Christianity in India : search for liberation and identity 9788172144579, 8172144571

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA Search for Liberation and Identity

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA Search fo r Liberation and Identity

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA Search for Liberation and Identity

Edited by

F. Hrangkhuma

Published by

CMS/ISPCK

1998

Christianity in lndia-Search for Liberation and Identity—Published by the Rev. Ashish Amos of the Indian Societyfor Promoting Christian Knowledge (ISPCK), Post Box 1585, Kashmere Gate, Delhi-110006 fo r the Centrefor Mission Studies, Union Biblical Seminary, PO Box 1425, Bibvewadi, Pune 411 037 under the Contextual Theological Education Series (CTE)-16.

V

© CMS, 1998.

ISBN: 81-7214-457-1

Laser typeset and cover design by ISPCK, Post Box 1585,1654 Madarsa Road, Kashm ere Gate, D elhi-110006, Tel: 2966323, Fax: 91-112965490. E-M [email protected] Intem et-www.Acpl.com/ispck

Printed at Cambridge Press, Kashmere Gate, Delhi-110006.

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CONTENTS FOREWORD

by the Rcv.Dr.(Habil) James Massey

xi

PREFACE INTRODUCTION Chapter 1

Vll xiv

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE DALITS IN NORTH INDIA WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO PUNJAB by the Rev.Dr.(Habil) James Massey

Chapter 2

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MUNDAS, ORAONS, AND KHARIAS OF CHOTANAGPUR

14

by Bishop (Dr.) Nirmal Minz Chapter 3

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MAHARS OF MAHARASHTRA

39

by Dr. Atul Y. Aghamkar Chapter 4

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE KAMMAS AND REDDYS OF ANDHRA PRADESH

64

by Dr. P. Solomon Raj Chapter 5

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MALA AND MADIGA IN ANDHRA PRADESH: TRENDS AND ISSUES

81

by Dr. Job Sundarshan Chapter 6

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE THEVARS

92

by Rev. Vasantharaj Albert Chapter 7

THE DALITS AND CHRISTIAN MISSION IN TAMIL COUNTRY by Dr. Franklyn J. Balasundaram

106

Chapter 8

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE NADARS OF TIRUNELVELLY

125

by Dr. D. Arthur Jeyakumar Chapter 9

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MALAYARIANS OF KERALA: 1848-1900

138

by Dr. George Oommen Chapter 10 CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE GAROS: AN ATTEMPT TO RE-READ PEOPLES’ MOVEMENT FROM MISSIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE

155

by Mr. Krickwin C. Marak Chapter 11 CHRISTIANITY AND MASS MOVEMENT AMONG THE KHASIS: A CATHOLIC PERSPECTIVE

187

by Fr. J. Puthenpurakal SDB Chapter 12 CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE KHASIS: A PROTESTANT PERSPECTIVE

230

by Dr. O. L. Snaitang Chapter 13 CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE NAGAS

248

by Dr. A. Wati Longchar Chapter 14 CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE M3ZO IN MIZORAM

265

by Dr. F. Hrangkhuma Chapter 15 FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTED TO THE ARREST OF MASS MOVEMENTS TOWARDS CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA by Dr. F. Hrangkhuma

312

FOREWORD I feel greatly honoured to have been asked by my good friend Or. F. Hrangkhuma to write a foreword to this important work, Christianity in India: A Search for liberation and Identity. This work is important, because of the following three main reasons: The first reason behind the importance of this present work is that it is going to correct one of the current views that the history of the Indian Church is merely an append­ age of the history of Western Christian missions. It is be­ cause till now, most of the works written either by Western or Indian Church historians carried mostly the stories of the works of Western missionaries or mission boards. The "sub­ jects7of these stories were persons or missions of the foreign origin. The Indian Christians or Churches have been shown more as 'objects' in these stories. But the subjects of the sto­ ries included in fourteen papers of this present work pre­ dominantly are Indian Christians. This change from 'objects' to 'subjects' of their own stories is important, because it is this fact, which is going to prove that Indian Church or Chris­ tians are having their independent story, which tells about their dynamic corporate response to the challenge of the Gospel of Christ. The second reason behind the importance of this present work is that it is going to help in cementing the foundation of genuine Indian Christian theology or theologies. Because till now the Indian church is understood merely as a prod­ uct of Western missions and therefore the Indian theology is taken as appendage to the Western theology. But recently both the Indian Church historians as well as theologians have realized this weakness, therefore most of them while agree­ ing with the positive contribution made by the Western mis­ sions in the life of the Indian Church, have now also recog­

Vm

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA; SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

nised the truth that the story or stories of Indian Christians need to be understood and interpreted independently. The present work is indeed a very important step toward this direction, because it brings to us a number of living stories of Indian Christians and of their Spirit led responses to the challenge of the Gospel of Christ. The stories of ordinary Christians (mostly of Dalit and tribal origin) that run through the pages of this present work are the stories, which tell us how they responded and lived their faith in their own given historical contexts. Now these faith experiences are to be the raw material, which is supposed to give birth to a living the­ ology or theologies. The third reason behind the importance of this present work is that it does not only provide some of the important insights about the processes of re-reading of the historical available data about the Indian Christians, it also lays the foundation of the new paradigm of Christian mission or missiology in India. Because till now, all the Indian Chris­ tians and their stories are not considered at the equal level by the Church historians. For example the Indian Christians who came from the various subaltern communities such as Dalits and Adivasis were not given generally the status of a 'convert'. They have mostly been addressed as 'mass move­ ment' Christians. But most of the writers of this present work, have disagreed with such traditional views. These writers instead of the expressions used to describe the status of these Christians like 'mass movement', which carries a more nega­ tive connotation, have proposed new expressions such as 'Spirit movement' and 'People's movement'. The use of these expressions are important, because the truth undergirded in the meaning of these will give a full authenticity to the Chris­ tian mission's task as a human activity as well as the activity of the founder of Christian mission, Jesus Christ the Lord. With these three-fold personal observations, I am happy to present to the readers this work representing our own story of Christian faith experiences, with a hope and prayer, that

FOREWORD

IX

the process which had begin with this work of re-reading and re-interpreting the historical data and information about Indian Christians will continue, because I believe the results of it, ultimately will become the basis of a genuine Indian Christian theology or theologies as well as missiology.

Delhi 22.02.1998

The Rev. Dr. habil. James Massey Member, National Commission for Minorities Government of India.

PREFACE It was August, 1995. The occasion was the annual meeting of the Fellowship of Indian Missiologists. The location was Ishvani Kendra, a centre of the Missiological studies in Pune. The major topic discussed was conversion in the Indian context. As we discussed the complexity of religious conversions in the extremely complex situation of India, we recalled the conversion movements towards Christianity that took place especially in the 19th and early part of the 20th centuries, that were widely called Christian Massmovements in India, we were wondering why such movements have been arrested in most cases before the entire groups were converted. We also noticed that such movements, whether desirable or not, receded to past history and there we do not see any sign that the movements may resume among most of the groups. The arresting, and even declining of such phenomena, is not only a religious issue. It is both a sociological, political and economic issue. It dawned on me then that a serious study has been made, as to why Christians mass movements have been declining especially in the latter half of the 20th century. I suggested then, that someone should do serious research on the subject, not realizing in the least that the mantle will fall on me within a few months. I am deeply grateful to the members of the Overseas Ministries study center for sending me an application form for Post Doctorate Research and Book writing. I also want to express my heartfelt thanks to Dr. F.S. Downs, Fr. Julian Saldanha, and Dr. Paul G. Hiebert for their recommendation for the scholarship, without which I would have had a small chance. Funding for research leading to this publication, therefore, was provided by the Research Enablement

XU

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

Program, a grant program for mission scholarship supported by tiie Pew Charitable Trusts, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, U.S.A., and administered by the Overseas Ministries Study Center, New Haven, Connecticut, U.S.A. This book is the first part of the research finding. I am deeply grateful to my researchers, such as Mr. H. Lalthlamuana, Mr. Zodinsanga, Mr. L. Rawsea, and Mr. Lamboi Vaiphei, who for several months have gone to vari­ ous places, both to the cities and villages, collecting relevant materials, interviewing people, conducting questionnaires, and observing especially of the Churches' worship. But for them this research would not have been possible. I also want to thank all the writers, and participants in the consultation, and the National Council of Churches in India, for providing an excellent accommodation for the con­ sultation on Re-Reading Mass Movement in India. Many thanks are also due to Rev. Dr. Ipe Joseph, the General Secre­ tary of the NCCI, for delivering the keynote address at the consultation on Mass Movements and the Indian Church. I also thank my daughters Kristaline Laltlansangi (Sangi) and Toni Lalhmangaihzuali (Tetei) who acted as my secre­ taries. Sangi helped me all through the major research pe­ riod, taking care of the correspondence, tabulating the find­ ings of the questionnaires, and in many other things. After the marriage of Sangi to one of the researchers, Mr. H. Lalthlamuana on the 30th of April, 1997, Tetei took over the secretarial job. Both of my daughters-cum-secretaries helped me in the editing work, as well as typing into a computer. My wife Kimi should never be left out in the list for her constant encouragement and prayer, for taking care of prac­ tically all the family responsibilities upon her shoulders, and for her perpetual love.

I hope to publish another book enlarging the summary of the research finding that forms one of the chapters of this book. Lastly I thank the Rev. Ashish Amos of the ISPCK, for publishing this book, and the Rev.Dc James Massey for gra­ ciously writing the foreword. Aug. 1998

F. Hrangkhuma

INTRODUCTION The guidelines prepared for the writers of the multi-volumes of the History of Christianity in India have been influencing my methodological approach to this present study. Most of the books on this subject have been written from the West­ ern perspectives of an eastward expansion of Western eccle­ siastical history. This is mostly an institutional and denomi­ national perspectives, mostly concemtrating on 'internal his­ tory7, and therefore, they are mostly 'Church history.' It is worthwhile to quote the following guidelines given by the Church History Association of India to the writers of the multi-volume History of Christianity in India: The history of Christianity in India is viewed as an integral part of the socio-cultural history of the Indian people rather than as sepa­ rate from it. The history will therefore focus attention upon the Christian people in India, upon who they were and how they un­ derstood themselves; upon their social, religious, cultural and po­ litical encounters; upon the changes which these encounters have produced in them and in their appropriation of the Christian gos­ pel as well as in the Indian cultures and society of which they them­ selves were a part.... Christianity rather than any one section of the Christian Church will form the other basic framework for the study. Denominational diversities will not be ignored or played down, here too both com­ mon features of different denominational experiences in each pe­ riod and region will be explored, and the growth of the ecumenical movement in India described so that these basic units may be seen along with the diversities.

The present study is part of the research on the factors that have contributed to the arrest of the so-called mass movements to Christianity in India. Various scholars were invited to present papers at a consultation on Re-Reading Mass Movements in India, on April 3-6,1997, at the Confer­ ence Centre of the NCCI, Nagpur.

INTRODUCTION

XV

The purpose of the Consultation was to discuss the fac­ tors that contributed to the arrest, even decline of the mass movements that had taken place mostly in the 19th and early part of the 20th centuries, before the entire groups follow the movements, and why are there no hopeful sign in most cases that the movements among these groups may continue? For a starter, I also supplied hypothetical factors (see the last chapter) to each writer, along with the following objectives: 1. To identify people groups and geographical locations where mass movements have taken place, and which missions/denominational churches are involved, and the percentage of Christians in each group. 2. To study the natures of MM and the patterns of conver­ sion and formation of the Church among them. 3. To study missions' policies and methods of building up MM converts/churches. 4. To study the present situation of the MM churches - re­ garding contextualization/inculturation. 5. To study the socio-cultural adjustment of the MM Chris­ tians. 6. To study the relationships between Christians and nonChristians in MM areas. 7. To study the economic situations of the MM Christians in comparison with their non-Christian counterparts. 8. To study the political involvement of the MM Christians. 9. To study the vitality of the MM churches especially in regards to mission and evangelism. 10. To study the effects of the Government's developmental programs upon the MM Christians. 11. To study how far the alternative worldview presented by the missionaries effected and guided the change among the MM Christians and how had this alienated (or otherwise) them from their non-Christians counter­ parts.

XVI

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

The following methodological approaches was also sup­ plied to the writers:1. Sociological Approach By this I mean that the study will develop people group ap­ proaches rather than institutional or Church denominational approaches. For example, among the Mundas of Jharkhan, several denominational Missions and Churches, such as the Roman Catholic, the Lutheran, and the Anglican have been ministering and therefore, the Munda Christians are divided into several denominational churches. Instead of studying the Lutheran Church among the Munda, the Munda churches, or Christians, whichever Church they belong to, should be studied. The basic questions are:(i) What has been happening to the Munda Christians? When they are organized into churches, were they organized on ethnic lines or linguistic lines, or mixed with other ethnic groups? This is important, especially in areas such as Jharkhan where tribal groups speak their own languages. But linguistic question may not be very important among groups speaking the same language such as the Mala and the Madiga. What are the attitudes of the Christians to their non-Chris­ tian counterparts? What is their attitudes to their traditional culture and customs? Do they accept the church they be­ long to as their very own and are not simply participating in it? Do they accept that the survival, growth, ministry, weaknesses, etc., of their Church as their responsibility in every sense of the term, and not outsiders? Is the whole Christian community among the people group active in the ministry of the Church and not only the few salaried workers? What is the level of contextualization/inculturation of the Christians in their ways of life and thinking and perspec­ tives on national as well as their own people as a whole? Are the Christians really and naturally fit into Indian ways of life? And similar questions. (ii) What has been done to the non Christians of the people groups among whom Mass Movements had taken place?

i INTRODUCTION

XVII

What are their attitudes to their Christian counterparts? What impacts of the Christians and the gospel are evident among them? And similar questions. (iii) What is the nature of relationships between the Christians and non-Christians of the same people groups? Are they very different in fheir lifestyle, etc.? Are they living in sepa­ rate groups in the same villages?

1 Comparative Approach The previous section already covered some comparative questions. In this section, what I mean is denominational comparative approach. For example, the Khasi Christians are grouped into Roman Catholic, Presbyterian, Church of God, and others, with their different church polities. Are they all suitable to the Khasi way of life? Which one is most fit­ ted? And similar questions. This section is to be considered minor concerns. 3. History from the Receiving end The study of Mass Movements should be done, as far as possible, from the points of view of the Indians and not the missionaries. Care should be taken in our readings of for­ eign missionaries' accounts. We should make every effort to understand those accounts from the perspectives of the re­ ceivers. The entire Indian historical context should be taken into consideration as far as applicable. More careful considera­ tion, however, should be given to the regional historical and sociological contexts. Christianity cannot be properly under­ stood apart from its entire historical and sociological con­ texts. 4. Missiological Approach Christianity is a missionary religion. The gospel by which it came into existence is to be shared with others. Christianity should give witness and service not only to itself, but to oth­ ers as well. Are the Mass Movement churches active in this

XVIII

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

area giving dynamic witness for Jesus? Not as hirelings, lured by Western agencies but coming from its own inner convic­ tion? Are the whole Christian involved in its mission and evangelism? The Consultation Sixteen scholars participated. The Rev. Dr. Ipe Joseph, the General Secretary of the National Council of Churches in India delivered the key note address on the theme, "Mass Movement Christians and the Churches in India/ Eleven papers were presented (chs. 1,3-10 and 15). Dr. G. R. Singh lectured on Christianity among the Bhils and the Gonds. Dr. Dominic Israel lectured on Mass Movement Christians in Gujarat. Perhaps the objectives were too ambitious, and the meth­ odological approaches too complex for the writers to fulfill and follow in the midst of their busy schedules. Most of the papers did not strictly follow the guidelines. Lively and help­ ful discussion however, followed every paper with sugges­ tions for improvement. Due to the limitation of time, and since none of the writers could give sufficient time to do field research to implement the suggestions, most of the pa­ pers are now published without much changes. Attempt has been made however, to understand Christianity from the people's perspectives. We hope this will further generate the interest of the readers to try to understand Christianity among people groups - the interaction of their total way of life (culture) and Christianity, the transformation the latter had been affecting, and the influence of the people's culture on the manifestations of Christianity in their cultural con­ texts. Most of the pertinent questions asked and suggestions of improvements to the w riters, were dominantly missiological. Participants represent various academic dis­ ciplines such as history, theology, relgion, social science, missiology, etc. One participant, a senior historian, repeately

INTRODUCTION

XIX

told me that he now realizes that history and missiology are not the same. This is a positive gain. Several key leaders of the Indian theological education regard missiology as some­ thing like a branch of the history of Christianity, and accept history professors to be one of the required core staff for Missiology. Missiology is a multi-disciplinary discipline in the sense that it is necessarily aligned with many other dis­ cipline, such as Biblical Theology, History, Religion, Pasto­ ral Ministry, Social Sciences, Communication, Social Analy­ sis, and many contemporary issues such as, women, chil­ dren, communalism, ecology, urbanization, and many more. At the introductory, basic and formative level of missiological study, it is necessary therefore, to include a comprehensive offering of courses. At the higher academic levels of speciali­ zation, majoring in one of the aligned disciplines is appro­ priate. For example, students either in M.Th or D.Th. may choose to major and concentrate in history of missions, so­ cial sciences and missions, Biblical theology of mission, and a host of others. Missiology is a new academic discipline, especially in India, therefore, many scholars are still not sure of its multi-disciplinary nature and in effect, demands a dis­ tinct specialization in itself. Missiology also enriched, en­ larged, and crystallized other disciplines in many ways. Since Christianity is missionary in its origin, nature, and purpose, other disciplines are almost meaningless without missiological perspectives. The Term Mass Movement The general opinion was that the term Mass Movement is deficient to describe the Christian-ward movements of peo­ ple groups in India. For some, it is not only inadequate, it is misleading and also derogatory, and therefore, should never be used. Conversion Movement was suggested, but after much discussion, we felt that the term does not maintain the unique feature of the movements. The term "Spirit Move­ ments" points out an important truth, but like Conversion Movement, we felt that it left out some significant features

XX

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

of the movement "Conversion Movement" and "Spirit Move­ ment" are too general. "Group Conversion" is another term suggested following J.W. Pickett, but it is found that some of the movements studied cannot be termed as "Group Con­ versions'. "People Movement' is a term consistently used by D.A. McGavran, while some of us have some reservation, several of us find it more accurate than other terms, although we do not quite accept his definition of it. For this present studies, I have defined it as ""a movement of people belong­ ing to the same culture toward Christianity in significant numbers over a fairly short period of time, where the con­ verts are allowed to remain in the group, but without drasti­ cally disturbing their former socio-cultural integration". It may be through group decisions as in the case of some groups such as the Malas, the Madigas, etc. It may be dominantly family decisions such as the Khasis, or it may be through individual decisions as in the case of the Mizos, Garos and others. It may be by kinship web, but mostly individual de­ cisions as in the case of the Chuhras and others. Whatever the patterns of conversions may be, the converts were al­ lowed to remain in their socio-cultural groups, albeit with some persecutions, and they were not ostracized. Thus, the converts continously rub shoulders with others of their own people, enhancing continous Christian witness. McGavran rightly said that different kinds of people movements will occur in different types of people groups. Group decision is probably the only possible Christian-ward movement among the people groups who are tight, closed, powerful, highly satisfied, well-disciplined, and proud peo­ ples. In such a group, individual conversions will not be tol­ erated. On the other hand, if the group is loose, open, weak, dissatisfied, ill-disciplined, humble peoples, then, individual conversion is the pattern of conversions. This means that the nature of the movement is largely determined by the na­ ture of the group. The important element is the possibility of the groups, or the individuals to remain in their former group, and to act as leaven, a witness to their own people. It is over

INTRODUCTION

XXI

against extraction evangelism and mission compound Chris­ tianity. The Title of the Book How do we understand Christianity in India? It is not sim­ ply a change of religion. J.W. Pickett's research in the 1930s shows that the reasons for people becoming Christians have been complex. After enumerating 3,947 questionnaires on the motives of conversion, he found that 34.8% converted from spiritual motives ("seeking salvation", "to know God", "to find peace", "because of faith in Jesus Christ", "because of the Love of God", etc.); 8.1% from secular motives ("hope of Children's education", "for improved social standing", "had medical, or agricultural service", etc.); 22.4% from so­ cial reasons ("Family was being baptized", "I didn't want to remain a Hindu when my relatives were Christians", etc.); and 34.7% from Natal influences ("child of Christian par­ ents", etc.). It is clear from this finding that people became Christians to get liberation - spiritual and socio-economic liberation. This, I am convinced, is the true nature of Christi­ anity - liberation of the total person, as well as the groups to which he/she belongs. Christianity in India, therefore, is a search for liberation in the first place. Some began with a search for spiritual lib­ eration, while some with social liberation, and some with economic liberation. Most people need the three-fold libera­ tion - spiritual, social, and economic, and the majority of In­ dian Christians, at present descending from People Move­ ments, continue to search for liberation, which they had found in large measures, and yet still seeking further libera­ tion, hoping both this earthly liberation, as well as its culmi­ nation when, at the return of the Lord Jesus Christ, the King­ dom of God, which is now present in the world liberating peoples, will be culminated. Liberation and identity belong to one another. Even in this age of high mobility, and the increase of floating popu-

XXII

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTI fY

lation where, in increasing number, people belong to mixed groups of people, as in a melting pot, people's identity as belonging to a distinct people group is still important to most people. It is especially important in India. Christianity has provided, as F. S. Downs maintains for the North East India hills people, protection from assimilation, and a distinct iden­ tity. It is true that communalism can, and in some cases, re­ sulted from the desire to maintain one's distinct ethnic iden­ tity, it is still important to belong to a group instead of "no people', minus communalism. Unity should be sought, not in assimilation, but in diversity. As Downs maintains, what Christianity did was to save the tribals of North East India from the process of becoming one of detribalization in the sense that the people lose their sense of identity and selfrespect. Christianity has been promoting people's identity, especially tribal identity. The same is true of the Dalit groups who are now searching for their historical roots and iden­ tity. Christianity in India, then, is largely to be seen as a search for liberation and identity. The liberating Gospel of Jesus Christ, along with education and other services, have been providing the ways to people's liberation, as well as iden­ tity. We send forth this volume with a hope and prayer that further research on the transforming power (in the sense of the change from a condition of human existence contrary to God's purposes to one in which people are able to enjoy full­ ness of life in harmony with God), of true Christianity may increase, and a better knowledge and understanding of In­ dian Christianity be evolved; and the work for all-round lib­ eration of people may increase. March, 1998

Rev. Dr. F. Hrangkhuma Serampore College Serampore - 712 201

Chapter 1 CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE DALITS IN NORTH INDIA WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO PUNJAB James Massey* THE SUBJECT AND SCOPE The original subject suggested was "Christianity among the 'Mazhabi Sikhs, Sweeper Castes, Chamar, Domes, and Bhangi or Lai Begis'. I then suggested that the title be changed to "Mass Movements and the Dalits in North India with spe­ cial reference to Christians in Punjab". However, while deal­ ing even with this changed subject, I am proposing a further change from "Mass Movements" to "Spirit Movements". The phrase "mass movements' is an objectionable phrase which has been used by most missionaries, and now by Indian church historians, to denote mainly Christian converts who were considered "outcastes" or "untouchables".1 In fact, in some parts of North India, some upper caste people who became Christians were addressed as "converts', whereas those from lower castes were known as "mass movement Christians' or simply "Christians'.2 However, there is enough historical evidence showing that the Dalit response all over the country, during the 19th and 20th century, was a response,

*

Rev. Dr. (Habil) James Massey of Punjab, was the General Secretary of ISPCK, and is currently a member of the Minority Commission of the Government of India, Delhi. 1. See for further discussion on the phrase 'Mass Movement'-J. Waskom Pickett: Christian Mass Movements in India, New York, 1933, pp. 21-22. 2. Mark Jurgensmeyer: Religion as Social Vision, Berkeley, 1982, p. 187.

2

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

under the direction of the Spirit of God, to the Gospel of Jesus Christ.3 The time has come to change our theological language and expressions by rejecting old unwanted phrases and replacing them with new phrases and expressions. This is in order to restore the right understanding, dignity, and place, which have been denied to a large number of Chris­ tians, both within the Church, and outside. I do believe this process is on, and this present consultation on 'Re-reading Mass Movements in India' is also part of the same. The second reason I suggested using the title 'the Dalits', in place of 'Mazhabi Sikhs, Sweeper Castes, Chamar, Dome, and Bhangi or Lai Begis' is because these later names, along with many others, have been given to the Dalits by others mainly to despise or show contempt towards them. On the other hand, a majority of the people addressed with these names today, prefer to be called 'Dalits'. This is because, for them, this term, name or title is an expression of hope for recovering their lost self-identity.4 The third reason I suggested adding the words 'North India' to the title of my paper is because this is the part of our country, (which covers almost three-fourths of the coun­ try), where Christian missions' efforts have failed during the last two and a half centuries. The larger North India, which includes North-West, Northern, Central, Eastern, and West­ ern India covers 73% of the territory of India, it does not even have a quarter of the country's Christians percentage. 3.

I have made an attempt in one of the papers, where I have explained why 'Mass Movement' has to be replaced with 'Spirit Movement', because it was the work of God's Spirit that a large number of lower castes people responded to the Gospel. See for detail discussion: James Massey: "Chris­ tianity and Culture, Their relationship in the 19th and 20th centuries in Panjab" in Religion and Society, Vol. XXXVI, No. 4, December 1989, pp. 2426. Also see for more discussion: James Massey: Roots of Dalit History, Christianity, Theology and Spirituality, Delhi, 1996, pp. 54-72.

4.

See for detail discussion: James Massey: Towards Dalit Hermeneutics, ReReading the Text, the History and the Literature, Delhi, 1994, pp. 27-30.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE DALITS IN NORTH INDIA

3

The total number of Christians in our country is about 20 million, out of which 65% are in the four Southern States (in South India), which covers only 21% of the country. Four­ teen percent of the Christians are in North-East India, which covers 6% of the country's territory. In the larger section of our country North India, we have only about 4-5 million Christians, of which more than 90% come from Dalit back­ ground.5 The Punjab (undivided prior to 1947), to which a special reference is being made, is part of this larger section of North India. SPIRIT MOVEMENTS The Spirit Movements were spread out in almost all of North India. In the extreme North, the earliest movement of the Spirit was seen bringing awakening among Megs (weavers), who were living in 3 districts of old Punjab, namely Sialkot, Gurdaspur, and Gujarat. This movement began in February 1859. The first person who responded to the Gospel of Jesus Christ was a person named Pipo, followed by 80 other per­ sons. By the end of the 19th century, Spirit Movement was well established among Megs of this area.6 About the role of Pipo and his fellow believers, Dr. Gordon wrote: "We re­ membered poor persecuted Pipo and his party in our prayers, under the conviction that the whole movement was the work of God's spiritual conviction, which was distinctly recorded in the Mission report of that year".7 In the State of Jammu, a similar Spiritual Movement began during November 1885 among the members of different Dalit communities.8

5. James Massey: Panjab, The Movement of the Spirit, WCC, Geneva, 1996, page Vm (Introduction). 6. Andrew Gordon: Our India Mission, Philadelphia, 1888, pp. 191-206,211230. See also-Frederick and Margaret Stock: People Movements in Panjab, Bombay, 1975, pp. 33-56. 7. Gordon: op.cit., p. 206. 8. H.F. Lechmere Taylor: In the land of the Five Rivers, London, 1906, pp. 8188.

4

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

James P. Alter in his work, 'In the Doab and RohilkhandNorth Indian Christianity, 1815-1915', has narrated the sto­ ries of various Spirit movements in the 3 districts of Uttar Pradesh, namely Meerut, Farrukhabad, Moradabad. These areas were served by the missionaries belonging to the An­ glican, Presbyterian, and Methodist churches respectively. These movements took place among the Dalits belonging to various communities known as Lai Begi, Chamar, Bhangi, and Mazhabi Sikhs.9 There were Spirit Movements among the Mangs and Mahars of Maharashtra, the Doms of Benares, and other parts of North India, including Bihar, Bengal, Orissa, Gujarat, and Madhya Pradesh.10 Some of these movements are dealt with already in different presentations of this con­ sultation and it will also not be possible to deal with them all because of the time limitation. Therefore, only three cases of these movements are being dealt with specially, in order to make some of the important points clear regarding the Dalits' response to the Gospel of Jesus Christ. The areas cov­ ered are Delhi, Uttar Pradesh and Punjab. Spirit Movement among the Delhi Dalits: The story of the Delhi Mission is one of the best sources of the history of the Delhi mission work, particularly that of "S.P.G. and Cambridge mission". This work also gives a detailed story undertaken by the same mission group among the Chamars (Dalits), living in the present areas of Daryagunj, Chandni Chowk, and Turkman gate of Old Delhi. The story of the Spirit Movement among the Chamars began around 1870. According to the story of the Delhi Mission: "These Chamars form one of the innumerable sub-divisions of the Sudra, lowest of the 4 castes into which Hindu society is divided, and, seeing that their trade demands the constant handling of the skins of dead animals, they were regarded 9. James P. Alter: In the Doab and Rohilkhand, North Indian Christianity 18151915, Delhi, 1986, pp. 78-83,137-142m, 172-182,196-197. 10. Pickett: op.cit. p. 53.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE DALITS IN NORTH INDIA

5

as unclean. In Delhi city, the community numbers some 10 or 12 thousand, and forms about a 20th part of the popula­ tion of the dty; they have their own rules and customs in regard to food and marriages, so it does not follow that a Chamar can easily break off from his //brotherhood,/n The story continues telling how some of the members of Chamar community showed their desire to respond to the call of the Gospel even before the Mutiny in 1857. It was in 1873 that some 26 Chamars were baptized. Then according to the story: "During the next few years, there were signs of something like a mass movement; within 12 months, 90 per­ sons had given their name for baptism, and in 1877, when Bishop Johnson, the metropolitan of India, paid a farewell visit to Delhi..., over 200 Chamars received confirmation in St. Stephen's. Altogether 800 were gathered into the Church."12 About the response of the Dalit Chamars to the Gospel of Jesus Christ the authors of the story of the Delhi Mission wrote: "We must fully recognize the fact that it was not the beauty and spirituality of the Christian faith which attracted these members to the Church.... The tyranny of high caste people over the poor degraded out-castes, the moral effect of a great famine, the desire for education and social advance­ ment - we can trace these subsidiary cases at work in Delhi.... Moreover, these cases, or most of them, are constantly at work... yet the result is not always and everywhere the same. The Spirit bloweth where it listeth', we hear the sound and see the results, and with gratitude we recognize the Divine working."13 The story of the Spirit Movement among the Chamars of Delhi continues to challenge the missionaries on one side

11. The story of the Delhi Mission, Westminster, 1917, pp. 39-40. 12. Ibid, pp.40-41. 13. Ibid, p. 41.

6

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

and on the other hand, the Dalit Chamars themselves. The real problem for the missionaries was, how to break the Dalit Chamar Christians' relationship from their original biradri (brotherhood). Also, in a number of cases, their wives were still not baptized. One way to solve this problem was to create a distinct Christian Basti (locality). The first such ex­ periment the missionaries made, was by acquiring a large area in Daryagunj of Old Delhi, where a number of houses were located with an open courtyard. The Dalit Chamar Christians were invited to live here. A meeting (during 1884) was organized, with the help of the community leaders, at mid-night, to further strengthen the separation of the Dalit Christians from their fellow Hindu and Muslim brothers and sisters. According to Dr. Lefray, the meeting began at 1:30 a.m., and went on till 7:30 a.m. During this meeting, the community leader called each mem­ ber to stand and take an oath, by raising his hand, either with the Bible or a pot of Ganges water. The long night meeting above, naturally brought about a separation between Christians and others belonging to Hindu and Muslim religions. After the meeting, three rules of life were also introduced for Chamar Christians: (a) to bring their children for baptism, and put their wives under religious instructions, (b) the marriages should take place only among the Christians, and (c) no ceremonies or rituals of other religions were to be attended by the Chamar Chris­ tians.14 According to the story of the Delhi Mission, till 1905, the Chamar Dalit Christians continued to attend the Sunday services in St. Stephen's, Old Delhi. However, during 1905, a separate church for these Christians was constructed and consecrated by Dr. Lefray in the memory of a former mis­ sionary, Alec Maitland. About this development, the authors

14. Ibid, pp. 44-50.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE DALITS IN NORTH INDIA

7

of the Delhi Mission wrote: "In recent years the congrega­ tion of St. Stephen's has, to some extent, changed its charac­ ter.... the transfer of the seat of the Government of India from Calcutta to Delhi, has brought into the dty, a number of In­ dian Christians drawing decidedly better salaries, than most of the Basti Christians. Added to these, are some who are the descendants of Christians of that class who have won their way into a higher social position. The Congregation of St. Stephen's is, therefore, now comparatively well off, and is certainly the most important of the Indian congregations of the diocese, while the Holy Trinity Church has become, by contrast, almost entirely the Church of the Basti Chris­ tians."15 Spirit Movement among the Mazhabi Sikhs of Uttar Pradesh: The story of the Spirit movement among the Mazhabi Sikhs, have been told by Bishop James M. Thobum in his work, 'India and Malaysia'. The American Methodist Mission work in India began in 1855 with the arrival of its founding mis­ sionary, the Rev. William Butler. After Rev. Butler's arrival in India, in 1859, three other missionaries, which included the Rev. James M. Thobum and the Rev. & Mrs. Edwin Parker, came and started the mission work in Moradabad District of Uttar Pradesh. It was in this district that the story of the Spirit movement among the Mazhabi Sikhs began. The Rev. Thobum (later the Bishop), gave an introduction to the Mazhabi Sikhs in these words: "In that region a class of people called Mazhabi Sikhs numbering 4-5 thousand, were found in small groups scattered through the villages. They had come from the Punjab originally, and were of low origin as to caste, but had embraced enough of the tenets of the religion to be entitled to the Sikh name, but only as to reli­ gion."16

15. Ibid, pp. 54-55. 16. Bishop J.M. Thobum: India and Malaysia, New York 1892, p. 266.

8

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

After the introduction, Bishop Thobum spoke of how the Spirit movement took form among these Dalit Sikhs. He wrote: "They themselves began to come to the missionaries at Moradabad, and a few of them were baptized early in 1859, or possibly even before the close of 1858.... By and by, the work among them spread still further, until, when the census of 1881 was taken, the official in charge reported that the Mazhabi Sikhs had virtually disappeared from Rohilkhand."17

A number of doubtful questions were raised about the motives behind the Spirit movement among the Mazhabi Sikhs. One of the main motives interpreted, was that they perhaps took this step because of their professional back­ ground as thieves. One of the Calcutta papers even reported that "missionaries in Northern India were, even now, bring­ ing a reproach upon the Christian name by baptizing pro­ fessional thieves, and receiving them into the Christian church". Bishop Thobum responded to this allegation by saying: "This, however, is no reproach. For years after our first converts had been baptized in the Moradabad district, they were annoyed by Mohammedan officials arresting them in the most wholesale manner after any theft had occurred, on mere suspicion.... Our people, however, have outgrown that humiliation... It seems to be forgotten that they even were known as thieves...."18 Spirit Movement among the Punjabi Dalits: The basic task of Christian missionaries was to proclaim the Gospel of Christ and to win human beings to faith and obe­ dience in him. This is exactly what Christian missionaries came to do in Punjab. Interestingly, things in Punjab did not turn out as expected. To begin with, the missionaries were interested only in preaching the Christian Gospel to the up­ per caste considered people. A pioneer missionary, of the

17. Ibid, pp. 266-267. 18. Ibid, pp. 267-268.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE DALITS IN NORTH INDIA

9

United Presbyterian Church of USA, admitted this truth af­ ter his first 30 years of experience as a missionary. He said: "In concluding these remarks about my own evangelistic work in the last decade, I may say briefly, that I began with my eye upon the large towns and cities, but have been led from them to the coun­ try villages. I began with the educated classes and people of good social position, but ended among the poor and lowly."19

The result of the above missionaries' approach, was that from 1834 till 1885 - (for 51 years), they had only 477 com­ municant members in Punjab, many of whom were not even Punjabi Christians. The first person to be baptized in Ludhiana in April 30,1837, was a Bengali upper caste Hindu. Then after 1885, we see a quick change in numbers, which grew and grew.20 The understanding of this change is im­ portant because in the beginning, this factor troubled not only the missionaries, but is also the factor that almost shook the entire Punjabi society. Through this, we believe God's Spirit reveals its movement very clearly. We also see God's work and His option for the poor, lowly, and downtrodden in turning this whole affair into a movement of the Spirit. In the beginning, however, this 'Spirit Movement', which church historians have labeled 'Christian Mass Movement', was not a happy sign for Christian missionaries in Punjab. The Punjabi Christian community/church comes from the Dalit background because of the 'Spirit Movement' among the Punjabi Dalits, in which an early Punjabi Dalit Christian, namely Ditt, played a major role. It is about him that J. Waskom Pickett, in his famous work, 'Christian Mass Movements in India', has said that the real founder of the Church in Sialkot was "not Gordon, but Ditt."21 It is the story of Ditt that really tells how the Spirit movement among the Punjabi Dalits began. It is being briefly re-told here. The 19. Gordon: op.cit., p.446. 20. John C.B. Webster: The Christian Community and Change in Nineteenth Cen­ tury North India, Delhi, 1976, p.47. 21. Pickett: op.cit., p. 56.

10

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

source of this story is the first missionary, Andrew Gordon himself.22 Only the main points of the story are given here. The story of Ditt began when a Hindu of the Jat caste (a Punjabi upper caste) by the name of Nattu, was baptized in November 17,1872, by the Rev. J.S. Barr. Nattu was not only from a high caste, he was also the son of a Lambardar (village head), and legal heir to his father's property and position. Missionaries were very happy, but later on they were un­ happy, because Nattu forfeited his right to be his father's heir. For them, he proved a failure, a "weak brother", but this was not true. He became an instrument in bringing a person into the Christian fold, who later became one of the main persons responsible for the present Church, or Chris­ tians of Punjab. This man's name was Ditt. Ditt was from a small village named Shahabdike, which was about 2 miles from a larger village named Mirali, and 30 miles from Sialkot (now in Pakistan). Ditt was bom around 1843. Dr. Gordon introduces him in these words: "...a man of the low and much despised Chura tribe, by the name Ditt, a dark man, lame of one leg, quiet and modest in his man­ ners, with sincerity, and earnestness, well expressed in his face, and at the same time, about 30 years of age." By pro­ fession Ditt was a dealer of hides. He came in contact with Nattu, who taught him about Jesus Christ. Then, in June 1873, Nattu took him to Sialkot for baptism. The Rev. S. Martin was hesitant to accept Ditt for bap­ tism. After all, his Christian teachings were based on the teachings of "a weak brother" Nattu. At the same time, Ditt's knowledge of Christianity was quite sound. He also ap­ peared to Martin an honest person. Still he wanted to delay his baptism but Ditt was not willing. In the words of Gordon: "Mr. Martin finally decided to baptize Ditt, not because he saw his way clear to do so, but rather because he could see no scriptural ground for refusing." 22. Gordon: op.cit., pp. 421-432.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE DALITS DMNORTH INDIA

11

Martin faced another problem when, immediately after the baptism, Ditt asked permission to go back to his village instead of staying in a protected mission compound. This was a new thing for Martin. The practice was that a new convert stayed with the missionary for more instruction and protection. Martin's worry was how this poor illiterate man would deal with opposition. Anyhow, Ditt returned to his village and this action of his proved to be the starting point for a Christian movement among the ex-Churas (Dalits) of Punjab. On reaching home, Ditt did face bitter opposition from his own relatives. For example, one of his fellow villagers rebuked him by saying: "Oh ho, you have become a Sahib (gentleman). Alas, my brother, you have changed your reli­ gion without even asking our counsel; our relationship with you is over. Henceforth, you shall neither eat, drink, nor in a way associate with us. One of your legs are broken al­ ready, so may it be with the other". Ditt did not care about any opposition. Instead he wit­ nessed his new faith in Christ openly and boldly, both to his family members, and others. The result was amazing. Three months after his baptism in August 1873, he had the privi­ lege of taking his wife, daughter and 2 neighbors to Sialkot for baptism. He had to walk thirty miles for the sole pur­ pose of introducing them to the missionaries. Martin exam­ ined them, was fully satisfied and baptized them. Dirt's work of buying hides from different places took him to many villages. He preached about Christ wherever he went on business. He brought more than 500 persons from his caste into the Christian faith in the 11 years (1884) after his baptism By 1900, half the people of his community had accepted Christ, and by 1915, almost all the Dalits known as Churas of Sialkot district became Christians.23

23. Pickett op.dt., pp. 47-49.

12

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

The missionaries, it seemed, were not interested in the Dalits becoming Christians. Some were really troubled about it, that is, about the way God's Spirit was working. This we see from a letter of J.C.R. Ewing, who wrote to the Board of Foreign Missions, in March 19, 1884, and in which he de­ scribed this trend of poor, low castes becoming Christians as, "raking in rubbish into the church". Some other mis­ sionaries in their reports even hesitated to mention these con­ verts7social background, and they were shown as 'common villagers7 or 'illiterate menials'.24 The response of Punjabi Dalits to the Gospel continued, and today in Punjab, we have about 250,000 Christians on the Indian side, 99% of whom come from the Dalit back­ ground. The larger numbers of Punjabi Christians in the Punjab, on the Pakistan side, also share the same background. The above attitude of the missionaries, concerning the response of the Dalits to the Gospel, had a negative effect on Christianity in Punjab. Even today, the Punjabi Christians are afraid to talk about their past that their low social back­ ground may be revealed. When I say 'negative', I mean that though the mission­ aries accepted the above trend as part of their mission work at a later stage, they were not fully convinced till the end. For the sake of a few from the so-called privileged castes, they were forced to maintain double standards in the Church. The real problem occurred in the Holy Eucharist and Church Services, which were after all the only occasions when the two groups of Christians could meet. According to Mark Juregensmeyer, they solved this problem in two ways: "By establishing worship services for those who spoke English, and those who spoke only Punjabi, which de facto eliminated the lower castes from the English-speaking services; or failing this, by ensuring that upper caste converts would sit at the front of the

24. Jurgensmeyer: op.cit., p. 186.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE DALITS IN NORTH INDIA

13

church, so that they would use the communion implements first, before they became polluted by the Christians of the lower castes.

CONCLUDING REMARKS Finally, as part of my concluding remarks, I just want to add that the case histories referred to in this paper point towards a truth that I stated in the beginning of this chapter. That the response of the various Dalit individuals, as well as the com­ munities in North India during the 19th and 20th century, was part of their response to the Gospel of Jesus Christ un­ der the direct direction of the Spirit of God. Therefore, the challenge before the Indian Church historians, and those of us who are involved in the process of re-reading the histori- . cal data of Indian Christians, are to take this truth very seri­ ously. It is not only going to help us in re-constructing our own real church history, but it Will also help us in laying the foundation of our Indian theology as well as Missiology.

25. Ibid, p.188.

Chapter 2 CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MUNDAS, ORAONS, AND KHARIAS OF CHOTANAGPUR Nirmal Minz* Christianity among the Mundas, Oraons, and Kharias of Jharkhand as a chapter in a Book, poses some difficult prob­ lems. All the three conceptual components mentioned above will, of necessity, be dealt with in very general terms. Chris­ tianity expresses itself in its practical forms as Gossner Mis­ sion Society; as Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge; and as the Belgian Jesuit Province Mission at the Beginning. These, later, combined to form the Gossner Evangelical Lutheran Church. In the last twenty years, this also has branched out as North Western Gossner Evangeli­ cal Lutheran Church in Chotanagpur and Assam; Chotanagpur Diocese of the Anglican Church (now Church of North India); and the Roman Catholic Arch Diocese of Ranchi and 10 other Dioceses around it. Chotanagpur (Jharkhand) needs a special attention in Church history and mission history of India. Its geography, history, and socio-cultural life, need comprehensive discus­ sions to have any sense for the reader. However, this is not possible due to space constraints in the chapter. The People-Mundas, Oraons, and Kharias have their particular socio-religious, economic, and political history. We will be able to scratch only at the surface of these Adivasi communities. Without detailed knowledge of the socio-eco­ *

Bishop (Dr.) Nirmal Minz of Ranchi, Bihar, is a retired Bishop of the North Western Gosner Evangelical Lutheran Church.

QiRBTIANlTY AMONG THE MUNDAS,ORAONS, AND KHARIAS

15

nomic and religio-cultural conditions on the eve of the ad­ vent of the Gospel among diem, our understanding of Chris­ tianity among them will be shallow. With the consciousness of the above limitations, we launch on discussing the subject, "Christianity among the Mundas, Oraons, and Kharias of Chotanagpur (Jharkhand)/' Our hope is that many inner dynamics of the subject will not get stifled by general discussions. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE: The land and the people go together. Therefore Jharkhand and its people will be discussed in the same section.

Jharkhand (Chotanagpur): The concept Chotanagpur is used in all Government and Ecclesiastical records. With the passage of time and chang­ ing political boundaries, the original Chotanagpur has shrunk considerably. So much so that, in the present politi­ cal map, only the recently carved 18 districts of South Bihar are included. The original Chotanagpur (Jharkhand) has been cut to a bare minimum size. Therefore, in this paper we still hold that the original Chotanagpur, which is almost co-terminus with the original concept of Jharkhand, as true. The Mohammedan invaders have mentioned this hilly tract as Jharkhand. Jharkhand includes the present 18 dis­ tricts of Bihar; 3 districts of West Bengal-Bankura, Mednapore, and Purulia; 4 districts of Orissa-Mayurbhanj, Keojhar, Sundergarh, and Sambalpur; and 2 districts of East­ ern Madhya Pradesh-Raigarh and Surguja districts. Strug­ gle for the separate state of Jharkhand within the Indian Union has been going on for the last 50 years, but no sub­ stantial success has been achieved thus far. Only a part of Jharkhand, comprising of the 18 districts of South Bihar, form the "Jharkhand Area Autonomous Council". So the strug­ gle continues. Prior to this movement for a separate Jharkhand State, there were many tribal liberation move­

16

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

ments against the alien oppressors and exploiters in Jharkhand. As we will see, Christianity among the Mundas, Oraons, and Kharias came at the early period of tribal lib­ eration movements against Zamindars, Jagirdars, Thekkedars, and money lenders, and the British Sarkar (Gov­ ernment).

Population: The total population of original Jharkhand is about 30 mil­ lion. It is held that of these 30 million, 20 million are Adivasis (this record includes the Kudmalis as Adivasis), and 10 mil­ lion are non-tribals. Mundas, Ho, Santals, Kharias, Oraons, Maltos, Korwas, Birhors, Bediyas, Gonds, and others are in­ cluded among the Adivasis. There are dozens of minor tribes in this region. The Sadans make a sizable population of Jharkhand. Among them-Telis, Turis, Sahus, Kumhars, Ghasis, Chik Baraiks, Barhai, and Lohars are important. These communities have lived with the Adivasis in Jharkhand for much longer time than others who call them­ selves Sadans now. Some of them are the Baniyas, Jolhas, and others. The latecomers from the plains of Bihar and many other parts of India are an addition to the non-tribal population here. These peoples and communities mean much in the context of mission and evangelization in Jharkhand. Our immediate concern is with Mundas, Oraons, and Kharias of Chotanagpur (Jharkhand). THE PEOPLE: As mentioned earlier, we must discuss and describe the Mundas, the Oraons, and the Kharias as separate people, equal to or similar to nations with their language, culture, religion, and territory.

The Mundas: Mundas are one of the oldest inhabitants of Jharkhand. Ac­ cording to reliable sources, they migrated to this region about the 6th century BC. They met the Asurs here. Asurs are a

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MUNDAS, ORAONS, AND KHARIAS

17

vanishing tribe.1 Mundas are found in the South Eastern area of Jharkhand (these directions are mentioned with reference to Ranchi as The Centre). There are about 2.5 million Mundas in Jharkhand. They claim the proprietary right over land as Khuntkattidars. Khuntkatti land tenure system is unique to the Mundas. These lands are inalienable and commonly owned by a village. Usually a village belongs to one killi (dan) group of Mundas, and beyond the village they have Manki Patty or Parha socio-political system. The head of the village is called Munda, and he rules in secular matters. Pahan, the priest among the Mundas lives in each village, and performs all religious ceremonies on festivals and other occasions. Mundas are still farmers and they live on cultivation of rice, pulse, and vegetables. They supplement their economic needs by forest products, and by fishing and hunting. They used to have barter system of exchange of goods in weekly markets, but now money economy has flooded the whole region of the Munda Disum (country). Mundas worship Singbonga as supreme deity (God), and they offer sacrifices and rituals to many good bongos, and some evil bongos (spirits). Ancestor worship is still preva­ lent among adherents of traditional Tribal religion among them. Mundas have been the strongest resistant tribe against the in-roads of the plains Aryan people, the Mohammed­ ans, and the British Government. Birsa Munda (1874-1900), is the greatest hero of the Mundas, and all other tribes of Jharkhand. He led the liberation movement against the op­ pressors, exploiters, and suppression from 1895-1900. He resisted against the missionaries also, though he was a bap­ tized Lutheran Christian, and was confirmed at the age of 1. S.C. Roy, Mundas and Their Country; Ranchi, 1912, reprinted in 1995, p. 69.

18

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

12 in 1886. He founded the Birsaite religious community in Jharkhand. The Mundari language family belongs to the Austric groups of people in India and other parts of the world. Mundari, Ho, and Santal languages are agnate languages. They speak and understand each other, though they main­ tain different languages of their own. The missionaries gave it a written form. Till that time it was only a spoken lan­ guage.

The Oraons (Kudux People): The Oraons live in the North-Western region of Jharkhand. Oraons are a Dravidian ethnic group. Their language is simi­ lar to Konkani, Kannad, and Tamil. The Oraons migrated to Jharkhand after the Mundas. According to S.C. Roy, they might have moved into Jharkhand 2 or 3 centuries after the Mundas arrival here.2 There are approximately 3.5 million Oraons in Jharkhand. The Oraon villages are organized under a head man called Mahto. The village priest, who performs all religious rituals in the village, is called Naigas. A group of 7,12 or 21 villages form the Parha socio-political organization, which has a Parha Dewan (Prime Minister) and Parha Belas (King). All Parhas together form the Oraon, Raji Parha, of the entire territory. They settled disputes with a democratic procedure. Consensus was the method to decide a dispute or any other matter. Oraons also cleared the virgin forests in Jharkhand and settled in villages. The original settlers are called the Bhuinhars while late comers are known as Gaoros. They are primarily agriculturists. It is said that plough cultivation was introduced by the Oraons in Jharkhand. They raise rice, maize, pulse, oilseeds, and vegetables and fruits of different

2. S.C. Roy, The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, Ranchi, 1915, reprinted 1984.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MUNDAS, ORAONS, AND KHARIAS

19

varieties for their sustenance. Like Mundas, Oraons also supplement their economic needs by gathering forest products, and by hunting and fishing. Money economy has now entered the Oraon country, and trade and commerce are very much a part of their life. However, all businesses are in the hands of the non-tribals. Oraon people worship 'Dharme' as one God above all spirits benevolent and malevolent In their daily living they offer sacrifices to the good spirit for help, and to evil spirits (Nad) to ward off calamities. The village Naigas offers ritu­ als and sacrifices on festival and other important occasions of Oraon life. Ancestor worship is prevalent amongst the Oraons also. The cultural life of the Oraons is maintained at the vil­ lage dancing ground. Everyone, young, old and even chil­ dren, take part in singing and dancing almost everyday in dry seasons, on festival days and other occasions. Jatra Oraon led the Tana Bhagat movement, which is in many respects similar to the Birsaite religion. He reformed Oraon religion and took initiative to struggle against the al­ iens in Oraon country who were suppressing and oppress­ ing the society, economically, and culturally. Jatra Oraon lived from 1890-1920. He is another hero of the Adivasis, particu­ larly of the Oraons. Mundas and Oraons lived peacefully together in Jharkhand for a few centuries, but they decided to choose and elect a king for themselves. They elected Phani Mukut Rai (a non-tribal), either in 64 AD or 385 AD. According to Nagbansi tradition, the Munda Manki chiefs and Oraon chiefs were present on the coronation day of Phani Mukut Rai.3 This is the beginning of the Aryan peoples7 entrance into Jharkhand. The process of land alienation and socio­

3.

S.C. Roy, Mundas and Their Country, p. 85.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

economic exploitation of the Tribals by the non-tribal for­ eigners began with the state formation in Jharkhand. The text of 1 Samuel 8:10-17 literally came true in the case of the Adivasis with the coming Nagbansi Kings.

The Kharias o f Jharkhand: After the Mundas and Oraons, the Kharias also moved into Jharkhand. They settled down between the areas inhabited by the Mundas on one hand, and the Oraons on the other, linguistically they come closer to the Mundas, and belong to the Austric group of Tribals. There are 3 types of Kharias: The Dudh Kharias, the Dhelki Kharias, and the Hill Kharias. The former 2 groups are found along the South Koel and Sankh rivers in Jharkhand. The gill Kharias are in Dalbhum sub-division of Raigarh district in Madhya Pradesh. The total population of Kharias is about 600,000 in this entire region. In the Kharia community, Kharias are organized in vil­ lages with Prakhan as the leader, and also into a federation of villages administered by the Kavtaha. Kharias believe in a supreme being. They call him Mafia Ishwar or Sakhi Gosaiya (great God or seeing Deity). They do propitiate the evil spir­ its for help in the family life and for good harvest. Kharias, like the Mundas and Oraons, have seasonal festivals all round the year and celebrate birth, marriage, and death cer­ emonies of family members. Ancestor worship is also found among the Kharias. None of these tribes, Mundas, Oraons, and Kharias, have any statue in their worship. They hold their important annual religious ceremonies in the sacred grove (Sama), a place outside the village. Kharias are practicing settled agriculture, slash and bum cultivation, and they do supplement their economic needs by hunting and fishing. The money economy has penetrated in Kharia social life, and the non-tribals are still the business people and traders. Exploitation of Kharias by the non-tribals continues even today. Kharias have joined Mundas and Oraons in the resistance movement against the non-tribal exploiters and even the British Government.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MUNDAS, ORAONS, AND KHARIAS

21

The meeting point of the Munda, Oraon, and Kharia ter­ ritories, is Konbir Nawatoli a place on Ranchi-Simdega road, via Khunati and Torpa on the Bank of river South Koel. The Mundas reign on the East and the Oraons on the West with the Kharias almost squished between them. However, they have lived peacefully together for generations.

Socio-economic condition o f the People in Jharkhand on the eve o f Advent o f the Gospel among them; Adivasis of Jharkhand lived a relatively peaceful life for more than a thousand years following their migration to this in­ accessible, hilly tract. However, with the election of a king for themselves, the non-tribals from the plains of Bihar and Orissa began to move into it. The marriage relations with kingly states in the neighboring regions opened up ways for their immigrating into Jharkhand. The king, Durjan Sal, re­ turned from Gwalior fort in 1628 and introduced pomp and glory in his court. The relatives of the king's family, those who helped in court and others, were given villages or a number of villages as Zamindars, Jagirdars, and Theccadars. These people seized the chance to assert themselves as the rightful authority to collect taxes and use the villages as free labour. During the Muslim rule, the region continued in its usual administrative structures, but when the British took over in 1765, they introduced their police, administration and rev­ enue collection. The British officials ruled the Adivasi land through the already existing local arrangements made by the Maharaja of Chotanagpur- the Nagbansi King. The Zamindars, Jagirdars, and Theccadars grabbed lands from the Adivasis by various illegal means and methods. This exploitation and oppression of the tribals by the non-tribals ruling dass went so far as to result in some of the Adivasis leaving villages and migrating to other places like Calcutta, or remaining as landless labourers. Land alienation, sodal oppression, and suppression continued under the British rule. Tribals-Mundas, Hos, Oraons, and Santals protested

22

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

and rebelled against the oppressive and exploitative systems prevailing among them in the 19th century. The Kol vidroh took place in 1832-34, Santal Kul (insurrection) in 1855-56, the Sardar Larai from 1859-95, and Birsa Andolan from 18951900. The Missionaries arrived among the Adivasis when the latter's socio-economic and political conditions were dis­ turbed and they were losing confidence in their traditional religions. BRIEF HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN MISSIONS AND CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE ORAONS, MUNDAS AND KHARIAS IN JHARKHAND: The socio-economic conditions of the Adivasis grew from bad to worse, even after the coming of the British Sarkar. The exploitative and oppressive structures were so built in that the British were unable to deal with the people directly. Some of the British Government officials were God fearing people. Therefore, when they knew that four German Mis­ sionaries had arrived in Calcutta and were planning to come to Ranchi, Mr. Hanington, the Deputy Commissioner at Ranchi, sent letters to Dr. Hoeberlin in early 1845, request­ ing him to send the missionaries to Ranchi to work among the Adivasis. This letter confirmed the missionaries' call to Chotanagpur and they arrived in Ranchi on 2nd Nov. 1845.4

The Gossner Mission Society at Ranchi from 1845: Gossner Mission Society, Berlin, was requested to send mis­ sionaries to Burma. Father Johannes Evangelista Gossner was the founder of this society. He prayed over the matter, and selected four young men, Emile Schatz, Fredreick Batsch, August Brand, and Theodore Janke, and sent them to go to Burma. They arrived in Calcutta, and were walking through 4.

S. Mahto, Hundred Years o f Christian Missions in Chotanagpur, since 1845, C.C.Ph, Ranchi, 1971, p. 27. Samuel Shital, Chotanagpur Ki Kalisrya Ka Britant, North India Christian Tract and Book Society, Allahabad, 1939, p. 7. P. Minz, Father Johannes Evangelista Gossner Aur Gossner Mission Society ka Prarambhik Itihas, G.E.L. Church Press, Ranchi, 1986, pp. 12-13.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MUNDAS, ORAONS, AND KHARIAS

23

the streets. They met Adivasis of Chotanagpur working on tiie streets of Calcutta, had compassion for them, and de­ cided to go to Chotanagpur and work among them. As they were contemplating going to Ranchi, the Deputy Commis­ sioner 's letter mentioned above, reached them, confirming their move toward Ranchi. They were doubly assured of God's guidance to work among the Adivasis of Chotanagpur, so they left Calcutta and arrived in Ranchi on the 2nd of Nov., 1845. Missionary's labour and its fruit: The Missionaries began preaching the Gospel of Jesus Christ in Hindi. They distributed Gospel pamphlets in the market places as well. For five years they labored in vain, no response forth-coming from the people of Jharkhand. Early in 1850, four Oraons, Doman Navin Pahan of Hethakotta, Kesho and Bandhu from the village Chitakuni, and Ghuran of Karanda village, came and met the mission­ aries. They were Kabir Panthi Bhagats, and were able to read and write. This indicates that the traditional religion of the tribals in Jharkhand had begun losing its grip on the people. After having a 'Darshan' (vision) of the risen Lord Jesus Christ, they accepted baptism on 9 June 1850. Zamindars (Land Lords), Jagirdars, and other non-tribals began to persecute these new Christians. The pressure and pain were so great that three of the first converts, Kesho, Bandhu, and Ghuran, were forced to give up their faith. They backslided and we have no trace of what happened to them, but Navin Doman Pahan stood the test of time. He organ­ ized a congregation in his village, started a school, and was appointed an elder of the congregation. Thus, Navin Doman became the father of faith for the Christians in Jharkhand. His family tree shows the extent of his people in Christian faith. There is a congregation in Hethakotta and a concrete church building built for worship and other celebrations. On 9 June, 1950, the centenary Jubilee Celebration of Christian­

24

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

ity in Chotanagpur was held at Hethakotta. The North-Westem Gossner Evangelical Lutheran Church will sponsor the planned celebration of the 150 year Jubilee in the year 2000. Expansion of Christianity in Jharkhand: On the 26th of October, two Mundas of the villages Balalong and Bandhya, 15 km. south-west of Ranchi were baptized. Sadho was christened Ishwardutt, and Mangta became Khristanand. These new converts went on telling their relatives and friends about the new faith. It began to spread like wild fire; about 7000 baptized Christians were in different villages. In the meantime, the first freedom move­ ment in India (Sepoy Mutiny) 1857 started. Foreigners were sent out of Ranchi and the surrounding region. The work was disturbed. Missionaries left Ranchi, leaving Rs. 200 with Navin Doman to take care of the new converts in the area. Under very difficult circumstances, Doman took care of the faithful at the risk of his own life. The mutiny subsided, and the missionaries came back. The missionary personnel were reinforced. Dr. Alfred Notrott and Fr. Ferdinand Hahn ar­ rived as the second batch of missionaries. Two Kharias, Mangru (Johan) and Bandhu (Paulus) from the village Fadsom, about 70 km. South of Ranchi, were bap­ tized on 8 June 1866. Dr. Alfred Notrott concentrated his ministry among the Mundas. He served at Chaibasa and Burju and Govindpur. He learnt Mundari language and translated the whole Bible in Mundari in 1895. The Mundari Bible was released during the Golden Jubilee in 1895. Fr. Ferdinand Hahn was set apart for the ministry among the Oraons. He started his ministry in Lohardaga about 70 km. West of Ranchi. He learnt Kudux language of the Oraons, wrote grammar, and folklore, and translated the Luther's small Catechism and the Gospel in Kudux language.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MUNDAS, ORAONS, AND KHARIAS

25

Education and Medical Programmes: They started primary schools at many mission stations, starting with Ranchi. The Gossner High School at Ranchi became the second high school by 1898. Bethesda Girls School was started on 2 December 1851 and is the first edu­ cational institution to promote female education among the Adivasis of Jharkhand. Medical aids were provided to the sick and needy through clinics and medical centres. Eliza­ beth Hospital, Ranchi, catered to the health needs of the peo­ ple around it. Agricultural training centres and later on a Leprosy Hospital, were started at Lohardaga and then shifted to Purulia. The German missionaries attended to the socio-economic needs of the people. They represented the land issues and problems of the Tribals to Her Majesty's Government in 1889.5

The S. P. G. and the Anglican Mission in Jharkhand: The British Government promoted Christian Missions indi­ rectly, and the Missions originating from Great Britain had much more protection than other missions for their mission­ ary work. Yet there was no mission society related to Angli­ can Church in Chotanagpur till 1869. An unfortunate event in Gossner Mission at Ranchi took place after the second batch of well trained and educated missionaries arrived. Father Gossner died and new Mission directors were ap­ pointed to supervise the field. The younger batch wanted the mission work conducted as per the rules of a constitu­ tion framed for them The older ones wanted to continue the work as they had been working from the very begin­ ning. This, and other factors led to the split in Gossner Mis­ sion personnel at Ranchi in 1869. Fredrich Batch agreed to join the S.RG. Mission with some Pastors and Congregations

5. An enquiry into the causes of land question in Chotanagpur proper and attempt to devise means for its solution, The Vorstand of the German Evangelical Lutheran (Gossner's) Mission, Benares, 1889.

26

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

of Gossner Mission in Ranchi. This step was taken when the Metropolitan of Calcutta agreed to support and began to subsidize the work at Ranchi. The final split took place on 16 March 1869. Fredrich Batch was ordained presbyter of the newly found S.P.G. Mission. Henry Batch, brother of Fredrich Batch, Frederich Bahn and Daud Luther Singh were ordained as Deacons on 18 April 1869, by Bishop Milman. The founding of S.RG. Mission gave the firm standing for the Anglican Church in Chotanagpur among the Mundas, and Oraons. There may be very few Kharias in this Church. Education and Health Ministry: Education and health ministry by S.RG. Mission was intensified much faster as they had better finance and state backing. Schools and Hostels were immediately set up at Ranchi and Murhu, about 50 km directly to the South of Ranchi. By 1890, a seminary was established to train Pas­ tors for the Church. In 1904, The Dublin University Mission started work in Hazaribagh, with a programme of school, hospital and later on founded St. Columbus College, Hazaribagh. The Dublin University Mission reinforced the S.P.G. Mission in terms of personnel and programmes. The S.P.G. Mission, later the Diocese of the Anglican Church, concentrated its work more among the Mundas and some among the Oraons.

The Roman Catholic Mission in Chotanagpur: The Jesuits Belgian Province took charge of the Mission work among the Tribals in Chotanagpur. "On July 10,1869, Fr. A. Stockman arrived at Chaibasa. On Nov. 8,1873, Mgr. Stein baptized 28 persons of some 7 Munda families KATUPANI. These were the first Catholics of Chotanagpur."6 The first mission station was founded at Kochang in 1875 in the old district of Lohardaga. 6. Peter Tete, Kharias and the Catholic Church in Biru, St. Alberts College, Ranchi 1990, p. 60.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MUNDAS, ORAONS, AND KHARIAS

27

Bandgaon and Sarwada The mission work was shifted to Bandgaon in 1880, and to Sarwada in 1884, independent of Chaibasa. Fr. Fieren and Fr. Joseph Millender continued to serve in Bandgaon and Sarwads. They gathered 371 Catholics among whom many were former Lutherans. Then the mission stations at Jamgain and Doranda were started in 1884-85 by Fr. Ferdinand De Cook. Father Johan Baptist Hoffman, a social worker began his missionary life among the Mundas in 1893, at Bandgaon and Sarwada. He studied the Mundari language and went deep into the Mundari Khunkatti and Bhuihari rights of Tribals in Chotanagpur. He proposed the scheme of amending laws in 1902-10, and surveyed settlement in 1908. He drafted the 1908 Chotanagpur Tenancy Act for the Government, and got it passed. The Chotanagpur co-operative credit society was organized by him. He wrote the Encyclopedia Mundarica, a classic in Munda language and literature. Louis Cardon and Biru Mission 1889: Father Cardon started his ministry among the Kharias in Tetra and Konbir Nawatoli. He was assisted by Fr. Dehon. They founded the Mission stations at Rengari, Samtoli (simgega), Gangutoli, and Kurdeg in Biru Parganas. Most of the Catholic Christians in Biru are Kharias and Oraons. It has become Simdega Diocese now, with Bishop Joseph Minz. Fr. Constant Lievens and Torpa and Barwe Mission: Fr Constant Lievens was an extraordinary servant of God. He fought for peace with Justice among the Mundas and Oraons of Jharkhand. He arrived in Asansol in 1881, moved to Doranda on 18 March 1885, and then on to Jamgain on 19 March 1885. He learnt Mundari and Oraon and set­ tled down at Torpa from Nov. 23, 1885. "He had seen the poor socio-economic condition of the Tribals to whom he was going to preach the Gospel. He knew that preaching alone would be of no use and would be a waste of energy.

28

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

Secondly, he wanted to free them from the clutches and tyr­ anny of the Land Lords, so that they could live in peace rather than in fear/'7 Fr. Lievens was a friend of the Tribals. He took up the defense of the Tribals in land cases, and became successful in the Torpa area. He baptized people in hundreds, some­ times the whole village, and by 1887 there were 10,000 Catho­ lics there. Fr. Constant Lievens was appointed as the Direc­ tor of Lohardaga Mission on August 27, 1888. He traveled and established contacts from August to September 1889, in Dhiga, Panari, Nawagarh, and finally moved into Barwe vil­ lage after the villagers came to him with a request to accept and help them. Some ex-Lutherans and traditional religious groups were accepted and baptized by the thousands in a day. There were some defections at Doisa due to eating with other Christians rather than allowing them to continue sac­ rificing to their spirits as before.8 His work was questioned by many of his colleagues. This disappointed him. "He suf­ fered intense pain and disappointment when his work was censured. But his conscience was clear because he was fully convinced that giving fielp to the Tribals was profoundly Christian, and in keeping with the teaching of the Church."9 Many Belgian Missionaries kept their hands off the land is­ sues of the Tribals. They were for evangelisation and char­ ity, and not for peace with Justice as Lievens' did.

Growth and Consolidation o f Christianity among the Mundas, Oraons, and Kharias in Jharkhand: The Gossner Mission spread far and wide among the Mundas, Oraons, and Kharias in course of time. The nu­ merical strength of the Mundas in Gossner Mission increased

7.

Peter Tete, ed., Constant Lievens and Catholic Church in Chotanagpur, Arch Bishop's House, Ranchi, 1993, p. 5.

8. Ibid, p. 10. 9. Ibid, p. 11.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MUNDAS, ORAONS, AND KHARIAS

29

faster as they came to the Mission in groups, sometimes vil­ lage after village. The spread of Lutheran Mission among the Oraons was more in terms of individuals and families, not entire villages, as in the case of other missions. Gossner Mission's ministry among the Kharias also increased with a slow pace, but by 1895 there might have been about 40,000 Lutheran Christians in Jharkhand. Two-thirds of the Lutherans were Mundas, one-third Oraons, and the rest, oth­ ers. In 1919, this mission became an autonomous Gossner Evangelical Lutheran Church in Chotanagpur and Assam. The leadership was taken over by the Tribeil Lutheran Chris­ tians. With much difficulty, this Church has become a selfsupporting, self-governing, and self-propagating body in Jharkhand. It has gone through many crises due to internal contradictions, and recently the North-West Gossner Evan­ gelical Church branched off G.E.L. at Ranchi. Inspite of strug­ gles among themselves, the church has grown in member­ ship and strength. The present total membership of Lutheran Christians in Jharkhand will be about 400,000 baptized Chris­ tians. At the moment it is running Gossner Theological Col­ lege for training pastors, Gossner College in Arts, Science, and Commerce, and runs more than a dozen high schools with women teacher's training college, and Bethesda B.Ed. College at Ranchi. There are a number of clinics and one hospital at Amgaon in Orissa. The Pracharak Training School at Govindpur and Technical Training School at Phudi on the Ranchi-Khunti Road are run and managed by this Church, along with others. The G.E.L. Church is now organized with 5 Dioceses under a Moderator on CNI pattern. The N.W.G.E.L. Church also has an Episcopal Bishop with its seat at Ranchi. The Chotanagpur Diocese o f the Anglican Church:

This Diocese is one of the largest in the CNI Church now. There is a plan proposed to bifurcate the Diocese into 2 Dio­ ceses. The present strength of Chotanagpur Diocese is about 80,000 baptized members. This is predominantly a Munda

30

CHRISTIANITY DMINDIA; SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

membership church, with a sprinkling of Oraons and oth­ ers. The Dioceses run the St.Columbus' College, Hazaribagh and the StPaul College and School at Ranchi. St.Margaret High School is an important female education centre. In the rural areas such as Itki, Murhu, and Chaibasa, more schools for boys and girls are run by the Dioceses. St.Bamabas Hos­ pital, Ranchi, St.Kiran Hospital, Hazaribagh, and other smaller medical centres are also run and managed by them. The expansion of Roman Catholic Church: It began with the Arch Diocese of Ranchi, and at present there are 10 Catholic Dioceses with Tribal Bishops around Ranchi Arch Dioceses. These Dioceses are: 1) Ranchi 2) Gumla 3) Simdega 4) Khunti 5) Raigarh 6) Ambikapur 7) Jamshedpur 8) Dumka 9) Daltongunj 10) Hazaribagh, and 11) Hamirpur (Rourkela) in Orissa. The numerical strength in the Catholic Church would be in the following order. The majority Catholics are Oraons, and then Kharia and Munda membership would follow. There are about one million Catholic Christians in Jharkhand. The network of English and Hindi medium primary, second­ ary schools and colleges are run by various orders and con­ gregations, Fathers, Brothers and Sisters in the Catholic Church. The networking of Clinics, and a number of Hospi­ tals at strategic Centres are the strength of the Catholic Church in the Jharkhand region. They run many minor semi­ naries to prepare young men for ministry after taking them through the seminary at St.Albert College, Ranchi, and other regional seminaries all over the country. The chain of St.Xavier Schools and St.Xavier Colleges, Xavier Institute of Social Services at Ranchi, and Jamshedpur, prepare young people for the administrative and professional jobs in Gov­ ernment and private agencies. The Catholic Press at Ranchi has a good and effective management. They have institu­ tions like Satya Bharti and Social Development Centre at Ranchi, which cater to the needs of young people.

CHRISTIANITYAMONG THE MUNDAS, ORAONS, AND KHARIAS

31

Understanding and interpretation o f this phenomenal growth of Christianity in Jharkhand: Rapid growth and spread of Christianity among the Adivasis of Jharkhand has attracted the attention of many people at home and abroad. Some scholars have described Christian­ ity in Chotanagpur as an outstanding event in mission his­ tory in India. "The Mission of Chotanagpur has, thus, be­ come one of the most outstanding missions in recent histo­ ries. This is due to the religious spirit of the people and to the zeal of the German Lutherans and the Belgian Jesuits who worked among them ad maiorem Die Gloriam."10 Passion for the Gospel of Jesus Christ of the missionar­ ies and their compassion for the Adivasis of Jharkhand is one of the underlying facts for the spread of Christianity in this fegion. Missionaries were the first group of human be­ ings who proved to be real friends of the Adivasis in Chotanagpur. They came in contact with the people here in the middle of the 19th century. Many other groups of peo­ ple from the plains of India, and also from foreign countries had come in contact with the Adivasis from the 1st century AD.11 These contacts were, in general, used to exploit, op­ press, and suppress the Adivasis by the Aryan immigrants to Jharkhand, the Muslim and British Colonial Rulers. The missionaries befriended the Oraons, Mundas, and Kharias. They lived, served, and many even died for the cause of the tribal people. They penetrated into the interior andlived with the people, learned their language, and served them with genuine love and sacrifice. Motives for becoming Christians: Many anthropologists, some missionaries, and others have questioned the motives of the Adivasis in accepting 10. Fidelis de sa, Crisis in Chotanagpur, Redemptorist Publication, Bangalore, 1975, p. 337. 11. Nagbansi Kings took over the administration of this area from 64 AD or 385 AD. S.C. Roy, Mundas and Their Country, reprinted, Catholic Press, Ranchi, 1995, pp. 85-86, and The Oraons of Chotanagpur, reprinted, Catho­ lic Press, Ranchi, 1984, p. 29.

32

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

Christianity. Some say that they were attracted by the ma­ terial gains that the missionaries offered to them. Sure enough, it was the Christian missionaries who brought edu­ cation to the villages of the Adivasis, and they did help them to get redressed their grievances on land and other issues. The people who came in contact with the Adivasis before the missionaries never cared to do anything good for them. Instead, all of these Dikus (foreigners from the plains) were mere thieves and robbers. They took advantage of the hon­ esty, simplicity, and goodwill of the Adivasis, and grabbed land, seduced the women, and treated the tribal people in­ humanely. Naturally, the coming of the missionaries was a great blessing to the Adivasis and it was good that they ac­ cepted Christianity. Liberation of body, mind, and soul, came to the Adivasis through preaching, teaching, and healing ministry of the missionaries. Another theological and theoretical reason for Christi­ anity being accepted by the Adivasis is much deeper. The Adivasis' worldview is that there is an organic relatedness of the nature, spirit, and God. This philosophy of relatedness of all things comes very close to God relating himself with human beings by creation and redemption, and caring for them. The customary laws among Adivasi communities are similar to the old Testament laws governing society in Jew­ ish history. This facilitated the acceptability of Christianity among the Adivasi communities in Chotanagpur. Mass Movement/Peoples Movement: In the 1930's a study, of the phenomenal growth of Chris­ tianity among the Dalits and Adivasis, was made by Bishop J.W. Pickett.12 Bishop Pickett makes the following remarks in connection with the phenomenal growth of Christianity in Chotanagpur. He says, "Aboriginal Tribes - Mundas, Oraons, Kharias, Santals, Hos, Bhils and others have con­

12. A book- J.W. Pickett, Christianity Mass Movements in India, The Abington Press, New York, 1933, was published as a result of this study.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MUNDAS, ORAONS, AND KHARIAS

33

tributed hundreds and thousands of converts through mass movements. They must not be confused with the depressed class: their position in relation to the Hindu community is radically different/'13 Though Bishop Pickett made a clear difference between the Dalits and Tribals, we assume that mass movements among them were one and the same phe­ nomenon. He makes a remark further, to this effect, "Since the era of Protestant Missions began, the Roman Catholic Church has continued its experience with mass movements. The most spectacular recent mass movement to Roman Ca­ tholicism has been in Chotanagpur, where it has paralleled and outstripped movements into the Lutheran and Angli­ can Churches."14 Since the author of Christian Mass Movements in India is no more in this world, we cannot debate the matter with him. However, there are still some misunderstandings and wrong interpretations of the Adivasis' movement into the Christian fold. References are made to the people being bap­ tized village after village, and many families together in Chotanagpur mission history. The Gospel spread along fam­ ily lines. The converts went on telling the good news to their relatives. These relatives took baptism together. Vil­ lages in the Munda and Oraon communities are constituted by the same clan. If there is a village with Horo/Minz totemic clan, the whole village will bear that surname. There­ fore, even villages are not masses of people in the ordinary sense of the word. It is a very well knit community of peo­ ple with blood relations. Therefore, hundreds of. thousands joining the Church did not mean crowds of people, but in­ stead, were well defined and closely related persons and families, who joined the Christian fold together. We should not call it "Mass movements", but rather "People's move­ ment", i —r

13. Ibid, p. 28. 14. Ibid, p. 38.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

Recent Church Growth movement has clearly empha­ sized on People to People reaching the unreached.15 This vision of Mission among the Tribes of India and their move­ ment into the Church is definitely People's Movement and not Mass Movement.

Self understanding o f Christians in Chotanagpur: Three streams of Christian Missions - the Gossner Mission (German Lutheran); the Anglican S.P.G. Mission (British); and the Jesuit Belgian Province Mission (Belgian Catholic) are bound to affect Christian self-understanding in Jharkhand. The following is an attempt to present a general self-understanding of all Christians in this region. Understanding of Liberation: There is a common feeling and knowledge that Chris­ tians are liberated from the atrocities of the Zamindars and other exploiters and oppressors. They are now bold enough to face these forces and try to keep themselves safe and free from the age old pain and social suffering. They also find themselves free from the troubles of evil spirits that was so oppressive among them. The above feelings are living ex­ periences of the Christians in Jharkhand. Faith in Jesus Christ, in their heart and enlightenment of their mind by education have given them a new sense of freedom and self confidence. Over and above this liberative experience, they have come to know that they belong to the fellowship of Believers all over the world. Being a member of the church universal, they know that they are not alone in a comer of India. This gives them courage and confidence to struggle in life.

15. D. McGavran, Discipling Without Dismantling the Tribe, Tongue, and People, in Mission Mandate, ed. M. Ezra Sargunam; Mission India 2000, Madras, 1992, pp. 162-179, and M. Ezra Sargunam, People Groups and People Move­ ment, in Mission Mandate, pp. 180-191.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MUNDAS, ORAONS, AND KHARIAS

35

The Early Christians: The early Christians had another deeper dimension of confidence in the living Lord Jesus Christ. During the 1857 mutiny, Christians and missionaries in Chotanagpur were openly persecuted. Their lives were always in danger. How­ ever, living faith in God and trust in His faithfulness and power to protect them were enormous. One of the Bhajans says, "The head may be chopped off the body, but we will never deny Jesus" (Ekka Justin, Sunto Sangi Sadhu). Nomi­ nal Christianity, in the 3rd and 4th generations, has tried to erode the above self-understanding today. Today's Chris­ tians feel alienated from their traditional cultural ethos as they are removed from the socio-cultural roots of the Adivasis. This consciousness has increased now, and there are sincere attempts to regain cultural roots, even by the Church as a whole. The uprootedness of Christians was due largely to a wrong understanding and interpretation of Tribal Culture by all three streams of Missionaries in the begin­ ning. Responsible for spreading the Gospel: There is a growing understanding of Christians here that they are responsible for spreading the Gospel to their neighbors. There are two schools of thought in this under­ taking. One is ready to do it, but only when money comes from abroad will the gospel be spread. This school has two pretenses: first, international sharing and help cannot be stopped; second, that the Adivasi Christians are poor and are not able to contribute. The second school is of the opin­ ion that for the preaching of the Gospel or sharing of one's faith, it is not necessary to beg from others. It is possible for the Adivasi Christians to support the spread of the Gospel as God has blessed them with abundant blessings. The ma­ jority, however, still belong to the first school. Only a few, particularly the members of North-Western Gossner Evan­ gelical Lutheran Church, have taken the second position, sent

36

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

two missionaries to Bamra in Orissa and financially support­ ing them. Language and Gospel translatable into Tribal Languages: The Tribal languages have been given a written form. The whole Bible or a part of it has been translated in all the major tribal languages. The fact that their languages can also convey the message of God in Jesus Christ and can be­ come the bearer of the Gospel now, has given the Adivasi Christians a sense of equality with other peoples and lan­ guages in India and the world. The Roman Catholic em­ phasis on inculturation has promoted the above self image in a more positive manner. Lutherans and Chotanagpur Diocese of the Church of North India (CNI), are in favor of using their mother tongues for worship and liturgical pur­ poses. They have, however, not taken the implication of this step for the theological work of the Church here. For in­ stance, Tribal Christian Theology is much more promoted by the Catholics than the Lutherans and the CNI (former Anglicans). Inspiration to struggle for peace with Justice: Christianity is one of the key sources in Jharkhand that has inspired the Adivasis to struggle for socio-economic and political justice. This is acknowledged, but Christian par­ ticipation in the struggles is not as open and free as they should be. The churches are hesitant to take the side of the poor at many points in practiced life. Politically, the officials of the Church had stood for the status quo, rather than change in favour of the poor and oppressed. Individual Christians and groups have taken positive stand to struggle for peace with justice. The struggle for a separate state of Jharkhand is a crucial question in relation to the self understanding of Christians in Jharkhand.

How do the neighbors look at the Christians in Jharkhand: On the whole, the neighbors see the Christians more ad­ vanced in literacy and education than their own fellow tribes­

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MUNDAS, ORAONS, AND KHARIAS

37

men and women. Some neighbors are very critical of Chris­ tians and Christianity. On one hand, such people admire and appreciate the educational and medical services pro­ vided by Christians to all people, irrespective of religion and caste. However, on the other hand, they still hold a preju­ diced idea that the foreign missionaries lured the poor Adivasis with material help. They always complain about Christianity, calling it a foreign religion, and plead with the Adivasis to give it up. The Christian lifestyle, theological teaching and under­ standing of Christianity is still steeped with foreigness in Jharkhand. Though the churches have become autonomous, the theological legacy of Germany, England, and Belgium continues to show itself in an old crude form as they were brought in the beginning. Therefore, the complaints of the neighbor are true to a large extent in this regard. Two schol­ ars have said very good things about Christianity and Chris­ tians in Jharkhand. Sarat Chandra Roy has the following to say, "This fresh accession of strength was imparted by a strong ally which now came to them as Godsend. This new ally was the religion of the cross. With Christian missionary came the Christian school master. And with a dawn of edu­ cation a vivid realization of their present position as well as their lawful rights and privileges."16 Dr. K.S. Singh, an out­ standing social scientist and historian today, has made the following remarks regarding Christian missionaries. He says, "As a proselytizing religion, Christianity sought to in­ tegrate its members'into a cohesive community and in this sense it was the first practical and human approach to the tribals who had been converted to it."17 The neighbors are of two basic categories. The Adivasis adhering to traditional religion, and those who practice Hin­

16. Sarat Chandra Roy, Mundas and Their Country, p. 145. 17. ¡CS. Singh, Birsa Munda, p. 21.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

duism, Islam, and other religions. Those of the first group have a mixed opinion about Christians. Some of them still believe that Christians have desecrated the Munda, Oraon, and Kharia religions and society. Other hold that Christians have taken the right step and they should also follow the same path in course of time. The Oraons are more support­ ive of the purity of their own traditional religion. The Hindu and Muslim neighbors still retain an attitude of hatred to­ wards the Christian tribals. They have no substantial rea­ sons to do so.

Chapter 3

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MAHARS OF MAHARASHTRA Atul Y. Aghamkar* The choice of the term 'mass movements' is perhaps not appropriate in describing the conversion movement to Chris­ tianity in Maharashtra. This is because, except in Bassein (Vasai, north of Mumbai), no large scale conversions that can be called 'mass movements' have been recorded in Maharashtra. Therefore, technically speaking, no 'mass movements' have occurred in Maharashtra. However, some small scale group conversions among the Mahar, Mang, and Bhill communities have occurred in various parts of the state in the last hundred and fifty years. This paper is an attempt to trace group conversions among the Mahars in Maharashtra (more specifically in Ahmednagar district) and to discuss factors that contributed to their conversion and eventual arrest. This paper does not claim to present a comprehensive picture of the history of Christianity in Maharashtra. Instead, it focuses on specific areas where segments of the Mahar community have re­ sponded to the gospel in groups. Perhaps, one of the major limitations of this paper lies in lack of availability (and accessibility) of historical documents and other resources. Very little historical literature is avail­ able on Christianity in Maharashtra, and especially about conversion movements in Maharashtra. Hence, I had to depend on a very inadequate literature on the given topic. *

Rev. Dr. Atul Y Aghamkar of Maharashtra, teaches Missiology at the Un­ ion Biblical Seminary, Pune,

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

THE STATE OF MAHARASHTRA The state of Maharashtra came into being on May 1, I960, as a distinctive Marathi state. Prior to that, the state was di­ vided into two: Bombay Presidency and Central Province. However, in 1960 when the borders were rearranged along linguistic lines, Gujarat became separate and Maharashtra came to encompass the area of land inhabited primarily by the Marathi speaking people.1 It is the third largest state in India, both in area and population. The Brahmins, although a very tiny minority, are very influential people in Maharashtra. However, the most dominant ethnic group in Maharashtra is the Maratha2 which includes at least ninetysix clans. The Marathas are known by different names in different parts of Maharashtra. However, the most common name by which they are known is Kunbi. They are seen at their best in the Deccan where they sometimes take the title of Marathas.3 It is estimated that the Marathas consist of 40% of the total population of Maharashtra.4 The Mahars are another significant people group that is found all over the state. Under the leadership of Ambedkar, they have sought to bring about many radical changes in the life and society of Maharashtra. The name Maharashtra given to the Marathi speaking state is interpreted as 'the great nation". Many legends are 1. Mumbai Presidency included most of the present Gujarat State and Cen­ tral Province including part of Madhya Pradesh. The Central govern­ ment had to give in to the demands of the Marathi speaking people for a separate state for Marathi speaking people. Although a number of Marathi speaking people are found in Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, and Karnataka, the bulk of Marathi speaking people now live in Maharashtra. 2. It is necessary to avoid confusion in the use of the word Marathi which signifies both inhabitants of the area in which Marathi language is spoken and a member of the caste to which the general name has been specifi­ cally applied. Here we use the word in a latter sense. 3. R.B. Russell and Hira Lai, The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, vol. iv, Delhi: Cosmos Publications, 1973, p. 16. 4. Roger Hedlund, ed., World Christianity, South Asia, Monrovia: MARC. 1981, P. 130.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MAHARS OF MAHARASHTRA

41

attached to the origin of the name. Aryans migrated towards the south in 600 BC and were united into one Rashtra (na­ tion), under the Vatssayans' kingdom. These people were called "Rattha".5 In later times, this Rattha became Rashtric. In the inscription of Emperor Ashoka these people were mentioned as 'Rashtric\6 Some other propose that Maharashtra was named from the Rashtrakuta dynasty, which was dominant in the area for some centuries after 750 AD.7 This Rashtrakuta was constructed into Ratta, with the prefix Maha, 'great" might have evolved into the term Maratha8. Therefore it is argued that Maharashtra is the land of the Marathas. Yet another theory states that in olden days there were many Mahars, residing in this part of the land and therefore it became known as the Rashtra of Mahar, Mahar's Rashtra.9 The Mahars have also been one of the most receptive groups of people in Maharashtra. A significant number of Mahars have become Christians all over Maharashtra.

Early Roman Catholic Missionary Efforts Western coastal area of Maharashtra claims to have received the gospel quite early. Traditionally, the coastal Christians claim that they received the gospel through one of Jesus" disciples, Bartholomew.10 This however, has not yet been verified with substantial written record. However, there are definite evidences that point to the fact that the gospel 5. Santosh Dastane and Vijay Hardikar, ed., Maharashtra 83, Pune, Dastane & Co. 1983, p. 223. 6. Ibid. 7. Gazetteer of India, Maharashtra State, Buldana District, Mumbai: Gazetteer Department Government of Maharashtra, 1976, p. 227. 8. Ibid. 9. Sridhar Ketkar, ed., Maharashtrya Dnyankosha (Encyclopedia of Maharashtra) Maharashtra Dnyankosha Mandai, Pune: 1924, p. 535. This theory is advocated strongly by B.R. Ambedkar. 10. Ranjit de Silva, Vasaintil Khrist Dharma Va Khristamandire (Christianity and Christian Churches in Vasai), Vasai: Jeevan Darshan Kendra Prakashan, 1977: p. 7.

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came to coastal Maharashtra long before the Portuguese or the British colonialists came. Against the popular belief that Christianity was introduced in the coastal area first by the Portuguese and then by the British, the evidences show the contrary. There have been definite evidences that in the four­ teenth century, in Thane area, there were Nestorian Chris­ tians. When some Dominican and Franciscan missionaries arrived in this area in 1319 with the intention of preaching the gospel, but to their surprise they found among the thatched huts on the outskirts of Thane, fifteen Nestorian households.11 This indicates that the Christian community was already in evidence before the Portuguese colonialists came to this part of Maharashtra. The Portuguese then came, particularly to the southern tip of coastal Maharashtra. By 1510, Albuquerque conquered Goa and from then onward Goa and the surrounding terri­ tory came under the Christian influence.12 Gradually, Goa became the center of great ecclesiastical and colonial organi­ zations. From here many devout missionaries went to dif­ ferent parts of Maharashtra. The influence of Christianity began to be felt around the coastal area. From the beginning the Roman Catholic missionaries were vigorously involved in evangelism and other philan­ thropic work. During this time, great Catholic missionaries, like Francis Xavier and Father Thomas Stevens made their significant impact on the coastal Maharashtra. A substan­ tial increase in the Christian population was noted during this period. Some mass conversions took place among the fishermen and other communities during this time but much of it was under the patronage of the colonial power. Hence political pressure was evidently applied in proselytizing the people to Christianity. The Hindus under Portuguese rule 11. Ashley Brown, On the Mumbai Coast and Deccan, London: SPCK, 1937, p. 29. 12. Ibid., p. 35

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MAHARS OF MAHARASHTRA

43

were treated severely if they were found guilty of idolatry, and were forced to leave their religion and accept Christian­ ity. The Portuguese conquered Bassein (Vasai), Salsette and Mumbai and Christianization of these islands were taken seriously by them. Some restrictions were imposed here as well. In the meantime, in obedience to the instructions from the King John III of Portugal, governor George Cabral issued in 1549 the following orders in favor of Christianity. No new temples or mosques were to be built there. No one should try to prevent oth­ ers from becoming Christians. The Muslims and the Brahmins were strictly forbidden to reconvert a Christian.13

The Christian population in these islands began to increase gradually and there were nearly 11,000 Catholics in Mumbai alone by 1713.14 In Goa and Bassein regions that included Mumbai also, conversions from various communities were seen. Prominent among them were obviously the fishing communities, but Brahmins and other Hindu caste commu­ nities were notably included.

Early Protestant Missionary Efforts The Protestant missionary work began much later. When the first Protestant missionary arrived in Mumbai, the Ro­ man Catholics had been in India for more than two hundred years. Obviously, there were reasons for this. "The British Hast India Company was in India eighty years before build­ ing a church even for its members, and for a period bitterly resisted the sending of the missionaries. " 15 Even for the Com­ pany's employees, it was with much difficulty that churches and chaplains were provided. Obviously the Company was in India basically for the mercantile considerations. How­

13. Joseph Thekkedath, History of Christianity in India, Vol. II, Bangalore: Church History Association of India, 1988, p. 366. 14. Ibid., p. 381 15. J.F. Swanson, ed., Three Score Years, Chicago, The Evangelical Alliance Mis­ sion, n.d., p. 46.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA; SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

ever, efforts were made to send missionaries to India towards the end of the 18th century. John Crozier gives an account of John Taylor, a medical missionary who attempted to be­ gin the missionary work in Mumbai in 1807. "Dr. Taylor had not been allowed then to stay in Mumbai as a missionary and had to go to another area but had later returned after he had occupied a position as a (medical) doctor with the East India company."16 This shows how the Company officials were hostile to the missionaries. Therefore, there was no official Protestant missionary activity prior to 1813 in West­ ern Maharashtra. Till 1813, there was no provision made in the Company charter for imparting religious knowledge to the British sub­ ject. The Company's Charter was renewed every twenty years. "When the Company's Charter came before Parlia­ ment for renewal in 1793, Wilberforce brought forward some resolutions on the lines of the missionary scheme which Grant, Brown and their friends had outlined in 1793/'17 How­ ever, it was not until 1813 that some of these resolutions were accepted and implemented. Gibbs referring to the section of the Charter that made provision to allow missionaries to enter British India quotes: Section XXXffl began: "And whereas it is the duty of this Country to promote the Interest and Happiness of the Native Inhabitants of the British Dominions in India and such measure ought to be adopted as may tend to the Introduction among them of useful Knowledge and of religious Improvement... so as the... Principles of the British Government, on which the Natives of India have hith­ erto relied, for the free Exercise of their religion be inviolably main­ tained and whereas it is expedient to make provision for granting Permission to Persons desirous of going to or remaining in India for the above purpose.."18

16. John Crozier, I Cannot Turn Back, Mumbai, American Marathi Mission, 1977, p. 46. 17. M.E. Gibbs, The Anglican Church in India 1600-1970, Delhi, ISPCK, 1972, p. 45. 18. Ibid., p. 51.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MAHARS OF MAHARASHTRA

45

With above provision in the Charter, the door was opened for the missionaries to come to India and do the missionary work. It was during this time, a number of missionary soci­ eties came into being in England and they were eager to send their missionaries to India. However, the first Protestant mis­ sionaries to Western India were not sent by the English mis­ sionary societies, but American Board. The arrival of three missionaries from the United States of America began the Protestant missionary era in Maharashtra. The first Protestant missionaries began their work in Mumbai, in 1813, under the leadership of Gordon Hall. Although initially, these missionaries faced severe op­ position from the Company officers, eventually they had to be permitted to work. The renewal of Company charter in 1813 made some specific provisions for allowing mission­ aries to work in India and other British dominated coun­ tries. Thus the flow of various missionary societies began. "In 1817 two English Methodists arrived, and three years later the Church Missionary Society was established, while in 1823 the Scottish Missionary Society's first recruit, Donald Mitchell, reached Western India."19 A great variety of missionary activities were initiated by various missionary societies. Most of the early missionary societies initially concentrated on urban people, and that too, basically on the high castes. Initially, the response from these urban high caste people was very discouraging. The mis­ sionaries started numerous social services, and vigorously preached the gospel, but the result was negligible. Upto 1860s most missionaries labored hard in sowing the seed of the gospel. Despite their sincere efforts and hard labor, the response was discouraging. Only a few conversions could be counted, and they too came one by one with a great deal of hostility generated as a result. 19. Elizabeth Hewat, Christ and Western India, Mumbai, Wilson College, 1953, p. 65.

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Focus on Rural Maharashtra As the gospel was introduced to the state of Maharashtra, it was received by different people with different degree of receptivity. Initially, most missionary societies targeted the Brahmins of Maharashtra. The rationale behind this was that if the Brahmins would follow Christ, then other castes would follow suit. Most missionaries believed that India would be won for Christ through Brahmins and other influ­ ential castes. They, therefore, felt that any efforts in convert­ ing the outcastes would prove a barrier to the conversion of higher castes. So, much of early missionaries' strength and time was spent on evangelizing the higher castes and par­ ticularly the Brahmins. However, the efforts to reach the Brah­ mins proved to be very difficult and the results have been very negligible. For about half a century, the missionary concentration was on the Brahmins who proved to be very resistant to the gospel. They remained antagonistic to the gospel except for a few conversions. Consequently, the missionaries had to find other people. Logically, the next group of people would have been the middle castes, since the Brahmins proved to be resistant to the gospel. However, the history of Christian mission is silent about any substantial move on the part of the early missionaries, to reach out to the middle castes. The resist­ ance of the Brahmins to the Gospel led the missionaries to conclude that the other caste people would also be equally resistant. Thus the missionaries began to explore possibilities of moving out of Mumbai. While retaining Mumbai as their headquarters, most missionary societies began moving to the adjoining areas. Church Missionary Society moved to­ wards Nasik, Malegaon and Junner. The Scottish Presbyte­ rians went to Poona, Indapur, Aurangabad and Jalna. Ameri­ can Board moved to Ahmednagar. It was only after moving from Mumbai that most missionaries found fertile ground for evangelism and church planting. This was the begin­

CHRISTIANITYAMONG THE MAHARS OF MAHARASHTRA

47

ning of small mass movement especially among the people called Mahar and Mang. Much of the initial response came from the Mahars and Mangs in western Maharashtra. It was difficult for mission­ aries to move into the interior of Maharashtra and so, not much was happening in other parts of Maharashtra. How­ ever, in due course of time, some missionary societies began to move towards central and eastern Maharashtra. There again the response from the Mahars and Mangs was seen.

The Focus on the Mahars, Mangs and Bhills As the missionaries began to explore various possibilities, they came across more receptive peoples. These were not caste people, but the outcastes; the Mahars and the Mangs. Then onward, most of the missionaries began concentrating on the Mahars and the Mangs of Maharashtra. About two hundred years of mission history in the state of Maharashtra points out to the fact that the most receptive people are the Mahars and the Mangs. Although the missionary work in Maharashtra is quite widespread geographically, these were the only two people groups that were receptive to the gos­ pel, until recently. Apart from Mahar and »Mang communities that re­ sponded to the gospel, the tribals of northern Maharashtra must be considered. In 1874, an American named Albert Norton, with the help of a British engineer, started a work among the tribal group called Korkus. They established their headquarters at Ellichpur in Amaravati district. Here he re­ ceived a good response from these Korku people. Soon he formalized the work and established his work under the name Korku Hill Mission. Another effort to reach the Gond tribal people in eastern part of Maharashtra were initiated by a German missionary named Gossner. He started some work among the Gond tribe and shifted his attention even­ tually towards the Santals of Chota Nagpur area in Bihar. In 1845 Scottish Presbyterians sent Stephen Hislop to Nagpur,

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

who did some work among the Gonds, but without much success. No substantial mass movement was recorded ei­ ther, among the Korkus or the Gonds, although some did respond and churches were planted among these people in Amaravati and Nagpur districts. Perhaps, the most successful work among the tribals in north-west Maharashtra was among the various tribes of the Bhills. Missionary work among these people was initiated by two missionary societies. One was the Scandinavian Al­ liance Mission (later The Evangelical Alliance Mission TEAM), and the other was the Alliance Mission of Sweden (later the Swedish Alliance Mission - SAM). The first mis­ sionary to start the work among the Bhills was Mr. Dahlgren in 1905.20 He found an eager group of people who readily responded to the gospel and were soon baptized. This was the beginning of a movement among the Bhills of Satpura mountain. A number of sub-tribes have responded to the Gospel. Prominent among them are Maochi, Vasave, Gamit, Konkani or Kukna, and Dang. The receptive tribal popula­ tion is found in Nashik, Dhule and Jalgaon Districts. These tribals continue to be receptive to the gospel till today. . THE MAHARS 4

Mahars have been one of the most prominent outcastes, who have responded to the gospel in Maharashtra. Although considered to be an outcaste community, the Mahar^ have been recognized as a significant people group in Maharashtra. Describing the Mahars of Deccan, Enthoven states that the Mahars "are generally tall, strong, muscular and dark, with regular features and low unintelligent fore­ heads/' Further describing the Mahars of Maharashtra he says, "Those in the southern Maratha country are darker than Kunbis, with gaunt cheeks, regular features, a dreamy ex20. O.C. Grauer, ed., Fifty Wonderful Years, Scandinavian Alliance Mission, 1940, p. 162.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MAHARS OF MAHARASHTRA

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pression and flat nose. Still, except in color, they differ little from Kunbis."21 It is commonly believed that the Mahars are divided into thirteen sub-castes, but Enthoven divides them into fifty-three endogamous divisions.22 Of these fiftythree sub-castes, the Somas or Somavanshi clan is most nu­ merous and found in most districts of Maharashtra. The Somas Mahars consider themselves superior to the rest of th e Mahar clans. Interestingly, most Christians in Maharashtra are drawn from these sub-castes. Most fruitful missionary work in Maharashtra among the Mahars was initiated by the American Missionaries, sent by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mis­ sion. Eventually, it adopted a new name, 'American Marathi Mission'. Ahmednagar being a British cantonment, a number of military chaplains were at work. Eventually, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG) and the Church Missionary Society also started their missionary work in Ahmednagar district. Of course, the Roman Catholics were already at work there and in surrounding districts. This dis­ trict has yielded much fruit and several thousand Mahars became Christians.

Contextual Factors and Receptivity o f the Mahars The state of Maharashtra has been strongly influenced by Hindu orthodoxy. Most Hindus lived under the strong in­ fluence of Brahmanic religion. The caste system was very much a part of their lives.23 The higher castes enjoyed most privileges but the lower castes were almost totally deprived of them. A significant number of people were considered

21. R.E. Enthoven, The Tribes and Castes of Mumbai, Vol. II, Mumbai, Govern­ ment Central Press, 1922, p. 403. 22. Ibid., p. 405 23. "A caste is an exclusive, endogamous, hereditary, corporate group, bound together by the tradition of a common origin and by a body of common customs." J. Waskom Pickett, Christian Mass Movements in India, New York, Abingdon Press, 1933, p. 30.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

outcastes and yet many caste restrictions were imposed upon them. Their condition was miserable. They were treated inhumanely. In 1938, a missionary describes their condition as follows: They are denied the use of village wells. The temples are dosed against them. The village barber will neither shave them nor cut their hair. The tailor will make clothes for them only if he be per­ mitted to take the cloth directly from the merchant, and the washerman will wash for them only if the clothes be brought to the edge of the river or tank and dipped in the water before they are delivered to him. Until recently, their children were uniformly excluded from the village school and even now, the right of admis­ sion is more theoretical than factual. Not long since they were compelled to wear an earthen spittoon suspended from their necks, lest they defile the ground with their spittle, and a broom hung from their backs to erase the imprint of their feet, lest some caste Hindu walk thereon and be contaminated. Economic exploitation has been as ruthless as social oppression. For the most part they live always in dire poverty, chronically undernourished. Hunger has made them dependent for common diet upon scraps of food discarded by their neighbors and for feasts upon carcasses of beasts or fowls that disease.24

Such was the condition of most outcastes during the late nine­ teenth and twentieth centuries all over India. There was no escape for these miserable people, who were given to un­ derstand that they deserved to live in such conditions be­ cause of their Karma. Worse in its effects than the imposing of social disabilities and eco­ nomic exploitation has been the concept of Karma by which they have been influenced to regard themselves as a worthless, degraded people... Masses regard their shame and degradation as inevitable and ordained of God...25

This description, although applies to all the outcastes of In­ dia, is particularly fitting for the Mahars of Maharashtra.

24. J.W. Pickett, D.A. McGavran and G.H. Sigh, Christian Missions in Mid In­ dia, A Study o f Nine Areas with Special Reference to Mass Movements, Jabbulpore, The Mission Press, 1938, pp. 5,6. 25. Ibid., p. 6

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Several specific factors contributed to the receptivity of Mahars toward the gospel A strong sense of dissatisfaction and uneasiness existed among the Mahars, because they were kept out of the caste structure of Hindu society. They were prevented from entering Hindu temples to worship Hindu gods. Often they resented such restrictions on them. Moreover, their status in the Hindu caste structure did not provide them any status and privilege. On the contrary their position has deprived than of many rights and privi­ leges. Often they have agitated against such discrimina­ tion. Moreover they, being outcastes, were only loosely at­ tached to the Hindu system and had little advantage in re­ taining their link with the Hindu religion and society. 'These causes combined to make them peculiarly accessible to mis­ sionary effort..."26 Thus, when the missionaries approached them, most Mahars were already eager to renounce their oppressive Hindu religion. Added to that was the influence of their gurus, who ex­ erted a great amount t>f authority over them. This was a significant factor in the conversion process of the Mahars. As a result, some renounced Hindu ways of worship and started their own sects. "Beside the Brahmins there is no class of Hindus which affords so many religious teachers or gurus in this region, as the Mahars. There are some noted Mahar gurus in this vicinity, who boast of thousands of dis­ ciples..."27 These Mahar gurus were highly respected among the outcastes and especially among the Mahars. "Many of these Mahar gurus are opposers of idolatry, and, discarding the Hindu system of incarnations and the belief in the efficacy of pilgrimages and other Hindu rites to secure salvation, 26. Ibid. 27. William Hagen, A Century in India, A Historical Sketch of the Marathi Mis­ sion of the ABCFM (American Marathi Mission) from 1813 to 1913, Mumbai, American Marathi Mission, 1913, p. 37.

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maintain the doctrine of one invisible god/'28 Thus it was clear that many of these Mahars had opposed Hindu doc­ trines and practices and were searching for better religious and social options. Traditionally, the Mahar community in Maharashtra has been quite open for change and particu­ larly religious change. Mahars were perhaps the most informed among the outcastes. They were better informed of the world outside their villages. Because traditionally they worked as the vil­ lage messengers, as such their job took them from place to place. Thus, they were exposed to new ideas, new peoples, and new religions too. Hazen again points out, "Added to this religious preparedness was an intelligence and open­ ness of mind acquired by the Mahars through their going from village to village as messengers, and having more in­ tercourse with the outside world than any other class."29 The Mahars have been very conscious of their distinct ethnicity. Traditionally, they were kept apart from the vil­ lage and they, therefore, developed a strong bond towards each other. Often, they were vulnerable to the attacks of higher castes. That helped them in developing a strong sense of unity. They may not have a high social status in the Hindu society, but they are bound by a common affinity toward one another. They maintain a good community spirit and stand together in title time of crisis. The Mahars also have developed their own leadership concept and pattern. A strong religious and social blend is reflected in the Mahar leadership. These leaders are well respected and recognized by the Mahar communities. These leaders have played a significant role in leading section of Mahar community to Christ. Hazen cites three such exam­ ples of Mahar leaders in Ahmednagar districts, whose con­ version to Christ led many to follow suit. 28. Ibid., 29. Ibid., p. 37.

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53

The first of these Mahar leaders was Bhagoba Powar, whose con­ version was not the result of any special labors or attention of the missionaries, but of an invitation to attend the Ahmednagar chapel services by a man in the employ of the missionaries. After some time, he came forward himself to declare his initiation of becom­ ing a Christian, was baptized in 1841, and immediately employed as a catechist. Possessing great natural shrewdness and intelli­ gence, he had wide influence; crowds of Mahars came wherever he went with the missionaries, and listened attentively to preach­ ing. Lakhiram "Baw a" was another of these men of commanding in­ fluence....3C Another of the Mahar gosavis who was baptized in 1857 was Harkuba, of Panchegaon, a man of forty years, with a great influ­ ence in the Godavari region... He brought into his Christian life a "rare childlike faith and spirit of generosity." He lived until 1892 and exerted a large influence.31

Such leaders were instrumental in influencing the Mahar community in various villages of Ahmednagar district to renounce Hinduism and follow Christ. One sociological reality has to be kept in mind as we understand these leadership dynamics. Most of these Mahar leaders, who belonged to a particular clan, or sub-caste among the Mahar, naturally led the missionaries to their own sub-castes. Hence, we see that not all the Mahars, but only Mahars of particular sub-castes became Christians. This af­ fected the spread of the gospel among the whole Mahar clans. Looking at it from a sociological point of view, it appears to be natural for these Mahar leaders to go back to their own communities. Several small, group conversions took place as a result of the good response from certain segments of the Mahar communities. Although these were not on a large enough scale to be termed mass movements, these were significant

30. Ibid., p. 39. 31. Ibid., pp. 56, 67.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

enough to establish a strong Christian presence in a strong Hindu area. Once the people became Christians, the missionaries spared no efforts in establishing churches among them. Sev­ eral churches came into being in various parts of Ahmednagar district. Commenting on the reasons for the remarkable increase in the growth of the Churches after 1856, R. V. Modak states: 1. Formerly, the missionaries were accustomed to live in the dty and spend only a few months in the cold season in preaching in the villages. Missionary families made their residence in the outside villages of the district, where they could be near to the Christians and the peo­ ple, and could aid the native Pastor in their work. This was very effective means of promoting the growth of the churches. 2. Formerly, there was but one Christian church in connec­ tion with the Ahmednagar Mission, and that was in the city. Not only Christians living in the city, but those from the villages to a distance of 44 miles, were received into this church. However, they could rarely meet with the church to listen to preaching, or to observe the ordinances of the sanctuary. They could not meet their Pastor and have the benefit of his watch and care. For these rea­ sons, their own growth was slow, and few others were impressed by their insurrections so as to receive Christ. However, from 1854, separate churches begun to be or­ ganized in the villages, where the Christians could come together for worship on the Sabbath, and could enjoy more regular instruction. This meant that, not only did the Christians themselves increase in spirituality, but many of their relatives and friends were led by them to turn to the Lord. This was a second very effective means of the growth of the churches. 3. Formerly, the instructors and Pastors of the church were the missionaries themselves, but from time to time, the

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more important churches began to have their own na­ tive Pastors, to whom the care of the churches, the in­ struction and the observance of the ordinances, was com­ mitted. The interests of the church were thus better served than they could be by the foreign missionary. There is a proverb, that, "If one meets one like himself, all reserve is removed from his mind;" and also, "Those of like character only can be friends". So the thoughts, feelings, customs, habits, experiences, conduct, joys and sorrows, of the native Christians are better understood by the native Pastor than they can be by any foreigner. He is therefore able to give them more sympathy and better instruction, suggestions, advice, and assistance. Therefore, as our native churches have received suitable Pastors so have they increased more and more. Nevertheless, if the missionaries had given over the care of the churches to the native Pastors, and had not been near to advise with the Pastors it would not have been followed by such beneficial results... The combined re­ sult, then, of these three things- the organizing of sepa­ rate churches in the villages, the appointment of native Pastors over them, and the near residence of the mis­ sionary to advise and aid- was seen in the great increase in the growth of our churches.32 Once a significant portion of Mahar community became Christians in Ahmednagar district, other missionary socie­ ties began to explore possibilities of breakthroughs among the Mahars in their districts. As a result, missionaries in Kolhapur, Nasik, Pune, Amravati, Buldana, and Nagpur ex­ perienced receptivity among the Mahars. In some cases, as in Kolhapur, m issionaries were transferred from Ahmednagar; hence they were already aware of the recep­ 32. R. V. Modak, History of the Native Churches connected With the American Marathi Mission and Especially of those in the Ahmednagar Districts, for the Last Fifty Years, in Memorial Papers on the American Marathi Mission 18131881, Mumbai Education Society Press, 1882, pp. 13-14.

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tivity of the Mahars. Consequently the movement among the Mahars continued to spread in different parts of Maharashtra. The Christian population from the Mahar background increased substantially in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Pockets of Mahar Christians were found in many districts of Maharashtra. There were indications that a significant sec­ tion of the Mahars would turn to Christianity. However, the movement slowed down, and the momentum was almost lost. There came a time when the movement among the Mahars was arrested. Several factors contributed to this ar­ rest and a survey of those factors will provide us with some missiological insights. Factors Contributed in Arresting Mahar Conversion Movement Maharashtra being a central Indian state, it has been ortho­ dox in certain areas, but progressive and liberal in others. While it remained a strongly Hindu state, it initiated and produced strong socio-religious reform movements that at­ tempted to eradicate many evil practices from Hindu soci­ ety. These movements particularly were initiated in west­ ern Maharashtra with Pune and Mumbai as its centers. Heimsath rightly points out that the state has always been the center for agitation for social reform ideas, and it has also produced an exceptional number of institutions carry­ ing on active reform work.33 Many of these reform move­ ment leaders demonstrated deep concerns towards the mis­ ery of the outcastes. A series of reform movements emerged in Maharashtra, which indirectly affected the conversion movement among the Mahars: Quoting Heimsath again we will note how these movements finally affected the Mahars of Maharashtra >

33. Charles Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform, Princeton University Press, 1964, p. 238.

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The first was the predominantly Brahmin-led urban centered move­ ment... The next was the non-Brahmin or anti-Brahmin movement begun by Jyotiba Phule in the 1870's, whose main purpose came to be the gaining of social and religious recognition for the middleranking castes, in particular the Marathas. The third movement was that of the untouchable Mahars, who together with other outcastes made up to 11 per cent of the population of the province of Mumbai, led vigorously in the 1920s and thereafter by Dr. Ambedkar...34

Traditional dissatisfaction and uneasiness of the Mahars in Maharashtra surfaced time and again. Many of these agi­ tated Mahars opted to become Christians and tried to dem­ onstrate their dissatisfaction with the Hindu society and re­ ligion. Their agitation became particularly strong under the leadership of Ambedkar, who himself was a Mahar and pro­ vided a sense of direction to them. Consequently, a very substantial number of Mahars in Maharashtra followed Ambedkar. Ambedkar was not necessarily a religious leader, but he opted to lead his followers to accept neo-Buddhism. He was determined to renounce Hinduism. While in search of a re­ ligion that would give him and his people a sense of dignity, freedom and equality, he gave serious consideration to Chris­ tianity, but finally denounced Christianity and opted for Buddhism. He initially favored Christianity against any other religion. He once shared with Bishop Pickett: "I feel that I and my people must all be Christians, for in them I find perfect antidote to the poison Hinduism has injected into our souls and dynamic strong enough to lift us out of our present degrade position..."35 However, he had strong criticism for the Christians and Christian missions. He criti­ cized Christian Missions in Western India as an instrument of desocialization,36 but his criticism for the Christians was perhaps more serious. 34. Ibid., pp. 247,248. 35. J. Waskom Pickett, Christ's Way to India's Heart, Lucknow, Lucknow Pub­ lishing House, 1988, p. 22. 36. Ibid.

58

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY "...when I look at the Church produced by Christian Missions in the districts around Mumbai I have quite a different feeling. Many members of my own caste have become Christians and most of them do not commend Christianity to the remainder of us. Some have gone to boarding schools and have enjoyed high privilege. We think of them as finished products of your missionary effort and what sort of people are they? Selfish and self-centered. They don't care a snap of their finger what becomes of their former caste associates so long as they and their families, or they and their little group who have become Christians, get ahead. Indeed, their chief concern with reference to their old caste associates is to hide the fact that they were ever in the same community. I do not want to add to the number of such Christians."37

Perhaps, we may gain a deep insight in what Ambedkar has pointed out as a reality. Ambedkar was perhaps right in pointing out that the Mahar Christians did not demonstrate enough concern for their remaining Mahar community This neglect on the part of the Mahar Christians has affected the conversion movement among the Mahars. In Ambedkar, the Mahars of Maharashtra found the Messiah, who led them out of socio-religious and economic bondage of Hinduism and gave them self respect, dignity, freedom, and to a certain extent equality. When such strong options were open for the Mahars, they opted to follow Ambedkar. The charisma of Ambedkar was too strong to resist. So when he appealed the outcastes to renounce Hin­ duism and embrace Buddhism, most Mahars obeyed him. This definitely affected the Christian m issions in Maharashtra. Not only those agitated Mahars followed Ambedkar, but#a certain percentage of Mahar Christians also followed suit and became neo-Buddhists. This was a great blow to the Christian conversion movement among the Mahars. Caste consciousness among the Christians continues to hamper the spread of the gospel. The missionaries and local evangelists concentrated only on a few sub-castes out of the 37. Ibid., pp. 22, 23.

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59

so called fifty-three among the Mahars. Most of those who became Christians from a particular sub-caste, took the mis­ sionaries to their own people. This led to neglecting the majority of Mahar sub-castes. The conversion movement, therefore, was confined to a segment of the Mahar commu­ nity. Another factor related to the caste consciousness of the Mahar Christians was clearly seen when people from the Mang community were targeted by the missionaries. "The Mahar found it very hard to welcome the Mang, an outcaste like himself, for whom he had a hereditary hatred."38 When some Mangs Christians were added to into the Churches where Mahar Christians were in majority, occasional dissat­ isfaction was evident. Hazen again cites an example of one Mr. Bhagoba of Shirur, a Mang convert who appeared in Ahmednagar, "...he was welcomed by the majority, but one young man openly declared that he would have no inter­ course with any member who dined with the objectionable Mang; there was high feeling and others not so bold as he wavered."39 The missionaries took a strong stand and al­ lowed the Mang Christians to be accepted into the Mahar dominated churches. Consequently, a number of 'interested' Mahars declined to join the church that was allowing such intercourse with their so called traditional enemy This in­ directly affected their possible move toward embracing Christianity. Anumber of educational and employment facilities were provided to the Christians in a number of places. This led to a substantial exodus of the Christian Mahars to the Mission centers. Here Ambedkar pointed out that the Christian con­ version led to a breaking away of the converts from their communities. Once the Christian converts were detached

38. William Hazen, op. tit., p. 39. 39. Ibid.

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from their fellow men, they rarely went back to their vil­ lages and identified with their own people. This created negative feeling about the Christians in the minds of people who were left behind in the villages. Out of philanthropic concern, most missionary societies established typical mission stations, with a number of Chris­ tian institutions, church and Christian communities. In a number of places, these mission stations looked like foreign enclaves that had nothing to do with the culture, custom and practices of the local people. Right from the architec­ tural structure of the Christian churches and institutions, to the life-style of the converted Christians, the Western influ­ ence was clearly evident. Added to this was the introduc­ tion of denominational structures on the new converts. The church administration and structure of the sending churches were imposed upon the new churches. Leaders were trained and ordained according to rules and regulations of the mis­ sion, without giving any due consideration to the local cus­ toms and practices. In some cases natural leaders of the com­ munity were by-passed and formally trained leadership was imposed upon the churches. More confusion was added when other denominations started concentrating on the same people. There were evi­ dent conflicts and tensions between the mission bodies and the missionaries. While American Marathi Mission was strongly at work among the Mahars in Ahmednagar district, the SPG initiated the work there in 1873. Soon SPG also be­ gan to concentrate on the same villages where American Marathi Mission had organized churches. Persons under excommunication were received to communion and a large number of people throughout the district were baptized. Of­ ten thisJed to a spirit of competition and occasional rivalry. Under such conditions, proper instructions and nurture of the new converts were neglected, which often led to nominality in the churches. Often under such circumstances the missionaries and their native helpers pulled up and har­ vested in a green and unripe state.

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61

The first action was carried out by the orders of Bishop Douglas, and the confirmations in large numbers were performed by him in tours through the district. Protest being of no avail, the missionar­ ies ceased to remark especially on the matter. But the action o f the S.P.G. missionary in 1878, in baptizing large numbers of people who were inquirers, but were not regarded as ready for baptism by the Ameri­ can missionaries and pastors, led the Mission to appeal to the S.P.G. Committee, which adopted rules forbidding the employment of agents dismissed from other societies as morally unworthy. These rules were once adopted by the American M ission.*

Such tensions had its adverse effects on the new Christians. Instead of uniting them, such tensions divided them. As long as the missionaries were in charge of the evan­ gelism and outreach among the Mahars, the work was car­ ried out systematically and with a sense of commitment. However, on the whole, the missionaries failed to impart similar vision and commitment to the new Christians. Moreover, as long as the mission was in charge, it paid the salaries of the teachers, pastors and evangelists to carry out thework. The moment the mission withdrew support, how­ ever, the work, especially evangelism, was paralyzed and eventually stopped. Financial factor perhaps, was not the only reason for this, but reluctance on the part of those who became Christians to go back to their own people also con­ tributed to hampering the work of evangelism. Most Chris­ tians were unwilling to first of all, identify with their coun­ terparts in the villages, and secondly, unwilling to go and share the gospel with them. This led the non-Christian Mahars to perceive Christian Mahars as selfish and selfcentered. Therefore, when the opportunity was given, they opted to follow Ambedkar and became Neo-Buddhists rather than becoming Christians. Once the missionaries began to decrease in number, the overall support began shrinking and Christians began to feel insecure and frustrated. Added to that, new self support 40. Hazen, op. cit., p. 69.

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policy was introduced, which not only affected the church life but specifically affected the evangelistic programme of the church. Most churches were not ready for such policy and the mission insisted that it should be implemented. As a result the churches had to concentrate on raising enough finance toward the support of their pastors and maintaining of their church activities. On the whole, this led to the ne­ glect of evangelism. CONCLUSION The church in Maharashtra is composed of the Christians from predominantly Mahar background, although a sizeable number of Mangs and Bhills also constitute the Marathi church. Mahars have been traditionally open and receptive toward the gospel. This community responded to the gos­ pel, initially in Ahmednagar district, and afterward in other districts of Maharashtra. Most early missionary societies concentrated their efforts in winning these people to Christ. A significant number of Mahars have responded to the gos­ pel and became Christians. Several socio-economic and re­ ligious factors contributed towards their receptivity. However, with the change of time the conversion move­ ment among the Mahar was arrested. Although it had a great potential in developing into a full-fledged mass movement, it never reached its peak and influenced the whole Mahar community. A number of significant factors contributed to the halting of the conversion movement among the Mahars. Today, the m ajority of the Mahar comm unity in Maharashtra has become neo-Buddhist. Upon the insistence of Ambedkar, the government has been giving them all kinds of concessions. Socio-economically, they seem to be doing comparatively well now than before. However, spiritually speaking they still seem to be in a vacuum. Most urban Mahars have become economically better off, but are still not totally free from caste bondage.

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63

The church in Maharashtra has a responsibility to take upthe challenge of reaching the remaining Mahars for Christ The context in Maharashtra is rapidly changing and so are theMahars. Perhaps, there are more signs of their openness tochange than before.

Chapter 4

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE KAMMAS AND REDDYS OF ANDHRA PRADESH P. Solomon Raj* INTRODUCTION The scope of this paper is to briefly recall the story of the formation of the caste convert churches in Andhra Pradesh. It will especially focus on the Kamma, the Reddy, and the Goldsmith communities and see how their faith interacts with their caste and cultural backgrounds today. While try­ ing to do justice to this task one is aware that the area we are talking about is an area that spreads over many districts of the Telugu speaking country. The new converts' congrega­ tions are appearing so fast and in so many places that it is hard to know all of them well enough in a short time. Like the first century Christian converts' congregations around the Mediterranean sea-front, these converts7 congregations are not too well known outside their own locality. It is also somewhat difficult to make an assessment of their faith and practice partly because their 'theology7is oral theology. As Bishop Newbegin once said, most of their theological con­ cepts should be gleaned from their songs, their stories, their dreams, and their personal and group experiences as shared in their 'witnessing' sessions and in small group interactions. THE FOUR TYPES OF GROUPS: From the point of view of their origin these converts' groups either from Kamma caste, or Reddy, or some other caste of *

Dr. P. Solomon Raj of Andhra Pradesh is a Christian Artist and currently involves in research and writing.

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the Sudra section of Hinduism may be broadly divided into four categories. a) Some congregations started with individuals who them­ selves first accepted Christ through the ministries of Mis­ sionaries or some leaders of the historic churches (or main line churches as they are sometimes called). An exam­ ple of this kind is the Kamma converts' congregation that existed since 1917 when the village Munisiff was first baptised by the Lutherans. Challapalli Jangayya first heard the Gospel in the neighboring Church/Mission hospital and today in that village there is a strong wit­ nessing converts Christian community. They have their church building and a pastor whose services are sup­ plied by the central office of the Lutherans in the area. b) Then there are caste-Christian congregations that trace their first contact with the Gospel not to any mainline church or Mission but to some charismatic teacher or preacher or a believing elderly woman in their own com­ munity witnessing most informally and sometimes also followed by a healing miracle or some other special an­ swer to prayer: This kind of personal witness from one person to the other slowly led to the formation of a con­ gregation or the believers have joined eventually with some existing fellowship of believers coming from their own caste background in their vicinity. c) Then there is another category of caste converts who have first been drawn to Christ by more recent and more or­ ganized societies under some charismatic leaders who were themselves converts from one of these castes. These new converts' ministries including evangelistic cam­ paigns, orphanages and schools, Bible schools and voca­ tional training schools, etc., have drawn many people to Christ. One example of this class of converts is the Marañatha Assembly in Vijayawada headed by an able leader, Pastor Moses Chowdhury. Pastor Chowdhury is a gifted preacher and administrator and under his able

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leadership the Maranatha Ministries have grown into a big congregation of Hindu convert Christians mostly from the Kamma background. They have a big prayer hall which many older churches could be proud of, a Bi­ ble school for their evangelists, an orphanage, a special hymn book with hundreds of songs and a periodical. There are several other organizations like this in Andhra Pradesh. d) There is yet another type of converts' Churches such as the one started by one Shri Munipalli Subba Rao. It now has many branches in the area, headed by his followers who cater to the spiritual needs of many souls, mostly coming from Kamma caste background. Subba Rao's 'Mission' has been well documented by scholars like Kaj Baago.1 The followers of Subba Rao are different from those we find in other categories mentioned above in that these do not have baptism nor even Holy Commun­ ion as marks of their faith. Subba Rao taught them that none of these 'outward symbols' is needed to become a follower of Christ. One of the leaders of this movement, a follower of Subba Rao, once said to me that 'like St. Paul had abrogated circumcision which was considered a pre-requisite for Jews to become followers of Christ, baptism also is abrogated by our Guru Subba Rao'. These are his words. Dr. Krupachary of the Nagarjuna Univer­ sity reports that the first caste convert in Andhra was called to the faith through the ministry of a Jesuit mis­ sionary. He was a Reddy named Shri Thumma Hanumantha Reddy of Mudigubba village in Ananthapur District. Hanumantha Reddy was a rich man and the elder of that village. He was healed of a sickness through prayer and, when baptised by Fr. Le Gac in 1715, changed his name to Thumma Rayappa 1. Kaj Baago, A Hindu Christian Movement Around Subba Rao of Munipalli, Madras, CLS, 1968.

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67

Reddy. Krupachary also reported that the first Telugu speaking Kamma convert was a woman named Annamma who, according to the Krishna District Manual of those times, was baptised by one Fr. Calmetti in 1735. Annamma suffered from demon possession and was healed through prayer as was Thunima Hanumantha Reddy from a chronic stomach problem We shall come to this topic of the place of miracles later in this paper. Then there were many converts from Kamma and Reddy families in Guntur district having house names such as Pothakamuri, Yadlapalli, Malepady and Mallavaram that are typical house names of Kamma and Reddy caste peo­ ple. There are many Christians in this area today with these house names. Pothakamuri Thomas, from one of these families, became a Bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Guntur in 1940.2 We have already mentioned Jangayya of Revendrapadu, a Kamma who was baptised by the Lutherans in 1917. By 1735 in the South Andhra (Nellore, etc.), there were thousands of Christians and most of them came from Reddy and Weaver communities. Later by the year 1750 Christian­ ity had spread to the Circar Districts also through the Reddy migrants who came from the South of Andhra. SOME COMMON FEATURES Although the four categories of converts' Christians men­ tioned here vary so much from one another in their faith and practice, there are some features common to all of them. a)

Most of these convert Christians have had some miracu­ lous personal experience like healing from sickness that came as an answer to prayer or a dream or a vision at a time of crisis. These unusual personal experiences marked a turning point in their lives and then their faith

2. G. Krupachary, The Contribution of Christians to Telugu Literature, Nagarjuna University Ph.D. Thesis, Telugu, 1988.

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grew slowly deeper after that through further inquiry and study of one kind or the other. If some of these con­ verts have had some preparatory 'teaching' earlier that led to their actual conversions, they remember the per­ sonal experience much better than they remember the so called preparatory exposure if any. Professor Walter Hollenweger, my research guide in Birmingham Univer­ sity once said that, in his assessment, all the caste con­ verts in our country came to Christ 'as a result of a heal­ ing miracle or an unusual answer to prayer, not because of our pulpit preaching'. I think Professor Hollenweger is right. b) Many times among these converts it is the women in the house who first accept the Gospel. They start attending prayer meetings and listen to others who give their wit­ nesses from time to time. It is only later that their hus­ bands, having allowed the wives to follow the faith, join the fellowship. I found that in places such as Pedavadlapudi in Guntur District where there is a strong Kamma convert congregation it is still the practice. The women are the first active members of the Christian fellowship while their husbands, after pursuing their own way of life for several years, get baptised. Here it is the 'women walking before the men' rather them the other way round. These women prayed in their homes during this period and those who could read the Bible did so by themselves. In that sense there are very few group conversions if any among the Kammas and Reddys. It has been always a case of 'each one reach one' for Christ. c) All of these convert groups have their own separate prayer meetings and their own places of worship, and some of them have big Church buildings exclusively for converts of their own caste. They generally do not like to worship with Christians coming from the 'lower' castes even if they live in the close vicinity of each other. I found it difficult to get a coherent answer to my ques­

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69

tions about this, from these caste Christians. One as­ sumes that this is a problem coming from their old caste backgrounds intruding into their new life as Christians. I stopped asking questions about this. One of the Kamma Christian leaders who happened to be a college gradu­ ate was honest enough to tell me when the converts from the lower castes visited them in the Hindu convert homes, these 'other' Christians sometimes look a little abrupt in their personal manners and this is quickly no­ ticed by the hosts. For reasons like this the Reddy and Kamma Christians, when seeking marriage partners for their offspring, gen­ erally go to their own caste people. If they do not find a suitable partner from these caste converts, they go into interfaith marriages by a civil registrar or by exchange of garlands by the boy and the girl. d) In many of the convert congregations started by old Mis­ sion Churches the development of local leadership is slow. Many of these congregations now have pastors supplied by the Mission Church and not a local member of their own community. This has resulted in some diffi­ culties in the Christian nurture and pastoral care mainly because the pastor or the preacher at present does not live with the congregation. However, in places where the preacher or leader comes from their own commu­ nity and lives with them, the life of the congregation is more vigorous. STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES a) Many times in the caste convert communities, especially where new conversions are taking place, there is a tradi­ tion of 'giving witness' as we have already mentioned. This we do not find in the old Mission Churches at all. The caste converts often have a story to tell of a miracle that they can never forget or of the strong influence of the saintly person who first led them to Christ. An old

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woman recently told me how she came to know Christ first through the witness of a very prayerful female neighbor. A witness that was very informally shared on a one-to-one basis at the believer's house. She also had a healing of some sickness through prayer. When she accepted Christ and was baptised, she received healing gift through prayer. After some years, her husband died and she had to leave for her mother's place to live with her. There she had a very unhappy life for a while be­ cause of all the idols and the puja altars of her mother in the house. Eventually by her prayer and witness her old mother accepted Christ and was baptised before she died. This woman, as she told me the story, was emotionally moved and cried. Miss Ruth Sigmon, a lady missionary who recently re­ tired after about forty years of service evangelizing caste women has now compiled a booklet with 63 first person sto­ ries of some of these, men and women.3 b) The worship services in these converts' gatherings are very simple. They do not even use expressions like wor­ ship, liturgy, etc... Most of the time they use the word 'Prardhan' (prayer) and occasionally 'Shtuthi' (praise). The leaders in these assemblies are recognized mostly for the gift of preaching and it is an evolved type of lead­ ership as different from top-down and appointed lead­ ership. Their pastors never have transfers and so they always live with their flock. There are some exceptions. Some of the assemblies of the converts have Bible Train­ ing Schools to train their preachers. These schools give the most basic type of pastoral education sometimes of one year's duration or two and this training is expected to meet the needs of the rural evangelists. Many of these schools have fancy names such as Soul Winners, and Church Planters schools. The faculties in these schools are often self taught evangelists who are themselves in­ adequately trained for the job. Sometimes visiting preach­ 3.

Ruth Sigmon, Tholi Adugulu, 1994.

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71

ers from the West come and help in these schools for a short while. The curriculum content in these schools is anything but adequate to make real ministers. There is often neither enough depth nor consistency in the teach­ ing in these schools. Since these schools are generally for candidates of a single constituency there is no scope for what may be called /ecumenical/sharing across even what is possible within the evangelical tradition. Having said that, one is aware that if all the rural con­ gregations' pastoral needs are to be met, it is impossible to wait for an adequate number of candidates to be trained for three years or so in the existing organized seminaries. c) It is gratifying to see that many of these caste convert congregations have found for their worship and witness what Miss Subbamma calls the 'functional substitutes' * She asks, "Is there any hope for the redemption of a soci­ ety without destroying its distinctive wholeness?" Con­ vert Christians bring with them their cultural assets like some festivals, family functions, marriage customs, etc., and thus they have the joy that theyfollow Christ without rejecting what is valuable in their own culture. The Indian type of music (drums and bhajans), the prac­ tice of sitting on the floor for worship and even the preach­ ing postures (never from a six foot high pulpit), all have a greater appeal to the caste converts. These also speak much better to their non-Christian neighbors. It is generally agreed that today " the problem is notfinding a new Gospelfor India but that of expressing the everlasting Gospel in terms that Indians can understand and assimilate."5 Another feature of the Indigenisation of worship and witness which became very appealing recently to the Kamma converts specially is the Ashram movement. Dr. Subbamma is one among those leaders who, from her Hindu back­ 4. B. V. Subbamma, Christ Confronts India, Pasadena, William Carey Library, 1973, p. 140. 5. J. W. Grant, God's People in India, Madras, CLS, 1954.

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ground, saw the great possibilities of Ashram movement and she advocated and promoted it for various levels of Chris­ tian growth, especially among the converts. In Guntur Dis­ trict there is a society called the Converts7 Retreat Society with more than 100 life members on the rolls and they have a three day retreat every year at a seashore with prayer, Bi­ ble study, and living together away from their homes. All the members of this society are Kamma converts. Recently this organization has drawn up plans to take up activities like evangelism campaigns for Hindus in the villages, an old peoples' home for those who need and other useful forms of service. d) Mention has already been made of the practice of giving personal witnesses in these converts' communities. Sometimes these are pre-planned by the leaders as part of the worship services and at other times more sponta­ neously done at house meetings and inter-personal in­ teractions. Believers tell other what God had done to them. Sometimes these witnesses take the place of the sermon at a prayer meeting and these witnesses play a big role in encouraging the newcomers and the inquir­ ers besides strengthening the person who gives the wit­ nesses by confirming the experience through sharing with fellow believers. 'Anubhava' as the late Bishop Appasamy had advocated long ago is a great source of spiritual knowledge and wit­ ness. 'Sa-akshya' is nothing but sharing of 'Anubhava' the experience. Many times of course this witness is just a mat­ ter of what may be called 'fish and loaves' anecdotes or a miraculous healing story but these very things are what matter to the people involved. Sometimes also it is a con­ fused and rambling narration of some vague dream or vi­ sion followed By some very subjective interpretation.6 6.

P. Solomom Raj, Christian Folk Religion in India, Inter-Cultural Church His­ tory Series, Bern, Frankfurt, No. 40, Peter Lang \ferlag, 1986. Ch. VIA, on Dreams, Vision, and Healing.

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SACRAMENTS OF THE CHURCH AND THE CASTE CONVERTS a) All the caste convert groups except the Subba Rao Group observe Baptism and Holy Communion and they know them as the means of God's grace. Members of the latter group do not think that Baptism is necessary to become followers of Christ. Almost all other assemblies of caste converts observe Baptism by immersion as they insist that only this is the Biblical form of Baptism It is also always adult Baptism since they insist on 'believing and being Baptised'. Holy Communion is observed in all the Churches of the caste converts although the form and the manner changes slightly depending on the spiritual leader who serves the congregation. Sometimes homemade bread is used and at other times a loaf of bakery bread broken to pieces, etc. What the participants know about the meaning and the signifi­ cance of the Holy Meal varies greatly and it is not easy to get an idea of the theological understanding of the members. This is partly because the preachers do not generally talk about the communion. It is offered and received as a kind of 'Prasad' from the Lord's table to be accepted, not understood. For the wine, individual cups are generally used and not a single cup, most probably because of their former Hindu background. The Lutheran Christian converts in Revendrapadu told me they had argument on this matter some years ago with their pastor who probably came from the so called untouchable background. The pastor insisted that the wine should be served from a single cup but the elders of the congregation wanted small individual glasses. There was no agreement and the pastor had to leave the Church. b) Most of the caste converts' congregations have an inward looking tendency in locating their church buildings and the backgrounds. The 'other' Christians, to them, are probably not good enough to worship with. In many

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places I have seen caste Christians have their own churches across the street. Sometimes the same Pastor served both churches one after the other. Even some special festivals and functions are observed separately. Many caste converts in Andhra keep their Hindu names after Baptism and Jhis practice is accepted as normal by all. Fr. Subbaiah is an elderly Jesuit priest in our town with whom I had an interesting long talk recently. Many other older day converts have Hindu names like Suryanarayana, Sambayya, Saraswathi, etc. If they also want to show their Christian identity in the name they add some Christian or Biblical name to the Hindu name. Thus we have many Paul Narayana Rao's, Paul Prabhakars, John Rangaraos, Nathaniel Gopals, etc. It is also interesting that some of the older converts, probably due to the influence of their missionary patrons have more Paul-combinations with their names than Peter combinations. Someone must have thought that an adult Hindu making a decision for Christ specially if he is an edu­ cated man, should be named after Paul and seldom after Peter the fisherman. My friend who runs a certain Yesunama Kshethram in Vijayawada for his convert Christians and the Hindu disciples, mostly Kammas, had retained the name given by his parents the Rev. Pooranchand, the full moon. On the whole subject of Indigenisation and the so-called functional substitutes coming from the host religion, there has been much debate about whether or not these convert Christians should be left to practice the faith in their own way. Some thinkers like Dr. Subbamma said that we should be happy to 'make disciples' of the Hindus rather than 'con­ verting' them to Christianity. There are also others, among the converts themselves, who insist that everything in life should change completely when one accepts the 'new way'. I have not heard a witnessing session by the convert where strong adverse remarks have not been made against'idol worship', the 'sin' that bound them in the past life.

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LEADERSHIP Fortunately caste converts in Andhra Pradesh have some able leaders coming from various background, experiences and gifts like literary skills, organizing abilities, etc. Those who went to Christians schools and Mission institutions and who become converts through the ministry of these institutions have indeed come up very high. Some of them have theo­ logical degrees from recognized seminaries and have done meritorious work for the church in their respective fields. Names have already been mentioned of Dr. Subbamma of the Ashram ministries and Rev. Pooranchand of the Radio ministries and of the Yesunama Kshethram, and Pastor Mo­ ses Chowdhury of the Maranatha Ministries. All three of themcome from Kamma caste and all of them have academic theological degrees and great leadership traits. In the Catholic circles there are Reddy converts like Rt. Rev. Joseph Thumma who recently retired as Bishop from Vijayawada diocese. There are others also who are great in their own way. I know several convert pastors who run Bi­ ble schools and a few lay leaders who, while making a mark in their own secular jobs like business, etc., still have respon­ sibility for big congregations of caste believers. They even take care of all the pastoral needs of their congregations. These are living personalities among the Christian lead­ ers coming from Kamma Reddy castes. There are, however, many others in the past generation whom God gave to the Church from these castes. People like Chowdhury Purushotham, the great Telugu Hymn writer, and Raja Bhujangaraya Sharma, the poet, both making significant contributions. Purushotham Chowdhury (1803-90) lived in Ganjam. He was a convert from the Chowdhury caste and family by that name. He wrote and published many books in prose and poetry and he is well known for his great treasure of Chris­ tian lyrics. There are as many as seventy of his hymns in the present edition of the Andhra Christian Council Hymnal

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which is the ecumenical hymnbook of the Telugu people. We are told that there were many more lyrics that he wrote and already in the last century, Hymn books were produced entirely with Purushotham Chowdhury lyrics. These Hymns are superb in literary quality and the theological and Bhakti contents. Similarly Raja Bhujanga Raja Sharma of Eluru is one of the greatest Telugu poets who wrote extensively on Christian themes. About the caste background of Raja Bhujanga Raya, I realized that he was a Brahmin and not a Kamma or Reddy. I included his story here because of the great contribution he made to Telugu Christian literature, coming from a caste background. Thus there are many talented leaders among the con­ verts in Andhra Pradesh although it is not possible to in­ clude all those stories in this paper. AN EVALUATION OF THE PRESENT SITUATION OF THE CONVERT CHRISTIANS Some comment by way of evaluation of the present situa­ tion may be relevant here. The observations made here are not made in any judgmental spirit because the concerns of the caste Hindu converts may not be best judged by the yard­ stick of the older churches. However, any evaluation should be done only from what we know of the teachings of the Bible and from what we have received from our forerun­ ners, the Pilgrim saints of the Church. a)

Many of the caste converts except the pastors and the leaders seem to have very little private Bible study habit. One doubts whether many of them even know the Lord's prayer by heart. I visited some Kamma converts' homes where the men are educated, some even to college level, but many of them do not seem to think that private Bible study is important. It is enough for them to listen to preachers and many of their teachers fortunately are gifted with silver tongues by God's grace. I tried to find

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out if some of these converts have read any life story of Sadhu Sunder Singh, but I did not find any who read these. I asked one of them if he knew about Pilgrim's Progress, which had been translated into Telugu many years ago, but this gentleman did not know the book. Maybe the picture is not so bad on the whole if we sur­ vey a wider section of the converts' congregations. As far as I have observed one gets the impression that these converts are happy with the preaching they get in the prayer meetings from their leaders. One couple even told me that they go to the church only to the sermon part and again this is not certainly the general rule. Sravana and mamma are good enough for them. b) The way these converts live in the midst of their friends and relations in the villages and not in entirely Christian communities may be an advantage. As I walked with one of the lady believers in one of the Kamma villages I was surprised to see the homes of the convert Christians sprinkled among the non-Christian Kamma homes. The people of the community knew each other very well. My lady guide, as we went along, greeted the converts and the Hindus and the responses were very cordial and friendly. This is very different from the Church com­ pound communities with which we are more familiar. At many homes of these converts they have regular prayer meetings in and out of the season and there are always some non-Christians at these meetings. Probably J. W. Grant is right when he makes a list of some of the positive aspects of the caste system. Brotherhood, moral discipline, economic support to those who needed it, a sense of belonging, security, and an accepted pattern of social living, according to Grant, are some of the advan­ tages of the caste grouping tradition.7

7. Grant, op. cit.

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In communities where the converts and their Hindu neighbors live together, these advantages seem to work well. How far this way of living helps evangelism and how far it hinders wider fellowship with Christians, themselves com­ ing from different religious and cultural backgrounds, is something the churches and the convert groups should find out themselves. The Christians coming from backward castes just now do not feel quite one with the caste Hindu con­ verts. This may be partly due to the way the Hindu con­ verts live with their own caste people. CONCLUSION A few concluding remarks may be useful and they are made in broad brush-strokes to complete the picture. First of all it may be safely assumed that the church in Andhra will, prob­ ably as anywhere else in India, grow more through the wit­ ness of the caste Hindu assemblies rather than through the ministry of the mainline churches. This is not a judgment on the mainline churches but a simple fact. In the caste con­ verts' churches there is more personal witness to the power of the Gospel, more small group interaction, and more oneto-one evangelism which is much better for our country and our culture. Also since the days of mass conversions seem to be over in Andhra this is the only effective way of spread­ ing the good news. However, this personal evangelism also means that the depth of Christian nurture which should come after conver­ sion may not be always adequate. It is mostly evangelism by the lay people, and although important, something more than this is needed for the deepening of faith and growth in the knowledge of the Word. Many leaders of these converts' assemblies have agreed with me in this view. One example of this problem is the fact that some of these new converts, while looking into the scriptures quickly, seek the end-time teachings and prophecy-fulfillment aspect of the Bible rather than a total, well-rounded knowledge of the Bible message.

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There is at present very little expository preaching in these converts' congregations. Also, in the matter of management of these ministries, too much dependence on the charismatic leadership is some­ times evident. The question arises as to what happens after the demise of the leader. Although in some groups a sort of teameffort in pastoral work is developing, there is not really an attempt at building a second line of command to take charge when it is needed. One tends to think that there could be more real sharing among the leaders if the work will have to continue. Some of the leaders although they see this dif­ ficulty, they say that the work could continue in a different way depending on the charisma of the successor-and that is also good. Related to the general administrative leadership concern is the training of adequate number of preachers, a concern already raised in this paper. In some of the better organized groups of these convert congregations there are one or two individuals going to USA to train in a religious and cultural atmosphere quite different from their home situation. When this is not possible, in some assemblies, young men with high school and less than high school qualification aregiven short term training. Either of these may not be the best idea for the future of Gospel work in India. Even in the case of people in special ministries such as the literary field, song writing and improvising of indig­ enous worship forms for caste congregations, there is evi­ dence of inadequate Bible knowledge. A small example is one of the Telugu songs written and produced for an audio cassette recently. It starts with the declaration-PremeDevudu, meaning (only) Love is God. This is the chorus which comes again and again at the end of every verse as the song progresses. When I first heard it, I asked myself, "Is this what the Bible says, or is it the other way round? Is there a difference? " Small things like this which we often hear in these new con­

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verts7 faith expressions, if not carefully watched, may have a cumulative adverse effect and may not be the best idea for the Gospel in India. Finally, a word about the finances in the converts7 as­ semblies. It is gratifying to see that the attendance in these churches and the giving is much better than in the mainline churches. The reasons are obvious and we mentioned some of them already. There is a tithing habit in many of these converts7churches and this too helps. However, it is also an acknowledged fact that many of these new converts7 churches get considerable amounts of foreign support and the impressive church buildings, the big Bible school prop­ erties, and very comfortable staff quarters are generally funded by overseas supporters. Bible schools, orphanages, etc., are costly projects of course and the money in most cases is coming now from foreign countries through the personal contacts cultivated by the leaders here. This is true also with the supply of guest preachers and teachers supplied by other countries and invited by these assemblies from time to time. This of course may not be so good for the future of the Church in India, for its life and witness. Inspite of all these difficulties it is good to see that the church is growing through the converts7 groups as we said so clearly. In this paper, it was not found possible to give figures partly because the members are not even baptised but still be in the fellowship. It is therefore not easy to give actual numbers of what we call the 'communicant members'. One only hopes that the good work will continue and the Gospel finds new channels to reach the many masses of our land.

Chapter 5

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MALA AND MADIGA IN ANDHRA PRADESH: TRENDS AND ISSUES IC Job Sudarshan* The Church in Andhra Pradesh is, for all practical purposes, the product of mass movements that took place during the last century. In order to understand Christianity in these parts of the country, it is necessary to take a good look at those happenings in which caste, the native influence, the gospel and the visiting force together shaped for all time the face of the new race to emerge called Telugu Christians. The history of Christianity inAndhra Pradesh is well documented and widely reported. Conversion is the most important component in the his­ tory and psychology of religion. Religious acts and beliefs are intimately merged with all the major interests of life, and a group membership implies undeviating participation in the cult. Until the development of the great historical reli­ gions, the individual's faith was so deeply imbedded in the mores that he had little choice in the matter of belief. In the Christian thought, conversion was generally con­ ceived to be the chief object of the Church. Among typical proselytizing religions, conversion has been made extremely easy. Intrinsically, conversion is an individual experience, and yet, many conversions result from the influence of tra­

*

Dr. K.J. Sudarshan of Andhra Pradesh, is an Anthropologist from the Delhi University and is currently involved in research, writing and teaching Bible in Andhra Pradesh.

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dition and example; from direct social pressure on the part of the organized faiths. Under such conditions, the phenom­ enon passes into the orbit of the crowd appeal, the conta­ gion of numbers, and the accompanying mass excitement. The very proximity and dispersion of individuals limit and condition to a greater extent all other human relations. Un­ der certain conditions, such an aggregate of individuals has a capacity for collective and concerted behavior. Caste in India is a typical group phenomenon where the complex principles of collective psychology operate. Caste is the product of Hinduism, at the same time its chief support. To undermine its power became one of the main concerns of the missionaries. To ignore it was to ne­ gate their own reformatory activities. Caste presented them with problems of an extremely intricate nature, and there was no consensus of opinion among them either as to its true character, or its functions. The agents of the Roman Church had arrived at no real uniformity in their views. Although Vatican insists that caste distinctions should be ignored, the general practice has largely been to regard them as civil or social in character rather than as religious gradu­ ations and were, as such, accepted1. Some protestant mis­ sionaries in South India noted this uneasy compromise, but were themselves equally confused.2 The undercurrent of the Sikhism led by its 17th century Guru Govind Singh is to repudiate caste on a military and political basis. History records Tipu Sultan's conversions of thousands of Hindus into Islam in South India. However, the caste system took these happenings in its stride. The missionaries, when confronted with and trying to deal With caste; were attempting to undermine a system 1. K. Ingham, Reformers India, 1793-1933, C artridge, 1956. 2. Church Missionary Society, South India Mission>MSS. \fol. 3, 1820-33, p. 191.

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innately opposed to Christianity. Yet it is apparently capa­ ble of absorbing Indian Christians comfortably as a new caste within the amorphous of Indian social structure. This sys­ tem is changeless and incapable of remedy, yet constantly changing to adapt itself more satisfactorily to some new situ­ ation. The merely curious English man was satisfied in equat­ ing the Indian caste system to the European social order as only more conservative, but not radically different. How­ ever, the missionaries brought with them a burning faith in the transcendental nature of their religion. They cannot be mere spectators of the caste system The British government's policy is to legalize change when it became inevitable, but never to force it upon its subjects. Had it been possible to destroy caste by force, it would have led to anarchy. It might have been averted by a simultaneous introduction of a new morality and a new method of enforcing moral law. Both impulse and example were needed to make progress possi­ ble, and the missionaries provided both. Ihey were confi­ dent that, rooted in Christianity was a new social order that would more than compensate for the loss of the old. The missionaries were convinced that the lower classes were at­ tached to the caste system through the simple fear of losing the little material security and social standing which they possessed. However, neither public denunciation nor the arguments into which missionaries and the defenders of the caste en­ tered, could turn the heart of more than an occasional soul against the traditional organization of the society that has the full sanction of Hinduism. It was concluded that it was in the schools that the first experiments in this direction must be made. The C.M.S. in Palamcottah, S. India and L.M.S. in Surat simultaneously concluded in 1822 that their mission teachers should preach the equality of caste. Only after a year of experimentation, Rev. C.T.C. Rhenius of the CMS, so vehemently opposed

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everything contrary to his faith, abandoned his original in­ tention of excluding caste from his schools in Madras. The Governor of Bombay wrote that unless the missionaries were prepared to tolerate caste prejudices in their schools, the re­ sult might well be that caste Hindus would ignore the edu­ cational opportunities they afforded. A class of paraiahs would then develop, superior to the rest in useful knowl­ edge but hated and despised by the caste.3 Charles Mead of the LMS at Nagarcoil announced in 1891 that the initial de­ mand that everyone wishing to become a Christian should renounce caste, was "both injudicious and unreasonable, and was one sure way of preventing Indians from inquiring thor­ oughly about Christianity. Such insistence would create an inflated sense of importance and often insolence among the lower caste converts, and the higher castes would feel justi­ fiably degraded and consequently ignored. This would ef­ fectively bar the higher castes from approaching Christian­ ity/' In retrospect the higher castes did stay away from Chris­ tianity, even though Christianity was by no means projected as casteless over the years. The obstacles to an Indian renouncing his caste were not wholly religious. Such a step meant inevitably that the so­ cial and material structure of his life must crumble away and, rejected by his family he would lose his livelihood also. If the missionaries hoped for any success in their campaign, it was frequently essential that some means would have to be made available for providing employment and possibly even accommodation for their converts. The indigo factory at Madnabatty and the paper mill and printing works started by the Serampore missionaries are a few examples. Some other examples include factory containing a number of looms in Cuddapah established by LMS missionaries (Howell, 1829), and the household industry of lace-making for women converts by the Brethren missionaries in the Godavary area. 3. G.W. Forrest, ed., Selections from the minutes and other writings... Governor of Bombay, London, 1837.

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Thus the missionaries lay themselves open to the charge of winning only the lowest castes to Christianity. This was because the lower castes were thought to cherish hopes of bettering their material circumstances by associating them­ selves with Europeans. In many cases the charge did not lack truth. The mass conversions to Christianity of low caste groups that have taken place in the pre-independence era suggest that caste and the interplay of socio-economic parameters are the principle factors in conversion. Mass movements thus, are the socio-economic necessities of the times. The people group enmasse will be capable of carrying on as before with respect to their socio-cultural milieu and means of subsist­ ence if the whole group is to convert. Therefore mass move­ ments among the Mala and Madiga are essentially products of the times in which they took place. Rift between Mala and Madiga castes in the camp of Chris­ tianity. Mala and Madiga constitute about 70% of the Telugu Chris­ tians; this percentage climbs upto 90% among the protestants. This is the direct result of the mass movements that occurred a hundred years ago. Fuchs (1965) discussed the socio-reli­ gious atmosphere in Guntur and Ongole regions. He postu­ lated that the Saivite reformation movement, especially a sect thereof called "Rajayogis", paved the way for the incredible amount of mass conversions among die Madigas in that area. This occurred mainly during the time of John Clough, the greatAmerican Baptist missionary. Beginning with 124 adult converts in 1867, the Baptist Church grew to about 10,000 by 1878, and 65,000 in 1899. Fishman (1958), and Pickett (1933) gave comprehensive historical accounts of these move­ ments. During the same time the Andhra Evangelical Lu­ theran Church experienced mass conversions. However, unlike the Baptists, the converts were Malas. This created a link between denomination and caste reflecting the social rift between these two castes. In coastal Andhra Pradesh one

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need ask a given individual his denomination and one knows his caste. Similar mass movements took place under the Phirangipuram Mission of the Roman Church by 1879. The Salvation Army saw similar success among the Mala in Guntur and Krishna districts, in the form of mass conver­ sions. Latter day movements include the conversions among Madiga and Mala in the region of Machilipatnam. Near this well-known CMS mission station more than 400 people embraced Christianity within the short time of 3 days, in a Holiness movement led by Raja Rathnam Bandela in 1944. Mass conversions took place in the South Andhra area into the Brethren Church in Kanigiri town and surrounding vil­ lages. Mass conversions reflect group solidarity and necessity. The group needed to protect itself from persecution of the upper castes and the rest of the community. Mass move­ ments helped the converts to maintain their village life with­ out too much disruption, and to continue their congrega­ tional life under their old community leaders.4 Dalit intellectuals lamented over the two-fold alienation suffered by the converts. There has been visible improve­ ment in their economic status and a distinct social change. However, they were alienated from their non-convert cous­ ins, and the high caste people in the fabric of the society. The President's constitutional order of 1950 denies them statutory benefits available to Hindu and Sikh dalits to over­ come their socio-economic backwardness, on the ground of their conversion to Christianity. Secondly, they were alien­ ated within the Church from their non-dalit fellow Chris­ tians and even from dalit Christians belonging to the other sub-caste. Efforts towards forging unity among the sub­ 4. M.E. Prabhakar. "Caste in Andhra Churches - A case study of Guntur District." Religion and Society, vol. 34, no. 3,1987.

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castes have, on the whole not been successful. The Madigas, during the last decade, have become aware of the dispari­ ties in the distribution of opportunities available. This un­ equal utilization of such opportunities led to a popular move­ ment called "Madiga Hakkula Dandora" (Announcement of the Rights of Madigas). Some are now adding 'Madiga' at the end of their names as a more prominent tag of identity just like Reddy, or Choudary (Kamma) people. This will further widen the cleavage between Malas and Madigas. The rift went down to the level of the students who were organ­ ized as the Madiga Students Federation of India (MSFI). A Case Study The Brethren assemblies of the twin Godavary districts spread over the Godavary delta, provide a refreshing con­ trast to the trends prevailing in the rest of the State among the Mala and Madiga. A more detailed study is certain to yield interesting information. Going about hundred years back to the golden age of mass conversions, this mission field presented a different picture. In 1854, after 20 years of preach­ ing over an area of 150 square miles, the number of converts was 40 in 3 villages. One Dasari Chinnaiah of Mala caste studies in the school established by E.S. Bowden, the pio­ neering missionary and went back to his village Velpur. The Malas of this village asked Mr. Bowden for mass baptisms and the worthy missionary refused saying that conversion is only through new spiritual birth. It is reported that these people then went to Mr. Heyer of the ULCM in Rajamundry, were duly baptised and a Lutheran Church formed. At least one more incident of this kind took place.5 However, though Madigas surpass the other caste groups in this Church today, all castes including Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Shudras can be seen in good number. This is one Church

5. E.C. Adams. They were men sent from God, Narsapur, 1952.

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in which the distribution of caste groups among the faithful is not lopsided. The 300 assemblies spread over 2 large dis­ tricts have an apex body. It was formed for the sake of fel­ lowship among the assemblies, and the 3 main office bear­ ers are a Shudra (president), a Madiga (secretary), and a Mala (treasurer). The undercurrent of discontent in the Telugu Christen­ dom has always been the caste. The 2 castes avoid each other in marriage ties and other social intercourse. This mutual distaste is often expressed in overt forms. A land­ mark incident from the Brethren Church being discussed in this case study would demonstrate this. The Christian as­ sembly in the coastal town of Narsapur was established in 1850. In 1922 a large cathedral type Church building was constructed. In 1982, the congregation was split cleanly into two halves on the basis of caste. The Malas left and started gathering separately.6 To this day, the fellowship remains broken. On the whole, churches in Andhra Pradesh have either reached perfect homogeneity of caste or are inching towards such a state. Anatomy of Mass Movements Impressions gained while working with the Church in this part of India compels one to adopt a multi-dimensional ap­ proach towards understanding the dynamics of caste and Christianity. Especially, the anatomy of mass conversions demands a more thorough investigation into more variables than those studied and reported before. A few possible vari­ ables for such a study could be :1. The pressure under which the missionaries worked; that is, the pressure from the home front for quick and plenty harvest. The genesis and evolution of the Brethren move­ ment in England would give a clue to the outlook and modus operandi and of its missionaries in the Godavari Delta Mission. 6.

K.J. Sudarshan. Great a Cloud of Witnesses. Narsapur, J.J. Publishers, 1986.

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2. Carrying capacity of the land. The ratio between the natural resources, fertility and other parameters on one side, and the size of the population presently being sup­ ported by the land. The carrying capacity has a consid­ erable influence over the collective psychology of the people inhabiting that region. The general pattern ob­ served in the historical mass conversions suggest a cor­ relation between the carrying capacity and vulnerability of the people group as a whole to new influences. The Godavary delta area was made prosperous through a net work of canals from the river Godavary. The highly fer­ tile soil yielding rich crops made life at all strata of the society, generally content. 3. Strength of the sodo-religious ties among the people. The interrelationships between castes have traditionally been strong. The Brethren Missionaries succeeded in forging excellent ties with the higher castes, even winning many into the fold. Thus, friction between the converts and the people is minimal. All these factors work against creation of atmosphere conducive to mass movement. At the same time, the traditional Hindu religion holds a tight grip, as a result of material prosperity, over the peo­ ple. People under such socio-economic conditions have little impetus to convert enmasse. The Ude of Counter Conversions in the post Independ­ ence India Discrimination against Mala and Madiga Christians has been well documented. Much has been written, with good rea­ son, on the recent atrocities on dalit Christians in coastal Andhra villages such as Tsundur, Neerukonda, and Karamchedu. However, in the long run, it will be readily acknowledged that the single largest factor that kept a check on the normal growth of the Church, is the governmental policy of denying the Christians the benefits available to the scheduled castes. This prompted a slow but steady exodus from the fold. This has created a peculiar breed of Chris­

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tians with dual identity. They attend the Church but identi­ fied by their Hindu names and status in the government records. A survey conducted in Vijayawada town revealed that in five of the eight existing Baptist Churches, all recorded members have this dual identity. The rest of the Churches show percentages ranging from 60% to 80%. The answer to the puzzle of the dwindling Christian population in India can be sought here. Each passing year, more and more Telugu Christians are reporting their religion as Hindu for the sake of the benefits of reservations available to the scheduled castes. It is usual practice in the Churches to discourage the dual identity Christians from taking leadership positions. This author witnessed situations where such person insisted on taking an office in the church. Then when a letter reached the superior authorities in his place of work (secular job) concerning his active participation in the church, the man's enthusiasm would end. Of late, the demand to extend the reservation benefit to converts into Christianity has been gaining momentum. The changed equations and equilibrium in the churches will make an interesting study, should such an amendment be made in the Constitution. Experienced churchmen and pastors fear new tensions within the Church in the event of such legislation. The dual identity people will then either openly declare themselves Christians, or seeing that their Christian counterparts are also enjoying the same benefits as they are will be emboldened. Either way, the re­ sult will be their joining the power struggles in the churches with a vigor not shown hitherto, leading to worse problem in the already strife ridden churches. The other incident that brought to fore the havoc wrought primarily by the caste, and secondarily by the refusal of reservation benefits to the Mala and Madiga converts by the government involve the students. Resentment between the SC and Christian stu­ dents is the logical result of this policy. The Union of Evan­ gelical Students of India (UESI) had its state wide meet at a

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conference site called Beracah in the West Godavary district in 1981. After hectic discussions, it was concluded that the members who do not declare themselves as Christians in the government records, are not eligible for the leadership and ministry responsibilities in UESI. The same decision was made among the evangelical students and graduates in many individual towns. This resulted in many talented youths losing interest and leaving UESI, and the effective­ ness of the body in general was largely lost. In conclusion, the Church in Andhra faces a massive and many-sided dilemma. Unwillingness of the two castes to come together under the banner of Christianity, if not in the other sodal contacts and relationships, continues to weaken the Church. The artificial rift caused by the governmental policy of dividing the scheduled castes into converts and non-converts, and allowing only Hindu Malas and Madigas the benefits of reservations, is a cause of cold war between these two groups. The increasing influx of Shudra and high caste people into the Churches made the already complex situation even more complicated. In the book of Acts we read about mass movements un­ der the ministry of the early Church, even though those movements are not in the same league as the 19th century movements in Andhra Pradesh. The faithful today long for revival in the Church along the lines of the early Church movements. Indeed, even of the revival in Wales and other parts of the world. This generation of Christians who were simply counted as Christians because of the religious status of their parents must give way to a new generation of Chris­ tians. A new generation that would detest and reject caste and the concomitant evils and other considerations in the all encompassing light of the gospel and Biblical spiritual­ ity.

Chapter 6

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE THEVARS Vasantharaj Albert* The Thevars are known by names like Kallar, Agamudiar, Maravan, and Velaiyan. They emerged as one of the power­ ful politically active castes in recent times. They constitute about 25% of the people of Tamil Nadu. One of the criminal castes in Tamil Nadu is Kallar meaning thieves. In some places they are called Thevars.1 They consider themselves Kallar, not Harijans. According to their own traditions they were formerly soldiers who with the cessation of the wars were disbanded and had to find other employment. The Kallar were farmers and lead a fairly sedentary life; some of them acted as watchmen or carry paddy from village to vil­ lage for sale as supplementary occupations. However, in the recent past, they were known for their criminal activi­ ties. They lived like the Rahillas of the Punjab, and the Ramishis of Maharashtra and had a bad reputation as dacoits, burglars, cattle lifters and petty thieves. Until 1947 they were classified as a criminal caste and were kept under strict po­ lice supervision. Forty-two percent of convicts in Madurai jail and thirty percent of Palayamkottai jail were from this community, in 1897. They collect kudi-kaval from villages if the village wanted to be exempted from robbery. Women seldom join in crimes, but assist men in their dealings (for disposal of the stolen property) with the chettiars. *

1.

Rev. S. Vasantharaj Albert of Tamilnadu, is the Executive Director of the Church Growth Association of India, Madras, and is involves, among oth­ ers, in Church Growth and unreached people research all over India. D. Arthur Jeyakumar, Mass Movements Among the Nadars of Tirunelveli, unpublished manuscript, p. 4.

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Though they usually live in closed settlements, each set­ tlement is inhabited by kinsmen. The settlement is also a cultic unit having specified gods and shrines. An empty space in the center of the hamlet is reserved for communal meetings and activities. Matters of caste discipline, cases of litigation, disputes and quarrels are all discussed here either by the caste council or by the whole male community. The Kallar are divided into a number of endogamous sub-divisions. They have no clan system. From their military part the Kallar have retained the alien customs; they have love for hunting, they keep weapons such as the spear and curved piece of wood like a boomerang. Some sections, especially Parumalai-nadu Kallar practice circumcision. However, in modem time they tend to confirm as much as possible to the rules of Hindu life. They worship the local Hindu gods though they have preserved the worship of their own vil­ lage and lineage deities. The Kallar eat meat except beef and drink liquor. They allow widow marriage and divorce. The marriage ties are rather loose. Usually marriage is be­ tween close relatives. Jallikattu is one of the methods of choosing the bride. The moral standards are generally high. Cleanliness is emphasized. A toddy shop in a Kallar village is seldom a financial success. Earliest mission among them was Roman Catholicism, of the Madura Mission in the seventeenth cen­ tury. Their efforts did not result in any significant conver­ sion. Then, in the early part of the nineteenth century, mis­ sionaries of Church Missionaries Society made some at­ tempts. There are some small churches with valuable prop­ erty belonging to the Brethren Mission who had worked among the Thevars in Thevarkulam area. Are people movements given by God or is it the result of human efforts? Responding to the divine call many mis­ sionaries came to the district of Tlrunelveli in the second half of the nineteenth century. Of these, only a few came to North Tlrunelveli because in the South the Nadars were respond­

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA; SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

ing to the gospel in strong web-movements. Nurturing them occupied the times of most of the CMS missionaries present there. However, God, in a mysterious way, brought about the conversion of the Thevars in the last part of the nine­ teenth and early part of this century. Mission effort was not big but the beginning of the movement was significant. In the last century, circumstances for the entry of the gos­ pel into Thevar community were favorable. Many families among them owned land, but a vast majority either had only a small piece or none at all. The rich exploited the landless. There were very few, among them, who were literate. New feudal system broke the traditional norms and became a tool in the hands of a few to exploit the weaker section. Church Missionary Society opened their mission station at Panavadali Chathiram in that situation. Many opposed to the introduction of a new God by foreigners. A few families took interest in the missionaries' efforts. The liberating power experienced by the Nadars in South Urunelveli, attracted them. Castes and tribes responded to the evangelistic efforts of churches and missions when missions were willing and able to help them in their community problems. In the turn of the century, Thevar community leaders in Thevarkulam de­ cided to become Christians. They did so when they saw the benefits their people in the neighboring regions of Ramrtad and Srivilliputhur received from the early Protestant mis­ sions. A few years after the beginning of the movement, missionaries were preoccupied with programs to uplift the new converts socially and economically. The interests of the majority of the non-Christians were sacrificed in looking af­ ter the baptized few. Soon non-Christians began to look else­ where for their liberation. The movement lost its momen­ tum to expand further, as a result. Understanding the history and social aspirations of the people effectively, is a key to communication of the gospel. The context in which the people receive the gospel is impor­

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE THEVARS

95

tant. When the gospel presentation meets the aspiration of the community the message becomes relevant and dynamic and the community responds. Basic aspirations of every com­ munity are different and people within it respond at differ­ ent rates and in different degrees. The success or failure of the church in each community should be judged, not by the ministry carried out, but by the conditions of each place. Leadership plays a key role in developing a people move­ ment. No movement broke out among any caste or tribe in the absence of a leader who had exercised enough influence to move the whole or segment of his community to consider the options of becoming Christians. Velliappan Thevar was not a man with influence to command great respect among the Thevars of his region. He was considered a man of high integrity and with a gift of discernment by his clan. The missionary at Panavadali Chathiram led him to faith in Je­ sus. Velliappan had sincere zeal and genuine conversion to move a few who were his family members to become Chris­ tians. Many families in three villages around Thevarkulam were soon converted, but Velliappan's circle of influence ended there. The movement continued, through web-relationships, to nine other villages but in the absence of a char­ ismatic leader, it slowed down and died. Initial leadership can come from outside the community. The charismatic leader's vision needs to be carried on beyond his life and circle of influence to see a people move­ ment developed to its full capacity. Charismatic leaders were usually capable of forming their own "central group" to carry on their vision. This group is committed to the cause of the movement envisioned by the charismatic leader. It perpetu­ ates the cause and functions as vehicle for the vision of the leader. Developing new leadership is vital not only for the sus­ tenance of the movement but also for the increasing of its influence. Expansion of any movement depends on the emer­ gence of new leadership patterns for selection, training and functions.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

In a successful people movement, each local church func­ tions as a "central group" for the expansion of the move­ ment at village level. In the absence of such kind of commit­ ted local leaders joining together the impact of the move­ ment at the local level is lost. Development of leadership at regional and local level is important. Most of these leaders are volunteers and unpaid. Local churches' agenda is decided by these local leaders. These opinionated leaders of the community, who are already close to the aspirations of the community, constantly renew and interpret the cause of the movement for the achieve­ ment of the common aspirations of the people. Vitality of the movement largely depends upon these respected volun­ teers and zealous leadership of the local church. Bringing insensitive and dominant leadership from outside will re­ sult in the alienation of these leaders from the cause of the movement. Insensitive leadership from outside normally tends to make the church to be concerned with the affairs of its mem­ bers. Non-Christian families become unimportant to the leadership. When the local church has forgotten the cause of the movement and serves only its members, the move­ ment loses its cutting edge and soon dies out in the institu­ tions it has developed. ARREST FACTORS OF PEOPLE MOVEMENT: People movement among the Thevars of Thevarkulam and other villages did not develop into its full potential and slowed. This small movement in the remote part of the coun­ try is not properly documented. People with first hand in­ formation about the movement are not alive. However, a few people of advanced age helped me to gain some insight.

Lack o f Vision The Thevars were a kind of violent caste unlike the Nadars and Scheduled Castes, and missionaries found it difficult to establish relationship with them. The only CMS missionary

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE THEVARS

97

who stayed in the Thevar community at Panavadali Chathiram had to leave for England due to serious health problems and never came back. His name is forgotten by the local Christians and the site of the bungalow where he lived is in ruins. In addition, CMS missionaries like Rhenius and others stayed only a few days for their evangelistic ef­ forts. The absence of a resident missionary devoted to de­ velop the movement was a major reason for its arrest. Velliappan Thevar who spear-headed the movement did not have extraordinary charisma. Stories about his adven­ tures of faith or heroic acts as a movement leader are not available. His influence did not go beyond the web of his blood relations. This small arrested movement is an example of the dev­ astating effect of the absence of good leaders, with vision, can have on a God-given movement. Pessimism normally prevails among cross-cultural missionaries. Many believe that people movements are impossible in our times and so vision for church growth in large movement is absent. A normal missionary thinks that, with the building of a big church at the village center, his ministry is complete. Any conversion movement attracts the attention of the Hindu fundamentalists. Efforts to weaken the movement is their reaction. Christianity is rejected as a foreign religion, so criticisms and even oppositions to evangelistic efforts, as attempts to destroy the culture, are many. However, opposi­ tion from Hindus are not real enemies to the success of Chris­ tian mission. Lack of unified goals and failure to plan stra­ tegically are the main arresting factors. Outside oppositions and persecutions have always made the church to deepen tiie commitment for evangelism. Scattered efforts and inad­ equate methods result from the failure to develop an ad­ equate plan for the future. God gives people movements men with vision to develop them. Favorable circumstances are necessary for the develop­ ment of a movement. Circumstances are granted and can­

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

not be created. However, circumstances alone cannot give birth to people movements. No movement can ever give birth fully in the absence of a leader who has the ability to see the favorable circumstances and use them for church growth. Velliappan had many limitations as a leader of the movement. Missionaries' support to this silent, slow but potential movement was miserably absent. They expected the missionaries to bring missions to every village, but their expectations were not met. Major resources of the CMS were diverted to the Nadars who had become Christians in thou­ sands in South Tirunelveli during the same period and later to the Dalits in North Tirunelveli. Only a few schools were established in the Thevar villages and they were not enough in number. These schools even today are underdeveloped and lack proper infrastructures like buildings, furniture, etc., and the managerial lacks efficiency. Developing a people movement is not just planting churches, nor making a few families to change over their religious faith to Christianity. A people movement is possi­ ble only when a missionary presents Jesus Christ in such a way that he would meet the aspirations of a society. Mis­ sionaries should have enough knowledge of the history of the people and their longings. If divine healing is the mes­ sage, it attracts sick people to Jesus, the Healer. The whole community is moved if Jesus is the 'Messiah' for a society. The missionaries' understanding of Jesus and his applica­ tion of the gospel will decide the kind of church planted - a stagnant church or a people movement.

Sealed-off Churches McGavran's description of a people movement emphasizes the important role of the new Christians in converting their non-Christian relations. Web-movement occur when new converts are constantly encouraged to Witness to non-Chris­ tians through their social networks. Congregations sealedoff from the society can never bring about conversion from

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE THEVARS

99

non-Christian families. A sealed off church becomes a stag­ nant church. There is lack of vision and movement. In the area of my study it is very obvious that churches are not seen as institutions belonging to villages. Becoming Christians is considered as leaving their traditional religion, and deserting the community. Because of the large presence of the Christians from the Nadars, a backward community, conversion is not considered to be joining a Scheduled Caste as thought in many parts of India. An important stage in the people movement is the emer­ gence of an indigenous, local body when the local church ceases to be part of the mission. The cell separated from the parent body develops into an independent organism. This organic growth cannot be easily measured. Growth is ex­ pressed in the new organizational pattern, local leadership and others. The mission needs to consciously develop this stage. The movement loses its vigor when such stage is ig­ nored and diplomatically resisted.

Imposed Structures Proper structures alone cannot bring church growth. How­ ever, bad structure, such as clerical domination, can cut the nerve of the people movement. The structure of the Thevar church was one reason for the arrest of the movement among them. Decisions regarding appointment of local leaders and policies were made at the home-base by people who are not related to this movement. It affects growth. Moreover, mis­ sion policy was uniformly applied to all mission fields. Peo­ ple movement and stagnant church situations were treated alike. The uniqueness of Thevar movement was not taken into consideration when policies were made. Vagaikulam, a center for the Dalit converts was made as regional center. Thevars objected that decision. As a result the churches of Thevars were further neglected. Supervision of the work and encouragement from the church leaders was at the mini­ mum.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA; SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

Failure to Develop Leaders One of the ironies of the mission history is the missionary distrusting the abilities of the local churches for its own gov­ ernance and expansion. An under estimated church is al­ ready damaged by the attitude of the missionary and will ultimately be ruined. The last thing a Church of Jesus Christ needs is somebody who patronizes it. The entire absence of leadership from Thevar community, at present, in the ranks of the Diocese of Tirunelveli is an example. Now other com­ munities dominated the structure and Thevar congregations were patronized by the leaders of other communities. No movement can be developed without proper leader­ ship, and most of the Thevar converts in the area of study belong to the Tirunelveli Diocese of the Church of South In­ dia. No presbyter has come out of this area. Rev. Jeevagan was the only presbyter from this area and passed away a few years back as a bachelor. The churches are not devel­ oped well and the image of the church is not very impres­ sive among its own people because of the absence of influ­ ential leaders. There are several schools run under the man• agement of the Thevarkulam and Achampatti Pastorates of Tirunelveli Diocese. Many teachers*working in these schools belong to Thevar community. Their leadership in the pasto­ ral ministry is, in some cases, dominated by other leaders and so under-used. In others these teachers are not at all interested in the conversion of their relatives. Redemption and Lift Gospel is powerful agent of transformation. It awakens the hearts of the converts to the possibilities of growing into the fullest capacity of God's creation. At the conversion the so­ cial-upward mobility begins. This mobility is accelerated by opportunities offered by mission/church through its so­ cial and educational institutions. Admissions into these in­ stitutions are rightly preferred for new converts although these privileges are not denied to the non-Christians. The

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101

next generation of the first converts, using the benefits of missions in their villages grow out of their villages. Except a few, most of them move to towns and cities where job op­ portunities are high and life is comfortable. Their relation­ ship with the people of their community is severely affected. By the next generation the Christians develop into a sepa­ rate caste - "The Christian Thevar". Marriage alliances with their non-Christian relatives are not considered the best but inevitable when there is no proper life partner among the Christian converts. Christian parents prefer to marry their children to a non-Christian from the same community, rather than to a Christian from another community. This, as in any other movement, has happened in this community. Many Christians are in higher economies and social position. Spiritual redemption has caused this socio­ economic movement itself. SIGNS OF BEGINNING OF A MOVEMENT: In my field of study I have interviewed more than twenty families who have accepted Christian faith during the last ten years. In my estimation, not less than 200 families has been added to the church in the last ten years. Motives of conversion are complex and they are very hard to identify. Spiritual causes are thought to be the best and are said to be the dominant motive, but in many cases that is not true. Any people movement that would break out now, God willing, will be different from the movement that brought many families in the past. The future movement will be dif­ ferent from the past in its nature, motives of conversion, in­ tensity, methods of conversion, etc. Movement will be less in its intensity. Only two missions, CMS and Brethren were on the scene. Today the increasing effort is from the Charismatics. They are a result of the renewal movement among the existing CSI churches. Pastor Antony Thangapandy, a Pentecostal, is a convert from a staunch Hindu family. He was exposed to Christian faith in the CSI.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA; SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

His contact with the Pentecostals made him what he is to­ day. His church began with a few of his relations and grew to three hundred members during the last 10 years. His plans to establish 20 congregations in the future (time frame un­ known) has compelled him to mobilize lay people and to develop new leadership from new converts. Thangapandy's converts are mainly Thevars because it is a web-movement that began with his close relatives. The families I interviewed were baptized in the CSI. However, they had something to say about the influence of Thangapandy's ministry. Renewal of the CSI has also begun. Pastors and Catechists who are immersed in the church structure and involved in policies are not aware of the signs of renewal. They are the last one to acknowledge it. A new category of Catechists is emerging out of this renewal movement. They are not many in number. They are men who are not em­ ployed by the church. Their willingness to take the local church responsibility is voluntary. This is a result of the work of the Holy Spirit among them as God gives the movements. History tells that there are more to a movement than its di­ vine origin.

Need for Vision fo r a Movement Vision needs to be gathered-not imported. Successful move­ ments in the past had people with great vision. The growth, among this community, will continue to be slow in the ab­ sence of a vision for church growth and an overall strategy. With the present renewal in Hinduism, even the slow growth will end. No church is as strong as the CSI among the Thevars. So the initiative to cast a vision and build-up a strategy may have to come from them. This vision should recognize the emerging new Pentecostal churches and also include them as partners. The vision is for a movement to sweep the whole Thevar community. It is not just for the addition of few hundred families to the existing Christian community. It is not for

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE THEVARS

103

the planting of a few more churches. Though they are im­ portant, the need is to look at the strategy from a people movement perspective.

Encouraging Renewal Movement In the history of mission movements, renewal movements precede mission movements. Renewal movement was not confined to spiritual vigor of the congregation which is the ultim ate result. Theological breakthrough, structural re­ new al, emergence of new leadership were some of the im­ portant aspects of the renewal. Renewal movements need to be recognized and developed with the guidance of the H oly Spirit and with the help of a 'central group' primarily m ade up of people who whole-heartedly subscribe to the vision. This step is key at present, to the emerging movement. Pastors with their preoccupation, administrative responsi­ bility and maintenance ministry are not able to give leader­ ship to the movement as vision builders. However, the CSI congregation has to play a key role in the future movement serving as leaders of the central group in most of the village where the church is in existence. Leadership is the key to renewal and expansion of a movement. Leaders from outside the community cannot bring much momentum to the present growing movement. Presence of committed leadership in severed villages prom­ ises an enlarging vision for the growth of the churches. To­ day they are hidden. Their potentiality needs to be chal­ lenged and developed in the context of the present struc­ ture. A few of these committed Catechists have received no training. Attempting to do ministry with inadequate train­ ing has produced in them a sense of frustration and in the long run would ultimately weaken their commitment. These leaders are at home with this area and know the people. They don't depend upon the missions to pay their salary. Most of them receive their salary from other sources.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

These men are not young. People accept them as leaders for their local congregation for their high morals, character, and men of weight and reputation. They may not be highly edu­ cated. Their qualifications are primarily moral. Their spir­ itual gifts need to be identified and developed to achieve the vision. Training the emerging leaders should be done in a sys­ tematic way. Most of the existing models of training are not suitable for people movement situation. These leaders can­ not be away from their home and work for more than a week. Training should be done in their context. The main aim of training these leaders is to mobilize the ordinary lay people to carry on the evangelistic task of the church. Lay people are the links of the movement. The higher the mobilization, the stronger is the movement. One of the greatest failures of the mission in the past as well as at the present is the domination of the mission over the church. The New Testament pattern of keeping the church at the center of the activity needs to be emphasized. Church is both the goal and the agent of evangelism. New converts are the most effective communicators of the gospel to their non-Christian relatives. Each church, in developing people movement should look for the opportunities to spread the gospel through relationship.

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE THEVARS

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SOURCES REFERRED Rev. Dr. D. Arthur Jeyakumar-MLaces

No. of Students Students No. of Church schools (boys) (girls) congre­ members gations

Nongsawlia

2

30

20

Shelia

3

40

Nongwar

2

Jowai

No. Of No. Of children bapt­ ized in Sun. School»

150

50

48

11

—

30

20

17

9

18

16

50

18

10

3

1

18

—

45

8

3

—

Cherra

2

35

Mawsmai

1

10

Mawmluh

1

8

Mission Station

1

8

Sohbar

1

15

—

—

—

—

—

Tyma

1

10

Nongkroh

1

12

—

20

_

16

204

36

295

Total

96

-

78

—

23

The figures for 1861, that is after about 20 years of mis­ sion work, also show that there was no en masse coming over to Christianity among the Khasis.24

22. See, John Huges Morris, The History of the Welsh Cahinistic Methodists' Foreign Mission, to the end of the year 1904, Carnarvon; C. M. Book Room, 1910,102ff. Henceforth, J. H. Morris, The History. 23. See, J. H. Morris, The History. 24. Ibid., 145.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

Places

Number in the Churches

Baptized

On Probation

No. Of Congre­ gations

Nongsawlia

55

7

5

180-200

Shelia

19

2

3

40-50

Nongwar

24

1

3

35-45

Nongkroh

14

9

3

16-20

Jowai

25

15

10

30-40

On other places like Cherra, Mawsmai, Saisopen, Mawmluh and Nongrim do not record any figures worth reporting. In 1866 the churches on the Hills numbered 10, dayschools - 65, and church members - 307. In order to nour­ ish the faith of the believers the missionaries took care to provide them with as much printed word as possible. In 1867 two printing presses were set up in Cherra under the experienced charge of Mr. Griffith Hughes. The first pam­ phlet was the one written earlier by Thomas Jones The Com­ plaint and the Cure. Other literature distributed were Chris­ tian Instructor and Rules of Discipline. As a result the number of communicants increased. In 1871 it was 106, ten years (1881) it rose to 452 and it reached 2147 in 1891.25 F. S. Downs reports, it was a practice among the Presbyterian Churches not to accept any persons as "full members" if he or she could not read. The only exception was old people who could not be expected to learn.26 Moreo­ ver, a strict code of conduct was required of those who de­ sired baptism: No undue haste, renouncing of "heathen" practices, good moral life, sufficient knowledge of Christians 25. Cited in Frederick S. Downs, History of Christianity in India series vol. V, part 5, North East India in the Nineteenth and Tmntieth Centuries, Bangalore: The Church History Association of India, 1992,75. Henceforth, F. S. Downs, North East India. 26. Ibid., 75.

CHRISTIANITY AND MASS MOVEMENT AMONG THE KHASIS

205

doctrines, Sabbath observance, and abstention from intoxi­ cants.27 Only by 1890 the first ordinations were held. The first College was established in 1887, at Cherra (Nongsawlia).28 Compared to the Baptists elsewhere in the North East, the Presbyterians were better organized as a whole. They had the advantage of a single language group. They helped the people with more effective medical facili­ ties both in the form of small dispensaries and also with a fully equipped hospital like the one that was established in Shillong in 1922. The number of conversions started increas­ ing rapidly, and by the first decade of the twentieth century, the Presbyterian mission was somewhat well established among the Khasis. The following table is an indication of this upward swing.29 1891

Churches and Preaching Stations

1901

1904

189

3%

405

Preachers

30

45

47

Deacons

85

171

191

Communicants

2147

4945

6180

Membership

6862

15678

17800

Sabbath School students

7909

14502

16404

Day School students

4625

7337

7918

22565

9567

20034

Rs. 5421

Rs. 15125

Rs. 17228

Hearers Collections

The Progress of Presbyterian mission work will remain steady as a whole and the number of conversions too would increase in the following decades. A critical assessment of it 27. See, J. H. Morris, The History, 91. 28. See, F. S. Downs, North East India, 76. 29. Ibid, 197.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

needs to be made only after having seen the growth of the other churches. However, we give below a comparative table for the last ten years of the two major Christian churches among the Khasis, the Presbyterian and the Catholic.30 It shows the Khasi Christian population (Presbyterians and Catholics) for the 10 year period 1985-1995. There is a steady growth in both the Churches. While there is an average annual increase of about 6200 new converts in the Presbyterian community in die Khasi Hills, the Catholic Church registers an average of nearly 12,000 per year. Both the churches include chil­ dren. Whereas the Catholic church includes who are bap­ tized, the Presbyterian church includes children of Presby­ terian parents whether they are baptized or not. New Converts Presbyterian

Year

Christian Population Presbyterian

Catholic

1985

1,63,593

1,57,504

4562

9984

1987

1,76,937

1,73,892

5554

N/A.

1988

1,79,384

N/A.

5793

N/A.

1989

1,90,103

2,08,489

5654

11778

1990

1,97,403

2,08,355

6052

11433

1991

2,03,611

2,18,920

6003

12185

1992

3,27,743

2,30,956

6584

13851

1993

3,54,257

2,42,681

7087

11725

1994

3,71,921

2,56,622

6975

13941

1995

3,87357

2,70,563

7470

12330

Catholic

The Catholic Church Speaking of the Catholic Church among the Khasis, O. L. Snaitang, himself a Khasi, and a non-Catholic, refers to it as 30. The figures for the Catholic Church are taken from Annuaro Pontifico, Rorni for the respective years, and from the annual Synod Reports for the Pres­ byterian Church.

CHRISTIANITY AND MASS MOVEMENT AMONG THE KHASIS

207

theintroduction of "a significant new element into the Chris­ tian movement" in North East India.31 And F. S. Downs in his turn would speak of it as "the most important denomi­ nation to begin work [in the North East] during the second half of the nineteenth century".32 The visit of the two Jesuit missionaries Stephen Cacella and John Cabral to Assam on their way to Tibet in 1627, the presence of the Catholic community at Rangamati in the sev­ enteenth century, the visit of the Jesuit Bishop of Mylapore, Francis Launez in 1713, the presence of a Catholic commu­ nity in Bondashil near Badarpur and Mariamnagar near Agartala (Tripura), during the eighteenth century, the visits of missionaries from Dakha in the late nineteenth century and even the presence of some European Catholics in ad­ ministration or business in the North East at different times or the 18 year long stay of Fr. Jacopo Broy in Guwahati from 1872-1890 do not record any contact with the Khasis. It is true that Fr. Broy had a plan to come and work among the Khasis. But it was "thwarted" in the words of G. Kottuppallil by the English Benedictines who had "successfully claimed from Rome jurisdiction over the entire Khasi-Pnar Hills".33 Broy was only allowed to use a villa he had built in 1876. Catholic Church's work among the Khasis started in an organized way only when Rome entrusted the Assam Mis­ sion to the newly founded German Society of Catholic Edu­ cation, commonly known as the Salvation Missionaries or SDS (Society of the Divine Savior) in 1890. Fr. Otto Hopfenmuller and his three companions reached Shillong on 21, February, 1890. With a commitment that is character­ istic of the German Catholics, the missionaries threw them­

31. Ibid, 78. 32. See, F. S. Downs, North East India, 90. 33. G. Kottuppallil, "A Historical Survey of the Catholic Church in North East India: From 1627 to 1983 in Centenary of the Catholic Church in North East India 1$90-1990, M. C. George, ed., Shillong: 1990, n.p.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA; SEARCH POR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

selves heart and soul into the mission work. They mastered the language and got themselves organized in a short time. At their arrival the Catholic community numbered just twenty members, none of whom was a Khasi. The first Khasi Catholics to be baptized were 59 year old Anna Nongrum and her daughter Maria Shituon Nongrum 19 years of age in 1891. Nothing could stop the missionary enthusiasm of the German missionaries. Within a few months of their arrival Ft Otto succumbed to meningitis on 22 August, 1890, and Bro. Marianus followed him to the grave ten days later be­ cause of dysentery. Hardships of every kind dogged their path. The great earthquake of 12 June, 1897, destroyed many homes, but it only strengthened their faith. Raliang mission was opened in 1892, Guwahati, and Bondashil in 1894 and Cherrapunji in 1897. Soon some 30 sub-centres were opened. Several small churches were built at the cost of great sacri­ fices. By 1897, there were 1300 Catholics in the Assam mis­ sion. The majority of them were Khasis. In the meantime, funds were organized both in the mis­ sions and in Europe to rebuild foundations that were de­ stroyed due to the great earthquake. No pains were spared to cater to the network of schools in remote villages. The confraternities of the Sacred Heart, Our Lady of Mt. Carmel, of the Holy Rosary and Vincent de Paul were established to organize lay helpers. New mission centers came into exist­ ence and the number of sub-stations rose from 32 in 1906 to 68 in 1914. The number of catechists (lay missionaries of the time) too increased from 22 to 46 in the same period. While the number of village schools multiplied there arose the need of establishing schools in Shillong to attend to the demand for higher education. The Loreto school for girls and St Edmund's for boys were opened in 1918. So too a trade school for boys and another one for girls were started in Shillong. The sericulture farm at Umlyngka was entrusted by the gov­ ernment to the Catholic mission. Thus when everything

CHRISTIANITYAND MASS MOVEMENT AMONG THE KHASIS

209

looked bright ahead, the World War I (1914-1919) broke out between England and Germany. The German missionaries had to leave the area with a heavy heart - the Fathers and Brothers in July, and the Sisters in November 1915. Help came from the Belgian Jesuits. They held fort and looked after the mission from 1915 to 1921. Then came the Salesians of Don Bosco. With the arrival of the Salesians, Mission work progressed relentlessly with a dedication that seemed unconditional. When the first group of 11 Salesian missionaries reached Shillong on 13 January, 1922, Khasi Hills had 2,238 Catholics and 932 catechumens. The number in­ creased so fast that in 1934, Shillong was made into a Dio­ cese comprising the whole of North-East India with a total of over 18,000 Catholics. F t Constantine \fendrame (1893-1957) came to the Khasi Hills in 1924. He became the apostle of the Khasis. Like St. Paul, he traveled the length and breadth of his mission which extended from Mawryngkneng to Guwahati, from Sonapahar to Umpanai comprising the present East and West Khasi Hills Districts excluding Cherrapunji and Laitkynsew where there were already two other mission stations. In a matter of nine years of hard work, he set up 105 communi­ ties in distant and often inaccessible villages.34 When he among the Khasis as a young priest in 1924, the Catholic Khasi population consisted of a few hundreds. At his death in 1957, it was nearly 30,000 (he spent a total of about 20 years only among the Khasis, the rest, elsewhere in the coun­ try). This would mean an astounding 2900 percent increase. He was a man of God. He was the first to go deep into the Khasi religion and culture. He studied the language and the Khasi religious value system well. He was the first to realize that the Khasis were gregarious in nature, that they would move as a group and decide as a group. Hence, sel34. O. Paviotti, The Work of His Hands, Shillong: Archbishop's House, 1987, 52.

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dom, nay, never did Fr. C. Vendrame baptized people indi­ vidually, but always in groups of more than one family. And whenever possible families of different dans to facilitate marriages later on. He discovered that whenever people moved in groups, they stuck to their faith. Fr. C. Vendrame made sure that the new converts were followed up with in­ structions. In the Bhoi area, practically all the Bhoi Catholic villages were brought to faith by Fr. Vendrame precisely through group decisions. Examples abound in the villages of Mawkyrdep, Mawbri, Mawlasnai, Umpawin, Umtngam, M awhati, Mawiong, Umbi, Khyrning, Mawlaho, Pamphlang, Pamlaban, Umtyrkhang, Pamlatar, Umden, Nongpoh, Umsning, etc. Except for one or two, all these villages are still strong in their faith. Two villages disap­ peared due to plague. The method that helped Fr. C. Vendrame to bring in many conversions was his strategy to "take the people at the moment of their decision in groups" and then to follow them up as carefully as he could. He was right. If today, the Khasi Catholics are over 3 lakhs, it is to a great extent due to the method adopted by Fr. Vendrame and followed by the missionaries who came after him. The group decisions by the people and baptizing them at the moment of their decision for Christ brought about the mass movement among the Khasi Catholics. Today besides the Diocese of Shillong, there are eight other dioceses in the North East with a Catholic population of nearly 9,00,000, of whom the Khasi number over 3,15,000.35No wonder, H. K. Synrem, in her Revivalism in Khasi Society speaks of the combined Catholic and Protestant

35. The dioceses are Shillong (estd. 1934, popul. 1,299,971, Cath. 282,893), Dibrugarh (estd. 1951, popul. 5,228,000, Cath. 107,533), Tezpur (estd. 1964, popul. 5075,000, Cath. 151,600), Silchar (estd. 1969, popul. 4,778,000, Cath. 30,726), Kohima (estd. 1973, popul. 800,000, Cath. 36,941), % ra (estd. 1973, popul. 730,000, Cath. 149,062), Imphal (estd. 1980, popul. 2^02,500, Cath.

i

!

j

CHRISTIANITY AND MASS MOVEMENT AMONG THE KHASIS

211

number of nearly seven lakh Khasi Christian as "large-scale Christianization",36 "massive growth",37 and the "greatest threat" to the Seng Khasi movement.38 Whereas for Synrem, it is "threat", for Sylvanus Sngi Lyngdoh, and thousands of other Khasi learned men and women, Christianity is the "natural fulfillment" of the religious traditions of the Khasis and the single most positive factor in the overall develop­ ment of the people. A quick look at the present day contribution of the Catho­ lic Church of the Shillong archdiocese will convince us of the substantial part the Church is playing in these hills for the good of the people. The 1996 statistics show that 771 Church personnel com­ prising of priests, sisters, seminarians, and several hundreds Of committed lay people engaged in 32 different parishes. Each parish is a center of manifold activities reaching out to far flung villages where no one except a fully dedicated Church personnel would reach. There are in the archdio­ cese, 1,024 educational institutions and 142 socio-economic developmental and humanitarian centers The Catholic higher education institutions in Shillong and elsewhere are always in demand for admissions. The Don Bosco Techni­ cal School in the heart of Shillong dty and the Sacred Heart Theological College Library in Mawlai make unique contri­ butions to the Khasis of the area in technical and academic fields. The care for the whole person both in his or her spir­ itual, intellectual, moral and material aspects is what distin­ guishes the Catholic Christian Church. The Khasis have

63357), Diphu (estd. 1984, popul. 807,092, Cath. 35,814), Guwahati (estd.. 1992, popul. 10,506,254, Cath. 71,344), and Agartala (estd. 1996, popul. N/A.,Cath. N/A.) (Annuario Pontifico, Rome, 1996). 36. See, ix. 37. See, xiv, 20. 38. See, xiL

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understood it. And there is a decisive movement towards the Church as is clear from the following tables.39 1990 Number of Catholics

1996

Villages

Laitumkhrah

8,738

10,953

(Shillong city)

Mawkhar

5,090

6,528

(Shillong dty)

Upper Shillong

9,020

13,135

35 "

Mawlai

15,431

21,500

12 "

3,000

25 " 20 "

Name of the Parish Number of Catholics

EASTKHASI HILLS DT.

Pynthor Nongthymmai

15,377

24,000

Laban

2,519

3344

Balat

«

5,883

65

Cherrapunjee

12^39

16,500

45

Jongksha

5,045

5,600

22

Laitlyngkot

673

1351

12

Mawkynrew

2,217

4,680

32

14,562

80

Marbisu Mawsynram

6.123

1,422

26

Pynursla

6,139

8,035

67

9,201

12,049

107

Mawkyrwat

12,423

50

Nonghyllam

3,000

46

15,715

120

tt

WESTKHASI HILLS DT. Mairang

Nongstoin

10,828

Rambrai

40

Rangblang

5,700

7336

60

Sonapahar

7,471

7,652

87

39. The figures (except the number of villages) are taken from the Archdiocesan Directory of 1990 and of 1996.

CHRISTIANITY AND MASS MOVEMENT AMONG THE KHASIS

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1990 Number of Catholics

1996

Villages

Mawbri

6,022

9,421

42

Nongpoh

9,200

13,182

135

Umkadhor

2,948

3,581

20

Umsning

6,562

8,726

Umsohlait

4,745

5,283

26

3,920

35

10,157

15,463

50 40

Mawkyndeng

8302

14,231 11,500

Namdang

4,721

8,916

40 • 15

Name of die Parish Number of Catholics RIBHOIDT.

PNAR HILLS Amlarem Jowai Khliehriat

Sutnga

3,665

65

The above figures work out to be 55.25% growth during the 6 year period 1990-1996. THE MEANING OF CHRISTIANITY FOR THE KHASIS It is an undeniable fact that ordinarily speaking, people do not go after something for a considerable number of years, and in a consistent manner if what they go after is meaning­ less. This can be applied to Christians in the north east and especially to the Khasis. If people are accepting Christianity in large numbers, and for over a century and a half, there should be no doubt that they find it worth the trouble. The Christian message, as we know, is not just an inter­ pretation of history or of this world. It is essentially a trans­ forming power. It is above all the person of Jesus Christ. He is the transforming power. To confine his message to ra­ tional proofs and material results only is to reduce the Good News of Jesus Christ to a mere secular ideology. It would be to forget what Paul affirmed years ago "I am not ashamed of the Good News: It is the power of God saving all who have

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faith..." (Rom. 1:16), "I have accepted the loss of everything, and I look on everything as so much rubbish, if only I can have Christ... All I want is to experience Christ and the power of his resurrection and to share his sufferings...(Phil. 3:8,10), or again, "...if we live, we live for the Lord; and if we die, we die for the Lord, so that alive or dead we belong to the Lord" (Rom. 14:8). These words of Paul find an echo in Rai Bhajur, a Khasi Presbyterian, who gave up his job as sub-inspector of schools in the Khasi Hills in order to assist D. E. Jones at Aizawl in the 1890s.40 Like him, here are others who gave up comforts and underwent severe trials and suffered great hardships to keep up the Christian faith they received. The example of U Borsing, one of the first Khasi Presbyterians who not only lost his chieftainship, but also his land and property for the sake of his faith in Christ, may be recalled here. When asked whether he would renounce being a Christian, he answered, "I can throw off my cloak or my turban; but the covenant I have made with God I can no wise cast away." Or on an­ other occasion, he declared, "If I am stripped naked, what difference will it make? I have the Lord Jesus as my por­ tion".41 What F. S. Downs writes in his foreword to The Won­ drous Works of God, by Fortis Jyrwa, a Khasi, he summarizes what Christianity means for the Khasis. "They [the Chris­ tian community in North East India] see Christianity not as something alien, but as an important element in their con­ temporary identity, a religion that has come to assume a cen­ tral role in their societies irrespective of the origins."42 40. Cited in F. S. Downs, History of Christianity in India, vol. V, part 5 North East India in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Bangalore: The Church History Association of India [henceforth, F. S. Downs, North East], 1992, 84. 41. Cited in John Huges Morris, The History of the Welsh Cahmistic Methodists' Foreign Mission, to the end of the year 1904, Carnarvon: Published by the C M. Book Room, 1910,166. 42. F. S. Downs in Foreword to The Wondrous Works of God: A Study of the Growth and Development of the Khasi-Jaintia Presbyterian Church in the 20th Century, Shillong: 1980.

CHRISTIANITY AND MASS MOVEMENT AMONG THE KHASIS

215

George Islary writes in reply to Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi's comments in The Shillong Times: 'It is well known that prior to the conversion of the tribals to Christianity, the tribals did not have a proper script nor a standardized language... it is the effort of the Christian missionaries due to which the tribals have been educated today... [it is they who have] shown the way to development... How can anyone say that Christianity has made the tribals to lose their ethnic and cul­ tural identity? The tribals of the North East after the conver­ sion continue to maintain their own cultural identity which is evident by the fact that they still celebrate and observe the tribal festivals and customs... Is it a bad thing to establish schools, colleges, hospitals and other humanitarian serv­ ices?... It should be mentioned that it is only the missionar­ ies who take such good care and give education to orphans and destitute children who are otherwise ignored by soci­ ety... It is also well known that at least 80% of the high rank­ ing officers and bureaucrats in India are educated in mis­ sionary schools."43 What G. Islary writes about the north east as a whole, can very well be applied to the Khasi area. Or rather, to the Khasis first, and then to the rest of the north east. What Christianity means for the people of the north east India, and for the Khasis in particular and why they opt for it in a large way could be summarized at this moment.44 Beyond Material Advantages It is true that by bringing the Good News of Jesus Christ to the Khasis, Christianity helped them to improve their lot in society. But the reasons why they became Christians in large numbers and, if indications are correct, they will con­ tinue to do so in the years to come,45 are much deeper. They 43. George Islary, The Shillong Times, 5th March, 1997,3. 44. For a detailed critical analysis of it from die different points of view, see, Impact of Christianity on North East India, J. Puthenpurakal, ed., Shillong; Vendrame Institute Publications, 1996. 45. People are understanding more clearly that Christian message stands for integral development (Body and soul, the whole person and every aspect

216

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA; SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

should not be understood in isolation, but in the larger con­ texts of political social, economic, cultural and religious re­ alities of the area. Close Affinity The close affinity between the Khasi tribal qualities like honesty, sincerity, simplicity, spirit of hard work, hospitality, respect for authority, spirit of co-operation, love for celebra­ tion, creativity, democratic orientation, the practice of col­ lective decision making as in the Darbars of clan or village or tribe, belief in God the Creator who is called U NongbuhNongthaw (one who creates) absence of inhibition, spirit of joy, love of music, etc. - and the gospel message, make the converts feel at home in Christianity.46 They would never think of becoming Hindus and be thrown into one of the last rungs of the caste hierarchy!

of it as well as the freedom and the dignity of every individual - whether man or woman, rich or poor, learned or ignorant, high or low - all these are addressed by the Good News of Jesus Christ. The centrality of the forgiving love of Jesus Christ, the way he loved, forgave and served are beyond any comparison. His "love your enemies" and "love as I have loved you" have no parallel in the history of mankind. No one in all the religious history of the world has made claims as he has made. The tribals of North East India and the Khasis in particular are realizing through enlightened education that in Christianity they can find the fulfillment of their heart's desire. The more they understand Christ and his message, the more they opt to be Christians. Only ignorance and prejudice hold them back. Nothing in the world will convince them to be thrown into one of the last rungs of the Hindu caste hierarchy when they know that Christianity stands for equality of every human person, since all human beings are children of God and created in his image. 46. For a short but comprehensive article cm the tribal qualities, see, Pullopillil Thomas, "The Values That Undergird Tribal Theology", Vidyajyoti, vol. LXI, no. 3, March 1997,187-191. With the greater and deeper opening on the part of the Catholic Church towards the world, non-Christian reli­ gions, non-Catholics, collaboration with the laity after the Second Vatican Council, the authentic tribal values are now being appreciated also be­ yond one's tribe, and practiced better in the Church itself.

CHRISTIANITY AND MASS MOVEMENT AMONG THE KHASIS

217

Sense of Family The Khasi family and the Khasi religion are closely linked and dependent on each other. If any Khasi becomes a Chris­ tian, he/she does not lose his/her connection with the "kur". This is quite unlike the case of a scheduled caste who is thrown out of the family circle and even loses all reservation and privileges when someone becomes a Christian. Interclan marriages in a Khasi village make everyone in the vil­ lage relatives of one another "either through blood (kur or jait) or through marriage relationship itself (kha). The sense of equality and love for one another which Christianity in­ culcates creates a family of brothers and sisters in Christ. All are related to one another through faith in him. Thus the passage from a "family" atmosphere to another "family" of brothers and sisters in Christ is easily understood by Chris­ tian converts. Here we may also mention the respect the Khasis have for their ancestors and elders. The elaborate funeral rites and the strong belief in life hereafter find their fulfillment in the Christian devotion towards the dead and in the concept and practice of the communion of saints as lived especially in the Catholic Church. The dead are remembered in vari­ ous ways. And as long as one is remembered, he/she is not dead. The "family" continues. Inborn Thirst for God and Religion The Khasi religion has its origin in God. The entire Khasi life and culture are oriented towards a personal God. That he will come to liberate them is seen in the "Messianic ex­ pectation" the Khasis have. The personal God they wor­ shipped as "U Nongbuh-Nongthaw or U Blei" has been made visible for the Christians in Christ Jesus. He and his message satisfy to the full the Khasi thirst for God and reli­ gion. Sense of Fulfillment The sense of satisfaction and fulfillment needs a little more explanation at this point to emphasize the fact why

218

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

the Khasis opt for Christianity in large numbers, and why Christianity, and especially the Catholic form of Christian­ ity, is seen as the only logical climax of the Khasi innate thirst for God and religion. One would find it impossible to fol­ low what we are trying to explain very briefly if the origin of Khasi religion and the three Darbars God called to settle human affairs are not understood. God's covenant with the hynniezvtrep was placed on 7 pillars which in the Catholic tradition of Christianity find their fulfillment in the 7 Sacraments of the Catholic Church. They are: 1. ka jer ka thoh which stands for Baptism; 2. ka pyn-eh mgiew, for Confirmation; 3. ka pyndsan mgiew, anointing of the sick; 4. ka Duwan ka Dupot, ka ktiia ka Khriam, ka labam lasip, Eucharist=the most important Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ; 5. ka pmtmap, the Sacrament of Reconciliation; 6. ka Potidia Poiman, the Sacrament of Marriage for liv­ ing together in love and for procreation "Poikha Poiman" express better, perhaps, the nature of the Sacrament than shongkurim (man and woman stay­ ing in one kur); and 7. ka Jingkyntang Lyngdoh Sohblei, (the word sohblei comes from "U Blei" and "U ksoh" which becomes Soh+Blei meaning "caught by God" or "set apart" by God. And it expresses well the Catholic concept of priesthood and ordination).47 47. It would be too long at this point to explain how every action performed in each of the seven pillars mentioned above have their correspondence in the performance of the seven Sacraments of the Catholic Church. Briefly: (i) the choosing of the three names by the mother, her holding the child as an act of recognition that the child is legitimate, and the naming ceremony by means of pouring the rice beer from the gourd expressing that God approves of the name chosen, the clapping of hands, the prayer by the

CHRISTIANITY AND MASS MOVEMENT AMONG THE KHASIS

219

It is said that if sacrifice, altar and priesthood are cut off from the Khasi religion, the Khan is left with no religion at all. If this is true, then according to the Khasi mentality, no Christian denomination can claim to be a religion when it is deprived of Ritual Sacrifice. The Khasi cannot understand or admit of sacrifice, unless there is a priest (u kni, uncle) officially approved by the clan to make ritual sacrifice. So priesthood and sacrifice and the altar are essential to the Khasi concept of religion. No wonder, then, that the Khasis see their traditional religion brought to fulfillment where these above mentioned elements are present. A New Worldview The sense of fulfillment we have mentioned above along with the transforming power of the Good News of Jesus Christ in its manifold aspects has given the Khasis a new unde, the sprinkling of the child with water, the signing of the leg of the child with rice flour and the joyful meal that follows; (ii) the sprinkling of with water and the anointing of the head and face with oil, the meaning­ ful prayer that follows, (iii) the sprinkling with water (or with ka lasir) and the anointing with oil and the prayer for cure, (iv) the yearly sacrifice performed by the uncle (priest) in every kur, the cutting of the cock to divine if the kur is worthy to celebrate the sacrifice or not, the confession of sins if the kur is found unworthy or sinful, the actual sacrifice that fol­ lows, the prayer by the uncle, cooking of meat and consuming of the food cooked as well as the synniang bynhei (contribution from the heart), (v) Some of the most serious sins the Khasis have to confess to the unde (publidy, if needed), are murder, adultery, incest, and serious theft. It is done if the divination during the yearly kur sacrifice requires it; (vi) if the boy falls in love with a girl, it is his duty to inform his own unde and if the girl has to do it, she informs her unde. Both the uncles talk over the matter and if they find it convenient to go ahead, they arrange for the engagement ceremony (pynhiar synjar la thor) by the two kurs and fix the day of the marriage (pynhiar synjar la thor bad U Blet). The uncle of the girl performs die marriage ceremony. It consists of the meeting of die two undes, public investigation, long prayer, pouring of water on the raw rice and blessing it and asking the boy and the girl to pick and eat the rice; (vii) the choice of the best among the undes and finding out God's ap­ proval of him by poring the rice beer from the gourd and prayer - all these various aspects of the 7 pillars on which the Khasi covenant with God stands find their fulfillment in the 7 Sacraments of die Catholic Church.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

worldview. This new worldview must be understood not so much in its geographical or sodo-cultural aspect (in the sense that they came into contact with other peoples and other societies), but in its ability to provide the Khasis with new attitudes to life, a ChristHke attitude to persons and events: the power to love, to forgive and to serve as Christ has loved forgiven and served. In the years to come this will provide new dimensions to the virtues they already have as tribals. This is already seen in a new identity they possess, in the solidarity they show, in the responsible political con­ sciousness they exercise and in the religious commitments they offer. The facilities for quality education that the Churches have been providing, the literature that the churches have been producing, the medical help that the people have been get­ ting from the first moment of their coming into contact with Christianity, and above all, the training and leadership that the churches provide, etc., have helped the Khasis to develop and refine further the new worldview we are talking about. In this connection, it is to the credit of the churches, es­ pecially of the Catholic Church, that the people feel assured that the Khasi culture is secure if it comes under the power of the Good News of Jesus Christ. In other words, the inculturation of the Good News which the Catholic Church is promoting in all its aspects is a guarantee that all what is true, noble, good, and pure, everything that is lovable and worthy of honor and everything that is praiseworthy in the Khasi culture will be preserved forever in the Christian mes­ sage (cf. Phil. 4:8-9). And the inculturated Christian values will serve as guiding principles in life to meet the demands of a fast changing society. Since it is culture that gives iden­ tity, meaning and motivation to any social group, the Khasi culture purified and strengthened in the light of the Good News of Jesus Christ will provide the people with an inner power which no other message can.

CHRISTIANITY AND MASS MOVEMENT AMONG THE KHASIS

221

CRITICAL EVALUATION After having seen some aspects of the spread of Christianity among the Khasis, and after having explained what we mean by the term mass movement can we speak of a "mass move­ ment" to Christianity among them? There have been mass movements of different kinds in the history of the country. Among the religious movements we may mention the conversions of the fisherfolk along the Pearl Coast at the time of S t Francis Xavier in the 16th cen­ tury, or the vast number of people who embraced Christian­ ity in Chotanagpur at the time of Fr. Constant Lievens at the end of the 19th century; among the reform movements we may cite in Hinduism, the Bhakti movement, the Sanskritization movement, or the non-vedantic dalit movement under the leadership of Ambedkar; among the social reform movement we may mention the Jotiba Phule movement for social reform and equality in Maharashtra, and the Sri Narayana Dharma Paripalana movement among the Izhavas of Kerala. A study of these above mentioned or similar movements shows us that all of them arose in times of acute national crises. They mentioned certain aspirations of the people in the face of radical changes that took place in society. They were an affirmation of the need to preserve the people's iden­ tity. And finally, in each of the movements, there was a col­ lective, continued and conscious goal oriented action by the group. Are these points verified in the movement to Christian­ ity among the Khasis over this one and a half century? We can say yes, inasmuch as the changes brought about among the people with the imposition of British rule and the lack of sensitivity to tribal culture shown by the early Protestant missionaries did create a situation of crisis. The Christian message, however, inasmuch as it resonated with tribal as­ pirations, was welcomed by the people. At the beginning

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

the response was not that enthusiastic, because the early missionaries took much time to realize that the Khasis moved in groups, decided in groups. Approaching them individu­ ally delayed to a great extent the conversion process. In fact, it too, nearly 40 years or so before large scale conversions could be registered. Conversions would have had different results if the two World Wars had not affected the Christian communities in the Khasi Hills. Their departure was felt very much by the fledgling Catholic communities. The Jesuit missionaries who helped out from 1915-1921 did a heroic work keeping up the Catholic communities as far as they could. Most of the ex­ pansion work had to be stopped. Instead, the Presbyterian Churches by that time had al­ ready established themselves and were reaping the fruits of revivalism following the example of revival in the "mother church' in Wales. Here it may be noted that among the Khasis revival took place in groups at different intervals.48 World War II (1938-1942) saw again the removal of large number of Catholic missionaries (Italian and German) into concentra­ tion camps. The mission stations had to be manned with a skeleton personnel. These "ravages" of history did not af­ fect the Presbyterian Church in the Khasi Hills. Instead, by 1969 when the last Presbyterian foreign missionary had to leave the area, the Presbyterian communities had already become somewhat self-sufficient. Their "Church's organi­ zation, leadership and funds had to a large extent been passed on to third generation of believers".49 When we look at the growth of the Catholic Church in recent years we must say that there is a decisive opting for it from the part of the people. At the same time, it must be 48. The 'mother church' in Wales now has only a dwindling Christian popu­ lation of 55,000 souls compared with the over 3,00,000 among the Khasis. (See, Nigel Jenkins, Gxoalia in Khasia, Dyfed: Gomer, 1995,12). 49. D r D. Syiemlieh "A short write-up" dated 7th April; 19% (mimeographed).

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kept in mind that the "kur-kha" factor too has a role to play both in the Catholic and Presbyterian increase of numbers. From the sociological perspective, says Dr. J. Varickasseril, anactive missionary in the Khasi Hills and Professor of Scrip­ ture in Sacred Heart Theological College, Shillong, the KurKha relationship offers the picture of a well-knit group of people. Because of it, several immediate relatives of an al­ ready existing Catholic family become Catholics, as also members of the same Ka kpoh (the womb), say, for example, the Nongrum, Nengnong, Nongneng and Rumnong clans or the Majaw, the Hynniewta, the Basaiwmoit, the Synkli are considered to be interrelated and are "brothers and sis­ ters". In fact, there is no inter-marriage among them. Another element to be considered here, is that since over 60%of the Khasis are Christian, one notices that the Churches are moving from a stage of expansion to one of consolida­ tion, without, however, losing the momentum of working for new converts. A good number of personnel and huge investments are being made to consolidate the communities that have already come into existence. This is all the more so when we see it against the backdrop of the demands of modernization and the spirit of competition existing in soci­ ety. This is more true among the Catholics than among the Protestants. There is a good number of doctors, engineers, teachers, professors, politicians, business people and pro­ fessionals in other walks of life in both the communities. But the attractions are such that there is no end of specializa­ tion and new fields are opening up before the communities with more exacting demands both by way of personnel and funds. The number of indigenous priests, religious and com­ mitted lay persons in the Catholic Church shows that the Church is well planted among the Khasis. But the need to grow more is ever present as new communities are coming up fast.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH POR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

The Itoo Communities: Presbyterian and Catholic . There is no doubt that the Presbyterian missionaries who came into the Khasi Hills about half a century before the arrival of the Catholic missionaries did indeed do much spade work. They had to do pioneering works in all the areas. They started schools, dispensaries, hospitals, devel­ opment programmes, jingiasengs (community gatherings for prayer and instruction), and above all, reduced the language to writing, produced the first booklets and translations of the New Testament, etc. The Catholic missionaries contin­ ued along these lines inasmuch as they were all valid instru­ ments for the proclamation of the Gospel. But some were able to give a qualitative approach to them by means of their total dedication to the cause of the Gospel, by bringing in as many personnel as possible, and by finding out the needed material resources to carry out their mission for the good of the people. From its very inception of mission work among the Khasis, the Catholic Church showed particular attention to the preservation of people's culture, the promotion of popu­ lar forms of piety (like Eucharistic and Marian processions, etc.), respect for the dead, the use of sacramental (blessed water, medals, pictures, rosaries, crucifixes, etc.) and the prac­ tice of exorcism. The sacramental life in the Catholic Church in addition to respect for the word of God in Bible gave a more complete and more satisfying response to the religious needs of the people. Moreover, the sense of tradition going back to the begin­ nings of Christianity as well as a deeper perspective of his­ tory given by the Catholic Church supplied stronger roots for Christian communities. The Presbyterian Church was the first to come into the area (though the British Baptists from Serampoie had made some attempts earlier as we have seen above). In the course of time, it became more elitist, preferring those who could

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' read (because of the necessity of reading the Bible). It may be also that with the Calvinistic background they had, they might have been somewhat influenced by the idea o i predes­ tination. Instead, the Catholic Church took care of the more poor and the marginalized. With the coming in of Religious personnel of various groups especially after 1947, the hu­ manitarian work in the Catholic Church became more spe­ cialized and better organized. The people were the first to realize it and started opting for the Catholic form of Christi­ anity. To meet the ever increasing demand, the Church had to launch into a network of schools, medical work, printing of popular literature, sodal services - all meant to cater to the masses. As a result, though the Catholic Church came into the area some 50 years after the Presbyterians, it has been wel­ comed by the people in an astonishing manner. The number of conversions to the Catholic Church per year in the last ten years is almost double than that of the Presbyterians. The people refer to the Catholic Church as Niam Katholic (Catho­ lic Religion) indicating it as a fulfillment of Niam Khasi; whereas, the Presbyterians are referred to as Ka Balang Pres­ byterian (the Presbyterian Church). The accusation that the Catholic Church is over institu­ tionalized has both negative and positive aspects. Nega­ tive, because it impedes to some extent the missionary mo­ bility the Christian communities should have and it gives the impression of a powerful, rich and highly organized Church lacking in flexibility, perhaps. Positive, because every institution is meant for the people, to render them a qualita­ tive service, to enable them to come up in life, and to make them more effective in society. With the coming of the Salesmans of Don Bosco in 1922, Catholic missions in the Khasi Hills as well as in the rest of the North East benefited from Don Bosco's methodology cum spirituality known as the Preventive System, which consists of Loving Kindness, Addressing the Religious Dimension in Every

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Person and The Use of Reason. Don Bosco's Preventive Sys- * tem is geared to helping the young to "fill up their minds with everything that is true, everything that is noble, every­ thing that is good and pure, everything that we love and honor, and everything ¿ a t can be thought virtuous or wor­ thy of praise." (Cf. Phil. 4:8). It has no fun in experiencing the negative or what is sinful under the pretext of "gaining experience". It focuses on what is noble and beautiful and helps to build up a "family spirit" coupled with a sense of creativity and resourcefulness. The Loving Kindness which Don Bosco emphasizes goes far beyond the "mere loving". It is love that is felt by the loved one. The Salesians of Don Bosco, following their founder, worked hard, loved the peo­ ple entrusted to them,, showed a preferential love for the young, especially the poor and the marginalized, and through them reached their parents and relations. Frequent village visiting, love for sick and the poor, con­ cern for the welfare of the young, the hope of tomorrow, bringing the benefits of education to as many as possible and caring for the physical and material needs of people endeared the missionaries whether Catholic or Presbyterian - to the people. Christian Movement and External Factors Do natural calamities such as major earthquakes (18971900), or political rebellions (1862-63), or Christian Revival­ ism (like the one of 1905 in the Khasi Hills) account in large measure for conversion to Christianity? Since it is difficult to establish purely spiritual motives for conversion, one can­ not rule out elements of fear, place of emotion, the need for security and even material advantages to make both ends meet. Motives that are not really praiseworthy are gener­ ally purified, ennobled and transformed as the converts be­ gin to experience Christian life in their own communities and among their own clan members and as they learn more about Christian teaching. Moreover, calamities, periods of crisis and tragedies, are moments when people begin to ask

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deeper questions in life and try to find a meaningful solu­ tion. Hence, it would not be correct to attribute the gift of conversion only to the element of fear or lack of security in life or even to getting material advantages. Moreover, the comparison or at times the contrast be­ tween spiritual motives and material motives is often irrel­ evant when it is a question of religious conversion. This does not exclude some obvious exceptions. The Christian message is addressed to the salvation of the whole human per­ son., That salvation is not true if the caring for material needs is not shown. It would be ridiculous to tell a poor man: "You are a Christian now. You will get heaven one day! That is the goal. Therefore, go hungry, naked, remain homeless! The Churches must do everything in its power to meet genuine human needs. In this the Catholic Church has a shining record throughout its two thousand years old history.50 New Situations and the Future of Mass Movements The Seng Khasi organization established on November 23, 1899, is aimed at the revival of Khasi cultural heritage including "Khasi Religion" (Ka Niam Khasi) as against "Chris­ tianity" which is considered as foreign and harmful to Khasi culture. It holds meetings called Seng Kyrsiezu in different parts of Khasi-Pnar Hills and even outside to inculcate the Seng Khasi spirit into its members. The influx of Muslims51 from across the borders as well as the increasing pressure on the more ignorant Christians by Hindu fundamentalist groups are new challenges the Christian communities have to face. 50. It may be noted that Abraham followed Yahweh, says Sylvanus Sngi Lyngdoh, not because He promised heaven after his death, but "land" during his life-time. He said, "Come, I will give you land". 51. The 1961 census puts die total number of Muslims in Meghalaya as 5856 (644 in rural areas and 5,212 in urban areas). Their number is certainly higher now. They come mainly from Bangladesh, Assam, Cachar, Bengal, Northern and Western India, Bihar, and Rajasthan. They are engaged in trade and skilled crafts. Most of them have settled down in and around

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The attractions of modernization and the challenges of a materialistic life, the negative effects of mass media and the whole process of secularization that is taking place in soci­ ety pose many questions to religion especially to the Chris­ tian message. All this points to the need of being prepared (cf. 1 Pt. 3:15) as the Churches enter the third millennium The fu­ ture of Christian missions in the Khasi Hills as elsewhere in India or the world at large depends to a great extent on how the Churches will meet the challenges they face. CONCLUSION At the end of this exposition one is tempted to ask the ques­ tion what and who creates a "movement"? Behind each movement there is a reason and there are some leaders. In other words, only leaders fired with a vision, only leaders who are able to carry the crowd along with them can create a movement. This is not to rule out the action of Spirit Rather, it is the Spirit of Christ who inspires leaders who are open to Him and who set in motion a movement. A look at the history of the Church in the Khasi Hills as anywhere else in the world where there has been a move­ ment to Christianity, will make us realize that at the root of every such movement there are charismatic and dynamic personalities who are able to supply a vision to their peo­ ples. Boiling down to mission centers in the Khasi Hills, we can see that conversion are taking place where there are Shillong, Jowai and Tura by taking one or more spouses from Khasi tribe. Children bom of local spouses often avail themselves of their mother's tribal name and status for seeking governmental benefits. Khasi women are duly converted into Islam before marriage. A maulana (Muslim priest) performs the marriage ritual and the bride goes to live with the brid e groom in his house. The majority of Muslims in the Khasi Hills belong to the Sunni religious sect of Islam. The influx of Muslims into the Khasi Hills is resulting in what a Khasi Christian termed “proselytisation through marriage" by die Muslims.

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priests or pastors who are filled with the Spirit of Christ and who are at the service of their people. The people are the first to gauge who is a committed priest pastor, religious or lay person. In them they see Christ who attracts them Another question that could be posed as we approach the third millennium is: are there no justifiable reasons for us to work together as Christians? Should the tragedies and divisions created in Europe and imported into India and to the North East in particular, be prolonged when we know that millions of non-Christians who admire Christ and not His followers are waiting to see a more united Christianity in our land? Who are we to talk about mass movement when we are moving into 20,700 different directions in the world! The world may see us as senseless*. Movement, yes. Because Christianity is essentially a movement. It is up to us to decide the contours of it. It is up to us to provide it with a vision. It is up to us to set a goal for it. Here I would like to place on record my sincere thanks to Fr. Sylvanus Sngi Lyngdoh (Khasi), Fr. (Dr.) George Kottupallil and Fr. M. Barnes (Khasi) for their valuable sug­ gestions. I am also grateful to Dr. David Syiemlieh, Profes­ sor of History, North Eastern Hill University for his assist­ ance.

Chapter 12 CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE KHASIS: A PROTESTANT PERSPECTIVE By O. L. Snaitang Khasis who live in what is known today as Jaintia hills, East and West Khasi hills, Ri Bhoi (North Khasi hills), part of Karbi Anglong (known after the arrival of British government as Block I & Block II), part of Kamrup district, in some part of Bangladesh and elsewhere in the Northeast are invariably known as Pnar, Khynriam, War, Lyngngam, Nangtung, and Nangphyllut. These sub-ethnic names do not represent any idea of people's division rather they have reference to the geographical area of identification in the larger community. They are originally one people. In the context of changes that have taken place among the people either before the advent of the British powers and Christianity or during the modem period, the generic name Khasi appears to have lost its inclusive character. It has tended to have reference only to those settled in East & West Khasi hills, and the Ri Bhoi districts. Those who live in Jaintia hills are advancing more toward the creation of a separate identity. In spite of such unanticipated ethnic separation, both Khasis and Jaintias do not have objection to call them­ selves as "Ki Hynniezutrep" - a name for a common ethnic identity. Notwithstanding this drastic change in today's Khasi - Jaintia situation, we will still use the word Khasi or

*

Rev. Dr. O.L. Snaitang of Meghalaya (Khasi Hills), a member of the Church of God, taught the History of Christianity both at Serampore, Serampore and Eastern Theological College, Jorhat.

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Khasis as an inclusive name for the said people throughout this essay. Christianity introduced to the Khasi people from the first part of the 19th century has grown so fast that today, it can rightly be called The Khasi or Hynniewtrep Religion. Christi­ anity can be called the Khasi religion because, at present, the Christian church has the widest membership or repre­ sentation from all groups of the community. The large scale conversion among the Khasis has, nevertheless, been mis­ understood and misinterpreted by many people from out­ side the region. A clear example is found in the summary of the book, Tribal Awakening (1965), edited by M.M. Thomas and Richard W. Taylor.1 Dr. T. V. Philip also recalls that the reasons for mass movement among the tribals to Christian­ ity are as follows: 1. The tribals became owners of land and they were freed from forced labor and other economic injustices previously done to them. 2. Christianity gave the tribals a unique social position in relation to their neighbors. 3. They were freed from inferiority complexes. 4. They got spiritual freedom.2 The objective of this essay is to examine whether above reasons for mass movement are also true for large scale con­ version among the Khasis. Section II will deal with Mass Assembly and Status of the Khasis in the Traditional Cul­ ture. While a survey of Changes in the 19th century will be discussed in Section HI, and examination of Revival Move­ ments in the 20th century will appear in Section IV, and the last, Section V, will touch upon Protestant Christianity and Evangelization. 1. 2.

Reprinted during the CISRS Silver Jubilee Celebration in 1988. T. V. Philip, Protestant Christianity in India Since 1858, in H. C. Perumalil & E. R. Harnbye, eds., Christianity in India: A History in Ecumenical Perspec­ tive, (Allepey: Prakasam Publications, 1972), p. 272.

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MASS ASSEMBLY AND STATUS OF THE KHASIS IN THE TRADITIONAL CULTURE Any study of the Christian Mass Movement among the Khasis will not be complete without a proper examination of the traditional mass movement or assembly and their sta­ tus in the society.

Mass Assembly o f the Khasis Khasi society was originally not a society of one person alone. It was a society of mass gathering among the deities and human beings. The people believe that in the begin­ ning there were sixteen huts (Ki Khadhynriew Trep), nine of them live above the earth in the sky and seven huts live here on earth3. Both regions were connected through a golden ladder at a place known today as U Lum Sohpetbneng (literal meaning a Naval Heavenly Hill). All members of the six­ teen huts would commute freely living in solidarity. How­ ever, somewhere in the history of the Khadhynriew Trep, the golden ladder of communication for gathering together was cutoff. This severed all links with the nine huts above. There­ fore, while mass assembly was uncommon among the tradi­ tional people, the de-link following the felling down of the golden ladder has however cast a shadow on the distinctive Khasi solidarity. People's movement for meeting together in a given place has not completely gone out from the seven huts' community here below. They still met to discuss to­ gether on topics of common interest. Crises, conflicts and dangerous signs for the existence of the people were among the major factors that brought all people and creatures to a common assembly for a collective discussion, opinion, deci­ sion and implementation4. However, by the time that the British administration and Christian Missions came over the region in the early 19th

3. 4.

Cf. U Hipshon Roy, ed., Khasi Heritage (1979), pp. llOf. For further information see Mrs. Rafy, Khasi Folk Tales

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century, the primal people's solidarity for discussion and action was no more evident It has just rested in the nostal­ gic memory of the lost unity. Collective participation, opin­ ion and decision have now confined to a single dialectical community, a village and at the level of a clan. Even at that fragmented level of common forum, one could see the united spirit in solidarity. They still work together in the field, en­ gage in defending the village from outside invasion, fishing or hunting together in groups or participate in durbars for passing of resolutions. Nevertheless, a sense of mass assem­ b ly that they still practice in the later period has been con­ fined to a limited group of people from the same area (ka h im d f. What the people were looking for was to recapture again the collective unity of the erstwhile entire community - the Hynniewtrep people's solidarity. S tatu s Fragmentation of the once upon a time one people com­ munity had not brought about acts of dehumanizing among themselves or slavery. The Khasis never passed through tim es of being oppressed or depressed, either among them­ selves, or by others. This cah be surmised because there is n o mention of such in the recorded or unrecorded folklores. Neither is it seen in the life of the people from the past to the beginning of the 19th century. Like the other hill tribes in the region, they had never been subjected to outside politi­ cal rule and the whole area was also never part of Chinese, Burmese or Indian kingdoms. Hence, the question of being oppressed did not have any justification at all. The isolated Khasi people who inhabited the thickly impenetrable forest on the hills had always had good con­ tacts with the plains' people of Sanskritic origins for a long period of time. There was mutual respect in economic deal­ 5. Accounts for the development of the different Khasi States have been dis­ cussed by Dr H. Lungdoh, Ki Syiem Khasi bad Synteng (1938).

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ings and the concept of being inferior on both sides appeared to have never gone on records so far. Each of them maintained their own distinctive identities, though cases of high handedness could not be ruled out outright. There were occasions in which the Khasis made excesses on the neighboring rich people of the plain areas by raiding, loot­ ing and kidnapping of the plains' women. This was one of the reasons why the British powers adopted the 'forward policy7to rule the Khasi hill areas so that they could curb the frequent, gruesome raiding acts. Ownership of land for settlement, cultivation and farm­ ing was also another significant cultural element of the Khasis. Land was the main source of existence for the hill people and it was regarded as God's gift. In the history of the Khasi people, a family or clan who did not have land of their own was regarded as most unfortunate or a taboo. It was only the vagabonds or ostracized persons who were landless. In order to ensure equal distribution of land to all the people, the Khasis designed a well-established principle for land holding ranging from public ownership to private as well6. While private property was confined to a single person or family, public lands that were under the supervi­ sion of a village or raid (commune) council was distribut­ able to all the landless citizens. That was an example of a communitarian life - a life of a well-balanced distributive justice among all the people. Another word that was commonly associated with the tribal people was poverty. The Khasis were no doubt poor. However, if the word rich carries the meaning of self-reli­ ance in food production and not in mere collection of money deposits, then, the Khasis were not poor because 1) Of proper utilization of land for the production Qf food crops from one season to another. Crops pro­ 6. See Ka Ain Bri Khyndew ha td Hima Khasi (1929, reprinted 1956)

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duced in the region included rice, millet, com, yam, tapioca, and a variety of sweet and salted potatoes. Other agricultural products were various kinds of fruits, vegetables and nuts. Each family could pro­ duce food crops well sufficient to support themselves and to get exchanged for other essential commodi­ ties. The uncle-based family system has also con­ tributed to this dimension. 2) Farming was another mode of occupation which strengthened self-sufficiency and reliance. Khasis were progressive people who engaged in rearing of cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, fowls and fishery. 3) In addition to agri-farming, the people were also ac­ tive in running iron smelting industries in the up­ land. Some of the major items produced by the local industries have been different kinds of doas, spades, knives, nails, arrows, spears and many other domes­ tic implements. 4) The production of handicraft goods was well appre­ ciated. They included mainly canned baskets, win­ nowing fans, rain shades, mulas, etc. The only area in which the Khasis lacked was the job of running business transaction. However, all the said products were taken to nearby markets for exchange or sale. The unique social status of the Khasi people cannot be ignored7. Like the neighboring Garo people of the West Meghalaya, Khasis followed the matrilineal pattern in the society. While men folk were given the leading role either in a clan, polity, religion or legislation, women had rights to clan lineage and custodianship of family property - a sys­ tem practiced to this day. Female infanticide, dowry, prosti­ tution, rape, prohibition of widows from remarriage and sati were never heard of in the matrilineal Khasi society. Women 7. Cf. J. J. M. Nichols - Roy, Speech at the Inaugural Meeting of the U.K. & J. Hills, 1952.

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enjoyed greater freedom in moving among the people in the society and in handling business enterprises in markets. They also participated in all family occupations and contrib­ uted to the strengthening of the family livelihood. The role of primal religion upon the people in the tradi­ tional culture is also worth mentioning. Though the Khasis had no well-established religion with Scriptures, Creeds or proper places for worship, they had developed an institu­ tionalized religion of their own8. That primal faith had by the modem period been denounced as no religion, crude animism, heathenism, primitive or animistic. It was true that the people have lost the solidified religion for the entire tribe, that did not convey the idea of having an insignificant reli­ gious faith. It was not so. Khasi religion was purely a mono­ theistic religion and it is still practiced among the people through the Seng Khasi. What the people were in search of was primarily for a common religious belief system and prac­ tices. CHANGES IN THE 19TH CENTURY The advent of British government and Christian Missions in the beginning of the 19th century mark the birth process of a modem period in the history of the Northeast. The imposi­ tion of these new cultural elements among the Khasis has far reaching social consequences. Here, we will make a brief survey of the significant phenomena that have some bear­ ing on the subsequent large scale conversion of the Khasi people in the late 19th century and also in the 20th. Im pact o f British Administration The British authority was the first and major alien ele­ ment that participated in the ongoing history of the Khasi people. Soon after subduing the Khasi chiefs who had put up stiff resistance and establishing a senatorium cum dis­

8. Read U Hipshon Roy, ed.7 Khasi Heritage (1979)

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trict headquarters at Cherrapunji, the British officials brought in a number of factors. These factors were administration, judiciary, laws, military powers, outsiders, finished steel goods, a variety of essential commodities, ration shops, trans­ portation and other means of communication. All this in addition to the creation of a modem economic transaction system using the medium of money instead of the traditional barter system. In the context of the Khasi people who had for so long enjoyed political independence in diversity, the introduction of a single government, besides the creation of a new set up, had the effects of revolutionizing the tradi­ tional worldview. There was a cultural crisis or trauma. While all the petty independent Khasi States were now un­ der the control of a single government, the process of filling up with modem means for people's daily life placed the people culturally at bay. Despite this traumatic change, the new administration had not taken away tribal rights on the possession of land and the traditional way of utilizing it. They have not forced the people into bonded labor, ill-treated them or enslaved either. The main grouse with the Khasis was how to be able to function effectively in the new Brit­ ish-governed situation.

Impact o f Christianity Christianity came to work among the Khasis soon after the British power had successfully brought all the Khasi States under its control. It was also introduced at a time when the Khasi traditional culture began to become inca­ pacitated - a process toward a complete decline in the dis­ tinctive tribal identity. Christian Missions that have worked among the people included the Serampore Baptist Mission (1813-38), Welsh Calvinistic Methodists' Foreign Mission (from 1841 till date), Catholic Mission (1890 till date) and other Missions and Churches. All these Missions and Churches did not know anything about the cultural crisis faced by the people after the arrival of the new political power Even the Khasis themselves were not aware yet of

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their plight Missionaries have come to work and in the proc­ ess they have introduced a well-structured literature after universalizing a dialect spoken at the mission Centre at Nongsawlia, Cherrapunji. This they did by making it com­ pulsory in worship and in publication of books; school edu­ cation; doctrines; Church administrative structure; medical service and a new life style. While the aim of these insti­ tutes was to propagate the faith among the people, they nev­ ertheless have the consequences of shaping the destiny of the people as a whole. The tribe that could no longer communicate intelligibly because of variation in the dialects was, before the end of the 19th century, able to come together in Church meetings. That was among the many reasons why the Khasis have re­ sponded in large numbers to the new faith9. Hence, Christi­ anity has contributed to the creation of a new tribal culture a recapture of the lost ancient mass assembly. Besides that, the democratic structure of the Church has appealed the people most for changing their faith to Christianity10. The implication of the theological teachings on life in the life af­ ter death was also among the prominent factors for the large scale conversion to Christianity. It has also enabled the peo­ ple to effectively adjust to the new set up.

Rise o f Indigenous Movements (1890s-1902) Before the outbreak of the first wave of revival move ment in 1905, there arose a number of indigenous groups not only in the Christian church but in the traditional reli­ gious traditions as well. Traditional religious and literary moroements: Khasi community is perhaps the only community that has produced a number of non-Christian intellectuals. Prominent amongst them were U Jeebon Roy, U Hormu Rai 9. See O.L. Snaitang, Christianity and Social Change in Northeast India (1993) 10. J.J.M. Nichols - Roy, op. cit., p. 3.

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Diengdoh, U Sib Charan Roy, U Rash Mohon Nongrum of the 19th century and many others in the 20th century. These leaders appeared to have become obsessed with the prolif­ eration of Christian literature. Therefore, they started pub­ lishing writings about the Khasi traditional culture, transla­ tion of Hindu books and other Sanskritic writings. The pub­ lication of the journal entitled U Khasi Mynta in March 1896 which carried religious, political, literary, social and poetic writings has ushered in a new spirit towards revival of the Khasi traditional culture. The movement soon led to the formation of the socio-cultural organization, Ka Seng Khasi in Shillong in 1899. Home Mission: The inner urge for indigenous movement has also its considerable influence upon the Khasi converts. As a result the Home Mission of the Welsh Church, under the overall supervision and leadership of the Khasi converts, was formed in Shillong a year after the formation of the Seng Khasi. It was initiated by the Khasis themselves and ven­ tured to work in the areas other than those under the control of the missionaries. Church of God: The spiritual force for an independent, ecclesiastical indigeneity was becoming evident in the formation of the indigenous Church of God in 1902. This was done under the leadership of Revs. Wolley M. Roy, J.J. M. Nichols-Roy, Mr. Jobin Roy Khain, Mr. Dhorum and others. The latter was formerly an Evangelist of the Home Mission. Ka Synjuk Khasi Synteng: People's search for indigenous solidarity other than reli­ gious, appeared to have become pervasive among the peo­ ple at large. It began to assert itself in the political arena. The convening of the Khasi-Synteng Guild or Ka Synjuk KhasiSynteng at the beginning of the 20th century, which leaders from different areas of the region attended, was another in­

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dication of people's readiness for something progressive, indigenous and relevant.

Great Earthquake, 1897: The impact of the great earthquake, in June 12,1897, on the people was also significant. The tremor, the worst natu­ ral disaster ever recorded in human memory in the region, ! brought considerable change on the face of the earth and also had the effect of changing people's minds. Rev. J.J. M. Nichols-Roy, an outstanding Christian leader of the century, became Christian after the impact of the tremor. Many oth­ ers have sought refuge in the Christian Church too after the event. The response to the new faith was, in part, a ! fulfillment of the people's spiritual search for satisfactory religious meaning in life. REVIVAL MOVEMENTS IN THE 20TH CENTURY

Before we touch upon the outbreak of revival movements in the present century, it will be helpful to examine some of the main reasons for the Khasis' conversion to Christianity. Therefore, this section has three main points to be investi­ gated, viz., reasons for tribal conversion, first wave of re­ vival movement 1905-1907 and the second wave of revival * movement in the 1950s.

Reasons fo r Tribal Conversion to Christianity

We have indicated above about the agencies of change, the development of indigenous movements and other events that have in one sense contributed to the unconscious prepa­ ration for further religious developments in the 20th cen­ tury. The Welsh Mission was an important Protestant Mis- ; sion as it had contributed much to the Khasi people's progress in almost all dimensions, and because it was the first to es­ tablish a well prepared, permanent work. The Welsh mis­ sionaries who have devoted themselves to the gospel work in Khasi hills, especially in the 19th century were real "Meth­ odists". They were never happy to accept the new converts to the Christian Church in a hurry unless they (i.e., the con­

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verts) have fulfilled the required conditions. Some of these conditions were that converts must know how to read and write, reject heathen practices outright, promise to lead a good moral life, possess an intelligent knowledge of Chris­ tian principles, observe the Sabbath (i.e.. Sunday) and ab­ stain from all intoxicating drink.11 In spite of the pre-conditions laid down by the missionaries, yet the phenomenal growth of converts was tremendous. J. H. Morris reported that while the total membership by 1891 was 6862, by 1901 it had gone up to 15,678 - an increase by more than 50% dur­ ing the last decade of the previous century.12 Given the fact that the Khasis were never landless peo­ ple nor subjected to various forms of dehumanization, their conversion to Christianity had been more of spiritual than materialistic gains. Speaking of the high rate in Christian conversion among the lowly folk in India, it was natural for J.W. Pickett13, and other Christian writers in the post inde­ pendent period, to try to understand the situation in the Northeast from a distance and to interpret almost exactly from the plains tribals who had for centuries been sup­ pressed, displaced, oppressed and made outcaste or untouchables, with whom they have been working and of whom they knew best. What is absurd to the dalits for call­ ing them Hindus is also patently ridiculous to generalize the social conditions of the tribes in Northeast India as if they too had been oppressed under the dominant high caste. In his generalization of 'Mass Movements in India' - the Khasis are also included and C.B. Firth writes, "they come with the rest of their group as the result of a communal, not a personal, decision".14 Conversion among the Khasis was a

11. John Hughes Morris, The History o f the Welsh Calvinistic Methodists' For­ eign Mission, To the end o f the year 1904 (1910), p. 91 12. Ibid., p. 197. 13. J. Waskom Pickett, Christian Mass Movement in India (1933). 14. Cyril Bruce Firth, An Introduction to Indian Church History (1961/1983), p. 202

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gradual process and there has been rare case of communal decision among them for changing their faith except in a decision of a single family. As already indicated above, Khasi women had a special privilege of having honored with the endowment of inheritance to the family property. However, for the fact that they have changed their faith to Christian­ ity, how much the early women converts had to face perse­ cution, hardships and loss of rights of inheritance to the prop­ erty. U Borsing of Cherra State too was deprived of his legiti­ mate succession to the royal throne just because of his con­ version to the new faith. While most cases of conversion were of individual decision, the motives for accepting Chris­ tian faith had less material inclination. U Rai Bhajur of the Welsh Church was given the prestigious post of Sub-Inspector of Schools of the Government. He had a good monthly ' salary but resigned to become a mere evangelist among the Mizo in the late 19th century, having minimal income and working in a difficult and isolated Mizo hill terrain. He would not have sacrificed himself, braving the dangers of life and lived in poverty, but for God's call and his personal experience of the divine work of salvation. Even Prof. Dr. Frederick S. Downs, an American - bom in Tura, Garo hills, an authority on the history of Christian­ ity in Northeast India, appears to have been carried away by non-northeast hill people's experiences and interpretations. Dr. Downs is also the pioneer for introducing the course 'Christianity and Tribal Identity' to Graduate students at the United Theological College, Bangalore, the first of its kind in the country's educational institutions. He also has many books to his credit on the subject - Northeast India. With much submissive humility he conceded by saying, "M.M. Thomas has rightly said that for the tribal people Christian­ ity came as a liberator from 'spiritual and social demons.'"15 15. F.S. Downs, "Appendix: Christianity in North East India" in C.B. Firth, An Introduction to Indian Church History (1961/1983), p. 277.

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First, the comment has come not from Dr. M.M. Thomas but from Dr. N. Minz and it has reference to the tribals in Bihar. Acknowledgment should have appropriately been given to the latter first in order. Second, social demons: One can find spiritual demons not only among the tribes but also among the most advanced religions of the world and the liberating force of Christianity is to all including'those who profess the Christian faith itself. What are the 'social demons' among the hill tribes in general, and the Khasis in particular, that one should ap­ prove that Christianity has come as liberator? If by 'social demons' one means personal interests, ego, favoritism, greedy and differentiation, then such demons are not com­ mon among the tribes alone. They are observable even among the Christian communities. Hence, the writers may be right but they should not single out the tribes in the country. Bui if by 'social demons' one means casteism, sati, female infan­ ticide, dowry, temple prostitution, purdah, prohibition of widow's remarriage, slavery, landlessness, political oppres­ sion from the higher castes or untouchability, then the Khasis had no such social demons to be liberated from, at all. Un­ like most of the neighboring hill tribes, the Khasis never prac­ tice head hunting either. For the hill tribes in the Northeast, Christianity has come to create a new culture of identity It is to that extent that the Khasis have responded well to the Christian faith as well as to the democratic nature of the Christian Church. First Wave o f Revival Movement: 1905-07 We have seen how the agencies of change, events and movements in the 19th century have emerged especially before the rise of the revival movement in the early part of the present century. Their influence, direct or indirect, on the sudden out burst of revivalism cannot be immediately ruled out. Accounts from contemporary writers however, have attributed the rise of the first wave of revival awaken­ ing to the impact of the Keswick Convention held in Britain

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in 1903.16 Revivalism started first at the Church meeting held at Pariong in the West Khasi hills and spread to the rest of the hills. Its impact was greater among the Mizos in Mizoram. The movement was regarded as the most momen­ tous event in the history of the Church in the region. Revivalism started off with prayer during service in the Church. From the fervent prayer of a person it generates prayer on another till, finally, everybody joins in mass prayers that lasted hours and hours without exhaustion. Accompa­ nying this prayer was emotional gesture, excitement, rais­ ing hands and dancing. The characteristic features of the movement can be expressed as 1) Spiritual renewal: Revivalism took place only among the members of the Welsh Church and in their services alone. The Church looked at members to rededicate themselves anew and to further strengthen their love and concern for others. Many of them made commitment to serve Christ and His Church. 2) Growth of the Church: Membership increased. The total membership by 1904 was 17,800, that is, before the out­ break of the movement and after a year, at the end of the movement in 1907, the total membership has gone up to 24,773.17 Churches and preaching stations also increased from 405 in 1904 to 432inl908.18 Large scale conversion during this time too had no connec­ tion with the problems of being oppressed, depressed or poverty. As a matter of fact, many of those who converted to the Church had to pass through untold periods of sufferings, ill-treatment and various forms of punishment such as depriving of inheritance rights to women converts. 16. E. H. Williams, "Ka Revival ha Ri Khasi Pnar", in D. Ropmay, ed., Ka Centenary History Ka Balang Presbyterian Ha Ri Khasi - Jaintia (Reprinted 1975), p. 79. 17. John Hughes Morria, op. ciK, p. 311. 18. Ibid.

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Second Wave o f Revival Movement in the 1950s There was no revival movement during the almost fifty year period after the first wave which ended in 1907. It should have exploded in the 1920s during Sadhu Sundar Singh's visit to Khasi Hills but did not have much impact emotionally. Perhaps the rise of Indigenous Churches could have curbed the wave. Even during the difficult World War I and World War II periods, the spirit of revivalism seems to have remained at the low ebb. The second wave of the move­ ment that took place in the 1950s has close connection with the impact of the partition in 1950. Those who lived in the southern part of the hills had to bear inexpressible losses of lifeline resources following the sudden closure of free move­ ments to the markets in the Bangla plains. During this pe­ riod, Khasi Christians conducted regular preaching and evangelistic campaigns from one place to another by cover­ ing almost all major stations in the region. Notable amongst them was Mr. Paila (Pariat) from Shillong. The clarion call during this critical time was to look unto Jesus for help and to be led by the Spirit of God. Like the first wave of the movement, the second too had its expression in the form of emotional movement, dancing, prayers, weeping and even marks of the slain of the spirit. While the wave had been found receptive among most of the local converts, including the Karbis of the present Karbi Anglong, the missionaries appeared to have become ob­ sessed with the development and have spoken against its further impact in the Church. No doubt, they all praised for the real renewal among the members and for advancement in the external edification of the Church in addition to the spread of the Church among the Lyngngams. As to the un­ pleasant development in some of the Churches, Rev. Angell Jones, a Welsh missionary resident in the Jaintia area, wrote "... elders and leaders in those Churches should have more strictly administered with prohibition of such manifestations /

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... ",19 This consequently led to confusion, misunderstand­ ing and wrong actions. The total membership by 1950 has been reported to have been more than one hundred thou­ sand20. The rapid growth rate in the Presbyterian popula­ tion has mainly been attributed to be the fruits of revival­ ism.21 PROTESTANT CHRISTIANITY AND EVANGELIZA­ TION The Khasis were the first among the peoples in the North­ east to have received the light of the Gospel. However, un­ like Christianity in Mizoram and Nagaland, non-christian population in Khasi - Jaintia hills is still in substantive number, c. 35%. In the Khadarshnong area of Sohra Syiemship, there are still about 30 villages, with a popula­ tion of approximately 200-300 each, which do not have even a single Christian yet. The Ri War area of Khyrim Syiemship, Jaintia hills district, many villages in Nonglwai Syiemship, Lyngiong and Pamsanngut area, some parts of Nongkhlaw Syiemship, Ri Bhoi district and elsewhere among the Khasis are areas with some non-christian villages, many still main­ taining their primal faith. Given the growth rate of membership in all the Protes­ tant Churches in the region, one may have the impression that all the Khasis would have become Christian. That was not true at all since the majority of those who join any new Church would have done so through the policy of 'floor cross­ ing.' Most Mission Boards of at least some Protestant Churches would have by now had memories of jubilee cel­ ebrations of some kind. Crusades^Conventions, Evangelis­ tic Meetings, Explosions, Festivals of various kinds and Re­ vival Meetings conducted by different denominations, parachurches and Christian organizations in the region have at 19. G. Angelí Jones, Ka History Jong Ka Balang 1841-1966 (1966), p. 284. 20. Ibid., p. 302. 21. Ibid., p. 283.

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least one feature in common, they all refer to the nature of the post-missionary Protestant Christianity. Revivalism has shortened our missionary vision and our worldview ap­ peared to have confined to our most convenient territory. Some sections of the Khasi protestant Christians in Bangla­ desh who were originally from the same theological herit­ age have by now been parted off and are placed upon the sympathetic supervision of the Lutheran friends. Internal strife, schism, factionalism, parochialism, denominationalism and double standard of Christian life are among the prominent factors for gradual arrest of the tempo of conversion. Christian denominations have not satisfac­ torily set themselves to be examples of true Biblical spiritu­ ality. The said factors have, in many instances, not enabled us to concentrate in-depth on the seriousness of Mission and Evangelism. The growing rise of outstanding intellectuals among the non-christian Khasis, wealth, active role of the various Khasis religious organizations and support from outside non-Khasi intelligentsia has contributed to the little response of the people to the Christian community. In this connection too, Protestant Christianity has not given sufficient thought. CONCLUSION Our study has proved how lacking previous studies have been in the interpretations of the Khasi situation and their subsequent response to Christianity as among the landless, depressed class and under the bondage of 'spiritual and so­ cial demons/ We have seen that mass movement among the Khasi has reference to their spiritual search for reality and found its relevance in the means provided by Christianity and does not seem to have been prompted by material gains.

Chapter 14

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE NAGAS A. Wati Longchar* This chapter attempts to highlight the interaction of the Gospel and culture among the Nagas in Nagaland.

THE NAGAS Nagaland is a beautiful country situated in the North East­ ern part of India. Nagaland is inhabited by sixteen major tribes, with a population of 1,209,546. Nagas are also found in northern Manipur, North Cachar Hills, Karbi Anglong, Jorhat and Sibsagar districts of Assam, Tirap district of Arunachal Pradesh, and in Somrat tracts of Myanmar. The Nagas are distributed in about 20,000 sq. kms. and would be about 2 million. There are minor differences in physical fea­ tures, characteristics, dresses, and various other cultural traits, but they have cultural affinity pointing to a common ancestry that binds them together under the name Naga. Racially, they are all of Mongoloid stock. Different Naga tribes have their own myths about their origin. It is, however, certain that the different Naga tribes came to their present habitat from the East through Burma. Scholars are of the opinion that the Naga tribes migrated to the present place between 11th and 13th century AD. THE COMING OF CHRISTIANITY The American Baptist missionaries were the first to work among the Nagas. They reached Assam in 1836. Nathan *

Dr. Watisangba Longchar of Nagaland, teaches Theology at the Eastern Theological College, Jorhat.

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Brown and O.T. Cutter, and their wives, came from Burma field, hoping to find a way to China through the Shans in the Northern most part of Assam and Burma. The group sailed up the Brahmaputra river, and reached Sadiya in March 23,1836, and there discovered the barriers of dense jungles and the high mountains. The first thrust of Christianity among the Nagas came from a small village called Namsang (now in Arunachal Pradesh). The Bronsons settled briefly at this village. Due to illness, the family had to withdraw from this work before the end of 1840. That was the first attempt of mission work among the Nagas. The second attempt to preach the Gospel to the Nagas was taken by Rev. S.W. Whiting, who was in charge of the mission in Sibsagar, Assam, at that time. In 1851, a person named Longjanglepzuk, of Merangkong village, was con­ verted and baptized by S.W. Whiting in Sibsagar. Unfortu­ nately, he did not live long enough to carry the gospel to his own people. Thus, the Nagas' contact with the Gospel was lost until 1871. The third attempt was made by Godhula Brown, an Assamese convert, and Rev. E.W. Clark. With Clark's en­ couragement, Godhula, an Assamese evangelist, made an exploratory visit to the Ao hills for his evangelistic mission. That was in the year 1871, in the month of October. The villagers at first suspected that he was a spy of East India Company, but Godhula later won the hearts of the people. The following year, he took his wife to Molungkimong, and stayed there six months. Their stay was fruitful. Godhula came down to Sibsagar along with nine converts. They were baptized by Clark at Sibsagar church on the 11 November 1872. After the baptism, they went back to their village and built a small chapel, and worship services were conducted there. The following month Clark himself, went up to the village, and reached Molungkimong for the first time on 18 December 1872. The arrival of Clark was of great signifi­

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cance. It was followed by the baptism of 15 people on 23 December 1872. These were the first to be baptized on Naga soil. Thus, this became the foundation of the Church on Naga soil. Rev. Charles De Witt King was the first missionary who came to Kohima to serve among the Angami Nagas. It is said that Lhousietsu was the first convert baptized by C.D. King on 21st June, 1885.1 The first church among the Angamis was founded at Kohima on 23 March 1883 and none of its members were Nagas. The third mission centre established by the American Baptist Mission was at Wokha in Lotha area. Rev. W.E. Witter and his family moved to that place in 1885.2 Initially, the mission work became more effective through the establish­ ment of schools. Since there were Sema boys enrolled in Kohima and Impur mission schools, they (students) became Christians and went back to their villages and spread the gospel among the Semas. The American Baptist Missionaries served in Nagaland with much dedication for 83 years. Initially, the church suf­ fered much in terms of financial needs and leadership. Slowly, the church became self-supporting, and self-propagating. TheAo's are outstanding for their missionary works in Nagaland. The Ao's evangelized their neighboring tribes Khemniungams, Yimchungers. The Angami 's evangelized the Kukis, Rengmas, Zeliangrongs, Southern Semas and Chakhesangs. From this small and difficult beginning the Church in Nagaland has grown tremendously. The Nagaland Baptist Ren thy Keitzer, ed., Triumph of Faith in Nagaland, (Kohima: NBCC, 1987), p. 5. 2. Mathew Muttamana, Christianity in Assam and Inter-faith Dialogue (Pune: Ishvani Kendra, 1984), p. 65.

1.

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Church Council, now have 307,848 baptized members in 1259 churches.3 Social Change Through Christianity The advent of Christianity affected not only the people's perception of the world, but also brought changes in all as­ pects of life. Christianity brought a new world view, west­ ern culture, politics, science, technology, medicines, schools, and literature to the Nagas. We may say that literature and education were the instruments to bring about change in Nagaland. Literature The most important mode of the modernization of the Naga society was through the development of literature. Mission­ aries reduced different Naga dialects to writing by introduc­ ing the Roman Script. This was followed by the composi­ tion of some hymns, translation of the Lord's prayer, pro­ duction of Primers, books on Catechism, translation of por­ tions of Scripture, including Bible stories to be read in schools, etc. Such publication provided a solid foundation for the Naga dialects, thus developing the Naga languages. The most important achievement is the translation of the Bible. Even today, for many tribes, the Bible is the most important reference work. Missionaries thought that the Bible is the only medium through which humans can enter into communion with God. The Bible alone is the primary source of the revelation of God; others are secondary sources. They are important to know God, but cannot lead to salvation. Since the Bible alone can bring fullness to humans and show the reality of God, the Baptist missionaries thought that it should be made avail­ able to all people as far as possible, in their own mother tongues. Thus, the Baptist missionaries translated the Bible 3- This figure does not include the other Naga churches in Assam, Manipur, and Arunachal Pradesh.

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into various languages. Wherever they worked, the first thing the missionaries did was to learn the native language, to translate the Bible, and then open schools. According to Downs, the use of the mother tongue in both worship and the reading of the Bible was, in Protestantism, a characteris­ tic emphasis from the time of its inception in the sixteenth century. This was in "opposition to the then current use of Latin in worship, in the translation of the Bible, and in edu­ cation generally."4 Therefore, a written language was nec­ essary for education, and "the best education would be that given in a people's own language."5 Through the introduction of literature, a new Naga iden­ tity emerged. Traditionally, each Naga village was a state. People were confined to clan and village welfare, without having general consciousness of the whole tribe. The mis­ sionaries, by reducing a dialect to script, which was eventu­ ally learned by the whole tribe, provided a common linguis­ tic medium and unity to a particular tribal community. It is true that Christianity created "a sense of tribal iden­ tity for the first time at a level higher than that of a village or relatively small cluster of villages."6 This new identity was to become the basis of modem political movements, though this was not the conscious objective of the missionaries or church leaders.7 It is true to say that the consciousness of Naga commu­ nity was revitalized and made a reality especially after the coming of Christianity as a force for change. That conscious­

4. F.S. Downs, New Perspective o f the Missionary Role in the Nineteenth Cen­ tury Language Agitation in Assam, a paper presented at the 6th Triennial Conference of the Church History Association of India at Mangalpuzha, Kerala, October 18-20,1985, p. 10. 5. F.S. Downs, History o f Christianity in India, Vol. V, Part 5, (Bangalore: CHAI, 1992), p. 12. 6. Ibid, p. 209. 7. Ibid, p. 209.

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ness was the beginning of their search for identity. Several tribes such as the Ao, Angami, Sema, Lotha, Chakhesang, Konyak, Phom, Zeliang, Tangkhul, and others began to ac­ cept "Naga" at large, as their common identity. Education the introduction of modem education by the missionaries ushered in a modem Worldview among the Naga society. It is interesting to know that wherever a church was founded, a school was simultaneously established by the early mis­ sionaries. These schools were known as Mission Schools. For example, at one time there were as many as 76 such Mis­ sion Schools in the Ao, Lotha, and Sema areas, which were all under the supervision of the missionaries from Impur Mission Station.8 The Baptist missionaries continued this policy as late as the forties, but after India's independence, the educational programme was either taken over by the Government or combined with the Government-run schools. Consequently, this led to the Mission Schools being phased out or discontinued. However, the mission schools became thenurseries for change: they sowed the Gospel, established churches and provided a new worldview. It is in these schools that people assimilated not only a new faith, but also science, politics, technology, and so on. Those attending schools became the vehicles of carrying the new Worldview. According to Downs, mission schools served two basic functions: first, it broke down the barriers of "superstition" that prevented people from hearing and responding to the Gospel.9 Second, it provided a means of Christian instruc­ tion and access to the Christian scriptures and other forms of Christian literature. This served both an immediate evan­ gelistic purpose and longer term objectives of building up indigenous Christian community.10 8. L. Kijung Ao, Nokinketer Mungchen, (Impur: ABAM, 1972), p. 108. 9. F.S. Downs, History of Christianity in India, p. 199. 10. Ibid, p. 200.

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The introduction of schools further augmented the crea­ tion of a tribal identity. The adopted language was made compulsory not only as literature and in Church gatherings, but especially in schools. It served as a link between vil­ lages and tribes that were previously not linked due to the difference in dialects. Besides this, schools helped to pro­ mote new social relationships among the people. This led to the restructuring of the traditional family, clan, village struc­ ture, and contributed to the solidifying of the entire tribe." Education had not only brought together a sense of oneness among a single tribe, but it also promoted inter-tribal rela­ tionships. For example, the school at Impur was the only one till the 1940's in the Naga Hills. Thus, pupils from all the neighboring tribes (Semas, Lothas, Konyaks, Phoms, Changs, Sangtams, etc.) would gather and study in the Impur Mission School. In this way, education brought a sense of oneness among the Nagas. UNDERMINING OF TRIBAL CULTURE The tribal worldview is unique and distinctive in many ways. In Naga worldview, there is no clear distinction between the sacred and the secular, between religious and non-religious, between the spiritual and the material areas of life. All cul­ tural components are closely inter-related. If one element is affected, the whole cultural structure is affected. For the Nagas, religion would simply mean, living in the spontaneous awareness of, an encounter with, acknowledg­ ment of, and obedience to, the active reality of the presence of God. Religion permeates all aspects of life. In the tradi­ tional Naga society, there were no irreligious people. In fact, people did not know how to live without religion. The Naga religion does not have written creeds to be recited. The creeds are, instead, written in the hearts of the people and each per­ son, family, clan, or village is a living creed. In short, for the 11. O.L. Snaitang, "Christianity and Tribal Solidarity in Meghalaya," Indian Church History Review, (June 1994), p. 35.

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Nagas, religion exists within the whole system of their be­ ing. The traditional Naga religion is basically a community religion. To be truly human is to belong to the whole com­ munity including the ancestors and nature, and to do so in­ volves the active participation in beliefs, ceremonies, ritu­ als, and isolation from one's community.12 A person cannot live in isolation from one's community. Therefore, in the Naga religion, the individual life and the community life are inseparable. Furthermore, one cannot understand the core of Naga religion without understanding the religious jour­ ney of the individual from the womb to physical earth and the hereafter: Again, for the Nagas, belief and action cannot be separated as they belong to one single whole. Worship, and action go together. That means, without belief and ac­ tion, one cannot understand the religious meaning of the Nagas. The other distinctive characteristic of the traditional Naga religion is that it does not have sacred scriptures like other religions. The Nagas' religious ethos is contained in the peo­ ple's hearts, minds, oral history and rituals. In a sense, peo­ ple themselves are a living sacred scripture and the world of creation are the exegesis of the Supreme Being. Creation declares the Supreme Being. In other words, Naga religious meaning cannot be grasped without creation. People see the self of the Supreme Being in creation and the Supreme Being speaks to people through creation. Thus, for the Nagas, creation is part of the scripture. Further, unlike other religions of the world, the Naga religion does not have founders or reformers. In other words, Naga religion is not centered in a great historical person or persons. Rather, their religion is centered on creation itself. 12. JJ> Ao, “The 'Here-After' Traditional Ao Naga", in Religion and Society of North-East India, ed. by Sujita Miri (Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, Pvt Ltd., 1980), pp. 64-67.

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In short, the traditional Naga religion is a creation centered religion. Therefore, we cannot understand the Naga culture, reli­ gion, corporate life or identity apart from creation. The Nagas, as a community, can be understood only in relation to other living organisms. However, this creation-centered worldview was under­ mined because of the evangelical's strong emphasis on per­ sonalism. In Evangelical theology, human's salvation be­ came the central theme. The Evangelicals were convinced that a new Christian life-style and spiritual sustenance could be attained only when one reads the Bible. They could not conceive of a healthy, or a self-sufficient Christianity with­ out the availability of the Bible in the language of the peo­ ple. This notion of the absoluteness of the Bible as the only truth and revelation gave a strong sense of superiority to Christians over and against others. The Naga ethical and moral values, which were centered on the earth, were thus ignored. The western value system and interpretation of the Bible were accepted as the only norm for all. Above all, written documents and papers were given greater value and came to be considered more genuine and authentic than the witness of the word of mouth.13 This theology elevated west­ ern culture as the only valid expression of Christian culture, and refused to accept non-western culture as truth. There­ fore, western Christianity was perceived as the only true form of Christianity that Christians all over the world should fol­ low. Everything non-Christian was considered as the prod­ uct of Satan. This ideology undermined the creation-centered Naga religion, culture, and ethics. Furthermore, the Evangelicals saw God as absolute and transcendent from the physical world. God is spirit. Though God incarnated himself in the human form in the life of Je­ 13. Nirmal Minz, "Cultural Identity of Tribals in India," in Social Action, \bl. 42. (Jan.-M at 1993), p. 37.

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sus Christ, He is not affected by the evils of this world. He revealed Himself as sovereign, free, independent, and self sufficient. He has created freely, and thus is not dependent upon the world. This speaks of God detached from the world of creation. Since God is transcendent to this material world, there is nothing sacred in the world. Humans can exploit the world of nature in whatever way they want. In the same way, the salvific work of Christ is also seen from the anthropocentric point of view. It was God who loved His people, not the world, who incarnated Himself in Christ Jesus to save and give power to the helpless. The purpose of all that Jesus said, did, and hoped to do was al­ ways a social redemption of the entire life of the human race on earth. This theology supports the unmindful exploita­ tion of nature. It enables people to view nature without any religious significance. This theological emphasis promoted dualism between the spiritual and the material, making the things of this earth of little importance, or even regarding them as evil. What is sacred in Ufe is separate from the world. The material and the earth are perishable. Only the spiritual survives. Un­ doubtedly, Naga Christians have inherited this theological tradition. The other dimension is on the teaching of heaven and hell. The Evangelicals came with a strong emphasis on the Second Coming of Christ. The world is coming to an end, all materials will be destroyed, but only those who believe in Christ will be saved. In other words, only the soul will live eternally; other material worlds are perishable. This doctrine made many people think that this world is not our home. If this world is not our home, why should we take care of it? Preaching, and many indigenous songs composed and sung in Naga churches after the revival movement be­ tween the 1970's and 1980's, reflect this kind of attitude. Even today Naga Christians still need to be liberated from this attitude.

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It would be unfair to label the nineteenth century Bap­ tist Missionary theology as being opposed to nature. They were not opposed to nature. The Baptist missionaries of that time did not experience the ecological disasters that we ex­ perience today. Therefore, their primary attention was not creation, but the conversion and winning of souls for Christ. This emphasis led the Baptist missionaries to stress on so­ cial action, change of personal life and new life style, indi­ rectly leading to the neglect of creation and undermining the cosmic dimension of salvation. FACTORS FOR THE RAPID SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY A Community-oriented Life The Nagas are community-oriented people. This social di­ mension helps in spreading the Gospel very rapidly. Their social structure is built on the basis of the family, dan and village system. We may briefly examine them as follows: The Family A family is the smallest unit in Naga society. It consists of the husband and his wife and their children with the fa­ ther being the head of the family. It is a patriarchal family and thus descent is traced from the father's side. The father, being the head of the family, provides for, looks after, and maintains the welfare of the family. He makes the final deci­ sion for the family in welfare of all matters. He also acts as the family priest and performs religious duties during festi­ vals and other ceremonies. He represents his family in the clan's meeting and at court. Naga families are very closely knit with bonds of affection and respect. The old parents and invalids are well looked after by relatives. If a member of the family gets sick or becomes a victim of adversity, the other members come and help him/her.14 14. cf. M. Horam, North East India: A Profile (New Delhi: Cosmos Publica­ tions, 1990), p. 177. Hereafter North East India. See also R.R. Shimray, Origin and Culture of Nagas, (New Delhi: Pamleiplei Shimray, 1965), pp. 164 ff.

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The Clan The social organization of the Nagas is built upon clan structure. Each household in the village belongs to a par­ ticular clan. There is no family that is not attached to a clan. The clan is thus a larger family unit on the paternal side. In other words, the clan is a combination of the families of male cousins from the father's side. They are related to one an­ other through a common ancestor. They have common prop­ erty, traditions, status, and inheritance. The members of the clan feel closely bound together, almost like members of a family. In the old days, the members of the clan shared their crops. When a particular household did not fare well in the harvest, the other members of the clan shared their produce. The clan members also help each other in times of marriage, death, construction of house, harvest, etc. The clan is a unit of village polity. It has its own organi­ zation with its own chosen leaders. The head of the clan performs several functions. He represents the village coun­ cil, performs religious sacrifice on behalf of the clan, exer­ cises as guardian over the clan's properties, lands, etc. Each clan has its own court. All disputes within the clan are settled in the clan's court. Attempt to settle inter-clan disputes and crimes are first made in the joint court of the two clans in the presence of in-laws and nephews. Only those matters that cannot be settled here are brought to the village court.15 This indicates, therefore, that the Naga clan system provides an extraordinary sense of responsibility and protection in the community. The Village A village consists of different clans or phratries. Tradi­ tionally, the Naga tribe as a whole does not have a unified 15. Panger linchen. Ancient Ao Naga Religion and Culture, (New Delhi: HarAnand Publications, 1993), pp. 90-91. Cf. W.C. Smith, The Ao Naga Tribe of Assam: A Study c f Ethnology and Sociology (London: Macmillan & Co. Ltd., dl925), pp. 49-73. Hereafter The Ao Naga 7Vibes of Assam.

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political organization but every village functions as a sover­ eign independent state. The Naga village is by nature, a selfcontained political unit by itself. In a sense, it is a country by itself, or to use a political term, it is a state. The village organization, for all purposes, is formed on the basis of clanship. The village council is the highest authority. The pattern of administration is democratic.16 Matters of law, justice, administration, civil, criminal, and political matters of the village were settled in the village court. Indeed, though Nagas do not have a sophisticated government machinery, a democratic way of life is the essence of people's living. Thus high-handedness, chauvinism, corruption, bribery, autocracy and inequality were condemned in all political machinery. However, a woman may not become an administrator under any circumstances. Also women may not participate in any public debate or decision-making. The Naga system of government is thus based on democratic principles, but does not include women. Therefore, the Naga system of administration is 'a gerontocraticform of government', and it is not democratic in the modem sense, since it is administered by a chosen body of elders. Such community-oriented social structure helped to spread Christianity very fast. If the heads of the family or clan or village elders decide to embrace the new faith, the other members follow the leaders without question, leading to mass movement. An Ethics of Self-sacrifice The Naga society is governed and sustained as a com­ munity by the principle of self-sacrifice. For example, the Ao-Naga calls it sobalibaL The term sobaliba can be compared with the Mizo concept of tlawmngaihna. Both characterize the traditional etiquette, social manner, honesty, integrity, 16. Tajen Ao, Ao Naga Customary Laws (Mokokchung: Aowati, 1980), p. 114 £f.

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virtues, and much more than that17 It is a sodo-ethical prin­ ciple that forces a person to deny oneself for the sake of com­ munity or lose oneself for the common cause. In every mat­ ter, Naga rhetoric says 'community first then comes the indi­ vidual.' Community welfare is the first and foremost. The principle of sobaliba makes this vision a reality. In short, it means total surrender of one's life to the cause of the society. This principle of sobaliba contains a wide range of impli­ cations for both individual and community life. Some ex­ amples: *

To extend help, or to be sensitive to the needy, poor, old people or strangers is sobaliba.

*

Willingness to share one's belongings with friends, neighbors, and needy people is sobaliba.

* To respect elders and parents is sobaliba. * To be unselfish while eating or drinking or collect­ ing material needs, is sobaliba. * To speak the truth is sobaliba. To avoid false witness, stealing, cheating, or rob­ bing, is sobaliba. * Not to commit adultery is sobaliba. *

* Not to seek position, power, and self glory in the community is sobaliba. *

To respect and obey the clan and village leaders is sobaliba.

*

Willingness to sacrifice oneself to protect the vil­ lage from enemies is sobaliba.

*

To bring up children in the right path is sobaliba.

*

To participate in singing and dancing is sobaliba.

17. Cf. P.L. Lianzuala, "Toward» a Theology of Mizo Tlawmngaihna" in Towards a Tribal Theology: The Mizo Perspective, ed. by K- Thanzauva (Mizoram Theological Conference, 1989), pp. 54-62.

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* To be sociable and cheerful is sobaliba. * To be skilled in handicrafts or weaving is sobaliba. * To be hard working and to believe in the dignity of labor is sobaliba. *

To observe the norms and customs of community is sobaliba.

*

To observe restricted days or genna, seriousness in religious ceremonies, and to offer proper sacrifice to god is sobaliba.

*

To be hospitable is sobaliba.

*

Willingness to share the land with the landless is sobaliba.

* To abstain from killing or torturing living beings is sobaliba. *

To abstain from cutting or felling of trees for no reason is sobaliba.

Participation in community work is sobaliba, etc., etc. All the examples given above show that sobaliba is an ethical principle that includes self-sacrifice, total self denial, preservation, co-operation, honesty, truthfulness, industri­ ousness, vicariousness, tactfulness, dedication, commitment, frugality, simplicity, sustainable use of resources, sociability, and so on. That is why Renthy Keitzar says that, "we can­ not explain such traditional code of morals, but these can be understood to some extent in the Christian concept of agape as in John 13:3".18 In Ao-Naga s o c ie ty , s o m e o n e failing to fulfill sobaliba is called azu-ak, meaning "dog-swine". This is the worst obscenity to be hurled at anyone. It means ab­ *

18. Renthy Keitzar, "TVibai Theology in the Making", in New Horizons in Ecumenism: Essays in Honour o f Bishop Samuel Amriihan, ed. by K.C. Abraham (Bangalore: BTESSC & BTTBPSA, 1993), p. 48.

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sence of humanness. The essence of humanity is sobaliba. Sobaliba makes humans distinct from animals. The Nagas highly esteemed those who practiced sobaliba. In a sense, Naga communatarian society cannot be sustained without sobaliba. The moral precepts of sobaliba made people act self­ lessly in times of famine, misfortune, death and sickness. The poor, needy, handicapped, and old folk, are protected and taken care of. Sobaliba advocates individual freedom, but rejects individualism, selfishness, and untruthfulness. In doing sobaliba, the ultimate goal of life becomes living for others. This ethical value of self-sacrifice produced many self­ less preachers. People began to preach the Gospel in the fields, working places, and visit different villages without any fear. Those Gospel team activities were carried out on their own expenses. Not to share the gospel was considered not doing and fulfilling sobaliba. This factor contributed to the spread of the Gospel among the Nagas. MISSIONARY ACTIVITIES The churches in Nagaland are very enthusiastic for mission­ ary work. At its annual session of Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) in 1960 at Mokokchung, a 'Home Board' was established to carry on the unfinished task of God's mission. Later, it was renamed as Nagaland Missionary Movement (NMM). Today NMM works all over India, from the Andaman Islands, to Maharashtra, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Sikkim, West Bengal, As­ sam, Bhutan, Nepal, Arunachal Pradesh, and Myanmar. The NMM has more than 58 cross-cultural missionaries and 332 evangelists, pastors, etc., ministering outside Nagaland. The NMM is an indigenous mission. It receives no fund from abroad, no membership fees nor any funds from other organization for the operation of its mission in the field as well as at home office. It looks to God in faith for its support. Missionaries, evangelists and other field staffs receive their

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salaries through faithful contributions of the Nagaland churches, Associations, local churches, families, and indi­ viduals. If any overseas contribution is received, they would be applied to capital expenditure such as buildings, vehi­ cles, or property.19 There is still much to do in sharing the love of God, at home as well as with the people of other neighboring states and countries. I hope that after celebrating 125 years of the coming of Christianity this year the churches in Nagaland will participate more actively in God's ongoing mission, with a wider vision.

19. Taku Longkumer, Know Your Mission: Introducing the NMMt (Dimapur: NMM, n.d.)

Chapter 14

CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE MIZO IN MIZORAM E Hrangkhuma* A Mizo historian wrote in 1953, "It has become shameful in Mizoram to remain non-Christian".1 That was 59 years after the first two English missionaries settled down in Mizoram in 1894. The quantitative growth of Christianity in Mizoram, as well as the all-round development is remarkable. Accord­ ing to the 1991 census, there are 5,91,342 Christians in Mizoram out of the total population of 6,89,756, that is 85.73%. The Hindus form about 5%, Buddhists 7.83%, Mus­ lims 0.65%. All the Hindus, Muslims and Buddhists are nonMizo. The literary percentage in 1991 is 82.27. It is no won­ der that Saiaithanga wrote over thirty years ago:The tremendous transform ation brought about by die Good News on the M izo w ithin a short span of 50 years is really wonderful. It has not only changed the religious faith of the people, but altered their whole outlook and way of life completely.2

The Mizo's response to Christianity has not been pas­ sive. Rather, the Mizo Christians actively participated in their new religion, not only in worship and monetary contribu­ tion, but also in the spreading of Christianity among them­

*

Rev. Dr. F. Hrangkhuma of Mizoram, taught Missiology at the Union Bib­ lical Seminary and at Serampore College, Serampore, and is currently the General Secretary of the Baptist Church of Mizoram. 1. V.L. Siama, Mizo History, (in Mizo), Aizawl, Lalrinliana, 1953, p. 65. 2. Mizo Kohhran Chanchin, Aizawl, the Regional Theological Literature Com­ mittee, 1969, (Reprinted, 1976), p. 131, as translated by Mangkhosat Kipgen, Christianity and Mizo Culture, Aizawl, Mizo Theological Conference, 1997, p. 213.

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selves as well as others. The Presbyterian Synod of Mizoram, the biggest Church in Mizoram with a total membership of 3,47,017, spent 32.34% of its total expenditure in 1996-97, for the spread of Christianity among others in Mizoram, vari­ ous states of India, and abroad. The Baptist Church of Mizoram, the second largest with a total membership of 96,457 spent 39.33% of its total expenditure in 1996-97, for the same purpose. Other denominational churches are equally active and all of them are self-supporting churches. It cannot be denied that Christian missions had been re­ markably successful in Mizoram.3 What are the reasons for this tremendous success? What has Christianity done to the Mizo? What is the meaning of Christianity for the Mizo? A careful study will surely reveal important missiological con­ cepts. In this short chapter, justice cannot be done to the above questions. An attempt is made to highlight some of the major factors that have contributed to the success of Christian mis­ sions in Mizoram, the meaning of Christianity to the Mizo, the interaction of Christianity with Mizo culture along with some of the failures of Christianity in Mizoram. THE MIZO The Mizo belong to the Mongoloid racial stock. Their lan­ guage belongs to the Tibeto-Burman group. Most historians believe on the basis of Mizo tradition and folklore, as well as a few historical evidences, and racial and cultural affinities,

3.

Mangkhosat Kipgen in Ibid, pp. 210-211, made a helpful comparison of the growth of Christianity among the Mizo in Mizoram with that of the Garo, Khasi and Naga. Christian missions in Mizoram was preceded by 50 years among the Khasi, 30 years in the Garo Hills, and 20 years among the Naga. Yet, by 1941, the census figures show a Christian population of 1,57,575 followed by the Khasi-Jaintia Hills with 1,16,086, the Naga Hill with 98,068 and the Garo Hills with 39,292. In Manipur, among the THbes, there were 68,394 Christians in the same year, and Christianity was intro­ duced to them about the same time as Mizoram.

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th a t the original home of the Mizo was somewhere in China. T hey migrated to the present Mizoram, one of the states of In d ia in Northeastern part, around AD 1700 through Burma. B y the 19^ century, Mizo villages, each village ruled by the ch ief, assisted by a group of elders, each village being inde­ pendent and autonomous, similar to the Greek city states, dotted all over Mizoram. In the southern comer lived the M ara, a slightly different ethnic group, and some villages in th e Southeast were occupied by the Lai, who belong to the C h in group of people. Inter-village wars and armed raids to th e plains of Assam were fairly frequent. The raids in the p lains subsequently resulted in the eventual administration o f the land by the British. The Mizo were completely isolated till the invasion of th e British. Their occasional contacts with others had not affected their ways of life in any significant manner. Thus, th eir culture-politics, economy, sodal life and religion were n ot influenced, nor were they oppressed and exploited. They w ere sovereign in their own ways, under no outside rule or pressure. This, among others, most probably account for the rapid acceptance of Christianity by the Mizo and the vitality of the Churches in Mizoram. The Mizo were animistic, primitive in their subsistence w ith their slash and bum methods of jhuming. They were an oral sodety, and like most tribal groups, they could trace their ancestors to only a few generations back. This was a hundred years ago. Since then, the Mizo had undergone rapid change in almost all aspects. However, in the midst of these changes, there are, as K. Saibela observed, some ele­ ments in the sodal life of the Mizo that remained more or less the same. We will refer to this later.

4.

K. Saibela, "Mizo khawtlang Nun" ix\Mizoram kum 100: Kum 100 chhunga Mizote atom dan, (various authors), Aizawl Synod Literature & Publica­ tion Board of Zoram Writers club, 1996, pp. 1-38.

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Change Factors To understand change of religion in Mizoram, it is helpful to consider from a holistic perspective. In my Ph.D. disserta­ tion, I have argued that Four major factors contributed to the Mizo cultural change, namely the British administration, the Christian missions, the two World Wars, and the Indian 5 political independence. The processes of Mizo cultural change have mostly been by a combination of acculturation and diffusion. Robert L. Bee writes, 'The dynamics of change were to be sought in the modifications within cultures re­ sulting from contact with alien lifeways". This is applica­ ble to Mizoram situation. This study is limited to two fac­ tors of change - the British Administration and the Christian missions. The Contributions o f British Administration The British Administration of Mizoram began in 1890, and ended in 1947. Based on the British policy of least inter­ ference on the local customs, several writers especially Brit­ ish Administrators themselves and some social scientists argue that the part played by the British Colonial Govern­ ment in Mizo culture change have been minimal. A.G. McCall, the superintendent of Lushai Hills (Mizoram) in the late 1930s and early 1940s writes, While Governments' contribution to changing Lushai has been quite properly the provision of law, order, and a modicum of util­ ity services, all backed by a policy of upholding the social customs of the people, the impact of the missions, backed gby as many as twenty Europeans, has been dynamic and sustain.

5. E Hrangkhuma, "M izo Transformational change: A study of die Proc­ esses and Nature of Mizo Cultural change and Factors that contributed to the change", Pasadena, Fuller Theological Seminary, 1989. Being revised to be published by the \fendrame Institute Publication, Shillong. 6. Patterns and Processes: An Introduction to Anthropological strategies for the Study o f Socio-cultural Change, New York, The Free Press, 1974, p. 96. 7. Based on F. Hrangkhuma, Mizo Transformational Change, pp. 70-99. 8. Lushai Chrysalis, Aizawl, Tribal Research Institute (1st Ed., 1949), 1977; p. 199.

I

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A.C. Ray, the Deputy Commissioner of Mizoram, 197072, writes, "In the hill areas of Assam, the indigenous cul­ tural patterns of the hill people were destroyed by the for­ eign missionaries." On the other hand, RS. Downs says, The main agents of change w as the Government itself. The Chris­ tian m issions and the sm all Christian communities that soon grew up as a result of their work did not have sufficient resources to initiate m ajor changes. But they were able to play on important acculturative role.

The reasons for the varied interpretations lie mostly in different concepts of the writers on what constitute a major or minor cultural change, and the writer's bias. The nature of changes brought by the British adminis­ tration was forced changes. The purpose of the British in administering Mizoram was to keep peace and order at any cost, and the policy was one of least interference, support for the traditional authority and continuance of traditional customs as much as practicable. However, to keep peace and order among warlike people where each chief was sov­ ereign in his own village, and raiding of neighboring vil­ lages as the way of life, the British, in spite of their policy of least interference, could not but show a strong hand. This, they did in several ways. The most important of these were the show of force by a superior number of soldiers with su­ perior equipments and superior technique of warfare, post­ ing of soldiers on strategic places; the imposition of alien laws; abolition of head-hunting and inter-village wars, al­ lowing a limited number of guns for each village, and tak­ ing away of several important traditional rights of the chiefs. RS. Downs is definitely right in saying that the radi­

9. 10. 11. 12.

Mizoram Dynamics of Change, Calcutta, Peal Publications, 1982, p. 280. Christianity in North East India, Delhi, ISPCK, 1983, p. 196 Hrangkhuma, op. tit p. 76. McCall, op. tit., p. 202 for the eight traditional rights of the chief that were taken away from them.

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cal changes brought by the advent of the British administra­ tion includes 1) the subjection of the tribes to an external political authority for the first time in their history; 2) the introduction of an alien administration and judicial system that significantly undermined the authority of the chiefs and imposed entirely new principles of authority and jurispru­ dence; 3) the introduction of a money-economy to replace barter and consumer items such as mill cloth and kerosene lanterns, thus undermining the largely self-sufficient economy of the hill tribal areas; 4) the establishment of mod­ em communication systems, including postal service and new forms of transport; 5) the importation of a number of outsiders - administrators, clerks, soldiers, merchants, tech­ nicians, who provided new life style models, particularly in the towns that grew up around the administrative centers and 6) the imposition of laws that seriously affected tradi­ tional institutions. What Alan R. Uppet writes in general is certainly applicable to Mizoram:I know nothing so disruptive to animist religion and the social life of which it is the integrator, equal to colonial legislation. The mis­ sionaries, at least put something in place of the religion they took away, even if it w as so often, alas, a foreign substitute. But legisla­ tion was an end in itself. It was a negative approach to life. It needed a gospel to give a positive dimension.

It is dear then that the British administration of the land, in spite of its policy of keeping the status quo intact and disturbing the way of life as little as possible, nevertheless, had a tremendous effect on the total life of the Mizo. These changes seriously shook the religious, social, and economic foundations of the society and introduced a totally new value system that affected the worldview of the Mizo, and intro­ duced them to a new life-style. Some of these changes were drastic. They included the disruption of certain values and

13. Downs, op. cit., pp. 178-79. 14. Introduction to Missiology, Pasadena, Wm. Carey Library, 1987, p. 170.

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practices, and the creating of cultural voids.15 Downs is cer­ tainly right in saying that the main reasons why the hills tribes of Northeast India turned to Christianity was that it was introduced into the region at precisely the time when the imposition of British administration was turning the tra­ ditional world upside down and affecting every facet of tribal life - political, social, economic and religious. This precisely is the contribution of the British colonial Government albeit, unconscious, perhaps, towards the rapid spread of Christi­ anity in Mizoram. The Christian Missions Like most of the Christian missions of the 19^ century, the purpose of Christian missions in Mizoram was to spread the gospel of Jesus Christ, to seek the salvation of those who heard the gospel and to organize those who responded into a church. All other tasks were incidental to the achievement of this basic purpose and to the humanitarian services that sprang from the love they received from Jesus Christ. J.H. Lorrain, in his annual report for 1903, wrote that from the start "it will be our aim to make the Lushai (Mizo) church self-supporting and self-propagating." The first missionary to visit Mizoram was William Williams, a Welsh missionary to the Khasi, in 1891. While the Calvinistic Methodists, later called the Presbyterian Church of Wales planned to send missionaries to Mizoram, and waited for suitable persons, Arthington missionaries, J.H. Lorrain and F.W. Savidge came to Mizoram on 11 Janu­ ary 1894. During their four years of stay, they reduced the Mizo language to written form, taught a number of Mizo to read and write and translated the Gospels of Luke and John and the Book of Acts into Mizo language. They also pre­ 15. Hrangkhuma, op. cit., p. 96. 16. Downs, op. cit., p. 178. 17. Annual Report o f the Baptist Missionary Society in the South Lushai Hills, 1903, p. 4.

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pared a Mizo grammar, a dictionary, a number of small books and a catechism Before they left in 1897, D.E. Jones of the Calvinistic Methodist Church came to Mizoram, who was soon joined by Edwin Rawlands. The Church they planted, namely the Presbyterian Synod of Mizoram, became the biggest denomi­ national Church in Mizoram. In 1903, the Baptist Missionary Society, after an agree­ ment was made with the Calvinistic Methodist, sent the former Arthington missionaries, J.H. Lorrain and F.W. Savidge to Southern Mizoram. The Church they planted became the second largest denominational Church in Mizoram. R.A. Lorrain, the brother of J.H. Lorrain, started work among the Lakher (Mara) sometime after 1910, as the missionary of the Lakher Pioneer Mission, an independent mission agency. All the Mara (Lakher) are now Christians numbering over 20,000. These are the three foreign missions that worked in the virgin field of Mizoram. There are other denominational churches with connec­ tion outside of Mizoram such as the Salvation Army (1921), the Roman Catholic (1925), the Seventh DayAdventist (1941), and the United Pentecostal Church (1949). These churches were started by Mizo Christian dissidents, but soon con­ nected with their kind outside of Mizoram. Apart from these, there arose several scores of churches, which are breaking away, mostly from the Presbyterians and the Baptist churches. As Kipgen rightly maintains "these churches did not make significant contributions to the over-all growth of Christianity in Mizoram" because most of their members were drawn from the three pioneering churches.19

18. See for the reasons of the m any C hristian groups in Mizoram, Hrangkhuma, op. tit., pp. 297-303; F. Hrangkhuma, "Why are there many Christian groups in Mizoram?" in Indian Missiological Review, voL 13, no. 3., September, 1991, pp. 24-29. 19. Kipgen, op. tit., p. 208.

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To fulfill their purpose, the most important elements the missionaries brought to Mizoram were, the gospel of Jesus C hrist, with the Bible, soon translated into Mizo language; education, starting from scratch with the creation of alpha­ b ets in Roman scripts, producing text books, and literature, medicine and a few philanthropic services. The missionar­ ies also organized the converts into local churches, and later, in to denominational churches, with their own rules and regu­ lations, and a life-style based on 19^ century evangelical life-style, that have tremendously affected Mizo society. Annihilated and Modified Cultural Elements The communication of innovation, both by the British administration and the missionaries seriously questioned the m izo worldview. Their assumptions about causality, values, classifications, relationships, human beings, time and space w ere seriously challenged. The prohibition of armed raids, th e killing of human beings, even of enemies and infants, and the imposition of peace, introduced the Mizo to new ideas. They were confronted, for example, with the notion that human life is sacred and that killing human beings in any form is evil. This idea was further reinforced by the teachings of Christianity. The concept of peace subsequently invaded the value system of the Mizo, and the people learned that living in peace with one another is better than fighting. This, again, was reinforced by the Christian teachings that people should love one another, that peace is better than war, that love is better than hatred, and that doing good to en­ emies is better than killing them. The traditional Mizo assumptions that human beings and almost everything else had souls and that there were two places to go after one's physical death, Mithi Khua and Pialral, were modified and transformed by the teaching of Christi­ anity. Their assumptions about God, the demons, and the way of attaining Pialral were modified, transformed and changed. A new relationship between religion, on the one hand, and social and ethical life, on the other, was introduced

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that replaced the almost total absence of such relationship, at least as we know it, in traditional Mizo society. The tradi­ tional assumptions of the good and the bad, the beautiful and the ugly, the taboo and not taboos, and the value as­ sumptions related to conduct, manner, and physical appear­ ances were changed. Perhaps the most significant changes took place at this evaluative level of the Mizo worldview. These changes were the contributions of Christian teach­ ings and formal education in particular. New assumptions regarding the causes of misfortune and sickness were intro­ duced and accepted. Assumptions concerning possessions and wealth were altered by the contacts. The changes also brought liberation from many of the traditional superstitious beliefs and practices, release from the oppressions of the demons, and freedom for the women. Such changes at the worldview level were bound, sooner or later, to change the overt culture. In one area, however, the old worldview val­ ues remained the same, namely with regard to Pialral. This continuity of a central Mizo value helps us understand much of the Mizo behavior in the later period. In the following section, the visible effects of the contacts are summarized. As a result of the contacts, there were several cultural elements that were completely banned, and the effects of such complete prohibitions slowly appeared in the society. The prohibitions were aimed at inter-village raids, head­ hunting raids, infanticide, and later the bawi system. These were stopped abruptly. With the prohibition of armed raids went the ceremonies and celebrations connected with head­ hunting. Furthermore, some of the basic reasons for the so­ cially accepted, corporate drinking of zu, singing and danc­ ing were removed. The result was an increase in individual drunkenness. Some of the most exciting village celebrations, such as the celebration of successful head-hunting raids, the capture of loot and slaves were gone, and with them, many accepted ways for making life exciting and vigorous also disappeared. The basic means to demonstrate bravery and

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honor was removed. How else could young Mizo prove their bravery? Another important effect of peace was the extinction of the institution of zawlbuk. Education and Christianity are often blamed for the demise of zawlbuk, but these were only secondary causes. The primary reason for the establishment of the zawlbuk was the constant threat of armed raids, wild animals and to a lesser extent, fire. The primary purpose of zawlbuk, then , was the defense of the village. Other func­ tions of zawlbuk such as education and discipline described by Carter and others are secondary. It is true that Christian­ ity and education accelerated the extinction of zawlbuk, but the primary reasons for its demise was the prohibition of armed raids and the declining danger to the villages from w ild animals,, particularly of tigers. Without Christianity and formal education, the zawlbuk might have continued under the British administration, but it would have been an empty form open to corruption. The appearance of the villages changed tremendously. Although only a little over one-half of the population of Mizoram was converted to Christianity by the 1930s, the in­ fluence of Christian teachings, formal education and medi­ cine were such that the signs of "pagan" sacrifices in the out­ skirts of every village were decreasing. By the 1950s they were almost totally absent. In addition, the villages were no longer fortified. Zawlbuk was no longer the dominant build­ ing. Church and school buildings became the most promi­ nent buildings in the villages. There were no longer sah lam where human heads were hanged. The wooden posts in front of the thangchhuah families were also disappearing. A common burial ground was set aside outside the village. Houses were bigger and higher, with windows and platforms in front, and in some cases, in the back. The streets were cleaner, and the village water points were better cared for. The people were more clothed and cleaner. Both Indian and European modes of dress were introduced. The mis­

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sionaries mostly insisted that the Mizo dress like the Eng­ lish. This is clear from the letter of R.H. Liana when he writes, "You associated [sic] with us very much yet you never lower your English life, instead of that you tried to make us to imi­ tate the way you lived. By so doing, you gave us a character of Christian gentleman." After comparing the failure of the missionaries in Nagaland to do the same, he continues, "It would be the same as to prohibit them from learning respec­ tive way as to how prohibited them from changing their low way of dress."20 It is very doubtful that by dressing like the English the Mizo automatically developed the character of Christian gentlemen. This is symptomatic of the mistake made by many Europeans that identified western culture with Christian culture. Nevertheless, it appears that the Mizo chose the European mode of dress with pride. The tradi­ tional designs of puati underwent marked improvement. Mrs. T. Sailo, in tracing the history and place of weaving in the Mizo society, points out the contribution of Edith Chapman and Katie Hughes to weaving. Both missionaries made weaving a compulsory subject in girl schools. The girls wove their own school uniforms. Later, they were taught the intricate traditional designs, thus reviving the dying de­ signs. With an increase in different kinds of colors, new de­ signs were also invented. Store bought materials were in­ creasingly available. This demanded more money, and the economic system and value system underwent change. Traditional religion is now completely disappeared. This is true, both of its meanings and its structures. The Chris­ tians banned "pagan" ceremonies, zu, fornication, adultery, divorce and polygamy. Proofs of genuine conversion in­ cluded the throwing away of kel mei (goat's tail) charms and

20. R.H. Rohmingliana, Personal Letter to Mr. Savidge, London, BMS Archive, 1934. 21. "The Mizo Women and Their Weaving", in Mizoram Today, vol. I, No. 1, 1974; pp. 14-16.

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a total abstinence iromzw. The singing oikhawvel hla (worldly songs), and participation in traditional songs and dancing were strongly discouraged. As converts increased, the tra­ ditional religious practices were replaced by new ones such as the corporate singing of Christian songs at festivals, mar­ riages and funerals. All non-Christian festivals completely disappeared. In place of "paganism" new Christian elements were in­ troduced. These included the rites of baptism and the Lord's supper, the observance of Sunday, corporate worship and Sunday School, the celebration of festivals such as Christ­ mas, and later New Year and Good Friday, and the offering of the produce of Jhums to God. Pathian chawimawi (the glo­ rification and praising of God) by families,killing animals, may be said to have replaced the thangchhuah feasts. Chris­ tian songs — first translations, then compositions using Eu­ ropean tunes, and finally compositions using modified tra­ ditional tunes, replaced the old songs. Sometimes dancing during times of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit replaced old dances. In place of zu, tea and to a lesser extent coffee were introduced. The nature of village social gatherings thus underwent marked change. As a result of the teaching of Christianity, premarital sexual intercourse, seduction and adultery were considered both serious social and spiritual sins for both sexes. Mar­ riages became more stable, and the marriage ceremony and the system of bride prices were modified. Stealing, lying, cheating, murder and related evils were now considered sin­ ful, not only in relation to human beings, but also against God. The ideas and practices associated with tlawmngaihna were refined. It has often been argued that Christianity was responsible for the decline of tlawmngaihna. The various authors mentioned earlier are of the opinion, however, and I believe they are right, that the ideal of tlawmngaihna and its

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practices did not decrease. Rather, it has been slowly modi­ fied. It is true that individual tlawmngaihna such as indi­ vidual competition and the ceremonies honoring a tlawmngai, are no longer prominent. The values of tlavmngaihna, how­ ever, have been adapted on the corporate level. The practice of digging graves, comforting the bereaved, and helping the poor, the widows and families facing hardship have been refined by the teaching of Christianity. In the comfort extended to bereaved families and those undergoing hardships and difficulties and in the help of­ fered in the construction of houses, we perhaps see the best example of Mizo society which was increasingly dominated by Christian teachings coupled with the best of traditional ethical ideals. In pre-Christian society, for example, graves were freely dug by the young men, but even though it was difficult to compel the young men to eat, the bereaved fam­ ily had to provide a feast for them. Older people went to the home of the bereaved and comforted them by singing, but the bereaved family was obligated to provide zu. Although relatives and neighbors usually helped to supply it, in most cases, the bereaved family had to supply zu if they want to have comforters. Young men slept in the home of the be­ reaved for some time. Today, these values have found Christiaii expressions. Every village now has its burial ground outside the village where all the dead, rich or poor, are buried. Hminga de­ scribes the change in the following way: When a person dies, the church bell is tolled to inform everyone. If it is night young people will quickly get together and sing Chris­ tian hymns the whole night in the house where the dead body is (there is no separate funeral home; the dead body is in the home of the bereaved)! In the morning, young ladies collect firewood and rice from every family in the village for the bereaved family who cannot do their normal work at least for a few days. The young men dig the grave voluntarily, friends and relatives bring extra supplies of food or money to buy necessary things for the funeral.

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Singing hymns may continue in the house at night time for a week or longer. The confident trust with which many passed away has changed the whole attitude of the Mizos to death.

The young men sleep in the home of the bereaved for about a week or so to comfort and help the family. One of the most marked changes is in the position of women in the society. They were greatly liberated and even allowed to participate in the election of upa (elder) in a local church (Baptist Minute 1915:2,4). The first bible women were appointed in 1916. Donna Strom observes, "The most re­ markable change from pre-Christian custom occurred in the status of women....Soon women were being received into both Presbyterian and Baptist churches on the same basis as men .^ 99

Culture Elements that Remained More or Less the Same Helme is right in observing that until recent times, the Lushai Hills (Mizoram) were not really in effective contact with civilization for the purposes of trade. There was al­ most a total absence of stimuli to produce, ability to trade, increasing consumption. On this the missionaries agreed. The 1928 BMS Annual Report mentioned the absence of pot­ ters' wheels, for example, and stated that "In the arts of life there is, perhaps, little advance". Until after World War n, the means of food production remained largely the same. Improvements were mostly indirect, in the ways in which the people worked and cared for their jhums rather than in the methods of cultivation. The latter remained a shifting cultivation. There was some improvement in the quality and variety of food and in general health. This was clearly shown in the imaginary conversation between Hmasanga (the an­ cient one) and Tunlaia (the modem one) written by Lena 22. C.L. Hminga, The Life and Witness of the Churches in Mizoram, Serkawn, BCM, 1987, p. 295. 23. Winds Through the Bamboo, Madras, CLS, 1983, p. 67. 24. BMS Report, 1928, p. 8.

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(1945:11-12). The conversation centered around health. Tunlaia contended that modem people were healthier in spite of the fact that the land was less productive and the people worked much harder than before. The locations of the villages remained at the top of the ridges. The arrangement of the houses remained much the same, although the houses were bigger and taller and most had windows and platforms. Old restrictions and taboos connected to the construction and arrangement of houses were almost totally discarded by the Christians. The basic structure of the houses remained the same. In the matter of trade with outsiders, there was no sig­ nificant change prior to World War U. The main change was in imports. There were few exports. The government poli­ cies associated with the Inner Line System and the Restricted and partially Restricted Systems of the Government, cou­ pled with the poor communication systems restricted con­ tact with the outside world. Extensive trade with outsiders was therefore, not possible. Administrative reports show that the administration was aware of the need for economic 25 development. McCall tried to improve the economy by introducing cottage industries. The administration was not only aware of the situation, as Ray points out , it also sug­ gested solutions. Nonetheless there was no concerted, widebased government effort to tackle the problem. The economic condition of the people remained much the same. The land and the people were still isolated from the rest of the world. A jeepable road was constructed as far as Aizawl only dur­ ing the Second World War. The work cycle, the daily life, the habits, the manner of relating to one another, the reckoning of time, the social life, and the traditional legal systems, all remained much the same 25. Administrative Reports, 1934, pp. 26-32; 1936, p. 34. 26. McCall, op. cit., p. 191. 27. Ray, op. cit., p. 191.

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with the exception of the fact that sacrifices and "pagan" cer­ emonies and festivals disappeared. With the help of the Christian teachings the people adjusted quite well to the new situation created by the British government so that by the 1930s and 1940s a stable society with a fair amount of cul­ tural equilibrium had emerged. The Church became the most visible and the most influ­ ential moral institution. Its members strictly observed its rule of conduct. Its influence, however, went beyond its membership. The mentality associated with taboos was not completely eradicated, but it found a new object in the moral prohibitions of the Church. The belief in the demons con­ tinued, but Christian teaching dispelled the extreme fear of them and eradicated the offering of sacrifices to appease their anger. K. Saibela maintains that in the midst of many changes, there are certain elements in the social life of the mizo that permitted little changes until today. These are the character­ istics of their social life that refused to budge in spite of the Western and Indian influences . A summary of Saibela's points is worthwhile since they shaped, in many ways, the character of Christianity in Mizo 1. A love for living together, with a tilting towards interde­ pendence and mutual support. Living alone, either in­ dividually or even as a family without near neighbors is dreaded by most Mizo. Togetherness in working, sing­ ing and dancing, fighting and even eating together are not only common, but considered not only more enjoy­ able, but also better. This togetherness, doing things in group, is also continued in the Church. 2. Along with group action and togetherness is another characteristic that is the merry-making, again in groups - feasting, joking, laughing together. Even drinking of zu or rice beer should almost always be enjoyed together 28. Saibela, op. cit., pp. 1-38.

282

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

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with singing and dancing and a general merry-making. Working together also have almost always being accom­ panied by merry-making and much enjoyment. The Mizo loved music, both vocal and instrumental. The Mizo, even before the coming of the missionaries already had at least six different tunes or modulations in their songs. Dancing is another feature of the Mizo that is still con­ tinuing especially in the Church. Every spiritual awak­ ening in the Church is almost always accompanied by dancing. Tlawmngaihna, the noun form of tlazvmngai - which is explained by J.H. Lorrain as "to be self-sacrificing, un­ selfish, self-denying, persevering, brave, to make light of personal loss or injuries, to put one's own inclinations on one side and do a thing which one would rather not do, with the object of either keeping up one's prestige, etc., or of helping or pleasing another, or of not disap­ pointing others; to do whatever the occasion demands no matter how distasteful or inconvenient it may be to oneself or to one's own inclinations, etc." This ethical principle, although in a slightly different way, is still the ethical ideal of the Mizo. Love of freedom is another characteristic of the Mizo society. There is no notable social distinction and every­ one - female and male of all ages, old and young, rich and poor, freely mixed together without social restric­ tions. Another characteristic of the Mizo society is to visit each other and to a lesser extent to simply go for a stroll. The majority of the Mizo hardly stay at home, especially young men. The entire family members are at home only during meal-times and at night, sleeping time. It is a little different, especially in the towns. Another characteristic is the hurried mentality - to do things quickly expecting immediate results.

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9. The Mizo easily copy others in things they like - such as dress, style of living, and many others. They copy each other and the Western people in many ways, easily and without much serious consideration. 10. The Mizo, as a whole, are religious people and almost everything they do is accompanied by some sort of reli­ gious rituals and practices. 11. Helping one another is another characteristic of the Mizo. All these characteristics are the main threads of Mizo society and this fact dispels the contentions of some people that the Mizo are completely westernized. Superficial west­ ernization, yes, but not in the main ways of thinking and the life-style. Most of these characteristics can be both positive and negative at the same time. A right use and practice of them, can be a great asset to Christianity. However, some of the characteristics can be harmful both to Christianity and gen­ eral development. Missiological Implications By the end of the colonial period (1947) it was clear that the complete discipling of the Mizo in Mizoram could be accomplished in a matter of a few years. The aims of the missions were largely achieved. The church in Mizoram was not only established, it also showed signs of increasing ma­ turity on every side. The church, and not the missions, was responsible for its existence, its growth and expansion. For good or for ill, Christianity had come to stay in Mizoram. It had become a part of Mizo culture and society. What were the reasons for the success of Christian missions in Mizoram? What are the missiological implications of that success? We must begin by seeking an answer to the question why did the Mizo become Christians? The dominant reasons for Mizo conversions were spiritual. Eugene E. Nida in his New Religion for Old: A Study of Culture Change, argues that eco­

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nomic models may be useful tools in studying religious change. He asserts that economic model may appropriately be applied to Christendom, but that in reality true Christi­ anity cannot be explained primarily in economic terms be­ cause of its doctrine of Divine grace. The more relevant ques­ tions for our purpose, however, is methodological and em­ pirical: how did the Mizo become Christian? McGavran, in his epoch making book The Bridges of God, suggests that the most important missiological question is how do people become Christian? He says, "How peoples become Chris­ tian clearly needs a great deal more study. It evidently does not happen merely by energetically and devoutly carrying on church and mission work". Due to the nature of this study, a detailed study of the subject is not possible. There­ fore, more questions will be raised than can be meaning­ fully answered. 30

C.L. Hminga suggests some seventeen factors that helped the rapid growth of Christianity in mizoram. They include: 1. The time factor - the missionaries came in the right time, just after the subjugation of the Mizo by the British. 2. The animistic background of the people 3. The anthropological and missiological insights of the missionaries such as their use of the right frame of refer­ ence and introduction of functional substitutes. 4. revivals. 5. People movements, in the sense of both group conver­ sions and multi-individual conversions. 6. Right strategy of the missionaries. 7. The evangelistic zeal of the Mizo Christians.

29. D.A. McGavran, The Bridges o f God, new York, Friendship, (1955), 1981, p. 3. 30. Hminga, op. cit., p. 267-86.

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8. The availability of scriptures in vernacular from the ear­ liest period. 9. The rapid spread of the Christian hymns. 10. Healing ministry of the mission and the Church. 11. Formation of village churches with natural leaders. 12. Church organization and national leaders that were con­ ducive to growth. 13. Church cooperation in the evangelization of Mizoram and the absence of unhelpful competition and rivalry among the churches and missions. 14. Direct and indirect help from the civil administrators. 15. Advantages of becoming a Christian. 16. The natural intelligence of the Mizo people. 31 Chawngthan Pari also analyzes seven factors that help explain the rapid growth. These are: 1. The isolation of the Lushai Hills (Mizoram) 2. Absence of social rigidity or caste system. 3. Mizo characteristics particularly their love of change. 4. The Mizo social ethics of tlawmngaihna. 5. The wise policy of the pioneer missionaries. 6. The administration of the British government. 7. The animistic background of the people, particularly their firm belief in supernatural powers. Such are the findings of two Mizo scholars on the factors that greatly contributed to the rapid growth of Christianity in Mizoram. They raise several sim ilar points and 32 33 Saiaithanga and Lloyd largely agree with them. 31. Chawngthan Pari, "Western Impact on Society in Mizoram", unpublished Master of Philosophy Thesis, Shillong, NEHU, pp. 96-99. 32. Saiaithanga, op. cit., 33. J.H. Lloyd. On Every High Hill, Liverpool, Foreign Mission Office, 1957, History of the Church in Mizoram. (Harvest in the Hills), Aizawl Synod Publication Board, 1991, pasim.

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Theoretically any successful missionary enterprise should include 1) the use of effective means of communica­ tion and a good practical strategy on the part of the mission­ aries; 2) the responsiveness of the people made possible by the cultural conditions, felt needs and the ability of the re­ cipients to see the value of the gospel; 3) the climactic con­ textual condition wrought by the Creator, and 4) the dynamic working of the Holy Spirit. What strategy did the mission­ aries use in Mizoram? What communication techniques did they employ? What made the Mizo so responsive to the missionaries? What was the nature of their culture that was conducive to the rapid diffusion of innovations so rapidly? How did God make the situation more favorable to the spread of the Gospel? Were there signs of the dynamic work­ ing of the Holy Spirit in Mizoram? The aim of this section is not to answer these questions specifically, but to briefly ex­ amine some of the theoretical missiological factors vis a vis the growth of Christianity in Mizoram.

Communication Theory Vis a Vis Missionary Work In his monumental book Christianity in Culture, Charles H. Kraft presents ten basic principles of communication . The four most basic principles are discussed in separate sec­ tion. They are 1) the frame-of-reference principle, 2) the communicator-credibility principle, 3) the message-credibility principle and 4) the discovery principle. The missionar­ ies discovered the right frame-of-reference to communicate the Gospel to the Mizo. Jesus was presented as the conqueror of the Devil and demons. This met a Mizo felt need. Moreo­ ver, Jesus was presented as the one who guarantees Pialral, the coveted place, and all had a hope of going there if only they believed in Jesus Christ. From all sources available to us, the missionaries found important points of contact, or

34. Christianity in Culture: A Study in Dynamic Biblical Theologizing in CrossCultural Perspective, New York, Orbis, 1979, pp. 147-155. 35. Ibid. pp. 156-164.

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bridges of God. Later the mizo converts found more. The message was relevant. It answered many questions the Mizo raised. The initial communicators were English people. The M izo regarded them highly. Moreover, the Mizo Christians w ere the first educated people in Mizoram, and all the school m asters, who were highly respected, were evangelists. The communicator-credibility principle was in full operation. Did the missionaries help the mizo to discover the mean­ in g of the gospel for themselves? It seems that this was done in large measure. Lorraine reported in 1907 that "Their [the Mizo Christians] addresses are full of parables and illustra­ tions drawnfrom domestic life andfrom nature... Some of those, who can read the Gospelsfor themselves, get such glimpses of Divine Truth that it is a positive pleasurefor even the missionaries to sit at theirfeet as learn^ er s . ft

W hat Hiebert describes as one of the primary hindrances to communication, "the foreigness of the message, and to a great extent the foreigness o f... the cultural load we have placed upon it" seems to have been largely absent. A thorough understanding of the meaning of culture, as Lloyd E. Kwast asserts, is prerequisite to any effective communication of G od's good news to a different people group. Hesselgrave, N ida, Nida and Reybum, Kraft and Hiebert all suggest that understanding culture and culture change, and sympathy and identification with the recipients are indispensable means^for the effective communication of the gospel of Christ. The manner of cultural identification is a point of

36. BMS Report, 1907. 37. Paid G. Hiebert, "Culture and Cross-cultural Differences", in Perspectives on the World Christian Movement: A Reader, ed., by Ralph D. Winter and Steven C. Hawthorne, Pasadena, Wm. Carey Library, p. 377. 38. Lloyd E. Kwast, "Understanding Culture", in Perspectives... Ibid., p. 361. 39. David J. Hesselgrave, "The Role of Culture in Communication", in Ibid., p. 366; Eugene E. Nida, "Communication and Social Structure", in Ibid., pp. 437-442; Eugene E. Nida & William D. Reybum, Meaning Across Cul­

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debate. Hiebert is certainly right when he says that the is­ sue of identification is not formal equivalence, but of mental maps and basic feelings. He says, If we, indeed see and feel ourselves to be one of them, this message will come through, even if we have different life style. A national gives his best food, lets us sleep in his guest room and use his oxcart, and we share with him our best food, guest room and car. This prindpe is not formal equality but true love and mutual reciproc­ ity.40

According to this theory, how far had the missionaries identified themselves with the Mizo? The measure of iden­ tification may be found in the love the people had to the missionaries. From all the sources available to us at the moment, there is no indication that the Mizo hated the mis­ sionaries. As a whole the Mizo not only respected the mis­ sionaries, they also loved them. Since this is the case, the Mizo were almost without exception full of praise for the missionaries. In almost all the writings available there is no significant criticism of the missionaries. Most of what the missionaries did was seen as good. They were sap (white people) so they could do nothing seriously wrong. This was the attitude of the Mizo that was so conducive to effective communication. The missionaries and the early converts found the right frame-of-reference. The communicators had credibility with the recipients. The communicators were loved by the recipients. The message was relevant to the recipients. The recipients were helped by the missionaries as well as the Holy Spirit to effectively reinterpret what was communicated to them. It is clear that most of the basic com­ munication principles were fulfilled.

tures, Maryknoll, Orbis, 1981; Charles H. Kraft, op. tit.; & Communication Theoryfor Christian Witness, Nashville, Abingdon, 1983; Eugene E. Nida, Religion Across Cultures, New York, Harper & Row, 1968; Paul G. Hiebert, "Social Structure and Church Growth", in Perspectives..., 1981. 40. Hiebert, "Culture of Cross-cultural Differences", op. tit., p. 384.

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Principle o f Church Growth Probably one of M cGavran's most well known missiological dictums is his famous saying "Men like to be­ come Christians without crossing racial, linguistics or class barriers". "The fear of many," McGavran says, is that "... becoming a Christian will separate me from my people ...." The fact is that men and women, high and low, advanced and primitive, usually turn to Christian faith in numbers only when some way is found for them to become Christian with­ out leaving their kith and kin. McGavran also says that the great obstades to conver­ sion are sodal, not theological. Nida agrees with this when he notes that opposition to the communication of the Chris­ tian message may be more sodal than religious. Since this is the case, Hiebert insists that it is very important that the gospel be distinguished from culture because failure to dis­ tinguish between the two often leads to confusion between cultural relativism and Biblical absolutes. In his concern for effective communication of the Gos­ pel Kraft repeatedly asserts that although God is above culture, He works through culture and not against it. Smalley also asserts that God usually works through culture. Did the missionaries clearly distinguish between the gospel and culture? Did the missionaries in Mizoram work through Mizo culture? What was the position of the converts in Mizo soriety? is it true that the Mizo became Christian because they did not have to cross radal, linguistic or dass barriers?

41. D A . McGavran, Understanding Church Growth, Grand Rapids, Michigan, Eerdmans, 1980, p. 223. 42. Ibid., p. 215. 43. Ibid., 44. Nida, "Communication and Social Structure"., op. cit., p. 442. 45. Hiebert, "Culture and Cross-cultural Differences", op. cit., p. 377; Paul G. Hiebert, Anthropological Insightsfor Missionaries, Grand Rapids, Michigan, Baker, 1985, pp. 52-58. 46. Kraft, Christianity in Culture, op. cit., passim.

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Were the early converts branded as anti-community as Robert Recker asserts usually happens in cases of one by one con­ version? It has been previously maintained that the Mizo society was such that converts did not have to leave their kith and kin. They remained with their own people, although per­ haps with some harassment. Thus Recker's insistence on the need for living involvement in society and for the possi­ bility of an increasing penetration of the population was ful­ filled in Mizoram. This perhaps is one of the most impor­ tant factors of growth. The converts remained part and par­ cel of the society which did not seriously brand them as anti­ community. It has been pointed out that some writers accused the missionaries of destroying the culture and 'Customs of the Mizo wholesale. The fact, however, prove otherwise, it is true that the missionaries destroyed much, but they also built much. What Don Richardson writes is certainly applicable to Mizoram, Do missionaries destroy cultures? We may destroy certain things "in " cultures, just as doctors sometimes must destroy certain things "in " a human body, if a patient is to live. But surely as we grow in experience and God given wisdom, we must not and will not de­ stroy cultures them selves... Our task is to give the tribals a rational basis for giving it up voluntarily before the guns of the police de­ cide the issue with traumatic effect.

This cultural surgery is inevitable if healthy change is to take place. No culture should be condemned wholesale. No culture, however, is without faults. The gospel must judge each culture. At the same time, Richardson is right when he says, "Whether through misinterpreting the Great Commis­ sion, pride, culture shock, or simple inability to comprehend the values of others, we have needlessly opposed customs and did not understand". Hiebert says, "Many cultural 47. Don Richardson, "Did Missionaries Destroy Culture?" in Perspectives... op. cit., p. 492. 48. Ibid., p. 482.

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traits serve important functions in the lives of the people. If we remove these without providing a substitute, the conse­ quences can be tragic''. The missionaries in Mizoram were no exception in destroying some elements of Mizo culture, some with tragic results . It is also true that the missionar­ ies exercised some degree of cultural imposition, perhaps due to a failure to distinguish between culture and gospel. It is nevertheless correct to maintain that as a whole the mis­ sionaries in Mizoram were sympathetic to Mizo culture and though imperfectly, worked through it to a large extent. The principle that people prefer to become Christian while remaining socially connected with their people is also called the Homogeneous Unit Principle. It has been ably defended by McGavran (1980) and C. Peter Wagner (1979). The principle, however, has been frequently misunderstood and misinterpreted. Wagner helpfully clarifies what it actu­ ally is. It is a tool of evangelism, a tool which many have found helpful in implementing the evangelistic mandate. It is, however, nothing more than a tool. If it is found helpful, it should be used. If it is not useful, it should not be used. He writes, "If some alternate way of implementing the evan­ gelistic mandate is deemed superior in a given time and place^ by all means that one should be used to the glory of God" and the homogeneous principle should be set aside. Analyzing the effectiveness of homogeneous unit prin­ ciple McGavran says, "It is no accident that the fastest grow­ ing Church recruits largely from one stratum of society. Its type of worship, standard of ministry and church activity fit that stratum of society. " The missionaries were not aware

49. "Culture and Cross-cultural Differences," in Perspectives... op. cit., p. 378. 50. Lalsawaia, "The shaking of Foundations in Mizo Society", in Mizoram Today, vol. I, No. 2. 51. Ibid. 52. DA. McGavran, How Churches Grow, New Frontiers of Missions, New York, Friendship Press, 1966, p. 42.

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of the principle. But circumstance forced them to form the church on homogeneous lines. The people were one tribe, spoke the same language and had the same customs and culture. There were no other people groups nearby. When churches were organized, they immediately became the peo­ ples' churches. All of them belonged to one tribe. This defi­ nitely helped in the rapid growth of Christianity in Mizoram Similar to the homogeneous unit principle is the princi­ ple of people movement. This again is a controversial prin­ ciple due mostly to its variant interpretations. Waskom Pickett and Latourette unfortunately used the term 'mass movement' and this has given an impression of shallow mass conversions with ulterior motives. McGavran prefers the term "people movement". He explains, A people movement results from the joint decision of a number of individuals - whether five or five hundred - all from the same peo­ ple, which enables them to become Christians without social dislo­ cation, while remaining in full contact with their non-Christian relatives, thus enabling other groups of that people, across the years, after suitable instruction, to come to similar decisions and form Christian churches made up exclusively of members of that peo­ ple.

We do not find any significant evidence of a people move­ ment in the sense of group or joint conversion. Later McGavran uses the term multi-individual, mutually inter­ dependent conversions. McGavran borrowed the terms from Tippett who uses the terms as a synonym for group, kin and family conversion. According to McGavran multi­ individual means that many people participate in the act. 53. J. Waskom Picket, Christian Mass Movement in India; A Study with Recom­ mendations, Lucknow, Lucknow Publishing House, 1933. 54. K.S. Latourette, A History of Christianity, New York, Harper & Row, 1975. 55. McGavran, Understanding Church Growth, op. cit., p. 335. 56. Ibid., p. 340. 57. Alan R. Tippet, Church Growth and the Word of God: the Biblical Basis of the Church Grcnvth Viewpoint, Grand Rapids, Michigan, Eerdmans, 1970, p. 31-33.

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Mutually interdependent means that all those taking the decision are intimately known to each other and take the step in view of what the other is going to do. The "how" of conversion in Mizoram does not tally with this theory of group, kin, family or joint conversion. McGavran's defini­ tion of people movement needs to be redefined if we are to include Mizoram as an area of a people movement, as I think it should be. The nature of the Mizo conversion was predominantly through individual conversions without "mutually interde­ pendent decisions." The converts, however, were not ostra­ cized. They remained with their kith and kin. This made possible the penetration of the gospel into the family and society. Although decisions were made independently of each other, people were known to each other intimately, since it was a face-to-face society where nothing was really hid­ den from another. As the converts and non-converts lived side by side, more and more people wanted to become Chris­ tians even though they may have outwardly rejected it at first. Thus a living involvement in family and society was carried on and the society was increasingly penetrated with the result that the whole village eventually became Chris­ tian.

Supernatural Preparation Our God is a missionary God. God is actively involved in the mission of the church since it is part of God's mission. Mission, then, is more than human endeavor. Some of the most important roles God plays in missions are in creating climactic contextual conditions, endowing human instru­ ments with the power of the Holy Spirit, and pouring out the Holy Spirit among God's people.

58. McGavran, op. tit. 59. Nida, "Communication and Social Structures" in Perspectives... op. tit., pp. 435-437.

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Saiaithanga60 compared the situation of Mizoram at the time of the entry of m issionaries with the Grecomediterranean situation in the first centuries before and af­ ter Christ He found almost everything ready for the propa­ gation of the gospel and its ready acceptance by the Mizo. Changes were inaugurated and the changes make the peo­ ple more ready to accept further innovations. McGavran rightly says, "Innovation and social change, operating in particular structures, play a significant part in determining the direction, speed, and size of the move to the Christian religion". This is also one of Pierson's major theses. He observes that there appear to be certain times when the his­ torical and social contextual situations are proper so that something really happens. The Mizo in Mizoram were al­ ready unified by a common language in the course of the 19th century. The British conquered the land, disrupting the culture of the people. The Mizo worldview had come into question. The British administration of the land maintained peace. Inter-village communication took place as never be­ fore. These and other factors prepared Mizoram for evange­ lization. The^emphasis of the Church Growth Movement on receptivity finds an excellent example in Mizoram The Mizo as a whole were receptive and they were winnable. McGavran's famous cry, "Christians must win the winnable while they are winnable", is a sound missionary principle which applied to the Mizo. God was at work. The time was right, God poured out His Spirit abundantly on His people. His human instruments were endowed with power from on high (Lk 24:49; Acts 1:8).

60. Saiaithanga, op. tit. 61. McGavran, Understanding... p. 207. 62. Paul E. Pierson, Class Lectures, MH. 520: Historical Development of the Christian Movement, 1985. 63. Delos Miles, Church Growth, A Mighty River, Nashville, Broadman Press, 1981, p. 90-94. 64. McGavran, Understanding... op. tit., p. 33.

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They enthusiastically spread the good news that liberated them. These are some of the missiological principles that were at work in Mizoram. It is amazing to observe that providen­ tially so many missiological principles were working in Mizoram This largely accounts for the rapid completion of the disdpling of the Mizo in Mizoram. Other Factors of Growth In addition to the above mentioned contributory factors to the rapid spread of Christianity in Mizoram, four more will be analyzed that definitely contributed to the rapid exten­ sion and growth of Christianity among the Mizo.

Favorable Cultural Conditioning God is at work among the nations and peoples of the world. The Preacher, in his typical philosophic-religious way of reflection, said centuries ago, "He (God) has made every­ thing beautiful in its time. He has also set eternity in the hearts of men; yet they cannot fathom what God has done from beginning to end" (Ecc. 3:11). This is a description of humankind in general, and it refers to God revealing Him­ self in some way to people everywhere. Paul, in his sermon to the Athenians who assembled at the Areopagus said, From one man he made every nation of men, that they should in­ habit the whole earth; and he determined the times set for them and the exact places where they should live. God did this so that men would seek him and perhaps reach out for him and find him though he is not far from each one of us. For in him we live and move and have our being (Acts 17:26-28).

Paul's theology is that God is the creator of every hu­ man being. God's purpose is that human beings should in­ habit the whole earth. People beings owe God for their life, their movement, and their being. Paul's view of history is that God determined the exact places where each people group should live and exactly when they should live in that place. His purpose is that human beings may seek God, and

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in reaching out for Him may find Him. God is not far from any people group. The Mizo too were not left without witnesses, and there were several things that made the condition favorable for the rapid acceptance of innovations, particularly the inno­ vations of Christianity. The first is the dream of Selkhuma. Not much is known about Selkhuma except the fact that he had a remarkable dream in the early nineteenth century. Many of his prophetic words are difficult to understand since they were presented in the form of short statements. The most important for our purposes are his predictions that there will be a light both in the North and South Mizoram This has been generally in­ terpreted as the two missionary societies that worked in Mizoram, namely the Presbyterians to the north and the Baptists in the south. He also predicted that ordinary peo­ ple not of the chiefly clan would become chiefs at a village near the source of the Tlawng river. This prediction was fulfilled when a Christian village was established at Theiriat and a chief was appointed from a dan other than the chiefly clans. About fifty years after Selkhuma, Darphawka, another Mizo who lived in a village near Lunglei, had a similar dream. The meaning of his dream is clearer than that of Selkhuma's. Darphawka said that the people were now per­ verse and that he (most probably God, i.e. Pathian) would reform them; chieftainship would be abolished; information had been sent to the British parliament ; and that the dream

65. These are not his exact words. The exact words as recorded by Carter (1981:39) are - "Kumpinu tualah pawh lehkha kan thlak". This may be translated as "We drop a letter in the street of the Company". I cannot ascertain whether or not that is the actual statement of Darphawka. If it is, then Darphawka definitely knew of the British East India Company by its popular Mizo name, viz, Kumpinu (Company), which stood for die British government. Since the exact year of Darphawka's dream cannot

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66

is similar to that of Selkhuma's. Hminga records that a voice spoke io Darphawka that night saying, "A great light will come from the west and shine upon Mizo land: follow the light, for the people who bring it will be the ruling race". In the morning the man gathered his sons and friends and told them of his dream and advised them: "This light may not shine in my life time, but when it comes, follow it — follow it." Most probably Darphawka had his dreams in the third or fourth quarter of the nineteenth century. According to Carter, his words filled Mizoram for awhile, and people in Darphawka's village, particularly his relatives, were very receptive to the Gospel when it was preached to them years later. The second thing that should be mentioned is the beliefs and customs of the people that were favorable to the spread of the Gospel. Such beliefs included the concept of tlaumngaihna, belief in Pathian, ideas regarding the existence of souls, pialral and mithi khua, the meaning and uses of blood, and the killing of animals and human beings for making peace between enemies. There were also social ethics favorable to the teaching of Christianity such as the sins of stealing, adultery, unrestrained swearing and false speech. Eye witnesses of the earlier preaching and teaching testify that those beliefs and customs were extensively used as il­ lustrations to teach the concepts of Christianity. The point, however, is not the specific use of the Mizo beliefs and cus­ toms in preaching and teaching, but the fact that the Mizo believed in the concepts and practiced them. This provided the ground on which they could understand the ideas pre­

be determined, it is difficult to know whether or not the word 'Kumpinu' was used in his time. 66. H.W. Carter, Mizoram Baptist Kohhran Chanchin, (Revised & Enlarged by H.S. Luaia), Serkawn, BCM (1945), 1991, p. 39-40. 67. Hminga, op. cit., p. 44. 68. Carter, op. cit., p. 40.

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sented to them about Christianity. Don Richardson men­ tions at least ten tribes who together with the Mizo have a tradition of a lost book. In the Mizo tradition, it is claimed that their ancestors were in possession of a leather bound book. In their carelessness, however, they forgot to put it in a safe place and a dog devoured it. Unlike the Karen and the Wa of Burma, Mizo tradition does not include the notion that the book is brought back by a white brother. God prepared the ground for the spread of the Gospel among the Mizo in Mizoram in another way. As the Lusei increasingly controlled chieftainship in Mizoram, their lan­ guage began to spread. The Lusei language eventually re­ placed the languages of the Fanai, the Ralte, the Hauhulh, and others. By the time of the contacts, the Lusei language had become the lingua franca of Mizoram. Most of the in­ habitants of Mizoram used the Lusei language and practi­ cally all the inhabitants could understand it. The Mara and the Lai in the south and south-east comer of Mizoram have retained their languages until today, but practically all of them could still understand the Lusei language. This is the advantage Mizoram had over other hill tribes in northeast India. The Outpouring o f the Holy Spirit A series of outpourings of the Holy Spirit took place in Mizoram every few years. Most writers mention four such outpourings. Carter mentions five such outpourings, but the fresh outpouring which he describes in 1926 should not be taken separately since it was definitely a continuation of the 1919 outpouring. The outpourings of the Holy Spirit

69. Hminga, op. cit., Saiaithanga, op. cit., Liangkhaia, Mizoram Harhna Thu, Aizawl, V.L. Ringa & Sons, 1972; Lalsawma, Revivals, The Mizo Way, Aizawl, the Author, 1994; Mangkhosat Kipgen, op. cit., pp. 214-312. The last made a scholarly study on the causes of the many revivals in Mizoram and the contributions of the revivals to the Mizoram churches and Chris­ tianity.

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took place according to the writers mentioned above, in 1906, 1914,1919 and 1935. To these should be added another out­ pouring in the 1960s. The last is excluded most probably because the nature of the outpouring was different. All the writers known to me, as well as my informants, strongly believe that the series of revivals was one of the major reasons for the rapid increase of believers in Mizoram. No one can truthfully deny the fact that such revivals did much good to the Christians as well as the churches in Mizoram. The statistical data however, reveals that the con­ tribution of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit to the numeri­ cal growth of Christians in Mizoram is not as significant immediately as is so frequently and enthusiastically affirmed. The most important effect of the revivals upon the Mizo Christians was to be found not in numerical growth of con­ verts but in qualitative growth. The intense experience of the presence of the Holy Spirit impressed upon the believ­ ers important theological truths. The meaning of sin, for example, as basically against God and fellow human beings, along with the heinous nature of sin was fully realized in the first revival. The truth of the imminent second coming of Jesus Christ as the conquering Lord of the universe was recognized in the second outpouring. The meaning of the suffering and death of Christ, his resurrection and the power of the cross and the blood of Jesus Christ were the focus of the third outpouring. The importance of the Holy Spirit and His gifts were acknowledged as a result of the fourth out­ pouring. Finally the need for personal appropriation of Je­ sus as Lord and Savior, the assurance of one's salvation and the need for conscious absolute surrender to the Lord was realized through the fifth outpouring. These are the leading theological truths that were deeply imbedded in the Mizo Christians as a result of the series of revivals. The outpour­ ings increased the zeal of the believers in witnessing for God to non-Christians. They strengthened them in power en­ counters with numerous demons. They helped the Chris-

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tians rely more on praters, and increased the love of the word of God. They produced glowing Christians, and helped make Christianity uniquely mizo in faith and expression. Several writers unsympathetic to such emotional expres­ sions of religion often contended that such outpouring were the result of Welsh emotionalism coupled with the emotional ridden Mizo nature. Their implication is that such experi­ ences were simply the expression of human emotionalism and not the result of the work of the Holy Spirit. No one can deny that human emotion found ample expression in times of revival. There is nothing wrong in expressing emotion, for human beings are emotional beings, and it is more natu­ ral and healthy to express emotion than to curb it. Furthermore, to deny the mighty presence of the Holy Spirit in those outpourings is to deny the truth. While the "emotional Welsh" may have been ministering in the north­ ern part of the land, the "restrained English gentlemen" were ministering in the southern part. It is clear from the writing of Lorrain that such charges of mere emotionalism were fore­ seen. He writes that praying for revival began in June, 1905, and the prayers continued after the arrival of the delegates who had been sent to Khasi Hills to witness the outpouring among the Khasi. "For a long time everyday prayers that the revival fire may come to South Lushai have been offered, and we believe that we shall not be passed by" . But no outpouring took place. Lorrain again writes in his annual report of 1907: The revival in the Khasi Hills and in North Lushai made som e of our men who had visited these places, so desirous of a like bless­ ing coming upon their own brethren in the South, that they at­ tempted to work up the feelings of the people by imitating what they had seen over there. These methods were gently but firmly repressed by us, for we greatly feared a spurious revival amongst us. For the same reason, we resisted the temptation to invite any of the Northern Lushai across to hold revival services. We felt that

70. BMS Reports, 1906.

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if the revival was to come to South Lushai, it must be our duty to wait upon God until he saw fit to send it Himself.

The Christians hoped that revival would come in their annual gathering of 1907, but nothing happened. Disap­ pointment pervaded the people, and all hope disappeared. God, however, poured out His Holy Spirit after all hope was lost. The Spirit did not even come on the last day, but after­ wards when the Christians had already separated. Lorrain writes, "None could afterwards say that the wonderful thing that followed was the result of excitement or eager expect­ ancy". The fact that the third outpouring of the Holy Spirit arrived suddenly and simultaneously on July 26, 1919, in three different villages at considerable distances, and that the nature and major theme of the outpourings were exactly the same, prove beyond doubt that those outpourings were not the product of human emotionalism. The outpourings of the Holy Spirit also helped Christi­ anity to be deeply rooted in the land. "Now the Lord is the Spirit, and where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is freedom" (2 Cor. 3:17). In the midst of the outpourings, people freely expressed their sorrow for sins, their joy for forgiven sins, and their praise and adoration of the Lord. In other words, the Holy Spirit helped the people to be what they are and to express their religion in the way that was most natural to them. The dynamic indigeneity of Christianity is not possi­ ble without the Holy Spirit. In times of the outpourings, however, the mighty works of the Holy Spirits resulted in the free expressions of their faith. This made Christianity the possession of the people. In Mizoram, the missionaries as elsewhere, could not help but introduce Christianity and its expression in the manner most natural to them. Without the mighty outpourings of 71. BMS Report, 1907. 72. J.H. Lorrain, "Revival Fire in Lushai Land", Missionary Herald, London, BMS, 1907, p. 332.

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the Holy Spirit, that would be the only kind of expression the converts would adopt. However, when the outpourings took place, the people were free to express their religion in harmony with their culture. The beating of drums as an in­ digenous accompaniment of their corporate singing and dancing, which had been previously discarded was revived for example. Mrs. Sandy's comment is quoted at length for it describes the revival meetings accurately: The specific feature of the meetings is hymn singing. Like our own (Walsh) people, these Lusha is love singing, and at first the chapel was crowded all day and all night with Christians singing the same hymns over and over again. Some of the favorites are — "Guide me Oh Thou Great Jehovah", "There is Life for a Look at the Cruci­ fied One" and "O h! for a Thousand tongues to Sing", etc. As they sing they clap their hands, some swaying their bodies, som e jump­ ing about, and others leaping in the air. The children caught the spirit, and they keep time, by clapping their little hands, and sway­ ing to and fro. It is a strange and wonderful sight to see the vast congregation thus moved. At first the excitement was very great, amounting at times, almost to frenzy, and many were carried out in hysterics. There was much that jarred on us, and we felt the need of guidance and wisdom in leading and teaching these people. We remem­ bered that they are Oriental, primitive people, with temperaments Very different from ours — and that what did not appeal to us might be the means of doing much good to them. And H e who giveth to all men liberally, has given us the wisdom for w hich we prayed and has helped and blessed us greatly. In the meetings now — though the fervor is quite as intense — much of the excitement has died down, and there is more prayer, praise and confession. As I said before, there have been wonderful conversions and we know that God is speaking in a special way today to His people here.

One of the products of the third revival was the compo­ sition of hymns by the Mizo themselves using modified Mizo traditional times. Previous to this, most of the Christian songs were either translations, or if composed by the Mizo Christians, followed the Western style. 73. F.J. Sandy, Letter to Williams, September, 1919.

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Another effect of the revival was the practice of killing animals in honour of God. This was called Pathian Chawimawina which might be translated as 'glorifying God'. A family invited all the people of the village to their home to join them in giving thanks to the Lord and praise Him by killing one animal or more. While food was prepared the rest would praise the Lord mostly by singing occasionally accompanied by spontaneous dancing. This usually lasted a day and several nights. In short, revival helped the Christians to express their faith in harmony with traditional customs and practices, and to find functional substitutes. The revivals made Christian­ ity the possession of the Mizo Christians, and not merely a foreign import in a way that would not have been possible without the outpouring of the Holy Spirit. The outpouring of the Holy Spirit and the emotional demonstration of Christian faith and praise which accom­ panied it, produced not only beneficial but disruptive ele­ ments as well. Several extremists not only discredited the outpouring of the Holy Spirit and some doctrines but later began denominational churches and sects that divided the Christians into many rival groups. The Nature o f the Acceptance o f the Gospel The acceptance of the gospel by the Mizo was not pas­ sive. It was active and dynamic in nature. To those who understood it, the gospel as preached by the missionaries must have been good news indeed. It was the gospel of de­ liverance from demons and the dreaded mithi khua, a libera­ tion from the necessity of sacrifices, and a challenge to live a new life; a life that was more sober, morally and physically clean, and more considerate of others. The dynamic nature of the acceptance of the gospel by the Mizo was confirmed by at least two factors. One was the nature of the acceptance itself. Mention has already been made of the fact that there were few, if any, group conversions. Even conversions by families were rare. Most of the conversions were individu-

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als, and the first converts were most often both male and female children. In 1983 and 1984,1 interviewed several first generation Christians, asking them the reason for their conversion. Their answers reveal the manner in which the Mizo responded and accepted the gospel of Christ. Several of them said that they became Christians because they believed that Jesus was stronger than the demons, and that they desired deliverance from the costly and complicated sacrifices and the burden­ some taboos connected with sacrifices to demons. Others said that they became Christians because of a fear of hell and a desire to go to heaven. This in many instances was coupled with the belief in the imminent return of Jesus Christ, and the fear that they would be found wanting at His com­ ing. Some became Christians because it seemed a good idea; they had no single definite reason. Quite a few became Chris­ tians because it seemed the right thing to do. Hminga, on the basis of his first generation Christian interviews men­ tions that the beauty of the Christian life and community commended itself to the non-Christians, and quite a number of them became Christians because of this. Moreover, by the time he was a boy (the 1930s), non-Christian young men were already finding it difficult to find wives, because girls preferred Christian husbands. Christian husbands never got •drunk and beat their wives, and they were much more con­ siderate and helpful to their wives. Quite a few who were converted when they were young said that they became Christians because they were tired of their fathers getting drunk. Enumerating the reasons for conversion, it is no wonder that there were few if any, so-called "rice-Christiatis" in Mizoram The only economic appeal was the release from costly sacrifices, which was a religious issue as well as an

74. Hminga, op. cit.

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economic issue. Hminga points out how difficult this was to understand by some non-Christian Indians: During the past years, I have come across some military and civil government officers in Mizoram who expressed a candid opinion that the Mizos became Christian to get material gains and advan­ tages such as good education and salaried jobs o r the prospect of going abroad. I was not surprised at this, because these officers were from other parts of India entirely different from Mizoram. Once a fellow passenger in a bus, a Muslim government official told me that he would become a Christian if I would send him to London for further education! For people with this mentality this seems to be the chief factor.

According to Hminga, even the retired missionaries said that there were no 'rice-Christians' in Mizoram. Many non-Chris­ tian Indians if not most, nevertheless, take it for granted that people became Christians for economic and social gains. This is a fact one encounters again and again. It is clear from the evidence of people who were con­ verted in the decades from 1910 to 1940 that the Mizo really understood the Gospel of Jesus Christ as gospel indeed, and that the dominant reasons for conversion were religious in nature. Thus in most cases the conversions were genuine. A majority of the people I interviewed who confessed that they did not really know why they became Christians, indi­ cated that they became Christians simply because it seemed to be a good idea and a good thing to do. These people are representative of converts in the latter half of 1920s and 1930s. In contrast to earlier convertsrthe dominant reason for later decisions may be understood as social. This indicates the popularity of Christianity by that time. Another confirmation of the genuine and dynamic na­ ture of the acceptance of Christianity by the Mizo - and a demonstration that their conversions were genuine is the zeal with which the Mizo spread the gospel among them­ 75. Ibid., p. 284.

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selves and later to people outside Mizoram.76 This zeal is recognized as one of the leading reasons for the ragid ac­ ceptance of Christianity in Mizoram by other writers. From the turn of the century, even before the converts were for­ mally organized as a church body, evangelists were chosen and financially supported by the converts themselves. Lloyd says, “it was not the missionaries themselves who did most o f the evangelizing after all That was done by Lushais ... It was begun by young Lushai men ..." The missionaries were zealous to spread the gospel, but the Mizo converts were no less zeal­ ous and perhaps even more zealous than the missionaries themselves. The Mizo evangelists, along with pastors who were ordained later and volunteers called Kraws Sipai (Sol­ diers* of the Cross), traversed the length and breadth of Mizoram, suffering many hardships to preach the gospel to their fellow Mizo. The most notable among the lay evange­ lists was an illiterate man, one Thangbawnga, who had the gift of healing as well as a remarkable zeal and power of persuasion. He was said to have enlisted more than 4,000 to the Christian faith through his preaching and healing min­ istry. The mission school teachers were both evangelists and the most prominent local church leaders. Most of the Christian government employees were also zealous for the new faith. Carter, commenting on these government em­ ployees, says that the church employed many evangelists without paying their salaries.80 Along with individual ministry, group evangelism was very prominent. Through group evangelism, village after

76. F. Hrangkhuma, "A Historical Study of Indigenous Mizo Missions Among Members of Other Tribes". Unpublished, M.Th. Thesis, Senate of Serampore College, Bangalore, UTC, 1976. 77. Carter, op. cit., Lloyd, 1957 & 1991; op. tit., Saiaithanga, op. cit.; Hminga, op. tit. 78. Lloyd, 1957, op. tit., p. 32. 79. Carter, op. tit., p. 66ff; Saiaithanga, op. cit., p. 54; Liangkhaia, op. tit., p. 35. 80. Carter, op. tit., pp. 65, 75.

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village was "invaded" by the gospel. It was at the time of the third outpouring of the Holy Spirit that Fang-rual (traveling together) became popular. A village, experiencing the out­ pouring of the Holy Spirit, would go witnessing en masse to another village. In this way the movement spread to many villages within a brief period of time. The Mizo term for one group visiting another group is chil. Literally this means "to trample under foot/' "to tread out", "to press or roll with the feet". The Fang-rual group would travel from village to village, preaching the gospel, singing and dancing and help­ ing the needy both Christians and non-Christians alike. It seems that in that sense every Christian was an evangelist. Another very effective method originating in 1918 was called Beirual (working or doing together). This was a spe­ cial united effort to win converts. It became an annual event of the Mizo churches. Generally it lasted for a month. The first half of the month would be spent in prayer. During the second half of the month the Christians were divided into groups and visited every home where there were non-Chris­ tians, attempting to win them to Christianity. The Mizo Christians were not only zealous to win their fellow Mizo to Christ, they also had a burden to spread the gospel to other tribes. Although this could not be carried out extensively before the evangelization of Mizoram was completed, they nevertheless showed sufficient evidence to prove that their desire was genuine. This zeal for crosscultural witness is one of the clearest proofs that Mizo con­ versions were genuine, and that their response to the gospel was active rather than passive. Such was the response of the Mizo to Christianity that the land was filled with the praises of God, a fact particu­ larly true in times of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit. One 81. Hrangkhuma, op. cit., p. 45-46. 82. Saiaithanga, op. cit., pp. 50f; Carter, op. cit., pp. 96f. 83. Hrangkhuma, op. cit.

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Sub-Divisional Officer at Lunglei, an Englishman is said to have remarked: "I have visited many places, but I have never seen any place like Mizoram where Christianity is so popu­ lar. Every Mizo village is filled with the praise of God". Within half a century, the entire Mizo tribe turned to Christianity en masse. This acceptance and the resulting dynamic interaction of the Mizo with Christianity has been remarkable. However, what of the indigeneity of Christian­ ity in Mizoram? What was their attitude and treatment of their own traditional culture?

Converts and Indigenous Culture The attitudes of the missionaries toward the indigenous Mizo culture to a great extent influenced the attitudes of the converts toward their own culture. As the record of the first business meeting of the Baptists in the South in 1904 indi­ cates, missionary influence must have been strong. The de­ cisions, however, should not be regarded as missionary im­ position on the new converts. The fact that the Christians had resided separately in their Christian village for almost two years is an indication that they had practiced self-gov­ ernment to a great extent. The deliberations of the meeting seem rather to have concerned problems that the converts faced. They initiated the discussion of the problems, and the missionaries only assisted them in deciding what to do. The major decisions of the meeting which concerned tra­ ditional customs were to strictly observe the Day of Rest, that is, Sunday; to forbid the drinking of zu; and to refrain from eating meat and vegetables that had been offered to the demons. The second record available is the official minutes of the Presbyterian Church in 1910, the first of their Presbytery

84. Carter, op. cit., p. 78. 85. J.H. Lorrain, "Annual Gathering of Lushai Converts", Missionary Her­ ald, London BMS, 1909, p. 163.

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meetings. It was decided that the converts should abstain completely from the following customs, taboos and ceremo­ nial observances: Kawngpui Siam; the outbreak of fire in a neighboring village; a day when a person died accidentally; magic and witchcraft; sacrifices to demons; drinking of zu and khawhring. The following activities were also strongly discouraged: Sechaih (the sport of chasing a gayal from place to place before it was sacrificed); cruelty to insects and ani­ mals; obscene and immoral talk, and the singing of tradi­ tional songs (Minute # 1-7, April 22,1910). The official min­ utes of subsequent meetings of both the Presbyterian and the Baptist Churches were also frequently interspersed with a consideration of traditional customs and practices. Among the customs discussed, marriage, divorce and adultery oc­ cupied a large place. From these records as well as from eyewitness accounts, the meetings were not dominated by the missionaries. In the first Presbytery of the Baptist Church in 1914, for instance, Rohmingliana and Challiana were elected as the Chairman and Secretary respectively. Lorrain was elected as the ViceSecretary. The records of the resolutions are fairly detailed, mentioning the names of the persons who moved and sec­ onded the resolutions and most often the missionaries were not the ones involved. The attitude toward indigenous customs and practices were negative only in so far as the Mizo believed them to be contrary to the demands of the gospel as introduced by the missionaries, and as interpreted by the Mizo. Total absti­ nence was demanded from things that were believed to be unquestionably connected with demon worship, as well as from things like adultery and fornication that the Bible di­ rectly condemned as un-Christian. The Christians were not hesitant to reform certain aspects of a ritual such as mar­ riage, while leaving the traditional structure unchanged. The discipline of church members was very strict. Traveling and working on Sunday, for example, along with the drinking of

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zu, were considered serious enough to deny a person par­ ticipation in Holy Communion. In this way a clear bound­ ary was made to separate Christians from non-Christians in the observance of taboos, traditional feasts, festivals, sacri­ fices, ceremonies, and whatever else they considered to be superstitions. On the other hand, customs and practices which they considered social and not religious were encouraged or slightly modified. These included the practice of tlawmngaihna, helping and comforting a bereaved family in grave digging, helping neighbors in the jhums, and constructing houses. The Christians and non-Christians thus were able to live together peacefully in the same village. Although at the be­ ginning there was some friction in the village, including derisive songs about the Christians, for the most part the Christians were not regarded as having forsaken the tribe and its total way of life and they were thus accepted. The Mizo Christians, so far as evidence testifies, never consid­ ered themselves as having been denationalized, in the sense that Christianity had robbed them of their Mizoness.

Conclusion Mizoram Christianity is far from perfect. The changes that have been experienced are not perfect. There have been many valuable elements that have been censured by Christianity. For example, the joyous festivals, the indigenous songs with their rich poetical languages, and the indigenous musical times have been dubbed as pagan and therefore, were not permitted in Christianity. Also, the western individualism with its tendency to selfishness, and the separation of reli­ gion from 'worldly enjoyment/ the tendency to regard any­ thing that does not directly connected with religion as worldly, and therefore undesirable as Christians, have con­ siderably undermine the Mizo's practice of entertainment. Although Christian ideal have been the ideal of many Mizo,

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in reality, the majority of the Mizo have not been able to ap­ ply that ideal in the realms of everyday life such as politics, business, office works and the like. The extreme other world­ liness of the Mizo Christianity have failed largely to cope with corruption in business and politics, and secular enjoy­ ment. However, as a whole, Christianity have done im­ measurable good to the Mizo not only as an individuals, but also in the society. Without Christianity, the Mizo would never have become what they are today - a fast developing people, a people that have been largely transformed by the power of the gospel.

Chapter 15

FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTED TO THE ARREST OF MASS MOVEMENTS TOWARDS CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA Dr. F. Hrangkhuma The term Mass Movement is well known. But to define it to the satisfaction of all is an impossibility. Different terms have been suggested such as group movements,1 people move­ ments2, or as K.S. Latourette described it as "winning groups"3. In this study we define Mass Movement as fairly rapid conversions to Christianity over a fairly short period of time without too drastically separating the converts from their original sociological groups. The conversions may be as a result of group decisions, or as families or as individu­ als, who, as a result of their conversions, were not completely J. Waskom Pickett, Christian Mass Movement in India, Lucknow Publishing House, 1933, p. 23. According to him, the essential nature of mass move­ ment is group conversion. He writes, "whether a group, larger than the family, accustomed to exercise a measure of control over the social and religious life of the individuals that compose it accpets the Christian reli­ gion... the essential principle of the mass movement is evident." P. 23. 2. Donald A. McGavran, Understanding Church Growth, Grand Rapids, Michi­ gan, Eerdmans, 1982 (Revd,), pp. 334-336. He defines it as "A people movement results from the joint decision of a number of individuals whether five or five hundred - all from the same people, which enable them to become Christians without social dislocation, which remaining in full contact with their non-christian relatives, thus enabling other groups of that people, across the years, after suitable instruction, to come to simi­ lar decisions and form Christian Churches made up exclusively of mem­ bers of that people" p. 335. If we accept Pickett's and McGavran's defini­ tions, then we have to exclude most of North East India from group con­ versions or people movements. 3. Missions Tomorrow, New York, Harper, 1936, p. 159.

1.

FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTED TO THE ARREST OF MASS MOVEMENT

313

ostracized, but could continue to live among their original socio-cultural groups, albeit with mild 'persecutions'. This normally resulted in the possibility of organizing the con­ verts in churches on linguistics and socio-cultural lines, and enhanced the converts to continously rub shoulders with their own people, and thereby enhancing a more intimate witness. Such mass movements to Christianity had occured in India in the past and more than one half of the total Chris­ tian population is claimed to be the product of these move­ ments.4However, most mass movements have been arrested before the entire groups became Christian and in most cases, there do not seem to be any sign that the movements will pick up again, although individual conversions in small and mostly unrelated instances, are still taking place. In some places there seem to occur some reverse movements5. What are the reasons for such a situation? Trying to pin causes exclusively to any factors can be risky. And no single factor can cause such decline and arrest. All that we venture to attempt in this study is to discuss various factors that possibly contributed to the arrest of mass movements, with a caution. Can we generalize that factors at all India level? Situations are different and therefore, while some factors may be applicable to South India, some may not be relevant at all. We need to know this as we discuss the factors that seem to contribute to the arrest of the mass move­ ments. If that is the case, is it possible to attempt to find some general principles that will help us perceive the nature of Christian mission, especially as it pertains to organize new believers into church? We are in the era of contextualization or inculturation in our understanding of mission, and its 4. 5.

Actual statistics are not available. The claim varies from around 60% to as high as 85%. Mumtaz Ali Khan, Mass Conversion ofMeenakshipuram, Madras, CLS, 1983.

314

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

specific context demands specific contextualization. Since this is the case is it even necessary to try to identify general principles that will function at least as foundational to spe­ cific contextualization? Are there supra-cultural elements in Christian mission that need socio-cultural contextualization or inculturation - in specific local contexts? Paul G. Hiebert6 suggests that it is now time to consider globalizing our mis­ sion perspectives as we have already witnessed the era of mission colonialism, and are at present in the era of reaction to that, calling for critical contextualization. We are in dan­ ger of over reacting to the evil of colonialism, and 'reaction­ ary' is not productive, because it leads to extremes, leaving us as separate islands of subjective beings, and to absolute theological relativism that denies the uniqueness of Christ, undermining mission and evangelism and in the end, pre­ cipitates the demise of missiology as a discipline of study. Is globalism, in the sense of supra-culturalism, compatible with contextualization? Methodology is vital in any scholarly study. In this re­ search, we follow multiple methodologies, taking into ac­ count historical, socio-cultural that includes politics, econom­ ics, and culture and customs, and religions taking into con­ sideration of both theoretical and empirical phenomena. This means not only making use of multiple research methods, but also being aware of the above mentioned methodolo­ gies and perceiving the issues from historical, socio-cultural and religious perspectives. One helpful approach to the issue is the study of why peoples converted to Christianity. J. Waskom Pickett had done extensive and excellent research almost seven decades ago, which was published under the tide, Christian Mass Movements in India7. This book remains the most thorough 6. 7.

Anthropological Reflections on Missiological Issues, Grand Rapids, Michigan, Baker 1994, pp. 53-103. Lucknow, Lucknow Publishing House, 1933.

FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTED TO THE ARREST OF MASS MOVEMENT

315

dealing with the subject to this date. In his section on mo­ tives, Pickett grouped the motives of conversion into four namely, spiritual, secular, social and natal. These do not ex­ haust the factors that contributed to the mass movements, is clear throughout the book. The reasons for conversions, or the factors that contributed to the conversions were many and complex. The absence or decrease of those factors defi­ nitely decrease the chance of mass movement.8 Another helpful approach, closely related to the above is the study of factors that contributed to the continuing rapid spread of Christianity as in the case of Mizoram and Nagalnad.9A comparative study can be most helpful in this area. For example, a comparative study on the responses of the Naga tribes to Christianity, especially, trying to find an­ swers to questions such as why were some Naga tribes, (e.g. Ao) - very responsive and became Christians in to to, but why were some of them (Agnami) - slow in accepting Chris­ tianity? Another comparative study may be helpful on mega 8.

Quite a few scholars have studied the reasons for the responsiveness of the Indian tribals to Christianity some of which are Stephen Fuchs. The Aboriginal Tribes of India, Delhi, McMillan, 1973; D.B. Forrester, "The De­ pressed Classes and Conversions to Christianity" in Religion in South Asia, ed. by G.A. Oddie, New Delhi, Manohar, 1991, Rvd & enlarged, pp. 65-93; M.M. Thomas and Richard W. Taylor, Eds., Ttibal Awakening, Bangalore, QSRS, 1965; Augustine Kanjamala, Religion and Modernization of India: A Case Study of Northern Orissa, Pune, Ishvani Kendra, 1981; Sunder Raj, The Confusion called Conversion, N. Delhi, TRACI, 1986; F. Hrangkhuma, Mizoram Transformational Change: A Study ofthe Processes andNature ofMizo Cultural Change and Factors that contributed to the Change, An unpublished Ph. D. Dissertation, Pasadena, Fuller Theological Seminary, 1989.1 have summarized the findings of these scholars in "Christ and Tribal Culture", in Christ and Culture, Ed., by Jacob Kavunkal and F. Hrangkhuma, Bom­ bay, St. Pauls (FOIM Series 2), 1994, pp. 139-153.

9.

Quite a few scholars have investigated on this subject - such as Frederick and Margaret Stock, People Movements in the Punjab, Bombay, GLS, 1978, especially pp. 109-162; C.L. Hminga, The Life and Witness of the Church in Mizoram, Serkawn, BCM, 1987, especially pp. 267-286; Phuveyi Dozo, The Growth of the Baptist Church in Chakhsang Naga Tribe (India), by the Author, 1978; K.I. Aiei; The Growth of Baptist Church in Meghalaya, Guwahati, CLS, 1978.

316

CHRISTIANITY DMINDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

tribes or castes basis. For example, why were the Mizo and kin tribes very responsive everywhere and not the Karbi in Assam? Although such growth factors are not included in this paper, the research had been done with full awareness of the helpfulness of such venture. Another helpful element is to study the impact of the mass movements upon the people, especially of the converts. Several helpful publications are available to us.10In the study of the impact of Christianity upon the people and their cul­ ture, two approaches are evident, namely, the etic approach, as outsiders have the possibility of a more objective descrip­ tion than the emic approach, which have the possibility of subjective analyzation. As supplementary, a combination of the two approaches are of tremendous advantages. How does people become Christian? Can be another helpful question. Donald A. McGavran suggested that this is the most important question so far as Church growth is concerned. He asserted that becoming Christians by group decisions, or as cluster of families, following kinship web, or multi-individual-interdependent are the most viable ways of rapid church growth, among peoples where group con10. Studies such as Hminga op.cit; Chawngthan Pari, Western Impact on Soci­ ety in Mizoram, M.Phil Thesis, NEHU, 1982; F.S. Downs, 1. Christianity in North East India, Delhi ISPCK, 1983; 2. History of Christianity in India, Volume V, Part 5, 1992; This is a revised and updated version of no (1); 3. Eassays on Christianity in North East India, New Delhi, Indus Pub­ lishing Co., 1994; Lalhmuaka, Zoram Zima Lam Chhinchhiahna, Aizawl, Tribal Research In­ stitute, 1981; Nalini Natarajan, The Missionary Among the Khasis, New Delhi, Sterling, 1977; Sachchidananda, Culture Change in Tribal Bihar, Munda and Oraon, Calcutta, Bookland, 1964: Saiaithanga, Mizo Kohhran Chanchin, Aizawl, Regional Theological Literature, 1976; Donna Strom, Winds through the Bamboo, Madras, CLS, 1983; Kanjamala op.cit., A. Lakra, "Christianity and Tribal Identity" in Religion and Society, Vol. XXXVI, no. 2,1989, pp. 2243 and J. Puthenpurkal, ed., Impact of Christianity in North East India, Shillong, Vendrame, 1996. 11. D A . McGavran, Understanding Church Growth, Grand Rapids, Michigan Eerdmans, Rev. 19882.

FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTED TO THE ARREST OF MASS MOVEMENT

317

sdousness is very strong11. McGavran is probably right, but this question of the 'how' of conversion is of minor impor­ tance for our purpose, because it does not give us much material as to why the movements are arrested. With this introduction, we can now examine the factors that contributed to the arrest of mass movements in India one by one. However, we must bear in mind that most of the factors are closely inter-related and therefore, overlapping. 1. Historical Factor: F.S. Downs believes that historical contexts and conditions cannot be replicated, and the reasons for mass movements and their subsequent decline found their explanation in par­ ticular contexts, and that has been the arguments, at least by implication, both by him and John C.B. Wester12. Down's argument is right so far as the initial stages were concerned. As Paul Pierson says, "there appear to be certain times when the contextual situations are 'right' so that something really happens"13. Several of our informants also agreed to this. M. Dravian said that factors that were responsible for mass movements are no longer present today.14D.S. George Muller andAbraham Lincoln argued that since people are now edu­ cated mass movements are no longer possible. Abraham Lin­ coln opines that in some remote villages, it may still be pos­ sible. R. Joseph, M. Dravidius, Christy Chakravarthy, and other argued that since people are now developed, mass movement is no longer possible. J.W. Gladstone argued by clear implications that the historical factors played a lead­ ing role both to generate mass movements and contributed to their decline.15 In my study of the reasons for the recep12. Personal letter to the author 2 Nov. 1995, the books he refers to are - Chris­ tianity in North East India, op.cit, and Webster, The Dalit Christians: A His­ tory, Delhi, ISPCK, 1994. 13. Paul E. pierson, History of Missions, Lecture Note, Fuller Theological Semi­ nary, SWM, 1985. 14. Interviewed on 15/8/96 at his residence. 15. Gladstone, op.cit.

318

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

tivity of the tribals to Christianity, I pointed out two major historical situations that contributed to their receptivity. The first was that Christians missions arrived at a time when many tribals, particularly in Chotanagpur, were feeling their oppressed situation heavily and groaning under the corrupt and exploitative social structures. Second, the colonization of India and the administration of the tribals by the British opened the door of tribals for the missionaries in most cases.16 However, contextual-historical situations, although largely responsible for the favorable conditions for mass movements, and largely contributed to their arrest, cannot be the only factor that caused the decline of mass movement. Mass movement is still possible as clearly proved by the 1956 movement to Neo-Buddhism in Maharashtra and more re­ cently in Meenakshipuram, and some recent conversion movements in various places. Our definition that includes both group conversions and individual conversions, result­ ing in a Church composed of people from the same socio­ logical group, I am convinced is still possible. The more rel­ evant concern for our subject however, is, is the historical factor, the only one that contributed to the decline and arrest of mass movement? The answer is, no, although historical contexts and development played a very important role, there are some factors that definitely contributed to the arrest of mass movement 2. Methodological Factors: This includes the missionaries7 attitudes to, and participa­ tion/identification in, the cultures of the people, the means, ways and methods of communication, the extent of indigenization and inculturation, the contextualization of the gospel and theology in general and related matters. This is a critical study, highlighting the negative side of the mission­ ary endeavours in India, and it does not mean that we are not blind to the many positive contributions the foreign mis­ 16. Hrangkhuma, op.cit., pp.144-145.

FACTORS THAI CONTRIBUTED TO THE ARREST OF MASS MOVEMENT

319

sionaries have made.

2.1 Missionaries'Failures to Incarnate: No human can completely incarnate into another society, no outside can go 'native' completely. But the principle of in­ carnation is a sound missionary principle. A missionary should identify himself/herself, with the people to whom he/she is sent to the maximum of human possibility. Entering into other's culture is not simple. Western mis­ sionaries largely failed in this area. They entered into an­ other sodo-cultural context as missionaries, which term was strange and there was no given status and roles in that soci­ ety. Paul G. Hiebert describes this graphically.17 The male missionaries were called "dora” in India. The word is used for rich farmers and small time kings. These petty rulers bought large pieces of land, put up compound walls, built bungalows and had servants. They also erected other big bungalows, walled in, where missionary ladies lived with their servants. The missionary wives were called "dorasani", meaning., "mistress" whom the missionary often took with him in his travel. Not only that, since the missionaries were mostly white and most often taking full advantage of the privileges given by the colonial rulers, he/she is regarded as part and parcel of colonial rulers. These two statuses and roles were given to them by the natives.And subsequently the relationship between the new Christian and the missionaries were at best as "spiritual fa­ ther" and "spiritual children" and at worst between master and servants. All these, in short, resulted in 'distant rela­ tionship' and the missionaries could never really identity with the natives. 17. Paul G. Hiebert, "Social Structures and and Church Growth" in Perspec­ tives on the World Christian Movement: A Reader. Ed. by Ralph D. Winter and Steven C. Hawthorne, Pasadena, Wm. Carey Library, 1981, pp. 380389.

320

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

Identification here, does not mean only formal relation­ ship. 'The issue" Hiebert maintains, is mental map and ba­ sic feelings. If we, indeed see and feel ourselves to be one of them, this message will come through, even if we have different life styles. A national gives us his best food, lets us sleep in his guest room and use his oxcart, and we share with him our best food, guest room and car. The principle is not formal equality but true love and mutual reprodty. A sense of oneness with the people creates in us an interest in learn­ ing more about them, and in sharing in their culture. Our example is Christ who, because of His love, became incarnate among us in order to bring us God's good news!1*

One of the most obvious proofs of the failure of the mis­ sionaries to incarnate and identify with them in mutual reci­ procity is in the area of marriage. It was unthinkable, almost a taboo, so it seems, for the missionaries to marry the na­ tives. There are not many examples to dte because it was almost a taboo for the missionaries. J.W. Gladstone, how­ ever, gives us two dear cases when two English missionar­ ies were harassed by their colleagues, and eventually ostra­ cized, purely on the ground of their marriages with the na­ tive women.19 This failure resulted in many practices and developments that were not condudve to a healthy growth of the Church and impeded further extension. 2.1:1 First is the failure to communicate the gospeal at the deepest level - the world level. Worldview is people's assump­ tion of reality, the way people see or perceive their world, the way they know it to be*20This result in monological com­ munication, simply "relating" the gospel, ignoring what is

18. Ibid. P. 384. 19. Gladstone, op.cit., Pp. 191-194. 20. David Hesselgrave, "Worldview and Contextualization" in Perspectives... op.cit. p. 401.

FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTED TO THE ARREST OF MASS MOVEMENT

321

happening in the decoding process. Hesselgrave writes, "one gets the distinct impression that in some cases the motiva­ tion is to deliver the soul of the missionary rather than to save the souls of those who hear him/'21 2:1:2 Another obvious result is that the changes that have been affected by the missionaries were enforced or even imposed changes. Since they largely failed to communicate at the level of worldview, instead of advocating changes, and enhanc­ ing innovation, that is changes coming from within, mis­ sionaries actually change many cultural elements, by rejec­ tion, modification, substitution and imposing new elements. Such changes can never really be healthy. It resulted in new . situations which are very strange to live and function for the converts. 2:2:3 Another obvious outcome is evidenced in the area of contextualization or inculturation. Most missionaries were unaware that their theologies were culturally conditioned and therefore, they failed to differentiate the supra-cultural elements from the culturally conditioned elements in their theologies. Gospel and western cultures were identified largely as one and the same. Western theologies, with all their philosophies and forms were imposed on the natives. The recent development in theological contextualization is a welcome missionary principle. 2:1:4 The obvious outcome of the Missionaries' failure to incarnate themselves was the planting of exotic churches in India. Denominational churches, almost exact copies of the west were planted, without much relationship with one another, and almost completely unrelated to the cultures and customs of the people in the midst of which the churches were planted. This is the result of the incamational failure, failure to communicate the gospel at the levels of worldview using indigenous ways of communication, and failure to

21. Ibid.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

contextualize. The movement to indigenize the churches largely failed up to this time. The churches in India, by and large, still have the appearance of being hybrid. 2:1:5 Yet another outcome of the incamational failure is seen in the area of leadership. Instead of the biblical con­ cept of servant-leadership, the missionaries played paren­ tal-authoritarian role. The missionary was in-charge of eve­ rything. Quite a few fell into the quagmire of "empire build­ ing". Hiebert aptly describes as follows:From a structural perspective, it is a vertical role in which commu­ nication proceeds from top to down. There is little feed back from the bottom up. People below comply with the orders from above, but often do not internalize the message and make it their own.22

The leadership style they have practiced is compounded by the Indian societies' hierarchical stratification and the oppressive as well as depressive social conditions of the mass movement peoples. Once a person is elected to top leader­ ship position he/she most often acted dictatorially as if he/ she is the 'law' itself, with tremendous power that most of­ ten led to corruption, leadership fight and the like. Several of our interviewees - testify that the leaders that took over responsibilities from the missionaries were mostly illequipped, lacking commitment, vision, busy with in-fight­ ing, and often fell into the temptation of money, position and power.23 2:2 Another result o f the incam ational failure is the mas­ sive material possessions of the Missions that have resulted in so many financial burden for the Indian churches, court cases and litigations, thus largely marring the testimony of the Indian Churches. The above in brief, is methodological factors that most definitely contributed to the arrest of mass movements in 22. Hiebert, "Social Structures..." op.cit., p. 383. 23. For example, Rev. Bennet (Hyderabad), John Wesley (Telugu), Prof. D.S. George (Palayankottai), Rev. R Joseph (Madras).

FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTED TO THE ARREST OF MASS MOVEMENT

323

India. We cannot be too harsh on the missionaries in this failure. They were people of their own time, and in fact they have done much better in this area than the colonial traders. They have done a lot of good things (may be too much). However, we should not be blind to their mistakes and fail­ ures. We need to learn some positive principles and prac­ tices as we continue to witness for Christ and His kingdom in India. Failure to practice the incamational principles, briefly and sketchfully describted above, most probably is one of the major factors in the arrest of mass movements, and the weakness of the Churches in India as a whole. 3. Religious and Spiritual Factors This includes the resurgence of non-christian religions, the non-christians attitude to their religions and Christianity, the Christians' understanding of, and commitment to, Christi­ anity, the Christians7experience of revival, ecclesiology, and the Christians' commitment to, and participation in, mission and evangelization.

3.1 Resurgence o f non-Christian religions It is a proven fact that one of the effects of Christian mis­ sions in India has been the resurgence of Hinduism, begin­ ning in the 19th century, and is still going on. This is testi­ fied to by most of our interviewees. Hinduism once again became a missionary religion, and even became militant, is evident in the activities of Rama Krishna mission and the RSS, to name a few. The rise of guruism is another contem­ porary phenomenon, and its influence spreads beyond the borders of India. The revived Hinduism not only retrenched the spread of Christianity by strengthening its adherents, but also by extending its influence on the tribals and the Dalits, and by retrieving some. Moreover, the militancy of the RSS all over India, have made it much more difficult to do mission and evangelization. Coupled with this is the absence of the pro­ tecting arms of the Colonial administration. The so-called

324

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

Freedom of Religion Bills in operation in Madhya Pradesh and Orissa are in actuality anti-conversion bills. This is the new religious situation in Hindu India which formed roughly 85% of Indian population, that was absent during the pe­ riod when the major mass movements took place.

32 Their understanding o f their religion in the present time Most of the tribal respondents to our questionnaire are fol­ lowers of their own tribal religions, generally described as animism. The followers of Hinduism, Islam and Buddhism are very negligible. Most of the respondents from the caste background are Hindus, and followers of other religions are negligible. Altogether 1280 questionnaires were returned from nonchristian groups. The break up is as follows: Khasi -124; Garo100; Kharia - 113; Oraon - 92; Munda - 113; Nadar - 139; Thevar-149; Madiga -156; Mala -148 and Pan -146. The following table shows how non-christians under­ stand their religions. The quesiton is - What does your reli­ gion mean to you? SI. No.

Statement

%

1.

It is out of date and irrelevant religion

8.984

2.

It does not satisfy my spiritual hunger.

9.218

3.

It does not liberate me from social and economic oppressions.

9.296

4.

It is a costly, burdensome religion.

9.453

5.

It is a superstitious, meaningless religion.

9.687

6.

It satisfies my spiritual hunger, giving me hope, peace and power to face life situation.

27.031

It is relevant to daily life, giving me guidance as to how to live

21.484

It helps liberate me socially and economically.

14.375

9.

It gives meaning and purpose in life.

18.125

10.

It suits our way of life.

19.843

7. 8.

FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTED TO THE ARREST OF MASS MOVEMENT

SL No. 11. 12.

325

Statement

%

It has been our religion for generations, and it is as good as any.

33.825

It is the best and most relevant religion.

29.530

Table 1: showing how non-christians understand their religion and what it means to them.

Statements nos. 1-5 are negative and nos. 6-12 are positive. More than one half of them tick more than one statement. The respondent to the first five negative statements look much the same. Quite a few of them tick more than one nega­ tive statements. The majority however, tick only one state­ ment. The following table shows a detail breakdown of how each people groups responded to the questions - What does your religion mean to you? Stmt Khas ssl i #

Gar o

Orao n

Mund a

Khari a

Theva r

Nada r

Madig Mala a

2.173

12.389 9

17.69 1

2.684

10.07

5.769

9.459

2.654

6.194

4.697 6

16.54

8.974

8.783 5.479

3.539

8.849

6.040 1

10.79

21.153 6

11.48 2.054

16.81

5.369 9

25.17

8.333

2.027 7.534

6,194

6.194 5

20.80 3

33.09

1.923

3.378 2,739

1.

0.806

31

2.

2.419

40

3.

2.419

24

4.

2.419

29

1.612

4

Pan

4.109

5.

2.419

18

6.

51.61 2

45

38.04 3

27.433

30.97 3

18.97 1

17.26 6

25.000

3.378 27.39 7

7.

43.54 8

28

22.82 6

25.663

16.81 4

16.77 8

32.37 4

8.974

8.108 19.17 8

8.

18.54 8

33

6.521

1.769

9.734

8.724

26.61 8

1.923

5.405 32.87 6

I

326

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA; SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

Sf»f Khas Gar sal i o «

Otao n

Mund a

Thm r

Nada

a

Khari

r

Madig Mala a

Pan

9.

3629 0

30

14.13 2.654 0

15.04 4

13.42 2

30.21 5

4.487

5.405 32.19 1

10.

50.00 35 0

10.86 2.654 9

11.50 4

14.09 3

20.86 3

4.487

5.405 45.20 5

11.

60.48 82 3

43.47 31.858 8

11.50 5

28.18 7

19.42 4

4.487

11.48 64.39 6 3

12.

51.61 50 2

13.04 5.309 3

31.85 8

20.13 4

20.86 3

29.487

10.13 61.64 5 3

Table 2: showing how each people groups understand their own religion.

Only roughly 37.% of the respondents responded to this particular questions. Over-all, only 9.32% have negative un­ derstanding of their religions, and about 27% are positive about their religions. What about the 63% who have not re­ sponded to this question about their attitudes towards their religion? Is it a sign that they are somewhat negative or un­ sure? We cannot make conclusion on the basis of silence, but some guessing may be done. Probably they are not sure of their religion, just among the mass of people who do not really care very much for religion. According to table 2, the Pan prove to be the most satis­ fied group in their religion. The response to this question is also high, over 80% responded. Next comes the Khasi with 54% positive about their religion. But 44% have not re­ sponded to this question. However, more than one half of them are positive and this is the significant one. Over 50% of the Garos are positive about their religion and their response to this question is fairly good, only 21% did not respond to this question. The Malas seem least satisfied with their reli­ gion but only 16% responded to this question. These per­ centages, though not conclusive may indicate the receptiv­ ity or otherwise of a people towards change of religion.

FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTED TO THE ARREST OF MASS MOVEMENT

327

Three sets of questons are asked to discover their knowl­ edge of, and attitudes to, Jesus and Christianity. The following table shows how they respond to the ques­ tion, 'Who is Jesus?' SI. No.

Statem ent

Percentage

1.

I do not know

13.046

2.

He is one o f the deities

29,531

3.

He is the Christian God.

40.546

4.

He is Westerners' God.

15.937

5.

He is a good God.

35.234

6.

He is irrelevant to me.

4.453

Table 3: showing the non-christian (acquaintance) knowledge of Jesus.

About 86% have some knowledge of Jesus. Quite a few of them have responded to all the statements in nos. 2-6. It is noteworthy that only 16% says Jesus is the Westerners' God, and 4.'453% says He is irrelevant to them. Among the re­ spondents, a mixed people from the urban and rural areas, Jesus is widely known. Is He worshipped? Most probably the 29.531% worshipped Him. The following table shows how they respond to the quesiton - 'What is Christianity?' SI. No.

Statem ent

Percentage

1.

I do not know

10.078

2.

It is a foreign religion.

33,046

3.

It is one of India's religion.

33.203

4.

It is a good religion.

36.171

5.

It is a bad religion.

10.703

Table 3: showing the non-christian knowledge and understanding of Christianity.

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

A little than 90% knows about Christianity. This means that Christianity is known by more people than people who know Jesus. The number who say Jesus is a good God, and Christianity is a good religion are almost the same. But a higher percentage says Christianity is a foreign religion than those who say Jesus is a westerners' God. It is significant to note also that only 10.703% say Christianity is a bad reli­ gion. What do all these mean? The following table shows how the question - 'Who and What are the Christians?' SI. No.

Statement

Percentage

1.

I do not know

9.296

2.

They are followers of foreign religion.

24.453

3.

They are good people (trustworthy, honest, loving, thoughtful, clean, etc.).

44.375

The are bad people, (dishonest, morally loose, arrogant, having questionable habits).

5.468

They are betrayers of our people, our way of life and unpatriotic.

8.203

They are just like us, some are bad, some are good.

38.281

4.

5. 6.

Table 5: showing the non-christian knowledge of the Christians

The percentage of those who profess not to know Jesus, Christianity and Christians, though not exactly the same, is fairly consistent. But there is some inconsistency in the per­ centages regarding Jesus as the Westerner's God (15.937%), Christianity is a foreign religion (33.046%) and Christians as followers of foreign religion (24.453%). This shows that some respondents have not been aware of the inconsistency of their answer. However, it is possible to maintain that about 25% of them regarded Christianity as foreign religion. How do we conclude this section? It is clear that Hindu resurgence and the resurgence of tribal religion, especially

FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTED TO THE ARREST OF MASS MOVEMENT

329

the Khasis, is definitely a factor that contributed to the ar­ rest of mass movement. Jesus and Christianity are fairly well known, and the in­ clusive nature of Hinduism does not exclude Jesus Christ as one of the gods, and Christianity as one of the paths to the ultimate reality. This seems to be the case with our respond­ ents, and if this is the case, than the modem Indians in gen­ eral will not think of conversion to Christianity as an an­ swer to whatever dilemma they may be facing. 3:3 Christian Nominalism Nominalism here is meant as those who are Christians in name or hold Christianity as their religion, but are lacking in practical commitment to Jesus Christ, Christianity and its implications. Most of the interviewees are vociferous in their claim that nominalism plagued the churches in India. Many Chris­ tians are church goers only. Many, especially in Andhra Pradesh are afraid to be known as Christians for fear of los­ ing the benefits given by the Indian Government to the Scheduled Castes. 1307 Christians have returned the questionnaire as fol­ lows:- Khasi -122,; Garo - 149; Oraon - 141; Munda - 105; Kharia - 98; Thevar - 124; Nadar - 148; Madiga -131; Mala 141; Pan - 148. Among these 140 are converts from Hindu­ ism and 75 from tribal religions. To the question - 'What are the benefits of being a Chris­ tian to you?' Eleven statements are made to tick in order of choice. The following table shows the percentage of first choice for each statement. SI. No. 1. 2.

Statement

Percentage

It gives me new life here and assurance of salvation in the life to come.

68.70

It gives me peace of heart and mind.

14.23

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

SI. No.

Statement

Percentage

It gives me joy and a measure of contentment in my situation.

2.98

4.

It gives me an ethical ideal to strive for.

1.22

5.

It gives me a moral strength.

1.759

6.

It liberates m e from social, racial and sexual discrimination.

1.22

7.

It gives me meaning and purpose in life.

3.06

8.

It helps me to relate to, and serve others with love and concern.

3.51

9.

It gives me religious identity.

1.91

10.

It gives me social acceptance and identity.

0.459

11.

It helps me in my economic life, giving me economic benefits.

0535

3.

Table 6: Showing the percentage of 1st choices.

For 68.70% Christianity, first of all, means experiencing new life on this earth, and being assured of salvation in the life to come. 14.23% chose no. 2 (It gives me peace of heart and mind) as their second choice, whereas 14.23% made it as their first choice. 2.98% chose no. 3 as their third choice. From nos. 4-10, the percentage of choices for them are fairly even, this means 4th choice for no. 4, so and so forth, are slightly higher, except in the case of no. 11 which is chosen by 32.823% as their last choice. The following table shows the respondents' choices as to what Christianity means to them. Statement

Percentage

1.

It is one of the religions to which 1 incidentally belong, and nothing more.

13.54

2.

It is more than a religion, it is a way of life, but not uniquely different from other ways of lfie and religions.

SI. No.

10.32

FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTED TO THE ARREST OF MASS MOVEMENT

SI. No. 3. 4.

Statement It is an out of date, old fashioned religion, not relevant to modem age. It is my religion, unique and different from all other religions, providing me the only true way of salvation and the best way of life.

331

Percentage 1.45

74.75

Table 7: showing what Christianity means to them.

It is celar that the vast majority of the respondents are exclusivist Christians. The following table shows what the respondents con­ sider the most important thing for them. Statement

Percentage

1.

To live for Jesus, serving Him through His church. The rest are secondary.

85.921

2.

To get ahead in life - in position and material prosperity, the rest, including religion, are secondary.

3.519

To be religious, faithful in the Church, but not fanatically, and to strive for material prosperity.

7.957

Material wealth is the most important thing in life.

1.377

Prominent Social position and fame are the most important things in my life.

0.994

SI. No.

3:

4. 5.

Table 8: showing what Christian respondents think as the most important in their life.

According to these finding, the Christians seem to grasp the basic meaning of being a Christian and in their ideal, very committed. There are very few crash materialists and secularists. It appears that the finding of the questionnaire and the observations of the interviewees, are not supplemen­ tary in the question of nominalism. But, is it possible that their ideal has no reality in their life?

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CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA; SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

3:4 Ecclesiastical Factor Something has already been mentioned about the failure to indigenize the churches in India as a whole. The structures of the churches and theologies are almost exact copies of that of the West. Like exotic plants, the churches by and large stand in India too much apart from the Indian customs and cultures, nourished with imported food, as it were. There seems a general misunderstanding of the nature and essence of the Church, whether Episcopal or non-episcopal, highly structured or less structured, in general the structures and denominations of the church in India are very rigid, and largely hindered the free movement and working of the Holy Spirit in His own household. The essential essence of the Church of God, I believe, are commitemnt to the one God in three persons, adherents to Jesus Christ as Lord and Saviour according to the Bible, Fel­ lowship (koinonia) of believers through baptism, the Lord's Supper, in prayer and praise, serving one another and in witnessing. The structures of the Church should be flexible, culturally relevant and Biblically viable. It is vital that the people be encouraged to work out what structure is most suitable for themselves in their context. This, I believe is the biblical principle. The structure, as Paul G. Hiebert, suggests, should be centered set, rather than bounded set. This is simi­ lar to M.M. Thomas' suggestion of some sort of an open Church. 3:5 Revival A major factor in the rapid spread of Christianity in Mizoram and Nagaland has been revival movements.24It is found that in almost all other mass movements areas, there has been no significant revival movement. Among the Khasi, the revival movement in the first decade of the 20th century had sparked 24. Hminga, op.cit. Dozo, op.cit. Hrangkhuma, op.cit. Among several other sources.

FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTED TO THE ARREST OF MASS MOVEMENT

333

off a rapid spread of Christianity. But that revival has not been repeated in any significant way. The Sialkot revivals are well known and they have tremendously contributed to the rapid spread of Christianity in that area. 3:6 Absence o f Vigorous Mission and Evangelization The majority of our informants have testified that generally there is no vigorous program of mission and evangelization. It is found out through questionnaire that a good number of non-christians know about Jesus and Christianity. Only 13% of the non-christians professed not to know Jesus. The following table shows how the 87% non-christian respondents came to know Jesus. The question - 'if you know about Jesus, how did you come to know Him?' Statement

SL No.

Percentage

1.

Through reading the Bible.

33.760

2.

Through reading Christian literature.

20.768

3.

By listening to Radio.

27.264

4.

Through Street Preaching.

29.094

5.

Through personal witness of Christians.

18.481

6.

By watching Christian TV, Videos, Films...

13.540

7.

Any Other?

5.489

Table 9: showing how non-Christians came to know about Jesus. It is celar that there are some attempts to make Jesus known to non-Christians, and now we will see the Chris­ tians' participation in mission and evangelization. The following table shows their response to the ques­ tion 'Have you been sharing the gospel of Jesus with non-

334

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA; SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

Christians so that they may understand and accept Jesus as their Lord and Saviour'? Statement

SI. No.

Percentage

1.

Never

18.056

2.

Yes, Occasionally

65.340

3.

Yes, Regularly

14.613

Table 10: showing the regularity of sharing the Gospel.

The following table shows how the Christians have shared the Gospel. Statement

SI. No.

Percentage

1.

By Personal Witness

39.250

2.

By Participating in Team Ministry

26.930

3.

By distributing Gospel Literature

17214

4.

By inviting them to come to Church Services

34.483

By inviting them to listen to Christian Radio.

8.033

By inviting them to watch Christian video, TV & film

6.426

Any Other

5.660

5. 6. 7.

Table 11: showing Christians share the Gospel

It is worthwhile to compare between how non-christians came to know about Jesus and how the Christians share the Gospel. 39.25% Christians share the Gospel personally, but only 18.481% came to know Jesus through personal witness. 17.214% Christians share the gospel through literature and 54.528% came to know Jesus through reading the Bible and

FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTED TO THE ARREST OF MASS MOVEMENT

335

other Christian literature. 8.033% Christians invite nonchristians to listen to Christian radio, and 27.264% have come to know Jesus through radio ministry. Personal witnesses appear to be less effective than literature and radio ministry. The following table shows how regularly the Christians pray for others. The Question is - 'Have you been praying for non-christians so that they may come to know Jesus and accept Him as their Lord and Saviour?' SI. No.

Statem ent

Percentage

1.

Never

8.416

2.

Yes, Occasionally

44.605

3.

Yes, Regularly

47.054

Table 12: showing how the Christians pray for non-christians

The following table shows the Christians respond to the ques­ tions - 'Have you been praying for the poor, oppressed and exploited people, deprived of normal human rights so that they may be liberated?'____________ ___________ SI. No.

Statem ent

Percentage

1.

Never

2.

Yes, Occasionally

43.381

3.

Yes, Regularly

46.977

7.574

Table 13: showing how the Christians pray fo r the marginalized.

The following table shows the Christians response to the questions - 'Have you been participating in voluntary serv­ ices, especially conducted by your church or other Christian Organizations, to help the needy?' SI. No.

Statem ent

Percentage

1.

Never

17.674

2.

Yes, Occasionally

53.863

3.

Yes, Regularly

25.784

Table 14: showing the regularity of Christians in participating in organized humanitarian service

336

CHRISTIANITY IN INDIA: SEARCH FOR LIBERATION AND IDENTITY

It appears that Christian in general are active in mission and evangelism. But it is difficult to be exact about the number of such activities and the intensity of their participation. 4. Social Factors Social factors includes economic factor, social liberation and general development. A brief account of economic and lib­ eration factors will be attempted.25 4:1 Economic Factors It is generally agreed, and to this we agree as a result of our observation, that mass movement Christians look generally a bit better of economically than their non-christian coun­ terparts. They seem to be more educated and hygenically seem to be better of. But as evidences show, the Dalit and tribal Christians, except in the North East India, have been deprived of economic benefits by the Government in terms of depriving them of developmental help, job and educa­ tional reservations available to their non-Christians coun­ terparts. This is a serious impediment to the Dalit and tribal Christians. As a result, especially in Andhra Pradesh, most Christians develop a dual identity. There might have been some economic benefits for the converts at the initial stage. But as the number of converts increased and in the course of time, instead of benefiting economically, the converts have been much economically deprived especially after the inde­ 25. Readers are referred to: Jose Kananaikil, Scheduled Caste Converts and So­ cial Disabilities, A Survey o f Tamil Nadu, New Delhi, ISI, 1990; Christians of Scheduled Caste Origin, New Delhi, ISI, 1983; Scheduled Castes in Search of Justice Part I: Knocking at the Door o f Lok Sabha, (1986), Part Ü: The Verdict of the Supreme Court (1986) and Part HI: Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Or­ ders (Amendment) Bill, 1990 (1993); Duncan B. Forrester, Caste and Christi­ anity: Attitudes and Policies on Caste of Anglo-Saxon Protestant Missions in India, London and Dublin/Atlantic Highland, Curzon Press, 1980: "The Depress Classes and Conversion to Christianity, 1860-1960", in Oddie, G.A. (ed.), Religion in South Asia, Religious Conversions and Revival Movements in South Asia in Medieval and Modem Times, London, Curzon Press, 1977, pp. 35-66; Indian Christians' Attitudes to Caste in the Nineteenth Century",

FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTED TO THE ARREST OF MASS MOVEMENT

337

pendence of India. This most probably contributed to de­ crease of conversion among the people where mass move­ ments have taken place in the past. 4.2 Liberation Factor Are the mass movement converts really liberated spiritually and socially? The experiences of the Tribal converts and the converts from caste background are not the same. The North East hills tribes have not been socially oppressed and ex­ ploited. The tribes in other regions have been more oppressed and exploited and they were similar to the untouchables or the Scheduled castes. It is a fact known by most that the con­ verts from untouchables have not been socially liberated. Caste system have cast a dark shadow even in the Church in India. The tribal Christians have not been on the same level as converts from other except the Christians from the un­ touchable background. The Christians of Scheduled back­ grounds have been twice oppressed, by the Hindus and by the Christians. Since this is the case, it is no wonder that mass movements have been arrested. Conclusion The major factors that contribted to the decline and arrest of mass movements in India are change of situations, the mis­ sionaries' failure to incarnate, lack of spiritual revival, nonchristians religious reassertions, government's economic deprivation of dalit and tribal Christians, and continuing discrimination on caste basis. Although the effect of these factor vary from region to region, they together contributed to the errest of mass movements in India. The answer to this problem most probably is to be found in the practice of a holistic concept of Christian mission that takes serious con­ sideration to spiritual and socio-economic liberation for the present as well for the age to come. The kingdom of God and the power of the gospel of Jesus Christ is the answer to human ills. *

" T h e h is t o r y o f C h r i s t i a n i t y in I n d ia is v i e w e d as an integral part of the so c io -c u ltu r a l his to ry of the I n d i a n p e o p le rather than as se p a r a t e from it. T h e h i s t o r y wi ll t h e r e f o r e focu s a t t e n t io n u p o n the C h r i s t i a n p e o p l e in Ind ia, u p o n w h o they w e r e and h o w they u n d e r s t o o d t h e m s e l v e s ; u p o n t he ir socia l, reli gi ous , cultu ral and pol itical e n c o u n t e r s ; u po n the c h a n g e s w h i c h these e n c o u n t e r s ha v e p r o d u c e d in th em a n d in t h e ir a p p r o p r ia t io n of the C h r is t ia n g o s p e l as we ll as in the In d i a n cu lt u r es and soc ie ty o f w h i c h t h e y t h e m s e l v e s we r e a pa rt." W h a t are the a t t it u d e s of the C h r i s t i a n s to t h e ir n o n - C h r i s t i a n c o u n t e r p a r ts ? W h a t is t h e i r at t it u d e to t hei r tr ad it ion al c ult ur e and c u s t o m s ? D o th ey ac c e p t the c h u r c h th ey b e l o n g to as their very o w n an d are not s i m p l y p a rt ic ip a t in g in it? D o t hey accept that th e s u r v iv a l, g r o w t h , m in is tr y , w e a k n e s s e s , etc., o f t hei r C h u r c h as t h e ir r e s p o n s i b i l i t y in ev er y s e n s e o f the term, and no t o u t s i d e r s ? Is th e w h o l e C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y a m o n g the p e o p l e g r o u p ac tiv e in the m in is t r y of the C h u r c h and not on ly the fe w sa la rie d w o r k e r s ? W h a t is t h e l e v e l o f c o n t e x t u a l i f c a t i o n / i n c u l t u r a t i o n o f the C h r i s t i a n s in t h e ir w a y s o f life and t h i n k i n g and p e r s p e c t iv e s on n a t io n a l as we ll as t h e i r o w n p e o p l e as a w h o l e ? Are the C h r i s t i a n s real ly and n a t u r a lly fit into I n d i a n w a y s o f lif e? A n d similar questions. T h e 15 c h a p t e r s in this title s p e a k o f s o m e t h i n g d i f fe r e n t, on a s t a t e w i s e b asi s. All in all, it is a s t u d y o f the b a c k w a r d g ro u p s from v a r io u s parts o f I n d i a w h o are l o o k i n g for l ib e ra t io n and identity, in the c on t ex t o f the p r e se n t c o n d i t i o n . Historically, it b r i n g s out im p o r t a n t i n s i g h t s of the p r o c e s s e s of the data a b o u t In d ia n C h r is t ia n s .