the assertion that the society has enough resources, both economic and institutional, to ensure that everyone is adequately nourished (Drèze, 2004). I explain that the responsibilities associated with the right to food is with the state, as the state alone commands the resources (economic and institutional) required to protect everyone from hunger, and because the state is generally responsible for safeguarding constitutional rights. The chapter attempts to understand the (mal)functioning of the public distribution system (PDS). There seems to be something fundamentally wrong with the food distribution system. I  will analyse the extent of corruption in the PDS, as the grain meant for distribution to poor households through the PDS seems to end up on the black market.

Background of the study Inhabiting the hilly regions, the Kuki groups are backward compared to the politically and economically powerful groups inhabiting the valley regions of Manipur. As a result, the tribals (Kuki-Chins) have undergone many economic hardships that have further alienated and marginalised them in their homeland. Notwithstanding all claims of Manipur’s modernisation, the indigenous Kuki continue to be heavily dependent on the forests as hunters and gatherers, to follow traditional farming practices such as shifting cultivation (jhumming) and to be governed by a villagebased local government under their traditional chiefs. This chapter argues that marginalisation of the indigenous Kuki-Chin people residing in the hills of present Manipur has a strong colonial legacy and policies pursued by the state government after Manipur joined the Indian Union in 1949. Since then, various acts were passed – such as Manipur state (Hill Peoples Administration) Regulation, 1947, Manipur Hill Areas (Acquisition of the Chiefs’ Rights) Act, 1967 (Bimola, 2000) – which have posed a threat to the Kuki-Chin people’s local governance, autonomy and livelihood. Seventy years after independence and integration in the Indian Union, the indigenous Kuki-Chin groups in Manipur continue to be marginalised economically, politically, culturally and socially. They have been demanding social and economic justice and asserting their rights as an indigenous group, who have rights in land and to politically represent themselves. Sadly, the Indian government has continued to pursue colonial policies; while the tribal groups have become more

82  Ngamjahao Kipgen

assertive about their rights as indigenous people, and any violation of their cultural and human rights have become intolerable to them. An atmosphere of fear, suspicion, distrust and alienation has promoted political instability and antagonism towards an indifferent administration that is unresponsive to their needs. Meaningful dialogue could have allayed this atmosphere, but there have been no sincere efforts in this direction so far. Central and state government policies have failed to respond to local problems, creating regional imbalance and sharpening the divide between the hills and the plains. Many leaders and middle men in the name of representation have taken advantage of the schism and general ignorance of people about ongoing development programmes. They have used the situation to their advantage by disproportionately cornering resources allocated for their benefit. A top-down approach explains the indifference of government and ineffectiveness of welfare and development policies. These can easily be countered by a strong local self-government who is aware of tribal problems and committed to alleviating poverty. However, the denial of Sixth Schedule status to the hill areas of Manipur has furthered their marginalisation and promoted a feeling of deprivation (Guite, 2000). For instance, the PDS has failed to cater to the impoverished tribal groups as the valley people corner these provisions. Consequently, the state government through the PDS provided inadequate relief during the bamboo flowering (locally known as Mautam or Singtam) phenomenon during 2006–2008, which resulted in food shortages and famine. The overall consequence of imbalanced development and unequal distribution of development resources is ethnic tension between the hills and the plains, reflected in the number of political agitations and insurgencies that have been organised in the region and directly culminating into a national security issue. Inadequate and ineffective development policies and the historicity of the strong ethnic and regional divide between the communities living in the plains and hills have submerged Manipur in violence and lawlessness.

The setting Manipur, located in the North-Eastern region of India, is a multi-ethnic state. The total area of Manipur is 22,456 sq km and subdivided into hills and valley areas. The hills cover an area of 20,126 sq km, while the valley area is 2,230 sq km. The hill areas constitute 90 per cent of the state geographical area and are inhabited by two major ethnic tribal groups – Kuki-Chin and Naga tribes. This tribal category is a conglomeration of 33 distinct tribes showing distinct language and customary practices and internally differentiated by education, class and religious affiliation. In contrast, the valley is inhabited by the Meiteis (Hindus) and Pangals (Muslims) (Census, 2011). The state has witnessed a number of ethno-political assertions and armed movements among the different ethnic groups in the last few decades. This politicisation of ethnicity and ethnic nationalism has historic roots in the colonial period and the crystallisation of ethnic identities during the imperial rule which followed a divide and rule policy.2 The creation of differences can come

Ethnicity, food security and deprivation  83

about in several ways: first, by playing one ethnic group against another; secondly, by throwing hostile ethnic groups together; thirdly, by magnifying linguistic or cultural differences. Manipur ceased to exist as a fully independent kingdom in 1891, when a palace revolution resulted in the intervention of British power (Parrat, 2005, p. 7). The Anglo-Manipur war of 1891 led to the British conquest of Manipur, including the diverse ethnic groups, and merged within the territory of Manipur. Nevertheless, the hills and plain were administered separately and distinctly. The political agent of the British, J. Shakespeare (1905–1907) contended that “the hill tribes are not Manipuris and have entirely different customs and languages”, hence they required separate administrative policies.3 Manipur remained an independent kingdom under British protection. Indirect rule of the hills by British officers encouraged the Nagas and Kukis to affirm and assert their distinct ethnic-national identity. They did not disturb or disrupt the indigenous political administration at the local level but subsumed overall political control of the areas. The British recognized the Kuki Chiefs and the headmen or the Khullakpas of the Nagas, who were authorised to administer their villages through the tribal customary laws. The political agent and the vice president (British officer) in the durbar were solely responsible for the administration of the hill areas, and the maharajah and the state durbar had nothing to say in it. The only officials with whom people came into contact were the Meitei lamsubedars and lambus who always tried to extort something from poor villagers on the promise of exempting them from coolie works (Sangkham, 1988, p.  147). The interference of the lambus in the internal affairs of tribal chiefs was one of the causes of the Kuki rebellion of 1917–1919. After the suppression of the Kuki rebellion, some changes for the administration of the hill territory were introduced in 1919. Under the new scheme, three new subdivisions of Churachandpur, Tamenglong and Ukhrul were carved out. Each subdivision was placed under the charge of a European officer who was directly accountable to the president of the durbar, another European officer. However, a large area in the North, including the Mao and Maram Naga areas, and the whole of the Mombi areas in the South-East were continued to be administered from Imphal.4 Along with these changes, the budget for the hill territory was also separated from that of the valley. In dealing with the hill peoples, the colonial officials thus adopted the paternalistic attitude which was confined to the formal recognition of tribal chiefs only, and beyond this nothing was done to improve the living condition of the people. The Government of India Act 1935 did not make any significant change in the hill administration. Eventually, these hill areas were put under the frontier region excluded area category by the British government. Ethnic identity was integral to the governance of hill tribes during the colonial period, and this policy has continued in the contemporary period. These have directly contributed to the strong geographical divide within Manipur, and the strong ethnic competition between tribals and the non-tribals and within the tribals between the Naga and Kukis have taken a violent route and contributed to

84  Ngamjahao Kipgen

insurgency. The following section discusses the history of political economy of the hill areas in Manipur during the colonial period.

Political economy of the hill areas of Manipur (1891–1947) The main sources of hill administration were a hill house tax of Rs. 3/- imposed per household per annum and the income from forests. The total collection of hill house tax from 1891 to 1947 amounted to Rs. 33,86,522/-, whereas the total expenditure for the same year came to Rs. 30,24,084/- and the balance of Rs. 3,62,438/- was contributed to the general administration of the state.4 The main items of expenditure on hill administration were education, establishment, contingencies, Naga police, relief works, etc., regarding the income on forests; it was accounted to Rs. 17,37,459/- from 1891 to 1947 whereas the expenditure came to Rs. 2,76,522/- for the same period. The state derived a profit of Rs. 14,60,937/- from forest alone.5 During the colonial rule, particularly after 1891, the hill forests were for the first time classified into three categories – village forests, state reserved forests and open reserved forests. The common method of cultivation practised by the indigenous population is jhumming, which required a vast expanse of cultivable forests. Surprisingly, the management of forests came under the direct control of the durbar in which no hill men were represented.6 Normally, the president of the durbar who was a European officer authorised private monopolistic organisations like the Bombay-Burma trading corporation (limited) to run the business of forest products of Manipur and Burma. This grant of contract reveals how the indigenous people were gradually side-lined and alienated from the forests they had traditionally owned. However, according to the Forest Act of 1927, the hill forests continued to be administered exclusively by the state government. Overall, the colonial government had economically exploited the hill tribes and extracted several lakhs of rupees in the form of house tax mostly to meet their own imperial interests, while they invested very little of this revenue towards tribal welfare and development. The receipts and expenditure of the government for the period from 1899–1900 to 1908–1909 is shown in Table 7.1. It is evident from Table  7.1 that, out of the total income of Rs 4,90,067/including that of the house tax of Rs 55,467/- for the year 1899–1900, the total amount spent by the government was Rs 3,12,335/- out of which Rs. 3,962/- was the expenditure incurred on the hill tribes during the same year i.e., only 1.27 per cent of the total expenditure of the state was utilized on the hill, whereas on the valley as much as 98.73 per cent was spent. Throughout the decade, the average percentage of expenditure incurred on the hills was 1.40 per cent only. In the last two years of the decade, i.e., 1907–1908 and 1908–1909, the government increased the amount of expenditure to Rs. 8,695/- and Rs. 12,719/- respectively. The increase in the amount may be attributed to the works taken up by the

Ethnicity, food security and deprivation  85 TABLE 7.1 Receipts and expenditure of the government for the period from 1899–1900 to

1908–1909 Year

Expenditure on the Total Income of the Total Amount of Total Amount of Hill Tribes in Rs. Govt. (Inclusive of House Tax from the Expenditure of House tax) in Rs. Hills in Rs. Govt. (inclusive of Expenditure on the Hills) in Rs.

1899–1900 1900–1901 1901–1902 1902–1903 1903–1904 1904–1905 1906–1907 1907–1908 1908–1909 Total

4,90,067 3,87,862 3,96,061 50,115 3,95,395 4,12,989 4,21,437 4,47,130 4,79,164 41,93,018

55,467 52,609 63,566 51,294 45,742 66,696 55,569 67,175 59,933 5,80,262

3,12,335 3,73,192 4,64,409 3,63,65 3,87,800 1,72,908 1,25,266 4,53,412 4,72,614 35,56,400

3,962 4,131 3,873 3,412 3,332 3,805 4,000 8,695 12,719 49,667

Source: Administration Report of the Political Agency, Manipur (Corresponding Years from 1899–1900 to 1908–1909).

government such as construction of a bridge over the Irang and Barak Nallah costing Rs. 2,375/-, and another Rs. 1,273/- on the Jirighat Bridge.7 Again, in 1908–1909, Rs. 3,009/- was spent on the development works of the hill schools, and that was responsible for the rise in the expenditure during the year under report. In this regard, it may be noted that the colonial authorities by the beginning of the 20th century started to spend more money on education to produce a class of more literate people to serve as peons, clerks, police, etc. to safeguard their interest in this part of the empire. Though the expenditure had gone up, the percentage spent on the hill tribes continued to be as low as 2.69 per cent out of the total amount of expenditure for the year 1908–1909. Table 7.1 thus indicates that the colonial authorities during the decade had a total income of Rs. 41,93,018/- out of which Rs. 5,80,262/- was the house tax from the hill tribes. Out of this income, the expenditure incurred by the government was Rs. 35,56,400/- and the amount spent on the hill tribes was Rs. 49,667/- only 1.40 per cent of the total expenditure of the state. Aware of the ethnic divisions in the state, the colonial authorities exploited this situation to their own advantage. Most handy in this game plan was the ethnic divide between the Kukis and Nagas. As indicated, the Kukis and Nagas live together in almost all the hill districts. Initially, the British colonial policy was to insulate British territory from any Burmese threat. The British officials also used the Nagas first against the Burmese and then against the Kukis and Mizos. On different occasions, such as the invasion of Mao Nagas in north Manipur, the Suktes in south Manipur and the Naga uprising in Kohima (now in Nagaland) in 1879,

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British army officers effectively used the Kuki warriors, and this was perhaps the time when the first seed of enmity was sown between the two ethnic groups (Laba, 1995).

Traditional governance and autonomy of hill areas after 1947 The government of independent India has followed a policy of minimal internal interference to protect tribal interests and distinct cultural heritage. Additional political and administrative mechanisms have been formulated in the region. Under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution, the concept of Autonomous District Councils has been applied to many of the hill areas in North-Eastern India.8 The Councils are responsible for looking after the social, economic and minor criminal and civil matters of the tribal people. However, the hills of Manipur are not yet covered under this framework. The Manipur state (Hill peoples Administration) Regulation, 1947 was enacted soon after independence, and this divided the whole hill territory into circles. In each village that had more than 20 tax-paying households, there was a village authority consisting of chiefs and elders. Above the village authority, the government appoints a circle authority, comprising one circle officer and a council of five members elected by the village authorities falling within the circle. To encourage people’s participation in the local administration, the Manipur (Village Authority in Hill Areas) Act was passed in 1956 which introduced for the first time election of members of village authority on the basis of adult franchise by repealing the earlier regulation act of 1947. In 1972, when Manipur attained statehood, the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council Act, 1972 was passed. Unlike their counterparts in Assam, Meghalaya and Mizoram, no provision under Sixth Schedule was extended to the so-called autonomous district councils of Manipur. Even today, the people living in the Imphal valley are politically and economically more powerful and well off, while the tribes inhabiting the hilly areas are fighting for their survival and meeting only their basic needs. The top-down approach of Imphal has tried to erode tribal economy and culture. The development strategy followed by the centre and the state government has created a totally unbalanced economy in the hill and valley of Manipur. The Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act, 1972 was a landmark in the political history of the marginalised indigenous hill people in Manipur. However, the act envisaged no legislative, judicial or financial powers. Thus, the councils are quite impotent and ineffective as an instrument to safeguard the interest of the hill people and for the development of the hill areas. Because of public demand for extension of the provisions of the Sixth Schedule, the district councils were dissolved in 1988. As election of Manipur District Councils (MDCs) did not take place, the councils became dormant. The 7th Manipur Legislative Assembly passed the Manipur Hill Areas Autonomous District Council (Amendment) Bill on July 25, 2000, yet the hills did not beget Sixth Schedule status. After a gap of 20 years, the

Ethnicity, food security and deprivation  87

District Councils election was held in May 2010. This has brought a new sense of hope to the marginalised tribals in the hill areas of Manipur. It is felt that the granting of Sixth Schedule to the hills of Manipur would be instrumental in local development and give them greater control over resources earmarked for them by the government. This would, in a way, effectively resolve the problem of their deprivation and marginalisation.

The Mautam famine “When bamboo flowers, famine, death and destruction follow”, says a Kuki-Chin legend. Their geographical history is closely intertwined with the mysterious cycle of bamboo flowering known as Mautam-kialpi or “Rat-famine”, which has followed a recurring pattern in Kuki-Chin lebensraum. Despite their ability to predict the occurrence of a famine, the Kuki-Chin tribes have found themselves ill equipped to handle such calamities on their own. Famine is an economic and social phenomenon characterised by the widespread lack of food resources which, in the absence of outside aid, leads to death of those affected (Sen, 1981, p. 40). Poverty is not a stranger to them, since they have been forced by nature to negotiate with difficult times and a difficult landscape. But the idea that poverty is a denial of basic human dignity is intriguing, and human development is a relatively new idea for them. During the pre-modern period, their ancestors helplessly bore witness to periodic rat-induced famines. Memories of such famines have haunted the Kuki-Chin people until recently, and their folktales bear testimony to this. Back in 1950s, bamboo flowering set off a chain of events in the rugged hilly landscape in the Mizo hills that led to disillusionment and anger when the authorities failed to respond with quick famine relief. This later resulted in the Mizo National Famine Front, an organization created to help people get relief, changing into the Mizo National Front (MNF)9 that ultimately led to one of the most powerful insurgencies against the Indian Union spanning over two decades and ending only in 1987 with a peace accord. Historian Sajal Nag (2001) contends that the British extended help and support to the Mizos (Kuki-Chins), which in turn helped alleviate suspicion on both sides. Unfortunately, it was the failure of the newly independent Indian government in extending support that alienated the Mizos and was largely responsible for the Mizo National Famine Front’s turning against the centre. Yet again, in 2005–2007, bamboo flowering-related famine has severely affected the Kuki-Chin community, particularly in Chandel and Churachandpur Hill Districts of Manipur. Mautam causes an abnormal increase in the rodent population. These rodents have destroyed standing crops in many areas of the hill districts and escalated into a full-blown natural calamity. The Kuki-Chin areas are gripped by failure of the paddy harvest, and most people have little cash to procure basic food items and other essential requirements.10 Given the hill community’s dependence on production from jhumming, bamboo flowering can cause complete havoc and lead to starvation and death. Famine is

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partially caused by scarcity and partially due to government indifference, and lack of timely government intervention has been well argued by the Nobel laureate Amartya Sen in his classic work Poverty and Famine. As our discussions here reveal, the hills are famine-stricken due to the failure of the PDS, which in turn reflect the deep schism between the hills and the valleys and the political and economic marginalisation of the Kuki and other hill tribes. Moreover, government insensitivity means severe hardships for Mautam affected people. The development of Manipur cannot take place unless the hill areas and its inhabitants are also economically developed and enjoy the basic entitlements of life. The Kuki-Chin people inhabit a difficult hilly terrain, having poor road connectivity and follow traditional farming practices (Binodini, 1994). Their dependence on this farming landscape and forest is acute for meeting their basic survival needs. A great majority of them are poor, needy and become totally helpless if natural calamities (such as Mautam) occur in the landscape and crops fail.

Malfunctioning of the PDS during Mautam famine The PDS was conceived as an important poverty alleviation program. The Government of India introduced PDS countrywide to supply essential commodities like rice, wheat, sugar and kerosene oil at highly subsidised rates to benefit all classes of its people. It also has provisions for supplying essential commodities during natural calamities like famine, crop failure and so on. It was designed to act directly as a safety net for the poor, but it has faced several problems in its implementation. The central government initiated a new PDS programme in June 1997 and called it “targeted public distribution system”, or TPDS, for people living below the poverty line (BPL category). Due to the centralized procurement system, it incurred a very high administrative cost. However, one of the problems of TPDS today is the diversion of food grain to the open market. Various studies show that one-third of the grains supplied to PDS leaked into the open market in the UPDS programme (Jha & Srinivasan, 2001). Further, there were problems of wastage and pilferage at every stage of its operation. Then there are problems of targeting, where non-poor are included, and many BPL groups are left out of PDS. All these problems led to much lesser benefits reaching the poor. While the PDS has very high potential to protect the poor from starvation and hunger, problems of its implementation have reduced its actual potential to a great extent. This would be explained in the context of Mautam famine in Churachandpur District, Manipur. The Manipur state government, whose primary role is to effectively address grievances of its people, has been accused of being a stumbling block in implementing effective PDS, a programme envisaged by the government itself for providing essential commodities at a subsidised rate for the poor. The PDS system has completely malfunctioned for years together. Even if the system is put in place now, the situation is such that the poor farmers will have no money to buy even at the government-subsidised rate. Further failure in governance, collapse of

Ethnicity, food security and deprivation  89

administrative machineries and delivery system and lack of basic infrastructure, particularly roads and communication, have compounded the suffering of the poor farmers. The state budget for 2006–2007 had earmarked Rs 1,030/- lakhs for rodent control, rehabilitation of families affected by bamboo flowering and control of shifting cultivation, but a huge amount of this allocation has remained unspent or not given to the intended beneficiaries. For instance, 15,437 families are registered Below Poverty Line (BPL) in Churachandpur District. Each of these families are issued ration cards which entitle them to obtain a fixed quantity of rice, kerosene oil and sugar at subsidised government prices. No PDS item has reached the targeted beneficiaries in Churachandpur District for years together despite records by the Food Corporation of India to the contrary. The following PDS items received and issued at Imphal have not been reaching the target population in Churachandpur District despite the statistical records prepared by Food Corporation of India (FCI), Imphal, as shown in Table 7.2. Each of the Ministers/MLAs from the district draws about 3,000 litres of kerosene from agencies outside the district as monthly personal quota as well. The PDS-provisioned blue-coloured kerosene has not been received in Churachandpur District. However, the same PDS kerosene is sold on the black market all over the district at Rs. 30/- per litre. The monthly PDS rice of March 2006 for the district was reportedly lifted up to Lamka town on July 25, 2006 without much hindrance. This is a sign of some positive response towards public outcries raised since May 2006. According to records, 5,835 families in Churachandpur District are under Antyodaya Anna Yojana (AAY).11 Under this scheme, those extremely poor families are entitled to a monthly ration of food grain. The net monthly allocation of AAY rice (meant for the poorest of the poor) under PDS for Churachandpur District is 161,900 kilograms to be sold @ Rs. 3/- per kilogram at fair price shops. But open market traders have sold the same rice to the general public at Rs. 14/- per kilogram after manipulating the PDS to malfunction. Thus, the general public spent Rs. 11/- extra on every kilogram of rice purchased, incurring loss of Rs. 17,80,900/- per month and Rs. 2,13,70,800/- annually. Likewise, BPL rice,

TABLE 7.2  Monthly rice and sugar received and issued at Imphal, capital of Manipur (in kgs)

Items

January 2006

February 2006

March  2006

Rice received 10,522,000 12,514,000 8,102,000 Rice issued 9,547,000 7,355,000 7,203,000 Sugar Nil 870,000 350,000 received Sugar issued 31,000 191,000 824,000 Source: FCI Dimapur (Accessed from ZEPADA files).

April 2006

May 2006

June  2006

10,221,000 4,385,000 7,005,000 5,906,000 9,514,000 8,226,000 649,000 787,000 4000 167,000

665,000

17,000

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APL rice, sugar and kerosene are also similarly plundered. And under PDS welfare schemes, Annapurna12 rice, SGRY rice, Mid-Day meal rice and rice meant for tribal student hostels, orphanages and other welfare homes are likewise not issued or siphoned off with corruption. Table 7.3 shows the extent of deprivation suffered by the general public due to the malfunctioning of PDS Schemes in the district.

Situating the problem The central government’s FCI brought the allocated quantity (as shown in Table 7.3) of rice and other items to the FCI godown located at Sangaiprou, Imphal. From there, the quantities are transferred on a payment basis to the state government’s Food and Civil Supplies (FCS) godowns, located a few metres away. And the respective districts quotas are supposed to be lifted from there. This is where the problem lies. Sources said the various insurgents in the state flatly imposed a 30 per cent cut on the state quota right at Sangaiprou and lifted the same from there. Media reports quoted MLAs themselves as saying that up to 80 per cent of allocated rice goes away that way (The Sangai Express, Imphal: June 8, 2006). There are occasions when the militant groups or transport contractors forcibly shut down the godown or go on indefinite strikes. One unusual and interesting thing is that the MLAs/Ministers themselves impose their own quota from Imphal West District. According to highly placed sources, this is against all rules. In no other parts of the country are elected MLAs given quota under the AAY/BPL schemes. Therefore, the food grain that the centre had sent to the state to keep the poor alive is being robed off at Sangaiprou itself. The result is that after everyone takes their illegal shares, there is almost nothing left for those families in whose name the food came. A random look at a BPL ration card belonging to one family of seven members in New Lamka, Churachandpur reveals that they got just 5 litres of kerosene oil during the entire year in 2003 (no rice); 10 litres of kerosene oil in 2004 (no rice); no kerosene and no rice in 2005; and 10 kg of rice and 5 litres of kerosene oil till June 2006. Many civil organisation groups spearheaded by ZEPADA have demanded the stocking of PDS ration items at Churachandpur by directly lifting from FCI godown in Dimapur (Nagaland), after conducting an investigation and enquiry.13 They have given the following rationale for their demands: 1 That the needy publics of Churachandpur District have not been getting essential commodities like rice, sugar and kerosene usually through the PDS. The lone serviceable FCS godown in Churachandpur with the capacity of 500 MT remained empty and unused as on date. 2 Even though a monthly quota of rice (2739.45 quintals under BPL and 1619.00 quintals under AAY Schemes) was allotted for the district, nothing is available in the fair price shops for public purchase. Same is the case with sugar and kerosene oil. Thus, the rice is purchased by the public @ Rs. 12/- per kg, sugar @ Rs. 25/- per kg and kerosene oil @ Rs. 30/- per litre from the black-market retailers.

161,900 381,100 200,000 12,000 349,162 55,759 182,000 95,700

1. AAY Rice 2. BPL Rice 3. APL Rice 4. Annapurna 5. SGRY Rice 6. MDM 7. K. Oil 8. Sugar Total

3.00 5.65 8.30 5.65 14.32 5.65 9.50 13.41

Govt. PDS rate per Kg/ Litre (in Rs.) 14.00 14.00 14.00 14.00 14.00 14.00 30.00 25.00

Open trader market price per Kg/ Litre (in Rs.) 4,85,700/21,53,215/16,60,000/Free Free 3,15,038/17,29,000/12,83,337/-

Total price at Govt. rate (in Rs.)

22,66,600/53,35,400/28,00,000/1,68,000/50,00,000/7,80,626/54,60,000/23,92,500/-

Total price in open trader market (in Rs.)

17,80,900/31,82,185/11,40,400/1,68,000/50,00,000/4,65,588/37,31,000/11,09,163/1,65,77,636/-

Monthly loss to the general public (in Rs.)

2,13,70,800/3,81,86,220/1,36,80,000/20,16,000/6,00,00,000/55,87,056/4,47,72,000/1,33,09,956/19,89,31,632/-

Yearly loss to the general public (in Rs.)

Source: An Awareness Workshop Organised by Zomi Economic Planning and Development Agency (ZEPADA) on Malfunctioning of the Public Distribution System in Churachandpur District Manipur, on 29 July 2006 at Lamka, Manipur.

Monthly loss to general public = Rs. 1,65,77,636/Yearly loss to general public = Rs. 19,89,31,623/-

Monthly allocation to the district (Kg/Litre)

Particulars

TABLE 7.3  Monthly allocation of rice, kerosene oil and sugar to Churachandpur District

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3

On enquiry with the concerned local authorities/agencies/dealers yielded no result except attributing the following factors as causing the breakdown of PDS supply: (i) The enlisted contractors who transport the PDS items were either conniving with politicians or bureaucrats or succumbing to the dictates of the militants to ensure that at least 30 per cent of the stock goes to them. (ii) A potential buyer does not get the food grains and others even after two months of depositing the cost.

Poverty alleviation programmes as means to empowerment Even though poverty alleviation programmes have been designed to address different facets of rural poverty; successful implementation of these programmes requires an appropriate policy framework, adequate funds and an effective delivery mechanism (Khamkhenthang, 2000). However, past experience shows that the mere availability of funds is not likely to eradicate rural poverty. Hence, an effective delivery system has to ensure people’s participation at various stages of the formulation and implementation of the programmes, transparency in the operation of the schemes and adequate monitoring. Involvement of the community, especially the poor, would not only reduce poverty but also empower the poor to find solutions to their economic problems. There is also a need for decentralisation of the programmes by strengthening local institutions, as poverty is not merely economic deprivation but also social marginalisation that affects the poor most. The programme that has been actively implemented in Manipur for the past few years is the wage employment programme NREGS (now MNREGS; it was still called NREGS during the period of field study). Based on findings from the study in Churachandpur, some proposals and suggestions towards poverty alleviation programmes are discussed as under.

Increase the number of man-days under NREGS14 Under these programmes, villagers have worked to improve the village infrastructure such as building community halls, improving the rural roads and sanitation. Thus, the programmes not only provided employment to the villagers but also improved village infrastructure and created village public assets. A positive fallout of this programme is that it created higher demand for village labour, thereby pushing up the wage of the labourers in the villages. Implementation of NREGS by the Churachandpur District administration is quite commendable.15 A respondent had remarked that “It (NREGS) is the only solace available with famine affected people without which we could have been counting the number of famine-deaths” (Interview, February 20, 2008). Therefore, it would be rational enough for the central government to consider increasing number of man-days to the tune of at least 100 days for the entire district.

Ethnicity, food security and deprivation  93

Village grain banks (Graingola System) Many civil bodies under the aegis of ZEPADA have requested the state government for establishment of additional VGBs in all villages having 40 or more households. The central government sanctioned 101 additional VGBs on June 12, 2008; however, the concerned FCS department was yet to be implemented as of this writing.

Initiatives taken by civil organizations The ZEPADA, an agency pioneering the efforts in counteracting famine threats within the district, rummage around for an alternative method in achieving selfsufficiency. On August 11, 2006, a massive protest rally under the banner “mass empty pot rally” under the aegis of ZEPADA was taken out in Churachandpur District headquarters to condemn the defunct PDS in the district. The majority of the participants in the rally were commoners, women folk and minors comprising the school students. They carried empty utensils and lanterns (kerosene fuel being used) and banged the kitchen accessories to highlight non-availability of essential commodities. The placards read “we demand direct lifting of PDS items”, “construction of FCI godown in Churachandpur”, “additional allocation of foodgrains”, “stop looting us” and so on apart from highlighting looming famine likely to be caused by bamboo flowering in numerous places of the district. Strong condemnations were also aired by the protestors targeting those responsible for siphoning off essential PDS items meant for the people. Also, faced with the government apathy and inaction, the people of Churachandpur conducted a yeoman service – a Relief Mobilisation (Mautaam Puuktaw) 2008 and organised Concert for the Hungry on September 5, 2008, the first of its kind in Manipur. This initiative was taken up to raise funds for Mautam famine-affected people. Such initiatives are yet another glaring example of the involvement of the local communities, which is a key to the success of poverty alleviation programmes.

Findings from the study and the way forward Despite overflowing affords from the government, it is seen that widespread poverty and hunger is still prevalent. No definite development has taken place in rural villages. This is because funds (like AAY and BPL) meant for development do not reach the right place and right person; rather, it is diverted into the pocket of some self-style bureaucrats; items meant for public distribution are often sold in the black market for lust of money. Besides the failure of the PDS, findings from the study underline the following factors responsible for under-development of the hill areas.

1. Shifting cultivation (Jhumming) continues to be the dominant land-use system The persistent predominance of jhumming, and its low productivity and low degree of mechanisation, is closely linked with the backwardness of the hill tribals.

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The tribal agriculture depends heavily on the mercy of the monsoons. Seasonal crop failures have no other alternative/substitution. The government has not taken up any major step to tackle such an eventuality. No modern and scientific technologies are used in tribal areas to take up land irrigation works for cultivation. The double cropping system is a failure in the hill areas. Projects taken up in the tribal areas have all been on paper alone. The tribals are still dependent on their simple mode of cultivation. There has been no modernisation in the method of cultivation. Forests, products and resources are not enough to meet the demands of their livelihoods. Besides, the forests have been destroyed indiscriminately by the hill elites in connivance with the valley/plain mahajans or businessmen for petty financial profits at the expense of the ignorant villagers.

2.  Absence of motorable roads Many villages are still cut off from the mainstream, which cannot be reached by buses and other motor vehicles. The road system is one of the worst in North-East India despite the fact that Manipur attained statehood early and is an erstwhile princely state. There is no balance development in the state; rural and hill areas are totally neglected. For instance, the Tipaimukh subdivision in Churachandpur District is one of the worst and under a pathetic condition. Ironically, National Highway 150 passes through this way connecting Mizoram.

3.  Absence of industries In the tribal areas, there are no industries worth mentioning. The old practices of cottage industries such as weaving and handicrafts are dying out. The state government has not taken any effective steps to promote cottage industries in the hill areas. No financial assistance is forthcoming. Since the cost of production is high, tribal goods cannot compete with cheap qualities produced in the valley. Besides, the tribals who live in the hill areas cannot avail loans from the banks on the plea that the hill men do not have land patta. This might appear to be ridiculous, considering that all other tribals living in North-East India, except from the Manipur tribals, can take loans. While the tribals in Nagaland, Mizoram, Arunachal and Meghalaya do not have a patta system but can still take loans, why not the Manipur tribals? Further, the so-called district council is most ineffective. The government ought to review the prevailing system in the state if a healthy society is to be maintained.

4. Poverty Above all these, two of the main reasons for the cause of poverty of the hill tribals from the case study undertaken are (a) total absence of grassroots planning, and (b) resources allocated under tribal welfare schemes are siphoned off and appropriated

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by “middlemen” in connivance with bureaucrats and politicians. Therefore, there is the need for people’s participation and involvement in implementing development schemes and projects. As developmental work must be rooted through the village level and village authorities, beneficiaries must be the deserving families. People’s participation in local-level planning under the framework of democratic decentralisation is non-existent in the tribal areas of Manipur. The district and block planning is non-operational. The state government does not give any importance to this, and there is absolutely no directive from the state government. Thus, progress and development in the tribal areas is slow and funds allocated for the tribals do not percolate to them. Therefore, in any developmental work, people should be involved, but as far as Manipur is concerned there is a glaring absence of people’s involvement. There is no link between the locals and the government machinery. Whenever work is taken up in the tribal areas, it centres on a few individuals. There is too often an unholy alliance between the men at the helm of affairs and individuals. The money to be spent for the villagers is somehow pocketed by people with selfish interests rather than for the public. In the absence of community involvement, the programmes are plagued with bureaucratic muddle and corruption at every level. Thus, the basic problem faced by the hill people and their problems of development can be summed up as: the poverty of the hill people is reflected in several forms  – illiteracy, ill health, unemployment, failure of commercial development and general development. This dissatisfaction is reflected in complex political agitations including insurgencies organised by different ethno-groups.

Conclusion As rightly argued by Drèze (2004), in this framework, the right to food is one of the basic economic and social rights that are essential to achieve “economic democracy”, without which political democracy is at best incomplete. The case of Mautam that has caused widespread hunger during 2006–2008 in Churachandpur District is a specific indicator of violation of the right to food. To say that starvation depends “not merely” on food supply but also on its “distribution” would be correct enough, though not remarkably helpful. The important question then would be: what determines distribution of food between different sections of the community? (Sen, 1981, p. 7). Therefore, if PDS is to be revitalised, close attention needs to be paid to the circumstances that shape people’s perceptions of their rights as well as their ability to enforce them. Even after India’s independence, new steps to ameliorate the economic backwardness of these tribes were documented only on paper. The so-called development schemes adopted by the state government do not percolate to the masses. Today, the hill areas are facing survival crises due to multifarious problems, the bamboo flowering-induced famine, the traditional jhum cultivation which is no longer sustainable, the absence of basic health, transport and communication facilities and the lack of employment opportunities. Much more than the funds crunch,

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corruption is a big obstacle preventing the proper utilisation and disbursement of resources to the intended beneficiaries and those in distress. The weaker section of the society or the neglected hill tribals in Manipur who have not been fully covered by various projects and developmental schemes of the Manipur state government should also be brought within the realm of advancement. Development must be evident at the grass roots, and resources should be allowed to trickle down to the marginalised hill people. The goal of any poverty alleviation programme should not be merely to increase the income level of individuals, households or groups, but to bring the marginalised to the mainstream in the development processes of the country. The country cannot claim economic growth when a section of the people is marginalised and in the periphery. As a watchful commentator has rightly said, “If Manipur is to be a developed state, give attention to the hills/mountains!”

Notes 1 Acknowledgements: The author thanks the Zomi Economic Planning and Development Agency (ZEPADA) based in Churachandpur District of Manipur and the Manipur Hill Journalist Union (MHJU) for providing the critical data. 2 Richard Morrock defines “divide and rule” as the “conscious effort of an imperialist power to create and/or turn to its advantage the ethnic, linguistic, cultural, tribal, or religious differences within the population of a subjugated colony” (1973, p. 129). 3 F.D Ext. A, 1907, ‘Scheme of the Future Administration of Manipur’, August, Nos. 18–23. 4 Administrative Report of Manipur State, 1919–1920, p. 2. 5 Ibid. pp. 190–193. 6 Ibid. p. 194. 7 Tour Dairy of C. Gimson. Dated November 17–18, 1937. 8 For details on District Councils in the Northeast, see Sharma (1998). 9 The MNF is now a regional political party that heads the government in Mizoram led by former guerrilla leader Zoramthanga. 10 This was also confirmed by the on-the-spot enquiry conducted by Manipur Hills Journalists’ Union (MHJU) during November 12–16, 2007. 11 Antyodaya Anna Yojana (AAY) was launched in December 2000 for one crore poorest of the poor families. AAY is a step in the direction of making TPDS aim at reducing hunger among the poorest segments of the BPL population. 12 The central government launched the National Social Assistance Programme or NSAP in August 1995. Under NSAP, there are three schemes. The first one is the National Old Age Pension Scheme or NOAPS. A pension amount of Rs. 75 per month is given to those who are above the age of 65 and are destitute without any regular source of income or support from any family members or relatives. The government has launched another programme called Annapurna in April 2000 for those among the elderly population who are eligible for NOAPS. 13 Memorandum submitted by ZEPADA to the Commissioner, Food and Civil Supply Department, Government of Manipur, June 5, 2006. 14 The main purpose of the wage employment programmes like National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (now MNREGS) is to provide a livelihood during the lean agricultural season as well as during calamities. 15 Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh and UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi presented the award to the DPC MGNREGA Churachandpur district Jacintha Lazarus (Deputy Commissioner) alongside nine other districts selected from throughout the country for

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giving the best performances during 2009–2010. Churachandpur, which topped the Ministry of Rural Development (MGNREGA division) list made the cut under the category, community participation and participation for livelihood generation (The Sangai Express, 03–02–2011).

References Bimola, K. (2000). Administrative changes in the Hill Areas of Manipur. In M. Horam (Ed.), The Rising Manipur (Including other North-Eastern States). New Delhi: Manas Publications. Binodini, P. (1994). Tribal land system of Manipur. Imphal: Centre for Tribal Studies, Manipur University. Census. (2011). Primary census abstracts. Registrar General of India, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India. Retrieved March 18, 2018, from http://www.censusindia.gov Chand, S. (2007, December 11). Dr Ambedkar on democracy. Mainstream Weekly, 45(51). Tuesday. Retrieved March 18, 2018, from www.mainstreamweekly.net/article467.html Drèze, J. (2004). Democracy and right to food. Economic and Political Weekly, 39(17), 1723–1731. Drèze, J., & Sen, A. (1989). Hunger and public action. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Guite, K. C. (2000). MLR & LR Act, 1960, and the Sixth Schedule in relation to Hill Areas. In M. Horam (Ed.), The Rising Manipur (Including other North-Eastern States). New Delhi: Manas Publications. Jha, S.,  & Srinivasan, P. V. (2001). Taking the PDS to the poor: Directions for further reform. Economic and Political Weekly, 36(39), 3779–3786. Khamkhenthang, H. (2000). An aspect of tribal poverty and its remedy. In M. Horam (Ed.), The Rising Manipur (Including other North-Eastern States). New Delhi: Manas Publications. Laba, Y. (1995). Kuki-Naga conflict: An insight. Imphal: (Unpublished manuscript). Morrock, R. (1973). Heritage of strife: The effects of colonialist ‘divide and rule’ strategy upon the colonized peoples. Science and Society, 37(2), 129–151. Nag, S. (2001). Tribals, rats, famine, state and the nation. Economic and Political Weekly, 36(12), 1029–1033. Parrat, S. N. (2005). The court chronicle of the kings of Manipur – The Cheitharon Kumpapa. London and New York: Routledge. Sangkham, G. (1988). British colonial rule in the hill areas of Manipur, 1891–1947. (Unpublished PhD thesis). Manipur University, Imphal. Sen, A. (1981). Poverty and famines: An essay on entitlement and deprivation. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Sharma, A. K. (1998). District councils in the Northeast. In T. N. Chaturvedi (Ed.), Fifty years of Indian administration: Retrospect and prospect. New Delhi: Indian Institute of Public Administration.

8 WHEN BOUNDARIES MATTER Land, laws and territorial conflict in Manipur, North-East India Roluahpuia

Introduction On August 31, 2018, a mass gathering took place at Khuga Dam in Churachandpur District of Manipur. The gathering commemorated the third anniversary of the protest by the tribals of Manipur against the passing of what they call the “anti-tribal bills” on August 31, 2015. The anti-tribal bills (as they are commonly known) are: The Protection of Manipur Peoples Bill (2015), the Manipur Shop & Establishment Bill (Second Amendment) (2015) and the Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms Bills (Seventh Amendment) (MLR&LR) (2015). On the day, a memorial was erected to honour the nine individuals who lost their lives in the protest. Among the three bills introduced, the MLR&LR is primarily the bone of the contention, which is entangled with the question of identity and autonomy in contemporary Manipur. Conflict over land is tied closely to Manipur’s history. The state has been marked by violence, particularly after the 1990s when conflict took a more ethnic and communal turn. One of the principal factors of the conflict is land with ethnic groups of the state vying for territorial control and autonomy. However, even as land is central to the conflict, existing scholarship examines the land conflict within the explanation of ethnic conflict (Banerjee & Athparia, 2004; Singh, 2008; Kipgen, 2013). This often negates the complex issue surrounding land rights and the role of the state in such conflicts. The MLR&LR is a useful case to explore the land rights issue and, therefore, places the Act at the centre of its focus to address the land question in Manipur. The MLR&LR is significant in that it is the only comprehensive land laws of the state. In addition, the chapter notes that one needs to go beyond the “ethnic” to examine the conflict and contest over land in the state. As Lund puts it, “it is never merely a question of land but rather also a question of property, and of social and political relationships in a very broad sense” (Lund, 2011, p. 73). DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-10

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In form and content, the MLR&LR places the state as the authority to sanction legitimacy of ownership and rights. It authorises the state to formalise any form of land usage by means of taxation and land records undermining or displacing any other form of recognition, traditional or non-traditional (Sikor & Lund, 2009, p. 1). The chapter traces the emergence of MLR&LR situating within the broader context of colonialism and the resultant changes and its continued effects on land rights and conflict in India. The difference in Manipur, however, is that the introduction of MLR&LR extends beyond more land record formalisation and the introduction of private property. It is enmeshed with the state politics of identity and the hill–valley divide. It then highlights how the state manoeuvres with the Act in order to enable its extension in the hill areas of the state. The chapter then notes that the very attempt of extending the Act in the hill areas is a reminder as to why the boundaries between the hills and the valley matter.

Manipur and MLR&LR Act: historical context Manipur is an ethnically plural state. The state was integrated into the Indian Union as a Part C state in 1949 and then upgraded to full statehood status in the second re-organisation of states in 1971. Historically, the valley region of the state was under a monarchical system, whereas the hill areas are under tribal sovereigns. Even now, the hills and valley define its contemporary socio-economic and political realities (Suan, 2009). The hills make up 90 per cent of the total geographic area of the state inhabited by numerous tribal groups, whereas the valley areas have been predominantly under the control of non-tribals, the Meiteis in particular. Out of the nine districts1 of the state, four are in the valley are five are in the hills, with the hill areas put under the Manipur Hill Areas Autonomous District Councils (MHADC) Act, 1972,2 while on the other hand; local self-government in the form of panchayats are operative in the valley areas. This difference in terms of ethnicity and polity is what makes the hills and the valley a distinct but also significant feature to understand Manipur, its past as well as present. In Manipur, the MLR&LR Act is one of the most important land laws. Prior to the Act, the Assam Land & Revenue Regulation Act, 1886 (hereafter AL&LR) was implemented by a State Durbar Resolution. Cadastral surveys and the introduction of new land laws by the colonial state did have adverse implications in India. In addition, one of the most significant aspects of this is the introduction of private property into the legal system. This is a well-noted fact in scholarly studies that examines how colonial rule re-ordered land relations and imposed regulations that facilitate a regime of extraction and exploitation (Guha, 1981; Swamy, 2011). It was in the same spirit that new land laws were introduced in the North-East region. As such, the AL&LR’s purpose was to introduce private ownership of land against the prevailing, if not widely communal, form of land ownership. The regulation brought about change in ownership pattern, hence land utilisation, by granting individual rights of land, in short, privatisation of landholdings, therefore

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requiring individuals to hold pattas (Daimary, 2012, p. 34). This paves the way for plantations such as tea and rubber that began to take off at a massive scale from the nineteenth century onwards. As Daimary further notes, it was the new land policy that enabled tea planters to grab more land and bring them under a plantation regime (2012, p. 35). Meanwhile, the hill regions such as Lushai Hills and Naga Hills among others were excluded from the land reform. The cultural distinctiveness of the inhabitants of the hills set them apart from the plain dwellers. Politically, the colonial state adopted the policy of exclusion of the tribes. Keeping out the tribes from reforms was considered an advantage, as it protects the colonial interest of safeguarding its plantation economy in the plains and foothills. Economically, too, the hill areas were seen as “unproductive” due to the terrains, and hence were economically unviable. Also, the tribals who inhabit such areas are defined by their lack of order, civility and culture. In such a space, customary practices are allowed to flourish with minimal intervention. As such, traditional authority and power structures were kept intact and integrated into a colonial system of governance. As a result, the community continues to enjoy land rights over ownership and its utilisation. In post-independent India, the issue of land becomes a more complex issue. While the newly independent state acknowledges the distinct customs of the tribes, there were internal changes within the community. This change came from the regional states themselves that introduce new land laws alongside the increasing penetration of market forces. Of this, the AL&LR remains significant as it forms the foundational basis of land laws for most states of the region. For instance, states such as Nagaland, Manipur and Tripura have adopted from the law with minor adjustments. The question is complex with states having tribal and nontribal population such as in Tripura and Manipur. In Tripura, the state government introduced the Tripura Land Revenue and Reforms (TLR&R) Act, 1960 to pave the way for the resettlement of Bengali refugees from erstwhile East Pakistan (cited in Bhattarcharya, 2018). In states such as Nagaland, which have a predominant tribal population, the Nagaland Land Revenue and Revenue Regulation (NL&RR), 1978 prohibits the transfer of land to non-indigenous inhabitants of the state. A new amendment further strengthens this protection with the prohibition of transfer of lands by way of mortgage by nationalised banks, co-operative societies or any other financing institutions.3 As such, we have a scenario where both customary and state laws operate in the state. The same is true for the tribal state of Mizoram. For a state such as Manipur, the issue is made more complex by the fact that the implementation of MLR&LR, or a uniform land policy, will endanger tribal rights over land. Since its introduction in 1960, the MLR&LR was meant for the valley areas alone, excluding the hill areas of its purview. This resulted in two distinct forms of land governance in the state whose distinction is based on, if not defined by, the distinct geography, hill and valley. Tribal communities of the state therefore continue to follow their customary practices when it comes to landownership.

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However, there has been persistent effort for a uniform land policy in the state, particularly a demand made by valley-based groups and organisations. Not only was this staunchly opposed by the tribal communities, it antagonised them, as the law will erode their protection against the more dominant community. The MLR&LR saw several amendments in recent years, and such amendments were made with the intention of extending the law to the hill areas. As such, a large part of the hill areas is covered under the Act. The rationale for its extension is made on the basis that tribal land ownership is backward. The general view remains that privatisation of land is more advantaged than communal land ownership. Furthermore, in the context of Manipur, it is argued that a uniform land law would erase the hill–valley divide and also ease the overconcentration of population in the valley areas. This demand also came in the wake of land in the valley areas where land ownership, its purchase and transfer are allowed further putting pressures on land (Phanjoubam, 2015). In the following section, a more detailed analysis of the law, its justification and legitimation are analysed to understand how the state pushed for a uniform land law in the state, though gradually.

Manipur context Regulation and reform: The MLR&LR Act Reform of tribal lands is a common agenda across the North-Eastern states. Without much success, land reforms were undertaken in various states of the region, and it is the tribal communities who are mostly opposed to it. Specific to tribes, privatisation of land primarily implies the transfer of community land into private lands, which in effect implies formalisation of land claims and ownership (Nongkynrih, 2008, p. 16). However, the opposition against land reforms is an issue that requires closer examination. As Nongbri (2003) notes, the contest by the tribes is not merely about opposing cadastral surveys and land records, but it is enmeshed with complex issues where multiple interests overlapped and competed over one another. Even as her observation is specific to the state of Meghalaya, what is central is the question of power and access, and hence control over resources. In Manipur too, the MLR&LR resulted into confrontation between tribals and the state. As noted earlier, the MLR&LR Act is the core land law when it comes to Manipur, and as an import from the AL&LR, the foundation of the law is rooted in colonial legacy. The Act consists of five which is, further divided into 13 chapters. Initially, when introduced, the MLR&LR was meant for the valley areas alone. This is specified in the Act, which notes, “it extends to whole area of Manipur except the hill areas thereof ”. Until now, a major part of the hill areas remains outside its purview, where a customary form of ownership continues to prevail. Under the Act, sale and registration of land rights are made. The unit of

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preparation of land records is the village and a ward in a town. Survey and records of lands are carried out for record of land rights. As such, under the MLR&LR Act, registration of land is required under a state-regulated system which consists of three types, viz.: dag chitha, jamabandi and Tenants Khatian. The law provides clear provision for land regulation under the aforementioned different types. All land records are to be maintained under the Directorate of Land and Revenue under whom various officials are to be appointed. The task of officials appointed is to record and maintain land records from village level and collect land revenue. This is specified in Chapter V (Land Records) of the Act, which notes: it shall be the duty of the survey officer to prepare a record of rights for each village showing the area of each survey number and other particular and any other record or register, in accordance with the rules made under this Act. On taxation, Chapter IV (Survey and Settlement of Land Revenue) notes, the operation carried out in accordance with the provisions of this Chapter in order to determine or revise the land revenue payable on the lands in any local area called a “revenue survey”, the results of the operations are called a “settlement” and the period during which such results are to be in force is called the “term of settlement”. Specific to the tribes of the state, the Act does give protection when it comes to transfer of land. For instance, it notes that the transfer of land by a person who is a member of the scheduled tribe shall not be valid unless (1) the transfer is to another member of the scheduled tribe, or (2) where the transfer is to a person who is not a member of such tribe, and it is made with the permission in writing of the Deputy Commissioner who shall not give such permission unless he has first secured the consent thereto of the district council within whose jurisdiction the land lies, or (3) transfer is by way of mortgage to a co-operative society. One important thing that needs to be noted here is that this does not imply that tribal lands are non-transferable; it just prevents the transfer of land from tribals to non-tribals. One of the most central aspects of the Act is the power of the state. The state has the legitimate right of claims over land and other natural resources. For instance, under Chapter III on Land and Land Revenue, it notes: all lands, public roads, lanes and paths and bridges, ditches, dike and fences on or the same, the beds of the rivers, streams, nallahs, lakes and tanks and all canals and water courses, and all standing and flowing water and all rights in or over the same or appertaining thereto, which are not the property of any person and are hereby declared to be the property of any person are hereby declared to be the property of the Government.

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The outcome of this is that communal lands are usurped and appropriated as a state property. Furthermore, a clause in Chapter II of the Act also notes that the state government has [the] power to create, alter or abolish districts, sub-divisions, etc. The state government may, by notification in the official Gazette, divide the territories to which this Act extends into one or more districts, and may similarly divide any district into sub-divisions and tehsils, and may alter the limits of, or abolish any district sub-division or tehsil. A pertinent issue that requires attention is how the law defines and reproduces the “hill” and “valley”. In terms of definition, section 2(j) of the Act defines the hill areas as “such areas in the hill tracts of the State of Manipur as the State Government by notification in the official Gazette declared to be hill areas”. Even if it does not clearly specify what makes the hill, it forms the basis of its applicability and non-applicability of the Act. This is because the Act further determines the way in which land records are classified. For example, lands under the Act are classified as “surveyed” while lands outside of it are put as “un-surveyed”. The simple difference between the two, then, is on the formalisation of land records for the surveyed lands. This implies that implementation of the MLR&LR Act requires cadastral surveys by the state. Given the opposition by the tribals, a majority part of the hill areas is classified as “un-surveyed”. Therefore, in sum, the intent and content of the MLR&LR is not merely about securing land titles to the tribals but extending the Act and, hence implementing a uniform rule.

The land question: conflict and contestation The stated goal of extending the MLR&LR Act in the hills as specified is for land reforms. Over the years, large parts of the hill areas are now under the Act. There exist many ambiguities in terms of land ownership and rights in the hills given the complex and contested nature of land in the state. However, what is of interest here is the way in which the Act is extended to the hills and the means by which they become applicable in the hills. The issue of land overlapped with issues of administration, rights and governance most often than not, the extension of the Act re-affirms and re-produces what it intends to erase, that is, the hill and valley. The extension of the Act into the hills coincides with the introduction and implementation of the Act in Manipur. Even as the Act was meant for the valley alone, certain parts of the hill villages were included under the Act since its inception. What made this possible is the fact that the Act can be extended by a gazette notification. In 1962, the state government extends the Act through a gazette notification in various hill districts of the state covering 89 villages under Churachandpur District, 14 villages under Mao subdivision situated in Sadar Hills Circles and 809 hectares of land in Khonpum valley of Tamenglong District (Das, 1989,

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p. 30). As further noted by Das (1989), the intention of the state government is to push for a gradual extension of the Act in a phased and timely manner. Other hill districts such as Senapati District are also now covered under the Act, for which the land survey was conducted in 1978.4 Due to opposition from the tribal groups, the survey was halted, and currently, an area of a mere six kilometres is known to be covered under the survey. This extension is marked by surveying of tribal lands, hence recording and taxation as specified under the Act. Hence, pattas (land deeds) are issued within the areas where surveys were undertaken. In Churachandpur District, for instance, the surveyed land under the district was divided into clusters called lourup for convenience in management of records and personnel involved in the administration. These lourup were named after bigger villages within the cluster at the time the survey was conducted. Accordingly, there are 12 such lourups under the said Act under which land records are maintained: Khopuibung, Lanva, Mata, Ngoiphai, Bijang, Thingkangphai, Chokcholphai, Hengken, Kamsom Tombi, Saikot, Kekru Tampak and Torbung. Several chiefs opposed the implementation of the Act. However, it must be noted that though roughly 200 villages in Churachandpur are covered under the MLR&LR Act even if the survey may not cover the whole of the village land in many villages. The case of the “plain” areas within the hills merits further examination. As per the Act, the villages lying in the foothills of the hill districts are brought under the purview of the Act by declaring such villages as plain areas (Devi, 2006, p. 87). This legitimated the inclusion of such villages under the Act. The distinction of “hill” and “valley” as such becomes apparent through land administration once the Act is enforced. For instance, in Jiribam subdivision of Imphal East District, the villages notified as plain areas of the subdivision are included under the Act, whereas villages under the hilly areas were excluded. As such, 92 villages of the subdivision are put under the Act whereas 24 are under hill areas. This implies that land surveys are conducted for the plain areas and revenues paid to the concerned administration. In Jiribam, there has been serious protest against the collection of hill house tax for all the inhabitants of the subdivision. The collection of hill house tax for the non-tribals was considered as a way of putting them under the hill. On the other hand, the tribals of the areas protest against the stoppage of the payment of the hill house tax and the survey of their lands. Similar is the situation in Churachandpur District, particularly in areas bordering the plain district, in this case, Bishnupur District. The issue here is not merely about extending the laws but about maintenance of land records of villages under the hill district by valley district, herein Bishnupur. Of course, this has created an administrative tussle between the district administrators where such issues are prevalent. What is notable here is that most of the villages whose land records are maintained by the valley administration are under MLR&LR Act. In the Churachandpur subdivision alone, there are 106 villages whereas 28 villages under the

When boundaries matter  105 TABLE 8.1  List of villages under Henglep Tribal Development Blocks whose land records

are maintained under valley district Sl. Name of Village No.

Subdivision ADC Constituency

Revenue Lourup

Land Recorded At

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28.

Henglep Henglep Henglep Henglep Henglep Henglep Henglep Henglep Henglep Henglep Henglep Henglep Henglep Henglep Henglep Ccpur Ccpur Ccpur Ccpur Ccpur Ccpur Ccpur Ccpur Ccpur Ccpur Ccpur Ccpur Ccpur

51-Ngangkhalawai 51-Ngangkhalawai 51-Ngangkhalawai 51-Ngangkhalawai 51-Ngangkhalawai 51-Ngangkhalawai 51-Ngangkhalawai 51-Ngangkhalawai 51-Ngangkhalawai 51-Ngangkhalawai 51-Ngangkhalawai 51-Ngangkhalawai 51-Ngangkhalawai 51-Ngangkhalawai 98-Torbung 98-Torbung 98-Torbung 98-Torbung 98-Torbung 98-Torbung 98-Torbung 98-Torbung 98-Torbung 98-Torbung 98-Torbung 98-Torbung 98-Torbung 98-Torbung

SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang SDO Moirang

S. Nabil Masemjang Molsang Molpheitampak Leisenbung S. Lonphai Old Ningthiching New Ningthiching B. Khonom Nalom Chingphei Loilamkot Nabil Khuman Zounoi Tonglhang Molhoih Kangvai K. Kotlian Torbung N. Zalenphai Matijang Leinom Maichanmun Loklaiphai S. Kotlian Pengjang Zikpi Tampak K. Paolen

Leimatak Leimatak Leimatak Leimatak Leimatak Leimatak Leimatak Leimatak Leimatak Leimatak Leimatak Leimatak Leimatak Leimatak Khousabung Khousabung Khousabung Khousabung Khousabung Khousabung Khousabung Khousabung Khousabung Khousabung Khousabung Khousabung Khousabung Khousabung

Source: Office of the Deputy Commissioner, Churachandpur, Manipur (Letter No. DC(CCP)/REV. Misc/04(Pt.):/758).

Henglep subdivision, both within Churachandpur District whose land records are maintained under Bishnupur District (see Table 8.1 for the Henglep subdivision). Such villages therefore pay land revenues to the Bishnupur administration or their respective subdivisions. Records of such villages are clustered with the lourup of the valley districts. Despite this, in terms of district and autonomous district councils, they remain under the administration of Churachandpur District. The hill house tax is however paid to the hill district. On the contrary, non-tribal villages at the border of the two districts, though located within the hill districts, are under the Act and have demanded their inclusion into the valley district. The case of Torbung Bangla is an example of this. In such villages, the administration of the valley areas

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in terms of land and governance are followed, keeping in tune with the practices of the community. The above case reflects the varying ways in which the hill–valley divide manifests and gets reproduced. Far from this, it underlies that the categories “hill” and “valley” are political in that they represent ways of governance, control and authority. COPTAM, for instance, evoke history asserting the political independence of the tribals and the hills at large from the rule of the valley kings.5 The committee further notes the differential policies of land revenue, tax and administration put in place even in colonial rule. Such assertions and claims are invigorated as a way to resist incorporation of tribal villages under the MLR&LR and its further extension. The hill–valley divide needs to be examined to understand how the historical tensions continue to embed in contemporary politics, and merely downplaying the divide as a colonial construct is ahistorical and simplistic (Bhukya, 2017).

Conclusion In Manipur, the land question is closely tied to the question of identity, politics and power. Even today, conflicts over land remain a recurrent phenomenon. The issue of land singularly could garner massive ethnic mobilisation in the state, irrespective of tribes and non-tribals. What makes the MLR&LR case contested is that the agenda or the demand for its extension in the hills is not merely the agenda of the state, but one also pursued by organisations based in the valley. While this pits one community against the other, it further reproduces, if not reinforces, the existing hill–valley divide in the state. The categories “hill” and “valley” become not mere markers of geography, but site of contestation. This contestation plays out in the way which tribal communities struggle to retain their rights by articulating the “hill” distinctiveness. While for the state, the first step to extend the Act in the hill will be to exclude the villages/areas from the “hill” tag. The other is through maintenance of land records under the valley district, implying the applicability of the Act or redefining the meaning of the hills. It has become one of the most effective procedures undertaken by the state to extend the Act into the hill areas. What is achieved through its extension is access to tribal lands, providing the possibility for further control and management. Hence, for a state like Manipur, one could not oversee and ignore the power relationships and the question of access when it comes to understanding the issue of land, conflict and rights.

Notes 1 Although seven new districts were created in November 2017, for the purpose of this chapter, I continue to the old district as a reference point for the entire essay for the simple reason that material collected for the chapter was based on the old district boundaries. 2 The Manipur Hill Areas District Council (MHADC) Act is a state law and hence the district council is formed under state law and not under Sixth Schedule. There are, however, demands for the same.

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3 The amendment was made in 2002. For details, see The Nagaland Land and Revenue Regulation (Amendment) Act, 1978 Act 8 of 1978. Retrieved January 5, 2019, from www.nagaland.gov.in/Nagaland/UsefulLinks/The%20Nagaland%20Land%20and%20 Revenue%20Regulation%20(Amendment)%20Act,%201978.pdf 4 As noted in the Surveyed land record with Dag Chitha number, Sheet 1–4, Department of Land Revenue, DC Office, Government of Manipur, Senapati District, Manipur. 5 Memorandum submitted to Chief Minister of Manipur by COPTAM, 2010.

References Banerjee, M., & Athparia, R. P. (2004). Emergent ethnic crisis: A study of Naga-Kuki conflict in Manipur. Journal of Anthropological Survey of India, 53(1), 77–90. Bhattarcharya, H. (2018). Radical politics and governance in India’s North East: The case of Tripura. Oxon: Routledge. Bhukya, B. (2017). The roots of the periphery: A history of the Gonds of Deccan India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Daimary, L. (2012). A status of Adivasis/indigenous peoples land series-5, Assam. New Delhi: Aakar. Das, J. N. (1989). A study of the land system of Manipur. System: North Eastern Council. Devi, P. B. (2006). Tribal land system in Manipur. New Delhi: Akansha. Guha, R. (1981). A rule of property for Bengal: An essay on the idea of Permanent Settlement. New Delhi: Orient Longman. Kipgen, N. (2013). Politics of ethnic conflict in Manipur. South Asia Research, 33(1), 21–38. Lund, C. (2011). Property and citizenship: Conceptually connecting land rights and belonging in Africa. Africa Spectrum, 46(3), 71–75. Nongbri, T. (2003). Development, ethnicity and gender. Jaipur: Rawat. Nongkynrih, A. K. (2008). Privatisation of communal land of the tribes of North East India: A sociological viewpoint. In W. Fernandes & S. Barbora (Eds.), Land, people and politics: Contest over tribal land in northeast India (pp.  16–32). Guwahati: North Eastern Social Research Centre. Phanjoubam, P. (2015). Manipur violence subsides, but it’s not quite yet over. The Wire. Retrieved from https://thewire.in/politics/manipur-violence-subsides-but-its-not-quite-yet-over Sikor, T.,  & Lund, C. (2009). Access and property: A  question of power and authority. Development and Change, 40(1), 1–22. Singh, A. K. (2008). Ethnicity and inter-community conflict: A case of Kuki-Naga in Manipur. New Delhi: Akansha. Suan, H. K. K. (2009). Hills-valley divide as a site of conflict: Emerging dialogic space in Manipur. In S. Baruah (Ed.), Beyond counter-insurgency: Breaking the impasse in Northeast India (pp. 263–289). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Swamy, A. V. (2011). Land and law in colonial India. In D. Ma & J. L. Van Zanden (Eds.), Law and long-term economic change: A Eurasian perspective (pp. 138–157). Stanford: Stanford University Press.

9 ENSURING SOCIAL JUSTICE IN TRIBAL SOCIETY Reservation of women in the local bodies of Mizoram Joseph K. Lalfakzuala

Introduction To achieve the goal of social justice, the Indian Constitution manifested the term “justice” in three distinct forms – social, economic and political – secured through the provisions of fundamental rights and directive principles. The two provisions formed the “ethical basis” to strive toward what is called “egalitarian society” (Maheshwari, 2004, p. 18; Chaube, 2010, p. 22, 23). The need to sanction programmes and policies with proportional representation of the weaker sections to build a true democratic society arise with the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Acts. As a result, the term “social justice” has been used under Articles 243G and 243W to ensure the “implementation of schemes for economic development and social justice” in both rural and urban governance. Moreover, for the first time, beyond the encapsulated notion of reservation (reservation was initially mandated only for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes), reservation of seats for women has been made mandatory under Part IX and Part IXA of the Constitution in the formation of Panchayati Raj institutions and municipalities. While in the context of the tribal-dominated states (except Arunachal Pradesh) of North-East India, the legislative protection of the customary law and social practices gives assurance to continuity of the traditional institutions for local governance. What has been argued is that in these types of institutions, the nature of (women) reservation is absence, as it has not been sanctioned by custom and traditions. It is difficult to comprehend when the concept of reservation will be introduced (Hausing, 2017). On the other hand, though the social and political institutions of the tribal are deeply embedded in traditional norms and practices, the society has encountered the “liberal principles” promoted by the modern democratic state (Seymour, 2012, p. 49). Particularly, the policy of reservation has for quite some time become among the foremost runners to build a “true” democratic DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-11

Ensuring social justice in tribal society  109

society (Rai, 2002; Bajpai, 2010). It is the “need” to ensure the “principle of distribution” to reach the goal of social justice but as agreed upon by the society itself (Miller, 1999, p.  205). In this context, the case of Mizoram will be analysed to understand the change and continuity of the local bodies after the 73rd and 74th CAA. It will study the nature in which women reservation has been introduced and the implication behind the implementation.

Tribal society, special provision and exclusion It is often conceptualised that the tribal society in the North-East is more egalitarian as compared to the non-tribals of other parts of India (Shimray, 2002; Burman, 2012). This has been often credited to the absence of the caste system which forms part of India’s social structure. It is agreeable that “the division of labour in the tribal society is based more on gender and age than on hierarchy and occupation” (Xaxa, 2004, p. 358). But the argument is not the privileges women enjoy in tribal society in comparison to other parts of society. Rather, it is the system of bondage structured within the society which recurs in the exclusion of social and political institutions (Chatterji, 1975). The question to address is the under-representation of women in the tribal institutions in the era of liberal democracy. Nongbri (2003, pp. 194–195) argued that in the tribal society women are still stagnant on the political process despite the changes that occurred among the non-tribal. Particularly, this argument had been further credited with the advancement of institutions like Panchayati Raj (PRI) Institution and Municipalities, where reservation of seats for the weaker sections in the society is made mandatory. On the other side, if one looks back at the constitutional history of the Sixth Schedule and Article 371, these special provisions are created to accommodate the tribal society. The provisions provided autonomy on the “ways of life” of the tribal communities and even protection from the interference of the laws made by the Parliament and the state legislatures on matters relating customary laws and social practices (particularly see Paragraph 3 of the Sixth Schedule, Article 371A and Article 371G). Such that when 73rd and 74th Constitution Amendment Act (CAA) was passed with a mandate for reservation of proportional representation for the scheduled tribes (ST) and scheduled caste (SC), and not less than 33 per cent of women, but Article 243 M (2) exempts the states of Mizoram, Nagaland and Meghalaya where the tribal system of grassroots governance already exists. Later, the central government set up another committee, popularly known as “Bhuria Committee”, to look into the feasibility of the applicability of Panchayati Raj Institution (PRI) in the tribal areas and scheduled areas (Menon & Sinha, 2003, pp. 9–14). As recommended by this committee, Panchayats Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) was passed in 1996 for the tribal in the Fifth Schedule areas. Here, it is to be noted that PESA Act excluded the North-Eastern states, as the committee did not make further recommendation to substitutes the existing tribal institutions. Thus, Nongbri (1998, pp. 32–33) strongly criticised that “not once in its 30-points summary of recommendations did the Bhuria Committee report touch on the

110  Joseph K. Lalfakzuala

issue of women’s representation” and argued that the report fails to address the significant impact that the 73rd CAA can have on tribal women (for a detailed report, see Ministry of Rural Development, 1995). Nongbri (1998, pp.  32–33) further criticised that this failure can manufacture “the stereotype view point that tribal institutions are indisputably egalitarian and non-hierarchical structures”. Similarly, in the context of Mizoram, the latest study on village council conducted by Nunthara (2014, pp.  309–310) came up with a recommendation for the extension of PESA to the state. In the recommendation the study put priority on the nature of devolution of 3Fs (functions, funds and functionaries) to the village council, while it is silent on the question of reservation of seat for women. Though one can argue that with the implementation of PRI, reservation for real will be automatically implemented, it still shows that the recognition of the rights of women occupied the backstage if not none. Here, it can also be conceptualised that the non-extension of Part IX to the Constitution in the tribal areas of the North-East further sealed the protection of the traditional/tribal institutions under the special provisions. According to this argument, the only means for women to have fair representation in the grassroots political institutions is through the introduction to Part IX of the Constitution, as it has been done in the case of Arunachal Pradesh which is also a tribal-dominated state. Otherwise, the state of Arunachal Pradesh, as with other tribal-dominated states, cannot do away with the traditional institutions but run parallel institutions. It has become clear that where the traditional institutions are deeply embedded in customary law as well as social practices, institutions like PRI will not be possible to introduce. In such a situation, the deeper question to rethink is whether women can have fair representation in political institutions like the village council or in traditional institutions within the tribal society. It will be significant to study the case of Mizoram where reservation of seat is made mandatory in the institutions of village council and local council after it was restructured.

Revisiting the origin, continuity and change of village council The local governance in Mizoram had undergone a massive transformation in the postcolonial period with the coming of the modern democratic state. After independence, with the process of democratisation, Mizo District Council was instituted in 1952 under the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India. The District Council looks after the affairs of the Mizo in the District. There is duality in the function of the District Council; first, to rule according to the customary law and social practices of the Mizo and, also the administrative functions – which include legislative, executive, judicial and financial functions as provided under the Sixth Schedule (Thanhranga, 2007). To look after the village affairs, the village council was introduced in the then Mizo District for local governance in 1954.1 As a result, the traditional institution of chieftainship was “abolished” in 1955 under The Lushai Hills District (Acquisition of Chiefs’ Rights) Act, 1954. Hence, all the

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powers and functions vested in the hand of the chiefs were transferred to the village council. The uniqueness of the village council in Mizoram is that, first it has been established as an alternative to traditional institution of the chiefs for local (village) administration and, second, as a democratic institution where members are elected through universal adult franchise from the day of its formation. During the time of the then Mizo District Council (1952–1972) one executive member was assigned to look after the affairs of the village council. Until 2015, the election of the village council was held at the interval of three years. When the Mizo District was upgraded to Union Territory in 1972, the village council was placed under the Local Administration Department (LAD). The same department took charge of the village council even after Mizoram attained statehood in 1987 and continues to this day (Nunthara, 2014). The village council formed the base of local administration both in the rural and urban areas to suit the nature of Mizo customs and social practices on one hand, and grassroots governance on the other hand. Unlike the gram panchayats under PRI, beyond the function of local governance the village council is also recognised as a village court by the state government to try cases under customary law and practices.2 Thus, it can also be argued that the village council in Mizoram continues to perform the traditional functions when dealing with customary law and practices, while at the same time functioning as a modern democratic institution in its formation and nature of governance. But with the formation of Aizawl Municipal Council (AMC, later Corporation) in 2010 under the Mizoram Municipality Act 2007, the village councils within the city of Aizawl (municipal areas) were converted into local councils to be under the jurisdiction of the AMC. Hereon, except for Aizawl city, the village council remains the only local bodies in both rural and urban areas. The whole ideas of the formation of municipality and local council in Aizawl can be traced back to the provision of Part IXA to the Constitution of India. Unlike Part IX, which exempted the state of Mizoram under Article 243M (2) (a) to the Constitution of India, Part IXA does not exempt any state per se for the formation of urban local bodies. Being one of the most urbanised states in India, the state legislature passed the Municipality Act at ease. But the problem for the state government lies with the then village council within the municipal areas. As per the provision of Part IX-A to the Constitution except for ward committees (Article 243S) there is no other provision for constitution of such other committees’ body except for the legislature of state making another committee. Surprisingly, the nature of the formation of the local council lies with the continuity of the village council not only for the local governance under the AMC but also to legitimise the local council as the body of traditional institution to govern each own locality according to customary and social practices. This process can be similar to what Kothari (2006, p. 96) has argued that “the new Indian state did not view their task as one of rejection of tradition in the name of an alien ideology”. So, the state, instead of rejecting the traditional norms and practices, blended the rules to accommodate the traditional values with the modern institution. This idea

112  Joseph K. Lalfakzuala

was outlined under section 20 of the Mizoram Municipalities (Ward Committee and Local Council) Rules, 2010 (Govt. of Mizoram, 2010): The general functions of Local Council will be entrusted to it by the Municipality for the common services and common benefit of the community and other matters in accordance with the Mizo traditions, customs and practices as provided under sub-section (3) of section 23 of the Mizoram Municipalities Act 2007.

The exclusion and inclusion of women in the local governance Mizoram can be seen as one of the forerunners to adopt modern institutions like the village council in lieu of traditional institutions based on the democratic system. But the nature of the functions of the village council, rooted in custom and social practices, has been dominated by men, hardly giving fair political space for women. Though the women organisation individually and collectively put some pressure on the state authority for the inclusion of women representatives at the state legislative as well as the local level, it lacks a concrete plan on the nature of representation. Even so, studies have been conducted by the central government agencies through commission and committee to look into the functions of the local institution of the tribal-dominated states. Looking into the sensitivity of the sudden alteration of the traditional institution, a strong recommendation was hardly imposed to adopt institutions like PRI and municipality. But time and again, suggestions had been made to be more inclusive in the village council, traditional institutions, etc., particularly with the question of women reservation (National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution, 2002). The problem is not only how to implement a modern political system in the midst of the strong traditional institutions, but how to structure the layer of governance within the state while at the same time avoiding conflict of authority. It is an area where collective effort is to be sought through inclusiveness of the various sections in the society (Heredia, 2011, p. 52). In the case of Mizoram, the Expert Committee formed by the Ministry of Panchayati Raj (2006, p. 88) recommend reservation of women in village council. The strongest force came with launching the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) by the Prime Minister of India on December 3, 2005. One of the foremost principles of the mission was the state government to comply 74th CAA and, making the urban local bodies ‘full involvement’ in the decision-making process (Sadoway, 2018, p.  73). The state government, which earlier paid little attention to urban governance, was pressured and left with no choice but to hurriedly create the full-fledged department of Urban Development & Poverty Alleviation (UD&PA) on August 24, 2006. This was followed by the passage of The Mizoram Municipalities Act, 2007, which was significant in delivering the concrete idea of women reservation as part of the democratic process to the general public.

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Initially, the concept of reservation was conceived only at the municipal level, not at the local level. As mentioned earlier, the first AMC election was held in 2010 in which six seats were reserved for women out of a total of 19 seats. On the other hand, when the first local council election was held in 2012, simultaneously with the village council, it was done without any reservation because the Mizoram Municipalities (Ward Committee and Local Council) Rules, 2010 did not provide for any kind of reservation. To counter the exclusion of women in the local bodies, organisations like Centre for Peace and Development (CPD), Panchayat Mahila Shakti Abhayan (PAMSA) and other women organisations put constant pressure on the state government for the inclusion of women at different levels of local bodies through reservation.3 The significance of the implementation of the Municipalities Act was that it paved the way for materialising the concept of women reservation in elected bodies even in tribal society based on the 73rd and 74th CAA. Moreover, the philosophy behind the 73rd and 74th CAA induced greater participation through decentralisation that entails all sections in the society; if needed special consideration to reserve more seats to the backward class by the state for the upliftment of weaker section within the society (Articles 243 D(6) and 243 T (6)). Further, Article 243 G reads: Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, the Legislature of a State may, by law, endow the Panchayats with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to function as institutions of self-government and such law may contain provisions for the devolution of powers and responsibilities upon Panchayats at the appropriate level, subject to such conditions as may be specified therein, with respect to – (a) the preparation of plans for economic development and social justice; (b) the implementation of schemes for economic development and social justice as may be entrusted to them including those in relation to the matters listed in the Eleventh Schedule. Along the same lines, Article 243 W (a) reads the importance of “social justice” in the administration of urban local bodies in relation to the matters listed in the Twelfth Schedule. In totality, the intention of these amendments is to assign a commanding position to them in the democratic framework of the country (GOI, 2007, p. 7). For Mizoram, the term “weaker section” signifies no other than women in relation to negligible representation in the local governance both in the rural and urban areas (Lalneihzovi, 2017). It will be interesting to look at the last elections of the village councils and local councils without women reservation. Looking into the election results of village council and local council in 2012, one can observe a clear picture of women’s position in the village council and local council in Mizoram. Tables 9.1 and 9.2 show that the number of women elected in the local governments were negligible as women representation in the village councils hardly exceed 1 per cent of the total members elected. Though the local councils show some improvement of women seats as compared to the village councils, still, the

114  Joseph K. Lalfakzuala TABLE 9.1 Abstract statistic of village councils in relation to the numbers of women elected

in village council election 2012: S/N

Name of Districts

No. of Village Councils

No. of Elected members

No. of women elected

Percentage of women elected

1 2 3 4 5 6

Aizawl Lunglei Serchhip Champhai Mamit Kolasib Total

78 138 44 105 85 43 493

332 548 192 445 329 209 2055

3 11 1 1 5 2 23

0.9 2 0.5 0.2 1.5 0.95 1.12

Source: State Election Commission (SEC), Mizoram, No.B.12011/38/2012-SEC/VC. Dated Aizawl, February 27, 2012. TABLE 9.2 Abstract statistic of local council in relation to the numbers of women elected in

local council election, 2012: Municipal Council

No. of Local Councils

No. of Elected Members

No. of women members

% of women

Aizawl

82

522

28

5.56

Source: State Election Commission (SEC), Mizoram, No.B.14015/42/2012-SEC/LC Dated Aizawl, February 27, 2012.

percentage of women elected in the local councils does not prove to be inclusive for the growth of democratic society. Apart from the pressure exerted by the women organisations and central agencies, the urgency to restructure the local bodies came along with the Fourteenth Finance Commission intention to exclude the local bodies not covered by Part IX and Part IXA.4 The state government passed the Lushai Hills District (Village Councils) (Amendment) Act 2014 to restructure the village council in line with Panchayati Raj Institution, and gram panchayat in particular. But there is no intermediate level and district level and, in the case of women reservation, nearest to one-third was allocated as follows (Govt. of Mizoram, 2014): a

For a village not exceeding 200 households, there shall be three elected members, of whom one shall be a woman. b For a village with more than 200 households, but not exceeding 500 households, there shall be five members, of whom one shall be woman. c For a village with more than 500 households, but not exceeding 1000 households, there shall be seven elected members, of whom two shall be women. d For a village with more than 1000 households, there shall be nine elected members, of whom three shall be women.

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Even after the amendment of the village council act, there was apprehension that it might not be implemented by the authority. To ensure the implementation of the act in toto, the All Mizoram Women Federation (AMWF) made a press statement to comply by the act in the coming election in 2015 (Vanglaini Mizo Daily, December 2, 2014). They also asked the state government to implement 33 per cent reservation of seats in the local council under AMC. Similar to the village council act, the state passed the Mizoram Municipalities (Ward Committee and Local Council) (Second Amendment) Rules, 2015. In the amendment, nearest to one-third of the member seats in the local council are reserved for women in the same manner as that of the village council. Moreover, with the amendments of the village council (2014) and the local council (2015), the tenure of the local bodies was extended from three to five years. Accordingly, as of this writing, the latest election was held in April 2015 (except the three autonomous districts). The numbers of candidates elected to the VC and LC vis-à-vis women are as shown in Table 9.3. As seen from Table 9.3, though there has been a massive increase in the number of women representatives in the local bodies, the constitution mandate of 33 per cent is still far ahead. It can be argued that the priority in restructuring the local bodies was to ensure formal allocation of funds for the economic development from the central government of the institutions. In the process, the idea of reservation was nearly subsumed but for the intervention of the various women organizations to save the day. Putting much emphasis on the economic upliftment of the institution at the cost of other things, Sen (2000, p. 39) warned that it would be wrong to recommend “economic incentive” while ignoring “political incentives”, and neither can substitute for the other. The restructuring of the village council, therefore, has to be not only conceptualised in terms of its economic development, but also inclusive in terms of its social and political development for every section of society, the weaker section in particular.

TABLE 9.3  Numbers of members elected to VC and LC vis-à-vis women reservation

District

Nos. of VC/LC

General (members)

Reserved (women)

Total

Aizawl Lunglei Serchhip Champhai Mamit Kolasib Total Aizawl (Local Council)

95 145 49 108 87 52 536 83

219 432 159 340 267 171 1588 392

79 159 56 123 90 59 566 143

298 591 215 463 357 230 2154 535

Source: State Election Commission, Mizoram (2015).

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Conclusion The question which needs to be asked is whether reservation will ensure social justice in the tribal society in the present context. But it is observed that the nature of reservation adopted for village council and local council does not reach the level of what has been enshrined in the Constitution. Besides, there is no provision providing any reservation (by women) of office of the president/chairman in either of the councils. The related question had been raised by AMWF, appealing to all the political parties to name a woman as chairperson of AMC before the municipal election in 2015 (Zalen, January 25, 2015). It appears such a demand wouldn’t be able to undo the status quo, as the representation of women was still insufficient. It is important to note that Part IXA has provided reservation of seat for the office of the chairman in urban local bodies. This could be extended to the local council level, which will definitely enhance the role and position of the women in the local governance. Similarly, in the case of the village council, for proportional occupation of the post of president, the state can either amend the existing rule or adopt Part IX of the Constitution of India. At this point, the materialisation of women reservation in the tribal society has been hailed by the women organizations which otherwise has found the difficult in accommodating to the rigidity of the customary law and practices. For these groups, struggle like fair representation of women in the political institutions implies what Capeheart and Dragan (2007, p. 159) termed as “group level justice”. Here, one should not overlook the historical shift of local governance at the time of independence, from traditional institution to village council, and that the village council had not opposed reservation at the time of amendments of the local acts. It is now understood that, besides the women organizations’ constant efforts, the national programmes and policies exerted pressure on the state government, and the support from the local bodies had contributed to the smooth implementation of women reservation. This collective effort has helped in achievement of the goal of inclusion (of women) in local governance. However, the overall development and inclusion of women in the state shall not be possible till the provision of 33 per cent reservation as given in Part IX of the Indian Constitution is implemented in the letter as well as spirit.

Notes 1 The Lushai Hills District (Village Councils) Act, 1953. Village Council election was held on June 7, 1954 and the first Village Council was formed on August 16, 1954. L. H. D.C. Notification memo No. E./6534–64/C-11 dt. 20.8.1954. Retrieved from Mizoram State Archive (MSA). 2 The village council was constituted under the Provisions of the Lushai Hills Autonomous District (Administration of Justice) Rules, 1953. As per the provision of Sub-Paragraph (4) of Paragraph 4 of the Sixth Schedule. 3 Retrieved from http://dipr.mizoram.gov.in/post-hmeichhiate-politics-khawvel-an-telve-chungchang-sawiho Dated September  9, 2011. Official website of Department of

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Information and Public Relation, Government of Mizoram. Retrieved September 17, 2016. 4 When the Fourteenth Finance Commission Report was released, the areas which are not covered by Part IX and Part IXA were excluded from the Commission’s formal allocation of funds (Fourteenth Finance Commission Report Volume I, 2015, p. 121). In the case of Mizoram, the Aizawl Municipal Corporation (AMC) was the only local body which was included to receive funds allocated.

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National Commission to review the working of the constitution. (2002). Empowering and strengthening of Panchayati Raj institutions/autonomous district councils/traditional tribal governing institutions in North East India. New Delhi: GOI. Nongbri, T. (1998). Gender issues and tribal development. In B. J. Rao, T. Nongbri,  & L. Tirkey (Eds.), Problems in tribal society, some aspects (pp. 17–36). RGICS Paper No.47 (New Delhi: Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies, 1998) [PDF Version: 2010]. Nongbri, T. (2003). Development, ethnicity and gender: Select essays on tribes in India. New Delhi: Rawat. Nunthara, C. (2014). Mizoram village council leh local bodies te dinhmun bih chianna. Aizawl: Lois Bet. (Tanls. – Study on the status of village council and local council in Mizoram). Rai, S. (2002, October 19). Social and conceptual background to the policy of reservation. Economic and Political Weekly, 37(42), 19–25. Sadoway, D. et. al. (2018, January 13). JNURM as a window on urban governance: Its institutional footprint, antecedents, and legacy. Economic and Political Weekly, LIII(2), 71–81. Sen, A. (2000). Social exclusion: Concept, application, and scrutiny. Social Development Paper No. 1. Office of Environment and Social Development. Asian Development Bank. Seymour, M. (2012). India and the concept of a multinational federation. In R. Robinson (Ed.), Minority studies. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Shimray, U. A. (2002, February  2). Equality as tradition: Women’s role in Naga society. Economic and Political Weekly, 37(5), 375–377. State Election Commission, Mizoram. (2015). Voter turn-out & results of the general election to village councils held on 30th April 2015. Aizawl: State Election Commission. Thanhranga, H. C. (2007). District councils in the Mizo Hills (Updated). Aizawl: Lengchhawn. Vanglaini Mizo Daily. (2014, December 2). Hmeichhe tana seat hauh hman thui duh. Aizawl. Xaxa, V. (2004). Women and gender in the study of tribes in India. Indian Journal of Gender Studies, 11(3), 345–367. Zalen. (2015, January 25). AMWF in AMC Chairmanah Hmeichhia Duh. Aizawl.

10 EQUITY, RECIPROCITY AND ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS Comparative study of agricultural practices vis-à-vis sustainable development among the tribes of North-East India N.K. Das1 Equity, sustainable development and sustainable agriculture: A prelude A review of literature reveals that the terms “equity”, “fairness” and “justice” are used interchangeably (Konow, 2003). At the same time the vital role of equity in the discourse of sustainable development is well recognised. Equity, environment and economics are recognised as the three pillars of sustainability which are vital for human existence (Lanner, 2013). The environmental pillar refers to the conservation of natural resources, and the economic pillar relates to economic capability, including allocation of resource rights (Gadgil, 1987). In a nutshell, the links between sustainability and equity are mutually reinforcing. Sustainability itself means justice for future generations (Anand & Sen, 2000). The phrase “sustainable development” is usually used to describe the goal of sustainable planning and is often used interchangeably with the term “sustainability”. The Brundtland Commission’s definition of sustainable development relates to intergenerational equity. Thus, sustainability creates and maintains the conditions under which humans and nature can exist in productive harmony that permits fulfilling the social, economic and other requirements of present and future generations (www.e-education.psu.edu/emsc240). Such coexistence of humans and nature is best perceivable in the realm of sustainable agriculture which consists of environmentally friendly methods of farming that allow the production of crops or livestock without damage to human or natural systems. It involves preventing adverse effects to soil, water, biodiversity, surrounding or downstream resources – as well as to those working or living on the farm or in neighbouring areas. Environmental sustainability in agriculture means good stewardship of the natural systems and building and maintaining healthy soil, managing water wisely, minimising water and climate pollution and promoting DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-12

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biodiversity.2 Sustainable agriculture is farming in sustainable ways by meeting society’s food needs in the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.3 Many indigenous people are well connected to their natural systems for various socio-cultural and economic values that promote their well-being (Maffi, 2001). Scholars have now stressed the perception of the environment as a source of wellbeing, managing the world and its resources, or what is called sustainability, or sustainable development (Wright, Kapfhammer, & Wiik, 2012). A prevailing view is that equity is achieved if there is equality in opportunities and resources (Dworkin, 1981). This view, known also as resource egalitarianism, fits well in the ethnographic scenario of North-East India, where tribes enjoy jural self-rule over natural resources as per customary laws. Villages and clans jointly own and manage resources in upland tribal societies, while individual families too enjoy such rights in some areas. Equality in opportunities and resources are indeed the basic principle of social systems of North-East tribes.

Sustainable agriculture and equitable water distribution among Apatanis of Arunachal Pradesh The Apatanis deserve praise for maintaining environmental quality through sustainable practices such as efficient bio-waste recycling, rejecting the use of chemical fertilisers and practising elegant water management. The Apatani tribe, with a population of about 40,000 people, is settled in the Ziro valley of Lower Subansiri District of Arunachal Pradesh. Their original seven villages are regarded as inherited “sacred settlements”. A  complex system of reciprocal gift-exchange among “seven villages” periodically reinforces the cohesion of the “tribe”.4 Every village (lemba) comprises a number of wards, each inhabited by a specific clan. The Apatanis are divided into patrilineal clans (halu) and lineages. All immovable property is distributed among sons. Movable property, including jewellery and clothes of the mother, is passed down to daughters. A major portion of common forest, including bamboo-pine trees and sacred groves, are collectively managed by clan members. There are individually owned portions of forests also. Clan elders are custodians of forest, land and water resources (Das, 2014). The Apatanis classify four types of agricultural fields, such as Aji, for wet cultivation; Lyapo, for dry cultivation of millet; Yorlu, the “kitchen garden” outside the village to produce maize, cucumber, arum and other vegetables, and Balu, the kitchen garden close to the house, to produce maize and other vegetables. Paddy field terraces range from 235 to 2740 m. The size of field terraces, however, gradually decreases towards the hills and small valleys (Das, 2014). The people also categorise their fields as zebi aji (soft field) and aller aji (hard field). Terrace fields in the main valley are quite broad, perfectly levelled and provided with strong bunds, which are supported by bamboo and wooden chips at base. Terrace bunds are used for growing finger millets. The Apatanis, by recycling crop residues and using the organic wastes of the village, effectively sustain soil fertility. Since kitchen waste,

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ashes, pig and poultry droppings from the village are emptied in the nearby terraces, the plots closer to the village are relatively nutrient and humus-rich. Nutrient wash-out from the hill slopes during the rains also helps to sustain soil fertility (Ramakrishnan & Kumar, 1990, p. 315). The whole philosophy of water management of the Apatanis revolves around three important conceptions, namely equity, distribution justice and prevention of soil erosion. Every stream (boring) is tapped and canalised at the rim of the valley and diverted by a network of primary, secondary and tertiary channels. The water is distributed in such a way that every plot of land has sufficient water for paddy and fish culture. The flow of water from one field to another is maintained through a ditch (mugho) on bund and placed on one or more outlet ducks. The ditch is especially for outflow of excess water as well as maintaining the desired depth. The desired level of water is maintained by putting straws or weeds from time to time (Das, 2014; Kacha, 2018). The customary laws of the Apatanis at every stage ensure judicious compliance of self-governing rights of every farmer. Each plot owner is bound to provide equal outflow of water to the neighbouring plots. In order to contain soil erosion, bio-fencing is installed alongside the main canals (Mihin-Dollo, Samal, Sundriyal, & Kumar, 2009; Das, 2014). The traditional village council (Bulyang) ensures that such regulations are not violated. Each year canal repairs are done through collective participation, with one person from each household providing labour (Das, 2014).

Innovation of sustainable paddy-cum-fish cultivation The Apatani mode of integrated rice-fish cultivation (ajii-ngyii) is a low-cost sustainable practice which helps obtain high-value protein, nutritional security and high income. It is an impressive practice which suits well because these people discard fertiliser, pesticides and herbicides in the rice fields. The temperature, with a range from 14° to 35°C shows wide fluctuations favouring both warm- and cold-water fisheries. The trenches (30–45 cm depth) are dug within the rice-fish terraces for facilitating refuge to fish during warmer hours of the day. The trenches are irregularly webbed and occupy 8–12% of the total area in each of rice-fish terraces. The trenches are provided with two outlets (hubur) – one at the surface side to release excess water, and the other at the bottom side for drying up of the field water for harvesting the fish. Both the outlets are strictly guarded with bamboo screens to prevent escape of any fishes during the culture period (Baruah et al., 2018–2019). The Apatanis usually rear fish two times, during April and May and again from November to February after harvesting of paddy crops. Integrating fish with paddy cultivation assures higher per hectare economic productivity and year-round employment opportunities for farmers. Almost 80% of the fish production in the valley is produced from common carp which breeds freely in a pond environment, and there is no need of artificial breeding (Pussang, 1999). It is seen that Apatanis

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enjoy a fish production of 500 kg per hectare per year without providing any supplementary feed to the fish stocked in their rice fields. The economic return of the farmers is estimated at up to 65.8% per annum from their rice-fish integrated fields (Saikia & Das, 2008). The net productivity from rice-fish integrated farming is observed to be much higher than monoculture farming.

Well-being, ecology and Apatani spirituality The Apatanis offer special rituals and make periodical appeals to deities of earth and sky to fortify balanced coexistence between the humans and cosmos. At every stage of the agricultural calendar, rituals are performed to appease the particular deity for healthy crop and human well-being. Solemnisation of periodical agricultural rituals and the sacrifices and rice-beer oblations, conducted by shaman-priests, are all meant to seek good agricultural yield and human well-being (Das, 2014). In Apatani spirituality, the term used for deity is Ui. The Uis are associated with homestead, agricultural fields, bamboo and pine groves, streams, rivers, forest, hills and mountains (Yampi, 2012, p. 26). In every village, there are numerous priests known as Nyibus who supervise annual festivals and rituals. It is believed that Uis of the natural world, located in agriculture fields, groves and water sources, must be appeased through offering of rice and millet beer. Uis located in village outskirts and “deities” of distant forests are venerated too (Das, 2018). The Apatanis also pursue the reformist religion called Donyi-Polo, whose basic ideology is the harmonic integration of humankind with the Sun (Donyi) and the Moon (Polo). There is an ecological basis to the Donyi-Polo faith, and symbiotic relations between humankind, animals and natural phenomenon are stressed. It includes religious rituals linked with lunar phases and coinciding with the agricultural cycle (Das, 2019). The Myoko festival of the Apatanis is celebrated once every two years in a cyclic manner by certain villages to renew inter-village cooperation. The festival is concluded by performing the last ritual in the paddy field at the end of the festival. The Dree festival commences on July 4 every year. Four deities, Tamu, Harniang, Metii and Damji, are worshipped with sacrifices of mithun, goat and hen and oblation of rice/millet beer. The Dree festival involves several agricultural rituals, sacrifices, forest rituals and also divination, all meant for ensuring bumper yields and wellbeing of human beings.

Shifting cultivation in North-East India: Equity, reciprocity and sustainability Shifting cultivation, known as jhum in North-East India, continues to be a dominant mode of food production. Critiques call jhum an inefficient and wasteful form of agriculture, while others see this as a diversified livelihood system that ensures sustenance of ecology. In fact, the perceptions of equity, reciprocity and sustainability are inherent attributes of shifting cultivation in North-East India.

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The following ethnographic illustrations from Nagaland and other areas show how the tribespeople have devised mechanisms to judiciously utilise natural resources in an equitable manner by applying indigenous technologies to avoid soil erosion and ecological damage which is indicative of high sustainability of production system. Scholars have argued that farming systems of indigenous people practised at low population densities, and with indigenous ecological knowledge, are found to be sustainable (Moran, 1990). In most parts of the region jhum fields are collectively managed at the clan/ village level. Following customary laws, the village elders allot jhum fields to all households which may vary from one-half to one hectare among different tribes. From October to December, the process of clearing starts, and later the area is set on fire between February and March, by taking proper care. The ashes are then scattered over the ground, and dibbling of seeds begins before the advent of monsoon.

Sustainable alder- and Zabo-based farming among Naga tribes The Naga innovative techniques of alder- and Zabo-based farming support soil and water conservation in a sustainable manner in the long run. The alder (alnus nepalensis), a nitrogen-fixing plant, is an indigenous boost towards sustenance and maintenance of soil fertility (Changkija & Kumar, 1996). The underlying aim of planting alder trees is to regain the soil fertility in the degraded lands under jhum system. After the soil fertility is restored the patch of land is used for cultivation (Kithan, 2014). Jhum cultivation based on the alder tree is widely practised by Angami, Upper Konyak, Eastern Sumi, Chang, Khiamungan and Yimchungru Naga tribes. Angami Nagas plant alder trees in the jhum area along with many agricultural crops basically with the idea that their root nodules improve soil fertility by fixing atmospheric nitrogen. It also increases crop yield and reduces soil erosion. Normally, a farmer cultivates the field for two years within a nine-year span, but the alder-based system allows two harvests every four to five years. The system involves pollarding of alder trees in two phases such as initial pollarding and cyclical/subsequent pollarding (Kithan, 2014). An important rider followed by the Nagas in jhum fields has been to maintain buffer zones by way of planting trees, mainly on hilltops and ridges. Further, water bodies and gullies are maintained in the jhum areas by not slashing and burning the vegetation around it. About 20–25 trees, often of alder, are planted per hectare as a rule before leaving the lands fallow.5 The main advantage of the practice is that the ecosystem is maintained and preserved, besides ensuring availability of food, fuel, etc., including medicinal plants for immediate local use.6 Khonoma, the Angami Naga village, is renowned for upholding a sustainable form of jhum cultivation, which revolves around nitrogen-fixating alder trees. Unlike the more popular “slash and burn” form of cultivation, here the trees are not felled but pollarded at a certain height. The

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cleared fields are cropped for two consecutive years and left fallow for about two to four years. With as many as 30–45 varieties of primary and  supplementary crops, rich agri-biodiversity is also maintained in these fields, providing sustenance for many families.7

Zabo method of sustainable indigenous farming The Zabo method is a sustainable indigenous farming system practised by the Naga farmers such as Chakesang Nagas. This farming system implies a combination of forest, agriculture resources, cattle and fishery. Zabo is a combination of paddy, livestock rearing and fish rearing based on the locally available resources. It has an efficient arrangement to conserve water in the catchment and to supply water to the rice field (Kithan, 2014). In the Zabo method, conservation is ensured right from the level of forest land on the top of the hill, water harvesting tank cum fishery below the forest and livestock yard and paddy cum short-duration fishery field at the foothills. In some cases, when a proper source is not available for water storage, run-off water from the upper catchments area is taken directly to the paddy fields (Changkija, 2017).

Controlling soil erosion through a vegetative barrier Since the cultivation in hill slopes is likely to result in soil erosion, the Angami and Chakhesang Nagas of Nagaland follow indigenous techniques to check soil erosion by use of mechanical and vegetative barriers. The farmers join hands to construct boulder and stone barriers to check soil erosion. They also use logs, poles, bamboos and trash, besides creating earthen bunds. Many farmers use the method of planting crops and vegetables in rows across the slope in the jhum field to check soil erosion. For example, crops like maize, millets and Job’s tears are used as vegetative barriers in some places across the slope, whereas crops like soybeans and velvet beans are grown in rows along the contour to check soil erosion. These methods are cost effective and have a very good impact (www.kiran.nic.in/nagaland.html). The Ao, Konyak and Lotha tribes construct boulder and stone barriers. They also have a practice of bunding the fields using logs. Further, nitrogen-fixing alder trees are planted in the fields. These leguminous trees are known to check soil erosion (www.indiawaterportal.org/articles/ sustainable-practices-slash-andburn-lands-nagaland). Boundaries are demarcated through the cultivation of creeper crops like cucumber, pumpkin, etc. Almost all the crops grown in the field are also found near the household. Due to such agricultural biodiversity practised by the farming community in Nagaland, the villagers are almost selfdependent. The farmers of Phek District of Nagaland mainly go for the terrace field system, and they have adopted the use of ash in their fields, which prevents the paddy from dying of unknown etiology after transplanting (www.kiran.nic. in/nagaland.html).

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Equitable water-governance through inventive water-use practice Indigenous method of irrigation among Nagas Social equity in the tribal agrarian sphere of North-East India can also be witnessed in terms of equitable water-use practices and water justice fostered by local tribespeople. We can place these practices as part of equitable water governance. Due to hilly topography, most of the rainwater is wasted as runoff, and a lot of soil erosion also occurs in the region. To counter these phenomena, many tribes have indigenously evolved unique water-use practices. Many Naga tribes pursue the indigenous method of irrigation such as bamboo drip irrigation. This system is applied by southern Angamis in both wet and dry (jhum) fields (Das, 1993, pp. 45–47). An effective mechanism of bamboo drip irrigation is practised in jhum land by Ao Nagas in Mokokchung District, mainly during the dry season (February– April). However, this technique is applied to a local variety called sweet cucumber to market during spring (early summer) to fetch more income. In this a pinhole is made in the bottom of one or two internodes of a bamboo cylindrical so that water drips slowly to the crop/plant. The bamboo cylinder is kept filled with water, bounded to a wooden or bamboo post near to the crop plant. This mechanism is applied especially to cucurbits for supply soil moisture (Changkija, 2017).

Bamboo drip irrigation and bench terrace irrigation in Meghalaya The bamboo drip irrigation system is very popular in Meghalaya. The tribal farmers in Muktapur, Jaintia Hills District of Meghalaya, have developed an indigenous technique of bamboo drip irrigation. Betel vines planted with arcanut as the supporting tree are irrigated with this system, in which water trickles or drips drop by drop at the base of the crop. In this system water from the natural streams located at higher elevation is conveyed with the use of bamboo channels, supported on ground surface by wooden or bamboo supports, to the site of plantation through gravity flow (Borthakur, 1992). Since the water is carried through bamboo culms in the indigenous farming areas, the system indirectly helps the forest areas. No cutting of trees and shrubs is required to clear the land for marking channels through the forest areas on hills. The farmers go for settled cultivation when bamboo drip irrigation practice is followed and shifting cultivation is reduced. The bamboo drip irrigation practice helps in conserving the environment and preserving the prestigious natural resources in the hilly terrain of Meghalaya (Mishra & Sharma, 2001). This irrigation method is a perfect specimen of a traditional farmer’s skill and resourcefulness in agriculture. It is widely practised in the Jaintia hills of Meghalaya, where the hilly terrains are steep and the soil has poor conditions for farming. The

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bamboo culms used for this method are obtained from locally available bamboo species. Water channels supported by these bamboo culms carry the water to different parts of the cultivation area and distribute the water, thus preventing leakage and water loss. Plantation crops such as black pepper (Piper nigrum),  areca, betel vines (Piper betel) and  nut  (Areca catechu)  are irrigated using this system (https:// explorers.zizira.com/traditional-farming-practices-meghalaya-northeast-india/). In this practice, water from streams is utilised as soon as it emerges from forest areas and channelled to a series of accommodated, terraced fields. In this system of irrigation, the channelled water flows uninterruptedly from the upper to the lower parts of the terraced fields. The fields are well irrigated using this method. Thus, it is widely being practised in non-fertile areas, especially while cultivating rice crops. Farmers also use stones and gunny bags that aid in the maintenance of terraces and stop soil erosions problems. The fields are submerged in water up to 5–8  cm throughout the year (https://explorers.zizira.com/traditional-farmingpractices-meghalaya-northeast-india/). Numerous tribes of North-East India have evolved novel techniques to improve the livelihood of the farmers but also protect the environment of the fallow land. Agro forestry in terms of planting of fruits and timber-yielding trees in the jhum areas is gaining popularity among the shifting cultivators in Nagaland. It is a kind of new trend among the farmers. Such agro-diversity in shifting cultivation is an innovative factor that makes the practice attractive to farmers. In the West Siang District of Arunachal, it is reported that 72 crops are cultivated by the Adis, including cereals, vegetables, pulses, spices and condiments (Yumnam, Bhuyan, Khan, & Tripathi, 2011). In Nagaland and Meghalaya, multiple crops in shifting cultivation fields are now grown. In Nagaland, some households cultivated up to 60 crops, which include multiple varieties of rice in shifting cultivation and terraced cultivation. Such agro-diversity has been suggested to be strongly linked with food security (Thrupp, 2000). Such benefit of the shifting cultivation system has been documented from several case studies across Asia in a report prepared by the Food and Agriculture Organization (Erni, 2015).

Equity, justice and philosophy of reciprocity Collective exchange of manual labour and gifts in Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh Cooperation takes precedence over competition in tribal communities (LittleBear, 2000). Indeed, cooperation, equity and philosophy of reciprocity are strongly embedded in tribal cultures and are witnessed in terms of mutual exchange of goods and services. A number of theorists have attempted to connect social equity and justice with the concept of reciprocity and fair exchanges of goods and services. From a cultural anthropology perspective, reciprocity refers to the informal exchange manner of goods and services that takes place in the informal economic system of a tribe. Reciprocity typically results in a continuing sequence of giving,

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receiving and repaying gifts (Parry, 1986). In tribal societies the worth of reciprocity is located within the domestic mode of production. One anthropologist situates typology of reciprocity within “cultures lacking a political state” (Sahlins, 1972, p. 180). Anthropologist Marshall Sahlins has coined the concept of balanced reciprocity in tribal systems wherein there is an explicit expectation of immediate return. According to Chris Gregory, reciprocity is a dyadic exchange relationship; one gives gifts to friends in order to establish a relationship, by placing them in debt. There must be a time lag between the gift and counter-gift; one among partners must always be in debt, or there is no relationship (Chris, 1982, pp. 193–194).

Shared barter of labour among Angami and Ao Nagas The author has elsewhere reported about the clan-lineage level crew called khrohi in Viswema village (southern Angami Naga), formed by males and females, drawn from friendly families, including wives and husbands working mutually in each other’s field in succession. In each group there are about five to ten persons of the same age. They will work in each other’s fields on a rotation basis, as per requirements. The service receiver normally provides food and tea to all khrohi members. Khrohis may work in both wet and dry (jhum) fields (Das, 1993, pp. 45–47). The author conducted fieldwork in the Ao Naga villages of Longkhum, Chungtia, Mopungchuket (Mokokchung District) during 2011. The Ao Naga villagers have a unique tradition of labour exchange within kinship circle and outside to conduct agricultural activities. The Aos of Longkhum practice jhum in a highly reasonable manner ecologically speaking because the villagers here use one plot of jhum for just two years and then abandon it for a long ten years. In Ao villages, most of the major activities are carried out by a group of people consisting of men and women of like-minded persons. Within the Ao barter system, exchange of labour takes place through various devices, such as Roker/Niija, Kirep. Ziinga and Elangtsiir. Various groups of individuals are periodically formed to provide shared labour. In the smallest of groups, there may be just two persons, and bigger groups may have more than ten persons of same age group. They will work in every individual’s field sequentially to complete the task. The womenfolk carry tools and implement (specially the youngest one), and the men folk sharpen the tools of the women. They will also cut firewood for women to be carried home while returning from the farm. The day meal for the whole group is prepared by the owner of the farm. In certain cases, curry is prepared by the owner, but day meal wrapped in fresh banana leaf is carried by the individuals. Pattern and functions of various bands such as Roker/Niija, Kirep. Ziinga and Elangtsiir are discussed next. Roker/Niija is free labour provided during an emergency situation such as long illness in the family, a death or any other unavoidable circumstance arising in the family. In such a situation, the villagers will give one day of free labour to the troubled family. The relatives and common friends jointly undertake such labour work, often without informing the sick family. They will carry meal from their own house and meet in the field for the work. Kirep ziinga is a small group of two

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or more friendly families consisting of wives and husbands who work together in each other’s field in turn. Similarly, the Elangtsiir group, according to Jamir and Lanunungsang (2005) is a group of women of the same clan who are a well-organised labour force. The group is led by the eldest women of the same clan, and they do marvellous jobs not only in farming activities but also in socio-cultural activities. When one of its members feels sick during the peak season of the cultivation period and is unable to do anything, the Elangtsar mobilise themselves and go to work in the distressed person’s field. Many of the husbands of Elangtsiir also follow their wives to help them on such occasion. However, this group will do no other activity except either weeding or transportation of paddy from the farm to the village.

Collective jhum and labour-sharing among Adis of Arunachal Pradesh Shifting cultivation is a collective exercise among the Adis of Arunachal Pradesh. They cultivate jhum fields collectively by forming a group of at least 12 households. This results in better monitoring of the fields and proper labour sharing. The entire village collectively undertakes activities such as burning and fencing, and families related by clan worked co-operatively on strenuous activities such as sowing, harvesting and carrying back the harvest. Shifting cultivation is largely undertaken by the women of the Adi community who regularly visit the fields, undertake weeding two to three times during the agricultural cycle and regularly bring back firewood from the fields. The men undertake the tasks of clearing the forest and burning the fields and also often take part in fencing the fields, weeding, sowing, harvesting and carrying back the harvest (Teegalapalli & Datta, 2016). Labour sharing takes place in three ways among the Adis. The first category of the labour pool is formed by the close relatives of the family who help each other as per requirements. The second band is formed by those who exchange labour among themselves in a sweeping manner. Then there are people who provide labour strictly on cash payment (Nyori, 1993). Dove (1985) has documented similar labour-sharing systems in Dayak agricultural communities in West Kalimantan, Indonesia.

Reciprocity through labour exchange among the Apatanis Among the Apatanis, the management of water resources, paddy fields, as well as sowing, transplanting and harvesting are done through a labour “crew” known as Patang (Das, 2014). Patang for agricultural activities is called Aji Patang, while that for collecting forest produces and fuel wood is called Yasang Patang. Patang is the most important institution for the organisation of reciprocal assistance in agricultural work. The system of Patang is based on reciprocity. The wage of Patang labour in the past was only a day’s meal and rice/millet beer or tea. The wage receiver returns the same to the wage provider later (Das, 2014). Patang is usually constituted by a group of individuals of same age. Usually, it consists of 4–20 members. Patang

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is formed by mutual understanding among the peer group of the same age. A person becomes member of a Patang at the age of seven or eight (Das, 2014). The most popular Patangs are Nyimung-Yapa Patang (consisting of girls and boys, between 13 and 25 years) and Akha Patang (with adult and elderly members, mostly female). The first kind of labour grouping called Donii Khallo was formed in Donii age (in distant past), according to Punyo Yarang (2017). Punyo Yarang has made a detailed study of the Patang system. Mihin Dollo has noted eight different types of Patang with distinct workloads (Mihin-Dollo, 2007). This author has collected names of six Patang teams of men and women. Age-based Patang and Temporary Patangs: On the basis of age and nature of work, three types of Patang are observable. They are Hime Patang (with children between the ages of 7 and 13 years), Nyimung-Yapa Patang (young girls and boys, between the ages of 13 and 25 years) and Akha Patang of adults, people older than 25 years (Yarang, 2017). Some Patangs are formed in emergency situations such as Konchi Patang. It is meant for early morning work in the field for a few hours. Lopo Patang works for half a day. Alo Patang is team formed by any age group that works in the field for the whole day. Then there is Kamo Patang, whose members work in the moonlight (Yarang, 2017). Pagar-Enso Patang: It is a main group whose activities include repairing of bunds, dykes, embankments, dams, channels, levelling irrigated field and weeding before transplantation of paddy in the field, cleaning the bunds. For these works, the Akha Patang (adult Patang) is in great demand. Sometimes Hime Patang also works with the Akha Patang, but Hime Patang share the simple works like carrying soil, dragging the wooden plate filled with soil and weeding (Yarang, 2017). Halying Patang is formed in the months of April and May. Through this, children and adults are engaged in transplantation of paddy and millet. It is high peak season of agricultural work. In this season any type of Patang are in high demand (Yarang, 2017). Mostly the women Patangs are engaged in the early morning to uproot the paddy seedlings from the nursery, and other groups do the transplantation. After returning, they would have morning meals or breakfast in their own respective house. Nobody provides any food to temporarily engaged morning Konchi Patang. At around 8:30 a.m., the Patang members gather at the house of the member for whom they are to work. They carry their day’s meal and paddy seedling in the basket and proceed to the field. Entii-Patang is harvesting Patang (men and women). The pyaping paddy harvest starts in September and emmo (late ripening) paddy in October. The entii (harvesting) Patang generally consists in equal ratio of men and women. During the harvesting, Patang works starts from early morning till late night about 9:00 p.m. Akha Patang adult members carry the grain to the granary in late evening (Yarang, 2017). The Patang members are actually those who have informally agreed to help each other on rotation. A rich man can hire a Patang out of turn for wages. The wage for the day is divided among the members equally or kept as Patang fund. This is, however, a rare occurrence. The Patang institution has survived even today. For the services rendered by the members no payment is made, but a similar type of services is returned when the

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need emerges. Thus, the entire Patang philosophy is based on reciprocity. The members also give material help and support to its members in time of muchu (fire accident), flood, sickness, etc. Thus, the Patang is an institution with multiple purposes which regulates exchanges of different kinds of services among the people in the village, based on mutual reciprocity and cooperation. This system among the Apa Taniis is based on equity, common justice and moral obligations to help each other.

Bunii-Ajing: Inter-village ceremonial exchange among the Apatanis The Apatanis have a unique tradition of reciprocal gift exchange represented through friendly alliances at inter-clan and inter-village levels, which are made lively during the joyful Myoko festival. This tradition has a long history, and this is maintained successively over generations by family members, remembering their ancestral legacy. This inter-village reciprocity has a social, spiritual and economic rationale. This friendly bond, known by various names such as Bunii-Ajing and Piinyang-Ajing, are actual treaties between numerous families of friendly villages. The Bunii-Ajing friends during the Myoko festival visit in procession to friendly villages and exchange gifts. Held in late March (beginning on March 29), Myoko is the agricultural festival performed for general prosperity and peace in the village. People believe in traditional gods and perform rites for well-being and good health. After the completion of Myoko, the guests from friendly villages are entertained. Several tribal institutions such as Bunii-Ajing network among the Apatanis seem to be a perfect instance of reciprocity. The Bunii-Ajing collaborators and friends from two different villages also exchange material goods regularly. Each Bunii-Ajing is given gift of one kilogram of meat, one large portion of bacon meat (yoh asho), salt, the tapyo variety and one litre of liquor for their home. A Bunii-Ajing ally is supposed to provide the moral and material support to the friend in the time of crisis, and there are numerous examples of this. Such reciprocal exchange of ceremonial gifts results in concretising and renewing the friendship bond. There is a saying that “the affinal and consanguineal relations may betray but Bunii-Ajing will not”. To maintain the Myoko friendship exchange in smooth manner, all the villages of the Apatani tribe are divided into three groups. Thus, Hari Bulla and Tajang villages form one group; Michi-Bamin, Mudan Taje, Dutta and Hija form another group and, since village Hong is the biggest village, it is given the status of third category. Takhe Kani (1993, p. 124) has described following types of reciprocal alliances (friendship): • •

Bunii-Ajing: This is simple friendship between individuals/families from two villages. Gyotu-Ajing: This is a strong bond between two rich families who donate/ exchange mithun (bison) and ornaments.

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• • •

Piinyang-Ajing: This is a simple verbal friendship between individuals within or outside a village. Buliang-Ajing: This is a friendship of a headman with a counterpart in another village. Khiibo-Ajing: This is a friendship between folk-signers from two villages who perform in competition during the Myoko ceremony.

One informant during fieldwork informed the author that Subu-Piinyan and Lyichu Piinyan are also major friendships which are witnessed even today (Kaning, 2008). The Apatani–Bunii-Ajing alliance broadly approximates a balanced proportioned reciprocity implying direct exchange of customary equivalents, periodically, which includes comprehensible “material exchange”.

Conclusion and discussion Broadly pursuing a comparative analysis approach, this chapter has focused on agricultural practices among some tribes of North-East India in order to interrogate the themes of equity, reciprocity and environmental ethics vis-à-vis sustainable development. With the ethnographic illustrations drawn from tribes of Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland, the chapter has shown how high sustainability in production systems is achieved by tribespeople through employment of ecological ethics, customary law, collective effort and reciprocity. The author has tried to show how social equity and sustainability mutually reinforce each other among Apatani and Naga tribes, who adhere to customary allocation of resource rights by affirming the intergenerational legacy of equity, without any conflict. Another significant condition of sustainability held fast by these upland tribes is their environmental ethics. This is discernible in healthy coexistence of humans and nature, and it is witnessed also in the environmentally friendly methods of farming employed by these tribes that guarantees conservation of natural systems. What is heartening is that the highland farming system, particularly among the Apatanis, is still organic in nature and has not been influenced noticeably by modern methods. Undeniably, the use of the agricultural land by integrating it with fish cultivation has proved to be a low-cost sustainable practice which has helped obtain high-value protein, nutritional security and substantial income. Paddy-fish cultivation and mixed cropping/intercropping ingeniously pursued by the Apatanis are principally sustainable, as discussed in this chapter. Environmental ethics, indigenous knowledge and indigenous cosmology provide equity and harmony in Apatani tribe. In Apatani cosmology, the earth is held high, and numerous rituals and festivals performed by the Apatanis are in essence the periodical appeals to deities of earth and sky to retain a balanced coexistence between the humans, biosphere and cosmos. It is observed that the Apatani and Naga tribes are well connected to their natural systems, and they rely on their environment for various socio-cultural and economic values which help them in enhancing their well-being. At the same time, it

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emerges that the philosophy of equity governs the entire sphere of land, forest and water management systems, and the reliance on customary law and kinship norms ensures that there are no disputes involving land and water management. The comparative ethnographic analysis presented in this chapter shows how the local techniques of land-water management and sustainable agrarian practices of these tribes revolve around factors of indigenous knowledge, distributive justice and prevention of ecological deterioration. Further, the analysis reveals the centrality of equity as perceived in terms of equality in opportunities and shared access to natural resources and also collective strategy of reciprocal exchange of labour and goods among these tribes.

Notes 1 Acknowledgements: This article is largely based on data gathered through fieldworks conducted during 2010–2013 in Apatani and Naga villages. The study was part of a project launched in Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland on behalf of the Anthropological Survey of India. The author duly acknowledges the Anthropological Survey for providing a visiting fellowship to the author and for sponsorship. The views expressed are those of the author alone. The author specially thanks Prof. Kedilezo Kikhi and Dr. D. R. Gautam of Tezpur University for invitation to contribute this chapter. 2 Retrieved August 16, 2019, from www.ucsusa.org/food-agriculture/advance-sustainableagriculture/what-is-sustainable-agriculture 3 What is sustainable agriculture. Retrieved August  16, 2019, from https://asi.ucdavis. edu/programs/ucsarep/about/what-is-sustainable-agriculture 4 The terms “tribe” and “indigenous people” are used interchangeably in this chapter. ILO does not make a distinction between indigenous and tribal peoples who are living in 70 different countries, including India. 5 Retrieved June 5, 2019, from www.indiawaterportal.org/articles/sustainable-practicesslash-and-burn-lands-nagaland/ 6 Retrieved June 15, 2019, from www.indiawaterportal.org/articles/sustainable-practicesslash-and-burn-lands-nagaland 7 India Water Portal on April  1, 2014. Retrieved June  20, 2019, from http://vikalp sangam.org/article/sustainable-form-of-jhum cultivation-in-khonoma/

References Anand, S., & Sen, A. (2000). Human development and economic sustainability. World Development, 28(12), 2029–2050. Baruah, D., Posti, R., Kunal, K., Ganie, P. A., Sarma, D., & Rinyo, G. (2018–2019). Sustainable agro-aquaculture farming. Retrieved August  8, 2019, from https://leisaindia. org/sustainable-agro-aquaculture-farming/ Bear, L. (2000). Jagged worldviews colliding. In M. Battiste (Ed.), Reclaiming indigenous voice and vision (pp. 77–85). Vancouver: UBC Press. Borthakur, D. N. (1992). Agriculture of the north-eastern region. Gueahati: Bee Cee Prakashan. Changkija, S. (2017). Sustainable hill agricultural diversity of Nagaland. International Journal of Tropical Agriculture, 35(1), 121–133. Changkija, S., & Kumar, Y. (1996). Ethnobotanical folk practices and beliefs of Ao-Nagas in Nagaland, India. Jorn Ethnobotany, 8, 28–30.

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Das, N. K. (1993). Kinship politics and law in Naga society. Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India. Das, N. K. (2014). Indigenous knowledge, native agriculture and sacred landscape: The Apatani of Eastern Himalaya. In R. N. Pati, S. Shukla, & L. Chanza (Eds.), Traditional environmental knowledge and biodiversity (pp. 86–104). New Delhi: Sarup Publishers. Das, N. K. (2018). Cosmology, worldview and ecology among Northeast Indian tribes: A critique. South Asian Anthropologist, 18(2), 189–201. Das, N. K. (2019). Human-nature harmony and nature worship: Reappraisal of indigenous faith in Eastern Himalaya/Northeast India. In A. K. Giri (Ed.), Transformative harmony (pp. 220–243). New Delhi: Studera Press. Dollo, M. (2007). Traditional farmers groups supporting sustainable farming. LEISA, 23(1), 22–24. Dollo, M., Samal, P. K., Sundriyal, R. C., & Kumar, K. (2009). Environmentally sustainable traditional natural resource management and conservation in Ziro Valley, Arunachal Himalaya, India. Journal of American Science, 5(5), 41–52. Dove, M. R. (1985). Swidden agriculture in Indonesia: The subsistence strategies of the Kalimantan Kantu. Berlin: Mouton Publishers. Dworkin, R. (1981). What is equality? Part 1: Equality of resources. Philosophy and Public Affairs, 10, 185–246. Erni, C. (2015). Shifting cultivation, livelihood and food security: New and old challenges for indigenous peoples in Asia. Bangkok: Food and Agriculture Organization, International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact. Gadgil, M. (1987). Culture, perceptions and attitudes to the environment. In P. Jacobs & D. A. Munro (Eds.), Conservation with equity (pp. 85–94). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gregory, C. (1982). Gifts and commodities. London: Academic Press. Jamir, N. T., & Ao, L. (2005). Naga society and culture: A case study of the Ao Naga society and culture. Lumami: Nagaland University. Kacha, D. (2018). The Apatanis cultural landscape of Zero Valley in Arunachal Pradesh. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science (IOSR-JHSS), 23(5), 44–49. Kani, T. (1993). The advancing Apatanis of Arunachal Pradesh. Guwahati: Pubadesh Mudram. Kaning, M. (2008). The rising culture of the Apatani tribe. Itanagar: Himalayan Publisher. Kithan, L. N. (2014, March). Indigenous system of paddy cultivation in terrace and jhum fields among the Nagas of Nagaland. International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications, 4(3). Konow, J. (2003). Which is the fairest one of all? A positive analysis of justice theories. Journal of Economic Literature, 41(4), 1188–1239. Lanner, R. (2013). The three E’s of sustainability. Retrieved July  29, 2019, from https:// h2mgroup.wordpress.com/2013/06/14/the-three-es-of-sustainability/ Maffi, L. (2001). On biocultural diversity: Linking language, knowledge, and the environment. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press. Mishra, A. K.,  & Sharma, U. C. (2001). Traditional wisdom in range management for resource and environment conservation in northeastern region of India. Bulletin: Himalayan Ecology and Development, 9(1), 31–36. Moran, E. F. (1990). A ecologia humana das populacoes da Amazona. Petropolis: Editora Vozes. Nyori, T. (1993). History and culture of the Adis. New Delhi: Omsons Publications. Parry, J. (1986). The gift, the Indian gift and the ‘Indian’ gift. Man (N.S.), 21(3), 453–473. Pussang, N. (1999). Paddy-cum-fish culture at Ziro. Popiriscope, I(1), 12–13.

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Ramakrishnan, P. S., & Kumar, A. (1990). Energy flow through an Apatani village ecosystem of Arunachal Pradesh in Northeast India. Human Ecology, 18(3). Sahlins, M. (1972). Stone age economics. Chicago: Aldine-Atherton. Saikia, S. K., & Das, D. N. (2008). Rice-fish culture and its potential in rural development: A lesson from Apatani farmers, Arunachal Pradesh, India. Journal of Agricultural and Rural Development, 6, 125–131. Teegalapalli, K., & Datta, A. (2016). The role of the government and local institutions in regulating shifting cultivation in the Upper Siang district, Eastern Himalaya, India. In  M. F. Cairns (Ed.), Shifting cultivation policy: Trying to get it right. Routledge: Earthscan. Thrupp, L. A. (2000). Linking agricultural biodiversity and food security: The valuable role of agrobiodiversity for sustainable agriculture. International Affairs, 76, 265–281. Wright, R. M., Kapfhammer, W., & Wiik, F. B. (2012). The clash of cosmographies: Indigenous societies and project collaboration – three ethnographic cases (Kaingang, SateréMawé, Baniwa). Vibrant Virtual Brazilian Anthropology, 9(1). Yampi, R. (2012). Religion and syncretism in Apatani society. Itanagar: Directorate of Research, Government of Arunachal Pradesh. Yarang, P. (2017). Agriculture labour management system in Apatani/Apa Tani. International Journal of Management Studies, IV(1), 45–51. Yumnam, J., Bhuyan, S. I., Khan, M. L., & Tripathi, O. P. (2011). Agro-diversity of East Siang-Arunachal Pradesh, Eastern Himalaya.  Asian Journal of Agricultural Sciences, 3, 317–326.

SECTION III

Tangle of subjugation Women and religious minority

11 WOMEN TRAFFICKING Subtle lying challenge towards building equity Madhurima Goswami

Introduction Sexual abuse is considered as one of the worst forms of exploitation due to associated physical, psychological and social implications. The descent into sexual exploitation is so intense that equality of opportunity (in the development framework) remains a farce. The possibilities for addressing the issues around sexual exploitation therefore appears to be an unusual challenge which is simmering incognito. Such a violation of human rights exists as a part of trafficking as well as independently among all the categories of gender. However, the plight of women is gruesome and conspicuous, thanks to the existing (normative) social reality. India is not an exception to such a phenomenon, as could be noticed from reported and unreported cases on this count. North-East India, with Assam having a mammoth share of sexual assault and exploitation cases, has also witnessed an increasing number of trafficked human beings, especially of females, to other parts of the country as well as abroad. Most of the cases of women trafficking in Assam are reported in the tea estates, where literacy rates are quite low and the communities are poor. However, it is noted that women’s trafficking is no longer limited to the tea estates but exists in every part of the state. Such a generalisation could be made juxtaposing indicators of human development which tries to highlight the social health of a country or a state. The literacy rate in Assam (73.18%) is lower than the national average (74.04%) and the infant mortality rate is high (55%) as compared to the national average (44%) (Census, 2011). It continues to lag behind the country in per-capita income, and the gap with the rest of India is accelerating every day. According to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data, Assam is rated as second in the country in violence against women.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-14

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Trafficking of women: the context of North-East India Trafficking of women in India is not a new phenomenon because ancient scripts bear ample testimonies of the prevalence of such practices. According to Baga and Roy, women trafficking is not a problem of recent time, its roots were evinced in the literature of ancient India and medieval times in concepts of “Patitalaya” (brothel). Baga and Roy also cite from “Charyapada”: “I shall shave and take bathe by one-unit joist and I  shall eat flattened rice and banana by one-unit joist and I shall go to brothel by one unit of joist”. Baga and Roy (2010) provide the main causes of women trafficking in India: lack of employment, economic disparities, regional imbalance, social discrimination, corruption in government and insufficient penalties against trafficker, high demand of sex workers and growing consumerism, profitable business and gaps and flaws in law. Broadly, the North-Eastern region in India is not free from trafficking as we see the increasing number of trafficking cases. According to Eli Kumari Das (2016), human trafficking has recently emerged in the North-Eastern region because of the diminishing traditional social value along with large levels of corruption. The corruption is so deep that many law enforcement officers are involved in the trafficking industry. Often women and children have no possibility of being rescued once they are trafficked. Young girls and women from North-East India are taken from their native places to faraway states of India or outside India for bonded labour and for the sex business. The most important factor for fuelling human trafficking in this region is that it is surrounded by international borders like China to the north, Bhutan to the west, Myanmar or Burma to the east and Bangladesh to the south. So, the problem like human trafficking becomes a tricky one. The threat of child and girls’ trafficking has assumed alarming proportions. Though child trafficking is prevalent all over the country, its incidence is quite high in the North-Eastern region. In the state of Assam, most of the cases are reported from the tea estates from where young girls and women are trafficked to the other parts the state and country, as well as across the border into Myanmar, Bangladesh and Nepal due to poverty, unemployment and illiteracy (Das, 2016). In Assam, young tribal girls from poverty-stricken families are lured with the prospect of good jobs in cities, but they mostly end up in brothels. Assam is one of the major sources and transit areas for human trafficking. Guwahati has been identified as the main transit point for trafficking of women from the North-Eastern states to other parts of the country, particularly Siliguri, Kolkata and Delhi. Tripura is also one of the regions that is becoming a centre of attraction for the traffickers. In Mizoram, traffickers mainly advertise themselves as placement agency to give training or send them to institutions where the innocent becomes a prey to work in hotels, beauty parlours, spas, the resort, industry, airlines, security agencies, call centres, etc. Exploration of the cases reported reveal that a few cases are chargesheeted, and a large number of cases go unreported due to fear of intimidation, shame, difficulty in prosecution and possibility of re-victimization. In the case of

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Manipur, children are trafficked because a continuous turmoil in the state has been witnessed over the last two decades. There, children lead a life of insecurity and utter hopelessness. Migration has notably been a phenomenon in North-Eastern states that includes illegal migration as well in the name of better lives. A recent case of trafficking was reported in the media, where plight of victims sourced from Assam was highlighted (Assam Tribune, February 18, 2019) brings to light the plight of victims who are sourced from Assam to various parts of India. The victims are sourced for different jobs. They are used mostly as sex and domestic workers. Within the country women have been forced to marry to beget male children which happens with a single woman many times and also the women are sold to different people. The highest number of child marriages has been reported from the minority-dominated areas. The manager of the 181 (sakhi toll-free helpline centre), Ms. Laxmi (pseudonym), stated that at times most of the informers of child marriage incidents are male. In a way these helpline services are integrated with women cells, police stations, state commissions, legal family counselling, NGO’s, shelter homes and legal and medical experts. Another bid “Save Childhood” (Bacchpan Bacchao Andolan), an India-based movement campaigning for the rights for children, has been successful in rescuing victims.

Perspectives and implications for the female gender Though individual impact of trafficking can’t and shouldn’t be distinguished on the lines of gender yet due to existing social framework it’s noticed that incidences on women and girls is far more grave. Violation of human right is one universal notion about trafficking; however, such a comprehension appears to be too broad and limited to foresee dynamic devastation on the lives in a society. There are viewpoints suggesting trafficking (of women) as a modern form of slavery apart from being a source of individual as well as social disgrace. Kathleen Barry (1979) in her book, Female Sexual Slavery, defined it as a situation where women cannot change the immediate conditions of their living. Regardless of their factor of their entries, they cannot possibly escape sexual violence and exploitation. The word slavery here is not used to impress but to understand that slavery is an objective social condition of sexual exploitation (Barry, 1979). Trading in human beings or slavery has existed from the earliest times. For most people, the word “slavery” conjures up stories of the Transatlantic Slave Trade abolished in the early 1800s and consigned to the darker periods of history. Yet, slavery is widespread in the twenty-first century in more hidden and clandestine forms such as bonded labour, early and forced marriage, forced labour, child labour and sexual exploitation. (Gabhan, 2006)

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There are various definitions for trafficking, but the UN-adopted definition is relatively more exhaustive. It states: “Trafficking in persons” (TIP) shall mean the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal or organs. (cited in Gabhan, 2006) There are various perspectives on human trafficking as to whether to consider it as a legal problem or as a social problem. Depending on the perception of the policy makers, legislations are framed to address the problem. Earlier, it was considered to be purely a law enforcement issue; but of late, with the development of a concept of victim protection, there is a perceptible shift in approach. Trafficking in recent years has changed its meaning. The international trafficking scenario is changing along with the Palermo Protocol definition which has served its lifetime. About a decade ago, human trafficking was a matter of interest. But the world now is seeing a sea change in issues affecting humanity. The new definition must embrace all identified dimensions of trafficking along with the probable dimensions. According to Feingold (2005), trafficking of women and children (and, more rarely, young men) for prostitution is a vile and heinous violation of human rights, but labour trafficking is probably more widespread. Evidence can be found in field studies of trafficking victims across the world and in the simple fact that the worldwide market for labour is far greater than that for sex. In fact, the recent global tightening of asylum admissions has increased trafficking by forcing many desperate people to turn to smugglers. In South-East Europe, a study found that more stringent border controls have led to an increase in trafficking, as people turned to third parties to smuggle them out of the country. Trafficking is big business, but in many regions of the world, such as South-East Asia, trafficking involves mostly “disorganized crime”: individuals or small groups linked on an ad hoc basis. There is no standard profile of traffickers. They range from truck drivers and village “aunties” to labour brokers and police officers. Traffickers are as varied as the circumstances of their victims. Although some trafficking victims are literally kidnapped, most leave their homes voluntarily and become trafficked on their journey (Feingold, 2005).

Dehumanisation of women Every age has produced its own form of violence against women, and at every stage of civilization, patriarchal societies have developed their own unique and

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brutal methods of suppressing women’s voices. Under the hegemonic formations based on capitalism, there is a tendency to commodify every aspect of social relation. Within this general process of commodification of social life, the woman’s body has been found to be the most readily marketable commodity. Capitalism has led to the double dehumanisation of women through trafficking. It is carried out for a variety of purposes like forced prostitution, exploitative domestic services, indentured slavery, sweatshops, begging, marriage, circus, etc. It is a contemporary form of slavery, involving not only physical exploitation but also mental abuse on a massive scale (Lepcha, 2010). Of the million women and girls who are trafficked each year, an estimated 300,000 to 450,000 are trafficked within Asia, more than half in South Asia alone (Dhamala, 2010). With the use of advanced technology, the traffickers have become more sophisticated. The new communication system has made the trafficking activities much easier. Now the people seeking to buy women and children are able to buy online with access to the internet. The internet is also used to advertise the sale of women, children and human organs. In many cases the traffickers use internet to recruit women into trafficking situations. The types of sites used by the traffickers for the recruitment of victims include escort sites, home assistance, waitressing or bartending, sites of marriage agencies, dating clubs, massage parlours, modelling, entertainment industry, tourism, etc. (Dasgupta, 2010).

Violence against women: a means to establish and maintain dominance by men Radical feminists1 highlight violence as one of the prominent aspects in the phenomenon of trafficking and make a larger generalisation for women. They argue that through violence, men try to control women in all spheres of life, and that may finally lead to endorsement of patriarchy in one way or another. For example, according to them, sex which is often cited as a biological function (means of reproduction) is being utilised as a form of violence to establish suzerainty of male over female. Apart from just being biological, sex can be used to show aggression (as in rape) or to fill up our boredom or as a kind of hobby. It can be used as play, as performance, as power and as a form of work (Macionis & Plummer, 2002, p. 309). Radical feminists view sex work as an irreducible instance of gender inequality and sexual violence, wherein the harms of sex work are irreparable, warranting nothing less than abolition (Kotiswaran, 2012). Trafficking in women is embedded in power relationships within the society, including that of caste, class and gender. Feminists of all hues have argued that trafficking is basically a gender issue. Male demand has been its primary cause (Lepcha, 2010).

Aspects of South-East Asian women Women in these countries earn bare minimum or an income that is enough only for survival. Along with that, there is economic backwardness. Most of the

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women’s labour is in the unregulated market. But this is not the only reason; economic backwardness also signifies social and political backwardness. Countries involving demand for or supply of sexual labour suffer from state feudalism, with ideological support from religion. This involves marketing women from rural areas, remote areas and areas lacking communication. Also, the young girls are devalued by the religious practices. The parents are bound to sell their daughters, and rural prostitution is seen as a unsystematised aspect. Sex tourism has become a serious problem in tourist places in India. Tamali Mustafi writes that with the accent on tourism promotion, bars and pubs have proliferated in different tourist destinations. A study of trafficked bar girls around Mumbai conducted by two NGO groups, Save Our Sisters and VEDH, revealed most of the bar girls come from Bangladesh, Nepal and other cities in India. The “push” factors are mainly economic, such as sale of family land, debt, expenditure on marriages and lack of any other skills. A girl who was interviewed said natural disasters like flood and drought forced them to leave their homes. In several cases, male family members make the decision to send their girls to big cities to get jobs and earn money (Mustafi, 2010). The trafficking phenomenon in India is also in a bizarre condition as stated by Ghosh that India, like many other South Asian countries, is fast becoming a source and a transit point as well as a destination for the traffickers. The UN development report acts as a measure of global economic disparity. The domestic sex markets can be viewed from the stages of national economic development. The development index directly parallels the difference ‘trafficking of women’ in feudal conditions and sex industrialization in economic development. South Asia, for example, exemplifies the first stage in the development of sex markets, namely that trafficking is extensive in ‘rural, poor and pre- industrial societies’ (Barry, 1995). The status of the sex market facilitates its supply and demand statistics. The countries at the lowest ebb of economy supply sexual labour, and nations with sex industries supply male customers, but this can also happen between two poor countries and preindustrial countries e.g., from Bangladesh to Pakistan and from Nepal to India. Human trafficking, being a highly secretive and clandestine trade, remains mostly under-reported and untraced in spite of the fact that several international initiatives have been taken to impel governments into action. Conversely, the increasing volume of human trafficking also reflects the lack of political will on the part of the states as evident in the plethora of instances to allocate inadequate resources to combat the problem. The problem is therefore much deeper and wider than their meagre reportage to the police. Woefully, India was placed on the Tier 2 Watch List for a fourth consecutive year in the Trafficking in Persons Report 2007 released by the United States government for its failure to show increasing efforts to tackle this large and multi- dimensional problem. The report has not only pointed out India to be a hub of trafficking, but also criticized the Indian government for not complying fully with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking. Not only is the issue of human trafficking in India a low priority for the law enforcement and justice delivery agencies, but there is also a lack of synergy among

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various government departments like police, welfare, health, women and children, etc. (Ghosh, 2009). From this section, it is understood that the sexual exploitation of women in trafficking is understood more in a transactional term, where through the abuse of a person’s sexuality, financial and sexual profits are gained. The abuse of a person’s sexuality involves abolishing one’s human right to dignity, equality, autonomy and physical and mental wellbeing. Interestingly, this was not adding to their dignity, as sexual oppression is otherwise also a universal phenomenon.

Reflection on recent legislative efforts in India against trafficking of women India took a giant leap towards the protection of its women and children when the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act was passed by the Lok Sabha in 2013. Section 370 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) was substituted with sections 307 and 370A, which defined trafficking and laid out punishment for it. However, it was felt that mere criminalization of trafficking is not enough – several laws have not been implemented in letter and spirit in absence of a comprehensive legislative framework. In case of trafficking, data shows that despite the 2013 law, there has been an increase in the number of victims of human trafficking. To tackle this menace, The Trafficking of Persons (Prevention, Protection and Rehabilitation) Bill (2018) was passed. Instead of mere criminalisation, the bill seeks to systematically combat the organized nature of trafficking. The bill ties together the approach of prevention, rescue and rehabilitation to create a robust policy framework against trafficking. It places at its core the rights and welfare of the victims of human trafficking. There are aggravated forms of trafficking which have been introduced, such as trafficking for the purpose of begging, or bearing a child, or for the purpose of marriage or by administering drugs/ narcotics, hormones or chemicals for the purpose of early sexual maturity and so on (Behera, Tandon, & Patkar, 2018). Though Assam has a number of NGOs like GOLD, NEDAN, NEN, etc. working in the area of rehabilitation and rescue of the victims, this has in no way improved the situation. This has not been an easy task. The victims once victimised would not try to come back to their villages; rather, they showed their contentment in the life they are leading. Very often they would encourage their sisters and friends also to join the trafficking business. For them the cheap money becomes their soul of life. This becomes a pattern and an everyday life for the women. Once they are rescued, no psychological counselling can be done to repair; rather, they are seen as slaves with no selves. What will be the immediate consequence for the victims, if the traffickers or sex buyers are penalised? According to Gabhan, trafficking is a crime against humanity and a fundamental violation of human rights. Trafficking for sexual exploitation is a particularly abhorrent aspect of this trade in human flesh, and one that is closely linked to the worldwide growth in commercial sex. It has recently been given considerable

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publicity by the religious and secular press in Ireland. Every continent and most countries of the world are shocked, with people being trafficked within and across national borders. Countries are designated as either place of origin, transit or destination, but there can be overlapping. It happens that a country might export people abroad, temporarily harbour arrivals from other countries, and be the destination country for other people. There is also domestic trafficking. Thailand, where there is extreme poverty in remote hilly areas and a highly developed tourist industry in coastal areas, is an example of a country where trafficking occurs within its own borders. Traffickers may belong to global criminal networks but can also operate within small-scale informal networks. There are many complex, interconnected factors that make the trade in human beings such a global criminal enterprise today. Globalisation, poverty, lack of information and other legal, social, economic and cultural situations are usually mentioned as major contributory causes. There is ample recorded evidence to indicate that the methods of recruitment and entrapment used by traffickers are similar worldwide. Vulnerable women and girls answer advertisements in newspapers offering lucrative employment in foreign countries for low-skilled jobs such as waitresses, nannies, or domestic workers and also for attractive young women to work as dancers or hostesses in bars or clubs. Much of the recruitment is, however, informal. Young girls may be approached by a friend, or a friend of a friend, with attractive proposals for work abroad. The crippling moral effect that comes from acceptance of a situation in which humanity as a whole is degraded – victims, aggressors, buyers of sex and those who passively stand by – must count as one of the gravest results of trafficking. There are also other very serious health, social, legal and societal effects (ibid.).

Context of Assam: reflections through study Available secondary information makes it clear that Assam holds a major share for the trafficking of women in the North-Eastern region of the country. In order to gather understanding about such a subtle lying reality, cases were studied in select four locations in the Sonitpur District of Assam. These locations were: Rikamari (near Sonai-Rupai), Bhalukpong, Biswanath Chariali, and Gohpur. As the major number of incidents were reported from the settlers and labourers of tea gardens, the study was conducted in these areas where the population was found to be mixed, i.e., of Biharis, Nepalese, etc., who are also considered as “adivasis” (not to be confused with “tribes”, the status they have long demanded). Some of the reflections that have emerged from the study could be stated as: a

Lack of awareness among people: People of the area under study (viz. Rekamari) were not aware of the concept of human trafficking earlier. People from the other parts of Sonitpur District were also not very familiar with the term human trafficking. Social evils like superstitions, necromancy, black-magic, witch-hunting and some of the evil practices that go on in the Assam society within communities and groups. There is the belief that through having

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b

intercourse with a virgin girl, HIV can be cured, and for this reason many young girls of 14–15  years are trafficked for forced sexual labour. Witch-­ hunting creates a disturbance for some girls, and they become easy prey for traffickers. A good number of boys and girls were missing from the study areas and it’s quite normal for the people, so they were least bothered as they were not aware of trafficking and its consequences. Even if some of them were aware, they were legally handicapped. They had hardly any knowledge regarding the legal system. In an interview, one of the villagers from Rekamari Village, has said that even if they wanted to stop trafficking or child abuse, there was no platform. They wanted to work towards a solution, but the guidance was missing. They didn’t know the procedures to prevent it. Economic and social poverty: The poor economic condition is one of the main causes for which the girls at a very minor age are sent to other household for work. The parents fail to bear the responsibilities and daily expenses of their livelihood and end up sending their daughters with the agents who make promises of providing jobs in the cities. Thus, poverty has encouraged the rise in trafficking cases. Traffickers commonly engage victims who are economically poor or socially vulnerable.

  We have found out that lack of education is the important cause for which women and girls are victimized. There are many dropouts at seven or eight standards. When they grow up physically, they are sent to work as labourers. Due to lack of education, women and girls are usually not aware of the happenings around them. The victims mostly belong to remote and backward areas from economically unsound families. Under such circumstances, poverty and illiteracy has been playing a vital role in the process. A trafficker generally tries to put a veil by luring the victims with the promise to provide lucrative jobs with high incomes. Many times, victims do not want to spare such great opportunities and inadvertently penetrates into the business of trafficking. c Vicious cycle: The craziness of going to cities and getting a better life is another reason which makes the women and girls from rural areas easily fall into the trap of traffickers. Young girls seem to be mostly victimised in the hands of traffickers. They are influenced by the media about wrong conception of the lavishness of the city life. The city life attracts young girls to such an extent that they fall prey to trafficking. Moreover, from the cases, it was found that most of the agents of the traffickers were either family members or relatives of the victims, or local pimps or small-time criminals involved in trafficking of women who are usually known and trusted by targeted victims. The nature of the cases that were found were almost similar: mostly, the victims met with deceit, debt, force and kidnapping and fell into the trap. A section of the girls tried to come back by showing courage and determination. A few of them were received well, but life became painful as they were stigmatised for their earlier deeds. Women who had been staying for a longer period outside found it difficult to adjust in their original homes. They found their clandestine lives

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merrier than their lives at home. In some cases, it was found that because of continuous sexual exploitation, physically these girls had become weak. They were not in a position to withstand the pressures of a new life. Amongst the victims, two had committed suicide after they reached home. Some victims were re-abused by the society and family, for which they had to return to their earlier professions. It was observed that young girls had developed emotional relationships with the traffickers, mostly when they were from the same origin or when they had stayed outside for a longer duration of time. The traffickers this way create a network of offenders and the trade is carried out smoothly. Many victims have found a different exposure in their lives, and this has given them an opportunity to have financial security. They feel this life is better than the previous domestication. Thus, it could be said that certain conditions of economic and social poverty have pushed for aspiration to migrate. This makes operation of trafficking conducive against the female gender especially in the wake of newer forms of capitalism. To make the situation worse, there were situations as porous political borders (inducing immigration), natural floods and existence of corrupt government officials who failed to check trafficking.

Conclusion Trafficking of women for different forms of exploitation is actually a continuation of slavery in a mutated form. In a way, it is a persistence of domination of males over females through physical as well as social control. Interestingly, such a practice has continued since ancient historical times, though always in a subtle manner. The primary cause for such a reality lies in the socio-cultural framework, where different mechanisms were devised ensuring subordination of women by curtailing their liberty. Therefore, despite acknowledgement of the fact that necessitates eradication of such an evil to establish an egalitarian society, its abatement is an unusual challenge. The North-Eastern region of India, due to its peculiar geographical location and other disadvantages, has become largely a source though also a destination for women trafficking. Lack of awareness, social and economic poverty, and huge gap of infrastructural advancement vis-à-vis other metropolises in the country/world has further contributed to its continuation. Though certain legislative attempts have been made to contain this, desired results were far from achieved. Probably this is due to lack of a comprehensive approach towards such a menace. The idea should be to develop an integrative approach to combat trafficking, especially of women, and rehabilitation of the victims reassuring their dignity. Apart from legislative and other measures, there’s a need for creating social awareness and rebuilding culture with affirmative action towards women, which include steps such as spreading education in the area, building scientific temper among the people, etc., to check the existing superstitious beliefs.

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Note 1 Radical feminism is a branch of feminism that emerged during the second wave of feminism in the 1960s. Their main proposition is radical reordering of the existing (gendered) social order in the society which is patriarchal and cause for subjugation of women in any socio-economic context. (From Wikipedia. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Radical_feminism#:~:text=Radical%20feminism%20is%20a%20perspective,%2C%20 class%2C%20and%20sexual%20orientation.)

References Baga, K. K., & Roy, P. B. (2010). Women trafficking: A brief hierarchical analysis with special reference to West Bengal. In M. Biswas (Ed.), The status of women in India (pp. 156– 167). New Delhi: Abhijeet Publication. Barry, K. (1979). Female sexual slavery. New York: New York University Press. Barry, K. (1995). The prostitution of sexuality: The global exploitation of women. New York, NY: New York University Press. Behera, S., Tandon, T., & Patkar, P. (2018. August 10). Does the anti-trafficking Bill address trafficking? The Hindu. Retrieved from https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/ does-the-anti-trafficking-bill-address-trafficking/article24646941.ece Census. (2011). Ministry of home affairs. New Delhi: Govt. of India. Das, E. K. (2016). Human trafficking in North-eastern region: A study with global perspectives. Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 21(5), 8–11. Dasgupta, D. (2010). Modern information technology and the trafficking of human beings. In M. Biswas (Ed.), The status of women in India (pp.  134–142). New Delhi: Abhijeet Publication. Dhamala, T. (2010). Human trafficking and HIV/AIDS: Role of civil society organizations. In M. Biswas (Ed.), The status of women in India (pp.  168–178). New Delhi: Abhijeet Publication. Feingold, D. A. (2005). Human trafficking. Washington Post  – Newsweek Interactive, LLC, 32(150), 26–30. Gabhan, S. N. (2006). Human trafficking: A  twenty-first century slavery. The Furrow, 57(10), 528–537. Ghosh, B. (2009). Trafficking in women and children in India: Nature, dimensions and strategies for prevention. The International Journal of Human Rights, 13(5), 716–738. Kotiswaran, P. (2012). Dangerous sex, invisible labour. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Lepcha, P. T. (2010). Vulnerabilities leading to trafficking in women for prostitution in the district of Darjeeling. In M. Biswas (Ed.), The status of women in India (pp. 120–133). New Delhi: Abhijeet Publication. Macionis, J. J., & Plummer, K. (2002). Sociology: A global introduction. New York, NY: Pearson Education Ltd. Mustafi, T. (2010). Tourism and trafficking: A social stigma. In M. Biswas (Ed.), The status of women in India (pp. 143–149). New Delhi: Abhijeet publication. The Trafficking of Persons (Prevention, Protection and Rehabilitation) Bill. (2018). Bill No. 89-C of 2018 (Lok Sabha). Retrieved June 8, 2018, from http://164.100.47.4/billstexts/ lsbilltexts/PassedLokSabha /89-C_2018_LS_Eng.pdf

12 LOCATING WOMEN WITHIN ETHNIC MOVEMENTS A case of Assam Barasa Deka1

Introduction The ethnic discourse and the continued interaction of the ethnic communities with the State, along with strong emphasis on collective rights by these communities, most often undermine the construction or continuation of specific gender relations within such discourse and demand of collective rights. It culminates into a situation where the women’s question remains unattended to a larger extent within such collective endeavours. This necessitates the condition for serious engagement with the question of gender equality and ethnic identity or ethnicity specifically for addressing the contradictions such interaction unfolds. The push for the recognition of ethnic identity, expressed through ethnic/identity movements, very strongly allies itself with the doctrine of collective/group rights. The rationale behind the rise of such movements and demand of collective rights can be largely located into group-based discrimination meted with certain groups within the larger society. Therefore, the discriminated groups most often perceive certain set of group-based rights as a viable solution to the issue of group-based discrimination. Women have also been attached to this pursuit of collective rights in a varied manner. Although the need of group rights justifies its ground by offering a set of arguments, and primarily by questioning the doctrine of individual rights, it suffers from serious limitations while dealing with the question of gender equality. The critique of the notion of individual abstractness and the universalistic notion of rights without considering the embeddedness of individuals in particular identities have provided the ground for strong advocacy of group rights. However, the limitations of the group rights, in terms of continuation of stricter norms for women within the ambit of such rights, leads one to the understanding that the question of gender equality constitutes one of the major sites of contradiction of individual and group rights within liberal democracies. Within this proposition, women can be located DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-15

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as individuals having equal individual rights on one hand and as part of the groups that emphasise group rights on the other. The widening horizon of rights to include group rights to address the issue of group inequalities has created the ground for enquiring the contradiction of group identity and gender equality within a particular context of its application. For instance, within liberal democracies, when certain groups such as cultural and religious minorities are given special rights to protect group identity, it also leads to protection and continuation of certain practices demanding that women adhere to specific norms of the particular group, such as wearing of particular attire. It invokes the question of gender equality in such a context. The location of women within ethnic identity is one such context, where this contradiction comes up very distinctly. This is specifically vital in a society marked by multiple ethnicities and ethnic movements. One such case for contextualising the contradiction is the North-Eastern region of India, and more specifically Assam. In the postindependence era, this region has witnessed a series of identity movements focused primarily on ethnic-based identity. Ethnicity has appeared to be a major tool not only of ethnic consolidation for preservation of ethnic distinctiveness, but also to pursue political interest. The ethnic scenario creates a condition of consolidation of communities from within through various identity markers, and also of ethnic conflict in a particular context. Identity movements call for mobilisation and participation of the members of such communities in the pursuit of demand of various collective rights. Concession of such rights has also resulted in creation of various structures of autonomy and political power. However, one major area that needs serious investigation and critical reflection is the location of women within such movements and power structures. This chapter is an attempt to understand the location of women within the larger category of “ethnic identity” and its expression through ethnic movements which has been contextualised within the ethnic situation of Assam. Basically, it tries to understand ethnic identity as a marker of distinctiveness of a group and ethnic movements aimed at protection of such distinctiveness. Within both these categories, women are located in a very significant way, in terms of both continued reproduction of ethnic distinctiveness and creating a mass base for ethnic movements with the demand of protection of such identity. The exploration has taken recourse to the debate of individual vs. group rights as its theoretical framework. In this regard, one of the pertinent questions remains: what is the stake of women in the collective rights demanded within ethnic movements? It primarily tries to focus on how enabling is the space of ethnic movement for women not only in terms of their activism, but also of substantial gains such as representation and decision-making power. The arguments of the chapter would largely draw from the moot point of exploring the contradiction between group identity and women’s question in the backdrop of the larger theoretical debate between individual and group rights. To comprehend the location of women within the issues of group rights and identity, the space of ethnic/identity movements have been looked into in terms of their participation and utilisation of the space for raising

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women’s questions. The formation and activities of the women’s organisations within the space of ethnic identity provides the substantial ground to interrogate the question of gender equality within such a space. As these organisations were located within the space of ethnic movements to forward the agenda of the movements, whether the existence of such organisations could insert the women’s question within such an agenda and how their activities led to the substantial revision of gender relations within and aftermath the ethnic movement remain the primary concern of the chapter.

Exploration of the framework The growing consciousness amongst various groups of their group identities within liberal democracies not only has brought many pertinent questions to the forefront but also has created the conditions for rethinking of the functioning of liberal democracies. As liberal democracies are predominantly based on the doctrine of individual rights, the growing importance of group identities and demand of group rights have been expressed in a more vigorous manner. As a response to such growing demands of group rights, certain provisions have been made. However, the question of group rights has remained far from being resolved. Liberal democracies, despite their indifference to group differences, have eventually considered the issue of group rights to a certain extent. The Indian case is an example of both concession and demand of group rights. However, concession of group rights cannot claim to have resolved the issue of recognition of group identity, as there is rise of newer demands, and also dissatisfaction has been expressed regarding the existing concessions. Some of the groups involved in assertion of group identity, such as national minorities and ethnic groups among many others, have expressed resentment to the idea that the doctrine of individual rights can entirely address the question of group-based inequality. Therefore, the contradiction between individual and group rights remains one of the major challenges confronting liberal democracies. Although the intimate relation between individual rights based on the doctrine of individualism and liberal democracies is the product of a historical journey of questioning the feudal inequalities and privileges, it is not free from its limitations and contradictions. There exist various sites of contestations between individual and group rights, of which women’s rights have been one of the major areas of such contestations, reference of which can be drawn from feminist critique of group rights, especially cultural rights. Often group rights have not been seen as essentially conducive for the enjoyment of individual rights and freedom attached to them. At the same time, one cannot lose sight of the fact that absence of group rights may also lead to the discrimination of certain groups (minorities both religious/ethnic and so on) in an otherwise hierarchical society. In such a backdrop, it is likely that groups with cultural and linguistic advantages and also with some access to political power discriminate against those groups that do not enjoy the same.

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The advocacy of group rights and opposition to cultural discrimination along with recognition of diversity and distinctiveness of minority groups have been put forwarded by multicultural perspective within the western liberal democracies. This perspective brought into the forefront the need of recognition of ethno-cultural and religious diversity, especially of minorities. Multiculturalists such as Will Kymlicka have advocated in favour of “group-differentiated rights” (Kymlicka, 1989, 1995, pp. 26–27) in order to emphasise how group identity or cultural identity is significantly important to be recognized and lack of which may lead to discrimination. “A cultural structure is an inherited set of values and customs and is necessary for developing personal autonomy or the capacity to make meaningful choices” (Kymlicka, 1989, p. 177). This signifies how cultural membership strongly impacts on the individual autonomy of making certain choices. However, concession of group rights also brings along a certain set of crucial questions to the forefront, especially with regard to its compatibility with universal citizenship rights based on individual equality. At the same time, it also urges exploration of whether group rights can be an enabling factor for women. Therefore, to balance the two sets of rights is a serious challenge for any liberal democratic polity. On the one hand, there is an attempt to display the inadequacies of citizenship rights based on the premise of individual equality and importance of group rights in order to meet with the aspirations of the disadvantageous groups. On the other hand, arguments have been put forwarded to highlight the conflict of such groupspecific rights with individual rights and women’s rights in particular. However, while talking about divisions on the basis of categories of caste, ethnicity, religion and so on, one has to understand their intersection with the category of gender. For instance, if ethnicity becomes the basis for group rights, it is important to understand the interaction of ethnicity with gender and whether such rights have contributed towards re-definition of gender relations within the ethnic group. In a society already based on gender inequality, group (minority) rights may create more inequalities than eliminate them by impinging on individual rights and by putting considerable restriction on the freedom of its own members, especially women. The rationale behind group rights has to be tested against the question of gender equality. Susan Moller Okin referred to the growing contradiction between feminism and multiculturalism by expressing her concern as to what should be done when the “claims of minority cultures or religion clash with the norm of gender equality that is at least formally endorsed by liberal states” (Okin, 1999, p. 9). This debate has also been an integral part of the making of the Indian Constitution, wherein the liberal notion of individual autonomy has been clubbed with concerns for rights of certain communities. This has remained a sensitive and debatable issue in Indian democracy. Much of the debate has concentrated on personal law vs. individual rights, especially women’s rights. The rationality of group rights is reflected within the understanding of inseparable relation between individual and group identity. When an individual’s group identity, be it ethnic, religious or any other, becomes a cause of their disadvantage in the social, economic and political

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sphere in the larger society, it impinges on the enjoyment of individual rights of the same, and hence, the need arises for recognising group identity and securing rights based on such identities. But such recognition of identity and concession of group rights has to be pitted against certain pertinent issues such as gender equality. “The Indian Constitution was to put together a notion of citizenship informed by the group differences and assigning a differential system of rights and obligations to citizens recognised on that basis” (Rodrigues, 2008, p. 181). In the context of India, the adoption of the Constitution and the guarantee of individual rights as well as group rights for certain groups seem to have created a balance between individual and group rights. This is reflected through the cultural and linguistic rights conferred on the basis of group-based identity. The Constitution of India “[o]n the one hand tried to ensure that no community is out rightly excluded or systematically disadvantaged in the public arena, on the other hand, it provided autonomy to each religious community to pursue its own way of life” (Mahajan, 1998, p. 4). But over the last few decades the tremendous rise of demand of group-specific rights has questioned the constitutional equilibrium. Demand of group-specific rights, especially culture-specific rights, has been expressed in various forms. Based on the larger framework, this chapter tries to bring the debate in the context of the interaction of ethnicity and gender, which has focused on the particular case analysis in relation to Assam. Ethnicity has been considered as a very prominent category for the demand of group rights. However, not only is the ethnic phenomenon complex to understand, but so is its theorisation, because of multiple interpretations at disposal for categories such as “ethnicity”, “ethnic groups”, etc. Writings on ethnicity have stressed the recent origin of the term and its usefulness for pursuing various interests. Ethnicity as a group identity has become essentially important because of there has been a pronounced tendency amongst people and groups around the world, under different circumstances to insist the group distinctiveness and identity of and on new rights that derive from this group character. (Glazer & Moynihan, 1976, p. 1) What follows from such understanding is that the idea of distinctiveness remains central to the definition of an ethnic group, in order to claim rights on the basis of ethnic identity. Further, there is an explanation of the idea of distinctiveness in the form of cultural uniqueness and shared history which goes into the making of an ethnic community that stands as markedly different from other such communities through display of their distinctiveness. While defining an ethnic community, Anthony Smith opines: “It is the sense of history and perception of cultural uniqueness and individuality which differentiates population from each other and which endows a given population with a definite identity both in their own eyes and in those of others” (Smith, 1988, p. 22). The notion of belongingness to the group identity and the urge to preserve such distinctiveness encounter with a complex situation when such groups find

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themselves both in a minority and in a marginalised position in a particular societal hierarchy. This chapter presents the context of a multi-ethnic scenario, where a number of ethnic groups maintain a position of distinctiveness from other communities and resist any attempt of assimilation. Such resistances have taken the forms of various ethnic movements with demand of group-specific rights. While utilising the ethnic resources for pursuance of group rights, an ethnic (minority) may find itself at a position of hostility not only with the majority but also with other similar groups as they also exhibit a similar kind of interest or demand of group rights. As the notion of distinctiveness is closely associated with the category of ethnic identity, the idea of ethnic boundary becomes essentially important to look into. The concept of ethnic boundary is essentially used to highlight the group distinctiveness. However, there has also been a debate regarding the fluidity of such boundaries. Fredrik Barth opines that, “ethnic boundaries persist despite a flow of personnel across them. So cultural differences can persist despite inter ethnic contact” (Barth, 1969, pp. 9–10). This position reflects the possibility of ethnic contact with other groups, where people may flow over boundaries, but ethnic boundaries remain more or less intact. But views have also been expressed to point out the fluidity of ethnic boundaries. Group identities are often fluid. Most of the groups change their boundaries slowly and imperceptibly, but some change quickly. Group boundaries may become either wider or narrower. Some group identities may be lost by assimilation, the process of erasing the boundary between one ethnic group and another. (Horowitz, cited in Glazer & Moynihan, 1976, pp. 111–116) In the midst of these arguments the chapter tries to interrogate the context of the ethnic groups more inclined to the maintenance of traditional ethnic boundaries intact and engage into ethnic/identity movements. Understanding of ethnicity and identity in the North-Eastern region of India, and particularly in the state of Assam, in relation with the ethnic/identity movements is caught up in complexities of its own. Identity concerns here have taken diverse forms, including ethnic/identity movements, insurgency movements for secession, nationality conflicts, movements for autonomy within Indian Union, agitations against immigrants and foreigners, intra-tribal feuds, demands for protection and promotion of language-culture and movements for restoration of ancient religions or faiths. The complex phenomenon of identity formation has been identified as follows: Identity formation is a complex process. While primordial elements such as race, language and religion provide institutional frame, the cultural perception of the community towards other groups leads to crystallization of identity. In a multiethnic society, the reaction to the challenges arising out of the attempts by the dominant groups towards assimilation, growing economic

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competition among different ethnic groups and political and development processes enforced by the state reinforce identity formation. Moreover, the whole process gets a fillip when emergent middle classes politicize issues of language, culture and even religion to their advantage. Thus, identity formation is not the outcome of a single identifiable factor. Multiple factors come together to give rise to identity consciousness. That being the case, identity formation is a historical process the character of which is determined by time and space. (Karna, 1999) Mobilisation of group identity with the usage of various cultural markers has acted as the catalyst for consolidation of identity movements in the region. Writing in the context of the North-Eastern region, Girin Phukan opines “Tribal loyalties, religion, language, social discrimination on the basis of caste, sharing political power and the economic opportunities have been utilized for ethnic mobilization. It is a kind of mobilization and manipulation of group identity which leads to ethnicity” (Phukan, 2002, pp. 2–3). The political and economic goals remain core to the collective interests pursued by movements for identity preservation. The politics of identity and political demands associated with ethnic identity movements have made the study of ethnicity or ethnic identity significant. The pursuits of various interests by ethnic movements specifically articulated by the elite/middle class clear the grounds to argue that ethnic identity, once mobilised, also generates interests (both economic and political) not only at collective level but at individual level as well. As mobilisation of identity also has an utilitarian notion associated with it, it also suffers from the possibility of a section or class of people appropriating economic and political advantages generated by such mobilisation. For instance, the autonomy guaranteed by the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution in certain areas of North-East India cannot claim to have entirely addressed the aspirations of the communities who are its beneficiaries. Therefore, when ethnic groups inhibit the traits of interest groups, there is a possibility of increase of the competition and conflict amongst them. There have also been shifts in how the interest is defined by various markers of identity and members of the group as: Certainly, the prestige of one’s religion and language is involved in conflicts where one advocates the right of public use of religion and language and where one advocates the right to economic or political advantages of the individual adherents of a religion or users of a language. But nevertheless, it is clear the weight of these kinds of conflicts has shifted: from an emphasis on culture, language, religion, as such, it shifts to an emphasis on the interests broadly defined of the members of the group. (Glazer & Moynihan, 1976, p. 7) Within the larger framework of ethnic identity and pursuit of collective interest, how we locate women’s question remains one of the primary concerns

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of the chapter. While articulation of ethnic identity is undertaken in the form of collective group action, women are also essentially brought into the fold of such identity and its preservation. However, within the claims and aspirations of such ethnic groups, women are assigned a particular role in conformity with the goals pursued by the groups. In the whole process, patriarchy underlying these groups is evidently reflected through the creation and recreation of women’s identity in a particular way so as to comply with the collective aspiration of the group. It has been mentioned earlier that maintenance of ethnic boundaries remains one of the major markers of distinctiveness of an ethnic group for identity mobilisation and consolidation. In this process, women are brought in a manner that they become the symbols of the cultural distinctiveness of their collectivities, especially in terms of changing over to traditional attire, which is more prominently seen and followed in case of women. The crucial role women are playing in the reproduction of national collectivities has not been adequately recognised and rather leaves very little possibility of articulation of women’s question in these spaces. YuvalDavis and Anthias (1989, p. 7) has demonstrated a variety of ways in which women contribute to the national process: • • • • • •

As biological reproducers of the members of ethnic collectivities. As producers of the boundaries of ethnic/national groups. As participant in the ideological reproduction of the collectivity and as transmitters of its culture. As signifiers of ethnic/national difference. As focus and symbol in ideological discourses used in the construction, reproduction, and transformation of ethnic/national categories. As participants in national, economic, political, and military struggle.

There are varied ways of construction of womanhood during the process of identity formation of a particular ethnic group. In the process it creates the conditions for internal restriction on women members. The control of women in ethnicbased identity politics is reflected through mobilisation of women for mass action, imposition of dress codes, dictation of sexual codes etc. The specific role assigned to women in the ethnic project has been elaborated by Yuval Davis as: Gender divisions often play central organizing role in specific construction of ethnicity, marking ethnic boundaries and reproducing ethnic difference. The “Proper” behavior of woman is often used to signify the difference between those who belong to the collectivity and those who do not. Women are also seen as the “cultural carrier” of the collectivity and transmit it to the future generation and being properly controlled in terms of marriage and divorce ensures that children born out of women are not only biologically but also symbolically within the boundaries of the collectivity. (Yuval-Davis, 1994, p. 413)

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The context Gender issue in the context of the North-Eastern region of India is entangled with the issues of security, immigration, militarisation, insurgency, human rights violation and, above all, ethnic politics (very dominant in the recent past). The history of marginalisation of women at the hands of both their community and the State has long been covered under the representation of women of this region as enjoying higher status and position, and these societies are based on greater gender equality in comparison to other parts of the country. However, dominance of this view, both in academia and otherwise, has led to a condition where the deeprooted patriarchal practices are not brought into focus. The contestations to such representation of equality have also been put forwarded from some quarters. The gender issue is yet to get adequate attention in the development planning among the large tribal population because of the stereotype idea that tribal societies are free from gender discrimination. This view is basically rooted in the romanticized view of the so-called primitive and small-scale societies documented in the earlier anthropological and ethnographic account. (Nongbri, 2003, p. 194) As the proposition of the chapter is concentrated on the location of women within collective pursuits or ethnic movements per se, the historical account of women being part of such action is reflected through the participation of women of this region, and particularly of Assam in various movements in the post-independence era. In fact, the nature of women’s movement in this context can be understood by looking at the attachment and mass participation of women in various movements. Historically, the participation of women in movements in this part can largely be traced to the influence of the nationalist movement. Not only did the nationalist movement witness the participation of women of this region, but women’s organisations of the time also directed its activities towards the movement. The formation of women’s organisations has occupied a substantial part of women’s activism in this part of the country. For example, in Assam, women are actively involved in various women’s collectivities/committees, which were called Mahila Samities. In the other North-Eastern states as well, women have formed some very prominent and active women’s organisations. However, the campaign for women’s education and participation in the nationalist movement were never in negation of the domestic responsibility of women. “The nationalist discourse of the pre-independence period intersects with women’s rights discourse with women trying to accommodate themselves to both without any conflict of interest between the personal and social goals” (Mahanta, 2008, p. 5). Movements for autonomy and self-determination remain a very important arena for which participation of women is hugely drawn. The demands for self-determination and collective rights have been raised from the region on various stages, and the state of Assam witnessed a series of movements in the post-independence period. From the

Locating women within ethnic movements  157

1980s onwards, beginning with the famous Assam Movement based on the question of Assamese identity and nationalism, there emerged a range of ethnic movements demanding various rights including political autonomy. The resurgence of the issue of collective rights and identity politics in a very prominent way brought into the forefront the question of women’s stake into it. Particularly in the state of Assam, these movements have brought about not only the question of discrimination experienced by the ethnic groups, but also the existing social cleavages very sharply to the forefront. To contextualise the location of women within identity movements in Assam, two historical moments have been analysed here: the first is the Assam Movement, and the second being the Bodo Movement. It concerns itself with the women’s questions within these movements. It seeks to understand how participation in the collective space can lead to a substantial gain for women. Therefore, it engages with the question of women’s organisations within the space of ethnic/identity movements to comprehend the articulation of women’s issues. At the same time, it looks into the question of representation of women in the space of political decisionmaking, the space which was created as part of the pursuit of collective goals. On the eve of independence, Assam was left with much political turmoil and problems that were far from being resolved. The outbreak of the Assam Movement changed the social and political scenario in Assam in such a large way that the fallout of that has led to the emergence of a new set of ethnic movements, leaving the ethnic picture a very complex one. The Assam Movement, led by All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) and All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad (AAGP) focused primarily on the issue of Assamese identity, drew mass participation of women within its fold. It also marked the formation of various women’s organisations within the movement. However, these women’s organisations faced the critical test when pitted against the question of women’s claims and representation in the decision-making bodies. The mass participation of women does signify their support for the objectives of the movement, which does not necessarily nullify the fact that seldom such objectives focus on women’s issues. At the same time, women organisations could not create enough space for their issues so that it leads to substantive revision of the gender role within and the aftermath of the movement. The movement created the space for formation of women’s organisations such as Mula Gabharu Santha and Axom Jagrata Mahila Parishad, which can also be seen as the creation of a public space for women. This can be regarded as an enabling space for women marked by their mobility and also articulation of women’s issues. However, women organisations focused primarily on the collective interest of the group, and women’s issues were raised in a very limited manner. As they were specifically drawn to focus on the collective objective, the creation of agency became very restrictive within the same space. Therefore, the space may also be seen as restrictive, where women were drawn in a manner that they do not redefine the existing patriarchy and power relation within the movements. Therefore, women were not drawn to the decision-making bodies to a larger extent. “The Assam Movement was characterized by the mass representation of women. But no one

158  Barasa Deka

ever saw any woman make it to the ranks of their decision-making bodies” (Behal, cited in Fernandes & Barbara, 2002, p. 145). At the same time, when collective goals are achieved to a certain extent, women are not adequately accommodated in the new power structures. The issue of women’s representation in this case does not seem to have significant relation with the mass participation of women in the identity movements. “Assam Movement was successful because of the large-scale participation of woman. But when, AGP came to power it nominated only two women as its candidate for state elections” (Nag cited in Biswas & Tomas, 2006, p. 217). The restrictive space of women’s activism is also apparent in the fact that they have not been able to lay strong claims on the issue of political representation. This is also attached to the fact that women’s organisations within the movement had a very sceptical approach to the question of their representation. The factors contributing to such scepticism reflect the continuous process of creation of a specific role for women and also because any such claims were systematically silenced within the movement. Therefore, they displayed the traits of withdrawal from the public space once the movement was over. It seems there was a sudden creation of a public space for them, and once the movement was over, they sharply fell back to the private sphere. In the similar way, participation of women on a large scale can be witnessed during the Bodo Movement in Assam. Women were drawn at mass scale for the cause of the community and goals of the movement. Though Bodo struggle for community rights has a long historical root, the struggle for identity assertion became sharp in the 1980s, as there was a sense of betrayal felt by the plain tribes of Assam, including Bodos, during the course and outcome of the Assam agitation. The Bodo Movement was marked by formation of women’s organisations such as All Assam Tribal Women’s Welfare Federation (AATWWF) formed in 1986, which later took the name of All Bodo Women Welfare Federation (ABWWF) in 1993, and many other such organisations. These organisations primarily took up the issue of community rights along with the articulation of women’s issues to a certain extent. The constitution of AATWWF mentions that, It is considered expedient to form a federation of women folk belonging to all tribal groups of entire Assam to unite themselves in a common platform through mutual understanding being imbibed into a common ideology with a view to fighting for ensuring rights and justice of the tribal women in the spheres of socio-economic, political, educational, cultural and for their emancipation from their socio-domestic drudgery and thereby enable themselves in rendering services to the promotion, welfare and preservation of the indigenous self identity of all tribal groups living in Assam. (AATWWF, 1991 cited in Sen Choudhury, 2004, p. 74) The aims and objective of the organisation are indicative of the strong interlinkages of community identity and women’s issue. Women’s organisations formed within identity movements in fact reflect more on the objective of the movement,

Locating women within ethnic movements  159

which is considered far stronger than women’s issues. In fact, these organisations put greater emphasis on the achievement of the movement goals than on having independent programmes for them. However, All Bodo Women’s Welfare Federation (ABWWF) has shown a more continued engagement with women’s issues, including the issue of women’s representation even after closure of the active phase of the Bodo Movement. The tendency to assume the character of a welfare organisation has not left the ABWWF from its influence. However, it assumes a more radical approach to the question of women’s representation and their substantial gain because of the mass participation in the Bodo Movement. At the same time, as priority has been given to group identity, the detachment of women’s issues and critical questioning of the patriarchies operating in the movements and political structures have remained very limited in scope. For example, as an outcome of demand of collective rights, Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) was established in 2003. However, women are yet to receive their due despite being part of the collective endeavour. This situation brings out not only the location of women within ethnic/identity movements, but also contradiction between collective/ group rights and gender equality. The Bodo women have been largely denied the right to political representation after the creation of BTC, which has come up as a result of concession of group rights. It signifies the limitation on the rights which women enjoy at individual level that ensures formal equality irrespective of gender. Therefore, women’s location within ethnic movements needs to be explored in a broader framework of rights and critically engage with the same.

Conclusion Location of women in ethnic/identity movements in the context of Assam is caught up in various complexities. It brings to the forefront not only the nature of women’s activism in the region but also how the question of group identity and gender equality are deeply entangled with each other. Women’s organisations, through which both mobilisation of women within identity movement and articulation of women’s issues have been looked into, are also rooted into a complex duality of group identity and women’s issues. Priority towards group interest has pushed the question of gender equality to the backstage. However, the space may not be seen as a space of denial only as women’s issues were raised within it. It is very important to stress that the space within which these organisations operate is shared by many other actors. Women’s organisations’ relations to the community, local councils, clan groups, party organisations, etc., also determine the nature of women’s activism. The analysis has brought to light that nothing much has changed in the gender relations as an outcome of the movements. Women’s role and mobility in the public sphere has been sporadic, not continuous. Women continue to have inferior socioeconomic and familial status. The structures of autonomy given to communities or change in government do not offer the rightful deal for women in the aftermath of the movements. However, within the patriarchal structure of the movement,

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women have created a space for women to demand their rights. Socio-economic mobility for women has been ensured to a certain extent through participation in the movements and due to the persistent effort of some organisations. Women’s engagements in the movements and role of the women’s organisations have created a space for women’s rights and through which certain incremental changes can be seen, which is far from having any substantial impact on gender relations in the society.

Note 1 Acknowledgements: The case analysis in this chapter has been drawn from the interaction of the author with the members of women’s organisations formed during the Assam Movement and the Bodo Movement.

References Barth, F. (Ed.). (1969). Ethnic groups and boundaries: The social organization of cultural differences. Long Grove: Waveland Press. Biswas, P., and Thomas, C. J. (Eds.). (2006). Peace in North East: Meaning, metaphor and method – Essays of concern and commitment. New Delhi: Regency Publications. Fernandes, W., & Barbora, S. (Eds.). (2002). Changing women’s status in India: Focus on the North East. Guwahati: Northeastern Social Research Centre. Glazer, N., & Moynihan, D. P. (Eds.). (1976). Ethnicity: Theory and experience. Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press. Karna, M. N. (1999). Ethnic identity and socio-economic process in north-eastern India. In K. S. Aggarwal (Ed.), Dynamics of identity and intergroup relations in north-east India (pp. 29–33). Shimla: IIAS. Kymlicka, W. (1989). Liberalism, community and culture. New York: Oxford University Press. Kymlicka, W. (1995). Multicultural citizenship: A liberal theory of democratic rights. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Mahajan, G. (1998). Identities and rights: Aspects of liberal democracy in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Mahanta, A. (2008, November  6–8). Understanding politics of identity and ethnicity in North-East India: A gender perspective. In C. K. Sarma (Ed.), Souvenir (NE India History Association), 29th Session – Department of History. Dibrugarh: Dibrugarh University. Nongbri, T. (2003). Development, ethnicity and gender. Jaipur: Rawat Publications. Okin, S. M. (1999). Is multiculturalism bad for women? In S. M. Okin, J. C. Howard, & M. C. Nussbaum (Eds.), Is Multiculturalism Bad  for  Women? Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Phukan, G. (Ed.). (2002). Ethnicity and polity in South Asia. New Delhi: South Asian Publisher. Rodrigues, V. (2008). Conceptual laxity surrounding Indian citizenship: Citizenship and constitution in India. In R. Bhargava (Ed.). Politics and ethics of the Indian Constitution. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Sen-Choudhury, S. (2004). The Bodo movement and women participation. New Delhi: Mittal Publications. Smith, A. D. (1988). The ethnic origin of nations. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

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Yuval-Davis, N. (1994). Identity politics and women’s ethnicity. In M. V. Moghadan (Ed.), Identity politics and women: Cultural reassertions and feminisms in international perspective. Boulder: Westview Press. Yuval-Davis, N.,  & Anthias, F. (Eds.). (1989). Women-nation-state. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

13 PANGALS IN MANIPUR A community symbolising disadvantaged status in the state M. Amarjeet Singh

Socio-cultural context Manipur, formerly a princely state, is one of the states of the Union of India and is home to many communities. The state has two distinct geographical zones: the hilly areas and the valley areas in which the latter merely constitutes about 10 per cent of the total geographical area. As one can expect, the majority of the population live in the valley areas. The Meiteis and Meitei Pangals are predominantly concentrated in the valley areas, while the Nagas, Kukis and other tribes live in the hill areas. This does not mean that there are no Meiteis and Meitei Pangals in the hill areas and vice versa. There are tribal localities in the plain areas, and similarly, that of Meitei/Meitei Pangal localities are located in the hill areas. Apart from these communities, there are several smaller communities such as the Nepalis, Marwaris, Punjabis and Biharis. The Naga and Kuki groups are the Scheduled Tribes and hence get the benefits of reservations in government jobs, political representation, education and other concessions. The tribes can purchase land in the valley areas, while the non-tribals are prohibited from purchasing land in the hill areas.2 The Pangals are the third largest community in Manipur and the second largest in the valley areas. They are one of Manipur’s religious minority communities, the others being the Christians, Sikhs and Buddhists. In the Census 2011 (as shown in Table 13.1), they constitute about 8.40 per cent of the state’s population. Their population has increased from 6.4 per cent in 1951 (Table 13.2). Others include the Hindus (41.39 per cent) and Christians (41.29 per cent), while the combined population of Sikh, Jain, and Buddhist comprise about 0.36 per cent, and 8.19 per cent are recognised as “other religions”. It is historically established that the Muslims came to the erstwhile kingdom of Manipur before the advent of Vaishnava form of Hinduism in the fifteenth century. Some of them came during the reign of Mungyanba (1562–1597) and also DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-16

Pangals in Manipur  163 TABLE 13.1  Population of different religion communities in Manipur

Religion

Population in Percentage

The total population of Manipur 28.56 lakhs (2011) Hindu Muslim Christian Sikh Buddhist Jain Other religion Not stated

41.39 8.40 41.29 0.05 0.25 0.06 8.19 0.38

Source: Census of India (2011).

TABLE 13.2  Population of Pangals in Manipur

Year

Population

Percentage

1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011

37,197 48,588 70,969 99,327 1,33,535 1,90,939 2,39,836

6.44 6.23 6.62 6.99 7.27 8.8 8.4

Source: Different Censuses, Government of India.

during the reign of Khagemba (1597–1652). A factional rivalry took place in the royal family of the kingdom in which Prince Sanongba revolted against his brother Khagemba with the help of the king of Cachar and Muslims of Taraf (now in Sylhet in Bangladesh). When Khagemba won the battle, those Muslims who had supported Sanongba were taken as prisoners of war around 1606 (Rahman, 2005; Shahani, 2006, p.  8; Khullakpam, 2008). As a result, they are “believed to have originated from Cachar as prisoners of war taken by Meitheis” (Hodson, 2011, p. 4). The Meiteis accepted them quickly in their fold. They were given land for settlement and socially accepted to marry Meitei women. This has been the reason why many argue that the Pangals are the children of a Meitei mother and Muslim father. Recently, Manipur Chief Minister N. Biren Singh, a Meitei, reiterated that Muslims in Manipur “were born by Manipuri mothers and we are blood relation”.3 Their children also served as soldiers during the reign of King Khagemba. Among them were experts in manufacturing muskets, and hence the king encouraged them to manufacture muskets (Rahman, 2005; Shahani, 2006, p. 8). In due course of time, they became an essential part of the Meitei society who adopted Meitei surnames and Meiteilon as their mother tongue. They were assigned different Meitei family title (yumnag sageis) “either on the basis of the occupancy

164  M. Amarjeet Singh

or ability of the man for the society or origin (emigrated) of the man or settlement in the locality in Manipur” (Khullakpam, 2008, p. 63). In that way, they gradually assimilated into Meitei society. Thus, the uniqueness of the Pangals/Meitei Pangal is evident because of the confluence of Islam and the culture of the Meiteis. They have developed a sub-culture between the Islamic and the Meitei culture. Their history is unique because not only did they enter the erstwhile kingdom of Manipur as prisoners of war but in a short span of time, they made themselves as integral, indispensable part of Manipur Society. They married Manipuri women . . . they adopted Meiteilon as their mother tongue, they attired themselves in Meitei dress and adopted many features and traditions of the Manipuris. (Irene, 2010, p. 9) Some call them the “second Meiteis”, who profess Islam as their religion (Rahman, 2005, p. 460). A document published by the Election Commission of India in 2014 maintained that the term Meitei refers to “the Meitei marup (belief in only Meitei culture and God), Meitei Christians, Meitei Goura Chaytonya (believe in both Meitei and Hindu gods), Meitei Brahmins (locally called Bamons), and Meitei Muslims (also called Pangals locally)”.4 Such classification is based entirely on a linguistic basis since “all of them speak Meiteilon (known as Manipuri) as their mother-tongue”.5 Prior to the advent of British rule in the kingdom, they were liable to render lallup6 (compulsory feudal service) to the state. During the reign of Khagemba, Muhammad Shani became a minister, the first Muslim to be appointed as such. There were several departments dealing with affairs of the Panggans (Hodson used to write as Panggans) such as Panggan Sanglen, Panggan Inkhol, Panggan Singa Loisang, Panggan Phundrai Loisang, etc. (Hodson, 2011, p. 70). The persons liable to duty under the lallup system were the Meitheis, the Brahmins and the Musalmans, who are called Panggans (Hodson, 2011, p. 60). With the advent of the Vaisnava form of Hinduism, the Meiteis were accorded the status of the kshetriyas, thus the Hindu Meitei became a single caste and the Meitei Brahmins belonged to the Brahmin caste (Nilabir, 2010, p.  68). In due course, the relationship between the Meiteis and others gradually turned into a relationship marked by subordination-superordination, and inferiority-superiority (Saha, 2005, pp. 233–234). Likewise, the hill tribes and the Pangals were subjected to social discrimination to a certain degree. In this context, comparing Manipur with Burma, Lyall (1908) stated that “Manipur has been taken with the pale Hinduism, and has imposed upon itself burdensome restriction of caste and ritual”.

Socio-economic conditions of the Pangals According to the Manipur State Constitution, in 1947, three seats were reserved (Mahamadan constituencies) for Muslims in the Manipur assembly (General,

Pangals in Manipur  165

Hill and Mahamadan constituencies in the ratios of 30:18:3 respectively). When Manipur became a part of India, Md. Alimuddin became the chief minister (1972–1974), a leader who contributed remarkably towards the development of the state. In terms of economic condition, a majority of Manipur’s population depends on subsistence agriculture as their main occupation. Even today, agriculture is entirely dependent on seasonal rainfall and weather conditions, and as expected, the production of food grains is pathetically low. In addition, the manufacturing activities have been very negligible. The tertiary sector is the only growing sector, but only because of the expansion of public administration with the state government being the largest employer. Other development indicators such as road link, banking, access to health care and power consumption are below the national average (MDoNER & NEC, 2008). All the communities in the state have become more politically insecure. The insecurity has become more pronounced in recent years which are manifested in form of various political movements. Even the politically dominant Meiteis have an acute sense of being disadvantaged since they were debarred from buying land in hill areas or even from settling in the hill areas. They were also being excluded from concessions which are given to Scheduled Tribes. Likewise, other communities have their concerns too. This happens because of the spatial distribution of communities; and also none of them control political and economic powers simultaneously. The insecurity is the root cause of various political movements. Manipur stands as an example of a severely divided society where political aspirations of major communities are at loggerheads over its political future. On one hand, there are movements for an independent country of Manipur, and on the other, there are movements for the division of Manipur into different parts so that they can control certain territories. It is therefore interesting how different social groups view their homeland so differently. Coming back to the Pangals, despite the lack of reliable data, we are quite aware that they lag behind in terms of human development, including education, decent standard of living and healthcare facilities (Syed, 2018, p. 242). If there has been an improvement in the literacy level of different communities, the rates of progress have not been uniform. This is a matter of concern not only for Manipur, but also for the whole of the country. Comparative analysis among the major communities in Manipur revealed interesting results (Table 13.3). The Pangals are lagging behind

TABLE 13.3  Literacy Rate (%) Census 2001

Persons

All religious communities

Hindus

Muslims

Christians

Sikhs

Buddhists

Jains

Others

Total Female

70.5 60.5

75.3 64.7

58.6 41.6

65.9 58.8

88.5 79.8

53.3 38.2

94.5 93.5

73.5 63.4

Source: Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India.

166  M. Amarjeet Singh

others in education. There is a higher dropout rate among the Pangal students. Some have argued that this is due to poverty (Ali, 2013). It is commonly accepted that the low educational achievement is due to the fact that they do not see education as a necessary tool to achieve formal employment. Thus, the literacy rate is low against the state’s 76.94 per cent (Census 2011). In this connection, a history professor made the interesting observation that “they were not interested in education till very recently. As a result, there are no authoritative accounts of the Muslims in Manipur” (Irene, 2010, p. 9). Unlike other communities, the academic works on the Pangals are rather limited. It is difficult to measure poverty or the standard of living of the people in the absence of accurate and reliable data (Tables 13.4–13.6). In such a situation, we have to rely on our common-sense experience. In an industrially backward place like Manipur, the government job is most preferred where every parent aspires for their children to get salaried government jobs. In this case, let’s look at the representation of different communities in salaried government jobs. The Pangals are under-represented in government jobs. In other words, their representation in the position of power is negligible in areas such as in state bureaucracy, police, and judiciary7 as compared to those of the Meiteis, the Nagas and the Kukis. This is a matter of concern. Likewise, in Tripura, about 70 per cent Pangals (they are officially known as Manipuri Muslims in Tripura)8 were

TABLE 13.4  Work participation rate (%)

Persons

All Religious communities

Hindus

Muslims

Christians

Sikhs

Buddhists

Jains

Others

Male Female

48.1 39.0

50.0 38.5

43.7 29.6

46.5 41.8

73.7 28.1

53.0 40.7

55.6 16.3

48.5 40.1

Source: Government of India (2007).

TABLE 13.5  Occupational classification (%)

Name

All religious Hindus Muslims Christians Sikhs Buddhists Jains Others communities

Cultivators Agricultural labourers Household industries Other workers

40.2 12.0

25.9 12.8

28.6 22.3

65.0 7.4

11.4 2.6

60.9 12.3

4.9 0.9

31.2 16.6

10.3

13.3

7.6

5.6

2.6

2.3

1.8

13.7

37.6 Total = 100.1

48.0

41.5

22.0

83.4

24.5

92.4 38.5

Source: Government of India (2007).

Pangals in Manipur  167 TABLE 13.6  Nature of employment by religion

Religion

Rural

Hindu Islam Christianity Others Total

Permanent 83.18 81.63 59.69 69.15 74.64

Urban Temporary 16.51 18.37 39.92 30.85 25.13

Total 100 (99.69) 100 100 (99.61) 100 100 (99.77)

Permanent 71.25 43.14 62.04 74.73 69.57

Temporary 28.75 56.86 37.96 25.27 30.43

Total 100 100 100 100 100

Source: Government of Manipur. (n.d.). Chapter XII, Employment, Unemployment, Livelihood Security and Human Resources Development (p. 174). Imphal: Planning Department. Undated (Based on NSS 55th Round).

agricultural labourers, and 20 per cent were engaged in other manual labour for wages. Only 1 per cent were in government service, which include profession such as teacher, clerk, panchayat secretary, Class IV staff, paramedical staff, paramilitary and social supervisor.9 In Manipur, a similar situation prevails. Lack of access to regular jobs, especially in the public sector, has been a general concern among them. Pangal youths are unable to get employment, especially in the government and organised sectors due to their lack of education and rampant corruption in the state. It is well known that as “every appointment, transfer and posting [in Manipur government] has a price-tag” (Saksena, 1985, p. 139), the poor faces further marginalisation. According to the All-Manipur Muslim United Coordinating Committee, a representative body, out of 1,35,000 people (the Pangal population in Manipur) by the end of 1995 there were 5,704 matriculates, 1,822 graduates and 86 technical and professional graduates. At that time, there were just 51 Class I  Muslim officers including three women, 101 Class II officers and 1,270 and 1,663 employees belonging to Class III and IV categories respectively (Rizwan, 2010). But, their participation in the informal sector is said to be much higher than any other communities. It is commonly believed that their economic condition is generally poor. This fact is supported by a survey conducted by the state government in 2004 (Government of Manipur, 2004) in which the majority of the Pangal households fetched less than Rs 2,000 per month (Asghar, Murry, & Saraswathy, 2014). According to a state government report, “a significantly greater proportion of the Muslim population falls in the lowest wage category” of Rs. 60–220 (Rural) and < Rs. 350 (Urban).10 In 2006, the state government granted reservation of 17 per cent of state government jobs for “Minorities and Other Backward Classes (OBCs)” in which 4 per cent of government jobs are reserved for Pangals and 12.5 per cent for OBCs Meiteis, Meitei Brahmin, Meitei Sanamahi, Meitei Rajkumar and the non-Scheduled Caste Loi community. Another 0.50 per cent of jobs are reserved for the domicile communities and their descendants such as Badi Nepali, Damai Nepali, Gaire Nepali and Kami Nepali (Table 13.7). Now, several organisations argued that

168  M. Amarjeet Singh TABLE 13.7  Reservation in state government jobs and admission to professional courses

Minorities and Other Backward Classes

Name of the group

Reservation in state government job (in %)

Population (2011 census)

Meitei-Pangals Meitei/Meetei (including Meitei Brahmin, Meitei/ Meetei Sanamahi/Meitei Rajkumar and non-scheduled castes Lois) Telis, who have been domiciled in Manipur for 10 years, and their descendants Badi (Nepali); Damai (Nepali); Gainay (Nepali); Satki (Nepali) and Kami (Nepali) who have been living in Manipur as members of the domiciled community since July 9, 1947, and their descendants

4 12.5

8.40% –

0.50

–

31 2

35.1% 3.8%

Scheduled Tribes Scheduled Castes

Source: Office Memorandum, Department of Personnel and Administrative Reform (Personnel Division), Government of Manipur, Imphal, December 27, 2006.

the reservation meant for the Pangals is inadequate and hence wanted at least 10 per cent reservation.11 Moreover, they are in favour of extending the reservation in admission to educational institutions and courses (Syed, 2018). Poverty and unemployment have furthered the demand for reservation in jobs, education and political representation. Thus, the demand for recognition as Scheduled Tribes status by different groups including Meiteis and Pangals has increased. The Pangals also want to be included in the list of Scheduled Tribes. They do not want to be exempted if the Meiteis are given Scheduled Tribe status. When a Commission of the Ministry of Minority Affairs of the Government of India enquired about why the Pangals were not recognised as the Scheduled Tribe, the state government reported that “the Muslims are not tribal people and they constitute a clan” (Government of India, 2007, pp. 154–158).

Political representation Political representation is very crucial for any group of people in any democracy. Likewise, the Pangals, like other ethnic communities of the state, are concerned

Pangals in Manipur  169

about it. Again, in the context of North-East India this is very crucial, with different ethnic communities demanding various forms of autonomy. The political representation in the legislative assembly of the state gives an inter­ esting story. In the legislative assembly, the plain areas consist of 40 territorial con­ stituencies, and the hill areas have 20. Nineteen constituencies of the hill areas are reserved for the Scheduled Tribes which are virtually represented by the Nagas and the Kukis. The valley area is largely represented by the Meiteis and Pangals in a few seats. The political aspirations of Manipur’s main groups are at loggerheads over the political future of Manipur. On one side, the Meiteis who live in the central low-lying plain want a country of Manipur with full sovereignty, and on the other, both Nagas and Kukis, who live in the hills surrounding the plain, favour the reorganisation of Manipur into three parts so that they can control certain territories outside Manipur. The representation of the Meiteis constitute at least 61 per cent in the state legislative assembly, which is sufficient to elect a Meitei legislator to the post of chief minister. With the exceptions of Mohammed Alimuddin, Yangmasho Shaiza and Rishang Keishing, the other chief ministers belonged to the Meitei community. According to the Census 2011 of Manipur, the population officially recognised as the Scheduled Tribes constituted about 40.88 per cent of the total population in which 95 per cent live in hilly areas while the remaining 5 per cent live in the valley areas. As many as 19 constituencies are reserved for the Scheduled Tribes in the 60-member state assembly (Kangpokpi has always elected a Scheduled Tribe candidate) and up to 31 per cent reservation in education and government jobs. Although the Pangals constitute about 8.40 per cent of the state’s total population, the number of Pangal legislators in the state legislative assembly is three (or 5 per cent) only (Tables 13.8 and 13.9). Members of the community argued that the lack of adequate Pangal voice in the government has been detrimental towards their development. They argued that proper political representation in governance structure is essential to achieve equity. Reservation in employment and education institutions is considered as a means to achieve this. In several assembly constituencies, the Pangals constitute merely a vote bank because they have a decisive influence in about a dozen assembly constituencies. No Pangal has so far been elected

TABLE 13.8  Representation in Manipur Legislative Assembly

Assembly

Meitei

Scheduled Tribes

Pangals

Others

Total

11th Manipur Legislative Assembly 10th Manipur Legislative Assembly

37

20

3

–

60

37

20

3

–

60

Source: Compiled from the official records of Manipur Legislative Assembly, Imphal.

170  M. Amarjeet Singh TABLE 13.9  Population and political representation

Religion

Population Percentage

Political representation

Meiteis and others Pangals Tribes

50.39 8.40 40.88

37 (61.66%) 3 (5%) 20 (33.33%)

Source: Election Commission of India, Manipur – 1967–2017, New Delhi.

to the Lok Sabha from the state; however, one Pangal, Md. Abdul Salam, was elected to the Rajya Sabha in 2014–2017.

Accommodation to conflict The Pangals have been at the forefront in defending the interest of the state from the demand for recognition of Meiteilon in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution, human rights violation, the introduction of the inner line permit system, to the protection of the political boundary of the state. However, there is a negative perception of the community.12 They are sometimes accused of helping “illegal migrants” into the state, thereby putting them in a state of flux. When some alleged Rohingya refugees from Myanmar were apprehended in Imphal, they were again suspected of helping them. Concerns have been expressed when some unidentified organizations accused them of infiltrating illegal migrants to enter into the state (Imphal Free Press).13 This is peculiar to what has been happening in Assam, where the anti-foreigner movement of the 1980s against illegal migration divided the local population along communal lines. There has been a systematic discrimination against the Muslims on the basis of the religious markers such as the burga, the purdah, the beard and the skull cap (Government of India, 2006). Lastly, some even went to the extent of accusing them of being inclined towards Arab culture.

Conclusion Despite the insufficiency of reliable data, the essay argues that the Pangals are one of the most educationally, economically and politically disadvantaged groups in Manipur. Like other groups, they are reconstructing their identities. Indeed, their religion place them at a more disadvantaged position than other groups/communities. Thus, there is an emerging necessity for research and documentation, and to build an inclusive knowledge base on the society, economy and polity of this community.

Notes 1 The Meitei Pangal is the officially recognised name of the community in Manipur. For more information, please see, ‘Resolution, Ministry of Welfare, New Delhi, May 24, 1995’, The Gazette of India, Extraordinary, New Delhi, May 25, 1995. 2 Part V, Chapter XIII. General and Miscellaneous, of The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act, 1960.

Pangals in Manipur  171

3 “Muslims are our brothers: Manipur CM”, Business Standard, July 3, 2018. 4 There are reports of non-Pangal Muslims in Manipur. However, this has not been officially confirmed. 5 Chief Electoral Officer Manipur. Undated. MANIPUR: Template Action Plan- SVEEPII for Lok Sabha Election 2014, Imphal (Including NVD-2014), Imphal: Chief Electoral Officer Manipur. Retrieved August  7, 2019, from https://ceomanipur.nic.in/Documents/SVEEP/MANIPUR-LS_SVEEP_Plan.pdf 6 Every adult member of the valley areas had to offer 10 days of free labour out of every 40 days to the monarch known as lallup (the compulsory feudal service). It was introduced in AD 1110, but in peaceful times it performed different non-military activities like the construction of roads, bridges or leatherwork (Sanajaoba, 2010, p.  165). Those who performed lallup were exempted from tax. 7 One can visit any government office in the state in order to verify the claim. 8 They are known as Manipuri Muslim in Assam. 9 DO NO. NCBC Advice No. 9–10 Tripura/98, Findings, National Commission for Backward Classes, Tripura Bench, New Delhi: National Commission for Backward Classes, June  30, 1998. Retrieved August  6, 2019, from www.ncbc.nic.in/Writereaddata/AddTri-6.pdf 10 Chapter XII, Employment, Unemployment, Livelihood Security and Human Resources Development, Government of Manipur, Planning Department, p. 181, undated (based on NSS 55th Round). 11 The demand for 10 per cent reservation is made on the basis of the proportion of the population in the state. 12 This is concluded based on various media reports. 13 “Muslim bodies and JCILPS conduct verification drive at Hatta”, Imphal Free Press, July 15, 2018.

References Ali, M. M. (2013, March–April). Pangal women: Social challenges and education. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 9(4), 39–42. Asghar, M., Murry, B., & Saraswathy, K. N. (2014). Fertility behaviour and effect of son preference among the Muslims of Manipur, India. Journal of Anthropology, 6, 1–5. Census. (2011). Ministry of home affairs. New Delhi: Govt. of India. Election Commission of India. (2014). Manipur: Template action plan  – SVEEP-II for Lok Sabha election 2014 (Including NVD-2014). Retrieved July 31, 2018, from http://eci.nic. in/eci_main1/SVEEP/statesweepplan2014/MANIPUR.pdf Government of India. (2006, November). Social, economic and educational status of the Muslim community of India: A report. New Delhi: Cabinet Secretariat, Government of India, Prime Minister’s High-Level Committee. Government of India. (2007). Annexure to the report of the National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities, Volume – II. New Delhi: Ministry of Minority Affairs. Government of Manipur. (2004). Report on socio-economic survey of Meitei Pangals (Manipuri Muslims). Imphal: Directorate of Economic and Statistics and Directorate of Minorities and Other Backward Classes. Government of Manipur. (n.d.). Chapter XII: Employment, unemployment, livelihood security and human resources development. Imphal: Planning Department. Undated (Based on NSS 55th Round). Hodson, T. C. (2011, 1st ed. 1908) (Ed.). The Meitheis. New Delhi: Low Price Publications. Irene, S. (2010). The Muslims of Manipur. New Delhi: Kalpaz Publications. Khullakpam, A. H. S. (2008). The Manipur governance to the Meitei-Pangal (Manipuri Muslim) 1606–1949. Imphal: Pearl Education.

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Lyall, C. J. (1908). Introduction. In T. C. Hodson (2011, 1st ed. 1908) (Ed.), The Meitheis. New Delhi: Low Price Publications. MDoNER & NEC. (2008). Northeastern vision 2020. Agartala: Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region and North Eastern Council. Nilabir, S. (2010, July–December). Sanamahi religion. Sandhan, X(2), 53–90. Rahman, A. (2005). The Meitei Pangal (Manipuri Muslims). In N. Sanajaoba (Ed.), Manipur: Past and present (Vol. 4, pp. 459–464). New Delhi: Mittal Publication. Rizwan, M. (2010, January 11). Muslims in Manipur: A look at their socio-economic condition. TwoCircles.net. Retrieved July 31, 2018. Saha, R. K. (2005). Where civilizations meet to differ: The hill-valley ethnic cleavage in Manipur. In T. B. Subba & S. Som (Eds.), Between ethnography and fiction: Verrier Elwin and the tribal question in India (pp. 227–241). New Delhi: Orient Longman. Saksena, N. S. (1985). Terrorism history and facets: In the world and in India. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications. Sanajaoba, N. (2010, July–December). Early Manipur national institutions – law & justice structure. Sandhan, X(2), 161–170. Shahani, R. (2006). Social structure of Meitei-Pangal (Muslim) of Manipur (PhD thesis: Department of Sociology and Social Work). Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. Syed, F. (2018, May). Reservation of Muslims in Manipur. International Journal of Research in Social Sciences, 8(5), 242–251.

SECTION IV

Domain of education

14 EQUITY-DRIVEN FINANCIAL REFORMS FOR SCHOOL EDUCATION IN NORTH-EASTERN STATES OF INDIA Yazali Josephine

Introduction The North-East (NE) region comprises eight states, namely Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura. With a total population of 45.5 million (Census, 2011), the region accounts for about 3.7% of India’s total population and covers 7.9% of India’s total geographical area. The majority of the region’s population live in rural areas, accounting for 85% of the total population as against the national average of 72% (Census, 2011). The region is known for its rich cultural heritage and ethnic diversity where around over 160 scheduled tribes reside, representing about 12% of the total tribal population of India. The region’s literacy rates of 81% (males) is slightly lower than the male national average of 82%, while the region’s female literacy rate of 75% is above the female national average of 65% respectively (Census, 2011). Despite its rich natural resources and relatively good human development indicators, the NE region lags in important parameters of growth, and thus there is a gap between it and the rest of India (Madhusudan, 2011). Widely recognised problems such as geo-political isolation (Zaidi, 2005), protracted insurgency in some areas and recurring natural disaster further compound the problem. All these factors have affected the education development of the region. Due to lack of a vibrant economy, despite the relatively high literacy rate, the region also suffers from alarmingly high youth unemployment rate at 14%. This is caused by high school drop-out rate and lack of skills. The youth unemployment can potentially destabilise society and fuel discontent impediments for development. The Northeast region scores relatively well on some socio-economic indicators and compares favourably with the rest of the country with regard to universalisation

DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-18

176  Yazali Josephine

and gender-based enrolment in primary education (Raju, 2015). Yet, there are major concerns (Qamar, 2003) relating to: 1 2 3

The quality of primary education. Expansion of secondary education. Limited state income sources.

Different windows of funding In the recent past a wide variety of policy programmes have been launched by the government to promote educational development like SSA and RMSA. No doubt the region had made some visible progress (Naskar, 2009); however, the perception remains that the economic and educational gap between the North-East and the rest of the country has been widening. To eliminate backlogs and gaps in development, many studies, commissions and reports have highlighted the requirement of a quantum leap of investment in education. Consequently, there are several financial packages given to the region as and when required.

Centre-state relation in education The Constitution of India provides for a polity with clearly defined spheres of authority between the Union and states (Rani, 2007). There is an independent judiciary to determine issues between the Union and the states or among states to be exercised in fields assigned to them respectively. The constitutional amendment of 1976 includes “education” in the Concurrent List as 75:25. But in the case of North-Eastern regions it is 90:10, which shows a substantive, financial and administrative sharing of responsibility between the Union government and the states in respect of this vital area of national development. The significance of central funding for the North-East was repeatedly highlighted in all researches, as most of these states have very few resources to mobilise for school education, especially after the primary level. There is an insistence on devising need-based norms rather than formulaic norms when dealing with issues of resource allocation in the NorthEast. The National Knowledge Commission (NKC) has recommended that the centre should provide all additional funds for realising right to education for states that are spending more than 15% of their state domestic product (SDP) on school education. However, it was observed that even 15% of the budget is too much to expect of the small state budgets of most of the North-Eastern states. Secondary education in the region is in a state of all-round disrepair and neglect. It is observed that investment from the centre must be increased or at least maintained at the same level in order to finance quality secondary education for all requirements.

Central assistance •

The North-East has essentially depended on central funding for development works. All the states in the NER are special category states whose development

Equity-driven financial reforms  177

•

•

plans are centrally financed as 90% grant and 10% loan. Further, the special category states are allowed to use up to 20% of the central assistance for nonplan expenditure. The development concerns of these states are pursued through their respective five-year and annual plans as well as those of the Union ministries and central agencies. In addition, projects of inter-state nature in the region are funded by the North-Eastern Council (NEC), which has a separate budget for the purpose. Despite the fact that the per-capita plan outlays of the NE states have, over a period of time, been considerably higher than the national average, the states still rank significantly below the national average in so far as the development of infrastructure is concerned. In terms of per-capita state domestic product or other development indices, such as electricity, length of roads or hospital beds, the North-East ranks well below the national average. As the benefits of economic development have yet to steadily accrue to the region, efforts have been initiated in this direction in the recent past through various supportive measures.

Ten per cent of Gross Budgetary Support (GBS) •

•

In October 1996, the then Prime Minister announced, “New Initiatives for North Eastern Region” and stipulated that at least 10% of the budget(s) of the central government ministries/department will be earmarked for the development of North-Eastern states. A preliminary exercise undertaken by the Planning Commission in consultation with the various ministries/departments revealed that the expenditure on the North-East by some union ministries during 1997–1998 fell short of the stipulated 10% of the GBS for that year. The Planning Commission thereafter explored the possibility of creating a central pool of resources for the North-East out of the unspent amount of stipulated 10% of Gross Budgetary Support (GBS) to support infrastructure development projects in the North-East.

The North-Eastern Council (NEC) Of late, in order to monitor the development initiatives of different government and semi-government agencies in the region and in view of the growing insurgency problems often hampering the works of large development projects, the Department of Development of Northeastern Region (DoNER) was set up in September 2001. It acts as the nodal department of the central government, addressing the issues of socio-economic development of the seven states of the region. Another interesting feature of North-East India’s political and administrative set-up is the Autonomous District Councils (ADC) embodied in the Sixth Schedule. To fulfil the political aspirations for autonomy and self-rule demanded by the various tribal communities of the region for preserving their democratic traditions and cultural

178  Yazali Josephine

diversity, the Constitution of India conceived the instrument of tribal self-rule under the ADCs.

Non-lapsable central pool of resources – central (NLCPRcentral) •

•

•

•

•

A proposal was mooted by the Planning Commission to the cabinet for constitution of such a central pool of resources. The cabinet approved the approach, in principle, on December 15, 1997, observing that the creation of the central resources pool would require parliamentary approval and would have to await constitution of the twelfth lok sabha. The central pool therefore, could not be constituted in 1997–1998. Following the lok sabha elections earlier in 1998, the matter relating to creation of the central pool of resources was pursued in consultation with the ministry of finance. The prime minister convened a meeting of the chief ministers of the North-Eastern states on May 8, 1998, when, inter alia, it was indicated that a non-lapsable central pool of resources for the funding of specific projects in these states would be created. Furthermore, it was decided that a non-lapsable central resources pool would be created for deposit of funds from all ministries where the plan expenditure on the North-Eastern region was less than 10% of the total plan allocation of the Ministry. The difference between 10% of the allocation and the actual expenditure incurred on the North-Eastern region will be transferred to the central pool, which will be used for funding specific programmes for economic and social upliftment of the North-Eastern states. The broad objective of the non-lapsable central pool of resources scheme is to ensure speedy development of infrastructure in the North-Eastern region by increasing the flow of budgetary financing for new infrastructure projects/ schemes in the region. Both physical and social infrastructure sectors such as irrigation and flood control, electricity, roads and bridges, education, health, water supply and sanitation – are considered for providing support under the central pool, with projects in the physical infrastructure sector receiving priority. Funds from the central pool can be released for state sector as well as central sector projects/schemes. However, the funds available under the central pool are not meant to supplement the normal plan programmes either of the state governments or Union ministries/departments/agencies. During the year, the institutional arrangements for administering the non-lapsable central pool was streamlined. The guidelines to administer the pool have been revised. The committee to administer the non-lapsable central pool of resources has been reconstituted. The reconstituted committee is headed by the secretary, Ministry of Development of the North-Eastern region and has representation from Ministries of Finance, Home Affairs and Planning Commission. The financial advisor to the Ministry of Development of the North-Eastern region has an institutional arrangement to administer the NLCPR Funds.

Equity-driven financial reforms  179

•

•

•

•

•

•

For identification of projects under non-lapsable central pool of resources, states are asked to submit, before the beginning of the financial year, a prioritised list of projects with a short write-up on each project. The earlier practice of receiving projects throughout the year directly from the various state departments concerned was stopped. Now the planning and development department of the state concerned is the nodal department for NLCPR and that department is DoNER’s interface with all other departments of the state. The priority accorded by the state to the projects on the “priority list” is only suggestive, and the committee scrutinizes the projects in the lists in order to identify and finally retain the suitable projects for detailed examination. In examining the priority, the committee is, inter-alia, guided by considerations such as: (a) projects of economic infrastructure are given priority; (b) in the social sector, priority to drinking water supply and other health and sanitation projects; (c) projects in autonomous district council (Sixth Schedule of the Constitution) are given priority; (d) past performance of a state in implementing projects in the particular sectors to which the projects belong is also considered; (e) the overall utilization and absorption of funds by a particular state in the past years also guide the overall quantum of projects to be undertaken for that state in a year. Detailed project report(s) for such retained projects are then prepared by the state concerned. These project proposals are thereafter examined in consultation with the concerned central ministry/department. The recommendations/views, thus received are place before the committee to administer the non-lapsable central pool, which considers the proposal and accords approval. After approval of the committee, funds are sanctioned and released by the Ministry of Development of the North-Eastern Region on submission of an implementation schedule. Subsequent releases are made only after receipt of utilization certificate of earlier releases. The broad objective of the Non-lapsable Central Pool of Resources scheme is to ensure speedy development of infrastructure in the North-Eastern region by increasing the flow of budgetary financing for new infrastructure projects/ schemes in the region. Both physical and social infrastructure sectors such as irrigation and flood control, power, roads and bridges, education, health, water supply and sanitation – are considered for providing support under the central pool, with projects in physical infrastructure sector receiving priority. At present all the administrative rules are changing rapidly. We have no idea about the latest, so we can mention it as till the 12th Five-Year Plan.

Backward Regions Grant Fund (BRGF) for North-Eastern region The launch of the Backward Regions Grant Fund (BRGF) is a major initiative of our government in ensuring that regional disparities in development are bridged. Two hundred fifty districts are being taken up in the country under the Backward

180  Yazali Josephine

Regions Grant Fund. It will be implemented through district plans which are prepared at the grassroots with the active participation at the Gram Panchayat level, the Block Panchayat level and the Zila Panchayat level. The basis for programmes under the Backward Regions Grant Fund is the District Plan. This Plan would be a well-conceived plan prepared in a participatory manner. The District Plan would be put together by District Planning Committees constituted in each district which will also integrate plans of rural and urban local bodies. Its funds would be used for promoting development in backward areas by providing infrastructure, promoting sustainable livelihoods and converging development inflows. Secondly, the basis for programmes under the Backward Regions Grant Fund is the District Plan. The District Plan would be put together by district planning committees constituted in each district which will also integrate plans of rural and urban local bodies.

Districts identified in North-East Arunachal Pradesh: Upper Subansiri Assam: Barpeta, Bongaigaon, Cachar, Goalpara, Hailakhandi, Marigaon, Dhemaji, Karbi Anglong, Kokrajhar, North Cachar Hills and North Lakhimpur 3 Manipur: Chandelipur, Chuchandrapur, Tamenlong 4 Meghalaya: Ri Bhoi, South Garo Hills, West Garo Hills 5. Mizoram: Lawngtlai, Siaha 6 Nagaland: Mon, Tuensang, Wokha 7 Sikkim: North Sikkim 8 Trripura: Dhalai 1 2

Issues In recent past a wide variety of policy programmes have been launched by the government to promote the educational development like SSA (Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan) and RMSA (Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan). No doubt the region had made some visible progress; however, the perception remains that the economic and educational gap between the North-East and the rest of the country has been widening. To eliminate backlogs and gaps in education development among ethnic groups, regions and social groups, many studies and commissioned reports have highlighted the requirement of a quantum leap in investment (Tilak, 2006). As discussed, despite several windows of funding available to the North-Eastern region, education development is still much below that of the rest of the country. The main issues and challenges are discussed next.

1 Quality The quality of school education is a cause for major concern (Shah, 2009). Despite the region performing well on enrolment and gender indices, students from the North-East are often at a disadvantage when competing with students from other

Equity-driven financial reforms  181

parts of the country at the national level. Due to the high demand for English, English medium schools are overcrowded and packed with unqualified, untrained teachers, whereas vernacular medium is especially a problem in Mizoram. Concerns were expressed over private schools outperforming government schools despite the latter having more qualified and better trained teachers. A  thorough investigation in this matter must be undertaken to discern gaps in the quality parameters of government schools. A balanced pupil-teacher ratio and the rationalisation of distribution of teachers (especially between remote rural and urban areas) are perceived as fundamental to the improvement of the education quality. Accordingly, teachers must be given incentives for teaching in far-flung areas where they are sorely required.

2 Quantity Secondary education in the region is in a state of all-round disrepair and neglect. Investment from the centre must be increased or at least maintained at the same. There is an insistence on devising need-based norms rather than formulaic norms when dealing with issues of resource allocation in the North-East. The same parameters would not be suited to both plain areas and North-Eastern parts. The significance of central funding for the North-East was repeatedly highlighted, since most of the states have very few resources to mobilise for school education, especially beyond the primary level.

3 Inaccessibility Language becomes a major issue of both identity and access given the several linguistic minorities in the region. The demand from the tribal populations is, therefore, two-pronged – instruction in the mother tongue and, most importantly, in English. On the other hand, compulsory instruction in the state language is looked upon as an imposition by many. Special packages must be created for children in conflict-ridden areas. There is a perception that government mechanisms may not be best suited to provide sustained and sympathetic support for learners with special needs. In this context, it may be better to identify appropriate and willing institutions outside the government (or at least outside the education department) who may become partners and delivery institutions for special-need education (Weidrich, 2003). In Sikkim, special-need education is not under SSA but under the mandate of NGOs like the Spastic Society of India. Geographically remote and hard-to-access hill areas may require a special package with additional resource allocation for school education.

More focused and important issues 1 2

Increase the capacity to generate revenue. Exploring an alternative paradigm for resource generation.

182  Yazali Josephine

3 Secondary education in the region is in a state of all-round disrepair and neglect. 4 Large-scale financing from the centre needs to be increased or at least maintained at the same level to maintain quality secondary education for all. 5 Therefore, there is an insistence on devising need-based norms rather than formulaic norms when dealing with issues of resource allocation in the North-East. 6 An effective expenditure monitoring system needs to be worked out from the block level to state administration with systematic and periodic reviews. Lastly, capacity building for efficient service delivery calls for proactive administration and instituting a system of checks and balances.

Issues related to universalisation of elementary education •

•

•

•

Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan is an effort to universalise elementary education by community-ownership of the school system. It is a response to the demand for quality basic education. The SSA programme is also an attempt to provide an opportunity for improving human capabilities to all children, though provision of community-owned quality education is in a mission mode. Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan is to provide useful and relevant elementary education for all children in the 6-to-14 age group. There is also another goal to bridge social, regional and gender gaps, with the active participation of the community in the management of schools. Useful and relevant education signifies a quest for an education system that is not alienating and that draws on community solidarity. Its aim is to allow children to learn about and master their natural environment in a manner that allows the fullest harnessing of their human potential both spiritually and materially. This quest must also be a process of value-based learning that allows children an opportunity to work for each other’s wellbeing rather than to permit mere selfish pursuits. Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan realizes the importance of Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) and looks at the 0–14 age as a continuum. All efforts to support pre-school learning in ICDS (Integrated Child Development Scheme) focus or special pre-school centres in non-ICDS areas will be made to supplement the efforts being made by the department of women and child development in the context of the North-East only.

Financial norms The Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan is based on the premise that financing of elementary education interventions has to be sustainable. This calls for a long-term perspective on financial partnership between the central and the state governments. The assistance under the programme of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan will be on a 90:10 for the NE region and 65:35 for the other states of India (Ambast, 2010). Commitments

Equity-driven financial reforms  183

regarding sharing of costs would be taken from state governments in writing. The state governments will have to maintain their level of investment in elementary education. The contribution as state share for SSA will be over and above this investment. The Government of India would release funds to the state governments/Union territories only, and instalments would only be released after the previous instalments of Central government and State share has been transferred to the State Implementation Society.

Financial process The budget proposals under SSA are prepared in the form of Annual Work Plan & Budget (AWP&B), covering all the interventions specified in the SSA norms. Itemwise budget demands for one year are included in the AWP&B. The AWP&B proposals are envisaged in two parts, the plan for the current year and the progress overview of the previous year, including spillover activities, are proposed to be carried over to the current year. Sharing pattern • The sharing pattern for meeting the funds as per the approved outlay of the current year for SSA is between the Government of India and the state government. • The Finance Commission also provides funds as a grant-in-aid against the total budget outlay to the society through the state government. Thus, the Twelfth Finance Commission has recommended a grant of 15% of the estimated SSA expenditure of each state other than the North-Eastern states. In respect of the NE states, the 12th finance commission has recommended the differences between the average amount contributed by each state in both 2007–2008 and 2008–2009 and the amount they need to contribute on the basis of a 10% share, subject to a minimum of Rs. 5 crore per year. In recommending grant for all states, this finance commission has focused on recurrent items of expenditure and excluding the requirement of civil works. The grant-in-aid of the finance commission award is claimed by the society through the state government. The sharing pattern of 90:10 between the GOI and state government against the approved outlay is after the deduction of the grant-in-aid provided by the finance commission. Depending on the dates of the AWP&B, the GOI releases its first instalment to the society, and further instalments are released to the society only after the state government has transferred its matching share to the society and expenditure of at least 50% of the funds (Union and state) transferred has been incurred.

Utilisation of funds •

Based on the approved budget outlay of the current year, the state project office made its releases to the District Project Offices for implementation of the scheme.

184  Yazali Josephine

•

The State Project Office releases its funds to districts within 15 days of its receipt from GOI and state government similar process is followed at the district level. • The District Project Office then makes its releases to the sub-district office and to the Block Resource Centre and Cluster Resource Centre to meet the requirement for the implementation. • Each district office receives the district budget of the current year in which the funds were spent accordingly as per the budget. • All funds used for civil works construction, teaching learning equipment, school grants, and annual grants were transferred to the School Management Committee (SMC) level as a decentralisation method adopted in the society.

Funds for teacher’s salary are incurred at the district and sub-district level • • •

• • •

Funds for academic support at BRC/URC and CRC were transferred at the district level to the Blocks and Cluster Level. Funds for Uniforms were also transferred directly to the SMC level as a decentralisation method was adopted. Other funds like free textbooks, teacher’s training, research evaluation, and monitoring and supervision were incurred at the State Project Office and the District Project Offices. Funds releases to the districts and sub-district level are initially classified as advances. These advances were adjusted based on the expenditure statements/utilisation certificates received in State Implementation Society. Similar procedure is followed at district and sub-district levels.

Problems faced/possible solutions The main issues and challenges are: 1 2

Quality: The quality of school education is a cause for major concern. Quantity: Secondary education in the region is in a state of all-round disrepair and neglect. 3 The significance of central funding for the North-East was repeatedly highlighted, since most of the states have very few resources to mobilise for school education, especially after the primary level. In the context of the discussion presented in this chapter, we suggest that largescale financing be increased or at least maintained at the same level, and to maintain quality secondary education for all (Qamar, 2003). Even though governments have made several efforts to increase the quality of education by introducing several financial reforms, many issues still need to be resolved. For example, the financial norms (Tilak, 2003; Josephine, 2004)/unit costs under SSA have been increased

Equity-driven financial reforms  185

from FY 2012–2013 for smooth implementation of RTE (Right to Education), the financial parameters and norms for civil work activities late receipt of Government of India funds hamper implementation of program activities as per state plan of action. One probable reason is that untimely release of matching shares by respective state government does hamper implementation of activities and release of the second instalment of central share. Untimely receipt of government funds thus hampers release of programme funds to district offices and to the ultimate implementing agencies i.e., SMCs, VECs, etc. Lack of knowledge of financial norms amongst the SSA functionaries hinders proper and transparent utilisation of SSA funds. Late release of funds to district offices and implementing agencies delays receipt of utilisation certificates in time. Funds released from central as well as state government is adequate. Finally, 100% funding from the centre is suggested. As long as the North-East region’s economy is not boosted, there is a need for 100% support from the centre or support which can be mobilised through the corporate sector under corporate social responsibility.

References Ambast, Shruti. (2010). Funding the right to education. Working paper number 241. New Delhi: Centre for Civil Society. Retrieved April 02, 2019, from https://ccs.in/internship_papers/2010/shruti-ambast_funding-the-right-to-education.pdf Census. (2011). Primary census abstracts. Registrar General of India, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India. Retrieved June 17, 2018, from http://www.censusindia.gov Education. Planning commission (Twelfth Five-Year Plan). New Delhi: Planning Commission. Retrieved November 15, 2018, from www.planningcommission.gov.in/hackathon/education.pdf Employment and skill development. Planning commission. (Twelfth Five-Year Plan). New Delhi: Planning Commission. Retrieved November 15, 2018, from www.planningcommission. gov.in/hackathon/Skill%20Development.pdf Josephine, Y. (2004). Financing of school education – Impact on development. New Delhi: Anamika Publishers & Distributors. Madhusudan, J. V. (2011). Inter-state differences and determinants of schooling at primary stage in North-East India. International Journal of Current Research, 3(4), 250–253. Naskar, S. (2009). Why education is an answer to India’s North-eastern region. Retrieved March 18, 2010, from www.globalindiafoundation.org/North%20east.pdf Qamar, F. (2003). An empirical analysis of Grants-in-Aid rules, financing pattern and cost structure in secondary school in Delhi. Journal of Educational Planning and Administration, XVII(3), 331–368. Raju, V. P. S. (2015). Education development in North East. In Compiled research studies. New Delhi: NIEPA. Rani, G. P. (2007). Every child in school: The challenges of attaining and financing education for all in India. In D. P. Baker & A. W. Wiseman (Eds.), Education for all: (International perspectives on education and society, Vol. 8) (pp. 201–256). Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing Ltd. Shah, J. P. (2009, September 24). Unintended school voucher programme: RTE bill launches school vouchers in India. Educationworldonline.net. Retrieved February  12, 2018, from http://parthjshah.in/node/545

186  Yazali Josephine

Tilak, J. B. G. (2003). Public expenditure on education in India: A review of trends and emerging issues. In J. B. G. Tilak (Ed.), Financing education in India (pp.  3–54). New Delhi: Ravi Books for NIEPA. Tilak, J. B. G. (2006). On allocating 6 percent of GDP to education. Economic and Political Weekly, 41(7), 613–618. Weidrich, E. (2003). Education vouchers: Is there a model for India? Retrieved December 3, 2017, from https://ccs.in/internship_papers/2003/chap31.pdf Zaidi, S. M. I. A. (2005). Provision and utilization of elementary education facilities in North East India: What DISE data reveals? New Frontiers in Education, 35(3).

15 CLASSROOM AS A SITE OF EXCLUSION IN MASSIFIED HIGHER EDUCATION IN INDIA C.M. Malish

Introduction Massification of the Indian higher education system since the turn of the 21st century has been led by the private sector (Varghese, 2015). In the last two decades, Indian higher education (HE) underwent commendable growth in terms of number of institutions and student enrolment. Currently, the country has 993 universities and nearly 40,000 colleges with 37.4 million student enrolment (MHRD, 2018). Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) stands at 26.3% for the year 2018–2019 (MHRD, 2019). Since higher education attainment is the major determinant of growth of national economies and employment outcome and social mobility of individuals in the knowledge era, expansion of higher education sector in India indicates a positive development. However, global trends indicate that India lags behind not only developed countries but also developing countries and regions. The stage of massification is assumed to bring forth qualitative and quantitative changes in the system (Trow, 1973). Among the many, the increasing proportion of students from non-traditional backgrounds is a major feature of mass higher education. That is why scholars call the massified system as a stage of democratisation. This chapter is an attempt to understand how far massification could succeed in “democratising” higher education in India by examining classroom experience of diverse student body. This chapter is based on a large-scale study1 carried out in six major states in India. It is argued that the classroom has emerged as a major site of exclusion in contemporary higher education in India, and there is an urgent need to focus our attention on classrooms and pedagogical practices in colleges and universities. In other words, equalising opportunities by providing access to masses needs to be supported by targeted opportunities for a diverse student body to succeed in higher education. The organisation of this chapter is as follows. The second section discusses about global and national context of massification and democratisation DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-19

188  C.M. Malish

of higher education. It also details global context of massive expansion of higher education and evolution of the Indian higher education system. The third section discusses the concept of student experience and how it has evolved as one of the most important indicators of inclusion. Analysis of empirical evidence on student experience and teaching learning processes in classroom is discussed in the fourth section. The fifth section discusses major findings. The sixth section concludes with policy implication of the findings.

Democratisaton of higher education: Global trends and national scenario Emergence of the modern HE system Contemporary universities are the latest avatar of European universities established as early as the 11th century CE. In medieval Europe, the university model of education was confined to teaching theology, philosophy and priesthood and conservation of cultural heritage. It existed as a centre for transmitting “high culture” from one generation to next generation (Perkin, 2007). Latin was the language of teaching and scholarship during that time, reflecting the dominance of the Roman Catholic Church. National languages acquired the status of language of teaching and scholarship only during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Emergence of vernacular or national language as language of scholarship has been deeply linked to Protestant reformation (Guruz, 2010), i.e. rivalry between Catholics and Protestants and emergence of nation-states as an imagined community (Anderson, 1991). It is a fact that until the 20th century, the major role of universities was to produce elites for bureaucracy and trained people for professions such as medicine, law and clergy (Perking, 2007). Contrary to popular belief, the secular and liberal character what we currently attribute to the university model is of recent origin. Until recently, universities mostly remained as an institution for maintaining continuity and status quo. Social change and transformation was no longer part of the traditional notion of the university model. The Industrial Revolution was one of the major milestones in human history. The enlightenment movement and rise of reasoning and emergence of science as a form of knowledge helped the industrial mode of production to spread across Europe and North America. The basic character and principle of social formation and economic production of industrial society is different from that of agrarian society. Industrialisation transformed all walks of human life. However, scholars observed that higher education systems did not undergo much transformation during industrial period (Perking, 2007). The universities remained as seminaries and centres to produce a handful of lawyers and administrators. The knowledge and technology demands of the industrial mode of production were not met by universities. It is worth to note that until the 20th century, universities were not even considered as public institutions which produce public goods. As Scott (2006) observes, only in 1930 did the mission statement started appearing in US university

Classroom as a site of exclusion  189

catalogues. The mission statement could be seen as an early sign of universities to become public institutions. After the Second World War, the production process began to undergo radical changes. Transition from manufacturing- to services sector-dominated production made American sociologist Daniel Bell (1973) to forecast the “coming of post-industrial society” in the early 1970s. There are many divergent views about emerging society and its structures and operational principles. A plethora of labels used to name emerging society, such as post-capitalist society, post-Fordism, professional society, post-modern society and knowledge society, signals ambiguity and uncertainty about emerging society (Kumar, 2006). As economic activities were dominated by production of intangible goods as compared to tangible goods, demand for codified knowledge and a scientific and technical class who can manipulate knowledge increased (Castells, 2000). As a response to this knowledge demand, higher education began to expand during 1960s in countries which were then at the advanced stage of industrialisation. Public attention and public funding together contributed to expansion of the higher education sector. While North America massified its higher education in the early 1960s, Western Europe and many other developed countries such as Japan entered into massification in the 1980s (Altbach, Reisberg & Rumbley, 2009). It followed East Asian countries like the Republic of Korea. By the beginning of the 21st century, higher education expansion became popular vocabulary in policy statements of most developing countries. As discussed, rapid expansion of higher education dates back to the 1960s. Scholarly writing focusing on higher education began to receive wider public attention by the 1970s. Three-stage classification, developed by American sociologist Martin Trow (1973, 2006), passed the test of time and continues to remain relevant, though it is not free from criticism (Tight, 2019). According to Trow (2006), higher education expansion can be classified into elite, mass and universal stages. The system is in elite stage when GER is below 15%. GER of between 15% and 50% is a mass system, and the system is universal when GER crosses 50%. Though there is wider agreement on the idea of mass higher education, universalised higher education is not exempted from criticism. The rationale for keeping 50% of GER as an arbitrary line demarcating mass and universal higher education has been critiqued (Tight, 2019). The idea of high participation system (Marginson, 2011) is an extension to this argument. What Trow explains through his classification is that the character of the higher education undergoes changes in connection with change in nature of student body and institutional types. In the elite stage, higher education is an exclusive space for social and economic elites. The system is massified when larger share of eligible age cohorts enters higher education. Massification is a process that leads to a mass higher education system. As discussed, massification was a response to increasing knowledge and human capital demands of the emerging economy. Along with this economic rationale, discourse on social justice, equity and right-based approach pressed the need for equalising opportunities to access higher education.

190  C.M. Malish

The discourse and movements around human rights, racial justice, feminism and environment have served as an intellectual source for demanding HE system to be accessible to hitherto under-represented groups. Massification brings in quantitative as well as qualitative changes in the system. It includes changes in structures of governance, management and administration, curriculum and forms of instruction, and career prospects of students (Trow, 1973). According to Trow (1973, 2006) existing HEIs would not be able to accommodate increased demands for higher education. Therefore, non-elite institutions began to flourish and absorb increasing demands. It also explains why supply conditions were diversified. Diversification of institutional types and study programmes is a hallmark of mass higher education.

Democratisation of HE For Trow and many other scholars (Scott, 2006; Varghese, 2015) massification implies democratisation of higher education as it opens doors of higher education institutions to hitherto under-represented groups. Global trends and evidence from national contexts suggest that massification is associated with increasing participation of non-elites and under-represented groups. In principle, universalisation of higher education is impossible without the participation of all sections of society. There is a general consensus on the idea that transition from elite to massification would alter characteristics of the student body. However, scholars expressed their scepticism about correspondence between massification and “mass oriented higher” education and “democratisation” (Delanty, 2003). Scholars further elaborate that massification without introducing flexibility for students to progress between different levels and sectors of higher education would not lead to equality of opportunities – a pre-condition for democratisation of higher education. Delanty (2003) views the relationship between massification and democratisation as one of the cultural contradictions of knowledge society. Even though adoption of neoliberal reforms and entry of market forces would lead to increased enrolment in higher education, it may not necessarily lead to democratisation. Delanty (2001) further argues that when knowledge loses its emancipatory potential, along with erosion of unity of teaching and research and fragmentation of knowledge, the very idea of university loses its significance in the knowledge economy. The debate on linkage between education and democracy is not new. Including John Dewey’s (1915) classical work, scholarship on the topic on education and democracy is vast. There are two major streams of thoughts in the deliberations. They are education for democracy and democracy in education. Education for democracy views democracy as an outcome of education or education as a tool for creating democratic values and attributes among students to develop a democratic society. Much of the discussions on themes such as democratic education, civic education, campus climate, student diversity and service learning belong to this

Classroom as a site of exclusion  191

category. Democracy in education recognises first that inequalities exist in society and focuses on implications of inequalities on access to and success in education. It is concerned with structural roots of inequality and how education promotes or hinders transformation of existing inequalities. This stream of thought has strong connection with critical tradition in social sciences. Democratisation of education becomes a reality when non-academic attributes of individuals (social and economic circumstances) no longer act as an obstacle for one’s access to and success in education and content, and forms of delivery and assessment no longer favour certain groups. It is relevant for all levels of education, including higher education. Availability, accessibility and affordability of educational provisions are means to achieve democratisation. The vast literature on education reminds us about social and cultural roots of educational inequalities. Educational inequalities are influenced by multiple factors which are not necessarily confined to sphere of education and will of individuals. They are systemic and influenced by social, economic, geographical, cultural linguistic and pedagogic factors. Both demand and supply sides are influenced by social factors. As discussed, both access and success are significant for democratisation. So, it can be argued that entry or access to higher education is only a prerequisite in the process of democratisation. Thus, access is a means but not an end in itself. The democratisation in education presupposes inclusion of diverse student body in three Cs: (1) inclusive campus, (2) inclusive curriculum and (3) inclusive classroom. These three spheres of inclusion are not sequential but are interconnected. Let us examine each one. Inclusive campus denotes socio-cultural milieu, policies and structures of a campus that welcome and are receptive towards a diverse student body. An inclusive campus makes a diverse student body feel a sense of belonging. It includes conducive infrastructure, mechanisms for induction and wide variety of social and academic support system available to deserving students. An inclusive campus makes students from diverse backgrounds feel that they are an integral part of campus and are included and respected in everyday social transactions. Inclusive curriculum incorporates and represents diverse world views and perspectives in curriculum. It is particularly important how life world of diverse population is included in curriculum and how it upholds spirit of diversity and multiculturalism. An inclusive curriculum provides perspectives for fighting against stereotyping of certain social groups and promotes honouring of diversity. Inclusive classroom denotes values and attitudes of inclusion possessed by teachers and teaching learning practices in the classroom. An inclusive curriculum may not simply lead to an inclusive classroom. Curriculum transaction is a space where identity, values and perception of teacher conflicts with that of a student. Inclusive classroom is linked to attitudinal and behavioural aspects of teacher and teaching learning practices that promote academic success of students from diverse backgrounds. An inclusive classroom recognises that differences exist in academic preparedness level among the students and additional learning inputs are required for deserving students.

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Higher education development in India Ancient India had large and globally recognised centres of higher learning, such as Taxila, Vikramsila and Nalanda in early 6th century BCE, and it continued as global centre for higher learning till the 12th century BCE (Basu, 2016; Sharma, 2018). The first three modern universities were established in 1857 during British rule; they are the University of Calcutta, University of Bombay (now University of Mumbai) and University of Madras. They followed the British model (London University) of the university system. However, to what extent Indian universities follow the inner spirit of modern university system is still debatable (Beteille, 2000, 2009). Higher education expansion in the post-independent period has seen many ups and downs (Varghese, 2015). It includes stages of rapid growth, stagnation and massive expansion (Varghese, 2015). The period from 1947 to 1970 was a stage of expansion. During this time, prestigious national-level research and development and teaching institutions such as IITs were established. The institutions which were established in this era remain as top-ranking institutions and a source for competitive edge in the emerging global knowledge economy. The period from the 1970s to the 1990s was a phase of declining growth. The growth in enrolment was marginal during that time. GER increased from 4.2% to 5.9% between 1970 and 1990 (Varghese, 2015, p. 5). Public funding also declined during this period. The 1990s witnessed a revival and privatisation of public institutions and rapid growth of private sector. As seen in Table  15.1, growth and expansion experienced during 2001–2011 was unprecedented. The education in general and higher education in particular received highest public investment during this period. The 11th five-year plan period, i.e., 2007–2012, has made highest financial allocation for education. “The share of education in total Plan outlay increased from mere 6.7 per cent in the Tenth Plan to 19.4 per cent for the Eleventh Plan, of which 30 per cent was earmarked for higher education” (Planning Commission, 2013, p. 119). As a result, by the end of the second decade of the 21st century, India became a massified higher education system. There are multiple factors that contribute to growth of enrolment. It includes improvement in the school system, growth in supply conditions and affirmative action policies and incentive schemes to attract disadvantaged social groups. TABLE 15.1  Growth of GER and enrolment in higher education

Year

GER %

Total Enrolment (in million)

1980–1981 1990–1991 2001–2002 2011–2012 2018–2019

4.7 5.9 8.1 19.4 26.3

2.8 4.4 8.8 28.5 37.4

Source: Varghese (2015); MHRD (2018).

Classroom as a site of exclusion  193 TABLE 15.2  Growth of private sector

Year

Government

Private Aided

Private Unaided

1995 2007 2014 Growth during 1995–2014

57.5 46.9 41.4 −1.7

35.5 29.1 25.3 −1.8

7.1 22.6 32.7 8.4

Source: Thorat and Khan (2018, p. 101).

Unlike many other developed countries which had massified their HE in the early 1960s and thereafter through major public investments, massification in India indicates a unique trajectory. The private sector was the leading force of massification in India (Varghese & Panigrahi, 2015; Varghese, Sabarwal, & Malish, 2018). Currently, 67.3% of total higher education enrolment is in private colleges (both private aided and unaided) affiliated to universities (MHRD, 2018). The private, unaided sector mostly dominates in professional and job-oriented courses such as pharmacy, engineering and management. As shown in Table  15.2, based on analysis of three rounds of National Sample Survey data, enrolment in the private unaided sector increased by more than four times in a period of two decades from 1995. Share of enrolment in public institutions (both government and private aided) is gradually decreasing. The country made commendable progress in all levels of education. However, there are many more existing and emerging issues which deserve adequate attention. It includes issues pertinent to governance, quality assurance, equity, financing and internationalisation. Responding to global challenges as well as local reality has been a major policy imperative. Draft National Policy on Education (NPE) aims to expand GER to 50% by 2035. The demographic profile of the country suggests that the country has the potential to increase its enrolment base. However, available evidence suggests that social and economic disparity in access to higher education continue to persist and that regional disparity is widening in India (Varghese et  al., 2018; Sabharwal  & Malish, 2018). It is to be noted that gender disparity is gradually disappearing as higher education enrolment as a whole is taken into account. However, gender disparity continues to exist in access to selective disciplines such as engineering and management.

Student experience in HE One of the major indicators of inclusiveness is student experience, the overall social, emotional and academic experience of students during the study period. Student outcome is the product of these experiences and energy and effort that are devoted by students for academically purposeful activities (Kuh et al., 2011). Therefore, student experience can be taken as the single most important indicator

194  C.M. Malish

for assessing efficiency of any educational system irrespective of the level of studies. The literature on student experience in higher education is vast, and there is convincing empirical evidence to establish the linkage between positive student experience and academic outcome (Daubman, Williams, Johnson,  & Crump, 1985; Pascerella & Terezini, 1991; Astin, 1993; Yorke & Longden, 2004). Till the 1970s, studies following psychological approaches attempted to analyse student experience in order to explain why some students discontinue or fail to succeed in colleges. These studies suggest that certain student attributes or characteristics are crucial in determining student experience in campus (Tinto, 2006). Studies thus tried to identify what are those attributes which influence a student’s decision to continue or withdraw from college. Therefore, failure or withdrawal is seen as failure of individual student who lacks some attributes which are necessary to undertake higher studies. These studies mostly followed the discipline of psychology. The Tinto model (Tinto, 1975) extended this debate by drawing insights from sociology and anthropology. The Tinto model is one of the most celebrated models of student experiences. According to this model, a student’s decision to withdraw or retain is determined by extent of student–institution fit. Students who are socially and academically integrated to institution are more likely to continue in the system. Lack of integration in either social domain, academic domain or both eventually lead students to engage in academically unproductive activities or socially desirable outcome such as suicides. Student withdrawal, according to this model, is the result of failure of students to integrate to institutions. One of the major drawbacks of the Tinto model, according to critics, is that the model is insensitive to non-traditional learners belonging to marginalised social groups. As the onus of success and failure is placed on individual student, the model fails to go along with foundational ideas about social, economic, political and pedagogical roots of educational inequalities. Insensitivity of the model stems from the premises that students need to dissociate or disconnect from their community in order to socially integrate to institution. It puts greater pressure on non-traditional students belonging to disadvantaged social groups in institutions predominantly occupied by traditional learners. Moreover, the model provides few insights about the role of the institution in providing quality post-admission experience for students from diverse backgrounds and assuring equitable student outcome. The institutional action model proposed by Tinto and Pusser (2006) recognises the crucial role of institutions in determining student experience and outcome. It highlights that condition within institution matters. Therefore, efficacy of an institution is determined by capacity and efforts made by institutions to provide socially and academically supportive environment to students. Notions of student engagement (Kuh, 2001; Harper & Quaye, 2015) and student involvement (Austin, 1999) see student outcome as outcome of efforts by both students and institution. Therefore, student engagement is seen as a measure of institutional quality (Kuh, 2001). There are certain student experience activities which have high impact on student outcome. They are called High Impact Practices (HIPs) (Quaye & Harper, 2015). Student outcome is dependent on the extent to which the institution could

Classroom as a site of exclusion  195

succeed to involve students in HIPs which include academic challenges, learning with peers, experience with faculty, campus environment and HIPs like service learning, study abroad, research with faculty and internship. Since post-admission student experience is crucial in determining student outcome, systemic efforts are made in educationally advanced countries to periodically collect and analyse evidence on student experience in colleges and universities. Teaching Excellence and Student Outcomes Framework (TEF), recently introduced in the UK, ranks institutions based on data from the National Student Survey. TEF gives pivotal importance to student experience and perception about teaching quality and learning environment. Ranking helps students to take informed decision to choose institutions. It is also expected to serve as a mechanism for institutional reformation. The National Survey of Student Engagement (NSSE) in the United States periodically collects data on student experiences. Data are collected from 4 million students at 1500 colleges and universities, covering four major indicators of student experience including campus life and student experience with teachers and their peers. The survey acts as a resource for critical self-evaluation of institutions and student choices. Initiatives like equity score card (Bensimon, 2004) elaborate on the need for institutional engagement in collecting and analysing student data in various domains and promoting collective planning and interventions for improving quality student experience and outcome.

Dynamics of the diverse classroom This section discusses empirical evidence from a large-scale study on student diversity jointly carried out by the author. The study was carried out in 12 HEIs located in six states: Bihar, Delhi, Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh. The data source includes a survey among 3200 students, 200 interviews with teachers and institutional leaders and 70 focus group discussions with students from various social groups such as scheduled castes (SCs), scheduled tribes (STs) and Other Backward Class (OBC) and females. As discussed earlier, there is convincing evidence to suggest that student experience during first few weeks in college is crucial in determining the student’s decision to continue or drop out and academic outcome. It is to be noted that implications of student experience are not confined to higher education attainment. Analysis of empirical evidence on the initial day’s experience of students demonstrates that institutions are less receptive towards students from SCs, STs and OBCs in comparison with the general category (Table 15.3). SC and ST students felt nervous and under-confident. Students from disadvantaged groups felt that they are ignored. It is a clear indication that institutions failed to ensure a campus milieu which is welcoming to students from diverse backgrounds. While SC students found it difficult to form a peer group, STs were searching for students from their own backgrounds to avoid feeling out of place. As one student put it, “we felt like fish out of water”. It indicates extreme vulnerability faced by students from disadvantaged groups. Along with various types of problems associated with

196  C.M. Malish TABLE 15.3  Relationship between initial days experience and social group belonging

Initial Days Experience

General

OBC

ST

SC

I felt welcomed. I felt nervous and under-confident. I found it difficult to form peer group. I felt I was deliberately ignored. It was hard to adjust. I was searching for students of my background to avoid feeling of out of place. It was difficult to follow the classroom teaching.

0.089** −0.022 −0.019 −0.041* −0.006 −0.028

−0.052** −0.033 −0.029 0.009 −0.037* −0.005

−0.018 0.038* 0.036* 0.026 0.049** 0.051**

−0.040* 0.055** 0.047** 0.031 0.031 0.014

0.042*

0.038*

−0.045*

0

Source: Sabharwal and Malish (2016).

social adjustment, disadvantaged students confronted difficulties in understanding classroom teaching during initial days. The issue of OBC students needs further elaboration. Although they reported as being not welcomed, they easily adapted to the campus. Therefore, adjustment problems were more for SCs and STs than for OBCs. There can be many reasons for this trend. One reason could be size or numerical strength. It is to be noted that OBCs are the single largest social group in campuses. Interviews with teachers and institutional leaders provide further insights into the non-inclusive campus. As revealed through interviews, it is a largely shared concern among the teaching community that “mindless expansion” and increasing presence of non-traditional students leads to gradual decline of quality. It was generally accepted that new students are somewhat “different” from older generations of students. This sheds light on how student body is conceived by teaching community. On questions related to diversity of the current student body, teachers tend to share their memories about “glorious”, “gold” and “good” past of their institutions. It implies that current campus dominated by new types of students marks a disconnect from that of the past. The reference to “golden time” indicates that the present is not so desirable. It implies underlying teacher perception towards higher education expansion particularly through promotion of affirmative action policies. It is to be noted that the study was carried out on public HEIs, including government-aided colleges which follow reservation policies in student admission. Reservation policies were portrayed by teachers as a major source for declining quality in higher education. Some teachers highlighted a list of “problems” associated with implementation of reservation. As discussed earlier, disadvantaged students reported difficulties in comprehending classes during initial days. It is important to examine how long that difficulty has continued in the later period of their academic lives in campus. Teachinglearning and classroom experience of students provides valuable insights about nature of academic adjustments. As shown in Table 15.4, SCs and STs reported

Classroom as a site of exclusion  197 TABLE 15.4  Teaching-learning and classrooms experience

Teacher-Student Engagement

General

OBC

I am labelled as reserved category in the class. My teacher gives equal attention to me in classroom during question-answer sessions. My teacher delegates academic responsibilities to me. I am able to visit my teacher without inhibitions in his/her office/staff room to discuss academics issues. My teacher gives me one-to-one time on academic matters. I feel free to interact informally with faculty members outside the classroom. I directly get my doubts clarified from faculty during or at the end of class. Teachers from my own background give me more attention than other teachers. I search the internet if I am not clear about some issue taught in the classroom. I discuss with friends outside college if I am not clear about some issue taught in the classroom. I am hesitant to clarify my doubts in the classroom. In my opinion most of the teachers encourage questions in the class.

−0.042*

−0.001

0.037*

0

0.02

0.016

−0.039*

0.066**

0.007

−.066**

−0.063**

0.019

0.021

0.013

−0.063**

−0.014

−0.009

0.043*

ST

SC 0.038*

−0.035

−0.005

0.021

0.037*

−0.046*

−0.006

0.032

0.007

−0.041*

−0.029

−0.022

0.051**

0.055**

−0.018

−0.071**

−0.072**

0.028

0.03

0.044*

0.017

−0.042*

−0.016

0.046*

0.137**

−0.038*

−0.133**

0.042* −0.009

−0.058**

Source: Sabharwal and Malish (2016).

that they were labelled as reserved category in classroom. This labelling by teachers reinforces stigma attached to castes located in the lower social hierarchy, although teachers do not consider it an issue. Students during FGDs reported that labelling reserved category is not fair practice. It is also important to note that labelling reserved category is not significant for OBCs, and it is negatively correlated with general category. Although benefits of reservation are shared by OBCs also, teachers consider only SC and ST under “reserved category”. This phenomenon deserves deeper examination. However, it is beyond the scope of the chapter. It is clear from the analysis that SC and ST and to some extent OBCs face severe problems in academic integration. It is also interesting to note that SC and ST students feel that they get more attention from teachers from their own caste backgrounds. But it is a fact that the majority of teachers in case study institutions are from socially advantaged groups. Uneven distribution of academic responsibilities

198  C.M. Malish

and strong hesitation and fear among the disadvantaged to meet teachers and discuss academic matters are indications of non-inclusive classroom transactions. Interviews with teachers indicate that many teachers do not consider it their responsibility to provide additional support to students. As one faculty stated, “all are welcome but only best students will come and meet after class”. The fact is that in most cases, SCs and STs do not come under the category of “best student”. Among the teachers and institutional leaders, there was a tendency to always put non-traditional learners in a framework of “deficit” (O’Shea, 2016). According to teachers, lack of “real interest”, “motivation”, “bas” (foundational subject knowledge) and right “behaviour” are some of the major attributes of students from SC, ST  and OBC backgrounds. Some teachers do not bother about background of students. They treat “everybody equally”. However, they are clueless about how specific learning requirements of students can be met. Others recognise both academic and social backgrounds of students, but they are “helpless” as the classroom is big and they have to focus on average students of the class while teaching. Strong hesitation among STs to interact with faculty and ask questions in the classroom has serious implications on their academic attainment. SCs, STs and OBCs reported that teachers do not encourage questions in the classroom. FGD with students across the institution reveals that lecturing is the dominant mode of teaching. Results of a large-scale study (Sayantan, 2019) on teaching-learning in universities and colleges in India convincingly demonstrated that lecturing is the major mode of teaching. Teaching-learning practices dominated by lecturing methods indicate lack of student-friendly classroom practices. Lack of discussions and collaborative learning processes severely affects students from all backgrounds. However, it severely impacts students coming from non-traditional backgrounds such as those from disadvantaged social groups and government schools located in remote areas. On questions regarding availability of provision for supporting students facing difficulties in academic integration, teachers and institutional leaders indicated remedial teaching that exists in their college. It was reported in all case study institutions that remedial teaching is made available to all students. However, empirical evidence suggests that awareness about availability of remedial courses is rather poor among disadvantaged social groups. As show in Table  15.5, more than half of SCs, STs and OBCs are unaware about remedial coaching in their college or university. FGD with students revealed TABLE 15.5 Awareness about bridge/remedial coaching

among the students Social Group

Yes

No

Total

SC ST OBC General Total

38.20% 43.90% 38.50% 40.80% 39.70%

61.80% 56.10% 61.50% 59.20% 60.30%

100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00%

Source: Sabharwal and Malish (2016).

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that caste stigma exists with regard to remedial coaching classes. It has also come to our notice that there is no system for planning, implementing and monitoring for remedial teaching programmes. Discussion with institutional leaders and teachers clearly indicates that remedial course is not part of institutional planning. It is not surprising that remedial classes are not included in master timetable of many institutions.

Discussion Analysis of teaching-learning and classroom experience suggests that the classroom has emerged as a major site of exclusion in the era of massification. Though affirmative action policies succeed in bringing students from disadvantaged groups to colleges and universities, institutions could not succeed in providing opportunities for students to succeed. Difficulties faced during initial days and later in classrooms are social and academic in nature. Student experiences, particularly that of SCs and STs and to some extent OBCs, shows that they are systemically excluded in classroom transactions. While difficulties in social adjustment during initial days reflect a non-inclusive campus to non-traditional learners, difficulties in academic adjustment during initial days and throughout college life reflects non-inclusive classroom. Democratisation of education cannot be achieved without institutional efforts to ensure that campuses are socially and academically receptive to students from diverse backgrounds. Therefore, democratisation presupposes that differences exist. These differences could be related to many things, such as social, cultural, physical, economic and educational backgrounds of student body. The role of institutions is not to “manufacture sameness” (O’Shea, 2016). But structure and processes of institutions should be made in such a way that these differences are not an obstacle or barrier for students to fully participate in socio-cultural life of campus and succeed in their studies. Though policies at national and sub-national levels are important, studies have convincingly demonstrated that structures and processes of institutions have implications on student experience and equality of outcome (Malish & Ilavarasan, 2016; Varghese et al., 2018). Adequate actions need to be taken to improve, for instance, supply conditions of HEIs, incentive schemes and hostel facilities for disadvantaged groups and financial support and system of schooling. But it is equally important to see what happens to students who have been brought into the higher education system. Democratisation is meaningful when students who are admitted in HEIs are provided adequate opportunities and resources to succeed and transition to higher levels of learning or labour market.

Conclusion and policy recommendations Empirical evidence suggests that massification has altered the dynamics of higher education in India. One of the major aspects is the changing nature of the student body. The currently enrolled student body is diverse in terms of their social,

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economic, regional, parental, religious and schooling backgrounds. Though much more needs to be done, massification has opened the doors of higher education to hitherto under-represented groups. We attempted to understand to what extent massification has led to democratisation of higher education. Analysis of student experience suggests that variations in academic competency level by students from diverse background poses challenges for inclusion in classrooms. Evidence points towards existence of non-inclusive classroom practices. It also indicates that teachers and the teaching-learning process are ill-equipped to address academic diversity in the classroom. As a result, disadvantaged students face severe academic adjustment problems since the initial days of college. Disadvantaged students including those belonging to SCs and STs are systemically excluded from classroom transactions in higher education classrooms. As a result, they are less likely to complete the course or succeed in fulfilling requirements for the awarding of degrees. Though the study could not examine the impact of these exclusionary processes, based on the analysis of evidence on student experience, it is argued that the classroom is emerging as a major source of exclusion in higher education in India in the era of massification. Therefore, democratisation of higher education is halfway in India. This scenario leads to many socially undesirable impactions on students and society. More research is required to understand the implications of non-inclusive classrooms on non-traditional students. When attaining quality is a major policy goal in the era of massification, there is a need to identify differences in academic preparedness among the student body and devise strategies to orient teachers and teaching-learning practices to address varying levels of academic competencies among the student body. It is obvious that without provisions for academic inclusion, students with varying academic competency may not be able to produce equitable academic outcomes. Thus, expansion of higher education access without changing the three Cs, i.e., curriculum, classroom and campus in fact legitimises social inequalities. It also fails the very idea of democratisation of higher education and foundational principles of affirmative actions. Though reforms require financial resources, many of the academic reforms that can be implemented at the classroom level may not have heavy financial implications. Of course, teacher shortage and non-availability of conducive academic infrastructure are issues in India. More investment is required to ensure colleges and universities are equipped with an adequate academic infrastructure. But it may not necessarily lead to democratisation of higher education unless and until it is supported by efforts for reorientation of teachers and teachingleaning towards student diversity. To summarise, democratisation of higher education requires collective thinking and planning at the institutional level to ensure equalisation of educational opportunities and outcome. As the classroom is emerging as a major site of exclusion in the era of massification, there is a need to revisit existing teaching-learning practices and classroom transactions. This necessitates a revisit and revision of the

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institutional structures and processes, pedagogical methods and tools and proper orientation of teachers towards the changing classroom environment dominated by a diverse student body. Author would like to express his sincere thanks to Professor N. V. Varghese for his valuable comments on the draft version of the chapter.

Note 1 See Sabharwal and Malish (2016).

References Altbach, P. G., Liz, R., & Laura, E. R. (2009). Trends in global higher education: Tracking an academic revolution. A Report Prepared for the UNESCO 2009 World Conference on Higher Education. Anderson, B. (1991). Imagined communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism (Revised ed.). London: Verso. Astin, A. W. (1993). What matters in college? Four critical years revisited. San Francisco: ­Jossey Bass. Austin, A. W. (1999). Student involvement: A developmental theory for higher education. Journal of College Student Development, 40(5), 518–529. Basu, A. (2016, November 11). Higher education in India: Yesterday, today and tomorrow. In Maulana Azad Memorial Lecture. New Delhi: NUEPA. Bell, D. (1973). The coming of post-industrial society: A venture in social forecasting. London: Heinemann. Bensimon, E. M. (2004). The diversity scorecard: A  learning approach to institutional change. Change, 36(1), 45–52. Beteille, A. (2000). Universities at crossroads. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Beteille, A. (2009, August 11). Universities in the twenty first century. In The third foundation Day lecture. New Delhi: NUEPA. Castells, M. (2000). The rise of the network society (2nd ed.). Sussex: Blackwell Publishers. Daubman, K. A., Williams, V. B., Johnson, D. H., & Crump, D. (1985). Time of withdrawal and academic performance: Implications for withdrawal policies. Journal of College Personnel, 26(6), 518–524. Delanty, G. (2001). The university in the knowledge society. Organization, 8(2), 149–153. Delanty, G. (2003). Ideologies of the knowledge society and the cultural contradictions of higher education. Policy Futures in Education, 1(1), 71–82. Dewey, J. (1915). Democracy and education. New York: Free Press. Gürüz, K. (2010). The changing role of the state in higher education. In International encyclopedia of education (3rd ed., pp. 728–736). Amsterdam: Elsevier Science. Harper, S. R., & Quaye, S. J. (2015). Making engagement equitable for students in US HE. In S. J. Quaye & S. R. Harper (Eds.), Student engagement in higher education: Theoretical perspectives and practical approaches for diverse population (2nd ed., pp.  1–14). New York: Routledge. Kuh, G. D. (2001). Assessing what really matters to student learning: Inside the national survey of student engagement. Change, 33, 10–13. Kuh, G. D., Kinzie, J., Schuh, J. H., & Whitt, E. J. (2011). Student success in college: Creating conditions that matter. San Francisco: John Wiley & Sons. Kumar, K. (2006). From post-industrial to post-modern society: New theories of the contemporary world. San Francisco: John Wiley & Sons.

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Malish, C. M.,  & Ilavarasan, P. V. (2016). Higher education, reservation and scheduled castes: Exploring institutional habitus of professional engineering colleges in Kerala. Higher Education, 72(5), 603–617. Marginson, S. (2011). Equity, status and freedom: A note on higher education. Cambridge Journal of Education, 41(1), 23–36. Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD). (2019). All India survey of higher education (2018–19). New Delhi: Government of India, MHRD. O’Shea, S. (2016). Avoiding the manufacture of “sameness”: First-in-family students, cultural capital and the higher education environment. Higher Education, 72(1), 59–78. Pascarella, E., & Terenzini, P. (1991). How college affects students. San Francisco: Jossey Bass. Perkin, H. (2007). History of universities. In International handbook of higher education (pp. 159–205). Chicago: Springer-Dordrecht. Planning Commission. (2013). Twelfth five year plan (2012–2017): Social sectors (Volume III). New Delhi: Sage. Sabharwal, N. S.,  & Malish, C. M. (2016). Diversity and discrimination in higher education: A study of institutions in selected states of India. Research Report submitted to ICSSR. New Delhi: Centre for Policy Research in Higher Education, National University of Educational Planning and Administration. Sabarwal, N. S., & Malish, C. M. (2018). Diversity and discrimination: Role of higher education for civic learning. In N. V. Varghese, N. S. Sabharwal, & C. M. Malish (Eds.), India higher education report 2016: Equity (pp. 393–414). New Delhi: Sage. Sayantan, M. (2019). Teaching and learning in Indian higher education in India. New Delhi: Centre for Policy Research in Higher Education, National University of Educational Planning and Administration. Scott, J. C. (2006). The mission of the university: Medieval to postmodern transformations. The Journal of Higher Education, 77(1), 1–39. Sharma, G. D. (2018). World university ranking system: Are they indicators of quality. In N. V. Varghese, A. Pachauri, & S. Mandal (Eds.), India higher education report 2017: Teaching, learning and quality in higher education (pp. 23–44). New Delhi: Sage. Thorat, S. K., & Khan, K. (2018). Private sector and equity in higher education: Challenges of growing unequal access. In N. V. Varghese, N. S. Sabharwal, & C. M. Malish (Eds.), India higher education report 2016: Equity. New Delhi: Sage. Tight, M. (2019). Mass higher education and massification. Higher Education Policy, 32(1), 93–108. Tinto, V. (1975). Dropout from higher education: A  theoretical synthesis of recent research. Review of Educational Research, 45, 89–125. Tinto, V. (2006). Research and practice of student retention: What next? Journal of Student Retention, 8(1), 1–19. Tinto, V., & Pusser, B. (2006). Moving from theory to action: Building a model of institutional action for student success. Washington: National Postsecondary Education Cooperative (NPEC). Trow, M. (1973). Problems in the transition from elite to mass higher education. Carnegie Commission on Higher Education. Berkeley: McGraw Hill Books. Trow, M. (2006). Reflections on the transition from elite to mass to universal access: Forms and phases of higher education in modern societies since WWII. In J. J. F. Forest  & P. G. Altbach (Eds.), International handbook of higher education (pp. 243–280). Dodrecht: Springer. Varghese, N. V. (2015). Challenges of massification of higher education in India. CPRHE Research Papers 1, New Delhi: Centre for Policy Research in Higher Education, National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration.

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Varghese, N. V., & Panigrahi, J. (2015). Report on international seminar on massification of higher education in large academic systems. New Delhi: CPRHE-NUEPA. Varghese, N. V., Sabharwal, N. S., & Malish, C. M. (2018). India higher education report 2016: Equity. New Delhi: Sage. Yorke, M., & Longden, B. (2004). Retention and student success in higher education. Berkshire: McGraw-Hill Education.

16 BREWING KNOWLEDGE IN THE UNIVERSITY Just add North-East and Stir Soibam Haripriya

Introduction: the public university in crisis In this chapter, I look at the impetus and mandate behind the setting up of centres of North-East studies in universities and its adequacy and challenges in the context of the university as an instrument of social justice. The title of this chapter is derived from the “add women and stir” approach as ways of addressing women’s issues in curricula, an inadequate model that seems to be replicated as means of inclusion in university pedagogy. The juxtaposition of this model of inclusion with that of the setting up of the North-East centres signposts a way to sensitively critique the need for such centres of study and also generates understanding that such places do not become sites of reinforcing the inadequacies of the university system leading to token inclusion. Public universities are imagined as sites of autonomy, fairly independent of state intrusion even though they are public funded. The kind of relationship the centre has with the federal state and how its population is viewed also marks the nature of autonomy of universities. The presence of an army camp inside the Manipur University campus1 and the recent discussions and violence around syllabi in Delhi University2 are just two examples out of multiple others that indicates that the (so-called) autonomous space of universities can be easily revoked by the state, especially in instances where students in higher education continue to engage in “non-academic” political issues. To term political issues as non-academic and thereby academic issues as apolitical is not a tenable argument, the explanation of which is beyond the purview of this chapter. The nature of what place is allotted to universities and how it engages with the social concerns impact the ways in which it engages with issues of marginality, exclusion and equity in its pedagogy and vision. In this context, as much as universities are places of social movements, they are also DOI: 10.4324/9781003182726-20

Brewing knowledge in the university  205

places where a national culture is learnt and reproduced through its syllabi. Universities reinforce a sense of deprivation through its fee structure (among other things). The access to it is dictated by socio-cultural capital negotiated through identities of class, caste, gender and regional (and racialised) identities. Thus, contrary to spaces of emancipation, one cannot deny that universities are also conservative spaces, defensive of who they are, and inculcate set traditions of formal ‘official’ culture as well as hegemony and thus are spaces of their reproduction as well. With this introductory caveat, this chapter attempts to contextualise the question how the university envisages higher education more so in the context of the state’s “familiar but a questionable premise of limited resource base” (Tilak, 1995, p. 426). The argument of inadequate funds for education continues to be used by successive governments even while simultaneously claiming increasing economic growth. Along with withdrawal of the state from its role of funding higher education, demands of commercialisation and replacing curricula and courses by those linked to a particular kind of market have been predicted by scholars. One cannot overstate the importance of the state’s investment in higher education especially in the context of equity (the focus of this volume) and social justice while understanding the university as a fractured space of stratification where “neutral” meritocracy is used against those marked out as “category” students. Unlike the normative assumption, the university is a space that is a microcosm of all the hierarchies one sees in society. It is a hierarchical space of consolidation of national culture, which is present alongside the effort towards affirmative action through reservation. For a few decades now, but in a more heightened manner in the recent past, state subsidies in higher education are dwindling and universities are expected to raise their own resources in the name of acquiring autonomy; “granting” of autonomy3 has come back as “expectation” to raise internal revenues. The relevance of university education is translated into demand for more professional courses tied with placement of students into the job market and privatised skill training. The expected institutional form of the university now is that of entrepreneurial institute generating revenues for itself. Arunima (2017) describes the university as “a paradoxical space” wherein “mismatch between desire and actualisation is always present as an undercurrent” suggesting this tension between the university as a space for production and reproduction of elite specialised knowledge and the demand for social justice and democratisation. The latter is constantly attacked under the ruse of ideology of excellence. The ideology of excellence is the afterlife of meritocracy. With the shifts that the university is going through, can anyone, more so a marginal deprived subject, assume itself to be “the centered subject of a narrative of University education”? (ibid, pp. 10–11). Centres such as Women Studies and Dalit and tribal studies are important attempts to address the problems of who is this “centered subject” of the university. Such centres challenge the theories of “universal” subject. It is not surprising that such centres will be the first to be affected by fund cuts and ranking systems.

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This crisis invites us to examine the mandate of the university. The university, it can be said, is on its way to metamorphosing into a transnational bureaucratic corporation. One of the ways to examine this process is through what is called “the World Class University”. This term seems to have captured the imagination of many universities in India, notably4 the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, and percolated down to “satellite centres” or “off-campuses” of the same institute. The term percolated down is used to signify the overt ways in which the centre (Mumbai) and its “satellite” (other TISS centres, including the one in Hyderabad which recently closed down5) is organised in a relationship of centreperiphery dependency with decision-making made by the former communicated to the latter as fait accompli which is visible even in terse times of student agitation. The Times of India on December  25, 2017, reported that in 2019, TISS would get a “world class school of economics”. It further reported that the Rs. 100 crore campus would be a new autonomous campus of TISS and will have faculty members from the London School of Economics and Paris Institute of Political Studies. In spite of the clamour for world-class university6 status, what exactly this term translates into for an institute that states “social justice” as its vision and mission is left unclear.7 Premier universities and technical institutes in India, which earn the tag of “world class institution”, will be free to fix their own fee. The criteria for public universities to get a World Class University status is still unclear; the criteria for private institutions are that it “should have a corpus of Rs 200 crore, a guaranteed pipeline for another Rs 500 crore, and a credible plan that additional resources are available on demand – not less than Rs 1,000 crore” (Pandey, 2016).8 This is in the face of increasing contractualisation of labour and teaching staff in universities and continuous hiking of fees; meagre scholarships are offered to counter the fee hike which, as “Dinesh Mohan argued (that the) present system of scholarship for poor is inherently inequitable: as the poor should be meritorious to receive scholarship and stay in higher education, while no such conditions exist for the rich” (Tilak, 1995, p. 428). Ranking systems are more and more becoming exercises that take significant resources and human power of universities. Closer to home, we have the National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC) as an autonomous body funded by the UGC, which ranks universities. Rankings are important for two reasons. Firstly, it is linked to the recognition of the university and thereby enables mobility of the students, and secondly, it is tied to funding that public universities are able to garner from the state and other institutions. The university is a space where you can see the entitled and the deprived together. In this fact lies the crucial emancipatory potential of the university. This may, of course, not be the case if universities clamour for the “world class” status that will end up pushing the deprived out of university systems altogether. In an undated work in progress titled, “The Public University – a Battleground for Real Utopias”, Michael Burawoy proposes what he calls “alternative real utopias” against the conceptualisation of the new moves to the marketisation of the

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university and the design of the “world class” university. The alternative real utopias translate as: first, a community of critical discourse that transcends disciplinary boundaries and sustains the idea of a discursive community critical of the society but also of the society within which it is embedded, and second, a deliberative democracy that roots the university in civil society and engages directly in a conversation with its surrounding publics about the direction of society. (Burawoy, n.d.) Putting forth these two statements as ideals for universities and attempting to think of the possibility of equity and social justice as part of the transformation are required to address the crises that universities are facing across the worlds. Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2010) in an essay titled, “The University in the 21st Century: Toward a Democratic and Emancipatory University Reform”, looked at universities in Brazil and likewise identified three crises  – hegemony, legitimacy and institutional crisis. According to Santos, the second crisis – crisis of legitimacy – was provoked by the fact that the university ceased to be a consensual institution in view of the contradiction between the elevation of specialized knowledge through restrictions of access and credentialing of competencies on the one hand and the social and political demands for a democratized university and equal opportunity for the children of the working class on the other hand. (Santos, 2010, p. 61) According to him, universities do not and cannot solve these crises, but they manage them and do so formulaically so that the crisis does not spin out of control. New universities find themselves caught in these crises that grip universities elsewhere. Also, the renewed aggressions with which the market penetrates via mechanisms such as the ranking systems as well as the regulatory mechanisms of the state (the two of which are not mutually exclusive) are the realities within which universities exist. One of the consequences of the loss of autonomy is that the market becomes more and more a part of how we strategise course materials, pedagogy and the ability of institutions to garner funds for itself. This essay is not to remain as a critique specific to the universities that I mention here but to pedagogy in general and issues of equity that must animate the teaching-learning process. For instance, does one think of issues of tribes and other marginalities including that of the region “North-East” in scholarship to be studied only via setting up of institutions and centres? Women studies programmes continue to be caught up in the unsettled debate of whether curricula change as political transformation is the way to address the erasures of women as knowing subjects, or whether this is an integrationist move that will compromise the women studies project and dilute it to fit into patriarchal systems of knowledge production and

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pedagogy. Those who subscribe to the latter think of autonomous spaces as where the real uncompromised work of feminism could occur. Such debates are useful to revisit in the light of the setting up of centres or programmes of North-East studies.

Contesting knowledge traditions: The triad of universities, centres and departments The IGNTU, Manipur Campus and Manipur Culture University The Indira Gandhi National Tribal University, Manipur campus is a regional campus of the main university located in Amarkantak, Madhya Pradesh. The Manipur campus has Political Science, Sociology, Social Work, and Tribal Studies departments and offers master’s degree programmes in all the departments. The regional campus is located at Kangpokpi District, which has 80% tribal population (2011 census). One can see the tribe spatialised into centre-periphery of the mainland and the North-East. It is a tribal university set up in a non-tribal majority state aimed at upliftment of tribals, however in a tribal majority district. The reasons for the choice of Manipur over other (ST majority) North-Eastern states need to be analysed. Departments such as Tribal Studies point to an unsettled debate on whether issues of marginality should be mainstreamed or whether they should remain exclusive autonomous sites such as that of a specific department/institute. One of the aims and objectives of the university is stated as: to take appropriate measures for promoting innovations in teaching learning process in inter-disciplinary studies and researches and to pay special attention to the improvement of social, educational and economic conditions and welfare of the Scheduled Tribes within the Union of India.9 The epistemology of the marginalised tribal in tribal studies has its precursor in a more institutional framework of women’s studies that has been successfully established in universities across the country. The reasons for the setting up of women’s studies departments is useful as a framework to understand such specific political task of education in/and the university and the audience envisaged. “[W]omen’s studies rests on the premise that knowledge in the traditional academic disciplines is partial, incomplete, and distorted because it has excluded women” (Anderson, 1987).10 It was introduced in the Indian university system in order to break academic isolation and to make university education relevant to the prevailing social realities. From an ethical commitment to gender equality and secular values, women’s studies have subscribed to non-hierarchical modes of knowledge generation. Questioning the politics of knowledge generation, it recognised that abstract theorising devoid of political commitment to changing the

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status quo, can be achieved by a few at the expense of the marginalised and silenced. (Poonacha, 2003, p. 2653) This statement is useful to look at forms of marginality and its rectification through study programmes and setting up of universities. Having said so, it is important to note that departments and centres like the women studies centres are the first ones to be affected by fund cuts11 and retrograde interventions such as the instance of UGC directive in 2003 that designated the UGC-supported Women Studies Centres as “Women and Family Studies Centres”. The framework for Dalit studies is listed by Savyasaachi as follows: It lies at the confluence of at least four sets of considerations: aspirations of those involved in the teaching and the learning process and their understanding of the world; the body of academic research and public debates; the structure of the social political context; possibilities available in institutional framework and the mode and means of pedagogy. (Savyasaachi, 2004, p. 1658) In both the study programmes/centres, the question of curriculum is animated by category of experience and the need to intervene in knowledge production. These provide for a useful template to think through location and possibilities of the North-East study programmes/centres. IGNTU describes itself as “The university caters to the tribals’ long cherished dream of higher education”.12 The task of this university therefore seems to be to educate “tribals” who seem to be marked out as a category of similarly deprived group of people who are marginalised “from higher education and in other walks of life”. To disseminate and advance knowledge by providing instructional and research facilities in tribal art, tradition, culture, language, medicinal systems, customs, forest based economic activities, flora, fauna and advancement in technologies relating to the natural resources of the tribal areas.13 This is one of the aims of the university as listed on its website. The task of providing instructional and research facilities in tribal art, culture and medicine, as currently worded, seems to mean a task of teaching the tribal constituency what already forms a part of their lifeworld, but now approaching them via the institution of higher education through text as formalised knowledge. This is relevant in the context of the newly established Manipur University of Culture as well, where certain art forms earlier learnt in localities, homes or through indigenous system of learning are institutionalised. It can be argued that institutionalisation of these forms ensures its preservation; however, one cannot help but observe that the programmes/courses offered by the Manipur University of Culture is predominantly the cultural forms

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associated with the majority community, an observation that I will return to later in this chapter. What art forms are institutionalised, what languages form a part of curricula and what is left behind to survive only through non-institutional usage are important to reflect upon, though beyond the purview of this chapter. The Manipur University of Culture had been set up to “safeguard the rich cultural heritage of the state and to nourish its unique potential as has been envisaged in the cultural policies of the Government”.14 A press release on August 31, 2016, enumerates the departments as Visual Arts, Dance, Music and Thang-ta, with an additional four departments of Umang Lai Haraoba, Sankirtan, Tribal Studies and Theatre. It is surprising that the University of Culture does not mention literature at all. Of the eight courses offered by the Manipur University of Culture, only one relates directly to “tribal studies”. Initially the programme on Culture will be a short and simple one, introductory and foundational in nature, to make the young learners acquire meaningful cultural literacy based on a general but more critical awareness of the problems like Nature, Society, starting with indigenous societies, religion, customs, tradition, culture etc. There will also be a separate foundational programme on Cultural Studies of the seminal Manipuri socio-religious institution of Umang Lai Haraoba . . . The programme on Visual Arts, Dance and Music and Umang Lai Haraoba and Sankirtana, Theatre, Thang-Ta, Tribal Studies are structured in such a way that equal importance is given to both the theoretical and the moving philosophy of the art forms and the performance aspects.15 (emphasis added) If one looks at the preceding statement and the organisation of departments, there is a clear asymmetry in how culture is envisaged. The Manipur University of Culture can be thought of as an institute to study Meitei culture with an additional tribal study programme included as a footnote. The culture of the majority community seems to stand in for Manipuri culture. It must also be stated that not all communities identify with the term “Manipuri” which is seen to be synonymous with the Meitei community. However, the statement should be read alongside an incident that occurred on the occasion of the inauguration of the University of Culture and the Manipur Film and Television Institute in Imphal (on August 12, 2016). At the event, the outgoing Manipur Governor V. Shanmuganathan humiliated the invitees, who were some of the eminent cultural personalities, by asking them to write the definition of culture in 100 words in return for an invitation to high tea at the governor’s residence. There is an assumption of great tradition – little tradition divide in which a group of people’s aspirations for an institute that preserves their culture is ridiculed, especially at the very occasion of its inception. Aribam Syam Sharma, considered one of the finest filmmaker in Manipur, wrote an open letter16 in response. The pride-humiliation axis is strongly entrenched in the making of national culture and marginal cultures. However, Aribam Syam Sharma points

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out with regard to culture and cultural practices: “It is the spirit that we create, in which we immerse and live, and make sense of that living”. What would it mean to teach cultural practices embedded in the everyday via institutions? Caution should be exercised against tendencies to enforce a division between cultures as high/low. Certainly, the unfortunate event centred on the inauguration of the Manipur University of Culture contextualises people’s demands for recognition within academia.

Centring knowledge: JNU, Jamia Millia Islamia University and Manipur University The establishment of North-East study centres/programmes in two central universities in the capital, Delhi, need to be examined. The first instance is that of Jawaharlal Nehru University. Its North East India Study Programme (NEISP), set up in 2006, was envisaged as an interdisciplinary programme/department, and its task was to undertake critical research and build up a body of scholarly works on the region, including its wider historical and contemporary global connections. It aims not only to introduce the scholars and students to the diverse and complex issues of the region, but also to the challenges in conducting studies on the social, historical, cultural, political, economic and environmental issues of the region. Some of the issues include policies, laws, resource use, migration, demography, labour, ecology and disaster, development, gender, religion, trans-nationality, role of global capital and institutions, connectivity, urbanisation and infrastructure, human security, etc. The research programme in NEISP began with direct PhD that started in 2013 and the MPhil/PhD programme was started in 2016. The site of study, therefore, is primarily the region; the lens through which the region is studied is not very clear. The programme has been upgraded to a centre: The “Special Centre for the Study of North East India” in 2018 conceptualised as “an area studies programme”. Its webpage states that “SCSNEI has taken up activities of research and teaching that will not only familiarise North East India to the young academics, but also work towards positive intervention on the region and its people with expectations for rich dividend” (emphasis added).17 Likewise, Jamia Millia Islamia University started its Centre for Northeast Studies and Policy Research in 2013. It is the first centre on “North-East” set up in a central university. It offers research programmes (MPhil and PhD) in North-East India studies. The centre also offers optional courses to students of postgraduate courses of other faculties – Introduction to the Society and Politics of North-East India, and Perspectives on Conflict, Justice and Human Rights in North-East India. Can we think of the setting up of such various programmes and centres both at the centre – i.e. the capital and the periphery – and the North-East as responses

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to the twin crises of legitimacy and hegemony? Is there a hierarchy in the way the centres and papers offering North-East India studies are perceived? What kind of existence, both disciplinary and pedagogic, do these centres inhabit? What is the constituency of students for such centres/programmes when the purpose of this special centre is to familiarise North-East India to the young academics? Conversely, therefore, who are these young academics who would be familiarised with NorthEast India? These queries are not to be taken as questioning critical thinking that is fostered within such spaces but rather where such centres, programmes and, indeed, optional papers centred on North-East India would stand in the larger university as well as disciplinary framework and what it means for students who access them. Can these demands be met by the already-existing universities? Is it an intervention that can be addressed only via centres and institutes within the alreadyestablished universities so much so that even the central university  – Manipur University requires the setting up of the Centre for Manipur Studies? Or are such centres already envisaged as spaces to serve the interest of the nation-states and not to address some of the ways of seeing the North-East that exist within academia? In what relationship of hierarchy do such centres exist vis-à-vis other disciplinary and interdisciplinary centres? The following brief note describes the Centre (Centre for Manipur Studies, Manipur University) as: The Center for Manipur Studies was established as an area studies centre under the UGC sponsored scheme with the main objective of teaching and research in history, culture and languages etc. for promoting national integration and progress in a backward and sensitive region of the North Eastern India. The centre was started in February 1989 as a Center for Manipuri Studies and Tribal Research.18 (emphasis added; the variable spelling of centre/ center is as it is from the website) The note makes clear that the purpose of the centre is to serve that of a national culture and of integration to the nation-state; other purposes of the centre are not quite as clear.

Syllabi and the pedagogy of epistemology How the nation is already imagined forms the major epistemological concern of the disciplines taught in universities. For example, a paper taught in most sociology courses in the country has a compulsory paper titled “Sociology of India” (Paper I and Paper II). The “Sociology of India” paper, as an example, is important as (to reiterate) the task of university is also the promotion and reproduction of national culture. The reading list of the “Sociology of India” paper at the Sociology Department of Delhi University (DSE) does not have a single reading of any of the states clumped together as “North-East India”. In Sociology of India Paper II under the subheading titled “Aspects of Politics and Society in Contemporary India”, there is a section titled “Marginal Communities: Discrimination and the Problems of

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Equality”. The framing of Manipur as a backward and sensitive region and communities of the North-East as marginal is also part of self-definitions (as stated in the write-up of the Centre for Manipur Studies, Manipur University). The motifs of backwardness, conflict and marginality are recurrent. In the (DSE) reading list of the section of marginal communities  – Assam finds mentioned through one reading  – Sanjib Baruah’s India Against Itself: Assam and the Politics of Nationality (1999). Virginius Xaxa’s State, Society and Tribes: Issues in Post-Colonial India (2008) is the only reading which features some of the discussions of the tribe-caste issue with reference to the North-East other than Assam. Citing non-availability of texts more often than not, Assam seems to stand in for the North-East as a whole. Needless to state, none of the other papers offered in DSE, including Kinship, makes mention of the North-East as part of reading lists. At a glance, the reading list reveals that the nation has been imagined through the north-south divide or problematically through the Aryan-Dravidian divide. A good critique of the Indira Gandhi National Tribal University and the Manipur University of Culture therefore should be contextualised within the aforementioned erasures. A critical reading of these universities/centres should not be read as undermining the questions and pressures put on the public university and history of hegemony that has led to demands of setting up of special universities to counter tendencies such as the aforementioned. The way a university is part of society is reflected in its mechanisms of working, pedagogy, epistemology – the thinking that goes behind the courses taught, the syllabi which is the bedrock and the pedagogy – the manner in which the transaction of the life of the mind occurs and the way the transactions are assessed and graded. The knowledge produced in universities is a homogeneous and hierarchically organized knowledge insofar as the agents who participate in its production share the same goals of producing knowledge, have the same training and the same scientific culture, and do what they do according to well-defined organizational hierarchies. (Santos, 2010, pp. 73–74) While Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2010) makes this argument in the context of scientific research, one can apply this understanding to the universities in general. Indeed, the anti-utilitarian university that Cardinal Newman wrote about can now be translated as a social irresponsibility where the society does not inform the knowledge production of the university, or a knowledge production for nation making and therefore is in the context of a nation embedded with all the tendencies and stereotypes of the marginal and the mainstream. A particular relevance is demanded of the university. However, where can the demands be located in the context of growing global networks that studies Northeast India? [S]ocial sciences are divided into empirically inferiorised and the critically privileged domain of knowledge  .  .  . social science practice in India has harboured a cultural hierarchy, dividing it into the vast, inferior mass of

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academics who pursue empirical social science and the privileged few who are considered the theoretical pundits with reflective capacity that makes them superior to the former. (Guru, 2012, p. 9) An understanding of this reality of academic practice makes it naive to perceive North-East India research centres as reclamation by marginal voices. Many international conferences centred on the North-East are becoming annual events and new publication houses have North-East series as part of their publication, for example the SAGE Studies on North-East India. This, while being a welcome shift from near obscurity, needs to be interrogated with the “centre”-ing of the North-East. This second coming of scholars working on the North-East tied up with international network of borderland studies (The Asian Borderlands initiative and the Asian Borderlands Research Network) – after the wave of anthropological writings by colonial agents needs to be interrogated through the lens of methodology. As geography seems to be the overarching ways in which one articulates the northeast as a liminal zone and a category of study these new “Northeastern research entanglements”19 echo the ways of knowing the North-East through the area studies approach in conjunction with tropes of culture and identity. Most of the researches are made possible with scholarships granted at first-world universities or external research collaborations. The funding for scholars from the country working within the country and region remain limited and the opportunity and access to these aforementioned networks are opened to already-established scholars or “experts” who can access funding. This for me is also one of the important contexts to read the proliferation of work in/of the North-East. Knowledge is also spatially organised. I  have argued that scholars look at certain sites as places to generate the empirical while the global north is regarded as the site for theory generation. The pursuit of enchanting fields and proliferation of scholarships is indeed embedded in the geographical locations and structures of powers that are produced and reproduced in the west-and-the-rest dichotomy. Such a dichotomy finds itself mirrored in the syllabi of how the North-East finds itself reflected – as hostile resisting nationalisms and violent geographies. Is region a subaltern? If so, what are the methodologies of studying it? To reiterate, the subtitle of this chapter is provocatively titled “Just Add NorthEast and Stir”, inspired by feminist critique which began in history writing of how rather than changing the ways knowledge is thought about, the usual intervention is the formulaic manner wherein one grudgingly accommodates through adding a section on women. ‘To include women means more than just adding women into existing knowledge or making them new objects of knowledge’ (Anderson, 1987, p. 224). Similarly, adding of papers on the North-East or a centre for studies of North-East in itself would not impact the construction of knowledge outside of those courses and centres. It should be accompanied by a more complex process that redefines knowledge and the methodology of how research on/of the NorthEast is conducted.

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Can the initiatives of centres and programmes be likewise thought about as adding and stirring? In these new centres, geographical category becomes an epistemological category, but the methodology of it is often sidestepped. In sociology, the ways in which the North-East enters pedagogy and scholarship is through the category of tribe. In defence studies the ways in which the North-East enters would be through reasons of its geopolitics and counter insurgency. What would, however, be the ways of knowing the North-East from the North-East – for instance, teaching and learning Sociology of North-East India in North-East India? In fact, this directional geographical way of looking from the centre is not done away with. This spatialisation of knowledge is problematic. The Sociology of North-East India paper taught in the Sociology Department of Tezpur University also looks at the North-East from the binary of tribal/non-tribal and has more readings specific to Assam. Unit 2 of the reading list states thus: “Society in Northeast: Tribal and Non-tribal/Caste societies, their idiosyncratic features and relationship, Nationality Formation in the region”. What does it mean to name a region or its feature as idiosyncratic? What does it mean to teach sociology of North-East in the North-East? Why does one’s location do nothing to the gaze that is from elsewhere? Certainly, when one is located within Assam, one is not North-East of a directional gaze from elsewhere, but one is located in the centre of one lifeworld and community. Yet, the directional category overwhelms our way of knowing to the extent that even while physically located in a site, one sees oneself as a periphery and not the core of knowledge production.

Methodological nationalism or regionalism: visualising the North-East In the case of mainland India, the colonial knowledge of India had to be replaced with modern disciplines that would contribute to nation-building. The boundaries of many disciplines such as history, sociology, etc., were and continue to be confined within the nation-state. Certain other disciplines are therefore defined by geo-political boundaries, or what Patel (2016) calls “methodological nationalism” which equates the study of Indian society as coeval with the territorial boundaries of the nation-state. In the most straightforward usage, methodological nationalism implies coevalness between “society” and the “nation-state” i.e. it argues that a discussion on modern society (which sociology does) entails an implicit understanding of the nation . . . Thus, sociology’s visions of culture and politics, law, justice, and history represent that of individual nation-states. (Patel, 2016, p. xvii) Departments of Sociology in India had been set up with the idea of a methodological specificity that is required to understand India. The Indological approach had been favoured in the inception of sociology. It is one of the trends of sociology in

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India identified by Ahmed (1996, p. 244). The geographical category of India as well as the nationalist position in methodology gets articulated as an epistemological category. This is important to reflect on the North-East as a category of study in universities either as optional or core courses offered or as centres and programmes within. Not only that the methodological nationalism of the aforementioned disciplines should caution us against “an obsession to comprehend all aspects of life in terms of territories rather than seeing social interconnections between territorial boundaries” (ibid., p. xviii). The proliferation of North-East studies in academia in recent years have been explained by Karlsson as, “Nation-states and classical civilisational centres have lost a bit of their attraction for scholars, and earlier forgotten margins or hinterlands look increasingly more compelling” (Karlsson, 2018, p. 2). Haimendorf, when he began his work in 1936–1937 in the territory now known as NorthEast, described his interest as “remote pre-contact primitive societies” (Baruah, 2018, p.  19). The twin impetus of scholarship is not unconnected. Contemporary work is reflective of early anthropological excursions into pristine nontheorised territories. What methodology would capture this forgotten margins or hinterlands is not as widely discussed. Baruah argues that Haimendorf at the end of the day “can reasonably be described as a chronicler of Naga culture”. Indeed, Schicklgruber finds that many Nagas today use Fürer-Haimendorf ’s words to represent their past (Baruah, 2018, p. 21). This is one of the trends in scholarship on the North-East – the reliance on colonial texts. Works written in the contexts of the North-East uses colonial ethnography as the beginning of writing itself. Texts of the previous century, such as Naked Nagas or The Meitheis, continue to have a problematic afterlife as if communities are fixed entities. One sees critique of such texts not only through the act of writing but through other initiatives as well. Zubeni Lotha’s photographic project in visual culture critiquing Haimendorf ’s photos is a case in point. Her photo exhibition looked at the construction of identity and representation of the Konyak Nagas by looking specifically at the photographs taken by the Austrian ethnologist Christoph Von Fürer-Haimendorf in 1936. Her entry into this project is rooted in her practice as a photographer who is keen to look at the larger tradition of colonial-anthropological photography through which the Naga community has been defined. During her photo exhibition at the Assam State Museum (December 19–24, 2017) as a part of this project, she described Haimendorf ’s photographic gaze and the impulse behind keeping his book in Konyak household, especially by the descendants of subjects whom he first photographed for his book. For her, the intrusiveness of the photographic gaze can be seen in the increasing discomfort of the young girl (whose image has come to signify the title of the book) who was asked to come disrobed for the occasion. For Lotha, the discomfort is visible in the subsequent images of the young girl. Christian Schicklgruber’s discovery of The Naked Nagas “during his travels among the Nagas” cannot certainly be read as a lack of bother about their representation as forever fixed as naked. Indeed, this

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impulse to fixity on the part of Fürer-Haimendorf could be understood by the later book he wrote, Return to the Naked Nagas (1976). The continued reliance on texts such as these by scholars emanates from the way of knowing in formal knowledge system is recognised only via texts. Could we think of such practice as brought forth by the way social anthropology as other disciplines place emphasis on what the acceptable sources are? The reality is that many students and scholars in wanting to work on hitherto unknown terrains are (ironically) discouraged for lack of academic literature. Looking at Lotha’s photo exhibition as an example, can we broaden the idea of text and look at works such as hers’ as important texts and position of critique? What is required is a rethinking of methodology or even to begin thinking about methodology. What defines this field of “North-East”? How does one begin to think and expand the notion of literature/texts? Even as disciplines such as anthropology grapple with the question of methodology, those engaging with the idea of “North-East studies” has left the question of methodology by stating it as interdisciplinary study: What is it that binds the various disciplines, then –is it the North-East as a field? In “Discipline and Practice: ‘The Field’ as Site, Method, and Location in Anthropology”, Akhil Gupta and James Ferguson (1997) refer to Appadurai to argue that The landscapes of group identity  – the ethnoscapes around the world are no longer familiar anthropological objects, insofar as groups are no longer tightly territorialized, spatially bounded, historically self conscious, or culturally homogeneous . . . The task of ethnography now becomes the unravelling of a conundrum: what is the nature of locality, as a lived experience, in a globalized, de territorialized world? (Apparadurai, cited in Gupta & Ferguson, 1997, p. 3) The territorialisation of the North-East as a field is analogous to the setting up of programmes and centres of/for northeast studies.

Conclusion Separate niche spaces of study in the form of programmes and centres is required, but along with an intervention in the overall curriculum. Core courses need to be inclusive of issues of marginality, including the marginality of region. Expecting only Centre/Programme/Course with the tasks of undoing the epistemological bedrock of certain disciplines and its devaluing of other forms of knowledge is too onerous a task. The larger task is a transformation of “traditional curriculum”. This has already been recognised by the women studies project: [W]omen’s scholarship has not fully made its way into the “main” curriculum of colleges and universities and that, without programmes designed to bring the new scholarship into the whole curriculum, most students – male

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and female – will remain untouched by scholarship on women and therefore unprepared to understand the world. (Anderson, 1987, p. 228) This chapter is an attempt to begin a conversation on the centres/programmes of North-East studies in universities. I began with contextualising the (paradoxical) space of the university wherein the possibility of addressing marginality as well as reinforcing them exists. The changes impacting the nature of universities adversely has been discussed at some length because it is important to locate such centres within the reality of the state’s demands of commercialisation, withdrawal of funding and rescinding of promises of scholarships. Such changes stratify the space of university along lines of identity, and yet such stratification wears the mask of innocuous neutral/general meritocracy vs. reservation category – the latter is assumed to be devoid of merit, the former devoid of all identities except that of being in the rightful place due to merit. Such being the normative assumption an examination of the university and its pedagogy, it is imperative to look at both the teaching-learning process and the gaps which are sought to be filled up through dedicated universities such as the tribal university (IGNTU) and centres. Using the framework of Women’s Studies as well as Dalit studies, I examine the setting up of the Manipur University of Culture. The inauguration of the university itself provides us with an unfortunately apt example of the axis of pride-humiliation that certain identities are subjected to, and hence those experiences shape the need for separate spaces of learning. The syllabi of such learning needs to engage with the nationalist genesis of disciplines and figure ways to break out of the obsession with the idea of fixed territories. In conclusion, I have critically examined the proliferation of North-East studies in academia as well as networks to study the North-East through the empirical/theory divide in social sciences. This chapter throws up more questions in the process of rethinking the methodology of “North-East studies”. A critical and sensitive engagement with these spaces as sites of new knowl­ edge production will go a long way towards bridging a political commitment and academic research and pedagogy.

Notes 1 Retrieved March  15, 2018, from https://caravanmagazine.in/education/manipuruniversity-indian-army-presence 2 Retrieved January  10, 2018, from www.news18.com/news/politics/du-students-leftin-lurch-as-teachers-protest-against-politically-motivated-changes-in-english-syllabus2257025.html 3 Retrieved December  11, 2017, from www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2018/ oct/02/central-universities-set-to-hike-fees-despite-hrd-ministrys-promise-1879862. html 4 Notably because social justice is one of the stated visions of this multicampus institute. 5 Retrieved March 22, 2018, from www.huffingtonpost.in/entry/tiss-hyderabad-protestssine-die-tata-institute_in_5d2c90bce4b0bd7d1e205610?guccounter=1&guce_ referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuZ29vZ2xlLmNvbS8&guce_referrer_sig=AQAAA

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LEUNl8cPGBDG2xYW4-_xolj7by6bVxHs_991VOsaTdsf7v3iGoolY2nQ2Ge_ yHdLTqjGD9-U5EVfNw0aYI4mrmCfd-r4RIFuv-l_3i8koxK9mMoG7GfmSo4Fld 65PcQAh8OYebBIB4s8uf3tOHL2fMt-0bs8BRGK38teEPzqzwi 6 Some of the features of the average top 200 universities according to the Time Higher Education (THE) World University Rankings (2015–2016) are: – Has a total annual income of $751,139 per academic (year) (compared with $606,345 for a top 400 university) – Has a student-to-staff ratio of 11.7:1 (compared with 12.5:1 for a top 400 university) – Hires 20 per cent of its staff from abroad (compared with 18 per cent for a top 400 university) – Has a total research income of $229,109 per academic (year) (compared with $168,739 for a top 400 university) – Publishes 43 per cent of all its research papers with at least one international coauthor (compared with 42 per cent at a top 400 university) – Has a student body made up of 19 per cent international students (compared with 16 per cent at a top 400 university) 7 Retrieved January 10, 2019, from https://tiss.edu/about-tiss/overview/ 8 Retrieved February  12, 2018, from www.hindustantimes.com/education/studentswill-have-to-pay-more-for-proposed-20-world-class-institutions/story-ocuU5XCihbIQ8CkAxz96KP.html 9 www.igntu.ac.in/theuniversity.aspx 10 Changing the Curriculum in Higher Education Author(s): Margaret L. Andersen Source: Signs, Vol. 12, No. 2. Reconstructing the Academy (Winter, 1987), pp. 222– 254. Published by the University of Chicago Press. Retrieved April  23, 2019, from Stable URL: www.jstor.org/stable/3173984 Accessed: 12–06–2018 04:33 UTC 11 Retrieved November 6, 2018, from https://thewire.in/education/new-ugc-guidelinesmay-cut-funding-for-womens-studies-centres-across-india 12 Retrieved October 16, 2018, from www.igntu.ac.in/theuniversity.aspx 13 Retrieved September 30, 2018, from www.igntu.ac.in/theuniversity.htm 14 Retrieved April 12, 2019, from http://muc.ac.in/about-us/ 15 Retrieved April 13, 2019, from http://muc.ac.in/academic-programmes/ 16 Retrieved May  22, 2019, from https://thewire.in/culture/how-to-sum-up-the-lackof-respect-towards-manipur-in-100-words 17 Retrieved June 1, 2019, from https://jnu.ac.in/scsnei 18 http://manipuruniv.ac.in/department/centre-for-manipur-studies-2 19 Bengt G Karlsson titles his introductory essay of the book Geographies of Difference (2018) “Northeastern research entanglements”.

References Ahmed, I. (1996). Note on sociology in India. The American Sociologist, 1(5), 244–247. Anderson, M. (1987). Changing the curriculum in higher education. Signs, 12(2), 222–254. Arunima, G. (2017). Thought, policies and politics: How may we imagine the public university in India? Kronos, 43(1), 165–184. Baruah, S. (2018). Reading Furer-Haimendorf in Northeast India. In M. Vandenhelsken et al. (Eds.), Geographies of difference: Explorations in Northeast Indian studies (pp. 17–30). Oxon: Routledge. Burawoy, M. (n.d.). The public university – A battleground for real utopias. (Unpublished article). Fürer-Haimendorf, C. V. (1976). Return to the naked Nagas. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd.

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Gupta, A., & Ferguson, J. (1997). Anthropological locations: Boundaries and grounds of a field science. Berkeley: University of California Press. Guru, Gopal. (2012). Egalitarianism and social sciences in India. In Gopal Guru & Sundar Sarukkai (Eds.), Cracked mirror: An Indian debate on experience and theory (pp. 9–28). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Karlsson, B. G. (2018). Northeastern research entanglements. In M. Vandenhelsken et al. (Eds.), Geographies of difference: Explorations in Northeast Indian studies. Oxon: Routledge. Pandey, N. (2016, October  20). With “world class” tag, Indian’s best universities may have higher fees. Hindustan Times. New Delhi. Retrieved June 20, 2018, from https:// www.hindustantimes.com/education/students -will-have-to-pay-more-for-proposed20-world-class-institutions/story-ocuU5XCihbIQ8CkAxz96KP.html Patel, S. (2016). Introduction: Rumination on sociological tradition in India. In S. Patel (Ed.), Doing sociology in India: Genealogy, genealogies, locations and practices. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Poonacha, V. (2003). Women’s studies in Indian universities: Current concerns. Economic and Political Weekly, 38(26), 2653–2658. Santos, Boaventura de Sousa. (2010). The university in the twenty-first century: Toward a democratic and emancipatory university reform. In M. W. Apple, S. J. Ball, & L. A. Gandin (Eds.), The Routledge international handbook of the sociology of education (pp. 274–282). London: Routledge. Savyasaachi. (2004). Dalit studies: Exploring criteria for a new discipline. Economic and Political Weekly, 39(17), 1658–1660. Tilak, J. B. G. (1995). Funding higher education in India. Economic and Political Weekly, 30(9), 426–429. Xaxa, V. (2008). State, society and tribes: Issues in post-colonial India. New Delhi: Pearson Longman.

INDEX

Page numbers in italic indicate a figure and page numbers in bold indicate a table on the corresponding page. Acharya, A. 20 adivasis 144 agro forestry 126 Ahmed, I. 216 Aizawl Municipal Council (AMC) 111, 113, 115 – 116, 117n4 Alberuni see Mahmud of Ghazni Alimuddin, Md 165 All Arunachal Pradesh Students’ Union (AAPSU) 59 – 61 All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad (AAGP) 157 All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) 157 All Assam Tribal Women’s Welfare Federation (AATWWF) 158 All Bodo Women Welfare Federation (ABWWF) 158 – 159 All-Manipur Muslim United Coordinating Committee 167 All Mizoram Women Federation (AMWF) 115, 116 All Party Hill Leaders’ Conference (APHLC) 62 – 63 Ambedkar, B. R. 8, 33 – 35, 72, 80 American administration 26nn6 – 7 American Bill of Rights 20, 26n3 American society 7, 22, 25n1 American war of independence 20 Anand, S. 119 Anderson, M. 188, 208, 214, 218

Angami 123 – 124, 127; shared barter of labour 127 – 128 Anglo-Manipur war 83 Annual Work Plan & Budget (AWP&B) 183 Anthias, F. 155 anthropology 126, 194, 217 anti-tribal bills 98 Antyodaya Anna Yojana (AAY) 89 – 90, 93, 96n11 Ao Naga 125, 127; shared barter of labour 127 – 128 Apatanis 120 – 122, 128, 132n1; Apatani tribe 120, 130 – 131; Myoko festival of 122, 130; paddy-cum-fish cultivation 121 – 122 Appleby, P. 24 Arunachal Pradesh 9, 11, 54, 59 – 61, 65 – 66, 67n18, 110, 120, 126, 128, 143, 144n1, 175, 180 Arunachal Pradesh Students’ Union (AAPSU) 59 – 61, 67n21 Arunima, G. 205 Asian Borderlands Research Network 214 Assam 11 – 12, 50 – 51, 58, 77, 86, 137 – 138, 144, 149, 152 – 153, 156 – 159, 170, 180, 213, 215 Assam Land & Revenue Regulation Act (AL&LR) 99 Assam Movement 157 – 158, 160n1

222 Index

Assam State Museum 216 Astin, A. W. 194 Atal, Y. 47 Athparia, R. P. 98 Autonomous District Councils (ADC) 177 autonomy 81, 86, 98, 109, 143, 149, 151 – 154, 156 – 157, 159, 169, 177 awareness 42, 198, 198; lack of 144 – 145, 146; social 146 Axom Jagrata Mahila Parishad 157 Backward Regions Grant Fund (BRGF) 179 – 180 “bamboo-famines” 9 Banerjee, M. 98 Barry, K. 139, 142; Female Sexual Slavery 139 Barth, F. 153 Baruah, Sanjib: India Against Itself: Assam and the Politics of Nationality 213 Bell, Daniel 189 Below Poverty Line (BPL) 88 – 91, 93, 96n11 Bensimon, E. M. 195 Bentham, J. 17 Bhattarcharya, H. 100 Bhukya, B. 106 Bhuria Committee 109 Bhuyan, A. J. 7 Bhuyan, S. I. 126 Binodini, P. 88 Biswas, P. 158 Block Resource Centre 184 Blocks and Cluster Level 184 Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) 159 Bodo Movement 157 – 159, 160n1 Borthakur, D. N. 125 Brundtland, G. 31, 119 Brundtland Commission 119 Bullard, R. 32 Bunii-Ajing 130 – 131 Burawoy, M. 206 – 207 Campbell, A. K. 23, 26n6 Capeheart, L. 116 Capital in the Twenty-first Century (Piketty) 52 capitalism: forms 146; growth of 2 – 3; hegemonic formations 141; institution of coercion 11; interwar economic crisis 19; one strand of feminism 11; universal growth 2 caste 3 – 4, 6, 8, 25, 30, 58, 76, 78, 141, 197, 205; Brahmin 164; depressed 72; hierarchy 30; higher 75; low 75; system 20

Castells, M. 189 Catholics 188 Centre for Peace and Development (CPD) 113 CEPAL 33, 37n1 Chand, S. 80 “Charyapada” 138 Chatterji, N. 109 Chaube, S. K. 108 chemical contamination 32 Chittagong Hill Tracts 59 Choudhary, S. K. 47 Citizenship Amendment Bill 61 civilisational assets 42 Clinton, Hillary. 45, 48 Cluster Resource Centre 184 commercialization 13, 205, 218 Communist Party of India (CPI) 64, 67n32 community: academic 40; Dewan 75; ethnic 58, 78 – 79, 148, 152, 168 – 169; indigenous 41, 61 – 62, 65 – 66, 74, 78, 93 (see also indigenous communities); Kuki-Chin 9, 87; Meitei 169, 210; Naga 216; peripheral 58 – 59; religious 152, 162, 163; tribal 9 – 10, 41, 66, 101, 106, 109, 126, 177 Congress Mukht Bharat 45 Congress Party 34 Constitution Amendment Act (CAA) 109; 73rd and 74th CAA 109, 112 – 113 Constitution of India 25, 30, 57 – 58, 65, 80, 108, 110, 116, 151 – 152, 176, 178; New 46; of new commission 77; “reservation” 71 – 72; Sixth Schedule of 72, 78, 86, 110, 154, 179 COPTAM 106, 107n5 corruption 40 – 41, 44 – 47, 51 – 54, 81, 90, 95 – 96, 138, 167 corruption-free India 42 Cosmic Reality 53 Criminal Law (Amendment) Act 143 cross-fertilisation 42 Crump, D. 194 culture 6, 39, 209 – 210; dimension of 50; economy and 86; individual 49; Islamic 164; language and 153 – 154; Manipuri 210; Meitei 164, 210; Naga 216; national 210; peoples and 42; traditions and 5; tribal 5, 41; visual 216 Daimary, L. 100 Dalit studies 205, 209, 218 Darwin, Charles: Darwinian maxim 20; Origin of Species 20; “survival of the fittest” 20

Index  223

Das, D. N. 122 Das, E. K. 138 Das, J. N. 103, 104 Das, N. K. 11, 120 – 122, 125, 129 Datta, A.128 Dawson, C. 50; “deracinated and despiritualized” 50; herbal heritage 51 Deka, Barasa 11 – 12 Delanty, G. 190 Delhi High Court 61 democracy: economic 80, 95; education and 190 – 191; India 45, 151; issue 48; liberal 11, 21, 25, 109, 148 – 151; political 80, 95; social 80 Democratic Party 45, 48 democratization 13, 51, 110, 187, 190 – 191, 199 – 200, 205 deontological philosophy 25 Department of Social Welfare 75 Departments of Sociology 215 Desai, V. N. 43 de Sousa Santos, Boaventura 207, 213 Development of Northeastern Region (DoNER) 177, 179 Devi, P. B. 104 Dewey, John 190 Dhamala, T. 141 Discourse on Inequality (Rousseau) 29 discrimination 36, 38, 51, 58, 61, 74, 138, 148 – 149, 151, 154, 156 – 157, 164, 170 District Project Offices 183 – 184 Donii Khallo 129 Donyi-Polo 122 Dove, M. R. 128 Drafting Committee 34 Drèze, J. 80, 81, 95 Dworkin, R. 6, 21, 120

Enlightenment Now: The Case for Reason, Science, Humanism, and Progress (Pinker) 51 entrepreneurship 40 environmental ethics 11, 131 epistemic injustice 19 epistemology 208, 213; experiential 19; pedagogy of 212 – 215 equity: clarion call to 38 – 40; concept of 57; construing equality and 19 – 22; critiquing 36 – 37; and decision-making process 32 – 33; definition 1; and ecological problems 32; for effective transformation 33; and equality 1 – 4, 19 – 22, 28, 35 – 36; health 6; issue of 6 – 7, 11, 19; in philosophy of Ambedkar 33 – 35; social 6 – 7, 18, 22 – 25, 25nn1 – 2, 26nn4 – 5, 26n7, 57, 125 – 126; understanding 29, 31 – 32 Erni, C. 126 ethnic/ethnicity 2, 7, 11, 30, 65, 82, 99, 148 – 149, 151 – 155; affiliation 78; boundary 153; community 58, 78 – 79, 148, 168 – 169; conflict 60 – 63, 98; distinctiveness 149; disturbances 62 – 64; diversity 175; divide 61, 85; groups 4, 12, 60, 64 – 66, 73, 75, 77, 82 – 83, 86, 98, 150 – 155, 157, 180; identity 11, 76, 82 – 83, 148 – 150, 153; mobilization 60, 106; movements 5, 11 – 12, 149 – 150, 153; polarisation 61; politics 59 – 65; regionalism 63; sentiments 60; stratification 60; tribes 4; violence 64 ethnic/identity movements 153, 157, 159 “Ethnicity, Development and Governance” (Sinha) 9 ethnoscapes 217 equal treatment 19 – 21, 25, 26n8, 57

Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) 182 East Kameng 54 ecology 32, 42, 122, 134 education: centre-state relation 176; democratisation of 191, 199; development 180; domain of 7, 12; elementary 182 – 183; higher 12 – 13, 187 – 196, 192, 199 – 200; lack of 145, 167; primary 176; quality of 12; school 12, 176, 180 – 181, 184; secondary 5, 176, 181 – 182, 184; Western 65; women 156 egalitarian society 1 – 2, 108, 146 empirical evidence 13, 188, 194 – 195, 198 – 199

fair distribution 6, 8 – 9, 59 fait accompli 206 fanaticism 46, 52 Feingold, D. A. 140 Female Sexual Slavery (Barry) 139 Ferguson, J. 217 Finance Commission 114, 183 financial norms 182 – 183 financial process 183 fish cultivation 131 Food and Agriculture Organization 126 Food and Civil Supplies (FCS) 90, 93 Food Corporation of India (FCI) 89 – 90, 93 Fourteenth Finance Commission 114, 117n4

224 Index

French Revolution 3, 19 – 20, 26n3, 28; dawn of modernity 19; human struggles and revolutions 20; idea of individual liberty 3; “liberty, equality and fraternity” 20 Fundamental Rights Committee 34 funds utilisation 183 – 184 Fürer-Haimendorf, C. V.: Return to the naked Nagas 217 Gabhan, S. 139 – 140, 143 Gadgil, M. 119 Gautam, D. R. 1 – 14, 132n1 gender: discrimination 51, 156; disparity 193; equality 12, 148 – 152, 159; female 139 – 140, 146; inequality 11, 141, 151; issue 156; relations 10, 12, 151, 159 – 160 General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, The (Keynes) 19 Ghosh, B. 142, 143 globalisation 40, 144 global warming 32 GOI 113 Gould, D. 53 governance deficit 8, 40 Government of Manipur 167 Govt. of Mizoram 112, 114 Gregory, C. 127 Gross Budgetary Support (GBS) 177; see also Planning Commission Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) 187, 189, 192 – 193, 192 group-differentiated rights 151; see also multi-culturalism Guite, K. C. 82 Gupta, A. 217 Guru, G. 19 Guy, M. E. 21, 22, 23, 25n2 Hajong refugees 59, 61 Haripriya, S. 13 – 14 Harper, S. R. 194 Hart, D. K. 22 Hausing, K. K. S. 108 health disparity 6 Hechter, M. 58 – 59, 66n13; “Internal Colonial Model” 58 – 59 Heller, A. 20 Henglep Tribal Development Blocks 105 herbal heritage 51 Heredia, R. C. 112 high dependency syndrome 50; “progress and prosperity” 50 higher education (HE) 187 – 188; democratisation of 13, 187 – 188,

190 – 191, 199 – 200; development in India 192 – 193; student experience 193 – 195 higher education institutions (HEIs) 13, 190, 195 – 196, 199 High Impact Practices (HIPs) 194 – 195 Hill People Union (HPU) 63 Hill State People’s Democratic Party (HSPDP) 62 – 63 Hime Patang 129 Hinduism 47 – 48, 162, 164 Hindutva: cohorts 47; ideologues 47 Hobbes, T. 25n2 Hodson, T. C. 163 – 164 humanity 8, 18, 43, 45, 48, 53, 140, 143, 144 human rights 23, 82, 190; violation of 140, 143, 156, 170 human trafficking 11, 138, 140, 142 – 144 human welfare 1 Hunger and Public Action (Drèze and Sen) 80 ICSSR 77; see also Constitution of India Idea of Justice, The (Sen) 57 Ilavarasan, P. V. 199 inaccessibility 181 inclusion: inclusive campus 13, 191; inclusive classroom 13, 191; inclusive curriculum 13, 191 “Independent Sovereign Republic” 71 – 72 Indian Penal Code (IPC) 143 indigenous communities 41, 65, 74, 78 indigenous people 41, 50, 60 – 61, 82, 84, 120, 123, 132n4 Indira Gandhi National Tribal University (IGNTU) 208, 209, 218 Industrial Revolution 188 industries 65, 142; absence of 94 Indus Valley Civilisation 72 inequality 25, 46; based on gender, race, class, caste 25; contradiction of group identity 149; economic 9, 22; educational 191, 194; feudal 150; gender 11; graded 30, 33; humanmade 30; “Justice delayed is justice denied” 28; natural 30; pathways against 42; political/moral 30; question 30; social 9, 22, 200; tacit consent 19 Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS) 182 intellectuals 44, 190; cultivated intellectual poverty 47; vs. fanaticism 52; wealth 43 inter-ethnic relations 9 Irene, S. 164, 166 irrigation: bamboo drip and bench terrace 125 – 126; indigenous method of 125; land 94

Index  225

Jalan, B. 41 Jamir, N. T. 128 Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) 112 Jawaharlal Nehru University 21 Jha, S. 88 jhum cultivation 95, 122 – 123, 128 Jones, W. 51 Jose, Jacob K. 7 – 8 Josephine, Y. 12 – 13, 184 Joseph K. Lalfakzuala 10 justice: concept 6; criminal 23; distinct forms 108; distributive 10, 74, 132; economic 81; global 17; human civilisation 17; idea of “merit” 3; peace with 52; racial 190; Rawlsian idea 25n1, 26n9, 31, 66n1; social 8, 10, 14, 17, 26n3, 31, 81, 108 – 109, 113, 116, 189; social equity and 126; speedy delivery 40 Kani, Takhe: Buliang-Ajing 131; Bunii-Ajing 130 – 131; Gyotu-Ajing 130; Khiibo-Ajing 131; Piinyang-Ajing 130, 131 Kapfhammer, W. 120 Kaptai Hydel Power Project 60 Karlsson, B. G. 49, 216, 219n19 Karnard, B. 43; Why India Is Not a Great Power (Yet) 43 Kazi, N. Jigme 74 Keynes, John Maynard: The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money 19 Khamkhenthang, H. 92 Khonpum valley 103 Khuga Dam 98 Khullakpas 83 Kipgen, N. 9 – 10, 98 Kithan, L. N. 123, 124 Khan, M. L. 126 Khullakpam, A. H. S. 164 Kikhi, Kedilezo 1 – 14, 132n1 King Khagemba, reign of 163 – 164 kitchen garden 120 Konow, J. 119 Kothari, A. 42 Kshetriyas 164 Kuh, G. D. 193 – 194 Kuki-Chin tribals 9 Kumar, A. 121 Kumar, N. 7, 28 – 36 Kymlicka, W. 151 lallup 164, 171n6 Land Acquisition Act 41 Lanner, R. 119

Lepcha, P. T. 141 Lepcha-Bhutia 71, 73 – 75 literacy 5 – 6, 13, 39, 41, 137, 165 – 166, 175, 210; rate 13, 137, 165, 175 Local Administration Department (LAD) 111 local council 113, 114, 115 – 116, 115 Locke, J. 25n2 Lok Sabha 61, 143, 170, 178 London School of Economics 206 Longden, B. 194 Lund, C. 99 Lushai Hills District, The (Acquisition of Chiefs’ Rights) Act 110 – 111, 116n1 Lushai Hills District (Village Councils) (Amendment) Act 114 Lyall, C. J. 164 Macionis, J. J. 141 Madhurima Goswami 11 Madhusudan, J. 175 Maffi, L. 120 Mahanta, A. 156 Maheshwari, S. R. 108 Mahila Samities 156 Mahmud of Ghazni 51 Malish, C. M. 13, 193, 196 – 197, 199, 201n1 Manipur 9 – 12, 81 – 84, 86 – 88, 89, 92, 106, 139, 175, 180; context 101 – 102; hill areas of 84, 87; and MLR&LR Act 99 – 101; pangals in 162 – 170; tribals 94 – 94, 98 Manipur District Councils (MDCs) 86 Manipur Hill Areas Autonomous District Councils (MHADC) 86, 99 Manipur Hills Journalists’ Union (MHJU) 96n10 Manipuri 163 – 164, 166, 210 Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms Bills (Seventh Amendment) (MLR&LR) 98 – 104, 106; see also anti-tribal bills Manipur Shop & Establishment Bill (Second Amendment) 98; see also antitribal bills Manipur University campus 204, 208 Manipur University of Culture 209 – 211, 213, 218 Maoism 41 Marx, Karl 30, 64 Mautam famine 10, 82, 87 – 88, 93, 95 McCandless, S. A. 21, 22, 23, 25n2 Medina, J. 19 Meghalaya 9, 50, 59, 63 – 66, 125 – 126, 175, 180; alienate non-tribal voters

226 Index

63; election manifesto 62; ethnic politics 9; multiple crops 126; PDIC’s recommendation 63; protecting and harnessing natural resources 50; role of non-tribals 63; transfer of land 62 Meghalaya Guardian 64, 67n31 Meghalaya Legislative Assembly 63 Meghalaya Transfer of Land Regulation Act 62 Meitei Brahmins 164 Meitei Christians 164 Meitei Goura Chaytonya 164 Meiteilon 163 – 164, 170 Meitei marup 164 Meitei Muslims 164 Meitei Pangal 12, 162, 164, 168, 170n1 Menamparampil, T. 47, 49 Menon, P. S. K. 109 migration 5, 49, 211; illegal 139, 170 Miller, D. 109 Ministry of External Affairs 60 Ministry of Home Affairs 60 Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) 187, 193 Ministry of Panchayati Raj 112 Ministry of Rural Development 97n15, 110 Minnowbrook conference 23, 25, 26n4 Mizo District Council 110 – 111 Mizo National Front (MNF) 87, 96n9 Mizoram Municipalities Rules 111 – 113, 115 mobility 20, 57, 157, 159 – 160, 187, 206 modernity 5, 7, 9, 19 – 21, 25 moral philosophy 20, 24 Moran, E. F. 123 Morrock, R. 96n2 Most Backward Communities (MBCs) 76 – 78 Mother Earth 43 Mukherjee, Pranab 53 Mula Gabharu Santha 157 Muller, Max 51 multi-culturalism 39 – 40, 151, 191 Mungyanba 162 Murry, B. 167 Mustafi, T. 142 Myoko: ceremony 131; friendship 130 Nag, S. 87 Nagaland 11, 90, 94, 100, 109, 123 – 124, 126, 131, 132n1, 175, 180 Nagaland Land and Land Regulation (NL&LR) 100 Nagas 83, 85, 123, 125, 162, 166, 169 Nalanda University 47 Nalbandian, J. 21

Naskar, S. 176 National Academy of Public Administration, The 23 National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC) 206 National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution 112 National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) 137 National Food Security Act 81 nationalism 45 – 48, 82, 157; methodological 215 – 217 nationalist 52, 59, 156, 216, 218 National Knowledge Commission (NKC) 176 National Policy on Education (NPE) 193 National Register of Citizens (NRC) 50 National Social Assistance Programme (NSAP) 96n12 National Survey of Student Engagement (NSSE) 195 NGOs 38, 143, 181 Nilekani, N. 40 Niti Aayog 48 Nongbri, T. 101, 109 – 110, 156 Nongkynrih, A. K. 101 non-lapsable central pool of resources– central (NLCPR-central) 178 – 179 non-tribals: majority 208; migrants 62; minority 62 – 64 North-Eastern Council (NEC) 71, 165, 177 – 178 North East Frontier Area (NEFA) 60, 72 North-East India 4 – 7, 9 – 11, 41, 49 – 52, 54, 58 – 59, 62, 65 – 66, 82, 94, 108, 120, 125 – 126, 131, 137 – 138, 144, 146, 149, 153 – 154, 156, 169, 176 – 180; shifting cultivation 122 – 123; studies 13, 204, 208, 216 – 218 North East India Study Programme (NEISP) 211 Nunthara, C. 110 Nussbaum, M. 17 Nyori, T. 128 Origin of Species (Darwin) 20 O’Shea, S. 198 – 199 Other Backward Class (OBC) 71 – 72, 167, 195, 199 Oxfam Report, 2019 18 paddy 87, 120, 122, 124, 128 – 129; cultivation 121 – 122, 131 Panchayati Raj (PRI) Institution 109, 110, 112, 114

Index  227

Panchayat Mahila Shakti Abhayan (PAMSA) 113 Panchayats Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) 109, 110 Pandey, N. 206 Pangals 12, 82, 162 – 164, 163, 168 – 170, 170; accommodation to conflict 170; political representation 168 – 170; social economic condition 164 – 168; sociocultural context 162 – 164 Parekh, B. 43, 48 – 49 Parrat, S. N. 83 Parry, J. 127 Patang: age-based and temporary 129; Aji Patang 128; Akha Patang 129; Entii-Patang 129; Hime Patang 129; institution 129; Nyimung-Yapa Patang 129; Pagar-Enso 129 – 130; philosophy 130 Patel, S. 34, 215 “Patitalaya” 138 pedagogy 204, 207 – 209, 212 – 213, 215, 218 Perkin, H. 188 Phanjoubam, P. 101 Phukan, G. 154 Piketty, Thomas 30, 52; Capital in the Twenty-first Century 52 Pinker, S.: Enlightenment Now: The Case for Reason, Science, Humanism, and Progress 51 Plummer, K. 141 Planning Commission 177 – 178, 192 plantation 100, 125 – 126, 129 political commitment 208, 218 political parties 38, 41, 73, 116 political science 22 – 23, 26n6 Politics, The (Aristotle) 31 Poonacha, V. 209 poverty: alleviation 9 – 10, 57, 82, 92, 96; defining 31, 94 – 95; depth of 45; economic and social 145 – 146; eradication of 54; and hunger 46, 93; issue of 18, 48; line 10, 39, 49, 88; measure 166; reducing 40, 92; rural 92; and unemployment 168 primordial identities 30 Protection of Manipur Peoples Bill, The 98; see also anti-tribal bills public administration 7, 22 – 25, 26nn4 – 5, 8, 165 Public Administration Review 23 Public Demands Implementation Convention (PDIC) 63 public distribution system (PDS) 10, 61, 81 – 82, 88; malfunctioning of 88 – 90

Puroik tribal community 54 Pussang, N. 121 Pusser, B. 194 Qamar, F. 176, 184 quality 184, 200; of education 12, 184, 176, 180 – 181, 196; equity and 13 Quaye, S. J. 194 radical feminism 147n1 Rahman, A. 163, 164 Raj, S. 109 Raju, V. P. S. 176 Rajya Sabha 34, 61, 170 Ramakrishnan, P. S. 121 Rao, K. S. 40 Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan (RMSA) 176, 180 Rawls, John: “fair distribution” 6; “justice as fairness” 7, 17, 31, 56; theorisation 7; A Theory of Justice 56 reciprocity 11, 20, 122, 143; inter-village 130; philosophy of 126 – 127 regionalism 58, 63, 215 rehabilitation 9, 62, 89, 143, 146 Republic of Korea 189 Right to Education (RTE) 2, 176, 185 Rivera, M. A. 22 Rodrigues, V. 152 Roemer, J. 6 Roluahpuia 10 Roman Catholic Church 188 Rousseau, J.-J. 26n2, 29 – 30; Discourse on Inequality 29 Roy Burman, B. K. 77 Sabharwal, N. S. 193, 201n1 Sahgal, Nayantara 48; “A Hindu Speaks” 48 Saikia, S. K. 122 Saksena, N. S. 167 Sanajaoba, N. 171n6 Sangkham, G. 83 Sankaradeva, Srimanta 51 Sarukkai, S. 19 Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) 176, 180 – 185 “Save Childhood” 139 Savyasaachi 209 Sayantan, M. 198 scheduled castes (SCs) 2, 36, 58, 71, 74, 108, 168, 197 – 199 scheduled tribes (STs) 2, 9, 58, 71, 75, 77, 78, 102, 108, 168 – 169, 168, 197 – 199, 208 School Management Committee (SMC) 184 Scott, J. C. 188, 190

228 Index

Second World War 189 secularism 48 Sen, A. 6, 57, 88; The Idea of Justice 57; Poverty and Famine 88 Sen Gupta, S. 7 – 9 sexual exploitation 11, 137, 139 – 140, 143, 146 sexual labour 142, 145 Seymour, M. 108 Shah, J. P. 180 Shahani, R. 163 “shifting value paradigm” 7, 22, 25n1 Sikkim 71 – 73, 75, 76 – 77, 78, 175, 180 – 181; social set-up in feudal 73; under Indian dispensation 73 – 74 Sikkim State Congress 73 Sikor, T. 99 Singh, N. Biren 163 Sharma, Dhruba P. 7 Sharma, G. D. 192 Shimray, U. A. 109 Singtams 9 Sinha, A. C. 9, 71 – 78 slavery 36, 139 – 141, 146 Smith, Adam: Wealth of Nations 20 Smith, Anthony 152 social capital 2 social discourse 2 social equity 6 – 7, 18, 22, 25nn1 – 2, 26nn4 – 5, 26n7, 125 – 126, 131; administrative 22; contextual 22 – 25; definition 22 – 23; equity and 24; issue of equity and epistemic injustice 19; overview 17 – 18 social justice: Articles 243G and 243W 108 social stratification 2 – 5, 20 socio-cultural club 73 Sociology Department, Tezpur University 215 “Sociology of India” 212 soil erosion 123 – 126, 133 Spastic Society of India 181 Special Centre for the Study of North East India (SCSNEI) 211 spirituality 45, 122 Srinivasan, P. V. 88 Srivastava, A. 42 state domestic product (SDP) 176 State Legislative Assembly 71, 74, 169 State Project Office 184 Suan, H. K. K. 99 suicide 146, 194 Supreme Court of India 60, 74 sustainability 120; alder- and Zabo-based farming 123 – 124; environmental 119;

shifting cultivation in North-East India 122 – 123 sustainable agriculture: and equitable water distribution 120 – 121; sustainable development and 119 – 120 Swamy, A. V. 99 Swatch Bharat Abhiyan 45 Syed, F. 165, 168 targeted public distribution system (TPDS) 88, 96n11; see also Public Distribution System (PDS) Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) 206 Teaching Excellence and Student Outcomes Framework (TEF) 195 technology 6, 42, 53, 141, 188 Teegalapalli, K. 128 Tezpur University 7, 132n1 Thanhranga, H. C. 110 Tharoor, S. 39, 44, 45, 47, 52 Theory of Justice, A (Rawls) 56 Thomas, C. J. 158 Thrupp, L. A. 126 Tight, M. 189 Tilak, J. B. G. 180, 184, 205, 206 Tilly, C. 57, 59, 66n4 Times of India, The 206 Tinto, V. 194 Trafficking in persons (TIP) 140 Trafficking of Persons (Prevention, Protection and Rehabilitation) Bill, The 143 tribal culture 41 tribal–non-tribal divide 63, 64 tribal societies: concept of women reservation 113; materialisation of women reservation 116; social and political institutions 10; traditional institutions 110 tribes 6, 8, 73, 102, 120, 126, 130, 131, 132n4, 144, 158, 162, 164, 170, 207, 208, 215 Tripathi, O. P. 126 Tripura Land Revenue and Reforms (TLR&R) Act 100 Trow, Martin 189 – 190 Twelfth Finance Commission 183 unemployment 13, 42, 48, 95, 138, 168, 175 Union government 60, 176 Union of India 162, 208 United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) 67n12 United Nations (UN) 33, 140, 142; relation to lowest- and highest-income populations 33

Index  229

United States (US) 25, 142, 188, 195 universalisation 182 Urban Development & Poverty Alleviation (UD&PA) 112 urbanisation 40, 211 US Democratic Party 45 US polity 25 Uttar Pradesh 48, 195 value neutrality 7, 23 Varghese, N. V. 187, 190, 192 – 193 Verghese, B. G. 50 village council 113, 114, 115 – 116, 115, 116n2 village grain banks (VGBs) 93 violence 8, 11, 38, 46, 49, 51, 54, 62, 82, 98, 137, 140, 204; communal 48; domestic 46, 47; eliminating corruption and 47 – 48; ethnic 64; racial 46, 47; sexual 139, 141 Ward, J. D. 22 Wealth of Nations (Smith) 20 Weidrich, E. 181 well-being 2, 45, 59, 120, 131; human 122; individual 24; social 8 Why India Is Not a Great Power (Yet) (Karnard) 43 Wiik, F. B. 120 Williams, V. B. 20, 194 Wise, L. 24

women: dehumanisation of 140 – 141; exclusion and inclusion of 112 – 115; organisations 12, 150, 156 – 160, 160n1; reservation 11, 108, 109, 112 – 114, 115, 116; rights 150 – 151, 156, 160; trafficking of 138 – 139; violence against 141 Women and Family Studies Centres 209 world-class policies 42 World Class University 206 – 207 Wright, R. M. 120 Xaxa, Virginius: State, Society and Tribes: Issues in Post-Colonial India 213 Yampi, R. 122 Yarang, P. 129 Yasang Patang 128 Yorke, M. 194 Yumnam, J. 126 Yunus, M. 46 Yuval-Davis, N. 155 Zabo method 124 Zaidi, S. M. I. A. 175 Zalen 116 Zamindari Abolition Bill 34 Zamindari System Bill 35 Ziro valley 120 Zomi Economic Planning and Development Agency (ZEPADA) 89 – 91, 93, 96n1