Cliffs Notes on Paton's Cry, the Beloved Country 0764585010

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CRY, THE BELOVED COUNTRY NOTES including • Life and Background of the Author • Introduction to the Novel • A Historical Introduction to the Novel • A Brief Synopsis • List of Characters • Critical Essays • Reader’s Companion to the 1996 Film • Review Questions and Essay Topics • Selected Bibliography

by Richard O. Peterson Carnegie Mellon University

Editor

Project Editor

Copy Editor

Greg Tubach

Tim Gallan

Donna Frederick

ISBN 0-7645-8501-0  Copyright 1999 by Cliffs Notes, Inc. All Rights Reserved Printed in the U.S.A. 1999 Printing

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CONTENTS Life and Background of the Author ........................

5

Introduction to the Novel ............................................ 14 A Historical Introduction to the Novel................... 16 A Brief Synopsis .............................................................. 21 List of Characters ........................................................... 22 Critical Commentaries Book I .............................................................................. 27 Book II ............................................................................ 27 Book III ........................................................................... 27

Critical Essays South Africa: After the Novel ends ................................... Themes ............................................................................ Settings ............................................................................ Characters as Symbols ..................................................... Language, Style, and Structure .........................................

58 59 62 64 69

Reader’s Companion to the 1996 Film ................. 73 Review Questions and Essay Topics ........................ 76 Selected Bibliography ................................................... 78 Novels ............................................................................. Short Stories .................................................................... Plays ................................................................................ Biography ........................................................................ Autobiography .................................................................

Center Spread: Map of South Africa

78 78 78 79 79

5

CRY, THE BELOVED COUNTRY Notes LIFE AND BACKGROUND OF THE AUTHOR In Cry, the Beloved Country, Alan Paton (PAY-tun) heightened sensitivities throughout the world to the unrelenting, legalized racial discrimination in South Africa. Not only did he dramatically portray the oppression and exploitation of native black people in a country where they have always been the majority, but he also created a hopeful view of bringing change about through compassion and empowerment rather than through violence. He presented this vision at a time (1948) when the issue was unpopular with white people in many nations and through a story that is more revelatory than shocking or inflammatory. Paton spent most of his professional career not as a writer but as a doer — an activist in the cause of his convictions, using his own life to bring about change in his society. His two-volume autobiography, Towards the Mountain and Journey Continued, reveals the long road he traveled from being a shy and lonely boy to becoming a political activist and influential writer who was sometimes ostracized in his own country. (The passages quoted below are from Towards the Mountain unless otherwise indicated.) Beginning the Journey. How did Alan Paton’s family background and early experiences lead him to become an advocate on behalf of people traditionally pushed aside in South African society and, indeed, in most white-governed societies? Paton has said that at an early age, he was enthralled by the visions of Biblical prophets. He makes references to “a world that will never be seen, but towards which we journey nevertheless,” a world “where there shall be no more death, neither sorrow, nor crying, neither shall there be any more pain . . .” and “where the wolf lies down with the lamb, and they do not hurt or destroy in all that holy mountain. . . .” (Paton paraphrased these images from passages in two books of the Bible, Revelation 21:4 and Isaiah 11:6, 9.) This philosophical view of being on a pilgrimage and seeking a more perfect world matured

6 only after he was well on his journey, but the underpinnings were laid in his childhood. Alan Stewart Paton was born on January 11, 1903, in Pietermaritzburg, Natal, on the southeast coast of southern Africa. Two years earlier during the Anglo-Boer war, his father, James Paton, had come to South Africa. He was a Scot from Glasgow, a committed Christadelphian, and a conscientious objector. (Christadelphians, belonging to a small religious denomination founded in the United States, lived by the Scriptures, had no ordained ministry, did not vote or hold public office, and would not participate in war.) Deeply committed to his religion and strongly authoritarian, Paton’s father eventually became a Natal Supreme Court shorthand reporter who also wrote poetry at home. Paton’s mother, Eunice, was a schoolteacher born and raised in Natal, which was still a separate British colony at that time. She taught Alan to read, write, and count before he began formal schooling. As a boy, Paton spent much of his time alone amidst the beauty of the land around Pietermaritzburg. His knowledge and love of nature are reflected in the lyrical opening chapter of Cry, the Beloved Country, which begins, “There is a lovely road that runs from Ixopo into the hills.” Raised in circumstances he called “frugal and thrifty,” Paton later admitted that in his childhood, he did not know that he “lived in a country where almost no child of colour could hope to aspire to the richness of the life I was going to lead.” He was taught, however, that “One was not contemptuous of people because they were black or poor or illiterate.” He also learned that many whites in South Africa spoke a language completely different from English and were often the objects of disapproval and even ridicule by English whites. He was taught to have no animosity toward these Boers (descendants of Dutch colonists, literally “farmers”), who now called themselves Afrikaners and named their Dutch-based language Afrikaans. In 1910, when Paton was seven, the Union of South Africa was formed from the two colonies of Natal and the Cape of Good Hope (mostly English-speaking) and the two colonies of Transvaal and the Orange Free State (mostly Afrikaans-speaking). Because of his reading, writing, and math skills, Paton quickly moved ahead of his classmates. His reserved, unassertive behavior and at times even his clothing made him the object of derision and harassment by schoolmates, giving him an early taste of being on the receiving end of contempt and exclusion.

7 At the age of ten, Paton reached the top class of his school and was awarded a scholarship that would pay for high school fees and books. At the age of eleven, two years younger than anyone else in his class, he entered Maritzburg College, the equivalent of today’s high school. He later said, “I would not wish any of my grandsons to enter a high school at that age.” He became more assertive and even displayed some skill playing the traditional English sport of cricket. Five years later, in 1919, Paton entered what is now Natal University, unaware that political events around him would have an indelible impact on the course of his life. These events included the strengthening of the National Party, dedicated to entrenching white supremacy and black subordination. In 1920, the National Party under strong Afrikaner leadership won almost a third of the seats in one house of South Africa’s parliament. Primarily because of scholarships available for student teachers, especially in science and mathematics, Paton majored in science with the goal of becoming a teacher. He said much later that he “discovered that for teaching I had been born.” He also admitted that he was much more successful teaching children than trying to teach white South African adults non-discrimination and racial equality. During Paton’s first year in college, he met Railton Dent, who was a fellow first-year student, six years older than Paton, son of a Methodist missionary, and a “committed Christian” who had put off his formal education until World War I ended in 1918. During the war, Dent had been the young principal of a high school for black children. Through his life as well as his words, Dent inspired in Paton the theme, “life must be used in the service of a cause greater than oneself.” According to Paton, the pragmatic reason for making such a commitment is that “one is going to miss the meaning of life if one doesn’t.” Paton became active in many student activities, including the sports of tennis, cricket, and rugby, the Dramatic Society, the Students’ Christian Association, and the Students’ Representative Council. In 1922, he was awarded his Bachelor of Science degree with distinction in physics. Perhaps more significantly, the seeds of his philosophy of service had been sown.

8 Encountering a World of Differences. Paton began another eighteen months at Natal University working toward the Higher Diploma of Education. In 1923, his fellow students elected him president of the Students’ Representative Council. In mediating a major problem of student discipline, Paton learned an important lesson for his subsequent career: “The value and importance of punishment in the educational process was limited,” and justice can be well served by trusting people with freedom, understanding, and dignity. In 1924, after Paton received the Higher Diploma, his fellow students sent him to England to represent them at the first Imperial Conference of Studies in London and Cambridge. To fulfill his responsibility in this assignment, Paton wrote reports in the form of letters to the Natal students on two political issues from the conference: how student organizations can improve the relations between English-speaking and Afrikaans-speaking groups in South Africa, and the need to retain India’s goodwill, with glowing reports about the Indian student representatives, who were not at all like the traditional negative stereotypes South African students frequently held about Indians. When he returned to South Africa in late 1924, Paton finished out the school year teaching a class of eleven- and twelve-year-old white children in the town of Newcastle. In early 1925, he reported for his first full-time job, teaching mathematics at Ixopo High School for White Students. In this same year, he met the woman he would eventually marry — Doris Francis Lusted, whose husband was dying of advanced tuberculosis. With two other teachers, Paton established an annual boys’ camp in Natal, an outgrowth of the Students’ Christian Association at Natal University. In 1927, the camp was visited by Jan Hofmeyr, then the Administrator for the province of Transvaal. For several years after that, the brilliant young Hofmeyr chose to spend his holidays at the camp. Paton was among his greatest admirers and later made Hofmeyr the subject of a biography. In 1928, Paton married the widowed Doris Francis Lusted and began teaching mathematics, physics, and English at Maritzburg College. During the school holidays that year, he was so determined to become proficient in Afrikaans that he went to live with an Afrikaner family in the Cape province for four weeks. He became somewhat bilingual and also more sympathetic to Afrikaner

9 nationalism. At the same time, he observed first-hand the imposed racial separation between Afrikaners and those the Afrikaners called their volk (their laborers — the “Cape Coloured”), people of mixed racial background. Religion became increasingly important in Paton’s life, perhaps stimulated by his role model, Dent, who was the son of a minister and viewed with religious fervor a life committed to service. During the next year or so, Paton was tempted to join a religious movement known as the “Oxford Group,” aimed primarily at lapsed or drifting Christians. The Group claimed that it had helped lessen class antagonisms in Britain. Paton was ultimately repelled by the Group’s intensity and self-righteousness, which he later compared to the relentlessness of the South African security police. With his rejection of the Group, he recognized his conscious decision “to live by the belief that all men are created equal. I already held the belief. Now I decided to live by it.” When Paton and his wife’s first son, David, was born in 1930, Paton converted from Methodism to Anglicanism, his wife’s religion. He enrolled in the University program to complete his Master of Education degree and passed the final written examination. He never took the time, however, to write the necessary thesis. In 1934, Paton contracted typhoid fever and came close to dying. After more than two months in the hospital and another three months of recuperation in a family cottage near the sea, Paton reluctantly returned to his teaching post, in need of a change in career. Putting His Life to Work for His Beliefs. When Jan Hofmeyr became Minister of Education in 1934, he assumed responsibility for the four reformatories in South Africa. These institutions were being transferred from the Department of Prisons to the Education Department to emphasize teaching the inmates instead of merely disciplining them. (Hofmeyr later became Deputy Prime Minister for South Africa.) At Hofmeyr’s suggestion, Paton applied for all four principalships and was awarded the principalship for the Diepkloof Reformatory for black youths, although even Hofmeyr admitted he didn’t know what could be done with the reformatory. Paton’s wife was not pleased with his new post and its location near Johannesburg. He reported to work alone on July 1, 1935; Doris followed reluctantly after Paton found suitable housing for the family.

10 Paton went to Diepkloof “believing that freedom was the supreme reformatory instrument, yet most of white South Africa believed that a reformatory was a place to which you sent troublemakers to get them out of the way for a while.” Early in his career at Diepkloof, his second son, Jonathan, was born. Over the next ten years, Paton devoted considerable energy, talent, and time to transforming the practices and behavior of the staff as well as the behavior of the inmates in the reformatory. His accomplishment was remarkable, characterized by gradual increases in judicious awards of personal freedom within the reformatory buildings themselves, then on the grounds of the reformatory and its vast farm, and finally for periodic home visits. With the added freedom, very few young men ran away, and after release from their stays, a much smaller number of them had to be returned to the reformatory for subsequent offenses. After Germany’s invasion of Poland and Czechoslovakia in 1939, South Africa followed England’s lead in declaring war on Germany, although some South African Nationalists admitted admiration for Hitler and wondered why South Africa should be concerned with a war in Europe. When Paton tried to enlist in the armed forces, the Department of Education classified him as a “key man” and would not release him to military service. He continued his educational experimentation at Diepkloof. In 1945, at the end of the war, Dr. Hendrik Verwoerd, the National Party newspaper spokesman, characterized Paton’s enlightened approach to the reformatory as “a colossal failure” because of “Mr. Paton’s mollycoddling theories.” Verwoerd’s denouncement took place just as Paton was preparing for an extended trip to Europe, the United States, and Canada to visit prisons and reformatories to consult with their experts in penology. Paton’s trip began in England (in 1946) where he attended an International Conference of Christians and Jews and was deeply moved by the words of American theologian Dr. Reinhold Niebuhr, who reminded him that “the immorality of society did not invalidate a belief in the goodness of man, that in fact the inhumanity of man to man could be made endurable for us only when we manifested in our lives the humanity of man to man.” This statement was, in effect, Paton’s theme for his own life. Paton began his prison visits in England and continued on to Sweden, Norway, the United States, and Canada. While he was on this trip, he began and completed the manuscript for Cry, the

11 Beloved Country. He submitted sample chapters to fifteen American publishers, and nine wanted to see more — an extraordinary response. When Paton learned that one of the interested publishers was Scribner’s, with Maxwell Perkins at its editorial helm, he quickly decided to let Scribner’s have the first rights to publish the book. He met with Perkins on his way back to South Africa from his tour. Perkins did not make or ask for a single change in the manuscript (although he considered dropping Book III) — a remarkable appraisal when compared to how Perkins had to edit the manuscripts of experienced writers like F. Scott Fitzgerald, Ernest Hemingway, and Thomas Wolfe. On the four-week ocean voyage home, Paton wrote his report on prisons for the South African Department of Education. Back home, he found Diepkloof well under control, still effecting positive results. He did not mention his novel to his wife and family until a complimentary advance review appeared in a Johannesburg paper at the end of 1947. The book was published in America in early 1948 to almost universal praise. Also in 1948, the Afrikaner Nationalists won a resounding majority in the elections; Verwoerd became the Minister of Native Affairs (1950), with all black reformatories placed under him; and apartheid (uh-PART-hite) became the official South African policy, institutionalizing the Nationalists’ intentions to separate the races in every aspect of daily life. Verwoerd openly expressed a deep aversion to any physical contact between the races. The Nationalists believed that one day the world would acknowledge the justice of the Afrikaner Nationalist philosophy. Writer As Political Activist. The international renown that followed publication of Cry, the Beloved Country changed Paton’s life, giving him immediate access to the world of public opinion while simultaneously making him a highly visible opponent of the dominant political party in his own country. Before the May 1948 elections, Paton resigned his principalship to devote himself fulltime to writing. The results of the elections, however, which unseated allies such as Jan Hofmeyr, caused him to redirect his life away from full-time writing to political activity aimed at supporting greater racial equality and the elimination of policies based in apartheid. In Journey Continued, Paton explained his shift in priorities: “I was beginning to realize that, deep though my love of literature was and deep as was my love of writing, my love of country

12 was unfortunately greater.” His main financial support through his remaining writing career was the income from Cry, the Beloved Country. Paton’s subsequent writing included only two more novels, Too Late the Phalarope (1953) and Ah, But Your Land Is Beautiful (1981), the latter intended as the first book of a trilogy. His other fiction consisted of a volume of short stories (published in the United States as Tales from a Troubled Land, 1961) and a play (Sponono, 1965), adapted with Krishna Shah from three of the short stories. Paton’s autobiography fills two fascinating volumes: Towards the Mountain (1980) and Journey Continued (1988), he finished the latter just before his death and it was published posthumously. His nonfiction includes biographies of two of his personal heroes: South African Tragedy: The Life and Times of Jan Hofmeyr (1965) and Apartheid and the Archbishop: The Life and Times of Geoffrey Clayton, Archbishop of Cape Town (1973). Paton received many honorary degrees, fellowships, and visiting professorships at prominent universities including Yale University (1954) and Harvard University (1971) in the United States, Trent University in Canada (1971), and Edinburgh University in Scotland (1971). While he was being acknowledged for his early writing, Paton helped found the Liberal Party of South Africa (intended as a nonracial party) in 1953, becoming one of its vice presidents. As a consequence of his political activism, he came under continuous surveillance for the next fifteen years by the South African security police. He felt that their actual harassment of him was minimal because he was white and because he was a noted author. Paton was later elected National Chairman of the Liberal Party, a time-consuming responsibility that included considerable travel away from home. Recognizing that this job prevented him from doing any major writing, party officials offered to relieve him of the chairmanship and instead keep him visible in the less hectic honorary position of National President, which he became in 1958. Paton was not as outspoken about racial injustice or as supportive of political measures against it as some would have liked. For example, he did not agree with recommendations to initiate international sanctions against South Africa to disrupt its economy because he felt that the first people who would be victims of an economic downslide would be the very people he was trying to help, native black South Africans.

13 The year 1960 saw the turning point in the anti-apartheid movement, beginning with an address by British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, who spoke of the “wind of change” blowing through the African continent. Within two months, the first significant open defiance took place in Sharpeville, a black community about twenty miles from Johannesburg. Sixty-nine black people were killed, many of them shot in the back. Most of the world then openly condemned South Africa, and even some South Africans felt that suppression had gone too far. Yet, a disaster greater than Sharpeville still lay ahead: the tragedy of Soweto. When the chairman of the Liberal Party was imprisoned during the demonstrations following the Sharpeville tragedy, Paton resumed the office of National Chairman. Later in the year, Paton went to New York to receive the prestigious Freedom Award, partly because of the role his Liberal Party had played in response to Sharpeville. On his return to South Africa, the government relieved Paton of his passport. In 1964, Paton appeared in court on behalf of black leader Nelson Mandela and seven others found guilty of treason. Paton himself was viciously denounced as he was giving evidence intended to mitigate sentences yet to be pronounced. The men were all sentenced to life imprisonment. Paton’s wife, Dorrie, died in 1967. The Liberal Party in which Paton had played such a critical role was discontinued in 1968, and Paton helped preside at its demise. In 1969, he married his assistant, Anne Hopkins. In 1970, Paton’s passport was finally returned to him. In 1976, Paton was forced to watch from the sidelines as the violence of anti-apartheid reached another climax. Triggered by the Afrikaner government’s regulation that black children must learn certain school subjects through the language of Afrikaans, 10,000 black children massed in Phefeni School in Orlando West, South West Townships (Soweto), near Johannesburg. Armed police appeared, tear gas was thrown, stones were hurled, and shots were fired. In the first week of almost continuous violence, at least 176 people were killed (all black but two), and more than 1,000 were injured in and around Soweto amid vast destruction of buildings and property. Paton wrote in Journey Continued, “That was the day when black South Africans said to whites, ‘You can’t do this to us any more.’” Open conflict continued through 1977, resulting in total casualties of at least 575 killed, at least 3,907 injured, and thousands jailed. Yet apartheid continued.

14 In 1982, Paton underwent heart surgery, after which he abandoned his intended fiction trilogy to concentrate on the second volume of his autobiography. He died in 1988 in Natal, near his beloved childhood home of Pietermaritzburg. When he died, Nelson Mandela had still not been released from prison and apartheid continued, although its support was considerably weakened. Paton never saw the official ending of apartheid.

INTRODUCTION TO THE NOVEL When Cry, the Beloved Country was published by Scribner’s in 1948, no one anticipated the critical acclaim it would immediately draw. Certainly no one could have imagined that when Paton died forty years later, the book would have sold over fifteen million copies and been translated into twenty languages. Even today, sales and translations flourish in acknowledgment of the book’s timeless power to arouse emotions and move minds. The poignant story it tells, the ageless issues it addresses, and the creative language and style with which it is written combine to make it one of the world’s most universal wake-up calls for human rights and justice. How the Book Came to Be Written. Paton spent ten critical years of his career (1935-1945) as an educator in the newly created position of “Principal” of Diepkloof Reformatory, creating and implementing unorthodox, highly effective changes in the management and education of delinquent native African boys. He had written a few poems that were published and also had written the usual assortment of essays and reports in schools and professional settings, but he had never written any fiction for publication. In late 1945, Paton took a leave of absence from Diepkloof to begin a tour of reformatories and prisons in Europe and North America, intending to gather still more ideas — not only for his own reformatory, but for all the reformatories of South Africa. He hoped that he would eventually be promoted to the directorship of the whole penal department in South Africa. On September 24, 1946, Paton traveled from Sweden to Norway. In his autobiography, Towards the Mountain, Paton writes, “I was in a strange mood. I spoke a great deal to myself, composing sentences which seemed to me to be very beautiful.” In Trondheim, Norway, the next day, a complete stranger helped him

15 book a room at a hotel and then offered to show him the cathedral in which Norwegian kings are crowned. Soon after, Paton found himself with an unexpected three days in Gothenburg, Sweden, because of a visa problem. The story unfolded rapidly as he wrote for much of the three days in a Gothenburg hotel. Paton continued writing the story as he traveled in Norway, again in England, on board a ship bound to the United States, and finally in the United States. In Washington, D.C., he was drawn to the Lincoln Memorial and the appeal of the man it honors. In the novel, the writings of Lincoln have a significant influence first on Arthur Jarvis and his writings, and subsequently on Arthur’s father, James, when he reads his son’s manuscripts and the Lincoln documents. In less than four months, after a grueling schedule of institutional visits, Paton finished writing his manuscript of Cry, the Beloved Country in a San Francisco hotel. He loaned the handwritten copy to new friends in San Francisco for their comments. Impressed by the manuscript, they offered to find a publisher for the book. As Paton continued his trip with visits in Canada, his friends had the manuscript typed and sent sample chapters to fifteen publishers. Remarkably, nine publishers asked to see the rest of the book. One of them was Charles Scribner’s Sons. Paton quickly decided to go with Scribner’s. Ultimately, Scribner’s published the book just as Paton had written it. The Critical Reception. The literary critics were virtually universal in their praise of the book, some early reviewers even anticipating that it would become a classic novel of its time. In South Africa, however, only one Afrikaans-language newspaper even reviewed the novel. Some white South Africans considered the book to be “propagandistic, political, and polemical.” After viewing the first film made of the story, the wife of South Africa’s Afrikaner Prime Minister said, “Surely, Mr. Paton, you don’t really think things are like that?” The extreme Afrikaner view was represented by a letter Paton received from a white farmer in Zululand, condemning the book as “a pack of lies; an act of treachery towards his country; and a lot of sentimental twaddle.” Paton’s own comments about his purpose while he was writing are significant: “My story . . . was becoming a cry of protest against the injustices of my own country. . . . Above all, I tried to make a story, not a denunciation or a sermon or a lesson.”

16 Sousa Jamba, a black writer from Zambia, said he expected the worst from a book written by a white man. Instead, “What I was reading was simply written by an outstanding writer, a genius. He did not pontificate; neither did he reach out for the ready-made clichés as some public figures on our continent are wont to do.” In a 1961 critical review of Paton’s work and his “message,” Charles Rooney wrote in The Catholic World that Cry, the Beloved Country was “a great novel . . . not because it speaks out against racial intolerance and its bitter effects. Rather the haunting milieu of a civilization choking out its own vitality is evoked naturally and summons our compassion.” Perhaps Paton’s most satisfying accomplishment with the book took place just a few years before his death: South African education authorities finally put the book on the school syllabus, and Paton was invited to schools across South Africa to talk about it. He was astonished at how fascinated the children were as they read it and talked with him. The novel was the basis for the highly successful Broadway musical drama Lost in the Stars (1949) and was twice made into a movie (1951 and 1996). As predicted by some, the novel is still considered a modern classic even though South African apartheid ended in the mid1990s.

AN HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION TO THE NOVEL This section is intended to alert the reader to key social and cultural issues dramatized in the novel, not to provide a comprehensive summary of South Africa’s history. The information that follows highlights the history of interrelationships and confrontations among major racial, social, and ethnic groups in South Africa: the native South Africans; the Dutch and other Europeans who allied with them; the English; the Asians, especially the Indians and Indonesians; and the “coloureds” of mixed racial background. The Native Black Peoples. Archeological evidence indicates that southern Africa was inhabited by some of the earliest known forms of human and pre-human life two to three million years ago. Much later, in the last few centuries B.C., Khoisan peoples existed in the area now called South Africa. Living in small

17 communities and hunting bands, the San were hunters and gatherers, while the Khoi also raised cattle and sheep and were organized in chiefdoms. During the period from about 500 to 1000 A.D., Bantu-speaking people brought a culture to South Africa that included the smelting of iron and other metals, agriculture, and pottery making. By the end of this same period, about the tenth century, the Xhosa (the southernmost of the Nguni peoples) settled on the southeast coast of the South African cape, with the Zulus to their northeast in the region later called Natal. The Khoikhoi were self-sufficient in an economy based on their animals, and they lived peaceably with one another. Up until the late fifteenth century, the southern part of Africa “belonged” to the native Africans — the several, diverse black peoples who had inhabited it for thousands and thousands of years. No white person is known to have set foot on this part of the African continent until the end of the fifteenth century. The Arrival of White Peoples. In 1488, the Portuguese explorer Bartolemeu Dias floundered in the seas south of the tip of South Africa, grateful for the sight of land that finally appeared on his northern horizon (thus named Cape of Good Hope). At a river’s mouth, he saw cattle herded by native Khoikhoi. Farther east, he landed at what became Mossel Bay and met several Khoi and traded trinkets with them for fresh meat. A disturbance caused the Khoi to draw back and then to shower the Portuguese with stones, in turn provoking Dias into killing one of the natives. The Portuguese soon fled to their ship. In 1497, Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama passed close to the Bantu-populated southeast coast of South Africa and named it Natal (birth). Occasionally a ship on its way to or from India stopped along the coast, and its men found the Khoikhoi generally friendly. In 1510, however, a group of Khoi (later called Hottentots because of their speech pattern) were robbed by a landing party of Portuguese sailors, who then began to take the natives to their ships. Near the beach, one sailor was severely beaten by the Khoi. The next day, the Portuguese landed a military party of about 150 to take revenge on the natives. Of this group, sixty-five were killed by the Khoi, including Francisco de Almeida, the governor of Portuguese India. Deaths among the Khoi are unrecorded.

18 Henceforth, the Cape area was considered by the whites as “unfriendly” and avoided by the Portuguese for another hundred years. In the early 1600s, British ships on their way to India and southeast Asia often stopped briefly in Table Bay on the southwest Cape. In 1614, England sent convicts to Robben Island just offshore from present-day Cape Town. (The island remained a prison and, in the present century, the South African government imprisoned black dissidents there; Nelson Mandela, elected in 1994 as the first black President of South Africa, previously spent eighteen of his twenty-seven years in prison on this island. It has since been transformed into a national monument and museum.) Conflict Between the English and the Dutch. The Dutch East India Company was established in 1602 to expand trade with colonies in Asia, often in fierce rivalry with the English. For example, in 1623, the Dutch massacred English colonists in the Spice Islands between Indonesia and New Guinea; by 1628, the Dutch occupied all of Java and the Spice Islands, which were the invaluable source of many highly-prized European spices. In 1647, the Dutch ship Haerlem of the Dutch East India Company was wrecked in Table Bay. After exploring the area while waiting to be rescued, the Dutch crew recommended using it as a station for refreshing their water and other supplies on their way to and from India. In 1652, Jan van Riebeeck brought three Dutch East India Company ships to set up such a station with just under 100 people — South Africa’s first white settlers. This same year also saw the first of two European wars between the English and the Dutch. By the end of the seventeenth century, the white population in the Cape had considerably increased, not only with more Dutch settlers but also with Germans and French Huguenots. The Dutch insisted on using Dutch as the Cape language and specified the Dutch Reformed Church as the official church. During the eighteenth century, the Cape colonists were increasingly in conflict with the Dutch East India Company directors. Settlers began to identify themselves as a community separate from the Company, and they adopted the name Afrikaners to distinguish themselves from the Company. The language that evolved from the original Dutch was called Afrikaans. The enmity that flared up between the Dutch and the English in other parts of the world was to have its impact on the Dutch and English settlers in South Africa.

19 Exploitation of Non-Whites. For the hard work on their farms and in their homes, the Afrikaners made extensive use of black freemen as well as slaves imported from other parts of Africa and from southeast Asia (the first of the people later referred to as Asians). As a result, these early settlers did not develop a white labor class. Instead, they adopted the view that menial labor was beneath the dignity of a white person. This attitude contributed to a pattern of class distinctions based on race and color. By 1707, about 1,800 white Europeans lived in South Africa and owned over a thousand slaves. Most San people had moved into the interior to escape domination, while the more numerous Khoikhoi remained behind and became virtual slaves of the Europeans. During the eighteenth century, interbreeding was common among Khoikhoi, slaves, and Europeans, creating the first people referred to later as the coloureds (British spelling). In 1809, all non-whites were required to carry passes and forbidden to own land in the Cape. Thus at this point in South African history, the four racial and ethnic groups were clearly established in South Africa: the native African blacks, the coloureds, the Asians, and the whites, who were divided by their own differences, including a difference in language. Increased Dutch-English Conflict. The English occupied the Cape from 1795 until 1803 and then took permanent possession in 1806. In 1820, about 5,000 British settlers were given small farms on the southeast side of the continent’s tip, partly to stall the southward movement of the Xhosa people. These English were the first European settlers not assimilated into the Afrikaner culture. The English established their official administration of the Cape along the lines of the British government structure and policy. As part of that policy, they called for better treatment of the blacks and coloureds, returned full civil rights to non-whites, and outlawed slavery. They also limited the amount of new land that could be acquired by the Afrikaners (sometimes called Boers, which means “farmers”). The reaction by Afrikaners to these new policies was a massive exodus by about 12,000 Afrikaners in what is known as the Great Trek. They settled in new territory to the northern interior, which became the Afrikaner South African Republic, extending over a large area including part of northern Natal and what later became Transvaal and the Orange Free State.

20 Then, the British annexed the province of Natal. In 1860, the first indentured laborers from India were imported by the English to help in their Natal sugar plantations. By 1900, the Indians outnumbered the whites in Natal. These people became the core of the racial/ethnic group referred to as Asians or Indians, which had begun with the Southeast Asians imported by the Afrikaners. In 1867, the first diamonds were discovered in an area bounded by the Afrikaner territory and the “free coloured” Griqua territory, which had remained independent. The Griquas let the British annex the land, further embittering the Afrikaners. Conflicts within the Afrikaner provinces as well as between the British and the Afrikaners continued, with the British annexing Transvaal in 1877. This annexation provoked the first Anglo-Boer War in 1880. The British returned Transvaal to Afrikaner independence in 1881. In 1886, gold was discovered in the Transvaal, but this time the British hesitated to take over the area as they had with the diamond mines. A second Anglo-Boer War over Afrikaner independence took place between 1899 and 1902. Although the British emerged as victors, neither side would quickly forget this terrible war. More than 20,000 Afrikaner women and children died in concentration camps alone. About 30,000 farmhouses were destroyed — most of them put to the torch by the British. In 1910, all four provinces were given dominion status by the British and called the Union of South Africa. When the Novel Begins. Thus, early in the twentieth century, the stage was almost set for the novel: The English and the Afrikaners continued to live somewhat separate but interacting existences that reflected not only their well-remembered bloodshed but also their traditional differences in culture, language, and nationalist attitudes. The Afrikaners still disagreed about the “ownership” of South Africa and its land with no consideration for the claims of native peoples. The three non-white groups ranked officially below the whites: the Asians at the top, the coloureds in the middle, and the blacks at the bottom. When the Afrikaner-based National Party gained political power in the 1930s, blacks were removed from voters’ rolls and given separate (but not equal) representation in Parliament. In and

21 around cities like Johannesburg, blacks were permitted to live only in restricted zones. In the novel, these areas are represented by Sophiatown, Orlando, Alexandra, and Claremont. Social and economic forces were at work to undermine the traditional tribal structures of the black peoples in their own rural territories, one of the significant trends underlying the events of Cry, the Beloved Country. By 1946, then: The eleven million South Africans were divided among the four racial groups as follows: • • • • •

Whites: About 30% of the population (3.25 million). Asians: About 2% of the population (.25 million). Coloureds: About 9% of the population (1.0 million). Blacks: About 59% of the population (6.5 million). Whites had assumed all rights and privileges of full national citizenship and control. Asians and coloureds had fewer rights and opportunities. Blacks had even fewer rights and privileges outside their own social structure. • South African laws had formalized this hierarchy of rights and limitations.

A BRIEF SYNOPSIS Stephen Kumalo, parish priest of a poor black African village, is summoned to Johannesburg to aid his sister, who has succumbed to a life of prostitution and liquor trade. With the help of another black priest, Theophilus Msimangu, Stephen undertakes an exhausting hunt for his son, Absalom, who also left home for Johannesburg and never returned. Stephen encounters his brother, John, who has become a political spokesman for black workers. Before Stephen finds his son, a well-known white man is killed in his home during a robbery attempt by three young black men. Ironically, the white man, Arthur Jarvis, has been publicly pleading the cause for the rights of blacks in South Africa. Absalom Kumalo is arrested and admits to shooting Jarvis out of his own fear and confusion. James Jarvis, Arthur Jarvis’ father, is a wealthy white farmer in the hills above Stephen’s village. His own low opinion of black natives and their circumstances is first reinforced when he learns

22 that a “native” has killed his son. Later, in his son’s home, he is forced to examine his attitudes when he reads his son’s papers about the causes and solutions for “native crime.” He attends the trial where Absalom is convicted of murder while his accomplices are freed. Stephen recognizes James at the trial and feels deeply embarrassed and ashamed although James does not recognize Stephen. Later, Stephen unexpectedly finds himself face-to-face with James and painfully admits that his son killed James’ son. James has already begun to question his own racial views in light of an essay by his son that discusses his parents’ narrow views about South Africa. After Absalom’s trial, Stephen’s parishioners, in spite of Absalom’s crime and imminent execution, welcome Stephen home. Both Stephen and James take steps — each in his own way — to overcome the local problems of poor farming practices and living conditions. On a mountain, Stephen waits through the final hours before Absalom is hanged in a city far away.

LIST OF CHARACTERS STEPHEN KUMALO, HIS FAMILY & HIS FRIENDS Stephen Kumalo (koo-MAH-lo) The Reverend Stephen Kumalo is the native African pastor of St. Mark’s Church in the village of Ndotsheni (nn-dot-SHAY-nee), Natal (nah-TAHL), Union of South Africa. He is often referred to as Umfundisi (oom-FOON-dease or oom-FOON-dee-see), a Zulu title of respect. An aging, unsophisticated Anglican priest of Zulu background, Stephen deplores the conditions that make it increasingly difficult to make a living from the earth. These conditions have contributed to the disappearance of his son, his sister, and his brother to the city of Johannesburg. Almost overwhelmed by “culture shock” in Johannesburg (Jo-HAHN-ess-burg), he is reunited briefly with each of them only to experience new distress at the directions their lives have taken. In spite of his efforts, he is again separated from them and must face the impending death of his son. His experiences in Johannesburg lead him to abandon his

23 traditional passivity for an active role in bringing necessary change to his village. Mrs. Stephen Kumalo Mrs. Kumalo (first name not given) is a patient and loving pastor’s wife who understands naive and cautious Stephen so well that she can anticipate his needs and gently push him just enough to move him in the right direction. Absalom (AHB-sah-lom) Kumalo Stephen’s son, like most of the native young people, fled the rural countryside for the promises of the big city, where he found that legitimate money-making opportunities did not come easily. After trying the slow and patient route to success, he has succumbed to the temptations of quick and easy prosperity offered by more cynical and street-wise friends, including his cousin Matthew Kumalo. He remains naive and easily influenced by them, resulting in the tragedy that will end his life. Young woman, mother-to-be of Absalom’s child This unnamed, unmarried young woman is pregnant with Absalom’s child. She and Absalom seem fond of one another and want to marry and have the baby. She grasps hungrily at the opportunity Stephen offers her to escape from her helpless situation in Johannesburg. Gertrude Kumalo Stephen’s married sister, twenty-five years younger than he, went to Johannesburg to find her husband, who left home to work in the gold mines. Halfheartedly attempting to raise her young son, she bootlegs liquor, becomes a prostitute, and even spends time in prison. She falters in her resolve to change her life and return home with Stephen. John Kumalo Stephen’s brother, originally a carpenter, is a political activist in Johannesburg, advocating the rights of black workers, especially in the mines. His wife, Esther, has left him because of his infidelity.

24 Matthew Kumalo John’s son, Absalom’s cousin, has drawn Absalom into a life of petty crime. His deceit contrasts sharply with Absalom’s direct honesty about his role in the tragedy in which they are both involved. Theophilus Msimangu (tay-oh-FEE-lus mm-see-MUN-goo) This young black Anglican priest (also addressed as Umfundisi), assigned to the Mission House in Sophiatown (so-FYEa-town), Johannesburg, has summoned Stephen to Johannesburg to tend to Stephen’s sister, Gertrude. Msimangu’s parish work in Johannesburg has made him not only a realist about the circumstances of the native blacks but also a skeptic about the future. He helps Stephen find his sister, his brother, and his son. Later he reveals that he will soon join a religious community where he will have no possessions or worldly duties. Father Vincent A young, white English priest at the Mission House. He supports Stephen Kumalo in efforts to help Absalom. He performs the marriage ceremony for Absalom and the young woman bearing Absalom’s child.

JAMES JARVIS, HIS FAMILY & HIS FRIENDS James and Margaret Jarvis James and Margaret are the affluent, white English owners and residents of High Place Farm in Carisbrooke, Natal, which makes them distant neighbors of Stephen Kumalo in Ndotsheni. Their son, Arthur, has abandoned his birthright of taking over the profitable farm in favor of becoming a political activist in the cause of native Africans, a cause beyond James’ understanding until tragedy forces James to take a closer look at the issues. James undergoes a transformation and becomes a local activist for improving the circumstances of the black community, backing his commitment with personal resources.

25 Arthur Jarvis James’ son, Arthur, an engineer by training, has dedicated his life to the unpopular issue of human rights and racial equality for all South Africans. Arthur has been strongly influenced by the words and ideals of Abraham Lincoln. He is married to Mary Harrison and has two young children, a nine-year-old son and a five-year-old daughter. John Harrison & Mr. and Mrs. Harrison John is Mary Harrison Jarvis’ younger brother, sympathetic to Arthur’s cause. On the other hand, the elder Harrison, father to Mary and John, is more typical of white South Africans in his views about blacks and their place in society. Mrs. Barbara Smith This niece of Margaret Jarvis once employed in her home the daughter of Sibeko (see-BECK-oh) from Ndotsheni. Stephen promises to check on the girl’s whereabouts when he goes to Johannesburg. Coincidentally, James and Margaret Jarvis are visiting Mrs. Smith when Stephen arrives at her home in Springs. Stephen and James meet face-to-face for the first time at her home.

OTHER CHARACTERS Mrs. Lithebe (dih-TEH-beh) A member of Msimangu’s church Johannesburg, she rents rooms in her home.

in

Sophiatown,

Young white man at reformatory Unnamed, he works at the reformatory and offers assistance first in finding Absalom and later in helping Absalom find justice. Stephen’s friend in Ndotsheni Unnamed, he sees Stephen off on the train to Johannesburg, asks him to check on Sibeko’s daughter, and meets him when he returns, reassuring Stephen about his welcome in the village.

26 Napoleon Letsitsi (leh-TSEE-tsee) A young Xhosa (KO-sa) “agricultural demonstrator” who is sent to Ndotsheni to teach residents new ways of farming. Mr. Carmichael The white English lawyer contacted by Father Vincent to help Absalom. Binnendyk and Captain van Jaarsveld Afrikaner (ah-free-KAHN-er) police officers in Carisbrooke, where the Jarvises live. Mr. Mafolo A businessman as well as a member of Msimangu’s church, Mafolo helps Stephen find the Mission House in Sophiatown on his arrival. Mrs. Mafolo, Mrs. Ndlela, Mrs. (Baby) Mkize, and the Hlatshwayos The first two rent out rooms in their homes in Sophiatown, the third in Alexandra, and the last in Shanty Town. Dubula and Tomlinson Political activists and friends to the blacks in Johannesburg. Tomlinson is “coloured.” Dhlamini A fellow worker and friend of Absalom’s at the Doornfontein Textile Company. Hlabeni A taxi driver acquainted with Absalom.

27 Johannes Pafuri An acquaintance of Absalom and Matthew Kumalo. Richard Mpiring Arthur Jarvis’ manservant and friend of Johannes Pafuri. Kuluse and Zuma Two villagers in Ndotsheni.

CRITICAL COMMENTARIES Alan Paton presents Cry, the Beloved Country in three “books” subdivided into a total of thirty-six chapters. The first two books describe events that forever link the lives of two men from different societies, and the third book shows how the two men’s tragic experiences move them to action in a new common cause. BOOK I Stephen Kumalo searches for his son while trying to understand changes taking place in his black world. Tragedy overtakes him. BOOK II Tragedy also strikes James Jarvis, who belatedly tries to understand his son as well as the changes taking place in his white world. BOOK III Kumalo and Jarvis, separately and together, struggle not only to survive the tragedy in which they are linked but to go beyond it and initiate positive change in their converging worlds.

28 BOOK I CHAPTERS 1–5 Summary The short opening chapter introduces the contrasts of nature in the countryside of Natal, Union of South Africa, 1946. From one view, the hills and valleys are lush and green, embellished by exotic bird sounds. On closer look, the hills fall away to barren red slopes, dry streams, and poorly tended farms in the valleys. The land no longer maintains a hold on young people and able-bodied men. The Reverend Stephen Kumalo, parson of a small, black Anglican church in the village of Ndotsheni, receives a letter from a stranger in Johannesburg, the Reverend Theophilus Msimangu. Kumalo learns that his own sister, Gertrude, who disappeared in Johannesburg searching for her husband, is sick. Msimangu suggests that Stephen come to the city to see to her needs. Stephen’s son, Absalom, has also vanished in the city without a word to his parents. Stephen’s brother, John, lives and works somewhere in Johannesburg but does not write. Stephen’s wife urges him to leave for Johannesburg the next day, not only to do what needs to be done for Gertrude and her young son but also to search for Absalom. They pool their household money and savings for Stephen’s trip. On a series of trains, Stephen travels overnight to Johannesburg. The city overwhelms him until a sympathetic stranger takes him in hand and delivers him to the Mission House in Sophiatown, Johannesburg, where he meets Msimangu, a young, black Anglican priest. Msimangu offers to help Stephen in his arrangements for Gertrude and in his search for Absalom. He knows where they can find John Kumalo, now a political activist in Johannesburg, and reveals to Stephen that Gertrude lives as a prostitute in the worst part of Johannesburg. She makes and sells illegal liquor and has been in prison several times. Msimangu arranges for Stephen to stay with a parishioner, Mrs. Lithebe, while he is in the city.

29 Commentary The 1946 actuality of racial and ethnic segregation in South Africa, formalized two years later as apartheid (uh-PART-hite), is introduced casually: “Kumalo climbed into the carriage for nonEuropeans, already full of the humbler people of his race.” “Europeans” is the South African euphemism for whites, so “nonEuropeans” are South African non-whites: blacks, “coloureds” (people of mixed race), and Asians (mostly of Indian origin). While the first lyrical chapter introduces the reader to the physical setting of rural Natal in the Union of South Africa, it also lays the foundation for two significant cultural themes in the book: the sharp contrast in South Africa between the living circumstances of blacks and whites, and the migration of people away from the deteriorating land toward the glittering promise of the city. The conversation during dinner on Stephen’s first night at the Mission House reveals how widespread the problems of migration are from the native environment (“the tribe”) to the city, and how easily swallowed up and corrupted are the new immigrants to Johannesburg as they fight to survive in a strange and often hostile environment. Paton does not give names to several secondary characters even though they play meaningful roles in the story. Namelessness may reflect his intent to keep the focus on a few characters, or it may reflect his intent to let those unnamed characters represent archetypes of people with a certain background, attitude, or motivation. For example, these opening chapters introduce two unnamed characters who will play ongoing roles in the story: • Stephen Kumalo’s wife, who typifies not only the wife of a country parson but also the Zulu wife and mother. • Stephen’s friend who helps him to the train, relays a message from another parishioner, and will later meet him on his return representing the feelings of Stephen’s congregation. He seems to typify the respectful, supportive attitudes of the small tribal community. The name of Stephen’s son — Absalom — may remind readers of the biblical Absalom and his trials with his father, King David (II Samuel 13–20). Paton was very familiar with the Protestant Bible. He never indicated an intentional link to the biblical story, but the reader who knows the biblical account will see parallels between the Absaloms.

30 From the first words of the novel, we are plunged into the most lyric mode of Paton’s literary style. This brief chapter and the parallel section in the first chapter of Book II are virtually short narrative poems that include literary devices and wordplays. Based on the example of American writer John Steinbeck, Paton chooses to use dashes to introduce conversational segments instead of enclosing them in quotation marks, and he uses very few phrases of attribution to tell the reader who is speaking (“Stephen said” or “James asked”). Using another stylistic tool, Paton makes dramatic use of sentence fragments. For example, Stephen’s first impressions of Johannesburg tumble over one another in fragments and short sentences. One long, breathless paragraph describes Stephen’s bewildering arrival and his first attempts to find his way around Johannesburg. The power of first impressions and new experiences is heightened by narration in present tense. (Here and in the following sections, selected words and phrases from the novel are explained or clarified.) • Ixopo, titihoya, veld, Unzimkulu Many words such as these — either Afrikaans or Zulu in their origin — are explained with pronunciation guidance in the “List of Words” that Paton himself appended to the original edition. Such words are not repeated in these chapter glossaries unless they merit additional comment. • titihoya In his autobiography Towards the Mountain, Paton says of this plover-like bird: “ . . . when one heard it in the mist and rain, the bird itself unseen, it caught at one somewhere — shall we say it plucked the strings of the heart?” • maize corn, in British usage. • Natal In 1946, the time of the novel, Natal was one of the four provinces of the Union of South Africa, along with Transvaal, Orange Free State, and the Cape Province. (The country became the Republic of South Africa in 1961.) • Sophiatown an actual residential area within Johannesburg in 1946 where blacks could own property. (After formalization of apartheid by the Afrikaner Nationalists in 1948, the government decided to erase many of the “black spots” dotting their otherwise white communities. In 1955, the government evicted the black residents of Sophiatown and completely destroyed the area, subsequently rebuilding it as a “whites only” area of the city with the new name of Triomf, meaning “triumph” in Afrikaans.)

31 • the Reverend and umfundisi (oom-FOON-deese or oom-FOON-deesee) Stephen Kumalo is the spiritual head of a small black Anglican church. Throughout the book, Stephen (as well as his new priest-friend Msimangu) is frequently addressed by the respectful title umfundisi (“parson” in Zulu), even by strangers who notice his clerical clothing. • the white man Although the first use of this term in the book (Chapter 2) may refer to a specific white person (perhaps the postmaster), the phrase frequently refers to whites (“Europeans”) in general. • St. Chad’s probably a private school that accepted black students. • twelve pounds, five shillings and seven pence equivalent of approximately fifty American dollars in 1946. A South African pound was equivalent to about four dollars. • Post Office Book the passbook for a savings account administered by the post office department. • narrow gauge, broad gauge “Gauge” refers to the distance between train rails. Narrow gauge railways are more prevalent on short rail lines in rural areas. • favour British spelling of “favor.” British spelling conventions are followed throughout the book, as in “coloureds” and “behaviour.” • uSmith a respectful Zulu way to refer to a person named Smith, roughly equivalent to “Mr. Smith.” The form uJarvis is used later in the novel. • tribes communities of native African blacks, originating among Zulu, Xhosa, and other specific African peoples. • Afrikaans (ah-free-KAHNS) the language of the Afrikaner (ah-freeKAHN-er) people, which evolved from the Dutch spoken by early Dutch settlers of South Africa; one of the two official languages of South Africa, English being the other. • fire-sticks dynamite, used to blast open veins of gold in the mines. • lavatory

here a flush toilet, obviously a new experience for Stephen.

• donga a dry channel where water should naturally flow as a stream or river.

CHAPTERS 6–9 Summary Guided through Johannesburg by Msimangu, Stephen visits his sister, Gertrude. His initial anger and shame at what she has

32 become quickly change to compassion and protectiveness. He encourages her to return to Ndotsheni with him when he goes home. She agrees, and he immediately moves her and her son into Mrs. Lithebe’s boarding house. Gertrude suggests that Stephen may find Absalom with their brother John’s son. Msimangu accompanies Stephen to John’s place of business. John lectures them on his views about the need for a new society with greater equality and more opportunity for black South Africans. Finally, he admits that he does not know where Absalom and his own son are, but he directs them to a textile factory where the boys once worked. The search for Absalom takes Kumalo and Msimangu to the textile factory, then to the boys’ residence in Sophiatown while they worked at the factory. There, the landlady refers the two men to a distant section of Johannesburg called Alexandra. Because buses to Alexandra are being picketed by blacks in protest against fare increases, Kumalo and Msimangu start to walk the eleven miles. To their great surprise, a sympathetic white man offers them a ride to Alexandra, which they accept. Msimangu learns from the landlady, Mrs. Mkize, that Absalom and his cousin had brought stolen goods to the house, but they have not lived there for about a year. She tells them the name of a taxi driver with whom Absalom and his cousin were friendly. When Stephen and Msimangu find the taxi driver, he suggests that the boys may live in Shanty Town, in the section called Orlando. Chapter 9 is a series of short scenes illustrating the harsh realities of life in Shanty Town. Commentary In this sequence of chapters, the reader becomes unavoidably aware of one of the novel’s themes: the inequality of living circumstances between the blacks and the whites. Several settings are viewed for the first time through Stephen’s eyes. The extraordinary conditions of Shanty Town are experienced through the special literary device of an interpolated chapter. Reflecting on another of the novel’s themes, the deterioration of tribal culture, John Kumalo expresses his great relief to be free of the repressiveness of “the tribe” in which he had to serve the needs and wishes of a tribal chief, “an old and ignorant man, who is nothing but a white man’s dog.” Ironically, other blacks might

33 assert that the whites want to break up the tribal culture, not hold it together. Even Msimangu, who distrusts the political power represented by John Kumalo, agrees with many of John’s arguments about exploitation of the blacks — in the gold mines, for example. In one of the most quoted passages of the book, Msimangu expresses deep concern about the blacks’ struggle for political power: “There is only one thing that has power completely, and that is love. . . . I have one great fear in my heart, that one day when they [the whites] are turned to loving, they will find we are turned to hating.” Ironically, fifty years after this story takes place, the whites of South Africa (now a political as well as a racial minority) have expressed concern that the new South African constitution and the black, majority-led government may not give enough power to the white minority. Paton realistically portrays racial groups in their diversity of attitudes and behavior throughout the book. In these chapters, for example: • Whites: On the one hand, John Kumalo catalogs the gross exploitation of the blacks by the white power structure. On the other hand, Stephen and Msimangu directly experience supportive efforts by individual whites, including the white man and other whites ferrying blacks between Sophiatown and Alexandra, even under threat by the police. Stephen’s recognition of this support by whites is expressed with the recurring phrase, “for such a thing is not lightly done.” • Blacks: Stephen directly experiences a wide range of behavior among the blacks he encounters: the young man who cheats him out of a pound for a bus ticket; Mr. Mafolo, who leads him to his destination; his own sister and brother; and, of course, his new friend, Theophilus Msimangu. It is informative to watch how Stephen and Msimangu each react to the events and circumstances that they encounter in their search for Absalom. Stephen begins the journey naive and unsophisticated because of his inexperience in settings outside of his rural home. Msimangu, on the other hand, demonstrates considerable disillusionment about racial inequities, living and working as he does in the midst of Johannesburg and its deprived black communities. The events in the book will change both men.

34 Before Kumalo and Msimangu go to Shanty Town to continue their search for Absalom, Chapter 9 introduces the reader to Shanty Town, its creation and its poverty of services. The view is presented through a series of short, dramatic scenes in which Paton doesn’t merely tell us but shows us life in this community. Chapter 9 opens with the theme of migration to the city: “All roads lead to Johannesburg.” Through a sequence of five parallel sentences, the rest of the first paragraph elaborates on this theme. Paton shows how difficult it is for blacks to find living space even in their own community, and he demonstrates why people rent rooms in their already-crowded homes to make ends meet. Then in a series of scenes, Paton allows readers to experience the building of Shanty Town, reminding three times that “Shanty Town is up overnight.” This segment leads into the incident of the sick child and the persistent concerns about shelter. Notice the ironic twist in the quoted prayer over the sick child: “God have mercy upon us. Christ have mercy upon us. White man, have mercy upon us.” Chapter 9 is a remarkable piece of emotion-arousing writing that shows rather than tells its story. Yet none of the novel’s primary characters appears in this interpolated chapter. • Bantu Press The word “Bantu” means “people” and refers to black African people; it also sometimes refers to a family of native African languages. The term Bantu, however, is offensive to many South African blacks on both political and linguistic grounds. The newspaper’s content was apparently controlled by whites, as implied by John Kumalo’s reference to “the Bantu Repress.” • Claremont, Sophiatown, Western Native Township, Alexandra, Kliptown, Pimville bounded areas in and around Johannesburg in which blacks and other non-whites were permitted to reside. (In the 1950s and 1960s, a group of segregated townships southwest of Johannesburg acquired the collective name South West Townships, abbreviated to Soweto. In 1976, Soweto gained world renown as the focal community in the violent revolt against apartheid.) • sixpence, shilling In 1946, a shilling was equivalent to about twenty cents, and sixpence was half a shilling. Dubula comments that some blacks make only thirty-five or forty shillings a week, the equivalent of about seven or eight dollars. The increase in bus fare from fourpence to sixpence would mean that many workers would pay about a sixth of their total weekly wages for transportation.

35 • Kaffir a word of Arabic origin meaning “unbeliever” and generally considered insulting to blacks. The Afrikaans form is kaffer. • Professor Hoernlé Alfred Hoernlé was Professor of Philosophy of the University of the Witwatersrand and President of the South African Institute of Race Relations, one of the three prominent men cited by Paton as most influential in the development of his ideas about race. (The other two men were Jan Hofmeyr and Archbishop Geoffrey Clayton, both of whom became subjects of biographies written by Paton.) • robot here, an automated device to control traffic at highway intersections.

CHAPTERS 10–13 Summary Waiting for Msimangu to arrive the next morning for their visit to Shanty Town, Stephen balances the pain of wondering about Absalom with the pleasure of spoiling his new-found nephew. He prays for spiritual strength before continuing his search for Absalom. A Shanty Town nurse directs Stephen and Msimangu to the Hlatshwayo home, where Absalom had lived for a while, although he is no longer lives there. At the Hlatshwayo home, Stephen and Msimangu learn that Absalom was taken to a reformatory. When they visit the reformatory, they discover that Absalom was released a month earlier so that he could make money to support a family; a young woman is carrying his child. A young, sympathetic white man at the reformatory takes Stephen and Msimangu first to his own home for tea and then to Pimville to visit the young pregnant woman, who tells Stephen she has not seen Absalom for several days. Initially, Msimangu tries to dissuade Stephen from taking responsibility for the woman and her child, pointing out that Absalom may not even be the father. Later, Msimangu changes his mind and promises to take Stephen back to the young woman so that he can ask her to return to Ndotsheni with him, Gertrude, Gertrude’s son — and Absalom, if he is found. The newspapers report the murder of Arthur Jarvis, a courageous white supporter of black rights and justice. Arthur is the only son of James Jarvis, whose great farm is in the hills above

36 Ndotsheni. White citizens of Johannesburg express a wide range of views about “the natives” and “native crime.” Ironically, this white fighter for the black cause was murdered by blacks, and the police are looking for suspects. Stephen accompanies Msimangu on a pastoral visit to a shelter for blacks who are blind. During his time alone, Stephen begins wondering if Absalom could possibly be involved in the murder, making Stephen all the more eager to get his family out of Johannesburg, with Absalom and his wife-to-be, if possible. He feels spiritually moved after Msimangu’s preaching to the residents of the shelter. Commentary The character of the young white man at the unnamed reformatory is based on one of the men who worked for Paton when he was the principal of Diepkloof, a large reformatory for four hundred black boys ages nine to twenty-one. The fact that the young white man invites Kumalo and Msimangu to his home for tea would have been most unusual in the South Africa of 1946. Also extraordinary is that the young man and his wife have taken several of the black boys from the reformatory into their home to live with them. Another demonstration of how whites were contributing to the welfare of blacks appears during the visit of Stephen and Msimangu to Ezenzeleni: “It was white men who did this work of mercy, and some of them spoke English and some spoke Afrikaans.” As Stephen and Msimangu reach Shanty Town in their search for Absalom, Paton reminds the reader about this village built overnight, repeating the earlier Shanty Town theme: “But what will they do when it rains, what will they do when it is winter?” The priests at the Mission House listen to Father Vincent read the newspaper account of the murder of Arthur Jarvis. In the silence that follows, the journalist interjects an emotional paragraph characterizing the effect such events have on the whole society. In this commentary is the first appearance of the words “Cry, the beloved country,” ultimately chosen as the title of the novel. The phrase reappears in the next chapter in a more extended statement of concern and caution: “Cry, the beloved country, for the unborn

37 child that is the inheritor of our fear. Let him not love the earth too deeply. . . . Let him not laugh too gladly . . . nor stand too silent. . . . Let him not be moved . . . nor give too much of his heart. . . . For fear will rob him of all if he gives too much.” The title phrase is a call to South Africa itself, “the beloved country,” to pay attention to what is happening as the separation between blacks and whites becomes even wider and their disparate circumstances become even more deeply entrenched. The differences are reinforced through the habitual and traditional reactions each group has to the ongoing societal circumstances, such as the generally poor living conditions of the blacks, as well as to dramatic events like the murder of the younger Jarvis. Paton himself pointed out in Towards the Mountain that this paragraph about fear is a kind of hyperbole: “One does not really wish that a child should not love the earth too deeply, but one is suggesting that if he loves it too deeply he cannot ask immunity from pain. . . . It is not true that fear will rob the child of all if he gives too much, but it is true that fear will temper his joy.” The year after the novel was published, playwright Maxwell Anderson and composer Kurt Weill wrote and staged a successful musical drama, Lost in the Stars, based on their interpretation of the novel’s message. Their title represents the theme they chose for their work — that God has forgotten us, leaving us “lost out here in the stars.” Paton himself vehemently disagreed with this pessimistic theme, although he represents it, for example, in the last line of Chapter 11, showing Msimangu’s despair over the apparent hopelessness: “There are times, no doubt, when God seems no more to be about the world.” In his autobiography, Journey Continued, Paton says of Anderson’s adaptation: “[Anderson’s] view of life and the world was very different from mine.” Paton’s own intent was to show that because a merciful and loving God exists, hope persists. Furthermore, the disparate elements of society can all contribute toward a future with greater equality among the races — if people will accept responsibility for serving a cause greater than themselves. • fifth standard, sixth standard the fifth and sixth grades of school; in this case, in black schools of South Africa.

38 • reformatory, the big school Notice that the “penal institution” connotation is immediately softened by Mrs. Hlatshwayo’s words, “the big school over there.” (In the 1996 film of the book, this reformatory is named Diepkloof — the same institution that Paton himself transformed with education as a primary objective.) • jacaranda

a tropical tree, often with purplish blossoms.

• pass laws laws requiring certain individuals — for example, all blacks — to carry and display an official pass authorizing them to enter or leave designated areas. • Kafferboeties Kaffer is an Afrikaans word regarded as an insult to a black person; boetie means “little brother.” Kafferboeties became a derogatory term for whites who openly acknowledged feelings of friendship, compassion, and concern for blacks. • The tribe was broken, and would be mended no more. This statement, made twice in the same paragraph, is Stephen’s acknowledgment that the Zulu tribal traditions under which he and his forebears had been raised no longer govern his family’s or his community’s lives. This view is reinforced by the repetition of a theme repeated from Chapter 1: “For the men were away, and the young men and the girls were away.” • osiers flexible twigs or branches from a willow, often woven together in baskets and wicker furniture. • I the Lord have called thee. When Msimangu preaches to the blind at Ezenzeleni, he reads from the Bible. The quotations are all from the Old Testament’s Book of Isaiah: Isaiah 42:6–7, Isaiah 42:16, Isaiah 40:28, and Isaiah 40:30–31, quoted in that sequence.

CHAPTERS 14–17 Summary Stephen is pleased that Gertrude has sold most of her belongings in preparation to leave Johannesburg. His pleasure, however, is soon buried under the despair of learning from Msimangu and the young white man from the reformatory that Absalom, along with his cousin and another friend, has been arrested for the murder of Arthur Jarvis. On the way to the prison, Stephen stops to tell his brother, John, about the arrests, and John accompanies him to the prison. Stephen finally sees Absalom for the first time since his son left home. Absalom admits that in his fright at being discovered during a theft, he unintentionally shot Jarvis. He has already

39 confessed this to the police. To Stephen he is uncommunicative about himself: why he did not write to his family, why he denied at the reformatory that he had any family, and why he abandoned his job. Pushed by Stephen’s attempt to understand him, Absalom finally says he was a victim of the devil. He agrees to marry the girl having his baby and not to write to his mother yet. Meanwhile, John Kumalo decides that his son Matthew’s defense will be that Absalom is lying about Matthew’s involvement. Matthew will deny having been at the scene of the murder. At first, the white man from the reformatory who has been helping Stephen and Msimangu seems most concerned about how Absalom’s crime will reflect on the reformatory. He abruptly leaves Stephen and Msimangu. Later he returns to Stephen to apologize for his reactions and urges him to find a good lawyer. Father Vincent of the Mission House agrees to find a lawyer and also to perform the marriage between Absalom and the girl. He admonishes Stephen not to judge Absalom and to find personal solace through prayers for others, not in self-recrimination or blame of Absalom. The next day, Stephen goes alone to tell the girl what has happened, to find out if she wants to marry Absalom, and to offer to take her back to Ndotsheni with him. She agrees to the marriage and is pleased with the prospect of living in Ndotsheni. Stephen arranges for her to move temporarily into the Lithebe house where he and Gertrude are staying. Stephen again visits Absalom, who agrees to marry the girl and to talk with a lawyer, especially in light of the denials by the other two young men, including his cousin, Matthew. The lawyer, Mr. Carmichael, interviews Absalom and then visits Stephen to say he will take the case without a fee, pro deo (for God). Thus Book I — Stephen’s book — closes on a note of optimism and hope in spite of the tragic events. Commentary The ambivalence of the young white man from the reformatory realistically reflects attitudes of many people who devote time and resources to the needs of those in less favorable circumstances: First, out of frustration at overcoming difficulties, he seems to say, “Here I am giving unselfishly of myself for your benefit, and you expect even more from me.” Then, after a chance to stand aside, he has second thoughts of renewed compassion and concern and

AFRICA

TRANSVAAL

Soweto

Pretoria Johannesburg Springs

ORANGE FREE STATE

SWAZILAND

NATAL

LESOTHO CAPE PROVINCE

Pietermaritzburg Ixopo

SOUTH AFRICA

Cape Town Mossebaai

42 wants to help. These attitudes are not unlike the ambivalence in Msimangu’s reactions when they found Absalom’s girl in Pimville. The commentary on Chapters 10–13 identified Paton’s theme about hope in the presence of a merciful and loving God. In Chapters 14–17, the theme is elaborated upon by Father Vincent’s attempt to guide and comfort Stephen. God abandons no one, even if that seems to happen. Prayers and gratitude are essential. The theme of father-son separation and reconciliation is reflected here in Stephen’s first meeting with Absalom, and Stephen tries to learn why Absalom did not write to him and why he has gotten into such trouble. Absalom finally tells him it is the work of the devil, to which Stephen reacts impatiently. Even though he is so glad to find his son, he cannot avoid being the scolding father. • in that symbolic language that is like the Zulu The Zulu language and custom of speaking uses metaphors and analogies to explain or convey ideas beyond the immediate context, as in Father Vincent’s example with storms and houses. • pro deo literally, “for God,” meaning without charging a legal fee. In today’s legal parlance, the comparable term is pro bono, “for the good.”

BOOK II CHAPTERS 18–21 Summary On his vast farm in the hills above Ndotsheni, James Jarvis watches the unproductive plowing of the hard-baked soil. Like other farmers, he realizes that the valleys are drying up, becoming barren, because the natives know nothing about farming methods. He regrets that Arthur, his son and only offspring, has chosen not to take over the family farm, one of the finest in the area, but instead chose to become an engineer. A police car arrives near the Jarvis house bearing the area police captain and the local officer. The captain informs James that his son has been shot to death at his home in Johannesburg. Shocked at the news, James makes arrangements with the police to be flown to Johannesburg. He takes on the difficult task of informing his wife.

43 James is met in Johannesburg by John Harrison, younger brother of Arthur’s wife, who drives James to his parents’ home, where he will stay while in the city. John tells James that Arthur was one of the finest men he knew. Soon after their arrival, John drives James and Arthur’s wife, Mary, to the police morgue to identify the body. On the way, he informs them that the “houseboy” attacked by the intruders is still unconscious and cannot yet help in the identification of the murderer. John tells them that Arthur had a unique understanding of the native question and, ironically, had been writing a paper on “The Truth About Native Crime.” James admits that he and his son had not seen eye-to-eye on the subject, and John says that he and his father do not either. The elder Harrison later tells James something of Arthur’s activities, including speaking out against the living and working conditions forced upon the “non-Europeans.” Arthur had been warned about the risks to his engineering career, but he felt that it was more important to speak the truth than to make money, and his wife agreed. Harrison points out the terrible irony that Arthur, virtually a missionary for the cause of the natives, has himself been killed by a native. James reviews the messages of condolence from all over the country and is amazed at the extent of Arthur’s reputation. Inwardly, James regrets that he did not understand his son better when he was alive. Sitting at Arthur’s desk, James scans several invitations and requests addressed to his son, including a letter from the secretary of the Claremont African Boys’ Club, congratulating him on his reelection as the club’s president. He also reads intently several pages of an incomplete manuscript in Arthur’s handwriting. He notices Arthur’s extensive collection of books on Abraham Lincoln, clearly a hero and role model to his son. In one of the books, he reads the Gettysburg address. He then pockets the Lincoln book for later reading. At the church service preceding Arthur’s cremation, James is again surprised at his son’s renown. The service is attended not only by whites but by blacks, coloureds, and Asians. The Jarvises had never before sat in a church with non-whites. That evening, the elder Harrison talks at length to James about his community’s anger and fear over the native “problem,” while denying that he himself hates blacks. John joins them to listen to his father’s tirade against Afrikaners as well as native blacks.

44 James wishes his son were there to express his views, and John tells him he would have enjoyed hearing Arthur talk about the issues. After his father leaves the room, John tells James about the boys’ club Arthur had started in Claremont and offers to take James for a visit. The next day, James learns that Arthur’s servant has recovered consciousness and has identified one of the natives in the attack. He also gives James a copy of Arthur’s manuscript on native crime. James is very moved as he reads it in private. From the book he has brought from his son’s study, he reads Lincoln’s “Second Inaugural Address.” His wife finds him alone — “thinking, not brooding,” he says — and she too reads the manuscript. The manuscript ends with the words “Allow me a minute.” Commentary These first chapters of Book II are presented from the whites’ viewpoints at the time (1946). They contrast the views of older English whites like James Jarvis, the elder Harrison, and their friends with the views of younger English whites like Arthur Jarvis and his wife’s younger brother, John Harrison. James’ thoughts as he watches the police car arrive at his farm reflect the attitudes of many English who disparage and patronize Afrikaners, although they are white like the English. It doesn’t take a difference in skin color to foster prejudice. Here, James considers the local policeman “a decent fellow for an Afrikaner.” James’ father had sworn he would disinherit any of his children who married Afrikaners. Later, at the Harrisons’, after young John Harrison hears his own father criticize “Afrikaners,” John explains privately to James that “when father says Afrikaners he means Nationalists,” that political subgroup of Afrikaners that itself reflects strong antiEnglish as well as anti-black attitudes. John is apparently trying to prevent his father and others from condemning a whole ethnic group (Afrikaners) for the attitudes and actions of a segment of the group (the Nationalists). John’s enlightened view urges everyone to be cautious about the labels applied to the targets of their criticism. The service for Arthur provides the first time James and his wife have ever sat in a church with non-whites and the first time James has ever shook hands with blacks. James’ attitudes about the rural blacks near his home are reflected in his recollections of a “dirty old parson” in Ndotsheni, clearly a reference to Stephen Kumalo, whom he has not yet met.

45 The story alludes to two ways in which natives can work on the white men’s farms, rather than only on their own poor farms: • A native can live at his own home and work part-time on adjoining farms. • A native can arrange a contract with a white farmer whereby the native would set up his own home with his family on the farmer’s land and would be given a piece of land to work for himself, so long as he and his family worked a set amount for the farmer each year. On the one hand, these arrangements seemed to assure better living for the workers since they would not then be entirely dependent on their own small, withering farms. On the other hand, they would become dependent on the white farmers, and if members of the native family left home, the blacks might be hard pressed to meet the commitments of their farming arrangements. Compare the first two paragraphs of Book II with the first two paragraphs of Book I. They are identical in almost every word. However, in Book I, the narrative proceeded down the hill toward the community of Stephen Kumalo and his parishioners in Ndotsheni. In Book II, the narrative stays in the hills among the well-tended farms of the English like James Jarvis. This common beginning, describing actual common ground between both sides, dramatizes how close the two communities are geographically to one another but suggests how conspicuously different are the lives of their residents as a result of racial and cultural circumstances. Both quotations from Arthur’s incomplete manuscripts are followed by references to one of the short, memorable speeches by Abraham Lincoln. Arthur obviously admired Lincoln and found support for his own efforts in Lincoln’s words and actions. The theme of father-son separation and reconciliation is reflected in a special way in these chapters. First, James despairs of his son’s decision to leave the family farm and establish his own career. James’ anger and frustration with his son’s choices at first seem reinforced when Arthur is killed by a non-white in spite of his good intentions toward non-whites. James begins to learn about his son: his deep social concerns, his reputation, his actions on behalf of the non-whites, and even his attitudes about his own upbringing. James begins moving toward a kind of mental and spiritual reconciliation with his son, which eventually manifests itself in his actions.

46 CHAPTERS 22–25 Summary A preliminary hearing is held before a judge to record the pleas of the three young men arrested after the killing of Arthur Jarvis. Absalom Kumalo admits his guilt in the killing but adds, “I did not mean to kill.” His lawyer, Carmichael, tries for a plea of “culpable homicide,” a lesser crime, but the judge will accept only a plea of guilty or not guilty. So Absalom changes his plea to not guilty. His cousin, Matthew, and their companion, Johannes Pafuri, both plead not guilty. The prosecutor questions Absalom in detail about the break-in and the killing, and Absalom describes Johannes’ key role in planning the robbery, threatening and attacking the servant, and getting away. Matthew and Johannes appear shocked at his description of the crime. The judge questions Absalom about his gun: where he got it and why he was carrying it loaded. Absalom’s reasoning is weak, as is his statement that he intended to turn himself in but was arrested before he had the chance. On the way out of the hearing, Stephen Kumalo recognizes the father of the victim as James Jarvis, his wealthy neighbor, and feels humiliated. Meanwhile, a new vein of gold has been discovered in the Orange Free State province, a reason for celebration by white investors who watch their investment grow five-fold overnight. Some predict a new Johannesburg in the Orange Free State, while others lament that the profits will not be used for social and agricultural improvements. Returning to his son’s house, James examines more of his son’s personal effects and papers, including an article titled “Private Essay on the Evolution of a South African,” about Arthur’s own upbringing. James is shocked at his son’s statement that he learned from his parents “all that a child should learn of honour and charity and generosity. But of South Africa I learned nothing at all.” The end of the article expresses Arthur’s intense need to serve South Africa with the personal objective of eliminating racial inequality, in spite of the possibility of physical danger to himself because of his views and efforts. James is deeply moved. While James and his wife are visiting their niece, Barbara Smith, and her husband in Springs, near Johannesburg, Stephen

47 Kumalo arrives to ask about a girl who once worked for the Smiths but who is now missing. When Stephen sees James at the door, he staggers and has to sit down on the steps. James waits patiently while Stephen collects himself and states his business. He finally recognizes Stephen as the Ndotsheni pastor and sees the fear and suffering on his face. Stephen finally admits, “It was my son that killed your son.” James is shocked but recovers quickly, assuring Stephen that he is not angry. He reminds Stephen that as a small boy, Arthur occasionally rode through Ndotsheni on his horse. Stephen remembers him and “a brightness in him.” When Barbara Smith appears, she recalls the girl who worked for her until the girl was arrested for brewing liquor. She says in English that she has no idea where the girl is now and doesn’t care. When James translates her reply into Zulu for Stephen, he does not include her final comment of indifference. As Stephen departs, James follows him to the gate and initiates the Zulu social ritual of “Go well,” to which Stephen replies, “Stay well.” Commentary In 1946, the Union of South Africa was a product of many years of British control and political influence despite the fact that Afrikaners (whose Dutch forebears were the first white settlers) outnumbered the British residents. The “non-Europeans” vastly outnumbered the “Europeans.” The South African justice system and the courts reflect a British-based legal process. The physical arrangement of the courtroom and its participants is described in detail, including the separate seating areas for “Europeans” and “non-Europeans.” The reader is reminded that a judge does not make the law; the people — that is, white people — make the law. During the encounter between Stephen Kumalo and James Jarvis, when James is moved to touch the parson, the social delicacy of this interaction between people of different races is represented by the phrase frequently used in the book, “such a thing is not so lightly done.” Gold was discovered in South Africa in 1886, about twenty years after the discovery of diamonds in the area. South Africa became and remains one of the few suppliers of the world’s gold, as well as of its diamonds. The discoveries led to a new influx of whites into the country, which had been under British rule since

48 the early 1800s. The new vein of gold mentioned in these chapters only serves to sustain the whites’ pre-eminent position in supplying gold to the world and to underscore their independence from world opinion about the treatment of black minorities. The extent of white prejudice and condescension is represented in this omniscient narrative comment: “And the natives need not starve. . . . The men can come to the mines and bigger and better compounds can be built for them, and still more vitamins be put in their food. But we shall have to be careful about that, because some fellow has discovered that labour can be overvitaminized. This is an example of the Law of Diminishing Returns.” In these chapters, James demonstrates his growth in understanding and empathy. One catalyst to this change is the written legacy of his murdered son. Another is the obvious respect he receives from people of various backgrounds. James already speaks Zulu fluently. He shows considerable compassion for Stephen in the encounter at the Smith home, even after Stephen finally admits that his own son has killed James’ son. He is protective of Stephen’s sensibility when he does not translate the harsh comment of Mrs. Smith, and he initiates the Zulu ritual of farewell. His final comment to his wife is also revealing: He is disturbed by “something that came out of the past.” On the other hand, Stephen does not fare as well in this encounter, even when James makes every effort to be patient and considerate and does not react as expected to the admission of Absalom’s crime against his son. The rapid pace and starkness of Absalom’s testimony to the prosecutor is dramatized by Paton’s minimal use of attributions (“he said,” for example) or literary tags and gestures (“frowning” or “looking him directly in the eye” or “hesitantly,” for example). Even the visual pattern of dashes before most dialogue accentuates the rapid-fire testimony by which Absalom seals his own fate. The use of present tense throughout the scene gives it added immediacy. Chapter 23 is another interpolated chapter that seems to have little to do with the forward movement of the story. The interruption, however, not only puts the court hearing in perspective — it is not the main news of the time — but also gives the reader additional perspective on the employment and exploitation of “native” labor in the mines; the attitudes of some English about Afrikaners and their language; and the resentment by establishment whites of the views of a few radicals. They express admiration for an English

49 accent bred at Oxford rather than at South Africa’s own institutions, Rhodes and Stellenbosch. • Sir Ernest Oppenhiemer in Paton’s own words, “head of a very important mining group, a man of great influence, and able to do as much as any one man to arrest the process of deterioration described in this book. That does not mean he can do everything.” • Oxford, Rhodes, Stellenbosch Academic study at Oxford, the renowned English university, often helps to shape a distinctive English accent, whereas the two South African universities would foster accents more representative of the Afrikaners and local English residents. • Smuts and Hofmeyr Jan Christiaan Smuts was a national hero to many South Africans, serving as a general throughout the second AngloBoer War and as prime minister of the Union of South Africa (1919–24 and 1939–48). Jan Hendrik Hofmeyr was one of Paton’s personal heroes in his efforts to move toward improvements in the human rights for non-whites in South Africa and was the subject of a biography written by Paton. • negrophile a disparaging reference to someone sympathetic to the native blacks; comparable to the Afrikaans derogatory word kafferboeties.

CHAPTERS 26–29 Summary In a Johannesburg square, John Kumalo addresses a large crowd, challenging blacks working in the gold mines to demand higher pay for doing work no one else will do. As on previous occasions, he stops short of inciting them to violence, although white police in attendance have that very concern about his words. Among the crowd, Stephen Kumalo is amazed at the impact his brother has on the crowd. Elsewhere in the audience, James Jarvis admits to the young John Harrison that he doesn’t like this kind of talk. In four short segments at the end of Chapter 26, the views of whites about the unrest among the blacks are revealed, and the results of a worker strike are summarized. The whites justify their treatment of the natives on the basis that the miners are “simple souls” unskilled in negotiating for themselves in the face of the threat of rising costs, so they need not worry any more about this problem.

50 Mrs. Lithebe admonishes Gertrude about the people she sees and about her careless behavior. After they attend an evening church meeting during which a black woman speaks about becoming a nun, Gertrude confides to Mrs. Lithebe that she may become a nun, leaving her son with Absalom’s wife-to-be. Another murder of a white citizen by a black intruder occurs just before the judge is scheduled to reveal his verdicts for the three young men held in the killing of Arthur Jarvis. The judge reviews his evaluation of the evidence against each defendant and concludes by declaring Absalom Kumalo guilty of murder without, in his opinion, mitigating circumstances. He releases Matthew Kumalo and Johannes Pafuri for lack of evidence. The judge sentences Absalom to death by hanging. Absalom collapses in terror, and Stephen is helped from the courtroom by Msimangu and the supportive young white man from the reformatory. In prison, Father Vincent performs the marriage of Absalom and the young woman carrying his child. Afterward, Stephen stays for a while to comfort Absalom and say goodbye. He and the rest of the family will return to Ndotsheni the next day. Absalom has arranged for Stephen to have his small savings for the child. Absalom clings to his father as he admits he is afraid of the hanging. He must be forcibly pulled away by the prison guards. Outside, Absalom’s new wife tells Stephen that she is now his daughter. Stephen visits his brother to say goodbye and offends John by implying that Matthew betrayed Absalom. John angrily puts Stephen out of his shop, and Stephen is immediately ashamed of what he has done. In the meantime, James Jarvis and his wife leave the Harrison household on their way back to their home at Carisbrooke. In privacy, James gives young John Harrison a check for a thousand pounds to be used for the black social club, saying he would be pleased to have it named the “Arthur Jarvis Club.” John is stunned by the gift. At a farewell party in Mrs. Lithebe’s home, Msimangu announces that he is retiring to a religious community, forswearing the world and his possessions — the first time a black man has done this in South Africa. In privacy, he gives Stephen his accumulated savings of over thirty-three pounds to help in Stephen’s expanded responsibilities at home, insisting he never had such pleasure in making a gift before. They part with great emotion.

51 The next morning, Stephen gathers his family in preparation for their departure from Johannesburg. He discovers that Gertrude has disappeared, having left her son behind for Stephen to care for. Commentary The reactions to John Kumalo’s speech and to the brief strike illustrate the undercurrent of white bigotry and the retreat to white complacency and feelings by whites of being misunderstood by outsiders: “Strange things are happening in the world, and the world has never let South Africa alone. . . . And people persist in discussing soil-erosion, and tribal decay, and lack of schools, and crime, as though they were all parts of the matter. . . . So in a way it is best not to think about it at all.” Yet the quiet that follows the strike and its violent ending is not absolute: “Nothing is ever quiet, except for fools.” Reactions to the episodes in these chapters — the speech, the strike, the verdict — illustrate that not all whites are of the same opinion or behavior — for example, a high officer of the police force, the clergyman urging recognition of the miners’ union, the young white man who keeps helping Stephen, John Harrison, and perhaps even James Jarvis. Throughout these four chapters, actions of both main and secondary characters illustrate their individuality and demonstrate the range of qualities in their varied characters: • Stephen Kumalo cruelly provokes his brother. • James Jarvis grows in understanding and acceptance of what his son stood for. • Theophilus Msimangu renounces his role in the black community. • John Kumalo questions his own power and values. • Mrs. Lithebe unselfishly supports Stephen and his family, virtual strangers to her. • Gertrude Kumalo succumbs to weakness. • Absalom Kumalo shows his vulnerability. • Absalom’s new wife delights in acquiring a new future, even without her husband. • John Harrison continues Arthur’s work in the face of parental disapproval. • The young white man demonstrates his support of blacks even in public.

52 In every instance, the characters’ personalities are revealed through their actions rather than through mere descriptions of their beliefs. Chapters 26–28 move the reader forward with minimal involvement of the main characters. Instead, the actions are played out by secondary characters who represent archetypes of the time: • In Chapter 26, John Kumalo represents the cautious rebel not quite ready for rebellion. He even hedges his exhortation about better wages: “We are not asking here for equality and the franchise and the removal of the colour-bar.” • Also in Chapter 26, the scene between white police officers represents the concerns over near-rebellious talk. It would be several years before violent rebellion initiates South Africa’s changes in its racial policies. • Chapter 27 concentrates on literary prototypes of two black African women at opposite ends of the spectrum of coping: the generous Mrs. Lithebe, who has achieved a “good and righteous life” in the midst of the blatant social problems, and the pleasure-loving, irresponsible Gertrude, who wants only satisfaction of her own desires, even under the probable deception of becoming a nun. • Chapter 28 represents the views of English law as espoused by a judge who seems determined to be fair and yet understands his obligation to the protection and satisfaction of other white citizens, especially after a second murder of a white person by a black person. The action of the young white man at the end of the chapter symbolizes the interracial support of human rights that will eventually surface and bring change. Chapter 29 — the last chapter of Book II — contrasts with the preceding three by bringing to momentary resolution several plot threads involving all of the novel’s main characters: • • • •

The marriage of Absalom and the girl The final meeting between Stephen and Absalom The confrontation between Stephen and his brother John The sudden generosity of James Jarvis to his son’s cause (specifically, the boys’ club) as he departs Johannesburg • Theophilus Msimangu’s intent to leave the ministry for the monastic life

53 • Gertrude’s disappearance as Stephen prepares to shepherd his enlarged family to its new home in Ndotsheni • franchise

the right to vote in public elections.

• Lansdown Commission After the labor problems of 1942, the Lansdown Commission was established to investigate mineworkers’ wages and working conditions. Influenced by the need for profits, the Commission concluded that since the workers really made their living on the farms at home, wages need be no more than pocket money.

BOOK III CHAPTERS 30–32 Summary Stephen Kumalo returns by train to Ndotsheni accompanied by his young nephew and his new daughter-in-law. His wife and his good friend meet them at the station, and they walk home amidst the greetings and enthusiastic welcomes of people along the way. The joyous news of his arrival is passed along in shrill calls from one place to another. Stephen notices that the stream bed is dry and that the grain is poorly developed. In his church, he leads prayers of thanksgiving and prayers for rain and for his family, including Absalom, though it is difficult for Stephen to do so in front of the congregation. From his friend, Stephen learns that the community knows that Absalom killed Arthur Jarvis. Stephen wonders aloud if he can remain as pastor under these circumstances, but his friend says that he is much needed and respected, even now. Stephen also learns that James’ wife is seriously ill. In his report to his friend about Sibeko’s daughter, Stephen reveals that he knew that James Jarvis was protecting Stephen’s feelings by not passing along Mrs. Smith’s offensive comments. The friend is now working for James. Stephen realizes that he himself has changed as a result of his recent experiences. Acknowledging that the problems of Ndotsheni and its farms will not be solved through prayer alone, Stephen meets with the tribal chief to urge him to action. After Stephen’s persistence, the chief agrees to see the area magistrate for special

54 resources. Stephen also tries to energize the headmaster, who instead sees the agricultural crisis as hopeless and himself as powerless. Back home again, Stephen is visited by Arthur Jarvis’ young son, currently staying with James up on the hill. The curious, bright boy engages Stephen in a “lesson” about Zulu life and language. The boy learns that children in town are dying for lack of milk. Before he leaves on horseback, the boy promises to return to “talk more Zulu.” During the evening meal, Stephen and his family are interrupted by his friend, who has brought a cart from James loaded with cold milk “for small children only.” Stephen receives four letters. A letter from the lawyer informs him that the court found no mercy in the case, and Absalom will be hanged on the fifteenth of the month. A letter from Absalom himself acknowledges the same fact and says that a priest is helping him prepare for his execution. A letter from Msimangu causes Stephen a momentary wish to be back in Johannesburg with him. The fourth letter is from Absalom to his new wife. From a distance, Stephen watches as James greets men arriving in an automobile, the magistrate among them. The tribal chief and his entourage also arrive. The men survey and stake out a large area. Stephen observes James expressing impatience and offering to go to Pretoria himself to facilitate action. Stephen overhears the magistrate say to one of the white men that Jarvis must be losing his mind as well as his money. The long-awaited rainstorm finally arrives, and James, nearby on horseback, asks Stephen’s permission to wait in the church until the torrential rain is over. The church roof leaks everywhere, and the two men have difficulty staying dry even inside the church. Before Jarvis leaves, he asks if the court has found mercy for Absalom, and Stephen shows him the letter from Absalom. James tells Stephen that when the fifteenth arrives, “I shall remember.” He leaves without Stephen’s thanking him for the milk or asking the meaning of the sticks that have been laid out. Commentary The tribal community, headed by the chief, seems tenuous and outdated in present circumstances. The tribal officials are rigid in their protocol, and later the chief and his followers are made to

55 look naive, even foolish, in their efforts to help the surveyors. Stephen himself recognizes that he must go further than custom would allow if he is to bring change to his community. The comfortable yet respectful manners of the child in Stephen’s house suggest a new generation of attitudes, although we must remember that this is Arthur’s son. These chapters dramatize the changes taking place in both Stephen and James. In Chapter 30, Stephen expresses self-doubts and possible surrender to his circumstances but is faced with the community’s urgent needs for his leadership, both spiritually and politically. In Chapter 31, he has a period of self-revelation and then finds unprecedented directness and persistence in himself to move the chief to action; he tries unsuccessfully to move the headmaster. His actions here illustrate how anger and grief can be transformed into positive action. James’ grandson convinces his grandfather to supply milk to the village. Also, James decides to do something about the agricultural problems, including the lack of water and the lack of sound farming knowledge. He, too, shows signs of not accepting the slow pace of change and offers to go to the capital to push things along. The sudden appearance of Jarvis’ grandson at Stephen’s door is a precursor of James’ later appearance at the church door seeking shelter. Before the events recently past, James may not have condescended to enter Stephen’s church for shelter. Stephen’s wife is shamed by Absalom and his crime. She asks Stephen to ask the white postmaster to hold any letters from the prison, “for our shame is enough.” Paton works his lyrical magic again in Chapter 30, especially in the two paragraphs beginning, “Yes, God save Africa, the beloved country.” Notice the effective repetition of phrases in each paragraph: “God save us . . .” in the first paragraph, and “Call and dance . . .” in the second. • battlefields of long ago The area between Johannesburg and Ndotsheni has been the scene of great conflicts over the centuries. • mealies corn, or maize. • the inspector a government agricultural official who makes periodic visits to the area in the hopes of improving the native farming practices. • sticks, flags, and a box on three legs surveying markers and a transit for surveying.

56 CHAPTERS 33–36 Summary According to rumors, the sticks in the ground have something to do with a new dam. Jarvis has gone to the administrative capital, Pretoria, to get support for the dam’s construction. He also arranges for a young agricultural demonstrator, Napoleon Letsitsi, to spend time in Ndotsheni teaching the natives more prudent methods of farming. Napoleon assures Stephen that the dry valley can eventually recover. He confirms that a dam is to be built to create a supply of water for farming. As Stephen prepares for a confirmation service, he learns that the elder Mrs. Jarvis has died. Since he cannot — because he is black — go to the Jarvis house to express his sorrow, he sends a message of condolence to James Jarvis. Stephen’s bishop attends the confirmation service and recommends that Stephen leave his church because of his son’s crime, even though the community has welcomed him home. Stephen objects to the bishop’s suggestion — a result of his new determination — and is interrupted by a reply from James in which James tells him that one of his wife’s last wishes was for a new church to be built for Ndotsheni. Stephen insists that the letter is a sign from God that he should stay, and he tells the bishop of James’ other contributions: the milk, the dam, and the agricultural advisor. Finally, the bishop agrees that it is not God’s will for Stephen to leave. On the evening before Absalom’s execution, Stephen starts up the mountain where, alone in prayer, he waits for the sunrise and the hour of his son’s death. Along the way, he meets James, who asks if Stephen and his congregation will accept the new church from him. James tells Stephen that he is going to Johannesburg to live with his daughter and grandchildren but will return often to observe the progress in the valley and to expand the agricultural effort to nearby areas. After an exchange of emotional farewells, James rides away on horseback. During his lonely vigil, Stephen confesses to God his lies and his hurts of others in recent weeks and gives thanks for his many blessings, while pondering why recent events have happened to himself and to Jarvis. He sleeps for a while, waking just before

57 dawn, wondering how Absalom is coping with his final moments on earth. He prays through the appointed hour of the execution. The novel ends with a paragraph-long metaphor suggesting optimism about South Africa’s future. Commentary Tradition and old habits are hard to change, witness the efforts of the agricultural demonstrator to teach the farmers to change their ways so that the land’s fertility can be restored. After listening to Napoleon’s views, which reflect a younger generation of blacks, Stephen admits to himself that he is “too old for new and disturbing thoughts.” However, he has shown some admiration for the young man’s nationalistic attitudes: “We do not work for men. . . . We work for the land and the people. . . . We work for Africa.” When Stephen learns about Mrs. Jarvis’ death, he realizes that racial customs prevent him from visiting James to express his condolences. Instead, he writes a respectful note in English and sends it with a child. When James meets Stephen on his way to the mountain, Stephen weeps openly as he tells James of his mission on the hilltop. James would like to get off his horse to comfort Stephen, but — the phrase of custom again — “such a thing is not lightly done.” These chapters emphasize the degree of personal transformation that both Stephen and James have undergone. In their encounter on the mountain, James reveals much about his own change and his intentions to continue to work for changes in the land, both here and in other areas. He credits his first meeting with Stephen for triggering his release from “darkness.” For these two men, the ensuing good-byes are quite emotional. Stephen’s meditation on the mountain before dawn takes him from the recollection of past transgressions through a period of questioning fate and the future. He realizes that true freedom for his people is a long way off because the whites fear the blacks and their numbers. He recalls Msimangu’s concern that one day when the oppressors have turned to loving, the oppressed will have turned to hating. As Stephen agonizes over the impending execution of his son, Absalom, he cries out like the biblical King David, who cries, “O my son Absalom, my son, my son Absalom! Would God I had died for thee, O Absalom, my son, my son!” (2 Samuel 18:33).

58 In the final paragraph of the novel, the dawn for which Stephen waits becomes a metaphor for the future: “But when that dawn will come, of our emancipation, from the fear of bondage and the bondage of fear, why, that is a secret.” • agricultural demonstrator similar to today’s government-sponsored agricultural extension agents who visit farms with new information and techniques. • confirmation A religious rite in some Christian denominations (such as Catholic and Anglican), it formally acknowledges the readiness of individuals, often children after a period of study, to participate more actively in the teachings and rituals of the church.

CRITICAL ESSAYS SOUTH AFRICA: AFTER THE NOVEL ENDS Cry, the Beloved Country takes place in 1946. Only two years later, the National Party of the Afrikaners won South African elections with large majorities. Almost immediately, the racial policies of apartheid were made law, furthering the separation of the racial groups in South Africa. Since Paton’s own life became dedicated to overcoming the barriers to equal rights for the non-whites of his country, significant events in South Africa after 1948 until his death in 1988 are noted in the section “Life and Background of the Author” and are not repeated here except to cite these events not previously mentioned: • In 1984, a new constitution gave rights to Asians and coloureds to vote for their own chambers in parliament. • During 1984-86, demonstrations against apartheid occurred nationwide, leading to a government declaration of a state of emergency, imprisoning thousands of people. Unfortunately, Paton did not live to see the following monumental changes: • In 1989, Frederik W. De Klerk became prime minister, although his own National Party was losing support of many Afrikaners. When general elections were held for the white-

59

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•

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•

controlled parliament, coloureds and Asians boycotted their own elections, and blacks (still without voting rights of any kind) expressed their opinion by staying away from school and work on election day. When De Klerk announced the election results, he combined his party’s support with that of the Democratic Party, declaring a 70 percent mandate for change. He also released several black political prisoners and lifted bans against black political organizations. In early 1990, De Klerk finally released Nelson Mandela, who spent twenty-seven years in prison as a political prisoner. Struggles for power among the black political groups erupted into violence in both Natal and Transvaal, putting tremendous strain on the developing relationship between Mandela and De Klerk. From 1990 to 1993, non-white leaders negotiated with key figures in the white government, much of it in secret, to develop a new constitution for South Africa, eliminating apartheid and insuring representation of all South African citizens in the political process. In 1993, the first elections were held under an interim constitution, and Nelson Mandela was elected the first President, as well as the first black head of government, of South Africa. Apartheid was finally dead, at least on paper. In 1996, the final version of the South African constitution was officially adopted by a parliamentary vote of 421 to 2, with 10 abstentions.

Subsequent to the assumption of government leadership by the blacks, many white English and Afrikaners, as well as representatives of the coloureds, expressed concern about their political status and the protection of their rights as minorities. THEMES Ever since the publication of Cry, the Beloved Country, literary critics and teachers have identified a variety of themes underlying Paton’s story. To the credit of his talent, most of these themes are as relevant today as they were fifty years ago: • People grow and change by accepting their personal responsibility for serving a cause greater than themselves.

60 • Patterns of inequality in human rights, living conditions, and personal empowerment based on racial or ethnic differences are unjust and ultimately intolerable. • Anger and grief can be transformed into positive action. • Fathers and sons often experience cycles of separation and reconciliation. • Hope persists in the face of personal desolation. • Rural populations tend to migrate toward urban centers, contributing to the deterioration of rural society. Readers bringing their personal histories to the story as they read may see additional themes in the book. The above themes are discussed below in light of Paton’s personal philosophy and life. People grow and change by accepting their personal responsibility for serving a cause greater than themselves. One version of the theme he consciously adopted for his life, not just for this book, Paton chose to serve the cause of trying to move people politically and socially toward the mountain “where they do not hurt or destroy,” acknowledging that reaching the mountain may be a dream never to be realized. For much of the book, Stephen Kumalo views himself as a victim of his circumstances with no responsibility or authority for changing those circumstances. Similarly, James Jarvis first blames a society that cannot adequately protect its citizens from inevitable racial retaliation. Jarvis begins to change when he reads his son’s papers and their sources. He realizes what his son has achieved even in his short life. Jarvis’ behavior towards Stephen when they first meet triggers Stephen’s own growth and the realignment of his priorities. Patterns of inequality in human rights, living conditions, and personal empowerment based on racial or ethnic differences are unjust and ultimately intolerable. From his childhood and parents, Paton learned tolerance of race and ethnic differences, yet he was frequently confronted by discrimination and prejudice in many forms: the stronger taking advantage of the weaker, whites devaluing non-whites, English whites and Afrikaner whites disparaging one another, Afrikaners devaluing the coloureds who worked for them, whites belittling the Asians they had imported to work for them. Paton lived in a nation in which the white race was officially declared superior to all other races, and separation of whites from all other racial groups was

61 mandatory under the law. His intention in Cry, the Beloved Country is to portray honestly the effects of this institutionalized discrimination; later he dedicated his life to striving for a non-racial society, one in which racial and ethnic differences would have no effect on a nation’s citizens. The novel clearly portrays both the facts of the inequitable conditions and the attitudes that sustain them. Anger and grief can be transformed into positive action. One theory of human emotion proposes that all human energy comes from the same source and is capable of being utilized for either constructive or non-constructive purposes. Thus, the natural emotions of anger and grief can be nurtured and magnified, sometimes leading to destructive actions, or they can be purposefully transformed into more positive emotions and constructive actions. Many times in his life, Paton transformed strong emotions of anger, grief, disappointment, and loss into renewed efforts. His opposition to injustice, ignorance, and exploitation led him first to his writing and subsequently to his political advocacy for the non-whites. In the novel, both fathers — Stephen and James — learn to transform their anger and grief into action designed to help solve the problems. Fathers and sons often experience cycles of separation and reconciliation. Paton’s relationship with his own father was difficult. His father was a strict parent, sometimes resorting to physical force, which Paton said “never achieved anything but a useless obedience.” Paton’s resentment shaped his politics: “I grew up with an abhorrence of authoritarianism, especially the authoritarianism of the State, and a love of liberty, especially liberty within the State.” Paton admitted that his father supported him in his choices of education and careers but not in his choice of religion. After his father’s death, Paton said, “Now of course I think of him with nothing but pity.” In the novel, Absalom Kumalo is never fully reconciled with his father. He will not answer simple questions about why he did not write home and why he left his job, and he blames his situation on “bad companions” and “the devil.” Arthur Jarvis, after leaving his home and disappointing his father in his career choice, never revealed to his father (except through discovered writings) his personal concerns about the limited view of society that he learned from his parents.

62 Hope persists in the face of personal desolation. Paton was occasionally pessimistic about eliminating racial discrimination, but he never gave up hope for it in his own life. In the face of increased world-wide fame and personal financial success, he cut back on his writing to assume political leadership of a “non-racial” party, bringing on surveillance by the South African security police, denunciation by influential government leaders, loss of his passport, and even some physical violence. He always felt that the future held hope for the repudiation of apartheid, and it did, although he did not live to see it. In the novel, hope is a dominant theme from the very first chapter. Even when Stephen is at his lowest emotionally, he finds and magnifies glimmers of light and hope, finally expanding his attitudes and actions to bring about changes in what he knows best: his own community. Rural populations tend to migrate toward urban centers, contributing to the deterioration of rural society. Paton would have liked to stay in the beautiful rural areas of South Africa where he spent his childhood. To move in the direction of his goals for helping the native South Africans, he had to leave that beloved environment behind for Johannesburg and Diepkloof Reformatory, much to his wife’s disappointment. He recognized that, not only for himself, but for many South Africans, the cities were hubs around which clustered potential employers of those with limited education and skills. This theme appears in the first chapter when Paton contrasts two views of the countryside and explains that “the men are away, the young men and the girls are away. The soil cannot keep them any more.” Book III offers the first hope that changes may be introduced to stem the tide of this rural emigration, as well as to provide better living for the people who remain on the land. An important part of this theme in the novel is the associated deterioration of the tribal culture in the rural areas. The attractions of civilization, as well as the imposed British law and government, undermined the tribal group traditions and unity. SETTINGS Paton did not write Cry, the Beloved Country primarily for a South African audience. The story, however, had to be set in South Africa at the time of its writing: 1946. Paton wanted the world to

63 “see” what was taking place in South Africa during the period of strict racial separation and suppression of non-whites. Paton excels at placing the reader in the novel’s settings without weighing the story down with unnecessary physical descriptions. The primary settings in Cry, the Beloved Country symbolize significant aspects of the story’s themes. For example: • The scenes in Ndotsheni, before and after Stephen Kumalo goes to Johannesburg, represent the decline of tribal society, resulting in emigration to the cities. • The scenes in Sophiatown, Claremont, Alexandra, and especially Shanty Town represent the confusion and hopelessness of the blacks who have left their homes. The scenes at Jarvis’ farm at Carisbrooke, at his son’s home in Parkwold, at the Harrisons’, and at Springs (where Kumalo accidentally meets Jarvis) show the contrasting living conditions of the whites compared to the blacks. • The scenes in the Johannesburg courtroom represent authority of whites over non-whites; evidence of non-white discontent is obvious in the bus boycott, as well as in the gathering in the square where John Kumalo speaks. Throughout the novel, settings serve not only as backdrops for the physical happenings of the story but as reflections of the life of the people who live and work in them. In the short opening chapter, Paton contrasts the living environments of the blacks and those of the whites in South Africa in 1946. This famous opening chapter of Book I, substantially repeated at the beginning of Book II, uses many sensory words and phrases to breathe life into the rural setting: • hills that are “grass-covered and rolling”, “lovely beyond any singing of it”, “great hill after great hill; and beyond and behind them, the mountains”. • “the forlorn crying of the titihoya”. • standing without shoes upon the rich matted grass of the hills, so you can feel it under your feet, or with shoes on the coarse sharp grass of the valley. • the implied smell of cattle and their dung, the dust, and the lingering smell of grass fires.

64 Stephen Kumalo’s train trip to Johannesburg provides Paton the opportunity to contrast the idyllic, although primitive, setting of Ndotsheni to the sensory overload of modern Johannesburg: trains rushing in all directions, crowds at stations, tall buildings, animated advertising signs, subways, traffic lights, people rushing everywhere, even a petty thief. In the next several chapters, Paton depicts a variety of living conditions for urban blacks, the most emotional of which is in the interpolated chapter about Shanty Town (Chapter 9). Small yet telling details include: • The indoor plumbing in Mrs. Lithebe’s home and the table settings at dinner in the Mission House — all unfamiliar to Stephen. • The shabbiness, dirtiness, closeness of the houses, and filth in the streets in Claremont. • The building materials of Shanty Town: sacks, poles, planks, and grass, carried to the spot by all the family members. • Arthur Jarvis’s home and personality when his father visits and finds “books, books, books, more books than he had ever seen in a house,” many of them about Abraham Lincoln; correspondence and essays scattered over the desk; and four interesting pictures on the wall, including one of Lincoln. • The British-style courtroom and its customs, including “the door of the White People, for it is the White People that make the Law.” The settings of Cry, the Beloved Country contribute enormously to the power of the novel and its message, even when they are understated in Paton’s creative style. CHARACTERS AS SYMBOLS In a well-constructed novel, the principal characters come alive through at least three literary processes: • Each symbolizes an idea or a theme beyond the portrayal of an individual character, sometimes referred to as larger than life.

65 • Each is gradually revealed to the reader through words and actions rather than through descriptions and explanations. • Each becomes transformed in some way by the experiences that he or she undergoes during the events described in the book, ending as a person with different values and understandings. In Cry, the Beloved Country, consider how Paton brings to life the three central characters: Stephen Kumalo, James Jarvis, and Theophilus Msimangu. Each As Symbolic of a Larger Idea Stephen Kumalo clearly represents the native black South African from a traditional tribal community, specifically a Zulu tradition. He has the naiveté of the humble country parson with little worldly experience out of his familiar environment. Some literary critics would call him the suffering hero: He must experience suffering before he attains a complete awareness of life and makes the most of his talent and creativity. Even his first name recalls the Christian saint who underwent martyrdom through suffering. Stephen is not without faults. He has his share of pride (as first seen when he boards the train and pretends to be someone of importance) and even a measure of quick anger (as seen with Gertrude, Absalom, and John). As the story begins, Stephen’s attitude toward the socio-political situation around him is somewhat detached. James Jarvis represents the white, English-speaking South African who has allowed himself to look away from the racial issue and “the native problem” because he lives a comfortable life. His attitude at the opening of the novel is probably similar to Stephen’s — dismay at what the people of Ndotsheni are doing to the land — but he seems to feel superior. In the characters of Stephen and James, we quickly find most of the key elements contributing to the story’s conflicts and forward movement: the contrast in circumstances between blacks and whites, the English-Afrikaner tension, and complacency disrupted by events from outside.

66 Theophilus Msimangu represents the more educated and worldly black’s concern and pessimism about many of the issues between blacks and whites. His job is to help his black parishioners cope with the present circumstances because there is no return to the past. Msimangu’s experiences with his parishioners and with the white establishment that he encounters in Johannesburg have made him skeptical of change for the better: “Some of us think when we have power, we shall revenge ourselves on the white man who has had power, and because our desire is corrupt, we are corrupted, and the power has no heart in it. But most white men do not know this truth about power, and they are afraid lest we get it. . . . I have one great fear in my heart, that one day when they are turned to loving, they will find we are turned to hating.” Msimangu makes certain that Stephen (and therefore the reader) is aware of the complexity of the issues and the trends. Each as Revealed by Words and Actions Stephen Kumalo. Like most skilled authors, Paton reveals his characters’ emotions through their words and actions rather than by merely describing them. For example, Stephen’s despair over not hearing from family members who have left home shows in his sarcasm toward his wife: His voice rose into loud and angry words. Go up and ask the white man, he said. Perhaps there are letters. Perhaps they have fallen under the counter, or been hidden amongst the food. Look there in the trees, perhaps they have been blown there by the wind. How much more directly the reader feels Stephen’s pain and anger than if Paton had written, for example: “Stephen’s frustration over not hearing from his son, his sister, or his brother made him angry and sarcastic.” When Stephen gets on the train, his actions reveal another trait that may not seem admirable in an Anglican parson: “He looked around, hoping there might be someone with whom he could talk, but there was no one who appeared of that class.” As he bids goodbye to his friend, he gives himself an air of experience and sophistication by saying, loud enough for others to hear, that he shall be

67 busy with many things to do in Johannesburg. He later acknowledges to himself his vanity and his “little lie.” Through Stephen’s own words and actions, the reader comes to know him as an imperfect man, one with whom we can empathize emotionally. James Jarvis, too, is revealed through his words and actions. In our first encounter with him on his farm, James reflects on the typical disparaging conversations among whites about the black farmers and their abilities: “. . . the people were ignorant, and knew nothing about farming methods.” We learn of his disappointment about his son’s choice of career and of his attitudes toward Afrikaners. The approaching policeman is “a decent fellow for an Afrikaner.” And of course we suffer with him through the tragedy of his son’s death and learn that he is very human in his own grief and suffering, yet not quick to vengeance or retaliation. One of the most important revelations about James occurs when he reads his son’s evaluation of his parents’ influence on him: “From them I learned all that a child should learn of honour and charity and generosity. But of South Africa I learned nothing at all.” James’ inherent kindness and thoughtfulness is revealed in the encounter with Stephen at the Smith home. Not only is he not vindictive, but his concern for the black man’s dignity and his recognition of another father’s tragedy is apparent in his words, thoughts, and actions: “Jarvis would have helped him, but such a thing is not so lightly done.” After Stephen tells James that it was Stephen’s own son, Absalom, who killed Arthur Jarvis, James walks away, looks out over the countryside, returns to Stephen, and says, “I have heard you. I understand what I did not understand. There is no anger in me.” The scene in Stephen’s church in Book III is another example of character revelation for James, as it is also for Stephen. Theophilus Msimangu reveals the complexity of his character through his words as well as through his actions on behalf of Stephen’s search. A slight weakness in his armor of good works and positive attitudes is revealed, for example, after Stephen and Msimangu first visit the girl who says she is carrying Absalom’s child: “You can do nothing here. . . .Were your back as broad as heaven, and your purse full of gold, and did your compassion reach from here to hell itself, there is nothing you can do.”

68 When Stephen points out the child will be his grandchild, Msimangu says with anger and bitterness: “Even that you do not know. And if he were, how many more such have you? Shall we search them out, day after day, hour after hour? Will it ever end?” Later, he apologizes and resumes his support of Stephen’s plans, admitting, “Sometimes I think I am not fit to be a priest.” Each As a Changed Person Through the Novel’s Experiences Stephen Kumalo, in Books I and II, moves from near complacency to feelings of powerlessness and then to determination: first to find his family and then to resolve everything by taking them back to Ndotsheni. In Book III, he retreats briefly into concern about how his parishioners and his bishop will accept him, now the father of a murderer. But when his friends demonstrate their support and love for him, and when his extended family settles in at home, he becomes an activist trying to restore life in his community. When he meets with his tribal chief, Stephen displays unprecedented audacity by pushing the old chief into action, thus precipitating change in the community. Stephen further demonstrates his newfound determination by challenging his bishop’s recommendation that he leave his parish. Finally, he expresses his grief to James Jarvis about the death of James’ wife, an act he probably wouldn’t have presumed to do before. Stephen is a muchchanged man as the result of events and actions presented in the novel. James Jarvis also changes remarkably during the novel: from a wealthy, white farmer, content to keep to himself and his English friends, to a father who finds empathy and understanding for at least one black man. He is willing to spend personal resources to help the villagers through a milk crisis and to build a new church. He even persuades the government to help build a dam and teach the black farmers new skills. Although at the end of the book he doesn’t presume that he and Stephen are equals, they have reached a new level of understanding. James not only becomes more sympathetic to the plight of the native blacks of his community, but he begins investing both himself and his resources (partly gained through their hard labor) for the gradual betterment of everyone’s lives and futures.

69 Theophilus Msimangu devotes himself to Stephen’s search and then to the resolution of the future for Stephen’s family. He observes Stephen’s patience and humility, even through the trial, the son’s marriage, and the separations that ensue. Although Msimangu has become almost jaded by the circumstances he witnessed every day in his parish, his interaction with Stephen and his crises apparently brings his own life to a crisis point. He chooses a new life of retreat and poverty, the first black to do so in South Africa. The reader may be left wondering if this is an act of resignation because he can personally do so little to change circumstances that he must retreat from them. Or is this the ultimate dedication of his life to the spiritual future of his people? LANGUAGE, STYLE, AND STRUCTURE In Cry, the Beloved Country, Paton takes advantage of a wide range of literary techniques and styles to communicate more than the mere facts of his story. He may not have consciously selected all his literary tools; in fact, he probably made some choices instinctively. The resulting whole cloth is so beautifully woven, both in story and in style, that the reader is unaware of the separate threads that Paton uses in its creation. Lyrical Style. Chapter 1 represents one example of Paton’s lyrical style. This brief chapter is virtually a narrative poem with several notable literary devices and wordplays; for example: • Imaginative, colorful imagery (“and beyond and behind the river, great hill after great hill; and beyond and behind them, the mountains” and “lovely beyond any singing of it”). • Use of the second person present verb form (“About you there is grass and bracken and you may hear the forlorn crying of the titihoya, one of the birds of the veld”). • Parallelism combined with repetition of key phrases, whole sentences, and rhythms (“Keep it, guard it, care for it, for it keeps men, guards men, cares for men”). • Contrast combined with repetition (“Stand unshod upon it,” and later “Stand shod upon it”; “not too many cattle feed upon it” and later “too many cattle feed upon the grass”). The alert reader will recognize several memorable passages of this chapter when they recur in later chapters, especially at the beginning of Book II.

70 Dialogue and Conversation. Paton read John Steinbeck’s The Grapes of Wrath (1939) just before he started to write Cry, the Beloved Country. He then adopted Steinbeck’s “style of rendering conversations,” an uncommon format for presenting dialogue among his characters. The style does not use conventional quotation marks at the beginning and end of conversation segments. Instead, it usually (but not always) signals the start of dialogue with a dash ( — ). Furthermore, the format minimizes phrases of attribution (“he said” or “she replied,” for example) when it is clear who is speaking. Absalom’s trial provides several long series of exchanges of this kind: — Then after this plan was made you decided on this day, the eighth day of October? — That is so. — Why did you choose this day? — Because Johannes said that no one would be in the house. — This same Johannes Pafuri? — This same Johannes Pafuri who is charged with me now. And the questioning goes on. Because Paton doesn’t name the speaker or describe how the words are spoken, the dialogue flows quickly and naturally. The reader is never in doubt who is talking, so the exchange in the courtroom, for example, seems very rapidfire and blunt, as indeed it is. If other words are necessary to describe an action, the dash may not be used. The first word spoken aloud may be capitalized, but not always. For example, later in Absalom’s questioning: — And then? The accused looked down at the floor. The white man fell, he said. Regarding the style of spoken speech in the novel, the conversation among the novel’s South African blacks, even between family members, may seem especially formal and indirect, even stilted and perhaps awkward. Some literary critics have referred to the style as “biblical,” paralleling it to the language of the King James translation of the Bible. Keep in mind: • The black speakers in the novel are members of a native culture that observes more formality and less directness in its

71 speech than we are used to. No use is made, for example, of contractions such as “isn’t,” “he’s,” and “won’t.” • These native black speakers would normally be talking in a language such as Zulu, and the words on the page remind us of carefully phrased translations into English, more stilted than English spoken by those for whom it is their native language. Simple sentences may be repeated with slight changes so that the resulting conversations seem repetitious or even redundant in words and phrases, adding to the appearance of formality and translation. This language formality occurs in the extended conversation between Stephen and his wife in Chapter 2, in the conversation between Stephen and his friend at the train station, and in the first conversation between Stephen and Msimangu relating to Gertrude. The natural formality among the native black people is further represented early in the book by two idioms in their conversation: frequent use of titles of respect — for example, umfundisi and umnumzana and the syllable u when referring to a white person like uSmith — and the ritual exchange of phrases such as “Go well” and “Stay well” when characters part company. By contrast, the conversation among white speakers in later chapters seems considerably more informal, more like the English we are used to hearing (see the conversation in Chapter 19, for example). Interpolated Chapters. While the details of the novel’s plot are gradually unfolding, Paton periodically inserts whole chapters or large portions of chapters that do not seem to move the plot forward. Chapter 1, with its lyrical description of the countryside, sets the stage for what follows but gives little hint of the primary themes of the book. Later, in the middle of Stephen’s search for Absalom, a chapter about the creation and occupation of Shanty Town (Chapter 9) is interpolated. This fascinating chapter, with its many short scenes, has several emotional story lines of its own: for example, hunting for a place to live and the fevered, coughing child. It also has its repeated theme of anxiety: “What shall we do when it rains?” In each such interpolation, Paton suddenly steps back from the intense, personal view of what is happening to the main characters to give the reader perspective of what is happening around the

72 characters. He uses this unique device, for example, to let the English and Afrikaners express attitudes about the “problem of native crime” and, in fact, the problem of non-whites and their rights (Chapters 12 and 26); to remind the reader that the trial relating to Arthur Jarvis’ murder is not as important to many whites as the new gold discoveries (Chapter 23); and to point out both strengths and weaknesses of the British-based justice system (Chapter 22). (Such chapters are sometimes referred to as intercalary chapters.) Point of View. From whose particular viewpoint is the story being narrated? Paton uses several points of view throughout the novel. In the opening scene at Stephen’s home, for example, the point of view is third person omniscient and subjective — the reader views the activities from the viewpoints of more than person: From Stephen’s viewpoint: He was reluctant to open it, for once such a thing is opened, it cannot be shut again. From Stephen’s wife’s viewpoint: She mustered up her courage, and said, it is not from our son. The scene in which Stephen and his wife decide he must go to Johannesburg closes with a final paragraph in the poetic style of the first chapter. It serves as a brief unlimited and impersonal omniscient comment on what is happening and what is to follow. In subsequent Book I chapters on Stephen’s activities in and around Johannesburg, the predominant viewpoint is third person limited (it doesn’t jump around to other characters) and subjective, with Stephen and his emotions as the primary focus. This viewpoint allows the reader to identify more strongly with Stephen and his feelings. Although mostly in the past tense, the narrative occasionally uses present tense to emphasize immediacy and narrative tension. During Stephen’s arrival in Johannesburg, for example, “Steps go down into the earth, and here is the tunnel under the ground. Black people, white people, some going, some coming, so many that the tunnel is full.” Notice the use of sentence fragments to further heighten the confusion and tension. The main story narratives in Books II and III are also in third person limited and subjective. In Book II, the focal person is often James Jarvis, although the story moves back and forth between his

73 and Stephen’s points of view. Book III is more from Stephen’s point of view. Unconventional Story Structure. Traditional structure of a novel uses a series of scenes, actions, and events that contribute to a sense of rising action in which the main conflicts and problems are identified. Suspense builds toward a climax, a resolution, or an unexpected outcome. In Cry, the Beloved Country, Books I and II tend to follow this traditional structure, allowing for the switch in focal characters and the asides presented in interpolated sections. In the traditional sense, the climax is near the end of Book II. So how does Book III fit into the structure? When Paton’s renowned editor, Maxwell Perkins, first studied the book for its publication by Scribner’s, he had serious reservations about what first seemed to be the anticlimax of Book III. He later decided it should not be changed, and it was published as Paton wrote it. Book III takes place after the climax of Absalom’s conviction and sentencing, after the encounter of the fathers, after Msimangu’s personal decision, and after the preparations to return home. Yet it is only in Book III that we see how the events have truly transformed the lives of Stephen Kumalo and James Jarvis. Only then do we begin to glimpse the promise of Paton’s primary theme: People grow and change by accepting their personal responsibility for serving a cause greater than themselves.

READER’S COMPANION TO THE 1996 FILM Adaptations of the Novel to Other Media Since its initial publication, Cry, the Beloved Country has been adapted for three major stage and film productions. In 1949, Maxwell Anderson adapted Paton’s book in writing the script and lyrics for the “musical tragedy” Lost in the Stars, with music by Kurt Weill. The musical was an outstanding success when it opened on Broadway, but Paton was deeply disappointed with Anderson’s adaptation. For example, Anderson and Weill gave the sophisticated title song, “Lost in the Stars” — actually written years earlier by Anderson and Weill — to the unsophisticated character of Stephen Kumalo. (An American Film Theatre version of the musical appeared in 1974, starring Brock Peters as Stephen

74 Kumalo.) Paton’s reaction to the original musical was intense: “It was extremely painful for me to hear my humble hero in a role that he could never have taken. It was made still more painful for me by the fact that the song belonged to the death-of-God genre, or to put it more accurately, to the desertion-of-God genre.” Paton helped to develop a screenplay for a 1951 film of Cry, the Beloved Country, directed by Zoltan Korda and featuring a young Sidney Poitier as Theophilus Msimangu. Many South African blacks were cast in minor roles and as background people. According to Paton, “Zoltan did his screen tests well, and not one of his choices was a failure.” Unfortunately, this film is not generally available for viewing today. Ronald Harwood wrote a new screenplay for a Miramax Film titled Cry, the Beloved Country, released in 1996 and starring James Earl Jones as Stephen Kumalo, Richard Harris as James Jarvis, and Vusi Kunene as Theophilus Msimangu. Produced by Anant Singh and directed by Darrell James Roodt, the film has a musical score written by John Barry, composer of such films as Born Free, Out of Africa, and Dances With Wolves. It was filmed on locations in South Africa (including Soweto), which contributes significantly to its impact on the viewer. In addition to these three major adaptations of the novel, Cry, the Beloved Country has been adapted for several small stage productions and audibly recorded in whole or in part. One abbreviated tape recording is notable because it is read by Alan Paton himself. Suggestions to Readers Who View the 1996 Film If you have read the novel first, you will view the film with a set of expectations different from someone who has not read the book. You may find it helpful to make brief notes about: • Differences you notice between the written version and the filmed version. • Scenes that you particularly like (or don’t like), scenes that affect you emotionally, and scenes that you consider especially well done. • How the characters portrayed in the film are like or unlike the characters in the book.

75 To facilitate this comparison, especially in a group viewing of the film, it might help to stop the film at several points during its showing to allow time for making notes and perhaps for group discussion. Here are eight convenient, easily recognized stopping points: • When the train is carrying Stephen to Johannesburg. • After Stephen “rescues” his sister Gertrude and her son and they are driving away from the irate madam. • At the supper table in the Mission House after the discussion of Arthur Jarvis’ murder, and after Stephen remembers the small boy who sometimes rode by his church. • After Stephen and Msimangu first visit the young woman carrying Absalom’s child, the white man drives them back to Mission House, and Msimangu apologizes to Stephen for his harsh words. • After James’ visit to the boys’ club, when he is awakened from troubled sleep and goes outdoors, where his wife finds him and asks, “Why do we bring children into this world?” • After James bids Stephen “Go well” at the conclusion of their emotional encounter at the Smith home. • After Stephen and his family get into the car to go to the train station for the trip home. • At the end of the film, after the short Paton quotations from the last paragraph of the book. After viewing the film and making notes as suggested, you might compare your notes with the comparisons and comments in the next section. Comparisons and Comments The Kumalo-Jarvis Parallel and Contrast. The film focuses on the parallel personal stories of two very different men, Stephen Kumalo and James Jarvis: how their separate worlds converge after the tragedy and how each deals personally with his tragedy when he is home again. In the novel, Book I is devoted to Stephen Kumalo’s search for his family, especially his son, and his coping with the fact of Absalom’s crime. James Jarvis is barely mentioned until the beginning of Book II. In the film, their lives are presented virtually side

76 by side. For example, James Jarvis appears in the opening scene of the film, and then Stephen is introduced in the letter scene. Also, James appears again at the train station waiting for the arrival of his daughter-in-law and grandson, as Stephen prepares to leave for Johannesburg. And James is seen driving home with his family just as Stephen is seen on the train. None of these Jarvis appearances occur in the book. The Agricultural Crisis. At the film’s opening, the resonant voice of James Earl Jones intones a portion of the lyrical Chapter 1, but the words in the film do not mention the problems of the dry and deteriorating farms of the valley so clearly contrasted with the farms on the hills in Chapter 1. The issue of the dying native farms, coupled with the weakening tribal society, is not addressed in the film except for brief comments by Stephen about “where my people have gone, never to return,” about the young men leaving for the mines and the young women following them. In fact, in the opening scene, the child delivering the letter runs across a bridge over a wide, rushing stream; in the book, the stream beds are dry, contributing to the native farm crisis. A significant part of Book III shows how the two men begin to devote themselves to realistic community action for agricultural reform, transforming their anger and grief into positive action on behalf of others. This theme is not treated in the film, which focuses instead on the personal adaptations each of them makes in his life in the early days after Johannesburg.

REVIEW QUESTIONS AND ESSAY TOPICS (1) Identify significant events in Paton’s own life that shaped the novel or are directly reflected in the novel. Where possible, draw parallels between themes in the book and Paton’s personal beliefs. (2) Define the distinct racial/ethnic/political groups in South Africa in 1946. Describe and compare their relative social and political positions at that time. (3) Compare the living and working situations in the land around Ndotsheni with the living and working situations for nonwhites in Johannesburg. Illustrate with descriptions from the novel.

77 (4) Throughout the novel, the views of several different racial, ethnic, or political groups are expressed through their words, thoughts, and actions. Identify and illustrate as many of these as you can find. For each, identify what group is represented. (5) Illustrate several ethnic or cultural variations in spoken language in the novel. Identify what makes each unique. Discuss how they contribute to or detract from the novel. (6) One of the themes of the novel relates to the disintegration of the tribal form of society as modern civilization begins to compete with it. Another African book with this theme is Things Fall Apart, by Chinua Achebe. Read Achebe’s novel and then compare it and Paton’s novel in terms of their thematic and stylistic similarities and differences. (7) Discuss the role, the structures, and the impact of interpolated chapters such as the description of life in Shanty Town (Chapter 9), the discovery of new gold in the Orange Free State (Chapter 23), and the scene and aftermath of John Kumalo’s speech (Chapter 26). (8) Write an essay in which you discuss the impact and overall effectiveness of Paton’s literary style and the special literary devices he uses. Support your position with examples from the novel. (9) Consider the changes that take place in the attitudes and motivations of the two main characters, Stephen Kumalo and James Jarvis. Compare the two men in their reactions and adjustments to their sons’ tragedies, identifying the events and points in time when each takes a step in a new direction. (10) Several of the secondary characters are left unnamed in the novel: for example, Kumalo’s wife, his son’s wife, his sister’s son, his good friend in Ndotsheni, James Jarvis’ grandson, and the young white man from the reformatory who helps Kumalo find his son. Discuss why Paton may have decided not to name these characters and how this literary decision contributes to or detracts from the story and its themes.

78 (11) Select five secondary characters (named or unnamed) and discuss how each contributes to the story and its themes. (12) Write an essay in which you describe several themes that are especially important in the novel. Support your views with incidents from the novel. (13) If you have viewed the 1996 film of the novel (with James Earl Jones and Richard Harris), compare the overall impact and message of the film with the impact and message of the novel. Do you feel the screenwriter was justified in making the major changes he did? Illustrate your points with examples.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY PATON’S WRITINGS NOVELS Cry, the Beloved Country. New York: Scribner’s, 1948. Too Late the Phalarope. New York: Scribner’s, 1953. Ah, But Your Land Is Beautiful. New York: Scribner’s, 1981.

SHORT STORIES Tales from a Troubled Land. New York: Scribner’s, 1961.

PLAYS Sponomo (with Krishna Shah). New York: Scribner’s, 1965.

79 BIOGRAPHY A South African Tragedy: The Life and Times of Jan Hofmeyr. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1964. Apartheid and the Archbishop: The Life and Times of Geoffrey Clayton, Archbishop of Cape Town. New York: Scribner’s, 1974.

AUTOBIOGRAPHY Towards the Mountain: An Autobiography. New York: Scribner’s, 1980. Journey Continued: An Autobiography. New York: Scribner’s, 1988.

BOOKS ON THE HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA BRICKHILL, JOAN. South Africa: The End of Apartheid? New York: Gloucester Press, 1991. OMER-COOPER, J. D. History of Southern Africa. Portsmouth, New Hampshire: Heinemann, 1987. PASCOE, ELAINE. South Africa: Troubled Land. Revised Edition. New York: Franklin Watts, 1992. PATON, JONATHAN. The Land and People of South Africa. New York: Lippincott, 1990. SPARKS, ALLISTER. Tomorrow Is Another Country: The Inside Story of South Africa’s Road to Change. New York: Hill & Wang, 1995. TESSENDORF, K. C. Along the Road to Soweto: A Racial History of South Africa. New York: Atheneum, 1989.

80 CRITICAL WORKS ABOUT PATON BATTERSBY, JOHN D. “Reflections on ‘Beloved Country.’” The New York Times April 2, 1988: 11. CALLAN, EDWARD. Introduction. Paton’s Cry, the Beloved Country (1987 Edition). New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987. Contemporary Literary Criticism Vol. 4: 394–96; Vol. 10: 387–88; Vol. 55: 310–14. JAMBA, SOUSA. “Beloved Bookman.” The Spectator 260 (April 16, 1988): 18–19. ROONEY, F. CHARLES. “The ‘Message’ of Alan Paton” The Catholic World 194 (Nov. 1961): 92–98.

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ISBN 0-7645-8501-0

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CRY, THE BELOVED COUNTRY

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CRY, THE BELOVED COUNTRY

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CRY, THE BELOVED COUNTRY

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