Capital: A Critical Analysis of Capitalist Production, London 1887 3320000500, 3320000675

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KARL MARX FRIEDRICH ENGELS GESAMTAUSGABE (MEGA) ZWEITE ABTEILUNG „DAS K A P I T A L " U N D V O R A R B E I T E N BAND 9

Herausgegeben vom Institut für Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung Berlin und vom Institut für Marxismus-Leninismus beim Zentralkomitee der Kommunistischen Partei der Sowjetunion

KARL MARX CAPITAL A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF CAPITALIST PRODUCTION LONDON 1887 TEXT

DIETZ VERLAG BERLIN 1990

Redaktionskommission der Gesamtausgabe: Günter Heyden und Georgi Smirnow (Leiter), Georgi Bagaturija und Erich Kundel (Sekretäre), Rolf Dlubek, Heinrich Gemkow, Rolf Hecker, Nikita Kolpinski, Wera Morosowa, Michail Mtschedlow, Richard Speri, Witali Wygodski Redaktionskommission der Zweiten Abteilung: Witali Wygodski (Leiter), Larissa Miskewitsch, Manfred Müller, Roland Nietzold, Hannes Skambraks, Alexander Tschepurenko Bearbeitung des Bandes: Waltraud Falk (Leiter), Hanna Behrend, Marion Duparré, Hella Hahn und Frank Zschaler Gutachter: Roland Nietzold, Alexander Tschepurenko und Jelena Waschtschenko

M a r x , Karl: G e s a m t a u s g a b e : ( M E G A ) / K a r l M a r x ; F r i e d r i c h Engels. Hrsg. v o m Inst, für G e s c h i c h t e der A r b e i t e r b e w e g u n g Berlin u. v o m Inst, für M a r x i s m u s - L e n i n i s m u s b e i m ZK d. K P d S U . - Berlin : D i e t z Verl. [Sammlung]. A b t . 2 . „Das K a p i t a l " u n d V o r a r b e i t e n Bd. 9. C a p i t a l , a critical analysis of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n : L o n d o n 1887 / Karl M a r x Text. - 1990. - 2 9 , 692 S. : 5 A b b . A p p a r a t . - 1990. - S. 6 9 3 - 1 1 8 3 : 1 A b b . I I . A b t . I S B N 3-320-00050-0 B d . I I / 9 I S B N 3-320-00067-5 Text u n d A p p a r a t Mit 6 Abbildungen © D i e t z Verlag Berlin 1990 L i z e n z n u m m e r 1 · LSV 0046 Technische Redaktion: Jutta Knopp und Heinz Ruschinski Korrektur: Eva M e n d l , U r s u l a Teltow u n d Sigrid W i t t e n b e r g Einband: Albert Kapr Typografie: A l b e r t K a p r / H o r s t K i n k e l Schrift: T i m e l e s s - A n t i q u a u n d M a x i m a Printed in the G e r m a n Democratic Republic G e s a m t h e r s t e l l u n g : I N T E R D R U C K G r a p h i s c h e r G r o ß b e t r i e b Leipzig, Papierherstellung: VEB Druck- u n d Spezialpapiere Golzern Best.-Nr.: 744 868 9 13500

Inhalt Einleitung

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Editorische Hinweise

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Capital. A critical analysis of capitalist production. London 1887 Editor's preface Author's prefaces I.—To the first edition II.—To the second edition Book I. Capitalist production Part I. Commodities and money Chapter I. Commodities Section 1.—The two factors of a commodity, use-value and value (the substance of value and the magnitude of value) Section 2.—The twofold character of the labour embodied in commodities Section 3.—The form of value, or exchange value A. Elementary or accidental form of value 1. The two poles of the expression of value: relative form and equivalent form 2. The relative form of value (a.) The nature and import of this form * (b.) Quantitative determination of relative value 3. The equivalent form of value 4. The elementary form of value considered as a whole B. Total or expanded form of value 1. The expanded relative form of value 2. The particular equivalent form 3. Defects of the total or expanded form of value

11 15 15 19 29 29 29 29 34 40 41 41 42 42 45 47 52 54 54 55 55

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Inhalt C. The general form of value 1. The altered character of the form of value 2. The interdependent development of the relative form of value, and of the equivalent form 3. Transition from the general form of value to the money form D. The money form Section 4.—The fetishism of commodities and the secret thereof Chapter II. Exchange Chapter III. Money, or the circulation of commodities Section 1.—The measure of value Section 2.—The medium of circulation a. The metamorphosis of commodities b. The currency of money c. Coin and symbols of value Section 3. —Money a. Hoarding b. Means of payment c. Universal money Part II. The transformation of money into capital Chapter IV. The general formula for capital Chapter V. Contradictions in the general formula of capital Chapter VI. The buying and selling of labour-power Part III. The production of absolute surplus-value Chapter VII. The labour-process and the process of producing surplus-value Section 1.—The labour-process or the production of use-value Section 2.—The production of surplus-value Chapter VIII. Constant capital and variable capital Chapter IX. The rate of surplus-value Section 1.—The degree of exploitation of labour-power Section 2.—The representation of the components of the value of the product by corresponding proportional parts of the product itself Section 3.—Senior's "Last Hour" Section 4. —Surplus-produce Chapter X. The working-day Section 1.—The limits of the working-day Section 2.—The greed for surplus-labour. Manufacturer and boyard Section 3. —Branches of English industry without legal limits to exploitation Section 4. —Day and night work. The relay system Section 5.—The struggle for a normal working-day. Compulsory laws for the extension of the working-day from the middle of the 14th to the end of the 17th century 6*

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Inhalt Section 6.—The struggle for the normal working-day. Compulsory limitation by law of the working-time. The English Factory Acts, 1833 to 1864 Section 7.—The struggle for the normal working-day. Re-action of the English Factory Acts on other countries Chapter XI. Rate and mass of surplus-value Part IV. Production of relative surplus-value Chapter XII. The concept of relative surplus-value Chapter XIII. Co-operation Chapter XIV. Division of labour and manufacture Section 1.—Twofold origin of manufacture Section 2.—The detail labourer and his implements Section 3.—The two fundamental forms of manufacture: heterogeneous manufacture, serial manufacture Section 4. —Division of labour in manufacture, and division of labour in society Section 5.—The capitalistic character of manufacture Chapter XV. Machinery and modern industry Section 1. —The development of machinery Section 2.—The value transferred by machinery to the product Section 3.—The proximate effects of machinery on the workman 1

a. Appropriation of supplementary labour-power by capital. The employment of women and children b. Prolongation of the working-day c. Intensification of labour Section 4.—The factory Section 5.— The strife between workman and machinery Section 6.—The theory of compensation as regards the workpeople displaced by machinery Section 7. —Repulsion and attraction of workpeople by the factory system. Crises of the cotton trade Section 8. —Revolution effected in manufacture, handicrafts, and domestic industry by modern industry a. Overthrow of co-operation based on handicraft and on division of labour b. Re-Action of the factory system on manufacture and domestic industries c. Modern manufacture d. Modern domestic industry e. Passage of modern manufacture and domestic industry into modern mechanical industry. The hastening of this revolution by the application of the Factory Acts to those industries Section 9.—The Factory Acts. Sanitary and educational clauses of the same. Their general extension in England Section 10.—Modern industry and agriculture

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Inhalt Part V. The production of absolute and of relative surplus-value Chapter XVI. Absolute and relative surplus-value Chapter XVII. Changes of magnitude in the price of labour-power and in surplus-value I. Lenght of the working-day and intensity of labour constant. Productiveness of labour variable II. Working-day constant. Productiveness of labour constant. Intensity of labour variable III. Productiveness and intensity of labour constant. Length of the working-day variable IV. Simultaneous variations in the duration, productiveness, and intensity of labour (1.) Diminishing productiveness of labour with a simultaneous lengthening of the working-day (2.) Increasing intensity and productiveness of labour with simultaneous shortening of the working-day Chapter XVIII. Various formulas for the rate of surplus-value Part VI. Wages Chapter XIX. The transformation of the value (and respectively the price) of labour-power into wages Chapter XX. Time-wages Chapter XXI. Piece-wages Chapter XXII. National differences of wages Part VII. The accumulation of capital Chapter XXIII. Simple reproduction Chapter XXIV. Conversion of surplus-value into capital Section 1. —Capitalist production on a progressively increasing scale. Transition of the laws of property that characterise production of commodities into laws of capitalist appropriation Section 2. —Erroneous conception, by political economy, of reproduction on a progressively increasing scale Section 3.—Separation of surplus-value into capital and revenue. The abstinence theory Section 4.—Circumstances that, independently of the proportional division of surplus-value into capital and revenue, determine the amount of accumulation. Degree of exploitation of labour-power. Productivity of labour. Growing difference in amount between capital employed and capital consumed. Magnitude of capital advanced Section 5.—The so-called labour fund Chapter XXV. The general law of capitalist accumulation Section 1.—The increased demand for labour-power that accompanies accumulation, the composition of capital remaining the same Section 2. —Relative diminution of the variable part of capital si-

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443 443 452 453 457 458 460 460 461 463 466 466 473 479 487 491 493 504

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Inhalt multaneously with the progress of accumulation and of the concentration that accompanies it Section 3. —Progressive production of a relative surplus-population, or industrial reserve army Section 4. —Different forms of the relative surplus-population. The general law of capitalistic accumulation Section 5. —Illustrations of the general law of capitalist accumulation a. England from 1846 to 1866 b. The badly paid strata of the British industrial class c. The nomad population d. Effect of crises on the best paid part of the working class e. The British agricultural proletariat f. Ireland Part VIII. The so-called primitive accumulation Chapter XXVI. The secret of primitive accumulation Chapter XXVII. Expropriation of the agricultural population from the land Chapter XXVIII. Bloody legislation against the expropriated from the end of the 15th century. Forcing down of wages by acts of Parliament Chapter XXIX. Genesis of the capitalist farmer Chapter XXX. Reaction of the agricultural revolution on industry. Creation of the home market for industrial capital Chapter XXXI. Genesis of the industrial capitalist Chapter XXXII. Historical tendency of capitalistic accumulation Chapter XXXIII. The modern theory of colonisation Works and authors quoted in "Capital"

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Verzeichnis der Abbildungen Titelblatt der englischen Ausgabe

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Paralleltitelblatt des amerikanischen Verlegers Julius Bordollo für die englische Ausgabe

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Editorische Hinweise in alphabetischer Anordnung g e m ä ß der authentischen Schreibweise g e b r a c h t , bei g r i e c h i s c h e n o d e r kyrillischen N a m e n n a c h g e b r ä u c h l i c h e r T r a n s k r i p t i o n . Alle von d e r a u t h e n t i s c h e n Form a b w e i c h e n d e n S c h r e i b w e i s e n d e s Edierten T e x t e s w e r d e n d e r a u t h e n t i s c h e n S c h r e i b w e i s e in r u n d e n Klammern beigefügt, v e r s c h l ü s s e l t e N a m e n sind in d e n E r l ä u t e r u n g e n erklärt. Im S a c h r e g i s t e r sind die Begriffe u n d Kategorien d e s M a r x i s m u s , v o r allem d e r M a r x s c h e n politischen Ö k o n o m i e , s o w i e w e s e n t l i c h e S a c h b e griffe e n t h a l t e n . Hinzu k o m m e n w i c h t i g e g e o g r a p h i s c h e B e z e i c h n u n g e n , d a d e r Band o h n e e i g e n e s g e o g r a p h i s c h e s Register e r s c h e i n t . Die S c h l a g w o r t e sind in d e u t s c h e r S p r a c h e in m o d e r n e r O r t h o g r a p h i e a b gefaßt. Der v o r l i e g e n d e Band w u r d e an d e r H u m b o l d t - U n i v e r s i t ä t zu Berlin v o n e i n e m Kollektiv d e r Sektion W i r t s c h a f t s w i s s e n s c h a f t e n e r a r b e i t e t , d e m W a l t r a u d Falk (Leiter), Marion D u p a r r é u n d Frank Z s c h a l e r a n g e h ö r e n . Sie w u r d e n u n t e r s t ü t z t d u r c h Hella H a h n , Institut für Bibliotheksw i s s e n s c h a f t e n . Ein Kollektiv d e r Sektion Anglistik/Amerikanistik u n t e r Leitung v o n H a n n a B e h r e n d führte d e n T e x t v e r g l e i c h z w i s c h e n d e r e n g lischen A u s g a b e und d e r 3., v e r m e h r t e n d e u t s c h e n Auflage d e s e r s t e n B a n d e s d e s „Kapitals" a u s . Die Einleitung v e r f a ß t e n W a l t r a u d Falk u n d Frank Z s c h a l e r . Den Band b e g u t a c h t e t e n im Auftrag d e r R e d a k t i o n s k o m m i s s i o n Roland Nietzold, Institut für G e s c h i c h t e d e r A r b e i t e r b e w e g u n g (Berlin), d e r a u c h als B e t r e u e r wirkte, s o w i e A l e x a n d e r T s c h e p u r e n k o und Jelena W a s c h t s c h e n k o , Institut für M a r x i s m u s - L e n i n i s m u s b e i m ZK d e r KPdSU. Die H e r a u s g e b e r d a n k e n all d e n j e n i g e n , die die Klärung v o n speziellen F o r s c h u n g s p r o b l e m e n tatkräftig u n t e r s t ü t z t e n u n d bei d e r Ermittlung von Q u e l l e n u n d Materialien g e h o l f e n h a b e n , b e s o n d e r s : Wolfg a n g Focke (Berlin), E d m u n d und Ruth Frow ( M a n c h e s t e r ) , Rolf H e c k e r (Berlin), David J o h n s o n (London), J ü r g e n Jungnickel (Berlin), Y v o n n e Kapp (London), Hansulrich Labuske (Berlin), H e r m a n n L e h m a n n (Berlin), Eike Kopf (Erfurt), M a n f r e d Müller (Berlin), A n d r e w Rothstein (London), Rosie Rudich (Berlin) u n d H a n n e s S k a m b r a k s (Berlin). Der Dank gilt e b e n s o allen w i s s e n s c h a f t l i c h e n Institutionen, die bei d e r V o r b e r e i t u n g d e s B a n d e s b e s o n d e r e Hilfe u n d U n t e r s t ü t z u n g g e w ä h r t e n . G e n a n n t s e i e n : die British Library in London, d a s Internationale Institut für S o z i a l g e s c h i c h t e in A m s t e r d a m , die Marx-Memorial-Lib r a r y in London, die Universitätsbibliothek Berlin, die W o r k i n g - C l a s s M o v e m e n t - L i b r a r y in M a n c h e s t e r u n d d a s Karl-Marx-Haus in Trier.

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Capital. A critical a n a l y s i s of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n . London

1887

Contents

|V| Contents.

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Editor's Preface, A u t h o r ' s Prefaces—I. To the First Edition, II. To the Second Edition,

Page IX XV XXI

Part I. Commodities and Money. CHAPTER I . — C o m m o d i t i e s ,

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Section 1.—The two Factors of a C o m m o d i t y : Use-Value a n d V a l u e (the Substance of V a l u e a n d the M a g n i t u d e of V a l u e ) , . . Section 2.—The Twofold Character of the L a b o u r e m b o d i e d in C o m modities, Section 3.—The F o r m of V a l u e , or E x c h a n g e Value, A. E l e m e n t a r y or A c c i d e n t a l F o r m of V a l u e , 1. T h e two Poles of the Expression of V a l u e : Relative F o r m a n d Equivalent F o r m , 2. T h e Relative F o r m of V a l u e , (a.) T h e N a t u r e a n d I m p o r t of this F o r m , (b.) Quantitative D e t e r m i n a t i o n of Relative Value, 3. T h e Equivalent F o r m of Value, 4 . T h e E l e m e n t a r y F o r m o f Value considered a s a W h o l e , . . . B. Total or E x p a n d e d F o r m of Value, 1. T h e E x p a n d e d Relative F o r m of Value, 2. T h e Particular E q u i v a l e n t F o r m , 3. Defects of the Total or E x p a n d e d F o r m of Value, C. T h e G e n e r a l F o r m of Value, 1. T h e altered Character of the F o r m of Value,

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Contents 2. T h e i n t e r d e p e n d e n t D e v e l o p m e n t of the Relative F o r m of V a l u e , a n d of the Equivalent F o r m , 38 3 . Transition from the G e n e r a l F o r m t o the M o n e y F o r m , . . . 39 D. T h e M o n e y F o r m , . . 40 Section 4.—The F e t i s h i s m of C o m m o d i t i e s a n d the Secret thereof, . 41 CHAPTER I I . — E x c h a n g e ,

CHAPTER III.—Money, or the Circulation of Commodities, Section 1.—The M e a s u r e of Value, Section 2.—The M e d i u m of Circulation, a. T h e M e t a m o r p h o s i s of C o m m o d i t i e s , b. T h e Currency of M o n e y , c. Coin; a n d Symbols of Value, Section 3.—Money, a. Hoarding, b. M e a n s of P a y m e n t , c. Universal M o n e y ,

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Part II. The Transformation of Money into Capital. CHAPTER I V . — T h e General F o r m u l a for Capital, 123 CHAPTER V.—Contradictions in the G e n e r a l F o r m u l a of Capital, . . . 133 CHAPTER V I . — T h e Buying a n d Selling of Labour-Power, 145 | |VI| Part III. The Production of Absolute Surplus-Value. CHAPTER V I I . — T h e Labour-Process a n d the Process of producing Surplus-Value, Section 1.—The Labour-Process or the Production of Use-Value, . . Section 2.—The Production of Surplus-Value, CHAPTER V I I I . — C o n s t a n t Capital and Variable Capital, CHAPTER I X . — T h e R a t e of Surplus-Value, Section 1.—The Degree of Exploitation of Labour-Power, Section 2.—The R e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the C o m p o n e n t s of the Value of the Product by corresponding proportional Parts of the P r o d u c t itself, Section 3.—Senior's "Last H o u r , " Section 4.—Surplus-Produce, CHAPTER X . — T h e Working-Day, Section 1.—The Limits of the Working-Day, Section 2.—The G r e e d for Surplus-Labour. M a n u f a c t u r e r a n d Boyard,

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Section 3.—Branches of English Industry without Legal Limits to Exploitation, Section 4 . — D a y a n d N i g h t Work. T h e Relay System, Section 5.—The Struggle for a N o r m a l Working-Day. Compulsory Laws for the E x t e n s i o n of the Working-Day from the M i d d l e of the 14th to the E n d of the 17th C e n t u r y , . . . . Section 6.—The Struggle for a N o r m a l Working-Day. Compulsory L i m i t a t i o n by Law of the W o r k i n g - T i m e . T h e English Factory Acts, 1833 to 1864, Section 7.—The Struggle for a N o r m a l Working-Day. R e - a c t i o n of the English Factory Acts on Other Countries, CHAPTER X L — R a t e and Mass of Surplus-Value, Part IV. Production of Relative Surplus-Value. CHAPTER X I I . — T h e Concept of Relative Surplus-Value, CHAPTER X I I I . — C o - O p e r a t i o n ,

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CHAPTER XIV.—Division of Labour and Manufacture, Section 1.—Twofold Origin of M a n u f a c t u r e , Section 2.—The Detail Labourer a n d his I m p l e m e n t s , Section 3.—The two F u n d a m e n t a l F o r m s of M a n u f a c t u r e : H e t e r o geneous M a n u f a c t u r e , Serial Manufacture, Section 4.—Division of L a b o u r in M a n u f a c t u r e , a n d Division of Labour in Society, Section 5.—The Capitalistic Character of M a n u f a c t u r e ,

327 327 330 333 343 353

Vol. II. CHAPTER X V . — M a c h i n e r y and M o d e r n Industry, 365 Section 1.—The D e v e l o p m e n t of M a c h i n e r y , 365 Section 2 . — T h e V a l u e transferred by M a c h i n e r y to the Product, . . . 382 | |VII| Section 3.—The P r o x i m a t e Effects of M a c h i n e r y on the W o r k m a n , . 3 9 1 a. Appropriation of S u p p l e m e n t a r y Labour-Power by Capital. T h e E m p l o y m e n t of W o m e n a n d Children, . 391 b. Prolongation of the Working-Day, 400 c. Intensification of Labour, 407 Section 4.—The Factory, 418 Section 5.—The Strife between W o r k m a n a n d Machinery, 427

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Contents Section 6.—The Theory of C o m p e n s a t i o n as regards the Workpeople displaced by M a c h i n e r y , Section 7.—Repulsion a n d Attraction of W o r k p e o p l e by the Factory System. Crises of the Cotton Trade, Section 8.—Revolution effected in M a n u f a c t u r e , Handicrafts, a n d D o m e s t i c Industry by M o d e r n Industry, a. Overthrow of Co-Operation based on Handicraft a n d on Division of Labour, b. Re-action of the Factory System on M a n u f a c t u r e a n d D o m e s t i c Industries, c. M o d e r n M a n u f a c t u r e , d. M o d e r n D o m e s t i c Industry, e. Passage of M o d e r n M a n u f a c t u r e a n d D o m e s t i c I n d u s try into M o d e r n M e c h a n i c a l Industry. T h e H a s t e n i n g of this Revolution by the A p p l i c a t i o n of the Factory Acts to those Industries, S e c t i o n 9.—The Factory Acts. Sanitary a n d E d u c a t i o n a l Clauses of t h e s a m e . Their general E x t e n s i o n in England, Section 1 0 . — M o d e r n Industry a n d Agriculture, Part V. The Production of Absolute and of Relative Surplus-Value. CHAPTER XVI.—Absolute and Relative Surplus-Value, CHAPTER XVII.—Changes of M a g n i t u d e in the Price of Labour-Power and in Surplus-Value, I. L e n g t h of the Working-Day and Intensity of L a b o u r constant. Productiveness of L a b o u r variable, I I . Working-Day constant. Productiveness of L a b o u r constant. Intensity of L a b o u r variable, I I I . Productiveness a n d Intensity of L a b o u r constant. Length of the Working-Day variable, IV. S i m u l t a n e o u s Variations in the D u r a t i o n , Productiveness, a n d Intensity of Labour, (1.) D i m i n i s h i n g Productiveness of L a b o u r with a s i m u l t a n e ous Lengthening of the Working-Day, (2.) Increasing Intensity a n d Productiveness of L a b o u r with s i m u l t a n e o u s Shortening of t h e Working-Day, CHAPTER XVIII.—Various Formula? for the R a t e of S u r p l u s - V a l u e , . .

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Contents Part VI. Wages. CHAPTER X I X . — T h e Transformation of t h e V a l u e (and respectively the Price) of Labour-Power into Wages, 545 5

CHAPTER X X . — T i m e - W a g e s ,

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CHAPTER X X L — P i e c e - W a g e s ,

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CHAPTER X X I I . — N a t i o n a l Differences of Wages,

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|VIII| Part VII. The Accumulation of Capital. 10 CHAPTER XXIII. — Simple Reproduction, CHAPTER XXIV.—Conversion of Surplus-Value into Capital, Section 1.—Capitalist P r o d u c t i o n on a progressively increasing Scale. T r a n s i t i o n of the Laws of Property that characterise P r o d u c t i o n of C o m m o d i t i e s into Laws of Capitalist 15 Appropriation, Section 2.—Erroneous Conception, by Political E c o n o m y , of R e p r o d u c t i o n on a progressively increasing Scale, Section 3.—Separation of Surplus-Value into Capital a n d R e v e n u e . T h e A b s t i n e n c e Theory, 20 Section 4 . — C i r c u m s t a n c e s that, i n d e p e n d e n t l y of the proportional Division of Surplus-Value into Capital a n d R e v e n u e , det e r m i n e t h e A m o u n t of A c c u m u l a t i o n . Degree of Exploitation of Labour-Power. Productivity of Labour. Growing Difference in A m o u n t between Capital employed and 25 Capital c o n s u m e d . M a g n i t u d e of Capital advanced, . . . Section 5.—The so-called L a b o u r F u n d , CHAPTER X X V . — T h e G e n e r a l Law of Capitalist A c c u m u l a t i o n , . . . Section 1.—The increased D e m a n d for Labour-Power t h a t accompanies A c c u m u l a t i o n , the C o m p o s i t i o n of Capital re30 m a i n i n g the same, Section 2.—Relative D i m i n u t i o n of the Variable Part of Capital sim u l t a n e o u s l y with the Progress of A c c u m u l a t i o n a n d of the C o n c e n t r a t i o n t h a t a c c o m p a n i e s it, Section 3.—Progressive P r o d u c t i o n of a Relative Surplus-Population, 35 or I n d u s t r i a l Reserve A r m y , Section 4.—Different F o r m s of t h e Relative Surplus-Population. T h e G e n e r a l Law of Capitalistic A c c u m u l a t i o n , Section 5.—Illustrations of the G e n e r a l Law of Capitalist A c c u m u l a tion, 40 a. E n g l a n d from 1846 to 1866,

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Contents b. T h e badly paid Strata of t h e British I n d u s t r i a l Class, . 6 7 0 c. T h e N o m a d Population, 681 d. Effect of Crises on the best paid Part of the Working Class, 685 e. T h e British Agricultural Proletariat, 691 f. Ireland, 719 Part VIII. The so-called Primitive Accumulation. CHAPTER X X V I . — T h e Secret of Primitive A c c u m u l a t i o n , CHAPTER XXVII.—Expropriation of the Agricultural Population from the L a n d , CHAPTER XXVIII.—Bloody Legislation against the Expropriated from the E n d of the 15th Century. Forcing down of Wages by Acts of Parliament, CHAPTER X X I X . — G e n e s i s of the Capitalist Farmer, CHAPTER X X X . — R e a c t i o n of the Agricultural Revolution on I n d u s try. Creation of the H o m e Market for Industrial Capital, CHAPTER X X X I . — G e n e s i s of the Industrial Capitalist, CHAPTER XXXII.—Historical T e n d e n c y of Capitalistic A c c u m u l a tion, CHAPTER X X X I I I . — T h e M o d e r n Theory of Colonization, Works and A u t h o r s q u o t e d in "Capital."

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|IX| Editor's Preface.

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T h e publication of an English version of "Das Kapital" n e e d s no apology. On the contrary, an explanation might be expected why this English version has b e e n delayed u n t i l now, seeing t h a t for some years past the theories advocated in this book have b e e n constantly referred to, attacked a n d defended, interpreted a n d misinterpreted, in the periodical press a n d the current literature of b o t h England a n d America. W h e n , soon after the author's d e a t h in 1883, it b e c a m e evident that an English edition of the work was really required, Mr. S a m u e l M o o r e , for m a n y years a friend of M a r x a n d of t h e present writer, a n d t h a n w h o m , peritaps, no o n e is m o r e conversant with the book itself, consented to u n d e r take the translation which the literary executors of M a r x were a n x i o u s to lay before the public. It was u n d e r s t o o d t h a t I should c o m p a r e the M S . with the original work, a n d suggest s u c h alterations as I m i g h t d e e m advisable. W h e n , by a n d by, it was found that Mr. M o o r e ' s professional occupations prevented h i m from finishing the translation as quickly as we all desired, we gladly accepted Dr. Aveling's offer to u n d e r t a k e a portion of the work; at the same t i m e Mrs. Aveling, M a r x ' s youngest daughter, offered to check the q u o t a t i o n s a n d to restore the original text of ||X| the n u m e r o u s passages t a k e n from English authors a n d Bluebooks a n d translated by M a r x into G e r m a n . This has b e e n d o n e throughout, with b u t a few u n avoidable exceptions. T h e following portions of the book have b e e n translated by Dr. Aveling: (1) Chapters X. (The Working Day), a n d XI. (Rate a n d Mass of Surplus-Value); (2) Part VI. (Wages, comprising Chapters XIX. to XXII.); (3) from Chapter XXIV, Section 4 (Circumstances that etc.) to the e n d of the book, comprising the latter part of Chapter XXIV., Chapter XXV., and the whole of Part VIII. (Chapters XXVI. to XXXIII.); (4) the two A u t h o r ' s prefaces. All the rest of the book has b e e n d o n e by Mr. M o o r e . W h i l e , thus,

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Editor's preface e a c h of the translators is responsible for his share of t h e work only, I bear a j o i n t responsibility for the whole. T h e third G e r m a n edition, which has b e e n m a d e the basis of o u r work t h r o u g h o u t , was prepared by m e , in 1883, with the assistance of notes left by t h e author, indicating the passages of the second edition to be replaced 5 by designated passages, from the F r e n c h text published in 1 8 7 3 . T h e alterations t h u s effected in the text of the second edition generally coincided with changes prescribed by M a r x in a set of M S . instructions for an English translation that was p l a n n e d , about ten years ago, in A m e r i c a , b u t a b a n d o n e d chiefly for want of a fit and proper translator. This M S . was placed at 10 o u r disposal by our old friend Mr. F. A. Sorge of H o b o k e n N[ew] J[ersey]. It designates some further interpolations from the F r e n c h edition; b u t , being so m a n y years older ||XI| t h a n the final instructions for t h e third edition, I did n o t consider myself at liberty to m a k e use of it otherwise t h a n sparingly, a n d chiefly in cases where it h e l p e d us over difficulties. In the same 15 way, the F r e n c h text has b e e n referred to in m o s t of t h e difficult passages, as an indicator of what the a u t h o r himself was prepared to sacrifice wherever s o m e t h i n g of the full import of the original h a d to be sacrificed in t h e rendering. 1

T h e r e is, however, o n e difficulty we could not spare the reader: the u s e 20 oT certain terms in a sense different from what they have, n o t only in c o m m o n life, b u t in ordinary political e c o n o m y . But this was unavoidable. Every new aspect of a science involves a revolution in the t e c h n i c a l t e r m s o f t h a t science. This is best shown by chemistry, where the whole of the term i n o l o g y is radically changed a b o u t o n c e in twenty years, a n d where y o u 25 will hardly find a single organic c o m p o u n d t h a t has n o t gone t h r o u g h a whole series of different n a m e s . Political E c o n o m y has generally b e e n cont e n t to take, just as they were, the terms of c o m m e r c i a l a n d industrial life, a n d to operate with t h e m , entirely failing to see t h a t by so doing, it confined itself within the narrow circle of ideas expressed by those t e r m s . 30 T h u s , t h o u g h perfectly aware that b o t h profits a n d rent are b u t sub-divisions, fragments of t h a t u n p a i d part of t h e p r o d u c t w h i c h t h e labourer has to supply to his employer (its first appropriator, t h o u g h n o t its u l t i m a t e exclusive owner), yet even classical Political E c o n o m y never went beyond the received n o t i o n s of profits a n d rent, never e x a m i n e d this u n p a i d part of t h e 35 p r o d u c t (called by M a r x surplus-product) in its integrity as a whole, a n d therefore never arrived at a clear c o m p r e h e n s i o n , either of its origin a n d n a t u r e , or of the laws that regulate the s u b s e q u e n t distribution of its value. 1

"Le C a p i t a l , " par Karl M a r x . T r a d u c t i o n de M . J . R o y , e n t i è r e m e n t revisée par l ' a u t e u r . P a ris. " L a c h â t r e . " T h i s t r a n s l a t i o n , especially in t h e latter p a r t of t h e b o o k , c o n t a i n s considera b l e a l t e r a t i o n s i n a n d a d d i t i o n s t o t h e text o f t h e s e c o n d G e r m a n e d i t i o n .

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Similarly all industry, n o t agricultural ||XII| or handicraft, is indiscriminately comprised in the t e r m of m a n u f a c t u r e , a n d thereby the distinction is obliterated between two great a n d essentially different periods of e c o n o m i c history: the period of m a n u f a c t u r e proper, based on t h e division of m a n u a l labour, a n d the period of m o d e r n industry based on machinery. It is, however, self-evident that a theory which views m o d e r n capitalist p r o d u c t i o n as a m e r e passing stage in the e c o n o m i c history of m a n k i n d , m u s t m a k e u s e of terms different from those h a b i t u a l to writers who look u p o n t h a t form of p r o d u c t i o n as imperishable a n d final. A word respecting the a u t h o r ' s m e t h o d of q u o t i n g m a y n o t be o u t of place. In the majority of cases, the q u o t a t i o n s serve, in the u s u a l way, as d o c u m e n t a r y evidence in support of assertions m a d e in t h e text. But in m a n y instances, passages from e c o n o m i c writers are quoted in order to indicate when, where, a n d by w h o m a certain proposition was for the first t i m e clearly e n u n c i a t e d . This is d o n e in cases where t h e proposition q u o t e d is of i m p o r t a n c e as being a m o r e or less a d e q u a t e expression of t h e c o n d i tions of social p r o d u c t i o n a n d e x c h a n g e prevalent at the time, a n d q u i t e irrespective of M a r x ' s recognition, or otherwise, of its general validity. T h e s e quotations, therefore, s u p p l e m e n t t h e text by a r u n n i n g c o m m e n t a r y t a k e n from the history of the science. O u r translation comprises t h e first book of the work only. B u t this first book is in a great m e a s u r e a whole in itself, a n d has for twenty years r a n k e d as an i n d e p e n d e n t work. T h e second book, edited in G e r m a n by m e , in 1885, is decidedly i n c o m p l e t e without the third, which c a n n o t be p u b l i s h e d before the end of 1887. W h e n Book III. has b e e n brought out in the origin a l G e r m a n , it will t h e n be s o o n e n o u g h to t h i n k about preparing an E n g lish edition of both. | |XIII| "Das Kapital" is often called, on the C o n t i n e n t , "the Bible of the working class." T h a t t h e conclusions arrived at in this work are daily m o r e a n d m o r e b e c o m i n g the f u n d a m e n t a l principles of the great working class m o v e m e n t , n o t only in G e r m a n y a n d Switzerland, b u t in F r a n c e , in H o l land a n d Belgium, in A m e r i c a , a n d even in Italy a n d Spain; t h a t everywhere the working class m o r e a n d m o r e recognises, in these conclusions, the most a d e q u a t e expression of its c o n d i t i o n a n d of its aspirations, n o body a c q u a i n t e d with t h a t m o v e m e n t will deny. A n d in England, too, t h e theories of Marx, even at this m o m e n t , exercise a powerful influence u p o n the socialist m o v e m e n t which is spreading in the ranks of "cultured" p e o ple no less t h a n in those of the working class. B u t that is n o t all. T h e t i m e is rapidly approaching w h e n a t h o r o u g h e x a m i n a t i o n of E n g l a n d ' s econ o m i c position will i m p o s e itself as an irresistible n a t i o n a l necessity. T h e working of the industrial system of this country, impossible without a con-

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stant a n d rapid extension of production, a n d therefore of markets, is coming to a dead stop. F r e e trade has e x h a u s t e d its resources; even M a n c h e s t e r d o u b t s this its q u o n d a m e c o n o m i c gospel. Foreign industry, rapidly developing, stares English p r o d u c t i o n in the face everywhere, n o t only in protected, b u t also in n e u t r a l m a r k e t s , a n d even on this side of t h e C h a n n e l . 5 W h i l e t h e productive power increases in a geometric, the extension of m a r kets proceeds at best in an arithmetic ratio. T h e d e c e n n i a l cycle of stagnation, ||XIV| prosperity, over-production a n d crisis, ever recurrent from 1825 to 1867, seems indeed to have r u n its course; b u t only to land us in the slough of d e s p o n d of a p e r m a n e n t a n d chronic depression. T h e sighed-for 10 period of prosperity will n o t c o m e ; as often as we s e e m to perceive its heralding symptoms, so often do they again vanish into air. M e a n w h i l e , e a c h succeeding winter brings up afresh the great question, "what to do with the u n e m p l o y e d ; " b u t while the n u m b e r of the u n e m p l o y e d keeps swelling from year to year, there is n o b o d y to answer that question; and we can al- 15 most calculate the m o m e n t when the u n e m p l o y e d losing patience, will take their own fate into their own h a n d s . Surely, at s u c h a m o m e n t , the voice ought to be heard of a m a n whose whole theory is the result of a life-long study of the e c o n o m i c history a n d condition of England, a n d w h o m that study led to the conclusion that, at least in E u r o p e , E n g l a n d is the only 20 country where the inevitable social revolution m i g h t be effected entirely by peaceful a n d legal m e a n s . He certainly never forgot to a d d that he hardly expected the English ruling classes to submit, without a "pro-slavery rebell i o n / to this peaceful a n d legal revolution. 2

Frederick Engels.

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At the quarterly m e e t i n g of t h e M a n c h e s t e r C h a m b e r of C o m m e r c e , h e l d this afternoon, a

warm discussion t o o k place o n t h e subject of F r e e T r a d e . A r e s o l u t i o n was m o v e d to t h e effect that "having waited in v a i n 40 years for o t h e r n a t i o n s to follow t h e F r e e T r a d e e x a m p l e of England, this C h a m b e r t h i n k s t h e t i m e h a s n o w arrived to r e c o n s i d e r t h a t p o s i t i o n . " T h e resolution was rejected by a majority of o n e only, t h e figures b e i n g 2 1 for, a n d 22 against.—Evening Standard, Nov. 1, 1886.

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|XV| Author's Prefaces. I.—To

the First Edition.

T h e work, the first volume of which I now s u b m i t to the public, forms the c o n t i n u a t i o n of my " Z u r Kritik der Politischen O e k o n o m i e " (A contribu5 tion to the criticism of Political E c o n o m y ) published in 1859. T h e long pause between the first part a n d the c o n t i n u a t i o n is d u e to an illness of m a n y years' duration that again a n d again interrupted my work. T h e substance of that earlier work is s u m m a r i s e d in the first three chapters of this v o l u m e . This is d o n e n o t merely for the sake of c o n n e c t i o n a n d 10 completeness. T h e presentation of the subject-matter is improved. As far as circumstances in any way permit, m a n y points only h i n t e d at in the earlier book are here worked o u t m o r e fully, whilst, conversely, points worked out fully there are only t o u c h e d u p o n in this v o l u m e . T h e sections on the history of the theories of value a n d of m o n e y are now, of course, left o u t alto15 gether. T h e reader of the earlier work will find, however, in the n o t e s to the first chapter additional sources of reference relative to the history of those theories. Every beginning is difficult, holds in all sciences. To u n d e r s t a n d the first chapter, especially t h e section that c o n t a i n s the analysis of c o m m o d i t i e s , 20 will, therefore, present the greatest difficulty. T h a t which concerns m o r e | |XVI| especially the analysis of the substance of value a n d the m a g n i t u d e of value, I have, as m u c h as it was possible, popularised. T h e value-form, 1

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T h i s is t h e m o r e necessary, as even t h e s e c t i o n of F e r d i n a n d Lassalle's work against S c h u l z e - D e l i t z s c h , i n w h i c h h e professes t o give " t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l q u i n t e s s e n c e " o f m y explan a t i o n s on t h e s e subjects, c o n t a i n s i m p o r t a n t m i s t a k e s . If F e r d i n a n d Lassalle h a s borrowed alm o s t literally from m y writings, a n d w i t h o u t a n y a c k n o w l e d g m e n t , all t h e g e n e r a l t h e o r e t i c a l p r o p o s i t i o n s in h i s e c o n o m i c works, e.g., t h o s e on t h e historical c h a r a c t e r of capital, on t h e c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e c o n d i t i o n s o f p r o d u c t i o n a n d t h e m o d e o f p r o d u c t i o n , e t c , etc. even to t h e t e r m i n o l o g y c r e a t e d by m e , t h i s m a y p e r h a p s be d u e to p u r p o s e s of p r o p a g a n d a . I am

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Author's prefaces whose fully developed shape is t h e m o n e y form, is very elementary a n d simple. Nevertheless, the h u m a n m i n d has for m o r e t h a n 2000 years sought in vain to get to the b o t t o m of it, whilst on the other h a n d , to the successful analysis of m u c h m o r e composite a n d c o m p l e x forms, there h a s b e e n at least an approximation. W h y ? Because t h e body, as an organic whole, is 5 m o r e easy of study t h a n are the cells of t h a t body. In the analysis of econ o m i c forms, moreover, n e i t h e r microscopes n o r c h e m i c a l reagents are of u s e . T h e force of abstraction m u s t replace both. But in bourgeois society t h e commodity-form of the product of l a b o u r — o r t h e value-form of the c o m m o d i t y — i s the e c o n o m i c cell-form. To t h e superficial observer, the 10 analysis of these forms seems to turn u p o n minutia?. It does in fact deal with minutia?, b u t they are of the s a m e order as those dealt with in m i c r o scopic a n a t o m y . W i t h t h e exception of the section on value-form, therefore, this v o l u m e c a n n o t stand accused on the score of difficulty. I pre-suppose, of course, a r e a d e r who is willing to learn s o m e t h i n g new a n d therefore to t h i n k for himself. T h e physicist either observes physical p h e n o m e n a ||XVII| where they occur in their m o s t typical form a n d m o s t free from disturbing influence, or, wherever possible, he m a k e s experiments u n d e r conditions t h a t assure the o c c u r r e n c e of the p h e n o m e n o n in its normality. In this work I have to exa m i n e the capitalist m o d e of production, a n d t h e conditions of p r o d u c t i o n a n d exchange corresponding t o t h a t m o d e . U p t o the present t i m e , their classic ground is England. T h a t is the reason why E n g l a n d is u s e d as the chief illustration in the development of my theoretical ideas. If, however, t h e G e r m a n reader shrugs his shoulders at t h e c o n d i t i o n of the English industrial a n d agricultural labourers, or in optimist fashion comforts himself with the thought that in G e r m a n y things are n o t nearly so b a d ; I m u s t plainly tell h i m , "2>e te fabula narratur!" Intrinsically, it is n o t a question of the h i g h e r or lower degree of developm e n t of the social a n t a g o n i s m s t h a t result from the n a t u r a l laws of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n . It is a q u e s t i o n of these laws themselves, of these t e n d e n c i e s working with iron necessity towards inevitable results. T h e country that is m o r e developed industrially only shows, to t h e less developed, t h e image of its own future. But apart from this. W h e r e capitalist p r o d u c t i o n is fully naturalised a m o n g t h e G e r m a n s (for instance, in the factories proper) the c o n d i t i o n of things is m u c h worse t h a n in England, b e c a u s e t h e counterpoise of the Factory Acts is wanting. In all other spheres, we, like all t h e rest of Contih e r e , o f c o u r s e , n o t speaking o f h i s detailed working o u t a n d a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h e s e p r o p o s i t i o n s , with w h i c h I h a v e n o t h i n g to d o .

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n e n t a l Western E u r o p e , suffer n o t only from the development of capitalist production, b u t also from t h e i n c o m p l e t e n e s s of t h a t development. Alongside of m o d e r n evils, a whole series of inherited evils oppress u s , arising from the passive survival of a n t i q u a t e d m o d e s of production, with their inevitable train of social a n d ||XVIII| political a n a c h r o n i s m s . We suffer n o t only from the living, b u t from the dead. Le mort saisit le vif! T h e social statistics of G e r m a n y and t h e rest of C o n t i n e n t a l W e s t e r n E u rope are, in comparison with those of E n g l a n d , wretchedly compiled. B u t they raise t h e veil j u s t e n o u g h to let us c a t c h a glimpse of the M e d u s a h e a d b e h i n d it. We should be appalled at t h e state of things at h o m e , if, as in England, our governments a n d p a r l i a m e n t s a p p o i n t e d periodically c o m missions of enquiry into e c o n o m i c conditions; if these c o m m i s s i o n s were a r m e d with the s a m e plenary powers to get at t h e truth; if it was possible to find for this purpose m e n as c o m p e t e n t , as free from partisanship a n d respect of persons as are t h e English factory-inspectors, her m e d i c a l reporters on public health, h e r c o m m i s s i o n e r s of enquiry into the exploitation of w o m e n a n d children, into h o u s i n g a n d food. Perseus wore a magic cap t h a t the monsters h e h u n t e d down m i g h t n o t see h i m . W e draw the m a g i c cap down over eyes a n d ears as a make-believe that there are no monsters. Let us n o t deceive ourselves on this. As in t h e 18th century, the A m e r i can war of i n d e p e n d e n c e s o u n d e d the tocsin for the E u r o p e a n m i d d l e class, so in the 19th century, the A m e r i c a n civil war s o u n d e d it for the E u r o p e a n working-class. In E n g l a n d the progress of social disintegration is palpable. W h e n it has r e a c h e d a certain point, it m u s t re-act on t h e contin e n t . T h e r e it will take a form m o r e b r u t a l or m o r e h u m a n e , according to the degree of d e v e l o p m e n t of the working-class itself. Apart from higher motives, therefore, their own m o s t i m p o r t a n t interests dictate to t h e classes that are for the n o n c e the ruling ones, the removal of all legally removable h i n d r a n c e s to the free d e v e l o p m e n t of the working class. F o r this reason, as well as others, I have given ||XIX| so large a space in this v o l u m e to the h i s tory, the details, a n d t h e results of English factory legislation. O n e n a t i o n can a n d should learn from others. A n d even w h e n a society has got u p o n the right track for the discovery of the n a t u r a l laws of its m o v e m e n t — a n d it is the u l t i m a t e a i m of this work, to lay bare t h e e c o n o m i c law of m o t i o n of m o d e r n society—it c a n n e i t h e r clear by bold leaps, n o r remove by legal enactments, the obstacles offered by the successive phases of its n o r m a l development. But it can shorten a n d lessen the birth-pangs. To prevent possible m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g , a word. I paint the capitalist a n d the landlord in no sense couleur de rose. But h e r e individuals are dealt with only in so far as they are the personifications of e c o n o m i c categories, e m b o d i m e n t s of particular class-relations a n d class-interests. My stand-point,

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Author's prefaces from which the evolution of the e c o n o m i c formation of society is viewed as a process of n a t u r a l history, c a n less t h a n any other m a k e the individual responsible for relations whose creature he socially r e m a i n s , however m u c h he m a y subjectively raise himself above t h e m . In the d o m a i n of Political E c o n o m y , free scientific enquiry m e e t s n o t merely the same e n e m i e s as in all other d o m a i n s . T h e peculiar n a t u r e of t h e m a t e r i a l it deals with, s u m m o n s as foes into the field of battle the m o s t violent, m e a n a n d m a l i g n a n t passions of the h u m a n breast, the Furies of private interest. T h e English Established C h u r c h , e.g., will m o r e readily p a r d o n an attack on 38 of its 39 articles t h a n on Y of its i n c o m e . Now-adays a t h e i s m itself is culpa levis, as c o m p a r e d with criticism of existing property relations. Nevertheless, there is an u n m i s t a k a b l e advance. I refer, e.g., to the bluebook published within the last few weeks: "Correspondence with H e r Majesty's Missions Abroad, regard||XX|ing Industrial Questions a n d Trades' U n i o n s . " T h e representatives of the English Crown in foreign countries there declare in so m a n y words that in G e r m a n y , in F r a n c e , to be brief, in all the civilised states of the E u r o p e a n continent, a radical change in the existing relations between capital a n d labour is as evident a n d inevitable as in England. At the same t i m e , on the other side of the A t l a n t i c O c e a n , Mr. W a d e , vice-president of the U n i t e d States, declared in public m e e t i n g s that, after the abolition of slavery, a radical change of the relations of capital and of property in land is n e x t u p o n the order of the day. T h e s e are signs of the times, n o t to be h i d d e n by purple m a n t l e s or black cassocks. T h e y do not signify that to-morrow a miracle will h a p p e n . They show that, within the ruling-classes themselves, a foreboding is dawning, t h a t the present society is no solid crystal, b u t an organism capable of c h a n g e , a n d is constantly changing. 39

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T h e second volume of this work will treat of the process of the circulat i o n of c a p i t a l (Book II.), a n d of t h e varied forms a s s u m e d by capital in t h e course of its development (Book III.), the third a n d last volume 30 (Book IV.), the history of the theory. Every o p i n i o n based on scientific criticism I welcome. As to the prejudices of so-called public opinion, to which I have never m a d e concessions, n o w as aforetime the m a x i m of t h e great F l o r e n t i n e is m i n e : "Segui il t u o corso, e lascia dir le genti." 35 2

Karl Marx. L o n d o n , July 25, 1867. | 2

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To the present m o m e n t Political E c o n o m y , in G e r m a n y , is a foreign science. G u s t a v von G ü l i c h in his "Historical description of C o m m e r c e , I n dustry," etc., especially in t h e two first v o l u m e s published in 1830, has ex5 a m i n e d at length the historical c i r c u m s t a n c e s t h a t prevented, in G e r m a n y , the development of t h e capitalist m o d e of production, a n d consequently the development, in t h a t country, of m o d e r n bourgeois society. T h u s the soil whence Political E c o n o m y springs was wanting. This "science" h a d to be imported from E n g l a n d a n d F r a n c e as a r e a d y - m a d e article; its G e r m a n 10 professors r e m a i n e d schoolboys. T h e theoretical expression of a foreign reality was turned, in their h a n d s , into a collection of dogmas, interpreted by t h e m in terms of the petty trading world a r o u n d t h e m , a n d therefore misinterpreted. T h e feeling of scientific i m p o t e n c e , a feeling n o t wholly to be repressed, and the u n e a s y consciousness of having to t o u c h a subject in 15 reality foreign to them, was b u t imperfectly concealed, either u n d e r a parade of literary a n d historical erudition, or by an a d m i x t u r e of extraneous material, borrowed from t h e so-called " K a m e r a l " sciences, a m e d l e y of smatterings, through whose purgatory t h e hopeless c a n d i d a t e for the Germ a n bureaucracy has to pass. 20 Since 1848 capitalist p r o d u c t i o n has developed rapidly in G e r m a n y , a n d at the present t i m e it is in t h e full b l o o m of speculation a n d swindling. But fate is still u n p r o p i t i o u s to our professional economists. At the t i m e w h e n they were able to deal with Political E c o n o m y in a straightforward fashion, m o d e r n e c o n o m i c conditions ||XXII| did n o t actually exist in G e r m a n y . 25 A n d as soon as these c o n d i t i o n s did c o m e into existence, they did so u n d e r circumstances t h a t no longer allowed of their being really a n d impartially investigated within t h e b o u n d s of the bourgeois horizon. In so far as Political E c o n o m y r e m a i n s within t h a t horizon, in so far, i.e., as the capitalist regime is looked u p o n as the absolutely final form of social production, in30 stead of as a passing historical phase of its evolution, Political E c o n o m y can r e m a i n a science only so long as t h e class-struggle is latent or m a n i fests itself only in isolated a n d sporadic p h e n o m e n a . Let us take England. Its political e c o n o m y belongs to the period in which the class-struggle was as yet u n d e v e l o p e d . Its last great representa35 tive, Ricardo, in t h e end, consciously m a k e s t h e a n t a g o n i s m of class-interests, of wages a n d profits, of profits a n d rent, t h e starting-point of his investigations, naively taking this a n t a g o n i s m for a social law of n a t u r e . B u t by 3

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G e s c h i c h t l i c h e D a r s t e l l u n g des H a n d e l s , der G e w e r b e u n d des A c k e r b a u s , etc., v o n G u s t a v v o n G ü l i c h . 5 vols., J e n a , 1 8 3 0 - 4 5 .

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Author's prefaces this start the science of bourgeois e c o n o m y h a d reached t h e limits beyond which it could n o t pass. Already in the lifetime of R i c a r d o , a n d in opposit i o n to h i m , it was m e t by criticism, in the person of S i s m o n d i . T h e succeeding period, from 1820 to 1830, was n o t a b l e in E n g l a n d for scientific activity in the d o m a i n of Political E c o n o m y . It was the t i m e as well of the vulgarising a n d extending of R i c a r d o ' s theory, as of the contest of t h a t theory with the old school. Splendid t o u r n a m e n t s were held. W h a t was d o n e then, is little k n o w n to the C o n t i n e n t generally, because the p o l e m i c is for the m o s t part scattered t h r o u g h articles in reviews, occasional literature and p a m p h l e t s . T h e unprejudiced character of this p o l e m i c — a l t h o u g h the theory of ||XXIII| Ricardo already serves, in exceptional cases, as a weapon of attack u p o n bourgeois e c o n o m y — i s explained by the circ u m s t a n c e s of t h e t i m e . On t h e o n e h a n d , m o d e r n industry itself was only j u s t emerging from the age of childhood, as is shown by the fact that with the crisis of 1825 it for the first t i m e opens the periodic cycle of its m o d e r n life. On the other h a n d , the class-struggle between capital and labour is forced into the background, politically by the discord between t h e governm e n t s a n d the feudal aristocracy gathered a r o u n d the Holy Alliance on t h e o n e h a n d , a n d t h e popular masses, led by t h e bourgeoisie on the other; economically by the quarrel between industrial capital a n d aristocratic l a n d e d property—a quarrel t h a t in F r a n c e was concealed by the opposition b e t w e e n small a n d large l a n d e d property, a n d that in E n g l a n d broke o u t openly after the Corn Laws. T h e literature of Political E c o n o m y in E n g l a n d at this t i m e calls to m i n d the stormy forward m o v e m e n t in F r a n c e after Dr. Q u e s n a y ' s death, b u t only as a Saint M a r t i n ' s s u m m e r r e m i n d s us of spring. W i t h the year 1830 c a m e the decisive crisis. 4

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I n F r a n c e a n d i n England the bourgeoisie h a d c o n q u e r e d political power. Thenceforth, the class-struggle, practically as well as theoretically, took on m o r e and m o r e outspoken and t h r e a t e n i n g forms. It s o u n d e d t h e knell of scientific bourgeois economy. It was thenceforth no longer a ques- 30 tion, whether this t h e o r e m or that was true, b u t whether it was useful to capital or harmful, expedient or inexpedient, politically dangerous or not. In place of disinterested enquirers, there were hired prize-fighters; in place of g e n u i n e scientific research, t h e b a d conscience a n d the evil i n t e n t of apologetic. Still, even the obtrusive p a m p h l e t s with which the A n t i - C o r n 35 Law League, led by the manufacturers C o b d e n a n d Bright, ||XXIV| deluged t h e world, have a historic interest, if no scientific o n e , on a c c o u n t of their p o l e m i c against the l a n d e d aristocracy. B u t since t h e n the F r e e T r a d e legislation, i n a u g u r a t e d by Sir R o b e r t Peel, has deprived vulgar e c o n o m y of this its last sting. 40 4

See my work " Z u r Kritik, etc.," p. 39.

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The C o n t i n e n t a l revolution of 1 8 4 8 - 9 also h a d its reaction in England. M e n who still claimed s o m e scientific standing a n d aspired to be s o m e thing m o r e t h a n m e r e sophists a n d sycophants of the ruling-classes, tried to h a r m o n i s e the Political E c o n o m y of capital with t h e claims, no longer to be ignored, of the proletariat. H e n c e a shallow syncretism, of which J o h n Stuart Mill is t h e best representative. It is a declaration of b a n k r u p t c y by bourgeois economy, an event on which the great R u s s i a n scholar a n d critic, N. Tschernyschewsky, h a s thrown the light of a m a s t e r m i n d in his " O u t lines of Political E c o n o m y according to Mill."

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In G e r m a n y , therefore, the capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n c a m e to a head, after its antagonistic character h a d already, in F r a n c e a n d England, shown itself in a fierce strife of classes. A n d m e a n w h i l e , moreover, the Germ a n proletariat h a d attained a m u c h m o r e clear class-consciousness t h a n the G e r m a n bourgeoisie. T h u s , at the very m o m e n t when a bourgeois 15 science of political e c o n o m y s e e m e d at last possible in G e r m a n y , it h a d in reality again b e c o m e impossible. U n d e r these circumstances its professors fell into two groups. T h e o n e set, p r u d e n t , practical business folk, flocked to the b a n n e r of Bastiat, the m o s t superficial a n d therefore t h e m o s t a d e q u a t e representative of the 20 apologetic of vulgar e c o n o m y ; the other, p r o u d of the professorial dignity of their science, followed J o h n Stuart Mill in his attempt to reconcile irreconcilables. Just as in the classical t i m e of bourgeois economy, so | |XXV| also in the t i m e of its decline, t h e G e r m a n s r e m a i n e d m e r e schoolboys, imitators a n d followers, petty retailers a n d hawkers in the service of 25 the great foreign whole-sale concern. T h e peculiar historic d e v e l o p m e n t of G e r m a n society therefore forbids, in that country, all original work in bourgeois economy; b u t n o t the criticism of that economy. So far as such criticism represents a class, it can only represent t h e class whose vocation in history is the overthrow of the 30 capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n a n d t h e final abolition of all classes—the proletariat. T h e learned a n d u n l e a r n e d s p o k e s m e n of t h e G e r m a n bourgeoisie tried at first to kill "Das K a p i t a l " by silence, as they h a d m a n a g e d to do with my earlier writings. As soon as they found that these tactics no longer fitted in 35 with the conditions of the t i m e , they wrote, u n d e r pretence of criticising my book, prescriptions "for the tranquillisation of the bourgeois m i n d . " But they found in the workers' press—see, e.g., J o s e p h Dietzgen's articles in the "Volksstaat"—antagonists stronger t h a n themselves, to w h o m (down to this very day) they owe a reply. 5

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T h e m e a l y - m o u t h e d b a b b l e r s of G e r m a n vulgar e c o n o m y fell foul of t h e style of my b o o k . No o n e c a n feel t h e literary s h o r t c o m i n g s in " D a s K a p i t a l " m o r e strongly t h a n I myself. Y e t I

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Author's prefaces An excellent R u s s i a n translation of "Das Kapital" ap||XXVI|peared in t h e spring of 1872. T h e edition of 3000 copies is already nearly exhausted. As early as 1871, N. Sieber, Professor of Political E c o n o m y in the University of Kiev, in his work "David Ricardo's Theory of V a l u e a n d of Capital," referred to my theory of value, of m o n e y a n d of capital, as in its fundam e n t a l s a necessary sequel to the teaching of S m i t h a n d Ricardo. T h a t which astonishes the W e s t e r n E u r o p e a n in the reading of this excellent work, is the author's consistent a n d firm grasp of t h e purely theoretical position. T h a t the m e t h o d employed in "Das Kapital" has b e e n little u n d e r s t o o d , is shown by the various conceptions, contradictory one to another, that have b e e n formed of it. T h u s the Paris Revue Posiviste reproaches me in that, on t h e o n e h a n d , I treat economics metaphysically, a n d on the other h a n d — i m a g i n e ! — c o n fine myself to the m e r e critical analysis of actual facts, instead of writing receipts (Comtist ones?) for the cook-shops of t h e future. In answer to t h e reproach in re metaphysics, Professor Sieber has it: " I n so far as it deals with actual theory, the m e t h o d of M a r x is t h e deductive m e t h o d of the whole English school, a school whose failings a n d virtues are c o m m o n to t h e best theoretic economists." M . B l o c k — " L e s théoriciens du socialisme en Allemagne, Extrait du J o u r n a l des É c o n o m i s t e s , Juillet et A o û t 1 8 7 2 " — m a k e s the discovery that my m e t h o d is analytic a n d says: « P a r cet ouvrage M. M a r x se classe p a r m i les esprits analytiques les plus é m i n e n t s . » G e r m a n reviews, of course, shriek o u t at "Hegelian sophistics." T h e European Messenger of St. Peterburg, in an article dealing exclusively with t h e m e t h o d of "Das Kapital" (May n u m b e r , 1872, pp. 4 2 7 - 4 3 6 ) , finds my m e t h o d of inquiry severely realistic, b u t my m e t h o d of presentation, | |XXVII| unfortunately, German-dialectical. It says: "At first sight, if the j u d g m e n t is based on t h e external form of the p r e s e n t a t i o n of the subject, M a r x is t h e most ideal of ideal philosophers, always in the G e r m a n , i.e., t h e b a d sense of the word. But in point of fact he is infinitely m o r e realistic t h a n all his fore-runners in the work of e c o n o m i c criticism. He c a n in no sense be called an idealist." I c a n n o t answer the writer better t h a n by aid of will for t h e benefit a n d t h e e n j o y m e n t o f these g e n t l e m e n a n d t h e i r p u b l i c q u o t e i n this c o n n e c t i o n o n e English a n d o n e R u s s i a n n o t i c e . T h e " S a t u r d a y Review," always hostile t o m y views, said in its n o t i c e of t h e first e d i t i o n : " T h e p r e s e n t a t i o n of t h e subject invests t h e driest e c o n o m i c q u e s t i o n s with a c e r t a i n p e c u l i a r c h a r m . " T h e "St. P e t e r s b u r g J o u r n a l " (Sankt-Peterburgskie V i e d o m o s t i ) , in its issue of April 20, 1872, says: " T h e p r e s e n t a t i o n of t h e subject, w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n of o n e or two e x c e p t i o n a l l y special parts, is d i s t i n g u i s h e d by its c o m p r e h e n s i b i l i t y by t h e g e n e r a l reader, its clearness, a n d , in spite of t h e scientific intricacy of t h e subject, b y a n u n u s u a l liveliness. I n this respect t h e a u t h o r i n n o way r e s e m b l e s ... t h e majority of G e r m a n scholars w h o ... write t h e i r b o o k s in a l a n g u a g e so dry a n d o b s c u r e t h a t t h e h e a d s of o r d i n a r y m o r t a l s are cracked by it."

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a few extracts from his own criticism, which m a y interest some of my readers to w h o m the R u s s i a n original is inaccessible. After a q u o t a t i o n from t h e preface to my "Criticism of Political E c o n omy," Berlin, 1859, p p . I V - V I I , where I discuss the materialistic basis of my m e t h o d , the writer goes on: "The o n e thing which is of m o m e n t to Marx, is to find the law of the p h e n o m e n a with whose investigation he is concerned; and n o t only is that law of m o m e n t to h i m , which governs these p h e n o m e n a , in so far as they have a definite form a n d m u t u a l c o n n e c t i o n within a given historical period. Of still greater m o m e n t to h i m is the law of their variation, of their development, i.e., of their transition from o n e form into another, from o n e series of c o n n e c t i o n s into a different o n e . This law once discovered, he investigates in detail the effects in which it manifests itself in social life. Consequently, M a r x only troubles himself a b o u t o n e thing; to show, by rigid scientific investigation, the necessity of successive determinate orders of social conditions, a n d to establish, as impartially as possible, the facts that serve h i m for f u n d a m e n t a l starting points. F o r this it is quite enough, if he proves, at the s a m e t i m e , b o t h the necessity of the present order of things, a n d t h e necessity of a n o t h e r order into which the first m u s t inevitably pass over; a n d this all t h e same, whether m e n believe or do not ||XXVIII| believe it, whether they are conscious or u n c o n s c i o u s of it. M a r x treats the social m o v e m e n t as a process of n a t u r a l history, governed by laws n o t only i n d e p e n d e n t of h u m a n will, consciousness a n d intelligence, b u t rather, on the contrary, d e t e r m i n i n g that will, consciousness a n d i n t e l l i g e n c e . . . . If in the history of civilisation the conscious e l e m e n t plays a part so s u b o r d i n a t e , t h e n it is self-evident that a critical inquiry whose subject-matter is civilisation, can, less t h a n anything else, have for its basis any form of, or any result of, consciousness. T h a t is to say, t h a t n o t the idea, b u t the m a t e r i a l p h e n o m e n o n alone can serve as its startingpoint. Such an inquiry will confine itself to the confrontation a n d the c o m parison of a fact, not with ideas, b u t with a n o t h e r fact. F o r this inquiry, t h e o n e thing of m o m e n t is, that b o t h facts be investigated as accurately as possible, a n d that they actually form, e a c h with respect to the other, different m o m e n t a of an evolution; b u t m o s t i m p o r t a n t of all is the rigid analysis of the series of successions, of t h e sequences a n d c o n c a t e n a t i o n s in which the different stages of s u c h an evolution present themselves. But it will be said, the general laws of e c o n o m i c life are o n e a n d the same, no m a t t e r whether they are applied to the present or the past. T h i s M a r x directly denies. A c cording to h i m , such abstract laws do n o t exist. On the contrary, in his o p i n i o n every historical period has laws of its o w n . . . . As soon as society has outlived a given period of development, a n d is passing over from o n e given stage to another, it begins to be subject also to other laws. In a word,

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Author's prefaces e c o n o m i c life offers us a p h e n o m e n o n a n a l o g o u s to t h e history of evolu­ t i o n in o t h e r b r a n c h e s of biology. T h e old e c o n o m i s t s m i s u n d e r s t o o d the n a t u r e of e c o n o m i c laws w h e n they likened t h e m to t h e laws of physics a n d ||XXIX| chemistry. A m o r e t h o r o u g h analysis of p h e n o m e n a shows t h a t social organisms differ a m o n g themselves as f u n d a m e n t a l l y as p l a n t s or an-

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imals. Nay, o n e a n d t h e s a m e p h e n o m e n o n falls u n d e r q u i t e different laws in c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e different structure of t h o s e organisms as a whole, of t h e variations of their i n d i v i d u a l organs, of t h e different c o n d i t i o n s in which t h o s e organs function, etc. M a r x , e.g., d e n i e s t h a t t h e law of popula­ t i o n is t h e s a m e at all t i m e s a n d in all places. He asserts, on t h e contrary, t h a t every stage of d e v e l o p m e n t h a s its own law of p o p u l a t i o n

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varying degree of d e v e l o p m e n t of productive power, social c o n d i t i o n s a n d t h e laws governing t h e m vary t o o . Whilst M a r x sets himself t h e task of fol­ lowing a n d explaining from this p o i n t of view t h e e c o n o m i c system estab­ lished by t h e sway of capital, he is only formulating, in a strictly scientific

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m a n n e r , t h e a i m t h a t every a c c u r a t e investigation i n t o e c o n o m i c life m u s t have. T h e scientific value of s u c h an inquiry lies in t h e disclosing of t h e special laws t h a t regulate t h e origin, existence, d e v e l o p m e n t , d e a t h of a given social organism a n d its r e p l a c e m e n t b y a n o t h e r a n d higher o n e . A n d it is this value that, in p o i n t of fact, M a r x ' s b o o k h a s . "

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Whilst the writer pictures what h e takes t o b e actually m y m e t h o d , i n this striking a n d (as far as c o n c e r n s my own a p p l i c a t i o n of it) g e n e r o u s way, what else is he picturing b u t t h e dialectic m e t h o d ? Of course t h e m e t h o d of p r e s e n t a t i o n m u s t differ in form from t h a t of in­ quiry. T h e latter h a s to appropriate t h e m a t e r i a l in detail, to analyse its dif-

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ferent forms of development, to trace o u t t h e i r i n n e r c o n n e c t i o n . Only after this work is d o n e , can t h e a c t u a l m o v e m e n t be a d e q u a t e l y described. If this is d o n e successfully, if t h e life of the subject-matter is ideally reflected as in a ||XXX| mirror, t h e n it m a y appear as if we h a d before us a m e r e a priori construction.

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My dialectic m e t h o d is n o t only different from t h e Hegelian, b u t is its direct opposite. To Hegel, t h e life-process of t h e h u m a n brain, i.e., t h e pro­ cess of thinking, which, u n d e r t h e n a m e of " t h e I d e a , " he even transforms i n t o an i n d e p e n d e n t subject, is t h e d e m i u r g o s of t h e real world, a n d t h e real world is only t h e external, p h e n o m e n a l form of " t h e I d e a . " W i t h m e ,

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on t h e contrary, t h e ideal is n o t h i n g else t h a n t h e m a t e r i a l world reflected b y t h e h u m a n m i n d , a n d translated i n t o forms o f t h o u g h t . T h e mystifying side of H e g e l i a n dialectic I criticised nearly thirty years ago, at a t i m e w h e n it was still t h e fashion. B u t j u s t as I was working at t h e first v o l u m e of " D a s Kapital," it was t h e good pleasure of t h e peevish, arrogant, m e d i o c r e Ε π ί γ ο ν ο ι who now talk large i n cultured G e r m a n y , t o treat

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Hegel in same way as the brave Moses M e n d e l s s o h n in Lessing's t i m e treated Spinoza, i.e., as a "dead dog." I therefore openly avowed myself the pupil of t h a t mighty thinker, a n d even here a n d there, in t h e chapter on the theory of value, coquetted with the m o d e s of expression peculiar to h i m . T h e mystification which dialectic suffers in Hegel's h a n d s , by no m e a n s prevents h i m from being the first to present its general form of working in a comprehensive a n d conscious m a n n e r . W i t h h i m it is standing on its h e a d . It m u s t be t u r n e d right side up again, if you would discover t h e rational kernel within the mystical shell. In its mystified form, dialectic b e c a m e the fashion in G e r m a n y , because it seemed to transfigure a n d to glorify the existing state of things. In its rational form it is a scandal a n d a b o m i n a t i o n to b o u r g e o i s d o m and its doctrinaire professors, because it i n c l u d e s in its c o m p r e h e n | | X X X I | s i o n a n d affirmative recognition of the existing state of things, at the s a m e t i m e also, the recognition of the negation of that state, of its inevitable breaking u p ; because it regards every historically developed social form as in fluid m o v e m e n t , and therefore takes into a c c o u n t its transient n a t u r e n o t less t h a n its m o m e n t a r y existence; b e c a u s e it lets n o t h i n g i m p o s e u p o n it, a n d is in its essence critical a n d revolutionary. T h e contradictions i n h e r e n t in the m o v e m e n t of capitalist society i m press themselves u p o n the practical bourgeois m o s t strikingly in t h e changes of the periodic cycle, t h r o u g h which m o d e r n industry runs, a n d whose crowning point is the universal crisis. T h a t crisis is once again approaching, although as yet b u t in its preliminary stage; a n d by the universality of its theatre a n d the intensity of its action it will d r u m dialectics even into the h e a d s of the m u s h r o o m - u p s t a r t s of the new, holy Prusso-Germ a n empire. Karl Marx. L o n d o n , January 24, 1873. |

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Chapter I • Commodities

| 1 | BOOK I.

Capitalist Production. PART I. Commodities

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Money.

C H A P T E R I.

Commodities. Section 1.—The two Factors of a Commodity: Use-Value and Value (the Substance of Value and the Magnitude of Value). The wealth of those societies in w h i c h the capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n 10 prevails, presents itself as " a n i m m e n s e a c c u m u l a t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s , " its u n i t being a single c o m m o d i t y . O u r investigation m u s t therefore begin with the analysis of a c o m m o d i t y . A c o m m o d i t y is, in the first place, an object outside us, a thing t h a t by its properties satisfies h u m a n wants of s o m e sort or another. T h e n a t u r e of 15 such wants, whether, for instance, they spring from the s t o m a c h or from fancy, m a k e s no differ||2|ence. N e i t h e r are we here concerned to know how the object satisfies these wants, w h e t h e r directly as m e a n s of subsistence, or indirectly as m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . 1

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Karl M a r x " Z u r Kritik der P o l i t i s c h e n O e k o n o m i e . " Berlin, 1859, p. 3. "Desire i m p l i e s w a n t ; it is t h e a p p e t i t e of t h e m i n d , a n d as n a t u r a l as h u n g e r to t h e b o d y . ... T h e greatest n u m b e r (of things) h a v e t h e i r v a l u e from supplying t h e w a n t s o f t h e m i n d . " N i cholas B a r b o n : " A D i s c o u r s e o n c o i n i n g t h e n e w m o n e y lighter, i n answer t o M r . L o c k e ' s C o n siderations," etc. L o n d o n , 1696. p. 2, 3. 2

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Part I · Commodities and money Every useful thing, as iron, paper, etc., m a y be looked at from t h e two points of view of quality a n d quantity. It is an assemblage of m a n y properties, a n d m a y therefore be of use in various ways. To discover the various uses of things is the work of history. So also is the establishment of socially-recognised standards of m e a s u r e for the quantities of these useful 5 objects. T h e diversity of these m e a s u r e s has its origin partly in the diverse n a t u r e of the objects to be m e a s u r e d , partly in convention. T h e utility of a thing m a k e s it a use-value. But this utility is n o t a thing of air. Being limited by the physical properties of the c o m m o d i t y , it has no existence apart from that c o m m o d i t y . A c o m m o d i t y , such as iron, corn, or 10 a d i a m o n d , is therefore, so far as it is a m a t e r i a l thing, a use-value, something useful. This property of a c o m m o d i t y is i n d e p e n d e n t of the a m o u n t of labour required to appropriate its useful qualities. W h e n treating of usevalue, we always a s s u m e to be dealing with definite quantities, such as dozens of watches, yards of linen, or tons of iron. T h e use-values of c o m m o d i - 15 ties furnish the material for a special study, t h a t of the c o m m e r c i a l knowledge of c o m m o d i t i e s . Use-values b e c o m e a reality only by use or c o n s u m p t i o n : they also con||3|stitute t h e s u b s t a n c e of all wealth, whatever m a y be the social form of that wealth. In the form of society we are a b o u t to consider, they are, in addition, the m a t e r i a l depositories of exchange 20 value. 3

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Exchange value, at first sight, presents itself as a quantitative relation, as the proportion in which values in use of o n e sort are exchanged for those of another sort, a relation constantly changing with t i m e a n d place. H e n c e exchange value appears to be s o m e t h i n g accidental a n d purely relative, a n d consequently an intrinsic value, i.e., an exchange value that is inseparably c o n n e c t e d with, i n h e r e n t in c o m m o d i t i e s , seems a c o n t r a d i c t i o n in t e r m s . Let us consider the m a t t e r a little m o r e closely. 6

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" T h i n g s have an i n t r i n s i c k v e r t u e " (this is B a r b o n ' s special t e r m for v a l u e in use) " w h i c h in all p l a c e s h a v e t h e s a m e v e r t u e ; as t h e l o a d s t o n e to attract i r o n " (I.e., p. 6). T h e property w h i c h t h e m a g n e t possesses of attracting iron, b e c a m e of u s e only after by m e a n s of t h a t p r o p e r t y t h e polarity o f t h e m a g n e t h a d b e e n discovered. " T h e n a t u r a l w o r t h of a n y t h i n g consists in its fitness to supply t h e necessities, or serve t h e c o n v e n i e n c i e s o f h u m a n life." ( J o h n L o c k e , " S o m e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o n t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e lowering of interest, 1 6 9 1 , " in W o r k s E d i t . L o n d . , 1777, V o l . II., p. 28.) In E n g l i s h writers of t h e 17th c e n t u r y we frequently find "worth" in t h e s e n s e of v a l u e in u s e , a n d " v a l u e " in t h e s e n s e of e x c h a n g e value. T h i s is q u i t e in a c c o r d a n c e with t h e spirit of a l a n g u a g e t h a t likes to u s e a T e u t o n i c word for t h e a c t u a l t h i n g , a n d a R o m a n c e w o r d for its reflexion. In b o u r g e o i s societies t h e e c o n o m i c a l Actio j u r i s prevails, t h a t every o n e , as a buyer, possesses a n e n c y c l o p e d i c knowledge o f c o m m o d i t i e s . « L a valeur consiste d a n s le r a p p o r t d ' é c h a n g e q u i se t r o u v e e n t r e telle c h o s e et telle a u t r e , e n t r e telle m e s u r e d ' u n e p r o d u c t i o n , e t telle m e s u r e d ' u n e a u t r e . » (Le T r o s n e : D e l'Intérêt Social. Physiocrates, É d . D a i r e . Paris, 1846. P. 889.) " N o t h i n g c a n have an i n t r i n s i c k v a l u e . " (N. B a r b o n , I.e., p. 6); or as B u t l e r says— " T h e v a l u e of a t h i n g Is j u s t as m u c h as it will b r i n g . "

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Chapter I • Commodities A given c o m m o d i t y , e.g., a quarter of w h e a t is e x c h a n g e d for χ blacking, y silk, or ζ gold, e t c . — i n short, for o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s in t h e m o s t different proportions. I n s t e a d of o n e e x c h a n g e value, t h e w h e a t has, therefore, a great m a n y . But since χ blacking, y silk, or ζ gold, etc., e a c h r e p r e s e n t t h e 5

exchange value of o n e q u a r t e r of wheat, χ blacking, y silk, ζ gold, etc., must, as exchange values, be replaceable by e a c h other, or e q u a l to e a c h other. Therefore, first: t h e valid e x c h a n g e values of a given c o m m o d i t y ex­ press s o m e t h i n g equal; secondly, e x c h a n g e value, generally, is only t h e m o d e of expression, t h e p h e n o m e n a l form, of s o m e t h i n g c o n t a i n e d in it,

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yet distinguishable from it. Let us take two c o m m o d i t i e s , e.g., c o r n a n d iron. T h e proportions in which they are exchangeable, whatever t h o s e p r o p o r t i o n s may b e , c a n al­ ways be r e p r e s e n t e d by an e q u a t i o n in w h i c h a given q u a n t i t y of c o r n is e q u a t e d to s o m e q u a n t i t y of iron: e.g., 1 q u a r t e r corn = χ cwt. iron. W h a t

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does this e q u a t i o n tell us? It tells us t h a t in two different t h i n g s — i n 1 quar­ ter of corn a n d χ cwt. of iron, t h e r e exists in e q u a l q u a n t i t i e s s o m e t h i n g c o m m o n to b o t h . T h e two things m u s t there||4|fore be e q u a l to a t h i r d , which in itself is n e i t h e r t h e o n e n o r t h e other. E a c h of t h e m , so far as it is exchange value, m u s t therefore be r e d u c i b l e to this third.

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A simple geometrical illustration will m a k e this clear. In order to calcu­ late a n d c o m p a r e the areas of rectilinear figures, we d e c o m p o s e t h e m i n t o triangles. B u t t h e area of t h e triangle itself is expressed by s o m e t h i n g to­ tally different from its visible figure, n a m e l y , by half t h e p r o d u c t of t h e base i n t o t h e altitude. I n t h e s a m e way t h e e x c h a n g e values o f c o m m o d i -

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ties m u s t be capable of b e i n g expressed in t e r m s of s o m e t h i n g c o m m o n to t h e m all, of which t h i n g t h e y represent a greater or less q u a n t i t y . This c o m m o n " s o m e t h i n g " c a n n o t be either a geometrical, a c h e m i c a l , or any o t h e r n a t u r a l property of c o m m o d i t i e s . S u c h properties c l a i m o u r at­ t e n t i o n only in so far as they affect t h e utility of those c o m m o d i t i e s , m a k e

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t h e m use-values. B u t t h e e x c h a n g e of c o m m o d i t i e s is evidently an act char­ acterised by a total abstraction from use-value. T h e n o n e use-value is j u s t as good as a n o t h e r , provided only it be present in sufficient quantity. Or, as old B a r b o n says, " o n e sort of wares are as good as a n o t h e r , if t h e values be equal. T h e r e is no difference or d i s t i n c t i o n in things of e q u a l value . . . . An

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h u n d r e d p o u n d s ' worth of lead or iron, is of as great value as o n e h u n d r e d p o u n d s ' worth of silver or g o l d . " 8 As use-values, c o m m o d i t i e s are, above all, of different qualities, b u t as e x c h a n g e values they are merely different quantities, a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y d o n o t c o n t a i n a n a t o m o f use-value. If t h e n we leave o u t of c o n s i d e r a t i o n t h e use-value of c o m m o d i t i e s , they

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have only o n e c o m m o n property left, t h a t of b e i n g p r o d u c t s of labour. B u t 8

N. B a r b o n , I.e. p. 53 a n d 7.

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Part I · Commodities and money even the p r o d u c t of labour itself has u n d e r g o n e a c h a n g e in our h a n d s . If we m a k e abstraction from its use-value, we m a k e abstraction at the s a m e t i m e from the material elements a n d shapes t h a t m a k e the p r o d u c t a u s e value; we see in it no longer a table, a house, yarn, or any other useful thing. Its existence as a m a t e r i a l thing is p u t o u t of sight. N e i t h e r c a n it any longer be regarded as the product of the l a b o u r of the joiner, the m a son, ||5| the spinner, or of any other definite k i n d of productive labour. Along with the useful qualities of the p r o d u c t s themselves, we p u t o u t of sight b o t h the useful character of t h e various k i n d s of labour e m b o d i e d in t h e m , a n d the concrete forms of t h a t labour; there is n o t h i n g left b u t what is c o m m o n to t h e m all; all are reduced to o n e a n d t h e s a m e sort of labour, h u m a n labour i n the abstract. Let us now consider the residue of each of these products; it consists of t h e s a m e u n s u b s t a n t i a l reality in each, a m e r e congelation of h o m o g e n e o u s h u m a n labour, of labour-power e x p e n d e d without regard to the m o d e of its e x p e n d i t u r e . All t h a t these things now tell us is, t h a t h u m a n labour-power h a s b e e n e x p e n d e d in their production, that h u m a n l a b o u r is e m b o d i e d in t h e m . W h e n looked at as crystals of this social substance, c o m m o n to t h e m all, they are—Values. We have seen that when c o m m o d i t i e s are exchanged, their exchange value manifests itself as something totally i n d e p e n d e n t of their use-value. But if we abstract from their use-value, t h e r e r e m a i n s their Value as defined above. Therefore, the c o m m o n substance t h a t manifests itself in t h e exc h a n g e value of c o m m o d i t i e s , whenever they are exchanged, is their value. T h e progress of our investigation will show t h a t e x c h a n g e value is the only form in which the value of c o m m o d i t i e s can manifest itself or be expressed. F o r the present, however, we have to consider the n a t u r e of value i n d e p e n d e n t l y of this, its form. A use-value, or useful article, therefore, has value only because h u m a n l a b o u r in the abstract has b e e n e m b o d i e d or materialised in it. How, t h e n , is the m a g n i t u d e of this value to be m e a s u r e d ? Plainly, by the quantity of the value-creating substance, t h e labour, c o n t a i n e d in the article. T h e q u a n t i t y of labour, however, is m e a s u r e d by its duration, a n d l a b o u r - t i m e in its t u r n finds its standard in weeks, days, a n d h o u r s . S o m e people m i g h t think that if t h e value of a c o m m o d i t y is d e t e r m i n e d by t h e quantity of labour spent on it, the m o r e idle a n d unskilful t h e labourer, the m o r e valuable would his c o m m o d i t y be, b e c a u s e m o r e t i m e would be required in its p r o d u c t i o n . T h e labour, however, t h a t forms the s u b s t a n c e of |)6| value, is h o m o g e n e o u s h u m a n labour, e x p e n d i t u r e of o n e u n i f o r m labour-power. T h e total labour-power of society, which is e m b o d ied in the s u m total of the values of all c o m m o d i t i e s p r o d u c e d by that so-

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ciety, counts here as o n e h o m o g e n e o u s m a s s of h u m a n labour-power, c o m posed though it be of i n n u m e r a b l e individual units. E a c h of these u n i t s is the same as any other, so far as it has t h e character of the average labourpower of society, and takes effect as such; t h a t is, so far as it requires for producing a c o m m o d i t y , no m o r e t i m e t h a n is n e e d e d on an average, no m o r e t h a n is socially necessary. T h e l a b o u r - t i m e socially necessary is that required to produce an article u n d e r the n o r m a l conditions of p r o d u c t i o n , and with the average degree of skill a n d intensity prevalent at the t i m e . T h e introduction of power-looms into E n g l a n d probably r e d u c e d by o n e half the labour required to weave a given quantity of yarn into cloth. T h e h a n d - l o o m weavers, as a m a t t e r of fact, c o n t i n u e d to require the s a m e t i m e as before; but for all that, the p r o d u c t of o n e h o u r of their l a b o u r represented after the change only half an h o u r ' s social labour, a n d consequently fell to one-half its former value. We see t h e n that t h a t which d e t e r m i n e s the m a g n i t u d e of the value of any article is the a m o u n t of labour socially necessary, or the l a b o u r - t i m e socially necessary for its p r o d u c t i o n . E a c h individual c o m m o d i t y , in this connexion, is to be considered as an average sample of its c l a s s . C o m m o d ities, therefore, in which equal quantities of labour are e m b o d i e d , or w h i c h can be produced in the same t i m e , have the s a m e value. T h e value of o n e c o m m o d i t y is to the value of any other, as the labour-time necessary for the production of t h e one is to that necessary for the production of the other. "As values, all c o m m o d i t i e s are only definite masses of congealed labourtime." I |7j The value of a c o m m o d i t y would therefore r e m a i n constant, if the labour-time required for its p r o d u c t i o n also r e m a i n e d constant. B u t the latter changes with every variation in the productiveness of labour. This p r o d u c tiveness is d e t e r m i n e d by various circumstances, amongst others, by the average a m o u n t of skill of the workmen, t h e state of science, and t h e degree of its practical application, the social organisation of production, the extent and capabilities of the m e a n s of production, a n d by physical conditions. For example, the s a m e a m o u n t of labour in favourable seasons is e m b o d ied in 8 bushels of corn, a n d in unfavourable, only in four. T h e s a m e la9

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"The value of t h e m (the n e c e s s a r i e s of life), w h e n they a r e e x c h a n g e d t h e o n e for a n o t h e r , is regulated by t h e quantity of l a b o u r necessarily r e q u i r e d , a n d c o m m o n l y t a k e n in p r o d u c i n g t h e m . " ( S o m e T h o u g h t s o n t h e I n t e r e s t o f M o n e y i n general, a n d particularly i n t h e P u b l i c k F u n d s , etc. L o n d . , p p . 3 6 , 37.) T h i s r e m a r k a b l e a n o n y m o u s work, written i n t h e last c e n t u r y , bears no d a t e . It is clear, however, from i n t e r n a l e v i d e n c e , t h a t it a p p e a r e d in t h e r e i g n of George II. a b o u t 1739 or 1740. « T o u t e s les p r o d u c t i o n s d ' u n m ê m e g e n r e n e f o r m e n t p r o p r e m e n t q u ' u n e m a s s e , d o n t l e prix se d é t e r m i n e en g é n é r a l et s a n s égard a u x c i r c o n s t a n c e s p a r t i c u l i è r e s . » (Le T r o s n e , I.e. p . 893.) K . M a r x . Le. p . 6 . 10

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Part I · Commodities and money b o u r extracts from rich m i n e s m o r e m e t a l t h a n from poor m i n e s . Diam o n d s are of very rare occurrence on the earth's surface, a n d h e n c e their discovery costs, on an average, a great deal of labour-time. Consequently m u c h labour is represented in a small compass. Jacob d o u b t s whether gold h a s ever b e e n paid for at its full value. This applies still m o r e to d i a m o n d s . 5 A c c o r d i n g to Eschwege, the total p r o d u c e of t h e Brazilian d i a m o n d m i n e s for the eighty years, ending in 1823, h a d not realised the price of o n e - a n d a-half years' average p r o d u c e of the sugar a n d coffee p l a n t a t i o n s of the s a m e country, although the d i a m o n d s cost m u c h m o r e labour, a n d therefore represented m o r e value. W i t h richer m i n e s , the s a m e quantity of la- 10 b o u r would e m b o d y itself in m o r e d i a m o n d s , a n d their value would fall. If we could succeed at a small e x p e n d i t u r e of labour, in converting carbon into d i a m o n d s , their value m i g h t fall below t h a t of bricks. In general, the greater the productiveness of labour, the less is the l a b o u r - t i m e required for the p r o d u c t i o n of an article, the less is the a m o u n t of labour crystallised in 15 that article, a n d the less is its value; a n d vice versa, the less the productiveness of labour, the greater is the l a b o u r - t i m e required for t h e p r o d u c t i o n of an article, and the greater is its value. T h e value of a c o m m o d i t y , therefore, varies directly as the quantity, a n d inversely as the productiveness, of the l a b o u r incorporated in it. 20 A thing can be a use-value, without having value. This is the case w h e n ever its utility to m a n is n o t due to labour. S u c h are air, virgin soil, n a t u r a l m e a d o w s , etc. A thing can ||8| be useful, a n d t h e p r o d u c t of h u m a n labour, without being a c o m m o d i t y . Whoever directly satisfies his wants with the p r o d u c e of his own labour, creates, indeed, use-values, b u t n o t c o m m o d i - 25 ties. In order to produce the latter, he m u s t n o t only p r o d u c e use-values, b u t use-values for others, social use-values. Lastly, n o t h i n g can have value, without being an object of utility. If t h e thing is useless, so is the labour contained in it; the labour does not c o u n t as labour, and therefore creates no value. 30

Section 2. — The Twofold Character of the Labour embodied in Commodities. At first sight a c o m m o d i t y presented itself to us as a complex of two things—use-value a n d exchange-value. Later on, we saw also t h a t labour, too, possesses the s a m e two-fold n a t u r e ; for, so far as it finds expression in 35 value, it does not possess the same characteristics that belong to it as a creator of use-values. I was the first to point o u t a n d to e x a m i n e critically this two-fold n a t u r e of the labour c o n t a i n e d in c o m m o d i t i e s . As this point

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is the pivot on which a clear c o m p r e h e n s i o n of political e c o n o m y turns, we m u s t go m o r e into detail. Let us take two c o m m o d i t i e s s u c h as a coat a n d 10 yards of linen, a n d let the former be d o u b l e the value of t h e latter, so that, if 10 yards of l i n e n = W, the coat = 2 W . T h e coat is a use-value t h a t satisfies a particular want. Its existence is the result of a special sort of productive activity, the n a t u r e of which is det e r m i n e d by its aim, m o d e of operation, subject, m e a n s , a n d result. T h e labour, whose utility is t h u s represented by the value in use of its product, or which manifests itself by m a k i n g its product a use-value, we call useful labour. In this c o n n e x i o n we consider only its useful effect. As the coat a n d t h e l i n e n are two qualitatively different use-values, so also are the two forms of labour t h a t p r o d u c e t h e m , tailoring a n d weaving. Were these two objects n o t qualitatively different, n o t p r o d u c e d respectively by labour of different quality, they could n o t stand to e a c h other in the ||9| relation of c o m m o d i t i e s . Coats are n o t exchanged for coats, o n e use-value is not exchanged for a n o t h e r of the same kind. To all the different varieties of values in u s e there correspond as m a n y different kinds of useful labour, classified according to t h e order, genus, species, a n d variety to which they belong in t h e social division of labour. This division of labour is a necessary c o n d i t i o n for the p r o d u c t i o n of c o m modities, b u t it does n o t follow, conversely, t h a t the p r o d u c t i o n of c o m modities is a necessary c o n d i t i o n for the division of labour. In t h e p r i m i tive I n d i a n c o m m u n i t y there is social division of labour, without production of c o m m o d i t i e s . Or, to take an e x a m p l e nearer h o m e , in every factory the labour is divided according to a system, b u t this division is n o t brought a b o u t by the operatives m u t u a l l y exchanging their individual products. Only such products can b e c o m e c o m m o d i t i e s with regard to e a c h other, as result from different k i n d s of labour, each kind being carried on independently a n d for t h e a c c o u n t of private individuals. To r e s u m e , t h e n : In the use-value of e a c h c o m m o d i t y there is c o n t a i n e d useful labour, i.e., productive activity of a definite kind a n d exercised with a definite a i m . Use-values c a n n o t confront e a c h other as c o m m o d i t i e s , unless the useful labour e m b o d i e d in t h e m is qualitatively different in e a c h of t h e m . In a c o m m u n i t y , the p r o d u c e of which in general takes t h e form of commodities, i.e., in a c o m m u n i t y of c o m m o d i t y producers, this qualitative difference between the useful forms of l a b o u r t h a t are carried on i n d e pendently by individual producers, e a c h on their own account, develops into a complex system, a social division of labour. Anyhow, whether the coat be worn by the tailor or by his customer, in either case it operates as a use-value. N o r is t h e relation between the coat

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Part I • Commodities and money a n d the labour that produced it altered by t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e that tailoring m a y have b e c o m e a special trade, an i n d e p e n d e n t b r a n c h of the social division of labour. Wherever the want of clothing forced t h e m to it, the h u m a n race m a d e clothes for t h o u s a n d s of years, without a single m a n b e c o m i n g a tailor. But coats a n d linen, like every other e l e m e n t of m a t e r i a l wealth t h a t is n o t t h e s p o n t a n e o u s produce of n a t u r e , m u s t invariably owe their existence to a |flO( special productive activity, exercised with a definite aim, an activity that appropriates particular nature-given materials to particular h u m a n wants. So far therefore as labour is a creator of use-value, is useful labour, it is a necessary condition, i n d e p e n d e n t of all forms of society, for the existence of the h u m a n race; it is an eternal n a t u r e - i m p o s e d necessity, without which there c a n b e n o m a t e r i a l exchanges between m a n a n d N a ture, and therefore no life. T h e use-values, coat, linen, etc., i.e., t h e bodies of c o m m o d i t i e s , are c o m b i n a t i o n s of two e l e m e n t s — m a t t e r a n d labour. If we take away the u s e fui labour expended u p o n t h e m , a material s u b s t r a t u m is always left, which is furnished by N a t u r e without the help of m a n . T h e latter can work only as N a t u r e does, that is by changing the form of m a t t e r . N a y m o r e , in this work of changing the form he is constantly helped by n a t u r a l forces. We see, t h e n , that labour is n o t the only source of m a t e r i a l wealth, of use-valu e s produced by labour. As William Petty puts it, l a b o u r is its father a n d the earth its mother. Let us now pass from the c o m m o d i t y considered as a use-value to the value of c o m m o d i t i e s . By our assumption, the coat is worth twice as m u c h as the linen. B u t this is a m e r e quantitative difference, which for the present does not c o n c e r n u s . We bear in m i n d , however, t h a t if t h e value of the coat is double t h a t of 10 yds. of linen, 20 yds. of linen m u s t have the s a m e value as o n e coat. So far as they are values, the coat a n d the l i n e n are things of a like substance, objective expressions of essentially identical labour. But tailoring a n d weaving are, qualitatively, different kinds of | | 1 1 | labour. T h e r e are, however, states of society in which one a n d the s a m e m a n does tailoring a n d weaving alternately, in which case these two forms of labour are m e r e m o d -

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« T u t t i i f e n o m e n i dell' universo, s i e n o essi p r o d o t t i dalla m a n o d e l l ' u o m o , ovvero dalle u n i v e r s a l i leggi dalla f i s i c a , n o n c i d a n n o i d e a d i a t t u a l e c r e a z i o n e , m a u n i c a m e n t e d i u n a m o d i f i c a z i o n e della m a t e r i a . A c c o s t a r e e s e p a r a r e s o n o gli u n i c i e l e m e n t i c h e l'ingegno u m a n o ritrova a n a l i z z a n d o l'idea della r i p r o d u z i o n e : e t a n t o è riproduzione di valore (value in u s e , a l t h o u g h Verri in this passage of h i s controversy w i t h t h e P h y s i o c r a t s is n o t h i m s e l f q u i t e c e r t a i n of t h e k i n d of value he is s p e a k i n g of) e di ricchezza se la terra l'aria e l ' a c q u a n e ' c a m p i s i t r a s m u t i n o i n g r a n o , c o m e s e colla m a n o d e l l ' u o m o i l g l u t i n e d i u n i n s e t t o s i t r a s m u t i in velluto ovvero a l c u n i p e z z e t t i di m e t a l l o si o r g a n i z z i n o a formare u n a ripetiz i o n e . » — P i e t r o Verri. " M e d i t a z i o n i sulla E c o n o m i a P o l i t i c a " (first p r i n t e d in 1771) in C u s t o d i a e d i t i o n o f t h e I t a l i a n E c o n o m i s t s , Parte M o d e r n a , t . X V . p p . 2 1 , 22.

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ifications of the labour of t h e s a m e individual, a n d not special a n d fixed functions of different persons; j u s t as t h e coat which our tailor m a k e s o n e day, and the trousers which he m a k e s a n o t h e r day, imply only a variation in the labour of one a n d the same individual. Moreover, we see at a glance that, in our capitalist society, a given portion of h u m a n labour is, in accordance with the varying d e m a n d , at o n e t i m e supplied in the form of tailoring, at another in t h e form of weaving. This change m a y possibly n o t take place without friction, b u t take place it m u s t . Productive activity, if we leave out of sight its special form, viz., the u s e fui character of the labour, is n o t h i n g b u t t h e expenditure of h u m a n labour-power. Tailoring a n d weaving, t h o u g h qualitatively different p r o d u c tive activities, are each a productive e x p e n d i t u r e of h u m a n brains, nerves, and muscles, a n d in this sense are h u m a n labour. They are b u t two different m o d e s of expending h u m a n labour-power. Of course, this labourpower, which r e m a i n s the same u n d e r all its modifications, m u s t have attained a certain pitch of d e v e l o p m e n t before it can be expended in a multiplicity of m o d e s . But t h e value of a c o m m o d i t y represents h u m a n labour in the abstract, the e x p e n d i t u r e of h u m a n labour in general. A n d just as in society, a general or a b a n k e r plays a great part, b u t m e r e m a n , on the other h a n d , a very shabby p a r t , so here with m e r e h u m a n labour. It is the expenditure of simple labour-power, i.e., of the labour-power which, on an average, apart from any special development, exists in the o r g a n i s m of every ordinary individual. Simple average labour, it is true, varies in character in different countries and at different times, b u t in a particular society it is given. Skilled labour c o u n t s only as simple labour intensified, or rather, as multiplied simple labour, a given quantity of skilled being considered equal to a greater quantity of simple labour. Experience shows that this r e d u c t i o n is constantly being m a d e . A c o m m o d i t y may be t h e p r o d u c t of the most skilled labour, b u t its value, by equating ||12| it to t h e p r o d u c t of simple unskilled labour, represents a definite quantity of the latter labour a l o n e . T h e different proportions in which different sorts of labour are reduced to unskilled l a b o u r as their standard, are established by a social process t h a t goes on b e h i n d t h e backs of t h e producers, a n d , consequently, appear to be fixed by custom. F o r simplicity's sake we shall h e n c e forth a c c o u n t every k i n d of labour to be unskilled, simple labour; by this we do no m o r e t h a n save ourselves the trouble of m a k i n g the reduction. 13

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C o m p . Hegel, P h i l o s o p h i e des R e c h t s . Berlin, 1840. P. 250 § 190. T h e r e a d e r m u s t n o t e t h a t w e are n o t s p e a k i n g h e r e o f t h e wages o r value t h a t t h e l a b o u r e r gets for a given l a b o u r t i m e , b u t of t h e v a l u e of t h e c o m m o d i t y in w h i c h t h a t l a b o u r t i m e is materialised. W a g e s is a category t h a t , as yet, h a s no e x i s t e n c e at t h e p r e s e n t stage of o u r investigation. 14

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Part I · Commodities and money J u s t as, therefore, in viewing t h e coat a n d l i n e n as values, we abstract from t h e i r different use-values, so it is with t h e l a b o u r r e p r e s e n t e d by t h o s e values: we disregard t h e difference between its useful forms, weaving a n d tailoring. As t h e use-values, coat a n d linen, are c o m b i n a t i o n s of special productive activities with c l o t h a n d yarn, while t h e values, coat a n d l i n e n ,

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are, on t h e other h a n d , m e r e h o m o g e n e o u s congelations of indifferentiated labour, so t h e labour e m b o d i e d in t h e s e latter values does n o t c o u n t by vir­ t u e of its productive relation to cloth a n d yarn, b u t only as b e i n g expendi­ t u r e of h u m a n labour-power. Tailoring a n d weaving are necessary factors in t h e c r e a t i o n of t h e use-values, coat a n d linen, precisely b e c a u s e these two

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k i n d s of l a b o u r are of different qualities; b u t only in so far as abstraction is m a d e from their special qualities, only in so far as b o t h possess t h e s a m e quality of being h u m a n labour, do tailoring a n d weaving form t h e sub­ s t a n c e of t h e values of t h e s a m e articles. Coats a n d linen, however, are n o t merely values, b u t values of definite

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m a g n i t u d e , a n d according to our a s s u m p t i o n , t h e coat is worth twice as m u c h as t h e t e n yards of l i n e n . W h e n c e this difference in their values? It is owing to t h e fact t h a t t h e l i n e n c o n t a i n s only half as m u c h l a b o u r as t h e coat, a n d consequently, t h a t in t h e p r o d u c t i o n of t h e latter, labour-power m u s t have b e e n e x p e n d e d during twice t h e t i m e necessary for t h e p r o d u c -

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t i o n of t h e former. While, therefore, with reference to use-value, t h e l a b o u r c o n | | 1 3 | t a i n e d in a c o m m o d i t y c o u n t s only qualitatively, with reference to value it c o u n t s only quantitatively, a n d m u s t first b e r e d u c e d t o h u m a n l a b o u r p u r e a n d simple. In t h e former case, it is a q u e s t i o n of How a n d What, in t h e latter

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of H o w m u c h ? How long a time? Since t h e m a g n i t u d e of t h e value of a c o m m o d i t y represents only t h e q u a n t i t y of l a b o u r e m b o d i e d in it, it follows t h a t all c o m m o d i t i e s , w h e n t a k e n in certain proportions, m u s t be e q u a l in value. If t h e productive power of all t h e different sorts of useful l a b o u r r e q u i r e d

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for the p r o d u c t i o n of a coat r e m a i n s u n c h a n g e d , t h e s u m of t h e values of t h e coats p r o d u c e d increases with their n u m b e r . If o n e coat represents χ days' labour, two coats represent 2x days' labour, a n d so on. B u t a s s u m e t h a t the d u r a t i o n of t h e l a b o u r necessary for t h e p r o d u c t i o n of a coat be­ c o m e s d o u b l e d or halved. In t h e first case, o n e coat is worth as m u c h as

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two coats were before; in t h e second case, two coats are only w o r t h as m u c h as o n e was before, a l t h o u g h in b o t h cases o n e coat r e n d e r s t h e s a m e service as before, a n d t h e useful l a b o u r e m b o d i e d in it r e m a i n s of t h e s a m e qual­ ity. B u t t h e q u a n t i t y of l a b o u r spent on its p r o d u c t i o n h a s altered. An increase in t h e q u a n t i t y of use-values is an increase of m a t e r i a l wealth. W i t h two coats two m e n c a n be clothed, with o n e coat only o n e .

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m a n . Nevertheless, an increased quantity of material wealth m a y correspond to a s i m u l t a n e o u s fall in t h e m a g n i t u d e of its value. This antagonistic m o v e m e n t h a s its origin in the two-fold character of labour. Productive power has reference, of course, only to l a b o u r of some useful concrete form; the efficacy of any special productive activity during a given t i m e being d e p e n d e n t on its productiveness. Useful labour b e c o m e s , therefore, a m o r e or less a b u n d a n t source of products, in proportion to the rise or fall of its productiveness. On the other h a n d , no c h a n g e in this productiveness affects the labour represented by value. Since productive power is an attrib u t e of the concrete useful forms of labour, of course it can no longer have any bearing on that labour, so soon as we m a k e abstraction from those concrete useful forms. However t h e n productive power m a y vary, t h e s a m e labour, exercised during e q u a l periods of t i m e , always ||14| yields e q u a l a m o u n t s of value. But it will yield, during e q u a l periods of t i m e , different quantities of values in u s e ; m o r e , if the productive power rise, fewer, if it fall. T h e s a m e change in productive power, which increases the fruitfulness of labour, and, in c o n s e q u e n c e , the quantity of use-values p r o d u c e d by t h a t labour, will d i m i n i s h the total value of this increased quantity of use-values, provided such change shorten the total labour-time necessary for their production; a n d vice versa. On the o n e h a n d all l a b o u r is, speaking physiologically, an e x p e n d i t u r e of h u m a n labour-power, a n d in its character of identical abstract h u m a n labour, it creates a n d forms the value of c o m m o d i t i e s . On t h e other h a n d , all labour is the e x p e n d i t u r e of h u m a n labour-power in a special form a n d with a definite aim, a n d in this, its character of concrete useful labour, it produces u s e - v a l u e s . 15

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I n order t o prove t h a t l a b o u r a l o n e i s t h a t all-sufficient a n d r e a l m e a s u r e , b y w h i c h a t all t i m e s the value o f all c o m m o d i t i e s c a n b e e s t i m a t e d a n d c o m p a r e d , A d a m S m i t h says, " E q u a l q u a n t i t i e s o f l a b o u r m u s t a t all t i m e s a n d i n all p l a c e s h a v e t h e s a m e value for t h e l a b o u r e r . I n his n o r m a l state of h e a l t h , strength, a n d activity, a n d w i t h t h e average degree of skill t h a t he m a y possess, h e m u s t always give u p t h e s a m e p o r t i o n o f h i s rest, h i s freedom, a n d his h a p p i n e s s . " ( W e a l t h o f N a t i o n s , b . I . ch. V.) O n t h e o n e h a n d , A d a m S m i t h here ( b u t n o t everywhere) confuses t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n of value by m e a n s of t h e q u a n t i t y of l a b o u r e x p e n d e d in t h e p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s , w i t h t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n of t h e values of c o m m o d i t i e s by m e a n s of t h e value of labour, a n d seeks in c o n s e q u e n c e to prove t h a t e q u a l q u a n t i t i e s of lab o u r have always t h e s a m e v a l u e . On t h e o t h e r h a n d , he h a s a p r e s e n t i m e n t , t h a t labour, so far as it manifests itself in t h e value of c o m m o d i t i e s , c o u n t s o n l y as e x p e n d i t u r e of l a b o u r power, b u t h e treats this e x p e n d i t u r e a s t h e m e r e sacrifice o f rest, freedom, a n d h a p p i n e s s , n o t a s a t t h e s a m e t i m e t h e n o r m a l activity o f living b e i n g s . B u t t h e n , h e h a s t h e m o d e r n w a g e - l a b o u r e r i n his eye. M u c h m o r e aptly, t h e a n o n y m o u s p r e d e c e s s o r o f A d a m S m i t h , q u o t e d a b o v e i n N o t e , p. 33, says " o n e m a n h a s e m p l o y e d h i m s e l f a week in providing this necessary of life ... and he t h a t gives h i m s o m e o t h e r in e x c h a n g e , c a n n o t m a k e a b e t t e r e s t i m a t e of w h a t is a proper e q u i v a l e n t , t h a n b y c o m p u t i n g w h a t cost h i m j u s t a s m u c h l a b o u r a n d t i m e ; w h i c h i n effect is no m o r e t h a n e x c h a n g i n g o n e m a n ' s l a b o u r in o n e t h i n g for a t i m e certain, for another m a n ' s l a b o u r in a n o t h e r t h i n g for t h e s a m e t i m e . " (I.e. p. 39.) [ T h e English l a n g u a g e h a s 9

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Section 3.—The Form of Value, or Exchange Value. C o m m o d i t i e s c o m e into the world in the shape of use-values, articles, or goods, s u c h as iron, linen, corn, etc. This is their ||15| plain, homely, bodily form. T h e y are, however, c o m m o d i t i e s , only b e c a u s e they are s o m e t h i n g twofold, both objects of utility, and, at the s a m e t i m e , depositories of value. T h e y manifest themselves therefore as c o m m o d i t i e s , or have the form of c o m m o d i t i e s , only in so far as they have two forms, a physical or n a t u r a l form, and a value form. T h e reality of the value of c o m m o d i t i e s differs in this respect from D a m e Quickly, that we d o n ' t know "where to have it." T h e value of c o m m o d i t i e s is t h e very opposite of the coarse materiality of their substance, n o t an a t o m of m a t t e r enters into its composition. T u r n a n d e x a m i n e a single c o m m o d i t y , by itself, as we will. Y e t in so far as it r e m a i n s an object of valu e , it seems impossible to grasp it. If, however, we b e a r in m i n d t h a t the value of c o m m o d i t i e s has a purely social reality, a n d that they acquire this reality only in so far as they are expressions or e m b o d i m e n t s of o n e identical social substance, viz., h u m a n labour, it follows as a m a t t e r of course, t h a t value can only manifest itself in the social relation of c o m m o d i t y to c o m m o d i t y . In fact we started from exchange value, or t h e exchange relat i o n of commodities, in order to get at the value that lies h i d d e n b e h i n d it. We m u s t now return to this form u n d e r which value first appeared to u s . Every o n e knows, if he knows n o t h i n g else, t h a t c o m m o d i t i e s have a value form c o m m o n to t h e m all, a n d presenting a m a r k e d contrast with the varied bodily forms of their use-values. I m e a n their m o n e y form. H e r e , however, a task is set us, the performance of which has never yet even b e e n a t t e m p t e d by bourgeois economy, the task of tracing the genesis of this m o n e y form, of developing the expression of value implied in the value relation of c o m m o d i t i e s , from its simplest, almost imperceptible outline, to t h e dazzling m o n e y form. By doing this we shall, at t h e s a m e t i m e , solve the riddle presented by m o n e y . T h e simplest value relation is evidently that of o n e c o m m o d i t y to s o m e o n e other c o m m o d i t y of a different kind. H e n c e the relation between t h e values of two c o m m o d i t i e s supplies us with the simplest expression of the value of a single c o m m o d i t y . |

t h e a d v a n t a g e of possessing different words for t h e two aspects of l a b o u r h e r e c o n s i d e r e d . T h e l a b o u r w h i c h creates U s e - V a l u e , a n d c o u n t s qualitatively, is Work, as d i s t i n g u i s h e d from Lab o u r ; t h a t w h i c h creates V a l u e a n d c o u n t s q u a n t i t a t i v e l y , is Labour as d i s t i n g u i s h e d from Work.-Ed.]

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|16| A. E l e m e n t a r y or A c c i d e n t a l F o r m of Value. χ c o m m o d i t y A = y c o m m o d i t y B, or χ c o m m o d i t y A is worth y c o m m o d i t y B. 20 yards of l i n e n = 1 coat, or 5

20 yards of l i n e n are worth 1 coat.

1. The two Poles of the Expression of Value: Relative Form and Equivalent Form. T h e whole mystery of t h e form of value lies h i d d e n in this e l e m e n t a r y form. Its analysis, therefore, is o u r real difficulty. 10

H e r e two different k i n d s of c o m m o d i t i e s (in o u r e x a m p l e the l i n e n a n d the coat), evidently play two different parts. T h e l i n e n expresses its value in the coat; t h e coat serves as t h e m a t e r i a l in w h i c h t h a t value is expressed. T h e former plays an active, t h e latter a passive, part. T h e value of t h e l i n e n is represented as relative value, or appears in relative form. T h e coat offi-

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ciates as equivalent, or appears in equivalent form. T h e relative form a n d t h e equivalent form are two intimately c o n n e c t e d , m u t u a l l y d e p e n d e n t a n d inseparable e l e m e n t s of t h e expression of value; but, at t h e s a m e t i m e , are m u t u a l l y exclusive, antagonistic extremes—i.e., poles of t h e s a m e expression. T h e y are allotted respectively to t h e two dif-

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ferent c o m m o d i t i e s b r o u g h t i n t o r e l a t i o n by t h a t expression. It is n o t possi­ ble to express t h e value of l i n e n in linen. 20 yards of l i n e n = 20 yards of linen is no expression of value. On the contrary, s u c h an e q u a t i o n merely says t h a t 20 yards of l i n e n are n o t h i n g else t h a n 20 yards of linen, a defi­ nite q u a n t i t y of t h e use-value l i n e n . T h e value of t h e l i n e n c a n therefore be

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expressed only relatively—i.e., in s o m e o t h e r c o m m o d i t y . T h e relative form of the value of the l i n e n pre-supposes, therefore, the p r e s e n c e of s o m e other c o m m o d i t y — h e r e t h e c o a t — u n d e r t h e form o f a n equivalent. O n t h e other h a n d , the c o m m o d i t y t h a t figures as t h e equivalent c a n n o t at t h e same t i m e a s s u m e the relative form. T h a t s e c o n d c o m m o d i t y is n o t t h e o n e

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whose value is expressed. Its function is merely to serve as ||17| t h e m a t e ­ rial in which t h e value of t h e first c o m m o d i t y is expressed. No doubt, the expression 20 yards of l i n e n = 1 coat, or 20 yards of l i n e n are worth 1 coat, implies t h e opposite relation: 1 coat = 20 yards of linen, or 1 coat is worth 20 yards of l i n e n . But, in t h a t case, I m u s t reverse t h e

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equation, in order to express t h e value of the coat relatively; a n d , so s o o n as I do that, the l i n e n b e c o m e s t h e equivalent instead of t h e coat. A single c o m m o d i t y c a n n o t , therefore, s i m u l t a n e o u s l y a s s u m e , i n t h e s a m e expres-

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Part I • Commodities and money sion of value, b o t h forms. T h e very polarity of these forms m a k e s t h e m mutually

exclusive.

W h e t h e r , t h e n , a c o m m o d i t y assumes t h e relative form, or t h e opposite equivalent form, d e p e n d s entirely u p o n its a c c i d e n t a l p o s i t i o n in t h e ex­ pression of v a l u e — t h a t is, u p o n w h e t h e r it is t h e c o m m o d i t y whose value is

5

b e i n g expressed or the c o m m o d i t y in which value is b e i n g expressed.

2. The Relative Form of Value. (a.) T h e N a t u r e a n d I m p o r t of this F o r m . In order to discover how the elementary expression of t h e value of a com­ m o d i t y lies h i d d e n in t h e value relation of two c o m m o d i t i e s , we m u s t , in

10

t h e first place, consider t h e latter entirely apart from its q u a n t i t a t i v e aspect. T h e u s u a l m o d e of p r o c e d u r e is generally t h e reverse, a n d in t h e value rela­ t i o n n o t h i n g is seen b u t t h e p r o p o r t i o n between definite q u a n t i t i e s of two different sorts of c o m m o d i t i e s t h a t are considered e q u a l to e a c h other. It is apt to be forgotten t h a t t h e m a g n i t u d e s of different things c a n be c o m p a r e d

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quantitatively, only w h e n those m a g n i t u d e s are expressed in t e r m s of t h e s a m e u n i t . It is only as expressions of s u c h a u n i t t h a t they are of t h e s a m e d e n o m i n a t i o n , a n d therefore c o m m e n s u r a b l e . 1 6 W h e t h e r 20 yards of l i n e n = 1 coat or = 20 coats or = χ | | 1 8 | c o a t s — t h a t is, w h e t h e r a given q u a n t i t y of l i n e n is worth few or m a n y coats, every s u c h

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s t a t e m e n t implies t h a t t h e l i n e n a n d coats, as m a g n i t u d e s of value, are ex­ pressions of the s a m e u n i t , things of t h e s a m e kind. L i n e n = coat is t h e ba­ sis of t h e e q u a t i o n . B u t the two c o m m o d i t i e s whose identity of quality is t h u s a s s u m e d , do n o t play the s a m e part. It is only t h e value of t h e l i n e n t h a t is expressed.

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A n d how? By its reference to t h e coat as its equivalent, as s o m e t h i n g t h a t c a n be e x c h a n g e d for it. In this relation the coat is the m o d e of existence of value, is value e m b o d i e d , for only as s u c h is it t h e s a m e as t h e linen. On t h e other h a n d , the l i n e n ' s own value c o m e s to t h e front, receives inde­ p e n d e n t expression, for it is only as b e i n g value t h a t it is c o m p a r a b l e with

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t h e coat as a thing of e q u a l value, or e x c h a n g e a b l e with the coat. To borrow an illustration from chemistry, butyric acid is a different s u b s t a n c e from propyl formate. Yet b o t h are m a d e up of t h e s a m e c h e m i c a l substances, 16

T h e few e c o n o m i s t s , a m o n g s t w h o m i s S . Bailey, w h o h a v e o c c u p i e d t h e m s e l v e s w i t h t h e a n a l y s i s of t h e f o r m of v a l u e , h a v e b e e n u n a b l e to arrive at a n y result, first, b e c a u s e t h e y c o n fuse t h e form o f v a l u e with v a l u e itself; a n d s e c o n d , b e c a u s e , u n d e r t h e coarse i n f l u e n c e o f t h e p r a c t i c a l b o u r g e o i s , t h e y exclusively give t h e i r a t t e n t i o n t o t h e q u a n t i t a t i v e a s p e c t o f t h e q u e s ­ t i o n . " T h e c o m m a n d o f q u a n t i t y ... c o n s t i t u t e s v a l u e . " ( " M o n e y a n d its V i c i s s i t u d e s . " L o n ­ d o n , 1837. p. 1 1 . By S.Bailey.)

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Chapter I · Commodities carbon (C), hydrogen (H), a n d oxygen ( 0 ) , a n d that, too, in like proportions—namely, C H 0 . If now we e q u a t e butyric acid to propyl formate, then, in the first place, propyl formate would b e , in this relation, merely a form of existence of C H 0 ; a n d in the second place, we should be stating that butyric acid also consists of C H 0 . Therefore, by t h u s equating t h e two substances, expression would be given to their c h e m i c a l composition, while their different physical forms would be neglected. If we say that, as values, c o m m o d i t i e s are m e r e congelations of h u m a n labour, we reduce t h e m by o u r analysis, it is true, to the abstraction, value; but we ascribe to this value no form apart from their bodily form. It is otherwise in the value relation of o n e c o m m o d i t y to another. H e r e , the o n e stands forth in its character of value by reason of its relation to the other. By m a k i n g the coat the equivalent of t h e linen, we equate the l a b o u r e m bodied in the former to that in the latter. Now, it is true that the tailoring, which m a k e s the coat, is concrete l a b o u r of a different sort from the weaving which m a k e s the linen. But the act of e q u a t i n g it to the weaving, reduces the ||19| tailoring to that which is really e q u a l in the two k i n d s of labour, to their c o m m o n character of h u m a n labour. In this r o u n d a b o u t way, then, the fact is expressed, that weaving also, in so far as it weaves value, has n o t h i n g to distinguish it from tailoring, a n d , consequently, is abstract h u m a n labour. It is the expression of equivalence between different sorts of c o m m o d i t i e s t h a t alone brings into relief the specific character of valuecreating labour, and this it does by actually reducing t h e different varieties of labour e m b o d i e d in the different k i n d s of c o m m o d i t i e s to their c o m m o n quality of h u m a n labour in t h e a b s t r a c t . There is, however, s o m e t h i n g else required beyond the expression of the specific character of t h e labour of which the value of t h e linen consists. H u m a n labour-power in m o t i o n , or h u m a n labour, creates value, b u t is n o t itself value. It b e c o m e s value only in its congealed state, w h e n e m b o d i e d in the form of some object. In order to express the value of the linen as a congelation of h u m a n labour, t h a t value m u s t be expressed as having objective existence, as being a s o m e t h i n g materially different from the l i n e n itself, and yet a something c o m m o n to t h e l i n e n a n d all other c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e problem is already solved. 4

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T h e celebrated F r a n k l i n , o n e of t h e first e c o n o m i s t s , after W m . Petty, w h o saw t h r o u g h t h e n a t u r e of value, says: " T r a d e in g e n e r a l b e i n g n o t h i n g else b u t t h e e x c h a n g e of l a b o u r for labour, t h e value of all t h i n g s is . . . . m o s t justly m e a s u r e d by l a b o u r . " (The works of B . F r a n k l i n , etc., edited by Sparks. B o s t o n , 1836. V o l . I I . , p. 267.) F r a n k l i n is u n c o n s c i o u s t h a t by e s t i m a t ing t h e value of everything in l a b o u r , he m a k e s a b s t r a c t i o n from a n y difference in t h e sorts of labour e x c h a n g e d , a n d t h u s r e d u c e s t h e m all t o e q u a l h u m a n l a b o u r . B u t a l t h o u g h i g n o r a n t o f this, yet he says it. He speaks first of " t h e o n e l a b o u r , " t h e n of " t h e o t h e r l a b o u r , " a n d finally of "labour," w i t h o u t further qualification, as t h e s u b s t a n c e of t h e v a l u e of everything.

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Part I • Commodities and money W h e n occupying the position of equivalent in the e q u a t i o n of value, the coat ranks qualitatively as t h e e q u a l of t h e linen, as s o m e t h i n g of t h e s a m e kind, because it is value. In this position it is a thing in which we see n o t h ing b u t value, or whose palpable bodily form represents value. Yet the coat itself, the body of the c o m m o d i t y , coat, is a m e r e use-value. A coat as such 5 no m o r e tells us it is value, t h a n does the first piece of l i n e n we take hold of. This shows t h a t w h e n placed in value |(20| relation to the linen, the coat signifies more t h a n when o u t of that relation, j u s t as m a n y a m a n strutting a b o u t in a gorgeous u n i f o r m counts for m o r e t h a n w h e n in mufti. In the p r o d u c t i o n of the coat, h u m a n labour-power, in the shape of tai- 10 loring, m u s t have b e e n actually e x p e n d e d . H u m a n l a b o u r is therefore accum u l a t e d in it. In this aspect the coat is a depository of value, b u t t h o u g h worn to a thread, it does n o t let this fact show through. A n d as equivalent of t h e l i n e n in the value e q u a t i o n , it exists u n d e r this aspect alone, c o u n t s therefore as e m b o d i e d value, as a body t h a t is value. A, for instance, c a n n o t 15 be "your majesty" to B, unless at the s a m e t i m e majesty in B's eyes ass u m e s t h e bodily form of A, a n d , what is m o r e , with every new father of the people, changes its features, hair, a n d m a n y other things besides. H e n c e , in t h e value e q u a t i o n , in which t h e coat is the equivalent of the linen, the coat officiates as t h e form of value. T h e value of the c o m m o d i t y l i n e n is expressed by the bodily form of the c o m m o d i t y coat, the value of o n e by the use-value of the other. As a use-value, the linen is s o m e t h i n g palpably different from t h e coat; as value, it is the s a m e as the coat, a n d n o w has the appearance of a coat. T h u s the l i n e n acquires a value form different from its physical form. T h e fact that it is value, is m a d e manifest by its equality with the coat, j u s t as the sheep's n a t u r e of a Christian is shown in his resemblance to the L a m b of God. We see, then, all that o u r analysis of the value of c o m m o d i t i e s h a s already told us, is told us by t h e l i n e n itself, so soon as it c o m e s into c o m m u n i c a t i o n with another c o m m o d i t y , the coat. Only it betrays its thoughts in t h a t language with which alone it is familiar, the language of c o m m o d i t i e s . In order to tell us that its own value is created by labour in its abstract character of h u m a n labour, it says that the coat, in so far as it is worth as m u c h as the linen, a n d therefore is value, consists of the s a m e labour as the linen. In order to inform us that its s u b l i m e reality as value is n o t the s a m e as its b u c k r a m body, it says that value has the a p p e a r a n c e of a coat, a n d consequently that so far as the l i n e n is value, it a n d the coat are as like as two peas. We m a y h e r e remark, that the lan||21|guage of c o m m o d i t i e s has, besides Hebrew, m a n y other m o r e or less correct dialects. T h e G e r m a n "werthsein," to be worth, for instance, expresses in a less striking m a n n e r t h a n the R o m a n c e verbs "valere," "valer," "valoir," that the e q u a t i n g of

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Chapter I · Commodities c o m m o d i t y Β to c o m m o d i t y A, is c o m m o d i t y A ' s own m o d e of expressing its value. Paris vaut b i e n u n e messe. By m e a n s , therefore, of t h e value r e l a t i o n expressed in o u r e q u a t i o n , t h e bodily form of c o m m o d i t y Β b e c o m e s t h e value form of c o m m o d i t y A, or 5

the body of c o m m o d i t y Β acts as a m i r r o r to t h e value of c o m m o d i t y A .

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By putting itself in relation with c o m m o d i t y B, as value in propria persona, as the m a t t e r of which h u m a n l a b o u r is m a d e u p , t h e c o m m o d i t y A con­ verts the value in use, B, i n t o t h e s u b s t a n c e in which to express its, A's, own value. T h e value of A, t h u s expressed in t h e use-value of B, h a s t a k e n 10

the form of relative value.

(b.) Q u a n t i t a t i v e D e t e r m i n a t i o n of Relative Value. Every c o m m o d i t y , whose value it is i n t e n d e d to express, is a useful object of given quantity, as 15 b u s h e l s of corn, or 100 lbs. of coffee. A n d a given quantity of any c o m m o d i t y c o n t a i n s a definite q u a n t i t y of h u m a n labour. 15

T h e value-form m u s t therefore n o t only express value generally, b u t also value in definite q u a n t i t y . Therefore, in t h e value relation of c o m m o d i t y A to c o m m o d i t y B, of the l i n e n to t h e coat, n o t only is t h e latter, as value in general, m a d e t h e e q u a l in quality of t h e linen, b u t a definite q u a n t i t y of coat (1 coat) is m a d e t h e equivalent of a definite q u a n t i t y (20 yards) of

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linen. T h e e q u a t i o n , 20 yards of l i n e n = 1 coat, or 20 yards of linen are worth o n e coat, implies t h a t t h e s a m e q u a n t i t y of value-substance (congealed la­ bour) is e m b o d i e d in b o t h ; t h a t the two c o m m o d i t i e s have e a c h cost t h e same a m o u n t of l a b o u r or t h e s a m e q u a n t i t y of l a b o u r t i m e . B u t t h e l a b o u r

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t i m e necessary for t h e p r o d u c t i o n of 20 yards of l i n e n or 1 coat ||22| varies with every change in t h e productiveness of weaving or tailoring. We h a v e now to consider t h e influence of such changes On the quantitative aspect of the relative expression of value. I. Let t h e value of t h e l i n e n vary, 1 9 t h a t of t h e coat r e m a i n i n g c o n s t a n t .

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If, say in c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e e x h a u s t i o n of flax-growing soil, t h e labour time necessary for the p r o d u c t i o n of t h e l i n e n be doubled, t h e value of t h e linen will also be d o u b l e d . I n s t e a d of t h e e q u a t i o n , 20 yards of l i n e n = 1 coat, we should have 20 yards of l i n e n = 2 coats, since 1 coat would 18

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I n a sort o f way, i t i s w i t h m a n a s w i t h c o m m o d i t i e s . S i n c e h e c o m e s i n t o t h e world n e i t h e r with a l o o k i n g glass in h i s h a n d , n o r as a F i c h t i a n p h i l o s o p h e r , to w h o m "I am I" is sufficient,

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m a n f i r s t sees a n d recognises h i m s e l f i n o t h e r m e n . P e t e r o n l y establishes h i s own i d e n t i t y a s a m a n b y f i r s t c o m p a r i n g h i m s e l f w i t h P a u l a s b e i n g o f like k i n d . A n d t h e r e b y P a u l , j u s t a s h e stands i n his P a u l i n e personality, b e c o m e s t o P e t e r t h e t y p e o f t h e g e n u s h o m o . 19 Value i s h e r e , a s o c c a s i o n a l l y i n t h e p r e c e d i n g pages, u s e d i n t h e s e n s e o f value d e t e r m i n e d as to q u a n t i t y , or of m a g n i t u d e of v a l u e .

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Part I • Commodities and money now c o n t a i n only half t h e labour t i m e e m b o d i e d in 20 yards of l i n e n . If, on the o t h e r h a n d , in c o n s e q u e n c e , say, of improved looms, this l a b o u r t i m e be r e d u c e d by o n e half, t h e value of t h e l i n e n would fall by o n e half. Con­ sequently, we should have 20 yards of l i n e n = %

c o a t

- T h e relative value of

c o m m o d i t y A, i.e., its value expressed in c o m m o d i t y B, rises a n d falls di-

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rectly as t h e value of A, t h e value of Β being supposed c o n s t a n t . I I . Let the value of t h e linen r e m a i n constant, while t h e value of t h e coat varies. If, u n d e r these c i r c u m s t a n c e s , in c o n s e q u e n c e , for i n s t a n c e , of a p o o r crop of wool, the labour t i m e necessary for t h e p r o d u c t i o n of a coat b e c o m e s doubled, we have instead of 20 yards of l i n e n = 1 coat, 20 yards

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of l i n e n = l/2 c ° a t . If, on t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e value of t h e coat sinks by o n e half, t h e n 20 yards of l i n e n = 2 coats. H e n c e , if t h e value of c o m m o d i t y A r e m a i n s constant, its relative value expressed in c o m m o d i t y Β rises a n d falls inversely as t h e value of B. If we c o m p a r e t h e different cases in I. a n d IL, we see t h a t t h e s a m e

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c h a n g e of m a g n i t u d e in relative value m a y arise from totally opposite causes. T h u s , the e q u a t i o n , 20 yards of l i n e n = 1 coat, b e c o m e s 20 yards of l i n e n = 2 coats, either, because, the value of t h e l i n e n h a s d o u b l e d , or be­ cause t h e value of t h e coat has fallen by o n e half; a n d it b e c o m e s 20 yards of l i n e n = % coat, either, b e c a u s e t h e value of t h e l i n e n h a s fallen by o n e

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half, or b e c a u s e t h e value of the coat has d o u b l e d . I I I . Let t h e quantities of l a b o u r t i m e respectively neces||23|sary for t h e p r o d u c t i o n of the l i n e n a n d the coat vary s i m u l t a n e o u s l y in t h e s a m e direc­ t i o n a n d in the s a m e proportion. In this case 20 yards of l i n e n c o n t i n u e e q u a l to 1 coat, however m u c h their values m a y have altered. T h e i r c h a n g e

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of value is seen as soon as they are c o m p a r e d with a third c o m m o d i t y , whose value h a s r e m a i n e d constant. If t h e values of all c o m m o d i t i e s rose or fell simultaneously, a n d in the s a m e proportion, t h e i r relative values would r e m a i n u n a l t e r e d . T h e i r real c h a n g e of value would a p p e a r from t h e d i m i n i s h e d or increased quantity of c o m m o d i t i e s p r o d u c e d in a given

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time. IV. T h e labour t i m e respectively necessary for t h e p r o d u c t i o n of the l i n e n a n d t h e coat, a n d therefore t h e value of t h e s e c o m m o d i t i e s m a y si­ m u l t a n e o u s l y vary in t h e s a m e direction, b u t at u n e q u a l rates, or in oppo­ site directions, or in o t h e r ways. T h e effect of all these possible different

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variations, on the relative value of a c o m m o d i t y , m a y be d e d u c e d from t h e results of I., II., a n d I I I . T h u s real changes in t h e m a g n i t u d e of value are n e i t h e r unequivocally n o r exhaustively reflected in their relative expression, t h a t is, in t h e equa­ t i o n expressing t h e m a g n i t u d e of relative value. T h e relative value of a c o m m o d i t y may vary, a l t h o u g h its value r e m a i n s c o n s t a n t . Its relative val-

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Chapter I • Commodities u e m a y r e m a i n c o n s t a n t , a l t h o u g h its value varies; a n d f i n a l l y , s i m u l t a n e ­ ous variations in t h e m a g n i t u d e of value a n d in t h a t of its relative expres­ 20

sion b y n o m e a n s necessarily correspond i n a m o u n t . 1

|24| 3. The Equivalent Form of Value. 5

We have seen t h a t c o m m o d i t y A (the l i n e n ) , by expressing its value in t h e use-value of a c o m m o d i t y [B] differing in k i n d (the coat), at t h e s a m e t i m e impresses u p o n t h e latter a specific form of value, n a m e l y t h a t of t h e equiv­ alent. T h e c o m m o d i t y l i n e n manifests its quality of having a value by t h e fact t h a t t h e coat, w i t h o u t having a s s u m e d a value form different from its

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bodily form, is e q u a t e d to t h e l i n e n . T h e fact t h a t t h e latter therefore h a s a value is expressed by saying t h a t t h e coat is directly e x c h a n g e a b l e with it. Therefore, w h e n we say t h a t a c o m m o d i t y is in t h e equivalent form, we ex­ press the fact t h a t it is directly e x c h a n g e a b l e with o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s . W h e n o n e c o m m o d i t y , s u c h as a coat, serves as t h e equivalent of an-

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other, s u c h as linen, a n d coats c o n s e q u e n t l y acquire t h e characteristic property of being directly e x c h a n g e a b l e with linen, we are far from know­ ing in what p r o p o r t i o n t h e two are e x c h a n g e a b l e . T h e value of t h e l i n e n be­ ing given in m a g n i t u d e , t h a t p r o p o r t i o n d e p e n d s on t h e value of t h e coat. W h e t h e r t h e coat serves as t h e equivalent a n d t h e l i n e n as relative value, or

20

t h e l i n e n as t h e equivalent a n d t h e coat as relative value, t h e m a g n i t u d e of t h e coat's value is d e t e r m i n e d , i n d e p e n d e n t l y of its value form, by t h e la­ b o u r t i m e necessary for its p r o d u c t i o n . B u t whenever t h e coat a s s u m e s in t h e e q u a t i o n of value, t h e p o s i t i o n of equivalent, its value acquires no q u a n t i t a t i v e expression; on t h e contrary, t h e c o m m o d i t y coat now figures

25

only as a definite q u a n t i t y of s o m e article. 20

T h i s i n c o n g r u i t y b e t w e e n t h e m a g n i t u d e o f v a l u e a n d its relative e x p r e s s i o n h a s , w i t h c u s ­ tomary ingenuity, b e e n exploited by vulgar economists. F o r e x a m p l e — " O n c e a d m i t t h a t A falls, b e c a u s e B, w i t h w h i c h it is e x c h a n g e d , rises, w h i l e no less l a b o u r is b e s t o w e d in t h e m e a n t i m e o n A , a n d y o u r g e n e r a l p r i n c i p l e o f v a l u e falls t o t h e g r o u n d . . . . I f h e ( R i c a r d o ) al30

lowed t h a t w h e n A rises in v a l u e relatively to Β, Β falls in v a l u e relatively to A, he c u t away t h e g r o u n d o n w h i c h h e r e s t e d his g r a n d p r o p o s i t i o n , t h a t t h e v a l u e o f a c o m m o d i t y i s ever d e ­ t e r m i n e d by t h e l a b o u r e m b o d i e d in it; for if a c h a n g e in t h e cost of A alters n o t o n l y its o w n v a l u e in r e l a t i o n to B, for w h i c h it is e x c h a n g e d , b u t also t h e v a l u e of Β relatively to t h a t of A, t h o u g h no change has taken place in the quantity of labour to produce B, then n o t only t h e

35

d o c t r i n e falls t o t h e g r o u n d w h i c h asserts t h a t t h e q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r b e s t o w e d o n a n a r t i c l e r e g u l a t e s its value, b u t also t h a t w h i c h affirms t h e cost o f a n article t o r e g u l a t e its v a l u e . " (J. B r o a d h u r s t : P o l i t i c a l E c o n o m y , L o n d o n , 1842, p . 1 1 a n d 14.) 1

40

10

M r . B r o a d h u r s t m i g h t j u s t as well say: c o n s i d e r t h e f r a c t i o n s %0, /5o, "Koo, etc., t h e n u m b e r 1 0 r e m a i n s u n c h a n g e d , a n d yet its p r o p o r t i o n a l m a g n i t u d e , its m a g n i t u d e relatively t o t h e n u m b e r s 20, 50, 100, etc., c o n t i n u a l l y d i m i n i s h e s . T h e r e f o r e t h e g r e a t p r i n c i p l e t h a t t h e m a g ­ n i t u d e o f a w h o l e n u m b e r , s u c h a s 10, i s " r e g u l a t e d " b y t h e n u m b e r o f t i m e s u n i t y i s c o n ­ t a i n e d i n it, falls t o t h e g r o u n d . — J T h e a u t h o r e x p l a i n s i n s e c t i o n 4 o f t h i s c h a p t e r , p . 70, n o t e 32, w h a t h e u n d e r s t a n d s b y "Vulgar E c o n o m y . " — E d . ]

47

Part I • Commodities and money F o r instance, 40 yards of l i n e n are worth—what? 2 coats. Because the c o m m o d i t y coat here plays the part of equivalent, b e c a u s e the use-value coat, as opposed to the linen, figures as an e m b o d i m e n t of value, therefore a definite n u m b e r of coats suffices to express the definite quantity of value in t h e linen. Two coats m a y therefore express the quantity of value of 5 40 yards of linen, b u t they can never express the quantity of their own valu e . A superficial observation of this fact, namely, t h a t ||25| in the e q u a t i o n of value, t h e equivalent figures exclusively as a simple quantity of some article, of s o m e use-value, has misled Bailey, as also m a n y others, b o t h before a n d after h i m , into seeing, in the expression of value, merely a q u a n t i - 10 tative relation. T h e truth being, that when a c o m m o d i t y acts as equivalent, no quantitative d e t e r m i n a t i o n of its value is expressed. T h e first peculiarity that strikes us, in considering the form of the equivalent, is this: use-value b e c o m e s the form of manifestation, the p h e n o m e n a l form of its opposite, value. 15 T h e bodily form of the c o m m o d i t y b e c o m e s its value form. But, m a r k well, that this quid pro quo exists in the case of any c o m m o d i t y B, only w h e n some other c o m m o d i t y A enters into a value relation with it, and t h e n only within the limits of this relation. Since no c o m m o d i t y can stand in the relation of equivalent to itself, and t h u s t u r n its own bodily shape 20 into the expression of its own value, every c o m m o d i t y is compelled to choose some other c o m m o d i t y for its equivalent, a n d to accept t h e use-valu e , that is to say, the bodily shape of that other c o m m o d i t y as the form of its own value. O n e of the m e a s u r e s that we apply to c o m m o d i t i e s as m a t e r i a l substances, as use-values, will serve to illustrate this point. A sugar-loaf being a body, is heavy, and therefore has weight: b u t we c a n n e i t h e r see n o r t o u c h this weight. We then take various pieces of iron, whose weight has b e e n det e r m i n e d beforehand. T h e iron, as iron, is no m o r e t h e form of manifestat i o n of weight, t h a n is the sugar-loaf. Nevertheless, in order to express the sugar-loaf as so m u c h weight, we put it into a weight-relation with the iron. In this relation, the iron officiates as a body representing n o t h i n g b u t weight. A certain quantity of iron therefore serves as the m e a s u r e of the weight of the sugar, a n d represents, in relation to the sugar-loaf, weight e m bodied, the form of manifestation of weight. This part is played by t h e iron only within this relation, into which the sugar or any other body, whose weight has to be determined, enters with the iron. W e r e they n o t b o t h heavy, they could n o t enter into this relation, a n d the o n e could therefore n o t serve as the expression of the weight of the other. W h e n we throw b o t h into the scales, we see in reality, that as weight ||26| they are b o t h the same, a n d that, therefore, w h e n t a k e n in proper proportions, they have the s a m e

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Chapter I · Commodities weight. Just as the s u b s t a n c e iron, as a m e a s u r e of weight, represents in relation to the sugar-loaf weight alone, so, in our expression of value, the m a terial object, coat, in relation to the linen, represents value alone. H e r e , however, the analogy ceases. T h e iron, in the expression of t h e 5 weight of the sugar-loaf, represents a n a t u r a l property c o m m o n to b o t h bodies, n a m e l y their weight; b u t the coat, in t h e expression of value of t h e linen, represents a n o n - n a t u r a l property of both, s o m e t h i n g purely social, namely, their value. Since the relative form of value of a c o m m o d i t y — t h e linen, for e x a m 10 pie—expresses the value of t h a t c o m m o d i t y , as being something wholly different from its substance a n d properties, as being, for instance, coat-like, we see that this expression itself indicates that some social relation lies at the b o t t o m of it. W i t h the equivalent form it is just t h e contrary. T h e very essence of this form is t h a t the m a t e r i a l c o m m o d i t y itself—the coat—just 15 as it is, expresses value, a n d is endowed with t h e form of value by N a t u r e itself. Of course this holds good only so long as the value relation exists, in which the coat stands in the position of equivalent to the l i n e n . Since, however, the properties of a thing are n o t the result of its relations to other things, b u t only manifest themselves in s u c h relations, the coat seems to be 20 endowed with its equivalent form, its property of being directly e x c h a n g e able, just as m u c h by N a t u r e as it is endowed with the property of b e i n g heavy, or the capacity to keep us warm. H e n c e the enigmatical character of the equivalent form which escapes the notice of t h e bourgeois political economist, u n t i l this form, completely developed, confronts h i m in the 25 shape of m o n e y . He t h e n seeks to explain away the mystical character of gold and silver, by substituting for t h e m less dazzling c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d by reciting, with ever renewed satisfaction, the catalogue of all possible c o m modities which at one t i m e or a n o t h e r have played the part of equivalent. He has ||27| n o t the least suspicion that the m o s t simple expression of val30 u e , such as 20 yds. of l i n e n = 1 coat, already p r o p o u n d s the riddle of t h e equivalent form for our solution. T h e body of the c o m m o d i t y that serves as t h e equivalent, figures as the materialisation of h u m a n labour in the abstract, a n d is at the s a m e t i m e the product of some specifically useful concrete labour. This concrete la35 b o u r becomes, therefore, t h e m e d i u m for expressing abstract h u m a n labour. If on the o n e h a n d the coat ranks as n o t h i n g b u t the e m b o d i m e n t of abstract h u m a n labour, so, on the other h a n d , the tailoring which is actually e m b o d i e d in it, counts as n o t h i n g b u t the form u n d e r which that a b 21

21

40

S u c h expressions of r e l a t i o n s in g e n e r a l , called by H e g e l reflex-categories, form a very c u r i ous class. F o r i n s t a n c e , o n e m a n i s king only b e c a u s e o t h e r m e n s t a n d i n t h e r e l a t i o n o f s u b j e c t s t o h i m . They, o n t h e contrary, i m a g i n e t h a t t h e y are subjects b e c a u s e h e i s king.

49

Part I • Commodities and money stract labour is realised. In the expression of value of the linen, the utility of the tailoring consists, n o t in m a k i n g clothes, b u t in m a k i n g an object, w h i c h we at once recognise to be Value, a n d therefore to be a congelation of labour, b u t of labour indistinguishable from t h a t realised in t h e value of the linen. In order to act as such a mirror of value, the labour of tailoring 5 m u s t reflect n o t h i n g besides its own abstract quality of being h u m a n lab o u r generally. In tailoring, as well as in weaving, h u m a n labour-power is e x p e n d e d . Both, therefore, possess the general property of being h u m a n labour, a n d m a y , therefore, in certain cases, such as in the p r o d u c t i o n of value, have to 10 be considered u n d e r this aspect alone. There is n o t h i n g mysterious in this. B u t in the expression of value there is a c o m p l e t e t u r n of the tables. F o r instance, how is the fact to be expressed that weaving creates the value of the linen, not by virtue of being weaving, as such, b u t by reason of its general property of being h u m a n labour? Simply by opposing to weaving t h a t other 15 particular form of concrete labour (in this instance tailoring), which produces the equivalent of the product of weaving. Just as the coat in its b o d ily form b e c a m e a direct expression of value, so now does tailoring, a concrete form of labour, appear as the direct a n d palpable e m b o d i m e n t of h u m a n labour generally. 20 H e n c e , the second peculiarity of the equivalent form is, that concrete lab o u r b e c o m e s the form u n d e r which its opposite, abstract h u m a n labour, manifests itself. | |28| But because this concrete labour, tailoring in our case, ranks as, and is directly identified with, undifferentiated h u m a n labour, it also ranks as i d e n t i c a l with any other sort of labour, a n d therefore with that e m b o d i e d in t h e linen. Consequently, although, like all other c o m m o d i t y - p r o d u c i n g labour, it is the labour of private individuals, yet, at the same t i m e , it ranks as l a b o u r directly social in its character. This is t h e reason why it results in a p r o d u c t directly exchangeable with other c o m m o d i t i e s . We have t h e n a third peculiarity of the Equivalent form, n a m e l y , that the labour of private individuals takes the form of its opposite, l a b o u r directly social in its form. T h e two latter peculiarities of the Equivalent form will b e c o m e m o r e intelligible if we go back to the great t h i n k e r who was the first to analyse so m a n y forms, whether of thought, society, or n a t u r e , a n d a m o n g s t t h e m also t h e form of value. I m e a n Aristotle. In t h e first place, he clearly e n u n c i a t e s t h a t t h e m o n e y form of c o m m o d ities is only the further development of the simple form of value—i.e., of t h e expression of the value of one c o m m o d i t y in s o m e other c o m m o d i t y t a k e n at r a n d o m ; for he says—

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Chapter I · Commodities

5 beds = 1 h o u s e (κλΐναι π έ ν τ ε ά ν τ ί οικίας) is n o t to be d i s t i n g u i s h e d from 5 b e d s = so m u c h m o n e y (κλΐναι π έ ν τ ε ά ν τ ί ... δ σ ο υ ai πέντε κλΐναι). 5

He further sees t h a t t h e value r e l a t i o n w h i c h gives rise to this expression m a k e s i t necessary t h a t t h e h o u s e should qualitatively b e m a d e t h e e q u a l of t h e bed, a n d that, w i t h o u t s u c h an equalisation, these two clearly differ­ ent things could n o t b e c o m p a r e d with e a c h o t h e r a s c o m m e n s u r a b l e q u a n ­ tities. " E x c h a n g e , " he says, " c a n n o t take place w i t h o u t equality, a n d equal-

10

ity n o t without c o m m e n s u r a b i l i t y " (οΰτ' ι σ ό τ η ς μή οΰσης σ υ μ μ ε τ ρ ί α ς ) . Here, however, he c o m e s to a stop, a n d gives up t h e further analysis of t h e form of value. " I t is, however, in reality, impossible (τή μεν οδν ά λ η θ ε ί α α δ ύ ν α τ ο ν ) , t h a t s u c h u n l i k e things c a n b e c o m m e n s u r a b l e " — i . e . , qualita­ tively equal. S u c h an e q u a l i s a t i o n can only be s o m e t h i n g foreign to t h e i r

15

real n a t u r e , c o n s e q u e n t l y only "a make-shift for practical purposes." | |29| Aristotle therefore, himself, tells us, w h a t b a r r e d t h e way to his fur­ ther analysis; it was t h e a b s e n c e of any c o n c e p t of value. W h a t is t h a t e q u a l something, t h a t c o m m o n substance, w h i c h a d m i t s of t h e value of t h e b e d s being expressed by a h o u s e ? S u c h a thing, in t r u t h , c a n n o t exist, says Aris-

20

totle. A n d why not? C o m p a r e d with t h e beds, t h e h o u s e does r e p r e s e n t s o m e t h i n g e q u a l to t h e m , in so far as it represents what is really equal, b o t h i n t h e b e d s a n d t h e h o u s e . A n d t h a t i s — h u m a n labour. T h e r e was, however, an i m p o r t a n t fact which prevented Aristotle from seeing t h a t , to attribute value to c o m m o d i t i e s , is merely a m o d e of express-

25

ing all l a b o u r as e q u a l h u m a n labour, a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y as l a b o u r of e q u a l quality. G r e e k society was f o u n d e d u p o n slavery, a n d had, therefore, for its n a t u r a l basis, t h e inequality of m e n a n d of their l a b o u r powers. T h e secret of t h e expression of value, n a m e l y , t h a t all k i n d s of l a b o u r are e q u a l a n d equivalent, because, a n d so far as they are h u m a n l a b o u r in general, c a n n o t

30

b e deciphered, u n t i l t h e n o t i o n o f h u m a n equality has already a c q u i r e d t h e fixity of a p o p u l a r prejudice. This, however, is possible only in a society in which t h e great mass of t h e p r o d u c e of l a b o u r takes t h e form of c o m m o d i ­ ties, i n which, consequently, t h e d o m i n a n t relation b e t w e e n m a n a n d m a n , is t h a t of owners of c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e brilliancy of Aristotle's g e n i u s is

35

shown by this alone, t h a t he discovered, in t h e expression of t h e value of c o m m o d i t i e s , a relation of equality. T h e peculiar c o n d i t i o n s of t h e society i n w h i c h h e lived, a l o n e prevented h i m from discovering what, " i n t r u t h , " was at t h e b o t t o m of this equality.

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Part I • Commodities and money

4. The Elementary Form of Value considered as a Whole. T h e e l e m e n t a r y form of value of a c o m m o d i t y is c o n t a i n e d in t h e e q u a t i o n , expressing its value r e l a t i o n to a n o t h e r c o m m o d i t y of a different kind, or in its e x c h a n g e relation to t h e same. T h e value of c o m m o d i t y A, is qualita­ tively expressed, by t h e fact t h a t c o m m o d i t y Β is directly e x c h a n g e a b l e

5

with it. Its value is quantitatively expressed by t h e fact, t h a t a definite q u a n t i t y of Β is exchangeable with a definite q u a n t i t y of A. In o t h e r words, t h e value of a c o m m o d i t y obtains i n d e p e n d e n t ||30| a n d definite expres­ sion, by taking t h e form of e x c h a n g e value. W h e n , at t h e b e g i n n i n g of this chapter, we said, in c o m m o n p a r l a n c e , t h a t a c o m m o d i t y is b o t h a use-val-

10

ue a n d an exchange value, we were, accurately speaking, wrong. A com­ m o d i t y is a use-value or object of utility, a n d a value. It manifests itself as this two-fold thing, t h a t it is, as soon as its value a s s u m e s an i n d e p e n d e n t form—viz., t h e form of e x c h a n g e value. It never a s s u m e s this form w h e n isolated, b u t only w h e n placed in a value or e x c h a n g e r e l a t i o n with a n o t h e r

15

c o m m o d i t y of a different kind. W h e n o n c e we know this, s u c h a m o d e of expression does no h a r m ; it simply serves as an abbreviation. O u r analysis h a s shown, t h a t t h e form or expression of t h e value of a c o m m o d i t y originates i n t h e n a t u r e o f value, a n d n o t t h a t value a n d its m a g n i t u d e originate in t h e m o d e of t h e i r expression as e x c h a n g e value.

20

This, however, is t h e d e l u s i o n as well of t h e m e r c a n t i l i s t s a n d t h e i r r e c e n t revivors, Ferrier, G a n i l h , 2 2 a n d others, as also of t h e i r a n t i p o d e s , t h e m o d ­ e r n b a g m e n of F r e e T r a d e , s u c h as Bastiat. T h e m e r c a n t i l i s t s lay special stress on t h e qualitative aspect of t h e expression of value, a n d conse­ q u e n t l y on t h e equivalent form of c o m m o d i t i e s , w h i c h attains its full per-

25

fection in m o n e y . T h e m o d e r n hawkers of F r e e T r a d e , w h o m u s t get rid of t h e i r article at any price, on t h e o t h e r h a n d , lay m o s t stress on t h e q u a n t i t a ­ tive aspect of t h e relative form of value. F o r t h e m t h e r e c o n s e q u e n t l y exists n e i t h e r value, n o r m a g n i t u d e of value, anywhere except in its expression by m e a n s of t h e e x c h a n g e r e l a t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s , t h a t is, in t h e daily list of

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prices current. M a c L e o d , who has t a k e n u p o n himself t o dress u p t h e con­ fused ideas of L o m b a r d Street in t h e m o s t l e a r n e d finery, is a successful cross b e t w e e n t h e superstitious mercantilists, a n d t h e e n l i g h t e n e d F r e e Trade bagmen. A close scrutiny of t h e expression of t h e value of A in t e r m s of B, con-

35

t a i n e d in t h e e q u a t i o n expressing t h e value r e l a t i o n of A to B, h a s shown us t h a t , within t h a t relation, t h e bodily form | | 3 1 | of A figures only as a 22 F . L . A . Ferrier, s o u s - i n s p e c t e u r des d o u a n e s , " D u g o u v e r n e m e n t c o n s i d é r é d a n s ses r a p p o r t s avec l e c o m m e r c e , " Paris, 1805; a n d C h a r l e s G a n i l h , " D e s S y s t è m e s d ' É c o n o m i e p o l i t i q u e , " 2 n d ed., Paris, 1 8 2 1 .

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Chapter I · Commodities use-value, t h e bodily form of Β only as the form or aspect of value. T h e op­ position or contrast existing internally in e a c h c o m m o d i t y between use-val­ ue a n d value, is, therefore, m a d e evident externally by two c o m m o d i t i e s being placed in s u c h relation to e a c h other, t h a t the c o m m o d i t y whose val5

ue it is sought to express, figures directly as a m e r e use-value, while the c o m m o d i t y in which t h a t value is to be expressed, figures directly as m e r e exchange value. H e n c e t h e e l e m e n t a r y form of value of a c o m m o d i t y is t h e elementary form in w h i c h t h e contrast c o n t a i n e d in t h a t c o m m o d i t y , be­ tween use-value a n d value, b e c o m e s a p p a r e n t .

10

Every p r o d u c t of l a b o u r is, in all states of society, a use-value; b u t it is only at a definite historical e p o c h in a society's d e v e l o p m e n t t h a t s u c h a p r o d u c t b e c o m e s a c o m m o d i t y , viz., at t h e e p o c h w h e n the l a b o u r s p e n t on t h e p r o d u c t i o n of a useful article b e c o m e s expressed as o n e of t h e objective qualities of t h a t article, i.e., as its value. It therefore follows t h a t t h e ele-

15

m e n t a r y value-form is also t h e primitive form u n d e r which a p r o d u c t of la­ b o u r appears historically as a c o m m o d i t y , a n d t h a t t h e gradual transforma­ t i o n of such p r o d u c t s i n t o c o m m o d i t i e s , p r o c e e d s pari passu with t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e value form. We perceive, at first sight, the deficiencies of t h e elementary form of val-

20

u e : it is a m e r e germ, w h i c h m u s t u n d e r g o a series of m e t a m o r p h o s e s be­ fore it can ripen i n t o t h e Price-form. T h e expression of t h e value of c o m m o d i t y A in t e r m s of any o t h e r c o m ­ m o d i t y B, merely distinguishes t h e value from t h e use-value of A, a n d therefore places A merely in a relation of e x c h a n g e with a single different

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c o m m o d i t y , B; b u t it is still far from expressing A's qualitative equality, a n d quantitative proportionality, to all c o m m o d i t i e s . To t h e e l e m e n t a r y rel­ ative value-form of a c o m m o d i t y , t h e r e corresponds the single equivalent form of o n e other c o m m o d i t y . T h u s , in t h e relative expression of value of the linen, the coat a s s u m e s the form of equivalent, or of being directly ex-

30

changeable, only in r e l a t i o n to a single c o m m o d i t y , t h e linen. Nevertheless, t h e e l e m e n t a r y form of value passes by an easy transition i n t o a m o r e c o m p l e t e form. It is true t h a t by m e a n s ||32| of the e l e m e n t a r y form, the value of a c o m m o d i t y A, b e c o m e s expressed in t e r m s of o n e , a n d only one, other c o m m o d i t y . B u t t h a t o n e m a y be a c o m m o d i t y of any kind,

35

coat, iron, corn, or a n y t h i n g else. Therefore, according as A is placed in re­ lation with o n e or t h e other, we get for o n e a n d t h e s a m e c o m m o d i t y , dif­ ferent elementary expressions of value. 2 3 T h e n u m b e r of s u c h possible ex­ pressions is limited only by t h e n u m b e r of the different k i n d s of c o m 23

40

In H o m e r , for i n s t a n c e , t h e v a l u e of an article is e x p r e s s e d in a series of different t h i n g s . II. VII. 4 7 2 - 4 7 5 .

53

Part I · Commodities and money modifies distinct from it. T h e isolated expression of A ' s value, is therefore convertible i n t o a series, prolonged to any length, of t h e different e l e m e n ­ tary expressions of t h a t value.

B. T o t a l or E x p a n d e d F o r m of Value. ζ Com. A = u C o m . Β or = ν C o m . C or = w C o m . D

5

or = χ Com. E or = etc. (20 yards of l i n e n = 1 coat or = 10 lb t e a or = 40 lb coffee or = 1 quarter corn or = 2 o u n c e s gold or = % t o n iron or = etc.)

I.

The Expanded Relative Form of Value.

T h e value of a single c o m m o d i t y , t h e linen, for e x a m p l e , is now expressed

10

in t e r m s of n u m b e r l e s s o t h e r e l e m e n t s of t h e world of c o m m o d i t i e s . Every o t h e r c o m m o d i t y now b e c o m e s a m i r r o r of t h e l i n e n ' s value. 2 4 It is t h u s , t h a t for t h e first t i m e , | | 3 3 | this value shows itself in its t r u e light as a conge­ l a t i o n of undifferentiated h u m a n labour. F o r t h e l a b o u r t h a t creates it, now s t a n d s expressly revealed, as labour t h a t r a n k s equally with every o t h e r sort

15

of h u m a n labour, no m a t t e r what its form, w h e t h e r tailoring, ploughing, m i n i n g , etc., a n d no matter, therefore, w h e t h e r it is realised in coats, corn, iron, or gold. T h e linen, by virtue of t h e form of its value, now stands in a social relation, no longer with only o n e o t h e r k i n d of c o m m o d i t y , b u t with t h e whole world of c o m m o d i t i e s . As a c o m m o d i t y , it is a citizen of t h a t

20

world. At t h e s a m e t i m e , t h e i n t e r m i n a b l e series of value e q u a t i o n s im­ plies, t h a t as regards t h e value of a c o m m o d i t y , it is a m a t t e r of indiffer­ e n c e u n d e r what particular form, or kind, of use-value it appears. In the first form, 20 yds. of linen = 1 coat, it might, for o u g h t t h a t other24

F o r this r e a s o n , w e c a n s p e a k o f t h e coat-value o f t h e l i n e n w h e n its v a l u e i s e x p r e s s e d i n coats, o r o f its corn-value w h e n expressed i n corn, a n d s o o n . Every s u c h e x p r e s s i o n tells u s , t h a t w h a t a p p e a r s i n t h e use-values, coat, c o r n , etc., i s t h e v a l u e o f t h e l i n e n . " T h e v a l u e o f a n y c o m m o d i t y d e n o t i n g its r e l a t i o n i n e x c h a n g e , w e m a y s p e a k o f i t a s ... corn-value, clothv a l u e , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e c o m m o d i t y w i t h w h i c h i t i s c o m p a r e d ; a n d h e n c e t h e r e are a t h o u s a n d different k i n d s o f value, a s m a n y k i n d s o f v a l u e a s t h e r e are c o m m o d i t i e s i n e x i s t e n c e , a n d all are e q u a l l y r e a l a n d equally n o m i n a l . " ( A C r i t i c a l D i s s e r t a t i o n o n t h e N a t u r e , M e a s u r e a n d C a u s e s o f V a l u e : chiefly i n reference t o t h e writings o f M r . R i c a r d o a n d h i s followers. B y t h e a u t h o r o f "Essays o n t h e F o r m a t i o n , etc., o f O p i n i o n s . " L o n d o n , 1825, p . 39). S.Bailey, t h e au­ t h o r of this a n o n y m o u s work, a work w h i c h in its day c r e a t e d m u c h stir in E n g l a n d , f a n c i e d t h a t , b y t h u s p o i n t i n g o u t t h e v a r i o u s relative e x p r e s s i o n s o f o n e a n d t h e s a m e value, h e h a d p r o v e d t h e impossibility o f a n y - d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e c o n c e p t o f v a l u e . H o w e v e r n a r r o w his o w n views m a y h a v e b e e n , yet, t h a t h e laid his finger o n s o m e serious defects i n t h e R i c a r d i a n T h e o r y , i s p r o v e d b y t h e a n i m o s i t y w i t h w h i c h h e was a t t a c k e d b y R i c a r d o ' s followers. S e e t h e

Westminster Review for example.

54

25

30

35

Chapter I · Commodities wise appears, be pure accident, that these two c o m m o d i t i e s are exchangeable in definite quantities. In the second form, on the contrary, we perceive at o n c e the background that d e t e r m i n e s , a n d is essentially different from, this accidental appearance. T h e value of the l i n e n r e m a i n s u n a l t e r e d in 5 m a g n i t u d e , whether expressed in coats, coffee, or iron, or in n u m b e r l e s s different c o m m o d i t i e s , the property of as m a n y different owners. T h e accidental relation between two individual commodity-owners disappears. It b e c o m e s plain, that it is n o t the exchange of c o m m o d i t i e s which regulates the m a g n i t u d e of their value; but, on the contrary, that it is the m a g n i t u d e 10 of their value which controls their e x c h a n g e proportions.

2. The Particular Equivalent Form. Each commodity, s u c h as, coat, tea, corn, iron, etc., figures in t h e expression of value of the linen, as an equivalent, and, consequently, as a thing that is value. T h e bodily form of e a c h of these c o m m o d i t i e s figures now as 15 a particular equivalent form, one out of m a n y . In the same way the m a n i fold concrete useful kinds of labour, e m b o d i e d in these different c o m m o d i ties, rank now as so m a n y different forms of t h e realisation, or manifestation, of undifferentiated h u m a n labour. |

|34| 3. Defects of the Total or Expanded Form of Value. In the first place, the relative expression of value is i n c o m p l e t e b e c a u s e the series representing it is i n t e r m i n a b l e . T h e chain of which e a c h e q u a t i o n of value is a link, is liable at any m o m e n t to be lengthened by each new kind of c o m m o d i t y that c o m e s into existence and furnishes the m a t e r i a l for a fresh expression of value. In the second place, it is a m a n y - c o l o u r e d m o s a i c 25 of disparate and i n d e p e n d e n t expressions of value. A n d lastly, if, as m u s t be the case, the relative value of e a c h c o m m o d i t y in turn, b e c o m e s expressed in this e x p a n d e d form, we get for e a c h of t h e m a relative valueform, different in every case, a n d consisting of an i n t e r m i n a b l e series of expressions of value. T h e defects of the e x p a n d e d relative-value form are 30 reflected in the corresponding equivalent form. Since the bodily form of each single c o m m o d i t y is o n e particular equivalent form a m o n g s t n u m b e r less others, we have, on t h e whole, n o t h i n g b u t fragmentary equivalent forms, each excluding the others. In the same way, also, the special, concrete, useful kind of labour e m b o d i e d in each particular equivalent, is pre35 sented only as a particular k i n d of labour, and therefore n o t as an e x h a u s tive representative of h u m a n labour generally. T h e latter, indeed, gains adequate manifestation in the totality of its manifold, particular, concrete

20

55

Part I • Commodities and money forms. But, in t h a t case, its expression in an infinite series is ever i n c o m ­ plete a n d deficient in u n i t y . T h e e x p a n d e d relative value-form is, however, n o t h i n g b u t the s u m of t h e elementary relative expressions or e q u a t i o n s of t h e first kind, s u c h as 20 yards of l i n e n = 1 coat

5

20 yards of l i n e n = 10 lbs. of tea, etc. E a c h of these implies the corresponding inverted e q u a t i o n , 1 coat = 20 yards of l i n e n 10 lbs. of tea = 20 yards of linen, etc. In fact, w h e n a person exchanges his l i n e n for m a n y o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s ,

10

a n d t h u s expresses its value in a series of other c o m m o d i t i e s , it necessarily follows, t h a t the various owners of t h e latter e x c h a n g e t h e m for the linen, a n d consequently express | | 3 5 | the value of their various c o m m o d i t i e s in o n e a n d the s a m e third c o m m o d i t y , t h e linen. If t h e n , we reverse t h e series, 20 yards of linen = 1 coat or = 10 lbs. of tea, etc., t h a t is to say, if we give

15

expression to the converse relation already i m p l i e d in t h e series, we get,

C. T h e G e n e r a l F o r m of Value. 1 coat 10 lbs. of tea 20

40 lbs. of coffee 1 quarter of corn

= 20 yards of l i n e n

2 o u n c e s of gold % a t o n of iron χ c o m . Α., etc.

1. The altered Character of the Form of Value.

25

All c o m m o d i t i e s now express their value (1) in an e l e m e n t a r y form, be­ cause in a single c o m m o d i t y ; (2) with unity, b e c a u s e in o n e a n d t h e s a m e c o m m o d i t y . This form of value is e l e m e n t a r y a n d t h e s a m e for all, there­ fore general. T h e forms A a n d Β were fit only to express t h e value of a c o m m o d i t y as s o m e t h i n g distinct from its use-value or m a t e r i a l form. T h e first form, A, furnishes s u c h e q u a t i o n s as t h e following:—1 coat = 20 yards of linen, 10 lbs. of tea = l/2 t o n of iron. T h e value of t h e coat is e q u a t e d to linen, t h a t of the tea to iron. B u t to be e q u a t e d to linen, a n d

56

30

Chapter I · Commodities

5

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again to iron, is to be as different as are l i n e n a n d iron. This form, it is plain, occurs practically only in the first beginning, when the products of labour are converted into c o m m o d i t i e s by accidental a n d occasional exchanges. T h e second form, B, distinguishes, in a m o r e a d e q u a t e m a n n e r t h a n the first, the value of a c o m m o d i t y from its use-value; for the value of the coat is there placed in contrast u n d e r all possible shapes with the bodily form of the coat; it is e q u a t e d to linen, to iron, to tea, in short, to everything else, only n o t to itself, the coat. On the other h a n d , any general expression of value c o m m o n to all is directly excluded; for, in the e q u a t i o n of value of each c o m m o d i t y , all other c o m m o d i t i e s now appear ||36| only u n d e r the form of equivalents. T h e e x p a n d e d form of value comes into actual existence for t h e first t i m e so soon as a particular product of labour, such as cattle, is no longer exceptionally, but habitually, exchanged for various other c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e third a n d lastly developed form expresses the values of t h e whole world of c o m m o d i t i e s in t e r m s of a single c o m m o d i t y set apart for the purpose, namely, the linen, a n d thus represents to us their values by m e a n s of their equality with linen. T h e value of every c o m m o d i t y is now, by being equated to linen, n o t only differentiated from its own use-value, b u t from all other use-values generally, and is, by t h a t very fact, expressed as that which is c o m m o n to all c o m m o d i t i e s . By this form, c o m m o d i t i e s are, for the first time, effectively brought into relation with o n e another as values, or m a d e to appear as exchange values. T h e two earlier forms either express the value of each c o m m o d i t y in terms of a single c o m m o d i t y of a different kind, or in a series of m a n y s u c h c o m m o d i t i e s . In both cases, it is, so to say, the special business of each single c o m m o d i t y to find an expression for its value, and this it does without the help of the others. These others, with respect to the former, play the passive parts of equivalents. T h e general form of value, C, results from the j o i n t action of t h e whole world of c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d from that alone. A c o m m o d i t y can acquire a general expression of its value only by all other c o m m o d i t i e s , simultaneously with it, expressing their values in the s a m e equivalent; and every new c o m m o d i t y m u s t follow suit. It thus b e c o m e s evident that, since the existence of c o m m o d i t i e s as values is purely social, this social existence can be expressed by the totality of their social relations alone, a n d consequently that the form of their value m u s t be a socially recognised form. All c o m m o d i t i e s being e q u a t e d to linen now appear n o t only as qualitatively equal as values generally, b u t also as values whose m a g n i t u d e s are capable of comparison. By expressing the m a g n i t u d e s of their values in o n e

57

Part I • Commodities and money a n d t h e s a m e material, the linen, those m a g n i t u d e s are also c o m p a r e d with e a c h other. ||37| F o r instance, 10 lbs. of tea = 20 yards of linen, a n d 40 lbs. of coffee = 20 yards of linen. Therefore, 10 lbs. of tea = 40 lbs. of coffee. In other words, there is contained in 1 lb. of coffee only one-fourth as m u c h substance of v a l u e — l a b o u r — a s is c o n t a i n e d in 1 lb. of tea. T h e general form of relative value, e m b r a c i n g the whole world of c o m m o d i t i e s , converts the single c o m m o d i t y that is excluded from the rest, and m a d e to play the part of equivalent—here the l i n e n — i n t o the universal equivalent. T h e bodily form of the linen is now the form a s s u m e d in c o m m o n by the values of all c o m m o d i t i e s ; it therefore b e c o m e s directly exchangeable with all a n d every of t h e m . T h e substance l i n e n b e c o m e s t h e visible incarnation, the social chrysalis state of every k i n d of h u m a n lab o u r . Weaving, which is the labour of certain private individuals p r o d u c i n g a particular article, linen, acquires in c o n s e q u e n c e a social character, t h e character of equality with all other kinds of labour. T h e i n n u m e r a b l e equations of which the general form of value is composed, e q u a t e in t u r n the lab o u r e m b o d i e d in the linen to that e m b o d i e d in every other c o m m o d i t y , a n d they thus convert weaving into the general form of manifestation of undifferentiated h u m a n labour. In this m a n n e r the labour realised in the values of c o m m o d i t i e s is presented n o t only u n d e r its negative aspect, u n der which abstraction is m a d e from every concrete form a n d useful property of actual work, but its own positive n a t u r e is m a d e to reveal itself expressly. T h e general value-form is the r e d u c t i o n of all kinds of actual l a b o u r to their c o m m o n character of being h u m a n labour generally, of being the expenditure of h u m a n labour power.

5

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T h e general value form, which represents all products of l a b o u r as m e r e congelations of undifferentiated h u m a n labour, shows by its very structure that it is the social r e s u m é of the world of c o m m o d i t i e s . T h a t form consequently m a k e s it indisputably evident that in the world of c o m m o d i t i e s the character possessed by all labour of being human labour constitutes its spe- 30 cific social character. I

13 81 2. The interdependent Development of the Relative Form of Value, and of the Equivalent Form. T h e degree of development of the relative form of value corresponds to that of t h e equivalent form. But we m u s t b e a r in m i n d t h a t the d e v e l o p m e n t of 35 the latter is only the expression and result of the d e v e l o p m e n t of the former. T h e primary or isolated relative form of value of o n e c o m m o d i t y converts s o m e other c o m m o d i t y into an isolated equivalent. T h e e x p a n d e d

58

Chapter I • Commodities form of relative value, w h i c h is t h e expression of t h e value of o n e c o m m o d ­ ity in t e r m s of all o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s , endows those o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s with t h e character of particular equivalents differing in kind. A n d lastly, a particular k i n d of c o m m o d i t y acquires t h e character of universal equiva5

lent, b e c a u s e all o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s m a k e it t h e m a t e r i a l in w h i c h they u n ­ iformly express their value. T h e a n t a g o n i s m between t h e relative form of value a n d t h e equivalent form, the two poles of t h e value form, is developed concurrently with t h a t form itself.

10

T h e first form, 20 yds. of l i n e n = o n e coat, already c o n t a i n s t h i s antag­ onism, without as yet fixing it. A c c o r d i n g as we read this e q u a t i o n forwards or backwards, the parts played by t h e l i n e n a n d the coat are different. In the o n e case t h e relative value of t h e l i n e n is expressed in t h e coat, in t h e other case t h e relative value of t h e coat is expressed in t h e l i n e n . In this

15

first form of value, therefore, it is difficult to grasp t h e polar contrast. F o r m Β shows t h a t only o n e single c o m m o d i t y at a t i m e c a n completely expand its relative value, a n d t h a t it acquires this e x p a n d e d form only be­ cause, a n d in so far as, all o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s are, with respect to it, equiva­ lents. H e r e we c a n n o t reverse t h e e q u a t i o n , as we can t h e e q u a t i o n 20 yds.

20

of l i n e n = 1 coat, w i t h o u t altering its general character, a n d converting it from t h e e x p a n d e d form of value i n t o the general form of value. Finally, t h e form C gives to the world of c o m m o d i t i e s a general social relative form of value, b e c a u s e , a n d in so far as, thereby all c o m m o d i t i e s , with the e x c e p t i o n of o n e , are e x c l u d e d ||39| from the equivalent form. A

25

single c o m m o d i t y , the l i n e n , appears therefore to have acquired the charac­ ter of direct exchangeability with every o t h e r c o m m o d i t y b e c a u s e , a n d in so far as, this character is d e n i e d to every o t h e r c o m m o d i t y . 2 5 T h e c o m m o d i t y t h a t figures as universal equivalent, is, on t h e o t h e r 25

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I t i s b y n o m e a n s self-evident t h a t t h i s c h a r a c t e r o f d i r e c t a n d u n i v e r s a l e x c h a n g e a b i l i t y is, so to speak, a p o l a r o n e , a n d as i n t i m a t e l y c o n n e c t e d w i t h its o p p o s i t e pole, t h e a b s e n c e of di­ rect e x c h a n g e a b i l i t y , a s t h e positive p o l e o f t h e m a g n e t i s w i t h its n e g a t i v e c o u n t e r p a r t . I t m a y therefore b e i m a g i n e d t h a t all c o m m o d i t i e s c a n s i m u l t a n e o u s l y h a v e t h i s c h a r a c t e r i m p r e s s e d u p o n t h e m , j u s t a s i t c a n b e i m a g i n e d t h a t all C a t h o l i c s c a n b e p o p e s t o g e t h e r . I t is, o f c o u r s e , highly desirable i n t h e eyes o f t h e p e t i t b o u r g e o i s , for w h o m t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f c o m m o d i t i e s i s t h e n e p l u s u l t r a o f h u m a n f r e e d o m a n d i n d i v i d u a l i n d e p e n d e n c e , t h a t t h e i n c o n v e n i e n c e s re­ sulting from this c h a r a c t e r o f c o m m o d i t i e s n o t b e i n g directly e x c h a n g e a b l e , s h o u l d b e re­ m o v e d . P r o u d h o n ' s s o c i a l i s m is a working o u t of t h i s P h i l i s t i n e U t o p i a , a form of s o c i a l i s m which, as I h a v e elsewhere shown, d o e s n o t possess e v e n t h e m e r i t of originality. L o n g before his t i m e , t h e t a s k was a t t e m p t e d with m u c h b e t t e r success b y G r a y , Bray, a n d o t h e r s . But, for all t h a t , w i s d o m o f t h i s k i n d flourishes even n o w i n c e r t a i n circles u n d e r t h e n a m e o f " s c i e n c e . " N e v e r h a s a n y s c h o o l p l a y e d m o r e tricks w i t h t h e word s c i e n c e , t h a n t h a t o f P r o u d h o n , for "wo Begriffe f e h l e n D a stellt z u r r e c h t e n Z e i t e i n W o r t sich e i n . "

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Part I • Commodities and money h a n d , e x c l u d e d from t h e relative value form. If t h e linen, or a n y o t h e r com­ m o d i t y serving as universal equivalent, were, at t h e s a m e t i m e , to share in t h e relative form of value, it would have to serve as its own equivalent. We should t h e n have 20 yds. of linen = 20 yds. of l i n e n ; this tautology ex­ presses n e i t h e r value, n o r m a g n i t u d e of value. In order to express t h e rela-

5

tive value of t h e universal equivalent, we m u s t r a t h e r reverse t h e form C. T h i s equivalent has no relative form of value in c o m m o n with o t h e r com­ m o d i t i e s , b u t its value is relatively expressed by a never e n d i n g series of o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s . T h u s , t h e e x p a n d e d form of relative value, or form B, n o w shows itself as t h e specific form of relative value for t h e equivalent

10

commodity. 3.

Transition from the General Form of Value to the Money Form.

T h e universal equivalent form is a form of value in general. It can, there­ fore, be a s s u m e d by any c o m m o d i t y . On t h e o t h e r h a n d , if a c o m m o d i t y be f o u n d to have a s s u m e d t h e universal e q u i v a l e n t form (form C), this is only

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b e c a u s e a n d ||40| in so far as it has b e e n e x c l u d e d from t h e rest of all o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s as their equivalent, a n d t h a t by t h e i r own act. A n d from t h e m o m e n t t h a t this exclusion b e c o m e s finally restricted to o n e particular c o m m o d i t y , from t h a t m o m e n t only, t h e general form of relative value of t h e world of c o m m o d i t i e s o b t a i n s real c o n s i s t e n c e a n d general social valid-

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ity. T h e particular c o m m o d i t y , with whose bodily form t h e equivalent form is t h u s socially identified, n o w b e c o m e s t h e m o n e y c o m m o d i t y , or serves as m o n e y . It b e c o m e s t h e special social f u n c t i o n of t h a t c o m m o d i t y , a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y its social m o n o p o l y , to play within t h e world of c o m m o d i t i e s

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t h e part of t h e universal equivalent. A m o n g s t t h e c o m m o d i t i e s which, in form B, figure as particular equivalents of t h e linen, a n d , in form C, ex­ press in c o m m o n their relative values in linen, this foremost place h a s b e e n a t t a i n e d by o n e in p a r t i c u l a r — n a m e l y , gold. If, t h e n , in form C we replace t h e l i n e n by gold, we get,

30 D. The Money Form.

20 yards of linen = 1 coat 10 lb of tea

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40 tb of coffee

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60

2 o u n c e s of gold.

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Chapter I · Commodities In passing from form A to form B, a n d from t h e latter to form C, t h e changes are f u n d a m e n t a l . On t h e o t h e r h a n d , there is no difference be­ tween forms C a n d D, except that, in t h e latter, gold h a s a s s u m e d t h e equivalent form in t h e place of l i n e n . G o l d is in form D, what l i n e n was in 5

form C — t h e universal equivalent. T h e progress consists in this a l o n e , t h a t t h e character of direct a n d universal e x c h a n g e a b i l i t y — i n other words, t h a t the universal equivalent f o r m — h a s now, by social c u s t o m , b e c o m e finally identified with t h e substance, gold. G o l d is now m o n e y with reference to all o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s only b e c a u s e

10

it was previously, with reference to t h e m , a simple c o m m o d i t y . Like all o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s , it was also | | 4 1 | capable of serving as an equivalent, either as simple equivalent in isolated exchanges, or as particular equiva­ lent by t h e side of others. G r a d u a l l y it b e g a n to serve, within varying limits, as universal equivalent. So s o o n as it m o n o p o l i s e s this position in t h e ex-

15

pression of value for the world of c o m m o d i t i e s , it b e c o m e s the m o n e y com­ modity, a n d t h e n , a n d n o t till t h e n , does form D b e c o m e distinct from form C, a n d t h e general form of value b e c o m e c h a n g e d into t h e m o n e y form. T h e elementary expression of t h e relative value of a single c o m m o d i t y ,

20

s u c h as linen, in t e r m s of t h e c o m m o d i t y , s u c h as gold, t h a t plays the part of m o n e y , is the price form of t h a t c o m m o d i t y . T h e price form of t h e l i n e n is therefore 20 yards of l i n e n = 2 o u n c e s of gold, or, if 2 o u n c e s of gold w h e n c o i n e d are £2, 20 yards of l i n e n = £ 2 .

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T h e difficulty in forming a c o n c e p t of t h e m o n e y form, consists in clearly c o m p r e h e n d i n g t h e universal equivalent form, a n d as a necessary corollary, t h e general form of value, form C. T h e latter is d e d u c i b l e from form B, the e x p a n d e d form of value, t h e essential c o m p o n e n t e l e m e n t of which, we saw, is form A, 20 yards of l i n e n = 1 coat or χ c o m m o d i t y A = y

30

c o m m o d i t y B. T h e simple c o m m o d i t y form is therefore t h e g e r m of t h e m o n e y form. Section 4.—The Fetishism of Commodities and the Secret thereof. A c o m m o d i t y appears, at first sight, a very trivial thing, a n d easily u n d e r ­ stood. Its analysis shows t h a t it is, in reality, a very q u e e r thing, a b o u n d i n g

35

in m e t a p h y s i c a l subtleties a n d theological niceties. So far as it is a value in use, there is n o t h i n g m y s t e r i o u s a b o u t it, w h e t h e r we consider it from the p o i n t of view t h a t by its properties it is capable of satisfying h u m a n wants, or from t h e p o i n t t h a t t h o s e properties are t h e p r o d u c t of h u m a n labour. It

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Part I · Commodities and money is as clear as noon-day, t h a t m a n , by his industry, changes t h e forms of the materials furnished by nature, in such a way as to m a k e t h e m useful to h i m . T h e form of wood, for instance, is altered, by m a k i n g a table out of it. Yet, for all that the table continues to be that c o m m o n , ||42| every-day thing, wood. But, so soon as it steps forth as a c o m m o d i t y , it is changed into s o m e t h i n g transcendent. It n o t only stands with its feet on the ground, but, in relation to all other c o m m o d i t i e s , it stands on its h e a d , and evolves o u t of its wooden brain grotesque ideas, far m o r e wonderful t h a n "tablet u r n i n g " ever was.

5

T h e mystical character of c o m m o d i t i e s does n o t originate, therefore, in 10 their use-value. Just as little does it proceed from the n a t u r e of the determ i n i n g factors of value. For, in t h e first place, however varied the useful kinds of labour, or productive activities, m a y be, it is a physiological fact, that they are functions of t h e h u m a n organism, a n d t h a t e a c h s u c h function, whatever m a y be its n a t u r e or form, is essentially the e x p e n d i t u r e of 15 h u m a n brain, nerves, muscles, etc. Secondly, with regard to that which forms the ground-work for the quantitative d e t e r m i n a t i o n of value, namely, t h e duration of that expenditure, or the quantity of labour, it is quite clear t h a t there is a palpable difference between its quantity a n d quality. In all states of society, the labour-time that it costs to p r o d u c e the m e a n s of sub- 20 sistence, m u s t necessarily be an object of interest to m a n k i n d , t h o u g h not of e q u a l interest in different stages of d e v e l o p m e n t . A n d lastly, from the m o m e n t that m e n in any way work for o n e another, their labour assumes a social form. 26

W h e n c e , then, arises the enigmatical character of the product of labour, 25 so soon as it assumes the form of c o m m o d i t i e s ? Clearly from this form itself. T h e equality of all sorts of h u m a n labour is expressed objectively by their products all being equally values; the m e a s u r e of the e x p e n d i t u r e of labour-power by the d u r a t i o n of that e x p e n d i t u r e , takes the form of the quantity of value of the products of labour; a n d finally, the m u t u a l rela- 30 tions of the producers, within which the social character of their l a b o u r affirms itself, take the form of a social relation between t h e products. A c o m m o d i t y is therefore a mysterious thing, simply b e c a u s e in it the social character of m e n ' s labour appears to t h e m as an ||43| objective character stamped u p o n the product of that labour; b e c a u s e t h e relation of the 35 producers to the s u m total of their own labour is presented to t h e m as a social relation, existing n o t between themselves, b u t between the products of their labour. This is the reason why the products of labour b e c o m e com26

A m o n g t h e a n c i e n t G e r m a n s t h e u n i t for m e a s u r i n g l a n d was w h a t could b e harvested i n a day, a n d was called Tagwerk, T a g w a n n e (jurnale, o r terra j u r n a l i s , o r d i u r n a l i s ) , M a n n s m a a d , etc. (See G . L . von M a u r e r E i n l e i t u n g z u r G e s c h i c h t e der M a r k — , etc. Verfassung, M ü n c h e n , 1854, p. 129-130.)

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modities, social things whose qualities are at the same t i m e perceptible a n d imperceptible by the senses. In the s a m e way the light from an object is perceived by us n o t as the subjective excitation of our optic nerve, b u t as the objective form of s o m e t h i n g outside the eye itself. But, in t h e act of seeing, there is at all events, an actual passage of light from o n e thing to another, from the external object to the eye. There is a physical relation between physical things. But it is different with c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e r e , the existence of the things qua c o m m o d i t i e s , and the value relation between the products of labour which stamps t h e m as c o m m o d i t i e s , have absolutely no connection with their physical properties a n d with the m a t e r i a l relations arising therefrom. There it is a definite social relation between m e n , that assumes, in their eyes, the fantastic form of a relation between things. In order, therefore, to find an analogy, we m u s t have recourse to t h e mist-enveloped regions of the religious world. In that world the p r o d u c t i o n s of the h u m a n b r a i n appear as i n d e p e n d e n t beings endowed with life, a n d entering into relation b o t h with o n e a n o t h e r a n d the h u m a n race. So it is in the world of c o m m o d i t i e s with the products of m e n ' s h a n d s . This I call the F e tishism w h i c h attaches itself to t h e products of labour, so soon as they are produced as c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d which is therefore inseparable from the prod u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s . This F e t i s h i s m of c o m m o d i t i e s has its origin, as the foregoing analysis has already shown, in the peculiar social character of the labour that produces t h e m . As a general rule, articles of utility b e c o m e c o m m o d i t i e s , only because they are products of the labour of private individuals or groups of individuals who carry on their work i n d e p e n d e n t l y of e a c h other. T h e s u m total of the labour of all these private individuals forms the aggregate labour of society. Since the producers do not c o m e into social contact with each other u n t i l ||44| they exchange their products, the specific social character of each producer's labour does n o t show itself except in the act of exchange. In other words, t h e labour of the individual asserts itself as a part of the lab o u r of society, only by m e a n s of the relations which the act of exchange establishes directly between the products, a n d indirectly, t h r o u g h t h e m , between the producers. To t h e latter, therefore, the relations connecting the labour of o n e individual with that of the rest appear, n o t as direct social relations between individuals at work, b u t as what they really are, material relations between persons a n d social relations between things. It is only by being exchanged that the products of labour acquire, as values, one u n iform social status, distinct from their varied forms of existence as objects of utility. This division of a product into a useful thing a n d a value becomes practically important, only w h e n exchange has acquired s u c h an ex-

63

Part I · Commodities and money tension t h a t useful articles are p r o d u c e d for t h e purpose of being exchanged, and their character as values has therefore to be t a k e n into account, beforehand, during production. F r o m this m o m e n t the l a b o u r of the individual producer acquires socially a two-fold character. On the o n e h a n d , it m u s t , as a definite useful kind of labour, satisfy a definite social 5 want, a n d t h u s h o l d its place as part and parcel of the collective l a b o u r of all, as a b r a n c h of a social division of labour t h a t has sprung up s p o n t a n e ously. On the other h a n d , it can satisfy the manifold wants of the individu a l p r o d u c e r himself, only in so far as the m u t u a l exchangeability of all k i n d s of useful private labour is an established social fact, a n d therefore 10 t h e private useful labour of each p r o d u c e r r a n k s on an equality with that of all others. T h e equalisation of the m o s t different kinds of l a b o u r can be the result only of an abstraction from their inequalities, or of reducing t h e m to their c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r , viz., e x p e n d i t u r e of h u m a n labour power or h u m a n labour in the abstract. T h e two-fold social character of the labour of 15 the individual appears to h i m , when reflected in his brain, only u n d e r those forms which are impressed u p o n that labour in everyday practice by the exchange of products. In this way, the character that his own labour possesses of being socially useful takes the form of t h e c o n d i t i o n , ||45| that t h e produ c t m u s t be n o t only useful, but useful for others, a n d the social character 20 t h a t his particular labour has of being the e q u a l of all o t h e r particular kinds of labour, takes the form that all the physically different articles t h a t are t h e products of labour, have o n e c o m m o n quality, viz., t h a t of having value. H e n c e , when we bring the products of o u r l a b o u r into relation with e a c h 25 o t h e r as values, it is not because we see in these articles t h e m a t e r i a l receptacles of h o m o g e n e o u s h u m a n labour. Q u i t e the contrary: whenever, by an exchange, we equate as values our different products, by that very act, we also equate, as h u m a n labour, the different kinds of labour e x p e n d e d u p o n t h e m . We are n o t aware of this, nevertheless we do i t . Value, there- 30 fore, does n o t stalk about with a label describing what it is. It is value, rather, t h a t converts every p r o d u c t into a social hieroglyphic. Later on, we try to decipher the hieroglyphic, to get b e h i n d the secret of our own social products; for to stamp an object of utility as a value, is j u s t as m u c h a social product as language. T h e recent scientific discovery, that the products 35 of labour, so far as they are values, are b u t m a t e r i a l expressions of t h e h u m a n labour spent i n their production, marks, indeed, a n epoch i n t h e his27

27

W h e n , therefore, G a l i a n i says: V a l u e is a r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n p e r s o n s — " L a R i c c h e z z a è u n a r a g i o n e tra d u e p e r s o n e , " — h e o u g h t to h a v e a d d e d : a r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n p e r s o n s expressed as a r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n things ( G a l i a n i : Della M o n e t a , p. 2 2 1 , V. I I I . of C u s t o d i ' s collection of "Scrittori d a n n i c i I t a l i a n i d i E c o n o m i a Politica." P a r t e M o d e r n a , M i l a n o , 1803.)

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tory of the development of the h u m a n race, but, by no m e a n s , dissipates the mist through which the social character of labour appears to us to be an objective character of the products themselves. T h e fact, that in t h e particular form of p r o d u c t i o n with which we are dealing, viz., the p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s , the specific social character of private labour carried on independently, consists in the equality of every k i n d of t h a t labour, by virtue of its being h u m a n labour, which character, therefore, assumes in t h e produ c t the form of value—this fact appears to t h e producers, notwithstanding the discovery above referred to, to be just as real a n d final, as the fact, that, after the discovery by science of the c o m p o n e n t gases of air, t h e a t m o s phere itself r e m a i n e d u n a l t e r e d . W h a t , first of all, practically concerns producers when they ||46| m a k e an exchange, is the question, how m u c h of s o m e other product they get for their own? in what proportions the products are exchangeable? W h e n these proportions have, by custom, attained a certain stability, they appear to result from the n a t u r e of the products, so that, for instance, o n e t o n of iron and two ounces of gold appear as naturally to be of e q u a l value as a p o u n d of gold a n d a p o u n d of iron in spite of their different physical a n d c h e m i c a l qualities appear to be of e q u a l weight. T h e character of having value, w h e n o n c e impressed u p o n products, obtains fixity only by reason of their acting and re-acting u p o n e a c h other as quantities of value. These quantities vary continually, i n d e p e n d e n t l y of the will, foresight a n d action of t h e p r o d u c ers. To them, their own social action takes the form of the action of objects, which rule the producers instead of being ruled by t h e m . It requires a fully developed production of c o m m o d i t i e s before, from a c c u m u l a t e d experience alone, the scientific conviction springs u p , that all the different k i n d s of private labour, which are carried on i n d e p e n d e n t l y of e a c h other, a n d yet as spontaneously developed b r a n c h e s of the social division of labour, are continually being reduced to t h e quantitative proportions in which society requires t h e m . A n d why? Because, in the m i d s t of all the accidental a n d ever fluctuating exchange-relations between the products, the l a b o u r - t i m e socially necessary for their p r o d u c t i o n forcibly asserts itself like an overriding law of n a t u r e . T h e law of gravity t h u s asserts itself when a h o u s e falls about our e a r s . T h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n of the m a g n i t u d e of value by labourtime is therefore a secret, h i d d e n u n d e r the apparent fluctuations in the relative values of c o m m o d i t i e s . Its discovery, while removing all a p p e a r a n c e of mere accidentality from t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n of the m a g n i t u d e of the val28

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" W h a t are we to t h i n k of a law t h a t asserts itself only by periodical revolutions? It is j u s t n o t h i n g b u t a law of N a t u r e , f o u n d e d on t h e w a n t of k n o w l e d g e of those whose a c t i o n is t h e subject of it." ( F r i e d r i c h E n g e l s : " U m r i s s e zu e i n e r Kritik der N a t i o n a l ö k o n o m i e , " in t h e "Deutsch-französische J a h r b ü c h e r , " edited by A r n o l d R ü g e a n d Karl M a r x . Paris, 1844.)

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Part 1 · Commodities and money ues of products, yet in no way alters the m o d e in which that d e t e r m i n a t i o n takes place. M a n ' s reflections on the forms of social life, a n d consequently, ||47| also, his scientific analysis of those forms, take a course directly opposite to that of their actual historical development. He begins, post festum, with the re5 suits of the process of development ready to h a n d before h i m . T h e characters that s t a m p products as c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d whose establishment is a n e c essary preliminary to t h e circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s , have already a c q u i r e d t h e stability of natural, self-understood forms of social life, before m a n seeks to decipher, n o t their historical character, for in his eyes they 10 are i m m u t a b l e , b u t their m e a n i n g . Consequently it was t h e analysis of the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s t h a t alone led to the d e t e r m i n a t i o n of the m a g n i t u d e of value, and it was t h e c o m m o n expression of all c o m m o d i t i e s in m o n e y t h a t alone led to the establishment of their characters as values. It is, however, j u s t this u l t i m a t e m o n e y form of the world of c o m m o d i t i e s t h a t actu- 15 ally conceals, instead of disclosing, the social character of private labour, a n d the social relations between t h e individual producers. W h e n I state that coats or boots stand in a relation to linen, because it is t h e universal i n c a r n a t i o n of abstract h u m a n labour, the absurdity of the s t a t e m e n t is self-evident. Nevertheless, w h e n the producers of coats a n d boots c o m p a r e 20 those articles with linen, or, what is the s a m e thing, with gold or silver, as t h e universal equivalent, they express the relation between their own private l a b o u r a n d the collective labour of society in the s a m e absurd form. T h e categories of bourgeois e c o n o m y consist of s u c h like forms. T h e y are forms of t h o u g h t expressing with social validity the conditions a n d rela- 25 tions of a definite, historically d e t e r m i n e d m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n , viz., the p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e whole mystery of c o m m o d i t i e s , all the m a g i c a n d n e c r o m a n c y t h a t surrounds the products of l a b o u r as long as they take the form of c o m m o d i t i e s , vanishes therefore, so soon as we c o m e to other forms of production. 30 Since R o b i n s o n Crusoe's experiences are a favourite t h e m e with political e c o n o m i s t s , let us take a look at h i m on his ||48| island. M o d e r a t e t h o u g h he be, yet some few wants he has to satisfy, a n d m u s t therefore do a little useful work of various sorts, s u c h as m a k i n g tools a n d furniture, t a m ing goats, fishing and h u n t i n g . Of his prayers a n d t h e like we take no ac- 35 29

29

E v e n R i c a r d o h a s h i s stories à l a R o b i n s o n . " H e m a k e s t h e p r i m i t i v e h u n t e r a n d t h e p r i m i tive fisher straightway, as o w n e r s of c o m m o d i t i e s , e x c h a n g e fish a n d g a m e in t h e p r o p o r t i o n i n w h i c h l a b o u r - t i m e i s i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t h e s e e x c h a n g e values. O n this o c c a s i o n h e c o m m i t s t h e a n a c h r o n i s m o f m a k i n g t h e s e m e n apply t o t h e c a l c u l a t i o n , s o far a s t h e i r i m p l e m e n t s h a v e t o b e t a k e n i n t o a c c o u n t , t h e a n n u i t y tables i n c u r r e n t u s e o n t h e L o n d o n E x c h a n g e i n t h e year 1817. ' T h e parallelograms of M r . O w e n ' a p p e a r to be t h e only form of society, b e s i d e s t h e b o u r g e o i s form, with w h i c h h e was a c q u a i n t e d . " (Karl M a r x : " Z u r Kritik," etc., p . 3 8 , 39.)

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count, since they are a source of pleasure to h i m , a n d he looks u p o n t h e m as so m u c h recreation. In spite of t h e variety of his work, he knows that his labour, whatever its form, is b u t the activity of o n e a n d the same R o b i n s o n , and consequently, that it consists of n o t h i n g b u t different m o d e s of h u m a n labour. Necessity itself compels h i m to apportion his t i m e accurately between his different k i n d s of work. W h e t h e r o n e kind occupies a greater space in his general activity t h a n another, d e p e n d s on t h e difficulties, greater or less as the case m a y be, to be overcome in attaining the useful effect a i m e d at. This o u r friend R o b i n s o n soon learns by experience, a n d having rescued a watch, ledger, a n d p e n a n d ink from the wreck, comm e n c e s , like a true-born Briton, to keep a set of books. His stock-book contains a list of t h e objects of utility that belong to h i m , of the operations n e c essary for their p r o d u c t i o n ; a n d lastly, of the labour t i m e that definite quantities of those objects have, on an average, cost h i m . All the relations between R o b i n s o n a n d the objects t h a t form this wealth of his own creation, are h e r e so simple a n d clear as to be intelligible without exertion, even to Mr. Sedley Taylor. A n d yet those relations c o n t a i n all that is essential to the d e t e r m i n a t i o n of value. Let us now transport ourselves from R o b i n s o n ' s island b a t h e d in light to the E u r o p e a n m i d d l e ages s h r o u d e d in darkness. H e r e , instead of the i n d e p e n d e n t m a n , we find everyone d e p e n d e n t , serfs a n d lords, vassals a n d suzerains, l a y m e n a n d clergy. Personal d e p e n d e n c e here characterises the social relations of p r o d u c t i o n just as m u c h as it does the other spheres of life organized oh the basis of t h a t p r o d u c t i o n . But for the very reason that personal d e p e n d e n c e forms the groundwork of society, there is no necessity for labour a n d its products to j|49| a s s u m e a fantastic form different from their reality. They take the shape, in the transactions of society, of services in kind and- p a y m e n t s in kind. H e r e the particular a n d n a t u r a l form of labour, and not, as in a society based on p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s , its general abstract form is t h e i m m e d i a t e social form of labour. Compulsory labour is j u s t as properly m e a s u r e d by t i m e , as c o m m o d i t y - p r o d u c i n g labour; but every serf knows t h a t what he expends in t h e service of his lord, is a definite quantity of his own personal labour-power. T h e tithe to be rendered to the priest is m o r e m a t t e r of fact t h a n his blessing. No matter, then, what we m a y t h i n k of the parts played by t h e different classes of people themselves in this society, t h e social relations between individuals in t h e performance of their labour, appear at all events as their own m u t u a l personal relations, and are n o t disguised u n d e r the shape of social relations between the products of labour. For an example of l a b o u r in c o m m o n or directly associated labour, we have no occasion to go back to that spontaneously developed form which

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we find on the threshold of t h e history of all civilized r a c e s . We have o n e close at h a n d in the patriarchal industries of a peasant family, t h a t produces corn, cattle, yarn, linen, and clothing for h o m e use. T h e s e different articles are, as regards t h e family, so m a n y products of its labour, b u t as between themselves, they are n o t c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e different k i n d s of labour, 5 s u c h as tillage, cattle tending, spinning, weaving a n d m a k i n g clothes, which result in the various products, are in themselves, a n d s u c h as they are, direct social functions, because functions of the family, which, j u s t as m u c h as a society based on the p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s , possesses a spontaneously developed system of division of labour. T h e distribution of 10 the work within the family, a n d ||50| the regulation of t h e l a b o u r - t i m e of t h e several m e m b e r s , d e p e n d as well u p o n differences of age a n d sex as u p o n n a t u r a l conditions varying with t h e seasons. T h e labour-power of e a c h individual, by its very n a t u r e , operates in this case merely as a definite portion of the whole labour-power of t h e family, a n d therefore, the 15 m e a s u r e of the e x p e n d i t u r e of individual labour-power by its duration, appears here by its very n a t u r e as a social character of their labour. Let us now picture to ourselves, by way of c h a n g e , a c o m m u n i t y of free individuals, carrying on their work with the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n in c o m m o n , in which the labour-power of all the different individuals is con- 20 sciously applied as the c o m b i n e d labour-power of the c o m m u n i t y . All t h e characteristics of R o b i n s o n ' s labour are here repeated, b u t with this difference, that they are social, instead of individual. Everything p r o d u c e d by h i m was exclusively the result of his own personal labour, a n d therefore simply an object of use for himself. T h e total p r o d u c t of our c o m m u n i t y is 25 a social product. O n e portion serves as fresh m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d rem a i n s social. B u t another portion is c o n s u m e d by t h e m e m b e r s as m e a n s of subsistence. A distribution of this portion a m o n g s t t h e m is consequently necessary. T h e m o d e of this distribution will vary with the productive organ i z a t i o n of the c o m m u n i t y , a n d the degree of historical d e v e l o p m e n t at- 30 t a i n e d by the producers. We will assume, b u t merely for the sake of a parallel with the p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s , t h a t t h e share of each individual p r o d u c e r in the m e a n s of subsistence is d e t e r m i n e d by his labour-time. La-

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" A r i d i c u l o u s p r e s u m p t i o n h a s latterly got a b r o a d t h a t c o m m o n p r o p e r t y i n its p r i m i t i v e form is specifically a Slavonian, or even exclusively R u s s i a n form. It is t h e p r i m i t i v e form t h a t w e c a n prove t o h a v e existed a m o n g s t R o m a n s , T e u t o n s , a n d Celts, a n d e v e n t o t h i s d a y w e find n u m e r o u s e x a m p l e s , r u i n s t h o u g h t h e y b e , in I n d i a . A m o r e e x h a u s t i v e s t u d y of A s i a t i c , a n d especially of I n d i a n forms of c o m m o n property, w o u l d show h o w from t h e different forms of p r i m i t i v e c o m m o n property, different forms of its d i s s o l u t i o n h a v e b e e n developed. T h u s , for i n s t a n c e , t h e various original types o f R o m a n a n d T e u t o n i c private property are d e d u c i b l e from different forms of I n d i a n c o m m o n property." (Karl M a r x . " Z u r Kritik," etc., p. 10.)

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b o u r - t i m e would, in t h a t case, play a d o u b l e part. Its a p p o r t i o n m e n t in accordance with a definite social p l a n m a i n t a i n s t h e proper proportion between the different kinds of work to be d o n e a n d the various wants of the c o m m u n i t y . On the other h a n d , it also serves as a m e a s u r e of the p o r t i o n of the c o m m o n labour b o r n e by each individual, a n d of his share in the part of t h e total product destined for individual c o n s u m p t i o n . T h e social relations of the individual producers, with regard b o t h to their labour a n d to its products, are in this case perfectly simple a n d intelligible, a n d t h a t with regard n o t only to p r o d u c t i o n b u t also to distribution. | | 5 1 | T h e religious world is b u t the reflex of the real world. A n d for a society based u p o n the p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s , in which the p r o d u c e r s in general enter into social relations with o n e a n o t h e r by treating their products as c o m m o d i t i e s a n d values, whereby they r e d u c e their individual private labour to the standard of h o m o g e n e o u s h u m a n labour—for s u c h a society, Christianity with its cultus of abstract m a n , m o r e especially in its bourgeois developments, Protestantism, D e i s m , etc., is the m o s t fitting form of religion. In the a n c i e n t Asiatic a n d other a n c i e n t m o d e s of p r o d u c tion, we find that the conversion of products into c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d therefore the conversion of m e n into producers of c o m m o d i t i e s , holds a subordin a t e place, which, however, increases in i m p o r t a n c e as the primitive c o m m u n i t i e s approach n e a r e r a n d n e a r e r to their dissolution. Trading n a tions, properly so called, exist in the a n c i e n t world only in its interstices, like the gods of E p i c u r u s in the I n t e r m u n d i a , or like Jews in t h e pores of Polish society. T h o s e a n c i e n t social organisms of p r o d u c t i o n are, as compared with bourgeois society, extremely simple a n d transparent. But they are founded either on the i m m a t u r e d e v e l o p m e n t of m a n individually, who has not yet severed the u m b i l i c a l cord t h a t u n i t e s h i m with his fellow m e n in a primitive tribal c o m m u n i t y , or u p o n direct relations of subjection. They can arise a n d exist only w h e n t h e development of the productive power of labour has n o t risen b e y o n d a low stage, a n d when, therefore, the social relations within the sphere of m a t e r i a l life, between m a n a n d m a n , and between m a n a n d N a t u r e , are correspondingly narrow. This narrowness is reflected in the a n c i e n t worship of N a t u r e , a n d in the other e l e m e n t s of the popular religions. T h e religious reflex of t h e real world can, in any case, only t h e n finally vanish, w h e n the practical relations of everyday life offer to m a n n o n e b u t perfectly intelligible a n d reasonable relations with regard to his fellowmen a n d to n a t u r e . T h e life-process of society, which is based on the process of m a t e r i a l production, does n o t strip off its mystical veil u n t i l it is treated as p r o d u c t i o n by freely associated m e n , a n d is consciously regulated by t h e m in accordance with a settled plan. ||52| This, however, d e m a n d s for society a certain

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Part I • Commodities and money m a t e r i a l groundwork or set of conditions of existence which in their t u r n are t h e s p o n t a n e o u s product of a long a n d painful process of development. Political e c o n o m y has i n d e e d analysed, however i n c o m p l e t e l y , value a n d its m a g n i t u d e , and has discovered what lies b e n e a t h these forms. B u t it h a s never once asked the question why l a b o u r is represented by t h e value of its product a n d labour t i m e by the m a g n i t u d e of that v a l u e . T h e s e for31

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T h e insufficiency o f R i c a r d o ' s analysis o f t h e m a g n i t u d e o f v a l u e , a n d h i s analysis i s b y far t h e best, will a p p e a r from t h e 3rd a n d 4 t h b o o k s of t h i s work. As regards value in g e n e r a l , it is t h e weak p o i n t o f t h e classical school o f political e c o n o m y t h a t i t n o w h e r e , expressly a n d w i t h full c o n s c i o u s n e s s , d i s t i n g u i s h e s b e t w e e n labour, as it a p p e a r s in t h e value of a p r o d u c t a n d t h e s a m e labour, as it a p p e a r s in t h e u s e - v a l u e of t h a t p r o d u c t . Of c o u r s e t h e d i s t i n c t i o n is practically m a d e , since this s c h o o l treats labour, a t o n e t i m e u n d e r its q u a n t i t a t i v e aspect, a t a n o t h e r u n d e r its q u a l i t a t i v e aspect. B u t i t h a s n o t t h e least idea, t h a t w h e n t h e difference b e t w e e n various k i n d s of l a b o u r is treated as purely q u a n t i t a t i v e , t h e i r q u a l i t a t i v e u n i t y or e q u a l ity, a n d therefore t h e i r r e d u c t i o n t o abstract h u m a n labour, i s i m p l i e d . F o r i n s t a n c e , R i c a r d o declares t h a t he agrees with D e s t u t t de T r a c y in this p r o p o s i t i o n : "As it is c e r t a i n t h a t o u r p h y s i c a l a n d m o r a l faculties are a l o n e o u r o r i g i n a l r i c h e s , t h e e m p l o y m e n t o f t h o s e faculties, l a b o u r of s o m e k i n d , is o u r only original t r e a s u r e , a n d it is always from t h i s e m p l o y m e n t t h a t all t h o s e t h i n g s are created, w h i c h we call riches. . . . It is c e r t a i n , t o o , t h a t all t h o s e t h i n g s only r e p r e s e n t t h e l a b o u r w h i c h h a s c r e a t e d t h e m , a n d if t h e y have a v a l u e , or e v e n two d i s t i n c t valu e s , t h e y c a n only derive t h e m from t h a t (the value) o f t h e l a b o u r from w h i c h t h e y e m a n a t e . " ( R i c a r d o , T h e Principles o f Pol. E c o n . 3 Ed. L o n d . 1 8 2 1 , p . 334). W e w o u l d h e r e only p o i n t o u t , t h a t R i c a r d o p u t s h i s o w n m o r e p r o f o u n d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n u p o n t h e words o f D e s t u t t . W h a t t h e latter really says is, t h a t o n t h e o n e h a n d all t h i n g s w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e w e a l t h r e p r e s e n t t h e l a b o u r t h a t creates t h e m , b u t t h a t o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , they a c q u i r e t h e i r "two different v a l u e s " (use-value a n d e x c h a n g e - v a l u e ) from " t h e v a l u e o f l a b o u r . " H e t h u s falls i n t o t h e c o m m o n p l a c e error o f t h e vulgar e c o n o m i s t s , w h o a s s u m e t h e value o f o n e c o m m o d i t y (in t h i s case lab o u r ) i n o r d e r t o d e t e r m i n e t h e values o f t h e rest. B u t R i c a r d o r e a d s h i m a s i f h e h a d said, t h a t l a b o u r ( n o t t h e value o f labour) i s e m b o d i e d b o t h i n u s e - v a l u e a n d e x c h a n g e - v a l u e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , R i c a r d o h i m s e l f pays s o little a t t e n t i o n t o t h e two-fold c h a r a c t e r o f t h e l a b o u r w h i c h h a s a two-fold e m b o d i m e n t , t h a t h e devotes t h e whole o f h i s c h a p t e r o n " V a l u e a n d R i c h e s , T h e i r Distinctive Properties," to a l a b o r i o u s e x a m i n a t i o n of t h e trivialities of a J . B . Say. A n d a t t h e f i n i s h h e i s q u i t e a s t o n i s h e d t o find t h a t D e s t u t t o n t h e o n e h a n d agrees with h i m a s t o l a b o u r b e i n g t h e s o u r c e o f v a l u e , a n d o n t h e o t h e r h a n d w i t h J . B . Say a s t o t h e n o t i o n of v a l u e . It is o n e of t h e chief failings of classical e c o n o m y t h a t it h a s n e v e r s u c c e e d e d , by m e a n s of its analysis of c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d , in particular, of t h e i r v a l u e , in discovering t h a t form u n d e r w h i c h value b e c o m e s e x c h a n g e - v a l u e . E v e n A d a m S m i t h a n d R i c a r d o , t h e best r e p r e s e n t a tives of t h e school, treat t h e form of value as a t h i n g of no i m p o r t a n c e , as h a v i n g no c o n n e c t i o n with t h e i n h e r e n t n a t u r e o f c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e r e a s o n for t h i s i s n o t solely b e c a u s e t h e i r a t t e n t i o n is entirely a b s o r b e d in t h e analysis of t h e m a g n i t u d e of v a l u e . It lies d e e p e r . T h e valu e f o r m o f t h e p r o d u c t o f l a b o u r i s n o t only t h e m o s t abstract, b u t i s also t h e m o s t u n i v e r s a l form, t a k e n by t h e p r o d u c t in b o u r g e o i s p r o d u c t i o n , a n d s t a m p s t h a t p r o d u c t i o n as a p a r t i c u l a r species of social p r o d u c t i o n , a n d t h e r e b y gives it its special historical c h a r a c t e r . If t h e n we t r e a t t h i s m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n as o n e eternally fixed by n a t u r e for every state of society, we necessarily overlook t h a t w h i c h is t h e differentia specifica of t h e value-form, a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y o f t h e c o m m o d i t y - f o r m , a n d o f i t s further d e v e l o p m e n t s , moaey-foim, capital-form, etc. W e c o n s e q u e n t l y f i n d t h a t e c o n o m i s t s , who are t h o r o u g h l y agreed a s t o l a b o u r t i m e b e i n g t h e m e a s u r e o f t h e m a g n i t u d e o f v a l u e , h a v e t h e m o s t strange a n d c o n t r a d i c t o r y i d e a s o f m o n ey, t h e perfected form of t h e g e n e r a l e q u i v a l e n t . T h i s is s e e n in a striking m a n n e r w h e n t h e y t r e a t o f b a n k i n g , where t h e c o m m o n p l a c e d e f i n i t i o n s o f m o n e y will n o l o n g e r h o l d water. T h i s

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mulse, which ||53| bear s t a m p e d u p o n t h e m in u n m i s t a k e a b l e letters, that they belong to a state of society, in which the process of p r o d u c t i o n has t h e mastery over m a n , instead of being controlled by h i m , such formulae appear to t h e bourgeois intellect to be as m u c h a self-evident necessity i m posed by n a t u r e as productive labour itself. H e n c e forms of social p r o d u c t i o n that preceded t h e bourgeois form, are treated by the bourgeoisie in m u c h the same way as the F a t h e r s of t h e C h u r c h treated pre-Christian religions. I |54|To what extent s o m e economists are misled by the F e t i s h i s m inher33

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led to t h e rise of a restored m e r c a n t i l e s y s t e m ( G a n i l h , etc.), w h i c h sees in value n o t h i n g b u t a social form, or r a t h e r t h e u n s u b s t a n t i a l ghost of t h a t form. O n c e for all I m a y h e r e state, t h a t by classical political e c o n o m y , I u n d e r s t a n d t h a t e c o n o m y which, since t h e t i m e of W. Petty, h a s investigated t h e real r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n in b o u r g e o i s society, in c o n t r a d i s t i n c t i o n to vulgar e c o n o m y , w h i c h deals w i t h a p p e a r a n c e s only, r u m i n a t e s w i t h o u t ceasing o n t h e m a t e r i -

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als long s i n c e provided by scientific e c o n o m y , a n d there seeks plausible e x p l a n a t i o n s of t h e m o s t obtrusive p h e n o m e n a , for b o u r g e o i s daily u s e , b u t for t h e rest, confines itself to systematizing in a p e d a n t i c way, a n d p r o c l a i m i n g for everlasting t r u t h s , t h e trite i d e a s h e l d by t h e selfc o m p l a c e n t b o u r g e o i s i e with regard t o t h e i r o w n world, t o t h e m t h e best o f all possible worlds. «Les économistes ont u n e singulière manière de procéder. Il n'y a pour eux que deux

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sortes d ' i n s t i t u t i o n , celles de l'art et celles de la n a t u r e . Les i n s t i t u t i o n s de la f é o d a l i t é s o n t des i n s t i t u t i o n s artificielles, celles de la b o u r g e o i s i e s o n t des i n s t i t u t i o n s n a t u r e l l e s . Ils ress e m b l e n t e n ceci a u x t h é o l o g i e n s , q u i e u x aussi é t a b l i s s e n t d e u x sortes d e religion. T o u t e relig i o n q u i n ' e s t pas l a leur, est u n e i n v e n t i o n des h o m m e s , t a n d i s q u e l e u r p r o p r e religion est u n e é m a n a t i o n de D i e u ... A i n s i il y a eu de l'histoire, m a i s il n ' y en a p l u s . » (Karl M a r x . M i -

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sère de la P h i l o s o p h i e . R é p o n s e à la P h i l o s o p h i e de la M i s è r e p a r M . P r o u d h o n , 1847 p. 113.) Truly c o m i c a l i s M . B a s t i a t , who i m a g i n e s t h a t t h e a n c i e n t G r e e k s a n d R o m a n s lived b y p l u n der a l o n e . B u t w h e n p e o p l e p l u n d e r for c e n t u r i e s , t h e r e m u s t always b e s o m e t h i n g a t h a n d for t h e m t o seize; t h e objects o f p l u n d e r m u s t b e c o n t i n u a l l y r e p r o d u c e d . I t w o u l d t h u s a p p e a r t h a t even G r e e k s a n d R o m a n s h a d s o m e process o f p r o d u c t i o n , c o n s e q u e n t l y , a n e c o n o m y ,

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w h i c h j u s t a s m u c h c o n s t i t u t e d t h e m a t e r i a l basis o f t h e i r world, a s b o u r g e o i s e c o n o m y constit u t e s t h a t o f o u r m o d e r n world. O r p e r h a p s B a s t i a t m e a n s , t h a t a m o d e o f p r o d u c t i o n b a s e d o n slavery is b a s e d on a s y s t e m of p l u n d e r . In t h a t case he t r e a d s on d a n g e r o u s g r o u n d . If a g i a n t t h i n k e r like Aristotle erred in h i s a p p r e c i a t i o n of slave labour, why s h o u l d a dwarf e c o n o m i s t like Bastiat be right in h i s a p p r e c i a t i o n of wage l a b o u r ? — I seize t h i s o p p o r t u n i t y of shortly answering an objection t a k e n by a G e r m a n p a p e r in A m e r i c a , to my work, " Z u r Kritik der Pol. O e k o n o m i e , 1859." I n t h e e s t i m a t i o n o f t h a t p a p e r , m y view t h a t e a c h special m o d e o f p r o d u c t i o n a n d t h e social r e l a t i o n s c o r r e s p o n d i n g to it, in short, t h a t t h e e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e of society, is t h e real basis on w h i c h t h e j u r i d i c a l a n d political s u p e r s t r u c t u r e is raised, a n d to w h i c h definite social forms o f t h o u g h t c o r r e s p o n d ; t h a t t h e m o d e o f p r o d u c t i o n d e t e r m i n e s

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t h e c h a r a c t e r of t h e social, political, a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l life generally, all t h i s is very t r u e for o u r o w n t i m e s , i n w h i c h m a t e r i a l interests p r e p o n d e r a t e , b u t n o t for t h e m i d d l e ages, i n w h i c h Cat h o l i c i s m , n o r for A t h e n s a n d R o m e , w h e r e politics, r e i g n e d s u p r e m e . I n t h e f i r s t p l a c e i t strikes o n e a s a n o d d t h i n g for a n y o n e t o s u p p o s e t h a t t h e s e well-worn phrases a b o u t t h e m i d dle ages a n d t h e a n c i e n t world are u n k n o w n t o a n y o n e else. T h i s m u c h , however, i s clear, t h a t t h e m i d d l e ages could n o t live on C a t h o l i c i s m , n o r t h e a n c i e n t world on politics. On t h e contrary, it is t h e m o d e in w h i c h t h e y g a i n e d a livelihood t h a t e x p l a i n s why h e r e politics, a n d t h e r e C a t h o l i c i s m , p l a y e d t h e chief part. F o r t h e rest, it r e q u i r e s b u t a slight a c q u a i n t a n c e with t h e history of t h e R o m a n r e p u b l i c , for e x a m p l e , to be aware t h a t its secret history, is t h e history o f its l a n d e d property. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , D o n Q u i x o t e long a g o paid t h e p e n a l t y for wrongly i m a g i n i n g t h a t k n i g h t errantry was c o m p a t i b l e with all e c o n o m i c a l forms of society.

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Part I · Commodities and money ent in c o m m o d i t i e s , or by the objective a p p e a r a n c e of t h e social characteristics of labour, is shown, amongst other ways, by the dull a n d tedious quarrel over the part played by N a t u r e in the formation of exchange value. Since exchange value is a definite social m a n n e r of expressing the a m o u n t of l a b o u r bestowed u p o n an object, N a t u r e has no m o r e to do with it, t h a n 5 it has in fixing the course of exchange. T h e m o d e of production in which the p r o d u c t takes the form of a c o m modity, or is produced directly for exchange, is t h e m o s t general a n d m o s t e m b r y o n i c form of bourgeois production. It therefore m a k e s its a p p e a r a n c e at an early date in history, though n o t in the s a m e p r e d o m i n a t i n g a n d char- 10 acteristic m a n n e r as now-a-days. H e n c e its F e t i s h character is comparatively easy to be seen through. But when we c o m e to m o r e concrete forms, even this appearance of simplicity vanishes. W h e n c e arose the illusions of t h e m o n e t a r y system? To it gold a n d silver, w h e n serving as m o n e y , did n o t represent a social relation between producers, b u t were n a t u r a l objects with 15 strange social properties. A n d m o d e r n e c o n o m y , which looks down with s u c h disdain on the m o n e t a r y system, does n o t its superstition c o m e out as clear as noon-day, whenever it treats of capital? H o w long is it since econo m y discarded the physiocratic illusion, that rents grow o u t of the soil a n d n o t out of society? | 20 |55|But not to anticipate, we will content ourselves with yet another exa m p l e relating to the c o m m o d i t y form. Could c o m m o d i t i e s themselves speak, they would say: O u r use-value m a y be a thing t h a t interests m e n . It is no part of us as objects. W h a t , however, does belong to us as objects, is our value. Our n a t u r a l intercourse as c o m m o d i t i e s proves it. In the eyes of 25 each other we are n o t h i n g b u t exchange values. N o w listen how those commodities speak t h r o u g h the m o u t h of t h e economist. " V a l u e " —(i.e., exchange value) "is a property of things, riches"—(i.e., use-value) "of m a n . Value, in this sense, necessarily implies exchanges, riches do n o t . " " R i c h e s " (use-value) "are the attribute of m e n , value is t h e attribute of 30 c o m m o d i t i e s . A m a n or a c o m m u n i t y is rich, a pearl or a d i a m o n d is valuable ... " A pearl or a d i a m o n d is valuable as a pearl or d i a m o n d . So far no chemist has ever discovered exchange value either in a pearl or a d i a m o n d . T h e e c o n o m i c a l discoverers of this c h e m i c a l e l e m e n t , who by-the-bye lay special claim to critical a c u m e n , find however t h a t the use-value of objects 35 belongs to t h e m independently of their m a t e r i a l properties, while their valu e , on the other h a n d , forms a part of t h e m as objects. W h a t confirms t h e m in this view, is the peculiar c i r c u m s t a n c e that the use-value of objects is 34

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O b s e r v a t i o n s o n c e r t a i n verbal d i s p u t e s i n Pol. E c o n . , p a r t i c u l a r l y relating t o value a n d t o d e m a n d a n d supply. Lond., 1821, p . 16. S.Bailey, I.e., p . 165. 35

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realised without exchange, by m e a n s of a direct relation between the objects a n d m a n , while, on the other h a n d , their value is realised only by exchange, that is, by m e a n s of a social process. W h o fails here to call to m i n d our good friend, Dogberry, who informs n e i g h b o u r Seacoal, that, "To be a well-favoured m a n is the gift of fortune; b u t reading and writing comes by nature." 1 36

|56| C H A P T E R I I .

Exchange. It is plain that c o m m o d i t i e s c a n n o t go to m a r k e t a n d m a k e exchanges of their own account. We m u s t , therefore, have recourse to their guardians, who are also their owners. C o m m o d i t i e s are things, a n d therefore without power of resistance against m a n . If they are wanting in docility he can use force; in other words, he can take possession of t h e m . In order that these objects m a y enter into relation with e a c h other as c o m m o d i t i e s , their 15 guardians m u s t place themselves in relation to one another, as persons whose will resides in those objects, a n d m u s t behave in such a way t h a t each does n o t appropriate the c o m m o d i t y of the other, a n d part with his own, except by m e a n s of an act d o n e by m u t u a l consent. They m u s t , therefore, mutually recognise in e a c h other the rights of private proprietors. This 20 juridical relation, which t h u s expresses itself in a contract, whether such contract be part of a developed legal system or not, is a relation between two wills, and is b u t the reflex of t h e real e c o n o m i c a l relation between the two. It is this- e c o n o m i c a l relation t h a t d e t e r m i n e s the subject m a t t e r c o m prised in each such j u r i d i c a l a c t . T h e persons exist for one a n o t h e r merely 10

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T h e a u t h o r o f " O b s e r v a t i o n s " a n d S . Bailey a c c u s e R i c a r d o o f converting e x c h a n g e v a l u e from s o m e t h i n g relative i n t o s o m e t h i n g a b s o l u t e . T h e o p p o s i t e i s t h e fact. H e h a s e x p l a i n e d t h e a p p a r e n t r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n objects, s u c h a s d i a m o n d s a n d pearls, i n w h i c h r e l a t i o n they app e a r a s e x c h a n g e values, a n d disclosed t h e true r e l a t i o n h i d d e n b e h i n d t h e a p p e a r a n c e s , n a m e l y , t h e i r r e l a t i o n to each o t h e r as m e r e e x p r e s s i o n s of h u m a n l a b o u r . If t h e followers of

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R i c a r d o a n s w e r Bailey s o m e w h a t rudely, a n d b y n o m e a n s convincingly, t h e r e a s o n i s t o b e s o u g h t i n this, t h a t t h e y were u n a b l e t o find i n R i c a r d o ' s o w n works a n y key t o t h e h i d d e n relations existing b e t w e e n v a l u e a n d its form, e x c h a n g e v a l u e . I n t h e 12th century, s o r e n o w n e d for its piety, t h e y i n c l u d e d a m o n g s t c o m m o d i t i e s s o m e very delicate t h i n g s . T h u s a F r e n c h p o e t of t h e p e r i o d e n u m e r a t e s a m o n g s t t h e goods to be found in t h e m a r k e t of L a n d i t , n o t only clothing, s h o e s , leather, agricultural i m p l e m e n t s , etc., b u t also " f e m m e s folles de leur c o r p s . " P r o u d h o n begins by taking his i d e a l of j u s t i c e , of "justice éternelle," from t h e j u r i d i c a l relations t h a t c o r r e s p o n d t o t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f c o m m o d i t i e s : t h e r e b y , i t m a y b e n o t e d , h e proves, to t h e c o n s o l a t i o n of all good citizens, t h a t t h e p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s is a f o r m of p r o d u c t i o n a s everlasting a s j u s t i c e . T h e n h e t u r n s r o u n d a n d seeks t o reform t h e a c t u a l p r o d u c 37

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Part I • Commodities and money as representatives of, and, therefore, as ||57| owners of, c o m m o d i t i e s . In the course of our investigation we shall find, in general, t h a t the characters who appear on the e c o n o m i c stage are b u t t h e personifications of t h e econ o m i c a l relations t h a t exist between t h e m . W h a t chiefly distinguishes a c o m m o d i t y from its owner is the fact, t h a t it 5 looks u p o n every other c o m m o d i t y as b u t the form of a p p e a r a n c e of its own value. A b o r n leveller a n d a cynic, it is always ready to exchange n o t only soul, b u t body, with any a n d every other c o m m o d i t y , be t h e s a m e m o r e repulsive t h a n M a r i t o r n e herself. T h e owner m a k e s up for this lack in the c o m m o d i t y of a sense of t h e concrete, by his own five a n d m o r e senses. His 10 c o m m o d i t y possesses for himself no i m m e d i a t e use-value. Otherwise, he would n o t bring it to the market. It has use-value for others; b u t for himself its only direct use-value is that of being a depository of e x c h a n g e value, a n d , consequently, a m e a n s of e x c h a n g e . Therefore, he m a k e s up his m i n d to part with it for c o m m o d i t i e s whose value in u s e is of service to 15 h i m . All c o m m o d i t i e s are non-use-values for their owners, and use-values for their non-owners. Consequently, they m u s t all c h a n g e h a n d s . B u t this c h a n g e of h a n d s is what constitutes their exchange, a n d the latter puts t h e m in relation with e a c h other as values, a n d realises t h e m as values. H e n c e c o m m o d i t i e s m u s t be realised as values before they can be realised 20 as use-values. 39

On the other h a n d , they m u s t show that they are use-values before they c a n be realised as values. F o r the labour spent u p o n t h e m counts effectively, only in so far as it is spent in a form t h a t is useful for others. W h e t h e r t h a t labour is useful for others, a n d its p r o d u c t consequently ca- 25 pable of satisfying the wants of others, can be proved only by the act of exchange. Every owner of a c o m m o d i t y wishes to part with it in e x c h a n g e only for those c o m m o d i t i e s whose use-value satisfies s o m e want of his. Looked at t i o n o f c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d t h e a c t u a l legal s y s t e m c o r r e s p o n d i n g t h e r e t o , i n a c c o r d a n c e with t h i s ideal. W h a t o p i n i o n s h o u l d we h a v e of a c h e m i s t , w h o , i n s t e a d of s t u d y i n g t h e a c t u a l laws o f t h e m o l e c u l a r c h a n g e s i n t h e c o m p o s i t i o n a n d d e c o m p o s i t i o n o f m a t t e r , a n d o n t h a t found a t i o n solving definite p r o b l e m s , c l a i m e d t o r e g u l a t e t h e c o m p o s i t i o n a n d d e c o m p o s i t i o n o f m a t t e r b y m e a n s o f t h e " e t e r n a l i d e a s , " o f " n a t u r a l i t é " a n d "affinité?" D o w e really k n o w a n y m o r e a b o u t "usury," w h e n w e say i t c o n t r a d i c t s "justice é t e r n e l l e , " " é q u i t é é t e r n e l l e , " " m u t u alité é t e r n e l l e , " and o t h e r "vérités é t e m e l l e s " t h a n t h e fathers o f t h e c h u r c h d i d w h e n they s a i d it was i n c o m p a t i b l e with "grâce é t e r n e l l e , " "foi é t e r n e l l e , " a n d "la volonté éternelle de Dieu?" " F o r two-fold i s t h e u s e o f every object. ... T h e o n e i s p e c u l i a r t o t h e object a s s u c h , t h e o t h e r is n o t , as a s a n d a l w h i c h m a y be w o r n a n d is also e x c h a n g e a b l e . B o t h are u s e s of t h e s a n d a l , for even he w h o e x c h a n g e s t h e s a n d a l for t h e m o n e y or food he is in w a n t of, m a k e s u s e of t h e s a n d a l as a s a n d a l . B u t n o t in its n a t u r a l way. F o r it h a s n o t b e e n m a d e for t h e sake of b e i n g e x c h a n g e d . " (Aristoteles, de R e p . , 1.1, c. 9.)

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in this way, exchange is for [|58| h i m simply a private transaction. On the other h a n d , he desires to realise t h e value of his c o m m o d i t y , to convert it into any other suitable c o m m o d i t y of e q u a l value, irrespective of whether his own c o m m o d i t y has or h a s n o t any use-value for the owner of the other. F r o m this point of view, exchange is for h i m a social transaction of a general character. B u t o n e a n d the s a m e set of transactions c a n n o t be simultaneously for all owners of c o m m o d i t i e s b o t h exclusively private a n d exclusively social and general. Let us look at the m a t t e r a little closer. To t h e owner of a c o m m o d i t y , every other c o m m o d i t y is, in regard to his own, a particular equivalent, a n d consequently his own c o m m o d i t y is t h e universal equivalent for all t h e others. But since this applies to every owner, there is, in fact, no c o m m o d ity acting as universal equivalent, and t h e relative value of c o m m o d i t i e s possesses no general form u n d e r which they can be e q u a t e d as values a n d have the m a g n i t u d e of their values c o m p a r e d . So far, therefore, they do n o t confront each other as c o m m o d i t i e s , b u t only as products or use-values. In their difficulties our c o m m o d i t y - o w n e r s t h i n k like F a u s t : „ I m Anfang war die That." They therefore acted a n d transacted before they thought. Instinctively they conform to t h e laws i m p o s e d by the n a t u r e of c o m m o d i t i e s . They c a n n o t bring their c o m m o d i t i e s into relation as values, a n d therefore as c o m m o d i t i e s , except by c o m p a r i n g t h e m with some o n e other c o m m o d ity as the universal equivalent. T h a t we saw from t h e analysis of a c o m m o d ity. But a particular c o m m o d i t y c a n n o t b e c o m e the universal equivalent except by a social act. T h e social action therefore of all other c o m m o d i t i e s , sets apart the particular c o m m o d i t y in w h i c h they all represent their values. Thereby the bodily form of this c o m m o d i t y b e c o m e s the form of the socially recognised universal equivalent. To be t h e universal equivalent, b e comes, by this social process, the specific function of the c o m m o d i t y t h u s excluded by the rest. T h u s it b e c o m e s — m o n e y . "Uli u n u m consilium h a b e n t et virtutem et p o t e s t a t e m s u a m bestiae t r a d u n t . Et ne quis possit e m e r e aut vendere, nisi q u i h a b e t c h a r a c t e r e m aut n o m e n bestia?, a u t n u m e r u m n o m i n i s ejus." (Apocalypse.) | |59| M o n e y is a crystal formed of necessity in the course of the exchanges, whereby different products of l a b o u r are practically e q u a t e d to o n e a n o t h e r and thus by practice converted into c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e historical progress and extension of exchanges develops the contrast, latent in c o m m o d i t i e s , between use-value a n d value. T h e necessity for giving an external expression to this contrast for t h e purposes of c o m m e r c i a l intercourse, urges on the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of an i n d e p e n d e n t form of value, a n d finds no rest u n t i l it is o n c e for all satisfied by t h e differentiation of c o m m o d i t i e s into c o m m o d i t i e s a n d m o n e y . At the s a m e rate, t h e n , as the con-

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Part I • Commodities and money version of products i n t o c o m m o d i t i e s is b e i n g a c c o m p l i s h e d , so also is the conversion of o n e special c o m m o d i t y i n t o m o n e y .

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T h e direct barter of p r o d u c t s attains the e l e m e n t a r y form of t h e relative expression of value in o n e respect, b u t n o t in a n o t h e r . T h a t form is χ C o m ­ m o d i t y A = y C o m m o d i t y B. T h e form of direct b a r t e r is χ use-value A = y use-value B.

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T h e articles A a n d Β in this case are n o t as yet c o m m o d i t i e s ,

b u t b e c o m e so only by the act of barter. T h e first step m a d e by an object of utility towards acquiring exchange-value is w h e n it forms a non-use-value for its owner, a n d t h a t h a p p e n s w h e n it foims a superfluous p o r t i o n of s o m e article required for his i m m e d i a t e wants. Objects in themselves are

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external t o m a n , a n d consequently alienable b y h i m . I n order t h a t this a l i e n a t i o n m a y be reciprocal, it is only necessary for m e n , by a tacit u n d e r ­ s t a n d i n g , to treat e a c h o t h e r as private owners of t h o s e alienable objects, a n d by i m p l i c a t i o n as i n d e p e n d e n t individuals. B u t such a state of recipro­ cal i n d e p e n d e n c e has no existence in a primitive society based on property

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in c o m m o n , w h e t h e r s u c h a society takes t h e form of a p a t r i a r c h a l family, a n a n c i e n t I n d i a n c o m m u n i t y , o r a P e r u v i a n ||60| I n c a State. T h e e x c h a n g e of c o m m o d i t i e s , therefore, first begins on t h e b o u n d a r i e s of s u c h c o m m u ­ nities, at their p o i n t s of c o n t a c t with o t h e r similar c o m m u n i t i e s , or with m e m b e r s of the latter. So soon, however, as p r o d u c t s o n c e b e c o m e c o m -

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m o d i t i e s in t h e external relations of a c o m m u n i t y , they also, by reaction, b e c o m e so in its i n t e r n a l intercourse. T h e p r o p o r t i o n s in which t h e y are ex­ c h a n g e a b l e are at first q u i t e a m a t t e r of c h a n c e . W h a t m a k e s t h e m ex­ c h a n g e a b l e is t h e m u t u a l desire of their owners to a l i e n a t e t h e m . M e a n ­ t i m e t h e n e e d for foreign objects of utility gradually establishes itself. T h e

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c o n s t a n t r e p e t i t i o n of exchange m a k e s it a n o r m a l social act. In t h e course of t i m e , therefore, s o m e p o r t i o n at least of t h e p r o d u c t s of l a b o u r m u s t be p r o d u c e d with a special view to exchange. F r o m t h a t m o m e n t t h e distinc­ t i o n b e c o m e s firmly established between t h e utility of an object for t h e pur­ poses of c o n s u m p t i o n , a n d its utility for t h e purposes of e x c h a n g e . Its use-

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value b e c o m e s distinguished from its exchange value. On the o t h e r h a n d , t h e quantitative proportion in which t h e articles are exchangeable, be­ c o m e s d e p e n d e n t o n their p r o d u c t i o n itself. C u s t o m s t a m p s t h e m a s values with definite m a g n i t u d e s . 40 F r o m this w e m a y form a n e s t i m a t e o f t h e s h r e w d n e s s o f t h e p e t i t - b o u r g e o i s s o c i a l i s m , w h i c h , while p e r p e t u a t i n g t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f c o m m o d i t i e s , a i m s a t a b o l i s h i n g t h e " a n t a g o ­ n i s m " b e t w e e n m o n e y a n d c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y , s i n c e m o n e y exists o n l y b y v i r t u e

o f t h i s a n t a g o n i s m , a t a b o l i s h i n g m o n e y itself. W e m i g h t j u s t a s well try t o r e t a i n C a t h o l i c i s m w i t h o u t t h e P o p e . F o r m o r e o n this p o i n t see m y work, " Z u r K r i t i k d e r P o l . O e k o n . , " p . 6 1 , s.q. 41 So l o n g as, i n s t e a d of two d i s t i n c t use-values b e i n g e x c h a n g e d , a c h a o t i c m a s s of articles a r e offered as t h e e q u i v a l e n t of a single article, w h i c h is often t h e case w i t h savages, e v e n t h e d i r e c t b a r t e r of p r o d u c t s is in its first infancy.

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Chapter II • Exchange

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In the direct barter of products, each c o m m o d i t y is directly a m e a n s of exchange to its owner, a n d to all other persons an equivalent, but that only in so far as it has use-value for t h e m . At this stage, therefore, the articles exchanged do not acquire a value-form i n d e p e n d e n t of their own use-valu e , or of the individual n e e d s of the exchangers. T h e necessity for a valueform grows with the increasing n u m b e r a n d variety of the c o m m o d i t i e s exchanged. T h e p r o b l e m a n d the m e a n s of solution arise simultaneously. Commodity-owners never e q u a t e t h e i r own c o m m o d i t i e s to those of others, a n d exchange t h e m on a large scale, without different kinds of c o m m o d i ties belonging to different owners b e i n g exchangeable for, a n d e q u a t e d as values to, o n e a n d the same special article. S u c h last-mentioned article, by b e c o m i n g the equivalent of various o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s , acquires at o n c e , t h o u g h within narrow limits, the character of a general social equivalent. This character comes a n d goes with the m o m e n t a r y social acts t h a t called it | | 6 1 | into life. In turns a n d transiently it attaches itself first to this a n d t h e n to that c o m m o d i t y . But with t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of exchange it fixes itself firmly a n d exclusively to particular sorts of c o m m o d i t i e s , and b e c o m e s crystallised by assuming the money-form. T h e particular k i n d of c o m m o d ity to which it sticks is at first a m a t t e r of accident. Nevertheless there are two circumstances whose influence is decisive. The money-form attaches itself either to the m o s t i m p o r t a n t articles of exchange from outside, a n d these in fact are primitve a n d n a t u r a l forms in which the exchange-value of h o m e products finds expression; or else it attaches itself to the object of utility t h a t forms, like cattle, the chief p o r t i o n of indigenous alienable wealth. N o m a d races are the first to develop the money-form, because all their worldly goods consist of moveable objects and are therefore directly alienable; a n d because their m o d e of life, by continually bringing t h e m into contact with foreign c o m m u n i t i e s , solicits the exchange of products. M a n has often m a d e m a n himself, u n d e r the form of slaves, serve as t h e primitive m a t e r i a l of m o n e y , b u t has never u s e d land for that purpose. S u c h an idea could only spring up in a bourgeois society already well developed. It dates from the last third of the 17th century, a n d the first att e m p t to put it in practice on a n a t i o n a l scale was m a d e a century afterwards, during the F r e n c h bourgeois revolution. In proportion as exchange bursts its local b o n d s , a n d the value of commodities m o r e a n d m o r e e x p a n d s into a n e m b o d i m e n t o f h u m a n labour in the abstract, in the same proportion the character of m o n e y attaches itself to c o m m o d i t i e s t h a t are by n a t u r e fitted to perform t h e social function of a universal equivalent. T h o s e c o m m o d i t i e s are the precious metals. T h e truth of the proposition that, "although gold and silver are not by

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n a t u r e m o n e y , m o n e y is by n a t u r e gold a n d silver," is shown by t h e fitness of the physical properties of these metals for the functions of m o n e y . Up to this point, however, we are a c q u a i n t e d only with o n e function of m o n e y , ||62| namely, to serve as the form of manifestation of the value of c o m m o d i t i e s , or as the m a t e r i a l in which the m a g n i t u d e s of their values are socially expressed. An a d e q u a t e form of manifestation of value, a fit e m b o d i m e n t of abstract, undifferentiated, a n d therefore e q u a l h u m a n labour, t h a t m a t e r i a l alone can be whose every s a m p l e exhibits the s a m e uniform qualities. On the other h a n d , since the difference between t h e m a g n i t u d e s of value is purely quantitative, the m o n e y c o m m o d i t y m u s t be susceptible of merely quantitative differences, m u s t therefore be divisible at will, a n d equally capable of being re-united. G o l d a n d silver possess these properties by n a t u r e . T h e use-value of the m o n e y c o m m o d i t y b e c o m e s twofold. In a d d i t i o n to its special use-value as a c o m m o d i t y (gold, for instance, serving to stop teeth, to form the raw material of articles of luxury, etc.), it acquires a form a l use-value, originating in its specific social function. Since all c o m m o d i t i e s are merely particular equivalents of m o n e y , the latter being their universal equivalent, they, with regard to t h e latter as t h e universal c o m m o d i t y , play the parts of particular c o m m o d i t i e s . We have seen that t h e money-form is b u t the reflex, thrown u p o n one single c o m m o d i t y , of the value relations between all t h e rest. T h a t m o n e y is a c o m m o d i t y is therefore a new discovery only for those who, w h e n they analyse it, start from its fully developed shape. T h e act of e x c h a n g e gives to t h e c o m m o d i t y converted into m o n e y , n o t its value, b u t its specific valueform. By confounding these two distinct things s o m e writers have b e e n led to h o l d that the value of gold a n d silver is imagi||63|nary. T h e fact that 43

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K a r l M a r x . I.e. p . 135. « I metalli. . . n a t u r a l m e n t e m o n e t a , » ( G a l i a n i . " D e l l a m o n e t a " i n C u s t o d i ' s Collection: P a r t e M o d e r n a t . III). F o r further details o n t h i s subject see i n m y work cited above, t h e c h a p t e r o n " T h e p r e c i o u s metals." « I l d a n a r o è la m e r c e u n i v e r s a l e . » (Verri, I.e., p. 16). "Silver a n d gold t h e m s e l v e s (which w e m a y call b y t h e g e n e r a l n a m e o f b u l l i o n ) , are ... c o m m o d i t i e s ... rising a n d falling i n ... v a l u e . . . B u l l i o n , t h e n , m a y b e r e c k o n e d t o b e o f h i g h e r v a l u e where t h e smaller weight will p u r c h a s e t h e g r e a t e r q u a n t i t y o f t h e p r o d u c t o r m a n u f a c t u r e of t h e c o u n t r e y , " etc. ("A D i s c o u r s e of t h e G e n e r a l N o t i o n s of M o n e y , T r a d e , a n d E x c h a n g e , as t h e y s t a n d in r e l a t i o n s to e a c h o t h e r . " By a M e r c h a n t . L o n d . , 1695, p. 7). "Silver a n d gold, c o i n e d or u n c o i n e d , t h o u g h t h e y are u s e d for a m e a s u r e of all o t h e r t h i n g s , 43

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a r e no less a c o m m o d i t y t h a n wine, oyl, t o b a c c o , cloth, or stuffs." ("A D i s c o u r s e c o n c e r n i n g T r a d e , a n d t h a t i n p a r t i c u l a r o f t h e E a s t I n d i e s , " etc. L o n d o n , 1689, p . 2). " T h e stock a n d r i c h e s o f t h e k i n g d o m c a n n o t properly b e c o n f i n e d t o m o n e y , n o r o u g h t gold a n d silver t o b e e x c l u d e d from b e i n g m e r c h a n d i z e . " ("A Treatise c o n c e r n i n g t h e E a s t I n d i a T r a d e b e i n g a m o s t profitable T r a d e . " L o n d o n , 1680, R e p r i n t 1696, p . 4). 46

« L ' o r o e l'argento h a n n o valore c o m e m e t a l l i a n t e r i o r e all' esser m o n e t a . » ( G a l i a n i , I.e.).

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Chapter II • Exchange m o n e y can, in certain functions, be replaced by m e r e symbols of itself, gave rise to that other m i s t a k e n n o t i o n , that it is itself a m e r e symbol. Nevertheless u n d e r this error lurked a p r e s e n t i m e n t t h a t the m o n e y - f o r m of an object is not an inseparable part of that object, b u t is simply the form 5 u n d e r which certain social relations manifest themselves. In this sense every c o m m o d i t y is a symbol, since, in so far as it is value, it is only the m a t e r i a l envelope of the h u m a n l a b o u r spent u p o n i t . But if it be declared t h a t the social characters a s s u m e d by objects, or the material forms ass u m e d by t h e social qualities of labour u n d e r the régime of a definite m o d e 10 of production, are m e r e symbols, it is in t h e s a m e breath also declared that these characteristics are arbitrary fictions sanctioned by t h e so-called u n i versal consent of m a n k i n d . This ||64| suited the m o d e of explanation in favour during the 18th century. U n a b l e to a c c o u n t for the origin of the p u z zling forms a s s u m e d by social relations between m a n a n d m a n , people 15 sought to d e n u d e t h e m of their strange a p p e a r a n c e by ascribing to t h e m a conventional origin. It has already b e e n r e m a r k e d above t h a t the equivalent form of a c o m m o d i t y does not imply t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n of t h e m a g n i t u d e of its value. Therefore, although we m a y be aware t h a t gold is m o n e y , a n d consequently 47

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L o c k e says, " T h e u n i v e r s a l c o n s e n t of m a n k i n d gave to silver, on a c c o u n t of its q u a l i t i e s w h i c h m a d e i t suitable for m o n e y , a n i m a g i n a r y v a l u e . " Law, o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , "How c o u l d different n a t i o n s give an i m a g i n a r y v a l u e to a n y single t h i n g ... or how c o u l d this i m a g i n a r y value have m a i n t a i n e d itself?" B u t t h e following shows h o w little h e h i m s e l f u n d e r s t o o d a b o u t t h e m a t t e r : "Silver was e x c h a n g e d i n p r o p o r t i o n t o t h e value i n u s e i t possessed, c o n s e q u e n t l y in p r o p o r t i o n to its r e a l v a l u e . By its a d o p t i o n as m o n e y it received an a d d i t i o n a l value ( u n e v a l e u r a d d i t i o n n e l l e ) " (Jean Law: " C o n s i d é r a t i o n s sur l e n u m é r a i r e e t l e c o m m e r c e " i n E . D a i r e ' s Edit, o f " É c o n o m i s t e s F i n a n c i e r s d u X V I I I . siècle.," p p . 4 6 9 , 470). « L ' A r g e n t e n (des denrées) est l e s i g n e . » (V. d e F o r b o n n a i s : " E l é m e n t s d u C o m m e r c e , N o u v . Edit. Leyde, 1766," t. I L , p. 143). « C o m m e signe il est attiré p a r les d e n r é e s . » (I.e., 47

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p . 155). « L ' a r g e n t est u n signe d ' u n e chose e t l a r e p r é s e n t e . » ( M o n t e s q u i e u : "Esprit d e s L o i s , " Oeuvres, L o n d . 1767, t . I L , p. 3). « L ' a r g e n t n ' e s t p a s s i m p l e signe, c a r il est l u i - m ê m e richesse; il ne r e p r é s e n t e p a s les valeurs, il les é q u i v a u t . » (Le T r o s n e , I.e., p. 910). " T h e n o t i o n of v a l u e c o n t e m p l a t e s t h e v a l u a b l e article as a m e r e s y m b o l ; t h e article c o u n t s n o t for w h a t it is, b u t for w h a t it is worth." (Hegel, I.e., p. 100). Lawyers started long before e c o n o m i s t s t h e i d e a t h a t

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m o n e y is a m e r e s y m b o l , a n d t h a t t h e v a l u e of t h e p r e c i o u s m e t a l s is p u r e l y i m a g i n a r y . T h i s t h e y did in t h e s y c o p h a n t i c service of t h e c r o w n e d h e a d s , s u p p o r t i n g t h e right of t h e latter to d e b a s e t h e c o i n a g e , d u r i n g t h e w h o l e o f t h e m i d d l e ages, b y t h e t r a d i t i o n s o f t h e R o m a n E m pire a n d t h e c o n c e p t i o n s o f m o n e y t o b e f o u n d i n t h e P a n d e c t s « Q u ' a u c u n p u i s s e n i d o i v e faire d o u t e , » says an a p t scholar of theirs, P h i l i p of Valois, in a d e c r e e of 1346, « q u e à n o u s et

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à n o t r e majesté royale n' a p p a r t i e n n e n t s e u l e m e n t . . . le m e s t i e r , le fait, l'état, la provision et t o u t e l ' o r d o n n a n c e d e s m o n n a i e s , d e d o n n e r tel c o u r s , e t p o u r tel prix c o m m e i l n o u s p l a i t e t b o n n o u s s e m b l e . » It was a m a x i m of t h e R o m a n L a w t h a t t h e v a l u e of m o n e y was fixed by decree of t h e e m p e r o r . It was expressly f o r b i d d e n to treat m o n e y as a c o m m o d i t y . " P e c u n i a e vero n u l l i e m e r e fas erit, n a m i n u s u p u b l i c o c o n s t i t u t a s o p o r t e t n o n esse m e r c e m . " S o m e good work on t h i s q u e s t i o n h a s b e e n d o n e by G . F . P a g n i n i : "Saggio sopra il g i u s t o pregio delle cose, 1 7 5 1 " ; C u s t o d i " P a r t e M o d e r n a , " t . II. I n t h e s e c o n d p a r t o f h i s work P a g n i n i directs h i s p o l e m i c s especially against t h e lawyers.

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Part I • Commodities and money directly exchangeable for all o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s , yet t h a t fact by no m e a n s tells how m u c h 10 lbs., for instance, of gold is worth. M o n e y , like every o t h e r c o m m o d i t y , c a n n o t express t h e m a g n i t u d e of its value except rela­ tively in other c o m m o d i t i e s . This value is d e t e r m i n e d by the l a b o u r - t i m e r e q u i r e d for its p r o d u c t i o n , a n d is expressed by t h e q u a n t i t y of any o t h e r c o m m o d i t y t h a t costs t h e s a m e a m o u n t o f l a b o u r - t i m e .

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Such quantitative

d e t e r m i n a t i o n of its relative value takes p l a c e at t h e source of its p r o d u c ­ t i o n by m e a n s of barter. W h e n it steps i n t o c i r c u l a t i o n as m o n e y , its value is already given. In the last decades of the 17th c e n t u r y it h a d already b e e n shown t h a t m o n e y is a c o m m o d i t y , b u t t h i s step m a r k s only t h e infancy of

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t h e analysis. T h e difficulty lies, n o t in c o m p r e h e n d i n g t h a t m o n e y is a c o m m o d i t y , b u t in discovering how, why, a n d by what m e a n s a c o m m o d i t y becomes money.491 | 6 5 | We have already seen, from t h e m o s t e l e m e n t a r y expression of val­ u e , χ c o m m o d i t y A = y c o m m o d i t y B, t h a t t h e object in which t h e m a g n i -

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t u d e of t h e value of a n o t h e r object is represented, appears to have t h e e q u i v a l e n t form i n d e p e n d e n t l y of this relation, as a social property given to it by N a t u r e . We followed up this false a p p e a r a n c e to its final establish­ m e n t , which is c o m p l e t e so soon as t h e universal e q u i v a l e n t form b e c o m e s identified with t h e bodily form of a particular c o m m o d i t y , a n d t h u s crystal-

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Used i n t o t h e money-form. W h a t appears to h a p p e n is, n o t t h a t gold be­ c o m e s m o n e y , in c o n s e q u e n c e of all o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s expressing t h e i r values in it, but, on t h e contrary, t h a t all o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s universally ex­ press their values in gold, b e c a u s e it is m o n e y . T h e i n t e r m e d i a t e steps of t h e process vanish in the result a n d leave no trace b e h i n d . C o m m o d i t i e s

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find their own value already completely represented, w i t h o u t any initiative 48

" I f a m a n c a n b r i n g t o L o n d o n a n o u n c e o f Silver o u t o f t h e E a r t h i n P e r u , i n t h e s a m e t i m e t h a t h e c a n p r o d u c e a b u s h e l o f C o r n , t h e n t h e o n e i s t h e n a t u r a l price o f t h e o t h e r ; now, i f b y r e a s o n o f n e w o r m o r e easie m i n e s a m a n c a n p r o c u r e two o u n c e s o f silver a s easily a s h e formerly d i d o n e , t h e c o r n will be as c h e a p at t e n shillings t h e b u s h e l as it was before at five shillings, cajteris p a r i b u s . " W i l l i a m P e t t y : " A T r e a t i s e o n T a x e s a n d C o n t r i b u t i o n s . " L o n d . , 1662, p . 32.

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T h e l e a r n e d Professor R o s c h e r , after first i n f o r m i n g u s t h a t " t h e false d e f i n i t i o n s o f m o n e y m a y b e d i v i d e d i n t o two m a i n g r o u p s : t h o s e w h i c h m a k e i t m o r e , a n d t h o s e w h i c h m a k e i t less, t h a n a c o m m o d i t y , " gives us a long a n d very m i x e d c a t a l o g u e of works on t h e n a t u r e of m o n e y , f r o m w h i c h i t a p p e a r s t h a t h e h a s n o t t h e r e m o t e s t i d e a o f t h e real history o f t h e t h e ­ ory; a n d t h e n h e m o r a l i s e s t h u s : " F o r t h e rest, i t i s n o t t o b e d e n i e d t h a t m o s t o f t h e later e c o n o m i s t s d o n o t b e a r sufficiently i n m i n d t h e p e c u l i a r i t i e s t h a t d i s t i n g u i s h m o n e y f r o m o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s " (it is t h e n , after all, e i t h e r m o r e or less t h a n a c o m m o d i t y ! ) ... " S o far, t h e semi-mercantilist reaction of Ganilh is not altogether without foundation." (Wilhelm R o s c h e r : " D i e G r u n d l a g e n d e r N a t i o n a l o e k o n o m i e , " 3rd E d n . , 1858, p p . 2 0 7 - 2 1 0 . ) M o r e ! less!

n o t sufficiently! s o far! n o t a l t o g e t h e r ! W h a t clearness a n d p r e c i s i o n o f i d e a s a n d l a n g u a g e ! A n d s u c h eclectic professorial twaddle i s m o d e s t l y b a p t i s e d b y M r . R o s c h e r , " t h e a n a t o m i c o p h y s i o l o g i c a l m e t h o d " o f p o l i t i c a l e c o n o m y ! O n e discovery however, h e m u s t h a v e c r e d i t for, namely, that money is "a pleasant commodity."

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Chapter III · Money, or the circulation of commodities o n their part, i n a n o t h e r c o m m o d i t y existing i n c o m p a n y with t h e m . T h e s e objects, gold a n d silver, j u s t as they c o m e o u t of t h e bowels of the earth, are forthwith t h e direct i n c a r n a t i o n of all h u m a n labour. H e n c e t h e m a g i c of m o n e y . In t h e form of society now u n d e r consideration, t h e b e h a v i o u r of 5

m e n in t h e social process of p r o d u c t i o n is purely a t o m i c . H e n c e their rela­ tions to e a c h o t h e r in p r o d u c t i o n a s s u m e a m a t e r i a l c h a r a c t e r i n d e p e n d e n t of their control a n d c o n s c i o u s i n d i v i d u a l action. T h e s e facts m a n i f e s t themselves at first by p r o d u c t s as a g e n e r a l rule taking t h e form of c o m ­ m o d i t i e s . We have seen how t h e progressive d e v e l o p m e n t of a society of

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c o m m o d i t y - p r o d u c e r s s t a m p s o n e privileged c o m m o d i t y with the c h a r a c t e r of m o n e y . H e n c e t h e riddle p r e s e n t e d by m o n e y is b u t t h e riddle p r e s e n t e d by c o m m o d i t i e s ; only it now strikes us in its m o s t glaring form. [

[66| C H A P T E R I I I .

Money, or the Circulation of Commodities. 15

Section

1.—The Measure of Value.

T h r o u g h o u t this work, I a s s u m e , for t h e sake of simplicity, gold as t h e m o n ­ ey-commodity. T h e first chief function of m o n e y is to supply c o m m o d i t i e s with t h e m a ­ terial for t h e expression of t h e i r values, or to r e p r e s e n t their values as m a g 20

n i t u d e s of t h e s a m e d e n o m i n a t i o n , qualitatively equal, a n d quantitatively c o m p a r a b l e . It t h u s serves as a universal measure of value. A n d only by vir­ tue of this function does gold, the equivalent c o m m o d i t y par excellence, be­ come money. It is n o t m o n e y t h a t r e n d e r s c o m m o d i t i e s c o m m e n s u r a b l e . J u s t the con-

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trary. It is b e c a u s e all c o m m o d i t i e s , as values, are realised h u m a n labour, a n d therefore c o m m e n s u r a b l e , t h a t their values c a n b e m e a s u r e d b y o n e a n d t h e s a m e special c o m m o d i t y , a n d the latter b e converted i n t o t h e c o m ­ m o n m e a s u r e of their values, i.e., i n t o m o n e y . M o n e y as a m e a s u r e of val­ ue, is the p h e n o m e n a l form t h a t m u s t of necessity be a s s u m e d by t h a t m e a s -

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ure of value which is i m m a n e n t in c o m m o d i t i e s , l a b o u r - t i m e . 5 0 50

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T h e q u e s t i o n — W h y d o e s n o t m o n e y directly r e p r e s e n t l a b o u r - t i m e , s o t h a t a p i e c e o f p a p e r m a y r e p r e s e n t , for i n s t a n c e , χ h o u r ' s l a b o u r , is at b o t t o m t h e s a m e as t h e q u e s t i o n why, given the production of commodities, m u s t products take the form of commodities? This is evident, since t h e i r t a k i n g t h e form o f c o m m o d i t i e s i m p l i e s t h e i r differentiation i n t o c o m m o d i t i e s a n d m o n e y . Or, why c a n n o t p r i v a t e l a b o u r — l a b o u r for t h e a c c o u n t o f p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s — b e t r e a t e d as its o p p o s i t e , i m m e d i a t e social l a b o u r ? I h a v e elsewhere e x a m i n e d t h o r o u g h l y t h e U t o p i a n i d e a o f " l a b o u r - m o n e y " i n a society f o u n d e d o n t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f c o m m o d i t i e s (I.e.,

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Part I · Commodities and money T h e expression of t h e value of a c o m m o d i t y in g o l d — χ c o m m o d i t y A = y m o n e y - c o m m o d i t y — i s its money-form or ||67| price. A single equa­ tion, s u c h as 1 t o n of iron = 2 o u n c e s of gold, now suffices to express t h e value of t h e iron in a socially valid m a n n e r . T h e r e is no longer any n e e d for t h i s e q u a t i o n to figure as a link in t h e c h a i n of e q u a t i o n s t h a t express t h e

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values of all other c o m m o d i t i e s , b e c a u s e t h e equivalent c o m m o d i t y , gold, now has the. character of m o n e y . T h e general form of relative value h a s re­ s u m e d its original shape of simple or isolated relative value. On t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e e x p a n d e d expression of relative value, t h e endless series of equa­ tions, h a s now b e c o m e t h e form peculiar to t h e relative value of t h e m o n e y -

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c o m m o d i t y . T h e series itself, too, is now given, a n d h a s social recognition in t h e prices of a c t u a l c o m m o d i t i e s . We have only to r e a d t h e q u o t a t i o n s of a price-list backwards, to find t h e m a g n i t u d e of t h e value of m o n e y ex­ pressed in all sorts of c o m m o d i t i e s . B u t m o n e y itself h a s no price. In order to p u t it on an e q u a l footing with all o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s in this respect, we

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s h o u l d be obliged to e q u a t e it to itself as its own equivalent. T h e price or money-form of c o m m o d i t i e s is, like their form of value gen­ erally, a form q u i t e distinct from their palpable bodily form; it is, therefore, a purely ideal or m e n t a l form. A l t h o u g h invisible, t h e value of iron, l i n e n a n d corn h a s a c t u a l existence in t h e s e very articles: it is ideally m a d e per-

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ceptible by their equality with gold, a relation that, so to say, exists only in their own h e a d s . T h e i r owner m u s t , therefore, lend t h e m his tongue, or h a n g a ticket on t h e m , before their prices c a n be c o m m u n i c a t e d to t h e out­ side world. 5 1 Since the expression of t h e value of c o m m o d i t i e s in gold is a merely ideal ]|68| act, we may u s e for this p u r p o s e imaginary or ideal m o n -

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ey. Every trader knows, t h a t he is far from having t u r n e d his goods i n t o m o n p . 6 1 , seq.). On this p o i n t I will only say further, t h a t O w e n ' s " l a b o u r - m o n e y , " for i n s t a n c e , is no m o r e " m o n e y " t h a n a ticket for t h e t h e a t r e . O w e n p r e s u p p o s e s directly a s s o c i a t e d l a b o u r , a f o r m o f p r o d u c t i o n t h a t i s entirely i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e cer­ tificate o f l a b o u r i s m e r e l y e v i d e n c e o f t h e p a r t t a k e n b y t h e i n d i v i d u a l i n t h e c o m m o n l a b o u r , a n d of h i s right to a c e r t a i n p o r t i o n of t h e c o m m o n p r o d u c e d e s t i n e d for c o n s u m p t i o n . B u t it never enters into Owen's h e a d to presuppose the production of commodities, and at the same t i m e , b y j u g g l i n g w i t h m o n e y , t o try t o e v a d e t h e n e c e s s a r y c o n d i t i o n s o f t h a t p r o d u c t i o n . 51 Savages a n d half-civilised r a c e s u s e t h e t o n g u e differently. C a p t a i n Parry says o f t h e i n h a b ­ i t a n t s on t h e west c o a s t of Baffin's Bay: " I n t h i s case (he refers to b a r t e r ) t h e y l i c k e d it (the t h i n g r e p r e s e n t e d t o t h e m ) twice w i t h t h e i r t o n g u e s , after w h i c h t h e y s e e m e d t o c o n s i d e r t h e b a r g a i n satisfactorily c o n c l u d e d . " I n t h e s a m e way, t h e E a s t e r n E s q u i m a u x l i c k e d t h e articles t h e y received i n e x c h a n g e . I f t h e t o n g u e i s t h u s u s e d i n t h e N o r t h a s t h e o r g a n o f a p p r o p r i a ­ t i o n , n o w o n d e r t h a t , i n t h e S o u t h , t h e s t o m a c h serves a s t h e o r g a n o f a c c u m u l a t e d property, a n d t h a t a Kaffir e s t i m a t e s t h e w e a l t h of a m a n by t h e size of h i s belly. T h a t t h e Kaffirs k n o w w h a t t h e y are a b o u t i s s h o w n b y t h e following: a t t h e s a m e t i m e t h a t t h e official B r i t i s h H e a l t h R e p o r t of 1864 disclosed t h e deficiency of fat-forming food a m o n g a large p a r t of t h e working class, a c e r t a i n D r . H a r v e y (not, however, t h e c e l e b r a t e d d i s c o v e r e r of t h e c i r c u l a t i o n of t h e b l o o d ) , m a d e a g o o d t h i n g by advertising r e c i p e s for r e d u c i n g t h e s u p e r f l u o u s fat of t h e bour­ g e o i s i e a n d aristocracy.

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C h a p t e r III • M o n e y , or t h e c i r c u l a t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s

ey, when he has expressed their value in a price or in imaginary m o n e y , a n d that it does n o t require t h e least bit of real gold, to estimate in that m e t al millions of p o u n d s ' worth of goods. W h e n , therefore, m o n e y serves as a m e a s u r e of value, it is employed only as imaginary or ideal m o n e y . This 5 circumstance has given rise to the wildest t h e o r i e s . But, although the m o n ey that performs t h e functions of a m e a s u r e of value is only ideal m o n e y , price depends entirely u p o n the a c t u a l s u b s t a n c e that is m o n e y . T h e value, or in other words, the quantity of h u m a n labour c o n t a i n e d in a t o n of iron, is expressed in i m a g i n a t i o n by such a quantity of the m o n e y - c o m m o d i t y as 10 contains the s a m e a m o u n t of labour as t h e iron. According, therefore, as the m e a s u r e of value is gold, silver, or copper, the value of the ton of iron will be expressed by very different prices, or will be represented by very different quantities of those m e t a l s respectively. If, therefore, two different c o m m o d i t i e s , s u c h as gold a n d silver, are si15 multaneously m e a s u r e s of value, all c o m m o d i t i e s have two p r i c e s — o n e a gold-price, the other a silver-price. T h e s e exist quietly side by side, so long as the ratio of the value of silver to that of gold r e m a i n s u n c h a n g e d , say, at 1:15. Every change in their ratio disturbs the ratio which exists between t h e gold-prices a n d the silver-prices of c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d thus proves, by facts, 20 that a double standard of value is inconsistent with the functions of a standard. 1 52

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See K a r l M a r x : Z u r Kritik, etc. " T h e o r i e n von d e r M a s s e i n h e i t des G e l d e s , " p . 5 3 , s e q . " W h e r e v e r gold a n d silver h a v e b y law b e e n m a d e t o perform t h e f u n c t i o n o f m o n e y o r o f a m e a s u r e o f v a l u e side b y side, i t h a s always b e e n tried, b u t i n vain, t o t r e a t t h e m a s o n e a n d t h e s a m e m a t e r i a l . T o a s s u m e t h a t t h e r e i s a n i n v a r i a b l e r a t i o b e t w e e n t h e q u a n t i t i e s o f gold a n d silver in w h i c h a given q u a n t i t y of l a b o u r - t i m e is i n c o r p o r a t e d , is to a s s u m e , in fact, t h a t gold a n d silver are of o n e a n d t h e s a m e m a t e r i a l , a n d t h a t a given m a s s of t h e less v a l u a b l e m e t a l , silver, is a c o n s t a n t fraction of a given m a s s of gold. F r o m t h e reign of E d w a r d I I I . to t h e t i m e of G e o r g e II., t h e history of m o n e y in E n g l a n d consists of o n e long series of p e r t u r b a t i o n s c a u s e d by the c l a s h i n g of t h e legally fixed r a t i o b e t w e e n t h e values of gold and silver, with t h e f l u c t u a t i o n s i n t h e i r real values. A t o n e t i m e gold was too high, a t a n o t h e r , silver. T h e m e t a l t h a t for t h e t i m e b e i n g was e s t i m a t e d below its value, was w i t h d r a w n from c i r c u l a t i o n , m e l t e d a n d e x p o r t e d . T h e r a t i o b e t w e e n t h e two m e t a l s was t h e n a g a i n altered b y law, b u t t h e new n o m i n a l ratio s o o n c a m e i n t o conflict a g a i n with t h e real o n e . I n o u r o w n t i m e s , t h e slight a n d t r a n s i e n t fall in t h e value of gold c o m p a r e d with silver, w h i c h was a c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e I n d o - C h i n e s e d e m a n d for silver, p r o d u c e d on a far m o r e e x t e n d e d scale in F r a n c e t h e s a m e p h e n o m e n a , export of silver, a n d its e x p u l s i o n from c i r c u l a t i o n by gold. D u r i n g t h e years 1 8 5 5 , 1 8 5 6 a n d 1857, t h e excess i n F r a n c e o f g o l d - i m p o r t s over gold-exports a m o u n t e d to £41,580,000, while t h e excess of silver-exports over silver-imports was £ 3 4 , 7 0 4 , 0 0 0 . In fact, i n t h o s e c o u n t r i e s i n w h i c h b o t h m e t a l s are legally m e a s u r e s o f v a l u e , a n d therefore b o t h legal t e n d e r , s o t h a t everyone h a s t h e o p t i o n o f p a y i n g i n either m e t a l , t h e m e t a l t h a t rises i n v a l u e is at a p r e m i u m , a n d , like every o t h e r c o m m o d i t y , m e a s u r e s its price in t h e o v e r - e s t i m a t e d m e t a l w h i c h alone serves in reality as t h e s t a n d a r d of v a l u e . T h e result of all e x p e r i e n c e a n d history with regard to this q u e s t i o n is s i m p l y that, w h e r e two c o m m o d i t i e s perform by law t h e functions of a m e a s u r e of v a l u e , in p r a c t i c e o n e a l o n e m a i n t a i n s t h a t p o s i t i o n . " (Karl M a r x , I.e. p p . 5 2 , 53.) 53

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Part I • Commodities and money |69|

C o m m o d i t i e s with definite prices p r e s e n t themselves u n d e r the

form: a c o m m o d i t y A = χ gold; b c o m m o d i t y Β = ζ gold; c c o m m o d i t y C = y gold, etc., where a, b, c, represent definite q u a n t i t i e s of t h e c o m m o d i ­ ties A, B, C a n d x, z, y, definite q u a n t i t i e s of gold. T h e values of t h e s e com­ m o d i t i e s are, therefore, c h a n g e d in i m a g i n a t i o n i n t o so m a n y different

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q u a n t i t i e s of gold. H e n c e , in spite of the confusing variety of t h e c o m m o d i ­ ties themselves, their values b e c o m e m a g n i t u d e s o f t h e s a m e d e n o m i n a ­ t i o n , gold-magnitudes. T h e y are now capable of b e i n g c o m p a r e d with e a c h o t h e r a n d m e a s u r e d , a n d t h e want b e c o m e s technically felt of c o m p a r i n g t h e m with s o m e fixed q u a n t i t y of gold as a u n i t m e a s u r e . This u n i t , by sub-

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s e q u e n t division i n t o aliquot parts, b e c o m e s itself t h e s t a n d a r d or scale. Before they b e c o m e m o n e y , gold, silver, a n d copper already possess s u c h s t a n d a r d m e a s u r e s in their s t a n d a r d s of weight, so that, for e x a m p l e , a p o u n d weight, while serving as t h e u n i t , is, on t h e o n e h a n d , divisible i n t o o u n c e s , and, o n t h e other, m a y b e c o m b i n e d t o m a k e u p h u n d r e d w e i g h t s . 5 4

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It is owing to this that, in all metallic currencies, t h e n a m e s given to t h e s t a n d a r d s of m o n e y or of price were originally t a k e n from t h e pre-existing n a m e s of t h e standards of weight. | |70| As measure of value a n d as standard of price, m o n e y h a s two entirely d i s t i n c t functions to perform. It is t h e m e a s u r e of value i n a s m u c h as it is

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t h e socially recognised i n c a r n a t i o n of h u m a n labour; it is t h e s t a n d a r d of price i n a s m u c h as it is a fixed weight of m e t a l . As t h e m e a s u r e of value it serves to convert the values of all t h e m a n i f o l d c o m m o d i t i e s i n t o prices, i n t o imaginary quantities of gold; as t h e s t a n d a r d of price it m e a s u r e s those q u a n t i t i e s of gold. T h e m e a s u r e of values m e a s u r e s c o m m o d i t i e s consid-

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ered as values; the standard of price m e a s u r e s , on t h e contrary, q u a n t i t i e s of gold by a u n i t q u a n t i t y of gold, n o t t h e value of o n e q u a n t i t y of gold by the weight of another. In order to m a k e gold a s t a n d a r d of price, a certain weight m u s t be fixed u p o n as t h e u n i t . In this case, as in all cases of m e a s ­ u r i n g q u a n t i t i e s of t h e s a m e d e n o m i n a t i o n , t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of an unva-

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rying u n i t of m e a s u r e is all-important. H e n c e , t h e less t h e u n i t is subject to variation, so m u c h the b e t t e r does the s t a n d a r d of price fulfil its office. B u t only in so far as it is itself a p r o d u c t of labour, and, therefore, potentially variable in value, c a n gold serve as a m e a s u r e of value. 5 5 54

T h e p e c u l i a r c i r c u m s t a n c e , t h a t while t h e o u n c e o f gold serves i n E n g l a n d a s t h e u n i t o f t h e s t a n d a r d o f m o n e y , t h e p o u n d sterling d o e s n o t form a n a l i q u o t p a r t o f it, h a s b e e n e x p l a i n e d a s follows: " O u r c o i n a g e was originally a d a p t e d t o t h e e m p l o y m e n t o f silver only, h e n c e , a n o u n c e of silver c a n always be d i v i d e d i n t o a c e r t a i n a d e q u a t e n u m b e r of p i e c e s of c o i n ; b u t as gold was i n t r o d u c e d at a l a t e r p e r i o d i n t o a c o i n a g e a d a p t e d only to silver, an o u n c e of gold c a n n o t be coined into an aliquot n u m b e r of pieces." Maclaren, "A Sketch of the History of t h e C u r r e n c y . " L o n d o n , 1858, p . 16. 55

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W i t h E n g l i s h writers t h e c o n f u s i o n b e t w e e n m e a s u r e o f v a l u e a n d s t a n d a r d o f price (stand-

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Chapter III • Money, or the circulation of commodities

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It is, in the first place, q u i t e clear t h a t a c h a n g e in the value of gold does not, in any way, affect its function as a standard of price. No m a t t e r how this value varies, the proportions between the values of different quantities of the m e t a l r e m a i n constant. However great t h e fall in its value, 12 o u n c e s of gold still have 12 t i m e s t h e value of 1 o u n c e ; a n d in prices, the only thing considered is the relation between different quantities of gold. Since, on the other h a n d , no rise or fall in the value of an o u n c e of gold c a n alter its weight, no alteration can take place in t h e weight of its aliquot parts. T h u s gold always renders the same service as an invariable standard of price, however m u c h its value m a y vary. In the second place, a change in the value of gold does n o t interfere with its functions as a m e a s u r e of value. T h e c h a n g e affects all c o m m o d i t i e s simultaneously, and, therefore, cœteris paribus, leaves their relative values inter se, unaltered, although | | 7 1 | those values are now expressed in higher or lower gold-prices. Just as when we estimate the value of any c o m m o d i t y by a definite q u a n tity of t h e use-value of s o m e other c o m m o d i t y , so in estimating t h e value of the former in gold, we a s s u m e n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n t h a t t h e p r o d u c t i o n of a given quantity of gold costs, at t h e given period, a given a m o u n t of labour. As regards the fluctuations of prices generally, they are subject to the laws of elementary relative value investigated in a former chapter. A general rise in the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s c a n result only, either from a rise in their v a l u e s — t h e value of m o n e y r e m a i n i n g c o n s t a n t — o r from a fall in the value of m o n e y , the values of c o m m o d i t i e s r e m a i n i n g constant. On the other h a n d , a general fall in prices c a n result only, either from a fall in the values of c o m m o d i t i e s — t h e value of m o n e y r e m a i n i n g c o n s t a n t — o r from a rise in the value of m o n e y , the values of c o m m o d i t i e s r e m a i n i n g constant. It therefore by no m e a n s follows, t h a t a rise in the value of m o n e y necessarily implies a proportional fall in the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s ; or t h a t a fall in the value of m o n e y implies a proportional rise in prices. S u c h change of price holds good only in the case of c o m m o d i t i e s whose value rem a i n s constant. W i t h those, for example, whose value rises, simultaneously with, and proportionally to, that of m o n e y , there is no alteration in price. A n d if their value rise either slower or faster t h a n t h a t of money, the fall or rise in their prices will be d e t e r m i n e d by the difference between the change in their value a n d that of m o n e y ; a n d so on. Let us now go back to the consideration of the price-form. By degrees there arises a discrepancy between the current m o n e y n a m e s of the various weights of t h e precious m e t a l figuring as m o n e y , a n d the acard of value) is i n d e s c r i b a b l e . T h e i r f u n c t i o n s , as well as t h e i r n a m e s , are c o n s t a n t l y i n t e r charged.

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Part I · Commodities and money t u a l weights which those n a m e s originally represented. T h i s discrepancy is t h e result of historical causes, a m o n g which the chief are:—(1) T h e import a t i o n of foreign m o n e y into an imperfectly developed c o m m u n i t y . This h a p p e n e d in R o m e in its early days, where gold a n d silver coins circulated at first as foreign c o m m o d i t i e s . ||72| T h e n a m e s of these foreign coins never 5 coincide with those of the indigenous weights. (2) As wealth increases, the less precious m e t a l is thrust out by the m o r e precious from its place as a m e a s u r e of value, copper by silver, silver by gold, however m u c h this order of s e q u e n c e m a y be in contradiction with poetical c h r o n o l o g y . T h e word p o u n d , for instance, was the m o n e y - n a m e given to an actual p o u n d weight 10 of silver. W h e n gold replaced silver as a m e a s u r e of value, the s a m e n a m e was applied according to the ratio between the values of silver a n d gold, to p e r h a p s l - 1 5 t h of a p o u n d of gold. T h e word p o u n d , as a m o n e y - n a m e , t h u s b e c o m e s differentiated from the same word as a w e i g h t - n a m e . (3) T h e debasing of m o n e y carried on for centuries by kings a n d princes to 15 s u c h an extent that, of t h e original weights of t h e coins, n o t h i n g in fact rem a i n e d b u t the n a m e s . 56

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T h e s e historical causes convert the separation of the m o n e y - n a m e from t h e weight-name into an established habit with the c o m m u n i t y . Since the s t a n d a r d of m o n e y is on the o n e h a n d purely conventional, a n d m u s t on 20 t h e other h a n d find general acceptance, it is in t h e e n d regulated by law. A given weight of o n e of the precious metals, an o u n c e of gold, for instance, b e c o m e s officially divided into aliquot parts, with legally bestowed n a m e s , s u c h as p o u n d , dollar, etc. These aliquot parts, which thenceforth serve as u n i t s of money, are t h e n subdivided into other aliquot parts with legal 25 n a m e s , such as shilling, penny, e t c . But, b o t h before a n d after these divisions are m a d e , a definite weight of m e t a l is the s t a n d a r d of metallic m o n ey. The* sole alteration consists in the subdivision a n d d e n o m i n a t i o n . | |73| T h e prices, or quantities of gold, into which the values of c o m m o d i ties are ideally changed, are therefore now expressed in t h e n a m e s of coins, 30 or in the legally valid n a m e s of the subdivisions of the gold standard. H e n c e , instead of saying: A quarter of wheat is worth an o u n c e of gold; we 59

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M o r e o v e r , i t h a s n o t g e n e r a l historical validity. I t i s t h u s t h a t t h e p o u n d sterling i n E n g l i s h d e n o t e s less t h a n o n e - t h i r d o f its o r i g i n a l weight; t h e p o u n d Scot, before t h e u n i o n , only l - 3 6 t h ; t h e F r e n c h livre, l - 7 4 t h ; t h e S p a n i s h m a r a v e d i , less t h a n l - 1 0 0 0 t h ; a n d t h e P o r t u g u e s e r e i a still s m a l l e r fraction. « L e m o n e t e l e q u a l i oggi s o n o i d e a l i s o n o l e p i ù a n t i c h e d ' o g n i n a z i o n e , e t u t t e furono u n t e m p o reali, e p e r c h è e r a n o reali c o n esse si c o n t a v a . » ( G a l i a n i : D e l l a m o n e t a , I.e., p. 153.) David U r q u h a r t r e m a r k s i n his " F a m i l i a r W o r d s " o n t h e m o n s t r o s i t y (!) t h a t n o w - a - d a y s a p o u n d (sterling), w h i c h is t h e u n i t of t h e E n g l i s h s t a n d a r d of m o n e y , is e q u a l to a b o u t a q u a r t e r of an o u n c e of gold. "This is falsifying a m e a s u r e , n o t e s t a b l i s h i n g a s t a n d a r d . " He sees in t h i s "false d e n o m i n a t i o n " of t h e weight of gold, as in everything else, t h e falsifying h a n d of civilisation. 57

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Chapter III · Money, or the circulation of commodities say, it is worth £3 17s 10%d. In this way c o m m o d i t i e s express by their prices how m u c h they are worth, a n d m o n e y serves as money of account whenever it is a question of fixing the value of an article in its m o n e y form. 5 T h e n a m e of a thing is s o m e t h i n g distinct from the qualities of that thing. I know n o t h i n g of a m a n , by knowing t h a t his n a m e is Jacob. In the same way with regard to m o n e y , every trace of a value-relation disappears in the n a m e s p o u n d , dollar, franc, ducat, etc. T h e confusion caused by attributing a h i d d e n m e a n i n g to these cabalistic signs is all the greater, b e 10 cause these m o n e y - n a m e s express b o t h t h e values of c o m m o d i t i e s , and, at the same t i m e , aliquot parts of t h e weight of t h e m e t a l that is the standard of m o n e y . On the other h a n d , it is absolutely necessary t h a t value, in order that it m a y be distinguished from t h e varied bodily forms of c o m m o d i ties, should assume this m a t e r i a l a n d u n m e a n i n g , but, at the s a m e t i m e , 15 purely social form. 1 |74| Price is t h e m o n e y - n a m e of the labour realised in a c o m m o d i t y . H e n c e the expression of the equivalence of a c o m m o d i t y with t h e s u m of m o n e y constituting its price, is a t a u t o l o g y , j u s t as in general the expression of the relative value of a c o m m o d i t y is a s t a t e m e n t of the equivalence 20 of two c o m m o d i t i e s . But although price, being the e x p o n e n t of the m a g n i t u d e of a c o m m o d i t y ' s value, is t h e e x p o n e n t of its exchange-ratio with money, it does n o t follow t h a t t h e e x p o n e n t of this exchange-ratio is necessarily the e x p o n e n t of the m a g n i t u d e of the c o m m o d i t y ' s value. Sup60

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W h e n A n a r c h a r s i s was asked for what p u r p o s e s t h e G r e e k s u s e d m o n e y , h e replied, " F o r r e c k o n i n g . " ( A t h e n . D e i p n . l . I V . 49 v. 2. ed S c h w e i g h ä u s e r , 1802.) "Owing t o t h e fact t h a t m o n e y , w h e n serving a s t h e s t a n d a r d o f price, a p p e a r s u n d e r t h e s a m e r e c k o n i n g n a m e s a s d o t h e prices o f c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d t h a t therefore t h e s u m o f £ 3 17s. 10 y d. m a y signify on t h e o n e h a n d an o u n c e weight of gold, a n d on t h e other, t h e value of a t o n o f iron, t h i s r e c k o n i n g n a m e o f m o n e y h a s b e e n called its m i n t - p r i c e . H e n c e t h e r e s p r a n g up t h e extraordinary n o t i o n , t h a t t h e value of gold is e s t i m a t e d in its o w n m a t e r i a l , a n d that, in c o n t r a - d i s t i n c t i o n to all o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s , its price is fixed by t h e State. It was e r r o n e ously t h o u g h t t h a t t h e giving of r e c k o n i n g n a m e s to definite weights of gold, is t h e s a m e t h i n g as fixing t h e value of t h o s e weights." (Karl M a r x . I.e., p. 52.) 61

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See " T h e o r i e n von d e r M a s s e i n h e i t des G e l d e s " i n " Z u r Kritik der Pol. O e k o n . etc.," p . 53, seq. T h e fantastic n o t i o n s a b o u t raising or lowering t h e m i n t - p r i c e of m o n e y by transferring to greater or smaller weights of gold or silver t h e n a m e s already legally a p p r o p r i a t e d to fixed weights of t h o s e m e t a l s ; s u c h n o t i o n s , at least in t h o s e cases in w h i c h they a i m , n o t at c l u m s y financial o p e r a t i o n s against creditors, b o t h p u b l i c a n d private, b u t a t e c o n o m i c a l q u a c k r e m edies have b e e n s o exhaustively t r e a t e d b y W m . P e t t y i n h i s " Q u a n t u l u m c u n q u e c o n c e r n i n g m o n e y : T o t h e Lord M a r q u i s o f Halifax, 1 6 8 2 , " t h a t e v e n h i s i m m e d i a t e followers, Sir D u d l e y N o r t h a n d J o h n Locke, n o t t o m e n t i o n later o n e s , c o u l d only dilute h i m . "If t h e w e a l t h o f a n a t i o n , " he r e m a r k s , " c o u l d be d e c u p l e d by a p r o c l a m a t i o n , it were strange t h a t s u c h p r o c l a m a t i o n s have n o t long since b e e n m a d e b y o u r G o v e r n o r s . " (I.e., p . 36.) 63

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« Q u b i e n , i l faut c o n s e n t i r à dire q u ' u n e v a l e u r d ' u n m i l l i o n e n a r g e n t v a u t p l u s q u ' u n e valeur égale e n m a r c h a n d i s e s . » (Le T r o s n e I.e. p . 9 1 9 ) , w h i c h a m o u n t s t o saying " q u ' u n e v a l e u r vaut p l u s q u ' u n e valeur égale."

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Part I · Commodities and money pose two equal quantities of socially necessary labour to be respectively represented by 1 quarter of wheat a n d £2 (nearly / oz. of gold), £2 is the expression in m o n e y of the m a g n i t u d e of the value of the quarter of wheat, or is its price. If now circumstances allow of this price being raised to £ 3 , or c o m p e l it to be reduced to £ 1 , then although £1 a n d £3 m a y be too small or 5 too great properly to express the m a g n i t u d e of the wheat's value, nevertheless they are its prices, for they are, in the first place, the form u n d e r which its value appears, i.e., m o n e y ; and in the second place, the e x p o n e n t s of its exchange-ratio with m o n e y . If the conditions of production, in other words, if the productive power of labour r e m a i n constant, the s a m e a m o u n t of so- 10 cial labour-time must, b o t h before and after the change in price, be exp e n d e d in the reproduction of a quarter of wheat. This c i r c u m s t a n c e dep e n d s , neither on the will of the wheat producer, nor on that of the owners of other commodities. l

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M a g n i t u d e of value expresses a relation of social production, it expresses the c o n n e c t i o n that necessarily exists between a certain article a n d the portion of the total labour-time of society required to p r o d u c e it. As soon as m a g n i t u d e of value is converted into price, the above necessary relation takes the shape of a m o r e or less accidental exchange-ratio between a single c o m m o d i t y a n d another, the m o n e y - c o m m o d i t y . But this exchangeratio m a y express either the real m a g n i t u d e of t h a t c o m m o d i t y ' s value, or the quantity of gold deviating from that value, for which, according to circ u m s t a n c e s , it m a y be parted ||75| with. T h e possibility, therefore, of q u a n titative incongruity between price a n d m a g n i t u d e of value, or the deviation of t h e former from the latter, is i n h e r e n t in the price-form itself. This is no defect, but, on the contrary, admirably adapts the price-form to a m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n whose inherent laws impose themselves only as the m e a n of apparently lawless irregularities that c o m p e n s a t e o n e another. T h e price-form, however, is n o t only c o m p a t i b l e with the possibility of a quantitative incongruity between m a g n i t u d e of value a n d price, i.e., between the former and its expression in m o n e y , b u t it m a y also conceal a qualitative inconsistency, so m u c h so, that, a l t h o u g h m o n e y is n o t h i n g b u t t h e value-form of c o m m o d i t i e s , price ceases altogether to express value. Objects t h a t in themselves are no c o m m o d i t i e s , s u c h as conscience, h o n our, etc., are capable of being offered for sale by their holders, a n d of thus acquiring, through their price, the form of c o m m o d i t i e s . H e n c e an object m a y have a price without having value. T h e price in t h a t case is imaginary, like certain quantities in m a t h e m a t i c s . On the other h a n d , the imaginary price-form m a y s o m e t i m e s conceal either a direct or indirect real value-relation; for instance, the price of u n c u l t i v a t e d land, which is without value, b e c a u s e n o h u m a n labour has b e e n incorporated i n it.

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Chapter III · Money, or the circulation of commodities Price, like relative value in general, expresses the value of a c o m m o d i t y (e.g., a ton of iron), by stating that a given quantity of the equivalent (e.g., an o u n c e of gold), is directly exchangeable for iron. But it by no m e a n s states the converse, that iron is directly exchangeable for gold. In order, 5 therefore, that a c o m m o d i t y m a y in practice act effectively as exchange valu e , it m u s t quit its bodily shape, m u s t transform itself from m e r e imaginary into real gold, although to the c o m m o d i t y s u c h transubstantiation m a y be m o r e difficult t h a n to the Hegelian "concept," the transition from "necessity" to "freedom," or to a lobster the casting of his shell, or to Saint Jer10 o m e the putting off of the old A d a m . T h o u g h a c o m m o d i t y may, ||76| side by side with its actual form (iron, for instance), take in our i m a g i n a t i o n the form of gold, yet it c a n n o t at o n e a n d the s a m e time actually be b o t h iron and gold. To fix its price, it suffices to e q u a t e it to gold in i m a g i n a t i o n . But to enable it to render to its owner the service of a universal equivalent, it 15 m u s t be actually replaced by gold. If the owner of the iron were to go to the owner of some other c o m m o d i t y offered for exchange, a n d were to refer h i m to the price of the iron as proof that it was already money, he would get the same answer as St. Peter gave in h e a v e n to D a n t e , when the latter recited the creed— 20 »Assai b e n e è trascorsa D ' e s t à m o n e t a già la lega e'I peso, Ma d i m m i se tu l'hai nella t u a borsa.« 6 4

A price therefore implies b o t h that a c o m m o d i t y is exchangeable for m o n e y , a n d also that it m u s t be so exchanged. On the other h a n d , gold 25 serves as an ideal m e a s u r e of value, only b e c a u s e it has already, in the process of exchange, established itself as t h e m o n e y - c o m m o d i t y . U n d e r the ideal m e a s u r e of values there lurks the h a r d cash.

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2.—The Medium

of Circulation.

a. T h e M e t a m o r p h o s i s of C o m m o d i t i e s . We saw in a former chapter t h a t the exchange of c o m m o d i t i e s implies contradictory a n d m u t u a l l y exclusive conditions. T h e differentiation of c o m modities into c o m m o d i t i e s a n d m o n e y does not sweep away these inconsis64

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J e r o m e h a d t o wrestle h a r d , n o t only i n h i s y o u t h w i t h t h e bodily flesh, a s i s s h o w n b y h i s f i g h t i n t h e desert w i t h t h e h a n d s o m e w o m e n o f h i s i m a g i n a t i o n , b u t also i n his old age w i t h t h e spiritual flesh. "I t h o u g h t , " he says, "I was in t h e spirit before t h e J u d g e of t h e U n i v e r s e . " " W h o art t h o u ? " asked a voice. "I am a C h r i s t i a n . " " T h o u liest," t h u n d e r e d b a c k t h e great J u d g e , " t h o u art n o u g h t b u t a C i c e r o n i a n . "

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Part I • Commodities and money tencies, b u t developes a modus vivendi, a form in which they can exist side by side. This is generally the way in which real contradictions are reconciled. F o r instance, it is a contradiction to depict o n e body as constantly falling towards another, a n d as, at the s a m e t i m e , constantly flying away from it. T h e ellipse is a form of m o t i o n which, while allowing this contradiction to go on, at the same t i m e reconciles it. In so far as exchange is a process, by which c o m m o d i t i e s are transferred from h a n d s in which they are non-use-values, to h a n d s in which they bec o m e use-values, it is a social circulation of matter. T h e product of o n e form of useful labour ||77| replaces that of another. W h e n once a c o m m o d ity has found a resting-place, where it can serve as a use-value, it falls out of the sphere of exchange into that of c o n s u m p t i o n . B u t the former sphere alone interests us at present. We have, therefore, now to consider exchange from a formal p o i n t of view; to investigate the c h a n g e of form or m e t a m o r phosis of c o m m o d i t i e s which effectuates the social circulation of matter. T h e c o m p r e h e n s i o n of this change of form is, as a rule, very imperfect. T h e cause of this imperfection is, apart from indistinct n o t i o n s of value itself, that every change of form in a c o m m o d i t y results from the exchange of two commodities, an ordinary o n e a n d the money-commo'dity. If we keep in view the m a t e r i a l fact alone that a c o m m o d i t y has b e e n exchanged for gold, we overlook the very thing that we ought to observe—namely, what has h a p p e n e d to the form of the c o m m o d i t y . We overlook the facts t h a t gold, w h e n a m e r e c o m m o d i t y , is n o t m o n e y , a n d t h a t w h e n other c o m m o d i t i e s express their prices in gold, this gold is b u t the m o n e y - f o r m of those c o m m o d i t i e s themselves. C o m m o d i t i e s , first of all, enter into the process of exchange just as they are. T h e process t h e n differentiates t h e m into c o m m o d i t i e s a n d m o n e y , a n d t h u s produces an external opposition corresponding to the internal o p position i n h e r e n t in t h e m , as being at o n c e use-values a n d values. C o m m o d i t i e s as use-values now stand opposed to m o n e y as exchange value. On t h e other h a n d , b o t h opposing sides are c o m m o d i t i e s , u n i t i e s of use-value a n d value. But this u n i t y of differences manifests itself at two opposite poles, a n d at each pole in an opposite way. Being poles they are as necessarily opposite as they are c o n n e c t e d . On the o n e side of t h e e q u a t i o n we h a v e an ordinary c o m m o d i t y , which is in reality a use-value. Its value is expressed only ideally in its price, by which it is e q u a t e d to its o p p o n e n t , the gold, as to the real e m b o d i m e n t of its value. On t h e other h a n d , the gold, in its metallic reality, ranks as the e m b o d i m e n t of value, as m o n e y . Gold, as gold, is exchange value itself. As to its use-value, that h a s only an ideal existence, represented by the series of expressions of relative value in which it stands face to face with all other c o m m o d i t i e s , the s u m of whose uses

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Chapter III • Money, or the circulation of commodities m a k e s up t h e s u m | | 7 8 | of t h e various u s e s of gold. T h e s e a n t a g o n i s t i c forms of c o m m o d i t i e s are t h e real forms in w h i c h t h e process of their ex­ c h a n g e moves a n d takes place. Let us now a c c o m p a n y t h e owner of s o m e c o m m o d i t y — s a y , o u r old 5

friend t h e weaver of l i n e n — t o t h e scene of action, the m a r k e t . H i s 20 yards of linen has a definite price, £ 2 . He e x c h a n g e s it for t h e £2, a n d t h e n , like a m a n of t h e good old s t a m p t h a t he is, he parts with the £2 for a family Bible of t h e s a m e price. T h e l i n e n , w h i c h in his eyes is a m e r e c o m m o d i t y , a de­ pository of value, he alienates in e x c h a n g e for gold, which is t h e l i n e n ' s val­

lo

ue-form, a n d this form he again parts w i t h for a n o t h e r c o m m o d i t y , the Bi­ ble, which is destined to e n t e r his h o u s e as an object of utility a n d of edification to its i n m a t e s . T h e e x c h a n g e b e c o m e s an a c c o m p l i s h e d fact by two m e t a m o r p h o s e s of opposite yet s u p p l e m e n t a r y c h a r a c t e r — t h e conver­ sion of the c o m m o d i t y i n t o m o n e y , a n d the re-conversion of t h e m o n e y

15

i n t o a c o m m o d i t y . 6 5 T h e two p h a s e s of this m e t a m o r p h o s i s are b o t h of t h e m distinct t r a n s a c t i o n s of t h e weaver—selling, or the e x c h a n g e of t h e c o m m o d i t y for m o n e y ; buying, or t h e e x c h a n g e of t h e m o n e y for a c o m ­ m o d i t y ; and, the u n i t y of t h e two acts, selling in order to buy. T h e result of t h e whole t r a n s a c t i o n , as regards t h e weaver, is this, t h a t in-

20

stead of being in possession of t h e l i n e n , he n o w h a s the Bible; instead of his original c o m m o d i t y , he n o w possesses a n o t h e r of t h e s a m e value b u t of different utility. I n like m a n n e r h e procures his o t h e r m e a n s o f subsistence a n d m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . F r o m his p o i n t of view, the whole process effec­ tuates n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n t h e e x c h a n g e of t h e p r o d u c t of his l a b o u r for t h e

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p r o d u c t of s o m e o n e else's, n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n an exchange of p r o d u c t s . T h e exchange of c o m m o d i t i e s is therefore a c c o m p a n i e d by the following changes in their form. Commodity—Money—Commodity. C

30

M

C.

T h e result of t h e whole process is, so far as c o n c e r n s t h e ||79| objects themselves, C — C , the e x c h a n g e of o n e c o m m o d i t y for another, t h e circula­ tion of materialised social labour. W h e n this result is attained, t h e process is at an e n d . C—M.

35

First metamorphosis,

or sale.

T h e leap t a k e n by value from t h e body of t h e c o m m o d i t y , i n t o t h e body of the gold, is, as I have elsewhere called it, t h e salto m o r t a l e of t h e c o m 65

,,έκ δε τοΰ πυρός τ' ανταμείβεσαι πάντα, φησίν ό Ηράκλειτος, καΐ πΰρ απάντων, ωσπερ χρυσού χρήματα καί κρημάτων χρυσός." (F. Lassalle: D i e Philosophie He­

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rakleitos des D u n k e l n . Berlin, 1858. Vol. I , p . 222.) Lassalle, i n his n o t e o n t h i s passage, p . 224, n. 3, e r r o n e o u s l y m a k e s gold a m e r e s y m b o l of v a l u e .

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Part I • Commodities and money modity. If it falls short, t h e n , although t h e c o m m o d i t y itself is n o t h a r m e d , its owner decidedly is. T h e social division of l a b o u r causes his labour to be as one-sided as his wants are many-sided. This is precisely t h e reason why the product of his labour serves h i m solely as exchange value. B u t it c a n n o t acquire the properties of a socially recognised universal equivalent, except by being converted into money. T h a t m o n e y , however, is in s o m e one else's pocket. In order to entice the m o n e y out of that pocket, our friend's comm o d i t y must, above all things, be a use-value to the owner of the m o n e y . F o r this, it is necessary that t h e labour e x p e n d e d u p o n it, be of a kind t h a t is socially useful, of a kind that constitutes a b r a n c h of the social division of labour. B u t division of labour is a system of p r o d u c t i o n which has grown up spontaneously and continues to grow b e h i n d the backs of t h e producers. T h e c o m m o d i t y to be exchanged m a y possibly be the p r o d u c t of some new k i n d of labour, that pretends to satisfy newly arisen r e q u i r e m e n t s , or even to give rise itself to new requirements. A particular operation, t h o u g h yesterday, perhaps, forming one o u t of the m a n y operations c o n d u c t e d by o n e p r o d u c e r in creating a given c o m m o d i t y , m a y to-day separate itself from this c o n n e c t i o n , m a y establish itself as an i n d e p e n d e n t b r a n c h of labour a n d send its incomplete product to m a r k e t as an i n d e p e n d e n t c o m m o d i t y . T h e circumstances m a y or m a y n o t be ripe for such a separation. To-day the p r o d u c t satisfies a social want. To-morrow the article m a y , either altogether or partially, be superseded by some other appropriate product. M o r e over, although our weaver's labour m a y be a recognised b r a n c h of the social division of labour, yet that fact is by no m e a n s sufficient to g u a r a n t e e the utility of his 20 yards of linen. If the c o m m u n i t y ' s want of linen, a n d s u c h a want has a limit like every other want, should already ||80| be saturated by the products of rival weavers, o u r friend's p r o d u c t is superfluous, r e d u n d a n t , and consequently useless. A l t h o u g h people do n o t look a gifthorse in the m o u t h , o u r friend does n o t frequent the m a r k e t for the purpose of m a k i n g presents. But suppose his p r o d u c t t u r n o u t a real use-value, a n d thereby attracts m o n e y ? T h e question arises, how m u c h will it attract? No d o u b t the answer is already anticipated in t h e price of the article, in t h e exp o n e n t of the m a g n i t u d e of its value. We leave out of consideration here a n y accidental miscalculation of value by o u r friend, a m i s t a k e that is soon rectified in the market. We suppose h i m to have spent on his p r o d u c t only t h a t a m o u n t of labour-time that is on an average socially necessary. T h e price then, is merely the m o n e y - n a m e of the quantity of social labour realised in his c o m m o d i t y . But without the leave, a n d b e h i n d t h e back, of our weaver, the old fashioned m o d e of weaving u n d e r g o e s a change. T h e lab o u r - t i m e t h a t yesterday was without d o u b t socially necessary to the prod u c t i o n of a yard of linen, ceases to be so to-day, a fact which the owner of

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the m o n e y is only too eager to prove from t h e prices q u o t e d by our friend's competitors. Unluckily for h i m , weavers are h o t few a n d far between. Lastly, suppose that every piece of l i n e n in the m a r k e t contains no m o r e lab o u r - t i m e t h a n is socially necessary. In spite of this, all these pieces t a k e n as a whole, m a y have h a d superfluous l a b o u r - t i m e spent u p o n t h e m . If the m a r k e t c a n n o t s t o m a c h the whole quantity at the n o r m a l price of 2 shillings a yard, this proves that too great a portion of the total labour of t h e c o m m u n i t y has b e e n e x p e n d e d in t h e form of weaving. T h e effect is t h e same as if e a c h individual weaver h a d e x p e n d e d m o r e labour-time u p o n his particular product t h a n is socially necessary. H e r e we m a y say, with t h e G e r m a n proverb: caught together, h u n g together. All t h e l i n e n in t h e m a r ket counts b u t as one article of c o m m e r c e , of which each piece is only an aliquot part. A n d as a m a t t e r of fact, the value also of e a c h single yard is b u t the materialised form of the s a m e definite and socially fixed quantity of h o m o g e n e o u s h u m a n labour. We see then, c o m m o d i t i e s are in love with m o n e y , b u t "the course of true love never did r u n s m o o t h . " T h e quantitative | | 8 1 | division of labour is brought about in exactly the s a m e s p o n t a n e o u s a n d accidental m a n n e r as its qualitative division. T h e owners of c o m m o d i t i e s therefore find out, t h a t the same division of labour that t u r n s t h e m into i n d e p e n d e n t private producers, also frees the social process of p r o d u c t i o n a n d the relations of t h e individual producers to each other within that process, from all d e p e n d ence on the will of those producers, a n d t h a t the seeming m u t u a l i n d e p e n d ence of the individuals is s u p p l e m e n t e d by a system of general a n d m u tual d e p e n d e n c e through or by m e a n s of the products. T h e division of labour converts the p r o d u c t of labour into a c o m m o d i t y , and thereby m a k e s necessary its further conversion into m o n e y . At the same t i m e it also m a k e s the a c c o m p l i s h m e n t of this trans-substantiation quite accidental. H e r e , however, we are only c o n c e r n e d with the p h e n o m e n o n in its integrity, a n d we therefore a s s u m e its progress to be n o r m a l . Moreover, if the conversion take place at all, that is, if the c o m m o d i t y be not absolutely unsaleable, its m e t a m o r p h o s i s does take place although the price realised m a y be abnormally above or below the value. T h e seller has his c o m m o d i t y replaced by gold, the buyer has h i s gold replaced by a c o m m o d i t y . T h e fact which here stares us in the face is, t h a t a c o m m o d i t y a n d gold, 20 yards of linen a n d £2, have changed h a n d s a n d places, in other words, t h a t they have b e e n exchanged. But for what is t h e c o m m o d i t y exchanged? F o r the shape a s s u m e d by its own value, for the universal equivalent. A n d for what is the gold exchanged? F o r a particular form of its own use-value. W h y does gold take the form of m o n e y face to face with the linen? Because the linen's price of £2, its d e n o m i n a t i o n in

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Part I • Commodities and money m o n e y , has already equated the linen to gold in its character of m o n e y . A c o m m o d i t y strips off its original commodity-form on being alienated, i.e., on t h e instant its use-value actually attracts the gold, t h a t before existed only ideally in its price. T h e realisation of a c o m m o d i t y ' s price, or of its ideal value-form, is therefore at the same t i m e the realisation of t h e ideal use-value of m o n e y ; the conversion of a c o m m o d i t y into m o n e y , is the sim u l t a n e o u s conversion of m o n e y into a com||82|modity. The apparently single process is in reality a double one. F r o m t h e pole of the c o m m o d i t y owner it is a sale, from the opposite pole of t h e m o n e y owner, it is a purchase. In other words, a sale is a purchase, C — M is also M — C . Up to this point we have considered m e n in only o n e e c o n o m i c a l capacity, that of owners of c o m m o d i t i e s , a capacity in w h i c h they appropriate t h e p r o d u c e of the labour of others, by alienating t h a t of their own labour. H e n c e , for o n e c o m m o d i t y owner to m e e t with a n o t h e r who has m o n e y , it is necessary, either, that the product of the l a b o u r of the latter person, the buyer, should be in itself money, should be gold, the m a t e r i a l of which m o n ey consists, or t h a t his product should already have changed its skin a n d have stripped off its original form of a useful object. In order that it m a y play t h e part of m o n e y , gold m u s t of course enter the m a r k e t at s o m e p o i n t or other. This point is to be found at the source of p r o d u c t i o n of the m e t a l , at which place gold is bartered, as the i m m e d i a t e p r o d u c t of labour, for s o m e other product of e q u a l value. F r o m t h a t m o m e n t it always represents the realised price of some c o m m o d i t y . Apart from its e x c h a n g e for other c o m m o d i t i e s at the source of its production, gold, in whose-so-ever h a n d s it m a y be, is the transformed shape of s o m e c o m m o d i t y alienated by its owner; it is the product of a sale or of the first m e t a m o r p h o s i s C — M . Gold, as we saw, b e c a m e ideal m o n e y , or a m e a s u r e of values, in conseq u e n c e of all c o m m o d i t i e s m e a s u r i n g their values by it, a n d t h u s contrasting it ideally with their n a t u r a l shape as useful objects, a n d m a k i n g it the shape of their value. It b e c a m e real m o n e y , by the general alienation of c o m m o d i t i e s , by actually changing places with their n a t u r a l forms as useful objects, a n d t h u s b e c o m i n g in reality t h e e m b o d i m e n t of their values. W h e n they a s s u m e this m o n e y - s h a p e , c o m m o d i t i e s strip off every trace of their n a t u r a l use-value, and of the particular k i n d of labour to which they | 18 31 owe their creation, in order to transform themselves into the uniform, 6 6

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« T o u t e v e n t e est a c h a t . » ( D r . Q u e s n a y : " D i a l o g u e s s u r l e C o m m e r c e e t les T r a v a u x des A r t i s a n s . " P h y s i o c r a t e s éd. D a i r e I. Partie, Paris, 1846, p. 170), or as Q u e s n a y in h i s " M a x i m e s g é n é r a l e s " p u t s it, " V e n d r e est acheter." « L e prix d ' u n e m a r c h a n d i s e n e p o u v a n t être p a y é q u e par l e prix d ' u n e a u t r e m a r c h a n d i s e . » ( M e r c i e r de la R i v i è r e : " L ' O r d r e n a t u r e l et e s s e n t i e l des sociétés p o l i t i q u e s . " Physiocrates, ed. D a i r e II. Partie, p. 554). « P o u r avoir cet argent, i l faut avoir v e n d u , » I.e., p . 5 4 3 . 67

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Chapter III · Money, or the circulation of commodities socially recognised incarnation of h o m o g e n e o u s h u m a n labour. We c a n n o t tell from the mere look of a piece of m o n e y , for what particular c o m m o d i t y it has b e e n exchanged. U n d e r their money-form all c o m m o d i t é s look alike. H e n c e , m o n e y m a y be dirt, although dirt is n o t m o n e y . We will a s s u m e 5 that the two gold pieces, in consideration of w h i c h o u r weaver h a s parted with his linen, are the m e t a m o r p h o s e d shape of a quarter of wheat. T h e sale of the linen, C — M , is at the s a m e t i m e its purchase, M — C . But the sale is the first act of a process t h a t e n d s with a transaction of an opposite n a t u r e , namely, t h e p u r c h a s e of a Bible; the p u r c h a s e of the linen, on the 10

other h a n d , ends a m o v e m e n t t h a t began with a transaction of an opposite n a t u r e , namely, with t h e sale of t h e wheat. C — M ( l i n e n — m o n e y ) , w h i c h is the first phase of C — M — C ( l i n e n — m o n e y — B i b l e ) , is also M — C ( m o n ey—linen), the last p h a s e of a n o t h e r m o v e m e n t C — M — C ( w h e a t — m o n ey—linen). T h e first m e t a m o r p h o s i s of o n e c o m m o d i t y , its transformation 15 from a c o m m o d i t y into m o n e y , is therefore also invariably the second metamorphosis of some other c o m m o d i t y , the re-transformation of the latter from m o n e y into a c o m m o d i t y . 69

M—C,

or purchase. The second and concluding metamorphosis of a commodity.

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Because m o n e y is the m e t a m o r p h o s e d shape of all other c o m m o d i t i e s , the result of their general alienation, for this reason it is alienable itself without restriction or condition. It reads all prices backwards, a n d thus, so to say, depicts itself in t h e b o d i e s of all other c o m m o d i t i e s , which offer to it the material for the realisation of its own use-value. At the same t i m e the 25 prices, wooing glances cast at m o n e y by c o m m o d i t i e s , define the limits of its convertibility, by pointing to its quantity. Since every c o m m o d i t y , on b e c o m i n g money, disappears as a c o m m o d i t y , it is impossible to tell from the m o n e y itself, how it got into the h a n d s of its possessor, or what article has b e e n changed into it. N o n olet, from whatever source it m a y c o m e . | 30 |84| Representing on the o n e h a n d a sold c o m m o d i t y , it represents on t h e other a c o m m o d i t y to be b o u g h t . M — C , a purchase, is, at the s a m e t i m e , C — M , a sale; the concluding m e t a m o r p h o s i s of o n e c o m m o d i t y is the first m e t a m o r p h o s i s of another. W i t h regard to our weaver, the life of his c o m m o d i t y ends with t h e Bible, 35 into which he has reconverted his £2. B u t suppose the seller of the Bible 70

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A s before r e m a r k e d , t h e a c t u a l p r o d u c e r o f gold o r silver forms a n e x c e p t i o n . H e e x c h a n g e s his p r o d u c t directly for a n o t h e r c o m m o d i t y , w i t h o u t h a v i n g first sold it. « Si l'argent r e p r é s e n t e , d a n s n o s m a i n s , les c h o s e s q u e n o u s p o u v o n s désirer d ' a c h e t e r , il y r e p r é s e n t e aussi les choses q u e n o u s a v o n s v e n d u e s p o u r c e t a r g e n t . » (Mercier d e l a Rivière I.e. p . 586.) 70

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Part I · Commodities and money t u r n s the £2 set free by the weaver into brandy. M — C , the c o n c l u d i n g phase of C — M — C (linen, money, Bible), is also C — M , the first phase of C — M — C (Bible, m o n e y , brandy). T h e producer of a particular c o m m o d i t y has t h a t o n e article alone to offer; this he sells very often in large q u a n t i ties, b u t his m a n y and various wants c o m p e l h i m to split up t h e price realised, the s u m of m o n e y set free, into n u m e r o u s purchases. H e n c e a sale leads to m a n y purchases of various articles. T h e concluding m e t a m o r p h o sis of a c o m m o d i t y thus constitutes an aggregation of first m e t a m o r p h o s e s of various other c o m m o d i t i e s . If we now consider the completed m e t a m o r p h o s i s of a c o m m o d i t y , as a whole, it appears in the first place, t h a t it is m a d e up of two opposite a n d c o m p l e m e n t a r y m o v e m e n t s , C — M a n d M — C . T h e s e two antithetical t r a n s m u t a t i o n s of a c o m m o d i t y are brought a b o u t by two antithetical social acts on the part of the owner, a n d these acts in their t u r n s t a m p t h e character of the e c o n o m i c a l parts played by h i m . As the person who m a k e s a sale, he is a seller; as t h e person who m a k e s a p u r c h a s e , he is a buyer. But just as, u p o n every s u c h t r a n s m u t a t i o n of a c o m m o d i t y , its two forms, commodity-form a n d money-form, exist simultaneously b u t at opposite poles, so every seller has a buyer opposed to h i m , a n d every buyer a seller. W h i l e o n e particular c o m m o d i t y is going t h r o u g h its two t r a n s m u t a t i o n s in suecession, from a c o m m o d i t y into m o n e y a n d from m o n e y into a n o t h e r c o m modity, the owner of the c o m m o d i t y changes in succession his part from that of seller to that of buyer. These characters of seller a n d buyer are therefore n o t p e r m a n e n t , b u t attach themselves in turns to the various persons engaged in the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s . | |85| T h e complete m e t a m o r p h o s i s of a c o m m o d i t y , in its simplest form, implies four extremes, and three dramatis personae. First, a c o m m o d i t y c o m e s face to face with m o n e y ; the latter is t h e form t a k e n by the value of the former, and exists in all its h a r d reality, in the pocket of the buyer. A c o m m o d i t y - o w n e r is t h u s brought into contact with a possessor of m o n e y . So soon, now, as the c o m m o d i t y has b e e n c h a n g e d into m o n e y , the m o n e y b e c o m e s its transient equivalent-form, t h e use-value of which equivalentform is to be found in the bodies of other c o m m o d i t i e s . Money, the final t e r m of t h e first t r a n s m u t a t i o n , is at the s a m e t i m e the starting p o i n t for t h e second. T h e person who is a seller in the first transaction t h u s b e c o m e s a b u y e r in the second, in which a third c o m m o d i t y - o w n e r appears on the scene as a seller. T h e two phases, each inverse to the other, t h a t m a k e up the m e t a m o r phosis of a c o m m o d i t y constitute together a circular m o v e m e n t , a circuit:

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« I l y a d o n e ... q u a t r e t e r m e s et trois c o n t r a c t a n t s , d o n t l ' u n i n t e r v i e n t d e u x fols.» (Le T r o s n e I.e. p. 909.)

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Chapter III • Money, or the circulation of commodities commodity-form, stripping off of this form, a n d r e t u r n to t h e c o m m o d i t y form. N o doubt, t h e c o m m o d i t y appears h e r e u n d e r two different aspects. At t h e starting p o i n t it is n o t a use-value to its owner; at t h e finishing p o i n t it is. So, t o o , the m o n e y appears in t h e first p h a s e as a solid crystal of value, 5

a crystal i n t o which t h e c o m m o d i t y eagerly solidifies, a n d in t h e second, dissolves i n t o the m e r e t r a n s i e n t equivalent-form destined to be replaced by a use-value. T h e two m e t a m o r p h o s e s c o n s t i t u t i n g t h e circuit are at t h e s a m e t i m e two inverse partial m e t a m o r p h o s e s of two o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s . O n e a n d t h e

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s a m e c o m m o d i t y , t h e linen, o p e n s t h e series of its own m e t a m o r p h o s e s , a n d completes the m e t a m o r p h o s i s of a n o t h e r (the wheat). In the first p h a s e or sale, t h e l i n e n plays t h e s e two parts in its own person. But, t h e n , c h a n g e d i n t o gold, it c o m p l e t e s its own s e c o n d a n d final m e t a m o r p h o s i s , a n d helps at t h e s a m e t i m e to a c c o m p l i s h t h e first m e t a m o r p h o s i s of a

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third c o m m o d i t y . H e n c e t h e circuit m a d e b y o n e c o m m o d i t y i n t h e course of its m e t a m o r p h o s e s is inextricably m i x e d up with the circuits of o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e total ||86| of all t h e different circuits constitutes the circu­ lation

of commodities.

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u c t s (barter), n o t only in form, b u t in s u b s t a n c e . Only consider t h e course of events. T h e weaver has, as a m a t t e r of fact, e x c h a n g e d his l i n e n for a Bi­ ble, his own c o m m o d i t y for t h a t of s o m e o n e else. B u t this is t r u e only so far as he himself is c o n c e r n e d . T h e seller of t h e Bible, who prefers s o m e ­ thing to w a r m his inside, no m o r e t h o u g h t of e x c h a n g i n g his Bible for l i n e n

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t h a n our weaver knew t h a t w h e a t h a d b e e n e x c h a n g e d for his l i n e n . B's c o m m o d i t y replaces t h a t of A, b u t A a n d Β do n o t m u t u a l l y e x c h a n g e those c o m m o d i t i e s . It may, of course, h a p p e n t h a t A a n d Β m a k e simul­ t a n e o u s purchases, the o n e from t h e other; b u t s u c h exceptional transac­ tions are by no m e a n s t h e necessary result of t h e general c o n d i t i o n s of t h e

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circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s . We see h e r e , on t h e o n e h a n d , how the ex­ change of c o m m o d i t i e s breaks t h r o u g h all local a n d p e r s o n a l b o u n d s insep­ arable from direct barter, a n d develops t h e circulation of t h e p r o d u c t s of social labour; a n d on the o t h e r h a n d , how it develops a whole network of social relations s p o n t a n e o u s in t h e i r growth a n d entirely b e y o n d t h e con-

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trol of t h e actors. It is only b e c a u s e t h e farmer h a s sold his wheat t h a t t h e weaver is enabled to sell his linen, only b e c a u s e the weaver has sold his l i n e n t h a t o u r H o t s p u r is e n a b l e d to sell h i s Bible, a n d only b e c a u s e t h e lat­ ter h a s sold the water of everlasting life t h a t the distiller is enabled to sell his eau-de-vie, a n d so o n .

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T h e process of circulation, therefore, does not, like direct barter of prod­ ucts, b e c o m e extinguished u p o n t h e u s e values changing places a n d h a n d s .

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Part I • Commodities and money T h e m o n e y does not vanish on dropping o u t of the circuit of the m e t amorphosis of a given c o m m o d i t y . It is constantly being precipitated into n e w places in the arena of circulation vacated by other c o m m o d i t i e s . In the c o m p l e t e m e t a m o r p h o s i s of t h e linen, for e x a m p l e , l i n e n — m o n e y — B i b l e , t h e l i n e n first falls o u t of circulation, a n d m o n e y steps into its place. T h e n t h e Bible falls o u t of circulation, a n d again m o n e y takes its place. W h e n o n e c o m m o d i t y replaces another, the m o n e y c o m m o d i t y always sticks to t h e h a n d s of ||87| some third p e r s o n . Circulation sweats m o n e y from every pore.

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N o t h i n g can be m o r e childish t h a n the dogma, that b e c a u s e every sale is a purchase, and every purchase a sale, therefore the circulation of c o m m o d ities necessarily implies an equilibrium of sales a n d purchases. If this m e a n s that the n u m b e r of actual sales is equal to the n u m b e r of purchases, it is m e r e tautology. But its real purport is to prove t h a t every seller brings his buyer to m a r k e t with h i m . N o t h i n g of the kind. T h e sale a n d the purchase constitute one identical act, an e x c h a n g e between a c o m m o d i t y owner a n d an owner of money, between two persons as opposed to e a c h o t h e r as the two poles of a magnet. They form two distinct acts, of polar a n d opposite characters, w h e n performed by o n e single person. H e n c e the identity of sale a n d purchase implies that the c o m m o d i t y is useless, if, on being thrown into the alchemistical retort of circulation, it does n o t c o m e out again in the shape of m o n e y ; if, in other words, it c a n n o t be sold by its owner, and therefore be b o u g h t by the owner of the m o n e y . T h a t identity further implies that t h e exchange, if it do take place, constitutes a period of rest, an interval, long or short, in the life of t h e c o m m o d i t y . Since the first m e t a m o r p h o s i s of a c o m m o d i t y is at o n c e a sale a n d a purchase, it is also an i n d e p e n d e n t process in itself. T h e p u r c h a s e r has the c o m m o d i t y , the seller has the money, i.e., a c o m m o d i t y ready to go into circulation at any t i m e . No o n e can sell unless s o m e o n e else purchases. But no o n e is forthwith b o u n d to purchase, because he has j u s t sold. Circulation bursts t h r o u g h all restrictions as to time, place, a n d individuals, i m p o s e d by direct barter, and this it effects by splitting u p , into the antithesis of a sale a n d a purchase, the direct identity that in barter does exist between the alienation of one's own a n d the acquisition of s o m e other m a n ' s product. To say that these two i n d e p e n d e n t a n d antithetical acts have an intrinsic unity, are essentially one, is the same as to say that this intrinsic o n e n e s s expresses itself in an external antithesis. If the interval in t i m e between the two compiei|88|mentary phases of the complete m e t a m o r p h o s i s of a comm o d i t y b e c o m e too great, if the split between the sale and t h e purchase be7 2

Self-evident as this m a y be, it is nevertheless for t h e e c o n o m i s t s , a n d especially by t h e " F r e e t r a d e r Vulgaris."

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c o m e too p r o n o u n c e d , the i n t i m a t e c o n n e x i o n between t h e m , their o n e ness, asserts itself by p r o d u c i n g — a crisis. T h e antithesis, use-value and value; the contradictions that private l a b o u r is b o u n d to manifest itself as direct social labour, t h a t a particularized concrete kind of l a b o u r h a s to pass for abstract h u m a n labour; t h e c o n t r a d i c t i o n between t h e personification of objects a n d t h e representation of persons by things; all these antitheses a n d contradictions, w h i c h are i m m a n e n t in c o m m o d i t i e s , assert themselves, and develop their m o d e s of m o t i o n , in t h e antithetical phases of the m e t a m o r p h o s i s of a c o m m o d i t y . T h e s e m o d e s therefore imply t h e possibility, and no m o r e t h a n the possibility, of crises. T h e conversion of this m e r e possibility i n t o a reality is the result of a long series of relations, that, from our present s t a n d p o i n t of simple circulation, have as yet no existence. 73

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b. The Currency of Money. 15 T h e change of form, C — M — C , by w h i c h the circulation of t h e m a t e r i a l products of labour is b r o u g h t about, requires that a given value in t h e shape of a c o m m o d i t y shall begin t h e process, a n d shall, also in the shape of a c o m m o d i t y , e n d it. T h e m o v e m e n t of t h e c o m m o d i t y is therefore a circuit. On t h e other h a n d , t h e form of this m o v e m e n t precludes a circuit 20

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from ||89| being m a d e by t h e m o n e y . T h e result is n o t t h e r e t u r n of t h e money, b u t its c o n t i n u e d r e m o v a l farther a n d further away from its starting-point. So long as t h e seller sticks fast to his m o n e y , which is t h e transformed shape of his c o m m o d i t y , that c o m m o d i t y is still in t h e first p h a s e of its m e t a m o r p h o s i s , a n d h a s c o m p l e t e d only half its course. But so soon as he completes t h e process, so soon as he s u p p l e m e n t s his sale by a p u r c h a s e , the m o n e y again leaves t h e h a n d s of its possessor. It is true t h a t if t h e weaver, after buying t h e Bible, sell m o r e linen, m o n e y comes b a c k into his 73

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See m y o b s e r v a t i o n s o n J a m e s M i l l i n " Z u r Kritik, etc.," p . 7 4 - 7 6 . W i t h regard t o this s u b ject, we m a y n o t i c e two m e t h o d s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a p o l o g e t i c e c o n o m y . T h e first is t h e identific a t i o n of t h e c i r c u l a t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s w i t h t h e d i r e c t b a r t e r of p r o d u c t s , by s i m p l e a b s t r a c t i o n from t h e i r p o i n t s of difference; t h e s e c o n d is, t h e a t t e m p t to e x p l a i n away t h e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s o f capitalist p r o d u c t i o n , b y r e d u c i n g t h e r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n t h e p e r s o n s e n g a g e d i n t h a t m o d e o f p r o d u c t i o n , t o t h e s i m p l e r e l a t i o n s arising o u t o f t h e c i r c u l a t i o n o f c o m m o d i ties. T h e p r o d u c t i o n a n d c i r c u l a t i o n o f c o m m o d i t i e s are, however, p h e n o m e n a t h a t o c c u r t o a greater or less e x t e n t in m o d e s of p r o d u c t i o n t h e m o s t diverse. If we are a c q u a i n t e d with n o t h ing b u t t h e abstract categories o f c i r c u l a t i o n , w h i c h are c o m m o n t o all t h e s e m o d e s o f p r o d u c tion, we c a n n o t possibly k n o w a n y t h i n g of t h e specific p o i n t s of difference of t h o s e m o d e s , n o r p r o n o u n c e any j u d g m e n t u p o n t h e m . I n n o s c i e n c e i s s u c h a big fuss m a d e w i t h c o m m o n place t r u i s m s as in political e c o n o m y . F o r i n s t a n c e , J. B. Say sets h i m s e l f up as a j u d g e of crises, b e c a u s e , forsooth, he k n o w s t h a t a c o m m o d i t y is a p r o d u c t . Translatera note.—This word is h e r e u s e d in its o r i g i n a l signification of t h e c o u r s e or track p u r s u e d by m o n e y as it c h a n g e s from h a n d to h a n d , a c o u r s e w h i c h essentially differs from circulation. 74

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Part I • Commodities and money h a n d s . But this return is n o t owing to the circulation of the first 20 yards of linen; t h a t circulation resulted in the m o n e y getting into the h a n d s of the seller of the Bible. T h e return of m o n e y into the h a n d s of the weaver is b r o u g h t about only by t h e renewal or repetition of the process of circulation with a fresh c o m m o d i t y , which renewed process e n d s with the same re5 suit as its predecessor did. H e n c e the m o v e m e n t directly i m p a r t e d to m o n ey by the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s takes the form of a c o n s t a n t m o t i o n away from its starting-point, of a course from the h a n d s of o n e c o m m o d i t y owner into those of another. This course constitutes its currency (cours de la m o n n a i e ) . 10 T h e currency of m o n e y is the constant a n d m o n o t o n o u s repetition of the s a m e process. T h e c o m m o d i t y is always in the h a n d s of the seller; the m o n ey, as a m e a n s of purchase, always in the h a n d s of the buyer. A n d m o n e y serves as a m e a n s of purchase by realising the price of the c o m m o d i t y . This realisation transfers the c o m m o d i t y from the seller to the buyer, a n d removes the m o n e y from the h a n d s of the buyer into those of t h e seller, where it again goes through the s a m e process with another c o m m o d i t y . T h a t this one-sided character of the m o n e y ' s m o t i o n arises o u t of t h e twosided character of the c o m m o d i t y ' s m o t i o n , is a c i r c u m s t a n c e t h a t is veiled over. T h e very n a t u r e of the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s begets the opposite a p p e a r a n c e . T h e first m e t a m o r p h o s i s of a c o m m o d i t y is visibly, n o t only the m o n e y ' s m o v e m e n t , b u t also t h a t of t h e c o m m o d i t y itself; in the seco n d m e t a m o r p h o s i s , on the contrary, the m o v e m e n t appears to us as t h e m o v e m e n t of the m o n e y alone. In the first p h a s e of its circulation t h e com-| |90|modity changes place with the m o n e y . T h e r e u p o n t h e c o m m o d i t y , u n der its aspect of a useful object, falls out of circulation into c o n s u m p t i o n . In its stead we have its value-shape—the m o n e y . It t h e n goes t h r o u g h t h e second phase of its circulation, n o t u n d e r its own n a t u r a l shape, b u t u n d e r the shape of money. T h e continuity of the m o v e m e n t is therefore kept up by the m o n e y alone, a n d the same m o v e m e n t t h a t as regards the c o m m o d ity consists of two processes of an antithetical character, is, w h e n considered as the m o v e m e n t of the m o n e y , always o n e a n d the s a m e process, a c o n t i n u e d change of places with ever fresh c o m m o d i t i e s . H e n c e t h e result brought about by the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s , namely, the replacing of o n e c o m m o d i t y by another, takes the a p p e a r a n c e of having b e e n effected n o t by m e a n s of the change of form of the c o m m o d i t i e s , b u t rather by t h e m o n e y acting as a m e d i u m of circulation, by an action t h a t circulates com-

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E v e n w h e n t h e c o m m o d i t y i s sold over a n d over again, a p h e n o m e n o n t h a t a t p r e s e n t h a s no e x i s t e n c e for u s , it falls, w h e n definitely sold for t h e last t i m e , o u t of t h e s p h e r e of circulat i o n i n t o t h a t of c o n s u m p t i o n , where it serves either as m e a n s of s u b s i s t e n c e or m e a n s of p r o duction.

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m o d u l e s , to all appearance motionless in themselves, and transfers t h e m from h a n d s in which they are non-use-values, to h a n d s in which they are use-values; and that in a direction constantly opposed to t h e direction of the m o n e y . T h e latter is continually withdrawing c o m m o d i t i e s from circulation a n d stepping into their places, a n d in this way continually m o v i n g further a n d further from its starting-point. H e n c e , although the m o v e m e n t of the m o n e y is merely the expression of the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s , yet the contrary appears to be the actual fact, a n d the circulation of commodities seems to be the result of the m o v e m e n t of the m o n e y . Again, m o n e y functions as a m e a n s of circulation, only because in it the values of c o m m o d i t i e s have i n d e p e n d e n t realilty. H e n c e its m o v e m e n t , as the m e d i u m of circulation, is, in fact, merely the m o v e m e n t of c o m m o d i ties while changing their forms. This fact m u s t therefore m a k e itself plainly visible in the currency of m o n e y . The twofold change of form in a | |91| c o m m o d i t y is reflected in the twice repeated c h a n g e of place of the same piece of m o n e y during the c o m p l e t e m e t a m o r p h o s i s of a c o m m o d i t y , and in its constantly repeated change of place, as m e t a m o r p h o s i s follows metamorphosis, a n d e a c h b e c o m e s interlaced with the others. T h e linen, for instance, first of all exchanges its commodity-form for its money-form. T h e last t e r m of its first m e t a m o r p h o s i s ( C — M ) , or the m o n ey-form, is the first t e r m of its final m e t a m o r p h o s i s ( M — C ) , of its re-conversion into a useful c o m m o d i t y , the Bible. B u t each of these changes of form is accomplished by an exchange between c o m m o d i t y and m o n e y , by their reciprocal displacement. T h e s a m e pieces of coin, in the first act, changed places with t h e linen, in the second, with t h e Bible. They are displaced twice. T h e first m e t a m o r p h o s i s p u t s t h e m into the weaver's pocket, the second draws t h e m out of it. T h e two inverse changes u n d e r g o n e by the same c o m m o d i t y are reflected in the displacement, twice repeated, b u t in opposite directions, of the s a m e pieces of coin. If, on the contrary, only one phase of the m e t a m o r p h o s i s is g o n e through, if there are only sales or only purchases, t h e n a given piece of m o n e y changes its place only o n c e . Its second change corresponds to a n d expresses the second m e t a m o r p h o s i s of the c o m m o d i t y , its re-conversion from m o n e y into a n o t h e r c o m m o d i t y i n t e n d e d for use. It is a m a t t e r of course, that all this is applicable to the simple circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s alone, the only form t h a t we are now considering. Every c o m m o d i t y , when it first steps into circulation, a n d u n d e r g o e s its first change of form, does so only to fall o u t of circulation again a n d to be replaced by other c o m m o d i t i e s . M o n e y , on the contrary, as the m e d i u m of 76

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« H (l'argent) n ' a d ' a u t r e m o u v e m e n t q u e c e l u i q u i l u i est i m p r i m é p a r les p r o d u c t i o n s . » (Le T r o s n e Le. p. 885.)

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Part I · Commodities and money circulation, keeps continually within the sphere of circulation, a n d moves a b o u t in it. The question therefore arises, how m u c h m o n e y this sphere constantly absorbs? In a given country there take place every day at the s a m e time, b u t in different localities, n u m e r o u s one-sided m e t a m o r p h o s e s of c o m m o d i t i e s , or, in other words, n u m e r o u s sales a n d n u m e r o u s purchases. T h e c o m m o d ities are equated beforehand in imagination, by their prices, to definite q u a n t i t i e s of ||92| m o n e y . A n d since, in the form of circulation now u n d e r consideration, m o n e y a n d c o m m o d i t i e s always c o m e bodily face to face, o n e at the positive pole of purchase, the other at the negative pole of sale, it is clear that the a m o u n t of t h e m e a n s of circulation required, is d e t e r m i n e d beforehand by t h e s u m of t h e prices of all these c o m m o d i t i e s . As a m a t t e r of fact, the m o n e y in reality represents the quantity or s u m of gold ideally expressed beforehand by the s u m of the prices of t h e c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e equality of these two s u m s is therefore self-evident. We know, however, that, the values of c o m m o d i t i e s r e m a i n i n g constant, their prices vary with the value of gold (the material of m o n e y ) , rising in proportion as it falls, a n d falling in proportion as it rises. Now if, in c o n s e q u e n c e of such a rise or fall in the value of gold, the s u m of the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s fall or rise, the quantity of m o n e y in currency m u s t fall or rise to the s a m e extent. T h e c h a n g e in the quantity of the circulating m e d i u m is, in this case, it is true, c a u s e d by the m o n e y itself, yet not in virtue of its function as a m e d i u m of circulation, b u t of its function as a m e a s u r e of value. First, the price of the c o m m o d i t i e s varies inversely as the value of t h e m o n e y , a n d t h e n the q u a n tity of the m e d i u m of circulation varies directly as the price of the c o m m o d i t i e s . Exactly the same thing would h a p p e n if, for instance, instead of t h e value of gold falling, gold were replaced by silver as the m e a s u r e of valu e , or if, instead of the value of silver rising, gold were to thrust silver out from being the m e a s u r e of value. In the o n e case, m o r e silver would be curr e n t t h a n gold was before; in the other case, less gold would be current t h a n silver was before. In each case the value of the m a t e r i a l of m o n e y , i.e., the value of the c o m m o d i t y that serves as the m e a s u r e of value, would have u n dergone a change, a n d therefore so, too, would the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s w h i c h express their values in m o n e y , a n d so, too, would the quantity of m o n e y current whose function it is to realise those prices. We have already seen, that the sphere of circulation has an o p e n i n g t h r o u g h which gold (or t h e material of m o n e y generally) enters i n t o it as a c o m m o d i t y with a given value. H e n c e , when m o n e y enters on its functions as a ||93| m e a s u r e of valu e , when it expresses prices, its value is already d e t e r m i n e d . If now its value fall, this fact is first evidenced by a change in the prices of those commodities that are directly bartered for t h e precious metals at t h e sources of

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their production. T h e greater part of all other commodities, especially in the imperfectly developed stages of civil society, will c o n t i n u e for a long t i m e to be estimated by the former a n t i q u a t e d a n d illusory value of t h e measure of value. Nevertheless, o n e c o m m o d i t y infects a n o t h e r through their c o m m o n value-relation, so that their prices, expressed in gold or in silver, gradually settle down into the proportions d e t e r m i n e d by their c o m parative values, u n t i l finally the values of all c o m m o d i t i e s are estimated in terms of t h e new value of the m e t a l t h a t constitutes m o n e y . This process is a c c o m p a n i e d by t h e c o n t i n u e d increase in t h e quantity of t h e precious metals, an increase caused by their streaming in to replace the articles directly bartered for t h e m at their sources of production. In proportion therefore as c o m m o d i t i e s in general acquire their true prices, in proportion as their values b e c o m e estimated according to the fallen value of the precious metal, in the same proportion the quantity of t h a t m e t a l necessary for realising those new prices is provided beforehand. A one-sided observation of the results that followed u p o n the discovery of fresh supplies of gold a n d silver, led some economists in the 17th, a n d particularly in the 18th century, to the false conclusion, t h a t the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s h a d gone up in c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e increased quantity of gold a n d silver serving as m e a n s of circulation. Henceforth we shall consider t h e value of gold to be given, as, in fact, it is m o m e n t a r i l y whenever we estimate the price of a c o m m o d ity. On this supposition t h e n , the quantity of t h e m e d i u m of circulation is determined by the s u m of t h e prices t h a t have to be realised. If n o w we further suppose the price of each c o m m o d i t y to be given, the s u m of the prices clearly d e p e n d s on the m a s s of c o m m o d i t i e s in circulation. It requires b u t little racking of brains to c o m p r e h e n d t h a t if o n e quarter of wheat costs £2, 100 quarters will cost £200, 200 quarters £400, a n d so on, that consequently t h e quantity of m o n e y t h a t changes ||94| place with the wheat, when sold, m u s t increase with the quantity of that wheat. If the m a s s of c o m m o d i t i e s r e m a i n constant, the quantity of circulating m o n e y varies with the fluctuations in t h e prices of those c o m m o d i t i e s . It increases a n d diminishes b e c a u s e the s u m of the prices increases or d i m i n ishes in c o n s e q u e n c e of the c h a n g e of price. To p r o d u c e this effect, it is by no m e a n s requisite that the prices of all c o m m o d i t i e s should rise or fall simultaneously. A rise or a fall in the prices of a n u m b e r of leading articles, is sufficient in the o n e case to increase, in the other to diminish, the s u m of the prices of all c o m m o d i t i e s , and, therefore, to p u t m o r e or less m o n e y in circulation. W h e t h e r the change in the price correspond to an actual change of value in t h e c o m m o d i t i e s , or whether it be the result of m e r e fluctuations in m a r k e t prices, t h e effect on the quantity of t h e m e d i u m of circulation r e m a i n s t h e s a m e . 103

Part I • Commodities and money Suppose the following articles to be sold or partially m e t a m o r p h o s e d sim u l t a n e o u s l y in different localities: say, one quarter of wheat, 20 yards of linen, one Bible, and 4 gallons of brandy. If the price of e a c h article be £2, a n d the s u m of the prices to be realised be consequently £8, it follows that £8 in m o n e y m u s t go into circulation. If, on the other h a n d , these s a m e art i d e s are links in the following c h a i n of m e t a m o r p h o s e s : 1 quarter of w h e a t — £ 2 — 2 0 yards of l i n e n — £ 2 — 1 B i b l e — £ 2 — 4 gallons of brandy— £2, a c h a i n that is already well-known to u s , in t h a t case the £2 cause the different c o m m o d i t i e s to circulate one after the other, a n d after realizing their prices successively, a n d therefore t h e s u m of those prices, £8, they c o m e to rest at last in the pocket of the distiller. T h e £2 t h u s m a k e four moves. This repeated c h a n g e of place of the s a m e pieces of m o n e y corresponds to the double change in form of the c o m m o d i t i e s , to their m o t i o n in opposite directions t h r o u g h two stages of circulation, a n d to t h e interlacing of the m e t a m o r p h o s e s of different c o m m o d i t i e s . These antithetic a n d c o m p l e m e n t a r y phases, of which the process of m e t a m o r p h o s i s ||95| consists, are gone through, n o t simultaneously, b u t successively. T i m e is therefore required for the completion of t h e series. H e n c e t h e velocity of the currency of m o n e y is m e a s u r e d by t h e n u m b e r of moves m a d e by a given piece of m o n e y in a given t i m e . Suppose the circulation of the 4 articles takes a day. T h e s u m of the prices to be realised in the day is £8, t h e n u m b e r of moves of the two pieces of m o n e y is four, a n d t h e quantity of m o n e y circulating is £2. H e n c e , for a given interval of t i m e during the process of circulation, we have the following relation: the quantity of m o n e y functioning as the circulating m e d i u m is equal to the s u m of the prices of the c o m m o d i t i e s divided by the n u m b e r of moves m a d e by coins of the s a m e d e n o m i n a t i o n . This law holds generally. 77

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T h e total circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s in a given country during a given period is m a d e up on the one h a n d of n u m e r o u s isolated a n d s i m u l t a n e o u s partial m e t a m o r p h o s e s , sales which are at the s a m e t i m e purchases, in 30 which each coin changes its place only once, or m a k e s only o n e m o v e ; on t h e other h a n d , of n u m e r o u s distinct series of m e t a m o r p h o s e s partly runn i n g side by side, a n d partly coalescing with each other, in each of which series each coin m a k e s a n u m b e r of moves, the n u m b e r being greater or less according to circumstances. T h e total n u m b e r of moves m a d e by all 35 the circulating coins of o n e d e n o m i n a t i o n b e i n g given, we can arrive at t h e average n u m b e r of moves m a d e by a single coin of t h a t d e n o m i n a t i o n , or at the average velocity of the currency of m o n e y . T h e quantity of m o n e y 77

« C e sont les p r o d u c t i o n s q u i l e (l'argent) m e t t e n t e n m o u v e m e n t e t l e font circuler ... L a célérité de son m o u v e m e n t (se. de l'argent) s u p p l é e à sa q u a n t i t é . L o r s q u ' i l en est b e s o i n , il ne fait q u e glisser d ' u n e m a i n d a n s l ' a u t r e s a n s s'arrêter u n i n s t a n t . » (Le T r o s n e I.e. p p . 9 1 5 , 916.)

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thrown into the circulation at the b e g i n n i n g of each day is of course determ i n e d by the s u m of the prices of all the c o m m o d i t i e s circulating simultaneously side by side. But once in circulation, coins are, so to say, m a d e responsible for o n e another. If the one increase its velocity, the other either retards its own, or altogether falls o u t of circulation; for the circulation can absorb only such a quantity of gold as w h e n multiplied by the m e a n n u m ber of moves m a d e by o n e single coin or element, is equal to the s u m of the prices to be realised. H e n c e if the n u m b e r of moves m a d e by the separate pieces increase, the total n u m b e r of those pieces in circulation d i m i n i s h e s . If the n u m b e r of the moves diminish, the total ||96| n u m b e r of pieces increases. Since t h e quantity of m o n e y capable of being absorbed by the circulation is given for a given m e a n velocity of currency, all that is necessary in order to abstract a given n u m b e r of sovereigns from the circulation is to throw the same n u m b e r of o n e - p o u n d n o t e s into it, a trick well k n o w n to all bankers. Just as t h e currency of m o n e y , generally considered, is b u t a reflex of t h e circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s , or of the antithetical m e t a m o r p h o s e s they u n dergo, so, too, the velocity of that currency reflects the rapidity with which c o m m o d i t i e s c h a n g e their forms, the c o n t i n u e d interlacing of one series of m e t a m o r p h o s e s with another, the hurried social interchange of matter, t h e rapid disappearance of c o m m o d i t i e s from the sphere of circulation, a n d t h e equally rapid substitution of fresh ones in their places. H e n c e , in the velocity of the currency we have t h e fluent u n i t y of t h e antithetical a n d c o m p l e m e n t a r y phases, the u n i t y of the conversion of the useful aspect of c o m modities into their value-aspect, and their re-conversion from t h e latter aspect to the former, or the unity of the two processes of sale a n d p u r c h a s e . On t h e other h a n d , t h e retardation of t h e currency reflects t h e separation of these two processes into isolated antithetical phases, reflects the stagnation in the change of form, and therefore, in t h e social interchange of matter. T h e circulation itself, of course, gives no clue to the origin of this stagnation; it merely puts in evidence t h e p h e n o m e n o n itself. T h e general public, who, simultaneously, with the r e t a r d a t i o n of t h e currency, see m o n e y appear a n d disappear less frequently at the periphery of circulation, naturally attribute this retardation to a quantitative deficiency in the circulating m e dium. 1 78

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" M o n e y b e i n g . . . t h e c o m m o n m e a s u r e o f b u y i n g a n d selling, every b o d y w h o h a t h anything to sell, a n d c a n n o t p r o c u r e c h a p m e n for it, is presently apt to t h i n k , t h a t w a n t of m o n e y in t h e k i n g d o m , or c o u n t r y , is t h e c a u s e why h i s g o o d s do n o t go off; and so, w a n t of m o n e y is t h e c o m m o n cry; w h i c h is a great m i s t a k e . .. W h a t do t h e s e p e o p l e want, w h o cry o u t for m o n ey? ... T h e farmer c o m p l a i n s ... h e t h i n k s t h a t were m o r e m o n e y i n t h e country, h e s h o u l d have a price for h i s goods. T h e n it s e e m s m o n e y is n o t h i s want, b u t a price for h i s corn a n d cattle, w h i c h he w o u l d sell, b u t c a n n o t . .. W h y c a n n o t he get a price? ... (1) E i t h e r t h e r e is t o o

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Part I • Commodities and money |97| T h e total quantity of m o n e y functioning during a given period as t h e circulating m e d i u m , is determined, on the o n e h a n d , by the s u m of the prices of t h e circulating c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d on the other h a n d , by the rapidity with which the antithetical phases of t h e m e t a m o r p h o s e s follow o n e another. On this rapidity depends what proportion of t h e s u m of t h e prices 5 can, on the average, be realised by e a c h single coin. B u t the s u m of the prices of the circulating c o m m o d i t i e s d e p e n d s on the quantity, as well as on t h e prices, of the c o m m o d i t i e s . These three factors, however, state of prices, quantity of circulating c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d velocity of m o n e y - c u r rency, are all variable. H e n c e , the s u m of t h e prices to be realised, a n d con- 10 sequently the quantity of the circulating m e d i u m d e p e n d i n g on that s u m , will vary with the n u m e r o u s variations of these three factors in c o m b i n a tion. Of these variations we shall consider those alone t h a t have b e e n t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t in the history of prices. W h i l e prices r e m a i n constant, t h e quantity of the circulating m e d i u m 15 m a y increase owing to the n u m b e r of circulating c o m m o d i t i e s increasing, or to t h e velocity of currency decreasing, or to a c o m b i n a t i o n of t h e two. On the other h a n d the quantity of the circulating m e d i u m m a y decrease with a decreasing n u m b e r of c o m m o d i t i e s , or with an increasing rapidity of their circulation. 20 W i t h a general rise in t h e prices of c o m m o d i t i e s , the quantity of the circulating m e d i u m will r e m a i n constant, provided the n u m b e r of c o m m o d i ties in circulation decrease proportionally ||98| to t h e increase in their prices, or provided the velocity of currency increase at t h e s a m e rate as prices rise, the n u m b e r of c o m m o d i t i e s in circulation r e m a i n i n g constant. 25 T h e quantity of the circulating m e d i u m m a y decrease, owing to t h e n u m ber of c o m m o d i t i e s decreasing m o r e rapidly; or to t h e velocity of currency increasing m o r e rapidly, t h a n prices rise. W i t h a general fall in the prices of c o m m o d i t i e s , the quantity of the cirm u c h c o r n a n d cattle i n t h e country, s o t h a t m o s t w h o c o m e t o m a r k e t have n e e d o f selling, a s he h a t h , a n d few of b u y i n g ; or (2) T h e r e w a n t s t h e u s u a l v e n t a b r o a d by t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . ..; or (3) T h e c o n s u m p t i o n fails, a s w h e n m e n , b y r e a s o n o f poverty, d o n o t s p e n d s o m u c h i n t h e i r h o u s e s as formerly t h e y did; wherefore it is n o t t h e i n c r e a s e of specific m o n e y , w h i c h w o u l d at all a d v a n c e t h e farmer's g o o d s , b u t the r e m o v a l of a n y of t h e s e t h r e e causes, w h i c h do truly k e e p down t h e m a r k e t . T h e m e r c h a n t a n d s h o p k e e p e r w a n t m o n e y i n t h e s a m e m a n n e r , t h a t is, t h e y w a n t a vent for t h e goods t h e y d e a l in, by r e a s o n t h a t t h e m a r k e t s fail" ... (A n a t i o n ) " n e v e r thrives better, t h a n w h e n riches are tost from h a n d t o h a n d . " (Sir D u d l e y N o r t h : " D i s c o u r s e s u p o n T r a d e , " L o n d . 1 6 9 1 , pp. 1 1 - 1 5 , passim.) H e r r e n s c h w a n d ' s fanciful n o t i o n s a m o u n t m e r e l y t o this, t h a t t h e a n t a g o n i s m , w h i c h h a s its origin i n t h e n a t u r e o f c o m m o d i ties, a n d i s r e p r o d u c e d i n t h e i r c i r c u l a t i o n , can b e r e m o v e d b y i n c r e a s i n g t h e circulating m e d i u m . B u t if, on t h e o n e h a n d , it is a p o p u l a r d e l u s i o n to ascribe s t a g n a t i o n in p r o d u c t i o n a n d c i r c u l a t i o n t o insufficiency o f t h e circulating m e d i u m , i t b y n o m e a n s follows, o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h a t a n a c t u a l p a u c i t y o f t h e m e d i u m i n c o n s e q u e n c e , e.g., o f b u n g l i n g legislative interference w i t h t h e r e g u l a t i o n of currency, m a y n o t give rise to s u c h s t a g n a t i o n .

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Chapter III · Money, or the circulation of commodities culating m e d i u m will r e m a i n constant, provided the n u m b e r of c o m m o d i ties increase proportionally to their fall in price, or provided the velocity of currency decrease in the s a m e proportion. T h e quantity of the circulating m e d i u m will increase, provided the n u m b e r of c o m m o d i t i e s increase 5 quicker, or the rapidity of circulation decrease quicker, t h a n t h e prices fall. T h e variations of the different factors m a y m u t u a l l y c o m p e n s a t e e a c h other, so that notwithstanding their c o n t i n u e d instability, the s u m of the prices to be realised a n d the quantity of m o n e y in circulation r e m a i n s conio stant; consequently, we find, especially if we take long periods into consideration, that the deviations from t h e average level, of the quantity of m o n ey current in any country, are m u c h smaller t h a n we should at first sight expect, apart of course from excessive perturbations periodically arising from industrial a n d c o m m e r c i a l crises, or, less frequently, from fluctua15 tions in t h e value of m o n e y . T h e law, that the quantity of the circulating m e d i u m is d e t e r m i n e d by the s u m of the prices of the c o m m o d i t i e s circulating, and the average velocity of c u r r e n c y m a y also be ||99| stated as follows: given the s u m of t h e values of commodities, and the average rapidity of their m e t a m o r p h o s e s , 20 the quantity of precious m e t a l current as m o n e y depends on the value of that precious metal. T h e erroneous o p i n i o n t h a t it is, on the contrary, prices that are d e t e r m i n e d by the quantity of the circulating m e d i u m , a n d 79

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" T h e r e is a certain m e a s u r e a n d p r o p o r t i o n of m o n e y r e q u i s i t e to drive t h e t r a d e of a n a tion, m o r e or less t h a n w h i c h would p r e j u d i c e t h e s a m e . J u s t as t h e r e is a certain p r o p o r t i o n of farthings n e c e s s a r y in a s m a l l retail t r a d e , to c h a n g e silver m o n e y , a n d to even s u c h r e c k o n ings as c a n n o t be adjusted with t h e smallest silver pieces. ... N o w , as t h e p r o p o r t i o n of t h e n u m b e r of farthings r e q u i s i t e in c o m m e r c e is to be t a k e n from t h e n u m b e r of p e o p l e , t h e freq u e n c y of their e x c h a n g e s : as also, a n d principally, from t h e value of t h e smallest silver p i e c e s of m o n e y ; so in like m a n n e r , t h e p r o p o r t i o n of m o n e y (gold a n d silver specie) r e q u i s i t e in o u r

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t r a d e , is to be likewise t a k e n from t h e frequency of c o m m u t a t i o n s , a n d from t h e bigness of t h e p a y m e n t s . " (William Petty. " A T r e a t i s e o n T a x e s a n d C o n t r i b u t i o n s . " L o n d . 1662, p p . 17, 18.) T h e T h e o r y o f H u m e was d e f e n d e d a g a i n s t t h e a t t a c k s o f J . S t e u a r t a n d others, b y A . Y o u n g , i n h i s "Political A r i t h m e t i c , " L o n d . 1774, in w h i c h work t h e r e is a special c h a p t e r e n t i t l e d "Prices d e p e n d on q u a n t i t y of m o n e y , " at p. 112, sqq. I h a v e stated in " Z u r Kritik, etc.," p. 1 4 9 :

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" H e ( A d a m S m i t h ) passes over w i t h o u t r e m a r k t h e q u e s t i o n as to t h e q u a n t i t y of c o i n in circulation, a n d treats m o n e y q u i t e wrongly as a m e r e c o m m o d i t y . " T h i s s t a t e m e n t applies o n l y in so far as A d a m S m i t h , ex officio, treats of m o n e y . N o w a n d t h e n , however, as in h i s criticism of t h e earlier systems of political e c o n o m y , he takes t h e right view. " T h e q u a n t i t y of c o i n in every country is regulated by t h e v a l u e of t h e c o m m o d i t i e s w h i c h are to be circulated by

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it. ... T h e v a l u e of t h e g o o d s a n n u a l l y b o u g h t a n d sold in a n y c o u n t r y r e q u i r e s a c e r t a i n q u a n tity o f m o n e y t o circulate a n d d i s t r i b u t e t h e m t o t h e i r p r o p e r c o n s u m e r s , a n d c a n give e m p l o y m e n t t o n o m o r e . T h e c h a n n e l o f c i r c u l a t i o n necessarily draws t o itself a s u m sufficient t o fill it, a n d n e v e r a d m i t s any m o r e . " ( " W e a l t h of N a t i o n s . " Bk.IV., ch. I.) In like m a n n e r , ex officio, he o p e n s his work with an a p o t h e o s i s on t h e division of labour. Afterwards, in t h e last b o o k sources of p u b l i c r e v e n u e , he occasionally r e p e a t s t h e d e n u n c i a t i o n s of t h e division of labour m a d e b y his teacher, A . F e r g u s o n .

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Part I · Commodities and money t h a t t h e latter d e p e n d s on t h e q u a n t i t y of t h e p r e c i o u s m e t a l s in a c o u n ­ try; 8 0 this o p i n i o n was based by t h o s e who first h e l d it, on t h e a b s u r d hy­ p o t h e s i s t h a t c o m m o d i t i e s are w i t h o u t a price, a n d m o n e y w i t h o u t a value, w h e n they first enter i n t o circulation, a n d t h a t , o n c e in t h e circulation, an aliquot part of t h e medley of c o m m o d i t i e s is e x c h a n g e d for an aliquot part of t h e h e a p of precious m e t a l s . 8 1 (

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" T h e prices o f t h i n g s will c e r t a i n l y rise i n every n a t i o n , a s t h e gold a n d silver i n c r e a s e a m o n g s t t h e p e o p l e ; a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y , w h e r e t h e gold a n d silver d e c r e a s e i n a n y n a t i o n , t h e p r i c e s o f all t h i n g s m u s t fall p r o p o r t i o n a b l y t o s u c h d e c r e a s e o f m o n e y . " ( J a c o b V a n d e r l i n t : " M o n e y answers all T h i n g s . " L o n d . 1734, p. 5.) A careful c o m p a r i s o n of t h i s b o o k w i t h H u m e ' s " E s s a y s " proves t o m y m i n d w i t h o u t d o u b t t h a t H u m e was a c q u a i n t e d w i t h a n d m a d e u s e o f V a n d e r l i n t ' s work, w h i c h i s certainly a n i m p o r t a n t o n e . T h e o p i n i o n t h a t prices a r e de­ t e r m i n e d b y t h e q u a n t i t y o f t h e c i r c u l a t i n g m e d i u m , was also h e l d b y B a r b o n a n d o t h e r m u c h e a r l i e r writers. " N o i n c o n v e n i e n c e , " says V a n d e r l i n t , " c a n arise b y a n u n r e s t r a i n e d t r a d e , b u t very g r e a t a d v a n t a g e ; since, if t h e c a s h of t h e n a t i o n be d e c r e a s e d by it, w h i c h p r o h i b i t i o n s are d e s i g n e d t o p r e v e n t , t h o s e n a t i o n s t h a t get t h e c a s h will c e r t a i n l y find e v e r y t h i n g a d v a n c e i n p r i c e , a s t h e c a s h i n c r e a s e s a m o n g s t . t h e m . A n d ... o u r m a n u f a c t u r e s , a n d e v e r y t h i n g else, will s o o n b e c o m e s o m o d e r a t e a s t o t u r n t h e b a l a n c e o f t r a d e i n o u r favour, a n d t h e r e b y f e t c h t h e m o n e y b a c k a g a i n . " (I.e., p p . 4 3 , 44.) 81 T h a t t h e p r i c e o f e a c h single k i n d o f c o m m o d i t y forms a p a r t o f t h e s u m o f t h e p r i c e s o f all t h e c o m m o d i t i e s in c i r c u l a t i o n , is a self-evident p r o p o s i t i o n . B u t how use-values, w h i c h are i n c o m m e n s u r a b l e with regard t o e a c h o t h e r , a r e t o b e e x c h a n g e d , e n m a s s e , for t h e t o t a l s u m of gold a n d silver in a c o u n t r y , is q u i t e i n c o m p r e h e n s i b l e . If we start f r o m t h e n o t i o n t h a t all c o m m o d i t i e s t o g e t h e r form o n e single c o m m o d i t y , o f w h i c h e a c h i s b u t a n a l i q u o t part, w e get t h e following b e a u t i f u l r e s u l t : T h e t o t a l c o m m o d i t y = χ cwt. of gold; c o m m o d i t y A = an aliq u o t p a r t of t h e t o t a l c o m m o d i t y = t h e s a m e a l i q u o t part of χ cwt. of gold. T h i s is s t a t e d in all s e r i o u s n e s s b y M o n t e s q u i e u : « S i l ' o n c o m p a r e l a m a s s e d e l'or e t d e l ' a r g e n t q u i est d a n s l e m o n d e avec l a s o m m e des m a r c h a n d i s e s q u i y sont, i l est c e r t a i n q u e c h a q u e d e n r é e o u m a r c h a n d i s e , e n particulier, p o u r r a être c o m p a r é e à u n e c e r t a i n e p o r t i o n d e l e m a s s e e n t i è r e . ... S u p p o s o n s q u ' i l n ' y ait q u ' u n e s e u l e d e n r é e o u m a r c h a n d i s e d a n s l e m o n d e , o u q u ' i l n ' y ait q u ' u n e s e u l e q u i s ' a c h è t e , e t q u ' e l l e s e divise c o m m e l ' a r g e n t : Cette p a r t i e d e c e t t e m a r c h a n d i s e r e p o n d r a à u n e p a r t i e de la m a s s e de l ' a r g e n t ; la m o i t i é du total de l ' u n e à la m o i t i é du t o t a l d e l ' a u t r e , (etc.) ... l ' é t a b l i s s e m e n t d u prix des c h o s e s d é p e n d t o u j o u r s f o n d a m e n t a l e m e n t de la r a i s o n du t o t a l des c h o s e s au t o t a l des s i g n e s . » ( M o n t e s q u i e u I.e. t . I I I . , p p . 12, 13.) A s t o t h e further d e v e l o p m e n t o f this t h e o r y b y R i c a r d o a n d h i s disciples, J a m e s M i l l , L o r d O v e r s t o n e , a n d o t h e r s , see " Z u r Kritik," etc., p p . 1 4 0 - 1 4 6 , a n d p . 150, sqq. J o h n S t u a r t Mill, w i t h his u s u a l eclectic logic, u n d e r s t a n d s h o w t o h o l d a t t h e s a m e t i m e t h e view o f h i s father, J a m e s M i l l , a n d t h e o p p o s i t e view. O n a c o m p a r i s o n o f t h e t e x t o f h i s c o m p e n d i u m , " P r i n c i p l e s o f Pol. E c o n . , " with his preface t o t h e first e d i t i o n , i n w h i c h preface h e a n n o u n c e s h i m s e l f a s t h e A d a m S m i t h o f his d a y — w e d o n o t k n o w w h e t h e r t o a d m i r e m o r e t h e s i m p l i c i t y o f t h e m a n , o r t h a t o f t h e p u b l i c , w h o t o o k h i m , i n g o o d faith, for t h e A d a m S m i t h h e a n n o u n c e d h i m s e l f t o b e , a l t h o u g h h e b e a r s a b o u t a s m u c h r e s e m b l a n c e t o A d a m S m i t h a s say G e n e r a l W i l l i a m s , of K a r s , to t h e D u k e of W e l l i n g t o n . T h e original r e s e a r c h e s of M r . J. S. M i l l , w h i c h are n e i t h e r extensive n o r p r o f o u n d , i n t h e d o m a i n o f political e c o n o m y , will b e f o u n d m u s t e r e d i n r a n k a n d f i l e i n his little work, " S o m e U n s e t t l e d Q u e s t i o n s o f Political E c o n o m y , " w h i c h a p p e a r e d i n 1844. L o c k e asserts p o i n t b l a n k t h e c o n n e x i o n b e t w e e n the a b s e n c e o f valu e i n gold a n d silver, a n d t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e i r values b y q u a n t i t y a l o n e , " M a n k i n d h a v ing c o n s e n t e d t o p u t a n i m a g i n a r y value u p o n gold a n d silver . . . t h e i n t r i n s i c k value, r e g a r d e d i n t h e s e m e t a l s , . . . i s n o t h i n g b u t t h e q u a n t i t y . " ( " S o m e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , " etc., 1 6 9 1 , W o r k s Ed. 1777, vol. II., p. 15.)

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1100( c. Coin a n d Symbols of Value. T h a t m o n e y takes the shape of coin, springs from its function as t h e circulating m e d i u m . T h e weight of gold represented in i m a g i n a t i o n by the prices or m o n e y - n a m e s of c o m m o d i t i e s , m u s t confront those c o m m o d i t i e s , within the circulation, in the shape of coins or pieces of gold of a given d e n o m i n a tion. Coining, like the establishment of a standard of prices, is the business of the State. T h e different n a t i o n a l u n i f o r m s worn at h o m e by gold a n d silver as coins, and doffed again in t h e m a r k e t of t h e world, indicate t h e separation between t h e internal or n a t i o n a l spheres of the circulation of c o m modities, a n d their universal sphere. T h e only difference, therefore, between coin a n d bullion, is one of shape, a n d gold can at any t i m e pass from o n e form to the o t h e r . But no sooner does coin leave the m i n t , t h a n it | | 1 0 1 | i m m e d i a t e l y finds itself on t h e highroad to the melting pot. During their currency, coins wear away, s o m e m o r e , others less. N a m e a n d substance, n o m i n a l weight a n d real weight, begin their process of separation. Coins of the s a m e d e n o m i n a t i o n b e c o m e different in value, because they are different in weight. T h e weight of gold fixed u p o n as the standard of prices, deviates from the weight t h a t serves as the circulating m e d i u m , a n d the latter thereby ceases any longer to be a real equivalent of the c o m m o d i t i e s whose prices it realises. T h e history of coinage during the m i d d l e ages a n d down into the 18th century, records the ever renewed confusion arising from this cause. T h e n a t u r a l t e n d e n c y of circulation to convert coins into a m e r e semblance of what they profess to be, into a symbol of the weight of m e t a l they are officially supposed to contain, is recognised by m o d e r n legislation, which fixes the loss of weight sufficient to d e m o n e t i s e a gold coin, or to m a k e it no longer legal tender. T h e fact that the currency of coins itself effects a separation between their n o m i n a l and their real weight, creating a distinction between t h e m as m e r e pieces of m e t a l on the o n e h a n d , a n d as coins with definite function on the other—this fact implies t h e latent possibility of replacing metallic 82

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I t lies, o f course, entirely b e y o n d m y p u r p o s e t o t a k e i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n s u c h details a s t h e seigniorage on m i n t i n g . I will, however, cite for t h e benefit of t h e r o m a n t i c s y c o p h a n t , A d a m Müller, who a d m i r e s t h e " g e n e r o u s liberality" w i t h w h i c h t h e E n g l i s h G o v e r n m e n t coins gratuitously, t h e following o p i n i o n of Sir D u d l e y N o r t h : "Silver a n d gold, like o t h e r c o m m o d i ties, have their ebbings a n d flowings. U p o n t h e arrival of q u a n t i t i e s from S p a i n ... it is carried i n t o t h e Tower, a n d c o i n e d . N o t long after t h e r e will c o m e a d e m a n d for b u l l i o n to be exported again. I f t h e r e i s n o n e , b u t all h a p p e n s t o b e i n coin, w h a t t h e n ? M e l t i t d o w n again; there's no loss in it, for t h e c o i n i n g costs t h e o w n e r n o t h i n g . T h u s t h e n a t i o n s has b e e n a b u s e d , a n d m a d e to pay for t h e twisting of straw for asses to eat. If t h e m e r c h a n t were m a d e to pay the price of t h e c o i n a g e , he w o u l d n o t h a v e s e n t h i s silver to t h e Tower w i t h o u t c o n s i d eration; and c o i n e d m o n e y w o u l d always k e e p a v a l u e a b o v e u n c o i n e d silver." ( N o r t h , I.e., p. 18.) N o r t h was himself o n e of t h e foremost m e r c h a n t s in t h e reign of Charles I I .

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Part I · Commodities and money coins by tokens of some other material, by symbols serving the s a m e purposes as coins. T h e practical difficulties in the way of coining extremely m i n u t e quantities of gold or silver, a n d the c i r c u m s t a n c e that at first the less precious m e t a l is used as a m e a s u r e of value instead of the m o r e precious, copper instead of silver, silver instead of gold, a n d that the less pre5 cious circulates as m o n e y u n t i l d e t h r o n e d by the m o r e precious—all these facts explain the parts historically played by silver a n d ||102| copper tokens as substitutes for gold coins. Silver a n d copper tokens take t h e place of gold in those regions of the circulation where coins pass from h a n d to h a n d m o s t rapidly, a n d are subject to the m a x i m u m a m o u n t of wear a n d tear. 10 T h i s occurs where sales a n d purchases on a very small scale are continually h a p p e n i n g . In order to prevent these satellites from establishing themselves p e r m a n e n t l y in the place of gold, positive e n a c t m e n t s d e t e r m i n e the extent to w h i c h they m u s t be compulsorily received as p a y m e n t instead of gold. T h e particular tracks pursued by the different species of coin in currency, 15 r u n naturally into each other. T h e tokens keep c o m p a n y with gold, to pay fractional parts of the smallest gold coin; gold is, on t h e o n e h a n d , constantly pouring into retail circulation, a n d on the other h a n d is as constantly being thrown out again by being c h a n g e d into t o k e n s . 83

T h e weight of m e t a l in the silver a n d copper tokens is arbitrarily fixed by 20 law. W h e n in currency, they wear away even m o r e rapidly t h a n gold coins. H e n c e their functions are totally i n d e p e n d e n t of their weight, a n d conseq u e n t l y of all value. T h e function of gold as coin b e c o m e s completely i n d e p e n d e n t of the metallic value of that gold. Therefore things that are relatively w i t h o u t value, such as paper notes, c a n serve as coins in its place. 25 T h i s purely symbolic character is to a certain extent m a s k e d in m e t a l tok e n s . In paper m o n e y it stands out plainly. In fact, ce n ' e s t que le premier pas q u i coûte. We allude here only to inconvertible paper m o n e y issued by the State a n d having compulsory circulation. It has its i m m e d i a t e origin in t h e m e - 30 tallic currency. M o n e y based u p o n credit implies on the other h a n d conditions, which, from our ||103| standpoint of the simple circulation of comm o d i t i e s , are as yet totally u n k n o w n to u s . But we m a y affirm this m u c h , 83

"If silver n e v e r exceed what is w a n t e d for t h e s m a l l e r p a y m e n t s , it c a n n o t be collected in sufficient q u a n t i t i e s for t h e larger p a y m e n t s ... t h e u s e o f gold i n t h e m a i n p a y m e n t s necessarily i m p l i e s also its u s e in t h e retail t r a d e : t h o s e w h o have gold c o i n offering t h e m for small p u r c h a s e s , a n d receiving with t h e c o m m o d i t y p u r c h a s e d a b a l a n c e of silver in r e t u r n ; by w h i c h m e a n s t h e surplus of silver t h a t w o u l d otherwise e n c u m b e r t h e retail dealer, is drawn off a n d dispersed into g e n e r a l circulation. B u t if t h e r e is as m u c h silver as will t r a n s a c t t h e s m a l l p a y m e n t s i n d e p e n d e n t of gold, t h e retail t r a d e r m u s t t h e n receive silver for small purc h a s e s ; a n d i t m u s t o f necessity a c c u m u l a t e i n h i s h a n d s . " (David B u c h a n a n . " I n q u i r y into t h e T a x a t i o n a n d C o m m e r c i a l Policy o f G r e a t B r i t a i n . " E d i n b u r g h , 1844, p p . 2 4 8 , 249.)

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Chapter III • Money, or the circulation of commodities t h a t j u s t as true paper m o n e y takes its rise in t h e function of m o n e y as the circulating m e d i u m , so m o n e y based u p o n credit takes root spontaneously in the function of m o n e y as the m e a n s of p a y m e n t . T h e State puts in circulation bits of paper on which their various d e n o m inations, say £ 1 , £ 5 , etc., are printed. In so far as they actually take t h e place of gold to the s a m e a m o u n t , their m o v e m e n t is subject to the laws that regulate the currency of m o n e y itself. A law peculiar to the circulation of paper m o n e y can spring up only from t h e proportion in which t h a t paper m o n e y represents gold. S u c h a law exists; stated simply, it is as follows: the 84

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issue of paper m o n e y m u s t n o t exceed in a m o u n t t h e gold (or silver as t h e case m a y be) which would actually circulate if n o t replaced by symbols. N o w the quantity of gold which the circulation c a n absorb, constantly fluctuates about a given level. Still, the m a s s of t h e circulating m e d i u m in a given country never sinks below a certain m i n i m u m easily ascertained by actual experience. T h e fact t h a t this m i n i m u m m a s s continually u n d e r g o e s changes in its constituent parts, or that the pieces of gold of which it consists are being constantly replaced by fresh ones, causes of course no change either in its a m o u n t or in the c o n t i n u i t y of its circulation. It can therefore be replaced by paper symbols. If, on t h e other h a n d , all the conduits of circulation were to-day filled with paper m o n e y to the full extent of their capacity for ||104| absorbing m o n e y , they m i g h t to-morrow be overflowing in c o n s e q u e n c e of a fluctuation in the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s . There would no longer be any standard. If t h e paper m o n e y exceed its proper limit, which is the a m o u n t in gold coins of the like d e n o m i n a t i o n that can actually be current, it would, apart from the danger of falling into general disrepute, represent only that quantity of gold, which, in accorda n c e with the laws of the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s , is required, a n d is alone capable of being represented by paper. If the quantity of paper m o n ey issued be d o u b l e what it ought to be, t h e n , as a m a t t e r of fact, £1 would be the m o n e y - n a m e n o t of % of an o u n c e , b u t of % of an o u n c e of gold. T h e 84

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T h e m a n d a r i n W a n - m a o - i n , t h e C h i n e s e C h a n c e l l o r o f t h e E x c h e q u e r , took i t i n t o h i s h e a d o n e day to lay before t h e S o n of H e a v e n a p r o p o s a l t h a t secretly a i m e d at c o n v e r t i n g t h e assignats of t h e e m p i r e i n t o convertible b a n k n o t e s . T h e assignats C o m m i t t e e , in its report of A p r i l , 1854, gives h i m a severe s n u b b i n g . W h e t h e r he also received t h e t r a d i t i o n a l d r u b b i n g with b a m b o o s is n o t stated. T h e c o n c l u d i n g part of t h e r e p o r t is as follows:—"The C o m m i t t e e h a s carefully e x a m i n e d h i s p r o p o s a l a n d finds t h a t it is entirely in favour of t h e m e r c h a n t s , a n d t h a t n o a d v a n t a g e will r e s u l t t o t h e crown." ( A r b e i t e n der K a i s e r l i c h R u s s i s c h e n G e s a n d t schaft z u Peking ü b e r C h i n a . A u s d e m R u s s i s c h e n v o n Dr. C . A b e l u n d F . A . M e c k l e n b u r g . Erster B a n d . Berlin, 1858, p p . 4 7 , 54.) In h i s e v i d e n c e before t h e C o m m i t t e e of t h e H o u s e of L o r d s on t h e B a n k A c t s , a governor of t h e B a n k of E n g l a n d says, with regard to t h e a b r a s i o n of gold coins d u r i n g currency: "Every year a fresh class of sovereigns b e c o m e s t o o light. T h e class w h i c h o n e year passes with full weight, loses e n o u g h by wear a n d tear to draw t h e scales n e x t year against it." ( H o u s e of L o r d s ' C o m m i t t e e , 1848, n. 429.)

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Part I • Commodities and money effect would be the s a m e as if an alteration h a d t a k e n place in t h e function of gold as a standard of prices. Those values t h a t were previously expressed by t h e price of £1 would now be expressed by the price of £2. P a p e r - m o n e y is a token representing gold or m o n e y . T h e relation between it a n d the values of c o m m o d i t i e s is this, that the latter are ideally expressed in the same quantities of gold that are symbolically represented by the paper. Only in so far as paper-money represents gold, which like all other c o m m o d i t i e s has value, is it a symbol of v a l u e . Finally, some o n e m a y ask why gold is capable of b e i n g replaced by tokens that have no value? But, as we have already seen, it is capable of being so replaced only in so far as it functions exclusively as coin, or as the circulating m e d i u m , a n d as n o t h i n g else. Now, m o n e y has other functions besides this one, a n d the isolated function of serving as the m e r e circulating m e d i u m is not necessarily the only one ||105| attached to gold coin, alt h o u g h this is the case with those abraded coins that c o n t i n u e to circulate. E a c h piece of m o n e y is a m e r e coin, or m e a n s of circulation, only so long as it actually circulates. But this is just the case with t h a t m i n i m u m m a s s of gold, which is capable of being replaced by p a p e r - m o n e y . T h a t mass rem a i n s constantly within the sphere of circulation, continually functions as a circulating m e d i u m , a n d exists exclusively for that purpose. Its m o v e m e n t therefore represents n o t h i n g b u t the c o n t i n u e d alternation of the inverse phases of the m e t a m o r p h o s i s C — M — C , phases in which c o m m o d i ties confront their value-forms, only to disappear again i m m e d i a t e l y . T h e i n d e p e n d e n t existence of the exchange value of a c o m m o d i t y is here a transient apparition, by m e a n s of which t h e c o m m o d i t y is i m m e d i a t e l y replaced by another commodity. H e n c e , in this process which continually m a k e s m o n e y pass form h a n d to h a n d , the m e r e symbolical existence of m o n e y suffices. Its functional existence absorbs, so to say, its m a t e r i a l existence. Being a transient a n d objective reflex of the prices of c o m m o d i ties, it serves only as a symbol of itself, a n d is therefore capable of being replaced by a t o k e n . O n e thing is, however, requisite; this token m u s t have

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T h e following passage from F u l l a r t o n shows t h e w a n t o f clearness o n t h e part o f e v e n t h e best writers on m o n e y , in t h e i r c o m p r e h e n s i o n of its various f u n c t i o n s : " T h a t , as far as concerns o u r d o m e s t i c e x c h a n g e s , all t h e m o n e t a r y f u n c t i o n s w h i c h are u s u a l l y p e r f o r m e d b y gold a n d silver coins, m a y be p e r f o r m e d as effectually by a c i r c u l a t i o n of i n c o n v e r t i b l e n o t e s , h a v i n g no value b u t t h a t factitious a n d c o n v e n t i o n a l v a l u e t h e y derive from t h e law, is a fact w h i c h a d m i t s , I conceive, of no d e n i a l . V a l u e of this d e s c r i p t i o n m a y be m a d e to a n s w e r all t h e p u r p o s e s of intrinsic v a l u e , a n d s u p e r s e d e e v e n t h e necessity for a s t a n d a r d , p r o v i d e d only t h e q u a n t i t y o f issues b e kept u n d e r d u e l i m i t a t i o n . " ( F u l l a r t o n : " R e g u l a t i o n o f C u r r e n c i e s , " L o n d o n , 1844, p . 21.) B e c a u s e t h e c o m m o d i t y t h a t serves a s m o n e y i s c a p a b l e o f b e i n g r e p l a c e d in c i r c u l a t i o n by m e r e symbols of v a l u e , therefore its f u n c t i o n s as a m e a s u r e of v a l u e a n d a s t a n d a r d of prices are declared to be superfluous! F r o m t h e fact t h a t gold a n d silver, so far as t h e y are c o i n s , or exclusively serve as t h e m e 86

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Chapter III · Money, or the circulation of commodities

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an objective social validity of its own, a n d this the paper symbol acquires by its forced currency. This compulsory action of the State can take effect only within that inner sphere of circulation which is co-terminous with the territories of the c o m m u n i t y , b u t it is also only within t h a t sphere t h a t m o n e y completely responds to its function of being the circulating m e d i u m , or b e c o m e s coin.

Section

3.— Money.

T h e c o m m o d i t y that functions as a m e a s u r e of value, and, ||106| either in its own person or by a representative, as t h e m e d i u m of circulation, is m o n 10 ey. Gold (or silver) is therefore m o n e y . It functions as money, on the o n e h a n d , w h e n it has to be present in its o w n golden person. It is t h e n t h e m o n e y - c o m m o d i t y , n e i t h e r merely ideal, as in its function of a m e a s u r e of value, n o r capable of being represented, as in its function of circulating m e d i u m . On the other h a n d , it also functions as m o n e y , when by virtue of 15 its function, whether that function be performed in person or by representative, it congeals into the sole form of value, the only a d e q u a t e form of existence of exchange-value, in opposition to use-value, represented by all other c o m m o d i t i e s .

a. H o a r d i n g . T h e c o n t i n u a l m o v e m e n t in circuits of the two antithetical m e t a m o r p h o s e s of c o m m o d i t i e s , or the never ceasing alternation of sale a n d purchase, is reflected in the restless currency of m o n e y , or in the function that m o n e y performs of a p e r p e t u u m m o b i l e of circulation. But so soon as the series of m e t a m o r p h o s e s is interrupted, so soon as sales are n o t s u p p l e m e n t e d by 25 subsequent purchases, m o n e y ceases to be mobilised; it is transformed, as Boisguillebert says, from " m e u b l e " into " i m m e u b l e , " from m o v a b l e ' i n t o immovable, from coin into m o n e y . W i t h the very earliest development of the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s , there is also developed the necessity, a n d the passionate desire, to hold fast 30 the product of the first m e t a m o r p h o s i s . This product is the transformed

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d i u m o f circulation, b e c o m e m e r e t o k e n s o f t h e m s e l v e s , N i c h o l a s B a r b o n d e d u c e s t h e r i g h t o f G o v e r n m e n t s "to raise m o n e y , " t h a t is, to give to t h e weight of silver t h a t is called a shilling t h e n a m e of a greater weight, s u c h as a crown; a n d so to pay creditors shillings, i n s t e a d of crowns. " M o n e y does wear a n d grow lighter by often telling over ... It is t h e d e n o m i n a t i o n a n d currency o f t h e m o n e y t h a t m e n regard i n b a r g a i n i n g , a n d n o t t h e q u a n t i t y o f silver ... 'Tis t h e p u b l i c authority u p o n t h e m e t a l t h a t m a k e s i t m o n e y . " ( N . B a r b o n , I.e., p p . 2 9 , 30, 25.)

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shape of the c o m m o d i t y , or its gold-chrysalis. C o m m o d i t i e s are t h u s sold n o t for the purpose of buying others, b u t in order to replace their c o m m o d ity-form by their money-form. F r o m being the m e r e m e a n s of effecting the circulation of commodities, this change of form b e c o m e s t h e e n d a n d aim. T h e changed form of the c o m m o d i t y is t h u s prevented from functioning as its unconditionally alienable form, or as its merely transient money-form. | |107| T h e m o n e y b e c o m e s petrified into a hoard, a n d the seller becomes a hoarder of m o n e y . In the early stages of the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s , it is the surplus use-values alone that are converted into m o n e y . G o l d a n d silver t h u s bec o m e of themselves social expressions for superfluity or wealth. This naïve form of h o a r d i n g b e c o m e s perpetuated in those c o m m u n i t i e s in which the traditional m o d e of production is carried on for t h e supply of a fixed a n d limited circle of h o m e wants. It is thus with the people of Asia, a n d particularly of the East Indies. Vanderlint, who fancies that the prices of c o m m o d ities in a country are d e t e r m i n e d by the quantity of gold a n d silver to be found in it, asks himself why I n d i a n c o m m o d i t i e s are so cheap. Answer: Because the H i n d o o s bury their m o n e y . F r o m 1602 to 1734, he remarks, they buried 150 millions of p o u n d s sterling of silver, which originally c a m e from A m e r i c a to E u r o p e . In the 10 years from 1856 to 1866, England exported to I n d i a a n d C h i n a £120,000,000 in silver, which h a d b e e n received in exchange for Australian gold. M o s t of the silver exported to C h i n a m a k e s its way to India. As the production of c o m m o d i t i e s further developes, every p r o d u c e r of c o m m o d i t i e s is compelled to m a k e sure of the n e x u s r e r u m or the social p l e d g e . His wants are constantly m a k i n g themselves felt, a n d necessitate the c o n t i n u a l purchase of other people's c o m m o d i t i e s , while the p r o d u c tion a n d sale of his own goods require t i m e , a n d d e p e n d u p o n circumstances. In order t h e n to be able to buy without selling, he m u s t have sold previously without buying. This operation, c o n d u c t e d on a general scale, appears to imply a contradiction. But the precious metals at the sources of their p r o d u c t i o n are directly exchanged for other c o m m o d i t i e s . A n d here we have sales (by the owners of commodities) without purchases (by the owners of gold or silver). A n d s u b s e q u e n t sales, by other ||108| producers, 88

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« U n e richesse e n a r g e n t n ' e s t q u e ... richesse e n p r o d u c t i o n s , converties e n a r g e n t . » (Mercier d e l a Rivière, I.e.) « U n e v a l e u r e n p r o d u c t i o n s n ' a fait q u e c h a n g e r d e f o r m e . » (Id., p . 486.) " ' T i s b y t h i s practice t h e y k e e p all their goods a n d m a n u f a c t u r e s a t s u c h low r a t e s . " (Vanderlint, I.e., p. 96.) " M o n e y ... i s a pledge." ( J o h n Bellers: "Essays a b o u t t h e Poor, M a n u f a c t u r e r s , T r a d e , P l a n t a t i o n s , a n d I m m o r a l i t y , " L o n d . , 1699, p. 13.) A p u r c h a s e , in a "categorical" sense, implies t h a t gold a n d silver are already t h e c o n v e r t e d form of c o m m o d i t i e s , or t h e p r o d u c t of a sale.

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Chapter III · Money, or the circulation of commodities unfollowed by purchases, merely bring a b o u t t h e distribution of t h e newly produced precious m e t a l s a m o n g all t h e owners of c o m m o d i t i e s . In this way, all along t h e line of exchange, h o a r d s of gold a n d silver of varied extent are a c c u m u l a t e d . W i t h the possibility of holding a n d storing up ex5 change value in the shape of a particular c o m m o d i t y , arises also t h e greed for gold. Along with the extension of circulation, increases the power of m o n e y , that absolutely social form of wealth ever ready for use. " G o l d is a wonderful thing! Whoever possesses it is lord of all he wants. By m e a n s of gold one can even get souls into Paradise." ( C o l u m b u s in his letter from 10 Jamaica, 1503). Since gold does n o t disclose what has b e e n transformed into it, everything, c o m m o d i t y or not, is convertible into gold. Everything becomes saleable a n d buyable. T h e circulation b e c o m e s the great social retort into which everything is thrown, to c o m e out again as a gold-crystal. N o t even are the bones of saints, a n d still less are m o r e delicate res sacro15 sanctEe extra c o m m e r c i u m h o m i n u m able to withstand this a l c h e m y . Just as every qualitative difference between c o m m o d i t i e s is extinguished in money, so m o n e y , on its side, like the radical leveller that it is, does away with all d i s t i n c t i o n s . But m o n e y itself is a c o m m o d i t y , ||109| an external object, capable of b e c o m i n g the private property of any individual. T h u s 20 social power b e c o m e s the private power of private persons. T h e ancients therefore d e n o u n c e d m o n e y as subversive of t h e e c o n o m i c a l a n d m o r a l or91

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H e n r y III., m o s t C h r i s t i a n king o f F r a n c e , r o b b e d cloisters o f t h e i r relics, a n d t u r n e d t h e m i n t o m o n e y . I t i s well k n o w n w h a t part t h e d e s p o i l i n g o f t h e D e l p h i c T e m p l e , b y t h e P h o c i a n s , played in t h e history of G r e e c e . T e m p l e s w i t h t h e a n c i e n t s served as t h e dwellings of t h e g o d s of c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e y were "sacred b a n k s . " W i t h t h e P h o e n i c i a n s , a t r a d i n g p e o p l e par excellence, m o n e y was t h e t r a n s m u t e d s h a p e of everything. It was, therefore, q u i t e in o r d e r t h a t t h e virgins, who, at the feast of t h e G o d d e s s of Love, gave t h e m s e l v e s up to strangers, s h o u l d offer to t h e g o d d e s s t h e p i e c e of m o n e y t h e y received. 92

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" G o l d , yellow, glittering, p r e c i o u s gold! T h u s m u c h of this, will m a k e b l a c k w h i t e ; foul, fair; W r o n g , right; b a s e , n o b l e ; old, y o u n g ; coward, valiant. ... W h a t this, y o u g o d s ? W h y , t h i s Will lug y o u r priests a n d servants from y o u r sides; P l u c k s t o u t m e n ' s pillows from b e l o w their h e a d s ; T h i s yellow slave Will k n i t a n d b r e a k religions; bless t h e accurs'd; M a k e t h e h o a r leprosy a d o r ' d ; place thieves, A n d give t h e m title, k n e e a n d a p p r o b a t i o n , W i t h s e n a t o r s o n t h e b e n c h ; t h i s i s it, T h a t m a k e s t h e w a p p e n ' d w i d o w w e d again: C o m e d a m n e d earth, Thou c o m m o n whore of mankind." (Shakespeare: T i m o n of Athens.)

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M o d e r n society, which, soon after its birth, pulled P l u t u s by

t h e h a i r of his h e a d from t h e bowels of t h e e a r t h ,

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Grail, as t h e glittering i n c a r n a t i o n of t h e very principle of its own life. A c o m m o d i t y , in its capacity of a use-value, satisfies a particular want, a n d is a particular e l e m e n t of m a t e r i a l wealth. B u t t h e value of a c o m m o d -

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ity m e a s u r e s t h e degree of its attraction for all o t h e r e l e m e n t s of m a t e r i a l wealth, a n d therefore m e a s u r e s the social wealth of its owner. To a barbar­ i a n owner of c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d even to a W e s t - E u r o p e a n p e a s a n t , value is t h e s a m e as value-form, a n d therefore, to h i m the increase in his h o a r d of gold a n d silver is an increase in value. It is t r u e t h a t t h e value of m o n e y va-

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ries, at o n e t i m e in c o n s e q u e n c e of a variation in its own value, at a n o t h e r , in c o n s e q u e n c e of a change in the values of c o m m o d i t i e s . B u t this, on t h e o n e h a n d , does n o t prevent 200 o u n c e s of gold from still c o n t a i n i n g m o r e value t h a n 100 o u n c e s , nor, o n the other h a n d , does i t h i n d e r t h e a c t u a l m e t a l l i c form of this article from c o n t i n u i n g to be t h e universal equivalent

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form of all o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d t h e i m m e d i a t e social i n c a r n a t i o n of all h u m a n labour. T h e desire after h o a r d i n g is in its very n a t u r e u n s a t i a b l e . In its qualitative aspect, or formally considered, m o n e y h a s no b o u n d s to its efficacy, i.e., it is t h e universal representative of m a t e r i a l wealth, b e c a u s e it is directly convertible i n t o any other c o m m o d i t y . But, at t h e s a m e t i m e ,

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every a c t u a l s u m of m o n e y is limited in a m o u n t , and, therefore, as a m e a n s ||110| of purchasing, has only a limited efficacy. This a n t a g o n i s m between t h e quantitative limits of m o n e y a n d its qualitative boundlessness, c o n t i n u a l l y acts as a spur to the h o a r d e r in his Sisyphus-like l a b o u r of ac­ c u m u l a t i n g . It is with h i m as it is with a c o n q u e r o r who sees in every n e w

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c o u n t r y a n n e x e d , only a new b o u n d a r y . In order t h a t gold m a y be h e l d as m o n e y , a n d m a d e to form a hoard, it m u s t be prevented from circulating, or from transforming itself i n t o a m e a n s of enjoyment. T h e hoarder, therefore, m a k e s a sacrifice of t h e lusts of t h e flesh to his gold fetish. He acts in earnest up to t h e G o s p e l of absten-

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t i o n . O n the other h a n d , h e c a n withdraw from c i r c u l a t i o n n o m o r e t h a n what h e h a s thrown i n t o i t i n t h e shape o f c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e m o r e h e pro­ duces, t h e m o r e he is able to sell. H a r d work, saving, a n d avarice, are, 93

„ Ο ύ δ ε ν γαρ ά ν θ ρ ώ π ο ι σ ι ν ο ί ο ν ά ρ γ υ ρ ο ς Κ α κ ό ν νόμισμ' Κβλαστε· τ ο ύ τ ο κ α ί π ό λ ε ι ς Πορθεί, τόδ' ά ν δ ρ α ς έξανίστησιν δόμων. Τόδ' έκδιδάσκει καί π α ρ α λ λ ά σ σ ε ι φ ρ έ ν α ς Χρηστάς προς α ι σ χ ρ ά π ρ ά γ μ α θ ' ϊ σ τ α σ θ α ι βροτών. Π α ν ο υ ρ γ ί α ς δ' εδειξεν ά ν θ ρ ώ π ο ι ς εχειν,

Καί π α ν τ ό ς έργου δυσσέβειαν ειδέναι." (Sophocles, Antigone). 94 ,,'Ελπιζούσης τ η ς π λ ε ο ν ε ξ ί α ς ά ν ά ξ ε ι ν έ κ τ ω ν μ υ χ ώ ν τ η ς γ η ς α υ τ ό ν τον Π λ ο ύ τ ω ν α . " (Athen. Deipnos.)

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Chapter III • Money, or the circulation of commodities therefore, his three cardinal virtues, a n d to sell m u c h a n d buy little the s u m of his political e c o n o m y . By the side of the gross form of a hoard, we find also its aesthetic form in the possession of gold a n d silver articles. This grows with the wealth of civil 5 society. "Soyons riches ou paraissons riches" (Diderot). In this way there is created, on the o n e h a n d , a constantly extending m a r k e t for gold a n d silver, u n c o n n e c t e d with their functions as m o n e y , and, on the other h a n d , a latent source of supply, to which recourse is h a d principally in t i m e s of crisis a n d social disturbance. 10 Hoarding serves various purposes in t h e e c o n o m y of the metallic circulation. Its first function arises o u t of the c o n d i t i o n s to which the currency of gold a n d silver coins is subject. We have seen how, along with the continu a l fluctuations in the extent and rapidity of the circulation of c o m m o d i ties and in their prices, the quantity of m o n e y current unceasingly ebbs 15 and flows. This m a s s m u s t , therefore, be capable of expansion a n d contraction. At o n e t i m e m o n e y m u s t be attracted in order to act as circulating coin, at another, circulating coin m u s t be repelled in order to act again as m o r e or less stagnant m o n e y . ||111| In order t h a t the m a s s of m o n e y , actually current, m a y constantly saturate t h e absorbing power of the circula20 tion, it is necessary t h a t the quantity of gold a n d silver in a country be greater t h a n the quantity required to function as coin. This c o n d i t i o n is fulfilled by m o n e y taking the form of h o a r d s . T h e s e reserves serve as c o n d u i t s for the supply or withdrawal of m o n e y to or from the circulation, which in this way never overflows its b a n k s . 95

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« A c c r e s c e r e q u a n t o più s i p u ò i l n u m e r o d e ' v e n d i t o r i d ' o g n i m e r c e , d i m i n u i r e q u a n t o p i ù si p u ò il n u m e r o d e i c o m p r a t o r i , q u e s t i s o n o i c a r d i n i sui q u a l i si raggirano t u t t e le o p e r a z i o n i di e c o n o m i a p o l i t i c a . » (Verri, I.e. p p . 52, 53.) " T h e r e is r e q u i r e d for carrying on t h e t r a d e of t h e n a t i o n a d e t e r m i n a t e s u m of specifick m o n e y , w h i c h varies, a n d i s s o m e t i m e s m o r e , s o m e t i m e s less, a s t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s w e are i n r e q u i r e . ... T h i s e b b i n g a n d flowing of m o n e y supplies a n d a c c o m m o d a t e s itself, w i t h o u t a n y aid of Politicians. ... T h e b u c k e t s work alternately; w h e n m o n e y is scarce, b u l l i o n is c o i n e d ; w h e n b u l l i o n is scarce, m o n e y is m e l t e d . " (Sir D. N o r t h , I.e., Postscript, p. III.) J o h n S t u a r t Mill, w h o for a long t i m e was an official of t h e East I n d i a C o m p a n y , confirms t h e fact t h a t in I n d i a silver o r n a m e n t s still c o n t i n u e to p e r f o r m directly t h e functions of a h o a r d . T h e silver 96

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o r n a m e n t s are b r o u g h t o u t a n d c o i n e d w h e n t h e r e is a h i g h rate of interest, a n d go b a c k a g a i n w h e n t h e r a t e of interest falls. (J. S. M i l l ' s E v i d e n c e . " R e p o r t s on B a n k A c t s , " 1857, 2 0 8 4 , 2101.) A c c o r d i n g to a P a r l i a m e n t a r y d o c u m e n t of 1864, on t h e gold a n d silver i m p o r t a n d export of I n d i a , t h e i m p o r t of gold a n d silver in 1863 e x c e e d e d t h e export by £19,367,764. D u r ing t h e 8 years i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g 1864, t h e excess of i m p o r t s over exports of t h e p r e c i o u s

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m e t a l s a m o u n t e d t o £109,652,917. D u r i n g t h i s c e n t u r y far m o r e t h a n £200,000,000 h a s b e e n coined in India.

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b. M e a n s of P a y m e n t . In the simple form of the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s hitherto considered, we found a given value always presented to us in a double shape, as a comm o d i t y at one pole, as m o n e y at the opposite pole. T h e owners of c o m m o d ities c a m e therefore into contact as the respective representatives of what were already equivalents. But with the development of circulation, conditions arise u n d e r which the alienation of c o m m o d i t i e s b e c o m e s separated, by an interval of time, from the realisation of their prices. It will be sufficient to indicate the m o s t simple of these conditions. O n e sort of article requires a longer, another a shorter t i m e for its p r o d u c t i o n . Again, the prod u c t i o n of different c o m m o d i t i e s d e p e n d s on different seasons of the year. O n e sort of c o m m o d i t y m a y be born on its own m a r k e t place, another has to m a k e a long journey to market. C o m m o d i t y - o w n e r Ns 1, m a y therefore be ready to sell, before No 2 is ready to buy. W h e n the same transactions are continually ||112| repeated between the same persons, the conditions of sale are regulated in accordance with t h e conditions of p r o d u c t i o n . On the other h a n d , the use of a given c o m m o d i t y , of a h o u s e , for instance, is sold (in c o m m o n parlance, let) for a definite period. H e r e , it is only at the end of the t e r m that the buyer has actually received the use-value of the commodity. He therefore buys it before he pays for it. T h e vendor sells an existing c o m m o d i t y , the purchaser buys as the mere representative of money, or rather of future m o n e y . T h e vendor b e c o m e s a creditor, the purchaser bec o m e s a debtor. Since the m e t a m o r p h o s i s of c o m m o d i t i e s , or the developm e n t of their value-form, appears here u n d e r a new aspect, m o n e y also acquires a fresh function; it b e c o m e s the m e a n s of p a y m e n t . T h e character of creditor, or of debtor, results here from the simple circulation. T h e change in the form of that circulation stamps buyer and seller with this new die. At first, therefore, these new parts are j u s t as transient a n d alternating as those of seller a n d buyer, a n d are in t u r n s played by the s a m e actors. But the opposition is not nearly so pleasant, a n d is far m o r e capable of crystallization. T h e same characters can, however, be ass u m e d i n d e p e n d e n t l y of the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e classstruggles of the ancient world took t h e form chiefly of a contest between debtors a n d creditors, which in R o m e e n d e d in the r u i n of the plebeian debtors. T h e y were displaced by slaves. In the middle-ages the contest e n d e d with the ruin of the feudal debtors, who lost their political power to-

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T h e following shows t h e d e b t o r a n d creditor r e l a t i o n s existing b e t w e e n E n g l i s h t r a d e r s a t t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e 18th century. " S u c h a spirit of cruelty reigns h e r e in E n g l a n d a m o n g t h e m e n o f t r a d e , t h a t i s n o t t o b e m e t with i n a n y o t h e r society o f m e n , n o r i n a n y o t h e r k i n g d o m of t h e world." ("An Essay on Credit a n d t h e B a n k r u p t Act," L o n d . , 1707, p. 2.)

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gether with the e c o n o m i c a l basis on which it was established. Nevertheless, the m o n e y relation of debtor a n d creditor that existed at these two periods reflected only the deeper-lying a n t a g o n i s m between the general e c o n o m i cal conditions of existence of the classes in question. Let us return to the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e appearance of t h e two equivalents, c o m m o d i t i e s and m o n e y , at the two poles of the process of sale, has ceased to be simulta||113|neous. T h e m o n e y functions now, first as a m e a s u r e of value in the d e t e r m i n a t i o n of t h e price of the c o m m o d i t y sold; the price fixed by the contract m e a s u r e s t h e obligation of the debtor, or the s u m of m o n e y t h a t he has to pay at a fixed date. Secondly, it serves as an ideal m e a n s of p u r c h a s e . A l t h o u g h existing only in the p r o m i s e of the buyer to pay, it causes the c o m m o d i t y to change h a n d s . It is n o t before t h e day fixed for p a y m e n t t h a t the m e a n s of p a y m e n t actually steps into circulation, leaves the h a n d of the buyer for that of the seller. T h e circulating m e d i u m was transformed into a hoard, b e c a u s e the process stopped short after the first phase, because the converted shape of the c o m m o d i t y , viz., the m o n e y , was withdrawn from circulation. T h e m e a n s of p a y m e n t enters the circulation, b u t only after the c o m m o d i t y has left it. T h e m o n e y is no longer the m e a n s that brings a b o u t the process. It only brings it to a close, by stepping in as the absolute form of existence of exchange value, or as the universal commodity. T h e seller t u r n e d his c o m m o d i t y into m o n e y , in order thereby to satisfy s o m e want; the h o a r d e r did the same in order to keep his c o m m o d i t y in its m o n e y - s h a p e , a n d t h e debtor in order to be able to pay; if he do n o t pay, his goods will be sold by the sheriff. T h e valueform of c o m m o d i t i e s , m o n e y , is therefore now the e n d a n d a i m of a sale, a n d that owing to a social necessity springing o u t of the process of circulat i o n itself. T h e buyer converts m o n e y back into c o m m o d i t i e s before he h a s t u r n e d c o m m o d i t i e s into m o n e y : in other words, he achieves the second m e t a m o r phosis of c o m m o d i t i e s before the first. T h e seller's c o m m o d i t y circulates, a n d realises its price, b u t only in the shape of a legal claim u p o n m o n e y . It is converted into a use-value before it h a s b e e n converted into m o n e y . T h e completion of its first m e t a m o r p h o s i s follows only at a later p e r i o d . 1 98

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I t will b e s e e n from t h e following q u o t a t i o n from m y b o o k w h i c h a p p e a r e d i n 1859, w h y I t a k e n o n o t i c e i n t h e t e x t o f a n o p p o s i t e form: "Contrariwise, i n t h e process M — C , t h e m o n e y c a n be a l i e n a t e d as a real m e a n s of p u r c h a s e , a n d in t h a t way, t h e price of t h e c o m m o d i t y c a n be realised before t h e u s e - v a l u e of t h e m o n e y is realised a n d t h e c o m m o d i t y actually delivered. T h i s o c c u r s c o n s t a n t l y u n d e r t h e every-day form o f p r e - p a y m e n t s . A n d i t i s u n d e r t h i s form, that t h e E n g l i s h g o v e r n m e n t p u r c h a s e s o p i u m from t h e ryots o f I n d i a . ... I n t h e s e cases, however, t h e m o n e y always acts as a m e a n s of p u r c h a s e . . . . Of c o u r s e capital also is a d v a n c e d in t h e s h a p e of m o n e y . ... T h i s p o i n t of view, however, d o e s n o t fall w i t h i n t h e h o r i z o n of s i m ple c i r c u l a t i o n . " ("Zur Kritik." etc., p p . 119, 120.)

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Part I • Commodities and money |114| T h e obligations falling d u e within a given period, represent t h e s u m of t h e prices of t h e c o m m o d i t i e s , t h e sale of which gave rise to t h o s e obliga­ t i o n s . T h e q u a n t i t y of gold necessary to realise t h i s s u m , d e p e n d s , in t h e first i n s t a n c e , on t h e rapidity of currency of t h e m e a n s of p a y m e n t . T h a t q u a n t i t y is c o n d i t i o n e d by two c i r c u m s t a n c e s : first t h e relations between

5

d e b t o r s a n d creditors form a sort of c h a i n , in s u c h a way t h a t A, w h e n he receives m o n e y from his debtor B, straightway h a n d s it over to C his credi­ tor, a n d so on; t h e second c i r c u m s t a n c e is t h e l e n g t h of t h e intervals be­ tween t h e different due-days of t h e obligations. T h e c o n t i n u o u s c h a i n of p a y m e n t s , or retarded first m e t a m o r p h o s e s , is essentially different from

10

t h a t interlacing of t h e series of m e t a m o r p h o s e s w h i c h we considered on a former page. By t h e currency of the circulating m e d i u m , t h e c o n n e x i o n be­ tween buyers and sellers, is n o t merely expressed. T h i s c o n n e x i o n is origi­ n a t e d by, a n d exists in, t h e circulation alone. Contrariwise, t h e m o v e m e n t of t h e m e a n s of p a y m e n t expresses a social relation t h a t was in existence

15

long before. T h e fact t h a t a n u m b e r of sales take place s i m u l t a n e o u s l y , a n d side by side, limits t h e e x t e n t to w h i c h coin c a n be replaced by t h e rapidity of cur­ rency. On the other h a n d , this fact is a new lever in e c o n o m i s i n g the m e a n s of p a y m e n t . In p r o p o r t i o n as p a y m e n t s are c o n c e n t r a t e d at o n e spot, spe-

20

cial i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d m e t h o d s are developed for t h e i r l i q u i d a t i o n . S u c h in t h e m i d d l e ages were the virements at Lyon. T h e debts d u e to A from B, to Β from C, to C from A, a n d so on, have only to be confronted with e a c h other, in order to a n n u l e a c h other to a certain e x t e n t like positive a n d n e ­ gative quantities. T h e r e t h u s r e m a i n s only a single b a l a n c e to pay. T h e

25

greater t h e a m o u n t of t h e p a y m e n t s c o n c e n t r a t e d , t h e less is this b a l a n c e relatively to t h a t a m o u n t , a n d t h e less is t h e m a s s of t h e m e a n s of p a y m e n t in circulation. T h e function of m o n e y as t h e m e a n s of p a y m e n t implies a ||115| contra­ d i c t i o n without a t e r m i n u s m e d i u s . In so far as t h e p a y m e n t s b a l a n c e o n e

30

a n o t h e r , m o n e y functions only ideally as m o n e y of a c c o u n t , as a m e a s u r e of value. In so far as a c t u a l p a y m e n t s have to be m a d e , m o n e y does n o t serve as a circulating m e d i u m , as a m e r e t r a n s i e n t agent in t h e i n t e r c h a n g e of p r o d u c t s , b u t as t h e individual i n c a r n a t i o n of social labour, as t h e inde­ p e n d e n t form of existence of exchange value, as t h e universal c o m m o d i t y .

35

T h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n c o m e s to a h e a d in those p h a s e s of i n d u s t r i a l a n d com­ m e r c i a l crises which are k n o w n as m o n e t a r y c r i s e s . " S u c h a crisis occurs 99

T h e m o n e t a r y crisis referred to in t h e text, b e i n g a p h a s e of every crisis, m u s t be clearly dis­ t i n g u i s h e d f r o m t h a t p a r t i c u l a r form of crisis, w h i c h also is c a l l e d a m o n e t a r y crisis, b u t w h i c h m a y b e p r o d u c e d b y itself a s a n i n d e p e n d e n t p h e n o m e n o n i n s u c h a way a s t o r e a c t o n l y indirectly o n i n d u s t r y a n d c o m m e r c e . T h e pivot o f t h e s e crises i s t o b e f o u n d i n m o n e y e d capital,

120

40

Chapter II! • Money, or the circulation of commodities only where the ever-lengthening c h a i n of p a y m e n t s , and an artificial syst e m of settling them, has b e e n fully developed. W h e n e v e r there is a general a n d extensive disturbance of this m e c h a n i s m , no m a t t e r what its cause, m o n e y b e c o m e s suddenly a n d i m m e d i a t e l y transformed, from its merely 5 ideal shape of m o n e y of account, into h a r d cash. Profane c o m m o d i t i e s c a n no longer replace it. T h e use-value of c o m m o d i t i e s b e c o m e s valueless, a n d their value vanishes in the presence of its own i n d e p e n d e n t form. On the eve of the crisis, the bourgeois, with the self-sufficiency that springs from intoxicating prosperity, declares m o n e y to be a vain imagination. C o m 10 modities alone are m o n e y . But now the cry is everywhere: m o n e y alone is a c o m m o d i t y ! As t h e h a r t p a n t s after fresh water, so p a n t s his soul after m o n ey, the only w e a l t h . In a crisis, t h e antithesis between c o m m o d i t i e s a n d their value-form, m o n e y , b e c o m e s h e i g h t e n e d into an absolute contradiction. H e n c e , in such events, the form u n d e r w h i c h m o n e y appears is of no 15 import||116|ance. T h e m o n e y famine c o n t i n u e s , whether p a y m e n t s have to be m a d e in gold or in credit m o n e y s u c h as b a n k - n o t e s . If we now consider the s u m total of t h e m o n e y current during a given period, we shall find that, given the rapidity of currency of the circulating m e d i u m and of the m e a n s of p a y m e n t , it is e q u a l to the s u m of the prices to 20 be realised, plus the s u m of the p a y m e n t s falling d u e , m i n u s the p a y m e n t s that b a l a n c e each other, m i n u s finally the n u m b e r of circuits in which the s a m e piece of coin serves in t u r n as m e a n s of circulation a n d of p a y m e n t . H e n c e , even when prices, rapidity of currency, a n d the extent of the economy in payments, are given, the quantity of m o n e y current a n d the m a s s of 25 c o m m o d i t i e s circulating during a given period, s u c h as a day, no longer correspond. M o n e y that represents c o m m o d i t i e s long withdrawn from cir100

101

a n d t h e i r s p h e r e of direct a c t i o n is therefore t h e s p h e r e of t h a t capital, viz., b a n k i n g , t h e stock e x c h a n g e , a n d finance. 100 «Tkg d d e n reversion from a s y s t e m of credit to a s y s t e m of h a r d c a s h h e a p s t h e o r e t i c a l fright on top of t h e practical p a n i c ; a n d t h e dealers by w h o s e agency circulation is affected, s h u d d e r before t h e i m p e n e t r a b l e mystery i n w h i c h t h e i r o w n e c o n o m i c a l r e l a t i o n s are i n volved" (Karl M a r x , I.e. p . 126). " T h e p o o r s t a n d still, b e c a u s e t h e r i c h have n o m o n e y t o e m ploy t h e m , t h o u g h t h e y h a v e t h e s a m e l a n d a n d h a n d s t o p r o v i d e victuals a n d clothes, a s ever t h e y h a d ; w h i c h i s t h e true R i c h e s o f a N a t i o n , a n d n o t t h e m o n e y . " ( J o h n Bellers: "Proposals for raising a Colledge of I n d u s t r y , " L o n d . 1696. p p . 3, 4.) T h e following shows h o w s u c h t i m e s are exploited b y t h e " a m i s d u c o m m e r c e . " " O n o n e o c c a s i o n (1839) an old grasping b a n k e r (in t h e city) in h i s private r o o m raised t h e lid of t h e desk he sat over, a n d displayed to a friend rolls of b a n k n o t e s , saying w i t h i n t e n s e glee t h e r e were £ 6 0 0 , 0 0 0 of t h e m , t h e y were h e l d to m a k e m o n e y tight, a n d would all be let o u t after t h r e e o'clock o n t h e s a m e d a y . " ("The T h e o r y o f E x c h a n g e s . T h e B a n k C h a r t e r A c t o f 1 8 4 4 . " L o n d . 1864. p . 81.) T h e Observer, a semi-official g o v e r n m e n t o r g a n , c o n t a i n e d t h e following para g r a p h o n 2 4 t h April, 1864: " S o m e very c u r i o u s r u m o u r s are c u r r e n t o f t h e m e a n s w h i c h h a v e b e e n resorted to in o r d e r to create a scarcity of B a n k n o t e s Q u e s t i o n a b l e as it w o u l d s e e m , t o s u p p o s e t h a t a n y trick o f t h e k i n d w o u l d b e a d o p t e d , t h e report h a s b e e n s o u n i v e r s a l t h a t i t really deserves m e n t i o n . " s u

30

35

1 0 1

40

45

121

Part I · Commodities and money culation, c o n t i n u e s to be current. C o m m o d i t i e s circulate, whose equivalent in m o n e y will not appear on the scene till s o m e future day. Moreover, the debts contracted each day, and the p a y m e n t s falling d u e on t h e s a m e day, are quite i n c o m m e n s u r a b l e q u a n t i t i e s . Credit-money springs directly out of the function of m o n e y as a m e a n s 5 of p a y m e n t . Certificates of the debts owing for the ||117| purchased comm o d i t i e s circulate for the purpose of transferring those debts to others. On the other h a n d , to the same extent as t h e system of credit is extended, so is the function of m o n e y as a m e a n s of p a y m e n t . In t h a t character it takes various forms peculiar to itself u n d e r which it m a k e s itself at h o m e in the 10 sphere of great c o m m e r c i a l transactions. Gold a n d silver coin, on the other h a n d , are mostly relegated to the sphere of retail t r a d e . W h e n the p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s has sufficiently e x t e n d e d itself, m o n e y begins to serve as the m e a n s of p a y m e n t b e y o n d t h e sphere of the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s . It b e c o m e s the c o m m o d i t y t h a t is the universal 15 subject-matter of all c o n t r a c t s . R e n t s , taxes, a n d s u c h like p a y m e n t s are transformed from p a y m e n t s in kind into m o n e y p a y m e n t s . To what extent 102

103

104

1 0 2

" T h e a m o u n t o f p u r c h a s e s o r contracts e n t e r e d u p o n d u r i n g t h e c o u r s e o f a n y given day, will n o t affect t h e q u a n t i t y of m o n e y afloat on t h a t p a r t i c u l a r day, b u t , in t h e vast majority of cases, will resolve t h e m s e l v e s i n t o m u l t i f a r i o u s drafts u p o n t h e q u a n t i t y o f m o n e y w h i c h m a y be afloat at s u b s e q u e n t d a t e s m o r e or less distant T h e bills g r a n t e d or credits o p e n e d , [...] t o - d a y , n e e d have n o r e s e m b l a n c e whatever, either i n q u a n t i t y , a m o u n t , o r d u r a t i o n , t o t h o s e g r a n t e d o r e n t e r e d u p o n t o - m o r r o w o r next day; nay, m a n y o f to-day's bills, a n d credits, w h e n d u e , fall in with a m a s s of liabilities whose origins traverse a r a n g e of a n t e c e d e n t d a t e s altog e t h e r indefinite, bills at 12, 6, 3 m o n t h s or 1 often aggregating t o g e t h e r to swell t h e c o m m o n liabilities of o n e p a r t i c u l a r day." ("The C u r r e n c y T h e o r y Reviewed; a letter to t h e Scottish p e o p l e . " By a B a n k e r in E n g l a n d . E d i n b u r g h , 1845, p p . 2 9 , 30 passim.)

20

25

1 0 3

As an e x a m p l e of h o w little r e a d y m o n e y is r e q u i r e d in t r u e c o m m e r c i a l o p e r a t i o n s , I give below a s t a t e m e n t by o n e of t h e largest L o n d o n h o u s e s of its yearly r e c e i p t s a n d p a y m e n t s . Its t r a n s a c t i o n s d u r i n g t h e year 1856, e x t e n d i n g t o m a n y m i l l i o n s o f p o u n d s sterling, are h e r e red u c e d t o t h e scale o f o n e m i l l i o n . Receipts. B a n k e r s ' a n d M e r c h a n t s ' Bills p a y a b l e after d a t e , C h e q u e s o n B a n k e r s , etc., payable on demand, Country Notes, Bank of England Notes, Gold, Silver a n d Copper, Post Office Orders, Total,

Payments.

£

533,596 357,715 9,627 68,554 28,089 1,486 933

£1,000,000

Bills p a y a b l e after d a t e , Cheques on L o n d o n Bankers, Bank of England Notes, Gold, Silver a n d Copper,

£

302,674 663,672 22,743 9,427 1,484

35

40 Total,

£1,000,000

" R e p o r t from t h e Select C o m m i t t e e o n t h e B a n k Acts, July, 1 8 5 8 , " p . I X X I . 104 "jhç c o u r s e of trade b e i n g t h u s t u r n e d , from e x c h a n g i n g of g o o d s for g o o d s , or delivering a n d t a k i n g , to selling a n d paying, all t h e b a r g a i n s ... are n o w s t a t e d u p o n t h e foot of a Price in m o n e y . " ("An Essay u p o n P u b l i c k Credit." 3rd E d . L o n d . , 1710, p. 8.)

122

30

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Chapter III • Money, or the circulation of commodities

5

this transformation depends u p o n the general conditions of p r o d u c t i o n , is shown, to take one example, by the fact t h a t the R o m a n E m p i r e twice failed in its attempt to levy all contributions in m o n e y . T h e u n s p e a k a b l e misery of the F r e n c h agricultural p o p u l a t i o n u n d e r Louis XIV., a misery so eloquently d e n o u n c e d by Boisguillebert, M a r s h a l V a u b a n , a n d others, was due n o t only to t h e weight of the taxes, b u t also ||118| to the conversion of taxes in k i n d into m o n e y t a x e s . In Asia, on the other h a n d , the fact that state taxes are chiefly c o m p o s e d of rents payable in kind, d e p e n d s on conditions of p r o d u c t i o n that are r e p r o d u c e d with the regularity of n a t u r a l p h e n o m e n a . A n d this m o d e of p a y m e n t tends in its turn to m a i n t a i n the ancient form of production. It is o n e of the secrets of the conservation of the O t t o m a n Empire. If the foreign trade, forced u p o n J a p a n by E u r o p e a n s , should lead to the substitution of m o n e y rents for* rents in kind, it will be all up with the exemplary agriculture of that country. T h e narrow e c o n o m i cal conditions u n d e r w h i c h t h a t agriculture is carried on, will be swept away. In every country, certain days of the year b e c o m e by habit recognised settling days for various large a n d recurrent p a y m e n t s . These dates depend, apart from other revolutions in the wheel of reproduction, on conditions closely connected with the seasons. They also regulate the dates for paym e n t s that have no direct c o n n e x i o n with the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s such as taxes, rents, a n d so on. T h e quantity of m o n e y requisite to m a k e the p a y m e n t s , falling d u e on those dates all over the country, causes periodical, t h o u g h merely superficial, perturbations in the e c o n o m y of the m e d i u m of p a y m e n t . F r o m t h e law of the rapidity of currency of t h e m e a n s of ||119| p a y m e n t , it follows that the quantity of the m e a n s of p a y m e n t required for all period105

10

15

20

25

106

1 0 5

30

« L ' a r g e n t ... est d e v e n u le b o u r r e a u de t o u t e s c h o s e s . » F i n a n c e is t h e " a l a m b i c , q u i a fait évaporer u n e q u a n t i t é effroyable d e b i e n s e t d e d e n r é e s p o u r faire c e fatal p r é c i s . " « L ' a r g e n t déclare la guerre à t o u t le g e n r e h u m a i n . » (Boisguillebert: " D i s s e r t a t i o n sur la n a t u r e des richesses, de l'argent et des t r i b u t s . " Édit. D a i r e . É c o n o m i s t e s financiers. Paris, 1 8 4 3 , t. I., p p . 4 1 3 , 419, 417, 418.) " O n W h i t s u n t i d e , 1824," says M r Craig before t h e C o m m o n s ' C o m m i t t e e o f 1826, " t h e r e was s u c h a n i m m e n s e d e m a n d for n o t e s u p o n t h e b a n k s o f E d i n b u r g h , t h a t b y 1 1 o'clock t h e y h a d n o t a n o t e left in their c u s t o d y . T h e y s e n t r o u n d to all t h e different b a n k s to borrow, b u t c o u l d not get t h e m , a n d m a n y of t h e t r a n s a c t i o n s were adjusted by slips of p a p e r only; yet by three o'clock t h e whole o f t h e n o t e s were r e t u r n e d i n t o t h e b a n k s from w h i c h they h a d issued! It was a m e r e transfer from h a n d to h a n d . " A l t h o u g h t h e average effective c i r c u l a t i o n of b a n k n o t e s in S c o t l a n d is less t h a n t h r e e m i l l i o n s sterling, yet on c e r t a i n p a y days in t h e year, every 1 0 6

35

40

45

single n o t e i n t h e possession o f t h e b a n k e r s , a m o u n t i n g i n t h e whole t o a b o u t £ 7 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 , i s called i n t o activity. On t h e s e o c c a s i o n s t h e n o t e s h a v e a single a n d specific f u n c t i o n to perform, a n d so s o o n as t h e y h a v e p e r f o r m e d it, t h e y flow b a c k i n t o t h e various b a n k s from w h i c h they issued. (See J o h n F u l l a r t o n , " R e g u l a t i o n of C u r r e n c i e s . " L o n d . , 1844, p. 85 n o t e ) . In exp l a n a t i o n i t s h o u l d b e stated, t h a t i n S c o t l a n d , a t t h e d a t e o f F u l l a r t o n ' s work, n o t e s a n d n o t c h e q u e s were u s e d to withdraw deposits.

123

Part I · Commodities and money ical p a y m e n t s , whatever their source, is in direct proportion to the length of their p e r i o d s . T h e development of m o n e y into a m e d i u m of p a y m e n t m a k e s it necessary to a c c u m u l a t e m o n e y against the dates fixed for t h e p a y m e n t of the s u m s owing. W h i l e hoarding, as a distinct m o d e of acquiring riches, vanishes with the progress of civil society, the formation of reserves of the m e a n s of p a y m e n t grows with that progress. 107

5

c. Universal M o n e y . W h e n m o n e y leaves the h o m e sphere of circulation, it strips off the local garbs which it there assumes, of a standard of prices, of coin, of tokens, and 10 of a symbol of value, a n d returns to its original form of bullion. In the trade between the markets of the world, the value of c o m m o d i t i e s is expressed so as to be universally recognised. H e n c e their i n d e p e n d e n t value-form also, in these cases, confronts t h e m u n d e r the shape of universal m o n e y . It is only in the markets of the world that m o n e y acquires to the full extent the 15 character of the c o m m o d i t y whose bodily form is also t h e i m m e d i a t e social i n c a r n a t i o n of h u m a n labour in the abstract. Its real m o d e of existence in this sphere adequately corresponds to its ideal concept. W i t h i n the sphere of h o m e circulation, there c a n be b u t o n e c o m m o d i t y which, by serving as a m e a s u r e of value, b e c o m e s m o n e y . In t h e markets of 20 the world a double m e a s u r e of value holds sway, gold a n d silver. 1 |120| M o n e y of the world serves as the universal m e d i u m of p a y m e n t , as t h e universal m e a n s of purchasing, a n d as the universally recognised e m b o d i m e n t of all wealth. Its function as a m e a n s of p a y m e n t in the settling of i n t e r n a t i o n a l balances is its chief one. H e n c e t h e watchword of the mer- 25 108

1 0 7

T o t h e q u e s t i o n , "If t h e r e were o c c a s i o n t o raise 4 0 m i l l i o n s p.a., w h e t h e r t h e s a m e 6 m i l lions (gold), ... w o u l d suffice for s u c h r e v o l u t i o n s and c i r c u l a t i o n s thereof, as t r a d e requires, ' Petty replies in his u s u a l m a s t e r l y m a n n e r , "I answer yes: for t h e e x p e n s e b e i n g 40 m i l l i o n s , if t h e r e v o l u t i o n s were in s u c h short circles, viz., weekly, as h a p p e n s a m o n g p o o r a r t i z a n s a n d lab o u r e r s , who receive a n d p a y every S a t u r d a y , t h e n % parts of 1 m i l l i o n of m o n e y w o u l d a n s w e r t h e s e e n d s ; b u t if t h e circles be quarterly, a c c o r d i n g to o u r c u s t o m of p a y i n g rent, a n d g a t h e r i n g taxes, t h e n 10 m i l l i o n s were r e q u i s i t e . W h e r e f o r e , s u p p o s i n g p a y m e n t s in g e n e r a l to be of a m i x e d circle b e t w e e n o n e week a n d 13, t h e n a d d 10 m i l l i o n s to % , t h e half of w h i c h will be 5 y , so as if we have 5 / m i l l i o n s we have e n o u g h . " ( W i l l i a m Petty: "Political A n a t o m y of I r e l a n d . " 1672. Edit.: L o n d . 1691, pp. 13. 14.) H e n c e t h e absurdity of every law prescribing t h a t t h e b a n k s of a c o u n t r y shall form reserves o f t h a t precious m e t a l alone w h i c h circulates a t h o m e . T h e " p l e a s a n t difficulties" t h u s self-created by t h e B a n k of E n g l a n d , are well k n o w n . On t h e subject of t h e great e p o c h s in t h e history of t h e c h a n g e s in t h e relative value of gold a n d silver, see K a r l M a r x , I.e. p. 136 sq. Sir R o b e r t Peel, by his B a n k A c t of 1844, s o u g h t to t i d e over t h e difficulty, by allowing t h e B a n k of E n g l a n d to issue n o t e s against silver b u l l i o n , on c o n d i t i o n t h a t t h e reserve of silver s h o u l d n e v e r e x c e e d m o r e t h a n o n e - f o u r t h of t h e reserve of gold. T h e value of silver b e i n g for t h a t p u r p o s e e s t i m a t e d at its price in t h e L o n d o n m a r k e t . 5

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Chapter III · Money, or the circulation of commodities 109

cantilists, b a l a n c e of t r a d e . G o l d and silver serve as i n t e r n a t i o n a l m e a n s of purchasing chiefly a n d necessarily in those periods w h e n the customary equilibrium in t h e interchange of products between different n a t i o n s is suddenly disturbed. A n d lastly, it serves as the universally recognised e m 5 b o d i m e n t of social wealth, whenever the q u e s t i o n is not of buying or paying, b u t of transferring wealth from one country to another, a n d whenever this transference in t h e form of c o m m o d i t i e s is rendered impossible, either by special conjunctures in the markets, or by t h e purpose itself that is intended. 10 Just as every country n e e d s a reserve of m o n e y for its h o m e circulation, so, too, it requires one for external circulation in ||121| the m a r k e t s of the world. T h e functions of hoards, therefore, arise in part o u t of the function of money, as the m e d i u m of the h o m e circulation and h o m e p a y m e n t s , a n d in part o u t of its function of m o n e y of the w o r l d . F o r this latter function, 15 the g e n u i n e m o n e y - c o m m o d i t y , actual gold a n d silver, is necessary. On that account, Sir J a m e s Steuart, in order to distinguish t h e m from their purely local substitutes, calls gold a n d silver " m o n e y of the world." T h e current of the stream of gold and silver is a d o u b l e o n e . On the o n e h a n d , it spreads itself from its sources over all the m a r k e t s of the world, in 20 order to b e c o m e absorbed, to various extents, into the different n a t i o n a l spheres of circulation, to fill the c o n d u i t s of currency, to replace abraded 110

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T h e o p p o n e n t s , t h e m s e l v e s , o f t h e m e r c a n t i l e system, a s y s t e m w h i c h c o n s i d e r e d t h e sett l e m e n t of surplus t r a d e b a l a n c e s in gold a n d silver as t h e a i m of i n t e r n a t i o n a l t r a d e , entirely m i s c o n c e i v e d t h e functions of m o n e y of t h e world. I have s h o w n by t h e e x a m p l e of R i c a r d o in what way t h e i r false c o n c e p t i o n of t h e laws t h a t r e g u l a t e t h e q u a n t i t y of t h e circulating m e d i u m , is reflected in t h e i r equally false c o n c e p t i o n of t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l m o v e m e n t of t h e precious m e t a l s (I.e. p p . 150 sq.) H i s e r r o n e o u s d o g m a : " A n u n f a v o u r a b l e b a l a n c e of t r a d e n e v e r arises b u t from a r e d u n d a n t c u r r e n c y . ... T h e e x p o r t a t i o n of t h e c o i n is c a u s e d by its c h e a p ness, a n d is n o t t h e effect, b u t t h e c a u s e of an u n f a v o u r a b l e b a l a n c e , " already o c c u r s in Bar-

30

b o n : " T h e B a l a n c e of T r a d e , if t h e r e be o n e , is n o t t h e c a u s e of s e n d i n g away t h e m o n e y o u t of a n a t i o n ; b u t t h a t p r o c e e d s from t h e difference of t h e v a l u e of b u l l i o n in every c o u n t r y . " (N. B a r b o n ; I.e. p. 59.) M a c C u l l o c h in " t h e L i t e r a t u r e of Political E c o n o m y , a classified catalogue, L o n d . 1845," praises B a r b o n for this a n t i c i p a t i o n , b u t p r u d e n t l y passes over t h e n a ï v e forms, i n w h i c h B a r b o n clothes t h e a b s u r d s u p p o s i t i o n o n w h i c h t h e " c u r r e n c y p r i n c i p l e " i s

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based. T h e a b s e n c e o f real c r i t i c i s m a n d even o f h o n e s t y , i n t h a t c a t a l o g u e , c u l m i n a t e s i n t h e sections devoted t o t h e history o f t h e t h e o r y o f m o n e y ; t h e r e a s o n i s t h a t M a c C u l l o c h i n t h i s part of t h e work is flattering Lord O v e r s t o n e w h o m he calls "facile p r i n c e p s a r g e n t a r i o r u m . " F o r i n s t a n c e , i n s u b s i d i e s , m o n e y l o a n s for carrying o n wars o r for e n a b l i n g b a n k s t o res u m e cash p a y m e n t s , etc., i t i s t h e m o n e y form, a n d n o o t h e r , o f value t h a t m a y b e w a n t e d . " I would desire, i n d e e d , n o m o r e c o n v i n c i n g e v i d e n c e o f t h e c o m p e t e n c y o f t h e m a c h i n e r y of t h e h o a r d s in specie-paying c o u n t r i e s to p e r f o r m every n e c e s s a r y office of i n t e r n a t i o n a l adj u s t m e n t , w i t h o u t a n y sensible aid from t h e g e n e r a l c i r c u l a t i o n , t h a n t h e facility with w h i c h F r a n c e , w h e n b u t j u s t recovering from t h e s h o c k of a destructive foreign invasion, c o m p l e t e d within t h e s p a c e of 27 m o n t h s the p a y m e n t of h e r forced c o n t r i b u t i o n of nearly 20 m i l l i o n s to 1 1 0

40

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t h e allied powers, a n d a c o n s i d e r a b l e p r o p o r t i o n of t h e s u m in specie, w i t h o u t a n y p e r c e p t i b l e c o n t r a c t i o n or d e r a n g e m e n t of her d o m e s t i c c u r r e n c y , or e v e n any a l a r m i n g f l u c t u a t i o n of h e r e x c h a n g e s . " (Fullarton, I.e., p. 134.)

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Part I • Commodities and money gold, a n d silver coins, to supply the m a t e r i a l of articles of luxury, a n d to petrify into h o a r d s . This first current is started by the countries t h a t exc h a n g e their labour, realised in c o m m o d i t i e s , for the l a b o u r e m b o d i e d in t h e precious metals by gold a n d silver-producing countries. On the other h a n d , there is a c o n t i n u a l flowing backwards a n d forwards of gold a n d sii5 ver between the different n a t i o n a l spheres of circulation, a current whose m o t i o n d e p e n d s on the ceaseless fluctuations in the course of e x c h a n g e . Countries in which the bourgeois form of p r o d u c t i o n is developed to a certain extent, limit the hoards concentrated in the strong r o o m s of the b a n k s to the m i n i m u m required for | | 1 2 2 | the proper performance of their 10 peculiar f u n c t i o n s . W h e n e v e r these hoards are strikingly above their average level, it is, with some exceptions, an i n d i c a t i o n of stagnation in the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s , of an interruption in the even flow of their metamorphoses. 1 112

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« L ' a r g e n t s e p a r t a g e e n t r e les n a t i o n s r e l a t i v e m e n t a u b e s o i n q u ' e l l e s e n o n t ... é t a n t t o u j o u r s attiré par les p r o d u c t i o n s . » (Le T r o s n e I.e., p. 916.) " T h e m i n e s w h i c h are c o n t i n u a l l y giving gold a n d silver, do give sufficient to supply s u c h a n e e d f u l b a l a n c e to every n a t i o n . " (J. V a n d e r l i n t , I.e., p. 40.) " E x c h a n g e s r i s e a n d fall every week, a n d a t s o m e p a r t i c u l a r t i m e s i n t h e year r u n h i g h a g a i n s t a n a t i o n , a n d at o t h e r t i m e s r u n as h i g h on t h e contrary." (N. B a r b o n , I.e., p. 39.) T h e s e v a r i o u s functions are liable t o c o m e i n t o d a n g e r o u s conflict w i t h o n e a n o t h e r w h e n ever gold a n d silver have also to serve as a fund for t h e c o n v e r s i o n of b a n k n o t e s . 11s «yvhat m o n e y is m o r e t h a n of a b s o l u t e necessity for a H o m e T r a d e , is d e a d stock ... a n d b r i n g s no profit to t h a t c o u n t r y it's kept in, b u t as it is t r a n s p o r t e d in t r a d e , as well as i m p o r t e d . " ( J o h n Bellers, Essays, p . 12.) " W h a t i f w e h a v e t o o m u c h coin? W e m a y m e l t d o w n t h e h e a v i e s t a n d t u r n it i n t o t h e s p l e n d o u r of plate, vessels or u t e n s i l s of gold or silver; or send it o u t as a c o m m o d i t y , where t h e s a m e is w a n t e d or desired; or let it o u t at interest, w h e r e interest is h i g h . " ( W . P e t t y : " Q u a n t u l u m c u n q u e , " p.39.) " M o n e y is b u t t h e fat of t h e Body Politick, w h e r e o f t o o m u c h d o t h as often h i n d e r its agility, as too little m a k e s it sick . . . . as fat l u b r i cates t h e m o t i o n o f t h e m u s c l e s , feeds i n w a n t o f victuals, f i l l s u p t h e u n e v e n cavities, a n d b e a u t i f i e s t h e body; so d o t h m o n e y in t h e state q u i c k e n its a c t i o n , feeds from a b r o a d in t i m e o f d e a r t h a t h o m e ; evens a c c o u n t s . . a n d beautifies t h e whole; a l t h o m o r e especially t h e particu l a r p e r s o n s t h a t have it in plenty." ( W . P e t t y , "Political A n a t o m y of I r e l a n d , " p p . 14, 15.)

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Chapter IV • The general formula for capital |123| P A R T I I . The

Transformation

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C H A P T E R IV.

The General Formula for Capital. 5

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T h e circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s is t h e starting point of capital. T h e p r o d u c tion of commodities, their circulation, a n d t h a t m o r e developed form of their circulation called c o m m e r c e , these form the historical groundwork from which it rises. T h e m o d e r n history of capital dates from the creation in the 16th century of a world-embracing c o m m e r c e a n d a world-embracing market. If we abstract from the m a t e r i a l substance of the circulation of c o m m o d ities, that is, from the exchange of the various use-values, a n d consider only the e c o n o m i c forms produced by this process of circulation, we find its final result to be m o n e y : this final p r o d u c t of the circulation of c o m modities is the first form in which capital appears. As a m a t t e r of history, capital, as opposed to l a n d e d property, invariably takes the form at first of m o n e y ; it appears as m o n e y e d wealth, as the capital of the m e r c h a n t and of t h e u s u r e r . B u t we have no n e e d to refer to t h e origin of capital in order to discover that the first form of appearance of capital is m o n e y . We can see it daily u n d e r our very eyes. All new capital, to c o m m e n c e with, c o m e s on the stage, t h a t is, on the market, whether of commodities, labour, or money, even in o u r ||124| days, in the shape of m o n ey that by a definite process has to be transformed into capital. T h e first distinction we notice between m o n e y that is m o n e y only, a n d m o n e y that is capital, is n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n a difference in their form of circulation. T h e simplest form of the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s is C — M — C , t h e transformation of c o m m o d i t i e s into m o n e y , a n d the change of t h e m o n e y back again into c o m m o d i t i e s ; or selling in order to buy. But alongside of this form we find another specifically different form: M — C — M , the transformation of m o n e y into c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d the change of c o m m o d i t i e s back again into m o n e y ; or buying in order to sell. M o n e y that circulates in 1

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T h e c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n t h e power, b a s e d o n t h e p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s o f d o m i n i o n a n d servitude, t h a t is conferred by l a n d e d property, a n d t h e i m p e r s o n a l p o w e r t h a t is given by m o n e y , is well expressed b y t h e two F r e n c h proverbs, " N u l l e terre s a n s seigneur," a n d " L ' a r g e n t n ' a p a s d e maître."

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Part II · The transformation of money into capital the latter m a n n e r is thereby transformed into, b e c o m e s capital, a n d is already potentially capital. N o w let us e x a m i n e the circuit M — C — M a little closer. It consists, like t h e other, of two antithetical phases. In the first phase, M — C , or the purchase, the m o n e y is changed into a c o m m o d i t y . In the second phase, 5 C — M , or t h e sale, the c o m m o d i t y is changed back again into m o n e y . T h e c o m b i n a t i o n of these two phases constitutes the single m o v e m e n t whereby m o n e y is exchanged for a c o m m o d i t y , a n d the s a m e c o m m o d i t y is again e x c h a n g e d for m o n e y ; whereby a c o m m o d i t y is b o u g h t in order to be sold, or, neglecting the distinction in form between buying a n d selling, whereby 10 a c o m m o d i t y is b o u g h t with m o n e y , and t h e n m o n e y is b o u g h t with a comm o d i t y . T h e result, in which the phases of the process vanish, is the exc h a n g e of m o n e y for m o n e y , M — M . If I p u r c h a s e 2000 lbs. of cotton for £100, a n d resell the 2000 lbs. of cotton for £ 1 1 0 , 1 have, in fact, exchanged £100 for £110, m o n e y for m o n e y . 15 2

N o w it is evident that the circuit M — C — M would be absurd a n d witho u t m e a n i n g if t h e i n t e n t i o n were to exchange by this m e a n s two e q u a l s u m s of m o n e y , £100 for £100. T h e miser's p l a n would be far simpler a n d surer; he sticks to his £100 instead of exposing it to the dangers of circulation. A n d yet, whether the m e r c h a n t who h a s paid £ 1 0 0 for his cotton | |125| sells it for £110, or lets it go for £100, or even £50, his m o n e y has, at all events, gone t h r o u g h a characteristic a n d original m o v e m e n t , quite different in kind from that which it goes t h r o u g h in the h a n d s of the peasant who sells corn, a n d with the m o n e y thus set free buys clothes. We have therefore to e x a m i n e first the distinguishing characteristics of the forms of the circuits M — C — M and C — M — C , a n d in doing this the real difference that underlies the m e r e difference of form will reveal itself. Let us see, in the first place, what the two forms have in c o m m o n . Both circuits are resolvable into the same two antithetical phases, C — M , a sale, a n d M — C , a purchase. In e a c h of these phases the s a m e m a t e r i a l e l e m e n t s — a c o m m o d i t y , and m o n e y , a n d the same e c o n o m i c a l dramatis persona?, a buyer and a seller—confront one another. E a c h circuit is the u n i t y of t h e same two antithetical phases, and in each case this unity is brought about by the intervention of three contracting parties, of w h o m o n e only sells, a n o t h e r only buys, while the third b o t h buys a n d sells. W h a t , however, first and foremost, distinguishes the circuit C — M — C from t h e circuit M — C — M , is the inverted order of succession of the two phases. T h e simple circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s begins with a sale a n d ends with a purchase, while the circulation of m o n e y as capital begins with a 2

« A v e c de l'argent on a c h è t e des m a r c h a n d i s e s , et avec des m a r c h a n d i s e s on a c h è t e de Parg e n t . » ( M e r c i e r de la Rivière: " L ' o r d r e n a t u r e l et e s s e n t i e l des sociétés p o l i t i q u e s , " p. 543.)

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purchase a n d ends with a sale. In the o n e case b o t h the starting-point a n d the goal are c o m m o d i t i e s , in the other they are m o n e y . In the first form the m o v e m e n t is brought a b o u t by the intervention of money, in the second by that of a c o m m o d i t y . In the circulation C — M — C , the m o n e y is in the e n d converted into a c o m m o d i t y , that serves as a use-value; it is spent o n c e for all. In the inverted form, M — C — M , on the contrary, the buyer lays out m o n e y in order that, as a seller, he m a y recover m o n e y . By the purchase of his c o m m o d i t y he throws m o n e y into circulation, in order to withdraw it again by the sale of the s a m e c o m m o d i t y . He lets the m o n e y go, b u t only with the sly intention of getting it ||126| back again. T h e m o n e y , therefore, is n o t spent, it is merely advanced. 3

In the circuit C — M — C , the s a m e piece of m o n e y changes its place twice. T h e seller gets it from the buyer a n d pays it away to a n o t h e r seller. 15 T h e complete circulation, which begins with the receipt, concludes with the p a y m e n t , of m o n e y for c o m m o d i t i e s . It is the very contrary in the circuit M — C — M . H e r e it is n o t the piece of m o n e y t h a t changes its place twice, b u t the c o m m o d i t y . T h e buyer takes it from the h a n d s of the seller a n d passes it into the h a n d s of a n o t h e r buyer. J u s t as in the simple circula20 tion of c o m m o d i t i e s t h e double change of place of the same piece of m o n ey effects its passage from o n e h a n d into another, so h e r e the d o u b l e change of place of the same c o m m o d i t y brings a b o u t t h e reflux of the m o n ey to its point of departure. Such reflux is not d e p e n d e n t on the c o m m o d i t y being sold for m o r e t h a n 25 was paid for it. This circumstance influences only the a m o u n t of t h e m o n ey that comes back. T h e reflux itself takes place, so soon as the p u r c h a s e d c o m m o d i t y is resold, in other words, so soon as the circuit M — C — M is completed. We have here, therefore, a palpable difference between the circulation of m o n e y as capital, a n d its circulation as m e r e m o n e y . 30 T h e circuit C — M — C c o m e s completely to an end, so soon as t h e m o n e y brought in by the sale of o n e c o m m o d i t y is abstracted again by the purchase of another. If, nevertheless, there follows a reflux of m o n e y to its starting point, this can only h a p p e n t h r o u g h a renewal or repetition of the operation. If I sell a 35 quarter of corn for £ 3 , a n d with this £3 buy clothes, the m o n e y , so far as I am concerned, is spent a n d d o n e with. It belongs to the clothes m e r c h a n t . If I now sell a second quarter of corn, m o n e y i n d e e d flows back to m e , n o t however as a sequel to the first transaction, b u t in c o n s e q u e n c e of its repe3

40

" W h e n a t h i n g is b o u g h t in o r d e r to be sold a g a i n , t h e s u m e m p l o y e d is called m o n e y adv a n c e d ; w h e n it is b o u g h t n o t to be sold, it m a y be said to be e x p e n d e d . " — ( J a m e s S t e u a r t : " W o r k s , " etc. E d i t e d by G e n . Sir J a m e s S t e u a r t , h i s son. L o n d . , 1805, V . l . , p. 274.)

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Part II · The transformation of money into capital tition. T h e m o n e y again leaves m e , so soon as I c o m p l e t e this second transaction by a fresh ||127| purchase. Therefore, in t h e circuit C — M — C , the e x p e n d i t u r e of m o n e y has n o t h i n g to do with its reflux. On the other h a n d , in M — C — M , the reflux of the m o n e y is c o n d i t i o n e d by t h e very m o d e of its expenditure. W i t h o u t this reflux, the operation fails, or the process is interrupted a n d incomplete, owing to the absence of its c o m p l e m e n t a r y a n d final phase, the sale. T h e circuit C — M — C starts with one c o m m o d i t y , a n d finishes with another, which falls out of circulation a n d into c o n s u m p t i o n . C o n s u m p t i o n , t h e satisfaction of wants, in o n e word, use-value, is its e n d and aim. T h e circuit M — C — M , o n the contrary, c o m m e n c e s with m o n e y a n d e n d s with m o n e y . Its leading motive, a n d the goal that attracts it, is therefore m e r e e x c h a n g e value. In the simple circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s , the two extremes of the circuit have the same e c o n o m i c form. They are b o t h c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d c o m m o d i ties of e q u a l value. But they are also use-values differing in their qualities, as, for example, corn and clothes. T h e exchange of products, of the different materials in which the labour of society is e m b o d i e d , forms here the basis of the m o v e m e n t . It is otherwise in the circulation M — C — M , which at first sight appears purposeless, because tautological. B o t h extremes have the same e c o n o m i c form. They are b o t h m o n e y , a n d therefore are n o t qualitatively different use-values; for m o n e y is b u t t h e converted form of comm o d i t i e s , in which their particular use-values vanish. To exchange £100 for cotton, a n d t h e n this s a m e cotton again for £100, is merely a r o u n d a b o u t way of exchanging m o n e y for money, the s a m e for the same, a n d appears to be an operation just as purposeless as it is a b s u r d . O n e s u m of m o n e y is

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" O n n ' é c h a n g e pas de l'argent c o n t r e de l'argent," says M e r c i e r de la R i v i è r e to t h e M e r c a n tilists (I.e., p. 486.) In a work, which, ex professo, treats of " t r a d e " a n d " s p e c u l a t i o n , " o c c u r s t h e following: "All t r a d e consists in t h e e x c h a n g e of t h i n g s of different k i n d s ; a n d t h e a d v a n t a g e " (to t h e m e r c h a n t ? ) "arises o u t of this difference. To e x c h a n g e a p o u n d of b r e a d against a p o u n d o f b r e a d . . . . w o u l d b e a t t e n d e d with n o a d v a n t a g e ; . . . . H e n c e t r a d e i s a d v a n t a g e o u s l y c o n t r a s t e d with g a m b l i n g , which consists in a m e r e e x c h a n g e of m o n e y for m o n e y . " (Th. Corbet, " A n I n q u i r y into t h e Causes a n d M o d e s of t h e W e a l t h of I n d i v i d u a l s ; or t h e Principles of T r a d e a n d S p e c u l a t i o n e x p l a i n e d . " L o n d o n , 1 8 4 1 , p . 5.) A l t h o u g h C o r b e t d o e s n o t see t h a t M — M , t h e e x c h a n g e of m o n e y for m o n e y , is t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c form of c i r c u l a t i o n , n o t only of m e r c h a n t s ' capital b u t of all capital, yet at least he a c k n o w l e d g e s t h a t this form is c o m m o n to g a m b l i n g a n d t o o n e species o f t r a d e , viz., s p e c u l a t i o n : b u t t h e n c o m e s M a c C u l l o c h a n d m a k e s o u t , t h a t t o b u y i n order t o sell, i s t o s p e c u l a t e , a n d t h u s t h e difference b e t w e e n Specul a t i o n a n d T r a d e v a n i s h e s . "Every t r a n s a c t i o n i n w h i c h a n i n d i v i d u a l b u y s p r o d u c e i n o r d e r t o sell it again, is, in fact, a s p e c u l a t i o n . " ( M a c C u l l o c h : "A D i c t i o n a r y Practical, etc., of C o m m e r c e . " L o n d . , 1847, p . 1058.) W i t h m u c h m o r e n a ï v e t é , P i n t o , t h e P i n d a r o f t h e A m s t e r d a m S t o c k E x c h a n g e , r e m a r k s , « L e c o m m e r c e est u n j e u : ( t a k e n from Locke) e t c e n ' e s t pas avec des g u e u x q u ' o n p e u t gagner. Si l'on gagnait l o n g - t e m p s en t o u t avec t o u s , il faudrait r e n d r e d e b o n accord les p l u s g r a n d e s parties d u profit p o u r r e c o m m e n c e r l e j e u . » (Pinto: "Traité d e la C i r c u l a t i o n et du Crédit." A m s t e r d a m , 1 7 7 1 , p. 231.)

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Chapter IV • The general formula for capital distinguishable from a n o t h e r [|128| only by its a m o u n t . T h e c h a r a c t e r a n d t e n d e n c y o f t h e process M — C — M , i s therefore n o t d u e t o any qualitative difference between its extremes, b o t h being m o n e y , b u t solely to their quantitative difference. M o r e m o n e y is w i t h d r a w n from circulation at t h e 5

finish t h a n was thrown i n t o it at t h e start. T h e c o t t o n t h a t was b o u g h t "for £100 is p e r h a p s resold for £ 1 0 0 + £10 or £110. T h e exact form of this pro­ cess is therefore M — C — M ' , where M' = M + ΔΜ = t h e original s u m ad­ vanced, plus an i n c r e m e n t . This i n c r e m e n t or excess over t h e original value I call "surplus-value." T h e value originally advanced, therefore, n o t only re-

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m a i n s i n t a c t while in circulation, b u t a d d s to itself a surplus-value or ex­ p a n d s itself. It is this m o v e m e n t t h a t converts it i n t o capital. Of course, it is also possible, t h a t in C — M — C , t h e two e x t r e m e s C — C , say corn a n d clothes, m a y represent different q u a n t i t i e s of value. T h e farmer m a y sell his c o r n above its value, or m a y b u y t h e clothes at less t h a n

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their value. H e m a y , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , " b e d o n e " b y t h e clothes m e r c h a n t . Yet, in t h e form of c i r c u l a t i o n n o w u n d e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n , s u c h differences in value are purely a c c i d e n t a l . T h e fact t h a t t h e corn a n d t h e clothes are equivalents, does n o t deprive t h e process of all m e a n i n g , as it does in M— C — M . T h e equivalence of their values is r a t h e r a necessary c o n d i t i o n to its

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n o r m a l course. T h e repetition or renewal of t h e act of selling in order to buy, is k e p t within b o u n d s by t h e very object it a i m s at, n a m e l y , c o n s u m p t i o n or t h e satisfaction of definite wants, an a i m t h a t lies altogether o u t s i d e t h e sphere of circulation. B u t when we b u y in order to sell, we, on t h e contrary, begin

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a n d ||129| e n d with t h e s a m e thing, m o n e y , exchange-value; a n d t h e r e b y t h e m o v e m e n t b e c o m e s i n t e r m i n a b l e . No d o u b t , M b e c o m e s M + Δ Μ , £100 b e c o m e £110. B u t w h e n viewed in t h e i r qualitative aspect alone, £ 1 1 0 are t h e s a m e as £100, n a m e l y m o n e y ; a n d c o n s i d e r e d quantitatively, £110 is, like £100, a s u m of definite a n d l i m i t e d value. If now, t h e £110 be s p e n t

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as m o n e y , they cease to play their part. T h e y are no longer capital. With­ drawn from circulation, they b e c o m e petrified i n t o a hoard, a n d t h o u g h they r e m a i n e d in t h a t state till d o o m s d a y , n o t a single farthing would ac­ crue to t h e m . If, t h e n , t h e e x p a n s i o n of value is o n c e a i m e d at, t h e r e is j u s t t h e same i n d u c e m e n t to a u g m e n t t h e value of t h e £110 as t h a t of t h e £100;

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for b o t h are b u t limited expressions for exchange-value, a n d therefore b o t h have t h e s a m e vocation to a p p r o a c h , by q u a n t i t a t i v e increase, as n e a r as possible to absolute wealth. M o m e n t a r i l y , i n d e e d , t h e value originally ad­ vanced, t h e £100 is distinguishable from t h e surplus value of £10 t h a t is an­ n e x e d to it during circulation; b u t t h e d i s t i n c t i o n vanishes i m m e d i a t e l y . At

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t h e e n d of t h e process, we do n o t receive with o n e h a n d t h e original £100, a n d with t h e other, t h e surplus-value of £ 1 0 . We simply get a value of £110,

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Part II • The transformation of money into capital w h i c h is in exactly the s a m e condition a n d fitness for c o m m e n c i n g t h e exp a n d i n g process, as t h e original £100 was. M o n e y ends t h e m o v e m e n t only to begin it again. Therefore, t h e final result of every separate circuit, in which a purchase a n d c o n s e q u e n t sale are completed, forms of itself the starting p o i n t of a new circuit. T h e simple circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s — 5 selling in order to buy—is a m e a n s of carrying o u t a purpose u n c o n n e c t e d with circulation, n a m e l y , t h e appropriation of use-values, t h e satisfaction of wants. T h e circulation of m o n e y as capital is, on t h e contrary, an end in itself, for t h e expansion of value takes place only within this constantly renewed m o v e m e n t . T h e circulation of capital h a s therefore no limits. 1 10 5

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|130| As t h e conscious representative of this m o v e m e n t , t h e possessor of m o n e y b e c o m e s a capitalist. His person, or rather his pocket, is the point from which t h e m o n e y starts and to which it returns. T h e e x p a n s i o n of valu e , which is t h e objective basis or m a i n - s p r i n g of the circulation M— C — M , b e c o m e s his subjective aim, a n d it is only in so far as the appropria- 15 tion of ever m o r e and m o r e wealth in t h e abstract b e c o m e s t h e sole motive of his operations, that he functions as a capitalist, t h a t is, as capital person5

" C a p i t a l is divisible . . . . i n t o t h e original capital a n d t h e profit, t h e i n c r e m e n t to t h e c a p i tal . . . . a l t h o u g h i n practice this profit i s i m m e d i a t e l y t u r n e d i n t o capital, a n d set i n m o t i o n w i t h t h e original." (F. Engels, " U m r i s s e z u e i n e r K r i t i k der N a t i o n a l ö k o n o m i e , in: D e u t s c h F r a n z ö s i s c h e J a h r b ü c h e r , h e r a u s g e g e b e n von A r n o l d R ü g e u n d K a r l M a r x . " Paris, 1844, P.99.)

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A r i s t o t l e opposes Œ c o n o m i c to C h r e m a t i s t i c . He starts from t h e former. So far as it is t h e a r t of g a i n i n g a livelihood, it is l i m i t e d to p r o c u r i n g t h o s e articles t h a t are necessary to existe n c e , a n d useful either to a h o u s e h o l d or t h e state. " T r u e w e a l t h (ό α λ η θ ι ν ό ς π λ ο ύ τ ο ς ) c o n sists of s u c h values in u s e ; for t h e q u a n t i t y of p o s s e s s i o n s of t h i s k i n d , c a p a b l e of m a k i n g life p l e a s a n t , is n o t u n l i m i t e d . T h e r e is, however, a s e c o n d m o d e of a c q u i r i n g t h i n g s , to w h i c h we m a y b y p r e f e r e n c e a n d w i t h c o r r e c t n e s s give t h e n a m e o f C h r e m a t i s t i c , a n d i n t h i s case t h e r e a p p e a r t o b e n o l i m i t s t o r i c h e s a n d possessions. T r a d e ( ή κ α π η λ ι κ η i s literally r e t a i l t r a d e , a n d Aristotle takes t h i s k i n d b e c a u s e i n i t v a l u e s i n u s e p r e d o m i n a t e ) d o e s n o t i n its n a t u r e b e l o n g t o C h r e m a t i s t i c , for h e r e t h e e x c h a n g e h a s r e f e r e n c e o n l y t o w h a t i s n e c e s s a r y t o t h e m ­ selves (the b u y e r or seller)." Therefore, as he goes on to show, t h e o r i g i n a l form of t r a d e was barter, b u t w i t h t h e e x t e n s i o n o f t h e latter, t h e r e arose t h e n e c e s s i t y for m o n e y . O n t h e discov­ ery o f m o n e y , b a r t e r o f necessity d e v e l o p e d i n t o κ α π η λ ι κ η , i n t o t r a d i n g i n c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d t h i s again, i n o p p o s i t i o n t o its original t e n d e n c y , grew i n t o C h r e m a t i s t i c , i n t o t h e art o f m a k ing m o n e y . N o w C h r e m a t i s t i c i s d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from Œ c o n o m i c i n t h i s way, t h a t "in t h e case of C h r e m a t i s t i c , c i r c u l a t i o n is t h e s o u r c e of riches ( π ο ι η τ ι κ ή χ ρ η μ ά τ ω ν .... δια χ ρ η μ ά τ ω ν ς ε τ α β ο λ η ς ) . A n d i t a p p e a r s t o revolve a b o u t m o n e y , for m o n e y i s t h e b e g i n n i n g a n d e n d o f t h i s k i n d o f e x c h a n g e (το γαρ ν ό μ ι σ μ α σ τ ο ι χ ε ΐ ο ν κ α ί π έ ρ α ς τ η ς α λ λ α γ ή ς ε σ τ ί ν ) . T h e r e f o r e also r i c h e s , s u c h as C h r e m a t i s t i c strives for, are u n l i m i t e d . J u s t as every art t h a t is n o t a m e a n s t o a n e n d , b u t a n e n d i n itself, h a s n o limit t o its a i m s , b e c a u s e i t seeks c o n s t a n t l y t o a p p r o a c h n e a r e r a n d n e a r e r t o t h a t e n d , while t h o s e arts t h a t p u r s u e m e a n s t o a n e n d , are n o t b o u n d l e s s , s i n c e t h e goal itself i m p o s e s a l i m i t u p o n t h e m , s o w i t h C h r e m a t i s t i c , t h e r e a r e n o b o u n d s t o its a i m s , t h e s e a i m s b e i n g a b s o l u t e w e a l t h . Œ c o n o m i c n o t C h r e m a t i s t i c h a s a l i m i t . . . . t h e o b j e c t of t h e former is s o m e t h i n g different from m o n e y , of t h e latter t h e a u g m e n t a t i o n of m o n e y . . . . B y c o n f o u n d i n g t h e s e two forms, w h i c h overlap e a c h other, s o m e p e o p l e h a v e b e e n led t o look u p o n t h e preservation a n d increase o f m o n e y a d i n f i n i t u m a s t h e e n d a n d a i m o f Œ c o n o m i c . " (Aristoteles De R e p . edit. Bekker. lib. I. c. 8, 9. passim.)

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Chapter IV · The general formula for capital ified a n d endowed with c o n s c i o u s n e s s a n d a will. Use-values m u s t t h e r e ­ 7

fore never be looked u p o n as t h e real a i m of t h e capitalist; n e i t h e r m u s t t h e profit on any single t r a n s a c t i o n . T h e restless never-ending process of 8

profit-making alone is what he a i m s a t . 1 | 1 3 1 | This b o u n d l e s s greed after 5

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riches, this p a s s i o n a t e chase after exchange-value, is c o m m o n to the capi­ talist a n d t h e miser; b u t while t h e m i s e r is m e r e l y a capitalist g o n e m a d , t h e capitalist is a r a t i o n a l miser. T h e never-ending a u g m e n t a t i o n of ex­ change-value, which t h e m i s e r strives after, by seeking to save

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from circulation, is a t t a i n e d by t h e m o r e a c u t e capitalist, by c o n s t a n t l y 10

throwing it afresh i n t o c i r c u l a t i o n . 1 1 T h e i n d e p e n d e n t form, i.e., t h e money-form, which t h e value of c o m ­ m o d i t i e s assumes in t h e case of simple circulation, serves only o n e pur­ pose, namely, their exchange, a n d vanishes in t h e final result of t h e m o v e ­ m e n t . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , i n t h e circulation M — C — M , b o t h t h e m o n e y

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a n d t h e c o m m o d i t y r e p r e s e n t only different m o d e s of existence of value it­ self, t h e m o n e y its g e n e r a l m o d e , a n d t h e c o m m o d i t y its particular, or, so to say, disguised m o d e . 1 2 It is c o n s t a n t l y changing from o n e form to t h e other without thereby b e c o m i n g lost, a n d t h u s a s s u m e s an a u t o m a t i c a l l y active character. If n o w we take in t u r n e a c h of t h e two different forms

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which self-expanding value successively a s s u m e s in t h e course of its life, we t h e n arrive at these two propositions: C a p i t a l is m o n e y : C a p i t a l is c o m ­ m o d i t i e s . 1 3 In t r u t h , however, value is h e r e t h e active factor in a process, in which, while constantly a s s u m i n g t h e form in t u r n of m o n e y a n d c o m m o d i ­ ties, it at t h e s a m e t i m e changes in m a g n i t u d e , differentiates itself by

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throwing off surplus-value from itself; t h e original value, in o t h e r words, 7 " C o m m o d i t i e s (here u s e d i n t h e s e n s e o f use-values) a r e n o t t h e t e r m i n a t i n g object o f t h e t r a d i n g capitalist m o n e y i s h i s t e r m i n a t i n g object." (Th. C h a l m e r s , O n P o l . E c o n . etc., 2 n d E d . , Glasgow, 1832, p. 165, 166.) 8 « I l m e r c a n t e n o n c o n t a q u a s i p e r n i e n t e i l l u c r o fatto, m a m i r a s e m p r e a l f u t u r o . » ( A . G e n o vesi, L e z i o n i d i E c o n o m i a Civile (1765), C u s t o d i ' s edit, o f I t a l i a n E c o n o m i s t s . P a r t e M o d e r n a t. V I I I . p. 139.) 9 " T h e i n e x t i n g u i s h a b l e p a s s i o n for g a i n , t h e a u r i sacra f a m e s , will always lead c a p i t a l i s t s . " ( M a c C u l l o c h : " T h e p r i n c i p l e s o f Polit. E c o n . " L o n d o n , 1830, p . 179.) T h i s view, o f c o u r s e , d o e s n o t p r e v e n t t h e s a m e M a c C u l l o c h a n d o t h e r s o f his k i d n e y , w h e n i n t h e o r e t i c a l difficulties, s u c h , for e x a m p l e , a s t h e q u e s t i o n o f o v e r - p r o d u c t i o n , f r o m t r a n s f o r m i n g t h e s a m e c a p i t a l i s t i n t o a m o r a l citizen, w h o s e sole c o n c e r n is for use-values, a n d w h o even d e v e l o p e s an i n s a t i ­ able h u n g e r for boots, h a t s , eggs, calico, a n d o t h e r e x t r e m e l y familiar sorts of use-values. 10 Σ ώ ζ ε ι ν is a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c G r e e k e x p r e s s i o n for h o a r d i n g . So in E n g l i s h to save h a s t h e s a m e two m e a n i n g s : s a u v e r a n d é p a r g n e r . « Q u e s t o infinito c h e l e cose n o n h a n n o i n progresso, h a n n o i n giro.» ( G a l i a n i . ) « C e n ' e s t p a s la m a t i è r e qui fait le capital, m a i s la v a l e u r de ces m a t i è r e s . » (J. Β. Say: " T r a i t é de l ' E c o n . Polit." 3 è m e . é d . Paris, 1817, t. I L , p. 429.) " C u r r e n c y (!) e m p l o y e d i n p r o d u c i n g articles . . . i s c a p i t a l . " ( M a c L e o d : " T h e T h e o r y a n d P r a c t i c e of B a n k i n g . " L o n d o n , 1855, v . l . , ch. I., p. 55.) " C a p i t a l is c o m m o d i t i e s . " ( J a m e s M i l l : " E l e m e n t s of Pol. E c o n . " L o n d . , 1 8 2 1 , p. 74.) 11

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Part II · The transformation of money into capital e x p a n d s spontaneously. F o r t h e m o v e m e n t , in t h e course of w h i c h it adds surplus value, is its own m o v e m e n t , its expansion, therefore, is j ( 1321 a u t o ­ m a t i c expansion. Because it is value, it h a s a c q u i r e d the occult quality of b e i n g able to add value to itself. It brings forth living offspring, or, at t h e least, lays golden eggs.

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Value, therefore, b e i n g t h e active factor in s u c h a process, a n d a s s u m i n g at o n e t i m e the form of m o n e y , at a n o t h e r t h a t of c o m m o d i t i e s , b u t t h r o u g h all these changes preserving itself a n d e x p a n d i n g , it requires s o m e i n d e p e n d e n t form, by m e a n s of which its identity m a y at any t i m e be estab­ lished. A n d this form it possesses only in the s h a p e of m o n e y . It is u n d e r

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t h e form of m o n e y t h a t value begins a n d ends, a n d begins again, every act of its own s p o n t a n e o u s generation. It b e g a n by being £100, it is now £110, a n d so on. But the m o n e y itself is only o n e of t h e two forms of value. U n l e s s it takes t h e form of s o m e c o m m o d i t y , it does n o t b e c o m e capital. T h e r e is h e r e no a n t a g o n i s m , as in the case of h o a r d i n g , between t h e m o n -

15

ey a n d c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e capitalist knows t h a t all c o m m o d i t i e s , however scurvy they m a y look, or however badly they m a y smell, are in faith a n d in t r u t h m o n e y , inwardly circumcised Jews, a n d what is m o r e , a wonderful m e a n s whereby out o f m o n e y t o m a k e m o r e m o n e y . I n simple circulation, C — M — C , t h e value o f c o m m o d i t i e s a t t a i n e d a t

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t h e m o s t a form i n d e p e n d e n t of their use-values, i.e., t h e form of m o n e y ; b u t t h a t s a m e value now i n t h e circulation M — C — M , o r t h e circulation o f capital, s u d d e n l y presents itself as an i n d e p e n d e n t s u b s t a n c e , endowed with a m o t i o n of its own, passing t h r o u g h a life-process of its own, in which m o n e y a n d c o m m o d i t i e s are m e r e forms w h i c h it a s s u m e s a n d casts off in

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t u r n . Nay, m o r e : instead of simply representing t h e relations of c o m m o d i ­ ties, it enters now, so to say, i n t o private relations with itself. It differen­ tiates itself as original value from itself as surplus-value; as t h e father dif­ ferentiates himself from himself q u a the son, yet b o t h are o n e a n d of o n e age: for only by t h e surplus value of £10 does t h e £100 originally a d v a n c e d

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b e c o m e capital, a n d so s o o n as this takes place, so s o o n as t h e son, a n d by t h e son, the father, is begotten, so soon does t h e i r difference vanish, a n d they again b e c o m e o n e , £110. Value therefore now b e c o m e s value in process, m o n e y in process, and, as such, capital. It c o m e s o u t of circulation, enters ||133[ i n t o it again, pre-

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serves a n d multiplies itself within its circuit, c o m e s back o u t of it with ex­ p a n d e d bulk, a n d begins t h e s a m e r o u n d ever afresh. 1 4 Μ — M ' , m o n e y w h i c h begets m o n e y , s u c h is the description of Capital from the m o u t h s of its first interpreters, t h e Mercantilists. 14

C a p i t a l : « p o r t i o n fructifiante d e l a r i c h e s s e a c c u m u l é e . . . v a l e u r p e r m a n e n t e , m u l t i p l i a n t e . » ( S i s m o n d i : " N o u v e a u x p r i n c i p e s d e l'écon. polit.," t . I . , p . 88, 89.)

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Chapter V • Contradictions in the general formula of capital Buying in order to sell, or, m o r e accurately, buying in order to sell dearer, M — C — M ' , appears certainly to be a form peculiar to o n e k i n d of capital alone, namely, m e r c h a n t s ' capital. B u t industrial capital t o o is m o n ­ ey, t h a t is c h a n g e d i n t o c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d by t h e sale of these c o m m o d i 5

ties, is re-converted i n t o m o r e m o n e y . T h e events t h a t take place o u t s i d e t h e sphere of circulation, in t h e interval b e t w e e n the buying a n d selling, do n o t affect t h e form of this m o v e m e n t . Lastly, in t h e case of interest-bearing capital, t h e circulation M — C — M ' appears abridged. W e have its result without the i n t e r m e d i a t e stage, in the form M — M ' , " e n style l a p i d a i r e " so

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to say, m o n e y t h a t is worth m o r e m o n e y , value t h a t is greater t h a n itself. M — C — M ' is therefore in reality t h e general formula of capital as it ap­ pears p r i m a facie within t h e sphere of circulation.

C H A P T E R V.

Contradictions in the General Formula of Capital. 15

T h e form which circulation takes w h e n m o n e y b e c o m e s capital, is opposed to all the laws we have h i t h e r t o investigated b e a r i n g on t h e n a t u r e of com­ modities, value a n d m o n e y , a n d even of c i r c u l a t i o n itself. W h a t distin­ guishes this form from t h a t of t h e simple circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s , is t h e inverted order of succession of t h e two a n t i t h e t i c a l processes, sale a n d pur-

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chase. How c a n this purely formal d i s t i n c t i o n between these processes change their character as it were by magic? B u t t h a t is n o t all. This inversion h a s no existence for two o u t of t h e t h r e e persons who t r a n s a c t b u s i n e s s together. As capitalist, I b u y c o m m o d i ­ ties from A and sell t h e m again to B, ||134| b u t as a simple owner of com-

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m o d i t i e s , I sell t h e m to Β a n d t h e n p u r c h a s e fresh ones from A. A a n d Β see no difference between the two sets of transactions. They are merely buyers or sellers. A n d I on e a c h occasion m e e t t h e m as a m e r e owner of either m o n e y or c o m m o d i t i e s , as a buyer or a seller, and, what is m o r e , in b o t h sets of transactions, I am opposed to A only as a b u y e r a n d to Β only

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as a seller, to t h e o n e only as m o n e y , to t h e o t h e r only as c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d to n e i t h e r of t h e m as capital or a capitalist, or as representative of a n y t h i n g t h a t is m o r e t h a n m o n e y or c o m m o d i t i e s , or t h a t c a n p r o d u c e a n y effect b e y o n d what m o n e y a n d c o m m o d i t i e s c a n . F o r m e the p u r c h a s e from A a n d t h e sale to Β are part of a series. B u t t h e c o n n e x i o n between the two

35

acts exists for me a l o n e . A does n o t t r o u b l e himself a b o u t my t r a n s a c t i o n with B, n o r does Β a b o u t my b u s i n e s s with A. A n d if I offered to explain to t h e m the m e r i t o r i o u s n a t u r e of my a c t i o n in inverting t h e order of succes-

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Part II • The transformation of money into capital sion, they would probably p o i n t out to me t h a t I was m i s t a k e n as to t h a t or­ der of succession, a n d t h a t the whole transaction, i n s t e a d of b e g i n n i n g with a p u r c h a s e a n d e n d i n g with a sale, began, on t h e contrary, with a sale a n d was c o n c l u d e d with a p u r c h a s e . I truth, my first act, t h e p u r c h a s e , was from t h e s t a n d p o i n t of A, a sale, a n d my s e c o n d act, t h e sale, was from t h e

5

s t a n d p o i n t of B, a p u r c h a s e . N o t c o n t e n t with that, A a n d Β would declare t h a t t h e whole series was superfluous a n d n o t h i n g b u t H o k u s Pokus; t h a t for t h e future A would b u y direct from B, a n d Β sell direct to A. T h u s t h e whole t r a n s a c t i o n would be r e d u c e d to a single act forming an isolated, n o n - c o m p l e m e n t e d phase in the ordinary c i r c u l a t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s , a

10

m e r e sale from A's p o i n t of view, a n d from B's, a m e r e p u r c h a s e . T h e inver­ sion, therefore, of the order of succession, does n o t take us o u t s i d e t h e sphere of t h e simple circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d we m u s t r a t h e r look, w h e t h e r there is in this simple circulation a n y t h i n g p e r m i t t i n g an expan­ sion of t h e value t h a t enters i n t o circulation, and, consequently, a creation

15

of surplus-value. Let us take the process of circulation in a form u n d e r w h i c h it presents itself as a simple a n d direct exchange of c o m m o d i t i e s . T h i s is always t h e case w h e n two owners of c o m m o d i t i e s b u y ||135| from e a c h other, a n d on t h e settling day the a m o u n t s m u t u a l l y owing are e q u a l a n d cancel e a c h

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other. T h e m o n e y in this case is m o n e y of a c c o u n t a n d serves to express t h e value of t h e c o m m o d i t i e s by their prices, b u t is n o t , itself, in t h e shape of h a r d cash, confronted with t h e m . So far as regards use-values, it is clear t h a t b o t h parties m a y g a i n s o m e advantage. B o t h part with goods that, as use-values, are of no service to t h e m , a n d receive others t h a t they c a n m a k e

25

u s e of. A n d there m a y also be a further gain. A, who sells wine a n d buys corn, possibly produces m o r e wine, with given l a b o u r t i m e , t h a n farmer Β could, a n d B, on the o t h e r h a n d , m o r e corn t h a n wine-grower A could. A, therefore, m a y get, for t h e s a m e exchange value, m o r e corn, a n d Β m o r e wine, t h a n e a c h would respectively get w i t h o u t any e x c h a n g e by p r o d u c i n g

30

his own corn a n d wine. W i t h reference, therefore, to use-value, t h e r e is good g r o u n d for saying t h a t " e x c h a n g e is a t r a n s a c t i o n by which b o t h sides g a i n . " 1 5 It is otherwise with exchange-value. "A m a n who h a s plenty of wine a n d no corn treats with a m a n who has plenty of c o r n a n d no wine; an ex­ c h a n g e takes place between t h e m of corn to t h e value of 50, for wine of t h e

35

s a m e value. This act p r o d u c e s no increase of exchange-value either for t h e o n e or t h e other; for e a c h of t h e m already possessed, before t h e exchange, a

15 « L ' é c h a n g e est u n e t r a n s a c t i o n a d m i r a b l e d a n s l a q u e l l e les d e u x c o n t r a c t a n t s g a g n e n t — t o u j o u r s (!)» ( D e s t u t t de Tracy: "Traité de la V o l o n t é et de ses effets." Paris, 1826, p. 68.) T h i s w o r k a p p e a r e d 1823 as "Traité de l ' É c o n . Polit."

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Chapter V • Contradictions in the general formula of capital 16

value equal to that which he acquired by m e a n s of that o p e r a t i o n . " T h e result is not altered by introducing m o n e y , as a m e d i u m of circulation, between the c o m m o d i t i e s , and m a k i n g the sale a n d the purchase two distinct a c t s . T h e value of a c o m m o d i t y is expressed in its price before it goes into circulation, a n d is therefore a p r e c e d e n t c o n d i t i o n of circulation, not its result. Abstractedly considered, that is, apart from circumstances n o t i m m e d i ately flowing from the laws of the simple circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s , there is in an exchange n o t h i n g (if we except ||136| the replacing of one use-value by another) b u t a m e t a m o r p h o s i s , a m e r e c h a n g e in the form of the c o m modity. T h e same exchange value, i.e., the s a m e quantity of incorporated social labour, r e m a i n s t h r o u g h o u t in the h a n d s of t h e owner of the commodity, first in the shape of his own c o m m o d i t y , t h e n in the form of the m o n e y for which he exchanged it, a n d lastly, in the shape of the c o m m o d ity he buys with that m o n e y . This change of form does n o t imply a c h a n g e in the m a g n i t u d e of the value. But the change, which the value of the c o m m o d i t y undergoes in this process, is limited to a change in its m o n e y form. This form exists first as the price of the c o m m o d i t y offered for sale, t h e n as an actual s u m of m o n e y , which, however, was already expressed in the price, and lastly, as the price of an equivalent c o m m o d i t y . This c h a n g e of form no m o r e implies, t a k e n alone, a change in the quantity of value, t h a n does the change of a £5 n o t e into sovereigns, half sovereigns a n d shillings. So far therefore as the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s effects a change in t h e form alone of their values, a n d is free from disturbing influences, it m u s t be the exchange of equivalents. Little as Vulgar-Economy knows a b o u t the nature of value, yet whenever it wishes to consider the p h e n o m e n a of circulation in their purity, it assumes that supply a n d d e m a n d are equal, which a m o u n t s to this, that their effect is nil. If therefore, as regards the use-values exchanged, b o t h buyer and seller m a y possibly gain something, this is not the case as regards the exchange values. H e r e we m u s t rather say, "Where equality exists there can be no g a i n . " It is true, c o m m o d i t i e s m a y be sold at prices deviating from their values, b u t these deviations are to be considered as infractions of the laws of the exchange of c o m m o d i t i e s , 17

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" M e r c i e r de la Rivière," I.e. p. 544. « Q u e l ' u n e d e ces d e u x valeurs soit argent, o u q u ' e l l e s soient t o u t e s d e u x m a r c h a n d i s e s u s u e l l e s , r i e n de p l u s indifférent en s o i . » ("Mercier de la R i v i è r e , " I.e. p . 5 4 3 . ) « C e n e s o n t pas les c o n t r a c t a n t s q u i p r o n o n c e n t sur l a valeur; elle est d é c i d é e a v a n t l a c o n v e n t i o n . » ("Le T r o s n e , " p. 906.) «Dove è egualità n o n è lucro.» (Galiani, "Della M o n e t a in Custodi, Parte Moderna," t.IV. p . 244.) « L ' é c h a n g e devient d é s a v a n t a g e u x p o u r l ' u n e des parties, lorsque q u e l q u e c h o s e é t r a n g è r e vient d i m i n u e r ou exagérer le p r i x : alors l'égalité est blessée, m a i s la lésion p r o c è d e de c e t t e c a u s e et n o n de l'échange.» ("Le T r o s n e , " Le. p. 9 0 3 , 904.) 17

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Part II · The transformation of money into capital which in its n o r m a l state is an exchange of equivalents, consequently, no m e t h o d for increasing v a l u e . H e n c e , we see that b e h i n d all attempts to represent the ||137| circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s as a source of surplus-value, there lurks a quid pro quo, a m i x i n g up of use-value and exchange-value. F o r instance, Condillac says: 5 "It is n o t true that on an exchange of c o m m o d i t i e s we give value for value. On the contrary, each of the two contracting parties in every case, gives a less for a greater value. ... If we really exchanged equal values, n e i t h e r party could m a k e a profit. A n d yet, they b o t h gain, or ought to gain. Why? T h e value of a thing consists solely in its relation to o u r wants. W h a t is 10 m o r e to the o n e is less to the other, a n d vice versa. ... It is n o t to be ass u m e d that we offer for sale articles required for our own c o n s u m p t i o n . ... We wish to part with a useless thing, in order to get one t h a t we need; we want to give less for m o r e . ... It was n a t u r a l to t h i n k that, in an exchange, value was given for value, whenever e a c h of the articles exchanged 15 was of equal value with the same quantity of gold. ... But there is a n o t h e r point to be considered in our calculation. T h e question is, whether we b o t h e x c h a n g e something superfluous for s o m e t h i n g n e c e s s a r y . " We see in this passage, how Condillac not only confuses use-value with exchange-value, b u t in a really childish m a n n e r assumes, that in a society, in which the pro- 20 a u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s is well developed, each p r o d u c e r produces his own m e a n s of subsistence, and throws into circulation only the excess over his own r e q u i r e m e n t s . Still, Condillac's a r g u m e n t is frequently used by m o d ern economists, more especially w h e n the point is to show, t h a t the exc h a n g e of commodities in its developed form, c o m m e r c e , is productive of 25 surplus-value. For instance, " C o m m e r c e . . . . adds value to products, for the s a m e products in the h a n d s of c o n s u m e r s , are worth m o r e t h a n in the h a n d s of producers, a n d it m a y strictly ||138| be considered an act of prod u c t i o n . " But c o m m o d i t i e s are n o t paid for twice over, o n c e on account 21

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« L ' é c h a n g e est d e s a n a t u r e u n c o n t r a t d'égalité q u i s e fait d e v a l e u r p o u r v a l e u r égale. I l n ' e s t d o n c p a s u n m o y e n d e s'enrichir, p u i s q u e l'on d o n n e a u t a n t q u e l'on r e ç o i t . » ("Le T r o s n e , " I.e. p p . 9 0 3 , 904.) C o n d i l l a c : "Le C o m m e r c e e t l e G o u v e r n e m e n t " (1776). E d i t . D a i r e e t M o l i n a r i i n t h e " M é langes d ' É c o n . Polit." Paris, 1847, p p . 2 6 7 , 2 9 1 . L e T r o s n e , therefore, answers his friend C o n d i l l a c with j u s t i c e a s follows: « D a n s u n e société formée ... il n'y a pas de s u r a b o n d a n t en a u c u n g e n r e . » At t h e s a m e t i m e , in a b a n t e r i n g way, h e r e m a r k s : "If b o t h t h e p e r s o n s who e x c h a n g e receive m o r e t o a n e q u a l a m o u n t , a n d p a r t w i t h less t o a n e q u a l a m o u n t , they b o t h get t h e s a m e . " I t i s b e c a u s e C o n d i l l a c h a s n o t t h e r e m o t e s t i d e a o f t h e n a t u r e o f e x c h a n g e - v a l u e t h a t h e h a s b e e n c h o s e n b y H e r r Professor W i l h e l m R o s c h e r as a p r o p e r p e r s o n to answer for t h e s o u n d n e s s of h i s o w n childish n o t i o n s . See R o s c h e r ' s " D i e G r u n d l a g e n der N a t i o n a l ö k o n o m i e , D r i t t e Auflage," 1858.

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S . P . N e w m a n : " E l e m e n t s o f Polit. E c o n . " A n d o v e r a n d N e w York, 1835, p . 175.

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Chapter V • Contradictions in the general formula of capital of their use-value, and again on a c c o u n t of their value. A n d t h o u g h the use-value of a c o m m o d i t y is m o r e serviceable to the buyer t h a n to the seller, its m o n e y form is m o r e serviceable to the seller. W o u l d he otherwise sell it? We m i g h t therefore just as well say that the buyer performs "strictly 5 an act of production," by converting stockings, for example, into m o n e y . If commodities, or c o m m o d i t i e s and money, of equal exchange-value, and consequently equivalents, are exchanged, it is plain t h a t no o n e abstracts m o r e value from, t h a n he throws i n t o , circulation. There is no creation of surplus-value. A n d , in its n o r m a l form, the circulation of c o m m o d i 10 ties d e m a n d s the exchange of equivalents. But in actual practice, the process does n o t retain its n o r m a l form. Let u s , therefore, a s s u m e an exchange of non-equivalents. In any case the m a r k e t for c o m m o d i t i e s is only frequented by owners of c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d the power which these persons exercise over e a c h other, 15 is no other t h a n the power of their c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e material variety of these c o m m o d i t i e s is the m a t e r i a l incentive to the act of exchange, a n d m a k e s buyers a n d sellers m u t u a l l y d e p e n d e n t , because n o n e of t h e m possesses the object of his own wants, a n d e a c h h o l d s in his h a n d the object of another's wants. Besides these material differences of their use-values, 20 there is only one other difference between c o m m o d i t i e s , namely, that between their bodily form and the form into which they are converted by sale, the difference between c o m m o d i t i e s a n d m o n e y . A n d consequently the owners of c o m m o d i t i e s are distinguishable only as sellers, those who own commodities, a n d buyers, those who own m o n e y . 25 Suppose then, that by s o m e inexplicable privilege, the seller is enabled to sell his c o m m o d i t i e s above their value, what is worth 100 for 110, in which case the price is n o m i n a l l y raised 10 %. T h e seller therefore pockets a surplus value of 10. But after he has sold he b e c o m e s a buyer. A third owner of c o m m o d i t i e s comes to h i m now as seller, who in this capacity also 30 enjoys the privilege of selling his c o m m o d i t i e s 10% too ||139| dear. O u r friend gained 10 as a seller only to lose it again as a b u y e r . T h e n e t result is, that all owners of c o m m o d i t i e s sell their goods to one a n o t h e r at 10 % above their value, which c o m e s precisely to the same as if they sold t h e m at their true value. S u c h a general a n d n o m i n a l rise of prices has the s a m e ef35 feet as if t h e values h a d b e e n expressed in weight of silver instead of in weight of gold. T h e n o m i n a l prices of c o m m o d i t i e s would rise, b u t the real relation between their values would r e m a i n u n c h a n g e d . 25

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"By the a u g m e n t a t i o n o f t h e n o m i n a l value o f t h e p r o d u c e ... sellers n o t e n r i c h e d ... s i n c e what they g a i n as sellers, t h e y precisely e x p e n d in t h e quality of b u y e r s . " ("The E s s e n t i a l Principles of t h e W e a l t h of N a t i o n s , " etc., L o n d o n , 1797, p. 66.)

139

Part II • The transformation of money into capital Let us m a k e the opposite assumption, that the buyer has the privilege of p u r c h a s i n g c o m m o d i t i e s u n d e r their value. In this case it is no longer n e c essary to bear in m i n d that he in his t u r n will b e c o m e a seller. He was so before he b e c a m e buyer; he h a d already lost 10% in selling before he gained 10 % as b u y e r . Everything is just as it was. T h e creation of surplus-value, and therefore the conversion of m o n e y into capital, can consequently be explained n e i t h e r on t h e a s s u m p t i o n that c o m m o d i t i e s are sold above their value, n o r t h a t they are b o u g h t below their v a l u e . T h e p r o b l e m is in no way simplified by i n t r o d u c i n g irrelevant m a t t e r s after the m a n n e r of Col. Torrens: "Effectual d e m a n d consists in the power a n d inclination (!), on the part of consumers, to give for c o m m o d i t i e s , either by i m m e d i a t e or circuitous barter, s o m e greater portion of ... capital t h a n their production c o s t s . " In relation to circulation, producers a n d c o n s u m e r s m e e t only as buyers a n d sellers. To assert t h a t the surplus-value acquired by the producer has its origin in the fact that c o n s u m e r s pay for c o m m o d i t i e s m o r e t h a n their value, ||140| is only to say in other words: T h e owner of c o m m o d i t i e s possesses, as a seller, the privilege of selling too dear. T h e seller has himself produced the c o m m o d i t i e s or represents their producer, b u t the buyer has to no less extent p r o d u c e d the c o m m o d i t i e s rep r e s e n t e d by his money, or represents their producer. T h e distinction between t h e m is, t h a t one buys and the other sells. T h e fact that t h e owner of t h e c o m m o d i t i e s , u n d e r the designation of producer, sells t h e m over their value, a n d u n d e r the designation of c o n s u m e r , pays too m u c h for t h e m , does not carry us a single step further. To be consistent therefore, the upholders of the delusion that surplus-value has its origin in a n o m i n a l rise of prices or in the privilege w h i c h the seller has of selling too dear, m u s t a s s u m e the existence of a class that only buys and does not sell, i.e., only c o n s u m e s a n d does n o t prod u c e . T h e existence of such a class is inexplicable from the standpoint we have so far reached, viz., that of simple circulation. But let us anticipate. 26

5

27

10

28

29

15

20

25

30

26

« S i l ' o n est forcé d e d o n n e r p o u r 1 8 livres u n e q u a n t i t é d e telle p r o d u c t i o n q u i e n valait 24, l o r s q u ' o n e m p l o y era ce m ê m e argent à acheter, on a u r a é g a l e m e n t p o u r 18 i. ce q u e l ' o n p a y a i t 2 4 . » ("Le T r o s n e , " I.e. p. 897.) « C h a q u e v e n d e u r n e p e u t d o n e parvenir à r e n c h é r i r h a b i t u e l l e m e n t ses m a r c h a n d i s e s , q u ' e n se s o u m e t t a n t aussi à payer h a b i t u e l l e m e n t plus c h e r les m a r c h a n d i s e s d e s autres vend e u r s ; e t p a r l a m ê m e raison, c h a q u e c o n s o m m a t e u r n e p e u t payer h a b i t u e l l e m e n t m o i n s c h e r ce q u ' i l a c h è t e , q u ' e n se s o u m e t t a n t aussi à u n e d i m i n u t i o n s e m b l a b l e sur le prix des choses q u ' i l v e n d . » ("Mercier de la Rivière," I.e. p . 5 5 5 . ) R . T o r r e n s : " E n Essay o n t h e P r o d u c t i o n o f W e a l t h . " L o n d o n , 1 8 2 1 , p . 349. " T h e i d e a o f profits b e i n g paid b y t h e c o n s u m e r s , is, assuredly, very a b s u r d . W h o are t h e c o n s u m e r s ? " ( G . R a m s a y : " A n Essay o n t h e D i s t r i b u t i o n o f W e a l t h . " E d i n b u r g h , 1836, p . 183.) 27

35

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140

Chapter V · Contradictions in the general formula of capital T h e m o n e y with which s u c h a class is c o n s t a n t l y m a k i n g purchases, m u s t constantly flow i n t o their pockets, w i t h o u t any exchange, gratis, by m i g h t or right, from t h e pockets of t h e c o m m o d i t y - o w n e r s themselves. To sell c o m m o d i t i e s above their value to s u c h a class, is only to crib b a c k again a 5

part of t h e m o n e y previously given to it.

30

T h e towns of Asia M i n o r t h u s

p a i d a yearly m o n e y tribute t o a n c i e n t R o m e . W i t h this m o n e y R o m e pur­ chased from t h e m c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d p u r c h a s e d t h e m too dear. T h e provin­ cials c h e a t e d the R o m a n s , a n d t h u s got back from their conquerors, in t h e course of trade, a portion of t h e tribute. Yet, for all that, the c o n q u e r e d 10

were t h e really cheated. T h e i r goods were still p a i d for with their own m o n ­ ey. T h a t is n o t t h e way to get r i c h or to create surplus-value. Let us therefore keep within t h e b o u n d s of e x c h a n g e where | | 1 4 1 | sel­ lers are also buyers, a n d buyers, sellers. O u r difficulty m a y p e r h a p s h a v e arisen from treating the actors as personifications instead of as individ-

15

uals. A m a y be clever e n o u g h to get t h e advantage of Β or C without their be­ ing able to retaliate. A sells wine worth £ 4 0 to B, a n d o b t a i n s from h i m in e x c h a n g e corn to t h e value of £50. A h a s converted his £40 i n t o £50, h a s m a d e m o r e m o n e y o u t o f less, a n d h a s converted his c o m m o d i t i e s i n t o cap-

20

ital. Let us e x a m i n e this a little m o r e closely. Before t h e e x c h a n g e we h a d £40 worth of wine in t h e h a n d s of A, a n d £ 5 0 worth of corn in those of B, a total value of £90. After t h e e x c h a n g e we have still t h e s a m e total value of £ 9 0 . T h e value in circulation h a s n o t increased by o n e iota, it is only distributed differently between A a n d B. W h a t is a loss of value to Β is sur-

25

plus-value to A; what is " m i n u s " to o n e is " p l u s " to the other. T h e s a m e c h a n g e would have t a k e n place, if A, w i t h o u t t h e formality of an e x c h a n g e , h a d directly stolen the £10 from B. T h e s u m of the values in c i r c u l a t i o n c a n clearly n o t be a u g m e n t e d by any c h a n g e in their distribution, any m o r e t h a n t h e quantity of t h e precious m e t a l s in a country by a Jew selling a

30

Q u e e n A n n ' s farthing for a g u i n e a . T h e capitalist class, as a whole, in a n y country, c a n n o t over-reach t h e m s e l v e s . 3 1 T u r n a n d twist t h e n as we may, t h e fact r e m a i n s u n a l t e r e d . If equivalents are exchanged, no surplus-value results, a n d if non-equivalents are ex30 "\y]jen

35

40

a

m a n

js

m

w a n

j 0 f a d e m a n d , d o e s M r . M a l t h u s r e c o m m e n d h i m t o pay s o m e o t h e r

p e r s o n to t a k e off h i s g o o d s ? " is a q u e s t i o n p u t by an angry disciple of R i c a r d o to M a l t h u s , who, like his disciple, P a r s o n C h a l m e r s , e c o n o m i c a l l y glorifies t h i s class of s i m p l e b u y e r s or c o n s u m e r s . (See " A n I n q u i r y i n t o t h o s e p r i n c i p l e s r e s p e c t i n g t h e N a t u r e o f D e m a n d a n d t h e n e c e s s i t y o f C o n s u m p t i o n , lately a d v o c a t e d b y M r . M a l t h u s , " etc. L o n d . , 1 8 2 1 , p . 55.) 31 D e s t u t t d e Tracy, a l t h o u g h , o r p e r h a p s b e c a u s e , h e was a m e m b e r o f t h e I n s t i t u t e , h e l d t h e o p p o s i t e view. H e says, i n d u s t r i a l capitalists m a k e profits b e c a u s e " t h e y all sell for m o r e t h a n i t h a s cost t o p r o d u c e . A n d t o w h o m d o t h e y sell? I n t h e f i r s t i n s t a n c e t o o n e a n o t h e r . " (I.e., p . 239.)

141

Part II • The transformation of money into capital 32

changed, still no surplus-value. Circulation, or t h e exchange of c o m m o d i ties, begets no value. 1 |142| T h e reason is now therefore plain why, in analysing the standard form of capital, the form u n d e r which it d e t e r m i n e s the economical organisation of m o d e r n society, we entirely left o u t of consideration its m o s t p o p 5 ular, and, so to say, antediluvian forms, m e r c h a n t s ' capital a n d m o n e y - l e n d e r s ' capital. T h e circuit M — C — M ' , buying in order to sell dearer, is seen most clearly in g e n u i n e m e r c h a n t s ' capital. B u t the m o v e m e n t takes place entirely within the sphere of circulation. Since, however, it is impossible, by 10 circulation alone, to account for the conversion of m o n e y into capital, for t h e formation of surplus-value, it would appear, t h a t m e r c h a n t s ' capital is an impossibility, so long as equivalents are e x c h a n g e d ; that, therefore, it can only have its origin in the twofold advantage gained, over b o t h the selling and the buying producers, by the m e r c h a n t who parasitically shoves 15 himself in between t h e m . It is in this sense t h a t F r a n k l i n says, "war is robbery, c o m m e r c e is generally c h e a t i n g . " If t h e transformation of merc h a n t s ' m o n e y into capital is to be explained otherwise t h a n by the p r o d u cers being simply cheated, a long series of i n t e r m e d i a t e steps would be necessary, which, at present, when the simple circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s 20 forms o u r only assumption, are entirely wanting. 33

34

35

W h a t we have said with reference to m e r c h a n t s ' capital, applies still m o r e to m o n e y - l e n d e r s ' capital. In m e r c h a n t s ' capital, the two extremes, t h e m o n e y that is thrown u p o n the market, a n d the a u g m e n t e d m o n e y t h a t is withdrawn from the market, are at least c o n n e c t e d by a p u r c h a s e and a sale, in other words by the m o v e m e n t of the circulation. In m o n e y - l e n d e r s '

25

32

« L ' é c h a n g e q u i s e fait d e d e u x valeurs égales n ' a u g m e n t e n i n e d i m i n u e l a m a s s e des valeurs s u b s i s t a n t e s d a n s l a société. L ' é c h a n g e d e d e u x valeurs inégales ... n e c h a n g e r i e n n o n p l u s à la s o m m e des valeurs sociales, b i e n q u ' i l ajoute à la f o r t u n e de l ' u n ce q u ' i l ôte de la fortune de l ' a u t r e . » (J. B. Say, I.e. t . I L , p p . 4 4 3 , 444.) Say, n o t in t h e least t r o u b l e d as to t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s of t h i s s t a t e m e n t , borrows it, a l m o s t word for word, from t h e Physiocrats. T h e following e x a m p l e will shew h o w M o n s i e u r Say t u r n e d to a c c o u n t t h e writings of t h e P h y s i o crats, in his day q u i t e forgotten, for t h e p u r p o s e of e x p a n d i n g t h e " v a l u e " of h i s own. H i s m o s t c e l e b r a t e d saying, « O n n ' a c h è t e des p r o d u i t s q u ' a v e c d e s p r o d u i t s » (I.e., t . L , p . 4 3 8 ) r u n s a s follows in t h e original physiocratic work: « L e s p r o d u c t i o n s ne se p a i e n t q u ' a v e c des p r o d u c t i o n s . » ("Le T r o s n e , " I.e., p. 899.)

30

35

33

" E x c h a n g e confers n o value a t all u p o n p r o d u c t s . " ( F . W a y l a n d : "The E l e m e n t s o f Political E c o n o m y . " B o s t o n , 1852, p. 169.) U n d e r t h e rule o f invariable e q u i v a l e n t s c o m m e r c e w o u l d b e i m p o s s i b l e . (G. O p d y k e : " A T r e a t i s e o n Polit. E c o n o m y . " N e w York, 1 8 5 1 , p . 6 6 - 6 9 . ) " T h e difference b e t w e e n real v a l u e a n d e x c h a n g e value is b a s e d u p o n this fact, n a m e l y , t h a t t h e v a l u e of a t h i n g is different from t h e so-called e q u i v a l e n t given for it in t r a d e , i.e., t h a t t h i s e q u i v a l e n t is no e q u i v a l e n t . " ( F . E n gels, I.e. p p . 95, 96.) B e n j a m i n F r a n k l i n : W o r k s , Vol. I I . edit. Sparks i n " P o s i t i o n s t o b e e x a m i n e d c o n c e r n i n g N a t i o n a l W e a l t h , " p . 376. 34

40

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142

45

Chapter V • Contradictions in the general formula of capital capital t h e form M — C — M ' is r e d u c e d to t h e two extremes w i t h o u t a m e a n , Μ — M ' , m o n e y e x c h a n g e d for m o r e m o n e y , a form t h a t is i n c o m p a t ­ ible with t h e n a t u r e of m o n e y , a n d therefore r e m a i n s inexplicable from t h e s t a n d p o i n t of the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s . H e n c e Aristotle: " s i n c e 5

c h r e m a | | 1 4 3 | t i s t i c is a d o u b l e science, o n e part belonging to c o m m e r c e , t h e o t h e r to e c o n o m i c , the latter being necessary a n d praiseworthy, t h e former based on circulation a n d with justice disapproved (for it is n o t based on N a t u r e , b u t o n m u t u a l cheating), therefore the u s u r e r i s m o s t rightly h a t e d , b e c a u s e m o n e y itself is t h e source of his gain, a n d is n o t u s e d for t h e pur-

10

poses for which it was invented. F o r it originated for t h e e x c h a n g e of c o m ­ modities, b u t interest m a k e s out o f m o n e y , m o r e m o n e y . H e n c e its n a m e (τόνος interest a n d offspring). F o r t h e b e g o t t e n are like those who beget t h e m . But interest is m o n e y of m o n e y , so t h a t of all m o d e s of m a k i n g a liv­ ing, this is t h e m o s t contrary to n a t u r e . " 3 6

15

In t h e course of o u r investigation, we shall find t h a t b o t h m e r c h a n t s ' capital a n d interest-bearing capital are derivative forms, a n d at t h e s a m e t i m e it will b e c o m e clear, why t h e s e two forms appear in the course of his­ tory before the m o d e r n s t a n d a r d form of capital. We have shown t h a t surplus-value c a n n o t be created by circulation, a n d ,

20

therefore, t h a t in its formation, s o m e t h i n g m u s t take place in t h e back­ ground,

which

is

not

apparent

in

the

circulation

itself. 37

But

can

surplus-value possibly originate anywhere else t h a n in circulation, w h i c h is the s u m total of all the m u t u a l relations of commodity-owners, as far as they are d e t e r m i n e d by their c o m m o d i t i e s ? Apart from circulation, t h e 25

commodity-owner is in relation only with his own c o m m o d i t y . So far as re­ gards value, t h a t relation is l i m i t e d to this, t h a t t h e c o m m o d i t y c o n t a i n s a quantity of his own labour, t h a t q u a n t i t y b e i n g m e a s u r e d by a definite so­ cial standard. This q u a n t i t y is expressed by t h e value of t h e c o m m o d i t y , a n d since t h e value is r e c k o n e d in m o n e y of a c c o u n t , this q u a n t i t y is also

30

expressed by the price, which we will suppose to be £10. But his l a b o u r is n o t represented b o t h by t h e value of t h e c o m m o d i t y , a n d by a surplus over t h a t value, n o t by a price of 10 t h a t is also a price of 11, n o t by a value t h a t is greater t h a n itself. T h e c o m m o d i t y owner can, by his labour, create val­ u e , ||144| b u t n o t self-expanding value. He c a n increase t h e value of his

35

c o m m o d i t y , by a d d i n g fresh labour, a n d therefore m o r e value to the value in h a n d , by m a k i n g , for i n s t a n c e , leather i n t o b o o t s . T h e s a m e m a t e r i a l h a s now m o r e value, b e c a u s e it c o n t a i n s a greater q u a n t i t y of labour. T h e b o o t s have therefore m o r e value t h a n t h e leather, b u t t h e value o f the leather re36

40

Aristotle, l . c . c . 10. 37 "profjt; in t n e usual condition of the market, is n o t m a d e by exchanging. H a d it n o t existed

before, n e i t h e r c o u l d it after t h a t t r a n s a c t i o n . " ( R a m s a y , I.e. p. 134.)

143

Part II · The transformation of money into capital m a i n s what it was; it has n o t expanded itself, has not, during the m a k i n g of the boots, a n n e x e d surplus value. It is therefore impossible that outside the sphere of circulation, a producer of c o m m o d i t i e s can, without coming into contact with other c o m m o d i t y owners, expand value, a n d consequently convert m o n e y or c o m m o d i t i e s into capital. 5 It is therefore impossible for capital to be p r o d u c e d by circulation, a n d it is equally impossible for it to originate apart from circulation. It m u s t have its origin b o t h in circulation a n d yet n o t in circulation. We have, therefore, got a double result. T h e conversion of m o n e y into capital has to be explained on the basis of 10 the laws that regulate the exchange of c o m m o d i t i e s , in such a way t h a t the starting point is the exchange of e q u i v a l e n t s . O u r friend, Moneybags, who as yet is only an embryo capitalist, m u s t b u y his c o m m o d i t i e s at their valu e , m u s t sell t h e m at their value, a n d yet at t h e e n d of the process m u s t withdraw m o r e value from circulation t h a n he threw ||145| into it at start- 15 ing. His development into a full-grown capitalist m u s t take place, both within t h e sphere of circulation a n d without it. T h e s e are the conditions of t h e problem. Hie R h o d u s , hie salta! 38

CHAPTER VI.

The Buying and Selling of Labour-Power.

20

T h e change of value that occurs in the case of m o n e y i n t e n d e d to be converted into capital, c a n n o t take place in the m o n e y itself, since in its funct i o n of m e a n s of purchase and of payment, it does no m o r e t h a n realise the price of the c o m m o d i t y it buys or pays for; and, as h a r d cash, it is value 38

F r o m t h e foregoing investigation, t h e r e a d e r will see t h a t t h i s s t a t e m e n t only m e a n s t h a t t h e f o r m a t i o n of capital m u s t be possible even t h o u g h t h e price a n d value of a c o m m o d i t y be t h e s a m e ; for its f o r m a t i o n c a n n o t be a t t r i b u t e d to any d e v i a t i o n of t h e o n e from t h e other. If prices actually differ from values, we m u s t , first of all, r e d u c e t h e former to t h e latter, in o t h e r words, treat t h e difference a s a c c i d e n t a l i n o r d e r t h a t t h e p h e n o m e n a m a y b e observed i n their p u r i t y , a n d o u r observations n o t interfered with b y d i s t u r b i n g c i r c u m s t a n c e s t h a t h a v e n o t h i n g t o d o w i t h t h e process i n q u e s t i o n . W e know, moreover, t h a t t h i s r e d u c t i o n i s n o m e r e scientific process. T h e c o n t i n u a l oscillations in prices, their rising a n d falling, c o m p e n s a t e e a c h o t h e r , a n d r e d u c e themselves t o a n average price, w h i c h i s their h i d d e n regulator. I t forms t h e g u i d i n g star o f t h e m e r c h a n t o r t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r i n every u n d e r t a k i n g t h a t r e q u i r e s t i m e . H e k n o w s t h a t w h e n a long period of t i m e is taken, c o m m o d i t i e s are sold n e i t h e r over n o r u n d e r , b u t a t t h e i r average price. I f therefore h e t h o u g h t a b o u t t h e m a t t e r a t all, h e w o u l d f o r m u l a t e t h e p r o b l e m of t h e f o r m a t i o n of capital as follows: H o w c a n we a c c o u n t for t h e origin of capital on t h e s u p p o s i t i o n t h a t prices are regulated by t h e average p r i c e , i.e., u l t i m a t e l y by t h e value of t h e c o m m o d i t i e s ? I say " u l t i m a t e l y , " b e c a u s e average prices do n o t directly c o i n c i d e with t h e v a l u e s o f c o m m o d i t i e s , a s A d a m S m i t h , R i c a r d o , a n d o t h e r s believe.

144

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Chapter VI • The buying and selling of labour-power 39

5

petrified, never varying. J u s t as little can it originate in t h e second act of circulation, the re-sale of the c o m m o d i t y , w h i c h does no m o r e t h a n transform the article from its bodily form b a c k again into its money-form. T h e change must, therefore, take place in t h e c o m m o d i t y b o u g h t by the first act, M — C , b u t not in its value, for equivalents are exchanged, a n d the c o m m o d i t y is paid for at its full value. We are, therefore, forced to the conclusion that the c h a n g e originates in the use-value, as such, of the c o m modity, i.e., in its c o n s u m p t i o n . In order to be able to extract value from the c o n s u m p t i o n of a c o m m o d i t y , our friend, Moneybags, m u s t be so lucky

10

as to find, within the sphere of circulation, in the market, a c o m m o d i t y , whose use-value possesses t h e peculiar property of being a source of value, whose actual c o n s u m p t i o n , therefore, is itself an e m b o d i m e n t of labour, and, consequently, a creation of value. T h e possessor of m o n e y does find on the m a r k e t such a special c o m m o d i t y in capacity for labour or labour15 power. By labour-power or capacity for l a b o u r is to be u n d e r s t o o d the aggregate of those m e n t a l a n d physical capabilities existing in a h u m a n being, which he exercises whenever he produces a use-value of any description. | |146| But in order that o u r owner of m o n e y m a y be able to find labour20 power offered for sale as a c o m m o d i t y , various conditions m u s t first be fulfilled. T h e exchange of c o m m o d i t i e s of itself implies no other relations of d e p e n d e n c e t h a n those which result from its own n a t u r e . On this a s s u m p tion, labour-power can appear u p o n t h e m a r k e t as a c o m m o d i t y , only if, a n d so far as, its possessor, the individual whose labour-power it is, offers it 25 for sale, or sells it, as a c o m m o d i t y . In order t h a t he m a y be able to do this, he m u s t have it at his disposal, m u s t be t h e u n t r a m m e l l e d owner of his capacity for labour, i.e., of his p e r s o n . He a n d t h e owner of m o n e y m e e t in the market, a n d deal with e a c h other as on t h e basis of equal rights, with this difference alone, that o n e is buyer, the other seller; both, therefore, 30 equal in the eyes of the law. T h e c o n t i n u a n c e of this relation d e m a n d s t h a t the owner of the labour-power should sell it only for a definite period, for if he were to sell it r u m p a n d s t u m p , o n c e for all, he would be selling himself, converting himself from a free m a n into a slave, from an owner of a c o m m o d i t y into a c o m m o d i t y . He m u s t constantly look u p o n his labour-power 35 as his own property, his own c o m m o d i t y , and this he can only do by placing it at the disposal of the buyer temporarily, for a definite period of t i m e . 40

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" I n t h e form of m o n e y c a p i t a l is p r o d u c t i v e of no profit." ( R i c a r d o : " P r i n c . of Pol. Econ." p.267.) I n encyclopasdias o f classical a n t i q u i t i e s w e find s u c h n o n s e n s e a s t h i s — t h a t i n t h e a n c i e n t world capital was fully developed, "except t h a t t h e free l a b o u r e r a n d a system of credit was w a n t i n g . " M o m m s e n also, i n h i s " H i s t o r y o f R o m e , " c o m m i t s , i n this respect, o n e b l u n d e r after a n o t h e r . 40

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Part II • The transformation of money into capital By this m e a n s alone can he avoid r e n o u n c i n g his rights of ownership over it. I 11471 T h e second essential condition to the owner of m o n e y finding labour-power in the m a r k e t as a c o m m o d i t y is t h i s — t h a t the labourer instead of b e i n g in the position to sell c o m m o d i t i e s in which his labour is incorpo5 rated, m u s t be obliged to offer for sale as a c o m m o d i t y that very labourpower, which exists only in his living self. In order t h a t a m a n m a y be able to sell c o m m o d i t i e s other t h a n labourpower, he m u s t of course have the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , as raw material, i m p l e m e n t s , etc. No boots can be m a d e without leather. He requires also 10 the m e a n s of subsistence. N o b o d y — n o t even "a m u s i c i a n of t h e fut u r e " — c a n live u p o n future products, or u p o n use-values in an unfinished state; a n d ever since the first m o m e n t of his a p p e a r a n c e on the world's stage, m a n always has b e e n , a n d m u s t still be a c o n s u m e r , b o t h before a n d while he is producing. In a society where all products a s s u m e the form of 15 c o m m o d i t i e s , these c o m m o d i t i e s m u s t be sold after they have b e e n prod u c e d ; it is only after their sale that they can serve in satisfying the requirem e n t s of their producer. T h e t i m e necessary for their sale is s u p e r a d d e d to t h a t necessary for their production. 41

For the conversion of his m o n e y into capital, therefore, the owner of 20 m o n e y m u s t m e e t in the m a r k e t with the free labourer, free in the d o u b l e sense, that as a free m a n he can dispose of his labour-power as his own c o m m o d i t y , and t h a t on the other h a n d he has no other c o m m o d i t y for sale, is short of everything necessary for the realisation of his labour-power. T h e q u e s t i o n why this free labourer confronts h i m in the market, h a s no 25 interest for the owner of money, who regards t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t as a b r a n c h of t h e general m a r k e t for c o m m o d i t i e s . A n d for the present it interests us j u s t as little. We cling to the fact theoretically, as he does practically. O n e thing, however, is clear—nature does n o t p r o d u c e on the o n e side owners 41

H e n c e legislation i n various c o u n t r i e s fixes a m a x i m u m for l a b o u r - c o n t r a c t s . W h e r e v e r free l a b o u r i s t h e rule, t h a t laws regulate t h e m o d e o f t e r m i n a t i n g t h i s c o n t r a c t . I n s o m e States, particularly i n M e x i c o (before t h e A m e r i c a n Civil W a r , also i n t h e territories t a k e n from M e x i c o , a n d also, as a m a t t e r of fact, in t h e D a n u b i a n p r o v i n c e s till t h e r e v o l u t i o n effected by K u s a ) , slavery is h i d d e n u n d e r t h e form of peonage. By m e a n s of a d v a n c e s , r e p a y a b l e i n l a b o u r , w h i c h are h a n d e d d o w n from g e n e r a t i o n t o g e n e r a t i o n , n o t only t h e i n d i v i d u a l lab o u r e r , b u t h i s family, b e c o m e , de facto, t h e property of o t h e r p e r s o n s a n d t h e i r families. J u a rez a b o l i s h e d peonage. T h e so-called E m p e r o r M a x i m i l i a n r e - e s t a b l i s h e d it by a decree, w h i c h , in t h e H o u s e of R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s at W a s h i n g t o n , was aptly d e n o u n c e d as a d e c r e e for t h e re-int r o d u c t i o n of slavery i n t o M e x i c o . "I m a y m a k e over to a n o t h e r t h e u s e , for a l i m i t e d t i m e , of m y p a r t i c u l a r bodily a n d m e n t a l a p t i t u d e s a n d capabilities; b e c a u s e , i n c o n s e q u e n c e o f t h i s restriction, t h e y are i m p r e s e d with a c h a r a c t e r of a l i e n a t i o n w i t h regard to me as a whole. B u t by t h e a l i e n a t i o n of all my l a b o u r - t i m e a n d t h e whole of my work, I s h o u l d be converting t h e s u b s t a n c e itself, in o t h e r words, my g e n e r a l activity a n d reality, my person, i n t o t h e property of a n o t h e r . " (Hegel, " P h i l o s o p h i e des R e c h t s . " Berlin, 1840, p. 104 § 67.)

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of m o n e y or commodities, a n d on the other m e n possessing n o t h i n g b u t their own labour-power. This relation has no n a t u r a l basis, n e i t h e r is its social basis o n e that is c o m m o n to all historical periods. It is clearly the result of a past historical development, the p r o d u c t of m a n y e c o n o m i c a l | 1148| revolutions, of t h e extinction of a whole series of older forms of social production. So, too, the e c o n o m i c a l categories, already discussed by us, bear the stamp of history. Definite historical conditions are necessary that a product m a y b e c o m e a c o m m o d i t y . It m u s t n o t be p r o d u c e d as the i m m e d i a t e m e a n s of subsistence of the p r o d u c e r himself. H a d we g o n e further, a n d inquired u n d e r what circumstances all, or even the majority of products take the form of c o m m o d i t i e s , we should have found that this can only h a p p e n with production of a very specific kind, capitalist production. S u c h an inquiry, however, would have b e e n foreign to the analysis of c o m m o d i ties. P r o d u c t i o n and circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s can take place, although the great m a s s of the objects p r o d u c e d are i n t e n d e d for the i m m e d i a t e req u i r e m e n t s of their producers, are n o t t u r n e d into commodities, a n d consequently social p r o d u c t i o n is n o t yet by a long way d o m i n a t e d in its lenght a n d b r e a d t h by exchange-value. T h e a p p e a r a n c e of products as c o m m o d i ties presupposes such a d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e social division of labour, that the separation of use-value from exchange-value, a separation which first begins with barter, m u s t already have b e e n completed. But such a degree of development is c o m m o n to m a n y forms of society, which in other respects present the m o s t varying historical features. On the other h a n d , if we consider m o n e y , its existence implies a definite stage in the exchange of commodities. T h e particular functions of m o n e y which it performs, either as the m e r e equivalent of c o m m o d i t i e s , or as m e a n s of circulation, or m e a n s of p a y m e n t , as hoard or as universal m o n e y , point, according to the extent a n d relative p r e p o n d e r a n c e of the o n e function or the other, to very different stages in the process of social p r o d u c t i o n . Yet we know by experience that a circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s relatively primitive, suffices for the production of all these forms. Otherwise with capital. T h e historical conditions of its existence are by no m e a n s given with the m e r e circulation of m o n e y and c o m m o d i t i e s . It can spring into life, only w h e n the owner of t h e m e a n s of production a n d subsistence m e e t s in the m a r k e t with the free labourer selling his labour-power. A n d this o n e ||149| historical condition comprises a world's history. Capital, therefore, a n n o u n c e s from its first appearance a new epoch in the process of social p r o d u c t i o n . 42

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T h e capitalist e p o c h i s therefore c h a r a c t e r i s e d b y this, t h a t l a b o u r - p o w e r takes i n t h e eyes of t h e l a b o u r e r h i m s e l f t h e form of a c o m m o d i t y w h i c h is his property; his l a b o u r c o n s e q u e n t l y b e c o m e s wage labour. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , i t i s only from this m o m e n t t h a t t h e p r o d u c e of l a b o u r universally b e c o m e s a c o m m o d i t y .

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Part II · The transformation of money into capital We m u s t now e x a m i n e m o r e closely this peculiar c o m m o d i t y , labourpower. Like all others it has a v a l u e . H o w is t h a t value d e t e r m i n e d ? T h e value of labour-power is determined, as in the case of every other c o m m o d i t y , by the labour-time necessary for the production, a n d consequently also the reproduction, of this special article. So far as it has value, it represents no m o r e t h a n a definite quantity of the average labour of society incorporated in it. Labour-power exists only as a capacity, or power of the living individual. Its production consequently presupposes his existence. Given the individual, the p r o d u c t i o n of labour-power consists in his r e p r o d u c t i o n of himself or his m a i n t e n a n c e . F o r his m a i n t e n a n c e he requires a given quantity of the m e a n s of subsistence. Therefore the labourt i m e requisite for t h e production of labour-power r e d u c e s itself to that n e cessary for t h e p r o d u c t i o n of those m e a n s of subsistence; in other words, t h e value of labour-power is the value of the m e a n s of subsistence necessary for the m a i n t e n a n c e of the labourer. Labour-power, however, b e c o m e s a reality only by its exercise; it sets itself in action only by working. But thereby a definite quantity of h u m a n m u s c l e , nerve, brain, etc., is wasted, a n d these require to be restored. This increased e x p e n d i t u r e d e m a n d s a larger i n c o m e . If the owner of labour-power works to-day, to-morrow he m u s t again be able to repeat the s a m e process in t h e s a m e conditions as regards h e a l t h and strength. His m e a n s of subsistence m u s t therefore be sufficient to m a i n t a i n h i m in his n o r m a l state as ||150| a labouring individual. H i s n a t u r a l wants, s u c h as food, clothing, fuel, a n d housing, vary according to the climatic a n d other physical c o n d i t i o n s of his country. On the other h a n d , the n u m b e r and extent of his so-called necessary wants, as also the m o d e s of satisfying t h e m , are themselves t h e p r o d u c t of historical developm e n t , a n d depend therefore to a great extent on the degree of civilisation of a country, m o r e particularly on the conditions u n d e r which, a n d conseq u e n t l y on the habits a n d degree of comfort in which, t h e class of free lab o u r e r s has b e e n f o r m e d . In contradistinction therefore to t h e case of other c o m m o d i t i e s , there enters into the d e t e r m i n a t i o n of the value of labour-power a historical a n d m o r a l element. Nevertheless, in a given country, at a given period, the average quantity of the m e a n s of subsistence n e c essary for the labourer is practically known. 43

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T h e owner of labour-power is mortal. If t h e n his a p p e a r a n c e in the mar-

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" T h e value or worth of a m a n , is as of all o t h e r t h i n g s h i s p r i c e — t h a t is to say, so m u c h as w o u l d be given for t h e u s e of h i s power." (Th. H o b b e s : " L e v i a t h a n " in W o r k s , E d . M o l e s w o r t h . L o n d . 1 8 3 9 - 4 4 , v. III., p. 76.) H e n c e t h e R o m a n Villicus, a s overlooker o f t h e agricultural slaves, received " m o r e m e a g r e fare t h a n working slaves, b e c a u s e h i s work was lighter." (Th. M o m m s e n Rom. G e s c h i c h t e , 1856, p . 810.) C o m p a r e W . T h . T h o r n t o n : " O v e r p o p u l a t i o n a n d its R e m e d y , " L o n d . , 1846. 44

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Chapter VI · The buying and selling of labour-power ket is to be c o n t i n u o u s , a n d the c o n t i n u o u s conversion of m o n e y into capital assumes this, the seller of labour-power m u s t perpetuate himself, "in the way that every living individual perpetuates himself, by p r o c r e a t i o n . " T h e labour-power withdrawn from the m a r k e t by wear a n d tear and death, m u s t be continually replaced by, at the very least, an equal a m o u n t of fresh labour-power. H e n c e the s u m of the m e a n s of subsistence necessary for the p r o d u c t i o n of labour-power m u s t i n c l u d e the m e a n s necessary for t h e labourer's substitutes, i.e., his children, in order that this race of peculiar commodity-owners m a y perpetuate its a p p e a r a n c e in the m a r k e t . In order to modify the h u m a n organism, so t h a t it m a y acquire skill a n d h a n d i n e s s in a given b r a n c h of industry, a n d b e c o m e labour-power of a special kind, a special e d u c a t i o n or training is requisite, a n d this, on its part, costs an equivalent ||151| in c o m m o d i t i e s of a greater or less a m o u n t . This a m o u n t varies according to the m o r e or less complicated character of the labour-power. T h e expenses of this e d u c a t i o n (excessively small in the case of ordinary labour-power), enter pro t a n t o into the total value spent in its production. T h e value of labour-power resolves itself into the value of a definite quantity of the m e a n s of subsistence. It therefore varies with t h e value of these m e a n s or with t h e quantity of l a b o u r requisite for their p r o d u c t i o n . S o m e of the m e a n s of subsistence, s u c h as food a n d fuel, are c o n s u m e d daily, a n d a fresh supply m u s t be provided daily. Others such as clothes a n d furniture last for longer periods a n d r e q u i r e to be replaced only at longer intervals. O n e article m u s t be b o u g h t or p a i d for daily, a n o t h e r weekly, another quarterly, a n d so on. B u t in whatever way the s u m total of these outlays m a y be spread over t h e year, they m u s t be covered by the average income, taking one day with another. If t h e total of the c o m m o d i t i e s required daily for the p r o d u c t i o n of labour-power = A, a n d those required weekly = B, and those required quarterly = C, a n d so on, the daily average 46

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t u A-,of these c o m m o d i t i e s t

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_ _ . Suppose t h a t in this

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m a s s of c o m m o d i t i e s requisite for the average day there are e m b o d i e d 6 h o u r s of social labour, t h e n there is incorporated daily in labour-power half a day's average social labour, in other words, half à day's labour is requisite for the daily p r o d u c t i o n of labour-power. This quantity of l a b o u r 35 forms the value of a day's labour-power or t h e value of the labour-power 4 6

Petty. "Its (labour's) n a t u r a l p r i c e . . . . consists in s u c h a q u a n t i t y of necessaries a n d comforts of life, as, from the n a t u r e of t h e c l i m a t e , a n d t h e h a b i t s of t h e country, are n e c e s s a r y to s u p p o r t t h e labourer, a n d t o e n a b l e h i m t o rear s u c h a family a s m a y preserve, i n t h e m a r k e t , a n u n d i m i n i s h e d supply o f l a b o u r . " ( R . T o r r e n s : " A n Essay o n t h e e x t e r n a l C o r n T r a d e . " L o n d . , 1815, p. 62.) T h e word l a b o u r is h e r e wrongly u s e d for labour-power. 47

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Part II • The transformation of money into capital daily reproduced. If half a day's average social labour is incorporated in t h r e e shillings, then three shillings is the price corresponding to the value of a day's labour-power. If its owner therefore offers it for sale at three shillings a day, its selling price is equal to its value, a n d according to o u r supposition, our friend Moneybags, who is i n t e n t u p o n converting his three shillings into capital, pays this value. T h e m i n i m u m limit of the value of labour-power is d e t e r m i n e d by the value of the commodities, without the daily supply of which the labourer c a n n o t renew his vital energy, consequently by the value of those m e a n s of subsistence that ||152| are physically indispensable. If the price of labourpower fall to this m i n i m u m , it falls below its value, since u n d e r such circ u m s t a n c e s it can be m a i n t a i n e d a n d developed only in a crippled state. B u t the value of every c o m m o d i t y is d e t e r m i n e d by the l a b o u r - t i m e requisite to t u r n it out so as to be of n o r m a l quality. It is a very cheap sort of sentimentality w h i c h declares this m e t h o d of det e r m i n i n g the value of labour-power, a m e t h o d prescribed by the very n a ture of the case, to be a brutal m e t h o d , a n d w h i c h wails with Rossi that, "To c o m p r e h e n d capacity for labour (puissance de travail) at the s a m e t i m e t h a t we m a k e abstraction from the m e a n s of subsistence of the labourers during the process of production, is to c o m p r e h e n d a p h a n t o m (être de raison). W h e n we speak of labour, or capacity for labour, we speak at the s a m e t i m e of the labourer a n d his m e a n s of subsistence, of labourer a n d w a g e s . " W h e n we speak of capacity for labour, we do n o t speak of labour, any m o r e t h a n when we speak of capacity for digestion, we speak of digestion. T h e latter process requires s o m e t h i n g m o r e t h a n a good s t o m a c h . W h e n we speak of capacity for labour, we do n o t abstract from the necessary m e a n s of subsistence. On the contrary, their value is expressed in its value. If his capacity for labour r e m a i n s unsold, the labourer derives no benefit from it, b u t rather he will feel it to be a cruel n a t u r e - i m p o s e d necessity t h a t this capacity has cost for its p r o d u c t i o n a definite a m o u n t of the m e a n s of subsistence a n d t h a t it will c o n t i n u e to do so for its reproduction. He will t h e n agree with Sismondi: "that capacity for labour. ... is n o t h i n g unless it is sold."

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O n e c o n s e q u e n c e of the peculiar n a t u r e of labour-power as a c o m m o d i t y is, that its use-value does not, on the conclusion of the contract between t h e buyer a n d seller, i m m e d i a t e l y pass into t h e h a n d s of the former. Its valu e , like that of every other c o m m o d i t y , is already fixed before it goes into circulation, since a definite quantity of social l a b o u r has b e e n spent u p o n it; b u t its use-value consists in the s u b s e q u e n t exercise of ||153| its force. 48

R o s s i . " C o u r s d ' E c o n . Polit:" Bruxelles, 1 8 4 3 , p p . 370, 3 7 1 .

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S i s m o n d i : " N o u v . Princ. etc," t . I . p . 114.

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Chapter VI · The buying and selling of labour-power T h e alienation of labour-power a n d its actual appropriation by t h e buyer, its e m p l o y m e n t as a use-value, are separated by an interval of t i m e . B u t in those cases in which the formal alienation by sale of the use-value of a commodity, is n o t s i m u l t a n e o u s with its actual delivery to the buyer, the 5 m o n e y of the latter usually functions as m e a n s of p a y m e n t . In every country in which the capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n reigns, it is the c u s t o m n o t to pay for labour-power before it has b e e n exercised for the period fixed by the contract, as for example, the end of each week. In all cases, therefore, the use-value of the labour-power is advanced to the capitalist: t h e labourer 10 allows the buyer to c o n s u m e it before he receives p a y m e n t of the price; he everywhere gives credit to the capitalist. T h a t this credit is no m e r e fiction, is shown n o t only by the occasional loss of wages on the b a n k r u p t c y of the capitalist, b u t also by a series of m o r e e n d u r i n g c o n s e q u e n c e s . Neverthe50

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"All l a b o u r i s p a i d after i t h a s ceased." ("An I n q u i r y i n t o t h o s e Principles r e s p e c t i n g t h e N a t u r e of D e m a n d , " etc., p. 104.) «Le crédit c o m m e r c i a l a dû c o m m e n c e r au m o m e n t où • l'ouvrier, p r e m i e r artisan de la p r o d u c t i o n , a p u , au m o y e n de ses é c o n o m i e s , a t t e n d r e le salaire de son travail j u s q u ' à la fin de la s e m a i n e , de la q u i n z a i n e , du m o i s , du trimestre,» etc. (Ch. G a n i l h : " D e s S y s t è m e s de l ' É c o n . Polit." 2 é m e . édit. Paris, 1 8 2 1 , t. II. p. 150.) " L ' o u v r i e r prête son i n d u s t r i e , " b u t a d d s S t o r c h slyly: h e "risks n o t h i n g " e x c e p t " d e p e r d r e 20 son salaire . . . . l'ouvrier n e t r a n s m e t r i e n d e m a t e r i e l . " ( S t o r c h : " C o u r s d ' É c o n . Polit." Pétersb o u r g , 1815, t. IL, p p . 36, 37.) O n e e x a m p l e . I n L o n d o n t h e r e are two sorts o f b a k e r s , t h e "full p r i c e d , " w h o sell b r e a d a t its full value, a n d t h e " u n d e r s e l l e r s , " w h o sell it u n d e r its v a l u e . T h e latter class c o m p r i s e s m o r e t h a n three-fourths o f t h e total n u m b e r o f b a k e r s , (p. X X X I I - X X X I V i n t h e R e p o r t o f 25 H. S. T r e m e n h e e r e , c o m m i s s i o n e r to e x a m i n e i n t o " t h e grievances c o m p l a i n e d of by t h e j o u r n e y m e n b a k e r s , " etc., L o n d . 1862.) T h e u n d e r s e l l e r s , a l m o s t w i t h o u t e x c e p t i o n , sell b r e a d a d u l t e r a t e d with a l u m , soap, pearl ashes, chalk, D e r b y s h i r e s t o n e - d u s t , a n d s u c h like agreeable n o u r i s h i n g a n d w h o l e s o m e i n g r e d i e n t s . (See t h e above cited b l u e book, a s also t h e report of " t h e c o m m i t t e e of 1855 on t h e a d u l t e r a t i o n of b r e a d , " a n d Dr H a s s a n ' s " A d u l t e r a t i o n s de30 t e c t e d , " 2 n d E d . L o n d . 1861.) Sir J o h n G o r d o n s t a t e d before t h e c o m m i t t e e o f 1855, t h a t "in c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e s e a d u l t e r a t i o n s , t h e p o o r m a n , w h o lives on two p o u n d s of b r e a d a day, does n o t n o w get o n e fourth part o f n o u r i s h i n g m a t t e r , let a l o n e t h e d e l e t e r i o u s effects o n h i s h e a l t h . " T r e m e n h e e r e states (I.e. p . X L V I I I ) , as t h e r e a s o n , why a very large part of t h e working class, a l t h o u g h well aware of t h i s a d u l t e r a t i o n , n e v e r t h e l e s s a c c e p t t h e a l u m , s t o n e - d u s t , 35 etc., as part of t h e i r p u r c h a s e : t h a t it is for t h e m "a m a t t e r of necessity to t a k e from t h e i r b a k e r o r from t h e c h a n d l e r ' s shop, s u c h b r e a d a s t h e y c h o o s e t o supply." A s t h e y are n o t p a i d t h e i r wages before t h e e n d of t h e week, t h e y in t h e i r t u r n are u n a b l e "to pay for t h e b r e a d c o n s u m e d b y their families, d u r i n g t h e week, before t h e e n d o f t h e week," a n d T r e m e n h e e r e a d d s o n t h e e v i d e n c e of witnesses, "it is n o t o r i o u s t h a t b r e a d c o m p o s e d of t h o s e m i x t u r e s , is m a d e ex40 pressly for sale in t h i s m a n n e r . " In m a n y E n g l i s h a n d still m o r e S c o t c h agricultural districts, wages are paid fortnightly a n d e v e n m o n t h l y ; w i t h s u c h l o n g intervals b e t w e e n t h e p a y m e n t s , t h e agricultural l a b o u r e r is obliged to b u y on credit. ... He m u s t pay h i g h e r prices, a n d is in fact tied t o t h e s h o p w h i c h gives h i m credit. T h u s a t H o r n i n g h a m i n W i l t s , for e x a m p l e , where t h e wages are m o n t h l y , t h e s a m e flour t h a t h e c o u l d b u y elsewhere a t I s lOd p e r s t o n e , costs 45 h i m 2s 4d per s t o n e . ("Sixth R e p o r t " on " P u b l i c H e a l t h " by "The m e d i c a l Officer of t h e Privy C o u n c i l , etc., 1864." p. 264.) " T h e b l o c k p r i n t e r s of Paisley a n d K i l m a r n o c k enforced, by a strike, fortnightly, i n s t e a d of m o n t h l y p a y m e n t of wages." ("Reports of t h e I n s p e c t o r s of F a c tories for 31st Oct., 1 8 5 3 , " p. 34). As a further pretty result of t h e credit given by t h e w o r k m e n t o t h e capitalist, w e m a y refer t o t h e m e t h o d c u r r e n t i n m a n y E n g l i s h coal m i n e s , where t h e 15

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Part II · The transformation of money into capital less, whether m o n e y serves as a m e a n s of ||154| p u r c h a s e or as a m e a n s of p a y m e n t , this m a k e s no alteration in the n a t u r e of t h e e x c h a n g e of comm o d i t i e s . T h e price of t h e labour-power is fixed by the contract, although it is n o t realised till later, like the rent of a h o u s e . T h e labour-power is sold, a l t h o u g h it is only paid for at a later period. It will, therefore, be useful, for a clear c o m p r e h e n s i o n of the relation of the parties, to a s s u m e provisionally, t h a t t h e possessor of labour-power, on the occasion of each sale, imm e d i a t e l y receives the price stipulated to be paid for it. We n o w know how t h e value paid by the purchaser to t h e possessor of this peculiar c o m m o d i t y , labour-power, is d e t e r m i n e d . T h e use-value which the former gets in exchange, manifests itself only in t h e actual usufruct, in t h e c o n s u m p t i o n of the labour-power. T h e m o n e y owner buys everything necessary for this purpose, such as raw material, in t h e market, a n d pays for it at its full value. T h e c o n s u m p t i o n of labour-power is at o n e a n d t h e s a m e t i m e the production of c o m m o d i t i e s a n d of surplus value. T h e c o n s u m p t i o n of labour-power is completed, as in t h e case of every other c o m m o d i t y , outside the limits of the m a r k e t or of the sphere of circulation. A c c o m p a n i e d by Mr. M o n e y b a g s and by the possessor of labourpower, we therefore take leave for a t i m e of this noisy sphere, where everything takes place on the surface a n d in view of all m e n , a n d follow t h e m b o t h into the h i d d e n abode of production, ||155| on whose threshold there stares us in the face " N o a d m i t t a n c e except on business." H e r e we shall see, n o t only how capital produces, b u t how capital is p r o d u c e d . We shall at last force the secret of profit m a k i n g . This sphere that we are deserting, within whose b o u n d a r i e s the sale a n d p u r c h a s e of labour-power goes on, is in fact a very E d e n of the i n n a t e rights of m a n . T h e r e alone rule F r e e d o m , Equality, Property a n d B e n t h a m . Freed o m , because b o t h buyer and seller of a c o m m o d i t y , say of labour-power, are constrained only by their own free will. T h e y contract as free agents, a n d the agreement they c o m e to, is b u t the form in which they give legal expression to their c o m m o n will. Equality, b e c a u s e e a c h enters into relation with the other, as with a simple owner of c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d they exchange equivalent for equivalent. Property, b e c a u s e e a c h disposes only of what is his own. A n d B e n t h a m , because each looks only to himself. T h e only force that brings t h e m together a n d puts t h e m in relation with each l a b o u r e r i s n o t p a i d till t h e end o f t h e m o n t h , a n d i n t h e m e a n t i m e , receives s u m s o n a c c o u n t from t h e capitalist, often i n goods for w h i c h t h e m i n e r i s obliged t o p a y m o r e t h a n t h e m a r k e t price (Truck-system.) "It is a c o m m o n practice with t h e c o a l m a s t e r s to pay o n c e a m o n t h , a n d a d v a n c e c a s h t o their w o r k m e n a t t h e e n d o f e a c h i n t e r m e d i a t e week. T h e c a s h i s given i n t h e s h o p " (i.e., t h e T o m m y s h o p w h i c h b e l o n g s t o t h e m a s t e r ) ; " t h e m e n t a k e it o n o n e s i d e a n d lay i t o u t o n t h e other." ("Children's E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n , I I I . R e p o r t , " L o n d . 1864, p . 3 8 , n . 192.)

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[156] P A R T I I I . The

Production

of Absolute

Surplus-Value.

CHAPTER VII.

The Labour-Process and the Process of producing Surplus-Value.

20 Section

1.—The Labour-Process or the Production of Use-Value.

T h e capitalist buys labour-power in order to use it; a n d labour-power in u s e is labour itself. T h e purchaser of labour-power c o n s u m e s it by setting the seller of it to work. By working, t h e latter b e c o m e s actually, what before he 25 only was potentially, labour-power in action, a labourer. In order that his labour m a y reappear in a c o m m o d i t y , he m u s t , before all things, expend it on something useful, on s o m e t h i n g capable of satisfying a want of s o m e sort. H e n c e , what the capitalist sets the labourer to produce, is a particular use-value, a specified article. T h e fact t h a t the p r o d u c t i o n of use-values, or 30 goods, is carried on u n d e r the control of a capitalist a n d on his behalf, does n o t alter the general character of t h a t p r o d u c t i o n . We shall, therefore, in

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t h e first place, have to consider the labour-process i n d e p e n d e n t l y of the particular form it assumes u n d e r given social c o n d i t i o n s . L a b o u r is in the first place, a process in which b o t h m a n a n d N a t u r e participate, a n d in which m a n of his own accord starts, regulates, and controls the m a t e r i a l re-actions between himself a n d N a t u r e . He opposes himself to N a t u r e as o n e of her own forces, setting in m o t i o n a r m s a n d legs, h e a d a n d ||157| h a n d s , the n a t u r a l forces of his body, in order to appropriate N a ture's productions in a form adapted to his own wants. By t h u s acting on t h e external world a n d changing it, he at the s a m e t i m e changes his own n a t u r e . He develops his slumbering powers a n d compels t h e m to act in o b e d i e n c e to his sway. We are n o t now dealing with those primitive instinctive forms of labour that r e m i n d us of the m e r e a n i m a l . An i m m e a s u r a b l e interval of t i m e separates the state of things in which a m a n brings his labour-power to m a r k e t for sale as a c o m m o d i t y , from t h a t state in which h u m a n l a b o u r was still in its first instinctive stage. We presuppose labour in a form that stamps it as exclusively h u m a n . A spider c o n d u c t s operations t h a t resemble those of a weaver, a n d a bee puts to s h a m e m a n y an architect in the construction of her cells. But what distinguishes the worst architect from the best of bees is this, that the architect raises his structure in imagin a t i o n before he erects it in reality. At the e n d of every labour-process, we get a result that already existed in the i m a g i n a t i o n of the labourer at its c o m m e n c e m e n t . He n o t only effects a c h a n g e of form in the material on w h i c h he works, b u t he also realises a purpose of his own that gives the law to his m o d u s operandi, and to which he m u s t s u b o r d i n a t e his will. A n d this s u b o r d i n a t i o n is no m e r e m o m e n t a r y act. Besides the exertion of the bodily organs, the process d e m a n d s that, during t h e whole operation, the workm a n ' s will be steadily in c o n s o n a n c e with his purpose. This m e a n s close att e n t i o n . T h e less he is attracted by the n a t u r e of the work, a n d the m o d e in which it is carried on, and the less, therefore, he enjoys it as something which gives play to his bodily and m e n t a l powers, t h e m o r e close his attention is forced to be.

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T h e elementary factors of the labour-process are 1, the personal activity of m a n , i.e., work itself, 2, the subject of that work, a n d 3, its i n s t r u m e n t s . T h e soil (and this, economically speaking, i n c l u d e s water) in the virgin state in which it supplies m a n with necessaries or ||158| the m e a n s of sub- 35 sistence ready to h a n d , exists i n d e p e n d e n t l y of h i m , a n d is the universal subject of h u m a n labour. All those things w h i c h l a b o u r merely separates 1

1

"The earth's spontaneous productions being in small quantity, and quite independent of m a n , appear, as it were, to be furnished by N a t u r e , in t h e s a m e way as a s m a l l s u m is given to a y o u n g m a n , in o r d e r to p u t h i m in a way of i n d u s t r y , a n d of m a k i n g h i s f o r t u n e . " ( J a m e s S t e u a r t : "Principles of Polit. E c o n . " edit. D u b l i n , 1770, v . l . p. 116).

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from i m m e d i a t e c o n n e c t i o n with their e n v i r o n m e n t , are subjects of labour spontaneously provided by N a t u r e . S u c h are fish which we catch and take from their element, water, t i m b e r w h i c h we fell in the virgin forest, a n d ores which we extract from their veins. If, on the other h a n d , the subject of labour has, so to say, b e e n filtered t h r o u g h previous labour, we call it raw material; s u c h is ore already extracted a n d ready for washing. All raw m a t e rial is the subject of labour, b u t n o t every subject of labour is raw material; it can only b e c o m e so, after it has u n d e r g o n e some alteration by m e a n s of labour. An i n s t r u m e n t of labour is a thing, or a complex of things, which the labourer interposes between himself a n d t h e subject of his labour, a n d which serves as the c o n d u c t o r of his activity. He m a k e s u s e of the m e c h a n i c a l , physical, a n d c h e m i c a l properties of s o m e substances in order to m a k e other substances subservient to his a i m s . Leaving out of consideration s u c h r e a d y - m a d e m e a n s of subsistence as fruits, in gathering which a m a n ' s own limbs serve as the i n s t r u m e n t s of h i s labour, the first thing of which the labourer possesses himself is n o t the subject of labour b u t its instrument. T h u s N a t u r e b e c o m e s o n e of the organs of his activity, one that he annexes to his own bodily organs, adding stature to himself in spite of the Bible. As the earth is his original larder, so too it is his original tool house. It supplies h i m , for instance, with stones for throwing, grinding, pressing, cutting, etc. T h e earth itself is an i n s t r u m e n t of labour, b u t w h e n used as such in agriculture implies a whole series of other i n s t r u m e n t s a n d a comparatively h i g h development of labour. No sooner does labour u n dergo the ||159| least development, t h a n it requires specially prepared instruments. T h u s in the oldest caves we find stone i m p l e m e n t s a n d weapons. In the earliest period of h u m a n history domesticated animals, i.e., animals which have b e e n bred for the purpose, a n d have u n d e r g o n e modifications by m e a n s of labour, play t h e chief part as i n s t r u m e n t s of labour along with specially prepared stones, wood, b o n e s , and shells. T h e use a n d fabrication of i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, a l t h o u g h existing in the g e r m a m o n g certain species of animals, is specifically characteristic of the h u m a n labour-process, and Franklin therefore defines m a n as a tool-making a n i m a l . 2

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" R e a s o n is j u s t as c u n n i n g as she is powerful. H e r c u n n i n g consists principally in h e r m e d i ating activity, which, by c a u s i n g objects to a c t a n d re-act on e a c h o t h e r in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h their o w n n a t u r e , i n t h i s way, w i t h o u t a n y direct i n t e r f e r e n c e i n t h e process, carries o u t reas o n ' s i n t e n t i o n s . " (Hegel: " E n c y k l o p ä d i e , Erster T h e i l . D i e Logik." Berlin, 1840, p. 382.) In h i s otherwise m i s e r a b l e work, ("Theorie de l ' É c o n . Polit." Paris, 1815), G a n i l h e n u m e r ates in a striking m a n n e r in o p p o s i t i o n to t h e " P h y s i o c r a t s " t h e long series of previous p r o cesses n e c e s s a r y before a g r i c u l t u r e properly so called can c o m m e n c e . T u r g o t in h i s "Reflexions s u r la F o r m a t i o n et la D i s t r i b u t i o n des R i c h e s s e s " (1766) b r i n g s well i n t o p r o m i n e n c e t h e i m p o r t a n c e of d o m e s t i c a t e d a n i m a l s to early civilisation. 3

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value Relics of by-gone i n s t r u m e n t s of labour possess the s a m e i m p o r t a n c e for the investigation of extinct economical forms of society, as do fossil bones for the d e t e r m i n a t i o n of extinct species of a n i m a l s . It is n o t the articles m a d e , b u t how they are m a d e , a n d by what i n s t r u m e n t s , t h a t enables us to distinguish different e c o n o m i c a l e p o c h s . I n s t r u m e n t s of labour n o t only 5 supply a standard of the degree of development to w h i c h h u m a n labour has attained, b u t they are also indicators of t h e social conditions u n d e r which t h a t labour is carried on. A m o n g the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, those of a m e c h a n i c a l n a t u r e , which, taken as a whole, we m a y call t h e b o n e a n d m u s cles of production, offer m u c h m o r e decided characteristics of a given 10 e p o c h of production, t h a n those which, like pipes, t u b s , baskets, jars, etc., serve only to hold the materials for labour, which latter class, we m a y in a general way, call the vascular system of p r o d u c t i o n . T h e latter first begins to play an i m p o r t a n t part in the c h e m i c a l industries. 5

In a wider sense we m a y include a m o n g the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, in ad- 15 dition to those things that are used for directly transferring l a b o u r to its subject, a n d which therefore, in o n e ||160| way or another, serve as c o n d u c tors of activity, all such objects as are necessary for carrying on the labourprocess. These do n o t enter directly into the process, b u t without t h e m it is either impossible for it to take place at all, or possible only to a partial ex- 20 tent. O n c e m o r e we find the earth to be a universal i n s t r u m e n t of this sort, for it furnishes a locus standi to the labourer a n d a field of e m p l o y m e n t for his activity. A m o n g i n s t r u m e n t s that are the result of previous l a b o u r a n d also belong to this class, we find workshops, canals, roads, a n d so forth. 25 In the labour-process, therefore, m a n ' s activity, with the help of the ins t r u m e n t s of labour, effects an alteration, designed from t h e c o m m e n c e m e n t , in the material worked u p o n . T h e process disappears in the product; t h e latter is a use-value, N a t u r e ' s m a t e r i a l adapted by a c h a n g e of form to t h e wants of m a n . L a b o u r has incorporated itself with its subject: the form e r is materialised, the latter transformed. T h a t which in the labourer a p p e a r e d as m o v e m e n t , now appears in the p r o d u c t as a fixed quality without m o t i o n . T h e blacksmith forges a n d the p r o d u c t is a forging. If we e x a m i n e the whole process from the p o i n t of view of its result, the product, it is plain that both the i n s t r u m e n t s a n d the subject of la-

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T h e least i m p o r t a n t c o m m o d i t i e s of all for t h e t e c h n o l o g i c a l c o m p a r i s o n of different e p o c h s of p r o d u c t i o n are articles of luxury, in t h e strict m e a n i n g of t h e t e r m . H o w e v e r little o u r writt e n histories u p t o t h i s t i m e n o t i c e t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f m a t e r i a l p r o d u c t i o n , w h i c h i s t h e basis of all social life, a n d therefore of all real history, yet p r e h i s t o r i c t i m e s have b e e n classified in a c c o r d a n c e with t h e results, n o t of so called historical, b u t of m a t e r i a l i s t i c investigations. T h e s e p e r i o d s have b e e n divided, t o c o r r e s p o n d with t h e m a t e r i a l s from w h i c h t h e i r i m p l e m e n t s a n d w e a p o n s were m a d e , viz., into t h e s t o n e , t h e b r o n z e , a n d t h e iron ages.

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bour, are m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , a n d t h a t the labour itself is productive labour. T h o u g h a use-value, in the form of a product, issues from the labour-process, yet other use-values, products of previous labour, enter into it as m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . T h e s a m e use-value is b o t h the product of a previous process, a n d a m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n in a later process. Products are therefore not only results, b u t also essential c o n d i t i o n s of labour. W i t h the exception of the extractive industries, in which the m a t e r i a l for labour is provided i m m e d i a t e l y by n a t u r e , s u c h as m i n i n g , h u n t i n g , fishing, a n d agriculture (so far as the ||161| latter is confined to breaking up virgin soil), all branches of industry m a n i p u l a t e raw material, objects already filtered through labour, already products of labour. S u c h is seed in agriculture. A n i m a l s a n d plants, which we are a c c u s t o m e d to consider as products of n a t u r e , are in their present form, n o t only products of, say last year's labour, b u t the result of a gradual transformation, c o n t i n u e d t h r o u g h m a n y generations, u n d e r m a n ' s s u p e r i n t e n d e n c e , a n d by m e a n s of h i s labour. B u t in the great majority of cases, i n s t r u m e n t s of labour show even to t h e most superficial observer, traces of the l a b o u r of past ages. R a w material m a y either form t h e principal substance of a product, or it m a y enter into its formation only as an accessory. An accessory m a y be c o n s u m e d by the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, as coal u n d e r a boiler, oil by a wheel, hay by draft-horses, or it m a y be m i x e d with the raw m a t e r i a l in order to produce some modification thereof, as chlorine into u n b l e a c h e d linen, coal with iron, dye-stuff with wool, or again, it m a y help to carry on the work itself, as in the case of the materials u s e d for heating a n d lighting workshops. T h e distinction between principal substance a n d accessory vanishes in the true c h e m i c a l industries, b e c a u s e there n o n e of the raw material reappears, in its original composition, in the substance of t h e product. Every object possesses various properties, a n d is t h u s capable of being applied to different uses. O n e a n d the s a m e product m a y therefore serve as raw material in very different processes. Corn, for example, is a raw m a t e rial for millers, starch-manufacturers, distillers, a n d cattle-breeders. It also enters as raw material into its own p r o d u c t i o n in t h e shape of seed: coal, 7

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It a p p e a r s p a r a d o x i c a l to assert, t h a t u n c a u g h t fish, for i n s t a n c e , are a m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n i n t h e f i s h i n g industry. But h i t h e r t o n o o n e h a s d i s c o v e r e d t h e art o f c a t c h i n g f i s h i n w a t e r s that c o n t a i n n o n e . T h i s m e t h o d of d e t e r m i n i n g from t h e s t a n d p o i n t of t h e l a b o u r - p r o c e s s a l o n e , w h a t is p r o ductive labour, is by no m e a n s directly applicable to t h e case of t h e capitalist process of p r o duction. S t o r c h calls t r u e raw m a t e r i a l s " m a t i è r e s , " a n d accessory m a t e r i a l " m a t é r i a u x : " C h e r b u l i e z describes accessories as " m a t i è r e s i n s t r u m e n t a l e s . " 7

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value t o o , is at t h e s a m e t i m e t h e p r o d u c t of, a n d a m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n in, coal­ mining. Again, a particular p r o d u c t m a y be u s e d in o n e a n d t h e s a m e process, b o t h as an i n s t r u m e n t of labour a n d as raw m a t e r i a l . T a k e , for i n s t a n c e , t h e fattening of cattle, where t h e a n i m a l is t h e raw material, a n d at t h e s a m e

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t i m e an i n s t r u m e n t for t h e p r o d u c t i o n of m a n u r e . | 11621 A product, t h o u g h ready for i m m e d i a t e c o n s u m p t i o n , m a y yet serve as raw m a t e r i a l for a further product, as grapes w h e n they b e c o m e t h e raw m a t e r i a l for wine. On t h e o t h e r h a n d , l a b o u r m a y give us its p r o d u c t in s u c h a form, t h a t we c a n use it only as raw m a t e r i a l , as is t h e case with cot-

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t o n , t h r e a d , a n d yarn. S u c h a raw material, t h o u g h itself a p r o d u c t , m a y have to go t h r o u g h a whole series of different processes: in e a c h of t h e s e in t u r n , it serves, with constantly varying form, as raw material, u n t i l t h e last process of t h e series leaves it a perfect p r o d u c t , r e a d y for i n d i v i d u a l con­ s u m p t i o n , or for u s e as an i n s t r u m e n t of labour.

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H e n c e we see, t h a t w h e t h e r a use-value is to be regarded as raw m a t e r i a l , as i n s t r u m e n t of labour, or as product, this is d e t e r m i n e d entirely by its function in t h e labour process, by t h e position it t h e r e o c c u p i e s : as this va­ ries, so does its character. W h e n e v e r therefore a p r o d u c t enters as a m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n i n t o a

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n e w labour-process, it thereby loses its c h a r a c t e r of p r o d u c t , a n d b e c o m e s a m e r e factor in t h e process. A s p i n n e r treats spindles only as i m p l e m e n t s for spinning, a n d flax only as t h e m a t e r i a l t h a t he spins. Of course it is impos­ sible to spin without m a t e r i a l a n d spindles; a n d therefore t h e existence of t h e s e things as p r o d u c t s , at t h e c o m m e n c e m e n t of t h e s p i n n i n g o p e r a t i o n ,

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m u s t be p r e s u m e d : b u t in t h e process itself, t h e fact t h a t they are p r o d u c t s of previous labour, is a m a t t e r of u t t e r indifference; j u s t as in t h e digestive process, it is of no i m p o r t a n c e whatever, t h a t b r e a d is t h e p r o d u c e of t h e previous l a b o u r of t h e farmer, t h e miller, a n d t h e baker. On t h e contrary, it is generally by their imperfections as p r o d u c t s , t h a t t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c -

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t i o n in any process assert themselves in t h e i r c h a r a c t e r of p r o d u c t s . A b l u n t knife or weak t h r e a d forcibly r e m i n d us of M r . Α., t h e cutler, or M r . B . , t h e spinner. In t h e finished p r o d u c t t h e l a b o u r by m e a n s of w h i c h it h a s a c q u i r e d its useful qualities is n o t palpable, h a s apparently v a n i s h e d . A m a c h i n e which does n o t serve t h e purposes of labour, is useless. In ad-

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dition, it falls a prey to t h e destructive influence of n a t u r a l forces. I r o n rusts a n d wood rots. Yarn with which we n e i t h e r weave n o r knit, is c o t t o n wasted. Living l a b o u r | | 1 6 3 | m u s t seize u p o n t h e s e things a n d r o u s e t h e m from their death-sleep, change t h e m from m e r e possible use-values i n t o real a n d effective ones. B a t h e d in t h e fire of labour, appropriated as part a n d parcel of labour's organism, and, as it were, m a d e alive for t h e perform-

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ance of their functions in the process, they are in t r u t h c o n s u m e d , b u t cons u m e d with a purpose, as elementary constituents of new use-values, of new products, ever ready as m e a n s of subsistence for individual c o n s u m p tion, or as m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n for s o m e new labour-process. If then, on the o n e h a n d , finished products are n o t only results, b u t also necessary conditions, of the labour-process, on the other h a n d , their ass u m p t i o n into that process, their contact with living labour, is the sole m e a n s by which they can be m a d e to retain their character of use-values, and be utilised. Labour uses up its material factors, its subject a n d its i n s t r u m e n t s , consumes t h e m , and is therefore a process of c o n s u m p t i o n . S u c h productive c o n s u m p t i o n is distinguished from individual c o n s u m p t i o n by this, t h a t the latter uses up products, as m e a n s of substistence for the living individual; the former, as m e a n s whereby alone, labour, the labour-power of t h e living individual, is enabled to act. T h e product, therefore, of individual c o n s u m p t i o n , is the c o n s u m e r himself; t h e result of productive c o n s u m p tion, is a product distinct from the c o n s u m e r . In so far then, as its i n s t r u m e n t s a n d subjects are themselves products, labour c o n s u m e s products in order to create products, or in other words, c o n s u m e s o n e set of products by t u r n i n g t h e m into m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n for another set. But, j u s t as in the beginning, the only participators in the labour-process were m a n a n d the earth, w h i c h latter exists i n d e p e n d e n t l y of m a n , so even now we still employ in the process m a n y m e a n s of p r o d u c tion, provided directly by n a t u r e , that do n o t represent any c o m b i n a t i o n of n a t u r a l substances with h u m a n labour. T h e labour process, resolved as above into its simple elementary factors, is h u m a n action with a view to the p r o d u c t i o n of use-values, appropriation of n a t u r a l substances to h u m a n r e q u i r e m e n t s ; it is the necessary c o n d i t i o n for effecting exchange of m a t t e r .between m a n a n d N a t u r e ; it is the ever-| |164|lasting n a t u r e - i m p o s e d condition of h u m a n existence, a n d therefore is i n d e p e n d e n t of every social phase of that existence, or rather, is c o m m o n to every such phase. It was, therefore, n o t necessary to represent our labourer in c o n n e x i o n with other labourers; m a n a n d his labour on o n e side, N a t u r e and its materials on the other, sufficed. As the taste of the porridge does not tell you who grew the oats, no m o r e does this simple process tell you of itself what are the social c o n d i t i o n s u n d e r which it is taking place, whether u n d e r the slave-owner's brutal lash, or the anxious eye of the capitalist, whether C i n c i n n a t u s carries it on in tilling his m o d e s t farm or a savage in killing wild animals with stones. 9

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By a wonderful feat of logical a c u m e n , C o l o n e l T o r r e n s h a s discovered, in this s t o n e of t h e savage t h e origin of capital. " I n t h e first s t o n e w h i c h he (the savage) flings at t h e wild a n i m a l

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value Let us now return to our would-be capitalist. We left h i m j u s t after he h a d purchased, in the o p e n market, all the necessary factors of the labourprocess; its objective factors, the m e a n s of production, as well as its subjective factor, labour-power. W i t h the k e e n eye of an expert, he has selected the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d the k i n d of labour-power best a d a p t e d to his 5 particular trade, be it spinning, b o o t m a k i n g , or any other kind. He t h e n proceeds to c o n s u m e t h e c o m m o d i t y , the labour-power t h a t he has just bought, by causing the labourer, the i m p e r s o n a t i o n of that labour-power, to c o n s u m e the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n by his labour. T h e general character of t h e labour-process is evidently not changed by t h e fact, that the labourer 10 works for the capitalist instead of for himself; moreover, the particular m e t h o d s a n d operations employed in b o o t m a k i n g or spinning are n o t immediately changed by the intervention of t h e capitalist. He m u s t begin by taking the labour-power as he finds it in the market, a n d consequently be satisfied with labour of s u c h a kind as would be found in the period i m m e - 15 diately preceding the rise of capitalists. Changes in t h e m e t h o d s of p r o d u c tion by the subordination of labour to capital, can take place only at a later period, a n d therefore will have to be treated of in a later chapter. | 11651 T h e labour-process, turned into the process by which t h e capitalist c o n s u m e s labour-power, exhibits two characteristic p h e n o m e n a . First, the labourer works u n d e r the control of the capitalist to w h o m his labour belongs; the capitalist taking good care that the work is d o n e in a proper m a n ner, a n d t h a t the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n are u s e d with intelligence, so t h a t there is no unnecessary waste of raw material, a n d no wear a n d tear of the i m p l e m e n t s beyond what is necessarily caused by the work. Secondly, the product is the property of the capitalist a n d n o t that of the labourer, its i m m e d i a t e producer. Suppose t h a t a capitalist pays for a day's labour-power at its value; t h e n the right to use t h a t power for a day belongs to h i m , just as m u c h as the right to u s e any other c o m m o d i t y , s u c h as a horse that he has hired for the day. To the purchaser of a c o m m o d i t y belongs its use, a n d t h e seller of labour-power, by giving his labour, does no m o r e , in reality, t h a n part with the use-value t h a t he h a s sold. F r o m the instant he steps into the workshop, the use-value of his labour-power, a n d therefore also its use, which is labour, belongs to the capitalist. By the purchase of labour-power, the capitalist incorporates labour, as a living ferm e n t , with the lifeless constituents of the product. F r o m his point of view, t h e labour-process is n o t h i n g m o r e that t h e c o n s u m p t i o n of the c o m m o d i t y h e p u r s u e s , i n t h e f i r s t stick t h a t h e seizes t o strike d o w n t h e fruit w h i c h h a n g s a b o v e h i s r e a c h , we see t h e a p p r o p r i a t i o n of o n e article for t h e p u r p o s e of aiding in t h e a c q u i s i t i o n of a n o t h e r , a n d t h u s discover t h e origin o f capital." ( R . T o r r e n s : " A n Essay o n t h e P r o d u c t i o n o f W e a l t h , " etc., p p . 7 0 - 7 1 . )

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purchased, i.e., of labour-power; b u t this c o n s u m p t i o n cannot be effected except by supplying the labour-power with the m e a n s of production. T h e labour-process is a process between things t h a t the capitalist has purchased, things that have b e c o m e his property. T h e product of this process belongs, therefore, to h i m , just as m u c h as does the wine which is the product of a process of fermentation completed in his cellar. 1 10

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Section 2.—The Production

of Surplus-Value.

T h e product appropriated by the capitalist is a use-value, as yarn, for e x a m ple, or boots. But, although boots are, in o n e sense, the basis of all social progress, a n d our capitalist is a decided "progressist," yet he does n o t m a n ufacture boots for their own sake. Use-value is, by no m e a n s , the thing " q u ' o n a i m e pour l u i - m ê m e " in the p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s . Use-values are only p r o d u c e d by capitalists, because, a n d in so far as, they are the m a terial substratum, the depositaries of exchange-value. O u r capitalist h a s two objects in view: in the first place, he wants to p r o d u c e a use-value that has a value in exchange, that is to say, an article destined to be sold, a c o m modity; a n d secondly, he desires to p r o d u c e a c o m m o d i t y whose value shall be greater t h a n the s u m of the values of the c o m m o d i t i e s used in its production, that is, of t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d the labour-power, t h a t he purchased with his good m o n e y in the o p e n market. His a i m is to prod u c e n o t only a use-value, b u t a c o m m o d i t y also; n o t only use-value, b u t value; not only value, b u t at the s a m e t i m e surplus-value. It m u s t be borne in m i n d , that we are now dealing with the p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d that, up to this point, we have only considered o n e aspect of the process. J u s t as c o m m o d i t i e s are, at the s a m e time, use-values

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" P r o d u c t s are a p p r o p r i a t e d before t h e y are c o n v e r t e d i n t o capital; this c o n v e r s i o n does n o t secure t h e m from s u c h a p p r o p r i a t i o n . " ( C h e r b u l i e z : " R i c h e ou P a u v r e , " edit. Paris, 1 8 4 1 , p. 54.) " T h e P r o l e t a r i a n , by selling h i s l a b o u r for a definite q u a n t i t y of t h e n e c e s s a r i e s of life, r e n o u n c e s all claim to a s h a r e in t h e p r o d u c t . T h e m o d e of a p p r o p r i a t i o n of t h e p r o d u c t s rem a i n s the s a m e as before; it is in no way altered by t h e b a r g a i n we h a v e m e n t i o n e d . T h e p r o d u c t belongs exclusively t o t h e capitalist, w h o s u p p l i e d t h e raw m a t e r i a l a n d t h e n e c e s s a r i e s o f life; a n d this is a rigorous c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e law of a p p r o p r i a t i o n a law w h o s e f u n d a m e n t a l principle was t h e very opposite, n a m e l y , t h a t every l a b o u r e r h a s a n exclusive right t o t h e o w n e r s h i p of what he p r o d u c e s . " (I.e. p. 58.) " W h e n t h e l a b o u r e r s receive wages for t h e i r lab o u r . . . . t h e capitalist i s t h e n t h e o w n e r n o t o f t h e capital o n l y " (he m e a n s t h e m e a n s o f p r o d u c t i o n ) " b u t of t h e l a b o u r also. If w h a t is p a i d as wages is i n c l u d e d , as it c o m m o n l y is, in t h e t e r m capital, it is a b s u r d to talk of l a b o u r separately from c a p i t a l . T h e word c a p i t a l as t h u s e m ployed i n c l u d e s l a b o u r a n d capital b o t h . " ( J a m e s M i l l : " E l e m e n t s o f Pol. E c o n . , " etc., E d . 1 8 2 1 , p p . 7 0 , 71.)

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value a n d values, so the process of producing t h e m m u s t be a labour-process, a n d at the s a m e t i m e , a process of creating v a l u e . Let us now e x a m i n e production as a creation of value. We know that the value of each c o m m o d i t y is d e t e r m i n e d by the q u a n tity of labour e x p e n d e d on a n d materialised in it, ||167| by the working5 t i m e necessary, u n d e r given social conditions, for its p r o d u c t i o n . This rule also holds good in the case of the product that accrued to our capitalist, as t h e result of the labour-process carried on for h i m . A s s u m i n g this p r o d u c t to be 10 lbs. of yarn, o u r first step is to calculate the quantity of labour realised in it. 10 F o r spinning the yarn, raw material is required; suppose in this case lOlbs. of cotton. We have no n e e d at present to investigate the value of this cotton, for our capitalist has, we will assume, b o u g h t it at its full value, say of ten shillings. In this price the labour required for the p r o d u c t i o n of the c o t t o n is already expressed in t e r m s of the average labour of society. We 15 will further assume that the wear a n d tear of the spindle, which, for o u r present purpose, m a y represent all other i n s t r u m e n t s of l a b o u r employed, a m o u n t s to the value of 2s. If, then, twenty-four h o u r s ' labour, or two working days, are required to p r o d u c e the quantity of gold represented by twelve shillings, we have here, to begin with, two days' labour already incorpo- 20 rated in the yarn. 11

We m u s t n o t let ourselves be misled by the c i r c u m s t a n c e that the cotton has t a k e n a new shape while the substance of the spindle has to a certain extent b e e n used u p . By the general law of value, if the value of 40 lbs. of yarn = the value of 40 lbs. of cotton + the value of a whole spindle, i.e., if 25 the s a m e working t i m e is required to p r o d u c e the c o m m o d i t i e s on either side of this equation, t h e n lOlbs. of yarn are an equivalent for lOlbs. of cotton, together with one-fourth of a spindle. In t h e case we are considering t h e s a m e working t i m e is materialised in the 10 lbs. of yarn on the one h a n d , a n d in the 10lbs. of cotton a n d the fraction of a spindle on t h e other. 30 Therefore, whether value appears in cotton, in a spindle, or in yarn, m a k e s no difference in the a m o u n t of that value. T h e spindle a n d cotton, instead of resting quietly side by side, j o i n together in t h e process, their forms are altered, a n d they are turned into yarn; b u t their value is no m o r e affected by this fact t h a n it would be if they h a d b e e n simply exchanged for their 35 equivalent in yarn. T h e labour required for the p r o d u c t i o n of t h e cotton, the ||168| raw m a t e 11

A s h a s b e e n stated i n a previous n o t e , t h e E n g l i s h l a n g u a g e h a s two different e x p r e s s i o n s for t h e s e two different aspects of l a b o u r : in t h e S i m p l e L a b o u r - p r o c e s s , t h e process of p r o d u c ing U s e - V a l u e s , it is Work; in t h e process of c r e a t i o n of V a l u e , it is Labour, taking t h e t e r m in 4 0 its strictly e c o n o m i c a l s e n s e . — E d .

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rial of the yarn, is part of t h e labour necessary to p r o d u c e the yarn, and is therefore contained in the yarn. T h e s a m e applies to the l a b o u r e m b o d i e d in the spindle, without whose wear a n d tear t h e cotton could n o t be spun. H e n c e , in determining t h e value of the yarn, or the labour-time required for its production, all the special processes carried on at various t i m e s a n d in different places, which were necessary, first to p r o d u c e the cotton a n d the wasted portion of the spindle, a n d t h e n with the cotton a n d spindle to spin the yarn, m a y together be looked on as different a n d successive phases of one and the same process. T h e whole of the labour in the yarn is past labour; and it is a m a t t e r of no i m p o r t a n c e that the operations necessary for the production of its constituent e l e m e n t s were carried on at times which, referred to the present, are m o r e r e m o t e t h a n the final operation of spinning. If a definite quantity of labour, say thirty days, is requisite to build a house, the total a m o u n t of labour incorporated in it is n o t altered by the fact that t h e work of t h e last day is d o n e twenty-nine days later t h a n that of the first. Therefore the labour c o n t a i n e d in the raw m a t e r i a l a n d t h e instrum e n t s of labour can be treated just as if it were labour expended in an earlier stage of the spinning process, before the l a b o u r of actual spinning c o m menced. T h e values of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , i.e., t h e cotton a n d the spindle, which values are expressed in the price of twelve shillings, are therefore constituent parts of the value of the yarn, or, in other words, of the value of the product. Two conditions m u s t nevertheless be fulfilled. First, the cotton a n d spindie m u s t c o n c u r in the p r o d u c t i o n of a use-value; they m u s t in t h e present case b e c o m e yarn. V a l u e is i n d e p e n d e n t of t h e particular use-value by which it is borne, b u t it m u s t be e m b o d i e d in a use-value of some kind. Secondly, the t i m e occupied in the l a b o u r of p r o d u c t i o n m u s t n o t exceed the t i m e really necessary u n d e r t h e given social conditions of the case. Therefore, if no m o r e t h a n l i b . of cotton be requisite to spin l i b . of yarn, care m u s t be t a k e n that no m o r e t h a n this weight of cotton is c o n s u m e d in the p r o d u c t i o n of 1 lb. of yarn; a n d similarly with regard to the spindle. T h o u g h the ||169| capitalist have a hobby, a n d use a gold instead of a steel spindle, yet the only l a b o u r t h a t c o u n t s for anything in the value of the yarn is that which would be required to p r o d u c e a steel spindle because no m o r e is necessary u n d e r the given social conditions. We now know what portion of the value of the yarn is owing to the cotton a n d the spindle. It a m o u n t s to twelve shillings or the value of two days' work. T h e n e x t point for o u r consideration is, what portion of the value of the yarn is a d d e d to the cotton by t h e labour of the spinner. We have now to consider this l a b o u r u n d e r a very different aspect from

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value t h a t which it h a d during the labour-process; there, we viewed it solely as that particular kind of h u m a n activity which changes cotton into yarn; there, the more the labour was suited to the work, the better the yarn, other circumstances r e m a i n i n g the same. T h e labour of the spinner was t h e n viewed as specifically different from other kinds of productive labour, different on the one h a n d in its special aim, viz., spinning, different, on the other h a n d , in t h e special character of its operations, in the special n a t u r e of its m e a n s of production a n d in the special use-value of its product. F o r the operation of spinning, cotton a n d spindles are a necessity, b u t for making rifled c a n n o n they would be of no u s e whatever. H e r e , on the contrary, where we consider the labour of the spinner only so far as it is value-creating, i.e., a source of value, his labour differs in no respect from t h e labour of the m a n who bores c a n n o n , or (what h e r e m o r e nearly concerns us), from the labour of the cotton-planter and spindle-maker incorporated in the m e a n s of production. It is solely by reason of this identity, t h a t cotton planting, spindle m a k i n g a n d spinning, are capable of forming the c o m p o n e n t parts, differing only quantitatively from each other, of o n e whole, namely, the value of the yarn. H e r e , we have n o t h i n g m o r e to do with the quality, the n a t u r e a n d the specific character of t h e labour, b u t merely with its quantity. A n d this simply requires to be calculated. We proceed u p o n the a s s u m p t i o n that spinning is simple, unskilled labour, the average lab o u r of a given state of society. Hereafter we shall see t h a t t h e contrary ass u m p t i o n would m a k e no difference. J J170) W h i l e the labourer is at work, his labour constantly undergoes a transformation: from being m o t i o n , it b e c o m e s an object without m o t i o n ; from b e i n g t h e labourer working, it bec o m e s the thing produced. At the end of o n e hours's spinning, that act is represented by a definite quantity of yarn; in other words, a definite q u a n tity of labour, n a m e l y that of o n e hour, has b e c o m e e m b o d i e d in the cotton. We say labour, i.e., the expenditure of his vital force by t h e spinner, a n d n o t spinning labour, because the special work of spinning counts here, only so far as it is the expenditure of labour-power in general, a n d n o t in so far as it is the specific work of the spinner.

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In the process we are now considering it is of extreme i m p o r t a n c e , t h a t no m o r e t i m e be c o n s u m e d in the work of transforming the cotton into yarn t h a n is necessary u n d e r the given social c o n d i t i o n s . If u n d e r n o r m a l , 35 i.e., average social conditions of production, a p o u n d s of cotton ought to be m a d e into b p o u n d s of yarn by o n e h o u r ' s labour, t h e n a day's labour does not c o u n t as 12 h o u r s ' l a b o u r unless 12 a p o u n d s of cotton have b e e n m a d e into 12 b p o u n d s of yarn; for in t h e creation of value, the t i m e t h a t is socially necessary alone counts. 40 N o t only the labour, but also the raw m a t e r i a l a n d the product now ap-

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pear in quite a new light, very different from t h a t in which we viewed t h e m in the labour-process pure a n d simple. T h e raw m a t e r i a l serves now merely as an absorbent of a definite quantity of labour. By this absorption it is in fact changed into yarn, because it is spun, b e c a u s e labour-power in the form of spinning is a d d e d to it; b u t the product, the yarn, is now n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n a m e a s u r e of the l a b o u r absorbed by the cotton. If in one h o u r 1% lbs. of cotton can be s p u n into 1% lbs. of yarn, t h e n 10 lbs. of yarn i n d i cate the absorption of 6 h o u r s ' labour. Definite quantities of product, these quantities being d e t e r m i n e d by experience, now represent n o t h i n g b u t definite quantities of labour, definite masses of crystallized labour-time. T h e y are n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n the materialisation of so m a n y h o u r s or so m a n y days of social labour. We are here no m o r e c o n c e r n e d a b o u t the facts, that the labour is the specific work of spinning, t h a t its subject is cotton ||171| and its product yarn, t h a n we are a b o u t the fact t h a t the subject itself is already a product a n d therefore raw material. If t h e spinner, instead of spinning, were working in a coal m i n e , the subject of his labour, t h e coal, would be supplied by N a t u r e ; nevertheless, a definite quantity of extracted coal, a h u n d r e d weight for example, would represent a definite quantity of absorbed labour. We assumed, on t h e occasion of its sale, t h a t the value of a day's labourpower is three shillings, a n d that six h o u r s ' labour are incorporated in that sum; and consequently t h a t this a m o u n t of labour is requisite to p r o d u c e the necessaries of life daily required on an average by the labourer. If now our spinner by working for o n e hour, c a n convert 1¾ lbs. of cotton into 1¾ lbs. of y a r n , it follows t h a t in six h o u r s he will convert 10 lbs. of cotton into 10 lbs. of yarn. H e n c e , during t h e spinning process, the cotton absorbs six h o u r s ' labour. T h e s a m e quantity of labour is also e m b o d i e d in a piece of gold of the value of three shillings. Consequently by the m e r e l a b o u r of spinning, a value of three shillings is a d d e d to the cotton. Let us now consider the total value of the product, the 10 lbs. of yarn. Two and a half days' l a b o u r have b e e n e m b o d i e d in it, of which two days were contained in the cotton a n d in the substance of the spindle worn away, and half a day was absorbed during the process of spinning. This two a n d a half days' labour is also represented by a piece of gold of t h e value of fifteen shillings. H e n c e , fifteen shillings is an a d e q u a t e price for the 10 lbs. of yarn, or the price of one p o u n d is eighteenpence. O u r capitalist stares in a s t o n i s h m e n t . T h e value of the product is exactly equal to the value of the capital advanced. T h e value so advanced has n o t expanded, no surplus-value has b e e n created, a n d consequently m o n e y has 12

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value n o t b e e n converted into capital. T h e price of the yarn is fifteen shillings, a n d fifteen shillings were spent in the o p e n m a r k e t u p o n the constituent e l e m e n t s of the product, or, what a m o u n t s to the s a m e thing, u p o n the factors of t h e labour-process; ten shillings were paid for the cotton, two shillings for the substance of the spindle ||172| worn away, a n d three shillings 5 for t h e labour-power. T h e swollen value of the yarn is of no avail, for it is merely t h e s u m of the values formerly existing in the cotton, the spindle, a n d t h e labour-power: out of such a simple a d d i t i o n of existing values, no surplus-value can possibly a r i s e . These separate values are now all concentrated in one thing; b u t so they were also in the s u m of fifteen shillings, 10 before it was split up into three parts, by the p u r c h a s e of the c o m m o d i t i e s . 13

T h e r e is in reality n o t h i n g very strange in this result. T h e value of o n e p o u n d of yarn being eighteenpence, if our capitalist buys 10 lbs. of yarn in t h e market, he m u s t pay fifteen shillings for t h e m . It is clear that, whether a m a n buys his house ready built, or gets it built for h i m , in n e i t h e r case will t h e m o d e of acquisition increase the a m o u n t of m o n e y laid out on the house. O u r capitalist, who is at h o m e in his vulgar economy, exclaims: "Oh! b u t I advanced my m o n e y for the express purpose of m a k i n g m o r e m o n e y . " T h e way to Hell is paved with good i n t e n t i o n s , a n d he m i g h t just as easily have i n t e n d e d to m a k e m o n e y , without p r o d u c i n g at a l l . He threatens all sorts of things. He won't be caught n a p p i n g again. In future he will buy the c o m m o d i t i e s in the market, instead of m a n u f a c t u r i n g t h e m himself. B u t if all his brother capitalists were to do the s a m e , where would he find his c o m m o d i t i e s in the market? A n d his m o n e y he c a n n o t eat. He tries persuasion. "Consider my abstinence; I might have played ducks a n d drakes with the 15 shillings; but instead o f t h a t I c o n s u m e d it productively, a n d m a d e yarn with it." Very well, ||173| a n d by way of reward he is now in possession of good yarn instead of a b a d conscience; a n d as for playing the part of a miser; it would never do for h i m to relapse into such b a d ways as that; we have seen before to what results such asceticism leads. Besides, where n o -

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This is the fundamental proposition on which is based the doctrine of the Physiocrats as to t h e u n p r o d u c t i v e n e s s of all l a b o u r t h a t is n o t agriculture: it is irrefutable for t h e o r t h o d o x e c o n o m i s t . «Cette façon d ' i m p u t e r à u n e seule c h o s e la v a l e u r de p l u s i e u r s autres» (par e x e m p l e a u lin l a c o n s o m m a t i o n d u tisserand), « d ' a p p l i q u e r , p o u r ainsi dire, c o u c h e s u r c o u c h e , p l u s i e u r s valeurs sur u n e seule, fait q u e celle-ci grossit d ' a u t a n t . . . . L e t e r m e d ' a d d i t i o n p e i n t t r è s - b i e n l a m a n i è r e d o n t s e forme l e prix d e s ouvrages d e m a i n - d ' œ u v r e ; c e prix n ' e s t q u ' u n t o t a l d e p l u s i e u r s valeurs c o n s o m m é e s e t a d d i t i o n n é e s e n s e m b l e ; or, a d d i t i o n n e r n ' e s t p a s m u l t i p l i e r . » ("Mercier de la R i v i è r e , " I.e., p. 599.) 14

T h u s from 1 8 4 4 - 4 7 h e withdrew part o f h i s capital from p r o d u c t i v e e m p l o y m e n t , i n o r d e r to t h r o w it away in railway s p e c u l a t i o n s ; a n d so also, d u r i n g t h e A m e r i c a n Civil W a r , he closed his factory, a n d t u r n e d h i s work-people into t h e streets, i n o r d e r t o g a m b l e o n t h e Liverpool cotton exchange.

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thing is, the king has lost his rights; whatever m a y be the m e r i t of his abstin e n c e , there is n o t h i n g wherewith specially to r e m u n e r a t e it, b e c a u s e the value of the product is merely the s u m of the values of t h e c o m m o d i t i e s that were thrown into t h e process of p r o d u c t i o n . Let h i m therefore console himself with the reflection that virtue is its own reward. But n o , he becomes i m p o r t u n a t e . He says: "The yarn is of no use to m e : I p r o d u c e d it for sale." In that case let h i m sell it, or, still better, let h i m for the future produce only things for satisfying his personal wants, a r e m e d y that his physician M ' C u l l o c h has already prescribed as infallible against an e p i d e m i c of over-production. He now gets o b s t i n a t e . " C a n the labourer," he asks, "merely with his arms a n d legs, p r o d u c e c o m m o d i t i e s out of nothing? D i d I not supply h i m with the materials, by m e a n s of which, a n d in which alone, his labour could be e m b o d i e d ? A n d as the greater part of society consists of such ne'er-do-weels, have I n o t r e n d e r e d society incalculable service by my i n s t r u m e n t s of production, my cotton a n d my spindle, a n d n o t only society, b u t t h e labourer also, w h o m in addition I have provided with the n e c essaries of life? A n d am I to be allowed n o t h i n g in return for all this service?" Well, but has n o t the l a b o u r e r r e n d e r e d h i m the equivalent service of changing his cotton a n d spindle into yarn? Moreover, there is here no question of service. A service is n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n the useful effect of a u s e value, be it of a c o m m o d i t y , ||174| or be it of l a b o u r . But here we are dealing with exchange-value. T h e capitalist paid to the labourer a value of 3 shillings, and the labourer gave h i m b a c k an exact equivalent in the value of 3 shillings, added by h i m to the cotton: he gave h i m value for value. O u r friend, up to this t i m e so purse-proud, suddenly assumes the m o d e s t dem e a n o u r of his own w o r k m a n , a n d exclaims: "Have I myself n o t worked? Have I n o t performed the labour of s u p e r i n t e n d e n c e a n d of overlooking the spinner? A n d does n o t this labour, too, create value?" His overlooker a n d his m a n a g e r try to h i d e their smiles. M e a n w h i l e , after a hearty laugh, he reassumes his u s u a l m i e n . T h o u g h he c h a n t e d to us t h e whole creed of the 15

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" E x t o l thyself, p u t o n finery a n d a d o r n thyself ... b u t w h o e v e r t a k e s m o r e o r better t h a n h e gives, t h a t is usury, a n d is n o t service, b u t wrong d o n e to his n e i g h b o u r , as w h e n o n e steals a n d r o b s . All is n o t service a n d b e n e f i t to a n e i g h b o u r t h a t is called service a n d benefit. F o r an adulteress a n d a d u l t e r e r do o n e a n o t h e r great service a n d p l e a s u r e . A h o r s e m a n does an i n c e n d i a r y a great service, by h e l p i n g h i m to r o b on t h e highway, a n d pillage l a n d a n d h o u s e s . T h e papists do o u r s a great service, in t h a t t h e y d o n ' t d r o w n , b u r n , m u r d e r all of t h e m , or let t h e m all rot i n prison; b u t let s o m e live, a n d only drive t h e m out, o r t a k e from t h e m w h a t t h e y have. T h e devil h i m s e l f does his servants i n e s t i m a b l e service ... To s u m u p , t h e world is full of great, excellent, a n d daily service a n d benefit." ( M a r t i n L u t h e r : " A n die Pfarrherrn, wider d e n W u c h e r zu p r e d i g e n , " W i t t e m b e r g , 1540.) I n " Z u r Kritik der Pol. Oek.," p . 1 4 , 1 m a k e t h e following r e m a r k o n t h i s p o i n t — "It i s n o t difficult to u n d e r s t a n d w h a t 'service' t h e category 'service' m u s t r e n d e r to a class of e c o n o m i s t s like L B . Say a n d F . B a s t i a t . " 16

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value economists, in reality, he says, he would n o t give a brass farthing for it. He leaves this a n d all such like subterfuges and juggling tricks to the professors of political economy, who are paid for it. He himself is a practical m a n ; a n d t h o u g h he does n o t always consider what he says outside his business, yet in his business he knows what he is about. Let us e x a m i n e t h e m a t t e r m o r e closely. T h e value of a day's labourpower a m o u n t s to 3 shillings, because on our a s s u m p t i o n half a day's lab o u r is e m b o d i e d in that quantity of labour-power, i.e., because the m e a n s of subsistence that are daily required for the p r o d u c t i o n of labour-power, cost half a day's labour. But the past labour that is e m b o d i e d in the labourpower, a n d the living labour that it can call into action; the daily cost of m a i n t a i n i n g it, and its daily e x p e n d i t u r e in work, are two totally different things. T h e former determines the exchange-value of the labour-power, the latter is its use-value. T h e fact that half a day's l a b o u r is necessary to keep t h e labourer alive during 24 hours, does n o t in any way prevent h i m from working a whole day. Therefore, the value of labour-power, a n d the value which that labour-power creates in the labour process, are two entirely different m a g n i t u d e s ; a n d this difference of the two values was what the capitalist h a d in view, when he was purchasing the labour-power. T h e useful qualities that labour-power possesses, a n d by virtue of which it ||175| m a k e s yarn or boots, were to h i m n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n a conditio sine q u a n o n ; for in order to create value, labour m u s t be e x p e n d e d in a useful m a n n e r . W h a t really influenced h i m was the specific use-value which this c o m m o d ity possesses of being a source not only of value, but of more value than it has itself. This is the special service that the capitalist expects from labourpower, a n d in this transaction he acts in accordance with the "eternal laws" of t h e exchange of c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e seller of labour-power, like the seller of any other commodity, realises its exchange-value, a n d parts with its usevalue. He c a n n o t take the one without giving the other. T h e use-value of labour-power, or in other words, labour, belongs j u s t as little to its seller, as the use-value of oil after it has b e e n sold belongs to the dealer who has sold it. T h e owner of the m o n e y has paid the value of a day's labour-power; his, therefore, is the u s e of it for a day; a day's labour belongs to h i m . T h e circ u m s t a n c e , that on the one h a n d the daily s u s t e n a n c e of labour-power costs only half a day's labour, while on the other h a n d the very s a m e labour-power can work during a whole day, that consequently the value w h i c h its u s e during o n e day creates, is d o u b l e what he pays for t h a t use, this c i r c u m s t a n c e is, without doubt, a piece of good luck for the buyer, b u t by no m e a n s an injury to the seller.

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a u c t i o n necessary for working, n o t only during six, b u t during twelve h o u r s . Just as during the six h o u r s ' process o u r 10 lbs. of cotton absorbed six h o u r s ' labour, a n d b e c a m e 10 lbs. of yarn, so now, 20 lbs. of cotton will absorb 12 h o u r s ' labour a n d be c h a n g e d into 20 lbs. of yarn. Let us now exa m i n e the product of this prolonged process. There is now materialised in this 20 lbs. of yarn the labour of five days, of which four days are d u e to the cotton a n d the lost steel of t h e spindle, t h e r e m a i n i n g day having b e e n a b sorbed by the cotton during the spinning process. Expressed in gold, the lab o u r of five days is thirty shillings. This is therefore t h e price of the 20 lbs. of yarn, giving, as before eighteenpence as t h e price of a p o u n d . B u t the s u m of the values of t h e c o m m o d i t i e s t h a t ||176| entered into the process a m o u n t s to 27 shillings. T h e value of the yarn is 30 shillings. Therefore the value of the product is % greater t h a n the value advanced for its p r o d u c tion; 27 shillings have b e e n transformed into 30 shillings; a surplus-value of 3 shillings has b e e n created. T h e trick has at last succeeded; m o n e y has b e e n converted into capital. Every condition of t h e p r o b l e m is satisfied, while the laws that regulate the exchange of c o m m o d i t i e s , have b e e n in no way violated. Equivalent has b e e n exchanged for equivalent. F o r the capitalist as buyer p a i d for e a c h c o m m o d i t y , for t h e cotton, t h e spindle a n d the labour-power, its full value. He t h e n did what is d o n e by every purchaser of c o m m o d i t i e s ; he c o n s u m e d their use-value. T h e c o n s u m p t i o n of the labour-power, which was also the process of producing c o m m o d i t i e s , resulted in 20 lbs. of yarn, having a value of 30 shillings. T h e capitalist, formerly a buyer, now returns to m a r k e t as a seller, of c o m m o d i t i e s . He sells his yarn at eighteenpence a p o u n d , which is its exact value. Yet for all t h a t he withdraws 3 shillings m o r e from circulation t h a n he originally threw into it. This m e t a m o r p h o s i s , this conversion of m o n e y into capital, takes place b o t h within the sphere of circulation and also outside it; within the circulation, because c o n d i t i o n e d by the purchase of the labour-power in the market; outside the circulation, because what is d o n e within it is only a stepping-stone to t h e p r o d u c t i o n of surplus-value, a process which is entirely confined to the sphere of p r o d u c tion. T h u s "tout est pour le m i e u x dans le m e i l l e u r des m o n d e s possibles." By turning his m o n e y into c o m m o d i t i e s t h a t serve as the material elem e n t s of a new product, a n d as factors in t h e labour-process, by incorporating living labour with their dead substance, t h e capitalist at the same t i m e converts value, i.e., past, materialised, a n d dead labour into capital, into value big with value, a live m o n s t e r t h a t is fruitful a n d multiplies. If we now compare the two processes of p r o d u c i n g value a n d of creating surplus-value, we see t h a t the latter is n o t h i n g b u t the c o n t i n u a t i o n of the former beyond a definite point. If on t h e one h a n d the process be n o t car-

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value ried b e y o n d the point, where t h e value paid by the capitalist for the labourpower is ||177| replaced by an exact equivalent, it is simply a process of p r o d u c i n g value; if, on the other h a n d , it be c o n t i n u e d b e y o n d t h a t point, it b e c o m e s a process of creating surplus-value. If we proceed further, a n d compare the process of p r o d u c i n g value with 5 t h e labour-process, pure a n d simple, we find t h a t the latter consists of the useful labour, the work, t h a t produces use-values. H e r e we c o n t e m p l a t e t h e l a b o u r as producing a particular article; we view it u n d e r its qualitative aspect alone, with regard to its end a n d aim. B u t viewed as a value-creating process, the same labour-process presents itself u n d e r its quantitative 10 aspect alone. H e r e it is a question merely of the t i m e occupied by t h e lab o u r e r in doing the work; of the period during w h i c h t h e labour-power is usefully expended. Here, the c o m m o d i t i e s that take part in the process, do n o t c o u n t any longer as necessary adjuncts of labour-power in the p r o d u c t i o n of a definite, useful object. They c o u n t merely as depositaries of so 15 m u c h absorbed or materialised labour; that labour, w h e t h e r previously e m b o d i e d in the m e a n s of production, or incorporated in t h e m for the first t i m e during the process by the action of labour-power, c o u n t s in either case only according to its duration; it a m o u n t s to so m a n y h o u r s or days as the case m a y be. 20 Moreover, only so m u c h of the t i m e spent in t h e p r o d u c t i o n of any article is c o u n t e d , as, u n d e r the given social conditions, is necessary. T h e cons e q u e n c e s of this are various. In the first place, it b e c o m e s necessary that t h e l a b o u r should be carried on u n d e r n o r m a l conditions. If a self-acting m u l e is the i m p l e m e n t in general u s e for spinning, it would be absurd to supply t h e spinner with a distaff and spinning wheel. T h e cotton too m u s t n o t be such rubbish as to cause extra waste in being worked, b u t m u s t be of suitable quality. Otherwise the spinner would be found to spend m o r e t i m e in p r o d u c i n g a p o u n d of yarn t h a n is socially necessary, in which case t h e excess of t i m e would create n e i t h e r value n o r m o n e y . B u t whether the m a terial factors of the process are of n o r m a l quality or not, d e p e n d s n o t u p o n the labourer, b u t entirely u p o n the capitalist. T h e n again, the labour-power itself m u s t be of average efficacy. In the trade in which it is being e m ployed, 111781 it m u s t possess the average skill, h a n d i n e s s a n d quickness prevalent in that trade, and our capitalist took good care to buy labourpower of such n o r m a l goodness. This power m u s t be applied with the average a m o u n t of exertion a n d with the u s u a l degree of intensity; a n d t h e capitalist is as careful to see that this is d o n e , as t h a t his w o r k m e n are n o t idle for a single m o m e n t . He has b o u g h t the use of t h e labour-power for a defin i t e period, a n d he insists u p o n his rights. He has no i n t e n t i o n of being robbed. Lastly, and for this purpose our friend has a p e n a l code of his own,

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Chapter VII • The labour process and the process of producing surplus-value all wasteful c o n s u m p t i o n of raw m a t e r i a l or i n s t r u m e n t s of labour is strictly forbidden, because what is so wasted, represents labour superfluously expended, labour that does n o t c o u n t in t h e p r o d u c t or enter into its v a l u e . We now see, that the difference between labour, considered on the o n e h a n d as producing utilities, a n d on the other h a n d , ||179| as creating value, a difference which we discovered by our analysis of a c o m m o d i t y , resolves itself into a distinction between two aspects of t h e process of p r o d u c t i o n . T h e process of production, considered on t h e one h a n d as the unity of the labour-process a n d the process of creating value, is p r o d u c t i o n of c o m modities; considered on the other h a n d as the u n i t y of the labour-process and the process of producing surplus-value, it is t h e capitalist process of production, or capitalist p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s . We stated, on a previous page, t h a t in the creation of surplus-value it does not in the least matter, whether the labour appropriated by the capitalist be simple unskilled labour of average quality or m o r e complicated skilled labour. All l a b o u r of a higher or m o r e complicated character t h a n average labour is e x p e n d i t u r e of labour-power of a m o r e costly kind, labour-power whose p r o d u c t i o n has cost m o r e t i m e a n d labour, a n d which therefore has a higher value, t h a n unskilled or simple labour-power. This power being of higher value, its c o n s u m p t i o n is labour of a higher class, la17

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T h i s is o n e of t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s t h a t m a k e s p r o d u c t i o n by slave l a b o u r s u c h a costly p r o cess. T h e l a b o u r e r h e r e is, to u s e a striking e x p r e s s i o n of t h e a n c i e n t s , d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e o n l y as i n s t r u m e n t u m vocale, from a n a n i m a l a s i n s t r u m e n t u m s e m i v o c a l e , a n d from a n i m p l e m e n t a s i n s t r u m e n t u m m u t u m . B u t h e h i m s e l f takes care t o let b o t h b e a s t a n d h n p l e m e n t feel t h a t he is n o n e of t h e m , b u t is a m a n . He c o n v i n c e s h i m s e l f with i m m e n s e satisfaction, t h a t he is a different b e i n g , b y treating t h e o n e u n m e r c i f u l l y a n d d a m a g i n g t h e o t h e r c o n a m o r e . H e n c e t h e principle, universally a p p l i e d i n t h i s m e t h o d o f p r o d u c t i o n , only t o e m p l o y t h e r u d e s t a n d h e a v i e s t i m p l e m e n t s a n d s u c h a s are difficult t o d a m a g e owing t o their s h e e r c l u m s i n e s s . I n t h e slave-states b o r d e r i n g on t h e G u l f of M e x i c o , d o w n to t h e d a t e of t h e civil war, p l o u g h s c o n s t r u c t e d on old C h i n e s e m o d e l s , w h i c h t u r n e d up t h e soil like a hog or a m o l e , i n s t e a d of m a k i n g furrows, were alone to be found. Conf. J. E. C a i r n e s . " T h e Slave Power," L o n d o n , 1862, p . 4 6 - 4 9 . I n his "Sea B o a r d Slave S t a t e s , " O l m s t e d tells u s : " I a m h e r e s h o w n tools t h a t no m a n in h i s senses, with u s , w o u l d allow a l a b o u r e r , for w h o m he was paying wages, to be e n c u m b e r e d with; a n d t h e excessive weight a n d c l u m s i n e s s of which, I w o u l d j u d g e , w o u l d

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m a k e work a t least t e n per c e n t greater t h a n w i t h t h o s e ordinarily u s e d with u s . A n d I a m a s sured that, i n t h e careless a n d c l u m s y way t h e y m u s t b e u s e d b y t h e slaves, a n y t h i n g lighter o r less r u d e c o u l d n o t b e furnished t h e m with good e c o n o m y , a n d t h a t s u c h tools a s w e c o n stantly give o u r l a b o u r e r s a n d find o u r profit in giving t h e m , w o u l d n o t last o u t a d a y in a Virginia c o r n f i e l d — m u c h lighter a n d m o r e free from s t o n e s t h o u g h i t b e t h a n o u r s . So, too, w h e n

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I ask why m u l e s are so universally s u b s t i t u t e d for horses on t h e farm, t h e first r e a s o n given, a n d confessedly t h e m o s t c o n c l u s i v e o n e , i s t h a t h o r s e s c a n n o t b e a r t h e t r e a t m e n t t h a t t h e y always m u s t get from negroes; h o r s e s are always s o o n f o u n d e r e d or crippled by t h e m , w h i l e m u l e s will b e a r cudgelling, or lose a m e a l or two n o w a n d t h e n , a n d n o t be m a t e r i a l l y injured, a n d t h e y do n o t take cold or get sick, if n e g l e c t e d or overworked. B u t I do n o t n e e d to go fur-

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t h e r t h a n t o t h e w i n d o w o f t h e r o o m i n w h i c h I a m writing, t o see a t a l m o s t any t i m e , treatm e n t o f cattle t h a t would e n s u r e t h e i m m e d i a t e discharge o f t h e driver b y a l m o s t a n y f a r m e r owning t h e m in the North."

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value b o u r that creates in equal times proportionally higher values t h a n unskilled labour does. Whatever difference in skill there m a y be between the labour of a spinner a n d that of a j eweller, the portion of his labour by which the j eweller merely replaces the value of his own labour-power, does n o t in any way differ in quality from the additional portion by which he creates 5 surplus-value. In the m a k i n g of jewellery, j u s t as in spinning, the surplusvalue results only from a quantitative excess of labour, from a lengtheningout of o n e a n d the same labour-process, in the o n e case, of t h e process of m a k i n g jewels, in the other of the process of m a k i n g yarn. 1|180| B u t on the other h a n d , in every process of creating value, the r e d u c t i o n of skilled 10 labour to average social labour, e.g., one day of skilled to six days of u n skilled labour, is u n a v o i d a b l e . We therefore save ourselves a superfluous operation, a n d simplify our analysis, by the a s s u m p t i o n , t h a t the labour of t h e w o r k m a n employed by the capitalist is unskilled average labour. 18

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T h e d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n skilled a n d u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r rests i n part o n p u r e illusion, or, t o say t h e least, o n d i s t i n c t i o n s t h a t h a v e long since c e a s e d t o b e real, a n d t h a t survive only b y v i r t u e of a t r a d i t i o n a l c o n v e n t i o n ; in p a r t on t h e helpless c o n d i t i o n of s o m e groups of t h e working-class, a c o n d i t i o n t h a t prevents t h e m from e x a c t i n g e q u a l l y with t h e rest t h e value of t h e i r labour-power. A c c i d e n t a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s h e r e play so great a part, t h a t t h e s e two forms of l a b o u r s o m e t i m e s c h a n g e places. W h e r e , for i n s t a n c e ; t h e p h y s i q u e o f t h e working-class h a s d e t e r i o r a t e d , a n d is, relatively speaking, e x h a u s t e d , w h i c h is t h e case in all c o u n t r i e s w i t h a well d e v e l o p e d capitalist p r o d u c t i o n , t h e lower forms o f labour, w h i c h d e m a n d great e x p e n d i t u r e o f m u s c l e , are i n g e n e r a l c o n s i d e r e d a s skilled, c o m p a r e d with m u c h m o r e d e l i c a t e forms o f l a b o u r ; t h e latter sink d o w n t o t h e level o f u n s k i l l e d labour. T a k e a s a n e x a m p l e t h e l a b o u r of a bricklayer, w h i c h in E n g l a n d o c c u p i e s a m u c h h i g h e r level t h a n t h a t of a d a m a s k - w e a v e r . A g a i n , a l t h o u g h t h e l a b o u r of a fustian c u t t e r d e m a n d s great bodily e x e r t i o n , a n d is at t h e s a m e t i m e u n h e a l t h y , yet i t c o u n t s only a s u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r . A n d t h e n , w e m u s t n o t forget, t h a t t h e so-called skilled l a b o u r does n o t o c c u p y a large space in t h e field of n a t i o n a l labour. L a i n g e s t i m a t e s t h a t i n E n g l a n d ( a n d Wales) t h e livelihood o f 11,300,000 p e o p l e d e p e n d s o n u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r . If from t h e total p o p u l a t i o n of 18,000,000 living at t h e t i m e w h e n he wrote, we d e d u c t 1,000,000 for t h e "genteel p o p u l a t i o n , " a n s 1,500,000 for p a u p e r s , vagrants, c r i m i n a l s , p r o s t i t u t e s , etc., a n d 4,650,000 who c o m p o s e t h e m i d d l e - c l a s s , t h e r e r e m a i n t h e above m e n t i o n e d 11,000,000. But i n his m i d d l e - c l a s s h e i n c l u d e s p e o p l e t h a t live o n t h e interest o f s m a l l i n v e s t m e n t s , officials, m e n o f letters, artists, s c h o o l m a s t e r s a n d t h e like, a n d i n o r d e r t o swell t h e n u m b e r h e also i n c l u d e s i n these, 4,650,000 t h e b e t t e r p a i d p o r t i o n o f t h e factory o p eratives! T h e bricklayers, t o o , figure a m o n g s t t h e m . (S. L a i n g : " N a t i o n a l Distress," etc., L o n d o n , 1844.) " T h e great class who h a v e n o t h i n g to give for food b u t o r d i n a r y labour, are t h e great b u l k o f t h e p e o p l e . " ( J a m e s Mill, i n art: " C o l o n y , " S u p p l e m e n t t o t h e E n c y c l o p . Brit., 1824.) 19

" W h e r e reference is m a d e to l a b o u r as a m e a s u r e of v a l u e , it necessarily i m p l i e s l a b o u r of o n e p a r t i c u l a r k i n d ... t h e p r o p o r t i o n w h i c h t h e o t h e r k i n d s b e a r t o i t b e i n g easily ascert a i n e d . " ("Outlines of Pol. E c o n . , " Lond., 1832, p p . 2 2 a n d 23.)

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Chapter Vili • Constant capital and variable capital

CHAPTER VIII.

Constant Capital and Variable Capital.

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T h e various factors of t h e labour-process play different parts in forming the value of the product. T h e labourer adds fresh value to the subject of his labour by expending u p o n it a given a m o u n t of additional labour, no m a t t e r what the specific character a n d utility of t h a t l a b o u r m a y b e . On the other h a n d , t h e values of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n used up in t h e process are preserved, and present themselves afresh as c o n s t i t u e n t parts of the value of the prod||181|uct; the values of the cotton a n d the spindle, for instance, re-appear again in the value of the yarn. T h e value of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n is therefore preserved, by being transferred to t h e product. This transfer takes place during the conversion of those m e a n s i n t o a product, or in other words, during the labour-process. It is b r o u g h t a b o u t by labour; b u t how? T h e labourer does n o t perform two operations at once, one in order to add value to the cotton, the other in order to preserve the value of the m e a n s of production, or, what a m o u n t s to the s a m e thing, to transfer to the yarn, to the product, the value of the cotton on which he works, a n d part of the value of the spindle with which he works. But, by t h e very act of adding new value, he preserves their former values. Since, however, the addition of new value to the subject of his labour, a n d t h e preservation of its former value, are two entirely distinct results, p r o d u c e d simultaneously by the labourer, during o n e operation, it is plain t h a t this twofold n a t u r e of the result can be explained only by the twofold n a t u r e of his labour; at one a n d the same t i m e , it m u s t in o n e character create value, and in another character preserve or transfer value. Now, in what m a n n e r does every labourer add new labour a n d consequently new value? Evidently, only by labouring productively in a particular way; the spinner by spinning, the weaver by weaving, t h e s m i t h by forging. But, while t h u s incorporating labour generally, t h a t is value, it is by t h e particular form alone of t h e labour, by t h e spinning, the weaving a n d t h e forging respectively, that the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , t h e cotton a n d spindle, the yarn a n d loom, a n d the iron a n d anvil b e c o m e constituent e l e m e n t s of the product, of a new u s e - v a l u e . E a c h use-value disappears, but only to reappear u n d e r a new form in a new use-value. Now, we saw, when we were considering the process of creating value, that, if a use-value be effectively 20

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" L a b o u r gives a n e w c r e a t i o n for o n e e x t i n g u i s h e d . " ("An essay on t h e Polit. E c o n . of N a t i o n s , " L o n d o n , 1 8 2 1 , p. 13.)

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value c o n s u m e d in the production of a new use-value, t h e q u a n t i t y of labour exp e n d e d in the production of the con||182|sumed article, forms a portion of t h e quantity of labour necessary to produce t h e new use-value; this portion is therefore transferred from the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n to t h e new product. H e n c e , the labourer preserves the values of the c o n s u m e d m e a n s of p r o d u c tion, or transfers t h e m as portions of its value to the product, n o t by virtue of h i s additional labour, abstractedly considered, b u t by virtue of the particular useful character of that labour, by virtue of its special productive form. In so far t h e n as labour is such specific productive activity, in so far as it is spinning, weaving, or forging, it raises, by m e r e contact, the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n from the dead, m a k e s t h e m living factors of the labour-process, a n d c o m b i n e s with t h e m to form the new products. If the special productive labour of t h e w o r k m a n were n o t spinning, he could n o t convert t h e cotton into yarn, a n d therefore could n o t transfer the values of the cotton and spindle to the yarn. Suppose t h e same w o r k m a n were to c h a n g e his occupation to that of a joiner, he would still by a day's l a b o u r add value to the material he works u p o n . Consequently, we see, first, t h a t the addition of new value takes place n o t by virtue of his labour being spinning in particular, or joinering in particular, b u t b e c a u s e it is lab o u r in the abstract, a portion of the total l a b o u r of society; a n d we see next, t h a t the value a d d e d is of a given definite a m o u n t , n o t b e c a u s e his lab o u r has a special utility, b u t because it is exerted for a definite t i m e . On t h e o n e h a n d , t h e n , it is by virtue of its general character, as being expendit u r e of h u m a n labour-power in the abstract, that spinning adds new value to t h e values of the cotton a n d the spindle; a n d on the other h a n d , it is by virtue of its special character, as being a concrete, useful process, that t h e s a m e labour of spinning b o t h transfers the values of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n to the product, a n d preserves t h e m in the product. H e n c e at o n e a n d t h e s a m e t i m e t h e r e is p r o d u c e d a twofold result. By the simple addition of a certain quantity of labour, new value is a d d e d , a n d by the quality of this a d d e d labour, the original values of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n are preserved in the p r o d u c t . This twofold effect, resulting 111831 from the twofold character of labour, m a y be traced in various phenomena. Let us assume, that some invention enables the spinner to spin as m u c h cotton in 6 h o u r s as he was able to spin before in 36 h o u r s . His labour is now six t i m e s as effective as it was, for t h e purposes of useful production. T h e product of 6 h o u r s ' work has increased sixfold, from 61bs. to 361bs. But n o w the 36 lbs. of cotton absorb only the s a m e a m o u n t of l a b o u r as formerly did the 6 lbs. One-sixth as m u c h new l a b o u r is absorbed by e a c h p o u n d of cotton, a n d consequently, the value a d d e d by the l a b o u r to each

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Chapter Vili • Constant capital and variable capital

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p o u n d is only one-sixth of what it formerly was. On t h e other h a n d , in t h e product, in the 36 lbs. of yarn, the value transferred from the cotton is six times as great as before. By the 6 h o u r s ' spinning, t h e value of the raw m a terial preserved a n d transferred to the p r o d u c t is six times as great as before, although the new value a d d e d by t h e l a b o u r of the spinner to e a c h p o u n d of the very s a m e raw m a t e r i a l is one-sixth what it was formerly. This shows that the two properties of labour, by virtue of which it is enabled in one case to preserve value, a n d in the other to create value, are essentially different. On the one h a n d , the longer t h e t i m e necessary to spin a given weight of cotton into yarn, the greater is t h e n e w value added to the m a t e rial; on the other h a n d , the greater the weight of the cotton s p u n in a given time, the greater is the value preserved, by b e i n g transferred from it to the product. Let us now assume, that t h e productiveness of the spinner's labour, instead of varying, r e m a i n s constant, that he therefore requires the s a m e t i m e as he formerly did, to convert o n e p o u n d of cotton into yarn, b u t that the exchange value of the cotton varies, either by rising to six times its former value or falling to one-sixth of t h a t value. In b o t h these cases, the spinner puts the same quantity of l a b o u r into a p o u n d of cotton, a n d therefore a d d s as m u c h value, as he did before t h e c h a n g e in t h e value: he also p r o d u c e s a given weight of yarn in the s a m e t i m e as he did before. Nevertheless, t h e value that he transfers from t h e cotton to t h e yarn is either one-sixth of what it was before the variation, or, as the case m a y be, six t i m e s as | |184| m u c h as before. T h e s a m e result occurs w h e n the value of t h e instrum e n t s of labour rises or falls, while their useful efficacy in the process rem a i n s unaltered.

Again, if the technical c o n d i t i o n s of the spinning process r e m a i n u n changed, a n d no change of value takes place in the m e a n s of production, the spinner c o n t i n u e s to c o n s u m e in e q u a l working-times equal q u a n t i t i e s 30 of raw material, and equal quantities of m a c h i n e r y of unvarying value. T h e value that he preserves in the p r o d u c t is directly proportional to the new value that he adds to the product. In two weeks he incorporates twice as m u c h labour, and therefore twice as m u c h value, as in one week, a n d during the same t i m e he c o n s u m e s twice as m u c h material, a n d wears o u t 35 twice as m u c h machinery, of d o u b l e the value in e a c h case; he therefore preserves, in the product of two weeks, twice as m u c h value as in t h e product of one week. So long as the c o n d i t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n r e m a i n the same, the m o r e value the labourer adds by fresh labour, the m o r e value he transfers a n d preserves; b u t he does so merely because this addition of new val40 ue takes place u n d e r conditions t h a t have n o t varied a n d are i n d e p e n d e n t of his own labour. Of course, it m a y be said in o n e sense, that the labourer

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value preserves old value always in proportion to the quantity of new value that he adds. W h e t h e r the value of cotton rise from o n e shilling to two shillings, or fall to six-pence, the w o r k m a n invariably preserves in the p r o d u c t of one h o u r only one half as m u c h value as he preserves in two h o u r s . In like m a n ner, if t h e productiveness of his own labour varies by rising or falling, he will in o n e h o u r spin either m o r e or less cotton, as the case m a y be, t h a n he did before, and will consequently preserve in the product of o n e hour, m o r e or less value of cotton; but, all the same, he will preserve by two h o u r s ' lab o u r twice as m u c h value as he will by one. V a l u e exists only in articles of utility, in objects: we leave o u t of consideration its purely symbolical representation by tokens. ( M a n himself, viewed as t h e i m p e r s o n a t i o n of labour-power, is a n a t u r a l object, a thing, a l t h o u g h a living conscious thing, a n d labour is the manifestation of this power residing in him.) If therefore an article loses its utility, it also loses its ||185| value. The reason why m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n do not lose their valu e , at the same time that they lose their use-value, is this: they lose in the labour-process the original form of their use-value, only to a s s u m e in the p r o d u c t the form of a new use-value. But, however i m p o r t a n t it m a y be to value, that it should have some object of utility to e m b o d y itself in, yet it is a m a t t e r of complete indifference what particular object serves this purpose; this we saw when treating of t h e m e t a m o r p h o s i s of c o m m o d i t i e s . H e n c e it follows that in the labour-process the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n transfer their value to the product only so far as along with their use-value they lose also their exchange value. They give up to the product t h a t value alone which they themselves lose as m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . But in this respect the m a t e r i a l factors of the labour-process do n o t all behave alike.

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T h e coal b u r n t u n d e r the boiler vanishes without leaving a trace; so, too, t h e tallow with which the axles of wheels are greased. Dye stuffs and other auxiliary substances also vanish but re-appear as properties of the product. R a w material forms t h e substance of the product, b u t only after it has 30 c h a n g e d its form. H e n c e raw material and auxiliary substances lose the characteristic form with which they are clothed on entering the labour-process. It is otherwise with the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour. Tools, m a c h i n e s , workshops, a n d vessels, are of u s e in the labour-process, only so long as they retain their original shape, a n d are ready each m o r n i n g to renew the process 35 with their shape u n c h a n g e d . A n d just as during their lifetime, t h a t is to say, during the c o n t i n u e d labour-process in which they serve, they retain their shape i n d e p e n d e n t of the product, so, too, they do after their death. T h e corpses of m a c h i n e s , tools, workshops, etc., are always separate a n d distinct from the product they helped to turn out. If we now consider the case of 40 any i n s t r u m e n t of labour during the whole period of its service, from the

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Chapter Vili · Constant capital and variable capital day of its entry into the workshop, till t h e day of its b a n i s h m e n t into t h e l u m b e r room, we find that during this period its use-value has b e e n c o m pletely c o n s u m e d , a n d therefore its exchange value completely transferred to the product. F o r instance, if a spinning m a c h i n e lasts for 10 years, it is 5 plain that during that working period its total value is ||186| gradually transferred to the product of the 10 years. T h e lifetime of an i n s t r u m e n t of labour, therefore, is spent in the repetition of a greater or less n u m b e r of similar operations. Its life m a y be c o m p a r e d with t h a t of a h u m a n being. Every day brings a m a n 24 hours nearer to his grave: b u t how m a n y days he h a s 10 still to travel on that road, no m a n can tell accurately by merely looking at h i m . This difficulty, however, does n o t prevent life insurance offices from drawing, by m e a n s of the theory of averages, very accurate, and at the s a m e t i m e very profitable conclusions. So it is with the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour. It is known by experience how long on the average a m a c h i n e of a particular 15 k i n d will last. Suppose its use-value in t h e labour-process to last only six days. Then, on the average, it loses each day one-sixth of its use-value, a n d therefore parts with one-sixth of its value to t h e daily product. T h e wear a n d tear of all i n s t r u m e n t s , their daily loss of use-value, a n d the corresponding quantity of value they part with to the product, are accordingly 20 calculated u p o n this basis. It is thus strikingly clear, that m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n never transfer m o r e value to the product t h a n they themselves lose during the labour-process by the destruction of their own use-value. If s u c h an i n s t r u m e n t has no value to lose, if, in other words, it is n o t the p r o d u c t of h u m a n labour, it transfers 25 no value to the product. It helps to create use-value without contributing to the formation of exchange value. In this class are i n c l u d e d all m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n supplied by N a t u r e without h u m a n assistance, such as land, wind, water, metals in situ, a n d t i m b e r in virgin forests. Yet a n o t h e r interesting p h e n o m e n o n h e r e presents itself. Suppose a m a 30 c h i n e to be worth £1000, a n d to wear o u t in 1000 days. T h e n o n e t h o u s a n d t h part of the value of the m a c h i n e is daily transferred to the day's product. At the s a m e t i m e , t h o u g h with d i m i n i s h i n g vitality, the m a c h i n e as a whole continues to take part in the labour-process. T h u s it appears, that o n e factor of the labour-process, a m e a n s of production, continually 35 enters as a whole into t h a t process, while it enters into the process of the formation of value by fractions only. T h e difference between t h e two processes is here reflected in ||187| their m a t e r i a l factors, by the s a m e instrum e n t of p r o d u c t i o n taking part as a whole in the labour-process, while at the same t i m e as an e l e m e n t in the formation of value, it enters only by 40 fractions. 21

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T h e subject of repairs of t h e i m p l e m e n t s of l a b o u r does n o t c o n c e r n us here. A m a c h i n e t h a t is u n d e r g o i n g repair, no longer plays t h e part of an i n s t r u m e n t , b u t t h a t of a subject of la-

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value On the other h a n d , a m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n may take part as a whole in the formation of value, while into the labour-process it enters only bit by bit. Suppose that in spinning cotton, the waste for every 115 lbs. used a m o u n t s to 15 lbs., which is converted, n o t into yarn, b u t into "devil's dust." Now, although this 15 lbs. of cotton never b e c o m e s a constituent eie5 m e n t of the yarn, yet assuming this a m o u n t of waste to be n o r m a l a n d inevitable u n d e r average conditions of spinning, its value is just as surely transferred to the value of the yarn, as is the value of the 100 lbs. that form the s u b s t a n c e of the yarn. T h e use-value of 15 lbs. of cotton m u s t vanish into dust, before 100 lbs. of yarn can be m a d e . T h e destruction of this cot- 10 t o n is therefore a necessary condition in the p r o d u c t i o n of the yarn. A n d b e c a u s e it is a necessary condition, and for no other reason, the value of t h a t cotton is transferred to the product. T h e s a m e holds good for every k i n d of refuse resulting from a labour-process, so far at least as such refuse c a n n o t be further employed as a m e a n s in the p r o d u c t i o n of new a n d i n d e - 15 p e n d e n t use-values. | 118 8 j S u c h an e m p l o y m e n t of refuse m a y be seen in the large m a c h i n e works at Manchester, where m o u n t a i n s of iron turnings are carted away to t h e foundry in the evening, in order the n e x t m o r n i n g to re-appear in the workshops as solid masses of iron. 20 We have seen that the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n transfer value to the new product, so far only as during the labour-process they lose value in the shape of their old use-value. T h e m a x i m u m loss of value that they can suffer in the process, is plainly limited by the a m o u n t of t h e original value with which they c a m e into t h e process, or in other words, by the labour- 25 t i m e necessary for their production. Therefore, the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n c a n never add m o r e value to the product t h a n they themselves possess inb o u r . W o r k is no longer d o n e with it, b u t u p o n it. It is q u i t e p e r m i s s i b l e for o u r p u r p o s e to ass u m e , t h a t t h e l a b o u r e x p e n d e d o n t h e repairs o f i n s t r u m e n t s i s i n c l u d e d i n t h e l a b o u r n e c essary for their original p r o d u c t i o n . B u t in t h e text we d e a l with t h a t wear a n d tear, w h i c h no d o c t o r c a n c u r e , a n d which little b y little b r i n g s a b o u t d e a t h , w i t h " t h a t k i n d o f wear w h i c h c a n n o t be repaired from t i m e to t i m e , a n d w h i c h , in t h e case of a knife, w o u l d u l t i m a t e l y red u c e it to a state in w h i c h t h e cutler w o u l d say of it, it is n o t w o r t h a n e w b l a d e . " We have s h e w n in t h e text, t h a t a m a c h i n e takes part in every l a b o u r - p r o c e s s as an integral m a c h i n e , b u t t h a t i n t o t h e s i m u l t a n e o u s process of creating value it e n t e r s only bit by bit. H o w great t h e n is t h e confusion of i d e a s e x h i b i t e d in t h e following extract! " M r . R i c a r d o says a p o r t i o n of t h e l a b o u r df t h e engineer in m a k i n g (stocking) m a c h i n e s " is c o n t a i n e d for e x a m p l e in t h e value of a p a i r of stockings. "Yet the total labour, t h a t p r o d u c e d e a c h single p a i r of stockings . . . . i n c l u d e s t h e whole l a b o u r of t h e engineer, n o t a p o r t i o n ; for o n e m a c h i n e m a k e s m a n y p a i r s , a n d n o n e o f t h o s e pairs c o u l d have b e e n d o n e w i t h o u t a n y p a r t o f t h e m a c h i n e . " ("Obs. o n c e r t a i n verbal d i s p u t e s i n Pol. E c o n . particularly relating t o v a l u e , " p . 54.) T h e a u t h o r , a n u n c o m m o n l y self-satisfied wiseacre, is right in h i s confusion a n d therefore in h i s c o n t e n t i o n , t o this e x t e n t only t h a t n e i t h e r R i c a r d o n o r a n y o t h e r e c o n o m i s t , before o r s i n c e h i m , h a s accurately d i s t i n g u i s h e d the two aspects of labour, a n d still less, therefore, t h e p a r t played by it u n d e r e a c h o f t h e s e aspects i n t h e f o r m a t i o n o f v a l u e .

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Chapter Vili • Constant capital and variable capital

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dependently of the process in which they assist. However useful a given kind of raw material, or a m a c h i n e , or other m e a n s of production m a y be, t h o u g h it m a y cost £150, or, say, 500 days' labour, yet it cannot, u n d e r any circumstances, a d d to the value of the p r o d u c t m o r e t h a n £150. Its value is d e t e r m i n e d not by the labour-process into w h i c h it enters as a m e a n s of production, b u t by that out of which it has issued as a product. In the labour-process it only serves as a m e r e use-value, a thing with useful properties, and could not, therefore, transfer any value to the product, unless it possessed such value previously. ! |189| While productive labour is changing the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n into constituent elements of a new product, their value undergoes a m e t e m psychosis. It deserts the c o n s u m e d body, to occupy the newly created o n e . But this transmigration takes place, as it were, b e h i n d the back of the labourer. He is u n a b l e to add new labour, to create new value, without at the same t i m e preserving old values, a n d this, because the labour he adds m u s t be of a specific useful kind; a n d he c a n n o t do work of a useful kind, without employing products as the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n of a new product, a n d thereby transferring their value to the new product. T h e property therefore which labour-power in action, living labour, possesses of preserving value, at the same t i m e that it adds it, is a gift of N a t u r e which costs the labourer nothing, b u t which is very advantageous to t h e capitalist i n a s m u c h as it preserves the existing value of his c a p i t a l . So long as trade is good, the capitalist is too m u c h absorbed in m o n e y - g r u b b i n g to take notice of this 22

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F r o m t h i s w e m a y j u d g e o f t h e a b s u r d i t y o f J . B . Say, w h o p r e t e n d s t o a c c o u n t for surplusvalue (Interest, Profit, R e n t ) , by t h e "servides p r o d u c t i f s " w h i c h t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , soil, i n s t r u m e n t s , a n d raw m a t e r i a l , r e n d e r i n t h e l a b o u r - p r o c e s s b y m e a n s o f t h e i r use-values. M r . W m . R o s c h e r who s e l d o m loses a n o c c a s i o n o f registering, i n black a n d white, i n g e n i o u s apologetic fancies, r e c o r d s t h e following s p e c i m e n : — " J . B . Say (Traité, 1.1. c h . 4 ) very truly rem a r k s : t h e v a l u e p r o d u c e d by an oil mi(l, after d e d u c t i o n of all costs, is s o m e t h i n g new, s o m e t h i n g q u i t e different from t h e l a b o u r by w h i c h t h e oil mill itself was erected." (I.e., p. 82, n o t e . ) Very t r u e , M r . Professor! t h e oil p r o d u c e d by t h e oil mill is i n d e e d s o m e t h i n g very different from t h e l a b o u r e x p e n d e d i n c o n s t r u c t i n g t h e m i l l ! B y v a l u e , M r . R o s c h e r u n d e r s t a n d s s u c h stuff as "oil," b e c a u s e oil h a s v a l u e , n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g t h a t " N a t u r e " p r o d u c e s p e t r o l e u m , t h o u g h relatively "is s m a l l q u a n t i t i e s , " a fact to w h i c h he s e e m s to refer in h i s further observat i o n : "It ( N a t u r e ) p r o d u c e s scarcely any e x c h a n g e - v a l u e . " M r . R o s c h e r ' s " N a t u r e " a n d t h e exchange-value i t p r o d u c e s are r a t h e r like t h e foolish virgin w h o a d m i t t e d i n d e e d t h a t she h a d h a d a child, b u t "it was such a little o n e . " T h i s "savant s é r i e u x " in c o n t i n u a t i o n r e m a r k s : " R i c a r d o ' s school is in t h e h a b i t of i n c l u d i n g c a p i t a l as a c c u m u l a t e d l a b o u r u n d e r t h e h e a d of labour. T h i s is unskilful work, b e c a u s e , i n d e e d , t h e o w n e r of capital, after all, does s o m e t h i n g m o r e t h a n t h e m e r e l y creating a n d preserving o f t h e s a m e : n a m e l y , the a b s t e n t i o n from t h e e n j o y m e n t of it, for w h i c h he d e m a n d s , e.g., interest." (I.e.) H o w very "skilful" is t h i s " a n a t o m ico-physiological m e t h o d " of political e c o n o m y , w h i c h , " i n d e e d , " converts a m e r e desire "after all" into a s o u r c e of v a l u e . "Of all t h e i n s t r u m e n t s o f t h e f a r m e r s ' t r a d e , t h e l a b o u r o f m a n ... i s t h a t o n w h i c h h e i s m o s t to rely for t h e r e p a y m e n t of h i s capital. T h e o t h e r two ... t h e working stock of t h e cattle and t h e ... carts, p l o u g h s , s p a d e s , a n d so forth, [...] w i t h o u t a given p o r t i o n of t h e first, are 23

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value gratuitous gift of labour. A violent interruption of t h e labour-process by a crisis, m a k e s h i m sensitively aware of i t . As regards the m e a n s of production, what is really c o n s u m e d is their use-value, a n d the c o n s u m p t i o n of this use-value by l a b o u r ||190| results in t h e product. There is no c o n s u m p t i o n of their v a l u e , a n d it would there5 fore be inaccurate to say that it is reproduced. It is rather preserved; n o t by r e a s o n of any operation it undergoes itself in the process; b u t because t h e article in which it originally exists, vanishes, it is true, b u t vanishes into s o m e other article. H e n c e , in the value of the product, there is a re-appeara n c e of t h e value of the m e a n s of production, b u t there is, strictly speaking, 10 no r e p r o d u c t i o n of t h a t value. T h a t which is p r o d u c e d is a new use-value in w h i c h the old exchange-value r e - a p p e a r s . It is otherwise with the subjective factor of the labour-process, with labour-power in action. W h i l e the labourer, by virtue of his labour being of a specialised kind that has a special object, preserves a n d transfers to the 15 product the value of the m e a n s of production, he at the same t i m e , by the m e r e act of working, creates each instant an a d d i t i o n a l or new value. Sup24

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n o t h i n g a t all." ( E d m u n d B u r k e : „ T h o u g h t s a n d D e t a i l s o n Scarcity, originally p r e s e n t e d t o t h e R i g h t H o n . W . P i t t , i n t h e m o n t h o f N o v e m b e r 1 7 9 5 , " E d i t . L o n d o n , 1800, p . 10.) I n " T h e T i m e s " o f 2 6 t h N o v e m b e r , 1862, a m a n u f a c t u r e r , w h o s e m i l l e m p l o y e d 800 h a n d s , a n d c o n s u m e d , on t h e average, 150 bales of East I n d i a n , or 130 b a l e s of A m e r i c a n c o t t o n , c o m p l a i n s , i n doleful m a n n e r , o f t h e s t a n d i n g e x p e n s e s o f h i s factory w h e n n o t working. H e e s t i m a t e s t h e m at £6,000 a year. A m o n g t h e m are a n u m b e r of i t e m s t h a t do n o t c o n c e r n us h e r e , s u c h as rent, rates, a n d taxes, i n s u r a n c e , salaries of t h e m a n a g e r , b o o k - k e e p e r , engineer, a n d o t h e r s . T h e n h e r e c k o n s £150 for coal u s e d t o h e a t t h e m i l l occasionally, a n d r u n t h e e n g i n e n o w a n d t h e n . Besides this, h e i n c l u d e s t h e wages o f t h e p e o p l e e m p l o y e d a t o d d t i m e s t o k e e p t h e m a c h i n e r y i n working order. Lastly, h e p u t s d o w n £ 1 , 2 0 0 for d e p r e c i a t i o n o f m a c h i n ery, b e c a u s e " t h e w e a t h e r a n d t h e n a t u r a l p r i n c i p l e o f d e c a y d o n o t s u s p e n d t h e i r o p e r a t i o n s b e c a u s e the s t e a m - e n g i n e ceases t o revolve." H e says, e m p h a t i c a l l y , h e does n o t e s t i m a t e h i s d e p r e c i a t i o n at m o r e t h a n t h e small s u m of £1,200, b e c a u s e h i s m a c h i n e r y is already nearly worn out. 24

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„ P r o d u c t i v e c o n s u m t i o n ... where t h e c o n s u m p t i o n of a c o m m o d i t y is a part of t h e process of p r o d u c t i o n . ... In t h e s e i n s t a n c e s t h e r e is no c o n s u m t i o n of v a l u e . " (S. P. N e w m a n , 1. c. p . 296.) I n a n A m e r i c a n c o m p e n d i u m t h a t h a s g o n e t h r o u g h , p e r h a p s , 2 0 e d i t i o n s , this passage occ u r s : "It m a t t e r s n o t in what form capital r e - a p p e a r s ; " t h e n after a l e n g t h y e n u m e r a t i o n of all t h e possible i n g r e d i e n t s o f p r o d u c t i o n w h o s e v a l u e r e - a p p e a r s i n t h e p r o d u c t , t h e p a s s a g e c o n c l u d e s t h u s : " T h e various k i n d s of food, clothing, a n d shelter, n e c e s s a r y for t h e e x i s t e n c e a n d c o m f o r t o f t h e h u m a n being, are also c h a n g e d . T h e y are c o n s u m e d from t i m e t o t i m e , a n d t h e i r v a l u e re-appears i n t h a t new vigour i m p a r t e d t o his b o d y a n d m i n d , forming fresh c a p i tal, t o b e e m p l o y e d a g a i n i n t h e work o f p r o d u c t i o n . " ( F . W a y l a n d , I.e. p . 32.) W i t h o u t n o t i c i n g a n y o t h e r oddities, it suffices to observe, t h a t w h a t r e - a p p e a r s in t h e fresh vigour, is n o t t h e b r e a d ' s price, b u t its blood-forming s u b s t a n c e s . W h a t , o n the o t h e r h a n d , r e - a p p e a r s i n the value o f t h a t vigour, i s n o t t h e m e a n s o f s u b s i s t e n c e , b u t t h e i r v a l u e . T h e s a m e n e c e s s a r i e s o f life, a t half t h e price, would form j u s t a s m u c h m u s c l e a n d b o n e , j u s t a s m u c h vigour, b u t n o t vigour of t h e s a m e v a l u e . T h i s confusion of " v a l u e " a n d "vigour" c o u p l e d with o u r a u t h o r ' s P h a r i s a i c a l i n d e f i n i t e n e s s , m a r k an a t t e m p t , futile for all that, to t h r a s h o u t an e x p l a n a t i o n of s u r p l u s - v a l u e from a m e r e r e - a p p e a r a n c e of pre-existing values. 26

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Chapter Vili • Constant capital and variable capital

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pose the process of p r o d u c t i o n to be stopped j u s t w h e n the workman has produced an equivalent for the value of his own labour-power, when, for example, by six h o u r s ' labour, he has a d d e d a value of three shillings. This value is the surplus, of the total value of t h e product, over t h e portion of its value that is d u e to the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . It is t h e only original bit of value formed during this process, the only portion of the value of the product created by this process. Of course, we ||191| do n o t forget, that this new value only replaces the m o n e y advanced by t h e capitalist in the p u r c h a s e of the labour-power, a n d spent by the labourer on the necessaries of life. W i t h regard to the m o n e y spent, the new value is merely a reproduction; but, nevertheless, it is an actual, a n d not, as in the case of the value of the m e a n s of production, only an apparent, reproduction. T h e substitution of o n e value for another, is here effected by the creation of new value. We know, however, from what h a s gone before, t h a t the labour-process m a y c o n t i n u e beyond the t i m e necessary to reproduce a n d incorporate in the product a m e r e equivalent for the value of the labour-power. I n s t e a d of the six h o u r s that are sufficient for the latter purpose, the process m a y cont i n u e for twelve h o u r s . T h e action of labour-power, therefore, n o t only reproduces its own value, but produces value over a n d above it. This surplusvalue is the difference between t h e value of the product a n d t h e value of the elements c o n s u m e d in the formation of that product, in other words, of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d the labour-power. By o u r explanation of the different parts played by the various factors of the labour-process in the formation of t h e product's value, we have, in fact, disclosed the characters of the different functions allotted to the different elements of capital in the process of e x p a n d i n g its own value. T h e surplus of the total value of the product, over t h e s u m of the values of its constituent factors, is the surplus of the e x p a n d e d capital over the capital originally advanced. T h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n on the o n e h a n d , labour-power on the other, are merely the different m o d e s of existence which the value of the original capital a s s u m e d when from being m o n e y it was transformed into the various factors of the labour-process. T h a t part of capital t h e n , which is represented by the m e a n s of production, by the raw material, auxiliary m a terial a n d the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, does not, in the process of production, undergo any quantitative alteration of value. I therefore call it t h e constant part of capital, or, m o r e shortly, constant capital. On the other h a n d , t h a t part of capital, represented by labour-power, does, in the process of p r o d u c t i o n , u n d e r g o an ||192| alteration of value. It b o t h reproduces the equivalent of its own value, and also produces an excess, a surplus-value, which m a y itself vary, m a y be m o r e or less according to circumstances. This part of capital is continually being transformed

181

Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value from a constant into a variable m a g n i t u d e . I therefore call it the variable part of capital, or, shortly, variable capital. T h e same elements of capital which, from the point of view of the labour-process, present themselves respectively as the objective a n d subjective factors, as m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d labour-power, present themselves, from the point of view of the process of creating surplus-value, as constant a n d variable capital. T h e definition of constant capital given above by no m e a n s excludes t h e possibility of a change of value in its elements. Suppose the price of cotton to be one day sixpence a p o u n d , a n d the n e x t day, in c o n s e q u e n c e of a failu r e of the cotton crop, a shilling a p o u n d . E a c h p o u n d of t h e cotton b o u g h t at sixpence, a n d worked up after the rise in value, transfers to the product a value of o n e shilling; a n d the cotton already s p u n before the rise, a n d perh a p s circulating in the m a r k e t as yarn, likewise transfers to the product twice its original value. It is plain, however, that these changes of value are i n d e p e n d e n t of the i n c r e m e n t or surplus-value a d d e d to the value of the cotton by the spinning itself. If the old cotton h a d never b e e n spun, it could, after the rise, be resold at a shilling a p o u n d instead of at sixpence. F u r t h e r , the fewer the processes the cotton has gone through, the m o r e cert a i n is this result. We therefore find that speculators m a k e it a rule w h e n s u c h s u d d e n changes in value occur, to speculate in t h a t m a t e r i a l on which t h e least possible quantity of labour has b e e n spent: to speculate, therefore, in yarn rather t h a n in cloth, in cotton itself, rather t h a n in yarn. T h e c h a n g e of value in the case we have b e e n considering, originates, n o t in the process in which the cotton plays the part of a m e a n s of production, a n d in which it therefore functions as constant capital, b u t in t h e process in which t h e cotton itself is produced. T h e value of a c o m m o d i t y , it is true, is determ i n e d by the quantity of labour contained in it, b u t this quantity is itself l i m i t e d by social conditions. If the t i m e socially necessary for the p r o d u c t i o n of any com||193|modity alters—and a given weight of cotton represents, after a bad harvest, m o r e l a b o u r t h a n after a good o n e — a l l previously existing c o m m o d i t i e s of the same class are affected, b e c a u s e they are, as it were, only individuals of the species, a n d their value at any given t i m e is m e a s u r e d by t h e labour socially necessary, i.e., by the labour necessary for their p r o d u c t i o n u n d e r the t h e n existing social conditions.

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As the value of the raw material m a y change, so, too, m a y that of the ins t r u m e n t s of labour, of the machinery, etc., employed in the process; a n d consequently that portion of the value of t h e p r o d u c t transferred to it from t h e m , m a y also change. If in c o n s e q u e n c e of a new invention, m a c h i n e r y

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« T o u t e s les p r o d u c t i o n s d ' u n m ê m e genre n e f o r m e n t p r o p r e m e n t q u ' u n e m a s s e , d o n t l e p r i x se d é t e r m i n e en g é n é r a l et sans égard a u x c i r c o n s t a n c e s particulières.» (Le T r o s n e , I.e., p . 893.)

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Chapter IX • The rate of surplus-value of a particular k i n d c a n be p r o d u c e d by a d i m i n i s h e d e x p e n d i t u r e of la­ bour, t h e old m a c h i n e r y b e c o m e s d e p r e c i a t e d m o r e or less, a n d conse­ quently transfers so m u c h less value to t h e p r o d u c t . B u t h e r e again, t h e change in value originates outside t h e process in which t h e m a c h i n e is act5

ing as a m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . O n c e engaged in this process, t h e m a c h i n e c a n n o t transfer m o r e value t h a n it possesses apart from t h e process. J u s t as a change in t h e value of t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , ever after they have c o m m e n c e d to take a part in t h e l a b o u r process, does n o t alter t h e i r character as c o n s t a n t capital, so, too, a c h a n g e in t h e p r o p o r t i o n of con­

io

stant to variable capital does n o t affect t h e respective functions of these two kinds of capital. T h e t e c h n i c a l c o n d i t i o n s of t h e l a b o u r process m a y be revolutionised t o s u c h a n extent, t h a t where formerly t e n m e n u s i n g t e n i m p l e m e n t s of small value worked up a relatively small q u a n t i t y of raw m a ­ terial, o n e m a n m a y now, with t h e aid o f o n e expensive m a c h i n e , work u p

15

o n e h u n d r e d t i m e s as m u c h raw m a t e r i a l . In t h e latter case we have an e n o r m o u s increase in t h e c o n s t a n t capital, t h a t is r e p r e s e n t e d by t h e total value of t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n used, a n d at t h e s a m e t i m e a great r e d u c ­ t i o n in the variable capital, invested in labour-power. S u c h a revolution, however, alters only t h e quantitative r e l a t i o n between t h e c o n s t a n t a n d

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the ||194| variable capital, or t h e proportions in which t h e total capital is split up i n t o its c o n s t a n t a n d variable c o n s t i t u e n t s ; it h a s n o t in t h e least degree affected t h e essential difference b e t w e e n t h e two.

C H A P T E R IX.

The Rate of Surplus-Value. 25

Section

1.—The Degree

of Exploitation

of Labour-Power.

T h e surplus-value g e n e r a t e d in t h e process of p r o d u c t i o n by C, t h e capital advanced, or in o t h e r words, t h e self-expansion of t h e value of t h e capital C, presents itself for o u r consideration, in t h e first place, as a surplus, as the a m o u n t by which t h e value of t h e p r o d u c t exceeds t h e value of its con30

stituent e l e m e n t s . T h e capital C ist m a d e up of two c o m p o n e n t s , o n e , the s u m of m o n e y c laid o u t u p o n t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , a n d t h e other, t h e s u m of m o n e y ν e x p e n d e d u p o n t h e labour-power; c represents t h e p o r t i o n t h a t h a s b e c o m e c o n s t a n t capital, a n d ν t h e p o r t i o n t h a t h a s b e c o m e variable capital. At first

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t h e n , C = c + v: for e x a m p l e , if £500 is t h e capital advanced, its c o m p o ­ n e n t s m a y be s u c h t h a t t h e £ 5 0 0 = £ 4 1 0 const. + £90 var. W h e n t h e process

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value of p r o d u c t i o n is finished, we get a c o m m o d i t y whose value = (c + v) + s, where s is the surplus-value; or taking our former figures, the value of this c o m m o d i t y m a y be (£410 const. + £90 var.) + £90 surpl. T h e original capital has now changed from C to C, from £500 to £590. T h e difference is s or a surplus value of £90. Since the value of the c o n s t i t u e n t elements of the p r o d u c t is equal to the value of the advanced capital, it is m e r e tautology to say, that the excess of the value of the p r o d u c t over t h e value of its constit u e n t elements, is equal to the expansion of t h e capital advanced or to the surplus-value produced. Nevertheless, we m u s t e x a m i n e this tautology a little m o r e ||195| closely. T h e two things compared are, the value of the p r o d u c t a n d the value of its constituents c o n s u m e d in the process of p r o d u c t i o n . N o w we have seen how t h a t portion of the constant capital which consists of the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, transfers to the product only a fraction of its value, while the rem a i n d e r of that value continues to reside in those i n s t r u m e n t s . Since this r e m a i n d e r plays no part in the formation of value, we m a y at present leave it on o n e side. To introduce it into the calculation would m a k e no differe n c e . For instance, taking our former example, c = £410: suppose this s u m to consist of £312 value of raw material, £44 value of auxiliary material, a n d £54 value of the m a c h i n e r y worn away in the process; a n d suppose t h a t the total value of the m a c h i n e r y employed is £1,054. O u t of this latter s u m , t h e n , we reckon as advanced for the purpose of turning out the product, the s u m of £54 alone, which the m a c h i n e r y loses by wear a n d tear in the process; for this is all it parts with to the product. N o w if we also reckon the rem a i n i n g £1,000, which still continues in the m a c h i n e r y , as transferred to t h e product, we ought also to reckon it as part of the value advanced, a n d t h u s m a k e it appear on b o t h sides of our c a l c u l a t i o n . We should, in this way, get £1,500 on one side and £1,590 on the other. T h e difference of these two sums, or the surplus-value, would still be £90. T h r o u g h o u t this Book therefore, by constant capital advanced for the p r o d u c t i o n of value, we always m e a n , unless the context is r e p u g n a n t thereto, the value of the m e a n s of production actually c o n s u m e d in t h e process, a n d that value alone. This being so, let us return to the formula C = c + v, which we saw was transformed into C = (c + v) + s, C b e c o m i n g C. We know that the value of the constant capital is transferred to, a n d merely re-appears in the product. T h e new value actually created in the process, t h e value produced, or value-product, is therefore n o t the same as the value of the product; it is

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"If we r e c k o n t h e value of t h e fixed capital e m p l o y e d as a part of t h e a d v a n c e s , we m u s t r e c k o n t h e r e m a i n i n g value of s u c h capital at t h e e n d of t h e year as a part of t h e a n n u a l ret u r n s . " ( M a l t h u s . "Princ. of Pol. E c o n . " 2 n d ed., L o n d . , 1836, p. 269.)

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Chapter IX • The rate of surplus-value not, as it would at first sight appear (c + v) + s or £410 ||196| const. + £90 var. + £90 surpl.; b u t ν + s or £90 var. + £90 surpl. n o t £ 5 9 0 b u t £ 1 8 0 . If c = o, or in other words, if there were b r a n c h e s of industry in which t h e capitalist could dispense with all m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n m a d e by previous la5

bour, w h e t h e r they be raw material, auxiliary m a t e r i a l , or i n s t r u m e n t s of la­ bour, employing only labour-power a n d m a t e r i a l s supplied by n a t u r e , in t h a t case, there would be no c o n s t a n t capital to transfer to t h e p r o d u c t . This c o m p o n e n t of t h e value of t h e p r o d u c t , i.e., t h e £410 in o u r example, would be e l i m i n a t e d , b u t t h e s u m of £180, t h e a m o u n t of n e w value

10

created, or t h e value p r o d u c e d , w h i c h c o n t a i n s £90 of surplus-value, would r e m a i n j u s t as great as if c r e p r e s e n t e d t h e highest value i m a g i n a b l e . We should have C = (0 + v) = ν or C t h e e x p a n d e d capital = ν + s a n d there­ fore C — C = s as before. On t h e o t h e r h a n d , if s = 0, or in o t h e r words, if t h e labour-power, whose value is a d v a n c e d in t h e form of variable capital,

15

were to p r o d u c e only its equivalent, we s h o u l d have C = c + ν or C t h e val­ ue of t h e p r o d u c t = (c + v) + 0 or C = C\ T h e capital a d v a n c e d would, in this case, n o t have e x p a n d e d its value. F r o m what has gone before, we know t h a t surplus-value is purely t h e re­ sult of a variation in t h e value of v, of t h a t p o r t i o n of t h e capital which is

20

transformed into labour-power; c o n s e q u e n t l y , v + s = v + v' or ν plus an i n c r e m e n t of v. B u t t h e fact t h a t it is ν a l o n e t h a t varies, a n d t h e c o n d i t i o n s of t h a t variation, are o b s c u r e d by t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e t h a t in c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e increase in t h e variable c o m p o n e n t of t h e capital, t h e r e is also an in­ crease in t h e s u m total of t h e a d v a n c e d capital. It was originally £500 a n d

25

b e c o m e s £590. Therefore in order t h a t o u r investigation m a y lead to accu­ rate results, we m u s t m a k e a b s t r a c t i o n from t h a t portion of t h e value of t h e product, i n which c o n s t a n t capital a l o n e appears, a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y m u s t e q u a t e t h e c o n s t a n t capital to zero or m a k e c = 0. This is merely an appli­ c a t i o n of a m a t h e m a t i c a l rule, e m p l o y e d whenever we operate with con-

30

stant a n d variable m a g n i t u d e s , related to e a c h other by the symbols of ad­ dition a n d subtraction only. A further difficulty is c a u s e d by t h e original form of t h e variable capital. In o u r example, C = £410 const. + £90 var. ||197| + £90 surpl.; b u t £90 is a given a n d therefore a c o n s t a n t q u a n t i t y ; h e n c e it appears absurd to treat it

35

as variable. But in fact, t h e t e r m £90 var. is h e r e merely a symbol to show t h a t this value u n d e r g o e s a process. T h e p o r t i o n of t h e capital invested in t h e p u r c h a s e of labour-power is a definite q u a n t i t y of materialised labour, a c o n s t a n t value like t h e value of t h e labour-power p u r c h a s e d . B u t in t h e process of p r o d u c t i o n t h e place of t h e £90 is t a k e n by t h e labour-power in

40

action, d e a d labour is replaced by living labour, s o m e t h i n g s t a g n a n t by s o m e t h i n g flowing, a c o n s t a n t by a variable. T h e result is t h e r e p r o d u c t i o n

185

Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value of ν plus an i n c r e m e n t of v. F r o m t h e p o i n t of view t h e n of capitalist pro­ d u c t i o n , t h e whole process appears as t h e s p o n t a n e o u s variation of t h e orig­ inally c o n s t a n t value, w h i c h is transformed i n t o labour-power. B o t h t h e process a n d its result, appear to be owing to this value. If, therefore, s u c h expressions as "£90 variable capital," or "so m u c h self-expanding value,"

5

a p p e a r contradictory, this is only b e c a u s e they bring to t h e surface a con­ t r a d i c t i o n i m m a n e n t i n capitalist p r o d u c t i o n . At first sight it appears a strange proceeding, to e q u a t e t h e c o n s t a n t capi­ tal to zero. Yet it is what we do every day. If, for e x a m p l e , we wish to calcu­ late t h e a m o u n t of E n g l a n d ' s profits from the c o t t o n industry, we first of all

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d e d u c t t h e sums p a i d for c o t t o n to the U n i t e d States, I n d i a , Egypt a n d o t h e r countries; in other words, t h e value of t h e capital t h a t merely re-ap­ pears in t h e value of t h e product, is p u t = 0. Of course the ratio of surplus-value n o t only to t h a t p o r t i o n of t h e capital from which it i m m e d i a t e l y springs, a n d whose c h a n g e of value it repre-

15

sents, b u t also to t h e s u m total of the capital a d v a n c e d is economically of very great i m p o r t a n c e . We shall, therefore, in t h e t h i r d book, treat of this ratio exhaustively. In order to enable o n e p o r t i o n of a capital to e x p a n d its value by being converted i n t o labour-power, it is necessary t h a t a n o t h e r p o r t i o n be converted i n t o m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . In order t h a t variable capi-

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tal m a y perform its function, c o n s t a n t capital m u s t be a d v a n c e d in proper proportion, a p r o p o r t i o n given by the special t e c h n i c a l c o n d i t i o n s of e a c h labour-process. T h e c i r c u m s t a n c e , however, t h a t retorts and ||198| o t h e r vessels, are necessary to a c h e m i c a l process, does n o t c o m p e l t h e c h e m i s t to n o t i c e t h e m in the result of his analysis. If we look at t h e m e a n s of pro-

25

d u c t i o n , in their relation to t h e c r e a t i o n of value, a n d to the variation in t h e q u a n t i t y of value, apart from anything else, they appear simply as t h e m a t e r i a l in which

labour-power,

the

value-creator,

incorporates

itself.

N e i t h e r t h e n a t u r e , n o r the value of this m a t e r i a l is of any i m p o r t a n c e . T h e only requisite is t h a t there be a sufficient supply to absorb t h e l a b o u r ex-

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p e n d e d in t h e process of p r o d u c t i o n . T h a t supply o n c e given, t h e m a t e r i a l m a y rise or fall in value, or even be, as l a n d a n d t h e sea, w i t h o u t any value in itself; b u t this will have no influence on t h e creation of value or on t h e variation in the q u a n t i t y of value. 2 9 In t h e first place t h e n we e q u a t e t h e c o n s t a n t capital to zero. T h e capital

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a d v a n c e d is c o n s e q u e n t l y r e d u c e d form c + ν to v, a n d instead of t h e value of the p r o d u c t (c + v) + s we have now t h e value p r o d u c e d (v + s). G i v e n t h e new value p r o d u c e d = £180, which s u m c o n s e q u e n t l y represents t h e 29

W h a t L u c r e t i u s says i s self-evident; " n i i posse creari d e n i h i l o , " o u t o f n o t h i n g , n o t h i n g c a n be c r e a t e d . C r e a t i o n of v a l u e is t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of l a b o u r - p o w e r i n t o l a b o u r . L a b o u r - p o w e r itself is energy transferred to a h u m a n o r g a n i s m by m e a n s of n o u r i s h i n g m a t t e r .

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Chapter IX • The rate of surplus-value

5

whole labour expended during the process, t h e n subtracting from it £90 t h e value of the variable capital, we h a v e r e m a i n i n g £90, the a m o u n t of the surplus-value. This s u m of £90 or s expresses the absolute quantity of surplusvalue produced. T h e relative quantity p r o d u c e d , or the increase per cent of the variable capital, is d e t e r m i n e d , it is plain, by t h e ratio of t h e surplus-value to the variable capital, or is expressed by —. In our e x a m p l e 9

this ratio is % , which gives an increase of 100 %. This relative increase in the value of the variable capital, or the relative m a g n i t u d e of the surplusvalue, I call, "The rate of s u r p l u s - v a l u e . " We have seen that the labourer, during o n e portion of t h e labour-process, produces only the value of his labour-power, that is, the value of his m e a n s of subsistence. N o w since his ||199| work forms part of a system, based on the social division of labour, he does n o t directly produce the actual necessaries which he himself c o n s u m e s ; he produces instead a particular commodity, yarn for example, whose value is equal to the value of those necessaries or of the m o n e y with which they c a n be bought. T h e portion of his day's labour devoted to this purpose, will be greater or less, in proportion to the value of the necessaries that he daily requires on an average, or, what a m o u n t s to the s a m e thing, in proportion to the labour-time required on an average to p r o d u c e t h e m . If the value of those necessaries represent on an average the e x p e n d i t u r e of six h o u r s ' labour, the w o r k m a n m u s t on an average work for six h o u r s to produce that value. If instead of working for the capitalist, he worked i n d e p e n d e n t l y on his own account, he would, other things being equal, still be obliged to l a b o u r for the same n u m b e r of hours, in order to p r o d u c e the value of his labour-power, and thereby to gain the m e a n s of subsistence necessary for his conservation or c o n t i n u e d reproduction. But as we have seen, during that portion of his day's l a b o u r in which he produces the value of his labour-power, say three shillings, he produces only an equivalent for the value of his labour-power already advanced by the capitalist; the new value created only replaces the variable capital advanced. It is owing to this fact, that t h e p r o d u c t i o n of the new value of three shillings takes the s e m b l a n c e of a m e r e reproduction. T h a t portion of the working day, then, during which this reproduction take place, I call "necessary" labour-time, a n d the l a b o u r e x p e n d e d during t h a t t i m e I call "necessary" l a b o u r . Necessary, as regards the labourer, because i n d e 0

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I n t h e s a m e way t h a t t h e English u s e t h e t e r m s "rate o f profit," "rate o f interest." W e shall see, in Book III., t h a t t h e r a t e of profit is no mystery, so s o o n as we k n o w t h e laws of s u r p l u s v a l u e . If we reverse t h e process, we c a n n o t c o m p r e h e n d e i t h e r t h e o n e or t h e other. I n t h i s work, w e h a v e , u p t o now, e m p l o y e d t h e t e r m "necessary l a b o u r - t i m e , " t o d e s i g n a t e t h e t i m e necessary u n d e r given social c o n d i t i o n s for t h e p r o d u c t i o n of any c o m m o d i t y . Henceforward we u s e it to d e s i g n a t e also t h e t i m e for t h e p r o d u c t i o n of t h e p a r t i c u l a r c o m 31

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value p e n d e n t of t h e particular social form of his labour; necessary, as regards capital, a n d t h e world of capitalists, b e c a u s e on t h e c o n t i n u e d existence of t h e labourer d e p e n d s their existence also. D u r i n g t h e second period of t h e labour-process, t h a t in ||200| which his l a b o u r is no longer necessary labour, t h e w o r k m a n , it is true, labours, ex-

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p e n d s labour-power; b u t his labour, being no longer necessary labour, he creates no value for himself. He creates surplus-value which, for t h e capi­ talist, h a s all t h e c h a r m s of a creation out of n o t h i n g . T h i s p o r t i o n of t h e working day, I n a m e surplus labour-time, a n d to t h e l a b o u r e x p e n d e d dur­ ing t h a t t i m e , I give t h e n a m e of surplus-labour. It is every bit as i m p o r t a n t ,

10

for a correct u n d e r s t a n d i n g of surplus-value, to conceive it as a m e r e con­ gelation of surplus-labour-time, as n o t h i n g b u t m a t e r i a l i s e d surplus-labour, as it is, for a proper c o m p r e h e n s i o n of value, to conceive it as a m e r e con­ gelation of so m a n y h o u r s of labour, as n o t h i n g b u t m a t e r i a l i s e d labour. T h e essential difference between t h e various e c o n o m i c forms of society, be-

15

tween, for instance, a society based on slave labour, a n d o n e based on wage labour, lies only in t h e m o d e in which this surplus-labour is in e a c h case extracted from t h e actual producer, t h e l a b o u r e r . 3 2 Since, on t h e o n e h a n d , t h e values of t h e variable capital a n d of t h e la­ bour-power p u r c h a s e d by t h a t capital are equal, a n d t h e value of this la-

20

bour-power d e t e r m i n e s t h e necessary p o r t i o n of t h e working day; a n d since, on t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e surplus-value is d e t e r m i n e d by t h e surplus p o r t i o n of t h e working day, it follows t h a t surplus-value bears t h e s a m e ra­ tio to variable capital, t h a t surplus-labour does to necessary labour, or in , , s surplus l a b o u r „ , c o t h e r words, t h e rate of surplus-value — = — . B o t h ratios, ν necessary l a b o u r s surplus labour . . — and — , express t h e s a m e t h i n g in different ways; in t h e ν necessary labour

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o n e case by reference to materialised, i n c o r p o r a t e d labour, in t h e o t h e r by reference to living, fluent labour. m o d i t y labour-power. T h e u s e o f o n e a n d t h e s a m e t e c h n i c a l t e r m i n different senses i s i n c o n ­ v e n i e n t , b u t i n n o s c i e n c e c a n i t b e a l t o g e t h e r a v o i d e d . C o m p a r e , for i n s t a n c e , t h e h i g h e r w i t h t h e lower b r a n c h e s o f m a t h e m a t i c s . 32 Herr Wilhelm Thucydides Roscher has found a mare's nest. He has m a d e the important discovery t h a t if, o n t h e o n e h a n d , t h e f o r m a t i o n o f surplus-value, o r s u r p l u s - p r o d u c e , a n d t h e c o n s e q u e n t a c c u m u l a t i o n o f capital, i s now-a-days d u e t o t h e thrift o f t h e capitalist, o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , i n t h e lowest stages o f civilisation i t i s t h e s t r o n g w h o c o m p e l t h e w e a k t o e c o n o m i s e (I.e. p . 78). T o e c o n o m i s e w h a t ? L a b o u r ? O r s u p e r f l u o u s w e a l t h t h a t d o e s n o t exist? W h a t is it t h a t m a k e s s u c h m e n as R o s c h e r a c c o u n t for t h e origin of surplus-value, by a m e r e rechauffé of t h e m o r e or less p l a u s i b l e e x c u s e s by t h e capitalist, for h i s a p p r o p r i a t i o n of surp l u s - v a l u e ? It is, b e s i d e s t h e i r real i g n o r a n c e , t h e i r a p o l o g e t i c d r e a d of a scientific analysis of v a l u e a n d surplus-value, a n d of o b t a i n i n g a result, possibly n o t a l t o g e t h e r p a l a t a b l e to t h e powers t h a t be.

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Chapter IX · The rate of surplus-value T h e rate of surplus-value is therefore an exact expression | | 2 0 1 | for t h e degree of exploitation of labour-power by capital, or of t h e l a b o u r e r by t h e capitalist.

33

We a s s u m e d in o u r example, t h a t t h e value of the p r o d u c t = £ 4 1 0 const. 5

+ £90 var. + £90 surpl., a n d t h a t t h e capital a d v a n c e d = £500. Since t h e surplus-value = £90, a n d t h e a d v a n c e d capital = £500, we should, accord­ ing to t h e u s u a l way of reckoning, get as t h e rate of surplus value (generally c o n f o u n d e d with rate of profits) 18 %, a rate so low as possibly to cause a pleasant surprise to Mr. Carey a n d o t h e r h a r m o n i s e r s . But in t r u t h , t h e rate s s s of surplus-value is n o t e q u a l to — or — • — b u t to —: t h u s it is n o t 9 % 0 b u t c c+ν V

10 9

%o or 100 %, which is m o r e t h a n five t i m e s t h e a p p a r e n t degree of exploita­

tion. Although, in the case we have supposed, we are i g n o r a n t of t h e a c t u a l length of t h e working day, a n d of t h e d u r a t i o n in days or weeks of t h e la­ bour-process, as also of the n u m b e r of labourers employed, yet t h e rate of g

15

surplus-value — accurately discloses to us, by m e a n s of its equivalent exsurplus l a b o u r , . pression, — t h e relation between the two parts of t h e worknecessary l a b o u r % ing day. T h i s relation is here o n e of equality, t h e rate being 100%. H e n c e , it is plain, the labourer, in o u r example, works o n e half of the day for h i m ­ self, t h e o t h e r half for t h e capitalist.

20

T h e m e t h o d of calculating t h e rate of surplus-value is therefore, shortly, as follows. We take the total value of t h e p r o d u c t a n d p u t t h e c o n s t a n t capi­ tal which merely re-appears in it, e q u a l to zero. W h a t remains, is the only value t h a t has, in t h e process of p r o d u c i n g t h e c o m m o d i t y , b e e n actually created. If the a m o u n t of surplus-value be given, we have only to d e d u c t it

25

from this r e m a i n d e r , to find the variable capital. A n d vice versa, if t h e latter be given, a n d we require to find t h e surplus-value. If b o t h be given, we have s only to perform t h e c o n c l u d i n g o p e r a t i o n , viz., to calculate —, t h e ratio of the surplus-value to t h e variable capital. | |202| T h o u g h the m e t h o d is so simple, yet it may n o t be amiss, by m e a n s

30

of a few examples, to exercise the r e a d e r in the application of the novel principles underlying it. First we will take t h e case of a spinning mill c o n t a i n i n g 10,000 m u l e 33

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A l t h o u g h t h e r a t e of surplus-value is an exact e x p r e s s i o n for t h e degree of e x p l o i t a t i o n of labour-power, it is, in no sense, an e x p r e s s i o n for t h e a b s o l u t e a m o u n t of e x p l o i t a t i o n . F o r exa m p l e , if t h e n e c e s s a r y l a b o u r = 5 h o u r s a n d t h e s u r p l u s - l a b o u r = 5 h o u r s , t h e d e g r e e of ex­ p l o i t a t i o n is 100%. T h e a m o u n t of e x p l o i t a t i o n is h e r e m e a s u r e d by 5 h o u r s . If, on t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e n e c e s s a r y l a b o u r = 6 h o u r s , t h e d e g r e e of e x p l o i t a t i o n r e m a i n s , as before, 100 %, while t h e a c t u a l a m o u n t of e x p l o i t a t i o n h a s i n c r e a s e d 20 %, n a m e l y from five h o u r s to six.

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value spindles, spinning N o . 32 yarn from A m e r i c a n cotton, a n d producing 1 lb. of yarn weekly per spindle. We assume the waste to be 6 %: u n d e r these circ u m s t a n c e s 10,600 lbs. of cotton are c o n s u m e d weekly, of which 600 lbs. go to waste. T h e price of the cotton in April, 1871, was l%à. per lb.; t h e raw m a t e r i a l therefore costs in r o u n d n u m b e r s £342. T h e 10,000 spindles, in5 eluding preparation-machinery, a n d motive power, cost, we will assume, £1 per spindle, a m o u n t i n g to a total of £10,000. T h e wear a n d tear we p u t at 10 %, or £1000 yearly = £20 weekly. T h e r e n t of the b u i l d i n g we suppose to be £300 a year, or £6 a week. Coal c o n s u m e d (for 100 horse-power indicated, at 4 l b s . of coal per horse-power per h o u r during 60 h o u r s , a n d inclu- io sive of t h a t c o n s u m e d in heating the mill), 11 tons a week at 8s. 6d. a ton, a m o u n t s to about £4½ a week: gas, £1 a week, oil, etc., £4¾ a week. Total cost of t h e above auxiliary materials, £10 weekly. Therefore the constant p o r t i o n of the value of the week's product is £ 3 7 8 . W a g e s a m o u n t to £52 a week. T h e price of the yarn is 12%à. per lb., which gives for the value of 15 10,000 lbs. the s u m of £510. T h e surplus value is therefore in this case £510 - £430 = £80. We p u t the constant part of the value of the product = 0, as it plays no part in the creation of value. T h e r e r e m a i n s £132 as the weekly value created, which = £52 var. + £80 surpl. T h e rate of surplus-value is therefore % 1 5 3 / % . In a working day of 10 h o u r s with average 20 l a b o u r the result is: necessary labour = 3 ¾ hours, a n d surplus-labour 8

=

n

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1 3

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= 6y . O n e m o r e example. Jacob gives the following calculation for the year 1815. Owing to the previous adjustment of several i t e m s it is very imperfect; nevertheless for our purpose it is sufficient. In it he assumes the price 25 of wheat to be 80 s. a quarter, a n d the average yield per acre to be 22 b u s h els.! [2031 Value produced per Acre. 33

9 0 2 10 0

Tithes, Rates, and

Manure, Wages,

3 10 0

Rent,

Seed,

£1

Taxes,

1 0

£1 1

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1

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£7

9 0

Total,

£ 3 11 0

A s s u m i n g that the price of the product is the same as its value, we here find the surplus-value distributed u n d e r t h e various h e a d s of profit, interest, rent, etc. We have n o t h i n g to do with these in detail; we simply a d d t h e m together, a n d the s u m is a surplus-value of £3 l i s . Od. T h e s u m of £3

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T h e above data, w h i c h m a y b e relied u p o n , were given m e b y a M a n c h e s t e r s p i n n e r . I n E n g l a n d t h e horse-power of an e n g i n e was formerly c a l c u l a t e d from t h e d i a m e t e r of its cylinder, n o w t h e a c t u a l horse-power s h o w n by t h e i n d i c a t o r is t a k e n .

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Chapter IX · The rate of surplus-value 19s. Od., paid for seed and m a n u r e , is c o n s t a n t capital, and w; p u t it e q u a l to zero. There is left the s u m of £3 10s. Od., which is the variable capital advanced: and we see that a new value of £3 10s. Od. + £3 l i s . Od. has b e e n S

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produced in its place. Therefore — = ^ 1 » , giving a rate of surplusV £3 10s. Od. value of m o r e t h a n 100 %. T h e labourer employs m o r e t h a n one half of his working day in producing t h e surplus-value, which different persons, u n d e r different pretexts, share a m o n g s t t h e m s e l v e s . 35

Section 2.— The Representation of the Components of the Value of the Product by corresponding proportional Parts of the Product itself.

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Let us now return to the e x a m p l e by which we were shown how t h e capitalist converts m o n e y into capital. T h e product of a working day of 12 h o u r s is 20 lbs. of yarn, having a val15 ue of 30s. No less t h a n % ths of this value, or 24s., is d u e to m e r e re-appearance in it, of the value of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n (20 lbs. of cotton, value 20s., and spindle worn away, 4s.): it is therefore constant capital. T h e rem a i n i n g Tottis or 6s. is the new value created during t h e spinning process: of ||204| this o n e half replaces the value of the day's labour-power, or the 20 variable capital, the r e m a i n i n g half constitutes a surplus-value of 3 s. T h e total value t h e n of the 20 lbs. of yarn is m a d e up as follows: 0

30s. value of yarn = 24s. const. + 3s. var. + 3s. surpl. Since the whole of this value is c o n t a i n e d in t h e 201bs. of yarn p r o d u c e d , it follows that the various c o m p o n e n t parts of this value, can be represented 25 as being contained respectively in corresponding parts of the product. If the value of 30s. is c o n t a i n e d in 20 lbs. of yarn, t h e n y ths of this valu e , or the 24s. that form its constant part, is contained in / ths of the produ c t or in 161bs. of yarn. Of t h e latter 13¾ lbs. represent the value of the raw material, the 20s. worth of cotton spun, a n d 2% lbs. represent the 4s. worth 30 of spindle, etc., worn away in the process. H e n c e the whole of the cotton u s e d up in spinning the 20 lbs. of yarn, is represented by 13¾ lbs. of yarn. This latter weight of yarn contains, it is true, by weight, no m o r e t h a n 13½ lbs. of cotton, worth 13¾ shillings; b u t iQ

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T h e c a l c u l a t i o n s given i n t h e t e x t are i n t e n d e d m e r e l y a s illustrations. W e h a v e i n fact a s s u m e d that prices = values. We shall, however, see, in B o o k III., t h a t even in the case of average prices t h e a s s u m p t i o n c a n n o t b e m a d e i n this very s i m p l e m a n n e r .

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value t h e 6% shillings additional value contained in it, are t h e equivalent for t h e c o t t o n c o n s u m e d in spinning the r e m a i n i n g 6% lbs. of yarn. T h e effect is the s a m e as if these 6¾ lbs. of yarn c o n t a i n e d no cotton at all, a n d the whole 20 lbs. of cotton were concentrated in the 13¾ lbs. of yarn. T h e latter weight, on the other h a n d , does n o t c o n t a i n an a t o m either of the value of the auxiliary materials and i m p l e m e n t s , or of t h e value newly created in t h e process. In the same way, the 2¾ lbs. of yarn, in which the 4s., the r e m a i n d e r of t h e c o n s t a n t capital, is embodied, represents n o t h i n g b u t the value of the auxiliary materials a n d i n s t r u m e n t s of labour c o n s u m e d in producing the 20 lbs. of yarn. We have, therefore, arrived at this result: a l t h o u g h eight-tenths of the product, or 16 lbs. of yarn, is, in its character of an article of utility, just as m u c h the fabric of the spinner's labour, as the r e m a i n d e r of the same product, yet when viewed in this connexion, it does n o t contain, a n d has n o t absorbed any labour expended during the process of spinning. It is just as if the cotton h a d converted itself into yarn, without help; as if the shape it h a d a s s u m e d was m e r e trickery a n d deceit: ||205| for so soon as our capitalist sells it for 24s., and with the m o n e y replaces his m e a n s of production, it b e c o m e s evident that this 16 lbs. of yarn is n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n so m u c h cott o n a n d spindle-waste in disguise. On the other h a n d , the r e m a i n i n g / ths of the product, or 4 lbs. of yarn, represent nothing b u t the new value of 6s., created during the 12 h o u r s ' s p i n n i n g process. All the value transferred to those 4 lbs., from the raw m a terial a n d i n s t r u m e n t s of labour c o n s u m e d , was, so to say, intercepted in order to be incorporated in the 16 lbs. first spun. In this case, it is as if the spinner h a d spun 4 lbs. of yarn out of air, or, as if he h a d s p u n t h e m with the aid of cotton a n d spindles, that, being the s p o n t a n e o u s gift of N a t u r e , transferred no value to the product. Of this 4 lbs. of yarn, in which the whole of t h e value newly created during t h e process, is condensed, one half represents the equivalent for the value of the labour c o n s u m e d , or the 3 s. variable capital, the other half represents the 3s. surplus-value. Since 12 working hours of the spinner are e m b o d i e d in 6s., it follows that in yarn of the value of 30s., there m u s t be e m b o d i e d 60 working h o u r s . A n d this quantity of labour-time does in fact exist in the 20 lbs. of yarn; for in y t h s or 16 lbs. there are materialised the 48 h o u r s of labour expended, before the c o m m e n c e m e n t of the spinning process, on the m e a n s of p r o d u c tion; a n d in the r e m a i n i n g ^ o t h s or 4 lbs. there are materialised t h e 12 h o u r s ' work d o n e during the process itself. On a former page we saw that the value of the yarn is e q u a l to the s u m of

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Chapter IX • The rate of surplus-value

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the new value created during the p r o d u c t i o n of that yarn plus the value previously existing in the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . It has n o w b e e n shown how the various c o m p o n e n t parts of the value of the product, parts that differ functionally from each other, m a y be represented by corresponding proportional parts of the product itself. To split up in this m a n n e r the product into different parts, of which o n e represents only the labour previously spent on the m e a n s of production, or the constant capital, another, only the necessary labour spent during the process of production, or the variable capital, and another a n d last part, only the surplus-1|206| labour e x p e n d e d during the same process, or the surplus-value; to do this, is, as will be seen later on from its application to complicated a n d hitherto unsolved p r o b l e m s , no less i m p o r t a n t t h a n it is simple.

In the preceding investigation we have treated the total product as the final result, ready for use, of a working day of 12 h o u r s . We can however follow this total product through all the stages of its production; a n d in this way we shall arrive at the s a m e result as before, if we represent t h e partial products, given off at the different stages, as functionally different parts of the final or total product. 20 T h e spinner produces in 12 h o u r s 20 lbs. of yarn, or in 1 h o u r 1% lbs.; consequently he produces in 8 h o u r s 13½ lbs., or a partial product equal in value to all the cotton that is s p u n in a whole day. In like m a n n e r the partial product of the next period of 1 h o u r a n d 36 m i n u t e s , is 2% lbs. of yarn: this represents the value of the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour that are c o n s u m e d in 25 12 hours. In the following h o u r a n d 12 m i n u t e s , the spinner produces 2 lbs. of yarn worth 3 shillings, a value e q u a l to the whole value he creates in his 6 hours necessary labour. Finally, in the last h o u r a n d 12 m i n u t e s he produces another 2 lbs. of yarn, whose value is equal to the surplus-value, created by his surplus-labour during half a day. This m e t h o d of calculation 30 serves the English m a n u f a c t u r e r for everyday u s e ; it shows, he will say, that in the first 8 hours, or % of the working day, he gets back the value of his cotton; a n d so on for the r e m a i n i n g h o u r s . It is also a perfectly correct m e t h o d : being in fact the first m e t h o d given above with this difference, that instead of being applied to space, in which the different parts of the 35 completed product lie side by side, it deals with time, in which those parts are successively produced. But it can also be a c c o m p a n i e d by very barbarian notions, more especially in the h e a d s of those who are as m u c h interested, practically, in the process of m a k i n g value beget value, as they are in m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g that process theoretically. Such people m a y get the n o 40 tion into their heads, that our spinner, for example, produces or replaces in the first 8 h o u r s of his working day the value of the cotton; in the ||207| fol15

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value lowing h o u r a n d 36 m i n u t e s the value of t h e i n s t r u m e n t s of l a b o u r worn away; in the next h o u r a n d 12 m i n u t e s the value of t h e wages; a n d t h a t he devotes to the p r o d u c t i o n of surplus-value for t h e manufacturer, only that well k n o w n "last hour." In this way the poor spinner is m a d e to perform the two-fold miracle not only of producing cotton, spindles, steam-engine, 5 coal, oil, etc., at the same t i m e that he spins with t h e m , b u t also of turning o n e working day into five; for, in t h e e x a m p l e we are considering, t h e prod u c t i o n of the raw material a n d i n s t r u m e n t s of l a b o u r d e m a n d s four working days of twelve h o u r s each, a n d their conversion into yarn requires another such day. T h a t the love of lucre i n d u c e s an easy belief in such 10 miracles, a n d that sycophant doctrinaires are never wanting to prove t h e m , is v o u c h e d for by the following incident of historical celebrity.

Section

3.—Senior's

"Last Hour."

O n e fine m o r n i n g , in the year 1836, N a s s a u W. Senior, who m a y be called the bel-esprit of English economists, well known, alike for his e c o n o m i c a l "science," a n d for his beautiful style, was s u m m o n e d from Oxford to M a n chester, to learn in the latter place, the political e c o n o m y t h a t he taught in the former. T h e manufacturers elected h i m as their c h a m p i o n , n o t only against the newly passed Factory Act, but against the still more m e n a c i n g T e n - h o u r s ' agitation. W i t h their u s u a l practical acuteness, they h a d found o u t t h a t the learned Professor "wanted a good deal of finishing;" it was this discovery that caused t h e m to write for h i m . On his side the Professor has e m b o d i e d the lecture he received from the M a n c h e s t e r manufacturers, in a p a m p h l e t , entitled: "Letters on the Factory Act, as it affects t h e cotton m a n u f a c t u r e . " L o n d o n , 1837. H e r e we find, a m o n g s t others, the following edifying passage: " U n d e r t h e present law, no m i l l in which persons u n d e r 18 years of age are employed, can be worked m o r e t h a n ll]/ h o u r s a day, t h a t is, 12 h o u r s for 5 days in the week, a n d n i n e on Saturday. "Now the following analysis (!) will show t h a t in a mill so ||208| worked, t h e whole n e t profit is derived from the last hour. I will suppose a m a n u f a c turer to invest £100,000:—£80,000 in his mill a n d m a c h i n e r y , and £20,000 in raw material a n d wages. T h e a n n u a l r e t u r n of t h a t mill, supposing the capital to be t u r n e d o n c e a year, a n d gross profits to be 15 per cent., ought to be goods worth £115,000 Of this £115,000, each of the twenty-three half-hours of work produces 5-115ths or o n e twenty-third. Of these 23-23rds (constituting the whole £115,000) twenty, that is to say £100,000 o u t of the £115,000, simply replace the capital;—one twenty-third (or £5000 out of the £115,000) m a k e s up for the deterioration of the mill a n d

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Chapter IX • The rate of surplus-value m a c h i n e r y . T h e r e m a i n i n g 2-23rds, t h a t is, t h e last two of t h e twenty-three half-hours of every day, p r o d u c e t h e n e t profit of 10 p e r cent. If, therefore (prices r e m a i n i n g t h e same), t h e factory could be kept at work t h i r t e e n h o u r s instead of eleven a n d a half, with an a d d i t i o n of a b o u t £2600 to t h e 5

circulating capital, t h e n e t profit would be m o r e t h a n doubled. On t h e other h a n d , if t h e h o u r s of working were r e d u c e d by o n e h o u r per day (prices r e m a i n i n g t h e same), t h e net profit would be d e s t r o y e d — i f they were r e d u c e d by o n e h o u r a n d a half, even t h e gross profit would be de­ stroyed."36!

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|209| A n d the professor calls this an "analysis!" If, giving c r e d e n c e to t h e out-cries of the m a n u f a c t u r e r s , he believed t h a t the w o r k m e n spend t h e best part of the day in t h e p r o d u c t i o n , i.e., t h e r e p r o d u c t i o n or r e p l a c e m e n t of t h e value of the buildings, m a c h i n e r y , cotton, coal, etc., t h e n his analysis was superfluous. His answer would simply have b e e n : — G e n t l e m e n ! if you

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work your mills for 10 h o u r s instead of 11½, t h e n , other things being equal, the daily c o n s u m p t i o n of cotton, m a c h i n e r y , etc., will decrease in propor­ tion. You gain just as m u c h as you lose. Y o u r work-people will in future spend o n e h o u r a n d a half less t i m e in r e p r o d u c i n g or replacing t h e capital t h a t h a s b e e n advanced.—If, o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , h e did n o t believe t h e m

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without further inquiry, but, as being an expert in s u c h m a t t e r s , d e e m e d an analysis necessary, t h e n he ought, in a q u e s t i o n t h a t is c o n c e r n e d exclu­ sively with the relations of n e t profit to t h e length of the working day, be­ fore all things to have asked t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s , to be careful n o t to l u m p together m a c h i n e r y , workshops, raw m a t e r i a l , a n d labour, b u t to be good

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36 Senior, I.e., p. 12, 13. We let pass s u c h e x t r a o r d i n a r y n o t i o n s as are of no i m p o r t a n c e for o u r p u r p o s e ; for i n s t a n c e , t h e assertion, t h a t m a n u f a c t u r e r s r e c k o n a s p a r t o f t h e i r profit, gross o r n e t , t h e a m o u n t r e q u i r e d t o m a k e g o o d w e a r a n d t e a r o f m a c h i n e r y , o r i n o t h e r words, t o re­ p l a c e a p a r t of t h e capital. So, too, we p a s s over a n y q u e s t i o n as to t h e a c c u r a c y of his figures. L e o n a r d H o r n e r has s h o w n i n " A L e t t e r t o M r . S e n i o r , " etc., L o n d o n , 1837, t h a t t h e y are w o r t h n o m o r e t h a n t h e so-called " A n a l y s i s . " L e o n a r d H o r n e r was o n e o f t h e F a c t o r y I n q u i r y C o m ­ m i s s i o n e r s i n 1833, a n d I n s p e c t o r , o r r a t h e r C e n s o r o f F a c t o r i e s till 1859. H e r e n d e r e d u n d y ­ ing service to t h e E n g l i s h working class. He carried on a life-long c o n t e s t , n o t o n l y w i t h t h e e m b i t t e r e d m a n u f a c t u r e r s , b u t also w i t h t h e C a b i n e t , t o w h o m t h e n u m b e r o f votes given b y t h e m a s t e r s i n t h e Lower H o u s e , was a m a t t e r o f far g r e a t e r i m p o r t a n c e t h a n t h e n u m b e r o f h o u r s worked b y t h e " h a n d s " i n t h e m i l l s . A p a r t from errors i n p r i n c i p l e , S e n i o r ' s s t a t e m e n t i s c o n f u s e d . W h a t h e really i n t e n d e d t o say was t h i s : T h e m a n u f a c t u r e r e m p l o y s t h e w o r k m a n for 11½ h o u r s or for 23 half-hours daily. As t h e working day, so, t o o , t h e w o r k i n g year, m a y be c o n c e i v e d to c o n s i s t of 11½ h o u r s or 2 3 half-hours, b u t e a c h m u l t i p l i e d b y t h e n u m b e r o f working days i n t h e year. O n this s u p p o sition, t h e 2 3 half-hours yield a n a n n u a l p r o d u c t o f £115,000; o n e half-hour y i e l d s 2 y23 X £115,000; 20 half-hours yield % χ £ 1 1 5 , 0 0 0 ; = £100,000, i.e., t h e y r e p l a c e no m o r e t h a n t h e c a p i t a l a d v a n c e d . T h e r e r e m a i n 3 half-hours, w h i c h y i e l d % 3 x £115,000 = £15,000 or t h e gross profit. Of t h e s e 3 half-hours, o n e - h a l f yields % 3 x £115,000 = £ 5 0 0 0 ; i.e., it m a k e s up for t h e wear a n d tear of t h e m a c h i n e r y ; t h e r e m a i n i n g 2 half-hours, i.e., t h e last h o u r , y i e l d 2 2 / 23 χ £115,000 = £10,000 or t h e n e t profit. In t h e t e x t S e n i o r converts t h e last / 23 of t h e p r o d ­ u c t i n t o p o r t i o n s of t h e working day itself.

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value e n o u g h to place the constant capital, invested in buildings, m a c h i n e r y , raw material, etc., on one side of the account, a n d the capital advanced in wages on the other side. If the professor t h e n found, that in accordance with the calculation of the manufacturers, the w o r k m a n reproduced or replaced his wages in 2 half-hours, in that case, he should have c o n t i n u e d his analysis t h u s : A c c o r d i n g to your figures, the w o r k m a n in the last h o u r b u t o n e produces his wages, and in the last h o u r your surplus-value or n e t profit. Now, since in equal periods he produces equal values, the p r o d u c e of the last h o u r b u t one, m u s t have the same value as that of the last hour. Further, it is only while he labours that he produces any value at all, a n d the a m o u n t of his labour is m e a s u r e d by his labour-time. This you say, a m o u n t s to 11½ h o u r s a day. He employs one portion of these 11½ h o u r s , in producing or replacing his wages, and the r e m a i n i n g portion in producing your n e t profit. Beyond this he does absolutely n o t h i n g . But since, on your a s s u m p tion, his wages, and the surplus-value he yields, are of e q u a l value, it is clear that he produces his wages in 5¾ h o u r s , a n d your n e t ||210| profit in the other 5% hours. Again, since the value of the yarn produced in 2 hours, is e q u a l to the s u m of the values of his wages a n d of your n e t profit, the m e a s u r e of the value of this yarn m u s t be 11½ working hours, of which 5% hours m e a s u r e the value of the yarn p r o d u c e d in the last h o u r b u t one, a n d 5¾, the value of the yarn produced in the last h o u r . We now c o m e to a ticklish point; therefore, attention! T h e last working h o u r b u t o n e is, like the first, an ordinary working hour, n e i t h e r m o r e n o r less. H o w t h e n can t h e spinner produce in one hour, in the shape of yarn, a value that e m b o d ies 5¼ h o u r s labour? T h e truth is that he performs no such miracle. T h e use-value produced by h i m in one hour, is a definite quantity of yarn. T h e value of this yarn is m e a s u r e d by 5¾ working h o u r s , of which 4¾ were, without any assistance from him, previously e m b o d i e d in the m e a n s of production, in the cotton, the machinery, a n d so on; the r e m a i n i n g o n e h o u r alone is added by h i m . Therefore since his wages are produced in 5¾ hours, and the yarn produced in o n e h o u r also contains 5¾ h o u r s ' work, there is no witchcraft in the result, that the value created by his 5¾ h o u r s ' spinning, is equal to the value of the product s p u n in o n e hour. Y o u are altogether on the wrong track, if you think that he loses a single m o m e n t of his working day, in reproducing or replacing the values of the cotton, the m a c h i n e r y , a n d so on. On the contrary, it is because his labour converts the cotton a n d spindles into yarn, because he spins, that t h e values of the cotton a n d spindles go over to the yarn of their own accord. This result is owing to the quality of his labour, n o t to its quantity. It is true, he will in o n e h o u r transfer to the yarn m o r e value, in the shape of cotton, t h a n he will in half an

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hour; but that is only because in o n e h o u r he spins up m o r e cotton t h a n in half an hour. Y o u see then, your assertion, that the w o r k m a n produces, in the last h o u r but o n e , the value of his wages, a n d in the last h o u r your net profit, a m o u n t s to no m o r e t h a n this, that in the yarn produced by h i m in 2 working hours, whether they are the 2 first or the 2 last h o u r s of the working day, in that yarn, there are incorporated 11½ working hours, or j u s t a whole day's work, i.e., two h o u r s of his own work and 9½ h o u r s ||211| of other people's. A n d my assertion that, in the first 5% hours, he produces his wages, a n d in the last 5¾ hours your n e t profit, a m o u n t s only to this, t h a t you pay h i m for the former, b u t n o t for t h e latter. In speaking of p a y m e n t of labour, instead of p a y m e n t of labour-power, I only talk your own slang. Now, gentlemen, if y o u c o m p a r e the working t i m e you pay for, with t h a t which you do not pay for, you will find t h a t they are to o n e another, as half a day is to half a day; this gives a rate of 100 %, a n d a very pretty percentage it is. Further, there is n o t the least doubt, t h a t if y o u m a k e your " h a n d s " toil for 13 hours, instead of 11½, and, as m a y be expected from you, treat the work d o n e in that extra one h o u r a n d a half, as p u r e surplus-labour, t h e n the latter will be increased from 5¾ h o u r s ' labour to 7½ h o u r s ' labour, and the rate of surplus-value from 100% to 1 2 6 ¾ % . So that you are altogether too sanguine, in expecting that by such an addition of 1½ hours to the working day, the rate will rise from 100 % to 200 % and more, in other words that it will be "more t h a n d o u b l e d . " On the other h a n d — m a n ' s h e a r t is a wonderful thing, especially when carried in the purse—you take too pessimist a view, when you fear, that with a r e d u c t i o n of the h o u r s of lab o u r from 11½ to 10, the whole of your n e t profit will go to the dogs. N o t at all. All other conditions r e m a i n i n g the same, the surplus-labour will fall from 5% h o u r s to 4¾ h o u r s , a period t h a t still gives a very profitable rate of surplus-value, n a m e l y 8 2 % %. But this dreadful "last hour," a b o u t which you have invented m o r e stories t h a n h a v e the m i l l e n a r i a n s about the day of j u d g m e n t , is "all bosh." If it goes, it will cost n e i t h e r you, your n e t profit, nor the boys a n d girls w h o m you employ, their "purity of m i n d . " W h e n 3 7

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If, o n t h e o n e h a n d , S e n i o r proved t h a t t h e n e t profit o f t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r , the e x i s t e n c e o f t h e English c o t t o n industry, a n d E n g l a n d ' s c o m m a n d o f t h e m a r k e t s o f t h e world, d e p e n d o n "the last working h o u r , " o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , Dr. A n d r e w U r e showed, t h a t i f c h i l d r e n a n d y o u n g persons u n d e r 18 years of age, i n s t e a d of b e i n g k e p t t h e full 12 h o u r s in t h e w a r m a n d p u r e m o r a l a t m o s p h e r e o f t h e factory, are t u r n e d o u t a n h o u r s o o n e r into t h e heartless a n d frivolous o u t e r world, they will be deprived, by idleness a n d vice, of all h o p e of salvation for t h e i r souls. S i n c e 1848, t h e factory i n s p e c t o r s have n e v e r tired of twitting t h e m a s t e r s with t h i s "last," this "fatal h o u r . " T h u s M r . H o w e l l in his r e p o r t of t h e 31st M a y , 1855: " H a d t h e following i n g e n i o u s c a l c u l a t i o n (he q u o t e s Senior) b e e n correct, every c o t t o n factory in t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m would have b e e n working at a loss s i n c e t h e y e a r 1850." (Reports of t h e I n s p . of Fact, for the half-year, e n d i n g 30th April, 1855, p. 19.) In t h e y e a r 1848, after t h e passing of t h e 10 h o u r ' s bill, the m a s t e r s of s o m e flax s p i n n i n g mills, scattered, few a n d far between, over

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Part III • The production'of absolute surplus-value ever your "last h o u r " strikes in ||212| earnest, t h i n k on the Oxford Professor. A n d now, gentleman, "farewell, and m a y we m e e t again in y o n d e r better world, b u t not before." Senior invented the battle cry of the "last h o u r " in 1 8 3 6 . ||213| In the L o n d o n E c o n o m i s t of the 15th April, 1848, t h e s a m e cry was again raised by J a m e s Wilson, an e c o n o m i c a l m a n d a r i n of high standing: this t i m e in opposition to the 10 h o u r s ' bill. 38

t h e c o u n t r y on t h e b o r d e r s of D o r s e t a n d S o m e r s e t , foisted a p e t i t i o n against t h e bill on to t h e s h o u l d e r s of a few of their work p e o p l e . O n e of t h e clauses of t h i s p e t i t i o n is as follows: " Y o u r p e t i t i o n e r s , as p a r e n t s , conceive t h a t an a d d i t i o n a l h o u r of leisure will t e n d m o r e to d e m o r a l ise t h e c h i l d r e n t h a n otherwise, believing t h a t idleness is t h e p a r e n t of vice." On t h i s t h e factory report of 31st Oct., 1848, says: T h e a t m o s p h e r e of t h e flax mills, in w h i c h t h e c h i l d r e n of t h e s e virtuous a n d t e n d e r p a r e n t s work, is so l o a d e d with d u s t a n d fibre from t h e raw m a t e r i a l , t h a t it is exceptionally u n p l e a s a n t to s t a n d e v e n 10 m i n u t e s in t h e s p i n n i n g r o o m s : for y o u are u n a b l e to do so w i t h o u t t h e m o s t painful s e n s a t i o n , owing to t h e eyes, t h e ears, t h e nostrils, a n d m o u t h , b e i n g i m m e d i a t e l y filled by t h e c l o u d s of flax d u s t from w h i c h t h e r e is no escape. T h e l a b o u r itself, owing to t h e feverish h a s t e of t h e m a c h i n e r y , d e m a n d s u n c e a s i n g applicat i o n of skill a n d m o v e m e n t , u n d e r t h e control of a watchfulness t h a t n e v e r tires, a n d it s e e m s s o m e w h a t h a r d , to let p a r e n t s apply t h e t e r m " i d l i n g " to t h e i r o w n c h i l d r e n , w h o , after allowing for m e a l t i m e s , are fettered for 10 whole h o u r s to s u c h an o c c u p a t i o n in s u c h an a t m o s p h e r e . ... T h e s e c h i l d r e n work longer t h a n t h e l a b o u r e r s i n t h e n i e g h b o u r i n g villages S u c h cruel talk a b o u t "idleness a n d vice" o u g h t t o b e b r a n d e d a s t h e p u r e s t cant, a n d t h e m o s t s h a m e l e s s hypocrisy T h a t p o r t i o n of t h e p u b l i c , w h o , a b o u t 12 years ago, were struck by t h e a s s u r a n c e with w h i c h , u n d e r t h e s a n c t i o n o f h i g h a u t h o r i t y , i t was publicly a n d m o s t earnestly p r o c l a i m e d , t h a t t h e whole n e t profit of t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r flows from t h e l a b o u r of t h e last h o u r , a n d that, therefore, t h e r e d u c t i o n o f t h e working day b y o n e h o u r , w o u l d destroy h i s n e t profit; t h a t p o r t i o n of t h e p u b l i c , we say, will h a r d l y believe its o w n eyes, w h e n it n o w finds, t h a t t h e original discovery of t h e virtues of " t h e last h o u r " h a s s i n c e b e e n so far i m proved, as to i n c l u d e m o r a l s as well as profit; so that, if t h e d u r a t i o n of t h e l a b o u r of c h i l d r e n , is r e d u c e d to a full 10 h o u r s , their m o r a l s , t o g e t h e r with t h e n e t profits of t h e i r e m p l o y e r s , will v a n i s h , b o t h b e i n g d e p e n d e n t on t h i s last, t h i s fatal h o u r . (See R e p t s . , I n s p . of Fact., for 31st Oct., 1848, p. 101.) T h e s a m e report t h e n gives s o m e e x a m p l e s of t h e morality a n d v i r t u e of t h e s e s a m e p u r e - m i n d e d m a n u f a c t u r e r s , o f t h e tricks, t h e artifices, t h e cajoling, t h e t h r e a t s , a n d t h e falsifications, they m a d e u s e of, in order, first, to c o m p e l a few defenceless w o r k m e n to sign p e t i t i o n s of s u c h a k i n d , a n d t h e n to i m p o s e t h e m u p o n P a r l i a m e n t as t h e p e t i t i o n s of a w h o l e b r a n c h of industry, or a w h o l e c o u n t r y . It is highly c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h e p r e s e n t status of so called e c o n o m i c a l science, t h a t n e i t h e r S e n i o r himself, w h o , at a later period, to his h o n o u r be it said, energetically s u p p o r t e d t h e factory legislation, n o r h i s o p p e n e n t s , from first to last, have ever b e e n able to explain t h e false c o n c l u s i o n s of t h e "original discovery." T h e y a p p e a l to a c t u a l e x p e r i e n c e , b u t t h e why a n d wherefore r e m a i n s a mystery. N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e l e a r n e d professor was n o t w i t h o u t s o m e benefit from h i s j o u r n e y t o M a n chester. I n t h e "Letters o n t h e F a c t o r y A c t , " h e m a k e s t h e whole n e t g a i n s i n c l u d i n g "profit" a n d "interest," a n d even " s o m e t h i n g m o r e , " d e p e n d u p o n a single u n p a i d h o u r ' s work o f t h e labourer. O n e year previously, in h i s " O u t l i n e s of Political E c o n o m y , " written for t h e i n s t r u c t i o n of Oxford s t u d e n t s and cultivated Philistines, he h a d also "discovered," in o p p o s i t i o n to R i c a r d o ' s d e t e r m i n a t i o n of value by labour, t h a t profit is derived from t h e l a b o u r of t h e capitalist, a n d interest from his asceticism, in o t h e r words, from his " a b s t i n e n c e . " T h e dodge was a n old o n e , b u t t h e word " a b s t i n e n c e " was new. H e r r R o s c h e r translates i t rightly b y " E n t h a l t u n g . " S o m e o f h i s c o u n t r y m e n , t h e Browns, J o n e s , a n d R o b i n s o n s , o f G e r m a n y , n o t s o well versed in L a t i n as h e , have, m o n k - l i k e , r e n d e r e d it by " E n t s a g u n g " ( r e n u n c i a t i o n ) .

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Chapter Χ • The working-day

Section

4.—Surplus-Produce.

T h e p o r t i o n of t h e p r o d u c t t h a t represents t h e surplus-value, ( o n e - t e n t h of t h e 20 lbs., or 2 lbs. of yarn, in t h e e x a m p l e given in Sec. 2.) we caM "sur­ plus-produce." Just as the rate of surplus-value is d e t e r m i n e d by its rela5

tion, n o t to t h e s u m total of the capital, b u t to its variable part; in like m a n ­ ner, the relative q u a n t i t y of surplus-produce is d e t e r m i n e d by the ratio t h a t this p r o d u c e bears, n o t to t h e r e m a i n i n g p a r t of t h e total product, b u t to t h a t part of it in which is i n c o r p o r a t e d t h e necessary labour. Since t h e pro­ d u c t i o n of surplus-value is t h e chief e n d a n d a i m of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n ,

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it is clear, t h a t t h e greatness of a m a n ' s or a n a t i o n ' s wealth should be m e a ­ sured, n o t by t h e absolute q u a n t i t y p r o d u c e d , b u t by t h e relative m a g n i ­ t u d e of t h e surplus-produce. 3 9 T h e s u m of t h e necessary l a b o u r a n d t h e surplus-labour, i.e., of the peri­ ods of t i m e during which t h e w o r k m a n replaces t h e value of his labour-

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power, a n d p r o d u c e s t h e surplus-value, t h i s s u m constitutes the a c t u a l t i m e during which he works, i.e., the working day. |

|214| C H A P T E R X.

The Working-Day. Section 20

1. —The Limits of the

Working-Day.

We started with the supposition t h a t labour-power is b o u g h t a n d sold at its value. Its value, like t h a t of all o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s , is d e t e r m i n e d by t h e working t i m e necessary to its p r o d u c t i o n . If t h e p r o d u c t i o n of t h e average 39

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" T o an i n d i v i d u a l with a c a p i t a l of £20,000, w h o s e profits were £ 2 0 0 0 p e r a n n u m , it w o u l d be a m a t t e r q u i t e indifferent w h e t h e r h i s c a p i t a l w o u l d e m p l o y a 100 or 1000 m e n , w h e t h e r t h e c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c e d sold for £ 1 0 , 0 0 0 or £20,000, provided, in all cases, h i s profit were n o t d i m i n i s h e d below £ 2 0 0 0 . I s n o t t h e real i n t e r e s t o f t h e n a t i o n similar? P r o v i d e d its n e t real i n c o m e , its r e n t a n d profits, b e t h e s a m e , i t i s o f n o i m p o r t a n c e w h e t h e r t h e n a t i o n c o n ­ sists of 10 or of 12 m i l l i o n s of i n h a b i t a n t s . " ( R i c . I.e., p. 416.) L o n g before R i c a r d o , A r t h u r Y o u n g , a f a n a t i c a l u p h o l d e r of s u r p l u s p r o d u c e , for t h e rest, a r a m b l i n g , u n c r i t i c a l writer, w h o s e r e p u t a t i o n is in t h e inverse r a t i o of h i s m e r i t , says, " O f t h a t u s e , in a m o d e r n k i n g d o m , would b e a w h o l e p r o v i n c e t h u s divided (in t h e o l d R o m a n m a n n e r , b y s m a l l i n d e p e n d e n t p e a s a n t s ) , h o w e v e r well cultivated, e x c e p t for t h e m e r e p u r p o s e o f b r e e d i n g m e n , w h i c h t a k e n singly is a m o s t useless p u r p o s e ? " ( A r t h u r Y o u n g : P o l i t i c a l A r i t h m e t i c , e t c . L o n d o n , 1774, p . 47.) Very c u r i o u s is " t h e strong i n c l i n a t i o n ... to r e p r e s e n t n e t w e a l t h as b e n e f i c i a l to t h e la­ b o u r i n g class . . . . t h o u g h i t i s e v i d e n t l y n o t o n a c c o u n t o f b e i n g n e t . " (Th. H o p k i n s , O n R e n t of L a n d , e t c . L o n d o n , 1828, p. 126.)

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value daily m e a n s of subsistence of the labourer takes up 6 h o u r s , he m u s t work, on t h e average, 6 hours every day, to p r o d u c e his daily labour-power, or to r e p r o d u c e t h e value received as t h e result of its sale. T h e necessary part of his working day a m o u n t s to 6 hours, a n d is, therefore, cœteris paribus, a given quantity. But with this, the extent of t h e working day itself is not yet given.

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Let us a s s u m e that the line AB represents t h e l e n g t h of the necessary working t i m e , say 6 hours. If t h e labour be prolonged 1, 3, or 6 h o u r s b e y o n d A B , we have 3 other lines: W o r k i n g day I. A Β—C.

W o r k i n g day II. A Β C.

A

W o r k i n g day III. BC.

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r e p r e s e n t i n g 3 different working days of 7, 9, a n d 12 h o u r s . T h e e x t e n s i o n BC of t h e line AB represents t h e length of t h e surplus labour. As t h e work­ ing day is AB + BC or AC, it varies with t h e variable q u a n t i t y BC. Since AB is constant, t h e ratio of BC to AB can always be calculated. In working 15 day I it is %, in working day I I , %, in working day I I I , % of AB. Since, fursurplus working t i m e , , . . ., , ,., , ,. . — — d e t e r m i n e s the rate of the surplusnecessary working tx i m e , value, t h e latter is given by t h e ratio of BC to A B . It a m o u n t s in t h e 3 dif­ ferent working days respectively to 16¾, 50 a n d 100 per cent. On t h e other h a n d , the rate of surplus-value alone would n o t give us t h e extent of t h e working day. If this rate, e.g., were 100 per cent., the working day m i g h t be of 8, 10, 12, or m o r e h o u r s . It would indicate t h a t t h e 2 c o n s t i t u e n t parts of t h e working ||215| day, necessary-labour a n d surplus-labour t i m e , were e q u a l in extent, but n o t how long each of these two c o n s t i t u e n t parts was. T h e working day is t h u s n o t a constant, b u t a variable quantity. O n e of its parts, certainly, is d e t e r m i n e d by t h e working t i m e r e q u i r e d for the rep r o d u c t i o n of the labour-power of t h e labourer himself. But its total a m o u n t varies with t h e d u r a t i o n of the surplus-labour. T h e working day is, therefore, d e t e r m i n a b l e , h u t is, per se, i n d e t e r m i n a t e . A l t h o u g h the working day is n o t a fixed, b u t a fluent quantity, it can, on t h e other h a n d , only vary within certain limits. T h e m i n i m u m limit is, however, not d e t e r m i n a b l e ; of course, if we m a k e t h e extension line BC or t h e surplus-labour = 0, we have a m i n i m u m limit, i.e., t h e part of t h e day w h i c h t h e labourer m u s t necessarily work for his own m a i n t e n a n c e . On t h e basis of capitalist production, however, this necessary labour c a n form a part only of the working day; the working day itself c a n never be r e d u c e d to this m i n i m u m . On t h e other h a n d , the working day h a s a m a x i m u m limit. ther, itLh e ratio

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" A day's l a b o u r i s vague, i t m a y b e long o r short." ("An essay o n T r a d e a n d C o m m e r c e , c o n t a i n i n g observations on t a x e s . " etc. L o n d o n , 1770, p. 73.)

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It c a n n o t be prolonged b e y o n d a certain point. T h i s m a x i m u m limit is con­ ditioned by two things. First, by t h e physical b o u n d s of labour-power. W i t h i n t h e 24 h o u r s of the n a t u r a l day a m a n c a n expend only a definite q u a n t i t y of his vital force. A horse, in like m a n n e r , c a n only work from day to day, 8 h o u r s . D u r i n g part of t h e day this force m u s t rest, sleep; during a n o t h e r part the m a n has to satisfy o t h e r physical needs, to feed, wash, a n d clothe himself. Besides these purely physical limitations, t h e extension of t h e working day e n c o u n t e r s m o r a l ones. T h e l a b o u r e r needs t i m e for satis­ fying his intellectual a n d social wants, t h e extent a n d n u m b e r of which are

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c o n d i t i o n e d by t h e general state of social a d v a n c e m e n t . T h e variation of t h e working day fluctuates, therefore, within physical and social b o u n d s . But b o t h these limiting c o n d i t i o n s are of a very elastic n a t u r e , a n d allow t h e greatest latitude. So we find working days of 8 , 1 0 , 1 2 , 1 4 , 1 6 , 18 h o u r s , i.e., of t h e most different lengths.

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T h e capitalist has b o u g h t t h e labour-power at its day-rate. ||216| To h i m its use-value belongs d u r i n g o n e working day. He has t h u s acquired t h e right to m a k e the labourer work for h i m d u r i n g o n e day. But, what is a working d a y ? 4 1

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At all events, less t h a n a n a t u r a l day. By how m u c h ? T h e capitalist h a s his own views of this ultima Thüle, t h e necessary limit of t h e working day. As capitalist, he is only capital personified. His soul is the soul of capital. But capital has one single life impulse, the t e n d e n c y to create value a n d surplus-value, to m a k e its constant factor, the m e a n s of production, absorb the greatest possible a m o u n t of s u r p l u s - l a b o u r . Capital is dead labour, that, vampire-like, only lives by sucking living labour, and lives the m o r e , the m o r e labour it sucks. T h e t i m e during which t h e labourer works, is t h e t i m e during which t h e capitalist c o n s u m e s t h e labour-power he has p u r c h a s e d of h i m . 42

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If the labourer c o n s u m e s his disposable t i m e for himself, he robs t h e capitalist. 44

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This q u e s t i o n i s far m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n t h e c e l e b r a t e d q u e s t i o n o f Sir R o b e r t Peel t o t h e B i r m i n g h a m C h a m b e r of C o m m e r c e : W h a t is a p o u n d ? A q u e s t i o n t h a t c o u l d only have b e e n proposed, b e c a u s e Peel was as m u c h in t h e d a r k as to t h e n a t u r e of m o n e y as t h e "little shilling m e n " o f B i r m i n g h a m . I t i s t h e a i m o f t h e capitalist t o o b t a i n with h i s e x p e n d e d capital t h e greatest possible q u a n tity of l a b o u r ( d ' o b t e n i r du capital d é p e n s é la p l u s forte s o m m e de travail possible.) J. G. C o u r celle-Seneuil. Traité t h é o r i q u e et p r a t i q u e d e s e n t r e p r i s e s industrielles. 2 n d ed. Paris, 1857, p . 62. 42

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" A n h o u r ' s l a b o u r lost in a day is a p r o d i g i o u s injury to a c o m m e r c i a l State. ... T h e r e is a very great c o n s u m p t i o n of l u x u r i e s a m o n g t h e l a b o u r i n g p o o r of this k i n g d o m : particularly a m o n g the m a n u f a c t u r i n g p o p u l a c e , b y w h i c h t h e y also c o n s u m e their t i m e , t h e m o s t fatal o f c o n s u m p t i o n s . " A n Essay o n T r a d e a n d C o m m e r c e , etc., p . 4 7 a n d 153. «Si l e m a n o u v r i e r libre p r e n d u n i n s t a n t d e r e p o s , l ' é c o n o m i e s o r d i d e q u i l e s u i t des y e u x avec i n q u i é t u d e , p r é t e n d q u ' i l l a vole.» N . L i n g u e t . " T h é o r i e d e s loix civiles, e t c . L o n d o n , 1767," t. II. p. 466. 44

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value T h e capitalist t h e n takes his stand on the law of the exchange of commodities. H e , like all other buyers, seeks to get t h e greatest possible benefit out of the use-value of his commodity. Suddenly the voice of the labourer, which h a d b e e n stifled in the storm and stress of the process of production, rises: T h e c o m m o d i t y that I have sold to you differs from the crowd of other c o m m o d i t i e s , in that its use creates value, a n d ||217| a value greater t h a n its own. T h a t is why you b o u g h t it. T h a t which on your side appears a spont a n e o u s e x p a n s i o n of capital, is on m i n e extra e x p e n d i t u r e of labourpower. Y o u a n d I know on the m a r k e t only o n e law, that of the exchange of c o m m o d i t i e s . A n d the c o n s u m p t i o n of the c o m m o d i t y belongs n o t to the seller who parts with it, b u t to the buyer, who acquires it. To you, therefore, belongs the use of my daily labour-power. B u t by m e a n s of the price t h a t you pay for it each day, I m u s t be able to reproduce it daily, and to sell it again. A p a r t from n a t u r a l exhaustion t h r o u g h age, etc., I m u s t be able on the morrow to work with the same n o r m a l a m o u n t of force, h e a l t h a n d freshness as to-day. Y o u preach to me constantly the gospel of "saving" a n d " a b s t i n e n c e . " G o o d ! I will, like a sensible saving owner, h u s b a n d my sole wealth, labour-power, a n d abstain from all foolish waste of it. I will e a c h day spend, set in motion, p u t into action only as m u c h of it as is c o m p a t i ble with its n o r m a l duration, and healthy development. By an u n l i m i t e d e x t e n s i o n of the working day, you m a y in o n e day use up a quantity of labour-power greater t h a n I can restore in three. W h a t you gain in labour I lose in substance. T h e use of my labour-power a n d the spoliation of it are q u i t e different things. If the average t i m e that (doing a reasonable a m o u n t of work) an average labourer can live, is 30 years, the value of my labourpower, which you pay me from day to day is * or 710,950 of its total 3 O J X 30 value. But if you c o n s u m e it in 10 years, you pay me daily 710,950 instead of 7^650 of its total value, i.e., only % of its daily value, a n d you rob m e , therefore, every day of % of the value of my c o m m o d i t y . Y o u pay me for o n e day's labour-power, whilst you use that of 3 days. T h a t is against our contract a n d the law of exchanges. I d e m a n d , therefore, a working day of norm a l length, a n d I d e m a n d it without any appeal to your heart, for in m o n e y m a t t e r s s e n t i m e n t is out of place. Y o u m a y be a m o d e l citizen, perhaps a m e m b e r of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to A n i m a l s , a n d in the o d o u r of sanctity to boot; b u t the thing that you represent face to face with me has no heart in its breast. T h a t which seems to throb there is my own heart-beating. I d e m a n d the n o r m a l ||218| working day because I, like every other seller, d e m a n d the value of my c o m m o d i t y .

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D u r i n g t h e great strike o f t h e L o n d o n b u i l d e r s , 1 8 6 0 - 6 1 , for t h e r e d u c t i o n o f t h e working

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Chapter Χ · The working-day We see t h e n , that, apart from extremely elastic b o u n d s , t h e n a t u r e of t h e e x c h a n g e of c o m m o d i t i e s itself i m p o s e s no l i m i t to t h e working day, no l i m i t to surplus-labour. T h e capitalist m a i n t a i n s his rights as a p u r c h a s e r w h e n he tries to m a k e t h e working day as long as possible, a n d to m a k e , 5

whenever possible, two working days o u t of o n e . On t h e other h a n d , t h e peculiar n a t u r e of t h e c o m m o d i t y sold i m p l i e s a limit to its c o n s u m p t i o n by t h e purchaser, a n d t h e l a b o u r e r m a i n t a i n s his right as seller w h e n he wishes to r e d u c e t h e working day to o n e of definite n o r m a l d u r a t i o n . T h e r e is here, therefore, an a n t i n o m y , right against right, b o t h equally b e a r i n g t h e

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seal of t h e law of exchanges. Between e q u a l rights force decides. H e n c e is it t h a t in t h e history of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n , t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n of what is a working day, presents itself as t h e result of a struggle, a struggle b e t w e e n collective capital, i.e., t h e class of capitalists, a n d collective labour, i.e., t h e working class.

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Section

2.—The

Greed for Surplus-Labour.

Manufacturer

and

Boyard.

Capital h a s n o t invented surplus-labour. Wherever a part of society pos­ sesses t h e m o n o p o l y of t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , t h e labourer, free or n o t free, m u s t add to t h e working t i m e necessary for his own m a i n t e n a n c e an 20

extra working t i m e in order to p r o d u c e t h e m e a n s of subsistence for t h e owners of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , 4 6 w h e t h e r this proprietor be t h e A t h e ­ n i a n κ α λ ό ς κ ά γ α θ ό ς , E t r u s c a n t h e o c r a t , civis R o m a n u s , N o r m a n b a r o n , A m e r i c a n slave owner, W a l l a c h i a n Boyard, m o d e r n l a n d l o r d or capitalist. 4 7 It is, however, clear t h a t in any given e c o n o m i c ||219| formation of society,

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where n o t t h e exchange-value b u t t h e use-value of t h e p r o d u c t p r e d o m i ­ nates, surplus-labour will be l i m i t e d by a given set of wants w h i c h m a y be greater or less, a n d t h a t h e r e no b o u n d l e s s thirst for surplus-labour arises from t h e n a t u r e of t h e p r o d u c t i o n itself. H e n c e in a n t i q u i t y over-work be­ c o m e s horrible only w h e n t h e object is to o b t a i n exchange-value in its spe-

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cific i n d e p e n d e n t money-form; in t h e p r o d u c t i o n of gold a n d silver. Cornday to 9 h o u r s , t h e i r C o m m i t t e e p u b l i s h e d a m a n i f e s t o t h a t c o n t a i n e d , to s o m e e x t e n t , t h e p l e a o f o u r worker. T h e m a n i f e s t o a l l u d e s , n o t w i t h o u t irony, t o t h e fact, t h a t t h e g r e a t e s t profit-monger a m o n g s t t h e b u i l d i n g m a s t e r s , a c e r t a i n Sir M. P e t o , was in t h e o d o u r of s a n c ­ tity. (This s a m e P e t o , after 1867, c a m e to an e n d à la Strousberg.)

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" T h o s e w h o l a b o u r . . . . i n reality feed b o t h t h e p e n s i o n e r s . . . (called the r i c h ) a n d t h e m selves." ( E d m u n d B u r k e , I.e., p p . 2, 3.) N i e b u h r i n his " R o m a n H i s t o r y " says very n a i v e l y : "It i s e v i d e n t t h a t works like t h e E t r u s can, w h i c h , in t h e i r r u i n s a s t o u n d u s , p r e s u p p o s e in little (!) states lords a n d vassals." S i s m o n d i says far m o r e t o t h e p u r p o s e t h a t "Brussels l a c e " p r e s u p p o s e s wage-lords a n d wage-slaves. 47

203

Part III • The production of absolute surplus value pulsory working to d e a t h is here the recognised form of over-work. Only r e a d D i o d o r u s S i c u l u s . Still these are exceptions in antiquity. B u t as soon as people, whose production still moves within the lower forms of slave-labour, corvée-labour, etc., are drawn into the whirlpool of an i n t e r n a t i o n a l m a r k e t d o m i n a t e d by the capitalistic m o d e of production, the sale of their 5 products for export b e c o m i n g their principal interest, the civilized horrors of over-work are grafted on the barbaric horrors of slavery, serfdom, etc. H e n c e the negro labour in the S o u t h e r n States of the A m e r i c a n U n i o n preserved s o m e t h i n g of a patriarchal character, so long as p r o d u c t i o n was chiefly directed to i m m e d i a t e local c o n s u m p t i o n . But in proportion, as the 10 export of cotton b e c a m e of vital interest to these states, the over-working of t h e negro and sometimes the using up of his life in 7 years' of labour bec a m e a factor in a calculated a n d calculating system. It was no longer a question of obtaining from h i m a certain quantity of useful products. It was n o w a question of production of surplus-labour itself. So was it also with 15 the corvée, e.g., in the D a n u b i a n Principalities (now R o u m a n i a ) . 48

T h e c o m p a r i s o n of the greed for surplus-labour in the D a n u b i a n Principalities with the same greed in English factories has a special interest, because surplus-labour in the corvée has an i n d e p e n d e n t a n d palpable form. Suppose the working day consists of 6 h o u r s of necessary labour, a n d 6 h o u r s of surplus-labour. T h e n the free labourer |[2201 gives the capitalist every week 6 x 6 or 36 h o u r s of surplus-labour. It is the same as if he worked 3 days in the week for himself, a n d 3 days in the week gratis for the capitalist. But this is n o t evident on the surface. Surplus-labour and necessary labour glide one into the other. I can, therefore, express the same relat i o n s h i p by saying, e.g., that the labourer in every m i n u t e works 30 seconds for himself, a n d 30 for the capitalist, etc. It is otherwise with the corvée. T h e necessary labour which the W a l l a c h i a n p e a s a n t does for his own m a i n t e n a n c e is distinctly m a r k e d off from his surplus-labour on behalf of the Boyard. T h e one he does on his own field, the other on the seignorial estate. Both parts of the labour-time exist, therefore, i n d e p e n d e n t l y , side by side one with the other. In the corvée the surplus-labour is accurately m a r k e d off from the necessary labour. This, however, can m a k e no difference with regard to the quantitative relation of surplus-labour to necessary labour. Three days' surplus-labour in the week r e m a i n three days that yield no equivalent to the labourer himself, whether it be called corvée or wage-

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" O n e c a n n o t see t h e s e u n f o r t u n a t e s (in t h e gold m i n e s b e t w e e n Egypt, E t h i o p i a , a n d A r a b i a ) w h o c a n n o t even have t h e i r b o d i e s clean, o r t h e i r n a k e d n e s s clothed, w i t h o u t pitying t h e i r m i s e r a b l e lot. T h e r e is no i n d u l g e n c e , no f o r b e a r a n c e for t h e sick, t h e feeble, t h e aged, for w o m a n ' s weakness. All m u s t , forced by blows, work on u n t i l d e a t h p u t s an e n d to their sufferings a n d their distress." ("Diod. Sic. Bibl. Hist.," lib. 3, c. 13.)

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Chapter Χ • The working-day labour. But in t h e capitalist t h e greed for surplus-labour appears in t h e straining after an u n l i m i t e d e x t e n s i o n of t h e working day, in t h e Boyard m o r e simply in a direct h u n t i n g after days of c o r v é e . In the D a n u b i a n Principalities t h e corvée was m i x e d up with rents in kind and other a p p u r t e n a n c e s of b o n d a g e , b u t it formed the m o s t important tribute paid to t h e ruling class. W h e r e this was the case, t h e corvée rarely arose from serfdom; serfdom m u c h m o r e frequently on t h e o t h e r h a n d took origin from the c o r v é e . This is what took place in t h e R o u m a n i a n provinces. ||221| T h e i r original m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n was based on c o m 49

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m u n i t y of t h e soil, but n o t in the Slavonic or I n d i a n form. Part of the land was cultivated in severalty as freehold by t h e m e m b e r s of t h e c o m m u n i t y , a n o t h e r part — ager publicus— was cultivated by t h e m in c o m m o n . T h e products of this c o m m o n labour served partly as a reserve fund against b a d harvests a n d other accidents, partly as a p u b l i c store for providing the costs 15 of war, religion, and other c o m m o n expenses. In course of t i m e military and clerical dignitaries usurped, along with t h e c o m m o n land, t h e labour spent u p o n it. T h e labour of the free peasants on their c o m m o n land was transformed into corvée for t h e thieves of t h e c o m m o n land. This corvée soon developed into a servile relationship existing in p o i n t of fact, n o t in 20

point of law, u n t i l Russia, t h e liberator of t h e world, m a d e it legal u n d e r pretence of abolishing serfdom. T h e code of the corvée, which t h e R u s s i a n G e n e r a l Kisseleff p r o c l a i m e d in 1831, was of course dictated by t h e Boyards themselves. T h u s Russia c o n q u e r e d with o n e blow the m a g n a t e s of t h e D a n u b i a n provinces, a n d the applause of liberal crétins t h r o u g h o u t E u r o p e .

25

According to t h e " R è g l e m e n t o r g a n i q u e , " as this code of the corvée is called, every W a l l a c h i a n p e a s a n t owes to t h e so-called landlord, besides a mass of detailed p a y m e n t s in kind: (1), 12 days of general labour; (2), o n e day of field labour; (3), o n e day of wood carrying. In all, 14 days in t h e year. W i t h deep insight into political e c o n o m y , however, t h e working day is 30 not t a k e n in its ordinary sense, b u t as t h e working day necessary to t h e production of an average daily product; a n d that average daily product is d e 49

T h a t w h i c h follows refer t o t h e s i t u a t i o n i n t h e R o u m a n i a n provinces before t h e c h a n g e effected since t h e C r i m e a n war. T h i s h o l d s likewise for G e r m a n y , a n d especially for P r u s s i a east o f t h e E l b e . I n t h e 15th c e n t u r y the G e r m a n p e a s a n t was n e a r l y everywhere a m a n , who, whilst subject to certain r e n t s p a i d i n p r o d u c e a n d l a b o u r was o t h e r w i s e a t least practically free. T h e G e r m a n c o l o n i s t s i n B r a n d e n b u r g , P o m e r a n i a , Silesia, a n d E a s t e r n Prussia, were even legally a c k n o w l e d g e d as free m e n . T h e victory o f t h e nobility i n t h e p e a s a n t s ' war p u t a n e n d t o t h a t . N o t only were t h e c o n q u e r e d S o u t h G e r m a n p e a s a n t s again enslaved. F r o m t h e m i d d l e o f t h e 16th c e n t u r y t h e p e a s a n t s of E a s t e r n Prussia, B r a n d e n b u r g , P o m e r a n i a , a n d Silesia, a n d soon after t h e free p e a s a n t s of S c h l e s w i g - H o l s t e i n were d e g r a d e d to t h e c o n d i t i o n of serfs. ( M a u r e r , F r o n h ö f e IV. v o l , — M e i t z e n , der B o d e n des p r e u s s i s c h e n S t a a t s . — H a n s s e n , Leibeigenschaft i n SchleswigHolstein.—ED.) 50

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Part III • T h e p r o d u c t i o n of a b s o l u t e s u r p l u s - v a l u e

terminer! in so crafty a way that no Cyclops would be d o n e with it in 24 h o u r s . In dry words, the R è g l e m e n t itself declares with true R u s s i a n irony that by 12 working days one m u s t u n d e r s t a n d the product of the m a n u a l labour of 36 days, by 1 day of field labour 3 days, a n d by 1 day of wood carrying in like m a n n e r three times as m u c h . In all, 42 corvée days. To this h a d to be added the so-called jobagie, service d u e to the lord for extraordinary occasions. In proportion to the size of its p o p u l a t i o n , every village has to furnish annually a definite contingent to the jobagie. This additional corvée is estimated at 14 days for e a c h W a l l a c h i a n peasant. ||222| T h u s the prescribed corvée a m o u n t s to 56 working days yearly. But the agricultural year in Wallachia n u m b e r s in c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e severe climate only 210 days, of which 40 for Sundays and holidays, 30 on an average for b a d weather, together 70 days, do n o t count. 140 working days r e m a i n . T h e ratio of the corvée to the necessary labour % or 66 % % gives a m u c h smaller rate of surplus-value t h a n that which regulates the l a b o u r of the English agricultural or factory labourer. This is, however, only the legally prescribed corvée. A n d in a spirit yet m o r e "liberal" t h a n t h e English Factory Acts, the " R è g l e m e n t organique" has known how to facilitate its own evasion. After it has m a d e 56 days out of 12, the n o m i n a l days work of each of the 56 corvée days is again so arranged that a portion of it m u s t fall on the ensuing day. In one day, e.g., m u s t be weeded an extent of land, which, for this work, especially in m a i z e plantations, n e e d s twice as m u c h t i m e . T h e legal day's work for some kinds of agricultural l a b o u r is interprétable in such a way that the day begins in M a y a n d ends in October. In Moldavia conditions are still harder. "The 12 corvée days of the ' R è g l e m e n t o r g a n i q u e ' cried a Boyard d r u n k with victory, a m o u n t to 365 days in the y e a r . "

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If the R è g l e m e n t organique of the D a n u b i a n provinces was a positive expression of the greed for surplus-labour which every paragraph legalised, the English Factory Acts are the negative expression of the same greed. T h e s e acts curb the passion of capital for a limitless draining of labour- 30 power, by forcibly limiting the working day by state regulations, m a d e by a state that is ruled by capitalist and landlord. A p a r t from the working-class m o v e m e n t t h a t daily grew m o r e threatening, t h e limiting of factory labour was dictated by the same necessity which spread g u a n o over the English fields. T h e same blind eagerness for p l u n d e r t h a t in the o n e case exhausted 35 t h e soil, h a d , in the other, torn up by the roots the living force of the nation. Periodical epidemics speak on this p o i n t as clearly as the d i m i n i s h i n g military standard in G e r m a n y and F r a n c e . 1 52

51

F u r t h e r details are t o b e f o u n d i n E . R e g n a u l t ' s " H i s t o i r e p o l i t i q u e e t sociale des P r i n c i p a u t é s D a n u b i e n n e s Paris, 1855. " I n g e n e r a l a n d within c e r t a i n limits, e x c e e d i n g t h e m e d i u m size o f t h e i r k i n d , i s e v i d e n c e 52

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Chapter Χ • The working-day | 2 2 3 | T h e Factory Act of 1850 now in force (1867) allows for t h e average working-day 10 h o u r s , i.e., for t h e first 5 days 12 h o u r s from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m., i n c l u d i n g ½ an h o u r for breakfast, a n d an h o u r for dinner, a n d t h u s leaving 1 0 ½ working h o u r s , a n d 8 h o u r s for Saturday, from 6 a.m. to 2 p.m., 5

of which Y 2 an h o u r is subtracted for breakfast. 60 working h o u r s are left, 1 0 ½ for e a c h of t h e first 5 days, 7½ for t h e last.

53

C e r t a i n g u a r d i a n s of t h e s e

laws are a p p o i n t e d , Factory Inspectors, directly u n d e r the H o m e Secretary, whose reports are p u b l i s h e d half-yearly, by o r d e r of P a r l i a m e n t . T h e y give regular a n d official statistics of t h e capitalistic greed for surplus-labour. 10

L e t us listen, for a m o m e n t , to t h e Factory I n s p e c t o r s . 5 4 " T h e f r a u d u l e n t millowner begins work a q u a r t e r of an h o u r ( s o m e t i m e s m o r e , s o m e t i m e s less) before 6 a.m., a n d leaves off a q u a r t e r of an h o u r ( s o m e t i m e s m o r e , s o m e t i m e s less) after 6 p . m . He takes 5 m i n u t e s from t h e b e g i n n i n g a n d from the ||224| end of t h e half h o u r n o m i n a l l y allowed for breakfast, a n d

15

10 m i n u t e s at t h e b e g i n n i n g a n d e n d of t h e h o u r n o m i n a l l y allowed for d i n n e r . He works for a q u a r t e r of an h o u r ( s o m e t i m e s m o r e , s o m e t i m e s less) after 2 p.m. on Saturday. T h u s his gain i s —

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of t h e p r o s p e r i t y of o r g a n i c b e i n g s . As to m a n , his b o d i l y h e i g h t lessens if h i s d u e growth is in­ terfered with, e i t h e r b y p h y s i c a l o r social c o n d i t i o n s . I n all E u r o p e a n c o u n t r i e s i n w h i c h t h e c o n s c r i p t i o n h o l d s , since its i n t r o d u c t i o n , t h e m e d i u m h e i g h t o f a d u l t m e n , a n d generally t h e i r fitness for m i l i t a r y service, h a s d i m i n i s h e d . Before t h e r e v o l u t i o n (1789), t h e m i n i m u m for t h e infantry in F r a n c e was 165 c e n t i m e t r e s ; in 1818 (law of M a r c h 10th), 157; by t h e law of 1832, 156 c m . ; o n t h e average i n F r a n c e m o r e t h a n h a l f are rejected o n a c c o u n t o f deficient h e i g h t o r b o d i l y w e a k n e s s . T h e m i l i t a r y s t a n d a r d i n S a x o n y was i n 1780, 178 c m . I t i s n o w 155. I n P r u s s i a i t i t 157. A c c o r d i n g t o t h e s t a t e m e n t o f D r . M e y e r i n t h e B a v a r i a n G a z e t t e , M a y 9th, 1862, t h e result of an average of 9 years is, t h a t in P r u s s i a o u t of 1000 c o n s c r i p t s 716 were u n f i t for m i l i t a r y service, 317 b e c a u s e of deficiency in h e i g h t , a n d 399 b e c a u s e of b o d i l y defects. ... Berlin in 1858 c o u l d n o t p r o v i d e its c o n t i n g e n t of r e c r u i t s ; it was 156 m e n s h o r t . " J . v o n Liebig: " D i e C h e m i e i n i h r e r A n w e n d u n g a u f A g r i k u l t u r u n d Physiologie, 1 8 6 2 , " 7 t h Ed., vol. 1., p p . 117, 118. 53 T h e history o f t h e F a c t o r y A c t o f 1850 will b e f o u n d i n t h e c o u r s e o f this c h a p t e r . 54 I only touch here a n d there on the period from the beginning of m o d e r n industry in Eng­ l a n d t o 1845. F o r this p e r i o d I refer t h e r e a d e r t o " D i e L a g e d e r a r b e i t e n d e n Klasse i n E n g ­ l a n d , v o n F r i e d r i c h Engels, Leipzig, 1 8 4 5 . " H o w c o m p l e t e l y Engels u n d e r s t o o d t h e n a t u r e o f t h e capitalist m o d e o f p r o d u c t i o n i s s h o w n b y t h e F a c t o r y R e p o r t s , R e p o r t s o n M i n e s , etc., t h a t h a v e a p p e a r e d s i n c e 1845, a n d h o w wonderfully h e p a i n t e d t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s i n d e t a i l i s s e e n o n t h e m o s t superficial c o m p a r i s o n o f h i s work w i t h t h e official reports o f t h e C h i l d r e n ' s E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n , p u b l i s h e d 1 8 t o 2 0 years l a t e r ( 1 8 6 3 - 1 8 6 7 ) . T h e s e d e a l especially with t h e b r a n c h e s o f i n d u s t r y i n w h i c h t h e F a c t o r y A c t s h a d n o t , u p t o 1862, b e e n i n t r o d u c e d , i n fact are n o t yet i n t r o d u c e d . H e r e , t h e n , little o r n o a l t e r a t i o n h a d b e e n enforced, b y a u t h o r ­ ity, i n t h e c o n d i t i o n s p a i n t e d b y Engels. I b o r r o w m y e x a m p l e s chiefly from t h e free t r a d e p e ­ riod after 1848, t h a t age of p a r a d i s e , of w h i c h t h e c o m m e r c i a l travellers for t h e g r e a t firm of free t r a d e , b l a t a n t a s i g n o r a n t , tell s u c h f a b u l o u s tales. F o r t h e rest E n g l a n d f i g u r e s h e r e i n t h e f o r e g r o u n d b e c a u s e she i s t h e classic r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f c a p i t a l i s t p r o d u c t i o n , a n d s h e a l o n e h a s a c o n t i n u o u s set of official statistics of t h e t h i n g s we are c o n s i d e r i n g .

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Part Π! · The production of absolute surplus-value Before 6 a.m.,

15 m i n u t e s .

After 6 p.m.,

15»

At breakfast t i m e ,

10 »

At d i n n e r t i m e ,

20 » 60»

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Five days—300 minutes. On S a t u r d a y before 6 a.m.,

15 m i n u t e s .

At breakfast t i m e ,

10 »

After 2 p.m.,

15 » 40 minutes.

T o t a l weekly,

10

340 m i n u t e s .

Or 5 h o u r s a n d 40 m i n u t e s weekly, which m u l t i p l i e d by 50 working weeks in t h e year (allowing two for holidays a n d o c c a s i o n a l stoppages) is equal to 27 working d a y s . " 5 5 "Five m i n u t e s a day's increased work, m u l t i p l i e d by weeks, are e q u a l to

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two a n d a half days of p r o d u c e in the y e a r . " 5 6 " A n a d d i t i o n a l h o u r a day gained by small i n s t a l m e n t s before 6 a.m., af­ ter 6 p.m., a n d at t h e b e g i n n i n g a n d e n d of t h e t i m e s n o m i n a l l y fixed for meals, is nearly equivalent to working 13 m o n t h s in t h e y e a r . " 5 7 Crises during w h i c h p r o d u c t i o n is i n t e r r u p t e d a n d t h e factories work

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"short t i m e , " i.e., for only a part of t h e week, naturally do n o t affect t h e t e n d e n c y to extend t h e working day. T h e less b u s i n e s s there is, t h e m o r e profit h a s to be m a d e on t h e business d o n e . T h e less t i m e s p e n t in work, t h e m o r e of t h a t t i m e has to be t u r n e d i n t o surplus labour-time. | |225| T h u s t h e Factory Inspector's report on t h e period of t h e crisis from

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1857 t o 1858: " I t m a y s e e m i n c o n s i s t e n t t h a t t h e r e s h o u l d be any over-working at a t i m e w h e n trade is so bad; b u t t h a t very b a d n e s s leads to t h e transgression by u n s c r u p u l o u s m e n , they get t h e extra profit of i t . . . . In t h e last half year, (says L e o n a r d H o r n e r ) , 122 mills in my district have b e e n given u p ; 143

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were f o u n d standing," yet, overwork is c o n t i n u e d b e y o n d t h e legal h o u r s . 5 8 " F o r a great part of the t i m e , " says Mr. Howell, "owing to the depression of trade, m a n y factories were altogether closed, a n d a still greater n u m b e r were working 'short t i m e . ' I c o n t i n u e , however, to receive a b o u t t h e u s u a l n u m b e r of c o m p l a i n t s t h a t half, or three-quarters of an h o u r in the day, are

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s n a t c h e d from the workers by e n c r o a c h i n g u p o n t h e t i m e s professedly al­ lowed for rest a n d r e f r e s h m e n t . " 5 9 T h e s a m e p h e n o m e n o n was r e p r o d u c e d 55 Suggestions, e t c . b y M r . L . H o r n e r , I n s p e c t o r o f F a c t o r i e s , i n : F a c t o r i e s R e g u l a t i o n A c t s . Or­ d e r e d b y t h e H o u s e o f C o m m o n s t o b e p r i n t e d , 9 t h A u g u s t , 1859, p . 4 , 5 . 56 57 ss

R e p o r t s of t h e I n s p e c t o r s of F a c t o r i e s for t h e h a l f year, O c t o b e r , 1856, p. 3 5 . R e p o r t s , etc., 3 0 t h April, 1858, p p . 9, 10. R e p o r t s , etc., I.e., p . 10. 5 9 R e p o r t s , etc., I.e., p . 2 5 .

208

40

Chapter Χ • The working-day on a smaller scale during t h e frightful cotton-crisis from 1861 to 1865.

60

"It

is s o m e t i m e s advanced by way of excuse, w h e n persons are found at work in a factory, either at a m e a l h o u r , or at s o m e illegal t i m e , t h a t they will n o t leave t h e m i l l at t h e a p p o i n t e d h o u r , a n d t h a t c o m p u l s i o n is necessary to 5

force t h e m to cease work (cleaning their m a c h i n e r y , etc.), especially on Saturday afternoons. But, if t h e h a n d s r e m a i n in a factory after t h e m a c h i n ­ ery has ceased to revolve ... they would n o t have b e e n so e m p l o y e d if suffi­ cient t i m e h a d b e e n set apart specially for cleaning, etc., either before 6 p.m. [sic!) or before 2 p . m . on S a t u r d a y a f t e r n o o n s . " 6 1 1

10

|226| " T h e profit to be g a i n e d by it (over-working in violation of t h e Act) appears to be, to m a n y , a greater t e m p t a t i o n t h a n they can resist; they cal­ culate u p o n t h e c h a n c e of n o t being f o u n d o u t ; a n d w h e n they see t h e small a m o u n t of penalty a n d costs, w h i c h t h o s e who have b e e n convicted have h a d to pay, they find t h a t if they s h o u l d be d e t e c t e d there will still be a considerable b a l a n c e of g a i n . . . . 6 2 In cases where t h e a d d i t i o n a l t i m e is

15

g a i n e d by a m u l t i p l i c a t i o n of small thefts in t h e course of t h e day, there are insuperable difficulties to t h e inspectors m a k i n g o u t a c a s e . " 6 3 T h e s e "small thefts" of capital from t h e labourer's m e a l a n d r e c r e a t i o n t i m e , t h e factory inspectors also designate as "petty pilferings of m i n u t e s , " 6 4 " s n a t c h i n g a few m i n u t e s , " 6 5 or, as t h e labourers technically called

20

t h e m , "nibbling a n d cribbling a t m e a l t i m e s . " 6 6 60

R e p o r t s , e t c . for t h e half y e a r e n d i n g 3 0 t h April, 1 8 6 1 . S e e A p p e n d i x N o . 2 ; R e p o r t s , etc., 31st O c t o b e r , 1862, p . 7 , 52, 5 3 . T h e v i o l a t i o n s o f t h e A c t s b e c a m e m o r e n u m e r o u s d u r i n g t h e last h a l f y e a r 1863. Cf. R e p o r t s , etc., e n d i n g 31st O c t o b e r , 1863, p. 7. 61 R e p o r t s , etc., O c t o b e r 31st, 1860, p . 2 3 . W i t h w h a t f a n a t i c i s m , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e e v i d e n c e o f m a n u f a c t u r e r s given i n c o u r t s o f law, t h e i r h a n d s set t h e m s e l v e s a g a i n s t every i n t e r r u p t i o n i n factory l a b o u r , t h e following c u r i o u s c i r c u m s t a n c e shows. I n t h e b e g i n n i n g o f J u n e , 1836, in­ f o r m a t i o n r e a c h e d t h e m a g i s t r a t e s of D e w s b u r y (Yorkshire) t h a t t h e owners of 8 large m i l l s in t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d o f Batley h a d v i o l a t e d t h e F a c t o r y A c t s . S o m e o f t h e s e g e n t l e m e n were ac-

25

30

c u s e d of h a v i n g k e p t at work 5 boys b e t w e e n 12 a n d 15 y e a r s of age, f r o m 6 a.m. on F r i d a y to 4 p . m . o n t h e following S a t u r d a y , n o t allowing t h e m a n y r e s p i t e e x c e p t for m e a l s a n d o n e h o u r for sleep a t m i d n i g h t . A n d t h e s e c h i l d r e n h a d t o d o t h i s ceaseless l a b o u r o f 3 0 h o u r s i n t h e " s h o d d y - h o l e , " a s t h e h o l e i s called, i n w h i c h t h e w o o l l e n rags are p u l l e d i n p i e c e s , a n d w h e r e a d e n s e a t m o s p h e r e o f dust, s h r e d s , etc., forces e v e n t h e a d u l t w o r k m a n t o cover h i s m o u t h

35

c o n t i n u a l l y w i t h h a n d k e r c h i e f s for t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f his l u n g s ! T h e a c c u s e d g e n t l e m e n affirm i n lieu o f t a k i n g a n o a t h — a s q u a k e r s t h e y were t o o s c r u p u l o u s l y religious t o t a k e a n o a t h — t h a t t h e y h a d , i n t h e i r great c o m p a s s i o n for t h e u n h a p p y c h i l d r e n , allowed t h e m four h o u r s for sleep, b u t t h e o b s t i n a t e c h i l d r e n a b s o l u t e l y w o u l d n o t g o t o b e d . T h e q u a k e r g e n t l e m e n were m u l c t e d i n £ 2 0 . D r y d e n a n t i c i p a t e d t h e s e gentry:

40

" F o x full fraught in s e e m i n g s a n c t i t y , T h a t feared o a n o a t h , b u t like t h e devil w o u l d lie, T h a t l o o k ' d like L e n t , a n d h a d t h e h o l y leer, A n d d u r s t n o t s i n ! before h e said h i s p r a y e r ! " 62

45

63

R e p . , 31st Oct., 1856, p . 34. I.e., p . 35 . 6 4 I.e., p . 4 8 . 6 5 I.e., p . 4 8 .

66

I.e., p . 4 8 .

209

Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value It is evident that in this atmosphere the formation of surplus-value by surplus-labour, is no secret. '"If you allow m e , ' said a highly respectable m a s t e r to m e , 'to work only ten m i n u t e s in the day over-time, you put o n e t h o u s a n d a year in my p o c k e t . ' " " M o m e n t s are the e l e m e n t s of p r o f i t . " N o t h i n g is from this point of view m o r e characteristic t h a n the designation of t h e workers who work full t i m e as "full-timers," and the children u n d e r 13 who are only allowed to work 6 hours as "half-timers." T h e worker is here n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n personified labour-time. All individual distinctions are merged in those of "full-timers" a n d " h a l f - t i m e r s . " 1 67

68

5

69

|227| Section 3.—Branches of English Industry without Legal Limits to Exploitation.

10

We have hitherto considered the t e n d e n c y to t h e extension of the working day, the were-wolf s h u n g e r for surplus-labour in a d e p a r t m e n t where the m o n s t r o u s exactions, not surpassed, says an English bourgeois economist, by the cruelties of t h e Spaniards to the A m e r i c a n r e d - s k i n s , caused capital at last to be b o u n d by the chains of legal regulations. Now, let us cast a glance at certain branches of p r o d u c t i o n in w h i c h t h e exploitation of lab o u r is either free from fetters to this day, or was so yesterday. Mr. B r o u g h t o n Charlton, county magistrate, declared, as c h a i r m a n of a m e e t i n g held at the Assembly R o o m s , N o t t i n g h a m , on the 14th January, 1860, "that there was an a m o u n t of privation a n d suffering a m o n g that port i o n of the population connected with the lace trade, u n k n o w n in other parts of the kingdom, indeed, in the civilized world ... Children of n i n e or ten years are dragged from their squalid beds at two, three, or four o'clock in the m o r n i n g and compelled to work for a bare subsistence u n t i l ten, eleven, or twelve at night, their limbs wearing away, their frames dwindling, their faces whitening, and their h u m a n i t y absolutely sinking into a stonelike torpor, utterly horrible to c o n t e m p l a t e We are n o t surprised t h a t Mr. Mallett, or any other manufacturer, should stand forward a n d protest against discussion T h e system, as t h e Rev. M o n t a g u Valpy describes it, 70

15

20

25

30

6 7

I.e., p . 4 8 . R e p o r t s o f t h e Irtsp. etc., 30th April, 1860, p . 56. T h i s i s t h e official expression b o t h i n t h e factories a n d i n t h e reports. " T h e cupidity o f mill-owners w h o s e cruelties i n t h e p u r s u i t o f gain have hardly b e e n exceeded by those perpetrated by the Spaniards on the conquest of America in the pursuit of gold." J o h n W a d e , History o f t h e M i d d l e a n d W o r k i n g Classes, 3rd Ed. L o n d o n , 1835, p . 114. T h e t h e o r e t i c a l part of t h i s book, a k i n d of h a n d - b o o k of Political E c o n o m y , is, c o n s i d e r i n g t h e t i m e of its p u b l i c a t i o n , original in s o m e parts, e.g., on c o m m e r c i a l crises. T h e h i s t o r i c a l p a r t is, to a great extent, a s h a m e l e s s plagiarism of Sir F. M. E d e n ' s "History of t h e P o o r , " L o n d o n , 1797. 68

69

70

210

35

40

Chapter Χ • The working-day is o n e of u n m i t i g a t e d slavery, socially, physically, morally, a n d spiritually. .... W h a t can be t h o u g h t of a town w h i c h h o l d s a public m e e t i n g to peti­ t i o n t h a t t h e period of l a b o u r for m e n shall be d i m i n i s h e d to eighteen h o u r s a day? 5

We d e c l a i m against t h e Virginian a n d C a r o l i n i a n cotton-

planters. Is their ||228| black-market, t h e i r lash, a n d their barter of h u m a n flesh m o r e detestable t h a n this slow sacrifice of h u m a n i t y which takes place in order t h a t veils a n d collars m a y be fabricated for the benefit of capitalists?"

71

T h e potteries of Staffordshire have, d u r i n g t h e last 22 years, b e e n t h e 10

subject of three p a r l i a m e n t a r y

inquiries.

T h e result is

embodied

in

Mr. Scriven's R e p o r t of 1841 to t h e " C h i l d r e n ' s E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n ­ ers," in the report of Dr. G r e e n h o w of 1860 p u b l i s h e d by o r d e r of t h e m e d i ­ cal officer of the Privy C o u n c i l (Public H e a l t h , 3rd Report, 102-113), lastly, in t h e report of Mr. Longe of 1863 in t h e "First R e p o r t of t h e Chil­ is

d r e n ' s E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n , o f t h e 15th J u n e , 1863." F o r m y p u r p o s e it is e n o u g h to take, from t h e reports of 1860 a n d 1863, s o m e depositions of t h e exploited children themselves. F r o m the c h i l d r e n we m a y form an opin­ ion as to t h e adults, especially t h e girls a n d w o m e n , a n d t h a t in a b r a n c h of industry by t h e side of w h i c h c o t t o n - s p i n n i n g appears an agreeable a n d

20

healthful o c c u p a t i o n . 7 2 W i l l i a m Wood, 9 years old, was 7 years a n d 10 m o n t h s w h e n he b e g a n to work. He " r a n m o u l d s " (carried r e a d y - m o u l d e d articles i n t o t h e drying r o o m , afterwards bringing back t h e e m p t y m o u l d ) from the beginning. H e c a m e to work every day in t h e week at 6 a.m., a n d left off a b o u t 9 p . m . "I

25

work till 9 o'clock at night six days in t h e week. I have d o n e so seven or eight weeks." Fifteen h o u r s of l a b o u r for a child 7 years old! J. M u r r a y , 12 years of age, says: "I t u r n jigger, a n d r u n m o u l d s . I c o m e at 6. S o m e ­ t i m e s I c o m e at 4 . 1 worked all n i g h t last night, till 6 o'clock this m o r n i n g . I have n o t b e e n in b e d since t h e n i g h t before last. T h e r e were eight or n i n e

30

other boys working last night. All b u t o n e have c o m e t h i s m o r n i n g [...] I get 3 shillings a n d sixpence. I do n o t get any m o r e for working at night. [...] I worked two nights last week." F e r n y h o u g h , a boy o f t e n : "I have [...] n o t always an h o u r (for d i n n e r ) . I have only half an h o u r s o m e t i m e s ; on T h u r s ­ day, Friday, a n d S a t u r d a y . " 7 3 1

35

|229| Dr. G r e e n h o w states t h a t t h e average d u r a t i o n of life in t h e pottery districts of Stoke-on-Trent, a n d W o l s t a n t o n is extraordinarily short. Al­ t h o u g h in the district of Stoke, only 36.6 % a n d in W o l s t a n t o n only 30.4 % of t h e a d u l t m a l e p o p u l a t i o n above 20 are e m p l o y e d in the potteries, 71

40

72 73

" D a i l y T e l e g r a p h , " 1 7 t h J a n u a r y , 1860. C f . F . E n g e l s ' Lage, etc., p . 2 4 9 - 5 1 . C h i l d r e n ' s E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n . F i r s t report, etc., 1863. E v i d e n c e , p. 16, 19, 18.

211

Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value a m o n g t h e m e n of that age in the first district m o r e t h a n half, in the second, nearly % of the whole deaths are the result of p u l m o n a r y diseases a m o n g the potters. Dr. Boothroyd, a m e d i c a l practitioner at Hanley, says: " E a c h successive generation of potters is m o r e dwarfed a n d less robust t h a n the preceding one." In like m a n n e r another doctor, Mr. M ' B e a n : "Since he 5 b e g a n to practise a m o n g the potters 25 years ago, he h a d observed a m a r k e d degeneration especially shown in d i m i n u t i o n of stature a n d b r e a d t h . " These statements are taken from the report of Dr. G r e e n h o w in I860. F r o m the report of the Commissioners in 1863, the following: D r . J . T . A r - 10 ledge, senior physician of the N o r t h Staffordshire Infirmary, says: "The potters as a class, b o t h m e n and women, [...] represent a degenerated p o p u lation, b o t h physically and morally. They are, as a rule, stunted in growth, ill-shaped, a n d frequently ill-formed in the chest; they b e c o m e prematurely old, a n d are certainly short-lived; they are phlegmatic a n d bloodless, and 15 exhibit their debility of constitution by obstinate attacks of dyspepsia, a n d disorders of the liver a n d kidneys, a n d by r h e u m a t i s m . B u t of all diseases they are especially p r o n e to chest-disease, to p n e u m o n i a , phthisis, b r o n c h i tis, a n d asthma. O n e form would appear peculiar to t h e m , a n d is k n o w n as potter's asthma, or potter's c o n s u m p t i o n . Scrofula attacking the glands, or 20 b o n e s , or other parts of the body, is a disease of two-thirds or more of the 74

potters That the 'dégénérescence' of the p o p u l a t i o n of this district is n o t even greater t h a n it is, is d u e to the constant recruiting from the adjacent country, a n d to intermarriages with m o r e healthy r a c e s . " Mr. Charles Parsons, late h o u s e surgeon of the s a m e institution, writes in 25 a letter to C o m m i s s i o n e r Longe, amongst other things: "I can only speak from personal observation a n d n o t from ||230| statistical data, b u t I do n o t hesitate to assert that my indignation has b e e n aroused again a n d again at the sight of poor children whose h e a l t h has b e e n sacrificed to gratify the avarice of either parents or employers." He e n u m e r a t e s the causes of the dis- 30 eases of the potters, a n d s u m s t h e m up in the phrase, "long hours." T h e report of the C o m m i s s i o n trusts that "a m a n u f a c t u r e which has a s s u m e d so p r o m i n e n t a place in the whole world, will n o t long be subject to the rem a r k t h a t its great success is a c c o m p a n i e d with the physical deterioration, wide-spread bodily suffering, and early d e a t h of t h e workpeople .. by whose 35 l a b o u r a n d skill such great results have b e e n a c h i e v e d . " A n d all that h o l d s of the potteries in England is true of those in S c o t l a n d . 75

76

77

74

75

76

77

P u b l i c H e a l t h , 3rd report, etc., p . 102, 104, 105. Child. E m p i . C o m m . 1. R e p o r t , p. X. C h i l d r e n ' s E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n , p . 22, a n d X I . I.e. p.XLVTI.

212

40

Chapter Χ • The working-day T h e m a n u f a c t u r e of lucifer m a t c h e s d a t e s from 1833, from t h e discovery of t h e m e t h o d of applying p h o s p h o r u s to t h e m a t c h itself. Since 1845 this m a n u f a c t u r e h a s rapidly developed in E n g l a n d , a n d has e x t e n d e d espe­ cially a m o n g s t t h e thickly p o p u l a t e d parts of L o n d o n as well as in M a n 5

ehester, B i r m i n g h a m , Liverpool, Bristol, Norwich, Newcastle a n d Glasgow. W i t h it has spread t h e form of lockjaw, w h i c h a V i e n n a physician in 1845 discovered to be a disease p e c u l i a r to lucifer-matchmakers. Half t h e work­ ers are children u n d e r thirteen, a n d y o u n g persons u n d e r eighteen. T h e m a n u f a c t u r e is on a c c o u n t of its u n h e a l t h i n e s s a n d u n p l e a s a n t n e s s in s u c h

10

b a d o d o u r t h a t only t h e m o s t miserable part of t h e labouring class, halfstarved widows a n d so forth, deliver up t h e i r c h i l d r e n to it, " t h e ragged, half-starved, u n t a u g h t c h i l d r e n . " 7 8 Of t h e witnesses t h a t C o m m i s s i o n e r W h i t e e x a m i n e d (1863), 270 were u n d e r 18, 40 u n d e r 10, 10 only 8, a n d 5 only 6 years old. A range of t h e

15

working day from 12 to 14 or 15 h o u r s , night-labour, irregular m e a l t i m e s , m e a l s for t h e m o s t part t a k e n in t h e very w o r k r o o m s t h a t are pestilent with p h o s p h o r u s . D a n t e would have f o u n d t h e worst horrors of his I n f e r n o sur­ passed in this m a n u f a c t u r e . In t h e m a n u f a c t u r e of paper-hangings t h e coarser sorts are p r i n t e d by

20

m a c h i n e ; t h e finer b y h a n d (block-printing). T h e | | 2 3 1 | m o s t active busi­ ness m o n t h s are from t h e b e g i n n i n g of O c t o b e r to t h e e n d of April. D u r i n g this t i m e the work goes on fast a n d furious without i n t e r m i s s i o n from 6 a.m. to 10 p . m . or further i n t o t h e night. J. L e a c h deposes: "Last winter six o u t of n i n e t e e n girls were away from

25

ill-health at o n e t i m e from over-work. [...] I have to bawl at t h e m to k e e p t h e m awake." W.Duffy: " I have seen w h e n t h e c h i l d r e n could n o n e o f t h e m keep their eyes o p e n for t h e work; i n d e e d , n o n e of us could." J. Lightb o u r n e : " A m 13 ... We worked last winter till 9 (evening), [...] a n d t h e win­ ter before till 10. I u s e d to cry with sore feet every n i g h t last winter."

30

G. A s p d e n : " T h a t boy of m i n e ... w h e n he was 7 years old I u s e d to carry h i m on my back to a n d fro t h r o u g h t h e snow, a n d he u s e d to have 16 h o u r s a day ... I have often knelt down to feed h i m as he stood by t h e m a c h i n e , for he could n o t leave it or stop." S m i t h , t h e m a n a g i n g p a r t n e r of a M a n ­ chester factory: "We (he m e a n s his " h a n d s " w h o work for "us") work on,

35

with no stoppage for m e a l s , so t h a t t h e day's work of 10½ h o u r s is finished by 4.30p.m., a n d all after t h a t is o v e r t i m e . " 7 9 (Does this M r . S m i t h take no 78

I.e. p . L I V . This is not to be taken in the same as our surplus-labour time. These gentlemen consider 10½ h o u r s o f l a b o u r a s t h e n o r m a l w o r k i n g day, w h i c h i n c l u d e s o f c o u r s e t h e n o r m a l s u r p l u s l a b o u r . After t h i s b e g i n s " o v e r t i m e " w h i c h is p a i d a little b e t t e r . It will be s e e n l a t e r t h a t t h e l a b o u r e x p e n d e d d u r i n g t h e so-called n o r m a l day i s p a i d below its value, s o t h a t t h e o v e r t i m e 79

40

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Part III • T h e p r o d u c t i o n of a b s o l u t e s u r p l u s - v a l u e

m e a l s himself during 10½ hours?) "We (this s a m e Smith) s e l d o m leave off working before 6 p.m. (he m e a n s leave off the c o n s u m p t i o n of O u r ' labourpower m a c h i n e s ) , so that we (iterum Crispinus) are really working overtime the whole year r o u n d F o r all these, children a n d adults alike (152 children a n d young persons a n d 140 adults), the average work for t h e last 18 m o n t h s has b e e n at the very least 7 days, 5 h o u r s , or 78½ h o u r s a week. F o r the six weeks ending M a y 2 n d this year (1862), the average was h i g h e r — 8 days or 84 h o u r s a week." Still this s a m e Mr. Smith, who is so extremely devoted to the pluralis majestatis, adds with a smile, " M a c h i n e work is n o t great." So the employers in the block-printing ||232| say: " H a n d lab o u r is m o r e healthy t h a n machine-work." On the whole, manufacturers declare with indignation against the proposal "to stop the m a c h i n e s at least during m e a l times." "A clause", says Mr. Ottley, m a n a g e r of a wall-paper factory in the Borough, "which allowed work between, say 6 a.m. a n d 9 p . m . ... would suit us (!) very well, b u t the factory h o u r s , 6 a.m. to 6 p.m., are not suitable. [...] Our m a c h i n e is always stopped for dinner. (What generosity!) T h e r e is no waste of paper and colour to speak of." But, he adds sympathetically, "I can u n d e r s t a n d the loss of t i m e n o t being liked." T h e report of the Commission opines with naïveté that the fear of s o m e "leading firms" of losing t i m e , i.e., the t i m e for appropriating the labour of others, a n d t h e n c e losing profit is n o t a sufficient reason for allowing child r e n u n d e r 13, and y o u n g persons u n d e r 18, working 12 to 16 h o u r s per day, to lose their dinner, n o r for giving it to t h e m as coal a n d water are supplied to t h e steam-engine, soap to wool, oil to the w h e e l — a s merely auxiliary m a t e r i a l to the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, during the process of p r o d u c t i o n itself.

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No b r a n c h of industry in England (we do n o t take into a c c o u n t t h e m a k ing of bread by m a c h i n e r y recently introduced) has preserved up to the present day a m e t h o d of p r o d u c t i o n so archaic, so—as we see from t h e p o ets of the R o m a n Empire—pre-christian, as baking. But capital, as was said earlier, is at first indifferent as to the technical character of the labour-process; it begins by taking it just as it finds it. T h e incredible adulteration of bread, especially in L o n d o n , was first revealed by the H o u s e of C o m m o n s C o m m i t t e e "on the adulteration of articles of food" ( 1 8 5 5 - 5 6 ) , a n d Dr.Hassall's work, "Adulterations d e t e c t e d . " T h e c o n s e q u e n c e of these revelations was the Act of A u g u s t 6th, 1860, "for 81

is s i m p l y a capitalist trick in o r d e r to extort m o r e s u r p l u s - l a b o u r , w h i c h it w o u l d still b e , e v e n i f t h e l a b o u r - p o w e r e x p e n d e d d u r i n g t h e n o r m a l working d a y were properly paid. I.e. E v i d e n c e , p . 1 2 3 , 124, 125, 140, a n d 54. A l u m f i n e l y p o w d e r e d , o r m i x e d with salt, i s a n o r m a l article o f c o m m e r c e b e a r i n g t h e significant n a m e of " b a k e r s ' stuff."

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Chapter Χ · The working-day preventing t h e a d u l t e r a t i o n of articles of food a n d drink," an inoperative law, as it naturally shows t h e t e n d e r e s t c o n s i d e r a t i o n for every free-trader who d e t e r m i n e s by t h e buying or selling of a d u l t e r a t e d c o m m o d i t i e s " t o turn an honest penny." 5

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| | 2 3 3 | T h e C o m m i t t e e itself formulated m o r e o r

less naively its conviction t h a t free-trade m e a n t essentially t r a d e with adul­ terated, or as t h e English ingeniously p u t it, " s o p h i s t i c a t e d " goods. In fact this kind of sophistry knows b e t t e r t h a n Protagoras how to m a k e white black, a n d black white, a n d better t h a n t h e Eleatics how to d e m o n s t r a t e ad oculos t h a t everything is only a p p e a r a n c e . 8 3

10

At all events t h e c o m m i t t e e h a d d i r e c t e d t h e a t t e n t i o n of t h e p u b l i c to its "daily bread," a n d therefore to t h e b a k i n g t r a d e . At t h e s a m e t i m e in public m e e t i n g s a n d in petitions to P a r l i a m e n t rose t h e cry of t h e L o n d o n j o u r n e y m e n bakers against their over-work, etc. T h e cry was so u r g e n t t h a t Mr. H. S . T r e m e n h e e r e , also a m e m b e r of t h e C o m m i s s i o n of 1863 several

15

t i m e s m e n t i o n e d , was a p p o i n t e d R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n e r of I n q u i r y . H i s re­ port, 8 4 together with t h e evidence given, r o u s e d n o t t h e h e a r t of t h e p u b l i c b u t its s t o m a c h . E n g l i s h m e n , always well up in t h e Bible, knew well e n o u g h t h a t m a n , u n l e s s by elective grace a capitalist, or landlord, or sinecurist, is c o m m a n d e d to eat his b r e a d in t h e sweat of his brow, b u t they did

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n o t know t h a t he h a d to eat daily in his b r e a d a certain q u a n t i t y of h u m a n perspiration m i x e d with t h e discharge of abcesses, cobwebs, d e a d blackbeetles, a n d putrid G e r m a n yeast, w i t h o u t c o u n t i n g alum, sand, a n d o t h e r agreeable m i n e r a l ingredients. W i t h o u t any regard to his holiness, F r e e trade, t h e free baking-trade was therefore placed u n d e r t h e supervision |

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|234| of t h e State inspectors (Close of t h e P a r l i a m e n t a r y session of 1863), a n d by t h e s a m e A c t of P a r l i a m e n t , work from 9 in t h e evening to 5 in t h e m o r n i n g was forbidden for j o u r n e y m e n bakers u n d e r 18. T h e last clause speaks v o l u m e s as to t h e over-work in this old-fashioned, h o m e l y line of business.

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82 S o o t is a well-known a n d very e n e r g e t i c f o r m of c a r b o n , a n d f o r m s a m a n u r e t h a t capitalis­ tic c h i m n e y - s w e e p s sell t o E n g l i s h f a r m e r s . N o w i n 1862 t h e B r i t i s h j u r y m a n h a d i n a law-suit t o d e c i d e w h e t h e r soot, w i t h w h i c h , u n k n o w n t o t h e b u y e r , 9 0 % o f d u s t a n d s a n d a r e m i x e d , i s g e n u i n e s o o t i n t h e c o m m e r c i a l s e n s e o r a d u l t e r a t e d s o o t i n t h e legal s e n s e . T h e " a m i s d u c o m m e r c e " d e c i d e d i t t o b e g e n u i n e c o m m e r c i a l soot, a n d n o n - s u i t e d t h e plaintiff farmer,

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w h o h a d i n a d d i t i o n t o p a y t h e costs o f t h e suit. T h e F r e n c h c h e m i s t , Chevallier, i n h i s t r e a t i s e o n t h e " s o p h i s t i c a t i o n s " o f c o m m o d i t i e s , e n u m e r a t e s for m a n y o f t h e 600 o r m o r e articles w h i c h h e passes i n review, 1 0 , 2 0 , 3 0 different m e t h o d s o f a d u l t e r a t i o n . H e a d d s t h a t h e d o e s n o t k n o w all t h e m e t h o d s , a n d d o e s n o t m e n ­ t i o n all t h a t he k n o w s . He gives 6 k i n d s of a d u l t e r a t i o n of sugar, 9 of olive oil, 10 of b u t t e r , 12 83

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of salt, 19 of milk, 20 of b r e a d , 23 of b r a n d y , 24 of m e a l , 28 of c h o c o l a t e , 30 of w i n e , 32 of cof­ fee, etc. E v e n G o d A l m i g h t y d o e s n o t e s c a p e t h i s fate. S e e R o u a r d d e Card, o n t h e falsifica­ t i o n s of t h e m a t e r i a l s of t h e S a c r a m e n t . ( D e la falsification des s u b s t a n c e s s a c r a m e n t e l l e s , Pa­ ris, 1856.) 84

45

" R e p o r t , etc., r e l a t i n g t o t h e g r i e v a n c e s c o m p l a i n e d o f b y t h e j o u r n e y m e n b a k e r s , etc., L o n d o n , 1862," a n d " S e c o n d R e p o r t , etc., L o n d o n , 1 8 6 3 . "

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value " T h e work of a L o n d o n j o u r n e y m a n baker begins, as a rule, at a b o u t eleven at night. At that h o u r he 'makes the d o u g h , ' — a laborious process, which lasts from half-an-hour to three quarters of an hour, according to the size of t h e b a t c h or the labour bestowed u p o n it. He t h e n lies down u p o n t h e kneading-board, which is also the covering of the t r o u g h in which the d o u g h is ' m a d e ; ' a n d with a sack u n d e r h i m , a n d a n o t h e r rolled up as a pillow, he sleeps for a b o u t a couple of h o u r s . He is t h e n engaged in a rapid a n d c o n t i n u o u s labour for about five hours—throwing o u t t h e dough, 'scaling it off,' m o u l d i n g it, putting it into the oven, preparing a n d baking rolls a n d fancy bread, taking the b a t c h bread out of the oven, and up into the shop, etc., etc. T h e t e m p e r a t u r e of a b a k e h o u s e ranges from a b o u t 75 to u p wards of 90 degrees, and in the smaller b a k e h o u s e s approximates usually to the higher rather t h a n to the lower degree of heat. W h e n the business of m a k i n g the bread, rolls, etc., is over, that of its distribution begins, and a considerable proportion of the j o u r n e y m e n in the trade, after working hard in the m a n n e r described during the night, are u p o n their legs for m a n y h o u r s during the day, carrying baskets, or wheeling h a n d - c a r t s , and somet i m e s again in the bakehouse, leaving off work at various h o u r s between 1 and 6 p.m. according to the season of the year, or the a m o u n t a n d n a t u r e of their master's business; while others are again engaged in the b a k e h o u s e in 'bringing out' m o r e batches until late in the a f t e r n o o n . ... D u r i n g what is called 'the L o n d o n season,' the operatives belonging to the 'full-priced' bakers at the West E n d of the town, generally begin work at 11 p.m., a n d are engaged in m a k i n g the bread, with o n e or two short (sometimes very short) intervals of rest, up to 8 o'clock the n e x t m o r n i n g . [...] They are t h e n engaged all day long, up to 4, 5, 6, a n d as late as 7 o'clock in the evening carrying out bread, or sometimes in ||235| the afternoon in the b a k e h o u s e again, assisting in the biscuit-baking. They m a y have, after they have d o n e their work, sometimes five or six, s o m e t i m e s only four or five h o u r s ' sleep before they begin again. On Fridays they always begin sooner, some a b o u t ten o'clock, a n d c o n t i n u e in some cases, at work, either in m a k i n g or delivering the bread up to 8 p.m. on Saturday night, b u t m o r e generally up to 4 or 5 o'clock, Sunday m o r n i n g . On Sundays the m e n m u s t attend twice or three t i m e s during the day for an h o u r or two to m a k e preparations for the

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n e x t day's bread T h e m e n employed by the underselling masters (who 35 sell their bread u n d e r the 'full price,' and who, as already pointed out, comprise three-fourths of the L o n d o n bakers) have n o t only to work on the average longer hours, b u t their work is almost entirely confined to the bakeh o u s e . T h e underselling masters generally sell their bread. ... in the shop. 85

I.e. First R e p o r t , etc., pp. VI, VII

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Chapter Χ • The working-day If they send it out, w h i c h is n o t c o m m o n , except as supplying c h a n d l e r s ' shops, they usually employ o t h e r h a n d s for t h a t purpose. It is n o t their practice to deliver bread from h o u s e to h o u s e . Towards t h e e n d of t h e week 5

t h e m e n begin o n T h u r s d a y n i g h t a t 1 0 o'clock, a n d c o n t i n u e o n

with only slight i n t e r m i s s i o n u n t i l late on S a t u r d a y e v e n i n g . "

86

Even t h e bourgeois intellect u n d e r s t a n d s t h e p o s i t i o n of the "undersell­ i n g " masters. " T h e u n p a i d l a b o u r o f t h e m e n was m a d e the source whereby t h e c o m p e t i t i o n was carried o n . "

87

A n d t h e "full-priced" baker d e n o u n c e s

his underselling competitors to t h e C o m m i s s i o n of I n q u i r y as thieves of 10

foreign l a b o u r a n d adulterators. " T h e y only exist now by first defrauding t h e public, a n d n e x t getting 18 h o u r s ' work o u t of t h e i r m e n for 12 h o u r s ' wages."88 T h e a d u l t e r a t i o n of b r e a d a n d t h e f o r m a t i o n of a class of bakers t h a t sells the bread below t h e full price, date from t h e b e g i n n i n g of the 18th

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century, from the t i m e w h e n t h e corporate c h a r a c t e r of t h e trade was lost, a n d the capitalist in t h e form of t h e miller or flour-factor, rises b e h i n d t h e n o m i n a l m a s t e r baker. 8 9 T h u s was laid t h e f o u n d a t i o n of capitalistic | |236| p r o d u c t i o n in this trade, of t h e u n l i m i t e d extension of the working day a n d of n i g h t labour, a l t h o u g h t h e latter only since 1824 g a i n e d a seri-

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ous footing, even in L o n d o n . 9 0 After what h a s just b e e n said, it will be u n d e r s t o o d t h a t t h e R e p o r t of t h e C o m m i s s i o n classes j o u r n e y m e n bakers a m o n g t h e short-lived labourers, who, having by good luck escaped t h e n o r m a l d e c i m a t i o n of the c h i l d r e n of t h e working-class, rarely r e a c h t h e age of 42. Nevertheless, t h e baking t r a d e

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is always overwhelmed with applicants. T h e sources of t h e supply of t h e s e labour-powers to L o n d o n are Scotland, t h e western agricultural districts of England, a n d G e r m a n y . I n the years 1858-60, t h e j o u r n e y m e n bakers i n I r e l a n d organised a t their own expense great m e e t i n g s to agitate against n i g h t a n d S u n d a y work.

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T h e public—e.g., at the D u b l i n m e e t i n g in May, 1 8 6 0 — t o o k their part with Irish warmth. As result of t h i s m o v e m e n t , day l a b o u r a l o n e was success­ fully established in Wexford, Kilkenny, C l o n m e l , Waterford, etc. " I n L i m e 86

I.e. p . L X X I . G e o r g e R e a d , T h e H i s t o r y o f B a k i n g , L o n d o n , 1848, p . 16. 88 R e p o r t (First) e t c . E v i d e n c e o f t h e "full-priced" b a k e r C h e e s m a n , p . 108. 89 G e o r g e R e a d , I.e. A t t h e e n d o f t h e 1 7 t h a n d t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e 18th c e n t u r i e s t h e factors (agents) t h a t crowded i n t o every p o s s i b l e t r a d e were still d e n o u n c e d a s " p u b l i c n u i s a n c e s . " T h u s t h e G r a n d J u r y a t t h e q u a r t e r session o f t h e J u s t i c e s o f t h e P e a c e for t h e C o u n t y o f S o m e r s e t , a d d r e s s e d a p r e s e n t m e n t t o t h e L o w e r H o u s e which, a m o n g o t h e r t h i n g s , states, 87

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" t h a t t h e s e factors of Black well H a l l are a P u b l i c N u i s a n c e a n d P r e j u d i c e to t h e C l o t h i n g T r a d e , a n d o u g h t t o b e p u t d o w n a s a N u i s a n c e . " T h e case o f o u r E n g l i s h W o o l , etc., L o n d o n , 1685, p . 7. 90

First R e p o r t , etc.

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value rick, where the grievances of the j o u r n e y m e n are d e m o n s t r a t e d to be excessive, the m o v e m e n t has b e e n defeated by the opposition of the m a s t e r bakers, the miller bakers being the greatest o p p o n e n t s . T h e example of Limerick led to a retrogression in E n n i s a n d Tipperary. In Cork, where the strongest possible d e m o n s t r a t i o n of feeling took place, the masters, by ex5 ercising their power of turning the m e n o u t of e m p l o y m e n t , have defeated the m o v e m e n t . In Dublin, the master bakers have offered the m o s t determ i n e d opposition to the m o v e m e n t , and by d i s c o u n t e n a n c i n g as m u c h as possible the j o u r n e y m e n promoting it, have succeeded in leading t h e m e n into acquiescence in Sunday work a n d night work, contrary to the convie- 10 tions of the m e n . " 9 1

T h e C o m m i t t e e of the English G o v e r n m e n t , which G o v e r n m e n t , in Ireland, is a r m e d to the teeth, and generally knows how to show it, r e m o n strates in mild, t h o u g h funereal, tones ||237| with the implacable m a s t e r bakers of D u b l i n , Limerick, Cork, etc.: " T h e C o m m i t t e e believe that the h o u r s of labour are limited by n a t u r a l laws, which c a n n o t be violated with i m p u n i t y . [...] T h a t for m a s t e r bakers to i n d u c e their w o r k m e n , by t h e fear of losing e m p l o y m e n t , to violate their religious convictions a n d their better feelings, to disobey the laws of the land, a n d to disregard public o p i n i o n (this all refers to Sunday labour), is calculated to provoke ill-feeling between w o r k m e n a n d masters, ... and affords an e x a m p l e dangerous to religion, morality, and social order. ... T h e C o m m i t t e e believe that [...] any c o n s t a n t work beyond 12 h o u r s a-day encroaches on t h e d o m e s t i c a n d private life of the working m a n , a n d so leads to disastrous m o r a l results, interfering with each m a n ' s h o m e , and the discharge of his family duties as a son, a brother, a h u s b a n d , a father. T h a t work b e y o n d 12 h o u r s has a tendency to u n d e r m i n e the h e a l t h of the working m a n , a n d so leads to premature old age a n d death, to the great injury of families of working m e n , thus deprived of the care a n d support of the h e a d of the family w h e n m o s t required." 92

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So far, we have dealt with Ireland. On the other side of the c h a n n e l , in Scotland, the agricultural labourer, the p l o u g h m a n , protests against his 13-14 h o u r s ' work in the most i n c l e m e n t climate, with 4 h o u r s ' additional work on Sunday (in this land of Sabbatarians!), whilst, at the s a m e t i m e , 93

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R e p o r t o f C o m m i t t e e o n t h e Baking T r a d e i n I r e l a n d for 1 8 6 1 . I.e. P u b l i c m e e t i n g o f agricultural labourers a t Lasswade, n e a r E d i n b u r g h , J a n u a r y 5th, 1866. (See " W o r k m a n ' s A d v o c a t e , " J a n u a r y 13th, 1866.) T h e f o r m a t i o n s i n c e t h e close of 1865 of a T r a d e s ' U n i o n a m o n g t h e agricultural labourers at first in S c o t l a n d is a historic event. In o n e o f t h e m o s t oppressed agricultural districts o f E n g l a n d , B u c k i n g h a m s h i r e , t h e l a b o u r e r s , i n M a r c h , 1867, m a d e a great strike for the raising of t h e i r weekly wage from 9 - 1 0 shillings to 12 shillings. (It will be seen from t h e p r e c e d i n g passage t h a t t h e m o v e m e n t of t h e E n g l i s h agri-

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Chapter Χ • The working-day

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three railway m e n are standing before a L o n d o n coroner's j u r y — a guard, an engine-driver, a signalman. A t r e m e n d o u s railway a c c i d e n t h a s h u r r i e d h u n d r e d s of passengers i n t o a n o t h e r world. T h e negligence of t h e employés is t h e cause of t h e ||238| misfortune. T h e y declare with one voice before the jury that t e n or twelve years before, their l a b o u r only lasted eight h o u r s aday. D u r i n g t h e last five or six years it h a d b e e n screwed up to 14, 18, a n d 20 hours, a n d u n d e r a specially severe pressure of holiday-makers, at t i m e s of excursion trains, it often lasted for 40 or 50 h o u r s without a break. They were ordinary m e n , n o t Cyclops. At a certain p o i n t their labour-power failed. Torpor seized t h e m . Their b r a i n ceased to think, their eyes to see. T h e thoroughly "respectable" British j u r y m e n answered by a verdict that sent t h e m to t h e next assizes on a charge of m a n s l a u g h t e r , and, in a gentle "rider" to their verdict, expressed t h e pious h o p e that t h e capitalistic m a g n a t e s of t h e railways would, in future, be m o r e extravagant in t h e purchase of a sufficient quantity of labour-power, and m o r e "abstemious," m o r e "self-denying," m o r e "thrifty," in t h e draining of paid labourpower. 94

F r o m t h e motley crowd of labourers of all callings, ages, sexes, that press on us m o r e busily t h a n the souls of the slain on Ulysses, on w h o m — w i t h 20

out referring to t h e b l u e books u n d e r their a r m s — w e see at a glance t h e m a r k of over-work, let us take two m o r e figures whose striking contrast proves that before capital all m e n are alike—a milliner and a blacksmith. | |239| In the last week of J u n e , 1863, all the L o n d o n daily papers p u b -

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c u l t u r a l proletariat, entirely c r u s h e d s i n c e t h e s u p p r e s s i o n of its violent m a n i f e s t a t i o n s after 1830, a n d especially since t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of t h e n e w P o o r Laws, b e g i n s again in t h e sixties, u n t i l i t b e c o m e s finally e p o c h - m a k i n g i n 1 8 7 2 . 1 r e t u r n t o t h i s i n t h e 2 n d v o l u m e , a s well a s t o t h e b l u e b o o k s t h a t h a v e a p p e a r e d s i n c e 1867 o n t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e E n g l i s h l a n d l a b o u r e r s . A d d e n d u m t o t h e 3rd ed.) " R e y n o l d s ' s N e w s p a p e r , " J a n u a r y , 1 8 6 6 . — E v e r y week t h i s s a m e p a p e r h a s , u n d e r t h e s e n s a t i o n a l h e a d i n g s , "Fearful a n d fatal a c c i d e n t s , " " A p p a l l i n g tragedies," etc., a whole list of fresh railway c a t a s t r o p h e s . O n t h e s e a n e m p l o y é o n t h e N o r t h Staffordshire line c o m m e n t s : "Everyone k n o w s t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s t h a t m a y o c c u r if t h e driver a n d f i r e m a n of a l o c o m o t i v e e n g i n e are n o t c o n t i n u a l l y o n t h e l o o k - o u t . H o w c a n t h a t b e e x p e c t e d from a m a n who h a s b e e n at s u c h work for 29 or 30 h o u r s , e x p o s e d to t h e w e a t h e r , a n d w i t h o u t rest. T h e following 94

30

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is an e x a m p l e w h i c h is of very f r e q u e n t o c c u r r e n c e : — O n e f i r e m a n c o m m e n c e d work on t h e M o n d a y m o r n i n g at a very early h o u r . W h e n he h a d finished w h a t is called a day's work, he h a d b e e n o n d u t y 1 4 h o u r s 5 0 m i n u t e s . Before h e h a d t i m e t o get h i s tea, h e was a g a i n called o n for duty. ... T h e n e x t t i m e h e finished h e h a d b e e n o n d u t y 1 4 h o u r s 2 5 m i n u t e s , m a k i n g a t o t a l o f 2 9 h o u r s 1 5 m i n u t e s w i t h o u t i n t e r m i s s i o n . T h e rest o f t h e week's work was m a d e u p a s

40

follows:—Wednesday, 15 h o u r s ; T h u r s d a y , 15 h o u r s 35 m i n u t e s ; Friday, 14½ h o u r s ; S a t u r d a y , 14 h o u r s 10 m i n u t e s , m a k i n g a t o t a l for t h e week of 88 h o u r s 40 m i n u t e s . N o w , sir, fancy h i s a s t o n i s h m e n t on b e i n g p a i d 6% days for t h e w h o l e . T h i n k i n g it was a m i s t a k e , he applied to t h e t i m e - k e e p e r . ... a n d [...] i n q u i r e d w h a t t h e y c o n s i d e r e d a day's work, a n d was told 13 h o u r s for a goods m a n [i.e., 78 h o u r s ) . ... H e t h e n asked for w h a t h e h a d m a d e over a n d above t h e 78 h o u r s per week, b u t was refused. However, he was at last told they w o u l d give h i m a n o t h e r quarter, i.e., lOd." I.e., 4 t h F e b r u a r y , 1866.

45

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value lished a paragraph with the "sensational" h e a d i n g , " D e a t h from simple over-work." It dealt with the d e a t h of the milliner, M a r y A n n e Walkley, 20 years of age, employed in a highly-respectable dressmaking establishm e n t , exploited by a lady with the pleasant n a m e of Elise. T h e old, oftentold story, was o n c e m o r e r e c o u n t e d . This girl worked, on an average, 16 y hours, during the season often 30 h o u r s , without a break, whilst h e r failing labour-power was revived by occasional supplies of sherry, port, or coffee. It was just now the height of the season. It was necessary to conjure up in the twinkling of an eye the gorgeous dresses for the noble ladies bidd e n to the ball in h o n o u r of the newly-imported Princess of Wales. Mary A n n e Walkley h a d worked without intermission for 2 6 ½ h o u r s , with 60 other girls, 30 in one room, t h a t only afforded % of the cubic feet of air required for t h e m . At night, they slept in pairs in one of the stifling holes into which the b e d r o o m was divided by partitions of b o a r d . A n d this was o n e of the best millinery establishments in L o n d o n . Mary A n n e Walkley fell ill on the Friday, died on Sunday, without, to the a s t o n i s h m e n t of M a d a m e Elise, having previously completed the work in h a n d . T h e doctor, Mr. Keys, called too late to the death||240|bed, duly b o r e witness before the coroner's jury that "Mary A n n e Walkley h a d died from long h o u r s of work in an over-crowded workroom, a n d a too small a n d badly-ventilated bedr o o m . " In order to give the doctor a lesson in good m a n n e r s , the coroner's j u r y t h e r e u p o n brought in a verdict t h a t "the deceased h a d died of apoplexy, b u t there was reason to fear that h e r d e a t h h a d b e e n accelerated by over-work in an over-crowded workroom, etc." " O u r white slaves," cried the " M o r n i n g Star," the organ of the free-traders, C o b d e n a n d Bright, "our 95

5

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96

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Cf. F . E n g e l s . I.e., p p . 2 5 3 , 254. Dr. L e t h e b y , C o n s u l t i n g P h y s i c i a n o f t h e B o a r d o f H e a l t h , d e c l a r e d : " T h e m i n i n u m o f air for e a c h a d u l t o u g h t to be in a sleeping r o o m 300, a n d in a dwelling r o o m 500 c u b i c feet," Dr. R i c h a r d s o n , Senior P h y s i c i a n t o o n e o f t h e L o n d o n H o s p i t a l s : " W i t h n e e d l e w o m e n o f all k i n d s , i n c l u d i n g m i l l i n e r s , d r e s s m a k e r s , a n d o r d i n a r y sempstresses, t h e r e are t h r e e m i s e r i e s — over-work, deficient air, a n d either deficient food or deficient digestion. ... N e e d l e w o r k , in t h e m a i n , ... i s infinitely b e t t e r a d a p t e d t o w o m e n t h a n t o m e n . B u t t h e m i s c h i e f s o f t h e t r a d e , in t h e m e t r o p o l i s especially, are t h a t it is m o n o p o l i s e d by s o m e twenty-six capitalists, w h o , u n d e r t h e a d v a n t a g e s t h a t spring from capital, c a n b r i n g i n c a p i t a l t o force e c o n o m y o u t o f lab o u r . T h i s power tells t h r o u g h o u t t h e whole class. If a d r e s s m a k e r c a n get a little circle of e u s t o m e r s , s u c h i s t h e c o m p e t i t i o n that, i n h e r h o m e , she m u s t work t o t h e d e a t h t o h o l d together, a n d this s a m e over-work she m u s t of necessity inflict on a n y w h o m a y assist her. If s h e fail, or do n o t try i n d e p e n d e n t l y , s h e m u s t j o i n as e s t a b l i s h m e n t , where h e r l a b o u r is n o t less, b u t w h e r e h e r m o n e y is safe. Placed t h u s , s h e b e c o m e s a m e r e slave, t o s s e d a b o u t with t h e variations of society. N o w at h o m e , in o n e r o o m , starving, or n e a r to it, t h e n e n g a g e d 15, 16, aye, e v e n 18 h o u r s o u t of t h e 24, in an air t h a t is scarcely tolerable, a n d on food which, even if it b e good, c a n n o t b e digested i n t h e a b s e n c e o f p u r e air. O n t h e s e v i c t i m s , c o n s u m p t i o n , w h i c h is purely a disease of b a d air, feeds." Dr. R i c h a r d s o n : " W o r k a n d Overwork," in "Social S c i e n c e Review," 18th July, 1863. 96

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Chapter Χ • The working-day white slaves, who are toiled i n t o t h e grave, for t h e m o s t part silently p i n e and die."

97

" I t is n o t in dressmakers' r o o m s t h a t working to d e a t h is t h e order of t h e day, b u t in a t h o u s a n d o t h e r places; in every p l a c e I h a d almost said, where 5

'a thriving b u s i n e s s ' has to be d o n e . ... We will t a k e t h e b l a c k s m i t h as a type. If t h e poets were true, t h e r e is no m a n so hearty, so merry, as t h e b l a c k s m i t h ; he rises early a n d strikes his sparks before t h e sun; he eats a n d drinks a n d sleeps as no o t h e r m a n . W o r k i n g in m o d e r a t i o n , he is, in fact, in o n e of t h e best of h u m a n positions, physically speaking. B u t we follow h i m

10

i n t o t h e city or town, a n d we see t h e stress of work on t h a t strong m a n , a n d what t h e n is his position in t h e death-rate of his country. In M a r y l e b o n e , blacksmiths die at t h e rate of 31 per t h o u s a n d per a n n u m , or 11 above t h e m e a n of t h e m a l e adults of t h e country in its entirety. T h e o c c u p a t i o n , in­ stinctive | | 2 4 1 | almost as a p o r t i o n of h u m a n art, u n o b j e c t i o n a b l e as a

15

b r a n c h of h u m a n industry, is m a d e by m e r e excess of work, the destroyer of the m a n . He can strike so m a n y blows p e r day, walk so m a n y steps, b r e a t h e so m a n y breaths, p r o d u c e so m u c h work, a n d live an average, say of fifty years; he is m a d e to strike so m a n y m o r e blows, to walk so m a n y m o r e steps, to b r e a t h e so m a n y m o r e b r e a t h s per day, a n d to increase altogether

20

a fourth of his life. He m e e t s t h e effort; t h e result is, t h a t p r o d u c i n g for a li­ m i t e d t i m e a fourth m o r e work, he dies at 37 for 5 0 . " 9 8

Section

4. —Day and Night Work.

The Relay System.

C o n s t a n t capital, t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , considered from the s t a n d p o i n t of t h e creation of surplus-value, only exist to absorb labour, a n d with every 97

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" M o r n i n g Star," 2 3 r d J u n e , 1 8 6 3 . — T h e " T i m e s " m a d e u s e o f t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e t o d e f e n d t h e A m e r i c a n slave owners a g a i n s t Bright, e t c . "Very m a n y of us t h i n k , " says a l e a d e r of J u l y 2 n d , 1863, " t h a t , while we work o u r own y o u n g w o m e n to d e a t h , u s i n g t h e scourge of starva­ t i o n , i n s t e a d of t h e crack of t h e w h i p , as t h e i n s t r u m e n t of c o m p u l s i o n , we h a v e scarcely a right t o h o u n d o n fire a n d s l a u g h t e r a g a i n s t families w h o were b o r n slave owners, a n d w h o , a t

30

least, feed t h e i r slaves well, a n d work t h e m lightly." I n t h e s a m e m a n n e r , t h e " S t a n d a r d , " a Tory organ, fell foul o f t h e Rev. N e w m a n H a l l : " H e e x c o m m u n i c a t e d t h e slave owners, b u t prays w i t h t h e fine folk w h o , w i t h o u t r e m o r s e , m a k e t h e o m n i b u s drivers a n d c o n d u c t o r s o f L o n d o n , etc., work 16 h o u r s a-day for t h e wages of a d o g . " F i n a l l y , spake t h e oracle, T h o m a s Carlyle, of w h o m I wrote, in 1850, " Z u m T e u f e l ist d e r G e n i u s , d e r K u l t u s ist g e b l i e b e n . " In a

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s h o r t p a r a b l e , h e r e d u c e s t h e o n e great e v e n t o f c o n t e m p o r a r y history, t h e A m e r i c a n civil war, t o this level, t h a t t h e P e t e r o f t h e N o r t h w a n t s t o b r e a k t h e h e a d o f t h e P a u l o f t h e S o u t h w i t h all h i s m i g h t , b e c a u s e t h e P e t e r o f t h e N o r t h h i r e s h i s l a b o u r b y t h e day, a n d t h e P a u l o f t h e S o u t h hires h i s b y t h e life. ( " M a c m i l l a n ' s M a g a z i n e . " Ilias A m e r i c a n a i n n u c e . August, 1863.) T h u s , t h e b u b b l e o f Tory s y m p a t h y for t h e u r b a n w o r k e r s — b y n o m e a n s for t h e r u r a l — h a s

40

b u r s t a t last. T h e s u m o f all is—slavery! D r R i c h a r d s o n , I.e.

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value drop of labour a proportional quantity of surplus-labour. W h i l e they fail to do this, their m e r e existence causes a relative loss to the capitalist, for they represent during the t i m e they lie fallow, a useless advance of capital. A n d this loss b e c o m e s positive a n d absolute as soon as the intermission of their e m p l o y m e n t necessitates additional outlay at the r e c o m m e n c e m e n t of work. T h e prolongation of the working day b e y o n d t h e limits of the n a t u r a l day, into the night, only acts as a palliative. It q u e n c h e s only in a slight degree the vampire thirst for the living blood of labour. To appropriate labour during all the 24 h o u r s of the day is, therefore, the i n h e r e n t t e n d e n c y of capitalist production. But as it is physically impossible to exploit t h e same individual labour-power constantly during t h e night as well as t h e day, to overcome this physical h i n d r a n c e , an alternation b e c o m e s necessary between the workpeople whose powers are e x h a u s t e d by day, a n d those who are used up by night. This alternation m a y be effected in various ways; e.g., it m a y be so arranged that part of the workers are o n e week employed on day work, the next week on night work. It is well-known that this relay syst e m , this alternation of two sets of workers, held full sway in the fullb l o o d e d y o u t h - t i m e of the English cotton m a n u f a c t u r e , a n d ||242| t h a t at t h e present t i m e it still flourishes, a m o n g others, in the cotton spinning of t h e Moscow district. This 24 h o u r s ' process of p r o d u c t i o n exists to-day as a system in m a n y of the b r a n c h e s of industry of Great Britain that are still "free," in the blast-furnaces, forges, plate-rolling mills, a n d other metallurgical establishments in England, Wales, a n d Scotland. T h e working t i m e h e r e includes, besides the 24 h o u r s of the 6 working days, a great part also of the 24 h o u r s of Sunday. T h e workers consist of m e n a n d w o m e n , adults a n d children of b o t h sexes. T h e ages of the children a n d y o u n g persons r u n t h r o u g h all i n t e r m e d i a t e grades, from 8 (in s o m e cases from 6) to 1 8 . "

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In s o m e branches of industry, the girls a n d w o m e n work t h r o u g h the night together with the m a l e s . Placing on o n e side the generally injurious influence of n i g h t - l a b o u r , 30 100

101

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C h i l d r e n ' s E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n . T h i r d R e p o r t . L o n d o n , 1864, p . IV., V., V I . 100 «Botn in Staffordshire a n d in S o u t h W a l e s y o u n g girls a n d w o m e n are e m p l o y e d on t h e p i t b a n k s a n d o n t h e coke h e a p s , n o t only b y day b u t also b y n i g h t . . . T h i s practice h a s b e e n oft e n n o t i c e d i n R e p o r t s p r e s e n t e d t o P a r l i a m e n t , a s b e i n g a t t e n d e d w i t h great a n d n o t o r i o u s evils. T h e s e females e m p l o y e d with t h e m e n , hardly d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from t h e m i n t h e i r dress, a n d b e g r i m e d with dirt a n d s m o k e , are exposed to t h e d e t e r i o r a t i o n of character, arising from t h e loss of self-respect, w h i c h c a n hardly fail to follow from t h e i r u n f e m i n i n e o c c u p a t i o n . " (I.e. n . 1 9 4 . , p . X X V I . Cf. F o u r t h R e p o r t (1865), n . 6 1 , p . X I I I . ) It is t h e s a m e in glass-works. A steel m a n u f a c t u r e r w h o employs c h i l d r e n i n n i g h t - l a b o u r r e m a r k e d : "It s e e m s b u t n a t u ral t h a t boys who work at n i g h t c a n n o t 'sleep a n d get p r o p e r rest by day, b u t will be r u n n i n g a b o u t . ' " (I.e. F o u r t h R e p o r t , n . 6 3 , p . X I I I . ) O n t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f s u n l i g h t for t h e m a i n t e n a n c e a n d growth of t h e body, a p h y s i c i a n writes: "Light also acts u p o n t h e tissues of t h e b o d y d i rectly i n h a r d e n i n g t h e m and s u p p o r t i n g t h e i r elasticity. T h e m u s c l e s o f a n i m a l s , w h e n t h e y a r e deprived of a p r o p e r a m o u n t of light, b e c o m e soft a n d inelastic, t h e n e r v o u s p o w e r loses

35

1 0 1

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Chapter Χ · The working-day t h e d u r a t i o n of t h e process of p r o d u c t i o n , u n b r o k e n d u r | | 2 4 3 | i n g t h e 24 h o u r s , offers very welcome o p p o r t u n i t i e s of exceeding t h e limits of t h e n o r m a l working day, e.g., in t h e b r a n c h e s of i n d u s t r y already m e n t i o n e d , w h i c h are of an exceedingly fatiguing n a t u r e ; t h e official working day 5

m e a n s for e a c h worker usually 12 h o u r s by n i g h t or day. But t h e over-work b e y o n d this a m o u n t is in m a n y cases, to u s e t h e words of t h e English offi­ cial report, "truly fearful."

102

" I t is impossible," t h e report c o n t i n u e s , "for any m i n d to realise t h e a m o u n t of work described in t h e following passages as being performed by 10

boys of from 9 to 12 years of age . . . . w i t h o u t c o m i n g irresistibly to t h e con­ clusion t h a t s u c h abuses of t h e power of p a r e n t s a n d of employers can no longer be allowed to e x i s t . " 1 0 3 " T h e practice of boys working at all by day a n d n i g h t t u r n s either in t h e u s u a l course of things, or at pressing t i m e s , s e e m s inevitably to o p e n t h e

15

door to their n o t unfrequently working u n d u l y long h o u r s . T h e s e h o u r s are, i n d e e d , in some cases, n o t only cruelly b u t even incredibly long for chil­ d r e n . A m o n g s t a n u m b e r of boys it will, of course, n o t unfrequently h a p p e n t h a t o n e o r m o r e are from s o m e c a u s e absent. W h e n this h a p p e n s , t h e i r place is m a d e up by o n e or m o r e boys, who work in t h e other t u r n . T h a t

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this is a well u n d e r s t o o d system is plain ... from t h e answer of t h e m a n a g e r of s o m e large rolling-mills, who, w h e n I asked h i m how t h e place of t h e boys absent from their t u r n was m a d e u p , Ί daresay, sir, you know t h a t as well as I do,' a n d a d m i t t e d t h e f a c t . " 1 0 4 "At a rolling-mill where t h e proper h o u r s were from 6 a.m. to 5½ p.m., a

25

boy worked a b o u t four n i g h t s every week till 8½ p . m . at least, a n d this for six m o n t h s . A n o t h e r , at 9 years old, s o m e t i m e s m a d e three 12-hour shifts r u n n i n g , a n d , w h e n 10, h a s m a d e two days a n d two nights r u n n i n g . " A third, "now 10 ... worked from 6 a.m. till 1 2 p . m . three nights, a n d till

30

its t o n e from defective s t i m u l a t i o n , a n d t h e e l a b o r a t i o n o f all growth s e e m s t o b e p e r v e r t e d . I n t h e case o f c h i l d r e n , c o n s t a n t access t o p l e n t y o f light d u r i n g t h e day, a n d t o t h e d i r e c t rays of t h e s u n for a p a r t of it, is m o s t e s s e n t i a l to h e a l t h . L i g h t assists in t h e e l a b o r a t i o n of g o o d p l a s t i c blood, a n d h a r d e n s t h e fibre after it h a s b e e n l a i d d o w n . It also acts as a s t i m u l u s u p o n t h e o r g a n s o f sight, a n d b y t h i s m e a n s brings a b o u t m o r e activity i n t h e v a r i o u s c e r e b r a l functions." D r . W . Strange, Senior Physician of the Worcester G e n e r a l Hospital, from whose

35

work on " H e a l t h " (1864) t h i s p a s s a g e is t a k e n , writes in a l e t t e r to M r . W h i t e , o n e of t h e c o m ­ m i s s i o n e r s : " I h a v e h a d o p p o r t u n i t i e s formerly, w h e n i n L a n c a s h i r e , o f observing t h e effects o f night-work u p o n c h i l d r e n , a n d I h a v e n o h e s i t a t i o n i n saying, c o n t r a r y t o w h a t some e m p l o y ­ ers were fond of asserting, t h o s e c h i l d r e n w h o were s u b j e c t e d to it s o o n suffered in t h e i r w e a l t h . " (I.e. n . 2 8 4 , p. 55.) T h a t s u c h a q u e s t i o n s h o u l d f u r n i s h t h e m a t e r i a l of s e r i o u s c o n -

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troversy, shows plainly h o w c a p i t a l i s t p r o d u c t i o n a c t s o n t h e b r a i n - f u n c t i o n s o f capitalists a n d their retainers. 102 I.e. n . 5 7 , p . X I I . 103 I.e. F o u r t h R e p o r t (1865), n . 5 8 , p . X I I . 104 I.e.

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value 9 p . m . the other nights." "Another, now 13, ... worked from 6 p . m . till 12 n o o n n e x t day, for a week together, a n d s o m e t i m e s for three shifts together, e.g., from M o n d a y m o r n i n g till Tuesday night." "Another, n o w 12, h a s | |244| worked in an iron foundry at Stavely from 6 a.m. till 12 p.m. for a fortnight on end; could n o t do it any m o r e . " "George Allinsworth, age 9, c a m e 5 h e r e as cellar-boy last Friday; n e x t m o r n i n g we h a d to begin at 3, so I stopped here all night. Live five miles off. Slept on the floor of the furnace, over head, with an apron u n d e r m e , a n d a bit of a jacket over m e . The two other days I have b e e n here at 6 a.m. Aye! it is hot in here. Before I c a m e here I was nearly a year at the same work at some works in the country. Be- 10 g a n there, too, at 3 on Saturday morning—always did, b u t was very gain (near) h o m e , a n d could sleep at h o m e . Other days I began at 6 in the m o r n ing, and gi'en over at 6 or 7 in the evening," e t c . 1 |245| Let us now hear how capital itself regards this 24 h o u r s ' system. 105

1 0 5

I.e., p . X I I I . T h e degree o f c u l t u r e o f t h e s e " l a b o u r - p o w e r s " m u s t n a t u r a l l y b e s u c h a s a p p e a r s i n t h e following dialogues with o n e o f t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s : J e r e m i a h H a y n e s , age 12 — " F o u r t i m e s four is 8; 4 fours are 16. A king is h i m t h a t h a s all t h e m o n e y a n d gold. We h a v e a K i n g (told it is a Q u e e n ) , t h e y call h e r t h e P r i n c e s s A l e x a n d r a . (Told t h a t s h e m a r r i e d t h e Q u e e n ' s son.) T h e Q u e e n ' s son is t h e P r i n c e s s A l e x a n d r a . A P r i n c e s s is a m a n . " W i l l i a m T u r n e r , age 12— " D o n ' t live in E n g l a n d . T h i n k it is a c o u n t r y , b u t d i d n ' t k n o w before." J o h n M o r r i s , age 1 4 — " H a v e h e a r d say that G o d m a d e t h e world, a n d t h a t all t h e p e o p l e was d r o w n d e d b u t o n e ; h e a r d say t h a t o n e was a little bird." W i l l i a m S m i t h , age 1 5 — " G o d m a d e m a n , m a n m a d e w o m a n " E d w a r d Taylor, age 1 5 — " D o n o t k n o w o f L o n d o n . " H e n r y M a t t h e w m a n , age 1 7 — " H a d b e e n t o c h a p e l , b u t m i s s e d a g o o d m a n y t i m e s lately. O n e n a m e t h a t t h e y p r e a c h e d a b o u t was J e s u s Christ, b u t I c a n n o t say any others, a n d I c a n n o t tell a n y t h i n g a b o u t h i m . H e was n o t killed, b u t died like o t h e r p e o p l e . H e was n o t t h e s a m e a s o t h e r p e o p l e in s o m e ways, b e c a u s e he was religious in s o m e ways, a n d o t h e r s isn't." (I.e. p. XV.) " T h e devil is a g o o d p e r s o n . I d o n ' t know w h e r e he lives." "Christ was a w i c k e d m a n . " " T h i s girl spelt G o d a s dog, a n d did n o t know t h e n a m e o f t h e Q u e e n . " ("Ch. E m p l o y m e n t C o m m . V · R e p o r t , 1866," p. 5 5 , n . 2 7 8 . ) T h e s a m e system o b t a i n s in t h e glass a n d p a p e r works as in t h e m e t a l l u r gical, already cited. In t h e p a p e r factories, where t h e p a p e r is m a d e by m a c h i n e r y , night-work is t h e rule for all processes, except rag-sorting. In s o m e cases night-work, by relays, is carried o n incessantly t h r o u g h t h e whole week, usually from S u n d a y n i g h t u n t i l m i d n i g h t o f t h e following S a t u r d a y . T h o s e who are on day-work work 5 days of 12, a n d 1 day of 18 h o u r s ; t h o s e on night-work 5 n i g h t s of 12, a n d 1 of 6 h o u r s in e a c h week. In o t h e r cases e a c h set works 24 h o u r s c o n s e c u t i v e l y on a l t e r n a t e days, o n e set working 6 h o u r s on M o n d a y , a n d 18 on Sat u r d a y t o m a k e u p t h e 2 4 h o u r s . I n o t h e r cases a n i n t e r m e d i a t e s y s t e m prevails, b y w h i c h all e m p l o y e d on t h e p a p e r - m a k i n g m a c h i n e r y work 15 or 16 h o u r s every d a y in t h e week. T h i s system, says C o m m i s s i o n e r Lord, " s e e m s to c o m b i n e all t h e evils of b o t h t h e 12 h o u r s ' a n d t h e 2 4 h o u r s ' relays." C h i l d r e n u n d e r 1 3 , y o u n g p e r s o n s u n d e r 18, a n d w o m e n , work u n d e r t h i s n i g h t system. S o m e t i m e s u n d e r t h e 1 2 h o u r s ' s y s t e m t h e y are obliged, o n a c c o u n t o f the n o n - a p p e a r a n c e of those t h a t o u g h t to relieve t h e m , to work a d o u b l e t u r n of 24 h o u r s . T h e e v i d e n c e proves t h a t boys a n d girls very often work o v e r - t i m e , w h i c h , n o t u n f r e q u e n t l y , ext e n d s t o 2 4 o r even 3 6 h o u r s o f u n i n t e r r u p t e d toil. I n t h e c o u n t i n u o u s a n d u n v a r y i n g process of g l a z i n g are f o u n d girls of 12 w h o work t h e whole m o n t h 14 h o u r s a day, " w i t h o u t any regular relief or c e s s a t i o n b e y o n d 2 or, at m o s t , 3 b r e a k s of h a l f - a n - h o u r e a c h for m e a l s . " In s o m e mills, where regular night-work h a s b e e n entirely given u p , over-work goes on to a terrible ext e n t , " a n d t h a t often i n t h e dirtiest, a n d i n t h e hottest, a n d i n t h e m o s t m o n o t o n o u s o f t h e various processes." ("Ch. E m p l o y m e n t C o m m . R e p o r t IV., 1 8 6 5 . " p . X X X V I I I , a n d X X X I X . )

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Chapter Χ · The working-day T h e e x t r e m e forms of t h e system, its a b u s e in t h e " c r u e l a n d i n c r e d i b l e " extension of t h e working day are n a t u r a l l y passed over in silence. Capital only speaks of t h e system in its " n o r m a l " form. Messrs. Naylor & Vickers, steel m a n u f a c t u r e r s , who employ between 600 5

a n d 700 persons, a m o n g w h o m only 10 per cent, are u n d e r 18, a n d of those, only 20 boys u n d e r 18 work in n i g h t sets, t h u s express themselves: " T h e boys do n o t suffer from t h e h e a t . T h e t e m p e r a t u r e is probably from 86° to 90°

At t h e forges a n d in t h e rolling-mills t h e h a n d s work n i g h t a n d

day, in relays, b u t all the o t h e r parts of t h e work are day work, i.e., from 10

6 a.m. to 6 p . m . In the forge t h e h o u r s are from 12 to 12. S o m e of t h e h a n d s always work in t h e night, w i t h o u t a n y a l t e r n a t i o n of day a n d n i g h t work

We do n o t find any difference in t h e h e a l t h of t h o s e who work

regularly by n i g h t a n d t h o s e who work by day, a n d probably p e o p l e can sleep better if they have t h e s a m e p e r i o d of rest t h a n if it is c h a n g e d 15

A b o u t 20 of t h e boys u n d e r t h e age of 18 work in t h e night sets

We

could n o t well do without lads u n d e r 18 working by night. T h e objection would be t h e increase in t h e cost of p r o d u c t i o n

Skilled h a n d s a n d t h e

h e a d s in every d e p a r t m e n t are difficult to get, b u t of lads we c o u l d get any number 20

B u t from t h e small p r o p o r t i o n of boys t h a t we employ t h e

subject (i.e., of restrictions on n i g h t work) is of little i m p o r t a n c e or interest to u s . " 1 0 6 M r . J.Ellis, o n e of t h e firm of Messrs. J o h n Brown & Co., steel a n d i r o n works, employing a b o u t 3000 m e n a n d boys, part of whose operations, namely, iron a n d heavier steel work, goes on n i g h t a n d day by relays, states

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" t h a t in t h e heavier steel work o n e or two boys are employed to a score or two m e n . " T h e i r c o n c e r n employs u p w a r d s of 500 boys u n d e r 18, of w h o m a b o u t % or 170 are u n d e r t h e age of 13. W i t h reference to t h e ||246| pro­ posed alteration of t h e law, M r . Ellis says: "I do n o t t h i n k it would be very objectionable to require t h a t no p e r s o n u n d e r t h e age of 18 should work

30

m o r e t h a n 12 h o u r s in t h e 24. B u t we do n o t t h i n k t h a t any line could be drawn over t h e age of 12, at which boys could be dispensed with for night work. B u t we would sooner be p r e v e n t e d from employing boys u n d e r t h e age of 13, or even as high as 14, at all, t h a n n o t be allowed to employ boys t h a t we do have at night. T h o s e boys w h o work in t h e day sets m u s t t a k e

35

their t u r n in t h e night sets also, b e c a u s e t h e m e n could n o t work in t h e night sets only; it would r u i n t h e i r h e a l t h

We think, however, t h a t

night work in alternate weeks is no h a r m . (Messrs.Naylor & Vickers, on t h e other h a n d , in conformity with t h e interest of their business, considered t h a t periodically c h a n g e d night-labour m i g h t possibly d o m o r e h a r m t h a n 40

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F o u r t h R e p o r t , etc., 1865, n . 7 9 , p . XVI.

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Part II! • The production of absolute surplus-value c o n t i n u a l night-labour.) We find the m e n who do it, as well as the others w h o do other work only by day O u r objections to n o t allowing boys u n d e r 18 to work at night, would be on a c c o u n t of the increase of expense, b u t this is the only reason. (What cynical naïveté!) We think t h a t t h e increase would be m o r e t h a n the trade, with d u e regard to its being successfully carried out, could fairly bear. (What m e a l y - m o u t h e d phraseology!) L a b o u r is scarce here, a n d might fall short if there were s u c h a regulation." (i.e., Ellis, Brown & Co. m i g h t fall into the fatal perplexity of being obliged to pay labour-power its full v a l u e . ) T h e "Cyclops Steel a n d I r o n Works," of Messrs. C a m m e l l & Co., are cond u c t e d on the s a m e large scale as those of t h e above m e n t i o n e d J o h n Brown & Co. T h e m a n a g i n g director h a d h a n d e d in his evidence to the G o v e r n m e n t Commissioner, Mr. W h i t e , in writing. Later he found it conven i e n t to suppress the M S . w h e n it h a d b e e n r e t u r n e d to h i m for revision. Mr. W h i t e , however, has a good m e m o r y . He r e m e m b e r e d quite clearly t h a t for the Messrs. Cyclops the forbidding of the night-labour of children a n d y o u n g persons "would be impossible, it would be t a n t a m o u n t to stopping their works," a n d yet their business employs little m o r e t h a n 6 % of boys u n d e r 18, and less t h a n 1 % u n d e r 1 3 . 1 |247| On the s a m e subject Mr. E. F. Sanderson, of the firm of Sanderson, Bros., & Co., steel rolling-mills and forges, Attercliffe, says: " G r e a t difficulty would be caused by preventing boys u n d e r 18 from working at night. T h e chief would be t h e increase of cost from employing m e n instead of boys. I c a n n o t say what this would be, but probably it would n o t be e n o u g h to enable the manufacturers to raise the price of steel, a n d consequently it would fall on t h e m , as of course the m e n (what q u e e r - h e a d e d folk!) would refuse to pay it." Mr. Sanderson does n o t know how m u c h he pays t h e children, but "perhaps the younger boys get from 4s. to 5s. a week. ... T h e boys' work is of a kind for which the strength of t h e boys is generally ('generally,' of course not always) quite sufficient, a n d consequently there would be no gain in the greater strength of t h e m e n to c o u n t e r b a l a n c e the loss, or it would be only in the few cases in which t h e m e t a l is heavy. T h e m e n would n o t like so well n o t to have boys u n d e r t h e m , as m e n would be less obedient. Besides, boys m u s t begin y o u n g to learn t h e trade. Leaving day work alone o p e n to boys would n o t answer this purpose." A n d why not? W h y could not boys learn their handicraft in the day-time? Y o u r reason? "Owing to the m e n working days and nights in alternate weeks, t h e m e n would be separated half the t i m e from their boys, a n d would lose half the profit which they m a k e from t h e m . T h e training w h i c h they give to an ap-

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I.e. n.80, p. X V I , X V I I .

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I.e. n. 82, p. X V I I .

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Chapter Χ • The working-day p r e n t i c e is considered as p a r t of t h e r e t u r n for t h e boys' labour, a n d t h u s enables t h e m e n to get it at a c h e a p e r r a t e . E a c h m a n would want half of this profit." In o t h e r words, Messrs. S a n d e r s o n would have to pay part of t h e wages of t h e a d u l t m e n o u t of t h e i r own p o c k e t s i n s t e a d of by t h e n i g h t 5

work of t h e boys. Messrs. S a n d e r s o n ' s profit would t h u s fall to s o m e extent, a n d this is t h e good S a n d e r s o n i a n r e a s o n why boys c a n n o t learn their handicraft in t h e day.

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In a d d i t i o n to this, it would throw night l a b o u r on

t h o s e who worked instead of t h e boys, w h i c h they would n o t be able to | |248| stand. T h e difficulties in fact would be so great t h a t they would very 10

likely lead to t h e giving up of n i g h t work altogether, a n d "as far as t h e work itself is c o n c e r n e d , " says E. F. S a n d e r s o n , " t h i s would suit as well, b u t — " But Messrs. S a n d e r s o n have s o m e t h i n g else to m a k e besides steel. Steelm a k i n g is simply a pretext for surplus-value m a k i n g . T h e smelting fur­ n a c e s , rolling-mills, etc., t h e buildings, m a c h i n e r y , iron, coal, etc., h a v e

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s o m e t h i n g m o r e to do t h a n transform themselves i n t o steel. They are t h e r e to absorb surplus-labour, a n d n a t u r a l l y absorb m o r e in 24 h o u r s t h a n in 12. In fact they give, by grace of G o d a n d law, t h e S a n d e r s o n s a c h e q u e on t h e working t i m e of a certain n u m b e r of h a n d s for all t h e 24 h o u r s of t h e day, a n d they lose their c h a r a c t e r as capital, are therefore a p u r e loss for t h e

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Sandersons, as soon as their function of absorbing l a b o u r is i n t e r r u p t e d . " B u t t h e n there would be t h e loss from so m u c h expensive m a c h i n e r y , ly­ ing idle half t h e t i m e , a n d to get t h r o u g h t h e a m o u n t of work which we are able to do on t h e p r e s e n t system, we s h o u l d h a v e to d o u b l e our p r e m i s e s a n d plant, which w o u l d d o u b l e t h e outlay." B u t why s h o u l d t h e s e Sander-

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sons p r e t e n d to a privilege n o t enjoyed by t h e o t h e r capitalists who only work during t h e day, a n d whose buildings, m a c h i n e r y , raw material, t h e r e ­ fore lie " i d l e " during t h e night? E . F . S a n d e r s o n answers in t h e n a m e of all t h e S a n d e r s o n s : " I t is t r u e t h a t t h e r e is this loss from m a c h i n e r y lying idle in those m a n u f a c t o r i e s in which work only goes on by day. But t h e u s e of

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furnaces would involve a further loss in o u r case. If they were kept up t h e r e w o u l d be a waste of fuel (instead of, as now, a waste of t h e living s u b s t a n c e of t h e workers), a n d if they were n o t , t h e r e would be loss of t i m e in laying t h e fires a n d getting t h e h e a t up (whilst t h e loss of sleeping t i m e , even to children of 8 is a gain of working t i m e for t h e S a n d e r s o n tribe), a n d t h e fur-

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n a c e s themselves would suffer from t h e c h a n g e s of t e m p e r a t u r e . " (Whilst those s a m e furnaces suffer n o t h i n g from t h e day a n d night c h a n g e of la­ bour.)110!

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109 " I n o u r reflecting a n d r e a s o n i n g age a m a n i s n o t w o r t h m u c h w h o c a n n o t give a g o o d rea­ son for everything, n o m a t t e r h o w b a d o r h o w crazy. E v e r y t h i n g i n t h e world t h a t h a s b e e n d o n e wrong h a s b e e n d o n e wrong for t h e very b e s t of r e a s o n s . " (Hegel, I.e., p. 249.) 110 I.e. n . 85, p . XVII. T o s i m i l a r t e n d e r scruples o f t h e glass m a n u f a c t u r e r s t h a t r e g u l a r m e a l

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value

|249| Section 5.—The Struggle for a Normal Working-Day. Compulsory Laws for the Extension of the Working-Day from the Middle of the 14th to the End of the 17th Century. " W h a t is a working day? W h a t is the length of t i m e during which capital m a y c o n s u m e t h e labour-power whose daily value it buys? H o w far m a y the 5 working day be extended beyond the working t i m e necessary for t h e reprod u c t i o n of labour-power itself?" It has b e e n seen t h a t to these questions capital replies: t h e working day contains the full 24 h o u r s , with the d e d u c tion of the few hours of repose without which labour-power absolutely refuses its services again. H e n c e it is self-evident t h a t t h e labourer is n o t h i n g 10 else, his whole life through, t h a n labour-power, t h a t therefore all his disposable t i m e is by n a t u r e and law labour-time, to be devoted to t h e self-expansion of capital. T i m e for education, for intellectual development, for t h e fulfilling of social functions and for social intercourse, for t h e free-play of his bodily and m e n t a l activity, even the rest t i m e of S u n d a y (and t h a t in a | 15 |250| country of S a b b a t a r i a n s ! ) — m o o n s h i n e ! But in its blind u n r e s t r a i n 111

t i m e s for t h e c h i l d r e n are impossible b e c a u s e as a c o n s e q u e n c e a c e r t a i n q u a n t i t y of h e a t , rad i a t e d b y t h e furnaces, w o u l d b e " a p u r e loss" o r "wasted," C o m m i s s i o n e r W h i t e m a k e s answer. H i s answer is u n l i k e t h a t of U r e , Senior, etc., a n d t h e i r p u n y G e r m a n plagiarists à la R o s c h e r w h o are touched by t h e " a b s t i n e n c e , " "self-denial," "saving," of t h e capitalists in t h e e x p e n d i t u r e o f t h e i r gold, a n d b y their T i m u r - T a m e r l a n i s h prodigality o f h u m a n life! " Ά cer­ t a i n a m o u n t o f h e a t b e y o n d w h a t i s u s u a l a t p r e s e n t m i g h t also b e going t o waste,' i f m e a l t i m e s were secured i n t h e s e cases, ' b u t i t s e e m s likely n o t e q u a l i n m o n e y - v a l u e t o t h e waste o f a n i m a l power n o w going o n i n glass-houses t h r o u g h o u t t h e k i n g d o m from growing boys n o t h a v i n g e n o u g h q u i e t t i m e to eat t h e i r m e a l s at ease, with a little rest afterwards for digest i o n . ' " (I.e., p.XLV.) A n d this i n t h e y e a r o f progress 1 8 6 5 ! W i t h o u t c o n s i d e r i n g t h e e x p e n d i ­ t u r e of s t r e n g t h in lifting a n d carrying, s u c h a child, in t h e s h e d s w h e r e b o t t l e a n d flint glass are m a d e , walks d u r i n g t h e p e r f o r m a n c e o f h i s work 1 5 - 2 0 m i l e s i n every 6 h o u r s ! A n d t h e w o r k often lasts 14 or 15 h o u r s ! In m a n y of t h e s e glass works, as in t h e M o s c o w s p i n n i n g mills, t h e s y s t e m of 6 h o u r s ' relays is in force. " D u r i n g t h e w o r k i n g part of t h e week six h o u r s i s t h e u t m o s t u n b r o k e n p e r i o d ever a t t a i n e d a t a n y o n e t i m e for rest, a n d o u t o f t h i s h a s t o c o m e t h e t i m e s p e n t i n c o m i n g a n d going t o a n d from work, washing, dressing, a n d m e a l s , leaving a very short p e r i o d i n d e e d for rest, a n d n o n e for fresh air a n d play, u n l e s s at t h e ex­ p e n s e of t h e sleep n e c e s s a r y for y o u n g boys, especially at s u c h h o t a n d fatiguing work E v e n t h e s h o r t sleep is obviously liable to be b r o k e n by a boy h a v i n g to wake h i m s e l f if it is n i g h t , or by t h e n o i s e , if it is day." Mr W h i t e gives cases w h e r e a boy w o r k e d 36 c o n s e c u t i v e h o u r s ; o t h e r s w h e r e boys o f 1 2 d r u d g e d o n u n t i l 2 i n t h e m o r n i n g , a n d t h e n slept i n t h e works till 5 a.m. (3 h o u r s ! ) only to r e s u m e t h e i r work. " T h e a m o u n t of work," say T r e m e n h e e r e a n d Tufnell, w h o drafted t h e g e n e r a l report, " d o n e b y boys, y o u t h s , girls, a n d w o m e n , i n t h e c o u r s e of t h e i r daily or nightly spell of labour, is certainly e x t r a o r d i n a r y . " (I.e., X L I I I . a n d XLIV.) M e a n w h i l e , late b y n i g h t p e r h a p s , self-denying M r . G l a s s - C a p i t a l , p r i m e d w i t h port-wine, reels o u t o f his club h o m e w a r d d r o n i n g o u t idiotically, " B r i t o n s never, n e v e r shall b e slaves!" 111 I n E n g l a n d even n o w o c c a s i o n a l l y i n r u r a l districts a l a b o u r e r i s c o n d e m n e d t o i m p r i s o n ­ m e n t for d e s e c r a t i n g t h e S a b b a t h , b y working i n h i s front g a r d e n . T h e s a m e l a b o u r e r i s p u n ­ i s h e d for b r e a c h of c o n t r a c t if he r e m a i n s away from his m e t a l , paper, or glass works on t h e S u n d a y , e v e n if it be from a religious w h i m . T h e o r t h o d o x P a r l i a m e n t will h e a r n o t h i n g of

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Chapter Χ • The working-day able passion, its were-wolf h u n g e r for surplus-labour, capital oversteps n o t only t h e moral, b u t even t h e merely physical m a x i m u m b o u n d s o f t h e working day. It u s u r p s t h e t i m e for growth, d e v e l o p m e n t , a n d h e a l t h y m a i n ­ t e n a n c e of t h e body. It steals t h e t i m e r e q u i r e d for t h e c o n s u m p t i o n of 5

fresh air a n d sunlight. It higgles over a m e a l - t i m e , incorporating it where possible with t h e process of p r o d u c t i o n itself, so t h a t food is given to t h e la­ b o u r e r as to a m e r e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , as coal is supplied to t h e boiler, grease a n d oil to t h e m a c h i n e r y . It r e d u c e s t h e s o u n d sleep n e e d e d for t h e restoration, reparation, refreshment of t h e bodily powers to j u s t so m a n y

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h o u r s of torpor as t h e revival of an organism, absolutely e x h a u s t e d , r e n d e r s essential. It is n o t t h e n o r m a l m a i n t e n a n c e of t h e labour-power which is to d e t e r m i n e t h e limits of t h e working day; it is t h e greatest possible daily ex­ p e n d i t u r e o f labour-power, n o m a t t e r h o w diseased, compulsory, a n d pain­ ful it m a y be, which is to d e t e r m i n e t h e limits of t h e labourers' period of re-

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pose. Capital cares n o t h i n g for the l e n g t h of life of labour-power. All t h a t concerns it is simply a n d solely t h e m a x i m u m of labour-power, t h a t c a n be r e n d e r e d fluent in a working day. It a t t a i n s t h i s e n d by s h o r t e n i n g t h e ex­ t e n t of t h e labourer's life, as a greedy farmer s n a t c h e s increased p r o d u c e from t h e soil by robbing it of its fertility.

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T h e capitalistic m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n (essentially t h e p r o d u c t i o n of sur­ plus-value, t h e absorption of surplus-labour), p r o d u c e s thus, with t h e ex­ t e n s i o n of t h e working day, n o t only t h e d e t e r i o r a t i o n of h u m a n labourpower by r o b b i n g it of its | | 2 5 1 | n o r m a l , m o r a l a n d physical, c o n d i t i o n s of d e v e l o p m e n t a n d function. I t p r o d u c e s also t h e p r e m a t u r e e x h a u s t i o n a n d

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d e a t h of this labour-power itself. 1 1 2 It e x t e n d s t h e labourer's t i m e of p r o d u c ­ t i o n during a given period by s h o r t e n i n g his a c t u a l lifetime. But t h e value of t h e labour-power i n c l u d e s t h e value of t h e c o m m o d i t i e s necessary for t h e r e p r o d u c t i o n of t h e worker, or for t h e keeping up of t h e working class. If t h e n t h e u n n a t u r a l e x t e n s i o n of t h e working day, t h a t cap-

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ital necessarily strives after in its u n m e a s u r e d passion for self-expansion, shortens t h e length of life of t h e i n d i v i d u a l labourer, a n d therefore t h e du­ r a t i o n of his labour-power, t h e forces u s e d up have to be replaced at a m o r e

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S a b b a t h - b r e a k i n g if it o c c u r s in t h e p r o c e s s of e x p a n d i n g c a p i t a l . A m e m o r i a l ( A u g u s t 1863), i n w h i c h t h e L o n d o n d a y - l a b o u r e r s i n fish a n d p o u l t r y s h o p s a s k e d for t h e a b o l i t i o n o f S u n day l a b o u r , states t h a t t h e i r work lasts for t h e first 6 days of t h e week on an average 15 h o u r s a-day, a n d o n S u n d a y 8-10 h o u r s . F r o m t h i s s a m e m e m o r i a l w e l e a r n also t h a t t h e d e l i c a t e g o u r m a n d s a m o n g t h e a r i s t o c r a t i c h y p o c r i t e s o f E x e t e r H a l l , especially e n c o u r a g e this " S u n ­ day l a b o u r . " T h e s e " h o l y o n e s , " so z e a l o u s in cute curanda, show t h e i r C h r i s t i a n i t y b y t h e h u ­ m i l i t y w i t h w h i c h t h e y b e a r t h e overwork, t h e p r i v a t i o n s , a n d t h e h u n g e r of o t h e r s . Obsequium

40 ventris istis (the labourers) perniciosius est. 112 " W e h a v e given i n o u r p r e v i o u s r e p o r t s t h e s t a t e m e n t s o f several e x p e r i e n c e d m a n u f a c t u r ­ ers t o t h e effect t h a t over-hours. ... c e r t a i n l y t e n d p r e m a t u r e l y t o e x h a u s t t h e working p o w e r o f t h e m e n . " (I.e. n . 6 4 , p . X I I I . )

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value rapid rate a n d the s u m of the expenses for t h e r e p r o d u c t i o n of labourpower will be greater; j u s t as in a m a c h i n e the part of its value to be reprod u c e d every day is greater the m o r e rapidly the m a c h i n e is worn out. It would s e e m therefore that the interest of capital itself points in the direction of a n o r m a l working day. T h e slave-owner buys his labourer as he buys his horse. If he loses his slave, he loses capital that can only be restored by new outlay in the slavem a r t . But "the rice-grounds of Georgia, or the swamps of t h e Mississippi m a y be fatally injurious to the h u m a n constitution; b u t the waste of h u m a n life which the cultivation of these districts necessitates, is n o t so great t h a t it c a n n o t be repaired from the teeming preserves of Virginia a n d Kentucky. Considerations of economy, moreover, which, u n d e r a n a t u r a l system, afford some security for h u m a n e t r e a t m e n t by identifying t h e master's interest with the slave's preservation, when o n c e trading in slaves is practised, b e c o m e reasons for racking to the u t t e r m o s t t h e toil of the slave; for, w h e n his place can at once be supplied from foreign preserves, the d u r a t i o n of his life b e c o m e s a m a t t e r of less m o m e n t t h a n its productiveness while it lasts. It is accordingly a m a x i m of slave m a n a g e m e n t , in slave-importing countries, that the m o s t effective e c o n o m y is t h a t which takes ||252| o u t of the h u m a n chattel in the shortest space of t i m e t h e u t m o s t a m o u n t of exertion it is capable of putting forth. 'It is in tropical culture, where a n n u a l profits often equal the whole capital of plantations, that negro life is m o s t recklessly sacrificed. It is the agriculture of t h e W e s t Indies, which h a s b e e n for centuries prolific of fabulous wealth, that has engulfed millions of the African race. It is in Cuba, at this day, whose revenues are reckoned by millions, and whose planters are princes, t h a t we see in the servile class, the coarsest fare, the most exhausting a n d u n r e m i t t i n g toil, a n d even the absolute destruction of a portion of its n u m b e r s every y e a r . ' "

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Mutato nomine de te fabula narratur. F o r slave-trade read labour-market, for K e n t u c k y and Virginia, Ireland a n d the agricultural districts of Eng- 30 land, Scotland, a n d Wales, for Africa, G e r m a n y . We h e a r d how over-work t h i n n e d the ranks of the bakers in L o n d o n . Nevertheless, the L o n d o n lab o u r - m a r k e t is always over-stocked with G e r m a n a n d other c a n d i d a t e s for d e a t h in the bakeries. Pottery, as we saw, is o n e of t h e shortest-lived i n d u s tries. Is there any want therefore of potters? Josiah Wedgwood, the inventor 35 of m o d e r n pottery, himself originally a c o m m o n w o r k m a n , said in 1785 b e fore the H o u s e of C o m m o n s that the whole t r a d e employed from 15,000 to 20,000 p e o p l e . In the year 1861 the p o p u l a t i o n alone of the town centres of this industry in Great Britain n u m b e r e d 101,302. "The cotton trade has 114

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Cairnes, " T h e Slave Power," p . 110, 1 1 1 .

1 1 4

J o h n W a r d : "History o f t h e B o r o u g h o f S t o k e - u p o n - T r e n t , " L o n d o n , 1 8 4 3 , p . 4 2 .

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Chapter Χ · The working-day existed for n i n e t y years. ... It h a s existed for t h r e e g e n e r a t i o n s of t h e Eng­ lish race, a n d I believe I m a y safely say t h a t d u r i n g t h a t period it h a s de­ stroyed n i n e generations of factory o p e r a t i v e s . " 1 1 5 No d o u b t in certain epochs of feverish activity t h e labour-market shows 5

significant gaps. In 1834, e.g. B u t t h e n t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s proposed to the P o o r Law C o m m i s s i o n e r s t h a t they s h o u l d send t h e " s u r p l u s - p o p u l a t i o n " of t h e agricultural districts to t h e n o r t h , with t h e e x p l a n a t i o n " t h a t t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s would absorb a n d u s e it u p . " 1 1 6 "Agents were a p p o i n t e d with the c o n s e n t of the P o o r Law C o m m i s s i o n e r s . ... | | 2 5 3 | An office was set up

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in M a n c h e s t e r , to w h i c h lists were sent of t h o s e workpeople in t h e agricul­ t u r a l districts wanting e m p l o y m e n t , a n d t h e i r n a m e s were registered in books. T h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s a t t e n d e d at t h e s e offices, a n d selected s u c h per­ sons as they chose; w h e n they h a d selected s u c h persons as their 'wants re­ quired,' they gave i n s t r u c t i o n s to have t h e m forwarded to M a n c h e s t e r , a n d

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they were sent, ticketed like bales of goods, by canals, or with carriers, others t r a m p i n g on t h e road, a n d m a n y of t h e m were found on t h e way lost a n d half-starved. This system h a d grown up i n t o a regular t r a d e . T h i s H o u s e will hardly believe it, b u t I tell t h e m , t h a t this traffic in h u m a n flesh was as well kept u p , they were in effect as regularly sold to these ( M a n c h e s -

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ter) m a n u f a c t u r e r s as slaves are sold to the cotton-grower in t h e U n i t e d States In 1860, 'the c o t t o n trade was at its z e n i t h . ' .... T h e m a n u f a c ­ turers again found t h a t they were short of h a n d s . ... They applied to t h e 'flesh agents,' as they are called. T h o s e agents sent to t h e s o u t h e r n downs of England, to the pastures of Dorsetshire, to t h e glades of Devonshire, to

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t h e people t e n d i n g k i n e in Wiltshire, b u t they sought in vain. T h e surplusp o p u l a t i o n was ' a b s o r b e d . ' " T h e "Bury G u a r d i a n " said, o n the c o m p l e t i o n of t h e F r e n c h treaty, t h a t "10,000 a d d i t i o n a l h a n d s could be absorbed by Lancashire, a n d that 30,000 or 40,000 will be n e e d e d . " After the "flesh agents a n d s u b a g e n t s " h a d i n vain s o u g h t t h r o u g h t h e agricultural districts,

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" a d e p u t a t i o n c a m e u p t o L o n d o n , a n d waited o n t h e right h o n . g e n t l e m a n (Mr. Villiers, P r e s i d e n t of t h e P o o r Law Board) with a view of o b t a i n i n g poor children from certain u n i o n h o u s e s for t h e mills of L a n c a s h i r e . " 1 1 7 1 115

F e r r a n d ' s S p e e c h i n t h e H o u s e o f C o m m o n s , 2 7 t h April, 1 8 6 3 . " T h o s e w e r e t h e very w o r d s u s e d b y t h e c o t t o n m a n u f a c t u r e r s , " I.e. 117 I.e. M r . Villiers, d e s p i t e t h e b e s t of i n t e n t i o n s on his p a r t , was "legally" obliged to refuse t h e r e q u e s t s o f t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s . T h e s e g e n t l e m e n , however, a t t a i n e d t h e i r e n d t h r o u g h t h e obliging n a t u r e o f t h e local p o o r law b o a r d s . M r . A . R e d g r a v e , I n s p e c t o r o f F a c t o r i e s , asserts t h a t this t i m e t h e n s y s t e m u n d e r w h i c h o r p h a n s a n d p a u p e r c h i l d r e n were t r e a t e d "legally" a s a p p r e n t i c e s "was n o t a c c o m p a n i e d w i t h t h e o l d a b u s e s " ( o n t h e s e " a b u s e s " see Engels, I.e.), al116

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t h o u g h in o n e case t h e r e c e r t a i n l y w a s " a b u s e of t h i s s y s t e m in respect to a n u m b e r of girls a n d y o u n g w o m e n b r o u g h t f r o m t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l districts o f S c o t l a n d i n t o L a n c a s h i r e a n d C h e s h i r e . " U n d e r this system t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r e n t e r e d i n t o a c o n t r a c t w i t h t h e w o r k h o u s e au­ thorities for a c e r t a i n p e r i o d . He fed, c l o t h e d , a n d l o d g e d t h e c h i l d r e n , a n d gave t h e m a s m a l l

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value |254| W h a t experience shows to the capitalist generally is a constant excess of population, i.e., an excess in relation to the m o m e n t a r y requirem e n t s of surplus-labour-absorbing capital, although this excess is m a d e up of generations of h u m a n beings stunted, short-lived, swiftly replacing each other, plucked, so to say, before m a t u r i t y . A n d , indeed, experience shows 5 to the intelligent observer with what swiftness a n d grip the capitalist m o d e of production, dating, historically speaking, only from yesterday, has seized the vital power of the people by the very root—shows h o w the degeneration of the industrial population is only retarded by the c o n s t a n t absorption of primitive a n d physically u n c o r r u p t e d e l e m e n t s from the country—shows 10 how even the country labourers, in spite of fresh air a n d the principle of n a t u r a l selection, that works so powerfully a m o n g s t t h e m , ||255| a n d only p e r m i t s the survival of the strongest, are already b e g i n n i n g to die off. 118

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a l l o w a n c e of m o n e y . A r e m a r k of M r . R e d g r a v e to be q u o t e d directly s e e m s strange, especially if we c o n s i d e r t h a t even a m o n g t h e years of prosperity of t h e E n g l i s h c o t t o n t r a d e , t h e year 1860 s t a n d s u n p a r a l l e l e d , a n d that, besides, wages were exceptionally h i g h . F o r t h i s e x t r a o r d i n a r y d e m a n d for work h a d t o c o n t e n d with t h e d e p o p u l a t i o n o f I r e l a n d , w i t h u n e x a m p l e d e m i g r a t i o n from t h e English a n d S c o t c h agrigultural districts t o A u s t r a l i a a n d A m e r i c a , with a n a c t u a l d i m i n u t i o n of t h e p o p u l a t i o n in s o m e of t h e E n g l i s h a g r i c u l t u r a l districts, in c o n s e q u e n c e partly of an a c t u a l b r e a k d o w n of t h e vital force of t h e l a b o u r e r s , partly of t h e already effected d i s p e r s i o n o f t h e disposable p o p u l a t i o n t h r o u g h t h e dealers i n h u m a n flesh. D e s p i t e all this M r . R e d g r a v e says: "This k i n d of labour, however, w o u l d only be s o u g h t after w h e n n o n e o t h e r c o u l d be p r o c u r e d , for it is a high-priced labour. T h e o r d i n a r y wages of a boy of 13 w o u l d be a b o u t 4s. per week, b u t to lodge, to clothe, to feed, a n d to p r o v i d e m e d i c a l a t t e n d a n c e a n d p r o p e r s u p e r i n t e n d e n c e for 50 or 100 of t h e s e b o y s , a n d to set a s i d e s o m e r e m u n e r a t i o n for t h e m , could n o t be a c c o m p l i s h e d for 4s. a - h e a d per week." (Reports of t h e I n s p e c t o r s of F a c t o r i e s for 30th April, 1860, p . 2 7 . ) M r . R e d g r a v e forgets to tell us h o w t h e l a b o u r e r h i m self c a n do all this for his c h i l d r e n o u t of t h e i r 4s. a-week wages, w h e n t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r cann o t do it for t h e 50 or 100 c h i l d r e n lodged, b o a r d e d , s u p e r i n t e n d e d all together. To g u a r d a g a i n s t false c o n c l u s i o n s from t h e text, I o u g h t h e r e to r e m a r k t h a t t h e E n g l i s h c o t t o n i n d u s try, s i n c e it was p l a c e d u n d e r t h e F a c t o r y A c t of 1850 with its r e g u l a t i o n s of l a b o u r - t i m e , etc., m u s t b e r e g a r d e d a s t h e m o d e l i n d u s t r y o f E n g l a n d . T h e E n g l i s h c o t t o n operative i s i n every respect b e t t e r off t h a n his c o n t i n e n t a l c o m p a n i o n i n misery. " T h e P r u s s i a n factory operative l a b o u r at least ten h o u r s per week m o r e t h a n his E n g l i s h c o m p e t i t o r , a n d if e m p l o y e d at h i s o w n l o o m in h i s own h o u s e , his l a b o u r is n o t restricted to e v e n t h o s e a d d i t i o n a l h o u r s . " ("Rep. of I n s p . of F a c t . , " Oct. 1855, p. 103.) R e d g r a v e , t h e F a c t o r y I n s p e c t o r m e n t i o n e d above, after t h e I n d u s t r i a l E x h i b i t i o n i n 1 8 5 1 , travelled o n t h e C o n t i n e n t , especially i n F r a n c e a n d Germ a n y , for t h e p u r p o s e of i n q u i r i n g i n t o t h e c o n d i t i o n s of t h e factories. Of t h e P r u s s i a n o p e r a tive he says: " H e receives a r e m u n e r a t i o n sufficient to p r o c u r e t h e s i m p l e fare, a n d to supply t h e slender comforts t o w h i c h h e h a s b e e n a c c u s t o m e d h e lives u p o n h i s coarse fare, a n d works h a r d , w h e r e i n his p o s i t i o n is s u b o r d i n a t e to t h a t of t h e E n g l i s h operative." ("Rep. of I n s p . of F a c t . , " 31st Oct., 1853, p. 85.) T h e overworked "die off with strange rapidity; b u t t h e places o f t h o s e w h o p e r i s h are instantly filled, a n d a frequent c h a n g e of p e r s o n s m a k e s no a l t e r a t i o n in t h e s c e n e . " ("England a n d A m e r i c a . " L o n d o n , 1833, vol. I, p. 55. By E. G. Wakefield.) See " P u b l i c H e a l t h . Sixth R e p o r t o f t h e M e d i c a l Officer o f t h e Privy C o u n c i l , 1 8 6 3 . " P u b lished in L o n d o n 1864. T h i s report deals especially with t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s . " S u t h e r l a n d ... is c o m m o n l y r e p r e s e n t e d as a highly i m p r o v e d c o u n t y ... (but) ... r e c e n t i n q u i r y h a s discovered t h a t even t h e r e , i n districts o n c e f a m o u s for f i n e m e n a n d gallant soldiers, t h e in-

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Chapter Χ • The working-day Capital t h a t has s u c h good reasons for denying t h e sufferings of t h e legions of workers that s u r r o u n d it, is in practice m o v e d as m u c h a n d as little by t h e sight of t h e c o m i n g d e g r a d a t i o n a n d final d e p o p u l a t i o n of t h e h u m a n race, as by the probable fall of t h e earth into t h e sun. In every stock-job5 bing swindle every o n e knows t h a t s o m e t i m e or o t h e r the crash m u s t c o m e , b u t every o n e h o p e s that it m a y fall on t h e h e a d of his neighbour, af­ ter he himself has caught t h e shower of gold a n d placed it in safety. Après moi le déluge! is t h e watchword of every capitalist a n d of every capitalist nation. H e n c e Capital is reckless of the h e a l t h or length of life of the lato bourer, unless u n d e r c o m p u l s i o n from s o c i e t y . To the outcry as to the physical a n d m e n t a l degradation, t h e p r e m a t u r e death, t h e torture of overwork, it answers: O u g h t these to trouble us since they increase our profits? But looking at things as a whole, all this does not, indeed, d e p e n d on t h e good or ill will of the individual capitalist. Free c o m p e t i t i o n brings out the 15 i n h e r e n t laws of capitalist production, in t h e shape of external coercive laws having power over every individual c a p i t a l i s t . 1 120

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|256| T h e establishment of a n o r m a l working day is t h e ries of struggle between capitalist a n d labourer. T h e history shows two opposed t e n d e n c i e s . C o m p a r e , e.g., t h e English 20 t i o n of our t i m e with t h e English L a b o u r Statutes from t h e

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result of c e n t u of this struggle factory legisla14th century to

h a b i t a n t s h a v e d e g e n e r a t e d i n t o a m e a g r e a n d s t u n t e d race. I n t h e h e a l t h i e s t s i t u a t i o n s , o n hill sides fronting the sea, t h e faces of t h e i r f a m i s h e d c h i l d r e n are as pale as they c o u l d be in t h e foul a t m o s p h e r e of a L o n d o n alley." ( W . T . T h o r n t o n . " O v e r - p o p u l a t i o n a n d its r e m e d y , " p . 7 4 , 75.) T h e y r e s e m b l e in fact t h e 30,000 "gallant H i g h l a n d e r s " w h o m G l a s g o w pigs t o g e t h e r in its wynds a n d closes, with p r o s t i t u t e s a n d t h i e v e s . 1 2 0

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"But t h o u g h t h e h e a l t h of a p o p u l a t i o n is so i m p o r t a n t a fact of t h e n a t i o n a l capital, we are afraid it m u s t be said t h a t t h e class of e m p l o y e r s of l a b o u r h a v e n o t b e e n t h e m o s t forward to guard a n d c h e r i s h this t r e a s u r e . ... T h e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of t h e h e a l t h of t h e operatives was forced u p o n t h e millowners. ( " T i m e s , " N o v e m b e r 5th, 1861.) " T h e m e n o f t h e W e s t R i d i n g b e c a m e t h e clothiers of m a n k i n d . . . . t h e h e a l t h of t h e workpeople was sacrificed, a n d t h e r a c e in a few g e n e r a t i o n s m u s t h a v e d e g e n e r a t e d . B u t a r e a c t i o n set in. L o r d Shaftesbury's Bill l i m ited t h e h o u r s of c h i l d r e n ' s l a b o u r , " etc. ("Report of t h e R e g i s t r a r - G e n e r a l , " for O c t o b e r 1861.) W e , therefore, find, e.g., t h a t in the b e g i n n i n g of 1863, 26 firms o w n i n g extensive p o t t e r i e s in Staffordshire, a m o n g s t o t h e r s , J o s i a h W e d g w o o d , e t c . S o n s p e t i t i o n in a m e m o r i a l for " s o m e legislative e n a c t m e n t . " C o m p e t i t i o n with o t h e r capitalists p e r m i t s t h e m n o v o l u n t a r y l i m i t a t i o n of w o r k i n g - t i m e for c h i l d r e n , etc. " M u c h as we deplore t h e evils before m e n t i o n e d , i t would n o t b e possible t o p r e v e n t t h e m b y a n y s c h e m e o f a g r e e m e n t b e t w e e n t h e m a n u f a c turers. ... T a k i n g all these p o i n t s into c o n s i d e r a t i o n , w e h a v e c o m e t o t h e c o n v i c t i o n t h a t s o m e legislative e n a c t m e n t i s w a n t e d . " ( " C h i l d r e n ' s E m p l o y m e n t C o m m . " R e p . 1., 1 8 6 3 , p. 332.) M o s t recently a m u c h m o r e striking e x a m p l e offers. T h e rise in t h e price of c o t t o n d u r ing a period of feverish activity, h a d i n d u c e d t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s in B l a c k b u r n to s h o r t e n , by m u t u a l c o n s e n t , t h e w o r k i n g - t i m e in t h e i r mills d u r i n g a c e r t a i n fixed period. T h i s p e r i o d t e r m i n a t e d a b o u t t h e e n d o f N o v e m b e r , 1 8 7 1 . M e a n w h i l e , t h e wealthier m a n u f a c t u r e r s , w h o 1 2 1

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c o m b i n e d s p i n n i n g with weaving, u s e d t h e d i m i n u t i o n o f p r o d u c t i o n resulting from t h i s a g r e e m e n t , t o e x t e n d their o w n b u s i n e s s a n d t h u s t o m a k e great profits a t t h e e x p e n s e o f t h e s m a l l e m p l o y e r s . T h e latter t h e r e u p o n t u r n e d i n t h e i r e x t r e m i t y t o t h e operatives, u r g e d t h e m earnestly to agitate for t h e 9 h o u r s ' system, a n d p r o m i s e d c o n t r i b u t i o n s in m o n e y to t h i s end.

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value 122

well into the m i d d l e of the 1 8 t h . Whilst the m o d e r n Factory Acts c o m pulsorily shortened the working-day, t h e earlier statutes tried to lengthen it by compulsion. Of course the pretensions of capital in e m b r y o — w h e n , beginning to grow, it secures the right of absorbing a quantum sufficit of surplus-labour, n o t merely by the force of e c o n o m i c relations, b u t by the help 5 of the State—appear very m o d e s t when p u t face to face with the concessions that, growling a n d struggling, it has to m a k e in its adult condition. It takes centuries ere the "free" labourer, t h a n k s to the d e v e l o p m e n t of capitalistic production, agrees, i.e., is compelled by social conditions, to sell t h e whole of his active life, his very capacity for work, for the price of t h e n e - 10 cessaries of life, his birthright for a mess of pottage. H e n c e it is n a t u r a l that t h e lengthening of the working day, which capital, from the m i d d l e of the 14th to the e n d of the 17th century, tries to i m p o s e by State-measures on adult labourers, approximately coincides with t h e shortening of the working day which, in t h e second half of the 19th century, has here a n d there 15 b e e n effected by the State to prevent t h e coining of children's blood into capital. T h a t which to-day, e.g., in the State of Massachusetts, u n t i l recently the freest State of the N o r t h - A m e r i c a n R e p u b l i c , has b e e n proclaimed as the statutory ||257| limit of the l a b o u r of children u n d e r 12, was in England, even in the m i d d l e of the 17th century, t h e n o r m a l 20 working-day of able-bodied artizans, robust labourers, athletic blacksmiths. 123

T h e first "Statute of Labourers" (23 Edward III., 1349) found its i m m e d i ate pretext (not its cause, for legislation of this k i n d lasts centuries after the pretext for it has disappeared) in the great plague t h a t d e c i m a t e d t h e peopie, so that, as a Tory writer says, "The difficulty of getting m e n to work on reasonable t e r m s (i.e., at a price that left their employers a reasonable quantity of surplus-labour) grew to s u c h a height as to be quite intoler-

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T h e L a b o u r Statutes, t h e like o f w h i c h were e n a c t e d a t t h e s a m e t i m e i n F r a n c e , t h e N e t h e r l a n d s , a n d elsewhere, were f i r s t formally r e p e a l e d i n E n g l a n d i n 1 8 1 3 , long after t h e c h a n g e s in methods of production had rendered them obsolete. " N o child u n d e r 1 2 years o f age shall b e e m p l o y e d i n a n y m a n u f a c t u r i n g e s t a b l i s h m e n t m o r e t h e n 1 0 h o u r s i n o n e d a y . " G e n e r a l S t a t u t e s o f M a s s a c h u s e t t s , § 3 ch. 4 2 . (The various S t a t u t e s were passed b e t w e e n 1836 a n d 1858.) " L a b o u r p e r f o r m e d d u r i n g a period of 10 h o u r s on a n y day in all c o t t o n , woollen, silk, paper, glass, a n d flax factories, or in m a n u f a c t o r i e s of i r o n a n d brass, shall be c o n s i d e r e d a legal day's labour. A n d be it e n a c t e d , t h a t hereafter no m i n o r e n g a g e d i n a n y factory shall b e h o l d e n o r r e q u i r e d t o work m o r e t h a n 1 0 h o u r s i n any day, o r 6 0 h o u r s i n a n y week; a n d t h a t hereafter n o m i n o r shall b e a d m i t t e d a s a worker u n d e r t h e age of 10 years in a n y factory w i t h i n this S t a t e . " State of N e w Jersey. An A c t to l i m i t t h e h o u r s of labour, etc., § 1 a n d § 2. (Law of 18th M a r c h , 1851.) " N o m i n o r w h o h a s a t t a i n e d t h e age of 12 years, a n d is u n d e r t h e age of 15 years, shall be e m p l o y e d in a n y m a n u f a c t u r i n g e s t a b l i s h m e n t m o r e t h a n 11 h o u r s in any o n e day, n o r before 5 o'clock in t h e m o r n i n g , n o r after 7.30 in t h e evening." ("Revised S t a t u t e s of t h e State of R h o d e I s l a n d , " etc., ch. 139, § 2 3 , 1st July, 1857.)

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Chapter Χ · The working-day 124

able." R e a s o n a b l e wages were, therefore, fixed by law as well as t h e li­ m i t s of t h e working day. T h e latter p o i n t , t h e only o n e t h a t h e r e interests us, is r e p e a t e d in t h e S t a t u t e of 1496 (Henry VII.). T h e working day for all artificers a n d field labourers from M a r c h to S e p t e m b e r ought, according to this statute (which, however, c o u l d n o t be enforced), to last from 5 in t h e m o r n i n g to between 7 a n d 8 in t h e evening. B u t t h e m e a l t i m e s consist of aQ 1 h o u r for breakfast, 1 % h o u r s for d i n n e r , a n d % f ° "noon-meate," i.e., exactly twice as m u c h as u n d e r t h e factory acts n o w in f o r c e . In winter, work was to ||258| last from 5 in t h e m o r n i n g u n t i l dark, with t h e s a m e intervals. A statute of E l i z a b e t h of 1562 leaves t h e length of t h e working day for all labourers "hired for daily or weekly wage" u n t o u c h e d , b u t aims at limiting t h e intervals to 2% h o u r s in t h e s u m m e r , or to 2 in t h e winter. D i n n e r is only to last 1 hour, a n d t h e "afternoon-sleep of half an h o u r " is only allowed between t h e m i d d l e of M a y a n d the m i d d l e of A u g u s t . F o r

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every h o u r of absence I d . is to be subtracted from t h e wage. In practice, however, t h e c o n d i t i o n s were m u c h m o r e favourable t o t h e labourers t h a n in t h e statute-book. W i l l i a m Petty, t h e father of political e c o n o m y , a n d to s o m e extent the founder of Statistics, says in a work that he published in t h e last third of t h e 17th century: " L a b o u r i n g - m e n (then m e a n i n g field-labourers) work 10 hours per d i e m , a n d m a k e 20 m e a l s per week, viz., 3 a day for working days, and 2 on S u n d a y s ; whereby it is plain, t h a t if they could fast on Fryday nights, a n d d i n e in o n e h o u r a n d an half, whereas they take two, from eleven to o n e ; thereby this working Y m o r e , a n d s p e n d i n g Y less, t h e Y a b o v e - m e n t i o n e d (tax) m i g h t be r a i s e d . " W a s n o t Dr. A n d r e w

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Ure right in crying down t h e 12 h o u r s ' bill of 1833 as a retrogression to the t i m e s of t h e dark ages? It is true, these regulations c o n t a i n e d in t h e statute m e n t i o n e d by Petty, apply also to apprentices. B u t t h e c o n d i t i o n of childlabour, even at t h e e n d of t h e 17th century, is seen from t h e following c o m plaint: " 'Tis n o t their practice (in G e r m a n y ) as with us in this k i n g d o m , to

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" S o p h i s m s o f F r e e T r a d e . " 7 t h E d . L o n d o n , 1850, p . 2 0 5 . 9th Ed., p . 2 5 3 . T h i s s a m e Tory, m o r e o v e r , a d m i t s t h a t "Acts o f P a r l i a m e n t r e g u l a t i n g wages, b u t a g a i n s t t h e l a b o u r e r a n d i n favour of t h e m a s t e r , lasted for t h e long p e r i o d of 464 y e a r s . P o p u l a t i o n grew. T h e s e laws w e r e t h e n found, a n d really b e c a m e , u n n e c e s s a r y a n d b u r d e n s o m e . " (I.e., p . 206.) I n reference t o t h i s s t a t u t e , J. W a d e w i t h t r u t h r e m a r k s : " F r o m t h e s t a t e m e n t a b o v e [i.e., with regard t o t h e s t a t u t e ) i t a p p e a r s t h a t i n 1496 t h e d i e t was c o n s i d e r e d e q u i v a l e n t t o o n e t h i r d of t h e i n c o m e of an artificer a n d o n e - h a l f t h e i n c o m e of a l a b o u r e r , w h i c h i n d i c a t e s a g r e a t e r degree o f i n d e p e n d e n c e a m o n g t h e w o r k i n g classes t h a n prevails a t p r e s e n t ; for t h e b o a r d , b o t h o f l a b o u r e r s a n d artificers, w o u l d n o w b e r e c k o n e d a t a m u c h h i g h e r p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e i r wages." (J. W a d e , "History o f t h e M i d d l e a n d W o r k i n g Classes," p . 25.) T h e o p i n i o n t h a t t h i s difference i s d u e t o t h e difference i n t h e p r i c e - r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n food a n d c l o t h i n g t h e n a n d n o w i s refuted b y t h e m o s t cursory g l a n c e a t " C h r o n i c o n P r e t i o s u m , e t c . " B y B i s h o p F l e e t w o o d . 1st Ed., L o n d o n , 1707; 2d Ed., L o n d o n , 1745. W . Petty, "Political A n a t o m y o f I r e l a n d , V e r b u m S a p i e n t i , " 1672, E d . 1 6 9 1 , p . 10. 1 2 6

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value and the reason is, because they are educated from their cradle to something of employment, which renders t h e m the m o r e apt a n d docile, a n d consequently the more capable of attaining to a ripeness a n d quicker proficiency in business. W h e r e a s our youth, here in E n g l a n d , being bred to n o t h i n g before they c o m e to be apprentices, m a k e a very slow ||259| prog5 ress a n d require m u c h longer t i m e wherein to r e a c h the perfection of accomplished a r t i s t s . " Still, during the greater part of t h e 18th century, up to the epoch of M o d ern Industry and m a c h i n i s m , capital in E n g l a n d h a d n o t succeeded in seizing for itself, by the p a y m e n t of the weekly value of labour-power, the 10 whole week of the labourer, with the exception, however, of the agricultural labourers. The fact that they could live for a whole week on the wage of four days, did not appear to the labourers a sufficient reason t h a t they should work the other two days for the capitalist. O n e party of English economists, in the interest of capital, d e n o u n c e s this obstinacy in t h e most 15 violent m a n n e r , another party defends the labourers. Let us listen, e.g., to the contest between Postlethwayt whose Dictionary of Trade t h e n h a d the s a m e reputation as the kindred works of M ' C u l l o c h and M ' G r e g o r today, a n d the a u t h o r (already quoted) of the "Essay on Trade a n d C o m merce." ! 127

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" A D i s c o u r s e o n t h e necessity o f e n c o u r a g i n g M e c h a n i c k I n d u s t r y , " L o n d o n , 1689, p . 13. M a c a u l a y , w h o has falsified English history in t h e interest of t h e W h i g s a n d t h e b o u r g e o i s i e , declares as follows: " T h e practice of setting c h i l d r e n p r e m a t u r e l y to work . . . . prevailed in t h e 1 7 t h c e n t u r y t o a n e x t e n t w h i c h , w h e n c o m p a r e d with t h e e x t e n t o f t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g system, s e e m s a l m o s t incredible. At N o r w i c h , t h e chief seat of t h e c l o t h i n g t r a d e , a little c r e a t u r e of six years old was t h o u g h t fit for labour. Several writers of t h a t t i m e , a n d a m o n g t h e m s o m e w h o were c o n s i d e r e d a s e m i n e n t l y b e n e v o l e n t , m e n t i o n with e x u l t a t i o n t h e fact t h a t i n t h a t single city, boys a n d girls of very t e n d e r age create w e a l t h e x c e e d i n g w h a t was n e c e s s a r y for t h e i r o w n s u b s i s t e n c e by twelve t h o u s a n d p o u n d s a year. T h e m o r e carefully we e x a m i n e t h e history of t h e past, the m o r e r e a s o n shall we find to d i s s e n t from t h o s e who i m a g i n e t h a t o u r age h a s b e e n fruitful of n e w social evils T h a t w h i c h is new is t h e intelligence a n d t h e h u m a n i t y w h i c h r e m e d i e s t h e m . " ("History o f E n g l a n d , " vol. I., p . 4 1 7 . ) M a c a u l a y m i g h t h a v e rep o r t e d further t h a t " e x t r e m e l y well-disposed" amis du commerce in t h e 17th c e n t u r y , n a r r a t e w i t h " e x u l t a t i o n " h o w in a p o o r h o u s e in H o l l a n d a child of four was e m p l o y e d , a n d t h a t t h i s e x a m p l e of "vertu mise en pratique" passes m u s t e r i n all t h e h u m a n i t a r i a n works, à la M a c a u lay, to the t i m e of A d a m S m i t h . It is true t h a t with t h e s u b s t i t u t i o n of m a n u f a c t u r e for h a n d i crafts, traces of t h e e x p l o i t a t i o n of c h i l d r e n b e g i n to a p p e a r . T h i s e x p l o i t a t i o n existed always t o a c e r t a i n e x t e n t a m o n g p e a s a n t s , and was t h e m o r e d e v e l o p e d , t h e h e a v i e r t h e y o k e pressing o n t h e h u s b a n d m a n . T h e t e n d e n c y o f capital i s t h e r e u n m i s t a k a b l y ; b u t t h e facts t h e m s e l v e s are still as isolated as t h e p h e n o m e n a of t w o - h e a d e d c h i l d r e n . H e n c e they were n o t e d "with e x u l t a t i o n " as especially worthy of r e m a r k a n d as w o n d e r s by t h e far-seeing "amis du commerce," a n d r e c o m m e n d e d as m o d e l s for their own t i m e a n d for posterity. T h i s s a m e S c o t c h s y c o p h a n t a n d fine talker, M a c a u l a y , says: " W e h e a r t o - d a y only of retrogression a n d see only progress." W h a t eyes, and especially w h a t ears! A m o n g t h e accusers o f t h e workpeople, t h e m o s t angry i s t h e a n o n y m o u s a u t h o r q u o t e d i n t h e text o f " A n Essay o n trade a n d c o m m e r c e , c o n t a i n i n g o b s e r v a t i o n s o n T a x a t i o n , etc., L o n d o n , 1770." H e h a d already dealt with t h i s subject i n h i s earlier work: " C o n s i d e r a t i o n s o n 1 2 8

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Chapter Χ • The working-day |260| Postlethwayt says a m o n g o t h e r t h i n g s : "We c a n n o t put an e n d to those few observations, without n o t i c i n g t h a t trite r e m a r k in t h e m o u t h of too many; that if the industrious poor can obtain enough to maintain themselves in five days, they will n o t work t h e whole six. W h e n c e they infer 5

t h e necessity of even t h e necessaries of life b e i n g m a d e dear by taxes, or any other m e a n s , to c o m p e l t h e working a r t i z a n a n d m a n u f a c t u r e r to la­ b o u r t h e whole six days in t h e week, w i t h o u t ceasing. I m u s t beg leave to differ in s e n t i m e n t from those great politicians, who c o n t e n d for t h e per­ p e t u a l slavery of t h e working p e o p l e of this k i n g d o m ; they forget t h e vulgar

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adage, all work a n d no play. Have n o t t h e English boasted of t h e i n g e n u i t y a n d dexterity of h e r working artists a n d m a n u f a c t u r e r s which have h e r e t o ­ fore given credit a n d r e p u t a t i o n to British wares in general? W h a t has this b e e n owing to? To n o t h i n g m o r e probably t h a n t h e relaxation of t h e work­ ing people in their own way. W e r e they obliged to toil t h e year r o u n d , t h e

15

whole six days in t h e week, in a r e p e t i t i o n of t h e s a m e work, m i g h t it n o t b l u n t their ingenuity, a n d r e n d e r t h e m stupid instead of alert a n d dexter­ o u s ; a n d m i g h t n o t our w o r k m e n lose t h e i r r e p u t a t i o n instead o f m a i n t a i n ­ ing it by s u c h eternal slavery? . . . . A n d what sort of w o r k m a n s h i p c o u l d we expect from s u c h hard-driven a n i m a l s ? . . . . M a n y of t h e m will e x e c u t e as

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m u c h work in four days as a F r e n c h m a n will in five or six. B u t if English­ m e n are to be eternal drudges, 'tis to be feared they will degenerate below t h e F r e n c h m e n . As our people are famed for bravery in war, do we n o t say t h a t it is owing to good English roast beef a n d p u d d i n g in their bellies, as well as their c o n s t i t u t i o n a l spirit of liberty? A n d why m a y n o t t h e superior

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ingenuity a n d dexterity of o u r artists a n d | | 2 6 1 | m a n u f a c t u r e s , be owing to t h a t freedom a n d liberty to direct themselves in their own way, a n d I h o p e we shall never have t h e m deprived of s u c h privileges a n d t h a t good living from w h e n c e their ingenuity n o less t h a n t h e i r courage m a y p r o c e e d . " 1 2 9 T h e r e u p o n t h e a u t h o r o f t h e "Essay o n T r a d e a n d C o m m e r c e " replies: "If

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t h e m a k i n g of every seventh day an h o l i d a y is supposed to be of divine in­ stitution, as it implies t h e appropriating t h e o t h e r six days to l a b o u r " (he m e a n s capital as we shall soon see) "surely it will n o t be t h o u g h t cruel to enforce it .... T h a t m a n k i n d in general, are naturally i n c l i n e d to ease a n d

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T a x e s . " L o n d o n , 1765. O n t h e s a m e side follows P o l o n i u s A r t h u r Y o u n g , t h e u n u t t e r a b l e statistical prattler. A m o n g t h e d e f e n d e r s o f t h e w o r k i n g classes t h e f o r e m o s t a r e : J a c o b V a n d e r ­ lint, i n : " M o n e y answers all t h i n g s . " L o n d o n , 1734; t h e Rev. N a t h a n i e l Forster, D . D . , i n " A n E n q u i r y i n t o t h e C a u s e s o f t h e P r e s e n t P r i c e o f P r o v i s i o n s , " L o n d o n , 1767; D r Price, a n d e s p e ­ cially Postlethwayt, a s well i n t h e s u p p l e m e n t t o h i s " U n i v e r s a l D i c t i o n a r y o f T r a d e a n d C o m ­ merce," as in his " G r e a t Britain's Commercial Interest explained and improved." 2nd Edition, 1759. T h e facts t h e m s e l v e s are c o n f i r m e d b y m a n y o t h e r writers o f t h e t i m e , a m o n g o t h e r s b y Josiah Tucker. 129

Postlethwayt, I.e., " F i r s t P r e l i m i n a r y D i s c o u r s e , " p . XIV.

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value i n d o l e n c e , we fatally experience to be true, from the c o n d u c t of o u r m a n u facturing populace, who do n o t labour, u p o n an average, above four days in a week, unless provisions h a p p e n to be very dear P u t all the necessaries of t h e poor u n d e r o n e d e n o m i n a t i o n ; for instance, call t h e m all wheat, or suppose t h a t . . . . the b u s h e l of wheat shall cost five shillings a n d that he (a 5 manufacturer) earns a shilling by his labour, he t h e n would be obliged to work five days only in a week. If the b u s h e l of wheat s h o u l d cost b u t four shillings, he would be obliged to work b u t four days; b u t as wages in this k i n g d o m are m u c h higher in proportion to t h e price of necessaries. ... the manufacturer, who labours four days, has a surplus of m o n e y to live idle 10 with the rest of the week . . . . I h o p e I have said e n o u g h to m a k e it appear t h a t the m o d e r a t e labour of six days in a week is no slavery. O u r labouring people [...] do this, and to all appearance are the happiest of all our labouring p o o r , b u t t h e D u t c h do this in manufactories, a n d appear to be a very h a p p y people. T h e F r e n c h do so, when holidays do n o t i n t e r v e n e . [...] 15 B u t our p o p u l a c e have adopted a notion, that as E n g l i s h m e n they enjoy a birthright privilege of being m o r e free a n d i n d e p e n d e n t t h a n in any country in E u r o p e . N o w this idea, as far as it m a y affect the bravery of o u r troops, m a y be of some u s e ; b u t the ||262| less the m a n u f a c t u r i n g poor have of it, certainly the better for themselves a n d for the State. T h e labouring 20 130

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people should never think themselves i n d e p e n d e n t of their superiors It is extremely dangerous to encourage m o b s in a c o m m e r c i a l state like ours, where, perhaps, seven parts o u t of eight of the whole, are people with little or no property. [...] T h e cure will n o t be perfect, till o u r m a n u f a c t u r i n g poor are contented to labour six days for t h e s a m e s u m which they now 25 e a r n in four d a y s . " To this end, a n d for "extirpating idleness, d e b a u c h e r y a n d excess, promoting a spirit of industry, lowering the price of l a b o u r in o u r manufactories, and easing the lands of t h e heavy b u r d e n of poor's rates," o u r "faithful Eckart" of capital proposes this approved device: to s h u t up such labourers as b e c o m e d e p e n d e n t on public support, in a word, 30 p a u p e r s , in "an ideal workhouse." S u c h ideal workhouse m u s t be m a d e a " H o u s e of Terror, and n o t an asylum for t h e poor, where they are to be plentifully fed, warmly a n d decently clothed, a n d where they do b u t little 132

130 "AJJ £ y " etc. He h i m s e l f relates on p. 96 w h e r e i n t h e " h a p p i n e s s " of t h e E n g l i s h agric u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r already i n 1770 consisted. " T h e i r powers are always u p o n t h e stretch, t h e y c a n n o t live c h e a p e r t h a n t h e y do, n o r work h a r d e r . " P r o t e s t a n t i s m , b y c h a n g i n g a l m o s t all t h e t r a d i t i o n a l h o l i d a y s i n t o workdays, plays a n i m p o r t a n t p a r t in t h e genesis of capital. „ A n Essay," etc., p . 15, 4 1 , 96, 97, 5 5 , 57, 6 9 . — J a c o b V a n d e r l i n t , a s early a s 1734, d e c l a r e d t h a t t h e secret of t h e out-cry of t h e capitalists as to t h e l a z i n e s s of t h e working p e o p l e was simply t h a t they c l a i m e d for t h e s a m e wages 6 d a y s ' l a b o u r i n s t e a d of 4. s s a

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work." In this " H o u s e of Terror," this " i d e a l workhouse," t h e p o o r shall work "14 h o u r s in a day, allowing proper t i m e for meals, in s u c h m a n n e r 134 t h a t t h e r e shall r e m a i n 12 h o u r s of n e a t - l a b o u r . " Twelve working h o u r s daily in t h e I d e a l W o r k h o u s e , in the " H o u s e of Terror" of 1770! 63 years later, in 1833, w h e n t h e English P a r l i a m e n t re­ d u c e d t h e working day for c h i l d r e n of 13 to 18, in four b r a n c h e s of industry to 12 full hours, the j u d g m e n t day of English I n d u s t r y h a d d a w ne d ! In 1852, when Louis B o n a p a r t e sought to secure his position with t h e bour­ geoisie by t a m p e r i n g with t h e legal working day, t h e F r e n c h people cried

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o u t with o n e voice " t h e law t h a t limits t h e working day to 12 h o u r s is t h e o n e good t h a t has r e m a i n e d to us of t h e legislation of t h e R e p u b l i c ! " 1 3 5 At Z ü r i c h t h e work ||263| of children over 10, is limited to 12 hours; in A a r g a u in 1862, t h e work of children between 13 a n d 16, was r e d u c e d from 12½ to 12 hours; in Austria in 1860, for children b e t w e e n 14 a n d 16, t h e s a m e re-

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d u c t i o n was m a d e . " W h a t a progress," since 1770! M a c a u l a y would shout with exultation! T h e " H o u s e of Terror" for p a u p e r s of which t h e capitalistic soul of 1770 only d r e a m e d , was realized a few years later in t h e shape of a gigantic " W o r k h o u s e " for t h e industrial worker himself. It is called t h e Factory. A n d t h e ideal this t i m e fades before t h e reality.

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Section 6.—The Struggle for the Normal Working-Day. Compulsory Limitation by Law of the Working-Time. The English Factory Acts, 1833 to 1864.

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After capital h a d t a k e n centuries in e x t e n d i n g t h e working-day to its norm a l m a x i m u m limit, a n d t h e n b e y o n d this to t h e limit of t h e n a t u r a l day of 1 3 3

I.e. p p . 2 4 2 , 2 4 3 . I.e. " T h e F r e n c h , " h e says, " l a u g h a t o u r e n t h u s i a s t i c i d e a s o f liberty." I.e. p . 7 8 . " T h e y especially objected t o work b e y o n d t h e 1 2 h o u r s per day, b e c a u s e t h e law w h i c h f i x e d t h o s e h o u r s , i s t h e only good w h i c h r e m a i n s t o t h e m o f t h e legislation o f t h e R e p u b l i c . " ("Rep. of I n s p . of I n s p . of F a c t . , " 31st October, 1855, p. 80.) T h e F r e n c h Twelve h o u r s ' Bill of S e p t e m b e r 5th, 1850, a b o u r g e o i s e d i t i o n of t h e d e c r e e of t h e P r o v i s i o n a l G o v e r n m e n t of M a r c h 2 n d , 1848, h o l d s i n all w o r k s h o p s w i t h o u t e x c e p t i o n s . Before t h i s law the working d a y i n F r a n c e was w i t h o u t definite l i m i t . I t lasted i n t h e factories 1 4 , 1 5 , o r m o r e h o u r s . See " D e s classes ouvrières e n F r a n c e , p e n d a n t l ' a n n é e 1 8 4 8 . P a r M . B l a n q u i . " M . B l a n q u i t h e e c o n o m i s t , n o t t h e R e v o l u t i o n i s t , h a d b e e n e n t r u s t e d b y t h e G o v e r n m e n t with a n i n q u i r y i n t o t h e c o n d i t i o n of t h e working class. B e l g i u m i s t h e m o d e l b o u r g e o i s state i n regard t o t h e r e g u l a t i o n o f t h e working day. L o r d H o w a r d o f W a i d e n , E n g l i s h P l e n i p o t e n t i a r y a t Brussels, r e p o r t s t o t h e F o r e i g n Office, M a y 12th, 1862: " M . R o g i e r , t h e m i n i s t e r , i n f o r m e d m e t h a t c h i l d r e n ' s l a b o u r i s l i m i t e d n e i t h e r b y a g e n e r a l law n o r by a n y local r e g u l a t i o n s ; t h a t t h e G o v e r n m e n t , d u r i n g t h e last t h r e e years, i n t e n d e d in every session to p r o p o s e a bill o n t h e subject, b u t always f o u n d an i n s u p e r a b l e o b stacle i n t h e j e a l o u s o p p o s i t i o n t o a n y legislation i n c o n t r a d i c t i o n with t h e principle o f perfect f r e e d o m of l a b o u r . " 1 3 4

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12 h o u r s , there followed on the birth of m a c h i n i s m a n d m o d e r n industry in the last third of ||264| the 18th century, a violent e n c r o a c h m e n t like t h a t of an avalanche in its intensity and extent. All b o u n d s of morals a n d n a ture, age u n d sex, day and night, were broken down. Even the ideas of day a n d night, of rustic simplicity in the old statutes, b e c a m e so confused that 5 an English judge, as late as 1860, n e e d e d a quite T a l m u d i c sagacity to explain "judicially" what was day and what was n i g h t . Capital celebrated its orgies. As soon as the working class, s t u n n e d at first by the noise a n d turmoil of the new system of production, recovered, in some m e a s u r e , its senses, its 10 resistance began, a n d first in the native land of m a c h i n i s m , in England. F o r 30 years, however, the concessions c o n q u e r e d by the workpeople were purely n o m i n a l . P a r l i a m e n t passed 5 L a b o u r Laws between 1802 and 1833, b u t was shrewd e n o u g h n o t to vote a p e n n y for their carrying out, for the requisite officials, e t c . 15 They r e m a i n e d a dead letter. "The fact is, that prior to t h e A c t of 1833, y o u n g persons a n d children were worked all night, all day, or b o t h ad libitum." * A n o r m a l working day for m o d e r n industry only dates from the Factory Act of 1833, which included cotton, wool, flax, a n d silk factories. N o t h i n g 20 is m o r e characteristic of the spirit of capital t h a n the history of the English Factory Acts from 1833 to 1864. T h e A c t of 1833 declares the ordinary factory working day to be from half-past five in the m o r n i n g to half-past eight in t h e evening, and within 138

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"It is certainly m u c h to be regretted t h a t any class of p e r s o n s s h o u l d toil 12 h o u r s a day, w h i c h , i n c l u d i n g t h e t i m e for their m e a l s a n d for going to a n d r e t u r n i n g from t h e i r work, a m o u n t s , i n fact, t o 1 4 o f t h e 2 4 h o u r s . . . . W i t h o u t e n t e r i n g i n t o t h e q u e s t i o n o f h e a l t h , n o o n e will h e s i t a t e , I t h i n k , to a d m i t that, in a moral point of view, so e n t i r e a n a b s o r p t i o n of t h e t i m e of t h e working classes, w i t h o u t i n t e r m i s s i o n , from t h e early age of 13, and in t r a d e s n o t subject to restriction, m u c h younger, m u s t be extremely prejudicial, a n d is an evil greatly to b e d e p l o r e d . . . . F o r t h e sake, therefore, o f p u b l i c m o r a l s , o f b r i n g i n g u p a n orderly p o p u l a t i o n , a n d of giving t h e great b o d y of t h e p e o p l e a r e a s o n a b l e e n j o y m e n t of life, it is m u c h to be d e s i r e d t h a t in all trades s o m e p o r t i o n of every working d a y s h o u l d be reserved for rest a n d leis u r e . " ( L e o n a r d H o r n e r i n R e p o r t s o f I n s p . o f Fact., D e c , 1841.)

25

1 3 8

35

See " J u d g m e n t o f M r . J . H . Otway, Belfast. Hilary Sessions, C o u n t y A n t r i m , 1860." I t i s very characteristic o f t h e r é g i m e o f L o u i s P h i l i p p e , t h e b o u r g e o i s king, t h a t t h e o n e F a c t o r y A c t passed d u r i n g his reign, t h a t o f M a r c h 2 2 n d , 1 8 4 1 , was n e v e r p u t i n force. A n d t h i s law only dealt with c h i l d - l a b o u r . It fixed 8 h o u r s a d a y for c h i l d r e n b e t w e e n 8 a n d 12, 12 h o u r s for c h i l d r e n b e t w e e n 12 a n d 16, etc., w i t h m a n y e x c e p t i o n s w h i c h allow night-work e v e n for c h i l d r e n 8 years old. T h e supervision a n d e n f o r c e m e n t of t h i s law are, in a c o u n t r y w h e r e every m o u s e is u n d e r police a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , left t o t h e good-will of t h e amis du commerce. O n l y s i n c e 1853, i n o n e single d e p a r t m e n t — t h e D é p a r t e m e n t d u N o r d — h a s a p a i d g o v e r n m e n t i n s p e c t o r b e e n a p p o i n t e d . N o t less c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f F r e n c h society, generally, is t h e fact, t h a t L o u i s P h i l i p p e ' s law stood solitary a m o n g t h e a l l - e m b r a c i n g m a s s of F r e n c h laws, till t h e R e v o l u t i o n of 1848.

30

1 3 9

1 4 0

" R e p o r t o f I n s p . o f Fact.," 3 0 t h April, 1860, p . 5 1 .

240

40

45

Chapter Χ • The working-day these limits, a period of 15 h o u r s , it is lawful to employ y o u n g persons (i.e., persons b e t w e e n 13 a n d 18 years | | 2 6 5 | of age), at any t i m e of t h e day, pro­ vided n o o n e individual y o u n g p e r s o n s h o u l d work m o r e t h a n 1 2 h o u r s i n any o n e day, except in certain cases especially provided for. T h e 6 t h sec5

tion of t h e Act provided: " T h a t t h e r e shall be allowed in t h e course of every day n o t less t h a n o n e a n d a half h o u r s for m e a l s to every s u c h person re­ stricted as hereinbefore provided." T h e e m p l o y m e n t of c h i l d r e n u n d e r 9, with exceptions m e n t i o n e d later, was forbidden; t h e work of c h i l d r e n be­ tween 9 a n d 13 was l i m i t e d to 8 h o u r s a day, n i g h t work, i.e., according to

10

this Act, work between 8.30 p . m . a n d 5.30 a.m., was forbidden for all per­ sons between 9 a n d 18. T h e law-makers were so far from wishing to t r e n c h on t h e freedom of capital to exploit a d u l t labour-power, or, as they called it, " t h e freedom of labour," t h a t they created a special system in o r d e r to prevent t h e F a c t o r y

15

Acts from having a c o n s e q u e n c e so o u t r a g e o u s . " T h e great evil of t h e factory system as at p r e s e n t c o n d u c t e d , " says t h e first report of t h e Central Board of t h e C o m m i s s i o n of J u n e 28th, 1833, " h a s appeared to us to be t h a t it entails t h e necessity of c o n t i n u i n g t h e la­ b o u r o f children t o t h e u t m o s t length o f t h a t o f t h e adults. T h e only r e m e d y

20

for this evil, short of t h e l i m i t a t i o n of t h e l a b o u r of adults, w h i c h would, in o u r o p i n i o n , create an evil greater t h a n t h a t w h i c h is sought to be r e m e ­ died, appears to be t h e p l a n of working d o u b l e sets of c h i l d r e n . " ... U n d e r t h e n a m e of System of Relays, t h i s " p l a n " was therefore carried out, so that, e.g., from 5.30 a.m. u n t i l 1.30 in t h e afternoon, o n e set of c h i l d r e n be-

25

tween 9 a n d 13, a n d from 1.30p.m. to 8.30 in t h e evening a n o t h e r set were " p u t t o , " etc. In order to reward t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s for having, in t h e m o s t barefaced way, ignored all t h e Acts as to c h i l d r e n ' s l a b o u r passed during t h e last twenty-two years, t h e pill was yet further gilded for t h e m . P a r l i a m e n t de-

30

creed t h a t after M a r c h 1st, 1834, no child u n d e r 11, after M a r c h 1st, 1835, no child u n d e r 12, a n d after M a r c h 1st, 1836, no child u n d e r 13, was to work m o r e t h a n eight h o u r s in a factory. T h i s "liberalism," so full of con­ sideration for "capital," was t h e m o r e noteworthy as, Dr. F a r r e , Sir A. Car­ lisle, Sir B. Brodie, Sir C. Bell, M r . ||266| G u t h r i e , etc., in a word, t h e m o s t

35

distinguished physicians a n d surgeons i n L o n d o n , h a d declared i n t h e i r evidence before t h e H o u s e of C o m m o n s , t h a t t h e r e was danger in delay. Dr. Farre expressed himself still m o r e coarsely. "Legislation is necessary for t h e prevention of death, in any form in which it c a n be p r e m a t u r e l y in­ flicted, a n d certainly this {i.e., t h e factory m e t h o d ) m u s t be viewed as a

40

m o s t cruel m o d e of inflicting it." T h a t s a m e " r e f o r m e d " P a r l i a m e n t , w h i c h in its delicate c o n s i d e r a t i o n for

241

Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value t h e manufacturers, c o n d e m n e d children u n d e r 13, for years to come, to 72 h o u r s of work per week in the Factory Hell, on t h e other h a n d , in the E m a n c i p a t i o n Act, which also administered freedom drop by drop, forbade the planters, from the outset, to work any negro slave m o r e t h a n 45 h o u r s a week. 5 But in no wise conciliated, capital now began a noisy agitation that went on for several years. It t u r n e d chiefly on the age of those who, u n d e r the n a m e of children, were limited to 8 hours work, a n d were subject to a cert a i n a m o u n t of compulsory education. A c c o r d i n g to capitalistic anthropology, the age of childhood ended at 10, or at t h e outside, at 1 1 . T h e m o r e 10 nearly the t i m e approached for the c o m i n g into full force of the Factory Act, the fatal year 1836, the m o r e wildly raged the m o b of manufacturers. T h e y m a n a g e d , in fact, to i n t i m i d a t e the g o v e r n m e n t to s u c h an extent that in 1835 it proposed to lower the limit of the age of c h i l d h o o d from 13 to 12. In the m e a n t i m e the pressure from without grew m o r e threatening. Cour- 15 age failed the H o u s e of C o m m o n s . It refused to throw children of 13 u n d e r t h e Juggernaut Car of capital for m o r e t h a n 8 h o u r s a day, a n d the A c t of 1833 c a m e into full operation. It r e m a i n e d u n a l t e r e d u n t i l J u n e , 1844. In the ten years during which it regulated factory work, first in part, a n d t h e n entirely, the official reports of the factory inspectors t e e m with com- 20 plaints as to the impossibility of putting the Act into force. As the law of 1833 left it optional with t h e lords of capital during the 15 h o u r s , from 5.30 a.m. to 8.30p.m., to m a k e every "young person," a n d "every child" begin, break off, resume, or e n d his 12 or 8 h o u r s at any m o m e n t they liked, a n d also permitted t h e m to assign to ||267| different persons, different 25 t i m e s for meals, these g e n t l e m e n soon discovered a new "system of relays," by which the labour-horses were not c h a n g e d at fixed stations, b u t were constantly re-harnessed at changing stations. We do n o t pause longer on t h e beauty of this system, as we shall have to r e t u r n to it later. But this m u c h is clear at the first glance: that this system a n n u l l e d the whole F a c - 30 tory Act, n o t only in the spirit, b u t in the letter. H o w could factory inspectors, with this complex book-keeping in respect to e a c h individual child or y o u n g person, enforce the legally d e t e r m i n e d work t i m e a n d the granting of the legal meal-times? In a great m a n y of the factories, the old brutalities s o o n blossomed out again u n p u n i s h e d . In an interview with t h e H o m e Sec35 retary (1844), the factory inspectors demonstrated t h e impossibility of any control u n d e r the newly invented relay s y s t e m . In the m e a n t i m e , however, circumstances h a d greatly changed. T h e factory h a n d s , especially since 1838, h a d m a d e the T e n H o u r s ' Bill their economical, as they h a d 141

1 4 1

" R e p t . of I n s p . of Fact.," 31st October, 1849, p. 6.

242

40

Chapter Χ · The working-day m a d e t h e Charter their political, election-cry. S o m e o f t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s , even, who h a d m a n a g e d their factories in conformity with t h e A c t of 1833, overwhelmed P a r l i a m e n t with m e m o r i a l s o n t h e i m m o r a l c o m p e t i t i o n o f their false b r e t h r e n w h o m greater i m p u d e n c e , or m o r e fortunate local cir5

c u m s t a n c e s , enabled to break t h e law. Moreover, however m u c h t h e indi­ vidual m a n u f a c t u r e r m i g h t give the rein to his old lust for gain, t h e spokes­ m e n a n d political leaders of t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g class ordered a c h a n g e of front a n d of speech towards t h e workpeople. T h e y h a d e n t e r e d u p o n t h e contest for the repeal of t h e C o r n Laws, a n d n e e d e d the workers to h e l p

10

t h e m to victory. They promised, therefore, n o t only a double-sized loaf of bread, b u t t h e e n a c t m e n t o f t h e T e n H o u r s ' Bill i n t h e F r e e T r a d e millen­ n i u m . 1 4 2 T h u s they still less dared to oppose a m e a s u r e i n t e n d e d only to m a k e t h e law of 1833 a reality. T h r e a t e n e d in t h e i r holiest interest, t h e r e n t of land, t h e Tories t h u n d e r e d with p h i l a n t h r o p i c i n d i g n a t i o n against t h e

15

"nefarious p r a c t i c e s " 1 4 3 of t h e i r foes. | |268| This was t h e origin of t h e a d d i t i o n a l Factory Act of J u n e 6th, 1844. It c a m e i n t o effect on O c t o b e r 1st, 1844. It places u n d e r p r o t e c t i o n a n e w category of workers, viz., t h e w o m e n over 18. T h e y were placed in every re­ spect on t h e s a m e footing as t h e y o u n g persons, their work t i m e l i m i t e d to

20

twelve h o u r s , their night-labour forbidden, etc. F o r t h e first t i m e , legisla­ t i o n saw itself compelled to control directly a n d officially the l a b o u r of adults. In the Factory R e p o r t of 1844-1845, it is said with irony: " N o in­ stances have c o m e to my knowledge of adult w o m e n having expressed any regret at their rights being t h u s far interfered w i t h . " 1 4 4 T h e working t i m e of

25

children u n d e r 13 was r e d u c e d to 6½, a n d in certain c i r c u m s t a n c e s to 7 h o u r s a-day. 1 4 5 To get rid of t h e abuses of t h e " s p u r i o u s relay-system," the law estab­ lished besides others t h e following i m p o r t a n t r e g u l a t i o n s : — " T h a t t h e h o u r s of work of children a n d y o u n g persons shall be r e c k o n e d from t h e t i m e

30

w h e n any child or young p e r s o n shall b e g i n to work in t h e m o r n i n g . " So t h a t if A, e.g., begins work at 8 in t h e m o r n i n g , a n d Β at 10, B's workday m u s t nevertheless e n d at t h e s a m e h o u r as A ' s . " T h e t i m e shall be regu­ lated by a public clock," for e x a m p l e , t h e n e a r e s t railway clock, by w h i c h the factory clock is to be set. T h e o c c u p i e r is to h a n g up a "legible" p r i n t e d

35

n o t i c e stating t h e h o u r s for t h e b e g i n n i n g a n d e n d i n g of work a n d t h e t i m e s allowed for the several m e a l s . C h i l d r e n b e g i n n i n g work before 12 n o o n m a y 142

" R e p t . of I n s p . of F a c t . , " 31st O c t o b e r , 1848, p. 98. L e o n a r d H o m e r u s e s t h e e x p r e s s i o n " n e f a r i o u s p r a c t i c e s " i n h i s official reports. ( " R e p o r t of I n s p . of F a c t . , " 31st O c t o b e r , 1859, p. 7.) 144 " R e p t . , " etc., 3 0 t h Sept., 1844, p . 15. 145 T h e A c t allows c h i l d r e n t o b e e m p l o y e d for 1 0 h o u r s i f t h e y d o n o t work day after day, b u t only o n a l t e r n a t e days. I n t h e m a i n , t h i s c l a u s e r e m a i n e d i n o p e r a t i v e . 143

40

243

Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value n o t be again employed after 1 p.m. T h e afternoon shift m u s t therefore consist of other children t h a n those employed in t h e m o r n i n g . Of t h e h o u r a n d a half for m e a l times, "one h o u r thereof at t h e least shall be given before t h r e e of t h e clock in the afternoon. ... (and at the s a m e period of the day.) No child or young person shall be employed m o r e t h a n five h o u r s before 1 p . m . ' w i t h o u t an interval for m e a l t i m e of at least 30 m i n u t e s . [...] No child or y o u n g person (or female) shall be employed or allowed to r e m a i n in any r o o m in which any m a n u f a c t u r i n g process is t h e n [i.e., at m e a l times) carried on," etc. | |269| It has b e e n seen that these minutiae, which, with military uniformity, regulate by stroke of the clock the times, limits, pauses of the work, were n o t at all the products of Parliamentary fancy. They developed gradually out of circumstances as n a t u r a l laws of the m o d e r n m o d e of p r o d u c tion. T h e i r formulation, official recognition, a n d p r o c l a m a t i o n by t h e State, were the result of a long struggle of classes. O n e of their first conseq u e n c e s was that in practice the working day of the adult males in factories b e c a m e subject to the same limitations, since in m o s t processes of production the co-operation of the children, y o u n g persons, a n d w o m e n is indispensable. On the whole, therefore, during the period from 1844 to 1847, the 12 h o u r s ' working day b e c a m e general a n d u n i f o r m in all b r a n c h e s of industry u n d e r the Factory Act. T h e manufacturers, however, did n o t allow this "progress" without a c o m p e n s a t i n g "retrogression*" At their instigation the H o u s e of C o m m o n s r e d u c e d t h e m i n i m u m age for exploitable children from 9 to 8, in order to assure that additional supply of factory children w h i c h is d u e to capitalists, according t o divine a n d h u m a n l a w . T h e years 1846-47 are epoch-making in t h e e c o n o m i c history of England. T h e Repeal of the Corn Laws, a n d of the duties on cotton and other raw material; free trade proclaimed as t h e guiding star of legislation; in a word, the arrival of the m i l l e n n i u m . On t h e other h a n d , in the s a m e years, the Chartist m o v e m e n t a n d the 10 h o u r s ' agitation reached their highest point. T h e y found allies in the Tories panting for revenge. Despite the fan a t i c a l opposition of the army of perjured Free-traders, with Bright a n d C o b d e n at their head, the T e n H o u r s ' Bill, struggled for so long, went t h r o u g h Parliament. T h e new Factory Act of J u n e 8th, 1847, enacted that on July 1st, 1847, there should be a preliminary shortening of the working day for "young persons" (from 13 to 18), and all females to 11 h o u r s , b u t t h a t on M a y 1st,

5

to

15

20

25

146

30

35

1 4 6

"As a r e d u c t i o n in their h o u r s of work would c a u s e a larger n u m b e r (of c h i l d r e n ) to be e m ployed, it was t h o u g h t t h a t t h e a d d i t i o n a l supply of c h i l d r e n from 8 to 9 years of age w o u l d m e e t t h e i n c r e a s e d d e m a n d " (I.e., p . 13).

244

40

Chapter Χ · The working-day 1848, there should be a definite l i m i t a t i o n of t h e working day to 10 h o u r s . I n ||270| o t h e r respects, t h e A c t only a m e n d e d a n d c o m p l e t e d t h e Acts o f 1833 a n d 1844. Capital now e n t e r e d u p o n a preliminary c a m p a i g n in order to h i n d e r t h e 5

Act from c o m i n g i n t o full force on M a y 1st, 1848. A n d t h e workers t h e m ­ selves, u n d e r the p r e t e n c e t h a t they h a d b e e n t a u g h t by experience, were to help in t h e destruction of their own work. T h e m o m e n t was cleverly chosen. " I t m u s t b e r e m e m b e r e d , too, t h a t t h e r e h a s b e e n m o r e t h a n two years of great suffering (in c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e terrible crisis of 1846-47)

10

a m o n g t h e factory operatives, from m a n y mills having worked short t i m e , a n d m a n y being altogether closed. A considerable n u m b e r of the operatives m u s t therefore be in very narrow c i r c u m s t a n c e s ; m a n y , it is to be feared, in debt; so t h a t it m i g h t fairly have b e e n p r e s u m e d t h a t at the present t i m e they would prefer working t h e longer t i m e , in order to m a k e up for p a s t

15

losses, p e r h a p s to pay off debts, or get their furniture o u t of pawn, or re­ place that sold, or to get a n e w supply of clothes for themselves a n d their families."147 T h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s tried to aggravate t h e n a t u r a l effect of these c i r c u m ­ stances by a general r e d u c t i o n of wages by 10 %. This was d o n e , so to say,

20

to celebrate t h e i n a u g u r a t i o n of t h e n e w F r e e T r a d e era. T h e n followed a further r e d u c t i o n of 8½ % as soon as t h e working day was s h o r t e n e d to 11, a n d a r e d u c t i o n of d o u b l e t h a t a m o u n t as s o o n as it was finally s h o r t e n e d to 10 h o u r s . Wherever, therefore, c i r c u m s t a n c e s allowed it, a r e d u c t i o n of wages of at least 25 % took p l a c e . 1 4 8 U n d e r s u c h favourably prepared condi-

25

tions the agitation a m o n g t h e factory workers for t h e repeal of t h e A c t of 1847 was begun. N e i t h e r lies, bribery, n o r threats were spared in this at­ t e m p t . B u t all was in vain. C o n c e r n i n g t h e half-dozen petitions in which workpeople were m a d e to c o m p l a i n of " t h e i r oppression by the Act," t h e petitioners themselves declared u n d e r oral e x a m i n a t i o n , t h a t t h e i r signa-

30

tures h a d b e e n extorted from t h e m . " T h e y felt themselves oppressed, b u t n o t exactly by t h e | | 2 7 1 | Factory A c t . " 1 4 9 But if t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s did n o t succeed in m a k i n g t h e workpeople speak as they wished, they themselves shrieked all the l o u d e r in press a n d P a r l i a m e n t in t h e n a m e of t h e workpeo­ ple. They d e n o u n c e d the F a c t o r y I n s p e c t o r s as a k i n d of revolutionary

35

147

" R e p . of I n s p . of F a c t . , " 31st Oct., 1848, p. 16. " I f o u n d t h a t m e n w h o h a d b e e n g e t t i n g 10s. a week, h a d h a d I s . t a k e n off for a r e d u c t i o n i n t h e r a t e o f 1 0 p e r c e n t , a n d I s . 6d. off t h e r e m a i n i n g 9s. for t h e r e d u c t i o n i n t i m e , t o g e t h e r 2s. 6d., a n d n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g this, m a n y o f t h e m said t h e y w o u l d r a t h e r work 1 0 h o u r s . " I.e. 149 ' " T h o u g h ι signed it (the p e t i t i o n ) , I said at t h e t i m e I was p u t t i n g my h a n d to a wrong t h i n g . ' ' T h e n why d i d y o u p u t y o u r h a n d to it?' ' B e c a u s e I s h o u l d h a v e b e e n t u r n e d off if I h a d 148

40

refused.' W h e n c e i t w o u l d a p p e a r t h a t this p e t i t i o n e r felt h i m s e l f O p p r e s s e d , ' b u t n o t exactly b y t h e F a c t o r y A c t . " I.e. p . 102.

245

Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value c o m m i s s i o n e r s like those of the F r e n c h N a t i o n a l C o n v e n t i o n ruthlessly sacrificing the u n h a p p y factory workers to their h u m a n i t a r i a n crotchet. This m a n œ u v r e also failed. Factory Inspector L e o n a r d H o r n e r c o n d u c t e d in his own person, and t h r o u g h his sub-inspectors, m a n y e x a m i n a t i o n s of witnesses in the factories of Lancashire. A b o u t 70 % of the workpeople ex5 a m i n e d declared in favour of 10 hours, a m u c h smaller percentage in favour of 1 1 , a n d an altogether insignificant minority for the old 12 h o u r s . A n o t h e r "friendly" dodge was to m a k e t h e adult males work 12 to 15 h o u r s , a n d t h e n to b l a z o n abroad this fact as the best proof of what the proletariat desired in its heart of hearts. But the "ruthless" Factory Inspec- 10 tor L e o n a r d H o r n e r was again to the fore. T h e majority of the "over-timers" declared: "They would m u c h prefer working t e n h o u r s for less wages, b u t t h a t they h a d no choice; that so m a n y were out of e m p l o y m e n t (so m a n y spinners getting very low wages by having to work as piecers, being u n a b l e to do better), that if they refused to work t h e longer t i m e , others would i m - 15 m e d i a t e l y get their places, so that it was a question with t h e m of agreeing to work t h e long t i m e , or of being thrown o u t of e m p l o y m e n t a l t o g e t h e r . " 150

151

T h e preliminary c a m p a i g n of capital t h u s c a m e to grief, a n d the T e n H o u r s ' Act c a m e into force M a y 1st, 1848. B u t m e a n w h i l e the fiasco of the Chartist party whose leaders were ||272| imprisoned, a n d whose organisation was d i s m e m b e r e d , h a d shaken the confidence of the English working class in its own strength. Soon after this the J u n e insurrections in Paris a n d its bloody suppression u n i t e d , in England as on the C o n t i n e n t , all fractions of t h e ruling classes, landlords and capitalists, stock-exchange wolves a n d shop-keepers, Protectionists a n d Free-traders, g o v e r n m e n t a n d opposition, priests a n d free-thinkers, young whores a n d old n u n s , u n d e r the c o m m o n cry for the salvation of Property, Religion, t h e F a m i l y a n d Society. T h e working class was everywhere proclaimed, placed u n d e r a b a n , u n d e r a virt u a l law of suspects. T h e manufacturers h a d no n e e d any longer to restrain themselves. They broke out in open revolt n o t only against the Ten H o u r s ' Act, b u t against the whole of the legislation t h a t since 1833 h a d a i m e d at restricting in some m e a s u r e the "free" exploitation of labour-power. It was a pro-slavery rebellion in m i n i a t u r e , carried on for over two years with a cynical recklessness, a terrorist energy all the cheaper because the rebel capitalist risked n o t h i n g except the skin of his " h a n d s . "

20

25

30

35

l s o

p . 17, I.e. I n M r . H o r n e r ' s district 10,270 a d u l t m a l e l a b o u r e r s were t h u s e x a m i n e d i n 181 factories. T h e i r e v i d e n c e is to be found in t h e a p p e n d i x to t h e F a c t o r y R e p o r t s for t h e half-year e n d i n g O c t o b e r 1848. T h e s e e x a m i n a t i o n s furnish v a l u a b l e m a t e r i a l i n o t h e r c o n n e x i o n s also. 1 5 1

I.e. See t h e e v i d e n c e collected b y L e o n a r d H o r n e r himself, N o s . 6 9 , 70, 7 1 , 7 2 , 92, 9 3 , a n d t h a t collected by S u b - I n s p e c t o r Α., N o s . 5 1 , 52, 58, 59, 60, 62, 70, of t h e A p p e n d i x . O n e m a n u ­ facturer, t o o , tells t h e p l a i n t r u t h . S e e N o . 14, a n d N o . 2 6 5 , I.e.

246

40

Chapter Χ · The working-day T o u n d e r s t a n d t h a t which follows w e m u s t r e m e m b e r t h a t t h e F a c t o r y Acts of 1833, 1844, a n d 1847 were all t h r e e in force so far as t h e o n e did n o t a m e n d t h e other: t h a t n o t o n e o f t h e s e l i m i t e d t h e working day o f t h e m a l e worker over 18, a n d t h a t since 1833 t h e 15 h o u r s from 5.30 a.m. to 5

8.30 p . m . h a d r e m a i n e d t h e legal "day," w i t h i n t h e limits of which at first t h e 12, a n d later t h e 10 h o u r s ' l a b o u r of y o u n g persons a n d w o m e n h a d to b e performed u n d e r t h e prescribed c o n d i t i o n s . T h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s b e g a n by h e r e a n d t h e r e discharging a part of, in m a n y cases half of, t h e y o u n g persons a n d w o m e n employed by t h e m , a n d

10

t h e n , for t h e a d u l t males, restoring t h e a l m o s t obsolete night-work. T h e T e n H o u r s ' Act, they cried, leaves n o o t h e r a l t e r n a t i v e . 1 5 2 T h e i r second step dealt with t h e legal p a u s e s for m e a l s . Let us h e a r t h e Factory Inspectors. " S i n c e t h e restriction of t h e h o u r s of work to t e n , t h e factory occupiers m a i n t a i n , a l t h o u g h t h e y have n o t yet practically gone t h e

15

whole length, | | 2 7 3 | t h a t supposing t h e h o u r s of work to be from 9 a.m. to 7 p.m., they fulfil t h e provisions of t h e statutes by allowing an h o u r before 9 a . m . a n d half-an-hour after 7 p . m . (for m e a l s ) . In s o m e cases they n o w al­ low an hour, or half an h o u r for d i n n e r , insisting at t h e s a m e t i m e , t h a t they are n o t b o u n d to allow any part of t h e h o u r a n d a half in t h e course of

20

t h e factory working-day." 1 5 3 T h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s m a i n t a i n e d therefore t h a t t h e scrupulously strict provisions of t h e Acts of 1844 with regard to m e a l t i m e s only gave t h e operatives p e r m i s s i o n to eat a n d d r i n k before c o m i n g into, a n d after leaving t h e factory—i.e., at h o m e . A n d why should n o t t h e workpeople eat their d i n n e r before 9 in t h e m o r n i n g ? T h e crown lawyers,

25

however, decided t h a t t h e prescribed m e a l t i m e s " m u s t b e i n t h e interval during t h e working h o u r s , a n d t h a t it will n o t be lawful to work for 10 h o u r s continuously, from 9 a.m. to 7 p.m., w i t h o u t a n y i n t e r v a l . " 1 5 4 After these p l e a s a n t d e m o n s t r a t i o n s , C a p i t a l p r e l u d e d its revolt by a step w h i c h agreed with t h e letter of t h e law of 1844, a n d was therefore legal.

30

T h e Act of 1844 certainly p r o h i b i t e d t h e e m p l o y m e n t after 1 p . m . of s u c h children, from 8 to 13, as h a d b e e n e m p l o y e d before n o o n . B u t it did n o t regulate in any way t h e 6½ h o u r s ' work of t h e c h i l d r e n whose work-time be­ g a n at 12 m i d d a y or later. C h i l d r e n of 8 m i g h t , if they b e g a n work at n o o n , be employed from 12 to 1, 1 h o u r ; from 2 to 4 in t h e afternoon, 2 h o u r s ;

35

from 5 to 8.30 in t h e evening, 3½ h o u r s ; in all, t h e legal 6½ h o u r s . Or b e t t e r still. In order to m a k e their work c o i n c i d e w i t h t h a t of t h e a d u l t m a l e la­ b o u r e r s up to 8.30 p.m., t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s only h a d to give t h e m no work till 2 in t h e afternoon; they could t h e n k e e p t h e m in t h e factory w i t h o u t in152

40

153 154

R e p o r t s , etc., for 31st O c t o b e r 1848, p. 133, 134. R e p o r t s , etc., for 3 0 t h April, 1848, p. 4 7 . R e p o r t s , etc., for 31st O c t o b e r , 1848, p. 130.

247

Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value t e r m i s s i o n till 8.30 in the evening. "And it is n o w expressly a d m i t t e d t h a t t h e practice exists in England from the desire of mill-owners to have their m a c h i n e r y at work for m o r e t h a n 10 h o u r s a-day, to k e e p the children at work with m a l e adults after all the young persons a n d w o m e n have left, a n d u n t i l 8.30 p.m., if the factory-owners c h o o s e . " W o r k m e n ||274| a n d factory inspectors protested on hygienic a n d m o r a l g r o u n d s , b u t Capital answered: "My deeds u p o n my head! I crave the law, T h e penalty and forfeit of my b o n d . " 155

5

In fact, according to statistics laid before the H o u s e of C o m m o n s on July 10 26th, 1850, in spite of all protests, on July 15th, 1850, 3,742 children were subjected to this "practice" in 257 f a c t o r i e s . Still, this was not enough. T h e lynx eye of Capital discovered that the A c t of 1844 did not allow 5 h o u r s ' work before m i d - d a y without a p a u s e of at least 30 m i n u t e s for refreshment, b u t prescribed n o t h i n g of t h e k i n d for work after mid-day. 15 Therefore, it claimed and obtained the enjoyment n o t only of m a k i n g children of 8 drudge without intermission from 2 to 8.30 p.m., b u t also of m a k i n g t h e m hunger during that t i m e . 156

"Ay, his heart, So says the b o n d . "

1 5 7

20

This Shylock-clinging to the letter of the law of 1844, so far as it regulated children's labour, was but to lead up to an o p e n revolt against the s a m e law, so far as it regulated the labour of "young persons a n d w o m e n . " It will be r e m e m b e r e d that t h e abolition of the "false relay system" was the chief a i m a n d object of that law. T h e masters began their revolt with the 25 simple declaration that the sections of the Act of 1844 which prohibited the ad libitum use of y o u n g persons a n d w o m e n in such short fractions of the day of 15 hours as the employer chose, were "comparatively h a r m l e s s " so long as the work-time was fixed at 12 h o u r s . But u n d e r the T e n H o u r s ' 1 5 3

R e p o r t s , etc., I.e., p. 142. R e p o r t s , etc., for 31st October, 1850, p p . 5 , 6 . T h e n a t u r e o f capital r e m a i n s t h e s a m e i n its d e v e l o p e d a s i n its u n d e v e l o p e d form. I n t h e c o d e w h i c h t h e influence of t h e slave-owners, shortly before t h e o u t b r e a k of t h e A m e r i c a n civi l war, i m p o s e d o n t h e territory o f N e w M e x i c o , i t i s said t h a t t h e l a b o u r e r , i n a s m u c h a s t h e capitalist h a s b o u g h t his labour-power, "is h i s (the capitalist's) m o n e y . " T h e s a m e view was current a m o n g the R o m a n patricians. The money they h a d advanced to the plebeian debtor h a d b e e n t r a n s f o r m e d via t h e m e a n s o f s u b s i s t e n c e i n t o t h e flesh a n d b l o o d o f t h e d e b t o r . T h i s "flesh a n d b l o o d " were, therefore, " t h e i r m o n e y . " H e n c e , t h e Shylock-law o f t h e T e n T a b l e s . L i n g u e t ' s h y p o t h e s i s t h a t t h e p a t r i c i a n creditors from t i m e t o t i m e p r e p a r e d , b e y o n d

30

t h e Tiber, b a n q u e t s o f d e b t o r s ' flesh, m a y r e m a i n a s u n d e c i d e d a s t h a t o f D a u m e r o n t h e Christian Eucharist.

40

1 5 6

1 5 7

248

35

Chapter Χ • The working-day Act they were a "grievous h a r d s h i p . "

158

T h e y i n f o r m e d t h e in||275|spectors

in t h e coolest m a n n e r t h a t they should place themselves above t h e letter of t h e law, a n d re-introduce t h e old system on their own a c c o u n t .

159

T h e y were

acting in t h e interests of t h e ill-advised operatives themselves, " i n order to 5

be able to pay t h e m h i g h e r wages." " T h i s was t h e only possible p l a n by which t o m a i n t a i n , u n d e r t h e T e n H o u r s ' Act, t h e i n d u s t r i a l s u p r e m a c y o f G r e a t Britain." " P e r h a p s it m a y be a little difficult to d e t e c t irregularities u n d e r t h e relay system; b u t what of t h a t ? Is t h e great m a n u f a c t u r i n g inter­ est of this country to be treated as a secondary m a t t e r in order to save s o m e

10

little trouble to Inspectors a n d Sub-Inspectors of F a c t o r i e s ? " 1 6 0 All these shifts naturally were of no avail. T h e Factory Inspectors ap­ pealed to t h e Law Courts. B u t soon s u c h a c l o u d of d u s t in t h e way of peti­ tions from t h e m a s t e r s overwhelmed t h e H o m e Secretary, Sir George Grey, t h a t in a circular of A u g u s t 5th, 1848, .he r e c o m m e n d s t h e inspectors n o t

15

" t o lay informations against mill-owners for a b r e a c h of t h e letter of t h e Act, or for e m p l o y m e n t of y o u n g p e r s o n s by relays in cases in w h i c h t h e r e is no r e a s o n to believe t h a t s u c h y o u n g persons have b e e n actually em­ ployed for a longer period t h a n t h a t s a n c t i o n e d by law." H e r e u p o n , F a c t o r y Inspector J. Stuart allowed t h e so-called relay system during t h e 15 h o u r s of

20

t h e factory day t h r o u g h o u t Scotland, where it soon flourished again as of old. T h e English Factory Inspectors, o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , declared t h a t t h e H o m e Secretary h a d n o power dictatorially t o s u s p e n d t h e law, a n d c o n t i n ­ u e d their legal proceedings against t h e pro-slavery rebellion. But what was t h e good of s u m m o n i n g t h e capitalists w h e n t h e Courts, in

25

this case t h e c o u n t y m a g i s t r a t e s — C o b b e t t ' s " G r e a t U n p a i d " — a c q u i t t e d t h e m ? I n these tribunals, t h e m a s t e r s sat i n j u d g m e n t o n themselves. A n example. O n e Eskrigge, cotton-spinner, of t h e firm of Kershaw, Leese, & Co., h a d laid before t h e Factory I n s p e c t o r of his district t h e s c h e m e of a relay system i n t e n d e d for his mill. Receiving a refusal, he at first kept quiet. A

30

few m o n t h s later, an i n d i v i d u a l n a m e d R o b i n s o n , also a cotton-spinner, a n d if n o t his M a n Friday, at ||276| all events related to Eskrigge, a p p e a r e d before t h e borough magistrates of Stockport on a charge of i n t r o d u c i n g t h e identical p l a n of relays i n v e n t e d by Eskrigge. F o u r Justices sat, a m o n g t h e m three cotton-spinners, a t t h e i r h e a d this s a m e inevitable Eskrigge. Es-

35

krigge a c q u i t t e d R o b i n s o n , a n d n o w was of o p i n i o n t h a t what was right for R o b i n s o n was fair for Eskrigge. S u p p o r t e d by his own legal decision, be in­ t r o d u c e d t h e system at o n c e i n t o his own factory. 1 6 1 Of course, t h e c o m p o s i 1SS

R e p o r t s , etc., for 31st O c t o b e r , 1848, p. 133.

159

40

T h u s , a m o n g o t h e r s , P h i l a n t h r o p i s t A s h w o r t h t o L e o n a r d H o r n e r , i n a disgusting Q u a k e r letter. ( R e p o r t s , etc., April 1849, p. 4.) 160 I.e., p . 140. 161 R e p o r t s , etc., for 3 0 t h April, 1849, p p . 2 1 , 2 2 . Cf. like e x a m p l e s ibid, p p . 4 , 5.

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value 162

t i o n of this tribunal was in itself a violation of the l a w . These j u d i c i a l farces, exclaims Inspector Howell, "urgently call for a r e m e d y — e i t h e r that t h e law should be so altered as to be m a d e to conform to these decisions, or t h a t it should be administered by a less fallible tribunal, whose decisions would conform to the law. ... when these cases are brought forward. I long for a stipendiary m a g i s t r a t e . " T h e Crown lawyers declared the masters' interpretation of the A c t of 1844 absurd. But the Saviours of Society would n o t allow themselves to be t u r n e d from their purpose. L e o n a r d H o r n e r reports, "Having endeavoured to enforce the Act ... by ten prosecutions in seven magisterial divisions, a n d having b e e n supported by the magistrates in one case only. ... I considered it useless to prosecute m o r e for this evasion of the law. T h a t part of t h e A c t of 1844 which was framed for securing uniformity in t h e h o u r s of work, ... is t h u s no longer in force in my district (Lancashire). N e i t h e r have the sub-inspectors or myself any m e a n s of satisfying ourselves, w h e n we inspect a mill working by shifts, that the y o u n g persons a n d w o m e n are n o t working m o r e t h a n 10 h o u r s a-day. ... (In) a return of t h e 30th April, ... of mill-owners [...] working [...] by shifts, the n u m b e r a m o u n t s to 114, a n d h a s b e e n for some time rapidly increasing. In general, the t i m e of working t h e mill is extended to 13½ hours, from 6 a . m . to 7 ½ p . m . , ... in s o m e instances it a m o u n t s to 15 hours, from 5½ a.m. to 8½ p . m . " Already, in D e cember, 1848, Leonard H o r n e r h a d a list of 65 m a n u f a c t u r e r s a n d 29 overlookers who u n a n i m o u s l y declared ||277| t h a t no system of supervision could, u n d e r this relay system, prevent e n o r m o u s overwork. Now, the s a m e children a n d y o u n g persons were shifted from the s p i n n i n g - r o o m to t h e weaving-room, now, during 15 hours, from o n e factory to a n o t h e r . H o w was it possible to control a system which, " u n d e r the guise of relays, is s o m e o n e of the m a n y plans for shuffling 'the h a n d s ' a b o u t in endless variety, a n d shifting the h o u r s of work a n d of rest for different individuals t h r o u g h o u t the day, so that you m a y never have one c o m p l e t e set of h a n d s working together i n the s a m e r o o m a t the s a m e t i m e . "

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163

10

15

20

1 6 4

165

25

166

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1 6 7

But altogether i n d e p e n d e n t l y of actual overwork, this so-called relay-syst e m was an offspring of capitalistic fantasy such as Fourier, in his h u m o r o u s sketches of "Courtes Séances," has never surpassed, except that the "at1 6 2

By I a n d II. Will. IV., ch. 39, s. 10, k n o w n as Sir J o h n H o b h o u s e ' s F a c t o r y A c t , it was forb i d d e n to a n y o w n e r of a c o t t o n - s p i n n i n g or weaving mill, or t h e father, son, or b r o t h e r of s u c h owner, t o act a s J u s t i c e o f t h e P e a c e i n a n y i n q u i r i e s t h a t c o n c e r n e d t h e F a c t o r y Act. I.e. R e p o r t s , etc., for 30th April, 1849, p . 5 . R e p o r t s , etc., for 31st October, 1849, p. 6. R e p o r t s , etc., for 30th April, 1849, p . 2 1 . R e p o r t s , etc., for 31st October, 1848, p . 9 5 .

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1 6 3

1 6 4

1 6 5

1 6 6

1 6 7

250

40

Chapter Χ • The working-day t r a c t i o n of l a b o u r " was c h a n g e d i n t o t h e a t t r a c t i o n of capital. Look, for e x a m p l e at those s c h e m e s of t h e m a s t e r s w h i c h t h e " r e s p e c t a b l e " press praised as m o d e l s of "what a reasonable degree of care a n d m e t h o d c a n ac­ c o m p l i s h . " T h e personnel of t h e workpeople was s o m e t i m e s divided i n t o 5

from 12 to 14 categories, w h i c h themselves constantly c h a n g e d a n d rec h a n g e d their c o n s t i t u e n t parts. D u r i n g t h e 15 h o u r s of t h e factory day, capital dragged in t h e l a b o u r e r n o w for 30 m i n u t e s , n o w for an h o u r , a n d t h e n p u s h e d h i m o u t again, t o drag h i m i n t o t h e factory a n d t o t h r u s t h i m o u t afresh, h o u n d i n g h i m h i t h e r a n d thither, i n scattered shreds o f t i m e ,

10

w i t h o u t ever losing h o l d of h i m u n t i l t h e full 10 h o u r s ' work was d o n e . As o n t h e stage, t h e s a m e persons h a d t o a p p e a r i n t u r n s i n t h e different scenes of t h e different acts. B u t as an actor d u r i n g t h e whole course of t h e play belongs to t h e stage, so t h e operatives, d u r i n g 15 h o u r s , b e l o n g e d to t h e factory, without r e c k o n i n g t h e t i m e for going a n d c o m i n g . T h u s t h e

15

h o u r s of rest were t u r n e d i n t o h o u r s of enforced idleness, which drove t h e y o u t h s t o t h e pot-house, a n d t h e girls t o t h e b r o t h e l . A t every new trick t h a t t h e capitalist, from day to day, h i t u p o n for keeping his m a c h i n e r y going 12 or 15 h o u r s w i t h o u t increasing t h e n u m b e r of his h a n d s , t h e worker h a d to swallow his m e a l s now in this fragment of t i m e , n o w in t h a t . At t h e t i m e of

20

t h e I(278( 10 h o u r s ' agitation, t h e m a s t e r s cried out t h a t t h e working m o b p e t i t i o n e d in t h e h o p e of o b t a i n i n g 12 h o u r s ' wages for 10 h o u r s ' work. N o w they reversed t h e m e d a l . T h e y p a i d 10 h o u r s ' wages for 12 or 15 h o u r s ' lordship over labour-power. 1 6 8 T h i s was t h e gist of t h e m a t t e r , this t h e m a s ­ ters' interpretation of t h e 10 h o u r s ' law! T h e s e were t h e s a m e u n c t u o u s

25

free-traders, perspiring with t h e love of h u m a n i t y , who for full 10 years, d u r i n g t h e A n t i - C o r n Law agitation, h a d p r e a c h e d to t h e operatives, by a r e c k o n i n g of p o u n d s , shillings, a n d p e n c e , t h a t with free i m p o r t a t i o n of corn, a n d with t h e m e a n s possessed by E n g l i s h industry, 10 h o u r s ' l a b o u r would be q u i t e e n o u g h to e n r i c h t h e capitalists.

30

169

T h i s revolt of capital, af-

ter two years, was at last crowned with victory by a decision of o n e of t h e four highest Courts of J u s t i c e in E n g l a n d , t h e C o u r t of E x c h e q u e r , w h i c h in a case b r o u g h t before it on F e b r u a r y 8th, 1850, decided t h a t t h e m a n u ­ facturers were certainly acting against t h e sense of t h e Act of 1844, b u t t h a t this Act itself c o n t a i n e d certain words t h a t r e n d e r e d it m e a n i n g l e s s . "By

35

this decision, t h e T e n H o u r s ' Act was a b o l i s h e d . " 1 7 0 A crowd of masters, 168

40

See R e p o r t s , etc., for 3 0 t h April, 1849, p. 6, a n d t h e d e t a i l e d e x p l a n a t i o n of t h e "shifting system," b y F a c t o r y I n s p e c t o r s H o w e l l a n d S a u n d e r s , i n " R e p o r t s , etc., for 31st O c t o b e r 1 8 4 8 . " See also t h e p e t i t i o n t o t h e Q u e e n f r o m t h e clergy o f A s h t o n a n d vicinity, i n t h e spring of 1849, against t h e "shift s y s t e m . " 169 Cf. for e x a m p l e , " T h e F a c t o r y Q u e s t i o n a n d t h e T e n H o u r s ' Bill." B y R . H . G r e g , 1837. 170 F . E n g e l s : " T h e English T e n H o u r s ' Bill." (In t h e " N e u e R h e i n i s c h e Z e i t u n g , P o l i t i s c h o e k o n o m i s c h e R e v u e . " E d i t e d b y K . M a r x . A p r i l n u m b e r , 1850, p . 13.) T h e s a m e " h i g h " C o u r t

251

Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value who u n t i l t h e n h a d b e e n afraid of using the relay-system for young persons a n d w o m e n , now took i t u p heart a n d s o u l . But on this apparently decisive victory of capital, followed at o n c e a revulsion. T h e workpeople h a d hitherto offered a passive, although inflexible a n d u n r e m i t t i n g resistance. They now protested in L a n c a s h i r e a n d York5 shire in threatening meetings. T h e p r e t e n d e d T e n H o u r s ' Act, was t h u s simple h u m b u g , parliamentary cheating, h a d never existed! T h e Factory Inspectors urgently warned the G o v e r n m e n t t h a t t h e a n t a g o n i s m of classes h a d arrived at an incredible tension. S o m e of t h e masters themselves m u r m u r e d : " O n a c c o u n t of ||279| the contradictory decisions of t h e magis- 10 traies, a c o n d i t i o n of things altogether a b n o r m a l a n d anarchical obtains. O n e law holds in Yorkshire, another in L a n c a s h i r e ; o n e law in o n e parish of Lancashire, another in its i m m e d i a t e n e i g h b o u r h o o d . T h e m a n u f a c t u r e r in large towns could evade the law, the m a n u f a c t u r e r in country districts could n o t find the people necessary for t h e relay-system, still less for the 15 shifting of h a n d s from one factory to another," etc. A n d the first birthright of capital is equal exploitation of labour-power by all capitalists. 171

U n d e r these circumstances a c o m p r o m i s e between masters a n d m e n was effected that received the seal of P a r l i a m e n t in the additional Factory Act of A u g u s t 5th, 1850. T h e working day for "young persons a n d w o m e n , " was 20 raised from 10 to 10½ hours for the first five days of the week, and was shortened to 7½ on the Saturday. The work was to go on between 6 a.m. a n d 6 p . m . , with pauses of n o t less t h a n 1½ h o u r s for m e a l - t i m e s , these m e a l t i m e s to be allowed at one a n d the same t i m e for all, a n d conformably to t h e conditions of 1844. By this an e n d was p u t to the relay-system once for 25 a l l . F o r children's labour, the Act of 1844 r e m a i n e d in force. O n e set of masters, this t i m e as before, secured to itself special seigneurial rights over the children of the proletariat. These were the silk m a n u f a c turers. In 1833 they h a d howled out in t h r e a t e n i n g fashion, "if t h e liberty of working children of any age for 10 h o u r s a day were t a k e n away, it would 30 stop their w o r k s . " It would be impossible for t h e m to b u y a sufficient n u m b e r of children over 1 1 . They extorted the privilege they desired. T h e pretext was shown on subsequent investigation to be a deliberate l i e . It 172

173

174

175

of J u s t i c e discovered, d u r i n g t h e A m e r i c a n Civil W a r , a verbal a m b i g u i t y w h i c h exactly reversed t h e m e a n i n g of t h e law against t h e a r m i n g of p i r a t e ships.

35

1 7 1

R e p . , etc., for 30th April, 1850. In winter, from 7 a.m. to 7 p . m . m a y be s u b s t i t u t e d . 173 «The p r e s e n t law (of 1850) was a c o m p r o m i s e w h e r e b y t h e e m p l o y e d s u r r e n d e r e d t h e b e n efit o f t h e T e n H o u r s ' A c t for t h e a d v a n t a g e o f o n e u n i f o r m p e r i o d for t h e c o m m e n c e m e n t a n d t e r m i n a t i o n of t h e l a b o u r of t h o s e w h o s e l a b o u r is restricted." (Reports, etc., for 3 0 t h April, 1852, p. 14.) ' R e p o r t s , etc., for Sept., 1844, p. 13. I.e. 1 7 2

7 4

1 7 5

252

40

Chapter Χ • The working-day did not, however, prevent t h e m ,

during

10 years, from spinning silk

10 h o u r s a day o u t of t h e blood of little c h i l d r e n who h a d to be placed u p o n stools for t h e p e r f o r m a n c e of t h e i r work.

176

T h e Act of 1844 certainly

" r o b b e d " t h e m of the "liberty" of e m p l o y i n g children u n d e r 11 longer t h a n 5

6½ h o u r s a day. B u t it secured to t h e m , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , the privilege of working children between 11 a n d ||280| 13, 10 h o u r s a day, a n d of a n n u l ­ ling in their case t h e e d u c a t i o n m a d e compulsory for all o t h e r factory chil­ dren. T h i s t i m e t h e pretext was " t h e delicate t e x t u r e of t h e fabric in which they were employed, requiring a lightness of t o u c h , only to be a c q u i r e d by

10

their early i n t r o d u c t i o n to t h e s e f a c t o r i e s . " 1 7 7 T h e children were slaugh­ tered o u t - a n d - o u t for the sake of their delicate fingers, as in S o u t h e r n Rus­ sia t h e h o r n e d cattle for t h e sake of t h e i r h i d e a n d tallow. At length, in 1850, the privilege granted in 1844 was l i m i t e d to t h e d e p a r t m e n t s of silktwisting a n d silk-winding. B u t here, to m a k e a m e n d s to capital bereft of its

15

"freedom," the work t i m e for c h i l d r e n from 11 to 13 was raised from 10 to 10½ h o u r s . Pretext: " L a b o u r in silk mills was lighter t h a n in mills for o t h e r fabrics, a n d less likely in o t h e r respects also to be prejudicial to h e a l t h . " 1 7 8 Official m e d i c a l inquiries proved afterwards that, on t h e contrary, " t h e average death-rate is exceedingly h i g h in t h e silk districts, a n d a m o n g s t

20

the female part of t h e p o p u l a t i o n is h i g h e r even t h a n it is in t h e c o t t o n districts

of L a n c a s h i r e . " 1 7 9

Despite

the

pro||281|tests

of t h e

Factory

176

I.e. R e p o r t s , etc., for 31st Oct., 1846, p. 20. 178 R e p o r t s , etc., for 31st Oct., 1 8 6 1 , p. 2 6 . 179 I.e., p . 27. O n t h e w h o l e t h e w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n , subject t o t h e F a c t o r y Act, h a s greatly im­ p r o v e d physically. All m e d i c a l t e s t i m o n y agrees o n this p o i n t , a n d p e r s o n a l o b s e r v a t i o n a t dif­ ferent t i m e s h a s c o n v i n c e d m e o f it. N e v e r t h e l e s s , a n d exclusive o f t h e terrible d e a t h - r a t e o f c h i l d r e n i n t h e f i r s t years o f t h e i r life, t h e official reports o f D r . G r e e n h o w show t h e u n f a v o u r ­ able h e a l t h c o n d i t i o n o f t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g districts a s c o m p a r e d w i t h " a g r i c u l t u r a l districts 177

25

30

35

40

o f n o r m a l h e a l t h . " A s e v i d e n c e , t a k e t h e following t a b l e from h i s 1861 r e p o r t : — Percentage of A d u l t M a l e s en­ gaged in manufac­ tures.

Death-rate from Pulmonary Affections p e r 100,000 Males.

N a m e o f District.

Death-rate from Pulmonary Affections p e r 100,000 Females.

Percentage of A d u l t F e m a l e s en­ gaged i n manufac­ tures.

Kind of Female Occupation.

14.9 42.6 37.3 41.9 31.0 14.9 36.6 30.4

598 708 547 611 691 588 721 726

Wigan Blackburn Halifax Bradford Macclesfield Leek Stoke-upon-Trent Woolstanton E i g h t h e a l t h y agri­ c u l t u r a l districts

644 734 564 603 804 705 665 727

18.0 34.9 20.4 30.0 26.0 17.2 19.3 13.9

Cotton Do. Worsted Do. Silk Do. Earthenware Do.

45 305

340

253

Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value Inspector, renewed every 6 m o n t h s , the mischief c o n t i n u e s to this hour. T h e Act of 1850 changed the 15 h o u r s ' t i m e from 6 a . m . to 8.30p.m., into t h e 12 h o u r s from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. for "young persons a n d w o m e n " only. It did not, therefore, affect children who could always be employed for half an h o u r before and 2% hours after this period, provided the whole of their labour did not exceed 6½ hours. Whilst the bill was u n d e r discussion, the Factory Inspectors laid before Parliament statistics of the infamous abuses d u e to this anomaly. To no purpose. In the b a c k g r o u n d lurked the intention of screwing u p , during prosperous years, the working day of adult males to 15 hours by the aid of the children. T h e experience of the three following years showed that such an attempt m u s t c o m e to grief against the resistance of the adult m a l e operatives. T h e A c t of 1850 was therefore finally completed in 1853 by forbidding the " e m p l o y m e n t of children in the m o r n i n g before and in the evening after y o u n g persons a n d w o m e n . " Henceforth with a few exceptions the Factory A c t of 1850 regulated the working day of all workers in the b r a n c h e s of industry that c o m e u n d e r it. Since the passing of the first Factory A c t half a century h a d e l a p s e d . Factory legislation for the first t i m e went b e y o n d its original sphere in the "Printworks' Act of 1845." T h e displeasure with which capital received this new "extravagance" speaks through every line of the Act. It limits the working day for children ||282| from 8 to 13, a n d for w o m e n to 16 h o u r s , between 6 a.m. a n d 10 p.m., without any legal p a u s e for m e a l times. It allows males over 13 to be worked at will day a n d n i g h t . It is a Parliamentary abortion. 180

181

5

10

15

182

20

183

184

25

1 8 0

I t i s well-known with w h a t r e l u c t a n c e t h e E n g l i s h "free t r a d e r s " gave u p t h e protective d u t y o n t h e silk m a n u f a c t u r e . I n s t e a d o f t h e p r o t e c t i o n a g a i n s t F r e n c h i m p o r t a t i o n , t h e a b s e n c e of p r o t e c t i o n to English factory c h i l d r e n n o w serves t h e i r t u r n . D u r i n g 1859 a n d 1860, t h e z e n i t h years o f t h e E n g l i s h c o t t o n i n d u s t r y , s o m e m a n u f a c t u r ers tried, by the decoy b a i t of h i g h e r wages for o v e r - t i m e , to r e c o n c i l e t h e a d u l t m a l e o p e r a tives t o a n e x t e n s i o n o f t h e working day. T h e h a n d - m u l e s p i n n e r s a n d self-actor m i n d e r s p u t an e n d to t h e e x p e r i m e n t by a p e t i t i o n to t h e i r e m p l o y e r s in w h i c h t h e y say, "Plainly s p e a k i n g , o u r lives are t o u s a b u r t h e n ; a n d , while we are confined to t h e m i l l s nearly two days a week more t h a n t h e o t h e r operatives of t h e country, we feel like h e l o t s in t h e l a n d , a n d t h a t we are p e r p e t u a t i n g a system injurious to ourselves a n d future g e n e r a t i o n s This, therefore, is to give y o u m o s t respectful n o t i c e t h a t w h e n w e c o m m e n c e work a g a i n after t h e C h r i s t m a s a n d N e w Y e a r ' s h o l i d a y s , we shall work 60 h o u r s per week, a n d no m o r e , or from six to six, with o n e h o u r a n d a half out." (Reports, etc., for 30th April, 1860, p. 30.) On t h e m e a n s t h a t t h e wording of this Act afforded for its v i o l a t i o n cf. t h e P a r l i a m e n t a r y R e t u r n " F a c t o r i e s R e g u l a t i o n A c t s " (9th A u g u s t , 1859), a n d i n i t L e o n a r d H o r n e r ' s "Suggest i o n s for a m e n d i n g t h e F a c t o r y A c t s t o e n a b l e t h e I n s p e c t o r s t o p r e v e n t illegal working, n o w b e c o m e very prevalent." " C h i l d r e n of t h e age of 8 years a n d u p w a r d s , h a v e , i n d e e d , b e e n e m p l o y e d from 6 a.m. to 9 p . m . d u r i n g t h e last half year in my district." ( R e p o r t s , etc., for 31st October, 1857, p. 39.) " T h e Printworks' A c t i s a d m i t t e d t o b e a failure, b o t h w i t h reference t o its e d u c a t i o n a l a n d protective provisions." (Reports, etc., for 31st October, 1862, p. 52.) 1 8 1

30

35

1 8 2

40

1 8 3

1 8 4

254

45

Chapter Χ · The working-day However, t h e principle h a d t r i u m p h e d with its victory in t h o s e great b r a n c h e s of industry w h i c h form t h e m o s t characteristic creation of t h e m o d e r n m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n . T h e i r wonderful d e v e l o p m e n t from 1853 to 1860, h a n d - i n - h a n d with t h e physical a n d m o r a l r e g e n e r a t i o n of t h e factory 5

workers, struck t h e m o s t p u r b l i n d . T h e m a s t e r s from w h o m t h e legal limita­ t i o n a n d regulation h a d b e e n wrung step by step after a civil war of half a century,

themselves

referred

ostentatiously

b r a n c h e s of exploitation still " f r e e . "

185

to

the

contrast

with

the

T h e Pharisees of "political econ­

o m y " now p r o c l a i m e d t h e d i s c e r n m e n t of t h e necessity of a legally fixed 10

working day as a characteristic new discovery of their " s c i e n c e . " 1 8 6 It will be easily u n d e r s t o o d t h a t after t h e factory m a g n a t e s h a d resigned t h e m ­ selves a n d b e c o m e reconciled to t h e inevitable, t h e power of resistance of capital gradually weakened, whilst at t h e s a m e t i m e t h e power of attack of t h e working class grew with t h e n u m b e r of its allies in t h e classes of society

15

n o t i m m e d i a t e l y interested in t h e q u e s t i o n . H e n c e t h e comparatively r a p i d a d v a n c e since 1860. T h e dye-works a n d bleach-works all c a m e u n d e r t h e Factory Act of 1850 in I 8 6 0 ; 1 8 7 lace a n d stocking m a n u f a c t u r e s in 1861. | | 2 8 3 | In c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e first report of t h e C o m m i s s i o n on t h e em-

20

p l o y m e n t of children (1863), t h e s a m e fate was shared by t h e m a n u f a c t u r ­ ers of all earthenwares (not merely pottery), lucifer-matches, percussioncaps, cartridges, carpets, fustian-cutting, a n d m a n y processes i n c l u d e d u n d e r the n a m e o f "finishing." I n t h e year 1863 b l e a c h i n g i n t h e o p e n

185

25

30

35

40

T h u s , e.g., E . P o t t e r i n a letter t o t h e " T i m e s " o f M a r c h 2 4 t h , 1863. T h e " T i m e s " r e m i n d e d h i m o f t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s ' revolt a g a i n s t t h e T e n H o u r s ' Bill. 186 Thus, among others, Mr. W. N e w m a r c h , collaborator and editor of Tooke's "History of P r i c e s . " I s i t a scientific a d v a n c e t o m a k e cowardly c o n c e s s i o n s t o p u b l i c o p i n i o n ? 187 T h e A c t p a s s e d i n 1860, d e t e r m i n e d t h a t , i n r e g a r d t o d y e a n d bleach-works, t h e w o r k i n g d a y s h o u l d b e f i x e d o n A u g u s t 1st, 1 8 6 1 , provisionally a t 1 2 h o u r s , a n d definitely o n A u g u s t 1st, 1862, at 10 h o u r s , i.e., at 1 0 ½ h o u r s for o r d i n a r y days, a n d 7½ for S a t u r d a y . N o w , w h e n t h e fatal year, 1862, c a m e , t h e old farce was r e p e a t e d . B e s i d e s , t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s p e t i t i o n e d P a r l i a m e n t t o allow t h e e m p l o y m e n t o f y o u n g p e r s o n s a n d w o m e n for 1 2 h o u r s d u r i n g o n e y e a r longer. " I n t h e existing c o n d i t i o n o f t h e t r a d e (the t i m e o f t h e c o t t o n f a m i n e ) , i t was greatly t o t h e a d v a n t a g e o f t h e o p e r a t i v e s t o work 1 2 h o u r s p e r day, a n d m a k e wages w h e n t h e y c o u l d . " A bill to t h i s effect h a d b e e n b r o u g h t in, " a n d it was m a i n l y d u e to t h e a c t i o n of t h e o p e r a t i v e b l e a c h e r s i n S c o t l a n d t h a t t h e bill was a b a n d o n e d . " ( R e p o r t s , etc., for 31st O c t o b e r , 1862, p . 14-15.) T h u s d e f e a t e d b y t h e very work-people, i n w h o s e n a m e i t p r e t e n d e d t o speak, C a p i t a l discovered, w i t h t h e h e l p o f lawyer s p e c t a c l e s , t h a t t h e A c t o f 1860, d r a w n u p , like all t h e A c t s o f P a r l i a m e n t for t h e " p r o t e c t i o n o f l a b o u r , " i n e q u i v o c a l p h r a s e s , gave t h e m a p r e t e x t t o e x c l u d e from its working t h e c a l e n d e r e r s a n d f i n i s h e r s . E n g l i s h j u r i s p r u d e n c e , ever t h e faithful servant o f capital, s a n c t i o n e d i n t h e C o u r t o f C o m m o n P l e a s t h i s p i e c e o f pettifogging. " T h e operatives [...] h a v e b e e n greatly d i s a p p o i n t e d . . . t h e y h a v e c o m p l a i n e d of over­ work, [...] a n d it is greatly to be regretted t h a t t h e clear i n t e n t i o n of t h e legislature s h o u l d h a v e failed by r e a s o n of a faulty d e f i n i t i o n . " (I.e., p. 18.)

255

Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value 1 8 8

a i r a n d (|284( baking were placed u n d e r special Acts, by which, in the former, the labour of y o u n g persons and w o m e n during t h e night-time (from 8 in the evening to 6 in the morning), a n d in the latter, the e m p l o y m e n t of j o u r n e y m e n bakers u n d e r 18, between 9 in the evening a n d 5 in t h e m o r n ing were forbidden. We shall return to the later proposals of the same C o m mission, which threatened to deprive of their "freedom" all the i m p o r t a n t b r a n c h e s of English Industry, with the exception of agriculture, m i n e s , and the m e a n s of t r a n s p o r t .

5

189

1 8 8

T h e " o p e n - a i r b l e a c h e r s " h a d evaded t h e law o f 1860, b y m e a n s o f t h e lie t h a t n o w o m e n worked at it in t h e night. T h e lie was exposed by t h e F a c t o r y I n s p e c t o r s , a n d at t h e s a m e t i m e P a r l i a m e n t was, by p e t i t i o n s from t h e operatives, bereft of its n o t i o n s as to t h e cool m e a d o w fragrance, i n w h i c h b l e a c h i n g i n t h e o p e n - a i r was r e p o r t e d t o t a k e p l a c e . I n this a e r i a l b l e a c h ing, d r y i n g - r o o m s were u s e d at t e m p e r a t u r e s of from 90° to 100° F a h r e n h e i t , in w h i c h t h e w o r k was d o n e for t h e m o s t part by girls. " C o o l i n g " is t h e t e c h n i c a l expression for t h e i r occas i o n a l escape from t h e d r y i n g - r o o m s i n t o t h e fresh air. "Fifteen girls in stoves. H e a t from 80° to 90° for l i n e n s , a n d 100° a n d u p w a r d s for c a m b r i c s . Twelve girls i r o n i n g a n d d o i n g - u p in a s m a l l r o o m a b o u t 10 feet s q u a r e , in t h e c e n t r e of w h i c h is a close stove. T h e girls s t a n d r o u n d t h e stove, w h i c h throws o u t a terrific heat, a n d dries t h e c a m b r i c s rapidly for t h e ironers. T h e h o u r s of work for t h e s e h a n d s are u n l i m i t e d . If busy, they work till 9 or 12 at n i g h t for s u c c e s sive n i g h t s . " (Reports, etc., for 31st October, 1862, p. 56.) A m e d i c a l m a n states: " N o special h o u r s are allowed (for cooling), b u t if t h e t e m p e r a t u r e gets too h i g h , or t h e workers' h a n d s get soiled from perspiration, t h e y are allowed to go o u t for a few m i n u t e s My e x p e r i e n c e , w h i c h is c o n s i d e r a b l e , in treating t h e diseases of stove workers, c o m p e l s me to express t h e o p i n i o n t h a t their sanitary c o n d i t i o n is by no m e a n s so h i g h as t h a t of t h e operatives in a s p i n n i n g factory (and Capital, i n its m e m o r i a l s t o P a r l i a m e n t , h a d p a i n t e d t h e m a s floridly h e a l t h y after t h e m a n n e r o f R u b e n s ) . T h e diseases m o s t observable a m o n g s t t h e m are p h t h i s i s , b r o n chitis, irregularity of u t e r i n e functions, hysteria in its rriost aggravated forms, a n d r h e u m a t i s m . A l l of t h e s e , I believe, are e i t h e r directly or indirectly i n d u c e d by t h e i m p u r e , o v e r h e a t e d air o f t h e a p a r t m e n t s i n w h i c h t h e h a n d s are e m p l o y e d , a n d t h e w a n t o f sufficient comfortable c l o t h i n g t o p r o t e c t t h e m from t h e cold, d a m p a t m o s p h e r e , i n winter, w h e n going t o t h e i r h o m e s . " (I.e. p . 5 6 - 5 7 . ) T h e F a c t o r y I n s p e c t o r s r e m a r k e d o n t h e s u p p l e m e n t a r y law o f 1 8 6 3 , t o r n from t h e s e o p e n - a i r b l e a c h e r s : " T h e Act h a s n o t only failed to afford t h a t p r o t e c t i o n to t h e workers w h i c h it appears to offer, b u t c o n t a i n s a c l a u s e . . . . apparently so w o r d e d that, u n l e s s p e r s o n s are d e t e c t e d working after 8 o'clock at n i g h t they a p p e a r to c o m e u n d e r no p r o tective provisions at all, a n d if they do so work, t h e m o d e of p r o o f is so d o u b t f u l t h a t a convietion c a n scarcely follow." (I.e., p.52.) "To all i n t e n t s a n d p u r p o s e s , therefore, as an Act for any b e n e v o l e n t or e d u c a t i o n a l p u r p o s e , it is a failure; since it c a n scarcely be called b e n e v o l e n t to p e r m i t , w h i c h is t a n t a m o u n t to c o m p e l l i n g , w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n to work 14 h o u r s a day with o r w i t h o u t m e a l s , a s t h e case m a y b e , a n d p e r h a p s for longer h o u r s t h a n t h e s e , w i t h o u t l i m i t a s to age, w i t h o u t reference to sex, a n d w i t h o u t regard to t h e social h a b i t s of t h e families of t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d , in w h i c h s u c h works (bleaching a n d dyeing) are s i t u a t e d . " (Reports, etc., for 3 0 t h April, 1863, p. 40.) 1 8 9

N o t e to t h e 2 n d Ed. S i n c e 1866, w h e n I wrote t h e a b o v e passages, a r e - a c t i o n h a s a g a i n set

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Chapter Χ • The working-day

Section

7.—The Struggle for the Normal Working-Day. Re-Action

of the English Factory Acts on Other Countries.

T h e r e a d e r will b e a r in m i n d t h a t t h e p r o d u c t i o n of surplus-value, or t h e 5

e x t r a c t i o n of surplus-labour, is t h e specific e n d a n d aim, t h e s u m a n d sub­ stance, of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n , q u i t e apart from any changes in t h e m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n , which m a y arise from t h e s u b o r d i n a t i o n of labour to capital. He will r e m e m b e r t h a t as far as we have at p r e s e n t gone, only t h e i n d e ­ p e n d e n t labourer, a n d therefore only the l a b o u r e r legally qualified to act

10

for himself, enters as a v e n d o r of a c o m m o d i t y i n t o a contract with t h e cap­ italist. If, therefore, in o u r historical sketch, on the o n e h a n d , m o d e r n in­ dustry; on t h e other, t h e l a b o u r of those who are physically a n d legally m i ­ nors, play i m p o r t a n t parts, t h e former was to us only a special d e p a r t m e n t , a n d the latter only a specially striking e x a m p l e of l a b o u r exploitation.

15

W i t h o u t , however, anticipating t h e s u b s e q u e n t d e v e l o p m e n t of our inquiry, from t h e m e r e c o n n e x i o n of t h e historic facts before us, it follows: First. T h e passion of capital for an u n l i m i t e d a n d reckless e x t e n s i o n of t h e working day, is first gratified in t h e industries earliest revolutionised by water-power, steam, a n d m a c h i n e r y , in t h o s e first creations of the m o d e r n

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m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n , cotton, wool, flax, a n d silk spinning, a n d weaving. T h e changes i n the m a t e r i a l m o d e o f p r o d u c t i o n , a n d the corresponding changes in t h e social relations of t h e p r o d u c e r s 1 9 0 gave rise first ||285| to an extravagance b e y o n d all b o u n d s , a n d t h e n in opposition to this, called forth a control on the part of Society w h i c h legally limits, regulates, a n d

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m a k e s u n i f o r m t h e working day a n d its pauses. T h i s control appears, there­ fore, during the first half of t h e n i n e t e e n t h century simply as e x c e p t i o n a l legislation. 1 9 1 As soon as this primitive d o m i n i o n of t h e n e w m o d e of pro­ d u c t i o n was c o n q u e r e d , it was f o u n d that, in t h e m e a n t i m e , n o t only h a d m a n y other b r a n c h e s o f p r o d u c t i o n b e e n m a d e t o a d o p t t h e s a m e factory

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system, b u t t h a t m a n u f a c t u r e s with m o r e or less obsolete m e t h o d s , s u c h as potteries, glass-making, etc., t h a t old-fashioned handicrafts, like baking, and, finally, even t h a t t h e so-called d o m e s t i c industries, s u c h as nail-mak-

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190 «Tjje c o n d u c t of e a c h of t h e s e classes (capitalists a n d w o r k m e n ) h a s b e e n t h e r e s u l t of t h e relative s i t u a t i o n i n w h i c h t h e y h a v e b e e n p l a c e d . " ( R e p o r t s , etc., for 31st O c t o b e r , 1848, p . 113.) 191 " T h e e m p l o y m e n t s , p l a c e d u n d e r r e s t r i c t i o n , were c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e m a n u f a c t u r e o f tex­ tile fabrics b y t h e aid o f s t e a m o r water-power. T h e r e were two c o n d i t i o n s t o w h i c h a n e m p l o y ­ m e n t m u s t b e subject t o c a u s e i t t o b e i n s p e c t e d , viz., t h e u s e o f s t e a m o r water-power, a n d t h e m a n u f a c t u r e of c e r t a i n specified fibres." ( R e p o r t s , etc., for 31st October, 1864, p. 8.)

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value 192

i n g , h a d long since fallen as completely u n d e r capitalist exploitation as the factories themselves. Legislation was, therefore, compelled to gradually get rid of its exceptional character, or where, as in E n g l a n d , it proceeds after the m a n n e r of the R o m a n Casuists, to declare any h o u s e in which work was d o n e to be a factory. 5 Second. T h e history of the regulation of the working day in certain b r a n c h e s of production, a n d the struggle still going on in others in regard to this regulation, prove conclusively that the isolated labourer, the lab o u r e r as "free" vendor of his labour-power, when capitalist p r o d u c t i o n has o n c e attained a certain stage, s u c c u m b s without any power of resistance. 10 T h e creation of a n o r m a l working day is, therefore, the product of a protracted civil war, m o r e or less dissembled, between the capitalist class a n d the working class. As the contest takes place in the arena of m o d e r n i n d u s try, it first breaks out in the h o m e o f t h a t i n d u s t r y — E n g l a n d . T h e English factory ||286| workers were the c h a m p i o n s , n o t only of t h e English, but 15 of the m o d e r n working-class generally, as their theorists were the first to throw down the gauntlet to the theory of c a p i t a l . H e n c e , the philosopher of the Factory, Ure, d e n o u n c e s as an ineffable disgrace to the English working-class that they inscribed "the slavery of t h e Factory A c t s " on the b a n n e r which they bore against capital, manfully striving for "perfect free- 20 dorn of l a b o u r . " 193

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F r a n c e limps slowly b e h i n d England. T h e F e b r u a r y revolution was ne-

1 9 2

O n t h e c o n d i t i o n o f so-called d o m e s t i c i n d u s t r i e s , specially v a l u a b l e m a t e r i a l s are t o b e f o u n d i n t h e latest reports o f t h e C h i l d r e n ' s E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n . " T h e A c t s of last Session (1864) . . . . e m b r a c e a diversity of o c c u p a t i o n s , t h e c u s t o m s in w h i c h differ greatly, a n d t h e u s e of m e c h a n i c a l power to give m o t i o n to m a c h i n e r y is no longer o n e of t h e e l e m e n t s necessary, as formerly, to c o n s t i t u t e , in legal p h r a s e , a ' F a c t o r y . ' " (Reports, etc., for 31st October, 1864, p. 8.) B e l g i u m , t h e p a r a d i s e o f C o n t i n e n t a l L i b e r a l i s m , shows n o trace o f this m o v e m e n t . E v e n in t h e c o a l a n d m e t a l m i n e s , labourers of b o t h sexes, a n d all ages, are c o n s u m e d in perfect " f r e e d o m , " at any period, a n d t h r o u g h a n y l e n g t h of t i m e . Of every 1000 p e r s o n s e m p l o y e d t h e r e , 733 are m e n , 83 w o m e n , 135 boys, a n d 49 girls u n d e r 16; in t h e blast-furnaces, etc., of every 1000, 668 are m e n , 149 w o m e n , 98 boys, a n d 85 girls u n d e r 16. A d d to this t h e low wages for t h e e n o r m o u s e x p l o i t a t i o n of m a t u r e a n d i m m a t u r e l a b o u r - p o w e r . T h e average daily pay for a m a n is 2s. 8d., for a w o m a n , I s . 8d., for a boy, I s . 2 / à. As a result, B e l g i u m h a d in 1863, as c o m p a r e d with 1850, nearly d o u b l e d b o t h t h e a m o u n t a n d t h e value of its exports of coal, iron, etc. R o b e r t Owen, s o o n after 1810, n o t only m a i n t a i n e d t h e necessity of a l i m i t a t i o n of t h e working d a y in theory, b u t actually i n t r o d u c e d t h e 10 h o u r s ' d a y into h i s factory at N e w Lan a r k . T h i s was l a u g h e d at as a c o m m u n i s t i c U t o p i a ; so were h i s " C o m b i n a t i o n of c h i l d r e n ' s e d u c a t i o n with p r o d u c t i v e l a b o u r , " a n d t h e Co-operative Societies of w o r k i n g - m e n , first called i n t o b e i n g by h i m . To-day, t h e first U t o p i a is a F a c t o r y Act, t h e s e c o n d figures as an official p h r a s e in all F a c t o r y A c t s , t h e t h i r d is already b e i n g u s e d as a cloak for r e a c t i o n a r y h u m b u g . 196 T j " F r e n c h translation, P h i l o s o p h i e des M a n u f a c t u r e s . " Paris, 1836, V o l . I L , p . 3 9 , 40, 67, 7 7 , etc. 1 9 3

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Chapter Χ · The working-day cessary to bring i n t o t h e world t h e 12 h o u r s ' law,

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which is m u c h m o r e de­

ficient t h a n its English original. F o r all that, t h e F r e n c h revolutionary m e t h o d h a s its special advantages. It o n c e for all c o m m a n d s the s a m e l i m i t to t h e working-day in all shops a n d factories w i t h o u t distinction, whilst 5

English legislation reluctantly yields to t h e pressure of c i r c u m s t a n c e s , now on this point, now on that, a n d is getting lost in a hopelessly bewildering tangle o f contradictory e n a c t m e n t s .

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O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e F r e n c h law

proclaims as a ||287| principle t h a t w h i c h in E n g l a n d was only won in t h e n a m e of children, m i n o r s , a n d w o m e n , a n d h a s b e e n only recently for t h e 10

first t i m e claimed as a general right. 1 9 9 In t h e U n i t e d States of N o r t h A m e r i c a , every i n d e p e n d e n t m o v e m e n t of the workers was paralysed so long as slavery disfigured a p a r t of t h e R e p u b ­ lic. L a b o u r c a n n o t e m a n c i p a t e itself in t h e white skin where in t h e black it is b r a n d e d . But o u t of t h e d e a t h of slavery a n e w life at o n c e arose. T h e first

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fruit of t h e Civil W a r was t h e eight h o u r s ' agitation, t h a t r a n with t h e sev­ en-leagued boots of the locomotive from t h e A t l a n t i c to t h e Pacific, from N e w E n g l a n d to California. T h e G e n e r a l Congress of L a b o u r at Baltimore (August, 1866) declared: " T h e first a n d great necessity of t h e present, to free the l a b o u r of this country from capitalistic slavery, is the passing of a

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law by w h i c h eight h o u r s shall be the n o r m a l working-day in all States of t h e A m e r i c a n U n i o n . We are resolved to p u t forth all o u r strength u n t i l this glorious result is a t t a i n e d . " 2 0 0 At t h e s a m e t i m e , t h e Congress of t h e Inter-

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197 I n t h e C o m p t e R e n d u o f t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l S t a t i s t i c a l C o n g r e s s a t P a r i s , 1855, i t i s s t a t e d : " T h e F r e n c h law, w h i c h l i m i t s t h e l e n g t h o f daily l a b o u r i n factories a n d w o r k s h o p s t o 1 2 h o u r s , d o e s n o t c o n f i n e t h i s work t o d e f i n i t e fixed h o u r s . F o r c h i l d r e n ' s l a b o u r only t h e w o r k - t i m e is p r e s c r i b e d as b e t w e e n 5 a.m. a n d 9 p . m . T h e r e f o r e , s o m e of t h e m a s t e r s u s e t h e right w h i c h t h i s fatal s i l e n c e gives t h e m t o k e e p t h e i r works going, w i t h o u t i n t e r m i s s i o n , day in, day o u t , possibly w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f S u n d a y . F o r this p u r p o s e t h e y u s e two different sets of workers, of w h o m n e i t h e r is in t h e w o r k s h o p m o r e t h a n 12 h o u r s at a t i m e , b u t t h e work of t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t lasts day a n d n i g h t . T h e law i s satisfied, b u t i s h u m a n i t y ? " B e s i d e s " t h e de­ structive i n f l u e n c e o f n i g h t l a b o u r o n t h e h u m a n o r g a n i s m , " stress i s also laid u p o n " t h e fatal i n f l u e n c e o f t h e a s s o c i a t i o n o f t h e two sexes b y n i g h t i n t h e s a m e badly-lighted w o r k s h o p s . " 198 « p o r m s t a n c e i t h e r e i s w i t h i n m y district o n e o c c u p i e r w h o , w i t h i n t h e s a m e curtilage, i s a t t h e s a m e t i m e a b l e a c h e r a n d dyer u n d e r t h e B l e a c h i n g a n d D y e i n g W o r k s Act, a p r i n t e r u n d e r t h e P r i n t W o r k s Act, a n d a f i n i s h e r u n d e r t h e F a c t o r y A c t . " ( R e p o r t o f Mr. Baker, i n R e ­ ports, etc., for O c t o b e r 31st, 1861, p. 20.) After e n u m e r a t i n g t h e different p r o v i s i o n s of t h e s e Acts, a n d t h e c o m p l i c a t i o n s arising from t h e m , M r . B a k e r says: " I t will h e n c e a p p e a r t h a t i t m u s t b e very difficult t o s e c u r e t h e e x e c u t i o n o f t h e s e t h r e e A c t s o f P a r l i a m e n t w h e r e t h e oc­ c u p i e r c h o o s e s to evade t h e law." B u t w h a t is a s s u r e d to t h e lawyers by t h i s is lawsuits. 199 T h u s t h e F a c t o r y I n s p e c t o r s a t last v e n t u r e t o say: " T h e s e objections (of c a p i t a l t o t h e legal l i m i t a t i o n o f t h e working-day) m u s t s u c c u m b before t h e b r o a d p r i n c i p l e o f t h e rights o f la­ b o u r . ... T h e r e i s a t i m e w h e n t h e m a s t e r ' s right i n h i s w o r k m a n ' s l a b o u r ceases, a n d h i s t i m e b e c o m e s his own, even i f t h e r e were n o e x h a u s t i o n i n t h e q u e s t i o n . " ( R e p o r t s , etc., for 31st Oct., 1862, p . 54.) 200 "We, t h e workers o f D u n k i r k , d e c l a r e t h a t t h e l e n g t h o f t i m e o f l a b o u r r e q u i r e d u n d e r t h e p r e s e n t s y s t e m i s t o o great, a n d t h a t , far f r o m leaving t h e worker t i m e for rest a n d e d u c a t i o n ,

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value n a t i o n a l Working M e n ' s Association at Geneva, on the proposition of the L o n d o n G e n e r a l Council, resolved that "the l i m i t a t i o n of t h e working-day is a preliminary condition without which all further attempts at improvem e n t a n d e m a n c i p a t i o n m u s t prove abortive. ... t h e Congress proposes eight h o u r s as the legal limit of the working-day." T h u s t h e m o v e m e n t of the working-class on b o t h sides of the Atlantic, t h a t h a d grown instinctively out of the conditions ||288| of p r o d u c t i o n themselves, endorsed the words of the English Factory Inspector, R . J . S a u n d e r s : "Further steps towards a reformation of society can never be carried o u t with any h o p e of success, unless the h o u r s of labour be limited, a n d the prescribed limit strictly e n f o r c e d . " It m u s t be acknowledged that o u r labourer c o m e s out of the process of p r o d u c t i o n other t h a n he entered. In the m a r k e t he stood as owner of the c o m m o d i t y "labour-power" face to face with other owners of c o m m o d i t i e s , dealer against dealer. T h e contract by which he sold to the capitalist his labour-power proved, so to say, in black a n d white t h a t he disposed of h i m self freely. T h e bargain concluded, it is discovered t h a t he was no "free agent," t h a t the t i m e for which he is free to sell his labour-power is the t i m e for which he is forced to sell i t , that in fact the vampire will n o t lose its h o l d on h i m "so long as there is a m u s c l e , a nerve, a drop of blood to be exp l o t t e d . " F o r "protection" against "the serpent of their agonies," the labourers m u s t p u t their heads together, and, as a class, c o m p e l the passing of a law, an all-powerful social barrier that shall prevent the very workers from selling, by voluntary contract with capital, themselves a n d their families into slavery a n d d e a t h . In place of the p o m p o u s catalogue of the "in-

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it p l u n g e s h i m i n t o a c o n d i t i o n of servitude b u t little b e t t e r t h a n slavery. T h a t is why we d e c i d e t h a t 8 h o u r s are e n o u g h for a working-day, a n d o u g h t to be legally r e c o g n i s e d as e n o u g h ; w h y we call to o u r h e l p t h a t powerful lever, t h e press; ... a n d why we shall c o n s i d e r all t h o s e t h a t refuse us t h i s help as e n e m i e s of t h e reform of l a b o u r a n d of t h e rights of t h e l a b o u r e r . " ( R e s o l u t i o n o f t h e W o r k i n g M e n o f D u n k i r k , N e w Y o r k State, 1866.)

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R e p o r t s , etc., for Oct., 1848, p . 112. " T h e p r o c e e d i n g s (the manoeuvres of capital, e.g., from 1 8 4 8 - 5 0 ) h a v e afforded, m o r e o v e r , i n c o n t r o v e r t i b l e proof of the fallacy of the assertion so often a d v a n c e d , t h a t operatives n e e d n o p r o t e c t i o n , b u t m a y b e c o n s i d e r e d a s free agents i n t h e disposal o f t h e o n l y property w h i c h t h e y p o s s e s s — t h e l a b o u r of t h e i r h a n d s a n d t h e sweat of t h e i r brows." (Reports, etc., for A p r i l 30th, 1850, p. 45.) " F r e e l a b o u r (if so it m a y be t e r m e d ) even in a free c o u n t r y , r e q u i r e s t h e strong a r m of t h e law to p r o t e c t it." (Reports, etc., for O c t o b e r 31st, 1864, p. 34.) " T o perm i t , w h i c h is t a n t a m o u n t to c o m p e l l i n g .. to work 14 h o u r s a d a y w i t h or w i t h o u t m e a l s , " etc. (Repts., etc., for A p r i l 30th, 1863, p. 40.) F r i e d r i c h Engels, I.e., p . 5 . T h e 1 0 H o u r s ' Act h a s , i n t h e b r a n c h e s o f i n d u s t r y t h a t c o m e u n d e r it, " p u t a n e n d t o t h e p r e m a t u r e d e c r e p i t u d e of t h e former l o n g - h o u r workers." (Reports., etc., for 31st Oct., 1859, p . 47.) "Capital (in factories) c a n never b e e m p l o y e d i n k e e p i n g t h e m a c h i n e r y i n m o t i o n b e y o n d a l i m i t e d t i m e , w i t h o u t c e r t a i n injury to t h e h e a l t h a n d m o r a l s of t h e l a b o u r e r s e m ployed; a n d t h e y are n o t in a p o s i t i o n to p r o t e c t t h e m s e l v e s . " (I.e., p. 8.) 2 0 2

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Chapter XI • Rate and mass of surplus-value alienable rights of m a n " c o m e s t h e m o d e s t M a g n a C h a r t a of a legally li­ m i t e d working-day, w h i c h shall m a k e clear " w h e n t h e t i m e w h i c h t h e worker sells is e n d e d , a n d when his own b e g i n s . "

205

Q u a n t u m m u t a t u s ab

ilio! I

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|289| C H A P T E R X I . Rate

and

Mass

of

Surplus-Value.

In this chapter, as h i t h e r t o , t h e value of labour-power, a n d therefore t h e part of t h e working-day necessary for t h e r e p r o d u c t i o n or m a i n t e n a n c e of t h a t labour-power, are supposed to be given, c o n s t a n t m a g n i t u d e s . 10

T h i s premised, with t h e rate, t h e m a s s is at t h e s a m e t i m e given of t h e surplus-value t h a t t h e i n d i v i d u a l l a b o u r e r furnishes to t h e capitalist in a definite period of t i m e . If, e.g., t h e necessary l a b o u r a m o u n t s to 6 h o u r s daily, expressed in a q u a n t u m of gold = 3 shillings, t h e n 3s. is t h e daily value of o n e labour-power or t h e value of t h e capital a d v a n c e d in t h e buy-

15

ing of o n e labour-power. If, further, t h e r a t e of surplus-value be = 100%, this variable capital of 3s. p r o d u c e s a m a s s of surplus-value of 3s., or t h e la­ b o u r e r supplies daily a m a s s of surplus-labour e q u a l to 6 h o u r s . B u t t h e variable capital of a capitalist is t h e expression in m o n e y of t h e total value of all t h e labour-powers t h a t he employs simultaneously. Its val-

20

ue is, therefore, e q u a l to t h e average value of o n e labour-power, m u l t i p l i e d by t h e n u m b e r of labour-powers e m p l o y e d . W i t h a given value of labourpower therefore, t h e m a g n i t u d e of t h e variable capital varies directly as t h e n u m b e r of labourers e m p l o y e d s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . If t h e daily value of o n e la­ bour-power = 3s., t h e n a capital of 300s. m u s t be advanced in o r d e r to ex-

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ploit daily 100 labour-powers, of η t i m e s 3s., in order to exploit daily η la­ bour-powers. I |290| In t h e s a m e way, if a variable capital of 3s., being t h e daily value of o n e labour-power, p r o d u c e a daily surplus-value of 3s., a variable capital of 300s. will p r o d u c e a daily surplus-value of 300s., a n d o n e of η t i m e s 3s. a

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205 " A still g r e a t e r b o o n i s t h e d i s t i n c t i o n a t last m a d e c l e a r b e t w e e n t h e worker's o w n t i m e a n d h i s m a s t e r ' s . T h e w o r k e r k n o w s n o w w h e n t h a t w h i c h h e sells i s e n d e d , a n d w h e n h i s own b e g i n s ; a n d by possessing a s u r e f o r e k n o w l e d g e of t h i s , is e n a b l e d to p r e - a r r a n g e h i s own m i ­ n u t e s for his o w n p u r p o s e s . " (I.e., p . 52.) "By m a k i n g t h e m m a s t e r s o f t h e i r o w n t i m e (the F a c ­ tory Acts) h a v e given t h e m a m o r a l energy w h i c h i s d i r e c t i n g t h e m t o t h e e v e n t u a l p o s s e s s i o n of p o l i t i c a l p o w e r " (I.e., p. 47). W i t h s u p p r e s s e d irony, a n d in very well weighed words, t h e F a c t o r y I n s p e c t o r s h i n t t h a t t h e a c t u a l law also frees t h e c a p i t a l i s t f r o m s o m e o f t h e b r u t a l i t y n a t u r a l to a m a n w h o is a m e r e e m b o d i m e n t of capital, a n d t h a t it h a s given h i m t i m e for a little " c u l t u r e . " " F o r m e r l y t h e m a s t e r h a d n o t i m e for a n y t h i n g b u t m o n e y ; t h e servant h a d n o t i m e for a n y t h i n g b u t l a b o u r " (I.e., p . 48).

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value daily surplus-value of η x 3 s. T h e mass of t h e surplus-value p r o d u c e d is therefore e q u a l to t h e surplus-value which t h e working-day of o n e l a b o u r e r supplies m u l t i p l i e d by t h e n u m b e r of labourers e m p l o y e d . B u t as further t h e m a s s of surplus-value which a single l a b o u r e r p r o d u c e s , t h e value of la­ bour-power b e i n g given, is d e t e r m i n e d by t h e r a t e of t h e surplus-value, this

5

law follows: t h e m a s s of t h e surplus-value p r o d u c e d is e q u a l to t h e a m o u n t of t h e variable capital advanced, m u l t i p l i e d by t h e rate of surplus-value; in o t h e r words: it is d e t e r m i n e d by t h e c o m p o u n d ratio b e t w e e n t h e n u m b e r of labour-powers exploited s i m u l t a n e o u s l y by t h e s a m e capitalist a n d t h e degree of exploitation of e a c h individual labour-power.

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Let t h e mass of the surplus-value be S, t h e surplus-value supplied by t h e i n d i v i d u a l labourer in t h e average day s, t h e variable capital daily a d v a n c e d in t h e p u r c h a s e of o n e individual labour-power v, t h e s u m total of t h e vari­ able capital V, t h e value of an average labour-power P, its degree of exploia' I surplus-labour \ , , _, . , tation — — a n d t h e n u m b e r of labourers employed n; a V necessary-labour ) we have:

15

It is always supposed, n o t only t h a t t h e value of an average labour-power is c o n s t a n t , b u t t h a t t h e labourers employed by a capitalist are r e d u c e d to average labourers. T h e r e are e x c e p t i o n a l cases in which t h e surplus-value

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p r o d u c e d does n o t increase in p r o p o r t i o n to t h e n u m b e r of labourers exploited, b u t t h e n t h e value o f t h e labour-power does n o t r e m a i n c o n s t a n t . In t h e p r o d u c t i o n of a definite m a s s of surplus-value, therefore, t h e de­ crease of o n e factor m a y be c o m p e n s a t e d by t h e increase of t h e other. If t h e variable

capital d i m i n i s h e s ,

and

at t h e

same

time

the

rate

of

25

surplus-value increases in t h e s a m e | | 2 9 1 | ratio, t h e m a s s of surplus-value p r o d u c e d r e m a i n s u n a l t e r e d . I f o n o u r earlier a s s u m p t i o n t h e capitalist m u s t advance 300s., in order to exploit 100 labourers a day, a n d if t h e r a t e of surplus-value a m o u n t s to 50 %, this variable capital of 300s. yields a sur­ plus-value of 150s. or of 100 x 3 working h o u r s . If t h e r a t e of surplus-value

30

doubles, or t h e working-day, instead of being e x t e n d e d from 6 to 9, is ex­ t e n d e d from 6 to 12 hours, a n d at t h e s a m e t i m e variable capital is lessened by half, a n d r e d u c e d to 150s., it yields also a surplus-value of 150s. or 50 x 6 working h o u r s . D i m i n u t i o n of t h e variable c a p i t a l m a y therefore be c o m p e n s a t e d by a p r o p o r t i o n a t e rise in t h e degree of exploitation of labour-power, or t h e decrease in t h e n u m b e r of t h e labourers employed by a

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Chapter XI • Rate and mass of surplus-value proportionate extension of the working-day. W i t h i n certain limits therefore the supply of labour exploitable by capital is i n d e p e n d e n t of the supply of l a b o u r e r s . On the contrary, a fall in the rate of surplus-value leaves u n a l tered the m a s s of the surplus-value produced, if t h e a m o u n t of the variable capital, or n u m b e r of the labourers employed, increases in the s a m e proportion. Nevertheless, the c o m p e n s a t i o n of a decrease in the n u m b e r of labourers employed, or of the a m o u n t of variable capital advanced, by a rise in the rate of surplus-value, or by the lengthening of t h e working-day, has impassable limits. Whatever the value of labour-power m a y be, whether the working t i m e necessary for the m a i n t e n a n c e of the labourer is 2 or 10 hours, t h e total value that a labourer can p r o d u c e , day in, day out, is always less t h a n the value in which 24 h o u r s of labour are e m b o d i e d , less t h a n 12s., if 12s. is the m o n e y expression for 24 h o u r s of realized labour. In our former ass u m p t i o n , according to which 6 working h o u r s are daily necessary in order to reproduce the labour-power itself or to replace the value of the capital advanced in its purchase, a variable capital of 1500s., that employs 500 labourers at a rate of surplus-value of 100 % with a 12 h o u r s ' working-day, produces daily a surplus-value of 1500s. or of 6 x 500 working h o u r s . A capital of 300s. that employs ||292| 100 labourers a day with a rate of surplus-value of 2 0 0 % or with a working-day of 18 hours, produces only a mass of surplus-value of 600s. or 12 x 100 working hours; a n d its total value-product, the equivalent of the variable capital advanced plus the surplus-value, can, day in, day out, never r e a c h t h e s u m of 1200s. or 24 x 100 working h o u r s . T h e absolute limit of the average working-day—this being by N a t u r e always less t h a n 24 h o u r s — s e t s an absolute limit to the c o m p e n sation of a r e d u c t i o n of variable capital by a higher rate of surplus-value, or of the decrease of the n u m b e r of labourers exploited by a higher degree of exploitation of labour-power. This palpable law is of i m p o r t a n c e for the clearing up of m a n y p h e n o m e n a , arising from a t e n d e n c y (to be worked o u t later on) of capital to r e d u c e as m u c h as possible the n u m b e r of labourers employed by it, or its variable c o n s t i t u e n t transformed into labour-power, in contradiction to its other t e n d e n c y to p r o d u c e the greatest possible m a s s of surplus-value. On the other h a n d , if the m a s s of labour-power employed, or the a m o u n t of variable capital, increases, b u t not in proportion to t h e fall in the rate of surplus-value, the m a s s of t h e surplus-value produced, falls. A third law results from the d e t e r m i n a t i o n , of the mass of the 206

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T h i s e l e m e n t a r y law a p p e a r s t o b e u n k n o w n t o t h e vulgar e c o n o m i s t s , w h o , u p s i d e - d o w n A r c h i m e d e s , in t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n of t h e m a r k e t - p r i c e of l a b o u r by supply a n d d e m a n d , i m agine t h e y have found t h e f u l c r u m by m e a n s of w h i c h , n o t to m o v e t h e world, b u t to stop its motion.

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Part III · The production of absolute surplus-value surplus-value produced, by the two factors: rate of surplus-value a n d a m o u n t of variable capital advanced. T h e rate of surplus-value, or the degree of exploitation of labour-power, a n d the value of labour-power, or the a m o u n t of necessary working t i m e being given, it is self-evident that the greater the variable capital, the greater would be the m a s s of the value prod u c e d a n d of the surplus-value. If the limit of the working-day is given, and also the limit of its necessary constituent, the m a s s of value a n d surplus-value that an individual capitalist produces, is clearly exclusively d e p e n d e n t on the m a s s of labour that he sets in m o t i o n . But this, u n d e r the conditions supposed above, depends on the mass of labour-power, or the n u m b e r of labourers w h o m he exploits, and this n u m b e r in its t u r n is d e t e r m i n e d by the a m o u n t of the variable capital advanced. W i t h a given rate of surplus-valu e , a n d a given value of labour-power, therefore, t h e masses of surplus-value p r o d u c e d vary directly as the a m o u n t s of t h e variable capitals advanced. ||293| N o w we know that the capitalist divides his capital into two parts. O n e part he lays out in m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . This is the constant part of his capital. T h e other part he lays out in living labour-power. This part forms his variable capital. On the basis of the s a m e m o d e of social production, the division of capital into constant and variable differs in different branches of production, and within the same b r a n c h of p r o d u c t i o n , too, this relation changes with changes in the technical conditions a n d in the social c o m b i n a t i o n s of the processes of p r o d u c t i o n . But in whatever proportion a given capital breaks up into a constant a n d a variable part, whether the latter is to the former as 1:2 or 1:10 or l:x, the law j u s t laid down is not affected by this. For, according to our previous analysis, the value of the constant capital reappears in the value of the product, b u t does n o t enter into the newly produced value, the newly created value-product. To employ 1000 spinners, more raw material, spindles, etc., are, of course, required, t h a n to employ 100. T h e value of these a d d i t i o n a l m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n however, m a y rise, fall, r e m a i n unaltered, be large or small; it has no influen'ce on the process of creation of surplus-value by m e a n s of the labourpowers that put t h e m in m o t i o n . T h e law d e m o n s t r a t e d above now, therefore, takes this form: the masses of value a n d of surplus-value produced by different capitals—the value of labour-power being given a n d its degree of exploitation being equal—vary directly as the a m o u n t s of the variable constituents of these capitals, i.e., as their constituents transformed into living labour-power. This law clearly contradicts all experience based on appearance. Every one knows that a cotton spinner, who, reckoning the percentage on the whole of his applied capital, employs m u c h c o n s t a n t and little variable capital, does not, on account of this, pocket less profit or surplus-value t h a n a

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Chapter XI • Rate and mass of surplus-value baker, who relatively sets in m o t i o n m u c h variable a n d little constant capital. For the solution of this a p p a r e n t contradiction, m a n y i n t e r m e d i a t e terms are as yet wanted, as from the s t a n d p o i n t of elementary algebra m a n y i n t e r m e d i a t e t e r m s are wanted to u n d e r s t a n d t h a t % m a y represent an ac5 tual m a g n i t u d e . Classical economy, a l t h o u g h n o t formulating the law, holds instinctively ||294| to it, because it is a necessary c o n s e q u e n c e of the general law of value. It tries to rescue the law from collision with contradictory p h e n o m e n a by a violent abstraction. It will be seen l a t e r how the school of R i c a r d o has c o m e to grief over this stumbling-block. Vulgar econ10 o m y which, indeed, "has really learnt n o t h i n g , " here as everywhere sticks to appearances in opposition to the law which regulates a n d explains t h e m . In opposition to Spinoza, it believes that "ignorance is a sufficient reason." 207

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T h e labour which is set in m o t i o n by t h e total capital of a society, day in, day out, m a y be regarded as a single collective working-day. If, e.g., the n u m b e r of labourers is a million, a n d the average working-day of a labourer is 10 hours, the social working-day consists of ten million h o u r s . W i t h a given length of this working-day, whether its limits are fixed physically or socially, the m a s s of surplus-value c a n only be increased by increasing the n u m b e r of labourers, i.e., of the labouring population. The growth of p o p u lation here forms the m a t h e m a t i c a l limit to the p r o d u c t i o n of surplus-value by t h e total social capital. On the contrary, with a given a m o u n t of population, this limit is formed by the possible lengthening of the w o r k i n g - d a y . It will, however, be seen in the following chapter that this law only holds for t h e form of surplus-value dealt with up to the present. F r o m the t r e a t m e n t of the p r o d u c t i o n of surplus-value, so far, it follows that not every s u m of m o n e y , or of value, is at pleasure transformable into capital. To effect this transformation, in fact, a certain m i n i m u m of m o n e y or of exchange-value m u s t be presupposed in the h a n d s of the individual possessor of m o n e y or c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e m i n i m u m of variable capital is the cost price of a single labour-power, employed the whole year through, day in, day out, for the p r o d u c t i o n of surplus-value. If this labourer were in possession of his own m e a n s ||295| of p r o d u c t i o n , and were satisfied to live as a labourer, he n e e d n o t work beyond the t i m e necessary for the reprod u c t i o n of his m e a n s of subsistence, say 8 h o u r s a day. He would, besides, only require the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n sufficient for 8 working hours. T h e 208

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F u r t h e r particulars will b e given i n B o o k IV. 208 « j j j g i b t h a t is t h e e c o n o m i c t i m e , of society, is a given portion, say ten h o u r s a d a y of a m i l l i o n of people, or ten m i l l i o n h o u r s C a p i t a l h a s its b o u n d a r y of increase. T h i s b o u n d a r y m a y , a t a n y given period, b e a t t a i n e d i n t h e a c t u a l e x t e n t o f e c o n o m i c t i m e e m ployed." ("An Essay o n t h e Political E c o n o m y o f N a t i o n s . " L o n d o n , 1 8 2 1 , p p . 4 7 , 49.) a

40

o u r ;

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value capitalist, on the other h a n d , who makes h i m do, besides these 8 hours, say 4 h o u r s ' surplus-labour, requires an additional s u m of m o n e y for furnishing the additional m e a n s of production. On our supposition, however, he would have to employ two labourers in order to live, on the surplus-value appropriated daily, as well as, a n d no better t h a n a labourer, i.e., to be able to satisfy his necessary wants. In this case the m e r e m a i n t e n a n c e of life would be the e n d of his production, not the increase of wealth; b u t this latter is implied in capitalist production. T h a t he m a y live only twice as well as an ordinary labourer, and besides turn half of the surplus-value prod u c e d into capital, he would have to raise, with the n u m b e r of labourers, the m i n i m u m of the capital advanced 8 times. Of course he can, like his labourer, take to work himself, participate directly in the process of p r o d u c tion, b u t he is t h e n only a hybrid between capitalist a n d labourer, a "small master." "A certain stage of capitalist production necessitates t h a t the capitalist be able to devote the whole of the t i m e during which he functions as a capitalist, i.e., as personified capital, to the appropriation a n d therefore control of the labour of others, and to the selling of the products of this lab o u r . T h e guilds of the m i d d l e ages therefore tried to prevent by force the transformation of the m a s t e r of a trade into a capitalist, by limiting the n u m b e r of labourers that could be ||296| employed by o n e m a s t e r within a very small m a x i m u m . T h e possessor of m o n e y or c o m m o d i t i e s actually turns into a capitalist in such cases only where the m i n i m u m s u m advanced for production greatly exceeds the m a x i m u m of the m i d d l e ages. H e r e , as in n a t u r a l science, is shown the correctness of the law discovered by Hegel (in his "Logic"), that merely quantitative differences b e y o n d a certain point pass into qualitative c h a n g e s .

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209 ' " j h e f a r m e r c a n a o t rely on h i s own labour, and if he does, I will m a i n t a i n t h a t he is a loser by it. H i s e m p l o y m e n t should be a g e n e r a l a t t e n t i o n to t h e whole: his t h r e s h e r m u s t be w a t c h e d , or he will s o o n lose h i s wages in corn n o t t h r e s h e d out; h i s m o w e r s , reapers, etc., m u s t b e l o o k e d after; h e m u s t constantly g o r o u n d his fences; h e m u s t see t h e r e i s n o neglect; w h i c h w o u l d be t h e case if he was confined to a n y o n e spot." ("An I n q u i r y i n t o t h e c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e Price of Provisions and t h e Size of F a r m s , etc. By a F a r m e r . " L o n d o n , 1773, p. 12.) T h i s b o o k is very interesting. In it t h e genesis of t h e "capitalist farmer" or " m e r c h a n t f a r m e r , " as he is explicitly called, m a y be s t u d i e d , a n d h i s self-glorification at t h e e x p e n s e of t h e small farmer who h a s only to do with bare s u b s i s t e n c e , be n o t e d . " T h e class of capitalists are from t h e first partially, a n d they b e c o m e u l t i m a t e l y c o m p l e t e l y , d i s c h a r g e d from t h e n e cessity o f t h e m a n u a l l a b o u r . " ("Text-book o f Lectures o n t h e Political E c o n o m y o f N a t i o n s . By t h e R e v . R i c h a r d J o n e s . " Hertford, 1852. L e c t u r e III. p. 39.) T h e m o l e c u l a r theory o f m o d e r n chemistry f i r s t scientifically w o r k e d o u t b y L a u r e n t a n d G e r h a r d t rests o n n o o t h e r law. ( A d d i t i o n t o 3rd E d i t i o n . ) F o r t h e e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h i s statem e n t , w h i c h i s n o t very clear t o n o n - c h e m i s t s , w e r e m a r k t h a t t h e a u t h o r speaks h e r e o f t h e h o m o l o g o u s series of c a r b o n c o m p o u n d s , first so n a m e d by C . G e r h a r d t in 1843, e a c h series of w h i c h h a s its o w n g e n e r a l algebraic formula. T h u s t h e series o f paraffins: C H , that of the n o r m a l alcohols: C H 0 ; o f t h e n o r m a l fatty acids: C " H O a n d m a n y o t h e r s . I n t h e above e x a m p l e s , by t h e simply q u a n t i t a t i v e a d d i t i o n of C H to t h e m o l e c u l a r formula, a q u a l -

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Chapter XI · Rate and mass of surplus-value

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T h e m i n i m u m of the s u m of value that the individual possessor of m o n ey or c o m m o d i t i e s m u s t c o m m a n d , in order to m e t a m o r p h o s e himself into a capitalist, changes with the different stages of development of capitalist production, and is at given stages different in different spheres of p r o d u c tion, according to their special a n d technical c o n d i t i o n s . Certain spheres of p r o d u c t i o n d e m a n d , even at the very outset of capitalist production, a m i n i m u m of capital that is n o t as yet found in the h a n d s of single individuals. This gives rise partly to state subsidies to private persons, as in F r a n c e in the t i m e of Colbert, a n d as in m a n y G e r m a n states up to our own epoch; partly to the formation of societies with legal m o n o p o l y for the exploitation of certain b r a n c h e s of industry and c o m m e r c e , the fore-runners of our m o d e r n joint-stock c o m p a n i e s . W i t h i n the process of production, as we have seen, capital acquired the c o m m a n d over labour, i.e., over functioning labour-power or the labourer himself. Personified capital, the capitalist takes care that t h e labourer does his work regularly and with the proper degree of intensity. Capital further developed into a coercive relation, which ||297| compels the working class to do m o r e work t h a n the narrow r o u n d of its own lifewants prescribes. As a p r o d u c e r of the activity of others, as a p u m p e r - o u t of surplus-labour and exploiter of labour-power, it surpasses in energy, disregard of b o u n d s , recklessness a n d efficiency, all earlier systems of p r o d u c tion based on directly compulsory labour. At first, capital subordinates labour on the basis of the technical conditions in which it historically finds it. It does not, therefore, change i m m e d i ately the m o d e of production. T h e p r o d u c t i o n of surplus-value—in t h e form hitherto considered by u s — b y m e a n s of simple extension of the working-day, proved, therefore, to be i n d e p e n d e n t of any change in the m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n itself. It was not less active in the old-fashioned bakeries t h a n in the m o d e r n cotton factories. If we consider the process of p r o d u c t i o n from the point of view of t h e simple labour-process, the labourer stands in relation to the m e a n s of production, not in their quality as capital, b u t as t h e m e r e m e a n s and material of his own intelligent productive activity. In t a n n i n g , e.g., he deals with t h e skins as his simple object of labour. It is not the capitalist whose skin he tans. But it is different as soon as we deal with the process of p r o d u c t i o n from the point of view of the process of creation of surplus-value. T h e 211

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itatively different b o d y is e a c h t i m e and Gerhardt in the determination m i e . " M ü n c h e n , 1873, p p . 7 0 9 , 716, try." L o n d o n , 1879, p . 5 4 . - E d . M a r t i n L u t h e r calls these k i n d s 2 1 1

formed. On t h e share ( o v e r e s t i m a t e d by Marx) of L a u r e n t o f this i m p o r t a n t fact see K o p p , " E n t w i c k l u n g der C h e a n d S c h o r l e m m e r , " R i s e a n d Progress o f O r g a n i c C h e m i s of institutions: "The Company Monopolia."

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Part III • The production of absolute surplus-value m e a n s of production are at o n c e changed into m e a n s for the absorption of the labour of others. It is now no longer the labourer t h a t employs the m e a n s of production, b u t the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n that employ the labourer. Instead of being c o n s u m e d by h i m as m a t e r i a l elements of his productive activity, they c o n s u m e h i m as the ferment necessary to their own life-process, and the life-process of capital consists only in its m o v e m e n t as value constantly expanding, constantly multiplying itself. F u r n a c e s a n d workshops that stand idle by night, a n d absorb no living labour, are "a m e r e loss" to the capitalist. H e n c e , furnaces a n d workshops constitute lawful claims u p o n the night-labour of the workpeople. T h e simple transformation of m o n e y into the material factors of the process of p r o d u c t i o n , into m e a n s of production, transforms the latter into a title and a right to the lab o u r a n d surplus-labour of others. An example will show, in conclusion, | |298| how this sophistication, peculiar to a n d characteristic of capitalist production, this complete inversion of the relation between dead a n d living labour, between value and the force t h a t creates value, mirrors itself in the consciousness of capitalists. D u r i n g the revolt of the English factory lords between 1848 a n d 1850, "the head of o n e of the oldest a n d most respectable houses in the West of Scotland, Messrs. Carlile Sons & Co., of the linen a n d cotton thread factory at Paisley, a c o m p a n y which has now existed for a b o u t a century, which was in operation in 1752, a n d four generations of the s a m e family have c o n d u c t e d i t " ... this "very intelligent g e n t l e m a n " t h e n wrote a letter in the "Glasgow Daily M a i l " of April 25th, 1849, with t h e title, "The relay system," in which a m o n g other things the following grotesquely naïve passage occurs: "Let us now ... see what evils will attend t h e limiting to 10 h o u r s the working of the factory. ... T h e y a m o u n t to the m o s t serious damage to the mill-owner's prospects a n d property. If he [i.e., his "hands") worked 12 hours before, a n d is limited to 10, t h e n every 12 m a c h i n e s or spindles in his establishment shrink to 10, a n d should the works be disposed of, they will be valued only as 10, so that a sixth part would t h u s be d e d u c t e d from the value of every factory in the c o u n t r y . " To this West of Scotland bourgeois brain, inheriting the a c c u m u l a t e d capitalistic qualities of "four generations," the value of the m e a n s of production, spindles, etc. is so inseparably m i x e d up with their property, as

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R e p o r t s of I n s p . of Fact., April 30th, 1849, p. 59. I.e., p. 60. F a c t o r y I n s p e c t o r Stuart, h i m s e l f a S c o t c h m a n , a n d in c o n t r a s t to t h e E n g l i s h F a c t o r y I n s p e c t o r s , q u i t e t a k e n captive by t h e capitalistic m e t h o d of t h i n k i n g , r e m a r k s expressly on this letter w h i c h he i n c o r p o r a t e s in his report t h a t it is " t h e m o s t useful of t h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s w h i c h any of t h e factory-owners working w i t h relays have given to t h o s e e n g a g e d i n t h e s a m e t r a d e , a n d w h i c h i s t h e m o s t c a l c u l a t e d t o r e m o v e t h e prejudices o f s u c h o f t h e m as h a v e scruples respecting any c h a n g e of t h e a r r a n g e m e n t of t h e h o u r s of work."

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capital, to expand their own value, a n d to swallow up daily a definite q u a n tity of the u n p a i d labour of others, that t h e h e a d of the firm of Carlile & Co. actually imagines that if he sells his factory, n o t only will the value of the spindles be paid to h i m , but, in addition, their power of a n n e x i n g surplusvalue, not only the labour which is e m b o d i e d in t h e m , and is necessary to the production of spindles ||299| of this kind, b u t also the surplus-labour which they help to p u m p out daily from the brave Scots of Paisley, and for that very reason he thinks that with the shortening of the working-day by 2 hours, the selling-price of 12 spinning m a c h i n e s dwindles to that of 10! |

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Chapter XII.

The Concept of Relative Surplus-Value.

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T h a t portion of the working-day which merely produces an equivalent for the value paid by the capitalist for his labour-power, has, up to this point, b e e n treated by us as a constant m a g n i t u d e ; a n d such in fact it is, u n d e r given conditions of p r o d u c t i o n and at a given stage in t h e economical dev e l o p m e n t of society. Beyond this, his necessary labour-time, the labourer, we saw, could c o n t i n u e to work for 2, 3, 4, 6, etc., h o u r s . T h e rate of surplus-value a n d the length of the working day d e p e n d e d on the m a g n i t u d e of this prolongation. T h o u g h the necessary labour-time was constant, we saw, on the other h a n d , that the total working-day was variable. N o w suppose we have a working-day whose length, a n d whose a p p o r t i o n m e n t between necessary labour a n d surplus-labour, are given. Let the whole line a c, a b — c represent, for e x a m p l e , a working-day of 12 h o u r s ; t h e portion of a b 10 h o u r s ||301| of necessary labour, a n d the portion b c 2 h o u r s of surplus-labour. H o w now can t h e p r o d u c t i o n of surplus-value be increased, i.e., how can the surplus-labour be prolonged, without, or i n d e p e n d e n t l y of, any prolongation of a c? A l t h o u g h the length of a c is given, b c appears to be capable of prolongation, if n o t by extension b e y o n d its e n d c, which is also the e n d of the working day a c, yet, at all events, by p u s h i n g back its starting point b in t h e direction of a. A s s u m e t h a t b ' — b in the line a b' b c is equal to half of b c

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value a b'—b c or to one h o u r ' s labour-time. If now, in a c, the working day of 12 h o u r s , we m o v e the point b to b', b c becomes b' c; the surplus-labour increases by o n e half, from 2 h o u r s to 3 hours, although the working day r e m a i n s as before at 12 h o u r s . This extension of the surplus l a b o u r - t i m e from b c to b' c, 5 from 2 h o u r s to 3 h o u r s , is, however, evidently impossible, without a simult a n e o u s contraction of the necessary l a b o u r - t i m e from a b into a b', from 10 h o u r s to 9 hours. T h e prolongation of the surplus-labour would correspond to a shortening of the necessary labour; or a portion of t h e labourt i m e previously c o n s u m e d , in reality, for the labourer's own benefit, would 10 be converted into labour-time for the benefit of the capitalist. There would be an alteration, n o t in the length of the working day, b u t in its division into necessary labour-time a n d surplus labour-time. On the other h a n d , it is evident that the duration of the surplus-labour is given, w h e n the length of the working day, a n d the value of labour-power, 15 are given. T h e value of labour-power, i.e., the l a b o u r - t i m e requisite to prod u c e labour-power, determines the labour-time necessary for the r e p r o d u c tion of that value. If one working h o u r be e m b o d i e d in sixpence, a n d the value of a day's labour-power be five shillings, the labourer m u s t work 10 h o u r s a day, in order to replace the value paid by capital for his labour- 20 power, or to produce an equivalent for the value of his daily necessary m e a n s of subsistence. Given the value of these m e a n s of subsistence, the value of his labour-power is given; and given the value of his j (302) labourpower, the duration of his necessary labour-time is given. T h e d u r a t i o n of the surplus-labour, however, is arrived at, by subtracting the necessary la- 25 b o u r - t i m e from the total working day. T e n h o u r s subtracted from twelve, leave two, a n d it is n o t easy to see, how, u n d e r t h e given conditions, the surplus-labour can possibly be prolonged b e y o n d two h o u r s . No doubt, the capitalist can, instead of five shillings, pay the labourer four shillings a n d sixpence or even less. For the r e p r o d u c t i o n of this value of four shillings 30 a n d sixpence, n i n e h o u r s labour-time would suffice; and consequently three h o u r s of surplus-labour, instead of two, would accrue to the capitalist, 1

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T h e value of his average daily wages is d e t e r m i n e d by w h a t t h e l a b o u r e r r e q u i r e s "so as to live, labour, a n d g e n e r a t e . " ( W m . Petty: "Political A n a t o m y of I r e l a n d , " 1 6 9 1 , p. 64.) " T h e p r i c e of L a b o u r is always c o n s t i t u t e d of t h e price of n e c e s s a r i e s ... w h e n e v e r . . . . t h e l a b o u r i n g m a n ' s wages will n o t , suitably to his low r a n k a n d station, as a l a b o u r i n g m a n , s u p p o r t s u c h a family as is often t h e lot of m a n y of t h e m to h a v e , " he does n o t receive p r o p e r wages. ( J . V a n derlint, I.e. p . 15.) « L e simple ouvrier, q u i n ' a q u e ses bras e t s o n i n d u s t r i e , n ' a r i e n q u ' a u t a n t q u ' i l parvient à v e n d r e à d ' a u t r e s sa p e i n e . .. En t o u t g e n r e de travail il doit arriver, et il arrive en effet, q u e le salaire de l'ouvrier se b o r n e à ce q u i l u i est n é c e s s a i r e p o u r lui p r o c u r e r sa s u b s i s t a n c e . » (Turgot, Réflexions, etc., Oeuvres éd. D a i r e t . I . p . 10). " T h e price o f t h e n e c e s s a r i e s of life is, in fact, t h e cost of p r o d u c i n g l a b o u r . " ( M a l t h u s , I n q u i r y i n t o , etc., R e n t , L o n d o n , 1815, p . 4 8 n o t e ) .

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arid the surplus-value would rise from o n e shilling to eighteen-pence. This result, however, would be o b t a i n e d only by lowering the wages of the lab o u r e r below the value of his labour-power. W i t h the four shillings a n d sixp e n c e which he produces in n i n e hours, he c o m m a n d s o n e - t e n t h less of the necessaries of life t h a n before, and consequently the proper reproduction of his labour-power is crippled. T h e surplus-labour would in this case be prolonged only by an overstepping of its n o r m a l limits; its d o m a i n would be e x t e n d e d only by a u s u r p a t i o n of part of t h e d o m a i n of necessary lab o u r - t i m e . Despite the i m p o r t a n t part which this m e t h o d plays in actual practice, we are excluded from considering it in this place, by o u r a s s u m p tion, that all c o m m o d i t i e s , including labour-power, are b o u g h t a n d sold at their full value. G r a n t e d this, it follows that the labour-time necessary for the production of labour-power, or for the r e p r o d u c t i o n of its value, c a n n o t be lessened by a fall in the labourer's wages below the value of his labourpower, b u t only by a fall in this value itself. G i v e n the length of t h e working day, the prolongation of the surplus-labour m u s t of necessity 113031 origin a t e in the curtailment of the necessary l a b o u r - t i m e ; the latter c a n n o t arise from the former. In the example we have taken, it is necessary t h a t the value of labour-power should actually fall by one-tenth, in order that the n e c essary labour-time m a y be d i m i n i s h e d by o n e - t e n t h , i. e., from ten h o u r s to n i n e , and in order that the surplus-labour m a y consequently be prolonged from two hours to three. S u c h a fall in the value of labour-power implies, however, that the s a m e necessaries of life which were formerly p r o d u c e d in ten hours, can now be produced in n i n e hours. B u t this is impossible without an increase in the productiveness of labour. F o r example, suppose a shoemaker, with given tools, m a k e s in o n e working day of twelve h o u r s , o n e pair of boots. If he m u s t m a k e two pairs in the s a m e t i m e , the productiveness of his labour m u s t be doubled; a n d this c a n n o t be d o n e , except by an alteration in his tools or in his m o d e of working, or in both. H e n c e , the conditions of production, i.e., his m o d e of production, a n d the labour-process itself, m u s t be revolutionised. By increase in the productiveness of labour, we m e a n , generally, an alteration in the labour-process, of s u c h a kind as to shorten the labour-time socially necessary for the p r o d u c t i o n of a c o m m o d i t y , a n d to endow a given quantity of labour with the power of producing a greater quantity of use-value. H i t h e r t o in treating of surplus-value, arising from a 2

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« Q u a n d o si p e r f e z i o n a n o le arti, c h e n o n è altro c h e la scoperta di n u o v e vie, o n d e si possa c o m p i e r e u n a m a n i f a t t u r a c o n m e n o g e n t e ο (che è lo stesso) in m i n o r t e m p o di p r i m a . » (Galiani, I.e. p p . 158, 159.) « L ' é c o n o m i e sur les frais d e p r o d u c t i o n n e p e u t d o n c être a u t r e c h o s e q u e l ' é c o n o m i e sur l a q u a n t i t é d e travail e m p l o y é p o u r p r o d u i r e . » ( S i s m o n d i , É t u d e s 1.1. p . 22.)

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value simple prolongation of t h e working day, we have a s s u m e d t h e m o d e of prod u c t i o n to be given a n d invariable. But when surplus-value has to be prod u c e d by the conversion of necessary labour into surplus-labour, it by no m e a n s suffices for capital to take over the labour-process in t h e form u n d e r which it has b e e n historically h a n d e d down, and t h e n simply to prolong the 5 d u r a t i o n of that process. The technical a n d social c o n d i t i o n s of t h e process, a n d consequently the very m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n m u s t be revolutionised, before the productiveness of labour can be increased. By t h a t m e a n s alone can the value of labour-||304|power be m a d e to sink, a n d the p o r t i o n of the working day necessary for the r e p r o d u c t i o n of t h a t value, be shortened. 10 T h e surplus-value produced by prolongation of t h e working day, I call absolute surplus-value. On the other h a n d , the surplus-value arising from the c u r t a i l m e n t of the necessary labour-time, a n d from the corresponding alteration in the respective lengths of the two c o m p o n e n t s of the working day, I call relative surplus-value. 15 In order to effect a fall in the value of labour-power, the increase in the productiveness of labour m u s t seize u p o n those b r a n c h e s of industry, whose p r o d u c t s d e t e r m i n e the value of labour-power, a n d consequently either belong to the class of customary m e a n s of subsistence, or are capable of supplying the place of those m e a n s . B u t the value of a c o m m o d i t y is de- 20 t e r m i n e d , not only by the quantity of labour which the labourer directly bestows u p o n that c o m m o d i t y , b u t also by the labour c o n t a i n e d in the m e a n s of production. F o r instance, the value of a pair of boots d e p e n d s , n o t only on the cobbler's labour, but also on the value of the leather, wax, thread, etc. H e n c e , a fall in the value of labour-power is also brought a b o u t by an 25 increase in the productiveness of labour, a n d by a corresponding cheapening of c o m m o d i t i e s in those industries which supply t h e i n s t r u m e n t s of lab o u r a n d the raw material, that form the material e l e m e n t s of the constant capital required for producing the necessaries of life. B u t an increase in the productiveness of labour in those b r a n c h e s of industry which supply 30 n e i t h e r the necessaries of life, nor the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n for such necessaries, leaves the value of labour-power u n d i s t u r b e d . T h e c h e a p e n e d c o m m o d i t y , of course, causes only a pro t a n t o fall in the value of labour-power, a fall proportional to the extent of that c o m m o d i t y ' s e m p l o y m e n t in the reproduction of labour-power. Shirts, for instance, are a necessary m e a n s of subsistence, b u t are only o n e out of m a n y . T h e totality of the necessaries of life consists, however, of various c o m m o d i t i e s , each t h e product of a distinct industry; a n d the value of e a c h of those c o m m o d i ties enters as a c o m p o n e n t part into the value of labour-power. This latter value decreases ||305| with the decrease of t h e l a b o u r - t i m e necessary for its reproduction; the total decrease being the s u m of all the different curtail-

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m e n t s of labour-time effected in those various a n d distinct industries. This general result is treated, here, as if it were the i m m e d i a t e result directly aimed at in each individual case. W h e n e v e r an individual capitalist cheapens shirts, for instance, by increasing the productiveness of labour, he by no m e a n s necessarily aims at reducing t h e value of labour-power a n d shortening, pro tanto, the necessary l a b o u r - t i m e . B u t it is only in so far as he ultimately contributes to this result, t h a t he assists in raising the general rate of surplus-value. T h e general a n d necessary t e n d e n c i e s of capital m u s t be distinguished from their forms of manifestation. 3

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It is not our i n t e n t i o n to consider, here, the way in which the laws, imm a n e n t in capitalist production, manifest themselves in the m o v e m e n t s of individual masses of capital, where they assert themselves as coercive laws of competition, a n d are brought h o m e to the m i n d and consciousness of the individual capitalist as the directing motives of his operations. But this m u c h is clear; a scientific analysis of c o m p e t i t i o n is n o t possible, before we have a conception of the inner n a t u r e of capital, just as the apparent m o tions of the heavenly bodies are n o t intelligible to any b u t h i m , who is a c q u a i n t e d with their real m o t i o n s , m o t i o n s which are n o t directly perceptible by the senses. Nevertheless, for the better c o m p r e h e n s i o n of the prod u c t i o n of relative surplus-value, we m a y a d d the following remarks, in which we assume n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n the results we have already obtained. If o n e hours's labour is e m b o d i e d in sixpence, a value of six shillings will be produced in a working day of 12 h o u r s . Suppose, t h a t with the prevailing productiveness of labour, 12 articles are p r o d u c e d in these 12 h o u r s . Let the value of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n used up in each article be sixp e n c e . U n d e r these circumstances, each article costs o n e shilling: sixpence for the value of the m e a n s of production, a n d sixpence for the ||306| value newly added in working with those m e a n s . N o w let some one capitalist contrive to double the productiveness of labour, a n d to produce in the working day of 12 hours, 24 instead of 12 s u c h articles. T h e value of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n r e m a i n i n g the same, the value of each article will fall to n i n e p e n c e , m a d e up of sixpence for t h e value of the m e a n s of p r o d u c tion a n d t h r e e p e n c e for the value newly a d d e d by the labour. Despite the doubled productiveness of labour, the day's labour creates, as before, a new value of six shillings and no m o r e , which, however, is n o w spread over twice as m a n y articles. Of this value e a c h article now has e m b o d i e d in it % th, instead of / ^ t h , t h r e e p e n c e instead of sixpence; or, what a m o u n t s to 4

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"Let us s u p p o s e t h e p r o d u c t s . . . . of t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r are d o u b l e d by i m p r o v e m e n t in m a c h i n e r y ... he will be able to c l o t h e his w o r k m e n by m e a n s of a smaller p r o p o r t i o n of t h e entire r e t u r n ... and t h u s h i s profit will be raised. B u t in no o t h e r way will it be i n f l u e n c e d . " ( R a m s a y , I.e. p. 168, 169.)

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value t h e s a m e thing, only half an hour's instead of a whole h o u r ' s labour-time, is now a d d e d to the m e a n s of production while they are being transformed i n t o each article. T h e individual value of these articles is now below their social value; in other words, they have cost less l a b o u r - t i m e t h a n the great bulk of the s a m e article produced u n d e r the average social conditions. E a c h article costs, on an average, o n e shilling, a n d represents 2 h o u r s of social labour; b u t u n d e r the altered m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n it costs only n i n e p e n c e , or contains only 1½ h o u r s ' labour. T h e real value of a c o m m o d i t y is, however, n o t its individual value, but its social value; t h a t is to say, the real value is n o t m e a s u r e d by the labour-time that the article in each individual case costs the producer, but by the labour-time socially required for its prod u c t i o n . If therefore, the capitalist who applies the n e w m e t h o d , sells his c o m m o d i t y at its social value of o n e shilling, he sells it for threepence above its individual value, and t h u s realises an extra surplus-value of threep e n c e . On the other h a n d , the working day of 12 h o u r s is, as regards h i m , n o w represented by 24 articles instead of 12. H e n c e , in order to get rid of the p r o d u c t of o n e working day, the d e m a n d m u s t be d o u b l e what it was, i.e., t h e m a r k e t m u s t b e c o m e twice as extensive. O t h e r things being equal, his c o m m o d i t i e s can c o m m a n d a m o r e e x t e n d e d m a r k e t only by a d i m i n u t i o n of their prices. He will therefore sell t h e m above their individual b u t u n d e r their social value, say at t e n p e n c e each. By this m e a n s he still squeezes ||307| an extra surplus-value of o n e p e n n y o u t of each. This augm e n t a t i o n of surplus-value is pocketed by h i m , whether his c o m m o d i t i e s belong or not to the class of necessary m e a n s of subsistence that participate in d e t e r m i n i n g the general value of labour-power. H e n c e , i n d e p e n d e n t l y of this latter circumstance, there is a motive for e a c h individual capitalist to c h e a p e n his commodities, by increasing the productiveness of labour.

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Nevertheless, even in this case, the increased p r o d u c t i o n of surplus-value arises from the c u r t a i l m e n t of the necessary labour-time, a n d from the corresponding prolongation of the surplus-labour. Let the necessary la- 30 b o u r - t i m e a m o u n t to 10 h o u r s , the value of a day's labour-power to five shillings, the surplus labour-time to 2 h o u r s , a n d t h e daily surplus-value to o n e shilling. But the capitalist now produces 24 articles, w h i c h he sells at t e n p e n c e a-piece, m a k i n g twenty shillings in all. Since the value of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n is twelve shillings, 14% of these articles merely replace 35 t h e c o n s t a n t capital advanced. T h e labour of the 12 h o u r s ' working day is 4

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A m a n ' s profit d o e s n o t d e p e n d u p o n his c o m m a n d of t h e p r o d u c e of o t h e r m e n ' s labour, b u t u p o n his c o m m a n d of l a b o u r itself. If he c a n sell h i s g o o d s at a h i g h e r price, w h i l e h i s w o r k m e n ' s wages r e m a i n u n a l t e r e d , he is clearly benefited. ... A s m a l l e r p r o p o r t i o n of w h a t he p r o d u c e s is sufficient to p u t t h a t l a b o u r i n t o m o t i o n , a n d a larger p r o p o r t i o n c o n s e q u e n t l y rem a i n s for himself." ("Outlines of P o l . E c o n . " L o n d o n , 1832, p p . 4 9 , 50.)

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Chapter XII • The concept of relative surplus-value represented by the r e m a i n i n g 9% articles. Since the price of t h e labourpower is five shillings, 6 articles represent t h e necessary labour-time, a n d 3 / articles the surplus-labour. T h e ratio of t h e necessary labour to the surplus-labour, which u n d e r average social c o n d i t i o n s was 5:1, is now only 5:3. T h e same result m a y be arrived at in the following way. T h e value of the p r o d u c t of the working day of 12 h o u r s is twenty shillings. Of this s u m , twelve shillings belong to t h e value of t h e m e a n s of production, a value t h a t merely re-appears. There r e m a i n eight shillings, which are the expression in m o n e y , of the value newly created during t h e working day. This s u m is 3

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greater t h a n the s u m in which average social l a b o u r of the same k i n d is expressed: twelve h o u r s of the latter labour are expressed by six shillings only. T h e exceptionally productive l a b o u r operates as intensified labour; it I[3081 creates in equal periods of t i m e greater values t h a n average social labour of the same kind. (See Ch. I. Sect. 2. p. 37.) But o u r capitalist still 15 c o n t i n u e s to pay as before only five shillings as t h e value of a day's labourpower. H e n c e , instead of 10 hours, the labourer n e e d now work only 1% hours, in order to re-produce this value. His surplus-labour is, therefore, increased by 2% h o u r s , a n d t h e surplus-value he produces grows from one, into three shillings. H e n c e , the capitalist who applies the improved m e t h o d 20 of production, appropriates to surplus-labour a greater portion of the working day, t h a n the other capitalists in the s a m e trade. He does individually, what the whole body of capitalists engaged in producing relative surplusvalue, do collectively. On the other h a n d , however, this extra surplus-value vanishes, so soon as the n e w m e t h o d of p r o d u c t i o n has b e c o m e general, 25 a n d h a s consequently caused the difference between the individual value of the c h e a p e n e d c o m m o d i t y a n d its social value to vanish. T h e law of the d e t e r m i n a t i o n of value by labour-time, a law w h i c h brings u n d e r its sway the individual capitalist w h o applies t h e new m e t h o d of production, by compelling h i m to sell his goods u n d e r their social value, this s a m e law, 30 acting as a coercive law of competition, forces his competitors to adopt the new m e t h o d . T h e general rate of surplus-value is, therefore, ultimately affected by the whole process, only w h e n the increase in the productiveness of labour, has seized u p o n those b r a n c h e s of p r o d u c t i o n t h a t are c o n n e c t e d with, a n d has c h e a p e n e d those c o m m o d i t i e s that form part of, t h e neces35 sary m e a n s of subsistence, a n d are therefore elements of the value of labour-power. 5

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"If my n e i g h b o u r by d o i n g m u c h w i t h little l a b o u r , c a n sell c h e a p , I m u s t contrive to sell as c h e a p as h e . So t h a t every art, t r a d e , or e n g i n e , d o i n g w o r k with l a b o u r of fewer h a n d s , a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y cheaper, begets in o t h e r s a k i n d of necessity a n d e m u l a t i o n , either of u s i n g t h e s a m e art, t r a d e , o r e n g i n e , o r o f i n v e n t i n g s o m e t h i n g like it, t h a t every m a n m a y b e u p o n t h e s q u a r e , t h a t n o m a n m a y b e able t o u n d e r s e l l h i s n e i g h b o u r . " ("The A d v a n t a g e s o f t h e East I n d i a T r a d e t o E n g l a n d . " L o n d o n , 1720, p . 67.)

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value T h e value of c o m m o d i t i e s is in inverse ratio to t h e productiveness of labour. A n d so, too, is the value of labour-power, b e c a u s e it d e p e n d s on the values of c o m m o d i t i e s . Relative ||309| surplus-value is, on the contrary, directly proportional to that productiveness. It rises with rising a n d falls with falling productivenes. T h e value of m o n e y being a s s u m e d to be constant, 5 an average social working day of 12 h o u r s always produces the s a m e new value, six shillings, no m a t t e r how this s u m m a y be apportioned between surplus-value and wages. But if, in c o n s e q u e n c e of increased productiveness, the value of the necessaries of life fall, a n d t h e value of a day's labour-power be thereby reduced from five shillings to three, the surplus-val- 10 ue increases from one shilling to three. T e n h o u r s were necessary for the r e p r o d u c t i o n of the value of the labour-power; now only six are required. F o u r h o u r s have b e e n set free, and can be a n n e x e d to the d o m a i n of surplus-labour. H e n c e there is i m m a n e n t in capital an inclination a n d constant tendency, to h e i g h t e n the productiveness of labour, in order to 15 c h e a p e n c o m m o d i t i e s , and by such cheapening to cheapen the labourer himself. 6

T h e value of a c o m m o d i t y is, in itself, of no interest to the capitalist. W h a t alone interests h i m , is the surplus-value t h a t dwells in it, and is realisable by sale. Realisation of the surplus-value necessarily carries with it 20 t h e refunding of the value that was advanced. Now, since relative surplusvalue increases in direct proportion to the development of the productiveness of labour, while, on the other h a n d , the value of c o m m o d i t i e s d i m i n ishes in the same proportion; since one a n d the same process cheapens c o m m o d i t i e s , and a u g m e n t s the surplus-value c o n t a i n e d in t h e m ; we have 25 h e r e t h e solution of the riddle: why does the capitalist, whose sole concern is the p r o d u c t i o n of exchange-value, continually strive to depress the exchange-value of commodities? A riddle with which Quesnay, ||310| one of t h e founders of political economy, t o r m e n t e d his o p p o n e n t s , a n d to which they could give h i m no answer. "You acknowledge," he says, "that the m o r e 30 expenses a n d the cost of labour can, in the m a n u f a c t u r e of industrial products, be reduced without injury to production, the m o r e advantageous is such reduction, because it diminishes the price of the finished article. A n d 6

" I n whatever p r o p o r t i o n t h e expenses of a l a b o u r e r are d i m i n i s h e d , in t h e s a m e p r o p o r t i o n will h i s wages be d i m i n i s h e d , if t h e restraints u p o n i n d u s t r y are at t h e s a m e t i m e t a k e n off." ( " C o n s i d e r a t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g taking off t h e B o u n t y on C o r n E x p o r t e d , " etc., Lond., 1753, p. 7.) " T h e i n t e r e s t of t r a d e r e q u i r e s , t h a t c o r n a n d all provisions s h o u l d be as c h e a p as possible; for w h a t e v e r m a k e s t h e m dear, m u s t m a k e l a b o u r d e a r also ... i n all c o u n t r i e s , where i n d u s t r y i s n o t restrained, t h e price of provisions m u s t affect t h e price of l a b o u r . T h i s will always be dim i n i s h e d w h e n t h e necessaries of life grow c h e a p e r . " (I.e. p. 3.) " W a g e s are d e c r e a s e d in t h e s a m e p r o p o r t i o n as t h e powers of p r o d u c t i o n increase. M a c h i n e r y , it is true, c h e a p e n s t h e n e cessaries of life, b u t it also c h e a p e n s t h e labourer." ("A P r i z e Essay on t h e C o m p a r a t i v e M e r i t s of C o m p e t i t i o n a n d C o - o p e r a t i o n . " L o n d o n , 1834, p. 27.)

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Chapter XII • The concept of relative surplus-value yet, you believe that the p r o d u c t i o n of wealth, which arises from the labour of the workpeople, consists in the a u g m e n t a t i o n of the exchange-value of their p r o d u c t s . " T h e shortening of the working day is, therefore, by no m e a n s what is a i m e d at, in capitalist production, w h e n labour is e c o n o m i s e d by increasing its productiveness. It is only t h e shortening of t h e labour-time, necessary for the production of a definite quantity of c o m m o d i t i e s , that is a i m e d at. The fact that the workman, when the productiveness of his labour has b e e n increased, produces, say 10 times as m a n y c o m m o d i t i e s as before, 7

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and thus spends o n e - t e n t h as m u c h l a b o u r - t i m e on each, by no m e a n s prevents h i m from continuing to work 12 h o u r s as before, n o r from producing in those 12 hours 1200 articles instead of 120. Nay, more, his working day m a y be prolonged at the s a m e t i m e , so as to m a k e h i m produce, say 1400 articles in 14 hours. In the treatises, therefore, of economists of the 15 stamp of MacCulloch, U r e , Senior, a n d tutti q u a n t i , we may read u p o n o n e page, that the labourer owes a debt of gratitude to capital for developing his productiveness, because the necessary l a b o u r - t i m e is thereby shortened, and on the next page, that he m u s t prove his gratitude by working in future ||311| for 15 hours instead of 10. T h e object of all development of the 20 productiveness of labour, within the limits of capitalist production, is to shorten that part of the working day, during which the w o r k m a n m u s t labour for his own benefit, a n d by that very shortening, to lengthen the other part of the day, during which he is at liberty to work gratis for the capitalist. How far this result is also attainable, without c h e a p e n i n g c o m m o d i t i e s , will 25 appear from an e x a m i n a t i o n of the particular m o d e s of producing relative surplus-value, to which e x a m i n a t i o n we now proceed. 7

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« Ils c o n v i e n n e n t q u e plus on p e u t , sans préjudice, é p a r g n e r de frais ou de travaux d i s p e n d i e u x d a n s la fabrication des ouvrages des artisans, plus c e t t e épargne est profitable par la dim i n u t i o n des prix d e ces ouvrages. C e p e n d a n t ils c r o i e n t q u e l a p r o d u c t i o n d e richesse q u i résuite des t r a v a u x des artisans c o n s i s t e d a n s l ' a u g m e n t a t i o n de la v a l e u r v é n a l e de leurs ouvrages.» ( Q u e s n a y : " D i a l o g u e s sur le C o m m e r c e et s u r les T r a v a u x des a r t i s a n s , " p p . 188, 189.) « C e s spéculateurs si é c o n o m e s du travail des ouvriers q u ' i l faudrait qu'ils p a y a s s e n t . » (J. N . B i d a u t : " D u M o n o p o l e q u i s'établit d a n s les arts i n d u s t r i e l s e t l e c o m m e r c e . " Paris, 1828, p. 13.) " T h e e m p l o y e r will be always on t h e stretch to e c o n o m i s e t i m e and l a b o u r . " ( D u gald Stewart: W o r k s ed. by S i r W . H a m i l t o n . E d i n b u r g h , v. V I I I . , 1855. Lectures on Polit. E c o n . , p.318.) " T h e i r (the capitalists') i n t e r e s t is t h a t the p r o d u c t i v e powers of t h e l a b o u r e r s t h e y e m ploy s h o u l d b e t h e greatest possible. O n p r o m o t i n g t h a t p o w e r their a t t e n t i o n i s f i x e d a n d alm o s t exclusively fixed." (R. J o n e s : I.e. L e c t u r e III.)

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value

CHAPTER XIII.

Co-Operation. Capitalist p r o d u c t i o n only t h e n really begins, as we have already seen, w h e n e a c h individual capital employs simultaneously a comparatively large n u m b e r of labourers; when consequently the labour-process is carried 5 on on an extensive scale and yields, relatively, large quantities of products. A greater n u m b e r of labourers working together, at the s a m e t i m e , in o n e place (or, if you will, in the same field of labour), in order to p r o d u c e the s a m e sort of c o m m o d i t y u n d e r the mastership of o n e capitalist, constitutes, b o t h historically and logically, the starting point of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n . 10 W i t h regard to the m o d e of production itself, m a n u f a c t u r e , in its strict m e a n i n g , is hardly to be distinguished, in its earliest stages, from the h a n d icraft trades of the guilds, otherwise t h a n by t h e greater n u m b e r of workm e n simultaneously employed by one a n d the same individual capital. T h e workshop of the mediasval m a s t e r handicraftsman is simply enlarged. 15 At first, therefore, the difference is purely quantitative. We have shown t h a t the surplus-value produced by a given capital is e q u a l to the surplusvalue produced by each w o r k m a n multiplied by the n u m b e r of w o r k m e n sim u l t a n e o u s l y employed. T h e n u m b e r of w o r k m e n in itself does n o t affect, either the rate of surplus-value, or the degree of exploitation of labourpower. If a working day of 12 hours be e m b o d i e d in six shillings, 1200 | |312| such days will be embodied in 1200 t i m e s 6 shillings. In o n e case 12 x 1200 working hours, a n d in the other 12 s u c h h o u r s are incorporated in the product. In the p r o d u c t i o n of value a n u m b e r of w o r k m e n rank merely as so m a n y individual workmen; a n d it therefore m a k e s no differe n e e in the value produced whether the 1200 m e n work separately, or u n i t ed u n d e r the control of o n e capitalist. Nevertheless, within certain limits, a modification takes place. T h e lab o u r realised in value, is labour of an average social quality; is consequently the expenditure of average labour-power. A n y average m a g n i t u d e , however, is merely the average of a n u m b e r of separate m a g n i t u d e s all of o n e kind, b u t differing as to quantity. In every industry, each individual labourer, be he Peter or Paul, differs from the average labourer. T h e s e individual differences, or "errors" as they are called in m a t h e m a t i c s , c o m p e n sate o n e another, a n d vanish, whenever a certain m i n i m u m n u m b e r of w o r k m e n are employed together. The celebrated sophist a n d sycophant, E d m u n d Burke, goes so far as to m a k e the following assertion, based on his practical observations as a farmer; viz., that "in so small a platoon" as that

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Chapter XIII · Co-operation of five farm labourers, all individual differences in the l a b o u r vanish, a n d that consequently any given five adult farm labourers t a k e n together, will in the same t i m e do as m u c h work as any other five. But, however that m a y be, it is clear, that the collective working day of a large n u m b e r of w o r k m e n 5 simultaneously employed, divided by t h e n u m b e r of these workmen, gives o n e day of average social labour. F o r e x a m p l e , let t h e working day of e a c h individual be 12 h o u r s . T h e n the collective working day of 12 m e n simultaneously employed, consists of 144 hours; a n d although the labour of e a c h of the d o z e n m e n m a y deviate ||313| m o r e or less from average social la10 bour, each of t h e m requiring a different t i m e for the s a m e operation, yet since the working day of each is one-twelfth of the collective working day of 144 hours, it possesses t h e qualities of an average social working day. F r o m the point of view, however, of the capitalist who employs these 12 m e n , the working day is t h a t of the whole d o z e n . E a c h individual m a n ' s 15 day is an aliquot part of the collective working day, no m a t t e r whether the 12 m e n assist one a n o t h e r in their work, or whether the c o n n e x i o n between their operations consists merely in t h e fact, t h a t the m e n are all working for the same capitalist. But if t h e 12 m e n are employed in six pairs, by as m a n y different small masters, it will be quite a m a t t e r of chance, whether each of 20 these masters produces the same value, a n d consequently whether he realises the general rate of surplus-value. Deviations would occur in individu a l cases. If one w o r k m a n required considerably m o r e t i m e for the p r o d u c tion of a c o m m o d i t y t h a n is socially necessary, the duration of the necessary labour-time would, in his case, sensibly deviate from the labour25 t i m e socially necessary on an average; a n d consequently his labour would not count as average labour, nor his labour-power as average labour-power. It would either be n o t saleable at all, or only at s o m e t h i n g below the average value of labour-power. A fixed m i n i m u m of efficiency in all labour is therefore assumed, a n d we shall see, later on, that capitalist p r o d u c t i o n 30 provides the m e a n s of fixing this m i n i m u m . Nevertheless, this m i n i m u m deviates from the average, although on t h e other h a n d the capitalist has to pay the average value of labour-power. Of the six small masters, o n e would therefore squeeze out m o r e t h a n the average rate of surplus-value, a n o t h e r less. T h e inequalities would be c o m p e n s a t e d for the society at large, b u t 35 not for the individual masters. T h u s the laws of the p r o d u c t i o n of value are 9

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" U n q u e s t i o n a b l y , there is a good d e a l of difference b e t w e e n t h e value of o n e m a n ' s l a b o u r a n d t h a t of a n o t h e r from strength, dexterity, and h o n e s t a p p l i c a t i o n . But I am q u i t e sure, from my b e s t observation, that a n y given five m e n will, in t h e i r total, afford a p r o p o r t i o n of l a b o u r e q u a l to any o t h e r five within t h e p e r i o d s of life I h a v e stated; t h a t is, t h a t a m o n g s u c h five m e n there will be o n e possessing all t h e q u a l i f i c a t i o n s of a good w o r k m a n , o n e b a d , a n d t h e o t h e r t h r e e m i d d l i n g , a n d a p p r o x i m a t i n g to t h e first a n d t h e last. So that in so small a p l a t o o n as t h a t of even five, you will find t h e full c o m p l e m e n t of all t h a t five m e n c a n e a r n . " ( E . B u r k e , I.e. p. 15, 16). C o m p a r e Q u é t e l e t on t h e average i n d i v i d u a l .

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value only fully realised for the individual producer, when he produces as a capitalist, a n d employes a n u m b e r of w o r k m e n together, whose labour, by its collective n a t u r e , is at once stamped as average social labour. 1 |314| Even without an alteration in the system of working, the s i m u l t a n e ous e m p l o y m e n t of a large n u m b e r of labourers effects a revolution in the m a t e r i a l conditions of the labour-process. T h e buildings in which they work, the store-houses for the raw material, the i m p l e m e n t s a n d utensils used simultaneously or in turns by the w o r k m e n ; in short, a portion of the m e a n s of production, are now c o n s u m e d in c o m m o n . On the o n e h a n d , the exchange-value of these m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n is n o t increased; for the exchange-value of a c o m m o d i t y is not raised by its use-value being cons u m e d m o r e thoroughly and to greater advantage. On the other h a n d , they are used in c o m m o n , a n d therefore on a larger scale t h a n before. A r o o m where twenty weavers work at twenty looms m u s t be larger t h a n the r o o m of a single weaver with two assistants. But it costs less labour to build o n e workshop for twenty persons t h a n to build ten to a c c o m m o d a t e two weavers each; thus the value of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n that are concentrated for use in c o m m o n on a large scale does n o t increase in direct proportion to the expansion and to the increased useful effect of those m e a n s . W h e n c o n s u m e d in c o m m o n , they give up a smaller part of their value to each single product; partly because the total value they part with is spread over a greater quantity of products, and partly because their value, t h o u g h absolutely greater, is, having regard to their sphere of action in the process, relatively less t h a n the value of isolated m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . Owing to this, the value of a part of the constant capital falls, a n d in proportion to the m a g n i t u d e of the fall, the total value of the c o m m o d i t y also falls. T h e effect is the s a m e as if the m e a n s of production h a d cost less. T h e economy in their application is entirely owing to their being c o n s u m e d in c o m m o n by a large n u m b e r of workmen. Moreover, this character of being necessary conditions of social labour, a character that distinguishes t h e m from the dispersed a n d relatively m o r e costly m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n of isolated, i n d e p e n d e n t labourers, or small masters, is acquired even when the ||315| n u m e r o u s w o r k m e n assembled together do n o t assist one another, b u t merely work side by side. A portion of the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour acquires this social character before the labour-process itself does so. 10

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Professor R o s c h e r c l a i m s t o have discovered t h a t o n e n e e d l e w o m a n e m p l o y e d b y M r s . R o s c h e r d u r i n g two days, does m o r e work t h a n two n e e d l e w o m e n e m p l o y e d t o g e t h e r during o n e day. T h e l e a r n e d professor s h o u l d n o t s t u d y the capitalist process of p r o d u c t i o n in t h e nursery, n o r u n d e r c i r c u m s t a n c e s where t h e p r i n c i p a l p e r s o n a g e , t h e capitalist, i s w a n t i n g .

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about a fall in the value of labour-power. Secondly, as altering t h e ratio of the surplus-value to the total capital advanced, i.e., to the s u m of the values of the constant a n d variable capital. T h e latter aspect will n o t be considered u n t i l we come to the third book, to which, with the object of treating t h e m in their proper connexion, we also relegate m a n y other points that relate to the present question. T h e m a r c h of our analysis compels this splitting up of the subject matter, a splitting up that is quite in keeping with the spirit of capitalist production. F o r since, in this m o d e of production, the workman finds the i n s t r u m e n t s of l a b o u r existing independently of h i m as

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another m a n ' s property, e c o n o m y in their u s e appears, with regard to h i m , to be a distinct operation, o n e that does n o t concern h i m , and which, therefore, has no c o n n e x i o n with the m e t h o d s by which his own personal productiveness is increased. W h e n n u m e r o u s labourers work together side by side, whether in one 15 a n d the same process, or in different b u t connected processes, they are said to co-operate, or to work in c o - o p e r a t i o n . Just as the offensive power of a s q u a d r o n of cavalry, or the defensive power of a regiment of infantry, is essentially different from the s u m of the offensive or defensive powers of the individual cavalry or infantry soldiers 20 taken separately, so the s u m total of the m e c h a n i c a l forces exerted by isolated workmen differs from the social force that is developed, w h e n m a n y h a n d s take part simultaneously in o n e a n d the same u n d i v i d e d operation, such as raising a heavy weight, t u r n i n g a winch, or removing an o b s t a c l e . In such cases the effect of ||316| the c o m b i n e d labour could either n o t be 25 produced at all by isolated individual labour, or it could only be produced by a great expenditure of t i m e , or on a very dwarfed scale. N o t only have we here an increase in the productive power of the individual, by m e a n s of co-operation, but the creation of a new power, namely, the collective power of m a s s e s . 30 Apart from the new power that arises from t h e fusion of m a n y forces into o n e single force, m e r e social contact begets in most industries an e m u l a tion a n d a stimulation of the a n i m a l spirits t h a t heighten the efficiency of each individual workman. H e n c e it is t h a t a d o z e n persons working to11

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" C o n c o u r s de forces." ( D e s t u t t de Tracy, I.e., p. 80.) " T h e r e are n u m e r o u s o p e r a t i o n s of so s i m p l e a k i n d as n o t to a d m i t a division i n t o parts, w h i c h c a n n o t be p e r f o r m e d w i t h o u t t h e c o - o p e r a t i o n of m a n y pairs of h a n d s . I w o u l d i n s t a n c e t h e lifting of a large tree on to a wain. ... everything, in short, w h i c h c a n n o t be d o n e u n l e s s a great m a n y pairs o f h a n d s h e l p each o t h e r i n t h e s a m e u n d i v i d e d e m p l o y m e n t and a t t h e s a m e t i m e " (E. G. Wakefield: "A View of t h e A r t of C o l o n i s a t i o n . " L o n d o n : 1849, p. 168). 12

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"As o n e m a n c a n n o t , a n d t e n m e n m u s t strain to lift a t u n of weight, yet 100 m e n c a n do it only by t h e strength of a finger of e a c h of t h e m . " ( J o h n Bellers: "Proposals for raising a Colledge of I n d u s t r y . " L o n d o n , 1696, p. 21.)

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value gether will, in their collective working-day of 144 hours, p r o d u c e far m o r e t h a n twelve isolated m e n each working 12 h o u r s , or t h a n o n e m a n who works twelve days in succession. T h e reason of this is that m a n is, if n o t as Aristotle c o n t e n d s , a political, at all events a social a n i m a l . A l t h o u g h a n u m b e r of m e n m a y be o c c u p i e d together at t h e s a m e t i m e 5 on the same, or the same kind of work, yet the labour of each, as a part of t h e collective labour, m a y correspond to a distinct p h a s e of the labour-process, through all whose phases, in c o n s e q u e n c e of co-operation, the subject of their labour passes with greater speed. F o r instance, if a d o z e n m a s o n s place themselves in a row, so as to pass stones from the ||317| foot of a lad- 10 der to its s u m m i t , each of t h e m does the s a m e thing; nevertheless, their separate acts form connected parts of o n e total operation; they are particular phases, which m u s t be g o n e through by e a c h stone; a n d the stones are t h u s carried up quicker by the 24 h a n d s of the row of m e n t h a n they could be if e a c h m a n went separately up and down t h e ladder with his b u r d e n . 15 T h e object is carried over the same distance in a shorter t i m e . Again, a c o m b i n a t i o n of labour occurs whenever a building, for instance, is t a k e n in h a n d on different sides simultaneously; although here also the co-operating m a s o n s are doing the same, or the same kind of work. T h e 12 m a s o n s , in their collective working day of 144 hours, m a k e m u c h m o r e progress 20 with the building t h a n one m a s o n could m a k e working for 12 days, or 144 h o u r s . T h e reason is, that a body of m e n working in concert has h a n d s a n d eyes b o t h before a n d b e h i n d , a n d is, to a certain degree, o m n i p r e s e n t . T h e various parts of the work progress simultaneously. 14

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" T h e r e i s a l s o " (when t h e s a m e n u m b e r o f m e n are e m p l o y e d b y o n e f a r m e r o n 300 acres, instead of by t e n farmers with 30 acres a piece) "an a d v a n t a g e in t h e p r o p o r t i o n of servants, w h i c h will n o t so easily be u n d e r s t o o d b u t by p r a c t i c a l m e n ; for it is n a t u r a l to say, as 1 is to 4, so are 3: to 12: b u t this will n o t h o l d good in p r a c t i c e ; for in h a r v e s t t i m e a n d m a n y o t h e r ope r a t i o n s w h i c h r e q u i r e that k i n d o f d e s p a t c h b y t h e throwing m a n y h a n d s together, t h e work i s b e t t e r a n d m o r e expeditiously d o n e : f. i. in harvest, 2 drivers, 2 loaders, 2 p i t c h e r s , 2 rakers, a n d t h e rest a t t h e rick, o r i n t h e b a r n , will d e s p a t c h d o u b l e t h e work t h a t t h e s a m e n u m b e r o f h a n d s w o u l d do if divided i n t o different gangs on different f a r m s . " ("An I n q u i r y i n t o t h e conn e c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e p r e s e n t Price of Provisions a n d t h e Size of F a r m s . " By a F a r m e r . L o n d o n , 1 7 7 3 , p p . 7 , 8.)

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Strictly, Aristotle's definition is t h a t m a n is by n a t u r e a t o w n - c i t i z e n . T h i s is q u i t e as characteristic of a n c i e n t classical society as F r a n k l i n ' s definition of m a n , as a t o o l - m a k i n g a n i m a l , is c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Y a n k e e d o m . « O n doit e n c o r e r e m a r q u e r q u e cette division partielle d e travail p e u t s e faire q u a n d m ê m e les ouvriers s o n t o c c u p é s d ' u n e m ê m e b e s o g n e . D e s m a ç o n s par e x e m p l e , o c c u p é s à faire p a s ser d e m a i n s e n m a i n s des b r i q u e s à u n é c h a f a u d a g e supérieur, font t o u s l a m ê m e b e s o g n e , e t p o u r t a n t i l existe p a r m i e u x u n e espèce d e division d e travail, q u i consiste e n c e q u e c h a c u n d ' e u x fait passer l a b r i q u e p a r u n espace d o n n é , e t q u e t o u s e n s e m b l e l a font p a r v e n i r b e a u c o u p p l u s p r o m p t e m e n t â l ' e n d r o i t m a r q u é qu'ils ne le feraient si c h a c u n d ' e u x portait sa b r i q u e s é p a r é m e n t j u s q u ' à l'échafaudage s u p é r i e u r . » (F. Skarbek: " T h é o r i e d e s richesses sociales." Paris, 1829. t . I . p p . 97, 98.)

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In the above instances we have laid stress u p o n the point t h a t the m e n do the same, or t h e same kind of work, b e c a u s e this, the m o s t simple form of l a b o u r in c o m m o n , plays a great part in co-operation, even in its m o s t fully developed stage. If the work be complicated, t h e n the m e r e n u m b e r of the m e n who co-operate allows of the various operations being apportioned to different h a n d s , and, consequently, of being carried on simultaneously. T h e t i m e necessary for the completion of the whole work is thereby shortened. 1 |318| In m a n y industries, there are critical periods, d e t e r m i n e d by the n^ture of the process, during which certain definite results m u s t be obtained. F o r instance, if a flock of sheep has to be shorn, or a field of wheat to be cut a n d harvested, the quantity a n d quality of the p r o d u c t d e p e n d s on t h e work being b e g u n a n d e n d e d within a certain t i m e . In these cases, the t i m e that ought to be t a k e n by t h e process is prescribed, j u s t as it is in herring fishing. A single person c a n n o t carve a working day of m o r e t h a n , say 12 hours, out of the natural day, b u t 100 m e n co-operating extend the working day to 1,200 h o u r s . T h e shortness of t h e t i m e allowed for the work is c o m p e n s a t e d for by the large m a s s of l a b o u r thrown u p o n the field of p r o d u c t i o n at the decisive m o m e n t . T h e c o m p l e t i o n of the task within t h e proper t i m e depends on the s i m u l t a n e o u s application of n u m e r o u s c o m b i n e d working days; the a m o u n t of useful effect depends on the n u m b e r of labourers; this n u m b e r , however, is always smaller t h a n the n u m b e r of isolated labourers required to do t h e same a m o u n t of work in the s a m e per i o d . It is owing to the absence of this kind of co-operation that, in the western part of the U n i t e d States, quantities of corn, a n d in those parts of East I n d i a where English rule has destroyed the old c o m m u n i t i e s , q u a n t i ties of cotton, are yearly w a s t e d . 17

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« E s t - i l q u e s t i o n d ' e x é c u t e r u n travail c o m p l i q u é , p l u s i e u r s choses doivent être faites s i m u l t a n é m e n t . L ' u n e n fait u n e p e n d a n t q u e l ' a u t r e e n fait u n e a u t r e , e t t o u s c o n t r i b u e n t à l'effet q u ' u n seul h o m m e n ' a u r a i t p u p r o d u i r e . L ' u n r a m e p e n d a n t q u e l'autre t i e n t l e gouvernail, e t q u ' u n t r o i s i è m e j e t t e le fdet ou h a r p o n n e le p o i s s o n , et la p ê c h e a un succès impossible s a n s ce c o n c o u r s . » ( D e s t u t t de Tracy, I.e.) " T h e d o i n g of it (agricultural work) at t h e critical j u n c t u r e is of so m u c h t h e greater c o n s e q u e n c e . " ("An I n q u i r y i n t o t h e C o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e P r e s e n t P r i c e , " etc., p. 7.) " I n agricult u r e , t h e r e i s n o m o r e i m p o r t a n t factor t h a n t h a t o f t i m e . " (Liebig: " U e b e r T h e o r i e u n d Praxis in der Landwirthschaft." 1856. p. 23.) " T h e n e x t evil is o n e w h i c h o n e would scarcely e x p e c t to find in a c o u n t r y w h i c h exports m o r e l a b o u r t h a n any o t h e r i n t h e world, w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n , p e r h a p s , o f C h i n a a n d E n g l a n d — t h e impossibility of p r o c u r i n g a sufficient n u m b e r of h a n d s to c l e a n t h e c o t t o n . T h e c o n s e q u e n c e of t h i s is t h a t large q u a n t i t i e s of t h e crop are left u n p i c k e d , while a n o t h e r p o r t i o n is g a t h e r e d from t h e g r o u n d w h e r e it h a s fallen, a n d is of c o u r s e d i s c o l o u r e d a n d partially r o t t e d , so t h a t for w a n t of l a b o u r at t h e p r o p e r s e a s o n t h e cultivator is actually forced to s u b m i t to t h e loss of a large p a r t of t h a t crop for w h i c h E n g l a n d is so a n x i o u s l y looking." (Bengal H u r k a r u . B i - M o n t h l y Overland S u m m a r y of N e w s , 2 2 n d July, 1861.) 18

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value On t h e one h a n d , co-operation allows of the work being carried on over an e x t e n d e d space; it is consequently imperatively called for in certain u n dertakings, such as draining, constructing dykes, irrigation works, a n d the m a k i n g of canals, roads and railways. On the other h a n d , while extending the |[319| scale of production, it renders possible a relative contraction of t h e arena. This contraction of arena s i m u l t a n e o u s with, a n d arising from, e x t e n s i o n of scale, whereby a n u m b e r of useless expenses are cut down, is owing to the conglomeration of labourers, to t h e aggregation of various processes, a n d to the concentration of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . T h e c o m b i n e d working day produces, relatively to an e q u a l s u m of isolated working-days, a greater quantity of use-values, and, consequently, dim i n i s h e s the labour-time necessary for the p r o d u c t i o n of a given useful effect. W h e t h e r the c o m b i n e d working-day, in a given case, acquires this increased productive power, because it h e i g h t e n s the m e c h a n i c a l force of labour, or extends its sphere of action over a greater space, or contracts the field of p r o d u c t i o n relatively to the scale of p r o d u c t i o n , or at the critical m o m e n t sets large masses of labour to work, or excites e m u l a t i o n between individuals a n d raises their a n i m a l spirits, or impresses on the similar operations carried on by a n u m b e r of m e n t h e s t a m p of continuity a n d m a n y sidedness, or performs simultaneously different operations, or economises the m e a n s of production by use in c o m m o n , or lends to individual labour the character of average social labour—whichever of these be the cause of the increase, the special productive power of the c o m b i n e d working day is, u n d e r all circumstances, the social productive power of labour, or the productive power of social labour. This power is d u e to co-operation itself. W h e n the labourer co-operates systematically with others, he strips off the fetters of his individuality, and developes the capabilities, of his s p e c i e s .

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As a general rule, labourers cannot co-operate without being brought together: their assemblage in one place is a necessary ||320| c o n d i t i o n of their co-operation. H e n c e wage labourers c a n n o t co-operate, unless they are e m - 30 ployed simultaneously by the same capital, the same capitalist, and unless therefore their labour-powers are b o u g h t simultaneously by h i m . T h e total value of these labour-powers, or the a m o u n t of the wages of these labourers 20

I n t h e progress o f c u l t u r e "all, a n d p e r h a p s m o r e t h a n all, t h e capital a n d l a b o u r w h i c h o n c e loosely o c c u p i e d 500 acres, are n o w c o n c e n t r a t e d for t h e m o r e c o m p l e t e tillage of 100." A l t h o u g h "relatively to t h e a m o u n t of capital a n d l a b o u r e m p l o y e d , space is c o n c e n t r a t e d , it is an enlarged sphere of p r o d u c t i o n , as c o m p a r e d to t h e s p h e r e of p r o d u c t i o n formerly o c c u p i e d o r worked u p o n b y o n e single i n d e p e n d e n t a g e n t o f p r o d u c t i o n . " ( R . J o n e s : " A n Essay o n t h e D i s t r i b u t i o n of W e a l t h , " part I. On R e n t . L o n d o n , 1 8 3 1 , p p . 1 9 1 , 199.) « L a forza d i c i a s c u n o u o m o è m i n i m a , m a l a r i u n i o n e delle m i n i m e forze f o r m a u n a forza t o t a l e m a g g i o r e a n c h e della s o m m a delle forze m e d e s i m e fino a c h e le forze per essere r i u n i t e p o s s o n o d i m i n u e r e il t e m p o ed accrescere lo spazio della loro a z i o n e . » ( G . R . C a r l i , N o t e to P. Verri, I.e., t. XV. p. 196.) 21

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for a day, or a week, as the case m a y be, m u s t be ready in the pocket of t h e capitalist, before the w o r k m e n are assembled for the process of p r o d u c t i o n . T h e p a y m e n t of 300 w o r k m e n at once, t h o u g h only for o n e day, requires a greater outlay of capital, t h a n does the p a y m e n t of a smaller n u m b e r of m e n , week by week, during a whole year. H e n c e the n u m b e r of the labourers t h a t co-operate, or the scale of co-operation, depends, in the first instance, on the a m o u n t of capital that the individual capitalist can spare for the p u r c h a s e of labour-power; in other words, on the extent to which a single capitalist has c o m m a n d over the m e a n s of subsistence of a n u m b e r of labourers. A n d as with the variable, so it is with t h e constant capital. For example, the outlay on raw material is 30 times as great, for the capitalist who e m ploys 300 m e n , as it is for each of the 30 capitalists who employ 10 m e n . T h e value and quantity of the i n s t r u m e n t s of l a b o u r used in c o m m o n do not, it is true, increase at the s a m e rate as the n u m b e r of workmen, b u t they do increase very considerably. H e n c e , c o n c e n t r a t i o n of large masses of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n in the h a n d s of individual capitalists, is a material condition for the co-operation of wage-labourers, and the extent of the cooperation or the scale of production, d e p e n d s on the extent of this concentration. We saw in a former chapter, that a certain m i n i m u m a m o u n t of capital was necessary, in order that the n u m b e r of labourers simultaneously e m ployed, and, consequently, the a m o u n t of surplus-value produced, m i g h t suffice to liberate the employer himself from m a n u a l labour, to convert h i m from a small m a s t e r into a capitalist, a n d thus formally to establish capitalist production. We now see that a certain m i n i m u m a m o u n t is a necessary condition for t h e conversion of n u m e r o u s isolated and i n d e p e n dent processes into o n e c o m b i n e d social process. We also saw that at first, the subjection of labour to capital ||321| was only a formal result of the fact, that the labourer, instead of working for himself, works for and consequently u n d e r the capitalist. By the co-operation of n u m e r o u s wage-labourers, the sway of capital developes i n t o a requisite for carrying on the labour-process itself, into a real requisite of production. T h a t a capitalist should c o m m a n d on the field of production, is now as indispensable as that a general should c o m m a n d on the field of battle. All c o m b i n e d labour on a large scale requires, m o r e or less, a directing authority, in order to secure the h a r m o n i o u s working of the individual activities, a n d to perform the general functions that have their origin in the action of the c o m b i n e d organism, as distinguished from the action of its separate organs. A single violin player is his own conductor; an orchestra

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value requires a separate one. T h e work of directing, superintending, and adjusting, b e c o m e s o n e of the functions of capital, from the m o m e n t t h a t the lab o u r u n d e r the control of capital, b e c o m e s co-operative. Once a function of capital, it acquires special characteristics. T h e directing motive, the e n d a n d a i m of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n , is to ex5 tract the greatest possible a m o u n t of surplus-value, a n d consequently to exploit labour-power to the greatest possible extent. As t h e n u m b e r of the co-operating labourers increases, so too does their resistance to the d o m i n a t i o n of capital, and with it, the necessity for capital to overcome this resistance by counter-pressure. T h e control exercised by the capitalist is not 10 only a special function, d u e to the n a t u r e of the social labour-process, a n d peculiar to that process, b u t it is, at the s a m e t i m e , a function of the exploitation of a social labour-process, a n d is consequently rooted in the u n avoidable a n t a g o n i s m between the exploiter a n d the living a n d labouring raw m a t e r i a l he exploits. 15 22

Again, in proportion to the increasing m a s s of t h e m e a n s of production, now no longer the property of the labourer, b u t of the capitalist, the necessity increases for some effective control over the proper application of those m e a n s . Moreover, ||322| the co-operation of wage labourers is entirely brought about by the capital that employs t h e m . Their u n i o n into one 20 single productive body a n d the establishment of a c o n n e x i o n between their individual functions, are matters foreign a n d external to t h e m , are n o t their own act, b u t the act of the capital that brings a n d keeps t h e m together. H e n c e the c o n n e x i o n existing between their various labours appears to t h e m , ideally, in the shape of a preconceived p l a n of the capitalist, a n d 25 practically in the shape of the authority of the s a m e capitalist, in the shape of the powerful will of another, who subjects their activity to his aims. If, t h e n , the control of t h e capitalist is in substance twofold by reason of the twofold n a t u r e of the process of p r o d u c t i o n itself,—which, on the o n e h a n d , is a social process for producing use-values, on t h e other, a process 30 for creating surplus-value—in form that control is despotic. As co-operation extends its scale, this despotism takes forms peculiar to itself. Just as at first the capitalist is relieved from actual l a b o u r so soon as his capital 23

22

"Profits ... is t h e sole e n d of t r a d e . " (J. V a n d e r l i n t , I.e., p. 11.) T h a t Philistine paper, t h e Spectator, states t h a t after t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of a sort of p a r t n e r s h i p 35 b e t w e e n capitalist a n d w o r k m e n i n t h e " W i r e w o r k C o m p a n y o f M a n c h e s t e r , " " t h e first result was a s u d d e n decrease in waste, t h e m e n n o t s e e i n g w h y t h e y s h o u l d waste t h e i r o w n p r o p e r t y any m o r e t h a n any o t h e r m a s t e r ' s , a n d waste is, p e r h a p s , n e x t t o b a d d e b t s , t h e greatest s o u r c e o f m a n u f a c t u r i n g loss." T h e s a m e p a p e r f i n d s t h a t t h e m a i n defect i n t h e R o c h d a l e co-operative e x p e r i m e n t s is this: " T h e y s h o w e d t h a t a s s o c i a t i o n s of w o r k m e n c o u l d m a n a g e shops, 40 mills, a n d a l m o s t all forms o f i n d u s t r y w i t h success, a n d t h e y i m m e d i a t e l y i m p r o v e d t h e c o n d i t i o n of t h e m e n ; b u t t h e n they d i d n o t leave a clear p l a c e for m a s t e r s . " Q u e l l e h o r r e u r ! 2 3

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has reached that m i n i m u m a m o u n t with which capitalist production, as such, begins, so now, he h a n d s over the work of direct a n d constant supervision of the individual workmen, a n d groups of workmen, to a special k i n d of wage labourer. An industrial army of w o r k m e n , u n d e r t h e c o m m a n d of a capitalist, requires, like a real army, officers (managers), and sergeants (foremen, overlookers), who, while the work is being d o n e , c o m m a n d in the n a m e of the capitalist. T h e work of supervision b e c o m e s their established a n d exclusive function. W h e n comparing the m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n of isolated peasants a n d artizans with p r o d u c t i o n by slave labour, the political e c o n o m i s t counts this labour of s u p e r i n t e n d e n c e a m o n g the faux frais of p r o d u c t i o n . But, w h e n considering the capital]|323|ist m o d e of p r o d u c tion, h e , on the contrary, treats the work of control m a d e necessary by t h e co-operative character of t h e labour process as identical with the different work of control, necessitated by t h e capitalist character of that process a n d t h e a n t a g o n i s m of interests between capitalist a n d l a b o u r e r . It is n o t because he is a leader of industry t h a t a m a n is a capitalist; on the contrary, he is a leader of industry because, he is a capitalist. T h e leadership of i n d u s try is an attribute of capital, just as in feudal t i m e s the functions of general a n d j u d g e were attributes of l a n d e d p r o p e r t y . T h e labourer is the owner of his labour-power u n t i l he has d o n e bargaining for its sale with t h e capitalist; a n d he can sell no m o r e t h a n what he has—i.e., his individual, isolated labour-power. This state of things is in no way altered by t h e fact that the capitalist, instead of buying t h e labourpower of o n e m a n , buys that of 100, a n d enters into separate contracts with 100 u n c o n n e c t e d m e n instead of with o n e . He is at liberty to set t h e 100 m e n to work, without letting t h e m co-operate. He pays t h e m t h e value of 100 i n d e p e n d e n t labour-powers, b u t he does not pay for the c o m b i n e d labour-power of the h u n d r e d . Being i n d e p e n d e n t of each other, t h e labourers are isolated persons, who enter into relations with the capitalist, b u t n o t with o n e another. This co-operation begins only with the labour process, b u t they have t h e n ceased to belong to themselves. On entering t h a t process, they b e c o m e incorporated with capital. As co-operators, as m e m b e r s of a working organism, they are b u t special m o d e s of existence of capital. 24

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Professor C a i r n e s . after stating t h a t t h e s u p e r i n t e n d e n c e of l a b o u r is a l e a d i n g feature of p r o d u c t i o n b y slaves i n t h e S o u t h e r n States o f N o r t h A m e r i c a , c o n t i n u e s : "The p e a s a n t p r o prietor (of t h e N o r t h ) , a p p r o p r i a t i n g t h e w h o l e p r o d u c e o f h i s toil, n e e d s n o o t h e r s t i m u l u s t o exertion. S u p e r i n t e n d e n c e is h e r e c o m p l e t e l y d i s p e n s e d with." (Cairnes, I.e., p p . 4 8 , 49.) Sir J a m e s Steuart, a writer a l t o g e t h e r r e m a r k a b l e for h i s q u i c k eye for t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c social d i s t i n c t i o n s b e t w e e n different m o d e s o f p r o d u c t i o n , says: " W h y d o large u n d e r t a k i n g s i n t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g way r u i n private i n d u s t r y , b u t b y c o m i n g n e a r e r t o t h e s i m p l i c i t y o f slaves?" ("Prin. of Pol. E c o n , " L o n d o n , 1767, v . l . , p. 167, 168.) A u g u s t e C o m t e a n d h i s s c h o o l m i g h t therefore h a v e s h o w n t h a t f e u d a l lords are a n e t e r n a l necessity i n t h e s a m e way t h a t t h e y have d o n e i n t h e case o f t h e lords o f capital. 25

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value H e n c e , the productive power developed by the labourer when working in co-operation, is the productive||324| power of capital. This power is developed gratuitously, whenever the workmen are placed u n d e r given conditions, a n d it is capital that places t h e m u n d e r s u c h conditions. Because this power costs capital nothing, a n d because, on the other h a n d , the labourer himself does n o t develop it before his labour belongs to capital, it appears as a power with which capital is endowed by N a t u r e — a productive power that is i m m a n e n t in capital. T h e colossal effects of simple co-operation are to be seen in the gigantic structures of the ancient Asiatics, Egyptians, Etruscans, etc. "It has h a p p e n e d in t i m e s past that these Oriental States, after supplying the expenses of their civil a n d military establishments, have found themselves in possession of a surplus which they could apply to works of magnificence or utility, a n d in the construction of these their c o m m a n d over the h a n d s a n d a r m s of almost the entire non-agricultural p o p u l a t i o n has p r o d u c e d stupend o u s m o n u m e n t s which still indicate their power. [...] T h e t e e m i n g valley of the Nile ... produced food a swarming non-agricultural population, a n d this food, belonging to the m o n a r c h and the priesthood, afforded the m e a n s of erecting the mighty m o n u m e n t s which filled the land. ... in moving the colossal statues and vast masses of which the transport creates wonder, h u m a n l a b o u r almost alone, was prodigally used. ... T h e n u m b e r of t h e labourers a n d the concentration of their efforts sufficed. We see mighty coral reefs rising from the depths of the o c e a n into islands a n d firm land, yet e a c h individual depositor is puny, weak, a n d contemptible. T h e non-agricultural labourers of an Asiatic m o n a r c h y have little b u t their individual bodily exertions to bring to the task, b u t their n u m b e r is their strength, and the power of directing these masses gave rise to the palaces a n d temples, the pyramids, and the armies of gigantic statues of which the r e m a i n s ast o n i s h a n d perplex us. It is that c o n f i n e m e n t of the revenues which feed t h e m , to one or a few h a n d s , which m a k e s s u c h u n d e r t a k i n g s p o s s i b l e . " This power ||325| of Asiatic a n d Egyptian kings, Etruscan theocrats, etc., has in m o d e r n society b e e n transferred to the capitalist, whether he be an isolated, or as in j o i n t stock companies, a collective capitalist. 27

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Co-operation, such as we find it at the dawn of h u m a n development, a m o n g races who live by the c h a s e , or, say, in the agriculture of I n d i a n 35 c o m m u n i t i e s , is based, on the one h a n d , on ownership in c o m m o n of the 28

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R . J o n e s . " T e x t - b o o k o f L e c t u r e s , " etc., p p . 7 7 , 7 8 . T h e a n c i e n t Assyrian, E g y p t i a n , a n d o t h e r collections i n L o n d o n , a n d i n o t h e r E u r o p e a n capitals, m a k e u s eye-witnesses o f t h e m o d e s o f carrying o n t h a t co-operative labour. L i n g u e t i s probably right, w h e n i n his " T h é o r i e des Lois Civiles," h e declares h u n t i n g t o b e t h e first form of c o - o p e r a t i o n , a n d m a n - h u n t i n g (war) o n e of t h e earliest forms of h u n t i n g . 28

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Chapter XIII · Co-operation

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m e a n s of production, and on the other h a n d , on the fact, that in those cases, each individual has no m o r e torn himself off from t h e navel-string of his tribe or c o m m u n i t y , t h a n each bee has freed itself from c o n n e x i o n with t h e hive. S u c h co-operation is distinguished from capitalistic co-operation by b o t h of the above characteristics. T h e sporadic application of co-operation on a large scale in a n c i e n t times, in the m i d d l e ages, and in m o d e r n colonies, reposes on relations of d o m i n i o n a n d servitude, principally on slavery. T h e capitalistic form, on the contrary, presupposes from first to last, the free wage labourer, who sells his labour-power to capital. Historically, however, this form is developed in opposition to peasant agriculture a n d to the carrying on of i n d e p e n d e n t handicrafts whether in guilds or n o t . F r o m the standpoint of these, capitalistic co-operation does n o t m a n ifest itself as a particular historical form of co-operation, but co-operation itself appears to be a historical form peculiar to, a n d specifically distinguishing, the capitalist process of p r o d u c t i o n . Just as the social productive power of l a b o u r that is developed by co-operation, appears to be the productive power of capital, so co-operation itself, contrasted with the process of p r o d u c t i o n carried on by isolated i n d e p e n d e n t labourers, or even by small employers, appears to be a specific form of the ||326| capitalist process of p r o d u c t i o n . It is the first change experienced by the actual labour-process, when subjected to capital. This change takes place spontaneously. T h e s i m u l t a n e o u s e m p l o y m e n t of a large n u m b e r of wage-labourers, in o n e a n d t h e s a m e process, which is a necessary condition of this change, also forms the starting point of capitalist production. This point coincides with the birth of capital itself. If t h e n , on the one h a n d , the capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n presents itself to us historically, as a necessary c o n d i t i o n to the transformation of the labour-process into a social process, so, on the other h a n d , this social form of the labour-process presents itself, as a m e t h o d employed by capital for t h e m o r e profitable exploitation of labour, by increasing that labour's productiveness. In the elementary form, u n d e r w h i c h we have hitherto viewed it, co-operation is a necessary c o n c o m i t a n t of all p r o d u c t i o n on a large scale, b u t it does not, in itself, represent a fixed form characteristic of a particular epoch in the development of the capitalist m o d e of production. At the most it appears to do so, a n d that only approximately, in the handicraft-like be29

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P e a s a n t agriculture o n a s m a l l scale, a n d t h e carrying o n o f i n d e p e n d e n t handicrafts, w h i c h t o g e t h e r form t h e basis of t h e f e u d a l m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n , a n d after t h e dissolution of t h a t syst e m , c o n t i n u e side b y side with t h e capitalist m o d e , also f o r m t h e e c o n o m i c f o u n d a t i o n o f t h e classical c o m m u n i t i e s at their best, after t h e p r i m i t i v e form of o w n e r s h i p of land in c o m m o n h a d disappeared, and before slavery h a d seized o n p r o d u c t i o n i n earnest.

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ginnings of m a n u f a c t u r e , and in that k i n d of agriculture on a large scale, which corresponds to the epoch of m a n u f a c t u r e , a n d is distinguished from p e a s a n t agriculture, m a i n l y by the n u m b e r of the labourers simultaneously employed, a n d by the mass of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n concentrated for their use. Simple co-operation is always the prevailing form, in those 5 b r a n c h e s of production in which capital operates on a large scale, a n d division of labour a n d m a c h i n e r y play b u t a s u b o r d i n a t e part. Co-operation ever constitutes the f u n d a m e n t a l form of the capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n ; nevertheless, the elementary form of co-operation c o n t i n u e s to subsist as a particular form of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n side by 10 side with the m o r e developed forms of that m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n . |

|327| C H A P T E R X I V .

Division of Labour and Manufacture. Section

1.—Twofold

Origin

of Manufacture.

T h a t co-operation which is based on division of labour, assumes its typical form in m a n u f a c t u r e , a n d is the prevalent characteristic form of the capitalist process of p r o d u c t i o n throughout the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period properly so called. T h a t period; roughly speaking, e x t e n d s from the m i d d l e of the 16th to the last third of the 18th century. M a n u f a c t u r e takes its rise in two ways:— (1.) By the assemblage, in o n e workshop u n d e r the control of a single capitalist, of labourers belonging to various i n d e p e n d e n t handicrafts, b u t t h r o u g h whose h a n d s a given article m u s t pass on its way to completion. A carriage, for example, was formerly the p r o d u c t of the labour of a great n u m b e r of i n d e p e n d e n t artificers, s u c h as wheelwrights, harness-makers, tailors, locksmiths, upholsterers, turners, fringe-makers, glaziers, painters, polishers, gilders, etc. In t h e m a n u f a c t u r e of carriages, however, all these different artificers are assembled in o n e building, where they work i n t o o n e a n o t h e r ' s h a n d s . It is true t h a t a carriage c a n n o t be gilt before it has b e e n m a d e . But if a n u m b e r of carriages are being m a d e simultaneously, some m a y be in t h e h a n d s of the gilders while others are going t h r o u g h an earlier process. So far, we are still in the d o m a i n of simple co-operation, which 30 " W h e t h e r t h e u n i t e d skill, i n d u s t r y , a n d e m u l a t i o n of m a n y t o g e t h e r on t h e s a m e work be n o t t h e way t o a d v a n c e it? A n d w h e t h e r i t h a d b e e n otherwise possible for E n g l a n d , t o h a v e c a r r i e d on h e r W o o l l e n M a n u f a c t u r e to so great a p e r f e c t i o n ? " (Berkeley. " T h e Q u e r i s t . " L o n d o n , 1750, p . 56, § 521.)

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Chapter Xi.V • Division of labour and manufacture finds its materials ready to h a n d in the shape of m e n and things. But very soon an i m p o r t a n t change takes place. T h e tailor, t h e locksmith, and the other artificers, being now exclusively o c c u p i e d in carriage-making, e a c h gradually loses, t h r o u g h want of practice, the ability to carry on, to its full 5 extent, his old handicraft. But, on t h e other h a n d , his activity now confined in o n e groove, assumes t h e form best a d a p t e d to the narrowed sphere of action. At first, carriage m a n u f a c t u r e is a c o m b i n a t i o n of various i n d e p e n d e n t handicrafts. By degrees, it b e c o m e s t h e splitting up of carriage | |328| m a k i n g into its various detail processes, each of which crystallizes 10 into the exclusive function of a particular workman, the m a n u f a c t u r e , as a whole, being carried on by the m e n in conjunction. In the same way, cloth m a n u f a c t u r e , as also a whole series of other m a n u f a c t u r e s , arose by comb i n i n g different handicrafts together u n d e r t h e control of a single capitalist. 31

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(2.) M a n u f a c t u r e also arises in a way exactly t h e reverse of t h i s — n a m e l y , by o n e capitalist employing s i m u l t a n e o u s l y in o n e workshop a n u m b e r of artificers, who all do the same, or the s a m e k i n d of work, such as m a k i n g paper, type, or needles. This is co-operation in its m o s t elementary form. E a c h of these artificers (with the help, perhaps, of o n e or two apprentices), 20 m a k e s the entire c o m m o d i t y , and he consequently performs in succession all the operations necessary for its p r o d u c t i o n . He still works in his old handicraft-like way. B u t very soon external circumstances cause a different u s e to be m a d e of the c o n c e n t r a t i o n of the w o r k m e n on o n e spot, a n d of the s i m u l t a n e o u s n e s s of their work. An increased quantity of t h e article 25 has perhaps to be delivered within a given t i m e . T h e work is therefore redistributed. Instead of each m a n being allowed to perform all t h e various operations in succession, these operations are changed into disconnected, isolated ones, carried on side by side; e a c h is assigned to a different artificer, and the whole of t h e m together are performed simultaneously by t h e 30 co-operating workmen. This accidental repartition gets repeated, developes advantages of its own, a n d gradually ossifies i n t o a systematic division of 31

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T o give a m o r e m o d e r n i n s t a n c e : T h e silk s p i n n i n g a n d weaving o f L y o n s a n d N î m e s « e s t t o u t e p a t r i a r c a l e ; elle e m p l o i e b e a u c o u p d e f e m m e s e t d'enfants, m a i s s a n s les é p u i s e r n i les c o r r o m p r e ; elle les laisse d a n s leur belles vallées de la D r ô m e , du Var, de l'Isère, de V a u c l u s e , p o u r y élever des vers et dévider leurs c o c o n s ; [...] j a m a i s elle n ' e n t r e d a n s u n e véritable fabriq u e . P o u r être aussi b i e n observé ... le p r i n c i p e de la division du travail s'y revêt d ' u n c a r a c tère spécial. Il y a b i e n des d é v i d e u s e s , des m o u l i n e u r s , d e s teinturiers, des e n c o l l e u r s , p u i s des tisserands; m a i s ils n e s o n t p a s r é u n i s d a n s u n m ê m e é t a b l i s s e m e n t , n e d é p e n d e n t p a s d ' u n m ê m e m a î t r e ; t o u s ils s o n t i n d é p e n d a n t s . » ( A . B l a n q u i : " C o u r s d ' É c o n . I n d u s t r i e l l e . " R e c u e i l l i p a r A . Biaise. Paris, 1 8 3 8 - 3 9 , p p . 79). S i n c e B l a n q u i wrote this, t h e v a r i o u s i n d e p e n d e n t l a b o u r e r s h a v e , t o s o m e e x t e n t , b e e n u n i t e d i n factories. [ A n d s i n c e M a r x wrote t h e above, t h e p o w e r l o o m h a s i n v a d e d t h e s e factories, a n d i s n o w — 1 8 8 6 — r a p i d l y s u p e r s e d i n g t h e handloom. Ed.]

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value labour. T h e ||329| c o m m o d i t y , from being the individual p r o d u c t of an ind e p e n d e n t artificer, b e c o m e s the social p r o d u c t of a u n i o n of artificers, e a c h of w h o m performs one, and only one, of t h e c o n s t i t u e n t partial operations. T h e same operations which, in the case of a p a p e r m a k e r belonging to a G e r m a n Guild, merged o n e into the other as t h e successive acts of o n e 5 artificer, b e c a m e in the D u t c h paper m a n u f a c t u r e so m a n y partial operations carried on side by side by n u m e r o u s co-operating labourers. T h e n e e d l e m a k e r of the N u r e m b e r g Guild was the corner-stone on which the E n g lish n e e d l e m a n u f a c t u r e was raised. But while in N u r e m b e r g that single artificer performed a series of perhaps 20 operations o n e after another, in 10 E n g l a n d it was not long before there were 20 n e e d l e m a k e r s side by side, e a c h performing o n e alone of those 20 operations; a n d in c o n s e q u e n c e of further experience, each of those 20 operations was again split u p , isolated, a n d m a d e the exclusive function of a separate w o r k m a n . T h e m o d e in which m a n u f a c t u r e arises, its growth out of handicrafts, is 15 therefore twofold. On the o n e h a n d , it arises from the u n i o n of various ind e p e n d e n t handicrafts, which b e c o m e stripped of their i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d specialised to such an extent as to be r e d u c e d to m e r e s u p p l e m e n t a r y partial processes in the production of one particular c o m m o d i t y . On the other h a n d , it arises from the co-operation of artificers of o n e handicraft; it splits 20 up t h a t particular handicraft into its various detail operations, isolating, a n d m a k i n g these operations i n d e p e n d e n t of o n e another up to the point where each b e c o m e s the exclusive function of a particular labourer. On the o n e h a n d , therefore, m a n u f a c t u r e either i n t r o d u c e s division of l a b o u r into a process of production, or further developes that division; on the other 25 h a n d , it unites together handicrafts that were formerly separate. But whatever may have b e e n its particular starting point, its final form is invariably the s a m e — a productive m e c h a n i s m whose parts are h u m a n beings. F o r a proper u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the division of labour in m a n u f a c t u r e , it is essential that the following points be firmly grasped. First, the decomposi- 30 tion of a process of production into its various successive steps coincides, here, strictly with ||330| the resolution of a handicraft into its successive m a n u a l operations. W h e t h e r complex or simple, each operation has to be d o n e by h a n d , retains the character of a handicraft, a n d is therefore dep e n d e n t on the strength, skill, quickness, a n d sureness, of the individual 35 w o r k m a n in h a n d l i n g his tools. T h e handicraft c o n t i n u e s to be the basis. T h i s narrow technical basis excludes a really scientific analysis of any defin i t e process of industrial production, since it is still a c o n d i t i o n that e a c h detail process gone t h r o u g h by the p r o d u c t m u s t be capable of being d o n e by h a n d a n d of forming, in its way, a separate handicraft. It is just b e c a u s e 40 handicraft skill continues, in this way, to be the f o u n d a t i o n of t h e process

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of production, that each w o r k m a n b e c o m e s exclusively assigned to a partial function, a n d that for the rest of his life, his labour-power is t u r n e d into the organ of this detail function. Secondly, this division of labour is a particular sort of co-operation, a n d m a n y of its disadvantages spring from the general character of co-operation, a n d n o t from this particular form of it.

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2.—The Detail Labourer and his Implements.

If we now go m o r e into detail, it is, in the first place, clear that a labourer who all his life performs one a n d the s a m e simple operation, converts his whole body into t h e a u t o m a t i c , specialised i m p l e m e n t of that operation. Consequently, he takes less time in doing it, t h a n the artificer who performs a whole series of operations in succession. But t h e collective labourer, who constitutes the living m e c h a n i s m of m a n u f a c t u r e , is m a d e up solely of s u c h specialised detail labourers. H e n c e , in comparison with t h e i n d e p e n d e n t handicraft, more is p r o d u c e d in a given time, or the productive power of labour is i n c r e a s e d . Moreover, when once this fractional work is established as the exclusive function of o n e person, the m e t h o d s it employs b e c o m e perfected. T h e w o r k m a n ' s c o n t i n u e d ||331| repetition of the s a m e simple act, a n d the c o n c e n t r a t i o n of his attention on it, teach h i m by experience how to attain the desired effect with the m i n i m u m of exertion. But since there are always several generations of labourers living at o n e t i m e , a n d working together at the m a n u f a c t u r e of a given article, t h e technical skill, the tricks of the trade t h u s acquired, b e c o m e established, a n d are a c c u m u l a t e d a n d h a n d e d d o w n . M a n u f a c t u r e , in fact, produces the skill of the detail labourer, by reproducing, and systematically driving to an extreme within the workshop, the naturally developed differentiation of trades, which it found ready to h a n d in society at large. On the other h a n d , the conversion of fractional work into t h e life-calling of o n e m a n , corresponds to the tendency shown by earlier societies, to m a k e trades h e reditary; either to petrify t h e m into castes, or whenever definite historical conditions beget in the individual a t e n d e n c y to vary in a m a n n e r i n c o m patible with the n a t u r e of castes, to ossify t h e m into guilds. Castes a n d guilds arise from the action of the s a m e n a t u r a l law, that regulates the differentiation of plants a n d a n i m a l s into species a n d varieties, except that, 32

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" T h e m o r e a n y m a n u f a c t u r e o f m u c h variety shall b e d i s t r i b u t e d a n d assigned t o different artists, t h e s a m e m u s t n e e d s b e b e t t e r d o n e a n d with g r e a t e r e x p e d i t i o n , with less loss o f t i m e a n d labour." ("The A d v a n t a g e s o f t h e East I n d i a T r a d e , " L o n d . , 1720. p . 71.) "Easy l a b o u r is t r a n s m i t t e d skill." (Th. H o d g s k i n , I.e. p. 48). 33

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value w h e n a certain degree of development has b e e n reached, t h e heredity of castes a n d the exclusiveness of guilds are o r d a i n e d as a law of society. "The m u s l i n s of D a c c a in fineness, the calicoes a n d other piece goods of C o r o m a n d e l in brilliant a n d durable colours, have never b e e n surpassed. Y e t they are produced without capital, m a c h i n e r y , division of labour, or 5 any of those m e a n s which give such facilities to the m a n u f a c t u r i n g interest of E u r o p e . T h e weaver is merely a detached individual, working a web | 13321 w h e n ordered of a customer, and with a l o o m of the rudest construction, consisting sometimes of a few branches or bars of wood, p u t roughly together. There is even no expedient for rolling up the warp; t h e l o o m m u s t 10 therefore be kept stretched to its full length, a n d b e c o m e s so inconveniently large, that it c a n n o t be contained within the h u t of the manufacturer, who is therefore compelled to ply his trade in the o p e n air, where it is interrupted by every vicissitude of the w e a t h e r . " It is only the special skill acc u m u l a t e d from generation to generation, a n d t r a n s m i t t e d from father to 15 son, that gives to the H i n d o o , as it does to the spider, this proficiency. A n d yet the work of such a H i n d o o weaver is very complicated, compared with t h a t of a m a n u f a c t u r i n g labourer. 34

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An artificer, who performs o n e after a n o t h e r the various fractional operations in the p r o d u c t i o n of a finished article, m u s t at o n e t i m e c h a n g e his 20 place, at another his tools. T h e transition from o n e operation to a n o t h e r interrupts the flow of his labour, a n d creates, so to say, gaps in his working day. T h e s e gaps close up so soon as he is tied to o n e a n d the s a m e operation all day long; they vanish in proportion as t h e changes in his work dim i n i s h . T h e resulting increased productive power is owing either to an in- 25 creased expenditure of labour-power in a given time—i.e., to increased intensity of l a b o u r — o r to a decrease in the a m o u n t of labour-power u n p r o ductively c o n s u m e d . T h e extra expenditure of power, d e m a n d e d by every transition from rest to motion, is m a d e up for by prolonging the duration of the n o r m a l velocity when once acquired. On the other h a n d , c o n s t a n t la- 30 34

" T h e arts also h a v e ... i n Egypt r e a c h e d t h e r e q u i s i t e d e g r e e o f perfection. F o r i t i s t h e only c o u n t r y w h e r e artificers m a y n o t in any way m e d d l e w i t h t h e affairs of a n o t h e r class of citiz e n s , b u t m u s t follow t h a t calling alone w h i c h by law is h e r e d i t a r y in t h e i r clan In o t h e r c o u n t r i e s i t i s f o u n d t h a t t r a d e s m a n divide their a t t e n t i o n b e t w e e n t o o m a n y objects. A t o n e t i m e they try agriculture, at a n o t h e r they take to c o m m e r c e , at a n o t h e r t h e y busy t h e m s e l v e s w i t h two or t h r e e o c c u p a t i o n s at o n c e . In free c o u n t r i e s , t h e y m o s t l y frequent t h e a s s e m b l i e s of t h e p e o p l e In Egypt, on t h e contrary, every artificer is severely p u n i s h e d if he m e d d l e s w i t h affairs of State, or carries on several trades at o n c e . T h u s t h e r e is n o t h i n g to d i s t u r b their a p p l i c a t i o n t o t h e i r calling. ... Moreover, s i n c e t h e y i n h e r i t from t h e i r forefathers n u m e r o u s rules, they are eager to discover fresh a d v a n t a g e s . " ( D i o d o r u s S i c u l u s : Bibl. Hist. 1.1, c. 74.) H i s t o r i c a l a n d descriptive a c c o u n t o f Brit. I n d i a , etc., b y H u g h M u r r a y a n d J a m e s W i l s o n , etc., E d i n b u r g h 1832. v . I I . p p . 4 4 9 , 450. T h e I n d i a n l o o m is upright, i.e., t h e warp is s t r e t c h e d vertically. 35

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b o u r of one uniform kind disturbs t h e intensity a n d flow of a m a n ' s a n i m a l spirits, which find recreation a n d delight in m e r e change of activity. T h e productiveness of labour d e p e n d s n o t only on the proficiency of the workman, b u t on the perfection of his tools. Tools of the same kind, s u c h as knives, drills, gimlets, h a m m e r s , etc., m a y be employed in different processes; a n d the ||333| same tool m a y serve various purposes in a single process. But so soon as the different operations of a labour-process are disconnected the one from the other, and e a c h fractional operation acquires in the h a n d s of the detail labourer a suitable a n d peculiar form, alterations

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b e c o m e necessary in the i m p l e m e n t s t h a t previously served m o r e t h a n o n e purpose. T h e direction t a k e n by this c h a n g e is d e t e r m i n e d by the difficulties experienced in c o n s e q u e n c e of the u n c h a n g e d form of the i m p l e m e n t . M a n u f a c t u r e is characterized by the differentiation of t h e i n s t r u m e n t s of l a b o u r — a differentiation whereby i m p l e m e n t s of a given sort acquire fixed 15 shapes, adapted to each particular application, a n d by the specialisation of those instruments, giving to each special i m p l e m e n t its full play only in the h a n d s of a specific detail labourer. In B i r m i n g h a m alone 300 varieties of h a m m e r s are produced, a n d not only is e a c h a d a p t e d to one particular process, but several varieties often serve exclusively for the different opera20 tions in o n e and the same process. T h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g period simplifies, improves, a n d multiplies the i m p l e m e n t s of labour, by adapting t h e m to the exclusively special functions of e a c h detail l a b o u r e r . It thus creates at the s a m e t i m e o n e of the material conditions for the existence of m a c h i n ery, which consists of a c o m b i n a t i o n of simple i n s t r u m e n t s . 25 T h e detail labourer a n d his i m p l e m e n t s are the simplest elements of m a n u f a c t u r e . Let us now t u r n to its aspect as a whole. 36

Section 3. — The two Fundamental Forms of ManufactureHeterogeneous Manufacture, Serial Manufacture.

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T h e organisation of m a n u f a c t u r e has two f u n d a m e n t a l forms, which, in spite of occasional blending, are essentially different ||334| in kind, a n d , moreover, play very distinct parts in t h e s u b s e q u e n t transformation of m a n ufacture into m o d e r n industry carried on by m a c h i n e r y . This d o u b l e char36

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D a r w i n i n h i s e p o c h - m a k i n g work o n t h e origin o f species, r e m a r k s , w i t h reference t o t h e n a t u r a l organs o f p l a n t s a n d a n i m a l s , "So long a s o n e a n d t h e s a m e organ h a s different k i n d s of work to perform, a g r o u n d for its c h a n g e a b i l i t y m a y possibly be f o u n d in this, t h a t n a t u r a l selection preserves or suppresses e a c h s m a l l v a r i a t i o n of form less carefully t h a n if t h a t o r g a n were d e s t i n e d for o n e special p u r p o s e a l o n e . T h u s , knives t h a t are a d a p t e d to cut all sorts of things, m a y , o n t h e whole, b e o f o n e s h a p e ; b u t a n i m p l e m e n t d e s t i n e d t o b e used exclusively in o n e way m u s t have a different s h a p e for every different u s e . "

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value acter arises from the n a t u r e of the article p r o d u c e d . T h i s article either results from the m e r e m e c h a n i c a l fitting together of partial products m a d e i n d e p e n d e n t l y , or owes its completed shape to a series of c o n n e c t e d processes a n d m a n i p u l a t i o n s . A locomotive, for instance, consists of m o r e t h a n 5000 i n d e p e n d e n t parts. It cannot, however, serve as an example of the first kind of g e n u i n e m a n u f a c t u r e , for it is a structure produced by m o d e r n m e c h a n i c a l industry. B u t a watch can; and William Petty used it to illustrate t h e division of lab o u r in m a n u f a c t u r e . Formerly the individual work of a N u r e m b e r g artificer, the watch has b e e n transformed into the social p r o d u c t of an i m m e n s e n u m b e r of detail labourers, such as m a i n s p r i n g m a k e r s , dial makers, spiral spring makers, jewelled hole makers, ruby lever m a k e r s , h a n d m a k e r s , case m a k e r s , screw makers, gilders, with n u m e r o u s sub-divisions, such as wheel m a k e r s (brass a n d steel separate), pin m a k e r s , m o v e m e n t m a k e r s , acheveur de p i g n o n (fixes the wheels on the axles, polishes t h e facets, etc.), pivot makers, planteur de finissage (puts the wheels a n d springs in the works), finisseur de barillet (cuts teeth in the wheels, m a k e s the holes of the right size, etc.), e s c a p e m e n t makers, cylinder makers for cylinder e s c a p e m e n t s , e s c a p e m e n t wheel makers, balance wheel m a k e r s , r a q u e t t e m a k e r s (apparat u s for regulating the watch), the planteur d ' é c h a p p e m e n t (escapement m a k e r proper); t h e n the repasseur de barillet (finishes t h e b o x for the spring, etc.), steel polishers, wheel polishers, screw polishers, figure painters, dial enamellers (melt the e n a m e l on the copper), fabricant de p e n d a n t s (makes the ring by which the case is h u n g ) , finisseur de charnière (puts the brass hinge in the cover, etc.), faiseur de secret (puts in the springs that o p e n the case), graveur, ciseleur, polisseur de boîte, etc., etc., a n d last of all t h e repasseur, who fits together the whole watch a n d h a n d s it over in a going state. Only a few parts of the watch pass t h r o u g h several h a n d s ; a n d all these m e m b r a disjecta c o m e together for the first t i m e in the h a n d t h a t b i n d s t h e m into one m e c h a n i c a l ||335| whole. This external relation between the finished product, a n d its various a n d diverse elements m a k e s it, as well in this case as in the case of all similar finished articles, a m a t t e r of c h a n c e whether the detail labourers are b r o u g h t together in o n e workshop or not. T h e detail operations m a y further be carried on like so m a n y i n d e p e n d e n t handicrafts, as they are in the C a n t o n s of V a u d a n d Neufchâtel; while in G e n e v a there exist large watch manufactories where the detail labourers directly co-operate u n d e r the control of a single capitalist. A n d even in the latter case the dial, the springs, a n d the case, are s e l d o m m a d e in the factory itself. To carry on the trade as a m a n u f a c t u r e , with concentration of workmen, is, in the watch trade, profitable only u n d e r exceptional conditions, because c o m p e t i t i o n is greater between the labourers

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Chapter XIV • Division of labour and manufacture who desire to work at h o m e , a n d because t h e splitting up of the work into a n u m b e r of heterogeneous processes, permits b u t little u s e of the instrum e n t s of labour in c o m m o n , a n d the capitalist, by scattering the work, saves the outlay on workshops, e t c . Nevertheless the position of this detail labourer who, t h o u g h he works at h o m e , does so for a capitalist (manufacturer, établisseur), is very different from that of the i n d e p e n d e n t artificer, who works for his own c u s t o m e r s . 37

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T h e second kind of m a n u f a c t u r e , its perfected form, produces articles t h a t go t h r o u g h c o n n e c t e d phases of develop||336|ment, t h r o u g h a series of 10 processes step by step, like the wire in the m a n u f a c t u r e of needles, which passes through the h a n d s of 72 and s o m e t i m e s even 92 different detail workmen. In so far as such a m a n u f a c t u r e , w h e n first started, c o m b i n e s scattered handicrafts, it lessens the space by which the various phases of p r o d u c t i o n 15 are separated from each other. T h e t i m e t a k e n in passing from o n e stage to another is shortened, so is the l a b o u r that effectuates this p a s s a g e . In comparison with a handicraft, productive power is gained, a n d this gain is owing to t h e general co-operative character of m a n u f a c t u r e . On t h e other h a n d , division of labour, which is the distinguishing principle of m a n u f a c 20 ture, requires the isolation of the various stages of p r o d u c t i o n a n d their ind e p e n d e n c e of each other. T h e establishment a n d m a i n t e n a n c e of a conn e x i o n between the isolated functions necessitates the incessant transport of the article from one h a n d to another, and from o n e process to another. F r o m the standpoint of m o d e r n m e c h a n i c a l industry, this necessity stands 25 forth as a characteristic a n d costly disadvantage, a n d one t h a t is i m m a n e n t in the principle of m a n u f a c t u r e . 39

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I n t h e year 1854 G e n e v a p r o d u c e d 80,000 w a t c h e s , w h i c h i s n o t one-fifth o f t h e p r o d u c t i o n in t h e C a n t o n of N e u f c h â t e l . La C h a u x - d e - F o n d s a l o n e , w h i c h we m a y look u p o n as a h u g e w a t c h m a n u f a c t o r y , p r o d u c e s yearly twice a s m a n y a s G e n e v a . F r o m 1 8 5 0 - 6 1 G e n e v a p r o d u c e d 720,000 w a t c h e s . See " R e p o r t from G e n e v a o n t h e W a t c h T r a d e " i n " R e p o r t s b y H . M . ' s Secretaries o f E m b a s s y a n d L e g a t i o n o n t h e M a n u f a c t u r e s , C o m m e r c e , etc., N o . 6 , 1 8 6 3 . " T h e w a n t o f c o n n e x i o n a l o n e , b e t w e e n t h e processes i n t o w h i c h t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f articles t h a t m e r e l y consist of parts fitted t o g e t h e r is split u p , m a k e s it very difficult to convert s u c h a m a n u f a c t u r e i n t o a b r a n c h of m o d e r n i n d u s t r y carried on by m a c h i n e r y ; b u t in t h e case of a w a t c h t h e r e are two o t h e r i m p e d i m e n t s i n a d d i t i o n , t h e m i n u t e n e s s a n d delicacy o f its p a r t s , a n d its c h a r a c t e r as an article of luxury. H e n c e t h e i r variety, w h i c h is s u c h , t h a t in t h e b e s t L o n d o n h o u s e s scarcely a d o z e n w a t c h e s are m a d e alike in t h e c o u r s e of a year. T h e w a t c h m a n u f a c tory o f Messrs. V a c h e r o n a n d C o n s t a n t i n , i n w h i c h m a c h i n e r y h a s b e e n e m p l o y e d with s u c cess, p r o d u c e s at t h e m o s t t h r e e or four different varieties of size a n d form. I n w a t c h m a k i n g , t h a t classical e x a m p l e o f h e t e r o g e n e o u s m a n u f a c t u r e , w e m a y s t u d y with great accuracy t h e above m e n t i o n e d differentiation a n d s p e c i a l i s a t i o n o f t h e i n s t r u m e n t s o f l a b o u r c a u s e d by t h e s u b - d i v i s i o n of handicrafts. " I n s o close a c o h a b i t a t i o n o f t h e people, t h e carriage m u s t n e e d s b e less." ("The A d v a n tages of t h e East I n d i a T r a d e , " p. 106.) T h e isolation o f t h e different stages o f m a n u f a c t u r e , c o n s e q u e n t u p o n t h e e m p l o y m e n t o f 38

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value If we confine our attention to some particular lot of raw materials, of rags, for instance, in paper m a n u f a c t u r e , or of wire in n e e d l e m a n u f a c t u r e , we perceive that it passes in succession t h r o u g h a series of stages in the h a n d s of t h e various detail w o r k m e n u n t i l completion. On the other h a n d , if we look at the workshop as a whole, we see the raw m a t e r i a l in all the 5 stages of its p r o d u c t i o n at the same t i m e . T h e collective labourer, with o n e set of his m a n y h a n d s a r m e d with o n e k i n d of tools, draws t h e wire, with a n o t h e r set, a r m e d with different tools, h e , at the s a m e t i m e , straightens it, with another, he cuts it, with another, points it, a n d so on. T h e different detail processes, which were successive in t i m e , have b e c o m e s i m u l t a n e o u s , 10 go on side by side in space. H e n c e , ||337| p r o d u c t i o n of a greater q u a n t u m of finished c o m m o d i t i e s in a given t i m e . This simultaneity, it is true, is d u e to t h e general co-operative form of the process as a whole; b u t M a n u facture n o t only finds the conditions for co-operation ready to h a n d , it also, to s o m e extent, creates t h e m by the sub-division of handicraft labour. On 15 the other h a n d , it accomplishes this social organisation of the labour-process only by riveting each labourer to a single fractional detail. 41

Since the fractional product of each detail labourer is, at t h e s a m e t i m e , only a particular stage in the development of o n e a n d t h e s a m e finished article, each labourer, or each group of labourers, prepares t h e raw material 20 for a n o t h e r labourer or group. T h e result of the labour of the one is the starting point for the labour of the other. T h e o n e w o r k m a n therefore gives o c c u p a t i o n directly to the other. T h e labour-time necessary in e a c h partial process, for attaining the desired effect, is learnt by experience; a n d the m e c h a n i s m of Manufacture, as a whole, is based on the a s s u m p t i o n that a 25 given result will be obtained in a given t i m e . It is only on this a s s u m p t i o n that the various supplementary labour-processes can proceed u n i n t e r r u p t edly, simultaneously, a n d side by side. It is clear that this direct depend e n c e of the operations, a n d therefore of the labourers, on e a c h other, compels each o n e of t h e m to spend on his work no m o r e t h a n the necessary 30 t i m e , a n d t h u s a continuity, uniformity, regularity, o r d e r , a n d even intensity of labour, of quite a different kind, is begotten t h a n is to be found in 42

m a n u a l labour, a d d s i m m e n s e l y t o t h e cost o f p r o d u c t i o n , t h e loss m a i n l y arising from t h e m e r e r e m o v a l s from o n e process t o a n o t h e r . " ("The I n d u s t r y o f N a t i o n s . " Lond., 1855. P a r t II., p. 200.) "It (the division o f labour) p r o d u c e s also a n e c o n o m y o f t i m e b y s e p a r a t i n g t h e work i n t o its different b r a n c h e s , all of w h i c h m a y be carried i n t o e x e c u t i o n at t h e s a m e m o m e n t . .. By carrying o n all t h e different processes a t o n c e , w h i c h a n i n d i v i d u a l m u s t h a v e e x e c u t e d separately, it b e c o m e s possible to p r o d u c e a m u l t i t u d o of p i n s c o m p l e t e l y finished in t h e s a m e t i m e as a single p i n m i g h t have b e e n either cut or p o i n t e d . " ( D u g a l d Stewart, I.e., p. 319.) " T h e m o r e variety o f artists t o every m a n u f a c t u r e ... t h e greater t h e o r d e r a n d regularity o f every work, t h e s a m e m u s t n e e d s b e d o n e i n less t i m e , t h e l a b o u r m u s t b e less." ("The A d v a n tages," etc., p. 68.)

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an i n d e p e n d e n t handicraft or even in simple co-operation. T h e rule, t h a t the labour-time expended on a c o m m o d i t y should n o t exceed t h a t which is socially necessary for its production, appears, in the p r o d u c t i o n of commodities generally, to be established by the m e r e effect of competition; | |338| since, to express ourselves superficially, each single p r o d u c e r is obliged to sell his c o m m o d i t y at its m a r k e t price. In M a n u f a c t u r e , on the contrary, the turning o u t of a given q u a n t u m of product in a given t i m e is a technical law of the process of p r o d u c t i o n itself. Different operations take, however, u n e q u a l periods, a n d yield therefore, in equal times u n e q u a l quantities of fractional products. If, therefore, the s a m e labourer has, day after day, to perform the same operation, there m u s t be a different n u m b e r of labourers for e a c h operation; for instance, in type m a n u f a c t u r e , there are four founders a n d two breakers to o n e rubber: the founder casts 2,000 type an hour, the breaker breaks up 4,000, and the r u b b e r polishes 8,000. H e r e we have again t h e principle of co-operation in its simplest form, the s i m u l t a n e o u s e m p l o y m e n t of m a n y doing t h e s a m e thing; only now, this principle is the expression of an organic relation. T h e division of labour, as carried out in M a n u f a c t u r e , n o t only simplifies a n d multiplies the qualitatively different parts of the social collective labourer, b u t also creates a fixed m a t h e m a t i c a l relation or ratio which regulates t h e quantitative extent of those p a r t s — i . e . , t h e relative n u m b e r of labourers, or t h e relative size of t h e group of labourers, for each detail operation. It developes, along with the qualitative sub-division of the social labour process, a quantitative rule a n d proportionality for that process. W h e n o n c e the most fitting proportion has b e e n experimentally established for the n u m b e r s of the detail labourers in the various groups w h e n producing on a given scale, that scale c a n be e x t e n d e d only by employing a m u l t i p l e of each particular g r o u p . T h e r e is this to boot, that the same individual can ||339| do certain kinds of work j u s t as well on a large as on a small scale; for instance, the labour of s u p e r i n t e n d e n c e , the carriage of the fractional product from o n e stage to the next, etc. T h e isolation of s u c h functions, their allotment to a particular labourer, does n o t b e c o m e advantageous till after an increase in t h e n u m b e r of labourers employed; b u t this increase m u s t affect every group proportionally. 43

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N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g system, i n m a n y b r a n c h e s o f i n d u s t r y , attains this result b u t very imperfectly, b e c a u s e i t k n o w s n o t h o w t o control w i t h certainty t h e g e n e r a l c h e m i c a l a n d physical c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e process o f p r o d u c t i o n . " W h e n (from t h e p e c u l i a r n a t u r e o f t h e p r o d u c e o f e a c h m a n u f a c t o r y ) , t h e n u m b e r o f p r o cesses into w h i c h it is m o s t a d v a n t a g e o u s to divide it is a s c e r t a i n e d , as well as t h e n u m b e r of i n d i v i d u a l s to be e m p l o y e d , t h e n all o t h e r m a n u f a c t o r i e s w h i c h do n o t e m p l o y a direct m u l t i ple of this n u m b e r will p r o d u c e t h e article at a greater cost. ... H e n c e arises one of t h e c a u s e s o f t h e great size ö f m a n u f a c t u r i n g e s t a b l i s h m e n t s . " ( C . B a b b a g e . " O n t h e E c o n o m y o f M a c h i n ery," 1st ed. L o n d o n , 1832. C h . X X L , p. 1 7 2 - 1 7 3 . ) 44

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value T h e isolated group of labourers to w h o m any particular detail function is assigned, is m a d e up of h o m o g e n e o u s elements, a n d is o n e of the constitue n t parts of the total m e c h a n i s m . In m a n y m a n u f a c t u r e s , however, t h e group itself is an organised body of labour, the total m e c h a n i s m being a repetition or multiplication of these elementary organisms. T a k e , for instance, the m a n u f a c t u r e of glass bottles. It m a y be resolved into three essentially different stages. First, the preliminary stage, consisting of the prep a r a t i o n of the c o m p o n e n t s of the glass, m i x i n g the sand a n d lime, etc., a n d melting t h e m into a fluid m a s s of glass. V a r i o u s detail labourers are employed in this first stage, as also in the final o n e of removing the bottles from the drying furnace, sorting and packing t h e m , etc. In the m i d d l e , between these two stages, comes the glass m e l t i n g proper, the m a n i p u l a t i o n of t h e fluid m a s s . At each m o u t h of the furnace, there works a group, called "the hole," consisting of one bottlemaker or finisher, o n e blower, o n e gatherer, o n e putter-up or whetter-off, a n d o n e taker-in. T h e s e five detail workers are so m a n y special organs of a single working o r g a n i s m that acts only as a whole, a n d therefore can operate only by the direct co-operation of the whole five. T h e whole body is paralysed if b u t o n e of its m e m b e r s be wanting. B u t a glass furnace has several openings (in E n g l a n d from 4 to 6), each of which contains an earthenware melting-pot full of m o l t e n glass, a n d e m ploys a similar five-membered group of workers. T h e organisation of e a c h group is based on division of labour, but the b o n d between the different groups is simple co-operation, which, by using in c o m m o n o n e of the m e a n s of ||340| production, the furnace, causes it to be m o r e economically c o n s u m e d . S u c h a furnace, with its 4 - 6 groups, constitutes a glass h o u s e ; a n d a glass manufactory comprises a n u m b e r of s u c h glass houses, together with the apparatus a n d workmen requisite for the preparatory a n d final stages.

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Finally, just as M a n u f a c t u r e arises in part from the c o m b i n a t i o n of various handicrafts, so, too, it developes into a c o m b i n a t i o n of various m a n u - 30 factures. T h e larger English glass manufacturers, for instance, m a k e their own earthenware melting-pots, because, on the quality of these d e p e n d s , to a great extent, the success or failure of the process. T h e m a n u f a c t u r e of o n e of the m e a n s of production is here u n i t e d with t h a t of t h e product. On t h e other h a n d , the m a n u f a c t u r e of the product m a y be u n i t e d with other m a n - 35 ufactures, of which that product is the raw material, or with the products of which it is itself subsequently mixed. T h u s , we find the m a n u f a c t u r e of flint glass c o m b i n e d with that of glass cutting a n d brass founding; the latter for the m e t a l settings of various articles of glass. T h e various m a n u f a c t u r e s 45

I n E n g l a n d , t h e m e l t i n g - f u r n a c e i s distinct from t h e glass-furnace i n w h i c h t h e glass i s m a n i p u l a t e d . I n B e l g i u m , o n e a n d t h e s a m e furnace serves for b o t h processes.

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Chapter XIV • Division of labour and manufacture so c o m b i n e d form m o r e or less separate d e p a r t m e n t s of a larger m a n u f a c ture, b u t are at the same t i m e i n d e p e n d e n t processes, each with its own division of labour. In spite of the m a n y advantages offered by this c o m b i n a t i o n of manufactures, it never grows into a c o m p l e t e technical system on 5 its own foundation. T h a t h a p p e n s only on its transformation into an i n d u s try carried on by m a c h i n e r y . Early in the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period, the principle of lessening the necessary labour-time in the p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s , was accepted a n d form u l a t e d : a n d the use of m a c h i n e s , especially for certain simple first pro10 cesses that have to be c o n d u c t e d on a very large scale, and with the application of great force, sprang up here a n d there. T h u s , at an early period in paper m a n u f a c t u r e , the tearing up of the rags was d o n e by papermills; a n d in m e t a l works, the p o u n d i n g of the ores was effected by s t a m p ing m i l l s . T h e R o m a n E m p i r e h a d h a n d e d ||341| down t h e elementary 15 form of all m a c h i n e r y in the water-wheel. T h e handicraft period b e q u e a t h e d to us the great inventions of the c o m pass, of gunpowder, of type-printing, a n d of t h e a u t o m a t i c clock. But, on t h e whole, m a c h i n e r y played that s u b o r d i n a t e part which A d a m S m i t h assigns to it in comparison with division of l a b o u r . T h e sporadic u s e of m a 20 chinery in the 17th century was of the greatest i m p o r t a n c e , because it supplied the great m a t h e m a t i c i a n s of that t i m e with a practical basis a n d s t i m u l a n t to the creation of the science of m e c h a n i c s . T h e collective labourer, formed by the c o m b i n a t i o n of a n u m b e r of detail labourers, is the m a c h i n e r y specially characteristic of the m a n u f a c t u r 25 ing period. T h e various operations t h a t are performed in t u r n s by the producer of a c o m m o d i t y , and coalesce o n e with a n o t h e r during the progress of production, lay claim to h i m in various ways. In one operation he m u s t ex46

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T h i s c a n b e seen from W . Petty, J o h n Belters, A n d r e w Y a r r a n t o n , " T h e A d v a n t a g e s o f t h e East I n d i a T r a d e , " a n d J . V a n d e r l i n t , n o t t o m e n t i o n o t h e r s . T o w a r d s t h e e n d o f t h e 16th c e n t u r y , m o r t a r s a n d sieves were still u s e d i n F r a n c e for p o u n d i n g a n d washing ores. T h e whole history o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f m a c h i n e r y c a n b e t r a c e d i n t h e history o f t h e c o r n mill. T h e factory in E n g l a n d is still a " m i l l . " In G e r m a n t e c h n o l o g i c a l works of t h e first d e c a d e of this century, t h e t e r m " m ü h l e " is still f o u n d in u s e , n o t o n l y for all m a c h i n e r y driven by t h e forces of N a t u r e , b u t also for all m a n u f a c t u r e s w h e r e a p p a r a t u s in t h e n a t u r e of m a c h i n e r y is applied. A s will b e seen m o r e i n detail i n t h e f o u r t h b o o k o f t h i s work, A d a m S m i t h h a s n o t e s t a b lished a single new p r o p o s i t i o n relating to division of l a b o u r . W h a t , however, c h a r a c t e r i s e s h i m a s t h e political e c o n o m i s t par e x c e l l e n c e o f t h e p e r i o d o f M a n u f a c t u r e , i s t h e stress h e lays o n division o f l a b o u r . T h e s u b o r d i n a t e part w h i c h h e assigns t o m a c h i n e r y gave o c c a s i o n in t h e early days of m o d e r n m e c h a n i c a l i n d u s t r y to t h e p o l e m i c of L a u d e r d a l e , a n d , at a later period, to t h a t of U r e . A . S m i t h also c o n f o u n d s differentiation of t h e i n s t r u m e n t s of l a b o u r , in w h i c h t h e d e t a i l labourers t h e m s e l v e s t o o k an active part, w i t h t h e i n v e n t i o n of m a c h i n e r y ; in this latter, it is n o t t h e w o r k m e n in m a n u f a c t o r i e s , b u t l e a r n e d m e n , h a n d i c r a f t s m e n , a n d 47

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even p e a s a n t s (Brindley), who play a part.

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value ert m o r e strength, in another m o r e skill, in a n o t h e r m o r e attention; a n d the s a m e individual does not possess all these qualities in an e q u a l degree. After M a n u f a c t u r e has once separated, m a d e i n d e p e n d e n t , a n d isolated the various operations, the labourers are divided, classified, a n d grouped according to their p r e d o m i n a t i n g qualities. If their n a t u r a l e n d o w m e n t s are, on the o n e h a n d , the foundation on which the division of labour is built u p , on the other h a n d , Manufacture, once i n t r o d u c e d , developes in t h e m new powers that are by n a t u r e fitted only for limited a n d special functions. T h e collective labourer now possesses, in an e q u a l degree of ||342| excellence, all the qualities requisite for production, a n d expends t h e m in the most e c o n o m i c a l m a n n e r , by exclusively employing all his organs, consisting of particular labourers, or groups of labourers, in performing their special f u n c t i o n s . T h e one-sidedness a n d the deficiencies of the detail lab o u r e r b e c o m e perfections when he is a part of the collective l a b o u r e r . T h e habit of doing only one thing converts h i m into a never failing instrum e n t , while his connexion with the whole m e c h a n i s m compels h i m to work with the regularity of the parts of a m a c h i n e . Since the collective labourer has functions, b o t h simple a n d complex, b o t h high and low, his m e m b e r s , the individual labour-powers, require different degrees of training, a n d m u s t therefore have different values. M a n u facture, therefore, developes a hierarchy of labour-powers, to which there corresponds a scale of wages. If, on the o n e h a n d , the individual labourers are appropriated and a n n e x e d for life by a limited function; on the other h a n d , the various operations of the hierarchy are parcelled out a m o n g the labourers according to b o t h their n a t u r a l and their acquired capabilities.

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" T h e m a s t e r m a n u f a c t u r e r , b y dividing t h e work t o b e e x e c u t e d i n t o different processes, e a c h r e q u i r i n g different degrees of skill or of force, c a n p u r c h a s e exactly t h a t precise q u a n t i t y of b o t h w h i c h is necessary for e a c h process; whereas, if t h e whole work were e x e c u t e d by o n e w o r k m a n , t h a t p e r s o n m u s t possess sufficient skill to p e r f o r m t h e m o s t difficult, a n d sufficient s t r e n g t h t o e x e c u t e t h e m o s t laborious o f t h e o p e r a t i o n s i n t o w h i c h t h e article i s d i v i d e d . " ( C h . B a b b a g e . I.e., ch. XVIII.)

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F o r i n s t a n c e , a b n o r m a l d e v e l o p m e n t o f s o m e m u s c l e s , c u r v a t u r e o f b o n e s , etc. T h e q u e s t i o n p u t b y o n e o f t h e I n q u i r y C o m m i s s i o n e r s , h o w t h e y o u n g p e r s o n s are kept steadily to their work, is very correctly a n s w e r e d by M r . W m . M a r s h a l l , t h e g e n e r a l m a n a g e r of a glass m a n u f a c t o r y : "They c a n n o t well n e g l e c t their work; w h e n t h e y o n c e begin, they m u s t go on; they are j u s t t h e s a m e as parts of a m a c h i n e . " ( " C h i l d r e n ' s E m p i . C o m m . , " 4 t h R e p . , 1865, p . 247.) D r . U r e , i n his a p o t h e o s i s o f M o d e r n M e c h a n i c a l I n d u s t r y , brings o u t t h e p e c u l i a r c h a r a c t e r o f m a n u f a c t u r e m o r e sharply t h a n previous e c o n o m i s t s , w h o h a d n o t h i s p o l e m i c a l interest i n t h e m a t t e r , a n d m o r e sharply even t h a n h i s c o n t e m p o r a r i e s — B a b b a g e , e.g., w h o , t h o u g h m u c h h i s s u p e r i o r as a m a t h e m a t i c i a n and m e c h a n i c i a n , t r e a t e d m e c h a n i c a l i n d u s t r y from t h e s t a n d p o i n t of m a n u f a c t u r e a l o n e . Ure says, "This a p p r o p r i a t i o n ... to e a c h , a w o r k m a n of app r o p r i a t e v a l u e a n d cost was naturally assigned, forms t h e very e s s e n c e of division of l a b o u r . " On the o t h e r h a n d , he describes t h i s division as " a d a p t a t i o n of l a b o u r to t h e different t a l e n t s of m e n , " a n d lastly, characterises t h e whole m a n u f a c t u r i n g s y s t e m as "a s y s t e m for t h e division 52

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Every process of production, however, requires certain simple m a n i p - | |343|ulations, which every m a n is capable of doing. T h e y too are now severed from their c o n n e x i o n with the m o r e p r e g n a n t m o m e n t s of activity, and ossified into exclusive functions of specially appointed labourers. H e n c e , M a n u f a c t u r e begets, in every handicraft that it seizes u p o n , a class of so-called unskilled labourers, a class which handicraft industry strictly excluded. If it developes a one-sided speciality into a perfection, at the expense of the whole of a m a n ' s working capacity, it also begins to m a k e a speciality of the absence of all development. Alongside of the hierarchic gradation there steps the simple separation of the labourers into skilled a n d unskilled. F o r the latter, the cost of apprenticeship vanishes; for the former, it diminishes, compared with that of artificers, in c o n s e q u e n c e of the functions being simplified. In b o t h cases the value of labour-power falls. An exception to this law holds good whenever the d e c o m p o s i t i o n of the labour-process begets new and comprehensive functions, that either h a d no place at all, or only a very m o d e s t o n e , in handicrafts. T h e fall in the value of labour-power, caused by t h e d i s a p p e a r a n c e or d i m i n u t i o n of the expenses of apprenticeship, implies a direct increase of surplus-value for the benefit of capital; for everything that shortens the necessary labour-time required for the reproduction of labour-power, extends the d o m a i n of surplus-labour. 54

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4. —Division of Labour in Manufacture, and Division of Labour in Society.

We first considered the origin of M a n u f a c t u r e , t h e n its simple elements, t h e n the detail labourer and his i m p l e m e n t s , a n d finally, the totality of t h e m e c h a n i s m . We shall now lightly t o u c h u p o n t h e relation between the division of labour in m a n u f a c t u r e , a n d the social division of labour, which forms the foundation of all p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s . If we keep labour alone in view, we m a y designate the separation of social production into its m a i n divisions or genera—viz., agriculture, i n d u s tries, etc., as division of labour ||344| in general, a n d the splitting up of these families into species a n d sub-species, as division of labour in particular, a n d the division of labour within t h e workshop as division of l a b o u r in singular or in d e t a i l . 55

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or g r a d a t i o n of l a b o u r , " as "the division of l a b o u r i n t o degrees of skill," etc. (Ure, I.e. pp. 1 9 - 2 3 passim.) " E a c h h a n d i c r a f t s m a n being ... e n a b l e d t o perfect h i m s e l f b y practice i n o n e point, b e c a m e .. a c h e a p e r w o r k m a n . " (Ure, I.e., p. 19.) "Division o f l a b o u r p r o c e e d s from t h e s e p a r a t i o n o f professions t h e m o s t widely different t o

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value Division of labour in a society, and the corresponding tying down of individuals to a particular calling, developes itself, j u s t as does' t h e division of labour in m a n u f a c t u r e , from opposite starting points. W i t h i n a family, a n d after further development within a tribe, there springs up naturally a division of labour, caused by differences of sex a n d age, a division that is consequently based on a purely physiological f o u n d a t i o n , which division enlarges its materials by the expansion of the c o m m u n i t y , by the increase of population, and m o r e especially, by the conflicts between different tribes, a n d the subjugation of one tribe by another. On the other h a n d , as I h a v e before remarked, the exchange of products springs up at the points where different families, tribes, c o m m u n i t i e s , c o m e in contact; for, in the b e g i n n i n g of civilisation, it is not private individuals b u t families, tribes, etc., t h a t m e e t on an i n d e p e n d e n t footing. Different c o m m u n i t i e s find different m e a n s of production, and different m e a n s of subsistence in their n a t u r a l environment. H e n c e , their m o d e s of p r o d u c t i o n , and of living, a n d their products are different. It is this spontaneously developed difference which, when different c o m m u n i t i e s c o m e in contact, calls forth the m u t u a l e x c h a n g e of products, and the ||345| c o n s e q u e n t gradual conversion of those products into c o m m o d i t i e s . E x c h a n g e does n o t create the differences between the spheres of production, b u t brings what are already different i n t o relation, a n d thus converts t h e m into m o r e or less i n t e r d e p e n d e n t b r a n c h e s of the collective production of an enlarged society. In t h e latter case, the social division of labour arises from the exchange between spheres of production, that are originally distinct a n d i n d e p e n d e n t of o n e another. In the former, where the physiological division of labour is the starting point, the particular organs of a c o m p a c t whole grow loose, and break off, principally owing to the exchange of c o m m o d i t i e s with foreign c o m m u n i t i e s , and t h e n isolate themselves so far, t h a t the sole b o n d , still 56

t h a t division, where several l a b o u r e r s divide b e t w e e n t h e m t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f o n e a n d t h e s a m e p r o d u c t , as in m a n u f a c t u r e . " (Storch: " C o u r s d ' É c o n . Pol. Paris E d n . " 1.1., p. 173.) « N o u s r e n c o n t r o n s c h e z les p e u p l e s p a r v e n u s à un c e r t a i n degré de civilisation trois genres de divisions d ' i n d u s t r i e : l a p r e m i è r e , q u e n o u s n o m m e r o n s générale, a m è n e l a d i s t i n c t i o n des p r o d u c t e u r s e n agriculteurs, m a n u f a c t u r i e r s e t c o m m e r ç a n s , elle s e r a p p o r t e a u x trois princip a l e s b r a n c h e s d ' i n d u s t r i e n a t i o n a l e ; la s e c o n d e , q u ' o n p o u r r a i t a p p e l e r spéciale, est la division de c h a q u e g e n r e d ' i n d u s t r i e en espèces. . . . la t r o i s i è m e division d ' i n d u s t r i e , celle enfin q u ' o n devrait qualifier de division de la b e s o g n e ou de travail p r o p r e m e n t dit, est celle q u i s'établit d a n s les arts et les m é t i e r s séparés. ... q u i s'établit d a n s la p l u p a r t d e s m a n u f a c t u r e s et des ateliers.» (Skarbek. I.e. p p . 84, 85.)

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N o t e t o t h e t h i r d edition. S u b s e q u e n t very s e a r c h i n g study o f t h e p r i m i t i v e c o n d i t i o n o f m a n , led t h e a u t h o r t o t h e c o n c l u s i o n , t h a t i t was n o t t h e family t h a t originally d e v e l o p e d i n t o t h e tribe, b u t that, o n t h e contrary, t h e tribe was t h e p r i m i t i v e a n d s p o n t a n e o u s l y developed form o f h u m a n association, o n t h e basis o f blood r e l a t i o n s h i p , a n d t h a t o u t o f t h e first i n c i p i e n t l o o s e n i n g of t h e tribal b o n d s , t h e m a n y a n d various forms of t h e family were afterwards d e v e l o p e d . (Ed. 3rd ed.)

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Chapter XIV · Division of labour and manufacture c o n n e c t i n g the various kinds of work, is the exchange of the products as c o m m o d i t i e s . In the o n e case, it is the m a k i n g d e p e n d e n t what was before i n d e p e n d e n t ; in the other case, the m a k i n g i n d e p e n d e n t what was before dependent. 5 T h e foundation of every division of l a b o u r that is well developed, a n d brought about by the exchange of c o m m o d i t i e s , is the separation between town a n d c o u n t r y . It m a y be said, t h a t the whole e c o n o m i c a l history of society is s u m m e d up in the m o v e m e n t of this antithesis. We pass it over, however, for the present. 10 J u s t as a certain n u m b e r of simultaneously employed labourers are the material pre-requisites for division of labour in m a n u f a c t u r e , so are t h e n u m b e r and density of the population, which here correspond to the agglomeration in one workshop, a necessary c o n d i t i o n for the division of lab o u r in society. Nevertheless, this density is m o r e or less relative. ||346j A 15 relatively thinly populated country, with well-developed m e a n s of c o m m u nication, has a denser p o p u l a t i o n t h a n a m o r e n u m e r o u s l y populated c o u n try, with badly-developed m e a n s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n ; a n d in this sense t h e N o r t h e r n States of the A m e r i c a n U n i o n , for instance, are m o r e thickly p o p ulated t h a n I n d i a . 20 Since the p r o d u c t i o n and the circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s are t h e general pre-requisites of the capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n , division of l a b o u r in m a n u f a c t u r e d e m a n d s , that division of l a b o u r in society at large should previously have attained a certain degree of development. Inversely, the former division reacts u p o n a n d developes a n d multiplies the latter. Simul25 taneously, with the differentiation of the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, t h e i n d u s tries that p r o d u c e these i n s t r u m e n t s , b e c o m e m o r e and m o r e different i a t e d . If the m a n u f a c t u r i n g system seize u p o n an industry, which, previously, was carried on in c o n n e x i o n with others, either as a chief or as 57

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Sir J a m e s Steuart i s t h e e c o n o m i s t who h a s h a n d l e d t h i s subject best. H o w little h i s b o o k , w h i c h a p p e a r e d t e n years before t h e " W e a l t h of N a t i o n s , " is k n o w n , even at t h e p r e s e n t t i m e , m a y b e j u d g e d from t h e fact t h a t t h e a d m i r e r s o f M a l t h u s d o n o t e v e n k n o w t h a t t h e f i r s t e d i tion of the latter's work on p o p u l a t i o n c o n t a i n s , e x c e p t in t h e purely d e c l a m a t o r y part, very little b u t extracts from Steuart, a n d in a less degree, from W a l l a c e a n d T o w n s e n d . " T h e r e is a certain density of p o p u l a t i o n w h i c h is c o n v e n i e n t , b o t h for social i n t e r c o u r s e , a n d for t h a t c o m b i n a t i o n of powers by w h i c h t h e p r o d u c e of l a b o u r is increased." ( J a m e s Mill, I.e. p. 50.) "As t h e n u m b e r of l a b o u r e r s i n c r e a s e s , t h e p r o d u c t i v e power of society a u g m e n t s in t h e c o m p o u n d ratio of t h a t i n c r e a s e , m u l t i p l i e d by the effects of the division of l a b o u r . " (Th. H ö d g s k i n , I.e. p. 120.) I n c o n s e q u e n c e o f t h e great d e m a n d for c o t t o n after 1 8 6 1 , t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f cotton, i n s o m e thickly p o p u l a t e d districts of I n d i a , was e x t e n d e d at t h e e x p e n s e of rice cultivation. In c o n s e q u e n c e t h e r e arose local f a m i n e s , t h e defective m e a n s o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n not p e r m i t t i n g t h e failure of rice in o n e district to be c o m p e n s a t e d by i m p o r t a t i o n from a n o t h e r . T h u s , t h e fabrication of s h u t t l e s formed, as early as t h e 17th century, a special b r a n c h of i n dustry i n H o l l a n d . 58

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value a s u b o r d i n a t e industry, and by one producer, these industries i m m e d i a t e l y separate their connexion, a n d b e c o m e i n d e p e n d e n t . If it seize u p o n a particu l a r stage in the p r o d u c t i o n of a c o m m o d i t y , the other stages of its prod u c t i o n b e c o m e converted into so m a n y i n d e p e n d e n t industries. It has already b e e n stated, that where the finished article consists merely of a n u m b e r of parts fitted together, the detail operations m a y re-establish themselves as g e n u i n e a n d separate handicrafts. In order to carry o u t m o r e perfectly the division of labour in m a n u f a c t u r e , a single b r a n c h of p r o d u c tion is, according to the varieties of its raw material, or the various forms t h a t o n e a n d the s a m e raw material m a y a s s u m e , split up into n u m e r o u s , a n d to s o m e extent, entirely new m a n u f a c t u r e s . Accordingly, in F r a n c e alone, in the first half of t h e 18th century, over 100 different kinds of silk stuffs J134V J were woven, and in Avignon, it was law, that "every apprentice s h o u l d devote himself to only o n e sort of fabrication, a n d should n o t learn t h e preparation of several kinds of stuff at once." T h e territorial division of labour, which confines special branches of p r o d u c t i o n to special districts of a country, acquires fresh stimulus from the m a n u f a c t u r i n g system, which exploits every special a d v a n t a g e . T h e Colonial system a n d the opening o u t of the markets of the world, both of which are i n c l u d e d in the general c o n d i t i o n s of existence of the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period, furnish rich m a t e r i a l for developing the division of labour in society. It is not the place, here, to go on to show how division of labour seizes u p o n , n o t only the economical, b u t every other sphere of society, a n d everywhere lays the f o u n d a t i o n of t h a t all engrossing system of specialising a n d sorting m e n , that developm e n t in a m a n of one single faculty at t h e expense of all other faculties, which caused A. Ferguson, the m a s t e r of A d a m Smith, to exclaim: " W e m a k e a n a t i o n of Helots, a n d have no free c i t i z e n s . "

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But, in spite of the n u m e r o u s analogies a n d links c o n n e c t i n g t h e m , division of labour in the interior of a society, a n d t h a t in the interior of a workshop, differ n o t only in degree, b u t also in kind. T h e analogy appears m o s t 30 i n d i s p u t a b l e where there is an invisible b o n d u n i t i n g the various b r a n c h e s of trade. For instance the cattle breeder p r o d u c e s hides, the t a n n e r m a k e s the hides into leather, and the shoemaker, the leather into boots. H e r e t h e thing p r o d u c e d by each of t h e m is b u t a step towards t h e final form, which is the product of all their labours c o m b i n e d . T h e r e are, besides, all the var- 35 ious industries that supply the cattle-breeder, the tanner, a n d the shoe61

" W h e t h e r t h e woollen m a n u f a c t u r e o f E n g l a n d i s n o t divided i n t o several parts o r b r a n c h e s a p p r o p r i a t e d to particular places, where t h e y are o n l y or p r i n c i p a l l y m a n u f a c t u r e d ; fine cloths in S o m e r s e t s h i r e , coarse in Y o r k s h i r e , long ells at Exeter, soies at S u d b u r y , crapes at N o r w i c h , linseys at K e n d a l , b l a n k e t s at W h i t n e y , a n d so forth." (Berkeley: " T h e Q u e r i s t , " 1750, p. 56, §520.) 62

A . F e r g u s o n : "History o f Civil Society." E d i n b u r g h , 1767; P a r t IV. sect. II., p . 2 8 5 .

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m a k e r with the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . N o w it is quite possible to imagine, with A d a m Smith, that the difference between the above social division of labour, a n d the division in ||348| m a n u f a c t u r e , is merely subjective, exists merely for the observer, who, in a m a n u f a c t u r e , can see with one glance, all the n u m e r o u s operations being performed on o n e spot, while in the instance given above, the spreading o u t of t h e work over great areas, and the great n u m b e r of people employed in e a c h b r a n c h of labour, obscure t h e c o n n e x i o n . But what is it that forms t h e b o n d between the i n d e p e n d e n t labours of the cattle-breeder, the tanner, a n d t h e shoemaker? It is the fact 63

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that their respective products are c o m m o d i t i e s . W h a t , on the other h a n d , characterises division of labour in m a n u f a c t u r e s ? T h e fact that the detail labourer produces no c o m m o d i t i e s . It is only the c o m m o n product of all the detail labourers that b e c o m e s a c o m m o d i t y . Division of labour in a society is brought about by the p u r c h a s e a n d sale of the products of differ15 ent b r a n c h e s of industry, while the c o n n e x i o n between ||349| the detail operations in a workshop, are d u e to the sale of t h e labour-power of several w o r k m e n to one capitalist, who applies it as c o m b i n e d labour-power. T h e 64

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I n m a n u f a c t u r e proper, h e says, t h e division o f l a b o u r a p p e a r s t o b e greater, b e c a u s e " t h o s e e m p l o y e d in every different b r a n c h of t h e work c a n often be collected i n t o t h e s a m e workh o u s e , a n d p l a c e d at o n c e u n d e r t h e view of t h e spectator. In t h o s e great m a n u f a c t u r e s , (!) on t h e contrary, w h i c h are d e s t i n e d to supply t h e great w a n t s of t h e great b o d y of t h e p e o p l e , every different b r a n c h of t h e work e m p l o y s so great a n u m b e r of w o r k m e n , t h a t it is i m p o s s i ble to collect t h e m all i n t o t h e s a m e w o r k h o u s e ... t h e division is n o t n e a r so o b v i o u s . " (A. S m i t h : " W e a l t h of N a t i o n s , " bk. I. ch. I.) T h e c e l e b r a t e d passage in t h e s a m e c h a p t e r t h a t

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b e g i n s with t h e words, "Observe t h e a c c o m m o d a t i o n of t h e m o s t c o m m o n artificer or day lab o u r e r in a civilized a n d thriving c o u n t r y , " etc., a n d t h e n p r o c e e d s to depict w h a t an e n o r m o u s n u m b e r a n d variety of i n d u s t r i e s c o n t r i b u t e to t h e satisfaction of t h e w a n t s of an ordinary labourer, is copied a l m o s t word for word from B. de M a n d e v i l l e ' s R e m a r k s to h i s " F a b l e of t h e Bees, or Private Vices, P u b l i c k Benefits." (First ed., w i t h o u t t h e r e m a r k s , 1705; with t h e

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r e m a r k s , 1714.) " T h e r e i s n o longer a n y t h i n g w h i c h w e c a n call t h e n a t u r a l reward o f i n d i v i d u a l l a b o u r . E a c h l a b o u r e r p r o d u c e s only s o m e part of a w h o l e , a n d e a c h part, h a v i n g no value or utility in itself, t h e r e is n o t h i n g o n w h i c h t h e l a b o u r e r c a n seize, a n d say: 'It is m y p r o d u c t , this I wiir k e e p t o myself."' ("Labour D e f e n d e d against t h e C l a i m s o f C a p i t a l . " Lond., 1825, p . 25.) T h e a u t h o r of t h i s a d m i r a b l e work is t h e T h . H o d g s k i n I h a v e already cited. T h i s d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n division o f l a b o u r i n society a n d i n m a n u f a c t u r e , was practically illustrated to t h e Y a n k e e s . O n e of t h e n e w taxes devised at W a s h i n g t o n d u r i n g t h e civil war, was t h e d u t y of 6 % " o n all i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t s . " Q u e s t i o n : W h a t is an i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t ? A n s w e r of t h e legislature: A t h i n g is p r o d u c e d " w h e n it is m a d e , " a n d it is m a d e w h e n it is r e a d y for sale. Now, for o n e e x a m p l e o u t o f m a n y . T h e N e w Y o r k a n d P h i l a d e l p h i a m a n u f a c t u r e r s h a d previously b e e n i n t h e h a b i t o f " m a k i n g " u m b r e l l a s , with all t h e i r b e l o n g i n g s . B u t s i n c e a n u m b r e l l a is a mixtum compositum of very h e t e r o g e n e o u s p a r t s , by degrees t h e s e p a r t s b e c a m e t h e p r o d u c t s o f v a r i o u s s e p a r a t e i n d u s t r i e s , c a r r i e d o n i n d e p e n d e n t l y i n different places. T h e y e n t e r e d a s separate c o m m o d i t i e s i n t o t h e u m b r e l l a m a n u f a c t o r y , where t h e y were 64

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f i t t e d together. T h e Y a n k e e s have given t o articles t h u s f i t t e d together, t h e n a m e o f " a s s e m b l e d articles," a n a m e t h e y deserve, for b e i n g an a s s e m b l a g e of t a x e s . T h u s t h e u m b r e l l a " a s s e m b l e s , " first, 6 % on t h e price of e a c h of its e l e m e n t s , a n d a further 6 % on its own t o t a l price.

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value division of l a b o u r in the workshop implies c o n c e n t r a t i o n of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n in the h a n d s of one capitalist; the division of l a b o u r in society implies their dispersion a m o n g m a n y i n d e p e n d e n t producers of c o m m o d i ties. W h i l e within the workshop, the iron law of proportionality subjects definite n u m b e r s of w o r k m e n to definite functions, in the society outside the workshop, c h a n c e and caprice have full play in distributing the producers a n d their m e a n s of production a m o n g the various b r a n c h e s of industry. T h e different spheres of production, it is true, constantly t e n d to an equilibrium: for, on the o n e h a n d , while each p r o d u c e r of a c o m m o d i t y is b o u n d to p r o d u c e a use-value, to satisfy a particular social want, a n d while t h e extent of these wants differs quantitatively, still there exists an inner relation which settles their proportions into a regular system, a n d that system o n e of s p o n t a n e o u s growth; and, on the other h a n d , the law of the value of c o m m o d i t i e s ultimately determines how m u c h of its disposable workingt i m e society can expend on each particular class of c o m m o d i t i e s . But this constant t e n d e n c y to equilibrium, of the various spheres of production, is exercised, only in the shape of a reaction against the constant upsetting of this equilibrium. T h e a priori system on which t h e division of labour, within the workshop, is regularly carried out, b e c o m e s in the division of lab o u r within the society, an a posteriori, n a t u r e - i m p o s e d necessity, controlling the lawless caprice of the producers, a n d perceptible in the barometrical fluctuations of the market prices. Division of labour within the workshop implies the u n d i s p u t e d authority of the capitalist over m e n , that are b u t parts of a m e c h a n i s m that belongs to h i m . T h e division of labour within the society brings into contact i n d e p e n d e n t c o m m o d i t y - p r o d u c e r s , who acknowledge no other authority b u t that of competition, of the coercion exerted by the pressure of their m u t u a l interests; just as in the | |350| a n i m a l kingdom, the bellum omnium contra omnes m o r e or less preserves the conditions of existence of every species. T h e s a m e bourgeois m i n d which praises division of labour in the workshop, life-long a n n e x ation of the labourer to a partial operation, a n d his complete subjection to capital, as being an organisation of labour t h a t increases its productiven e s s — t h a t s a m e bourgeois m i n d d e n o u n c e s with e q u a l vigour every conscious attempt to socially control a n d regulate t h e process of p r o d u c t i o n , as an inroad u p o n such sacred things as the rights of property, freedom a n d unrestricted play for the b e n t of the individual capitalist. It is very characteristic that the enthusiastic apologists of the factory system have n o t h i n g m o r e d a m n i n g to urge against a general organization of the labour of society, t h a n that it would t u r n all society into o n e i m m e n s e factory. If, in a society with capitalist production, a n a r c h y in the social division of labour a n d despotism in that of the workshop are m u t u a l conditions the

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Chapter XIV · Division of labour and manufacture one of the other, we find, on the contrary, in those earlier forms of society in which the separation of trades has b e e n spontaneously developed, t h e n crystallized, and finally m a d e p e r m a n e n t by law, on the o n e h a n d , a specim e n of the organisation of the labour of society, in accordance with an ap5 proved a n d authoritative plan, a n d on the other, the entire exclusion of division of labour in the workshop, or at all events a m e r e dwarf-like or sporadic a n d accidental development of the s a m e . Those small a n d extremely a n c i e n t I n d i a n c o m m u n i t i e s , some of which have c o n t i n u e d down to this day, are based on possession in c o m m o n of 10 the land, on the b l e n d i n g of agriculture a n d handicrafts, a n d on an unalterable division of labour, which serves, whenever a new c o m m u n i t y is started, as a plan a n d s c h e m e ready cut a n d dried. Occupying areas of from 100 up to several t h o u s a n d acres, e a c h forms a c o m p a c t whole p r o d u c i n g all it requires. T h e chief part of the products is ||351| destined for direct use 15 by the c o m m u n i t y itself, a n d does not take the form of a c o m m o d i t y . H e n c e , production here is i n d e p e n d e n t of that division of labour brought about, in I n d i a n society as a whole, by m e a n s of the exchange of c o m m o d i ties. It is t h e surplus alone t h a t b e c o m e s a c o m m o d i t y , and a portion of even that, not u n t i l it has reached the h a n d s of the State, into whose h a n d s 20 from t i m e i m m e m o r i a l a certain quantity of these products has found its way in the shape of rent in kind. T h e constitution of these c o m m u n i t i e s varies in different parts of India. In those of the simplest form, the land is tilled in c o m m o n , a n d the p r o d u c e divided a m o n g the m e m b e r s . At the s a m e t i m e , spinning a n d weaving are carried on in each family as subsid25 iary industries. Side by side with t h e masses t h u s occupied with o n e a n d t h e s a m e work, we find t h e "chief i n h a b i t a n t , " who is judge, police, and tax-gatherer in one; the book-keeper who keeps the accounts of t h e tillage a n d registers everything relating t h e r e t o ; a n o t h e r official, who prosecutes criminals, protects strangers travelling through, and escorts t h e m to t h e 30 next village; the b o u n d a r y m a n , who guards the boundaries against neighbouring c o m m u n i t i e s ; the water-overseer, who distributes the water from t h e c o m m o n tanks for irrigation; the B r a h m i n , who conducts the religious services; the schoolmaster, who on the sand teaches the children reading a n d writing; the calendar-Brahmin, or astrologer, who m a k e s k n o w n the 35 lucky or unlucky days for seed-time a n d harvest, a n d for every other k i n d of agricultural work; a s m i t h a n d a carpenter, who m a k e a n d repair all the 66

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« On p e u t .. établir en règle générale, q u e m o i n s l ' a u t o r i t é p r é s i d e à la division du travail d a n s l'intérieur de la société, plus la division du travail se d é v e l o p p e d a n s l'intérieur de l'atelier, et plus elle y est s o u m i s e à l'autorité d ' u n seul. A i n s i l ' a u t o r i t é d a n s l'atelier et celle d a n s la société, par r a p p o r t à la division du travail, sont en r a i s o n inverse l ' u n e de l ' a u t r e . » (Karl M a r x , " M i s è r e , " etc., p p . 1 3 0 - 1 3 1 . )

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T h e rules of the guilds, as I have said before, by limiting m o s t strictly the n u m b e r of apprentices and j o u r n e y m e n that a single m a s t e r could employ, 25 prevented h i m from b e c o m i n g a capitalist. Moreover, he could n o t employ his j o u r n e y m e n in any other handicraft t h a n the one in which he was a master. T h e guilds zealously repelled every e n c r o a c h m e n t by the capital of m e r c h a n t s , the only form of free capital with which they c a m e in contact. A m e r c h a n t could buy every kind of c o m m o d i t y , b u t labour as a c o m m o d i t y 30 he could n o t buy. He existed only on sufferance, as a dealer in the products of the handicrafts. If circumstances called for a further division of labour, 67

Lieut.-Col. M a r k W i l i s : " H i s t o r i c a l Sketches o f t h e S o u t h o f I n d i a . " L o n d . , 1 8 1 0 - 1 7 , v . l . , p p . 1 1 8 - 2 0 . A good d e s c r i p t i o n of t h e various forms of t h e I n d i a n c o m m u n i t i e s is to be f o u n d in G e o r g e C a m p b e l l ' s " M o d e r n I n d i a . " Lond., 1852. " U n d e r this s i m p l e form ... t h e i n h a b i t a n t s o f t h e c o u n t r y h a v e lived from t i m e i m m e m o rial. T h e b o u n d a r i e s o f t h e villages have b e e n b u t s e l d o m altered; a n d t h o u g h t h e villages t h e m s e l v e s have b e e n s o m e t i m e s injured, a n d even d e s o l a t e d b y war, f a m i n e , a n d disease, t h e s a m e n a m e , t h e s a m e limits, t h e s a m e interests, a n d even t h e s a m e families, have c o n t i n u e d for ages. T h e i n h a b i t a n t s give t h e m s e l v e s n o t r o u b l e a b o u t t h e b r e a k i n g u p a n d division o f k i n g d o m s ; while t h e village r e m a i n s entire, t h e y care n o t to w h a t p o w e r it is transferred, or to w h a t sovereign it devolves; its i n t e r n a l e c o n o m y r e m a i n s u n c h a n g e d . " (Th. Stamford Raffles, late L i e u t . G o v . of Java: " T h e History of Java." L o n d . , 1817, V o l . I., p. 285.)

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Chapter XIV • Division of labour and manufacture the existing guilds split themselves up into varieties, or ||353| founded new guilds by the side of old ones; all this, however, without concentrating various handicrafts in a single workshop. H e n c e , the guild organization, however m u c h it m a y have contributed by separating, isolating, and perfecting 5 the handicrafts, to create the m a t e r i a l c o n d i t i o n s for the existence of m a n ufacture, excluded division of labour in the workshop. On the whole, the labourer a n d his m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n r e m a i n e d closely u n i t e d , like the snail with its shell, a n d thus there was wanting t h e principal basis of m a n u facture, the separation of the labourer from his m e a n s of production, a n d 10 the conversion of these m e a n s into capital. W h i l e division of l a b o u r in society at large, whether s u c h division be brought a b o u t or n o t by exchange of c o m m o d i t i e s , is c o m m o n to e c o n o m i cal formations of society the m o s t diverse, division of labour in the workshop, as practised by m a n u f a c t u r e , is a special creation of the capitalist 15 m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n alone.

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5. — The Capitalistic Character of Manufacture.

An increased n u m b e r of labourers u n d e r the control of o n e capitalist is the n a t u r a l starting-point, as well of co-operation generally, as of m a n u f a c t u r e in particular. But the division of l a b o u r in m a n u f a c t u r e m a k e s this increase in the n u m b e r of w o r k m e n a technical necessity. T h e m i n i m u m n u m b e r that any given capitalist is b o u n d to employ is h e r e prescribed by the previously established division of labour. On the other h a n d , the advantages of further division are obtainable only by adding to the n u m b e r of workmen, and this can be d o n e only by adding multiples of the various detail groups. But an increase in the variable c o m p o n e n t of the capital employed necessitates an increase in its constant c o m p o n e n t , too, in the workshops, implem e n t s , etc., and, in particular, in the raw material, the call for which grows quicker t h a n the n u m b e r of workmen. T h e quantity of it c o n s u m e d in a given t i m e , by a given a m o u n t of labour, increases in the s a m e ratio as does the productive power of that labour in c o n s e q u e n c e of its division. H e n c e , it is a law, based on the very n a t u r e of m a n u f a c t u r e , ||354| that t h e m i n i m u m a m o u n t of capital, which is b o u n d to be in the h a n d s of e a c h capitalist, m u s t keep increasing; in other words, that the transformation into capital of the social m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d subsistence m u s t keep extending. 69

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"It i s n o t sufficient t h a t t h e c a p i t a l " (the writer s h o u l d h a v e said t h e n e c e s s a r y m e a n s o f s u b s i s t e n c e a n d of p r o d u c t i o n ) " r e q u i r e d for t h e s u b - d i v i s i o n of handicrafts s h o u l d be in r e a d iness i n t h e society: i t m u s t also b e a c c u m u l a t e d i n t h e h a n d s o f t h e employers i n sufficiently

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value In m a n u f a c t u r e , as well as in simple co-operation, t h e collective working o r g a n i s m is a form of existence of capital. T h e m e c h a n i s m t h a t is m a d e up of n u m e r o u s individual detail labourers belongs to the capitalist. H e n c e , t h e productive power resulting from a c o m b i n a t i o n of labours appears to be t h e productive power of capital. M a n u f a c t u r e proper not only subjects the previously i n d e p e n d e n t w o r k m a n to the discipline a n d c o m m a n d of capital, but, in addition, creates a hierarchic gradation of t h e w o r k m e n t h e m selves. W h i l e simple co-operation leaves the m o d e of working by the individual for the m o s t part u n c h a n g e d , m a n u f a c t u r e thoroughly revolutionises it, a n d seizes labour-power by its very roots. It converts the labourer into a crippled monstrosity, by forcing his detail dexterity at the expense of a world of productive capabilities and instincts; j u s t as in the States of La Plata they b u t c h e r a whole beast for the sake of his h i d e or his tallow. N o t only is the detail work distributed to the different individuals, b u t t h e individual himself is m a d e the a u t o m a t i c m o t o r of a fractional o p e r a t i o n , and the absurd fable of M e n e n i u s Agrippa, which m a k e s m a n a m e r e fragment of his own body, b e c o m e s realised. If, at first, the w o r k m a n sells his labour-power to capital, because the material m e a n s of producing a comm o d i t y ||355| fail h i m , now his very labour-power refuses its services unless it has b e e n sold to capital. Its functions can be exercised only in an envir o n m e n t that exists in the workshop of the capitalist after the sale. By nat u r e unfitted to m a k e anything independently, the m a n u f a c t u r i n g labourer developes productive activity as a m e r e appendage of the capitalist's works h o p . As the chosen people bore in their features the sign m a n u a l of J e h o vah, so division of labour brands the m a n u f a c t u r i n g w o r k m a n as the property of capital. 70

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T h e knowledge, the j u d g m e n t , and the will, which, t h o u g h in ever so small a degree, are practised by the i n d e p e n d e n t peasant or handicraftsm a n , in the same way as the savage m a k e s the whole art of war consist in large q u a n t i t i e s to e n a b l e t h e m to c o n d u c t t h e i r o p e r a t i o n s on a large scale. ... T h e m o r e t h e division increases, t h e m o r e does t h e c o n s t a n t e m p l o y m e n t of a given n u m b e r of l a b o u r e r s r e q u i r e a greater outlay of capital in tools, raw m a t e r i a l , etc." (Storch: C o u r s d ' É c o n . Polit. Paris Ed., t . L , p p . 2 5 0 , 251.) « L a c o n c e n t r a t i o n des i n s t r u m e n t s d e p r o d u c t i o n e t l a division d u travail s o n t aussi i n s é p a r a b l e s l ' u n e de l'autre q u e le sont, d a n s le r é g i m e p o l i t i q u e , la c o n c e n t r a t i o n des pouvoirs p u b l i c s et la division des i n t é r ê t s privés.» (Karl M a r x . I.e., p. 134.)

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D u g a l d Stewart calls m a n u f a c t u r i n g l a b o u r e r s "living a u t o m a t o n s ... e m p l o y e d i n t h e d e tails of t h e work." (I.e., p. 318.) I n corals, e a c h i n d i v i d u a l is, i n fact, t h e s t o m a c h o f t h e whole g r o u p ; b u t i t supplies t h e g r o u p w i t h n o u r i s h m e n t , instead of, like t h e R o m a n p a t r i c i a n , w i t h d r a w i n g it. « L ' o u v r i e r q u i p o r t e d a n s ses bras t o u t u n m é t i e r , p e u t aller p a r t o u t exercer son i n d u s t r i e e t t r o u v e r des m o y e n s d e subsister: l'autre (the m a n u f a c t u r i n g l a b o u r e r ) n ' e s t q u ' u n accessoire q u i , séparé de ses confrères, n ' a plus ni c a p a c i t é , ni i n d é p e n d a n c e , et q u i se t r o u v e forcé d ' a c c e p t e r la loi q u ' o n j u g e à propos de lui i m p o s e r . » (Storch, I.e. Petersb. edit., 1815, t . L , p . 204.) 71

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Chapter XIV • Division of labour and manufacture the exercise of his personal c u n n i n g — t h e s e faculties are n o w required only for the workshop as a whole. Intelligence in p r o d u c t i o n expands in one direction, because it vanishes in m a n y others. W h a t is lost by the detail labourers, is concentrated in the capital t h a t employs t h e m . It is a result of 5 the division of labour in m a n u f a c t u r e s , t h a t the labourer is brought face to face with t h e intellectual potencies of t h e m a t e r i a l process of production, as the property of another, a n d as a ruling power. This separation begins in simple co-operation, where the capitalist represents to the single workman, the oneness a n d the will of the associated labour. It is developed in marnilo facture which cuts down the labourer into a detail labourer. It is completed in m o d e r n industry, which m a k e s science a productive force distinct from l a b o u r a n d presses it into the service of c a p i t a l . | 13561 In m a n u f a c t u r e , in order to m a k e t h e collective labourer, a n d t h r o u g h h i m capital, rich in social productive power, each labourer m u s t be 15 m a d e poor in individual productive powers. "Ignorance is the m o t h e r of industry as well as of superstition. Reflection a n d fancy are subject to err; b u t a habit of moving the h a n d or the foot is i n d e p e n d e n t of either. M a n u f a c tures, accordingly, prosper m o s t where t h e m i n d is least consulted, a n d where the workshop m a y ... be considered as an engine, the parts of which 20 are m e n . " As a m a t t e r of fact, s o m e few m a n u f a c t u r e r s in the m i d d l e of the 18th century preferred, for certain operations that were trade secrets, to employ half-idiotic p e r s o n s . "The u n d e r s t a n d i n g s of the greater part of m e n , " says A d a m Smith, "are necessarily formed by their ordinary e m p l o y m e n t s . T h e m a n whose whole 25 life is spent in performing a few simple operations ... has no occasion to exert his u n d e r s t a n d i n g He generally b e c o m e s as stupid a n d ignorant as it is possible for a h u m a n creature to b e c o m e . " After describing the stupidity of the detail labourer he goes o n : "The uniformity of his stationary life naturally corrupts the courage of his m i n d It corrupts even the ac30 tivity of his body and renders h i m incapable of exerting his strength with vigour a n d perseverance in any other e m p l o y m e n t s t h a n that to which he h a s b e e n bred. His dexterity at his own particular trade seems in this m a n n e r to be acquired at the expense of his intellectual, social, a n d martial vir73

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A . F e r g u s o n , I.e., p . 2 8 1 : " T h e former m a y have g a i n e d w h a t t h e o t h e r h a s lost." " T h e m a n o f k n o w l e d g e a n d t h e p r o d u c t i v e l a b o u r e r c o m e t o b e widely divided from e a c h other, a n d knowledge, i n s t e a d o f r e m a i n i n g t h e h a n d m a i d o f l a b o u r i n t h e h a n d o f t h e lab o u r e r to i n c r e a s e his p r o d u c t i v e powers ... h a s a l m o s t everywhere arrayed itself against lab o u r . . . . systematically d e l u d i n g a n d l e a d i n g t h e m (the labourers) astray i n o r d e r t o r e n d e r t h e i r m u s c u l a r powers entirely m e c h a n i c a l a n d o b e d i e n t . " (W. T h o m p s o n : " A n I n q u i r y i n t o t h e Principles o f t h e D i s t r i b u t i o n o f W e a l t h . L o n d o n , 1 8 2 4 , " p . 274.) A . F e r g u s o n , I.e., p . 280. J . D . T u c k e t t : " A H i s t o r y o f t h e Past a n d P r e s e n t State o f t h e L a b o u r i n g P o p u l a t i o n . " L o n d . , 1846. 74

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value tues. B u t in every improved a n d civilised society, this is the state into w h i c h t h e labouring poor, that is, the great body of the people, m u s t necessarily f a l l . " F o r preventing the complete deterioration of the great | |357| m a s s of the people by division of labour, A. S m i t h r e c o m m e n d s educ a t i o n of the people by the State, b u t prudently, a n d in homoeopathic 5 doses. G . G a m i e r , his F r e n c h translator a n d c o m m e n t a t o r , who, u n d e r t h e first F r e n c h Empire, quite naturally developed into a senator, quite as naturally opposes h i m on this point. E d u c a t i o n of t h e masses, he urges, violates the first law of the division of labour, a n d with it "our whole social system would be proscribed." "Like all other divisions of labour," he says, 10 "that between h a n d labour a n d h e a d l a b o u r i s m o r e p r o n o u n c e d a n d decided in proportion as society (he rightly uses this word, for capital, l a n d e d property a n d their State) b e c o m e s richer. This division of labour, like every other, is an effect of past, a n d a cause of future progress . . . . ought t h e gove r n m e n t t h e n to work in opposition to this division of labour, a n d to h i n d e r 15 its n a t u r a l course? O u g h t it to expend a part of the public m o n e y in the att e m p t to confound a n d blend together two classes of labour, which are striving after division and s e p a r a t i o n ? " 77

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S o m e crippling of body a n d m i n d is inseparable even from division of lab o u r in society as a whole. Since, however, m a n u f a c t u r e carries this social separation of b r a n c h e s of labour m u c h further, a n d also, by its peculiar division, attacks the individual at the very roots of his life, it is the first to afford the materials for, a n d to give a start to, industrial p a t h o l o g y .

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A . S m i t h : W e a l t h of N a t i o n s , B k . V . , ch. I., art. II. B e i n g a p u p i l of A . F e r g u s o n w h o showed t h e d i s a d v a n t a g e o u s effects of division of labour, A d a m S m i t h was perfectly clear on this p o i n t . I n t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n to h i s work, where h e ex professo praises division of l a b o u r , h e i n d i cates only in a cursory m a n n e r t h a t it is t h e s o u r c e of social i n e q u a l i t i e s . It is n o t till t h e 5 t h Book, o n t h e R e v e n u e o f t h e State, t h a t h e r e p r o d u c e s F e r g u s o n . I n m y " M i s è r e d e l a P h i l o s o p h i e , " I h a v e sufficiently e x p l a i n e d t h e historical c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n F e r g u s o n , A . S m i t h , L e m o n t e y , a n d Say, as regards their criticisms of D i v i s i o n of L a b o u r , a n d h a v e shown, for t h e first t i m e , t h a t D i v i s i o n of L a b o u r as p r a c t i s e d in m a n u f a c t u r e s , is a specific form of t h e capitalist m o d e o f p r o d u c t i o n .

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F e r g u s o n h a d already said, I.e. p . 2 8 1 : " A n d t h i n k i n g itself, i n t h i s age o f s e p a r a t i o n s , m a y b e c o m e a p e c u l i a r craft." G . G a r n i e r , vol. V . o f his t r a n s l a t i o n o f A . S m i t h , p p . 2 - 5 . R a m a z z i n i , professor o f practical m e d i c i n e a t P a d u a , p u l i s h e d i n 1700 his work " D e m o r b i s a r t i f i c u m , " w h i c h was t r a n s l a t e d i n t o F r e n c h 1777, r e p r i n t e d 1841 in t h e " E n c y c l o p é d i e d e s ' Sciences Médicales. 7 Div. A u t e u r s Classiques." T h e p e r i o d o f M o d e r n M e c h a n i c a l I n d u s try h a s , of c o u r s e , very m u c h enlarged h i s c a t a l o g u e of l a b o u r ' s d i s e a s e s . See " H y g i è n e p h y s i q u e e t m o r a l e d e l'ouvrier d a n s les g r a n d e s villes e n g é n é r a l e t d a n s l a ville d e L y o n e n particulier. P a r l e Dr. A . L . F o n t e r e t , Paris, 1 8 5 8 , " a n d " D i e K r a n k h e i t e n , welche v e r s c h i e d n e n S t ä n d e n , A l t e r n u n d G e s c h l e c h t e r n e i g e n t h ü m l i c h s i n d . 6 V o l s . U l m , 1840," a n d o t h e r s . I n 1854 t h e Society of A r t s a p p o i n t e d a C o m m i s s i o n of I n q u i r y i n t o i n d u s t r i a l pathology. T h e 79

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list of d o c u m e n t s collected by t h i s c o m m i s s i o n is to be s e e n in t h e c a t a l o g u e of t h e " T w i c k e n h a m E c o n o m i c M u s e u m . " Very i m p o r t a n t are t h e official " R e p o r t s o n P u b l i c H e a l t h . " See also E d u a r d R e i c h , M . D . " U e b e r die E n t a r t u n g d e s M e n s c h e n , " E r l a n g e n , 1868.

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Chapter XIV • Division of labour and manufacture "To subdivide a m a n is to execute h i m , if he deserves the ||358| sentence, to assassinate h i m if he does not. ... T h e subdivision of labour is the assassination of a p e o p l e . " Co-operation based on division of labour, in other words, m a n u f a c t u r e , c o m m e n c e s as a s p o n t a n e o u s formation. So soon as it attains some consist e n c e a n d extension, it b e c o m e s the recognised m e t h o d i c a l and systematic form of capitalist production. History shows how the division of l a b o u r peculiar to manufacture, strictly so called, acquires the best adapted form at first by experience, as it were b e h i n d the backs of the actors, and then, like t h e guild handicrafts, strives to h o l d fast t h a t form w h e n o n c e found, a n d here and there succeeds in keeping it for centuries. A n y alteration in this form, except in trivial matters, is solely owing to a revolution in t h e instrum e n t s of labour. M o d e r n m a n u f a c t u r e wherever it arises—I do n o t here all u d e to m o d e r n industry based on m a c h i n e r y — e i t h e r finds t h e disjecta m e m b r a poetas ready to h a n d , a n d only waiting to be collected together, as is t h e case in the m a n u f a c t u r e of clothes in large towns, or it can easily a p ply the principle of division, simply by exclusively assigning the various o p erations of a handicraft (such as bookbinding) to particular m e n . In s u c h cases, a week's experience is e n o u g h to d e t e r m i n e the proportion between the n u m b e r s of the h a n d s necessary for t h e various f u n c t i o n s . By d e c o m p o s i t i o n of handicrafts, by specialisation of the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, by the formation of detail labourers, a n d by grouping a n d c o m b i n ing the latter into a single m e c h a n i s m , division of l a b o u r in m a n u f a c t u r e creates a qualitative gradation, a n d a quantitative proportion in t h e social process of production; it consequently creates a definite organisation of t h e labour of society, and thereby developes at the s a m e t i m e ||359| new productive forces in the society. In its specific capitalist f o r m — a n d u n d e r t h e given conditions, it could take no other form t h a n a capitalistic o n e — m a n ufacture is b u t a particular m e t h o d of begetting relative surplus-value, or of a u g m e n t i n g at the expense of the labourer the self-expansion of capital— usually called social wealth, " W e a l t h of N a t i o n s , " etc. It increases the social productive power of labour, n o t only for the benefit of the capitalist instead of for that of the labourer, b u t it does this by crippling the individual labourers. It creates new conditions for t h e lordship of capital over labour. 81

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( D . U r q u h a r t : F a m i l i a r W o r d s . L o n d . , 1 8 5 5 , p . 119.) H e g e l h e l d very h e r e t i c a l views o n division o f labour. I n his R e c h t s p h i l o s o p h i e h e says: "By well e d u c a t e d m e n w e u n d e r s t a n d i n t h e first i n s t a n c e , t h o s e w h o c a n d o everything t h a t o t h e r s d o . " T h e s i m p l e belief i n t h e i n v e n t i v e g e n i u s e x e r c i s e d a p r i o r i b y t h e i n d i v i d u a l capitalist i n division of labour, exists n o w - a days only a m o n g G e r m a n professors, of t h e s t a m p of H e r r R o s c h e r , w h o , to r e c o m p e n s e t h e capitalist from whose J o v i a n h e a d division of l a b o u r s p r a n g r e a d y formed, d e d i c a t e s t o h i m "various wages" (diverse A r b e i t s l ö h n e ) . T h e m o r e o r less ext e n s i v e a p p l i c a t i o n of division of l a b o u r d e p e n d s on l e n g t h of p u r s e , n o t on greatness of genius. 82

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value If, therefore, on t h e one h a n d , it presents itself historically as a progress a n d as a necessary phase in t h e e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t of society, on t h e other h a n d it is a refined and civilised m e t h o d of exploitation. Political economy, which as an i n d e p e n d e n t science, first sprang into b e ing during t h e period of m a n u f a c t u r e , views t h e social division of l a b o u r 5 only from t h e s t a n d p o i n t of m a n u f a c t u r e , a n d sees in it only t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c i n g m o r e c o m m o d i t i e s with a given q u a n t i t y of labour, and, consequently, of c h e a p e n i n g c o m m o d i t i e s and hurrying on t h e a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital. In m o s t striking contrast with this a c c e n t u a t i o n of q u a n t i t y a n d exchange-value, is t h e attitude of t h e writers of classical antiquity, who hold 10 exclusively by quality a n d u s e - v a l u e . In c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e separation of t h e social b r a n c h e s of production, c o m m o d i t i e s are better m a d e , t h e various b e n t s a n d talents of m e n select a suitable ||360| field, a n d w i t h o u t s o m e restraint n o i m p o r t a n t results can b e o b t a i n e d a n y w h e r e . H e n c e b o t h p r o d u c t a n d producer are improved by division of labour. If t h e 15 growth of the quantity produced is occasionally m e n t i o n e d , this is only d o n e with reference to t h e greater a b u n d a n c e of use-values. T h e r e is n o t a word alluding to exchange-value or to the c h e a p e n i n g of c o m m o d i t i e s . This aspect, from t h e standpoint of use-value alone, is t a k e n as well by P l a t o , who treats division of labour as t h e f o u n d a t i o n on which the divi- 20 83

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T h e o l d e r writers, like Petty a n d t h e a n o n y m o u s a u t h o r o f " A d v a n t a g e s o f t h e E a s t I n d i a T r a d e , " b r i n g o u t t h e capitalist c h a r a c t e r o f division o f l a b o u r a s a p p l i e d i n m a n u f a c t u r e m o r e t h a n A. Smith does. A m o n g s t t h e m o d e r n s m a y b e e x c e p t e d a few writers o f t h e 18th c e n t u r y , like B e c c a r i a a n d J a m e s H a r r i s , w h o with regard t o division o f l a b o u r a l m o s t entirely follow t h e a n c i e n t s . T h u s , B e c c a r i a : « C i a s c u n o prova coll'esperienza, c h e a p p l i c a n d o l a m a n o e l ' i n g e g n o s e m p r e allo stesso g e n e r e di o p e r e e di p r o d u t t i , egli p i ù facili, p i ù a b b o n d a n t i e m i g l i o r i ne trovai risult a t i , di q u e l l o c h e se c i a s c u n o i s o l a t a m e n t e le cose t u t t e a se n e c e s s a r i e s o l t a n t o facesse. ... D i v i d e n d o s i in tal m a n i e r a per la c o m u n e e privata u t i l i t à gli u o m i n i in varie classi e c o n d i z i o n i . » (Cesare Beccaria: " E l e m e n t i d i E c o n . P u b b l i c a , " ed. C u s t o d i , P a r t e M o d e r n a , t . XI., p . 2 8 . ) J a m e s H a r r i s , afterwards E a r l of M a l m e s b u r y , c e l e b r a t e d for t h e " D i a r i e s " of h i s e m bassy at St. P e t e r s b u r g , says in a n o t e to h i s " D i a l o g u e C o n c e r n i n g H a p p i n e s s , " L o n d . , 1 7 4 1 , r e p r i n t e d afterwards in " T h r e e Treatises, etc., 3 Ed., L o n d . , 1 7 7 2 : " " T h e whole a r g u m e n t to p r o v e society n a t u r a l [i.e., b y division of e m p l o y m e n t s ) . . . is t a k e n from t h e s e c o n d b o o k of Plato's'Republic." 84

T h u s , i n t h e Odyssey XI V. , 2 2 8 , " Α λ λ ο ς γ α ρ τ ' α λ λ ο ι σ ι ν ά ν ή ρ έ π ι τ έ ρ π ε τ α ι ε ρ γ ο ι ς , " a n d Archilochus in Sextus Empiricus, " ά λ λ ο ς α λ λ ω έπ' έ ρ γ ω καρδίην ίαίνεται." 86 ,,Πολλ' ή π ί σ τ α τ ο έ ρ γ α , κ α κ ώ ς δ ' ή π ί σ τ α τ ο π ά ν τ α . " Every A t h e n i a n c o n s i d e r e d h i m s e l f s u p e r i o r as a p r o d u c e r of c o m m o d i t i e s to a S p a r t a n ; for t h e l a t t e r in t i m e of war h a d m e n e n o u g h a t his disposal b u t c o u l d n o t c o m m a n d m o n e y , a s T h u c y d i d e s m a k e s Pericles say i n t h e s p e e c h i n c i t i n g t h e A t h e n i a n s t o t h e P e l o p o n n e s i a n war: ,,σώμασί τ ε ε τ ο ι μ ό τ ε ρ ο ι o i αυ­ τ ο υ ρ γ ο ί τ ω ν α ν θ ρ ώ π ω ν ή χ ρ ή μ α σ ι π ό λ ε μ ε ΐ ν . " ( T h u c : 1.1. c. 141.) N e v e r t h e l e s s , e v e n w i t h re­ g a r d t o m a t e r i a l p r o d u c t i o n , α υ τ ά ρ κ ε ι α , a s o p p o s e d t o d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r r e m a i n e d t h e i r ideal, " π α ρ ' ών γαρ το εδ, π α ρ ά , τ ο ύ τ ω ν Kai τό α ΰ τ α ρ κ ε ς . " It s h o u l d be m e n t i o n e d h e r e t h a t at

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t h e d a t e of t h e fall of t h e 30 T y r a n t s t h e r e were still n o t 5000 A t h e n i a n s w i t h o u t l a n d e d property. 87 W i t h P l a t o , division of l a b o u r w i t h i n t h e c o m m u n i t y is a d e v e l o p m e n t from t h e multifar-

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Chapter XIV • Division of labour and manufacture sion of society i n t o classes is based, as by X e n o p h o n ,

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who with character­

istic bourgeois | | 3 6 1 | instinct, a p p r o a c h e s m o r e nearly to division of l a b o u r w i t h i n t h e workshop. Plato's R e p u b l i c , in so far as division of l a b o u r is treated in it, as t h e formative principle of t h e State, is merely t h e A t h e n i a n 5

idealisation of t h e Egyptian system of castes, Egypt having served as t h e m o d e l of an i n d u s t r i a l country to m a n y of his c o n t e m p o r a r i e s also, a m o n g s t others to Isocrates,

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a n d it c o n t i n u e d to have this i m p o r t a n c e to

the Greeks of the R o m a n Empire.

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i o u s r e q u i r e m e n t s , a n d t h e l i m i t e d c a p a c i t i e s o f i n d i v i d u a l s . T h e m a i n p o i n t w i t h h i m is, t h a t t h e l a b o u r e r m u s t a d a p t h i m s e l f t o t h e work, n o t t h e work t o t h e l a b o u r e r ; w h i c h l a t t e r i s u n ­ a v o i d a b l e , i f h e carries o n several t r a d e s a t o n c e , t h u s m a k i n g o n e o r t h e o t h e r o f t h e m subor­ d i n a t e . ,,Ού γ α ρ έ θ έ λ ε ι τ ο π ρ α τ τ ό μ ε ν ο ν τ η ν τ ο υ π ρ ά τ τ ο ν τ ο ς σ χ ο λ ή ν π ε ρ ι μ έ ν ε ι ν , ά λ λ ' α ν ά γ κ η τ ο ν π ρ ά τ τ ο ν τ α τ ω π ρ α τ τ ο μ έ ν ω έ π α κ ο λ ο υ θ ε ΐ ν μ η έ ν π ά ρ ε ρ γ ο υ μέρει. Α ν ά γ κ η . - Έ κ δ ή τ ο ύ τ ω ν π λ ε ί ω τ ε έ κ α σ τ α γ ί γ ν ε τ α ι κ α ι κ ά λ λ ι ο ν κ α ί ρόων, ό τ α ν εΐς ε ν

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κ α τ ά φύσιν κ α ί έ ν κ α ι ρ ώ σ χ ο λ ή ν τ ω ν ά λ λ ω ν α γ ω ν π ρ ά τ τ η " ( R e p . I I 2 . E d . Baiter, Creili, e t c ) . S o i n T h u c y d i d e s I.e., c . 4 2 : " S e a f a r i n g i s a n art like a n y o t h e r , a n d c a n n o t , a s c i r c u m ­ s t a n c e s r e q u i r e , b e carried o n a s a s u b s i d i a r y o c c u p a t i o n ; n a y , o t h e r subsidiary o c c u p a t i o n s c a n n o t b e carried o n a l o n g s i d e o f t h i s o n e . " I f t h e work, says P l a t o , h a s t o wait for t h e la­ b o u r e r , t h e critical p o i n t i n t h e p r o c e s s i s m i s s e d a n d t h e article spoiled, " έ ρ γ ο υ κ α ι ρ ό ν διόλ-

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λ υ τ α ι . " The same Platonic idea is found recurring in the protest of the English bleachers against t h e c l a u s e i n t h e F a c t o r y A c t t h a t p r o v i d e s fixed m e a l t i m e s for all o p e r a t i v e s . T h e i r b u s i n e s s c a n n o t wait t h e c o n v e n i e n c e o f t h e w o r k m e n , for " i n t h e various o p e r a t i o n s o f sin­ geing, w a s h i n g , b l e a c h i n g , m a n g l i n g , c a l e n d e r i n g , a n d d y e i n g , n o n e o f t h e m c a n b e s t o p p e d a t a given m o m e n t w i t h o u t risk o f d a m a g e . . . . t o e n f o r c e t h e s a m e d i n n e r h o u r for all t h e work-

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p e o p l e m i g h t o c c a s i o n a l l y subject v a l u a b l e g o o d s t o t h e risk o f d a n g e r b y i n c o m p l e t e o p e r a ­ t i o n s . " L e p l a t o n i s m e o ù va-t-il s e n i c h e r ! X e n o p h o n says, i t i s n o t only a n h o n o u r t o r e c e i v e food from t h e table o f t h e K i n g o f Persia, b u t s u c h food i s m u c h m o r e tasty t h a n o t h e r food. " A n d t h e r e i s n o t h i n g w o n d e r f u l i n this, for as t h e o t h e r arts are b r o u g h t to special perfection in t h e great towns, so t h e royal food is p r e p a r e d in a special way. F o r in t h e s m a l l t o w n s the s a m e m a n m a k e s b e d s t e a d s , d o o r s , p l o u g h s , a n d t a b l e s : often, t o o , h e b u i l d s h o u s e s i n t o t h e b a r g a i n , a n d i s q u i t e c o n t e n t i f h e finds c u s t o m sufficient for h i s s u s t e n a n c e . It is a l t o g e t h e r i m p o s s i b l e for a m a n w h o d o e s so m a n y t h i n g s t o d o t h e m all well. B u t i n t h e g r e a t t o w n s , w h e r e e a c h c a n find m a n y b u y e r s , o n e t r a d e i s sufficient t o m a i n t a i n t h e m a n w h o carries i t o n . N a y , t h e r e i s often n o t e v e n n e e d o f 88

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o n e c o m p l e t e t r a d e , b u t o n e m a n m a k e s s h o e s for m e n , a n o t h e r for w o m e n . H e r e a n d t h e r e o n e m a n gets a living b y sewing, a n o t h e r b y c u t t i n g o u t s h o e s ; o n e d o e s n o t h i n g b u t c u t o u t c l o t h e s , a n o t h e r n o t h i n g b u t sew t h e pieces t o g e t h e r . I t follows necessarily t h e n , t h a t h e w h o d o e s t h e s i m p l e s t k i n d of work, u n d o u b t e d l y d o e s it b e t t e r t h a n a n y o n e else. So it is with t h e art o f c o o k i n g . " (Xen. C y r o p . l . V I I L , c.2.) X e n o p h o n h e r e lays stress exclusively u p o n t h e ex-

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c e l l e n c e t o b e a t t a i n e d i n u s e - v a l u e , a l t h o u g h h e well k n o w s t h a t t h e g r a d a t i o n s o f t h e division of labour depend on the extent of the market. H e (Busiris) d i v i d e d t h e m all i n t o special castes c o m m a n d e d that the same individuals s h o u l d always carry o n t h e s a m e t r a d e , for h e k n e w t h a t t h e y w h o c h a n g e t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n s b e c o m e skilled i n n o n e ; b u t t h a t t h o s e w h o c o n s t a n t l y stick t o o n e o c c u p a t i o n b r i n g i t t o t h e h i g h e s t perfection. I n t r u t h , w e shall also f i n d t h a t i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e arts a n d h a n d i c r a f t s , t h e y h a v e o u t s t r i p p e d t h e i r rivals m o r e t h a n a m a s t e r d o e s a b u n g l e r ; a n d t h e c o n t r i v a n c e s for m a i n t a i n i n g t h e m o n a r c h y a n d t h e o t h e r i n s t i t u t i o n s o f t h e i r State are s o a d m i r a b l e t h a t t h e m o s t c e l e b r a t e d p h i l o s o p h e r s w h o t r e a t o f this subject p r a i s e the c o n s t i t u t i o n o f t h e E g y p t i a n S t a t e above all o t h e r s . (Isocrates, Busiris, c. 7, 8.) * 89

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Cf. D i o d o r u s S i c u l u s .

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value D u r i n g the manufacturing period proper, i.e., the period during which m a n u f a c t u r e is the p r e d o m i n a n t form t a k e n by capitalist production, m a n y obstacles are opposed to the full development of t h e peculiar t e n d e n c i e s of m a n u f a c t u r e . A l t h o u g h m a n u f a c t u r e creates, as we have already seen, a simple separation of the labourers into skilled a n d unskilled, simulta5 neously with their hierarchic arrangement in classes, yet the n u m b e r of the unskilled labourers, owing to the preponderating influence of the skilled, r e m a i n s very limited. A l t h o u g h it adapts the detail operations to t h e various degrees of maturity, strength, and d e v e l o p m e n t of the living instrum e n t s of labour, thus conducing to exploitation of w o m e n a n d children, 10 yet this t e n d e n c y as a whole is wrecked on the habits a n d the resistance of t h e m a l e labourers. A l t h o u g h the ||362| splitting up of handicrafts lowers the cost of forming the workman, a n d thereby lowers his value, yet for the m o r e difficult detail work, a longer apprenticeship is necessary, and, even where it would be superfluous, is jealously insisted u p o n by the workmen. 15 In England, for instance, we find t h e laws of apprenticeship, with their seven years' probation, in full force down to the e n d of the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period; a n d they are not thrown on o n e side till the advent of M o d e r n I n d u s try. Since handicraft skill is the f o u n d a t i o n of m a n u f a c t u r e , a n d since the m e c h a n i s m of m a n u f a c t u r e as a whole possesses no framework, apart from 20 the labourers themselves, capital is constantly compelled to wrestle with the i n s u b o r d i n a t i o n of the workmen. "By the infirmity of h u m a n n a t u r e , " says friend Ure, "it h a p p e n s that t h e m o r e skilful the workman, the m o r e self-willed a n d intractable he is apt to b e c o m e , a n d of course the less fit a c o m p o n e n t of a m e c h a n i c a l system in which ... he m a y do great d a m a g e to 25 t h e w h o l e . " H e n c e throughout the whole m a n u f a c t u r i n g period there r u n s t h e complaint of want of discipline a m o n g the w o r k m e n . A n d h a d we not the testimony of contemporary writers, the simple facts, that during the period between the 16th century a n d the epoch of M o d e r n Industry, capital failed to b e c o m e the master of the whole disposable working-time of the 30 m a n u f a c t u r i n g labourers, that m a n u f a c t u r e s are short-lived, a n d change their locality from one country to a n o t h e r with the emigrating or immigrating workmen, these facts would speak volumes. "Order m u s t in o n e way or a n o t h e r be established," exclaims in 1770 the oftcited a u t h o r of the "Essay on Trade a n d C o m m e r c e . " "Order," re-echoes Dr. Andrew Ure 66 years la- 35 ter, "Order" was wanting in m a n u f a c t u r e based on "the scholastic d o g m a of division of labour," a n d "Arkwright created order." 91

92

At the s a m e t i m e m a n u f a c t u r e was u n a b l e , either to seize u p o n t h e prod u c t i o n of society to its full extent, or to revolutionise that p r o d u c t i o n to 9 1

Ure,

92

T h i s i s m o r e t h e case i n E n g l a n d t h a n i n F r a n c e , a n d m o r e i n F r a n c e t h a n i n H o l l a n d .

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Chapter XIV • Division of labour and manufacture its very core. It towered up as an e c o n o m i c a l work of art, on the broad f o u n d a t i o n of the town ||363| handicrafts, a n d of the rural domestic industries. At a given stage in its development, the narrow technical basis on which m a n u f a c t u r e rested, c a m e into conflict with r e q u i r e m e n t s of p r o d u c 5 tion t h a t were created by m a n u f a c t u r e itself. O n e of its most finished creations was the workshop for the p r o d u c t i o n of the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour themselves, i n c l u d i n g especially the complicated m e c h a n i c a l apparatus t h e n already employed. "A machine-factory," says Ure, "displayed the division of labour in manifold g r a d a t i o n s — t h e 10 file, the drill, the lathe, having each its different w o r k m a n in the order of skill." (p. 21.) This workshop, t h e product of the division of labour in m a n u facture, produced in its t u r n — m a c h i n e s . It is they that sweep away the handicraftsman's work as t h e regulating principle of social p r o d u c t i o n . T h u s , on the one h a n d , the technical reason for the life-long a n n e x a t i o n of 15 the w o r k m a n to a detail function is removed. On the other h a n d , t h e fetters t h a t this s a m e principle laid on the d o m i n i o n of capital, fall away. |

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Titelblatt des zweiten Halbbandes der englischen Ausgabe

Chapter XV · Machinery and modern industry

365) Capitalist Production. P A R T I V . — (Continued.) Production

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Surplus-Value.

C H A P T E R XV.

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Machinery and Modern Industry. Section

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J o h n Stuart Mill says in his Principles of Political E c o n o m y : "It is questionable if all the m e c h a n i c a l inventions yet m a d e have lightened the day's toil of any h u m a n b e i n g . " T h a t is, however, by no m e a n s the a i m of the 10 capitalistic application of m a c h i n e r y . Like every other increase in the productiveness of labour, m a c h i n e r y is i n t e n d e d to c h e a p e n c o m m o d i t i e s , and, by shortening that portion of t h e working-day, in which the labourer works for himself, to ||366| lengthen the other portion that he gives, without an equivalent, to the capitalist. In short, it is a m e a n s for producing sur15 plus-value. In m a n u f a c t u r e , the revolution in the m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n begins with the labour-power, in m o d e r n industry it begins with the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour. O u r first inquiry t h e n is, how t h e i n s t r u m e n t s of labour are converted from tools into m a c h i n e s , or what is t h e difference between a m a c h i n e a n d 20 the implements, of a handicraft? We are only concerned h e r e with striking 1

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Mill s h o u l d have said, "of a n y h u m a n b e i n g n o t fed by o t h e r p e o p l e ' s l a b o u r " for, w i t h o u t d o u b t , m a c h i n e r y h a s greatly i n c r e a s e d t h e n u m b e r o f well-to-do idlers.

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Part IV • Production-of relative surplus-value a n d general characteristics; for epochs in the history of society are no m o r e separated from each other by hard a n d fast lines of d e m a r c a t i o n , t h a n are geological epochs. M a t h e m a t i c i a n s and m e c h a n i c i a n s , and in this they are followed by a few English economists, call a tool a simple m a c h i n e , a n d a m a c h i n e a complex tool. They see no essential difference between t h e m , a n d even give the n a m e of m a c h i n e to the simple m e c h a n i c a l powers, the lever, the inclined plane, the screw, the wedge, etc. As a m a t t e r of fact, every m a c h i n e is a c o m b i n a t i o n of those simple powers, no m a t t e r how they m a y be disguised. F r o m the e c o n o m i c a l standpoint this e x p l a n a t i o n is worth n o t h ing, because the historical element is wanting. A n o t h e r e x p l a n a t i o n of the difference between tool a n d m a c h i n e is t h a t in the case of a tool, m a n is the motive power, while the motive power of a m a c h i n e is s o m e t h i n g different from m a n , is, for instance, an animal, water, wind, a n d so o n . According to this, a plough drawn by oxen, which is a contrivance c o m m o n to the m o s t different epochs, would be a m a c h i n e , while Claussen's circular loom, which, worked by a single labourer, weaves 96,000 picks per m i n u t e , would be a m e r e tool. Nay, this very loom, t h o u g h a tool w h e n worked by h a n d , would, if worked by steam, be a m a c h i n e . A n d since the application of anim a l power is o n e of m a n ' s earliest inven||367|tions, p r o d u c t i o n by m a c h i n ery would have preceded production by handicrafts. W h e n in 1733, J o h n W y a t t brought o u t his spinning m a c h i n e , a n d began t h e industrial revo l u t i o n of the 18th century, n o t a word did he say a b o u t an ass driving it instead of a m a n , a n d yet this part fell to the ass. He described it as a m a c h i n e "to spin without fingers."

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See, for i n s t a n c e , H u t t o n : " C o u r s e of M a t h e m a t i c s . " " F r o m t h i s p o i n t of view we m a y draw a sharp l i n e of d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n a tool a n d a m a c h i n e : s p a d e s , h a m m e r s , chisels, etc., c o m b i n a t i o n s of levers a n d of screws, in all of which, no m a t t e r h o w c o m p l i c a t e d they m a y be in o t h e r respects, m a n is t h e m o t i v e power, all this falls u n d e r t h e i d e a of a tool; b u t t h e plough, w h i c h is d r a w n by a n i m a l power, a n d w i n d m i l l s , etc., m u s t b e classed a m o n g m a c h i n e s . " ( W i l h e l m S c h u l z : " D i e B e w e g u n g d e r P r o d u k t i o n . Z ü r i c h , 1 8 4 3 , " p. 38.) In m a n y respects a b o o k to be r e c o m m e n d e d . Before h i s t i m e , s p i n n i n g m a c h i n e s , a l t h o u g h very imperfect o n e s , h a d already b e e n u s e d , a n d Italy was probably t h e c o u n t r y of their first a p p e a r a n c e . A critical history of t e c h n o l o g y w o u l d show h o w little a n y of t h e i n v e n t i o n s of t h e 18th c e n t u r y are t h e work of a single i n d i v i d u a l . H i t h e r t o t h e r e i s n o s u c h book. D a r w i n h a s i n t e r e s t e d u s i n t h e history o f N a t u r e ' s T e c h n o l o g y , i.e., in t h e f o r m a t i o n of t h e organs of p l a n t s a n d a n i m a l s , w h i c h organs serve as i n s t r u m e n t s of p r o d u c t i o n for s u s t a i n i n g life. D o e s n o t t h e h i s t o r y of t h e p r o d u c t i v e o r g a n s of m a n , of organs t h a t are t h e m a t e r i a l basis of all social o r g a n i s a t i o n , deserve e q u a l a t t e n t i o n ? A n d w o u l d n o t s u c h a history be easier to c o m p i l e , since, as V i c o says, h u m a n history differs from n a t u r a l history i n this, t h a t w e have m a d e t h e former, b u t n o t t h e latter? T e c h n o l o g y discloses m a n ' s m o d e o f d e a l i n g with N a t u r e , t h e process o f p r o d u c t i o n b y w h i c h h e s u s t a i n s his life, a n d t h e r e b y also lays b a r e t h e m o d e of f o r m a t i o n of his social r e l a t i o n s , a n d of t h e m e n t a l c o n c e p t i o n s t h a t flow from t h e m . Every history of religion even, t h a t fails to t a k e a c c o u n t of t h i s m a t e r i a l basis, is uncritical. It is, in reality, m u c h easier to discover by analysis t h e 3

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry

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All fully developed m a c h i n e r y consists of three essentially different parts, the m o t o r m e c h a n i s m , the transmitting m e c h a n i s m , a n d finally the tool or working m a c h i n e . T h e m o t o r m e c h a n i s m is t h a t which puts the whole in m o t i o n . It either generates its own m o t i v e power, like t h e s t e a m engine, the caloric engine, the electro-magnetic m a c h i n e , etc., or it receives its impulse from some already existing n a t u r a l force, like t h e waterwheel from a h e a d of water, the wind-mill from wind, etc. T h e transmitting m e c h a n i s m , composed of fly-wheels, shafting, toothed wheels, pullies, straps, ropes, b a n d s , pinions, a n d gearing of the most varied kinds, regulates the m o t i o n , changes its form where necessary, as for instance, from linear to circular, a n d divides a n d distributes it a m o n g the working m a chines. These two first parts of the whole m e c h a n i s m are there, solely for putting the working m a c h i n e s in m o t i o n , by m e a n s of which m o t i o n the subject of labour is seized u p o n ||368| a n d modified as desired. T h e tool or working-machine is that part of the m a c h i n e r y with which the industrial revolution of t h e 18th century started. A n d to this day it constantly serves as s u c h a starting point, whenever a handicraft, or a m a n u f a c t u r e , is t u r n e d into an industry carried on by m a c h i n e r y . On a closer e x a m i n a t i o n of the w o r k i n g - m a c h i n e proper, we find in it, as a general rule, t h o u g h often, no doubt, u n d e r very altered forms, t h e apparatus a n d tools used by the h a n d i c r a f t s m a n or m a n u f a c t u r i n g w o r k m a n ; with this difference, that instead of being h u m a n i m p l e m e n t s , they are the i m p l e m e n t s of a m e c h a n i s m , or m e c h a n i c a l i m p l e m e n t s . Either t h e entire m a c h i n e is only a m o r e or less altered m e c h a n i c a l edition of the old h a n d i craft tool, as, for instance, the power-loom; or t h e working parts fitted in the frame of the m a c h i n e are old a c q u a i n t a n c e s , as spindles are in a m u l e , needles in a stocking-loom, saws in a sawing m a c h i n e , a n d knives in a chopping m a c h i n e . T h e distinction between these tools a n d t h e body proper of t h e m a c h i n e , exists from their very birth; for they c o n t i n u e for t h e m o s t part to be p r o d u c e d by handicraft, or by m a n u f a c t u r e , a n d are afterwards fitted into the body of the m a c h i n e , which is the p r o d u c t of m a chinery. T h e m a c h i n e proper is therefore a m e c h a n i s m that, after being set 5

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earthly core of t h e misty c r e a t i o n s of religion, t h a n , conversely, it is, to d e v e l o p from t h e a c t u a l r e l a t i o n s of life t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g celestialised forms of t h o s e r e l a t i o n s . T h e latter m e t h o d i s t h e only m a t e r i a l i s t i c , a n d therefore t h e o n l y scientific o n e . T h e weak p o i n t s i n t h e abstract m a t e r i a l i s m of n a t u r a l science, a m a t e r i a l i s m t h a t e x c l u d e s history a n d its process, are at o n c e e v i d e n t from t h e abstract a n d ideological c o n c e p t i o n s of its s p o k e s m e n , w h e n e v e r t h e y v e n t u r e b e y o n d t h e b o u n d s o f t h e i r o w n speciality. 5

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Especially in t h e original form of t h e p o w e r - l o o m , we recognise, at t h e first glance, t h e a n c i e n t l o o m . I n its m o d e r n form, t h e p o w e r - l o o m h a s u n d e r g o n e essential a l t e r a t i o n s . It is only d u r i n g t h e last 15 years (i.e., s i n c e a b o u t 1850), t h a t a c o n s t a n t l y i n c r e a s i n g port i o n o f t h e s e m a c h i n e tools h a v e b e e n m a d e i n E n g l a n d b y m a c h i n e r y , a n d t h a t n o t b y t h e s a m e m a n u f a c t u r e r s w h o m a k e t h e m a c h i n e s . I n s t a n c e s o f m a c h i n e s for t h e fabrication o f 6

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value in m o t i o n , performs with its tools the same operations t h a t were formerly d o n e by the w o r k m a n with similar tools. W h e t h e r the motive power is derived from m a n , or from some other m a c h i n e , m a k e s no difference in this respect. F r o m the m o m e n t that the tool proper is t a k e n from m a n , and fitted into a m e c h a n i s m , a m a c h i n e takes the place of a m e r e i m p l e m e n t . T h e 5 difference strikes one at once, even in those cases where m a n himself continues to be the prime mover. The n u m b e r of i m p l e m e n t s that he himself c a n use simultaneously, is limited by the ||369| n u m b e r of his own natural i n s t r u m e n t s of production, by the n u m b e r of his bodily organs. In Germ a n y , they tried at first to m a k e one spinner work two spinning wheels, 10 t h a t is, to work simultaneously with b o t h h a n d s and b o t h feet. This was too difficult. Later, a treddle spinning wheel with two spindles was invented, b u t adepts in spinning, who could spin two threads at o n c e , were almost as scarce as two-headed men. The Jenny, on the other h a n d , even at its very birth, s p u n with 12-18 spindles, and the stocking-loom knits with m a n y 15 t h o u s a n d needles at once. T h e n u m b e r of tools that a m a c h i n e can bring into play simultaneously, is from the very first e m a n c i p a t e d from the organic limits that hedge in the tools of a handicraftsman. I n m a n y m a n u a l i m p l e m e n t s the distinction between m a n a s m e r e m o tive power, and m a n as the workman or operator properly so-called, is 20 brought into striking contrast. For instance, the foot is merely the prime mover of the spinning wheel, while the h a n d , working with the spindle, and drawing a n d twisting, performs the real operation of spinning. It is this last part of the handicraftsman's i m p l e m e n t that is first seized u p o n by the industrial revolution, leaving to the workman, in addition to his new labour 25 of watching the m a c h i n e with his eyes a n d correcting its mistakes with his h a n d s , the merely m e c h a n i c a l part of being the moving power. On the other h a n d , i m p l e m e n t s , in regard to which m a n has always acted as a simple motive power, as, for instance, by turning the crank of a mill, by p u m p ing, by moving up and down the arm of a bellows, by p o u n d i n g with a mor- 30 tar, etc., such i m p l e m e n t s soon call for the application of animals, water, 7

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t h e s e m e c h a n i c a l tools are, the a u t o m a t i c b o b b i n - m a k i n g e n g i n e , t h e card-setting engine, s h u t t l e - m a k i n g m a c h i n e s , a n d m a c h i n e s for forging m u l e a n d throstle spindles. M o s e s says: " T h o u shalt n o t m u z z l e t h e ox t h a t t r e a d s t h e c o r n . " T h e Christian p h i l a n t h r o pists of G e r m a n y , on t h e contrary, fastened a w o o d e n board r o u n d t h e necks of t h e serfs, w h o m they u s e d as a m o t i v e power for grinding, in o r d e r to p r e v e n t t h e m from p u t t i n g flour i n t o their m o u t h s with their h a n d s . 1( was partly t h e want of s t r e a m s with a good fall on t h e m , a n d partly their battles with sup e r a b u n d a n c e of water in o t h e r respects, t h a t c o m p e l l e d t h e D u t c h to resort to wind as a m o tive power. T h e w i n d m i l l itself they got from G e r m a n y , w h e r e its i n v e n t i o n was t h e origin of a pretty s q u a b b l e b e t w e e n t h e n o b l e s , t h e priests, a n d t h e e m p e r o r , as to w h i c h of t h o s e t h r e e t h e wind " b e l o n g e d . " T h e air m a k e s b o n d a g e , was t h e cry i n G e r m a n y , a t the s a m e t i m e t h a t t h e wind was m a k i n g H o l l a n d free. W h a t it r e d u c e d to b o n d a g e in t h i s case, was n o t t h e D u t c h m a n , b u t t h e l a n d for t h e D u t c h m a n . In 1836, 12,000 w i n d m i l l s of 60,000 horse-power 7

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a n d wind as ||370| motive powers. H e r e a n d there, long before the period of m a n u f a c t u r e , and also, to s o m e extent, during that period, these implem e n t s pass over into m a c h i n e s , b u t without creating any revolution in the m o d e of production. It b e c o m e s evident, in the period of M o d e r n Industry, t h a t these i m p l e m e n t s , even u n d e r their form of m a n u a l tools, are already m a c h i n e s . F o r instance, the p u m p s with which the D u t c h , in 1 8 3 6 - 7 , e m p tied the Lake of H a r l e m , were constructed on the principle of ordinary p u m p s ; the only difference being, that their pistons were driven by Cyclop e a n steam-engines, instead of by m e n . T h e c o m m o n and very imperfect bellows of the b l a c k s m i t h is, in England, occasionally converted into a blowing-engine, by connecting its a r m with a s t e a m - e n g i n e . T h e steam-engine itself, such as it was at its invention, during the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period at the close of the 17th century, and s u c h as it c o n t i n u e d to be down to 1780, did n o t give rise to any industrial revolution. It was, on the contrary, the invention of m a c h i n e s that m a d e a revolution in the form of steam-engines necessary. As soon as m a n , instead of working with an i m p l e m e n t on t h e subject of his labour, b e c o m e s merely the motive power of an implem e n t - m a c h i n e , it is a m e r e accident t h a t m o t i v e power takes the disguise of h u m a n muscle; and it m a y equally well take the form of wind, water or steam. Of course, this does not prevent s u c h a change of form from producing great technical alterations in the m e c h a n i s m that was originally constructed to be driven by m a n alone. Nowadays, all m a c h i n e s that have their way to make, such as sewing m a c h i n e s , b r e a d - m a k i n g m a c h i n e s , etc., are, unless from their very n a t u r e their use on a small scale is excluded, constructed to be driven b o t h by h u m a n a n d by purely m e c h a n i c a l motive power. T h e m a c h i n e , which is the starting p o i n t of t h e industrial revolution, supersedes the workman, who h a n d l e s a single tool, by a m e c h a n i s m operating with a n u m b e r of similar tools, and ||371| set in m o t i o n by a single m o tive power, whatever the form of that power m a y b e . Here we have the m a c h i n e , b u t only as an elementary factor of p r o d u c t i o n by m a c h i n e r y . Increase in the size of the m a c h i n e , a n d in the n u m b e r of its working tools, calls for a m o r e massive m e c h a n i s m to drive it; and this m e c h a n i s m requires, in order to overcome its resistance, a mightier moving power t h a n that of m a n , apart from the fact that m a n is a very imperfect i n s t r u m e n t for producing uniform c o n t i n u e d m o t i o n . B u t assuming that he is acting sim9

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were still e m p l o y e d in H o l l a n d , to prevent two-thirds of t h e land from b e i n g r e c o n v e r t e d i n t o morasses. It was, i n d e e d , very m u c h i m p r o v e d by W a t t ' s first so-called single acting e n g i n e ; b u t , in t h i s form, it c o n t i n u e d to be a m e r e m a c h i n e for raising water, a n d t h e liquor from salt m i n e s . " T h e u n i o n of all t h e s e s i m p l e i n s t r u m e n t s , set in m o t i o n by a single m o t o r , c o n s t i t u t e s a m a c h i n e . " (Babbage, I.e.) 9

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value ply as a motor, that a m a c h i n e has t a k e n the place of his tool, it is evident t h a t he c a n be replaced by n a t u r a l forces. Of all the great m o t o r s h a n d e d down from the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period, horse-power is t h e worst, partly because a horse has a h e a d of his own, partly b e c a u s e he is costly, a n d t h e ext e n t to which he is applicable in factories is very r e s t r i c t e d . Nevertheless the horse was extensively used during the infancy of M o d e r n Industry. This is proved, as well by the complaints of contemporary agriculturists, as by t h e t e r m "horse-power," which has survived to this day as an expression for m e c h a n i c a l force. W i n d was too i n c o n s t a n t a n d uncontrollable, a n d besides, in ||372| England, t h e birthplace of M o d e r n Industry, the u s e of water-power preponderated even during the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period. In the 17th century attempts h a d already b e e n m a d e to t u r n two pairs of millstones with a single waterwheel. B u t t h e increased size of the gearing was too m u c h for the waterpower, which h a d now b e c o m e insufficient, a n d this was o n e of the circumstances t h a t led to a m o r e accurate investigation of the laws of friction. In the s a m e way the irregularity caused by the m o t i v e power in mills that were p u t in m o t i o n by pushing a n d pulling a lever, led to the theory, a n d the application, of t h e fly-wheel, which afterwards plays so i m p o r t a n t a part in M o d e r n I n d u s t r y . In this way, during the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period, were developed the first scientific a n d technical e l e m e n t s of M o d e r n M e c h a n i c a l Industry. Arkwright's throstle-spinning mill was from the very first t u r n e d by water. B u t for all that, the u s e of water, as the p r e d o m i n a n t motive power, was beset with difficulties. It could n o t be increased at will, it failed at certain seasons of the year, and, above all, it was essentially l o c a l . N o t 11

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I n D e c e m b e r , 1859, J o h n C . M o r t o n r e a d before t h e S o c i e t y o f A r t s a p a p e r o n " T h e forces e m p l o y e d i n a g r i c u l t u r e . " H e t h e r e states: "Every i m p r o v e m e n t t h a t furthers t h e u n i f o r m i t y o f the land makes the steam-engine more and more applicable to the production of pure m e c h a n i c a l force. ... H o r s e - p o w e r i s requisite wherever c r o o k e d fences a n d o t h e r o b s t r u c t i o n s p r e v e n t u n i f o r m a c t i o n . T h e s e o b s t r u c t i o n s are v a n i s h i n g day b y day. F o r o p e r a t i o n s t h a t d e m a n d m o r e exercise o f will t h a n a c t u a l force, t h e only p o w e r a p p l i c a b l e i s t h a t c o n t r o l l e d every i n s t a n t b y t h e h u m a n m i n d — i n o t h e r words, m a n - p o w e r . " M r . M o r t o n t h e n r e d u c e s s t e a m - p o w e r , horse-power, a n d m a n - p o w e r , t o t h e u n i t i n g e n e r a l u s e for s t e a m - e n g i n e s , n a m e l y , t h e force r e q u i r e d t o raise 33,000 lbs. o n e foot i n o n e m i n u t e , a n d r e c k o n s t h e cost o f o n e h o r s e - p o w e r from a s t e a m e n g i n e to be 3d., a n d from a h o r s e to be 5 Y d. p e r h o u r . F u r ther, if a h o r s e m u s t fully m a i n t a i n its h e a l t h , it c a n w o r k no m o r e t h a n 8 h o u r s a day. T h r e e a t t h e least o u t o f every seven horses u s e d o n tillage l a n d d u r i n g t h e y e a r c a n b e d i s p e n s e d w i t h b y u s i n g steam-power, a t a n e x p e n s e n o t greater t h a n t h a t w h i c h , t h e horses d i s p e n s e d with, w o u l d cost d u r i n g t h e 3 or 4 m o n t h s in w h i c h a l o n e t h e y c a n be u s e d effectively. Lastly, s t e a m - p o w e r , i n t h o s e agricultural o p e r a t i o n s i n w h i c h i t c a n b e e m p l o y e d , i m p r o v e s , i n c o m p a r i s o n w i t h horse-power, t h e quality of t h e work. To do t h e work of a s t e a m - e n g i n e w o u l d req u i r e 66 m e n , at a total cost of 15s. an h o u r , a n d to do t h e work of a h o r s e , 32 m e n , at a total c o s t o f 8s. a n h o u r . F a u l h a b e r , 1 6 2 5 ; D e C o u s , 1688. T h e m o d e r n t u r b i n e frees t h e i n d u s t r i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n o f w a t e r - p o w e r from m a n y o f its form e r fetters. 2

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till the invention of W a t t ' s second a n d so called double-acting steam-engine, was a prime mover found, t h a t begot its own force by the c o n s u m p tion of coal a n d water, whose power was entirely u n d e r m a n ' s control, t h a t was m o b i l e a n d a m e a n s of locomotion, that was u r b a n a n d not, like the water-wheel, rural, that p e r m i t t e d p r o d u c t i o n to be concentrated in towns instead of, like t h e water-wheels, being scattered up and down t h e c o u n t r y , that was of universal technical application, and, relatively speaking, little affected in its choice of residence by local circumstances. T h e greatness ||373| of W a t t ' s genius showed itself in the specification of t h e p a t e n t 14

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that he took out in April, 1784. In t h a t specification his steam-engine is described, n o t as an invention for a specific purpose, b u t as an agent universally applicable in M e c h a n i c a l Industry. In it he points o u t applications, m a n y of which, as for instance, the s t e a m - h a m m e r , were n o t introduced till half a century later. Nevertheless he d o u b t e d the use of steam-engines in 15 navigation. His successors, B o u l t o n a n d Watt, sent to t h e exhibition of 1851 steam-engines of colossal size for o c e a n steamers. As soon as tools h a d b e e n converted from being m a n u a l i m p l e m e n t s of m a n into i m p l e m e n t s of a m e c h a n i c a l apparatus, of a m a c h i n e , t h e motive m e c h a n i s m also acquired an i n d e p e n d e n t form, entirely e m a n c i p a t e d from 20 the restraints of h u m a n strength. T h e r e u p o n t h e individual m a c h i n e , t h a t we have hitherto b e e n considering, sinks into a m e r e factor in p r o d u c t i o n by m a c h i n e r y . O n e motive m e c h a n i s m was now able to drive m a n y m a chines at o n c e . T h e motive m e c h a n i s m grows with the n u m b e r of the m a chines t h a t are t u r n e d simultaneously, a n d the transmitting m e c h a n i s m be25 c o m e s a wide-spreading apparatus. We now proceed to distinguish the co-operation of a n u m b e r of m a chines of o n e kind from a c o m p l e x system of m a c h i n e r y . In the o n e case, the product is entirely m a d e by a single m a c h i n e , which performs all the various operations previously d o n e by one handicraftsman 30 with his tool; as, for instance, by a weaver with his loom; or by several handicraftsmen successively, either separately or as m e m b e r s of a system of M a n u f a c t u r e . F o r example, in the m a n u f a c t u r e of envelopes, o n e m a n 15

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"In t h e early days o f textile m a n u f a c t u r e s , t h e locality o f t h e factory d e p e n d e d u p o n t h e exi s t e n c e of a s t r e a m h a v i n g a sufficient fall to t u r n a w a t e r - w h e e l ; a n d , a l t h o u g h t h e estàblishm e n t o f t h e water mills was t h e c o m m e n c e m e n t o f t h e b r e a k i n g u p o f t h e d o m e s t i c system o f m a n u f a c t u r e , yet t h e mills necessarily s i t u a t e d u p o n s t r e a m s , a n d frequently a t c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s t a n c e s t h e o n e from t h e other, f o r m e d p a r t o f a r u r a l , r a t h e r t h a n a n u r b a n system; a n d i t was n o t u n t i l t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of t h e s t e a m - p o w e r as a s u b s t i t u t e for t h e s t r e a m t h a t factories were congregated i n towns, a n d localities w h e r e t h e coal a n d w a t e r r e q u i r e d for t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f s t e a m were f o u n d i n sufficient q u a n t i t i e s . T h e s t e a m - e n g i n e i s t h e p a r e n t o f m a n u f a c t u r i n g t o w n s . " (A. R e d g r a v e in " R e p o r t s of t h e I n s p . of F a c t . 3 0 t h April, 1860," p. 36.) F r o m t h e s t a n d p o i n t o f division o f l a b o u r i n M a n u f a c t u r e , weaving was n o t simple, b u t , o n t h e contrary, c o m p l i c a t e d m a n u a l l a b o u r ; a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y t h e p o w e r - l o o m i s a m a c h i n e t h a t 15

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value folded the paper with the folder, another laid on the ||374| g u m , a third t u r n e d the flap over, on which the device is impressed, a fourth embossed the device, a n d so on; and for each of these operations the envelope h a d to c h a n g e h a n d s . O n e single envelope m a c h i n e now performs all these operations at once, and m a k e s m o r e t h a n 3000 envelopes in an h o u r . In the Lond o n exhibition of 1862, there was an A m e r i c a n m a c h i n e for m a k i n g paper cornets. It cut the paper, pasted, folded, and finished 300 in a m i n u t e . H e r e , the whole process, which, when carried on as M a n u f a c t u r e , was split up into, a n d carried out by, a series of operations, is c o m p l e t e d by a single m a c h i n e , working a c o m b i n a t i o n of various tools. Now, whether s u c h a m a c h i n e be merely a reproduction of a complic ited m a n u a l i m p l e m e n t , or a c o m b i n a t i o n of various simple i m p l e m e n t s specialised by M a n u f a c t u r e , in either case, in the factory, i.e., in the workshop in which m a c h i n e r y alone is u s e d , we m e e t again with simple co-operation; and, leaving the w o r k m a n out of consideration for the m o m e n t , this co-operation presents itself to us, in t h e first instance, as the conglomeration in o n e place of similar and sim u l t a n e o u s l y acting m a c h i n e s . Thus, a weaving factory is constituted of a n u m b e r of power-looms, working side by side, and a sewing factory of a n u m b e r of sewing m a c h i n e s all in the s a m e building. But there is here a t e c h n i c a l oneness in the whole system, owing to all the m a c h i n e s receiving their impulse simultaneously, and in an e q u a l degree, from the pulsations of the c o m m o n prime mover, by the i n t e r m e d i a r y of the transmitting m e c h a n i s m ; and this m e c h a n i s m , to a certain extent, is also c o m m o n to t h e m all, since only particular ramifications of it b r a n c h off to e a c h m a c h i n e . Just as a n u m b e r of tools, then, form the organs of a m a c h i n e , so a n u m b e r of m a c h i n e s of one kind constitute the organs of the motive mechanism.

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A real m a c h i n e r y system, however, does not take the place of these indep e n d e n t m a c h i n e s , u n t i l the subject of l a b o u r goes t h r o u g h a c o n n e c t e d series of detail processes, that are carried out by a c h a i n of m a c h i n e s of va- 30 rious kinds, the o n e s u p p l e m e n t i n g the other. H e r e we have again the coo p e r a t i o n by division of labour that characterises M a n u f a c t u r e ; only now, it is a c o m b i n a t i o n of detail m a c h i n e s . T h e special tools of ||375| the various detail workmen, such as those of the beaters, combers, spinners, etc., in the woollen m a n u f a c t u r e , are now transformed into t h e tools of specia- 35 Used m a c h i n e s , each m a c h i n e constituting a special organ, with a special d o e s very c o m p l i c a t e d work. It is altogether e r r o n e o u s to s u p p o s e t h a t m o d e r n m a c h i n e r y originally a p p r o p r i a t e d t h o s e o p e r a t i o n s a l o n e , w h i c h division o f l a b o u r h a d simplified. S p i n n i n g a n d weaving were, d u r i n g t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g period, split u p i n t o new species, a n d t h e i m p l e m e n t s were m o d i f i e d a n d i m p r o v e d ; b u t t h e l a b o u r itself was i n n o way divided, a n d i t ret a i n e d its handicraft character. It is n o t t h e labour, b u t t h e i n s t r u m e n t of labour, t h a t serves as t h e s t a r t i n g - p o i n t of t h e m a c h i n e .

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry function, in the system. In those b r a n c h e s of industry in which the m a c h i n ery system is first introduced, M a n u f a c t u r e itself furnishes, in a general way, the n a t u r a l basis for the division, and c o n s e q u e n t organisation, of the process of p r o d u c t i o n . Nevertheless an essential difference at once m a n i fests itself. In M a n u f a c t u r e it is the w o r k m e n who, with their m a n u a l i m p l e m e n t s , must, either singly or in groups, carry on each particular detail process. If, on the o n e h a n d , the w o r k m a n b e c o m e s adapted to the process, on the other, the process was previously m a d e suitable to the workman. This subjective principle of the division of labour no longer exists in pro16

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d u c t i o n by machinery. H e r e , the process as a whole is e x a m i n e d objectively, in itself, that is to say, without regard to the question of its execution by h u m a n h a n d s , it is analysed into its constituent phases; a n d the problem, how to execute each detail process, a n d b i n d t h e m all into a whole, is solved by the aid of m a c h i n e s , chemistry, e t c . But, of course, in 15 this case also, theory m u s t be perfected by a c c u m u l a t e d experience on a | 13 761 large scale. E a c h detail m a c h i n e supplies raw m a t e r i a l to the m a c h i n e next in order; and since they are all working at the s a m e time, the product is always going through the various stages of its fabrication, and is also constantly in a state of transition, from one p h a s e to another. Just as in M a n u 20 facture, the direct co-operation of the detail labourers establishes a n u m e r i cal proportion between the special groups, so in an organised system of machinery, where one detail m a c h i n e is constantly kept employed by another, a fixed relation is established between their n u m b e r s , their size, a n d their speed. T h e collective m a c h i n e , now an organised system of various 25 kinds of single m a c h i n e s , and of groups of single m a c h i n e s , b e c o m e s m o r e and m o r e perfect, the m o r e t h e process as a whole b e c o m e s a c o n t i n u o u s one, i.e., the less the raw m a t e r i a l is interrupted in its passage from its first 17

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Before t h e e p o c h o f M e c h a n i c a l I n d u s t r y , t h e w o o l m a n u f a c t u r e was t h e p r e d o m i n a t i n g m a n u f a c t u r e in E n g l a n d . H e n c e it was in this i n d u s t r y that, in t h e first half of t h e 18th c e n tury, t h e m o s t e x p e r i m e n t s were m a d e . C o t t o n , w h i c h r e q u i r e d less careful p r e p a r a t i o n for its t r e a t m e n t by m a c h i n e r y , derived t h e benefit of t h e e x p e r i e n c e g a i n e d on wool, j u s t as afterwards the m a n i p u l a t i o n of wool by m a c h i n e r y was d e v e l o p e d on t h e lines of c o t t o n - s p i n n i n g a n d weaving by m a c h i n e r y . It was only d u r i n g t h e 10 years i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g 1866, t h a t isolated details of t h e wool m a n u f a c t u r e , s u c h as w o o l - c o m b i n g , were i n c o r p o r a t e d in the factory system. " T h e a p p l i c a t i o n of power to t h e process of c o m b i n g w o o l . . . . extensively in o p e r a t i o n since t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f t h e ' c o m b i n g m a c h i n e , ' especially Lister's ... u n d o u b t e d l y h a d t h e effect of throwing a very large n u m b e r of m e n out of work. W o o l was formerly c o m b e d by h a n d , m o s t frequently in t h e cottage of t h e c o m b e r . It is n o w very generally c o m b e d in t h e factory, a n d h a n d - l a b o u r is s u p e r s e d e d , e x c e p t in s o m e p a r t i c u l a r kinds of work, in w h i c h h a n d - c o m b e d wool is still preferred. M a n y of t h e h a n d - c o m b e r s f o u n d e m p l o y m e n t in the factories, b u t t h e p r o d u c e of t h e h a n d - c o m b e r s bears so s m a l l a p r o p o r t i o n to t h a t of t h e m a c h i n e , t h a t t h e e m p l o y m e n t of a very large n u m b e r of c o m b e r s h a s p a s s e d away." ( R e p . of I n s p . of Fact, for 31st Oct., 1856, p. 16.) " T h e principle of the factory system, t h e n , is to s u b s t i t u t e . . . . t h e p a r t i t i o n of a process i n t o its essential c o n s t i t u e n t s , for t h e division or g r a d a t i o n of l a b o u r a m o n g a r t i s a n s . " ( A n d r e w Ure: " T h e Philosophy of M a n u f a c t u r e s . " L o n d . , 1835, p. 20.) 17

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value p h a s e to its last; in other words, the m o r e its passage from o n e p h a s e to another is effected, n o t by the h a n d of m a n , b u t by the m a c h i n e r y itself. In M a n u f a c t u r e the isolation of each detail process is a c o n d i t i o n imposed by the n a t u r e of division of labour, b u t in the fully developed factory the continuity of those processes is, on the contrary, imperative. A system of machinery, whether it reposes on the m e r e co-operation of similar m a c h i n e s , as in weaving, or on a c o m b i n a t i o n of different m a chines, as in spinning, constitutes in itself a h u g e a u t o m a t o n , whenever it is driven by a self-acting p r i m e mover. But a l t h o u g h t h e factory as a whole be driven by its steam-engine, yet either s o m e of t h e individual m a c h i n e s m a y require the aid of t h e w o r k m a n for some of their m o v e m e n t s (such aid was necessary for the r u n n i n g in of the m u l e carriage, before the invention of the self-acting m u l e , a n d is still necessary in fine-spinning mills); or, to e n a b l e a m a c h i n e to do its work, certain parts of it m a y require to be h a n dled by t h e w o r k m a n like a m a n u a l tool; this was the case in m a c h i n e - m a k ers' workshops, before the conversion of the slide rest into a self-actor. As s o o n as a m a c h i n e executes, without m a n ' s help, all the m o v e m e n t s requisite to elaborate the raw material, n e e d i n g only a t t e n d a n c e from h i m , we have an a u t o m a t i c system of machinery, a n d o n e t h a t is susceptible of constant ||377| i m p r o v e m e n t in its details. S u c h i m p r o v e m e n t s as the apparatus that stops a drawing frame, whenever a sliver breaks, a n d the self-acting stop, that stops the power-loom so soon as t h e shuttle b o b b i n is e m p t i e d of weft, are quite m o d e r n inventions. As an e x a m p l e , b o t h of continuity of p r o d u c t i o n , a n d of the carrying out of the a u t o m a t i c principle, we m a y take a m o d e r n paper mill. In the paper industry generally, we m a y advantageously study in detail n o t only the distinctions between m o d e s of p r o d u c t i o n based on different m e a n s of production, b u t also t h e c o n n e x i o n of the social conditions of p r o d u c t i o n with those m o d e s : for the old G e r m a n paper-making furnishes us with a sample of handicraft p r o d u c t i o n ; that of H o l l a n d in the 17th a n d of F r a n c e in the 18th century with a sample of m a n u f a c t u r i n g in the strict sense; a n d that of m o d e r n E n g l a n d with a sample of a u t o m a t i c fabrication of this article. Besides these, there still exist, in I n d i a a n d China, two distinct a n t i q u e Asiatic forms of the same i n d u s try.

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An organised system of m a c h i n e s , to which m o t i o n is c o m m u n i c a t e d by 35 t h e transmitting m e c h a n i s m from a central a u t o m a t o n , is the m o s t developed form of p r o d u c t i o n by m a c h i n e r y . H e r e we have, in the place of the isolated m a c h i n e , a m e c h a n i c a l m o n s t e r whose b o d y fills whole factories, a n d whose d e m o n power, at first veiled u n d e r the slow a n d m e a s u r e d m o tions of his giant limbs, at length breaks out into t h e fast a n d furious whirl 40 of his countless working organs.

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry There were m u l e s a n d steam-engines before t h e r e were any labourers, whose exclusive o c c u p a t i o n it was to m a k e m u l e s a n d steam-engines; j u s t as m e n wore clothes before there were s u c h people as tailors. T h e inventions of V a u c a n s o n , Arkwright, W a t t , a n d others, were, however, practi5 cable, only because those inventors found, ready to h a n d , a considerable n u m b e r of skilled m e c h a n i c a l workmen, placed at their disposal by the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period. S o m e of these w o r k m e n were i n d e p e n d e n t h a n d i craftsmen of various trades, others were grouped together in manufactures, in which, as before-mentioned, division of l a b o u r was strictly carried out. 10 As inventions increased in n u m b e r , a n d the d e m a n d for the newly discovered m a c h i n e s grew larger, the m a c h i n e - m a k i n g industry ||378| split u p , m o r e a n d m o r e , into n u m e r o u s i n d e p e n d e n t b r a n c h e s , a n d division of lab o u r in these m a n u f a c t u r e s was m o r e a n d m o r e developed. H e r e , then, we see in M a n u f a c t u r e the i m m e d i a t e t e c h n i c a l f o u n d a t i o n of M o d e r n I n d u s 15 try. M a n u f a c t u r e produced the m a c h i n e r y , by m e a n s of which M o d e r n I n dustry abolished the handicraft a n d m a n u f a c t u r i n g systems in those spheres of p r o d u c t i o n t h a t it first seized u p o n . T h e factory system was therefore raised, in the n a t u r a l course of things, on an i n a d e q u a t e foundation. W h e n the system attained to a certain degree of development, it h a d 20 to root up this r e a d y - m a d e foundation, which in the m e a n t i m e h a d b e e n elaborated on the old lines, a n d to build up for itself a basis that should correspond to its m e t h o d s of p r o d u c t i o n . Just as the individual m a c h i n e retains a dwarfish character, so long as it is worked by the power of m a n alone, and just as no system of m a c h i n e r y could be properly developed be25 fore the steam-engine took the place of the earlier motive powers, animals, wind, and even water; so, too, M o d e r n Industry was crippled in its complete development, so long as its characteristic i n s t r u m e n t of production, the m a c h i n e , owed its existence to personal strength a n d personal skill, a n d d e p e n d e d on the m u s c u l a r development, the keenness of sight, a n d the 30 c u n n i n g of h a n d , with which the detail w o r k m e n in manufactures, a n d the m a n u a l labourers in handicrafts, wielded their dwarfish i m p l e m e n t s . T h u s , apart from t h e dearness of t h e m a c h i n e s m a d e in this way, a c i r c u m s t a n c e that is ever present to the m i n d of the capitalist, the expansion of i n d u s tries carried on by m e a n s of m a c h i n e r y , a n d the invasion by m a c h i n e r y of 35 fresh b r a n c h e s of p r o d u c t i o n , were d e p e n d e n t on t h e growth of a class of workmen, who, owing to the almost artistic n a t u r e of their e m p l o y m e n t , could increase their n u m b e r s only gradually, a n d n o t by leaps and b o u n d s . ' But besides this, at a certain stage of its development, M o d e r n Industry bec a m e technologically i n c o m p a t i b l e with the basis furnished for it by h a n d i 40 craft and M a n u f a c t u r e . T h e increasing size of the p r i m e movers, of the transmitting m e c h a n i s m , a n d of the m a c h i n e s proper, the greater complica-

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value tion, multiformity a n d regularity of the details of these m a c h i n e s , as they m o r e a n d m o r e departed from the ||379| m o d e l of those originally m a d e by m a n u a l labour, a n d acquired a form, u n t r a m m e l l e d except by the conditions u n d e r which they worked, the perfecting of the a u t o m a t i c system, a n d the use, every day m o r e unavoidable, of a m o r e refractory material, 5 s u c h as iron instead of wood—the solution of all these problems, which sprang up by the force of circumstances, everywhere m e t with a stumblingblock in the personal restrictions, which even the collective labourer of M a n u f a c t u r e could n o t break through, except to a limited extent. S u c h m a chines as the m o d e r n hydraulic press, the m o d e r n powerloom, a n d the 10 m o d e r n carding engine, could never have b e e n furnished by M a n u f a c t u r e . 18

A radical change in the m o d e of production in o n e sphere of industry involves a similar change in other spheres. This h a p p e n s at first in such b r a n c h e s of industry as are connected together by being separate phases of a process, a n d yet are isolated by the social division of labour, in such a 15 way, t h a t each of t h e m produces an i n d e p e n d e n t c o m m o d i t y . T h u s spinn i n g by m a c h i n e r y m a d e weaving by m a c h i n e r y a necessity, a n d b o t h together m a d e the m e c h a n i c a l and c h e m i c a l revolution that took place in bleaching, printing, and dyeing, imperative. So too, on the other h a n d , the revolution in cotton-spinning called forth the invention of the gin, for sepa- 20 rating t h e seeds from the cotton fibre; it was only by m e a n s of this invention, t h a t the p r o d u c t i o n of cotton b e c a m e possible on the e n o r m o u s scale at present r e q u i r e d . But m o r e especially, the ||380| revolution in the m o d e s of p r o d u c t i o n of industry a n d agriculture m a d e necessary a revolut i o n in the general conditions of the social process of production, i.e., in 25 the m e a n s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n and of transport. In a society whose pivot, to use an expression of Fourier, was agriculture on a small scale, with its subsidiary domestic industries, and the u r b a n handicrafts, the m e a n s of comm u n i c a t i o n a n d transport were so utterly i n a d e q u a t e to the productive re19

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T h e p o w e r l o o m was a t f i r s t m a d e chiefly o f wood; i n its i m p r o v e d m o d e r n form i t i s m a d e of iron. To w h a t an e x t e n t t h e old forms of t h e i n s t r u m e n t s of p r o d u c t i o n i n f l u e n c e d t h e i r n e w forms at first starting, is shown by, a m o n g s t o t h e r t h i n g s , t h e m o s t superficial c o m p a r i s o n of t h e p r e s e n t p o w e r l o o m with t h e old o n e , of the m o d e r n blowing a p p a r a t u s of a blast-furnace w i t h t h e f i r s t inefficient m e c h a n i c a l r e p r o d u c t i o n o f t h e o r d i n a r y bellows, a n d p e r h a p s m o r e strikingly t h a n in a n y o t h e r way, by t h e a t t e m p t s before t h e i n v e n t i o n of t h e p r e s e n t l o c o m o tive, to c o n s t r u c t a l o c o m o t i v e t h a t actually h a d two feet, w h i c h after t h e fashion of a h o r s e , it r a i s e d a l t e r n a t e l y from t h e g r o u n d . It is only after c o n s i d e r a b l e d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e s c i e n c e of m e c h a n i c s , a n d a c c u m u l a t e d practical e x p e r i e n c e , t h a t t h e f o r m o f a m a c h i n e b e c o m e s sett l e d entirely i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h m e c h a n i c a l p r i n c i p l e s , a n d e m a n c i p a t e d from t h e t r a d i t i o n a l f o r m of t h e tool t h a t gave rise to it. Eli W h i t n e y ' s c o t t o n gin h a d u n t i l very r e c e n t t i m e s u n d e r g o n e less essential c h a n g e s t h a n a n y o t h e r m a c h i n e of t h e 18th century. I t is only d u r i n g t h e last d e c a d e (i.e., since 1856) t h a t a n o t h e r A m e r i c a n , M r E m e r y , o f A l b a n y , N e w York, h a s r e n d e r e d W h i t n e y ' s g i n a n t i q u a t e d by an i m p r o v e m e n t as simple as it is effective. 19

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q u i r e m e n t s of the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period, with its e x t e n d e d division of social labour, its concentration of t h e i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, a n d of the workmen, and its colonial markets, that they b e c a m e in fact revolutionised. In the same way the m e a n s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d transport h a n d e d down from the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period soon b e c a m e u n b e a r a b l e t r a m m e l s on M o d e r n Industry, with its feverish haste of p r o d u c t i o n , its e n o r m o u s extent, its constant flinging of capital and l a b o u r from o n e sphere of p r o d u c tion into another, a n d its newly-created c o n n e x i o n s with the m a r k e t s of the whole world. H e n c e , apart from the radical changes i n t r o d u c e d in the construction of sailing vessels, the m e a n s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d transport b e c a m e gradually adapted to the m o d e s of p r o d u c t i o n of m e c h a n i c a l i n d u s try, by the creation of a system of river steamers, railways, ocean steamers, a n d telegraphs. But the h u g e masses of iron t h a t h a d now to be forged, to be welded, to be cut, to be bored, a n d to be shaped, d e m a n d e d , on their part, cyclopean m a c h i n e s , for the construction of which the m e t h o d s of t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g period were utterly i n a d e q u a t e . M o d e r n Industry h a d therefore itself to take in h a n d the m a c h i n e , its characteristic i n s t r u m e n t of production, a n d to construct m a c h i n e s by m a chines. It was not till it did this, t h a t it built up for itself a fitting technical foundation, and stood on its own feet. M a c h i n e r y , simultaneously with t h e increasing use of it, in t h e first decades of this century, appropriated, by degrees, the fabrication of m a c h i n e s proper. But it was only during the decade preceding 1866, that the construction of railways and ocean steamers on a s t u p e n d o u s scale called into existence the cyclopean m a c h i n e s n o w employed in t h e construction of p r i m e movers. | |381| T h e m o s t essential c o n d i t i o n to the p r o d u c t i o n of m a c h i n e s by m a chines was a prime m o v e r capable of exerting any a m o u n t of force, a n d yet u n d e r perfect control. S u c h a c o n d i t i o n was already supplied by the steamengine. But at the s a m e t i m e it was necessary to produce the geometrically accurate straight lines, planes, circles, cylinders, cones, a n d spheres, required in the detail parts of the m a c h i n e s . This p r o b l e m H e n r y M a u d s l a y solved in the first decade of this century by the invention of the slide rest, a tool that was soon m a d e a u t o m a t i c , a n d in a modified form was applied to other constructive m a c h i n e s besides the lathe, for which it was originally intended. This m e c h a n i c a l appliance replaces, n o t some particular tool, b u t the h a n d itself, which p r o d u c e s a given form by holding and guiding the cutting tool along the iron or other m a t e r i a l operated u p o n . T h u s it bec a m e possible to p r o d u c e the forms of the individual parts of m a c h i n e r y "with a degree of ease, accuracy, a n d speed, that no a c c u m u l a t e d experienee of the h a n d of the m o s t skilled w o r k m a n could g i v e . ' ' 20

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value If we now fix our attention on that portion of t h e m a c h i n e r y employed in t h e construction of m a c h i n e s , which constitutes t h e operating tool, we find t h e m a n u a l i m p l e m e n t s reappearing, b u t on a cyclopean scale. T h e operating part of the boring m a c h i n e is an i m m e n s e drill driven by a steam-engine; without this m a c h i n e , on the other h a n d , the cylinders of large steam5 engines and of hydraulic presses could n o t be m a d e . T h e m e c h a n i c a l lathe is only a cyclopean reproduction of the ordinary foot-lathe; the planing m a c h i n e , an iron carpenter, that works on iron with the s a m e tools that the h u m a n carpenter employs o n wood; the i n s t r u m e n t that, o n the L o n d o n wharves, cuts the veneers, is a gigantic razor; t h e tool of the shearing m a - 10 chine, which shears iron as easily as a tailor's scissors cut cloth, is a m o n ster pair of scissors; a n d the steam h a m m e r works with an ordinary h a m m e r h e a d , b u t of ||382| s u c h a weight that n o t T h o r himself could wield i t . T h e s e s t e a m h a m m e r s are an invention of N a s m y t h , a n d there is o n e that weighs over 6 tons and strikes with a vertical fall of 7 feet, on an anvil 15 weighing 36 tons. It is m e r e child's-play for it to crush a block of granite into powder, yet it is no less capable of driving, with a succession of light taps, a n a i l into a piece of soft w o o d . 21

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T h e i m p l e m e n t s of labour, in the form of m a c h i n e r y , necessitate t h e substitution of n a t u r a l forces for h u m a n force, a n d the conscious application 20 of science, instead of rule of t h u m b . In M a n u f a c t u r e , t h e organisation of the social labour-process is purely subjective; it is a c o m b i n a t i o n of detail labourers; in its m a c h i n e r y system, M o d e r n Industry has a productive org a n i s m t h a t is purely objective, in which the labourer b e c o m e s a m e r e app e n d a g e to an already existing material c o n d i t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n . In simple 25 co-operation, a n d even in that founded on division of labour, the suppression of the isolated, by the collective, w o r k m a n still appears to be m o r e or less accidental. Machinery, with a few exceptions to be m e n t i o n e d later, operates only by m e a n s of associated labour, or labour in c o m m o n . H e n c e the co-operative character of the labour-process is, in the latter case, a tech30 nical necessity dictated by the i n s t r u m e n t of l a b o u r itself. a n d outwardly u n i m p o r t a n t as this a p p e n d a g e to l a t h e s m a y appear, it is n o t , we believe, averring too m u c h t o state, t h a t its influence i n i m p r o v i n g a n d e x t e n d i n g t h e u s e o f m a c h i n e r y h a s b e e n as great as t h a t p r o d u c e d by W a t t ' s i m p r o v e m e n t s of t h e s t e a m - e n g i n e itself. Its i n t r o d u c t i o n w e n t a t o n c e t o perfect all m a c h i n e r y , t o c h e a p e n it, a n d t o s t i m u l a t e i n v e n t i o n a n d improvement." O n e o f t h e s e m a c h i n e s , u s e d for forging p a d d l e - w h e e l shafts i n L o n d o n , i s called " T h o r . " I t forges a shaft of 1 6 / t o n s with as m u c h ease as a b l a c k s m i t h forges a h o r s e - s h o e . W o o d working m a c h i n e s t h a t are also c a p a b l e o f b e i n g e m p l o y e d o n a s m a l l scale are mostly American inventions.

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Section 2.—The Value transferred by Machinery to the Product. We saw t h a t t h e productive forces resulting from co-operation a n d division of labour cost capital n o t h i n g . They are n a t u r a l forces of social labour. So also physical forces, like steam, water, etc., w h e n appropriated to p r o d u c 5 tive processes, cost nothing. But just as a m a n requires lungs to breathe with, so he requires something that is work of m a n ' s h a n d , in order to cons u m e physical forces productively. A water-wheel is necessary to exploit t h e force of water, a n d a steam e n g i n e to ||383| exploit the elasticity of steam. O n c e discovered, the law of t h e deviation of the m a g n e t i c n e e d l e in 10 the field of an electric current, or the law of the m a g n e t i s a t i o n of iron, a r o u n d which an electric current circulates, cost never a p e n n y . But t h e exploitation of these laws for the purposes of telegraphy, etc., necessitates a costly a n d extensive apparatus. T h e tool, as we have seen, is not extermin a t e d by the m a c h i n e . F r o m being a dwarf i m p l e m e n t of the h u m a n organ15 ism, it expands a n d multiplies into the i m p l e m e n t of a m e c h a n i s m created by m a n . Capital now sets the labourer to work, n o t with a m a n u a l tool, b u t with a m a c h i n e which itself h a n d l e s the tools. Although, therefore, it is clear at the first glance that, by incorporating b o t h s t u p e n d o u s physical forces, a n d the n a t u r a l sciences, with the process of p r o d u c t i o n , M o d e r n In20 dustry raises the productiveness of l a b o u r to an extraordinary degree, it is by no m e a n s equally clear, that this increased productive force is not, on the other h a n d , purchased by an increased e x p e n d i t u r e of labour. M a c h i n ery, like every other c o m p o n e n t of constant capital, creates no new value, b u t yields up its own value to the p r o d u c t t h a t it serves to beget. In so far as 25 the m a c h i n e has value, and, in c o n s e q u e n c e , parts with value to t h e product, it forms an e l e m e n t in the value of t h a t product. Instead of being cheapened, the product is m a d e dearer in proportion to the value of the m a c h i n e . A n d it is clear as n o o n - d a y , t h a t m a c h i n e s a n d systems of m a chinery, the characteristic i n s t r u m e n t s of labour of M o d e r n Industry, are 30 incomparably m o r e loaded with value t h a n the i m p l e m e n t s used in h a n d i crafts a n d manufactures. In the first place, it m u s t be observed t h a t the m a c h i n e r y , while always entering as a whole into the labour-process, enters into the value-begetting 23

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S c i e n c e , generally s p e a k i n g , costs t h e capitalist n o t h i n g , a fact t h a t b y n o m e a n s h i n d e r s h i m from exploiting it. T h e s c i e n c e of o t h e r s is as m u c h a n n e x e d by capital as t h e l a b o u r of o t h e r s . Capitalistic a p p r o p r i a t i o n a n d p e r s o n a l a p p r o p r i a t i o n , w h e t h e r o f s c i e n c e o r o f m a t e rial wealth, are, however, totally different t h i n g s . Dr. U r e h i m s e l f deplores t h e gross i g n o r a n c e o f m e c h a n i c a l science existing a m o n g h i s d e a r m a c h i n e r y - e x p l o i t i n g m a n u f a c t u r e r s , a n d L i e b i g can a tale u n f o l d a b o u t t h e a s t o u n d i n g i g n o r a n c e of c h e m i s t r y displayed by E n g l i s h c h e m ical m a n u f a c t u r e r s .

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value process only by bits. It never adds m o r e value t h a n it loses, on an average, by wear a n d tear. H e n c e there ||384| is a great difference between the value of a m a c h i n e , a n d the value transferred in a given t i m e by t h a t m a c h i n e to the product. T h e longer the life of the m a c h i n e in the labour-process, the greater is t h a t difference. It is true, no doubt, as we have already seen, that 5 every i n s t r u m e n t of labour enters as a whole into the labour-process, a n d only piece-meal, proportionally to its average daily loss by wear a n d tear, into the value-begetting process. But this difference between the instrum e n t as a whole a n d its daily wear a n d tear, is m u c h greater in a m a c h i n e t h a n in a tool, because the m a c h i n e , being m a d e from m o r e durable m a t e - 10 rial, has a longer life; because its e m p l o y m e n t , being regulated by strictly scientific laws, allows of greater e c o n o m y in the wear a n d tear of its parts, a n d in the materials it c o n s u m e s ; and lastly, b e c a u s e its field of p r o d u c t i o n is i n c o m p a r a b l y larger t h a n that of a tool. After m a k i n g allowance, b o t h in the case of the m a c h i n e a n d of the tool, for their average daily cost, that is 15 for the value they transmit to the product by their average daily wear a n d tear, a n d for their c o n s u m p t i o n of auxiliary substances, s u c h as oil, coal, a n d so on, they each do their work gratuitously, j u s t like the forces furn i s h e d by n a t u r e without the help of m a n . T h e greater the productive power of the m a c h i n e r y compared with that of the tool, the greater is the 20 extent of its gratuitous service compared with that of t h e tool. In M o d e r n Industry m a n succeeded for the first t i m e in m a k i n g t h e p r o d u c t of his past l a b o u r work on a large scale gratuitously, like the forces of n a t u r e . 24

In treating of Co-operation a n d M a n u f a c t u r e , it was shown that certain general factors of production, such as buildings, ||385| are, in comparison 25 with the scattered m e a n s of production of the isolated w o r k m a n , economised by being c o n s u m e d in c o m m o n , and that they therefore m a k e the p r o d u c t cheaper. In a system of machinery, not only is the framework of t h e m a c h i n e c o n s u m e d in c o m m o n by its n u m e r o u s operating i m p l e m e n t s , b u t t h e p r i m e mover, together with a part of the transmitting m e c h a n i s m , is 30 c o n s u m e d in c o m m o n by the n u m e r o u s operative m a c h i n e s . G i v e n t h e difference between the value of the m a c h i n e r y , a n d the value transferred by it in a day to the product, the extent to which this latter val24

R i c a r d o lays s u c h stress o n this effect o f m a c h i n e r y (of w h i c h , i n o t h e r c o n n e x i o n s , h e t a k e s n o m o r e n o t i c e t h a n h e does o f t h e g e n e r a l d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e l a b o u r - p r o c e s s a n d t h e process o f c r e a t i n g surplus-value), t h a t h e occasionally loses sight o f t h e v a l u e given u p b y m a c h i n e s t o t h e p r o d u c t , a n d p u t s m a c h i n e s o n t h e s a m e footing a s n a t u r a l forces. T h u s " A d a m S m i t h n o w h e r e u n d e r v a l u e s t h e services w h i c h t h e n a t u r a l agents a n d m a c h i n e r y perform for u s , b u t h e very justly d i s t i n g u i s h e s t h e n a t u r e o f t h e v a l u e w h i c h t h e y a d d t o c o m m o d i t i e s ... as they p e r f o r m t h e i r work gratuitously, t h e a s s i s t a n c e w h i c h t h e y afford u s , a d d s n o t h i n g to v a l u e in e x c h a n g e . " (Ric. I.e., p. 336, 337.) T h i s o b s e r v a t i o n of R i c a r d o is of c o u r s e correct in so far as it is directed against J . B . S a y , who i m a g i n e s t h a t m a c h i n e s r e n d e r t h e "service" of c r e a t i n g value w h i c h forms a p a r t of "profits."

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Chapter XV · Machinery and modern industry ue m a k e s the product dearer, depends in the first instance, u p o n t h e size of t h e product; so to say, u p o n its area. Mr. Baynes, of Blackburn, in a lecture published in 1857, estimates that "each real m e c h a n i c a l h o r s e - p o w e r will drive 450 self-acting m u l e spindles, with preparation, or 200 throstle spindies, or 15 looms for 40 inches cloth with the appliances for warping, sizing, etc." In the first case, it is the day's p r o d u c e of 450 m u l e spindles, in the second, of 200 throstle spindles, in the third, of 15 power-looms, over which the daily cost of o n e horse-power, a n d t h e wear a n d tear of the m a chinery set in m o t i o n by that power, are spread; so that only a very m i n u t e value is transferred by such wear a n d tear to a p o u n d of yarn or a yard of cloth. T h e ||386| same is the case with the s t e a m - h a m m e r m e n t i o n e d above. Since its daily wear a n d tear, its c o a l - c o n s u m p t i o n , etc., are spread over the stupendous masses of iron h a m m e r e d by it in a day, only a small value is a d d e d to a h u n d r e d w e i g h t of iron; b u t t h a t value would be very great, if the cyclopean i n s t r u m e n t were employed in driving in nails. G i v e n a m a c h i n e ' s capacity for work, t h a t is, the n u m b e r of its operating tools, or, where it is a question of force, their m a s s , the a m o u n t of its prod u c t will d e p e n d on the velocity of its working parts, on t h e speed, for instance, of the spindles, or on the n u m b e r of blows given by the h a m m e r in a m i n u t e . M a n y of these colossal h a m m e r s strike seventy times in a m i n u t e , and Ryder's p a t e n t m a c h i n e for forging spindles with small h a m m e r s gives as m a n y as 700 strokes per m i n u t e . G i v e n the rate at which m a c h i n e r y transfers its value to the product, the a m o u n t of value so transferred d e p e n d s on the total value of the m a c h i n ery. T h e less labour it contains, the less value it imparts to the product. 25

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A horse-power is e q u a l to a force of 33,000 f o o t - p o u n d s per m i n u t e , i.e., to à force t h a t raises 33,000 p o u n d s o n e foot in a m i n u t e , or o n e p o u n d 33,000 feet. T h i s is the h o r s e - p o w e r m e a n t i n t h e text. I n o r d i n a r y l a n g u a g e , a n d also h e r e a n d t h e r e i n q u o t a t i o n s i n t h i s work, a d i s t i n c t i o n i s drawn b e t w e e n t h e " n o m i n a l " a n d t h e " c o m m e r c i a l " o r " i n d i c a t e d " h o u r s e power of t h e s a m e e n g i n e . T h e old or n o m i n a l h o r s e - p o w e r is c a l c u l a t e d exclusively from t h e l e n g t h of piston-stroke, a n d t h e d i a m e t e r of t h e cylinder, a n d leaves p r e s s u r e of s t e a m a n d pist o n speed o u t o f c o n s i d e r a t i o n . I t expresses practically t h i s : T h i s e n g i n e w o u l d b e o n e o f 50 hourse-power, if it were driven w i t h t h e s a m e low p r e s s u r e of s t e a m , a n d t h e s a m e slow pist o n speed, a s i n t h e days o f B o u l t o n a n d W a t t . B u t t h e two latter factors h a v e i n c r e a s e d enorm o u s l y since t h o s e days. I n order t o m e a s u r e t h e m e c h a n i c a l force exerted to-day b y a n e n gine, a n i n d i c a t o r h a s b e e n i n v e n t e d w h i c h shows t h e p r e s s u r e o f t h e s t e a m i n t h e cylinder. T h e p i s t o n speed is easily a s c e r t a i n e d . T h u s t h e " i n d i c a t e d " or " c o m m e r c i a l " h o r s e - p o w e r of an e n g i n e is expressed by a m a t h e m a t i c a l f o r m u l a , involving d i a m e t e r of cylinder, l e n g t h of stroke, p i s t o n speed, a n d s t e a m p r e s s u r e , s i m u l t a n e o u s l y , a n d showing w h a t m u l t i p l e o f 33,000 p o u n d s is really raised by t h e e n g i n e in a m i n u t e . H e n c e , o n e " n o m i n a l " horse-power m a y exert t h r e e , four, or even five " i n d i c a t e d " or "real" horse-powers. T h i s o b s e r v a t i o n is m a d e for t h e p u r p o s e of e x p l a i n i n g various c i t a t i o n s in t h e s u b s e q u e n t pages. — ( T h e editor.) T h e r e a d e r w h o i s i m b u e d w i t h capitalist n o t i o n s will n a t u r a l l y m i s s h e r e t h e "interest" t h a t t h e m a c h i n e , in p r o p o r t i o n to its c a p i t a l v a l u e , a d d s to t h e p r o d u c t . It is, however, easily s e e n t h a t since a m a c h i n e no m o r e creates n e w v a l u e t h a n a n y o t h e r part of c o n s t a n t capital, it c a n 26

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value T h e less value it gives u p , so m u c h the m o r e productive it is, a n d so m u c h t h e m o r e its services approximate to those of n a t u r a l forces. But t h e prod u c t i o n of m a c h i n e r y by m a c h i n e r y lessens its value relatively to its extension a n d efficacy. An analysis a n d comparison of t h e prices of c o m m o d i t i e s p r o d u c e d by 5 handicrafts or m a n u f a c t u r e s , and of the prices of t h e s a m e c o m m o d i t i e s p r o d u c e d by m a c h i n e r y , shows generally, that, in t h e p r o d u c t of m a c h i n e r y , t h e value d u e to t h e i n s t r u m e n t s of labour increases relatively, b u t decreases absolutely. In other words, its absolute a m o u n t decreases, b u t its a m o u n t , relatively to the total value of t h e product, of a p o u n d of yarn, for 10 i n s t a n c e , increases. 1 |387| It is evident that whenever it costs as m u c h l a b o u r to p r o d u c e a m a c h i n e as is saved by the e m p l o y m e n t of that m a c h i n e , there is n o t h i n g b u t a transposition of labour; consequently t h e total labour r e q u i r e d to p r o d u c e a c o m m o d i t y is not lessened or the productiveness of l a b o u r is n o t in- 15 creased. It is clear, however, that t h e difference b e t w e e n t h e labour a m a c h i n e costs, and t h e labour it saves, in other words, t h a t t h e degree of its productiveness does not d e p e n d on t h e difference b e t w e e n its own value a n d t h e value of the i m p l e m e n t it replaces. As long as the l a b o u r spent on a m a c h i n e , a n d consequently t h e portion of its value a d d e d to t h e product, 20 r e m a i n s smaller t h a n t h e value a d d e d by t h e w o r k m a n to t h e p r o d u c t with 27

n o t a d d a n y v a l u e u n d e r t h e n a m e o f "interest." I t i s also e v i d e n t t h a t h e r e , w h e r e w e are treating of t h e p r o d u c t i o n of s u r p l u s value, we c a n n o t a s s u m e a priori t h e e x i s t e n c e of a n y p a r t of t h a t v a l u e u n d e r t h e n a m e o f interest. T h e capitalist m o d e o f c a l c u l a t i n g , w h i c h a p p e a r s , prima facie, a b s u r d , a n d r e p u g n a n t to t h e laws of t h e c r e a t i o n of value, will be e x p l a i n e d i n the 2 5 t h i r d b o o k of this work. 27

T h i s p o r t i o n o f value w h i c h i s a d d e d b y t h e m a c h i n e r y , d e c r e a s e s b o t h a b s o l u t e l y a n d relatively, w h e n t h e m a c h i n e r y d o e s away w i t h h o r s e s a n d o t h e r a n i m a l s t h a t are e m p l o y e d a s m e r e m o v i n g forces, a n d n o t a s m a c h i n e s for c h a n g i n g t h e f o r m o f m a t t e r . I t m a y h e r e b e inc i d e n t a l l y o b s e r v e d , t h a t D e s c a r t e s , in defining a n i m a l s as m e r e m a c h i n e s , saw with eyes of t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g period, while t o eyes o f t h e m i d d l e ages, a n i m a l s were assistants t o m a n , a s t h e y were later t o V o n H a l l e r i n his " R e s t a u r a t i o n d e r S t a a t s w i s s e n s c h a f t e n . " T h a t D e s c a r t e s , like B a c o n , a n t i c i p a t e d a n a l t e r a t i o n i n t h e f o r m o f p r o d u c t i o n , a n d t h e p r a c t i c a l s u b j u g a t i o n of N a t u r e by M a n , as a result of t h e altered m e t h o d s of t h o u g h t , is p l a i n f r o m his " D i s c o u r s de l a M é t h o d e . " H e t h e r e says: "Il est possible (by t h e m e t h o d s h e i n t r o d u c e d i n p h i l o s o p h y ) d e p a r v e n i r à des c o n n a i s s a n c e s for utiles à la vie, et q u ' a u lieu de cette p h i l o s o p h i e spéculative q u ' o n e n s e i g n e d a n s les écoles, o n e n p e u t t r o u v e r u n e p r a t i q u e , p a r l a q u e l l e , c o n n a i s s a n t l a force et les a c t i o n s du feu, de l'eau, de l'air, d e s astres, et de t o u s les a u t r e s corps q u i n o u s e n v i r o n n e n t , a u s s i d i s t i n c t e m e n t q u e n o u s c o n n a i s s o n s les divers m é t i e r s d e n o s a r t i s a n s , n o u s les p o u r r i o n s e m p l o y e r en m ê m e façon à t o u s les u s a g e s a u x q u e l s ils s o n t p r o p r e s , et a i n s i n o u s r e n d r e c o m m e m a î t r e s e t possesseurs d e l a n a t u r e " a n d t h u s " c o n t r i b u e r a u perfect i o n n e m e n t d e l a vie h u m a i n e . " I n t h e preface t o Sir D u d l e y N o r t h ' s " D i s c o u r s e s u p o n T r a d e " (1691) i t i s stated, t h a t D e s c a r t e s ' m e t h o d h a d b e g u n t o free political e c o n o m y from t h e old fables a n d s u p e r s t i t i o u s n o t i o n s o f gold, trade, etc. O n t h e whole, however, t h e early E n g l i s h e c o n o m i s t s s i d e d with B a c o n a n d H o b b e s as t h e i r p h i l o s o p h e r s ; while, at a later period, t h e p h i l o s o p h e r κ α τ ' ε ξ ο χ ή ν o f p o l i t i c a l e c o n o m y i n E n g l a n d , F r a n c e , a n d Italy, was L o c k e .

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Chapter XV · Machinery and modern industry his tool, there is always a difference of labour saved in favour of t h e m a chine. T h e productiveness of a m a c h i n e is therefore m e a s u r e d by the h u m a n labour-power it replaces. According to Mr. Baynes, 2% operatives are required for the 450 m u l e spindles, inclusive of preparation m a c h i n e r y , that are ||388| driven by one-horse power; e a c h self-acting m u l e spindle, working ten hours, produces 13 o u n c e s of yarn (average n u m b e r or thickness); consequently 2% operatives spin weekly 365¾ lbs. of yarn. H e n c e , leaving waste on one side, 366 lbs. of cotton absorb, during their conversion into yarn, only 150 h o u r s ' labour, or fifteen days' labour of ten h o u r s each. But with a spinning-wheel, supposing t h e h a n d - s p i n n e r to produce thirteen o u n c e s of yarn in sixty hours, the s a m e weight of cotton would absorb 2700 days' labour of ten h o u r s each, or 27,000 h o u r s ' l a b o u r . W h e r e block-printing, the old m e t h o d of printing calico by h a n d , has b e e n superseded by m a c h i n e printing, a single m a c h i n e prints, with the aid of o n e m a n or boy, as m u c h calico of four colours in o n e hour, as it formerly took 200 m e n to d o . Before Eli W h i t n e y invented the cotton-gin in 1793, the separation of the seed from a p o u n d of cotton cost an average day's labour. By m e a n s of his invention o n e negress was enabled to clean 100 lbs. daily; a n d since then, t h e efficacy of the gin has b e e n considerably increased. A p o u n d of cotton wool, previously costing 50 cents to produce, included after that invention m o r e u n p a i d labour, a n d was consequently sold with greater profit, at 10 cents. In I n d i a they employ for separating the wool from the seed, an i n s t r u m e n t , half m a c h i n e , half tool, called a churka; with this one m a n a n d a w o m a n can clean 28 lbs. daily. W i t h the c h u r k a invented some years ago by Dr. Forbes, two m e n a n d a boy p r o d u c e 250 lbs. daily. If oxen, steam, or water, be used for driving it, only a few boys a n d girls as feeders are required. Sixteen of these m a c h i n e s driven by o x e n do as m u c h work in a day as formerly 750 people did on an average. As already stated, a steam-plough does as m u c h work in one h o u r at a cost of threepence, as 66 m e n at a cost of 15 shillings. I return to this e x a m 28

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A c c o r d i n g t o the a n n u a l report (1863) o f t h e E s s e n c h a m b e r o f c o m m e r c e , t h e r e was p r o d u c e d in 1862, at t h e cast-steel works of K r u p p , with its 161 furnaces, thirty-two s t e a m - e n gines (in t h e year 1800 this was a b o u t t h e n u m b e r of all t h e s t e a m - e n g i n e s working in M a n chester), a n d f o u r t e e n s t e a m - h a m m e r s ( r e p r e s e n t i n g in all 1236 horse-power), forty-nine forges, 203 t o o l - m a c h i n e s , a n d a b o u t 2400 w o r k m e n — t h i r t e e n m i l l i o n p o u n d s of cast steel. H e r e t h e r e are n o t two w o r k m e n t o e a c h horse-power. B a b b a g e e s t i m a t e s t h a t i n J a v a t h e s p i n n i n g l a b o u r a l o n e a d d s 117 % t o t h e v a l u e o f t h e cotton. A t t h e s a m e period (1832) t h e total v a l u e a d d e d t o t h e c o t t o n b y m a c h i n e r y a n d l a b o u r i n t h e fine-spinning industry, a m o u n t e d to a b o u t 33 % of t h e value of t h e c o t t o n . ("On t h e E c o n o m y o f M a c h i n e r y , " p p . 2 0 1 , 202.) M a c h i n e printing also e c o n o m i s e s colour. See paper r e a d b y Dr. W a t s o n , R e p o r t e r o n P r o d u c t s t o t h e G o v e r n m e n t o f I n d i a , before t h e Society of Arts, 17th April, 1 8 6 1 . 29

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value pie in order to clear up an erroneous ||389| n o t i o n . T h e 15 shillings are by no m e a n s the expression in m o n e y of all the labour e x p e n d e d in o n e h o u r by the 66 m e n . If the ratio of surplus labour to necessary l a b o u r were 100 %, these 66 m e n would p r o d u c e in one h o u r a value of 30 shillings, although their wages, 15 shillings, represent only their labour for half an hour. Sup5 pose, then, a m a c h i n e cost as m u c h as the wages for a year of the 150 m e n it displaces, say £3000; this £3000 is by no m e a n s the expression in m o n e y of the labour a d d e d to the object produced by these 150 m e n before the int r o d u c t i o n of the m a c h i n e , b u t only of that portion of their year's labour which was expended for themselves and represented by their wages. On the io other h a n d , the £3000, the m o n e y value of the m a c h i n e , expresses all the labour e x p e n d e d on its production, no m a t t e r in what proportion this lab o u r constitutes wages for the workman, a n d surplus-value for the capitalist. Therefore, t h o u g h a m a c h i n e cost as m u c h as the labour-power displaced by it costs, yet the labour materialised in it is even t h e n m u c h less 15 t h a n the living labour it r e p l a c e s . 32

T h e use of m a c h i n e r y for the exclusive purpose of c h e a p e n i n g the product, is limited in this way, that less labour m u s t be e x p e n d e d in producing the m a c h i n e r y t h a n is displaced by the e m p l o y m e n t of that m a c h i n e r y . For the capitalist, however, this use is still m o r e limited. Instead of paying for 20 the labour, he only pays the value of the labour-power employed; therefore, the limit to his using a m a c h i n e is fixed by the difference between the value of the m a c h i n e a n d the value of the labour-power replaced by it. Since the division of the day's work into necessary a n d surplus-labour differs in different countries, and even in the same country at different periods, or in 25 different b r a n c h e s of industry; a n d further, since the actual wage of the lab o u r e r at o n e t i m e sinks below the value of his labour-power, at another rises above it, it is possible for the difference between the price of the m a chinery a n d the price of the labour-power replaced by that m a c h i n e r y to vary very m u c h , although the difference between the q u a n t i t y of ||390| la- 30 b o u r requisite to p r o d u c e the m a c h i n e and the total quantity replaced by it, r e m a i n c o n s t a n t . But it is the former difference alone that d e t e r m i n e s the cost, to the capitalist, of producing a c o m m o d i t y , and, t h r o u g h the pressure of competition, influences his action. H e n c e the invention now-a-days of m a c h i n e s in England that are employed only in N o r t h A m e r i c a ; just as in 35 the sixteenth a n d seventeenth centuries, m a c h i n e s were invented in Germ a n y to be used only in Holland, a n d just as m a n y a F r e n c h invention of 33

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" T h e s e m u t e agents ( m a c h i n e s ) are always t h e p r o d u c e o f m u c h less l a b o u r t h a n t h a t w h i c h t h e y displace, e v e n w h e n t h e y are of t h e s a m e m o n e y v a l u e . " ( R i c a r d o , I.e., p. 40.) H e n c e in a c o m m u n i s t i c society t h e r e would be a very different scope for t h e e m p l o y m e n t of m a c h i n e r y t h a n there c a n be in a b o u r g e o i s society. 33

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry the eighteenth century was exploited in England alone. In the older countries, machinery, when employed in some b r a n c h e s of industry, creates such a r e d u n d a n c y of l a b o u r in other b r a n c h e s t h a t in these latter the fall of wages below the value of labour-power i m p e d e s the u s e of m a c h i n e r y , 5

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and, from the standpoint of the capitalist, whose profit comes, n o t from a d i m i n u t i o n of t h e labour employed, b u t of t h e labour paid for, renders t h a t use superfluous a n d often impossible. In s o m e b r a n c h e s of the woollen m a n u f a c t u r e in England the e m p l o y m e n t of children has during recent years b e e n considerably d i m i n i s h e d , a n d in some cases has b e e n entirely abolished. Why? Because the Factory Acts m a d e two sets of children necessary, one working six h o u r s , the other four, or e a c h working five h o u r s . But the parents refused to sell the "half-timers" cheaper t h a n the "full-timers." H e n c e the substitution of m a c h i n e r y for the " h a l f - t i m e r s . " Before the labour of w o m e n a n d of children u n d e r 10 years of age was forbidden in m i n e s , capitalists considered the e m p l o y m e n t of n a k e d w o m e n a n d girls, often in c o m p a n y with m e n , so far s a n c t i o n e d by their m o r a l code, a n d especially by their ledgers, that it was only after the passing of the Act t h a t they h a d re||391|course to m a c h i n e r y . T h e Y a n k e e s have invented a stonebreaking m a c h i n e . T h e English do n o t m a k e use of it, because the " w r e t c h " who does this work gets paid for s u c h a small portion of his labour, that m a c h i n e r y would increase the cost of p r o d u c t i o n to the. capitalist. In England w o m e n are still occasionally used instead of horses for hauling canal b o a t s , because the labour required to produce horses a n d m a c h i n e s is an accurately k n o w n quantity, while that required to m a i n t a i n the w o m e n of the surplus p o p u l a t i o n is below all calculation. H e n c e n o where do we find a m o r e shameful s q u a n d e r i n g of h u m a n labour-power for the m o s t despicable purposes t h a n in E n g l a n d , the land of m a c h i n e r y . 34

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" E m p l o y e r s of l a b o u r w o u l d n o t u n n e c e s s a r i l y r e t a i n two sets of c h i l d r e n u n d e r t h i r t e e n . ... In fact o n e class of m a n u f a c t u r e r s , t h e s p i n n e r s of woollen yarn, n o w rarely e m p l o y c h i l d r e n u n d e r t h i r t e e n years of age, i.e., half-timers. T h e y h a v e i n t r o d u c e d i m p r o v e d a n d new m a c h i n ery of various kinds, w h i c h altogether s u p e r s e d e s t h e e m p l o y m e n t of children (i.e., u n d e r 13 years); f.i., I will m e n t i o n o n e process as an illustration of this d i m i n u t i o n in t h e n u m b e r of children, wherein by the a d d i t i o n of an a p p a r a t u s , called a p i e c i n g m a c h i n e , to existing m a c h i n e s , t h e work of six or four half-times, a c c o r d i n g to t h e p e c u l i a r i t y of e a c h m a c h i n e , c a n be performed by o n e y o u n g p e r s o n (over 13 years) ... t h e half-time system ('stimulated') t h e inv e n t i o n of t h e p i e c i n g m a c h i n e . " (Reports of I n s p . of F a c t , for 31st Oct., 1858.) " W r e t c h " i s t h e r e c o g n i s e d t e r m i n E n g l i s h political e c o n o m y for t h e agricultural labourer. " M a c h i n e r y ... c a n frequently n o t b e e m p l o y e d u n t i l l a b o u r (he m e a n s wages) rises." (Ric a r d o , I.e., p. 479.) See " R e p o r t of t h e Social S c i e n c e Congress, at E d i n b u r g h . " Oct., 1863. 35

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value

Section

3.—The Proximate Effects of Machinery on

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Workman.

T h e starting point of M o d e r n Industry is, as we have shown, the revolution in t h e i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, a n d this revolution attains its m o s t highly developed form in the organised system of m a c h i n e r y in a factory. Before we i n q u i r e how h u m a n material is incorporated with this objective organism, let us consider s o m e general effects of this revolution on the labourer h i m self. a. Appropriation of Supplementary Labour-Power by Capital. T h e E m p l o y m e n t o f W o m e n a n d Children. In so far as m a c h i n e r y dispenses with m u s c u l a r power, it b e c o m e s a m e a n s of employing labourers of slight m u s c u l a r strength, a n d those whose bodily d e v e l o p m e n t is incomplete, but whose limbs are all the m o r e supple. T h e l a b o u r of w o m e n a n d children was, therefore, the first thing sought for by capitalists who used machinery. T h a t mighty substitute for labour a n d labourers was forthwith changed into a m e a n s for increasing the n u m b e r of wage-labourers by enrolling, u n d e r the direct sway of capital, every m e m ber of t h e w o r k m a n ' s family, without distinction of age or sex. Compulsory work for t h e capitalist usurped the place, n o t only of t h e ||392| children's play, b u t also of free labour at h o m e within m o d e r a t e limits for the support of t h e family. T h e value of labour-power was determined, not only by t h e l a b o u r - t i m e necessary to m a i n t a i n the individual adult labourer, b u t also by that necessary to m a i n t a i n his family. Machinery, by throwing every m e m b e r of that family on to the labour market, spreads the value of t h e m a n ' s labourpower over his whole family. It thus depreciates his labour-power. To purchase the labour-power of a family of four workers m a y , perhaps, cost m o r e t h a n it formerly did to p u r c h a s e the labour-power of the h e a d of the family, but, in return, four days' labour takes the place of one, a n d their price falls in proportion to the excess of the surplus-labour of four over the surplus-la38

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Dr. E d w a r d S m i t h , d u r i n g t h e c o t t o n crisis c a u s e d b y t h e A m e r i c a n Civil W a r , was s e n t b y t h e English G o v e r n m e n t t o L a n c a s h i r e , C h e s h i r e , a n d o t h e r p l a c e s , t o report o n t h e sanitary c o n d i t i o n of t h e c o t t o n operatives. He reported, t h a t from a h y g i e n i c p o i n t of view, a n d apart from the b a n i s h m e n t of t h e operatives from t h e factory a t m o s p h e r e , t h e crisis h a d several adv a n t a g e s . T h e w o m e n n o w h a d sufficient leisure t o give t h e i r infants t h e breast, i n s t e a d o f p o i s o n i n g t h e m with "Godfrey's cordial." T h e y h a d t i m e t o l e a r n t o cook. U n f o r t u n a t e l y t h e acq u i s i t i o n of this art o c c u r r e d at a t i m e w h e n they h a d n o t h i n g to cook. B u t from this we see h o w capital, for t h e p u r p o s e s of its self-expansion, h a s u s u r p e d t h e l a b o u r n e c e s s a r y in t h e h o m e of t h e family. T h i s crisis was also utilised to t e a c h sewing to t h e d a u g h t e r s of t h e workm e n i n sewing schools. A n A m e r i c a n r e v o l u t i o n a n d a u n i v e r s a l crisis, i n o r d e r t h a t t h e working girls, w h o spin for t h e whole world, m i g h t l e a r n to sew!

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Chapter XV · Machinery and modern industry b o u r of one. In order that the family m a y live, four people m u s t now, not only labour, b u t expend surplus-labour for t h e capitalist. T h u s we see, that machinery, while a u g m e n t i n g the h u m a n m a t e r i a l t h a t forms the principal object of capital's exploiting power, at t h e s a m e t i m e raises t h e degree of 5 exploitation. | |393| M a c h i n e r y also revolutionises o u t a n d o u t the contract between the labourer a n d the capitalist, which formally fixes their m u t u a l relations. Taking the exchange of c o m m o d i t i e s as our basis, our first a s s u m p t i o n was that capitalist a n d labourer m e t as free persons, as i n d e p e n d e n t owners of 10 c o m m o d i t i e s ; the o n e possessing m o n e y a n d m e a n s of production, the other labour-power. But now t h e capitalist b u y s children a n d young persons u n d e r age. Previously, the w o r k m a n sold h i s own labour-power, which he disposed of n o m i n a l l y as a free agent. N o w he sells wife a n d child. He has b e c o m e a slave d e a l e r . T h e d e m a n d for children's labour often resem15 bles in form the inquiries for negro slaves, s u c h as were formerly to be read a m o n g the advertisements in A m e r i c a n j o u r n a l s . "My attention," says an English factory inspector, "was drawn to an advertisement in t h e local paper of o n e of the most i m p o r t a n t m a n u f a c t u r i n g towns of my district, of which the following is a copy: W a n t e d , 12 to 20 y o u n g persons, n o t younger 39

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" T h e n u m e r i c a l i n c r e a s e o f l a b o u r e r s h a s b e e n great, t h r o u g h t h e growing s u b s t i t u t i o n o f female for m a l e , (and above all, of childish for a d u l t ) l a b o u r . T h r e e girls of 13, at wages of from 6 shillings to 8 shillings a week, have r e p l a c e d t h e o n e m a n of m a t u r e age, of wages varying from 18 shillings to 45 shillings." (Th. de Q u i n c e y : " T h e Logic of Political E c o n . , L o n d o n , 1844." N o t e t o p . 147.) S i n c e c e r t a i n family f u n c t i o n s , s u c h a s n u r s i n g a n d suckling c h i l d r e n ,

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c a n n o t be entirely suppressed, t h e m o t h e r s confiscated by capital, m u s t try s u b s t i t u t e s of s o m e sort. D o m e s t i c work, s u c h a s sewing a n d m e n d i n g , m u s t b e r e p l a c e d b y t h e p u r c h a s e o f r e a d y - m a d e articles. H e n c e , t h e d i m i n i s h e d e x p e n d i t u r e o f l a b o u r i n t h e h o u s e i s a c c o m p a n i e d b y a n i n c r e a s e d e x p e n d i t u r e o f m o n e y . T h e cost o f k e e p i n g t h e family increases, a n d b a l a n c e s t h e greater i n c o m e . I n a d d i t i o n t o this, e c o n o m y a n d j u d g m e n t i n t h e c o n s u m p t i o n a n d

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p r e p a r a t i o n o f t h e m e a n s o f s u b s i s t e n c e b e c o m e s i m p o s s i b l e . A b u n d a n t m a t e r i a l relating t o t h e s e facts, w h i c h are c o n c e a l e d by official political e c o n o m y , is to be f o u n d in t h e R e p o r t s of t h e Inspectors o f F a c t o r i e s , o f t h e C h i l d r e n ' s E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n , a n d m o r e especially in the Reports on Public Health. I n striking c o n t r a s t w i t h t h e great fact, t h a t t h e s h o r t e n i n g o f t h e h o u r s o f l a b o u r o f w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n in E n g l i s h factories was e x a c t e d from c a p i t a l by t h e m a l e operatives, we find in t h e latest reports of t h e C h i l d r e n ' s E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n traits of t h e operative p a r e n t s in relation to t h e traffic in c h i l d r e n , t h a t are truly revolting a n d t h o r o u g h l y like slave-dealing. But t h e P h a r i s e e of a capitalist, as m a y be s e e n from t h e s a m e reports, d e n o u n c e s t h i s b r u t a l ity w h i c h h e h i m s e l f creates, p e r p e t u a t e s , a n d exploits, a n d w h i c h h e m o r e o v e r b a p t i z e s " F r e e d o m of l a b o u r . " "Infant l a b o u r h a s b e e n called in to aid ... e v e n to work for t h e i r own daily b r e a d . W i t h o u t strength t o e n d u r e s u c h d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e toil, w i t h o u t i n s t r u c t i o n t o g u i d e their future life, they h a v e b e e n t h r o w n i n t o a s i t u a t i o n physically a n d m o r a l l y p o l l u t e d . T h e J e w i s h h i s t o r i a n h a s r e m a r k e d u p o n t h e overthrow o f J e r u s a l e m b y T i t u s t h a t i t was n o w o n d e r i t s h o u l d have b e e n destroyed, w i t h s u c h a signal d e s t r u c t i o n , w h e n a n i n h u m a n m o t h e r sacrificed h e r own offspring to satisfy t h e cravings of a b s o l u t e h u n g e r . " ("Public E c o n o m y C o n c e n trated." Carlisle, 1833, p. 66.) 40

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t h a n what can pass for 13 years. Wages, 4 shillings a week. Apply e t c . , " T h e phrase "what can pass for 13 years," has reference to the fact, t h a t by the Factory Act, children u n d e r 13 years m a y work only 6 h o u r s . A surgeon officially appointed m u s t certify their age. T h e manufacturer, therefore, asks for children who look as if they were already 13 years old. T h e decrease, often by leaps a n d b o u n d s in the n u m b e r of children u n d e r 13 years employed in factories, a decrease | | 3 9 4 | that is shown in a n astonishing m a n n e r by the English statistics of the last 20 years, was for the most part, according to the evidence of the factory inspectors themselves, the work of t h e certifying surgeons, who overstated the age of the children, agreeably to t h e capitalist's greed for exploitation, and the sordid trafficking n e e d s of the parents. In the notorious district of B e t h n a l G r e e n , a public m a r k e t is held every M o n d a y and Tuesday m o r n i n g , where children of b o t h sexes from 9 years of age upwards, hire themselves out to the silk manufacturers. "The u s u a l terms are I s . 8d. a week (this belongs to the parents) and '2d. for myself a n d tea.' T h e contract is b i n d i n g only for the week. T h e scene a n d language while this m a r k e t is going on are quite disgraceful." It has also occurred in England, that w o m e n have taken "children from the workh o u s e a n d let any one have t h e m out for 2s. 6d. a w e e k . " In spite of legislation, the n u m b e r of boys sold in Great Britain by their parents to act as live chimney-sweeping m a c h i n e s (although there exist plenty of m a c h i n e s to replace t h e m ) exceeds 2 0 0 0 . T h e revolution effected by m a c h i n e r y in the juridical relations between the buyer a n d the seller of labour-power, causing the transaction as a whole to lose the a p p e a r a n c e of a contract between free persons, afforded the English P a r l i a m e n t an excuse, founded on j u r i d i c a l principles, for the interference of the state with factories. W h e n ever the law limits the labour of children to 6 h o u r s in industries n o t before interfered with, the complaints of the manufacturers are always renewed. T h e y allege that n u m b e r s of the parents withdraw their children from t h e industry brought u n d e r the Act, in order to sell t h e m where "freedom of lab o u r " still rules, i.e., where children u n d e r 13 years are compelled to work like grown-up people, a n d therefore can be got rid of at a higher price. But since capital is by n a t u r e a leveller, since it exacts in every sphere of production equality in the conditions of the exploitation of labour, the limitation by law of children's labour, in one b r a n c h of industry, b e c o m e s the cause of its limitation in others. |

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|395| We have already alluded to the physical deterioration as well of the 41

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A . R e d g r a v e i n " R e p o r t s o f I n s p . o f Fact, for 31st October, 1 8 5 8 , " p . 4 1 . C h i l d r e n ' s E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n , Fifth R e p o r t , L o n d o n , 1866, p . 8 1 , n . 3 1 . C h i l d r e n ' s E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n , T h i r d R e p o r t , L o n d o n , 1864, p . 5 3 , n . 15. I.e., Fifth R e p o r t , p . X X I I , n . 137.

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children a n d young persons as of the w o m e n , w h o m m a c h i n e r y , first directly in the factories that shoot up on its basis, a n d t h e n indirectly in all the r e m a i n i n g b r a n c h e s of industry, subjects to t h e exploitation of capital. In this place, therefore, we dwell only on o n e point, the e n o r m o u s mortality, during the first few years of their life, of t h e children of the operatives. In sixteen of the registration districts into which E n g l a n d is divided, there are, for every 100,000 children alive u n d e r t h e age of o n e year, only 9085 deaths in a year on an average (in o n e district only 7047); in 24 districts the deaths are over 10,000, but u n d e r 11,000; in 39 districts, over 11,000, b u t u n d e r 12,000; in 48 districts over 12,000, b u t u n d e r 13,000; in 22 districts over 20,000; in 25 districts over 21,000; in 17 over 22,000; in 11 over 23,000; in H o o , W o l v e r h a m p t o n , A s h t o n - u n d e r - L y n e , and Preston, over 24,000; in N o t t i n g h a m , Stockport, a n d Bradford, over 25,000; in W i s b e a c h , 2 6 , 0 0 1 ; a n d in M a n c h e s t e r , 2 6 , 1 2 5 . As was shown by an official m e d i c a l inquiry in the year 1861, the h i g h death-rates are, apart from local causes, principally d u e to the e m p l o y m e n t of t h e mothers away from their h o m e s , a n d to the neglect a n d m a l t r e a t m e n t c o n s e q u e n t on her absence, such as, amongst others, insufficient n o u r i s h m e n t , u n s u i t a b l e food, a n d dosing with opiates; besides this, there arises an u n n a t u r a l e s t r a n g e m e n t between m o t h e r a n d child, a n d as a c o n s e q u e n c e i n t e n t i o n a l starving a n d poisoning of the c h i l d r e n . In those agricultural districts, "where a m i n i m u m in t h e e m p l o y m e n t of w o m e n exists, the death-rate is on the other h a n d very l o w . " T h e I n q u i r y - C o m m i s s i o n of 1861 led, however, to the u n expected result, that in some purely agricultural districts bordering on t h e N o r t h Sea, the death-rate of children u n d e r o n e year old almost equalled that of the worst factory districts. Dr. J u l i a n H u n t e r was therefore c o m m i s sioned to investigate this p h e n o m e n o n on the ||396| spot. His report is incorporated with the "Sixth Report on Public H e a l t h . " Up to that t i m e it was supposed, that the children were d e c i m a t e d by malaria, and other diseases peculiar to low-lying and m a r s h y districts. But the inquiry showed the very opposite, namely, that the same cause which drove away malaria, the conversion of the land, from a morass in winter a n d a scanty pasture in s u m m e r , into fruitful corn land, created the exceptional death-rate of t h e 45

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Sixth R e p o r t o n P u b l i c H e a l t h . L o n d . , 1864, p . 34. "It (the i n q u i r y of 1861) showed, m o r e o v e r , t h a t while, w i t h t h e d e s c r i b e d c i r c u m s t a n c e s , infants p e r i s h u n d e r t h e n e g l e c t a n d m i s m a n a g e m e n t w h i c h t h e i r m o t h e r s ' o c c u p a t i o n s imply, t h e m o t h e r s b e c o m e to a grievous e x t e n t d e n a t u r a l i z e d towards t h e i r o f f s p r i n g — c o m m o n l y n o t t r o u b l i n g themselves m u c h a t t h e d e a t h , a n d e v e n s o m e t i m e s ... taking direct m e a s u r e s t o i n s u r e it." (I.e.) I.e., p . 454. I.e., p . 4 5 4 - 4 6 2 . " R e p o r t b y Dr. H e n r y J u l i a n H u n t e r o n t h e excessive m o r t a l i t y o f infants i n s o m e rural districts o f E n g l a n d . " 46

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i n f a n t s . T h e 70 m e d i c a l m e n , w h o m Dr. H u n t e r e x a m i n e d in t h a t district, were "wonderfully in accord" on this point. In fact, the revolution in the m o d e of cultivation h a d led to the i n t r o d u c t i o n of t h e industrial system. Married women, who work in gangs along with boys a n d girls, are, for a stipulated s u m of m o n e y , placed at the disposal of t h e farmer, by a m a n 5 called t h e "undertaker," who contracts for t h e whole gang. "These gangs will s o m e t i m e s travel m a n y miles from their own village; they are to be m e t m o r n i n g a n d evening on the roads, dressed in short petticoats, with suitable coats and boots, a n d sometimes trousers, looking wonderfully strong a n d healthy, b u t tainted with a customary immorality, a n d heedless of the 10 fatal results which their love of this busy a n d i n d e p e n d e n t life is bringing on their unfortunate offspring who are pining at h o m e . " Every p h e n o m e n o n of the factory districts is here reproduced, including, b u t to a greater extent, ill-disguised infanticide, and dosing children with o p i a t e s . "My knowledge of s u c h evils," says Dr. Simon, t h e m e d i c a l officer of the Privy 15 C o u n c i l a n d editor in chief of the Reports on Public H e a l t h , " m a y excuse t h e profound misgiving with which I regard any large industrial employm e n t of adult w o m e n . " "Happy indeed," exclaims Mr. Baker, t h e factory inspector, in his official report, "happy in||397|deed will it be for t h e m a n u facturing districts of England, when every m a r r i e d w o m a n having a family 20 is prohibited from working in any textile works at a l l . " 5 0

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T h e m o r a l degradation caused by the capitalistic exploitation of w o m e n a n d children has b e e n so exhaustively depicted by F. Engels in his "Lage der A r b e i t e n d e n Klasse Englands," and other writers, t h a t I n e e d only m e n t i o n the subject in this place. But the intellectual desolation, artificially 25 p r o d u c e d by converting i m m a t u r e h u m a n beings into m e r e m a c h i n e s for t h e fabrication of surplus-value, a state of m i n d clearly distinguishable from t h a t n a t u r a l ignorance which keeps t h e m i n d fallow without destroying its capacity for development, its n a t u r a l fertility, this desolation finally compelled even the English Parliament to m a k e elementary e d u c a t i o n a 30 compulsory condition to the "productive" e m p l o y m e n t of children u n d e r 14 years, in every industry subject to the Factory Acts. T h e spirit of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n stands o u t clearly in the ludicrous wording of the so-called 49

I.e., p . 3 5 a n d p p . 4 5 5 , 456. I.e., p . 456. I n t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l a s well a s i n t h e factory districts t h e c o n s u m p t i o n o f o p i u m a m o n g t h e g r o w n - u p l a b o u r e r s , b o t h m a l e a n d female, i s e x t e n d i n g daily. "To p u s h t h e sale o f opiate . . . . is t h e great a i m of s o m e enterprising wholesale m e r c h a n t s . By druggists it is c o n s i d e r e d ' t h e l e a d i n g a r t i c l e . ' " (I.e., p . 459.) Infants t h a t t a k e o p i a t e s " s h r a n k u p i n t o little old m e n , " o r " w i z z e n e d like little m o n k e y s , " (I.e., p . 460). W e h e r e see h o w I n d i a a n d C h i n a a v e n g e d t h e m selves o n E n g l a n d . I.e., p . 37. " R e p . of I n s p . of F a c t , for 31st Oct., 1862," p. 59. M r . B a k e r was formerly a doctor. 5 0

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e d u c a t i o n clauses in the Factory Acts, in t h e absence of an administrative m a c h i n e r y , an absence that again m a k e s the c o m p u l s i o n illusory, in the opposition of the m a n u f a c t u r e r s themselves to these e d u c a t i o n clauses, a n d in the tricks a n d dodges they p u t in practice for evading t h e m . "For this the legislature is alone to b l a m e , by having passed a delusive law, which, while it would s e e m to provide that the children employed in factories shall be educated, contains no e n a c t m e n t by which that professed end c a n be secured. It provides n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n that the children shall on certain days of the week, and for a certain n u m b e r of h o u r s (three) in each day, be inclosed within the four walls of a place called a school, a n d that the e m ployer of the child shall receive weekly a certificate to that effect signed by a person designated by the subscriber as a schoolmaster or schoolmist r e s s . " Previous to the passing of the a m e n d e d Factory Act, 1844, it h a p p e n e d , n o t unfrequently, t h a t the certificates of a t t e n d a n c e at school were signed by the school||398|master or schoolmistress with a cross, as they themselves were u n a b l e to write. " O n o n e occasion, on visiting a place called a school, from which certificates of school a t t e n d a n c e h a d issued, I was so struck with the ignorance of the master, that I said to h i m : "Pray, sir, can you r e a d ? " His reply was: "Aye, s u m m a t ! " a n d as a justification of his right to grant certificates, he a d d e d : "At any rate, I am before my scholars." T h e inspectors, when the Bill of 1844 was in preparation, did n o t fail to represent the disgraceful state of t h e places called schools, certificates from which they were obliged to a d m i t as a c o m p l i a n c e with the laws, b u t they were successful only in obtaining t h u s m u c h , that since the passing of the A c t of 1844, the figures in the school certificate m u s t be filled up in t h e handwriting of the schoolmaster, who m u s t also sign his Christian a n d surn a m e in f u l l . " Sir J o h n Kincaid, factory inspector for Scotland, relates experiences of the s a m e kind. "The first school we visited was kept by a M r s . A n n Killin. U p o n asking h e r to spell her n a m e , she straightway m a d e a mistake, by beginning with the letter C, b u t correcting herself immediately, she said her n a m e began with a K. On looking at her signature, however, in the school certificate books, I noticed t h a t she spelt it in various ways, while her handwriting left no d o u b t as to h e r unfitness to teach. She herself also acknowledged that she could n o t keep t h e register . . . . In a second school I found the schoolroom 15 feet long, a n d 10 feet wide, a n d c o u n t e d in this space 75 children, who were gabbling s o m e t h i n g u n i n t e l l i g i b l e . " "But it is n o t only in the miserable places above referred to that t h e children obtain certificates of school a t t e n d a n c e without having received in54

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L e o n a r d H o r n e r i n " R e p o r t s o f I n s p . o f F a c t , for 30th J u n e , 1857," p . 17. L. H o r n e r in " R e p . of I n s p . of F a c t , for 31st Oct., 1855," p. 19. Sir J o h n K i n c a i d i n " R e p . o f I n s p . o f F a c t , for 31st Oct., 1 8 5 8 , " p p . 3 1 , 32.

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value struction of any value, for in m a n y schools where there is a c o m p e t e n t teacher, his efforts are of little avail from the distracting crowd of children of all ages, from infants of 3 'years old and upwards; his livelihood, m i s erable at the best, d e p e n d i n g on the p e n c e received from t h e greatest n u m b e r of children w h o m it is possible to c r a m into t h e space. To this is to be a d d e d scanty school furniture, deficiency of books, a n d ||399| other materials for teaching, a n d the depressing effect u p o n the poor children t h e m selves of a close, n o i s o m e atmosphere. I have b e e n in m a n y such schools, where I have seen rows of children doing absolutely n o t h i n g ; a n d this is certified as school a t t e n d a n c e , and, in statistical returns, s u c h children are set down as being e d u c a t e d . " In Scotland t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s try all they c a n to do without the children that are obliged to a t t e n d school. "It requires no further a r g u m e n t to prove t h a t the e d u c a t i o n a l clauses of the Factory Act, being held in s u c h disfavour a m o n g m i l l owners, t e n d in a great m e a s u r e to exclude that class of children alike from the e m p l o y m e n t a n d the benefit of e d u c a t i o n contemplated by this A c t . " Horribly grot e s q u e does this appear in print works, which are regulated by a special Act. By t h a t Act, "every child, before being employed in a print work m u s t h a v e a t t e n d e d school for at least 30 days, a n d n o t less t h a n 150 hours, during the six m o n t h s immediately preceding s u c h first day of e m p l o y m e n t , a n d during the c o n t i n u a n c e of its e m p l o y m e n t in the print works, it m u s t a t t e n d for a like period of 30 days, a n d 150 h o u r s during every successive period of six m o n t h s . ... T h e a t t e n d a n c e at school m u s t be between 8 a.m. a n d 6 p . m . No a t t e n d a n c e of less t h a n 2 / h o u r s , n o r m o r e t h a n 5 h o u r s on any one day, shall be reckoned as part of the 150 h o u r s . U n d e r ordinary circ u m s t a n c e s the children attend school m o r n i n g a n d afternoon for 30 days, for at least 5 h o u r s each day, a n d u p o n the expiration of the 30 days, the statutory total of 150 hours having b e e n attained, having, in their language, ' m a d e up their book,' they return to the print work, where they c o n t i n u e u n t i l the six m o n t h s have expired, when a n o t h e r i n s t a l m e n t of school att e n d a n c e b e c o m e s due, a n d they again seek the school u n t i l the b o o k is

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again m a d e up M a n y boys having a t t e n d e d school for the required n u m b e r of hours, w h e n they return to school after the expiration of their six m o n t h s ' work in the print work, are in the s a m e c o n d i t i o n as w h e n they first a t t e n d e d school as print-work boys, t h a t they have lost all that they 35 gained by their previous school a t t e n d a n c e . ||400| ... In other print works t h e children's a t t e n d a n c e at school is m a d e to d e p e n d altogether u p o n the exigencies of the work in t h e establishment. T h e requisite n u m b e r of h o u r s is m a d e up each six m o n t h s , by instalments consisting of from 3 to 5 h o u r s 57

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Chapter XV · Machinery and modern industry at a t i m e , spreading over, perhaps, the whole six m o n t h s . ... F o r instance, the a t t e n d a n c e on o n e day m i g h t be from 8 to 11a.m., on a n o t h e r day from 1 p.m. to 4 p.m., and the child m i g h t n o t appear at school again for several days, when it would attend from 3 p . m . to 6 p.m.; t h e n it m i g h t a t t e n d for 3 5 or 4 days consecutively, or for a week, t h e n it would not appear in school for 3 weeks or a m o n t h , after that u p o n s o m e o d d days at some odd h o u r s when the operative who employed it chose to spare it; a n d t h u s the child was, as it were, buffeted from school to work, from work to school, u n t i l the tale of 150 h o u r s was t o l d . " 10 By the excessive addition of w o m e n a n d children to the ranks of t h e workers, m a c h i n e r y at last breaks down the resistance which the m a l e operatives in the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period c o n t i n u e d to oppose to the despotism of c a p i t a l . 59

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b. Prolongation of the Working-Day. 15 If m a c h i n e r y be the m o s t powerful m e a n s for increasing the productiveness of labour—i.e., for shortening the working t i m e required in the p r o d u c t i o n of a c o m m o d i t y , it b e c o m e s in the h a n d s of capital the m o s t powerful m e a n s , in those industries first invaded by it, for lengthening the working day beyond ||401| all b o u n d s set by h u m a n n a t u r e . It creates, on the o n e 20 h a n d , new conditions by which capital is enabled to give free scope to this its constant tendency, a n d on the other h a n d , n e w motives with which to whet capital's appetite for the l a b o u r of others. In the first place, in the form of m a c h i n e r y , t h e i m p l e m e n t s of labour bec o m e a u t o m a t i c , things moving a n d working i n d e p e n d e n t of the workman. 25 They are thenceforth an industrial perpetuum mobile, that would go on producing forever, did it n o t m e e t with certain n a t u r a l obstructions in t h e 59

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A . R e d g r a v e i n " R e p . o f I n s p . o f F a c t , 31st Oct., 1857," p p . 4 1 - 4 2 . I n t h o s e i n d u s t r i e s w h e r e t h e F a c t o r y A c t p r o p e r (not t h e P r i n t W o r k s A c t referred t o i n t h e text) h a s b e e n i n force for s o m e t i m e , t h e obstacles i n t h e way o f t h e e d u c a t i o n clauses h a v e , i n r e c e n t years, b e e n overc o m e . In i n d u s t r i e s n o t u n d e r t h e A c t , t h e views of M r . J. G e d d e s , a glass m a n u f a c t u r e r , still extensively prevail. He i n f o r m e d M r . W h i t e , o n e of t h e I n q u i r y C o m m i s s i o n e r s : "As far as I c a n see, t h e greater a m o u n t of e d u c a t i o n w h i c h a p a r t of t h e working class h a s enjoyed for s o m e years p a s t is an evil. It is d a n g e r o u s , b e c a u s e it m a k e s t h e m i n d e p e n d e n t . " ( C h i l d r e n ' s E m p i . C o m m . , F o u r t h R e p o r t , L o n d . , 1865, p . 253.) "Mr. E., a m a n u f a c t u r e r . . . . i n f o r m e d m e t h a t h e e m p l o y e d females exclusively a t h i s power-looms ... gives a d e c i d e d preference to m a r r i e d females, especially t h o s e w h o have families a t h o m e d e p e n d e n t o n t h e m for support; t h e y are a t t e n t i v e , docile, m o r e s o t h a n u n m a r ried females, a n d are c o m p e l l e d t o u s e t h e i r u t m o s t e x e r t i o n s t o p r o c u r e t h e necessaries o f life. T h u s are t h e virtues, t h e p e c u l i a r virtues of t h e female c h a r a c t e r to be perverted to h e r i n j u r y — t h u s all t h a t is m o s t dutiful a n d t e n d e r in h e r n a t u r e is m a d e a m e a n s of h e r b o n d a g e a n d suffering." (Ten H o u r s ' F a c t o r y Bill. T h e S p e e c h of L o r d Ashley, M a r c h 15th, L o n d . , 1844, p . 20.) 60

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value weak bodies a n d the strong wills of its h u m a n a t t e n d a n t s . T h e a u t o m a t o n , as capital, and b e c a u s e it is capital, is endowed, in t h e person of the capitalist, with intelligence a n d will; it is therefore a n i m a t e d by the longing to r e d u c e to a m i n i m u m the resistance offered by t h a t repellent yet elastic n a t u r a l barrier, m a n . This resistance is moreover lessened by t h e apparent lightness of m a c h i n e work, a n d by the m o r e pliant a n d docile character of t h e w o m e n a n d children employed o n i t . T h e productiveness of m a c h i n e r y is, as we saw, inversely proportional to t h e value transferred by it to the product. T h e longer the life of the m a c h i n e , the greater is the mass of the products over which the value transm i t t e d by the m a c h i n e is spread, and the less is the portion of t h a t value added to ||402| e a c h single c o m m o d i t y . T h e active lifetime of a m a c h i n e is, however, clearly d e p e n d e n t on the length of the working day, or on the duration of the daily labour-process multiplied by t h e n u m b e r of days for which the process is carried on. T h e wear a n d tear of a m a c h i n e is n o t exactly proportional to its working t i m e . A n d even if it were so, a m a c h i n e working 16 h o u r s daily for 7½ years, covers as long a working period as, a n d transmits to the total product no m o r e value t h a n , the same m a c h i n e would if it worked only 8 h o u r s daily for 15 years. But in the first case the value of t h e m a c h i n e would be reproduced twice as quickly as in the latter, a n d the capitalist would, by this use of the m a c h i n e , absorb in 7½ years as m u c h surplus-value as in the second case he would in 15. T h e material wear a n d tear of a m a c h i n e is of two kinds. T h e o n e arises from use, as coins wear away by circulating, the other from n o n - u s e , as a 25 sword rusts when left in its scabbard. T h e latter k i n d is d u e to the elements. 6 1

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" S i n c e t h e g e n e r a l i n t r o d u c t i o n o f m a c h i n e r y , h u m a n n a t u r e h a s b e e n forced far b e y o n d its average strength." ( R o b . O w e n : "Observations on t h e effects of t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g system, 2 n d Ed., L o n d . , 1817.") T h e English, w h o h a v e a t e n d e n c y to look u p o n t h e earliest form of a p p e a r a n c e of a t h i n g as the c a u s e of its e x i s t e n c e , are in t h e h a b i t of a t t r i b u t i n g t h e long h o u r s of work in factories to t h e e x t e n s i v e k i d n a p p i n g of c h i l d r e n , practised by capitalists in t h e infancy of t h e factory system, o n w o r k h o u s e s a n d o r p h a n a g e s , b y m e a n s o f w h i c h r o b b e r y , u n r e s i s t i n g m a t e r i a l for e x p l o i t a t i o n was p r o c u r e d . T h u s , for i n s t a n c e , F i e l d e n , h i m s e l f a m a n u f a c t u r e r , says: "It is e v i d e n t t h a t t h e long h o u r s of work were b r o u g h t a b o u t by t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e of so great a n u m b e r of d e s t i t u t e c h i l d r e n b e i n g s u p p l i e d from different parts of t h e c o u n t r y , t h a t t h e m a s t e r s were independent of the hands, and that having once established the custom by m e a n s of the m i s e r a b l e m a t e r i a l s they h a d p r o c u r e d i n t h i s way, t h e y c o u l d i m p o s e i t o n t h e i r n e i g h b o u r s w i t h t h e greater facility." (J. F i e l d e n : " T h e C u r s e of t h e F a c t o r y System. L o n d . , 1836," p. 11.) W i t h reference t o t h e l a b o u r o f w o m e n , S a u n d e r s , t h e F a c t o r y i n s p e c t o r , says i n h i s report o f 1 8 4 3 : " A m o n g s t t h e female operatives t h e r e are s o m e w o m e n w h o , for m a n y weeks i n s u c c e s s i o n , e x c e p t for a few days, are e m p l o y e d from 6 a.m. till m i d n i g h t , w i t h less t h a n 2 h o u r s for m e a l s , so t h a t on 5 days of t h e w e e k t h e y have only 6 h o u r s left o u t of t h e 24, for going to a n d from t h e i r h o m e s a n d resting i n b e d . " 62

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Chapter XV · Machinery and modern industry T h e former is m o r e or less directly proportional, the latter to a certain extent inversely proportional, to the use of the m a c h i n e . B u t in addition to the m a t e r i a l wear a n d tear, a m a c h i n e also undergoes, what we m a y call a m o r a l depreciation. It loses exchange-value, either by m a c h i n e s of the same sort being p r o d u c e d cheaper t h a n it, or by better m a chines entering into c o m p e t i t i o n with i t . In b o t h cases, be the m a c h i n e ever so young a n d full of life, its value is no longer d e t e r m i n e d by the labour actually materialised in it, b u t by the l a b o u r - t i m e requisite to reproduce either it or the better m a c h i n e . It has, therefore, lost value m o r e or less. T h e shorter the period t a k e n to reproduce its total value, the less is the danger of m o r a l depreciation; and the longer the working day, the shorter is that period. W h e n m a c h i n e r y is first i n t r o d u c e d into an industry, new m e t h o d s of reproducing it m o r e cheaply follow ||403| blow u p o n blow, a n d so do improvements, t h a t n o t only affect individual parts a n d details of the m a c h i n e , b u t its entire build. It is, therefore, in the early days of t h e life of m a c h i n e r y that this special incentive to the prolongation of the working day m a k e s itself felt m o s t a c u t e l y . Given the length of the working day, all other circumstances r e m a i n i n g the same, the exploitation of double the n u m b e r of w o r k m e n d e m a n d s , n o t only a doubling of that part of constant capital which is invested in m a chinery and buildings, b u t also of that part which is laid out in raw m a t e rial a n d auxiliary substances. T h e lengthening of the working day, on the other h a n d , allows of p r o d u c t i o n on an e x t e n d e d scale without any alteration in the a m o u n t of capital laid out on m a c h i n e r y and b u i l d i n g s . N o t 63

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" O c c a s i o n ... injury t o t h e d e l i c a t e m o v i n g parts o f m e t a l l i c m e c h a n i s m b y i n a c t i o n . " (Ure, I.e., p . 281). T h e " M a n c h e s t e r S p i n n e r " (Times, 2 6 t h Nov., 1862) before referred to says i n r e l a t i o n to this subject: "It ( n a m e l y , t h e " a l l o w a n c e for d e t e r i o r a t i o n of m a c h i n e r y " ) in also i n t e n d e d to cover t h e loss which is constantly arising from t h e s u p e r s e d i n g of m a c h i n e s before t h e y are worn o u t , by o t h e r s of a new a n d better c o n s t r u c t i o n . " "It h a s b e e n e s t i m a t e d , roughly, t h a t [...] t h e first i n d i v i d u a l of a n e w l y - i n v e n t e d m a c h i n e will cost a b o u t five t i m e s as m u c h as t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e s e c o n d . " (Babbage, I.e., p p . 2 1 1 , 212). " T h e i m p r o v e m e n t s w h i c h t o o k place n o t long ago i n frames for m a k i n g p a t e n t n e t was s o great t h a t a m a c h i n e in good r e p a i r w h i c h h a d cost £ 1 , 2 0 0 , sold a few years after for £ 6 0 ... i m p r o v e m e n t s s u c c e e d e d e a c h o t h e r s o rapidly, t h a t m a c h i n e s w h i c h h a d n e v e r b e e n finished were a b a n d o n e d i n t h e h a n d s o f t h e i r m a k e r s , b e c a u s e n e w i m p r o v e m e n t s h a d s u p e r s e d e d their utility." (Babbage, I.e., p.233.) In t h e s e s t o r m y , g o - a h e a d t i m e s , therefore, t h e tulle m a n ufacturers s o o n e x t e n d e d t h e working day, by m e a n s of d o u b l e sets of h a n d s , from t h e o r i g i n a l 8 h o u r s to 2 4 . 6 4

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"It i s self-evident, that, a m i d t h e e b b i n g s a n d flowings o f t h e m a r k e t s a n d t h e a l t e r n a t e exp a n s i o n s a n d c o n t r a c t i o n s o f d e m a n d , o c c a s i o n s will c o n s t a n t l y recur, i n w h i c h t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r m a y e m p l o y a d d i t i o n a l floating c a p i t a l w i t h o u t e m p l o y i n g a d d i t i o n a l fixed c a p i t a l ... if a d d i t i o n a l q u a n t i t i e s o f raw m a t e r i a l c a n b e worked u p w i t h o u t i n c u r r i n g a n a d d i t i o n a l exp e n s e for b u i l d i n g s a n d m a c h i n e r y . " (R. T o r r e n s : " O n W a g e s a n d C o m b i n a t i o n s . L o n d o n , 1834," p. 64.)

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value only is there, therefore, an increase of surplus-value, b u t the outlay necessary to o b t a i n it diminishes. It is true t h a t this takes place, m o r e or less, with every lenghtening of the working day; b u t in the case u n d e r consideration, the change is m o r e marked, because the capital converted into the ins t r u m e n t s of labour preponderates to a greater d e g r e e . T h e development 5 of the factory system fixes a constantly increasing p o r t i o n of the capital in a form, in which, on the o n e h a n d , its value is capable of c o n t i n u a l self-expansion, a n d in which, on the other h a n d , it loses b o t h use-value a n d exchange-value when||404|ever it loses c o n t a c t with living labour. " W h e n a labourer," said Mr. Ashworth, a cotton m a g n a t e , to Professor N a s s a u W. Se- 10 nior, "lays down his spade, he renders useless, for t h a t period, a capital worth eighteenpence. W h e n o n e of o u r people leaves the mill, he renders useless a capital t h a t has cost £ 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 . " Only fancy! m a k i n g "useless" for a single m o m e n t , a capital that has cost £100,000! It is, in truth, m o n strous, t h a t a single o n e of our people should ever leave t h e factory! T h e in- 15 creased u s e of m a c h i n e r y , as Senior after t h e instruction he received from A s h w o r t h clearly perceives, m a k e s a constantly increasing lengthening of. the working day " d e s i r a b l e . " 68

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M a c h i n e r y produces relative surplus-value; n o t only by directly depreciating the value of labour-power, a n d by indirectly c h e a p e n i n g the s a m e 20 t h r o u g h cheapening the c o m m o d i t i e s t h a t enter into its reproduction, b u t also, w h e n it is first introduced sporadically into an industry, by converting the labour employed by the owner of t h a t m a c h i n e r y , into l a b o u r of a higher degree a n d greater efficacy, by raising the social value of the article p r o d u c e d above its individual value, a n d t h u s enabling the capitalist to re- 25 place the value of a day's labour-power by a smaller p o r t i o n of the value of a day's product. D u r i n g this transition period, when the use of m a c h i n e r y is a sort of monopoly, the profits are therefore exceptional, a n d the capitalist endeavours to exploit thoroughly "the s u n n y t i m e of this his first love," by prolonging the working day as m u c h as possible. T h e m a g n i t u d e of t h e 30 profit whets his appetite for m o r e profit. 68

T h i s c i r c u m s t a n c e is m e n t i o n e d only for t h e s a k e of c o m p l e t e n e s s , for I shall n o t c o n s i d e r t h e r a t e of profit, i.e., t h e ratio of t h e surplus-value to t h e t o t a l c a p i t a l a d v a n c e d , u n t i l I c o m e to the third book. Senior, "Letters o n t h e F a c t o r y Act. L o n d o n , 1837," p . 14. " T h e great p r o p o r t i o n o f f i x e d t o circulating c a p i t a l ... m a k e s long h o u r s o f work desira b l e . " W i t h t h e i n c r e a s e d u s e o f m a c h i n e r y , etc., " t h e m o t i v e s t o long h o u r s o f work will b e c o m e greater, as t h e only m e a n s by w h i c h a large p r o p o r t i o n of fixed c a p i t a l c a n be m a d e profi t a b l e . " (I.e., p p . 11, 14.) " T h e r e are c e r t a i n e x p e n s e s u p o n a m i l l w h i c h go on in t h e s a m e p r o p o r t i o n w h e t h e r t h e m i l l be r u n n i n g short or full t i m e , as, for i n s t a n c e , rent, rates, a n d t a x e s , i n s u r a n c e against fire, wages of several p e r m a n e n t servants, d e t e r i o r a t i o n of m a c h i n e r y , w i t h v a r i o u s o t h e r charges u p o n a m a n u f a c t u r i n g e s t a b l i s h m e n t , t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f w h i c h t o profits increases as t h e p r o d u c t i o n decreases." ( " R e p . of I n s p . of F a c t , for 31st Oct., 1862," 69

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As the use of m a c h i n e r y b e c o m e s m o r e general in a particular industry, the social value of the product sinks down to its individual value, a n d the law that surplus-value does n o t ||405| arise from the labour-power that has b e e n replaced by the m a c h i n e r y , b u t from the labour-power actually e m ployed in working with the m a c h i n e r y , asserts itself. Surplus-value arises from variable capital alone, a n d we saw t h a t t h e a m o u n t of surplus-value depends on two factors, viz., the rate of surplus-value a n d the n u m b e r of the w o r k m e n simultaneously employed. G i v e n the length of t h e working day, the rate of surplus-value is d e t e r m i n e d by t h e relative d u r a t i o n of the necessary labour a n d of the surplus-labour in a day. T h e n u m b e r of the labourers simultaneously employed d e p e n d s , on its side, on the ratio of the variable to the constant capital. Now, however m u c h the use of m a c h i n e r y m a y increase the surplus-labour at the expense of the necessary labour by heightening the productiveness of labour, it is clear that it attains this resuit, only by diminishing the n u m b e r of w o r k m e n employed by a given a m o u n t of capital. It converts what was formerly variable capital, invested in labour-power, into m a c h i n e r y which, being constant capital, does n o t produce surplus-value. It is impossible, for instance, to squeeze as m u c h surplus-value out of 2 as out of 24 labourers. If e a c h of these 24 m e n gives only one h o u r of surplus-labour in 12, the 24 m e n give together 24 h o u r s of surplus-labour, while 24 h o u r s is t h e total l a b o u r of the two m e n . H e n c e , the application of m a c h i n e r y to t h e p r o d u c t i o n of surplus-value implies a contradiction which is i m m a n e n t in it, since, of the two factors of the surplus-value created by a given a m o u n t of capital, one, the rate of surplus-value, c a n n o t be increased, except by d i m i n i s h i n g the other, the n u m b e r of workmen. This contradiction c o m e s to light, as soon as by the general e m p l o y m e n t of m a c h i n e r y in a given industry, t h e value of the m a c h i n e - p r o d u c e d c o m m o d i t y regulates the value of all c o m m o d i t i e s of the s a m e sort; and it is this contradiction, that in its t u r n , drives the capitalist, without his being conscious of the fact, to excessive lengthening of the working day, in order that he m a y c o m p e n s a t e the decrease in the relative n u m b e r | |406| of labourers exploited, by an increase n o t only of the relative, b u t of the absolute surplus-labour. If, t h e n , the capitalistic e m p l o y m e n t of m a c h i n e r y , on the o n e h a n d , supplies new a n d powerful motives to an excessive lengthening of the working day, a n d radically changes, as well the m e t h o d s of labour, as also the character of the social working organism, in s u c h a m a n n e r as to break down all opposition to this tendency, on t h e o t h e r h a n d it produces, partly 71

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W h y i t is, t h a t t h e capitalist, a n d also t h e political e c o n o m i s t s w h o are e m b u e d with h i s views, are u n c o n s c i o u s o f t h e i m m a n e n t c o n t r a d i c t i o n , will a p p e a r from t h e f i r s t part o f t h e t h i r d book.

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value by o p e n i n g o u t to t h e capitalist n e w strata of t h e working class, previously inaccessible to h i m , partly by setting free t h e labourers it supplants, a sur­ p l u s working p r o p u l a t i o n ,

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o f capital. H e n c e t h a t r e m a r k a b l e p h e n o m e n o n i n t h e history o f M o d e r n Industry, t h a t m a c h i n e r y sweeps away every m o r a l a n d n a t u r a l restriction

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on t h e l e n g t h of t h e working day. H e n c e , too, t h e e c o n o m i c a l paradox, t h a t t h e m o s t powerful i n s t r u m e n t for shortening labour-time, b e c o m e s t h e m o s t unfailing m e a n s for placing every m o m e n t of t h e labourer's t i m e a n d t h a t of his family, at t h e disposal of t h e capitalist for t h e p u r p o s e of ex­ p a n d i n g t h e value of his capital. "If," d r e a m e d Aristotle, t h e greatest

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t h i n k e r of antiquity, "if every tool, w h e n s u m m o n e d , or even of its own ac­ cord, c o u l d do t h e work that befits it, j u s t as t h e c r e a t i o n s of Daedalus m o v e d of themselves, or t h e tripods of Hephajstos went of t h e i r own accord to their sacred work, if t h e weavers' shuttles were to weave of themselves, t h e n t h e r e would be no n e e d either of apprentices for t h e m a s t e r workers,

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or of slaves for t h e l o r d s . " 7 3 A n d Antipatros, a G r e e k p o e t of t h e t i m e of Ci­ cero, h a i l e d t h e i n v e n t i o n of t h e water-wheel for g r i n d i n g corn, an inven­ t i o n t h a t is t h e e l e m e n t a r y form of all m a c h i n e r y , as t h e giver of freedom to female slaves, a n d t h e bringer back of t h e golden age. 7 4 O h ! ||407| those h e a t h e n s ! T h e y u n d e r s t o o d , as t h e l e a r n e d Bastiat, a n d before h i m t h e still

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wiser M a c C u l l o c h have discovered, n o t h i n g of political e c o n o m y a n d Christianity. T h e y did not, for example, c o m p r e h e n d t h a t m a c h i n e r y is t h e surest m e a n s of l e n g t h e n i n g t h e working day. T h e y p e r h a p s excused t h e slavery of o n e on t h e g r o u n d t h a t it was a m e a n s to t h e full d e v e l o p m e n t of 72

I t i s o n e o f t h e greatest m e r i t s o f R i c a r d o t o h a v e s e e n i n m a c h i n e r y n o t o n l y t h e m e a n s o f producing commodities, but of creating a " r e d u n d a n t population." 73 F . B i e s e . " D i e P h i l o s o p h i e des A r i s t o t e l e s , " V o l . 2 . Berlin, 1842, p . 4 0 8 . 74 I give below t h e t r a n s l a t i o n of t h i s p o e m by Stolberg, b e c a u s e it b r i n g s i n t o relief, q u i t e in t h e spirit o f f o r m e r q u o t a t i o n s referring t o division o f l a b o u r , t h e a n t i t h e s i s b e t w e e n t h e views o f t h e a n c i e n t s a n d t h e m o d e r n s . " S p a r e t h e h a n d t h a t g r i n d s t h e c o m , O h , m i l l e r girls, a n d softly sleep. L e t C h a n t i c l e e r a n n o u n c e t h e m o r n i n v a i n ! D e o h a s c o m m a n d e d t h e work o f t h e girls t o b e d o n e b y t h e N y m p h s , a n d n o w t h e y skip lightly over t h e wheels, s o t h a t t h e s h a k e n axles revolve w i t h t h e i r spokes a n d p u l l r o u n d t h e l o a d o f t h e revolving s t o n e s . L e t u s live t h e life o f o u r fathers, a n d let u s rest from work a n d enjoy t h e gifts t h a t t h e G o d d e s s s e n d s u s . " „ S c h o n e t d e r m a h l e n d e n H a n d , ο M ü l l e r i n n e n u n d schlafet Sanft! e s v e r k ü n d e d e r H a h n e u c h d e n M o r g e n u m s o n s t ! D ä o h a t die A r b e i t d e r M ä d c h e n d e n N y m p h e n b e f o h l e n , U n d itzt h ü p f e n sie l e i c h t ü b e r die R ä d e r d a h i n , D a s s d i e e r s c h ü t t e r t e n A c h s e n m i t i h r e n S p e i c h e n sich w ä l z e n , U n d i m Kreise die Last d r e h e n des w ä l z e n d e n S t e i n s . Lasst u n s l e b e n das L e b e n d e r Väter, u n d lasst u n s d e r G a b e n A r b e i t s l o s u n s freun, w e l c h e die G ö t t i n u n s s c h e n k t . " ( G e d i c h t e a u s d e m G r i e c h i s c h e n ü b e r s e t z t von 1782.)

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Chapter XV · Machinery and modern industry another. B u t to preach slavery of the masses, in order that a few crude a n d half-educated parvenus, might b e c o m e " e m i n e n t spinners," "extensive sausage-makers," a n d "influential shoe-black dealers," to do this, they lacked the b u m p of Christianity.

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c. Intensification of Labour. T h e i m m o d e r a t e lengthening of the working day, p r o d u c e d by m a c h i n e r y in the h a n d s of capital, leads to a reaction on the part of society, the very sources, of whose life are m e n a c e d ; and, t h e n c e , to a n o r m a l working day whose length is fixed by law. Thenceforth a p h e n o m e n o n that we have already m e t with, namely, the intensification of labour, develops into great i m p o r t a n c e . O u r analysis of absolute surplus-value h a d reference primarily to the extension or d u r a t i o n of the labour, its intensity being a s s u m e d as given. We now proceed to consider the substitution of a m o r e intensified labour for labour of more extensive d u r a t i o n , a n d the degree of t h e former. It is self-evident, that in proportion as the u s e of m a c h i n e r y spreads, a n d the experience of a special class of w o r k m e n h a b i t u a t e d to m a c h i n e r y acc u m m u l a t e s , the rapidity and intensity of labour increase as a n a t u r a l consequence. T h u s in ||408| England, during half a century, lengthening of the working day went h a n d in h a n d with increasing intensity of factory labour. Nevertheless the reader will clearly see, that where we have labour, not carried on by fits and starts, b u t repeated day after day with unvarying u n iformity, a point m u s t inevitably be reached, where extension of the working day and intensity of the labour m u t u a l l y exclude o n e another, in such a way that lengthening of the working day b e c o m e s compatible only with a lower degree of intensity, and, a higher degree of intensity, only with a shortening of the working day. So soon as the gradually surging revolt of the working class compelled P a r l i a m e n t to shorten compulsorily the h o u r s of labour, a n d to begin by imposing a n o r m a l working day on factories proper, so soon consequently as an increased production of surplus-value by the prolongation of the working day was o n c e for all p u t a stop to, from that m o m e n t capital threw itself with all its m i g h t into the p r o d u c t i o n of relative surplus-value, by hastening on the further i m p r o v e m e n t of m a c h i n ery. At the same t i m e a change took place in t h e n a t u r e of relative surplusvalue. Generally speaking, t h e m o d e of p r o d u c i n g relative surplus-value consists in raising the productive power of t h e workman, so as to enable h i m to produce m o r e in a given t i m e with the s a m e expenditure of labour. Labour-time c o n t i n u e s to transmit as before the same value to the total product, but this u n c h a n g e d a m o u n t of e x c h a n g e value is spread over m o r e use-values; h e n c e the value of each single c o m m o d i t y sinks. Otherwise,

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value however, so soon as the compulsory shortening of the h o u r s of l a b o u r takes place. T h e i m m e n s e i m p e t u s it gives to t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of productive power, a n d to e c o n o m y in the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , imposes on the workm a n increased expenditure of labour in a given time, h e i g h t e n e d tension of labour-power, a n d closer filling up of t h e pores of t h e working day, or con5 d e n s a t i o n of labour to a degree that is attainable only within t h e limits of the shortened working day. This c o n d e n s a t i o n of a greater m a s s of labour i n t o a given period thenceforward counts for what it really is, a greater quantity of labour. In addition to a m e a s u r e "of its extension, i.e., duration, l a b o u r now acquires a m e a s u r e of its intensity or of t h e ||409| degree of its 10 c o n d e n s a t i o n or d e n s i t y . T h e denser h o u r of t h e t e n h o u r s ' working-day c o n t a i n s m o r e labour, i.e., expended labour-power, t h a n the m o r e porous h o u r of t h e twelve h o u r s ' working-day. T h e p r o d u c t therefore of o n e of the former h o u r s has as m u c h or m o r e value t h a n has the p r o d u c t of \% of t h e latter h o u r s . Apart from the increased yield of relative surplus-value 15 t h r o u g h t h e h e i g h t e n e d productiveness of labour, the s a m e m a s s of value is n o w p r o d u c e d for the capitalist say by h o u r s of surplus labour, a n d 6¾ h o u r s of necessary labour, as was previously p r o d u c e d by four h o u r s of surplus l a b o u r a n d eight h o u r s of necessary labour. We now c o m e to the question: H o w is t h e labour intensified? 20 75

T h e first effect of shortening the working day results from the self-evid e n t law, that the efficiency of labour-power is in an inverse ratio to the duration of its expenditure. H e n c e , within certain limits what is lost by shorte n i n g t h e duration is gained by the increasing t e n s i o n of labour-power. T h a t the w o r k m a n moreover really does expend m o r e labour-power, is en- 25 sured by the m o d e in which the capitalist pays h i m . In those industries, s u c h as potteries, where m a c h i n e r y plays little or no part, the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the Factory Acts has strikingly shown t h a t the m e r e shortening of the working-day increases to a wonderful degree the regularity, uniformity, order, continuity, a n d energy of the l a b o u r . It seemed, however, doubtful 30 w h e t h e r this effect was produced in the factory proper, where the depende n c e of the w o r k m a n on t h e c o n t i n u o u s a n d u n i f o r m m o t i o n of the m a chinery h a d already created the strictest discipline. H e n c e , w h e n in 1844 t h e r e d u c t i o n of the working-day to less t h a n twelve h o u r s was being de76

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T h e r e a r e , o f c o u r s e , always differences i n t h e i n t e n s i t i e s o f t h e l a b o u r i n v a r i o u s i n d u s tries. B u t t h e s e differences are, as A d a m S m i t h h a s s h o w n , c o m p e n s a t e d to a p a r t i a l e x t e n t by m i n o r c i r c u m s t a n c e s , p e c u l i a r to e a c h sort of l a b o u r . L a b o u r - t i m e , as a m e a s u r e of v a l u e , is n o t , however, affected in t h i s case, e x c e p t in so far as t h e d u r a t i o n of labour, a n d t h e degree of its i n t e n s i t y , are two a n t i t h e t i c a l a n d m u t u a l l y exclusive e x p r e s s i o n s for o n e a n d t h e s a m e q u a n t i t y o f labour. Especially by piece-work, a form we shall investigate in P a r t V I . of this b o o k . See " R e p . o f I n s p . o f F a c t , for 31st October, 1 8 6 5 . " 76

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bated, the masters almost u n a n i m o u s l y declared "that their overlookers in the different rooms took good care t h a t t h e h a n d s lost no t i m e , " that "the extent of vigilance a n d attention on the part ||410| of the w o r k m e n was hardly capable of being increased," and, therefore, that the speed of the m a c h i n e r y a n d other conditions r e m a i n i n g u n a l t e r e d , "to expect in a wellm a n a g e d factory any i m p o r t a n t result from increased attention of t h e workm e n was an a b s u r d i t y . " This assertion was contradicted by experiments. Mr. R o b e r t G a r d n e r r e d u c e d the h o u r s of l a b o u r in his two large factories at Preston, on a n d after the 20th April, 1844, from twelve to eleven h o u r s a day. T h e result of about a year's working was t h a t "the same a m o u n t of product for the same cost was received, a n d the workpeople as a whole earned in eleven h o u r s as m u c h wages as they did before in t w e l v e . " I pass over the experiments m a d e in the spinning a n d carding r o o m s , because they were a c c o m p a n i e d by an increase of 2 % in the speed of the m a chines. But in t h e weaving d e p a r t m e n t , where, moreover, m a n y sorts of figu r e d fancy articles were woven, there was n o t the slightest alteration in the conditions of the work. T h e result was: " F r o m 6th J a n u a r y to 2 0 t h April, 1844, with a twelve h o u r s ' day, average weekly wages of each h a n d 10s. l ^ d . , from 20th April to 2 9 t h J u n e , 1844, with day of eleven h o u r s , average weekly wages 10s. 3%d." H e r e we have m o r e p r o d u c e d in eleven h o u r s t h a n previously in twelve, a n d entirely in c o n s e q u e n c e of m o r e steady application a n d e c o n o m y of t i m e by t h e workpeople. W h i l e they got the s a m e wages a n d gained o n e h o u r of spare t i m e , t h e capitalist got the s a m e a m o u n t p r o d u c e d a n d saved t h e cost of coal, gas, a n d other such items, for o n e hour. Similar experiments, a n d with the like success, were carried o u t in the mills of Messrs. Horrocks a n d J a c s o n . 78

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T h e shortening of the h o u r s of labour creates, to begin with, the subjective c o n d i t i o n s for the c o n d e n s a t i o n of labour, by ||411| enabling the workm a n to exert m o r e strength in a given t i m e . So soon as t h a t shortening be30 comes compulsory, m a c h i n e r y b e c o m e s in the h a n d s of capital the objective m e a n s , systematically employed for squeezing out m o r e l a b o u r in a given t i m e . This is effected in two ways: by increasing the speed of t h e m a c h i n e r y , a n d by giving t h e w o r k m a n m o r e m a c h i n e r y to tent. Improved construction of the m a c h i n e r y is necessary, partly because without it great35

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R e p . o f I n s p . o f F a c t , for 1844 a n d t h e q u a r t e r e n d i n g 3 0 t h A p r i l 1845, p p . 2 0 - 2 1 . I.e., p . 19. S i n c e t h e wages for p i e c e - w o r k were u n a l t e r e d , t h e weekly wages d e p e n d e d o n t h e quantity produced. I.e., p . 2 0 . The moral element played an important part in the above experiments. The workpeople told t h e factory i n s p e c t o r " W e work w i t h m o r e spirit, we h a v e t h e reward ever before us of getting away s o o n e r a t night, a n d o n e active a n d cheerful spirit p e r v a d e s t h e whole m i l l , from t h e y o u n g e s t p i e c e r t o t h e oldest h a n d , a n d w e c a n greatly h e l p e a c h o t h e r " (I.e.). 79

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value er pressure c a n n o t be put on the workman, a n d partly b e c a u s e the shorte n e d h o u r s of labour force the capitalist to exercise the strictest watch over t h e cost of production. T h e i m p r o v e m e n t s in the steam-engine have increased the piston speed, a n d at the same t i m e have m a d e it possible, by m e a n s of a greater e c o n o m y of power, to drive with the s a m e or even a 5 smaller c o n s u m p t i o n of coal m o r e m a c h i n e r y with the sanie engine. T h e i m p r o v e m e n t s in the transmitting m e c h a n i s m have lessened friction, and, what so strikingly distinguishes m o d e r n from the older m a c h i n e r y , have red u c e d the d i a m e t e r a n d weight of the shafting to a constantly decreasing m i n i m u m . Finally, the improvements in the operative m a c h i n e s have, 10 while reducing their size, increased their speed a n d efficiency, as in the m o d e r n power-loom; or, while increasing t h e size of their frame-work, have also increased the extent a n d n u m b e r of their working parts, as in spinning m u l e s , or have a d d e d to the speed of these working parts by imperceptible alterations of detail, such as those which ten years ago increased the speed 15 of the spindles in self-acting m u l e s by one-fifth. T h e r e d u c t i o n of the working day to 12 h o u r s dates in E n g l a n d from 1832. In 1836 a manufacturer stated: "The l a b o u r now u n d e r g o n e in the factories is m u c h greater t h a n it used to be (compared with thirty or forty years ago) owing to the greater attention a n d activity required by the greatly increased speed which is given to the m a c h i n e r y . " In the year 1844, Lord Ashley, n o w Lord Shaftesbury, m a d e in the H o u s e of C o m m o n s the following statements, supported by d o c u m e n t a r y evidence: "The labour performed by those engaged in the processes of ||412| m a n u facture, is three times as great as in the beginning of such operations. M a chinery has executed, no doubt, the work that would d e m a n d the sinews of millions of m e n ; but it has also prodigiously multiplied t h e labour of those who are governed by its fearful m o v e m e n t s ... In 1815, the labour of following a pair of m u l e s spinning cotton of N o . 4 0 — r e c k o n i n g 12 h o u r s to the working-day—involved a necessity of walking 8 miles. [...] In 1832, the distance travelled in following a pair of mules, spinning cotton yarn of the s a m e n u m b e r , was 20 miles, a n d frequently m o r e . [...] In 1835" (query— 1815 or 1825?) "the spinner p u t up daily, on e a c h of these m u l e s , 820 stretches, m a k i n g a total of 1,640 stretches in the course of t h e day. In 1832, the spinner put up on each m u l e 2,200 stretches, m a k i n g a total of 4,400. In 1844, [...] 2,400 stretches [...], m a k i n g a total of 4,800 [...]; a n d in s o m e cases the a m o u n t of labour required is even still greater ... I have another d o c u m e n t sent to me in 1842, [...] stating that the labour is progressively increasing—increasing not only because the distance to be travelled is greater, b u t because the quantity of goods p r o d u c e d is multiplied, while

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the h a n d s are fewer in proportion t h a n before; and, moreover, b e c a u s e an inferior species of cotton is now often spun, which it is m o r e difficult to work ... In the carding-room there h a s also b e e n a great increase of labour. O n e person there does the work formerly divided between two. In t h e weaving-room, where a vast n u m b e r of persons are employed, a n d principally females ... the labour has increased within the last few years fully 10 per cent, owing to the increased speed of the m a c h i n e r y in spinning. In 1838, the n u m b e r of h a n k s s p u n per week was 18,000, in 1843 it a m o u n t e d to 21,000. In 1819 the n u m b e r of picks in power-loom-weaving per m i n u t e 83

was 6 0 — i n 1842 it was 140, showing a vast increase of l a b o u r . " In the face of this remarkable intensity of labour which h a d already b e e n reached in 1844 u n d e r the Twelve H o u r s ' Act, there appeared to be a justification for the assertion m a d e at t h a t t i m e by the English manufacturers, that any further progress in that direction was impossible, a n d therefore that every further r e d u c t i o n of the h o u r s of labour m e a n t a lessened pro-| |413|duction. T h e apparent correctness of their reasons will be best shown by the following contemporary s t a t e m e n t by L e o n a r d Horner, the factory inspector, their ever watchful censor. "Now, as the quantity p r o d u c e d m u s t , in the m a i n , be regulated by the speed of the machinery, it m u s t be the interest of the mill owner to drive it at the u t m o s t rate of speed consistent with these following conditions, viz., the preservation of the m a c h i n e r y from too rapid deterioration; the preservation of the quality of the article m a n u f a c t u r e d ; a n d the capability of the workman to follow the m o t i o n without a greater exertion t h a n he can sustain for a constancy. O n e of the m o s t i m p o r t a n t problems, therefore, which the owner of a factory has to solve is to find o u t the m a x i m u m speed at which he can run, with a d u e regard to t h e above conditions. It frequently h a p p e n s that he finds he has gone too fast, that breakages a n d b a d work m o r e t h a n counterbalance the increased speed, a n d that he is obliged to slacken his pace. I therefore concluded, that as an active a n d intelligent millowner would find out the safe m a x i m u m , it would not be possible to produce as m u c h in eleven h o u r s as in twelve. I further a s s u m e d that the operative paid by piece work, would exert himself to the u t m o s t consistent with t h e power of c o n t i n u i n g at t h e s a m e r a t e . " Horner, therefore, c a m e to the conclusion that a r e d u c t i o n of the working h o u r s below twelve would necessarily d i m i n i s h p r o d u c t i o n . He himself, ten years later, cites his o p i n i o n of 1845 in proof of how m u c h he u n d e r - e s t i m a t e d in that year t h e 84

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L o r d Ashley, I.e., p . 6 - 9 , p a s s i m . R e p . of I n s p . of F a c t , for Q u a r t e r e n d i n g 30th S e p t e m b e r , 1844, a n d from 1st O c t o b e r , 1844, to 30th April, 1845. p . 2 0 . I.e., p . 22.

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elasticity of m a c h i n e r y , and of m a n ' s labour-power, b o t h of which are sim u l t a n e o u s l y stretched to an extreme by the compulsory shortening of the working day. We n o w c o m e to the period that follows t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of t h e T e n H o u r s ' Act in 1847 into the English cotton, woollen, silk, a n d flax mills. " T h e speed of the spindles has increased u p o n throstles 500, a n d u p o n m u l e s 1000 revolutions a m i n u t e , i.e., the speed of ||414| t h e throstle spindle, which in 1839 was 4500 times a m i n u t e , is now (1862) 5000; a n d of the m u l e spindle, that was 5000, is now 6000 t i m e s a m i n u t e , a m o u n t i n g in t h e former case to one-tenth, a n d in the second case to one-fifth additional inc r e a s e . " J a m e s N a s m y t h , the e m i n e n t civil engineer of Patricroft, n e a r M a n c h e s t e r , explained in a letter to Leonard Horner, written in 1852, the n a t u r e o f t h e i m p r o v e m e n t s i n the steam-engine t h a t h a d b e e n m a d e between the years 1848 a n d 1852. After r e m a r k i n g t h a t t h e horse-power of steam-engines, being always estimated in the official returns according to t h e power of similar engines in 182 8, is only n o m i n a l , a n d can serve only as an i n d e x of their real power, he goes on to say: "I am confident [...] that from t h e same weight of steam-engine m a c h i n e r y , we are now obtaining at least 50 per cent, m o r e duty or work performed on the average, a n d that [...] in m a n y cases the identical steam-engines w h i c h in t h e days of the restricted speed of 220 feet per m i n u t e , yielded 50 horse-power, are now yielding upwards of 100." . . . . "The m o d e r n steam-engine of 100 horsepower is capable of being driven at a m u c h greater force t h a n formerly, arising from i m p r o v e m e n t s in its construction, t h e capacity a n d construction of the boilers, etc." ... "Although the s a m e n u m b e r of h a n d s are e m ployed in proportion to the horse-power as at former periods, there are fewer h a n d s employed in proportion to the m a c h i n e r y . " "In the year 1850, t h e factories of t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m employed 134,217 n o m i n a l horsepower to give m o t i o n to 25,638,716 spindles a n d 301,445 looms. T h e n u m ber of spindles and looms in 1856 was respectively 33,503,580 of the former, a n d 369,205 of the latter, which, reckoning t h e force of the n o m i n a l horse-power required to be the s a m e as in 1850, would require a force e q u a l to 175,000 horses, b u t the actual power given in the return for | |415| 1856 is 161,435, less by above 10,000 horses t h a n , calculating u p o n

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" R e p . o f I n s p . o f F a c t , for 31st October, 1862," p . 6 2 . T h i s was altered i n t h e " P a r l i a m e n t a r y R e t u r n " o f 1862. I n i t t h e a c t u a l h o r s e - p o w e r o f t h e m o d e r n s t e a m - e n g i n e s a n d water-wheels appears i n place o f t h e n o m i n a l . T h e d o u b l i n g spindles, t o o , are n o longer i n c l u d e d i n t h e s p i n n i n g spindles (as was t h e case i n t h e " R e t u r n s " o f 1839, 1850, a n d 1856); further, in t h e case of w o o l l e n m i l l s , t h e n u m b e r of "gigs" is a d d e d , a d i s t i n c t i o n m a d e b e t w e e n j u t e a n d h e m p mills o n t h e o n e h a n d a n d flax mills o n t h e other, a n d finally stocking-weaving is for t h e first t i m e i n s e r t e d in t h e report. " R e p . of I n s p . of F a c t , for 31st October, 1856," p p . 14, 20 a n d 1852, p. 2 3 .

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry the basis of the return of 1850, the factories ought to have required in 1 8 5 6 . " "The facts t h u s brought out by t h e R e t u r n (of 1856) appear to be that the factory system is increasing rapidly; t h a t although the s a m e n u m ber of h a n d s are employed in proportion to t h e horse-power as at former periods, there are fewer h a n d s employed in proportion to the m a c h i n e r y ; that the steam-engine is enabled to drive an increased weight of m a c h i n e r y by e c o n o m y of force a n d other m e t h o d s , a n d t h a t an increased q u a n t i t y of work can be t u r n e d off by i m p r o v e m e n t s in m a c h i n e r y , a n d in m e t h o d s of m a n u f a c t u r e , by increase of speed of the m a c h i n e r y , and by a variety of 89

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other c a u s e s . " "The great i m p r o v e m e n t s m a d e in m a c h i n e s of every kind have raised their productive power very m u c h . W i t h o u t any doubt, the shortening of the h o u r s of labour . . . . gave the impulse to these i m p r o v e m e n t s . T h e latter, c o m b i n e d with the m o r e intense strain on the workman, have h a d the effeet, that at least as m u c h is p r o d u c e d in the shortened (by two h o u r s or one-sixth) working-day as was previously p r o d u c e d during the longer one." O n e fact is sufficient to show how greatly the wealth of the m a n u f a c t u r ers increased along with the m o r e intense exploitation of labour-power. F r o m 1838 to 1850, the average increase in English cotton a n d other factories was 32, while from 1850 to 1856 it a m o u n t e d to 86. B u t however great t h e progress of English industry h a d b e e n during t h e 8 years from 1848 to 1856 u n d e r the influence of a working-day of 10 hours, it was far surpassed during the n e x t period of 6 years from 1856 to 1862. In silk factories, for instance, there were in 1856, spindles 1,093,799; in 1862, 1,388,544; in 1856, l o o m s 9,260; in 1862, 10,709. B u t the n u m b e r of operatives was, in 1856, 56,137; in 1862, 52,429. T h e increase in t h e spindles was therefore 2 6 . 9 % a n d in the looms 15.6%, while the n u m b e r of the operatives decreased 7%. ||416| In the year 1850 there were employed in worsted mills 875,830 spindles; in 1856, 1,324,549 (increase 51.2%), a n d in 1862, 1,289,172 (decrease 2.7%). B u t if we d e d u c t the doubling spindles that figure in the n u m b e r s for 1856, b u t n o t in those for 1862, it will be found t h a t after 1856 t h e n u m b e r of spindles r e m a i n e d nearly stationary. On t h e other h a n d , after 1850, the speed of the spindles a n d looms was in m a n y cases doubled. T h e n u m b e r of power-looms in worsted mills was, in 1850, 32,617; in 1856, 38,956; in 1862, 43,048. T h e n u m b e r of the operatives was, in 1850, 79,737; in 1856, 87,794; in 1862, 86,063; included in these, however, the children u n d e r 14 years of age 9 1

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I.e., p . 1 4 - 1 5 . I.e., p . 20. R e p o r t s , etc., for 31st October, 1858, p. 10. C o m p a r e R e p o r t s , etc., for 30th April, 1860, p. 30, seqq.

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value were, in 1850, 9,956; in 1 8 5 6 , 1 1 , 2 2 8 ; in 1 8 6 2 , 1 3 , 1 7 8 . In spite, therefore, of t h e greatly increased n u m b e r of looms in 1862, c o m p a r e d with 1856, the total n u m b e r of the workpeople employed decreased, a n d that of the child r e n exploited i n c r e a s e d . On t h e 27th April, 1863, M r . F e r r a n d said in the H o u s e of C o m m o n s : "I have b e e n informed by delegates from 16 districts of Lancashire a n d Cheshire, in whose behalf I speak, that the work in t h e factories is, in cons e q u e n c e of the improvements in m a c h i n e r y , constantly on the increase. I n s t e a d of as formerly one person with two helps t e n t i n g two looms, o n e person now tents three looms without helps, a n d it is no u n c o m m o n thing for one person to tent four. Twelve h o u r s ' work, as is evident from the facts a d d u c e d , is now compressed into less t h a n 10 h o u r s . It is therefore self-evident, to what an e n o r m o u s extent the toil of the factory operative has increased during the last 10 y e a r s . " Although, therefore, the Factory Inspectors unceasingly a n d with justice, c o m m e n d the results of the Acts of 1844 a n d 1850, ||417| yet they a d m i t t h a t the shortening of the h o u r s of labour has already called forth s u c h an intensification of the labour as is injurious to the h e a l t h of the w o r k m a n a n d to his capacity for work. "In most of the cotton, worsted, a n d silk mills, an exhausting state of excitement necessary to enable the workers satisfactorily to m i n d the machinery, the m o t i o n of w h i c h has b e e n greatly accelerated within the last few years, seems to me n o t unlikely to be o n e of the causes of that excess of mortality from lung disease, which Dr. G r e e n h o w has pointed out in his recent report on this s u b j e c t . " T h e r e c a n n o t be the slightest d o u b t that the t e n d e n c y that urges capital so soon as a prolongation of the hours of labour is once for all forbidden, to c o m p e n s a t e itself, by a systematic heightening of the intensity of labour, a n d to convert every i m p r o v e m e n t in m a c h i n e r y into a m o r e perfect m e a n s of exhausting the workman, m u s t soon lead to a state of things in which a r e d u c t i o n of the h o u r s of labour will again be inevitable. On t h e other h a n d , the rapid advance of English industry between 1848 a n d the present time, u n d e r the in92

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" R e p o r t of I n s p . of F a c t , for 31st Oct., 1862," p p . 1 0 0 , 1 0 3 , 129 a n d 130. On 2 m o d e r n p o w e r - l o o m s a weaver n o w m a k e s in a week of 60 h o u r s 26 p i e c e s of c e r t a i n quality, length, a n d b r e a d t h ; while o n t h e old p o w e r - l o o m s h e c o u l d m a k e n o m o r e t h a n 4 s u c h pieces. T h e cost of weaving a p i e c e of s u c h c l o t h h a d already s o o n after 1850 fallen from 2 s. 9d. to 5 / d . "Thirty years ago (1841] o n e s p i n n e r w i t h three piecers was n o t r e q u i r e d to a t t e n d to m o r e t h a n o n e pair o f m u l e s w i t h 3 0 0 - 3 2 4 spindles. A t t h e p r e s e n t t i m e (1871) h e h a s t o m i n d with t h e help of 5 piecers 2200 spindles, a n d p r o d u c e s n o t less t h a n seven t i m e s as m u c h y a r n as in 1 8 4 1 . " (Alex. Redgrave, Factory I n s p e c t o r — i n t h e J o u r n a l o f Arts, 5 t h J a n u a r y , 1872.) R e p . o f I n s p . o f F a c t , for 31st Oct. 1 8 6 1 , p p . 2 5 , 26. T h e agitation for a working d a y of 8 h o u r s h a s n o w (1867) b e g u n in L a n c a s h i r e a m o n g t h e factory operatives. 93

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry fluence of a day of 10 h o u r s , surpasses the advance m a d e between 1833 and 1847, w h e n the day was 12 h o u r s long, by far m o r e t h a n the latter surpasses the advance m a d e during the half century after the first introduction of t h e factory system, when the working day was without l i m i t s . 1 96

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T h e following few figures i n d i c a t e t h e i n c r e a s e in t h e "factories" of t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m s i n c e 1848: Quantity Exported, 1848.

Quan tity Exported, 1851.

Quan tity Exported, Quantity Exported, 1865. 1860.

Cotton. Cotton yarn Sewing thread Cotton cloth

lbs. 135,831,162 lbs. yds. 1,091,373,930

lbs 143,966,106 lbs. 4,392,176 yds. 1,543,161,789

lbs. 197,343,655 lbs. 6,297,554 yds. 2,776,218,427

lbs. 103,751,455 lbs. 4,648,611 yds. 2,015,237,851

Flax and Hemp. Yam Cloth

lbs. yds.

11,722,182 88,901,519

lbs. yds.

18,841,326 129,106,753

lbs. yds.

31,210,612 143,996,773

lbs. yds.

36,777,334 247,012,329

Silk. Yarn Cloth

lbs. yds.

194,815

lbs. lbs..

462,513 1,181,455

lbs. lbs.

897,402 1,307,293

lbs. yds.

812,589 2,869,837

Wool. Woollen and 1 Worsted yarns J Cloth

Cotton. Yarn Cloth Flax and Hemp. Yarn Cloth Silk. Yarn Cloth

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Wool. Yarn Cloth

lbs.

lbs.

14,670,880

lbs.

27,533,968

lbs.

31,669,267

yds.

yds.

151,231,153

yds.

190,371,537

yds.

278,837,418

Value Exported, 1848.

Value Exported, 1851.

Value Exported, 1860.

Value Exported, 1865.

£

£

£

£

5,927,831 16,753,369

6,634,026 23,454,810

9,870,875 42,141,505

10,351,049 46,903,796

493,449 2,802,789

951,426 4,107,396

1,801,272 4,504,803

2,505,497 9,155,388

77,780

196,380 1,130,398

826,107 1,587,303

768,064 1,409,221

776,975 5,733,828

1,484,544 8,377,183

3,843,450 12,156,998

5,424,047 20,102,259

See t h e B l u e b o o k s "Statistical A b s t r a c t of t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m , N o s . 8 a n d 1 3 . " L o n d . , 1861 a n d 1866. I n L a n c a s h i r e t h e n u m b e r o f m i l l s i n c r e a s e d o n l y 4 p e r cent, b e t w e e n 1839 a n d 1850; 19 p e r cent, b e t w e e n 1850 a n d 1856; a n d 33 p e r cent, b e t w e e n 1856 a n d 1862; while t h e p e r s o n s e m p l o y e d in t h e m d u r i n g e a c h of t h e a b o v e p e r i o d s of 11 years i n c r e a s e d absolutely, b u t d i m i n i s h e d relatively. (See " R e p . of I n s p . of Fact., for 31st Oct., 1862," p. 63.) T h e c o t t o n trade p r e p o n d e r a t e s i n L a n c a s h i r e . W e m a y form a n i d e a o f t h e s t u p e n d o u s n a t u r e o f t h e cott o n t r a d e in t h a t district, w h e n we c o n s i d e r t h a t , of t h e gross n u m b e r of textile factories in t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m , it absorbs 45.2 p e r cent., of t h e s p i n d l e s 83.3 per cent., of t h e p o w e r - l o o m s 81.4 per cent., of t h e m e c h a n i c a l h o r s e - p o w e r 72.6 p e r cent., and of t h e total n u m b e r of persons e m p l o y e d 58.2 per cent. (I.e., p. 6 2 - 6 3 . )

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|418| Section 4. —The Factory. At the c o m m e n c e m e n t of this chapter we considered that which we m a y call t h e body of the factory, i.e., m a c h i n e r y organised into a system. We there saw h o w machinery, by annexing the l a b o u r of w o m e n a n d children, a u g m e n t s the n u m b e r of h u m a n beings who form t h e m a t e r i a l for capitalis5 tic exploitation, how it confiscates the whole of the w o r k m a n ' s disposable t i m e , by i m m o d e r a t e extension of the h o u r s of labour, a n d how finally its progress, which allows of e n o r m o u s increase of p r o d u c t i o n in shorter a n d shorter periods, serves as a m e a n s of systematically getting m o r e work d o n e in a shorter time, or of exploiting labour-power m o r e intensely. We n o w 10 t u r n to the factory as a whole, a n d that in its m o s t perfect form. Dr. Ure, the P i n d a r of the a u t o m a t i c factory, describes it, on the o n e h a n d as " C o m b i n e d co-operation of m a n y orders of workpeople, adult a n d young, in tending with assiduous skill, a ||419| system of productive m a chines, continuously impelled by a central power" (the p r i m e mover); on t h e other h a n d , as "a vast a u t o m a t o n , c o m p o s e d of various m e c h a n i c a l a n d intellectual organs, acting in u n i n t e r r u p t e d concert for the p r o d u c t i o n of a c o m m o n object, all of t h e m being s u b o r d i n a t e to a self-regulated moving force." These two descriptions are far from being identical. In one, the'collective labourer, or social body of labour, appears as the d o m i n a n t subject, a n d the m e c h a n i c a l a u t o m a t o n as the object; in t h e other, the a u t o m a t o n itself is t h e subject, a n d the w o r k m e n are merely conscious organs, co-ordin a t e with the u n c o n s c i o u s organs of t h e a u t o m a t o n , a n d together with t h e m , subordinated to the central moving-power. T h e first description is applicable to every possible e m p l o y m e n t of m a c h i n e r y on a large scale, the second is characteristic of its use by capital, a n d therefore of t h e m o d e r n factory system. Ure prefers therefore, to describe t h e central m a c h i n e , from which the m o t i o n comes, n o t only as an a u t o m a t o n , b u t as an autocrat. "In these spacious halls the b e n i g n a n t power of steam s u m m o n s a r o u n d h i m his myriads of willing m e n i a l s . " 97

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Along with the tool, the skill of the w o r k m a n in h a n d l i n g it passes over to the m a c h i n e . T h e capabilities of the tool are e m a n c i p a t e d from the restraints that are inseparable from h u m a n labour-power. Thereby the t e c h n i cal f o u n d a t i o n on which is based the division of l a b o u r in M a n u f a c t u r e , is swept away. H e n c e , in the place of the hierarchy of specialised w o r k m e n 35 that characterises m a n u f a c t u r e , there steps, in the a u t o m a t i c factory, a t e n d e n c y to equalise a n d r e d u c e to o n e and t h e s a m e level every k i n d of 9 7

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work that has to be d o n e by the m i n d e r s of t h e m a c h i n e s ; in t h e place of the artificially p r o d u c e d differentiations of t h e detail workmen, step the n a t u r a l differences of age a n d sex. So far as division of labour re-appears in t h e factory, it is primarily a distribution of the w o r k m e n a m o n g t h e specialised m a c h i n e s ; and of masses of workmen, not however organised into groups, a m o n g the various departm e n t s of the factory, ||420| in each of which they work at a n u m b e r of similar m a c h i n e s placed together; their co-operation, therefore, is only simple. T h e organised group, peculiar to m a n u f a c t u r e , is replaced by the connexion between the h e a d w o r k m a n a n d his few assistants. T h e essential division is, into w o r k m e n who are actually e m p l o y e d on the m a c h i n e s (among w h o m are included a few who look after t h e engine), a n d into m e r e attendants (almost exclusively children) of these w o r k m e n . A m o n g the attend a n t s are reckoned m o r e or less all " F e e d e r s " w h o supply the m a c h i n e s with the m a t e r i a l to be worked. In addition to these two principal classes, there is a numerically u n i m p o r t a n t class of persons, whose o c c u p a t i o n it is to look after t h e whole of the m a c h i n e r y a n d repair it from t i m e to t i m e ; s u c h as engineers, m e c h a n i c s , joiners, etc. This is a superior class of workmen, s o m e of t h e m scientifically educated, others brought up to a trade; it is distinct from the factory operative class, a n d merely aggregated to i t . This division of labour is purely technical. To work at a m a c h i n e , the w o r k m a n should be t a u g h t from childhood, in order that he m a y learn to adapt his own m o v e m e n t s to t h e u n i f o r m a n d unceasing m o t i o n of an a u t o m a t o n . W h e n t h e m a c h i n e r y , as a whole, forms a system of manifold m a c h i n e s , working simultaneously a n d in concert, the co-operation based u p o n it, requires t h e distribution of various groups of w o r k m e n a m o n g t h e different k i n d s of m a c h i n e s . But the e m p l o y m e n t of m a c h i n e r y does away with the necessity of crystallizing this distribution after the m a n n e r of M a n u f a c t u r e , by the constant a n n e x a t i o n of a particular m a n to a particular f u n c t i o n . Since the m o t i o n of the 99

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U r e , I.e., p . 3 1 . See K a r l M a r x , I.e., p . 1 4 0 - 1 4 1 . I t looks very like i n t e n t i o n a l m i s l e a d i n g b y statistics (which m i s l e a d i n g i t w o u l d b e possible to prove in d e t a i l in o t h e r cases t o o ) , w h e n t h e E n g l i s h factory legislation e x c l u d e s from its o p e r a t i o n t h e class o f labourers last m e n t i o n e d i n t h e text, while t h e p a r l i a m e n t a r y r e t u r n s expressly i n c l u d e in t h e category of factory operatives, n o t o n l y e n g i n e e r s , m e c h a n i c s , etc., b u t also m a n a g e r s , s a l e s m e n , m e s s e n g e r s , w a r e h o u s e m e n , p a c k e r s , etc., in short everybody, e x c e p t t h e o w n e r of t h e factory himself. U r e grants this. H e says, "in case o f n e e d , " t h e w o r k m e n c a n b e m o v e d a t t h e will o f t h e m a n a g e r from o n e m a c h i n e t o a n o t h e r , a n d h e t r i u m p h a n t l y e x c l a i m s : " S u c h a c h a n g e i s i n flat c o n t r a d i c t i o n with t h e old r o u t i n e , t h a t d i v i d e s t h e l a b o u r , a n d t o o n e w o r k m a n assigns t h e task o f fashioning t h e h e a d o f a n e e d l e , t o a n o t h e r t h e s h a r p e n i n g o f t h e p o i n t . " H e h a d m u c h b e t t e r h a v e asked himself, w h y this "old r o u t i n e " i s d e p a r t e d from i n t h e a u t o m a t i c factory, only "in case of n e e d . " 99

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value whole system does not ||421| proceed from the workman, b u t from the m a chinery, a c h a n g e of persons can take place at any t i m e without an interr u p t i o n of the work. T h e m o s t striking proof of this is afforded by the relays system, p u t into operation by the m a n u f a c t u r e r s during their revolt from 1848-1850. Lastly, t h e quickness with which m a c h i n e work is learnt by 5 y o u n g people, does away with the necessity of bringing up for exclusive e m p l o y m e n t by machinery, a special class of o p e r a t i v e s . W i t h regard to the work of the m e r e attendants, it can, to s o m e extent, be replaced in the mill by m a c h i n e s , a n d owing to its extreme simplicity, it allows of a rapid a n d constant change of t h e individuals b u r d e n e d with this drudgery. 10 A l t h o u g h t h e n , technically speaking, the old system of division of labour is thrown overboard by machinery, it hangs on in the factory, as a traditional habit h a n d e d down from M a n u f a c t u r e , a n d is afterwards systematically r e - m o u l d e d a n d established in a m o r e h i d e o u s form by capital, as a m e a n s of exploiting labour-power. T h e life-long speciality of h a n d l i n g o n e 15 a n d t h e same tool, now b e c o m e s the life-long speciality of serving o n e a n d the s a m e m a c h i n e . M a c h i n e r y is p u t to a ||422| wrong use, with the object of transforming the workman, from his very childhood, into a part of a det a i l - m a c h i n e . In this way, n o t only are t h e expenses of his re-production considerably lessened, b u t at the same t i m e his helpless d e p e n d e n c e u p o n 20 t h e factory as a whole, and therefore u p o n t h e capitalist, is rendered complete. H e r e as everywhere else, we m u s t distinguish between the increased 101

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W h e n distress is very great, as, for i n s t a n c e , d u r i n g t h e A m e r i c a n civil war, t h e factory o p erative is n o w a n d t h e n set by t h e Bourgeois to do t h e r o u g h e s t of work, s u c h as r o a d - m a k i n g , etc. T h e E n g l i s h "ateliers n a t i o n a u x " of 1862 a n d t h e following years, e s t a b l i s h e d for t h e b e n efit of t h e d e s t i t u t e c o t t o n operatives, differ from t h e F r e n c h of 1848 in this, t h a t in t h e latter t h e w o r k m e n h a d t o d o u n p r o d u c t i v e work a t t h e e x p e n s e o f t h e state, i n t h e former t h e y h a d t o d o p r o d u c t i v e m u n i c i p a l work t o t h e a d v a n t a g e o f t h e bourgeois, a n d t h a t , t o o , c h e a p e r t h a n t h e regular w o r k m e n , with w h o m they were t h u s t h r o w n i n t o c o m p e t i t i o n . " T h e physical a p p e a r a n c e of t h e cotton operatives is u n q u e s t i o n a b l y i m p r o v e d . T h i s I a t t r i b u t e ... as to t h e m e n , to o u t d o o r l a b o u r on p u b l i c works." ("Rep. of I n s p . of F a c t . , " 31st Oct., 1863, p. 59.) T h e writer h e r e a l l u d e s t o t h e P r e s t o n factory operatives, who were e m p l o y e d o n P r e s t o n M o o r . A n e x a m p l e : T h e various m e c h a n i c a l a p p a r a t u s i n t r o d u c e d s i n c e t h e A c t o f 1844 i n t o woollen mills, for replacing t h e l a b o u r of c h i l d r e n . So s o o n as it shall h a p p e n t h a t t h e c h i l d r e n of t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s t h e m s e l v e s have to go t h r o u g h a c o u r s e of s c h o o l i n g as h e l p e r s in t h e m i l l , t h i s a l m o s t u n e x p l o r e d territory o f m e c h a n i c s will s o o n m a k e r e m a r k a b l e progress. "Of m a c h i n e r y , p e r h a p s self-acting m u l e s are as d a n g e r o u s as any o t h e r k i n d . M o s t of t h e accid e n t s from t h e m h a p p e n t o little c h i l d r e n , from t h e i r c r e e p i n g u n d e r t h e m u l e s t o sweep t h e floor whilst t h e m u l e s are i n m o t i o n . Several ' m i n d e r s ' have b e e n fined for t h i s offence, b u t w i t h o u t m u c h g e n e r a l benefit. If m a c h i n e m a k e r s w o u l d only i n v e n t a self-sweeper, by w h o s e u s e t h e necessity for t h e s e little c h i l d r e n to creep u n d e r t h e m a c h i n e r y m i g h t be p r e v e n t e d , it w o u l d be a h a p p y a d d i t i o n to o u r protective m e a s u r e s . " ("Reports of I n s p . of F a c t . " for 31st Oct., 1866, p . 63.) S o m u c h t h e n for P r o u d h o n ' s wonderful i d e a : h e " c o n s t r u e s " m a c h i n e r y n o t a s a synthesis of i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, b u t as a synthesis of d e t a i l o p e r a t i o n s for t h e benefit of t h e l a b o u r e r himself.

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productiveness d u e to the development of the social process of production, a n d that d u e to the capitalist exploitation of t h a t process. In handicrafts a n d manufacture, the w o r k m a n m a k e s u s e of a tool, in the factory, the m a chine m a k e s use of h i m . T h e r e the m o v e m e n t s of t h e i n s t r u m e n t of labour proceed from h i m , here it is the m o v e m e n t s of the m a c h i n e that he m u s t follow. In m a n u f a c t u r e the w o r k m e n are parts of a living m e c h a n i s m . In the factory we have a lifeless m e c h a n i s m i n d e p e n d e n t of the workman, who b e c o m e s its m e r e living appendage. "The miserable r o u t i n e of endless drudgery a n d toil in which the same m e c h a n i c a l process is gone t h r o u g h over a n d over again, is like the labour of Sisyphus. T h e b u r d e n of labour, like the rock, keeps ever falling b a c k on t h e worn-out l a b o u r e r . " At t h e same t i m e that factory work exhausts the nervous system to the uttermost, it does away with the m a n y - s i d e d play of t h e muscles, and confiscates every a t o m of freedom, b o t h in bodily a n d intellectual activity. T h e lightening of the labour, even, b e c o m e s a sort of torture, since the m a c h i n e does n o t free the labourer from work, b u t deprives t h e work of all interest. Every kind of capitalist production, in so far as it is n o t only a labour-process, but also a process of creating surplus-value, has this in c o m m o n , t h a t it is n o t the w o r k m a n that employs the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, b u t the ins t r u m e n t s of labour that ||423| employ t h e w o r k m a n . But it is only in t h e factory system that this inversion for the first t i m e acquires technical a n d palpable reality. By m e a n s of its conversion into an a u t o m a t o n , the instrum e n t of labour confronts the labourer, during the labour-process, in the shape of capital, of dead labour, t h a t d o m i n a t e s , a n d p u m p s dry, living labour-power. T h e separation of the intellectual powers of p r o d u c t i o n from the m a n u a l labour, a n d the conversion of those powers i n t o the m i g h t of capital over labour, is, as we have already shown, finally completed by m o d e r n industry erected on the f o u n d a t i o n of m a c h i n e r y . T h e special skill of e a c h individual insignificant factory operative vanishes as an infmitesim a l quantity before the science, the gigantic physical forces, and the m a s s of labour that are e m b o d i e d in the factory m e c h a n i s m and, together with that m e c h a n i s m , constitute the power of the "master." This "master," therefore, in whose b r a i n the m a c h i n e r y a n d his m o n o p o l y of it are inseparably u n i t e d , whenever he falls out with his " h a n d s , " c o n t e m p t u o u s l y tells t h e m : "The factory operatives should keep in w h o l e s o m e r e m e m b r a n c e the fact 104

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F . E n g e l s , I.e. p . 2 1 7 . E v e n a n o r d i n a r y a n d o p t i m i s t freetrader, like M r . M o l i n a r i , goes s o far a s t o say « U n h o m m e s'use p l u s vite e n surveillant, q u i n z e h e u r e s p a r j o u r , l ' é v o l u t i o n u n i forme d ' u n m é c a n i s m e , q u ' e n e x e r ç a n t , d a n s l e m ê m e e s p a c e d e t e m p s , s a force p h y s i q u e . C e travail de surveillance q u i servirait p e u t - ê t r e d ' u t i l e g y m n a s t i q u e à l'intelligence, s'il n ' é t a i t pas trop prolongé, d é t r u i t à la l o n g u e , par son excès, et l'intelligence, et le corps m ê m e . » (G. d e M o l i n a r i : " É t u d e s É c o n o m i q u e s . " Paris 1846.) F . E n g e l s . I.e. p . 2 1 6 . 1 0 5

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value t h a t theirs is really a low species of skilled labour; a n d t h a t there is n o n e w h i c h is m o r e easily acquired, or of its quality m o r e amply r e m u n e r a t e d , or which by a short training of the least expert can be m o r e quickly, as well as a b u n d a n t l y , acquired. ... T h e master's m a c h i n e r y really plays a far m o r e i m p o r t a n t part in the business of p r o d u c t i o n t h a n t h e l a b o u r a n d the skill of t h e operative, which six m o n t h s ' e d u c a t i o n c a n teach, a n d a c o m m o n lab o u r e r can l e a r n . " T h e technical s u b o r d i n a t i o n o f t h e w o r k m a n t o t h e u n i f o r m m o t i o n of the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, a n d t h e peculiar c o m p o s i t i o n of t h e body of workpeople, consisting as it does of individuals of b o t h sexes a n d of all ages, give rise to a barrack discipline, which is elaborated i n t o a c o m p l e t e system in the factory, a n d which fully developes the before m e n tioned labour of overlooking, thereby dividing t h e workpeople into operatives and overlookers, into private soldiers a n d sergeants of an ||424| i n d u s trial army. " T h e m a i n difficulty (in the a u t o m a t i c factory) ... lay ... above all in training h u m a n beings to r e n o u n c e their desultory habits of work, a n d to identify themselves with the unvarying regularity of t h e complex aut o m a t o n . To devise a n d administer a successful c o d e of factory discipline, suited to the necessities of factory diligence, was t h e H e r c u l e a n enterprise, the n o b l e a c h i e v e m e n t of Arkwright! Even at the present day, w h e n the syst e m is perfectly organised and its labour lightened to the u t m o s t , it is found nearly impossible to convert persons past t h e age of puberty, [...] into useful factory h a n d s . " T h e factory code in which capital formulates, like a private legislator, a n d at his own good will, his autocracy over his workpeople, u n a c c o m p a n i e d by that division of responsibility, in other m a t t e r s so m u c h approved of by the bourgeoisie, a n d u n a c c o m p a n i e d by the still m o r e approved representative system, this code is b u t the capitalistic caricature of that social regulation of t h e labour-process which b e c o m e s requisite in co-operation on a great scale, a n d in t h e e m p l o y m e n t in comm o n , of i n s t r u m e n t s of labour a n d especially of m a c h i n e r y . T h e place of t h e slave driver's lash is t a k e n by t h e overlooker's book of penalties. All p u n i s h m e n t s naturally resolve themselves into fines a n d d e d u c t i o n s from wages, a n d the law-giving talent of the factory Lycurgus so arranges m a t ters, that a violation of his laws is, if possible, m o r e profitable to h i m t h a n the keeping of t h e m . 1

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106 «Tjjg M a s t e r S p i n n e r s ' a n d M a n u f a c t u r e r s ' D e f e n c e F u n d . R e p o r t of t h e C o m m i t t e e . " M a n c h e s t e r , 1854, p p . 1 7 , 1 9 . W e shall see hereafter, t h a t t h e " m a s t e r " c a n sing q u i t e a n o t h e r song, w h e n h e i s t h r e a t e n e d w i t h t h e loss o f h i s "living" a u t o m a t o n . U r e . 1. c. p. 15. W h o e v e r k n o w s t h e life history of Arkwright, will n e v e r d u b this b a r b e r - g e n i u s " n o b l e . " O f all t h e great inventors o f t h e 1 8 t h c e n t u r y , h e was i n c o n t e s t a b l y t h e greatest t h i e v e r of o t h e r p e o p l e ' s i n v e n t i o n s a n d t h e m e a n e s t fellow. 108 « j j j e slavery w h i c h t h e b o u r g e o i s i e h a s b o u n d t h e proletariat, c o m e s n o w h e r e m o r e plainly i n t o daylight t h a n i n t h e factory system. I n i t all f r e e d o m c o m e s t o a n e n d b o t h a t law

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Chapter XV · Machinery and modern industry |425| We shall here merely allude to the m a t e r i a l conditions u n d e r which factory labour is carried on. Every organ of sense is ||426| injured in an equal degree by artificial elevation of t h e t e m p e r a t u r e , by the dust-laden 5

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a n d in fact. T h e w o r k m a n m u s t be in t h e factory at half p a s t five. If he c o m e a few m i n u t e s late, he is p u n i s h e d ; if he c o m e 10 m i n u t e s late, he is n o t allowed to e n t e r u n t i l after b r e a k fast, a n d t h u s loses a q u a r t e r of a day's wage. He m u s t eat, d r i n k a n d sleep at w o r d of c o m m a n d ... T h e d e s p o t i c bell calls h i m from h i s b e d , calls h i m from breakfast a n d d i n n e r . A n d h o w does h e fare i n t h e mill? T h e r e t h e m a s t e r i s t h e a b s o l u t e law-giver. H e m a k e s what regul a t i o n s h e pleases; h e alters a n d m a k e s a d d i t i o n s t o h i s c o d e a t p l e a s u r e ; a n d i f h e insert t h e veriest n o n s e n s e , t h e c o u r t s say t o t h e w o r k m a n : S i n c e y o u h a v e e n t e r e d i n t o this c o n t r a c t volu n t a r i l y , y o u m u s t n o w carry i t o u t . . . T h e s e w o r k m e n are c o n d e m n e d t o live, from their n i n t h year till t h e i r d e a t h , u n d e r this m e n t a l a n d bodily t o r t u r e . " ( F . E n g e l s I.e. p . 217, sq.) W h a t , " t h e c o u r t s say," I will illustrate by two e x a m p l e s . O n e o c c u r s at Sheffield at t h e e n d of 1866. In t h a t t o w n a w o r k m a n h a d e n g a g e d h i m s e l f for 2 years in a steelworks. In c o n s e q u e n c e of a q u a r r e l w i t h h i s e m p l o y e r h e left t h e works, a n d d e c l a r e d t h a t u n d e r n o c i r c u m s t a n c e s w o u l d h e work for t h a t m a s t e r a n y m o r e . H e was p r o s e c u t e d for b r e a c h o f contract, a n d c o n d e m n e d t o two m o n t h s ' i m p r i s o n m e n t . (If t h e m a s t e r b r e a k t h e c o n t r a c t , h e c a n b e p r o c e e d e d against only in a civil action, a n d risks n o t h i n g b u t m o n e y d a m a g e s ) . After t h e w o r k m a n h a s served h i s two m o n t h s , t h e m a s t e r invites h i m t o r e t u r n t o t h e works, p u r s u a n t t o t h e c o n t r a c t . W o r k m a n says; N o : h e h a s already b e e n p u n i s h e d for t h e b r e a c h . T h e m a s t e r p r o s e c u t e s again, t h e c o u r t c o n d e m n s again, a l t h o u g h o n e of t h e j u d g e s , M r . S h e e , publicly d e n o u n c e s t h i s as a legal m o n s t r o s i t y , by w h i c h a m a n c a n periodically, as long as he lives, be p u n i s h e d over a n d over a g a i n for t h e s a m e offence o r c r i m e . T h i s j u d g m e n t was given n o t b y t h e " G r e a t U n p a i d , " t h e provincial D o g b e r r i e s , b u t b y o n e o f t h e h i g h e s t c o u r t s o f j u s t i c e i n L o n d o n . — T h e s e c o n d case o c c u r s i n W i l t s h i r e a t t h e e n d o f N o v e m b e r 1 8 6 3 . A b o u t 3 0 p o w e r - l o o m weavers, i n t h e e m p l o y m e n t of o n e H a r r u p , a c l o t h m a n u f a c t u r e r at Bower's Mill, W e s t b u r y Leigh, struck work b e c a u s e m a s t e r H a r r u p i n d u l g e d i n t h e a g r e e a b l e h a b i t o f m a k i n g d e d u c t i o n s from t h e i r wages for b e i n g late in t h e m o r n i n g ; 6d. for 2 m i n u t e s ; I s . for 3 m i n u t e s , a n d I s . 6d. for t e n m i n u t e s . T h i s is at t h e rate of 9s. p e r h o u r , a n d £4 10s. Od. p e r d i e m ; w h i l e t h e wages of t h e weavers on t h e average of a year, n e v e r e x c e e d e d 10s. to 12s. weekly. H a r r u p also a p p o i n t e d a boy to a n n o u n c e t h e starting t i m e by a whistle, w h i c h he often d i d before six o'clock in t h e m o r n i n g : a n d i f t h e h a n d s were n o t all t h e r e a t t h e m o m e n t t h e whistle ceased, t h e d o o r s w e r e closed, a n d t h o s e h a n d s who were o u t s i d e were f i n e d : a n d a s t h e r e was n o clock o n t h e p r e m ises, t h e u n f o r t u n a t e h a n d s were a t t h e m e r c y o f t h e y o u n g H a r r u p - i n s p i r e d t i m e - k e e p e r . T h e h a n d s on strike, m o t h e r s of families as well as girls, offered to r e s u m e work if t h e t i m e k e e p e r were r e p l a c e d by a clock, a n d a m o r e r e a s o n a b l e scale of fines were i n t r o d u c e d . H a r r u p s u m m o n e d 1 9 w o m e n a n d girls before t h e m a g i s t r a t e s for b r e a c h o f c o n t r a c t . T o t h e u t t e r i n d i g n a t i o n of all p r e s e n t , t h e y were e a c h m u l c t e d in a fine of 6d. a n d 2s. 6d. for costs. H a r r u p was followed from t h e c o u r t by a crowd of p e o p l e w h o h i s s e d h i m . — A favourite o p e r a t i o n with m a n u f a c t u r e r s i s t o p u n i s h t h e w o r k p e o p l e b y d e d u c t i o n s m a d e from their wages o n a c c o u n t of faults in t h e m a t e r i a l w o r k e d on. T h i s m e t h o d gave rise in 1866 to a g e n e r a l strike in t h e E n g l i s h pottery districts. T h e reports of t h e C h . E m p i . C o m . ( 1 8 6 3 - 1 8 6 7 ) , give cases w h e r e t h e worker n o t only receives n o wages, b u t b e c o m e s , b y m e a n s o f h i s labour, a n d o f t h e p e n a l r e g u l a t i o n s , t h e d e b t o r to boot, of h i s worthy m a s t e r . T h e late c o t t o n crisis also f u r n i s h e d e d i fying e x a m p l e s of t h e sagacity s h o w n by t h e factory a u t o c r a t s in m a k i n g d e d u c t i o n s from wages. M r . R . Baker, t h e I n s p e c t o r of F a c t o r i e s , says, "I h a v e myself h a d lately to direct p r o s e c u t i o n s against o n e c o t t o n mill o c c u p i e r for h a v i n g i n t h e s e p i n c h i n g a n d painful t i m e s d e d u c t e d lOd. a piece from s o m e of t h e y o u n g workers e m p l o y e d by h i m , for t h e s u r g e o n ' s certificate (for w h i c h he h i m s e l f h a d only p a i d 6d.), w h e n o n l y allowed by t h e law to d e d u c t 3d., a n d by c u s t o m n o t h i n g at all ... A n d I h a v e b e e n i n f o r m e d of a n o t h e r , w h o , in o r d e r to k e e p w i t h o u t t h e law, b u t to a t t a i n t h e s a m e object, charges t h e p o o r c h i l d r e n who work for h i m a shilling e a c h , as a fee for l e a r n i n g t h e m t h e art a n d m y s t e r y of c o t t o n s p i n n i n g , so s o o n as t h e y are declared b y t h e s u r g e o n f i t a n d p r o p e r p e r s o n s for t h a t o c c u p a t i o n . T h e r e m a y t h e r e -

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value a t m o s p h e r e , by t h e deafening noise, not to m e n t i o n danger to life a n d limb a m o n g t h e thickly crowded machinery, which, with the regularity of the seasons, issues its list of the killed and w o u n d e d in the industrial b a t t l e . E c o n o m y of the social m e a n s of production, m a t u r e d a n d forced as in a h o t h o u s e by the factory system, is turned, in the h a n d s of capital, into 5 systematic robbery of what is necessary for t h e life of t h e w o r k m a n while he is at work, robbery of space, light, air, a n d of protection to his person against t h e dangerous and u n w h o l e s o m e a c c o m p a n i m e n t s of the p r o d u c tive process, n o t to m e n t i o n the robbery of appliances for the comfort of t h e w o r k m a n . Is Fourier wrong w h e n he calls factories "tempered bag- 10 nos?" 1 109

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fore be u n d e r c u r r e n t c a u s e s for s u c h e x t r a o r d i n a r y e x h i b i t i o n s as strikes, n o t only wherever t h e y arise, b u t particularly a t s u c h t i m e s a s t h e p r e s e n t , w h i c h w i t h o u t e x p l a n a t i o n , r e n d e r t h e m i n e x p l i c a b l e t o t h e p u b l i c u n d e r s t a n d i n g . " H e a l l u d e s h e r e t o a strike o f p o w e r - l o o m weavers at D a r w e n , J u n e , 1863. ("Reports of I n s p . of F a c t , for 30 April, 1 8 6 3 , " p p . 5 0 - 5 1 . ) T h e reports always go b e y o n d their official d a t e s .

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T h e p r o t e c t i o n afforded b y t h e F a c t o r y Acts against d a n g e r o u s m a c h i n e r y h a s h a d a b e n e f i c i a l effect. " B u t . . . t h e r e are o t h e r sources o f a c c i d e n t w h i c h d i d n o t exist twenty years s i n c e ; o n e especially, viz., t h e i n c r e a s e d speed of the m a c h i n e r y . W h e e l s , rollers, spindles a n d shuttles are n o w p r o p e l l e d a t i n c r e a s e d a n d i n c r e a s i n g rates; f i n g e r s m u s t b e q u i c k e r a n d defter i n t h e i r m o v e m e n t s t o t a k e u p t h e b r o k e n t h r e a d , for, i f p l a c e d w i t h h e s i t a t i o n o r carelessness, t h e y are sacrificed. ... A large n u m b e r of a c c i d e n t s are c a u s e d by t h e eagerness of t h e workp e o p l e t o get t h r o u g h t h e i r work expeditiously. I t m u s t b e r e m e m b e r e d t h a t i t i s o f t h e h i g h e s t i m p o r t a n c e t o m a n u f a c t u r e r s t h a t t h e i r m a c h i n e r y s h o u l d b e i n m o t i o n , i.e., p r o d u c i n g y a r n s a n d g o o d s . Every m i n u t e ' s stoppage is n o t only a loss of power, b u t of p r o d u c t i o n , a n d t h e w o r k p e o p l e are u r g e d by t h e overlookers, w h o are i n t e r e s t e d in t h e q u a n t i t y of work t u r n e d off, t o k e e p t h e m a c h i n e r y i n m o t i o n ; a n d i t i s n o less i m p o r t a n t t o t h o s e o f t h e operatives w h o are p a i d b y t h e weight o r p i e c e , t h a t t h e m a c h i n e s s h o u l d b e k e p t i n m o t i o n . C o n s e q u e n t l y , alt h o u g h i t i s strictly f o r b i d d e n i n m a n y , n a y i n m o s t factories, t h a t m a c h i n e r y s h o u l d b e c l e a n e d while in m o t i o n , it is nevertheless t h e c o n s t a n t p r a c t i c e in m o s t if n o t in all, t h a t t h e w o r k p e o p l e d o , u n r e p r o v e d , pick o u t waste, wipe rollers a n d wheels, etc., while t h e i r frames are i n m o t i o n . T h u s from this c a u s e only, 906 a c c i d e n t s h a v e o c c u r r e d d u r i n g t h e six m o n t h s . . . . . A l t h o u g h a great d e a l of c l e a n i n g is c o n s t a n t l y going on day by day, yet S a t u r d a y is generally t h e d a y set apart for t h e t h o r o u g h c l e a n i n g of t h e m a c h i n e r y , a n d a great d e a l of t h i s is d o n e while t h e m a c h i n e r y i s i n m o t i o n . " S i n c e c l e a n i n g i s n o t p a i d for, t h e workpeople seek t o get d o n e w i t h i t a s speedily a s possible. H e n c e " t h e n u m b e r o f a c c i d e n t s w h i c h o c c u r o n F r i days, a n d especially o n Saturdays, i s m u c h larger t h a n o n a n y o t h e r day. O n t h e f o r m e r d a y t h e excess is n e a r l y 12 per cent, over the average n u m b e r of t h e four first days of t h e week, a n d on t h e latter d a y t h e excess is 25 per cent, over t h e average of t h e p r e c e d i n g five days; or, if the n u m b e r of working-hours on Saturday being taken into a c c o u n t — 7 ½ hours on Saturday as c o m p a r e d w i t h 10½ on o t h e r d a y s — t h e r e is an excess of 65 p e r cent, on S a t u r d a y s over t h e average of t h e o t h e r five d a y s . " ("Rep. of I n s p . of Fact., 31st Oct., 1866," p. 9, 15, 16, 17.)

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In Part I. of Book I I I . I shall give an a c c o u n t of a r e c e n t c a m p a i g n by t h e E n g l i s h m a n u facturers against t h e Clauses i n t h e F a c t o r y Acts t h a t p r o t e c t t h e " h a n d s " against d a n g e r o u s m a c h i n e r y . F o r t h e p r e s e n t , let this o n e q u o t a t i o n from t h e official report o f L e o n a r d H o r n e r suffice: " I h a v e h e a r d s o m e m i l l o w n e r s speak w i t h i n e x c u s a b l e levity o f s o m e o f t h e a c c i d e n t s ; s u c h , for i n s t a n c e , as t h e loss of a finger b e i n g a trifling m a t t e r . A w o r k i n g - m a n ' s living a n d p r o s p e c t s d e p e n d so m u c h u p o n his fingers, t h a t any loss of t h e m is a very serious m a t t e r to h i m . W h e n I have h e a r d s u c h i n c o n s i d e r a t e r e m a r k s m a d e , I h a v e u s u a l l y p u t t h i s q u e s t i o n : ' S u p p o s e y o u were i n w a n t o f a n a d d i t i o n a l w o r k m a n , a n d two were t o apply, b o t h equally well

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|427| Section 5. —The Strife between Workman and Machine.

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T h e contest between the capitalist a n d t h e wage-labourer dates back to the very origin of capital. It raged on t h r o u g h o u t t h e whole m a n u f a c t u r i n g period. But only since the i n t r o d u c t i o n of m a c h i n e r y h a s the w o r k m a n fought against the i n s t r u m e n t of labour itself, the material e m b o d i m e n t of capital. He revolts against this particular form of the m e a n s of production, as being the material basis of t h e capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n . In the 17th century nearly all E u r o p e experienced revolts of the workpeople against the ribbon-loom, a m a c h i n e for weaving ribbons and t r i m m i n g s , called in G e r m a n y B a n d m ü h l e , S c h n u r m ü h l e , a n d M ü h l e n s t u h l . These m a c h i n e s were invented in G e r m a n y . A b b é Lancellotti, in a work that appeared in Venice in 1636, b u t which was written in 1629, says as follows: " A n t h o n y Müller of Danzig, saw a b o u t 50 years ago in that town, a very ingenious m a c h i n e , which weaves 4 to 6 pieces at once. But the M a y o r being apprehensive that this ||428| invention m i g h t throw a large n u m b e r of workm e n on the streets, caused the inventor to be secretly strangled or drowned." In Leyden, this m a c h i n e was n o t u s e d till 1621; there the riots of the ribbon-weavers at length compelled the Town C o u n c i l to prohibit it. "In hac u r b e , " says B o x h o r n (Inst. Pol., 1663), referring to the i n t r o d u c t i o n of this m a c h i n e into Leyden, " a n t e hos viginti circiter a n n o s i n s t r u m e n t u m q u i d a m i n v e n e r u n t textorium, q u o solus quis plus p a n n i et facilius conficere poterai, q u a m plures a e q u a l i t e m p o r e . H i n c turbae ortae et querula? t e x t o r u m , t a n d e m q u e u s u s hujus i n s t r u m e n t i a magistratu prohibitus est." After m a k i n g various decrees m o r e or less prohibitive against this loom in 1623, 1639, etc., the States G e n e r a l of H o l l a n d at length p e r m i t t e d it to be

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qualified in o t h e r respects, b u t o n e h a d lost a t h u m b or a forefinger, w h i c h w o u l d y o u engage?' T h e r e n e v e r was a h e s i t a t i o n a s t o t h e answer." . . . . T h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s h a v e " m i s t a k e n prejudices against w h a t t h e y h a v e h e a r d r e p r e s e n t e d as a p s e u d o - p h i l a n t h r o p i c legislation." ("Rep. of I n s p . of Fact., 31st Oct., 1855.") T h e s e m a n u f a c t u r e r s are clever folk, a n d not witho u t r e a s o n were t h e y e n t h u s i a s t i c for t h e slave-holders' r e b e l l i o n .

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I n t h o s e factories t h a t h a v e b e e n l o n g e s t subject t o t h e F a c t o r y A c t s , w i t h their c o m p u l s o r y l i m i t a t i o n o f t h e h o u r s o f labour, a n d o t h e r r e g u l a t i o n s , m a n y o f t h e o l d e r a b u s e s have v a n ished. T h e very i m p r o v e m e n t of t h e m a c h i n e r y d e m a n d s to a c e r t a i n e x t e n t " i m p r o v e d c o n struction of t h e b u i l d i n g s , " a n d t h i s is an a d v a n t a g e to t h e workpeople. (See " R e p . of I n s p . of Fact, for 31st Oct., 1 8 6 3 , " p. 109.) See a m o n g s t o t h e r s , J o h n H o u g h t o n : " H u s b a n d r y a n d T r a d e i m p r o v e d . L o n d o n , 1727." " T h e A d v a n t a g e s o f t h e East I n d i a T r a d e , 1720." J o h n Bellers, I.e. " T h e m a s t e r s a n d t h e i r w o r k m e n are, u n h a p p i l y , in a p e r p e t u a l war with e a c h other. T h e invariable object of the former is to get their work d o n e as c h e a p l y as possible; a n d they do n o t fail to e m p l o y every artifice to this p u r p o s e , whilst t h e latter are equally a t t e n t i v e to every o c c a s i o n of distressing their m a s t e r s i n t o a c o m p l i a n c e w i t h h i g h e r d e m a n d s . " ("An I n q u i r y i n t o t h e Causes of t h e P r e s e n t H i g h Prices o f Provisions," p . 6 1 - 6 2 . A u t h o r , t h e R e v . N a t h a n i e l Forster, q u i t e o n t h e side o f the workmen.) 1 1 2

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value used, u n d e r certain conditions, by the decree of t h e 5th D e c e m b e r , 1661. It was also prohibited in Cologne in 1676, at t h e s a m e t i m e t h a t its introduction into E n g l a n d was causing disturbances a m o n g the workpeople. By an imperial Edict of 19th Feb., 1685, its u s e was forbidden t h r o u g h o u t all Germ a n y . In H a m b u r g it was b u r n t in public by order of t h e Senate. T h e E m 5 peror Charles VI., on 9th Feb., 1719, renewed the edict of 1685, a n d n o t till 1765 was its use openly allowed in the Electorate of Saxony. T h i s m a c h i n e , w h i c h shook E u r o p e to its foundations, was in fact t h e precursor of t h e m u l e a n d the power-loom, a n d of the industrial revolution of the 18th century. It enabled a totally inexperienced boy, to set the whole l o o m with all 10 its shuttles in m o t i o n , by simply moving a rod backwards a n d forwards, a n d in its improved form produced from 40 to 50 pieces at o n c e . A b o u t 1630, a wind-sawmill, erected n e a r L o n d o n by a D u t c h m a n , succ u m b e d to the excesses of the populace. Even as late as the beginning of t h e 18th century, sawmills driven by water o v e r c a m e t h e opposition of the 15 people, supported as it was by parliament, only with great difficulty. No sooner h a d Everet in 1758 erected the first wool-shearing m a c h i n e that was driven by water-power, t h a n it was set on fire by 100,000 people who h a d b e e n thrown out of work. Fifty t h o u s a n d workpeople, who h a d previously lived by carding wool, petitioned p a r l i a m e n t against Arkwright's scrib- 20 bling ||429| mills and carding engines. T h e e n o r m o u s destruction of m a c h i n ery t h a t occurred in the English m a n u f a c t u r i n g districts during the first 15 years of this century, chiefly caused by t h e e m p l o y m e n t of the powerl o o m , a n d known as the L u d d i t e m o v e m e n t , gave t h e anti-jacobin governm e n t s of a S i d m o u t h , a Castlereagh, a n d the like, a pretext for the m o s t re- 25 actionary a n d forcible m e a s u r e s . It took b o t h t i m e a n d experience before t h e workpeople learnt to distinguish between m a c h i n e r y a n d its employm e n t by capital, and to direct their attacks, n o t against the material instrum e n t s of production, b u t against the m o d e in w h i c h they are u s e d . 113

T h e contests a b o u t wages in M a n u f a c t u r e , presuppose m a n u f a c t u r e , a n d 30 are in no sense directed against its existence. T h e opposition against the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of new manufactures, proceeds from the guilds a n d privileged towns, n o t from the workpeople. H e n c e the writers of the m a n u f a c turing period treat the division of l a b o u r chiefly as a m e a n s of virtually supplying a deficiency of labourers, a n d n o t as a m e a n s of actually displac- 35 ing those in work. This distinction is self-evident. If it be said t h a t 100 millions of people would be required in E n g l a n d to spin with the old spinningwheel the cotton that is now s p u n with m u l e s by 500,000 people, this does 1 1 3

I n o l d - f a s h i o n e d m a n u f a c t u r e s t h e revolts o f t h e w o r k p e o p l e a g a i n s t m a c h i n e r y , e v e n t o t h i s day, occasionally a s s u m e a savage character, as in t h e case of t h e Sheffield file cutters in 1865.

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n o t m e a n t h a t the m u l e s took the place of those millions who never existed. It m e a n s only this, t h a t m a n y millions of workpeople would be required to replace the spinning m a c h i n e r y . If, on t h e other h a n d , we say, that in England the power-loom threw 800,000 weavers on the streets, we do not refer to existing m a c h i n e r y , t h a t would have to be replaced by a definite n u m b e r of workpeople, b u t to a n u m b e r of weavers in existence who were actually replaced or displaced by t h e l o o m s . D u r i n g the m a n u f a c t u r ing period, handicraft labour, altered t h o u g h it was by division of labour, was yet the basis. T h e d e m a n d s of t h e new colonial m a r k e t s could n o t be satisfied owing to the relatively small n u m b e r of town operatives h a n d e d down from the m i d d l e ages, a n d the m a n u f a c t u r e s proper o p e n e d o u t new | |430| fields of p r o d u c t i o n to the rural p o p u l a t i o n , driven from t h e l a n d by the dissolution of the feudal system. At t h a t t i m e , therefore, division of lab o u r and co-operation in the workshops, were viewed m o r e from the positive aspect, that they m a d e the workpeople m o r e p r o d u c t i v e . Long before the period of M o d e r n Industry, co-operation a n d the c o n c e n t r a t i o n of the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour in the h a n d s of a few, gave rise, in n u m e r o u s c o u n tries where these m e t h o d s were applied in agriculture, to great, s u d d e n a n d forcible revolutions in the m o d e s of p r o d u c t i o n , a n d consequentially, in the conditions of existence, a n d the m e a n s of e m p l o y m e n t of the rural p o p ulations. But this contest at first takes place m o r e between the large a n d the small l a n d e d proprietors, t h a n between capital a n d wage-labour; on t h e other h a n d , when the labourers are displaced by the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, by sheep, horses, etc., in this case force is directly resorted to in t h e first instance as the prelude to the industrial revolution. T h e labourers are first driven from the land, a n d t h e n c o m e the s h e e p . L a n d grabbing on a great scale, such as was perpetrated in E n g l a n d , is the first step in creating a field for the establishment of agriculture on a great scale. H e n c e this subversion of agriculture puts on, at first, m o r e the a p p e a r a n c e of a political revolution. T h e i n s t r u m e n t of labour, w h e n it takes the form of a m a c h i n e , i m m e d i 114

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Sir J a m e s S t e u a r t also u n d e r s t a n d s m a c h i n e r y q u i t e i n t h i s s e n s e . « J e c o n s i d è r e d o n c les m a c h i n e s c o m m e des m o y e n s d ' a u g m e n t e r ( v i r t u e l l e m e n t ) l e n o m b r e d e s gens i n d u s t r i e u x q u ' o n n ' e s t p a s obligé d e n o u r r i r . . . . E n q u o i l'effet d ' u n e m a c h i n e diffère-t-il d e c e l u i d e n o u v e a u x h a b i t a n t s ? » ( F r e n c h t r a n s . 1.1., I.I., ch. XIX.) M o r e n a ï v e is Petty, w h o says, it replaces "Polygamy." T h e above p o i n t of view is, at t h e m o s t , a d m i s s i b l e only for s o m e p a r t s of t h e U n i t e d States. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , " m a c h i n e r y c a n s e l d o m b e u s e d with success t o abridge t h e l a b o u r o f a n i n d i v i d u a l ; m o r e t i m e w o u l d b e lost i n its c o n s t r u c t i o n t h a n c o u l d b e saved b y its application. It is only really useful w h e n it acts on great m a s s e s , w h e n a single m a c h i n e c a n assist t h e work of t h o u s a n d s . It is accordingly in t h e m o s t p o p u l o u s c o u n t r i e s , w h e r e t h e r e are m o s t idle m e n , t h a t it is m o s t a b u n d a n t . . . . It is n o t called i n t o u s e by a scarcity of m e n , b u t b y t h e facility with w h i c h t h e y c a n b e b r o u g h t t o work i n m a s s e s . " (Piercy R a v e n s t o n e : " T h o u g h t s o n t h e F u n d i n g S y s t e m a n d its Effects." L o n d o n , 1824, p . 45.)

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ately b e c o m e s a competitor of the w o r k m a n himself. T h e self-expansion of capital by m e a n s of m a c h i n e r y is thenceforward directly proportional to the n u m b e r of the workpeople, whose m e a n s of livelihood have b e e n destroyed by ||431| that m a c h i n e r y . T h e whole system of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n is based on the fact t h a t the w o r k m a n sells his labour-power as a c o m m o d ity. Division of labour specialises this labour-power, by r e d u c i n g it to skill in h a n d l i n g a particular tool. So soon as the h a n d l i n g of this tool b e c o m e s the work of a m a c h i n e , t h e n , with the use-value, t h e exchange-value too, of the w o r k m a n ' s labour-power vanishes; the w o r k m a n b e c o m e s unsaleable, like paper m o n e y thrown out of currency by legal e n a c t m e n t . T h a t portion of the working class, thus by m a c h i n e r y r e n d e r e d superfluous, i.e., no longer i m m e d i a t e l y necessary for the self-expansion of capital, either goes to the wall in the u n e q u a l contest of t h e old handicrafts a n d m a n u f a c t u r e s with m a c h i n e r y , or else floods all the m o r e easily accessible branches of industry, swamps the labour market, a n d sinks the price of labour-power below its value. It is impressed u p o n the workpeople, as a great consolation, first, t h a t their sufferings are only temporary ("a temporary inconvenience"), secondly, that m a c h i n e r y acquires the mastery over the whole of a given field of production, only by degrees, so t h a t the extent a n d intensity of its destructive effect is diminished. T h e first consolation neutralizes the second. W h e n m a c h i n e r y seizes on an industry by degrees, it produces chronic misery a m o n g the operatives who c o m p e t e with it. W h e r e the transition is rapid, the effect is acute a n d felt by great masses. History discloses no tragedy m o r e horrible t h a n the gradual extinction of the English h a n d loom weavers, an extinction that was spread over several decades, a n d finally sealed in 1838. M a n y of t h e m died of starvation, m a n y with families vegetated for a long t i m e on 2Y d. a d a y . On the other h a n d , the English

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115 " M a c h i n e r y a n d l a b o u r are in c o n s t a n t c o m p e t i t i o n . " R i c a r d o , I.e., p. 479. T h e c o m p e t i t i o n b e t w e e n h a n d - w e a v i n g a n d power-weaving i n E n g l a n d , before t h e passing of t h e P o o r L a w of 1834, was p r o l o n g e d by s u p p l e m e n t i n g t h e wages, w h i c h h a d fallen c o n s i d erably below t h e m i n i m u m , with p a r i s h relief. " T h e Rev. M r . T u r n e r was, in 1827, rector of W i l m s t o w e , in C h e s h i r e , a m a n u f a c t u r i n g district. T h e q u e s t i o n s of t h e C o m m i t t e e of E m i g r a t i o n , a n d M r . T u r n e r ' s answers, show h o w t h e c o m p e t i t i o n o f h u m a n l a b o u r i s m a i n t a i n e d against m a c h i n e r y . ' Q u e s t i o n : H a s n o t t h e u s e o f t h e p o w e r - l o o m s u p e r s e d e d t h e u s e o f t h e h a n d - l o o m ? Answer: U n d o u b t e d l y ; i t w o u l d h a v e s u p e r s e d e d t h e m m u c h m o r e t h a n i t h a s d o n e , if t h e h a n d - l o o m weavers were n o t e n a b l e d to s u b m i t to a r e d u c t i o n of wages. Q u e s t i o n : B u t i n s u b m i t t i n g h e h a s a c c e p t e d wages w h i c h are insufficient t o s u p p o r t h i m , a n d looks t o p a r o c h i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n a s t h e r e m a i n d e r o f h i s s u p p o r t ? A n s w e r : Y e s , a n d i n fact t h e c o m p e t i t i o n b e t w e e n t h e h a n d - l o o m a n d t h e p o w e r - l o o m i s m a i n t a i n e d o u t o f t h e poor-rates.' T h u s d e g r a d i n g p a u p e r i s m o r e x p a t r i a t i o n , i s t h e benefit w h i c h t h e i n d u s t r i o u s receive from t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f m a c h i n e r y , t o b e r e d u c e d from t h e r e s p e c t a b l e a n d i n s o m e degree i n d e p e n d e n t m e c h a n i c , to t h e cringing wretch w h o lives on t h e d e b a s i n g b r e a d of charity. T h i s t h e y call a t e m p o r a r y i n c o n v e n i e n c e . " ("A Prize Essay o n t h e c o m p a r a t i v e m e r i t s o f C o m p e t i t i o n a n d C o - o p e r a t i o n . " Lond., 1834, p. 29.) 1 1 6

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cotton m a c h i n e r y p r o d u c e d an ||432| a c u t e effect in India. T h e Governor G e n e r a l reported 1 8 3 4 - 3 5 : "The misery hardly finds a parallel in the history of c o m m e r c e . T h e b o n e s of the cotton-weavers are bleaching the plains of India." No doubt, in turning t h e m out of this "temporal" world, the m a chinery caused t h e m no m o r e t h a n "a temporary i n c o n v e n i e n c e . " F o r the rest, since m a c h i n e r y is continually seizing u p o n new fields of production, its temporary effect is really p e r m a n e n t . H e n c e , the character of i n d e p e n dence a n d estrangement which the capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n as a whole gives to the i n s t r u m e n t s of l a b o u r a n d to the product, as against the workman, is developed by m e a n s of m a c h i n e r y into a t h o r o u g h antagon i s m . Therefore, it is with t h e advent of m a c h i n e r y , that the w o r k m a n for the first t i m e brutally revolts against the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour. T h e i n s t r u m e n t of l a b o u r strikes down the labourer. This direct antagon i s m between the two c o m e s o u t m o s t strongly, whenever newly i n t r o d u c e d m a c h i n e r y competes with handicrafts or m a n u f a c t u r e s , h a n d e d down from former times. B u t even in M o d e r n Industry the c o n t i n u a l i m p r o v e m e n t of machinery, a n d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of the a u t o m a t i c system, has an analogous effect. "The object of improved m a c h i n e r y is to d i m i n i s h m a n u a l labour, to provide for the performance of a process or the completion of a link in a m a n u f a c t u r e by the aid of an iron instead of the h u m a n apparatus." "The adaptation of power to m a c h i n e r y heretofore moved by h a n d , is almost of daily occurrence ... the m i n o r i m p r o v e m e n t s in ))-4-331 m a c h i n ery having for their object e c o n o m y of power, the p r o d u c t i o n of better work, the turning off m o r e work in the s a m e t i m e , or in supplying the place of a child, a female, or a m a n , are constant, a n d although s o m e t i m e s apparently of no great m o m e n t , have somewhat i m p o r t a n t r e s u l t s . " " W h e n e v e r a process requires peculiar dexterity a n d steadiness of h a n d , it is withdrawn, as soon as possible, from the c u n n i n g workman, who is p r o n e to irregularities of m a n y kinds, and it is placed in charge of a peculiar m e c h anism, so self-regulating t h a t a child can s u p e r i n t e n d i t . " "On the a u t o 117

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" T h e s a m e c a u s e w h i c h m a y i n c r e a s e t h e r e v e n u e o f t h e c o u n t r y " (i.e., a s R i c a r d o e x p l a i n s i n t h e s a m e passage, t h e r e v e n u e s o f l a n d l o r d s a n d capitalists, w h o s e wealth, from t h e econ o m i c a l p o i n t o f view, forms t h e W e a l t h o f t h e N a t i o n ) , " m a y a t t h e s a m e t i m e r e n d e r t h e p o p u l a t i o n r e d u n d a n t a n d d e t e r i o r a t e t h e c o n d i t i o n o f t h e l a b o u r e r . " ( R i c a r d o , I.e., p . 469). " T h e c o n s t a n t a i m a n d t h e t e n d e n c y of every i m p r o v e m e n t in m a c h i n e r y is, in fact, to do away entirely with t h e l a b o u r of m a n , or to lessen its price by s u b s t i t u t i n g t h e l a b o u r of w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n for t h a t of g r o w n - u p m e n , or of u n s k i l l e d for t h a t of skilled w o r k m e n . " (Ure, I.e., 1.1., p p . 3 4 , 35). " R e p . I n s p . F a c t , for 31st O c t o b e r , 1 8 5 8 , " p . 4 3 . " R e p . I n s p . F a c t , for 31st O c t o b e r , 1856," p . 15. U r e , I.e., p . 19. " T h e great a d v a n t a g e o f t h e m a c h i n e r y e m p l o y e d i n b r i c k - m a k i n g consists in this, that t h e e m p l o y e r is m a d e entirely i n d e p e n d e n t of skilled l a b o u r e r s . " ("Ch. E m p i . C o m m . V . R e p o r t , " L o n d . , 1866, p . 1 3 0 , n . 4 6 . ) M r . A . S t u r r o c k , s u p e r i n t e n d e n t o f t h e m a c h i n e d e p a r t m e n t of t h e G r e a t N o r t h e r n Railway, says, w i t h regard to t h e b u i l d i n g of l o c o m o t i v e s , 1 1 8

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Part !V • Production of relative surplus-value 121

m a t i c plan skilled labour gets progressively s u p e r s e d e d . " "The effect of i m p r o v e m e n t s in machinery, not merely in superseding the necessity for the e m p l o y m e n t of the s a m e quantity of adult labour as before, in order to p r o d u c e a given result, b u t in substituting o n e description of h u m a n labour for another, the less skilled for the more skilled, juvenile for adult, female for m a l e , causes a fresh disturbance in the rate of w a g e s . " " T h e effect of substituting the self-acting m u l e for the c o m m o n m u l e , is to discharge t h e greater part of the m e n spinners, a n d to retain adolescents a n d c h i l d r e n . " T h e extraordinary power of expansion of t h e factory system owing to accum u l a t e d practical experience, to the m e c h a n i c a l m e a n s at h a n d , a n d to constant technical progress, was proved to us by t h e giant strides of that system u n d e r the pressure of a shortened working day. But who, in 1860, t h e Z e n i t h year of the English cotton industry, would have d r e a m t of the galloping i m p r o v e m e n t s in machinery, and t h e corresponding displacem e n t of working people, called into being during the following 3 years, u n der the stimulus of ||434| the A m e r i c a n Civil War? A couple of examples from the Reports of the Inspectors of Factories will suffice on this point. A M a n c h e s t e r m a n u f a c t u r e r states: "We formerly h a d 75 carding engines, now we have 12, doing the same quantity of work .. We are doing with fewer h a n d s by 14, at a saving in wages of £10 a-week. O u r estimated saving in waste is a b o u t 10 % in the quantity of cotton c o n s u m e d . " "In a n o t h e r fine spinning mill in Manchester, I was informed that t h r o u g h increased speed a n d t h e a d o p t i o n of s o m e self-acting processes, a r e d u c t i o n h a d b e e n m a d e , in n u m b e r , of a fourth in o n e d e p a r t m e n t , a n d of above half in another, and that the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the c o m b i n g m a c h i n e in place of the second carding, h a d considerably r e d u c e d the n u m b e r of h a n d s formerly employed in the carding-room." A n o t h e r spinning m i l l is estimated to effect a saying of labour of 10 %. T h e Messrs. G i l m o r e , spinners at M a n c h e s ter, state: "In o u r blowing-room d e p a r t m e n t we consider o u r expense with new m a c h i n e r y is fully one-third less in wages a n d h a n d s ... in the jackframe a n d drawing-frame room, about one-third less in expense, a n d likewise one-third less in h a n d s ; in the s p i n n i n g - r o o m a b o u t one-third less in expenses. B u t this is n o t all; when our yarn goes to t h e manufacturers, it is

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etc.: " E x p e n s i v e English w o r k m e n are b e i n g less u s e d every day. T h e p r o d u c t i o n of t h e works h o p s of E n g l a n d is b e i n g i n c r e a s e d by t h e u s e of i m p r o v e d tools a n d t h e s e tools are a g a i n served by a low class of l a b o u r ... F o r m e r l y t h e i r skilled l a b o u r necessarily p r o d u c e d all t h e parts of e n g i n e s . N o w t h e parts of e n g i n e s are p r o d u c e d by l a b o u r w i t h less skill, b u t with g o o d tools. [...] By tools, I m e a n e n g i n e e r ' s m a c h i n e r y , lathes, p l a n i n g m a c h i n e s , drills, a n d so o n . ("Royal C o m . o n Railways." L o n d . , 1867, M i n u t e s o f E v i d e n c e , n . 17,862 a n d 17,863.) Ure, I.e., p. 20. U r e , I.e., p . 3 2 1 . U r e I.e. p . 2 3 . 1 2 1

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry so m u c h better by the application of our n e w m a c h i n e r y , that they will produce a greater quantity of cloth, a n d cheaper t h a n from the yarn p r o d u c e d by old m a c h i n e r y . " Mr. Redgrave further r e m a r k s in t h e same Report: "The r e d u c t i o n of h a n d s against increased p r o d u c t i o n is, in fact, constantly taking place; in woollen mills the r e d u c t i o n c o m m e n c e d some t i m e since, a n d is continuing; a few days since, the m a s t e r of a school in the neighb o u r h o o d of R o c h d a l e said to m e , that ' t h e great falling off in the girls' school is n o t only caused by the distress, b u t by the changes of m a c h i n e r y in t h e woollen mills, in c o n s e q u e n c e of which a r e d u c t i o n of 70 shorttimers h a d t a k e n p l a c e . ' " 1 124

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|435| T h e following table shows the t o t a l result of t h e m e c h a n i c a l i m provements in the English cotton industry d u e to the A m e r i c a n civil war. Number of Factories.

England and Wales

15

Scotland

1856

1861

1868

2,046

2,715

2,405

152

163

131

12

9

13

2,210

2,887

2,549

Ireland United Kingdom

Number of Power-Looms. 20 England and Wales Scotland

1856

1861

1868

275,590

368,125

344,719

21,624

30,110

31,864

1,633

1,757

2,746

298,847

399,992

379,329

Ireland United Kingdom

Number of Spindles.

25 England and Wales Scotland Ireland United Kingdom

30

1856

1861

1868

25,818,576

28,352,125

30,478,228

2,041,129

1,915,398

1,397,546

150,512

119,944

124,240

28,010,217

30,387,467

32,000,014

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" R e p . I n s p . Fact., 31st Oct., 1 8 6 3 , " p p . 108, 109. I.e., p . 109. T h e r a p i d i m p r o v e m e n t o f m a c h i n e r y , d u r i n g t h e crisis, allowed t h e E n g l i s h m a n u f a c t u r e r s , i m m e d i a t e l y after t h e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e A m e r i c a n civil war, and a l m o s t i n n o t i m e , to glut t h e m a r k e t s of t h e world again. Cloth, d u r i n g t h e last six m o n t h s of 1866, was almost unsaleable. Thereupon began the consignment of goods to India and China, thus naturally m a k i n g t h e glut m o r e i n t e n s e . A t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f 1867 t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s r e s o r t e d t o their u s u a l way o u t of t h e difficulty, viz., r e d u c i n g wages 5 p e r cent. T h e w o r k p e o p l e resisted, a n d said t h a t t h e only r e m e d y was to work short t i m e , 4 days a-week; a n d their theory was t h e correct o n e . After h o l d i n g o u t for s o m e t i m e , t h e self-elected c a p t a i n s o f i n d u s t r y h a d t o m a k e u p t h e i r m i n d s t o short t i m e , with r e d u c e d wages i n s o m e places, a n d i n o t h e r s w i t h o u t . 1 2 s

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value Number of Persons employed.

England and Wales Scotland Ireland United Kingdom

1856

1861

1868

341,170

407,598

357,052

34,698

41,237

39,809

3,345

2,734

4,203

379,213

451,569

401,064

H e n c e , between 1861 a n d 1868, 338 cotton factories disappeared, in other words m o r e productive m a c h i n e r y on a larger scale was concentrated in t h e h a n d s of a smaller n u m b e r of capitalists. T h e n u m b e r of powerlooms decreased by 20,663; b u t since their p r o d u c t increased in the s a m e period, an improved l o o m m u s t have yielded m o r e t h a n an old one. Lastly the n u m b e r of spindles increased by 1,612,541, while the n u m b e r oT operatives decreased by 50,505. The "temporary" misery, inflicted on the workpeople by the cotton-crisis, was heightened, a n d from being temporary m a d e p e r m a n e n t , by the rapid a n d persistent progress of m a c h i n e r y . | |436| But m a c h i n e r y not only acts as a c o m p e t i t o r who gets the better of the workman, and is constantly on the point of m a k i n g h i m superfluous. It is also a power inimical to h i m , a n d as s u c h capital proclaims it from the roof tops and as such m a k e s use of it. It is the m o s t powerful weapon for repressing strikes, those periodical revolts of the working class against the autocracy of c a p i t a l . According to Gaskell, the s t e a m engine was from the very first an antagonist of h u m a n power, an antagonist that enabled the capitalist to tread u n d e r foot the growing claims of the workmen, who t h r e a t e n e d the newly b o r n factory system with a c r i s i s . It would be possible to write quite a history of the inventions, m a d e since 1830, for the sole purpose of supplying capital with weapons against the revolts of the working class. At the h e a d of these in i m p o r t a n c e , stands the self-acting m u l e , because it opened up a new epoch in the a u t o m a t i c s y s t e m .

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N a s m y t h , the inventor of the steam h a m m e r , gives the following evid e n c e before the Trades U n i o n C o m m i s s i o n , with regard to the improve- 30 m e n t s m a d e by h i m in m a c h i n e r y a n d i n t r o d u c e d in c o n s e q u e n c e of the wide-spread a n d long strikes of the engineers in 1851. "The characteristic feature of o u r m o d e r n m e c h a n i c a l i m p r o v e m e n t s , is the i n t r o d u c t i o n of self-acting tool m a c h i n e r y . W h a t every m e c h a n i c a l w o r k m a n has now to 1 2 6

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" T h e r e l a t i o n o f m a s t e r a n d m a n i n t h e b l o w n flint a n d b o t t l e trades a m o u n t s t o a c h r o n i c strike." H e n c e t h e i m p e t u s given t o t h e m a n u f a c t u r e o f pressed glass, i n w h i c h t h e chief o p e r a t i o n s are d o n e by m a c h i n e r y . O n e firm in N e w c a s t l e , who formerly p r o d u c e d 3 5 0 , 0 0 0 l b s . of blown-flint glass, n o w p r o d u c e s in its p l a c e 3,000,500 lbs. of pressed glass. ("Ch. E m p i . C o m m . , F o u r t h R e p . , " 1865, p p . 2 6 2 , 263.) G a s k e l l . " T h e M a n u f a c t u r i n g P o p u l a t i o n o f E n g l a n d . L o n d o n , 1 8 3 3 , " p p . 3 4 , 35. W . F a i r b a i r n discovered several very i m p o r t a n t a p p l i c a t i o n s o f m a c h i n e r y t o t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n of m a c h i n e s , in c o n s e q u e n c e of strikes in h i s o w n w o r k s h o p s . 1 2 8

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do, a n d what every boy can do, is n o t to work himself b u t to s u p e r i n t e n d the beautiful labour of the m a c h i n e . T h e whole class of w o r k m e n that depend exclusively on their skill, is n o w d o n e away with. Formerly, I e m ployed four boys to every m e c h a n i c . T h a n k s to these new m e c h a n i c a l combinations, I have r e d u c e d the n u m b e r of grown-up m e n from 1500 to 750. The result was a considerable increase in my profits." U r e says of a m a c h i n e u s e d in calico printing: "At length ||437| capitalists sought deliverance from this intolerable b o n d a g e " (namely the, in their eyes, b u r d e n s o m e terms of their contracts with the workmen) "in the resources of science, and were speedily re-instated in their legitimate rule, that of the h e a d over t h e inferior m e m b e r s . " Speaking of an invention for dressing warps: " T h e n the c o m b i n e d m a l c o n t e n t s , who fancied themselves impregnably intrenched b e h i n d the old lines of division of labour, found their flanks t u r n e d a n d their defences rendered useless by the new m e c h a n ical tactics, and were obliged to surrender at discretion." W i t h regard to t h e invention of the self-acting m u l e , he says: "A creation destined to restore order a m o n g the industrious classes. ... This invention confirms the great doctrine already p r o p o u n d e d , that w h e n capital enlists science into h e r service, the refractory h a n d of l a b o u r will always be taught d o c i l i t y . " Alt h o u g h Ure's work appeared 30 years ago, at a t i m e when the factory system was comparatively b u t little developed, it still perfectly expresses t h e spirit of the factory, not only by its u n d i s g u i s e d cynicism, b u t also by the naïveté with which it blurts o u t the stupid contradictions of the capitalist brain. For instance, after p r o p o u n d i n g the " d o c t r i n e " stated above, that capital, with the aid of science t a k e n into its pay, always reduces the refractory h a n d of labour to docility, he grows i n d i g n a n t b e c a u s e "it (physico-mechanical science) has b e e n accused of lending itself to the rich capitalist as an i n s t r u m e n t for harrassing the poor." After preaching a long s e r m o n to show how advantageous the rapid d e v e l o p m e n t of m a c h i n e r y is to t h e working classes, he warns t h e m , that by their obstinacy a n d their strikes they hasten that development. "Violent revulsions of this n a t u r e , " he says, "display short-sighted m a n in the c o n t e m p t i b l e character of a self-tormentor." A few pages before he states the contrary. " H a d it n o t b e e n for the violent collisions a n d interruptions resulting from erroneous views a m o n g t h e factory operatives, the factory system would have b e e n developed still m o r e rapidly and beneficially for all concerned." T h e n he exclaims again: "Fortunately for the state of society in the cotton districts of Great Britain, the | |438| i m p r o v e m e n t s in m a c h i n e r y are gradual." "It" (improvement in m a chinery) "is said to lower the rate of earnings of adults by displacing a portion of t h e m , a n d thus rendering their n u m b e r s u p e r a b u n d a n t as c o m 129

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value pared with t h e d e m a n d for their labour. It certainly a u g m e n t s t h e d e m a n d for the labour of children a n d increases t h e rate of their wages." On the o t h e r h a n d , this s a m e dispenser of consolation defends the lowness of the children's wages on the ground that it prevents parents from sending their children at too early an age into the factory. T h e whole of his b o o k is a vin5 dication of a working day of unrestricted length; t h a t P a r l i a m e n t should forbid children of 13 years to be exhausted by working 12 h o u r s a day, rem i n d s his liberal soul of the darkest days of t h e m i d d l e ages. This does n o t prevent h i m from calling u p o n the factory operatives to t h a n k Providence, who by m e a n s of m a c h i n e r y has given t h e m the leisure to t h i n k of their 10 "immortal interests." 130

Section 6.—The Theory of Compensation as regards the Workpeople displaced by Machinery. J a m e s Mill, MacCulloch, Torrens, Senior, J o h n Stuart Mill, a n d a whole series besides, of bourgeois political economists, insist t h a t all m a c h i n e r y 15 t h a t displaces workmen, simultaneously a n d necessarily sets free an a m o u n t of capital a d e q u a t e to employ the s a m e identical w o r k m e n . Suppose a capitalist to employ 100 w o r k m e n , at £30 a year each, in a carpet factory. T h e variable capital annually laid out a m o u n t s , therefore, to £3000. Suppose, also, that he discharges 50 of his workmen, a n d employs 20 the r e m a i n i n g 50 with m a c h i n e r y t h a t costs h i m £1500. To simplify m a t ters, we take no a c c o u n t of buildings, coal, etc. F u r t h e r suppose t h a t the raw material annually c o n s u m e d costs £3000, b o t h before a n d after the c h a n g e . Is any capital set free by this ||439[ m e t a m o r p h o s i s ? Before the change, the total s u m of £6000 consisted half of constant, a n d half of va- 25 riable capital. After the change it consists of £4500 constant (£3000 raw m a t e r i a l a n d £1500 m a c h i n e r y ) , and £1500 variable capital. T h e variable capital, instead of being o n e half, is only o n e quarter, of the total capital. I n s t e a d of being set free, a part of the capital is here locked up in s u c h a way as to cease to be exchanged against labour-power: variable has b e e n 30 c h a n g e d into constant capital. Other things r e m a i n i n g u n c h a n g e d , the capital of £6000, can, in future, employ no m o r e t h a n 50 m e n . W i t h e a c h imp r o v e m e n t in the machinery, it will employ fewer. If t h e newly i n t r o d u c e d 131

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m a c h i n e r y h a d cost less t h a n did the labour-power a n d i m p l e m e n t s displaced by it, if, for instance, instead of costing £1500, it h a d cost only £1000, a variable capital of £1000 would have b e e n converted into constant capital, a n d locked u p ; and a capital of £500 would have b e e n set free. T h e latter sum, supposing wages u n c h a n g e d , would form a fund sufficient to employ about 16 o u t of the 50 m e n discharged; nay, less t h a n 16, for, in order to be employed as capital, a part of this £ 5 0 0 m u s t n o w b e c o m e constant capital, thus leaving only the r e m a i n d e r to be laid out in labourpower. But, suppose, besides, t h a t the m a k i n g of t h e new m a c h i n e r y affords e m ployment to a greater n u m b e r of m e c h a n i c s , c a n that be called c o m p e n s a tion to the carpet makers, thrown on the streets? At the best, its construction employs fewer m e n t h a n its e m p l o y m e n t displaces. T h e s u m of £1500 that formerly represented t h e wages of t h e discharged carpet-makers, n o w represents in the shape of m a c h i n e r y . (1) t h e value of the m e a n s of p r o d u c tion used in the construction of t h a t m a c h i n e r y , (2) the wages of the m e chanics employed in its construction, a n d (3) the surplus-value falling to the share of their "master." Further, the m a c h i n e r y n e e d n o t be renewed till it is worn out. H e n c e , in order to keep t h e increased n u m b e r of m e chanics in constant e m p l o y m e n t , o n e carpet m a n u f a c t u r e r after a n o t h e r m u s t displace w o r k m e n by m a c h i n e s . As a m a t t e r of fact, the apologists do n o t m e a n this sort of ||440| setting free. They have in their m i n d s the m e a n s of subsistence of the liberated workpeople. It c a n n o t be denied, in t h e above instance, t h a t the m a c h i n e r y n o t only liberates 50 m e n , t h u s placing t h e m at others' disposal, but, at t h e same time, it withdraws from their c o n s u m p t i o n , a n d sets free, m e a n s of subsistence to the value of £1500. T h e simple fact, by no m e a n s a new o n e , that m a c h i n e r y cuts off the w o r k m e n from their m e a n s of subsistence is, therefore, in e c o n o m i c a l parlance t a n t a m o u n t to this, that m a c h i n e r y liberates m e a n s of subsistence for the w o r k m a n , or converts those m e a n s i n t o capital for his e m p l o y m e n t . T h e m o d e of expression, you see, is everything. N o m i n i b u s mollire licet m a l a . This theory implies t h a t the £1500 worth of m e a n s of subsistence was capital that was being e x p a n d e d by the l a b o u r of the 50 m e n discharged. That, consequently, this capital falls o u t of e m p l o y m e n t so soon as they c o m m e n c e their forced holidays, a n d never rests till it has found a fresh investment, where it c a n again be productively c o n s u m e d by these s a m e 50 m e n . T h a t sooner or later, therefore, t h e capital a n d the w o r k m e n m u s t c o m e together again, a n d that, t h e n , the c o m p e n s a t i o n is complete. T h a t the sufferings of t h e w o r k m e n displaced by m a c h i n e r y are therefore as transient as are the riches of this world.

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value In relation to the discharged workmen, the £1500 worth of m e a n s of subsistence never was capital. W h a t really confronted t h e m as capital, was the s u m of £1500, afterwards laid out in m a c h i n e r y . On looking closer it will be seen that this s u m represented part of the carpets p r o d u c e d in a year by the 50 discharged m e n , which part they received as wages from their employer in m o n e y instead of in kind. W i t h the carpets in the form of m o n e y , they b o u g h t m e a n s of subsistence to the value of £1500. T h e s e m e a n s , therefore, were to t h e m , n o t capital, b u t c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d they, as regards these c o m m o d i t i e s , were n o t wage-labourers, b u t buyers. T h e c i r c u m s t a n c e that they were "freed" by the machinery, from the m e a n s of p u r c h a s e , changed t h e m from buyers into non-buyers. H e n c e a lessened d e m a n d for those c o m m o d ities—voilà tout. If this d i m i n u t i o n be not c o m p e n s a t e d by an increase from s o m e other ||441| quarter, the m a r k e t price of the c o m m o d i t i e s falls. If this state of things lasts for some time, and extends, there follows a discharge of w o r k m e n employed in the p r o d u c t i o n of these c o m m o d i t i e s . S o m e of the capital that was previously devoted to p r o d u c t i o n of necessary m e a n s of subsistence, has to b e c o m e r e p r o d u c e d in a n o t h e r form. W h i l e prices fall, and capital is being displaced, the labourers employed in the p r o d u c t i o n of necessary m e a n s of subsistence are in their t u r n "freed" from a part of their wages. Instead, therefore, of proving that, w h e n m a c h i n e r y frees t h e w o r k m a n from his m e a n s of subsistence, it simultaneously converts those m e a n s into capital for his further e m p l o y m e n t , o u r apologists, with their cut-and-dried law of supply a n d d e m a n d , prove, on the contrary, that m a c h i n e r y throws w o r k m e n on the streets, n o t only in that b r a n c h of p r o d u c t i o n in which it is introduced, b u t also in those b r a n c h e s in which it is not introduced.

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T h e real facts, which are travestied by the o p t i m i s m of economists, are as follows: T h e labourers, w h e n driven o u t of the workshop by t h e m a c h i n e r y , are thrown u p o n the labour market, a n d there a d d to the n u m b e r of workm e n at the disposal of the capitalists. In Part VII. of this book it will be 30 seen that this effect of machinery, which, as we have seen, is represented to be a c o m p e n s a t i o n to the working class, is on the contrary a m o s t frightful scourge. F o r the present I will only say this: T h e labourers t h a t are thrown out of work in any b r a n c h of industry, can no d o u b t seek for e m p l o y m e n t in some other branch. If they find it, and t h u s renew the b o n d between 35 t h e m a n d the m e a n s of subsistence, this takes place only by the i n t e r m e d i ary of a new a n d additional capital that is seeking investment; n o t at all by t h e intermediary of the capital that formerly employed t h e m a n d was afterwards converted into machinery. A n d even should they find e m p l o y m e n t , what a poor look-out is theirs! Crippled as they are by division of labour, 40 these poor devils are worth so little outside their old trade, that they c a n n o t

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry find admission into any industries, except a few of inferior kind, that are over-supplied with u n d e r p a i d w o r k m e n . F u r t h e r , every b r a n c h of industry ||442| attracts each year a new stream of m e n , who furnish a contingent from which to fill up vacancies, a n d to draw a supply for expansion. So soon as m a c h i n e r y sets free a part of the w o r k m e n employed in a given b r a n c h of industry, the reserve m e n are also diverted into new c h a n n e l s of e m p l o y m e n t , a n d b e c o m e absorbed in other b r a n c h e s ; m e a n w h i l e the origin a l victims, during t h e period of transition, for the most part starve a n d perish. It is an u n d o u b t e d fact t h a t m a c h i n e r y , as such, is n o t responsible for "setting free" the w o r k m a n from the m e a n s of subsistence. It cheapens a n d increases production in that b r a n c h w h i c h it seizes on, a n d at first m a k e s no change in the m a s s of the m e a n s of subsistence p r o d u c e d in other branches. H e n c e , after its i n t r o d u c t i o n , the society possesses as m u c h , if not more, of the necessaries of life t h a n before, for the labourers thrown out of work; and that quite apart from the e n o r m o u s share of the a n n u a l produce wasted by the non-workers. A n d this is the point relied on by our apologists! The contradictions a n d a n t a g o n i s m s inseparable from the capitalist e m p l o y m e n t of machinery, do n o t exist, they say, since they do n o t arise out of machinery, as such, b u t o u t of its capitalist e m p l o y m e n t ! Since therefore machinery, considered alone, shortens the h o u r s of labour, b u t , w h e n in the service of capital, lengthens t h e m ; since in itself it lightens labour, b u t when employed by capital, h e i g h t e n s the intensity of labour; since in itself it is a victory of m a n over the forces of n a t u r e , b u t in the h a n d s of capital, m a k e s m a n the slave of those forces; since in itself it increases the wealth of the producers, b u t in t h e h a n d s of capital, m a k e s t h e m paupers—for all these reasons a n d others besides, says the bourgeois economist without m o r e ado, it is clear as n o o n d a y that all these contradictions are a m e r e s e m b l a n c e of the reality, a n d that, as a m a t t e r of fact, they have n e i t h e r an actual n o r a theoretical existence. T h u s ||443| he saves h i m self from all further puzzling of the brain, a n d what is more, implicitly declares his o p p o n e n t to be stupid e n o u g h to c o n t e n d against, not t h e capitalistic e m p l o y m e n t of machinery, but m a c h i n e r y itself. 133

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A disciple of R i c a r d o , in a n s w e r to t h e i n s i p i d i t i e s of J. B. Say, r e m a r k s on this p o i n t : " W h e r e division of l a b o u r is well developed, t h e skill of t h e l a b o u r e r is available only in t h a t p a r t i c u l a r b r a n c h i n w h i c h i t h a s b e e n a c q u i r e d ; h e h i m s e l f i s a s o r t o f m a c h i n e . I t does n o t therefore help m a t t e r s o n e jot, to r e p e a t in p a r r o t fashion, t h a t t h i n g s h a v e a t e n d e n c y to find t h e i r level. O n looking a r o u n d u s w e c a n n o t b u t see, t h a t t h e y are u n a b l e t o f i n d t h e i r level for a long t i m e ; a n d t h a t w h e n t h e y do find it, t h e level is always lower t h a n at t h e c o m m e n c e m e n t o f t h e process." ("An I n q u i r y i n t o t h o s e Principles respecting t h e N a t u r e o f D e m a n d , " etc. L o n d . 1 8 2 1 , p. 72.) M a c C u l l o c h , a m o n g s t o t h e r s , is a p a s t m a s t e r in this p r e t e n t i o u s cretinism. "If," he says, w i t h t h e affected n a i v e t e of a child of 8 years, "if it be a d v a n t a g e o u s , to develope t h e skill of 1 3 4

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value No d o u b t he is far from denying t h a t temporary i n c o n v e n i e n c e m a y result from the capitalist u s e of machinery. B u t where is t h e m e d a l without its reverse! A n y e m p l o y m e n t of machinery, except by capital, is to h i m an impossibility. Exploitation of the w o r k m a n by the m a c h i n e is therefore, with h i m , identical with exploitation of the m a c h i n e by the w o r k m a n . 5 Whoever, therefore, exposes the real state of things in t h e capitalistic e m p l o y m e n t of machinery, is against its e m p l o y m e n t in any way, a n d is an ene m y of social progress! Exactly the reasoning of the celebrated Bill Sykes. " G e n t l e m e n of the jury, no d o u b t the throat of this c o m m e r c i a l traveller has b e e n cut. But that is n o t my fault, it is t h e fault of t h e knife? M u s t we, 10 for s u c h a temporary inconvenience, abolish the u s e of the knife? Only consider! where would agriculture a n d trade be without t h e knife? Is it n o t as salutary in surgery, as it is knowing in a n a t o m y ? A n d in addition a willing help at the festive board? If you abolish the knife—you h u r l us back into the depths of b a r b a r i s m . " 15 135

A l t h o u g h m a c h i n e r y necessarily throws m e n o u t of work in those i n d u s tries into which it is introduced, yet it m a y , n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g this, bring a b o u t an increase of e m p l o y m e n t in other industries. This effect, however, h a s n o t h i n g in c o m m o n with the so-called theory of c o m p e n s a t i o n . Since every article produced by a m a c h i n e is cheaper t h a n a similar article pro- 20 d u c e d by h a n d , we d e d u c e the following infallible law: If the total quantity of the article p r o d u c e d by machinery, be e q u a l ||444| to the total q u a n t i t y of t h e article previously p r o d u c e d by a handicraft or by m a n u f a c t u r e , a n d n o w m a d e by machinery, t h e n t h e total labour e x p e n d e d is d i m i n i s h e d . T h e new labour spent on the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, on the m a c h i n e r y , on 25 the coal, and so on, m u s t necessarily be less t h a n t h e labour displaced by the use of the m a c h i n e r y ; otherwise the p r o d u c t of the m a c h i n e would be as dear, or dearer, t h a n the product of t h e m a n u a l labour. But, as a m a t t e r of fact, the total quantity of the article p r o d u c e d by m a c h i n e r y with a dim i n i s h e d n u m b e r of workmen, instead of r e m a i n i n g e q u a l to, by far ex- 30 ceeds the total quantity of the h a n d - m a d e article t h a t has b e e n displaced. Suppose that 400,000 yards of cloth have b e e n p r o d u c e d on power-looms by fewer weavers t h a n could weave 100,000 yards by h a n d . In the q u a d r u pled product there lies four t i m e s as m u c h raw m a t e r i a l . H e n c e t h e p r o d u c i n e w o r k m a n m o r e a n d m o r e , so t h a t he is c a p a b l e of p r o d u c i n g , w i t h t h e s a m e or w i t h a less

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q u a n t i t y of labour, a c o n s t a n t l y i n c r e a s i n g q u a n t i t y of c o m m o d i t i e s , it m u s t also be a d v a n t a g e o u s , t h a t h e s h o u l d avail h i m s e l f o f t h e help o f s u c h m a c h i n e r y a s will assist h i m m o s t effectively i n t h e a t t a i n m e n t o f this result." ( M a c C u l l o c h : " P r i n c . o f Pol. E c o n . , " L o n d . 1830, p . 182). 1 3 5

" T h e i n v e n t o r o f t h e s p i n n i n g m a c h i n e h a s r u i n e d I n d i a , a fact, however, t h a t t o u c h e s u s b u t little." A . T h i e r s : D e l a p r o p r i é t é , — M . T h i e r s h e r e c o n f o u n d s t h e s p i n n i n g m a c h i n e w i t h t h e p o w e r - l o o m , " a fact, however, t h a t t o u c h e s u s b u t little."

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tion of raw material m u s t be quadrupled. B u t as regards the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, s u c h as buildings, coal, m a c h i n e r y , a n d so on, it is different; the limit up to which the additional labour required for their production can increase, varies with t h e difference between the quantity of the m a c h i n e m a d e article, a n d the quantity of the s a m e article t h a t the same n u m b e r of w o r k m e n could m a k e b y h a n d . H e n c e , as the use of m a c h i n e r y extends in a given industry, the i m m e d i ate effect is to increase p r o d u c t i o n in t h e other industries that furnish the first with m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . H o w far e m p l o y m e n t is thereby found for an increased n u m b e r of m e n , d e p e n d s , given t h e length of the working-day a n d t h e intensity of labour, on the c o m p o s i t i o n of the capital employed, i.e., on the ratio of its constant to its variable c o m p o n e n t . This ratio, in its turn, varies considerably with the extent to which m a c h i n e r y h a s already seized on, or is t h e n seizing on, those trades. T h e n u m b e r of the m e n cond e m n e d to work in coal a n d m e t a l m i n e s increased enormously owing to the progress of the English factory system; b u t during the last few decades this increase of n u m b e r has b e e n less rapid, owing to the use of new m a chinery in m i n i n g . A new type of w o r k m a n springs ||445| into life along with the m a c h i n e , namely, its maker. We h a v e already learnt that m a c h i n ery has possessed itself even of this b r a n c h of p r o d u c t i o n on a scale t h a t grows greater every d a y . As to raw m a t e r i a l , there is n o t the least d o u b t t h a t the rapid strides of cotton spinning, n o t only p u s h e d on with tropical l u x u r i a n c e the growth of cotton in the U n i t e d States, and with it the African slave trade, b u t also m a d e the breeding of slaves the chief business of t h e border slave-states. W h e n , in 1790, t h e first census of slaves was t a k e n in the U n i t e d States, their n u m b e r was 697,000; in 1861 it h a d nearly reached four millions. On the other h a n d , it is no less certain that the rise of t h e English woollen factories, together with t h e gradual conversion of arable l a n d into sheep pasture, brought a b o u t t h e superfluity of agricultural labourers that led to their being driven in masses into the towns. Ireland, 136

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A c c o r d i n g t o t h e c e n s u s o f 1861 (Vol.11., L o n d . , 1863), t h e n u m b e r o f p e o p l e e m p l o y e d i n c o a l m i n e s i n E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s , a m o u n t e d t o 2 4 6 , 6 1 3 , o f w h i c h 73,546 were u n d e r , a n d 173,067 were over 20 years. Of t h o s e u n d e r 2 0 , 835 were b e t w e e n 5 a n d 10 years, 30,701 b e t w e e n 1 0 a n d 1 5 years, 42,010 b e t w e e n 1 5 a n d 1 9 years. T h e n u m b e r e m p l o y e d i n iron, copper, lead, tin, a n d o t h e r m i n e s of every d e s c r i p t i o n , was 319,222. I n E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s , i n 1 8 6 1 , t h e r e were e m p l o y e d i n m a k i n g m a c h i n e r y , 60,807 persons, i n c l u d i n g t h e m a s t e r s a n d t h e i r clerks, etc., also all agents a n d b u s i n e s s p e o p l e c o n n e c t e d with t h i s industry, b u t e x c l u d i n g t h e m a k e r s o f s m a l l m a c h i n e s , s u c h a s sewing m a c h i n e s , etc., as also t h e m a k e r s of t h e operative parts of m a c h i n e s , s u c h as spindles. T h e t o t a l n u m b e r of civil e n g i n e e r s a m o u n t e d to 3329. S i n c e i r o n i s o n e o f t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t raw m a t e r i a l s , let m e h e r e state that, i n 1 8 6 1 , t h e r e were i n E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s 125,771 operative i r o n f o u n d e r s , o f w h o m 123,430 w e r e m a l e s , 2 3 4 1 females. Of t h e former 30,810 were u n d e r , a n d 92,620 over 20 years. 1 3 7

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387

Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value having during the last twenty years r e d u c e d its p o p u l a t i o n by nearly o n e half, is at this m o m e n t undergoing the process of still further r e d u c i n g the n u m b e r of its i n h a b i t a n t s , so as exactly to suit t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s of its landlords a n d of t h e English woollen manufacturers. W h e n m a c h i n e r y is applied to any of the preliminary or i n t e r m e d i a t e 5 stages t h r o u g h which the subject of labour has to pass on its way to completion, there is an increased yield of material in those stages, and s i m u l t a n e ously an increased d e m a n d for labour in t h e handicrafts or m a n u f a c t u r e s supplied by the produce of the m a c h i n e s . S p i n n i n g by m a c h i n e r y , for exa m p l e , supplied yarn so cheaply and so a b u n d a n t l y t h a t the ||446| h a n d - 10 l o o m weavers were, at first, able to work full t i m e without increased outlay. T h e i r earnings accordingly r o s e . H e n c e a flow of people into the cottonweaving trade, till at length the 800,000 weavers, called into existence by the J e n n y , the throstle and the m u l e , were overwhelmed by the powerloom. So also, owing to t h e a b u n d a n c e of clothing materials p r o d u c e d by 15 m a c h i n e r y , the n u m b e r of tailors, seamstresses a n d n e e d l e - w o m e n , went on increasing u n t i l the appearance of the sewing m a c h i n e . 139

In proportion as machinery, with the aid of a relatively small n u m b e r of workpeople, increases the m a s s of raw materials, i n t e r m e d i a t e products, ins t r u m e n t s of labour, etc., the working-up of these raw materials a n d interm e d i a t e products b e c o m e s split up into n u m b e r l e s s b r a n c h e s ; social prod u c t i o n increases in diversity. T h e factory system carries the social division of labour i m m e a s u r a b l y further t h a n does m a n u f a c t u r e , for it increases the productiveness of the industries it seizes u p o n , in a far higher degree. T h e i m m e d i a t e result of m a c h i n e r y is to a u g m e n t surplus-value a n d the m a s s of products in which surplus-value is e m b o d i e d . A n d , as the substances c o n s u m e d by the capitalists a n d their d e p e n d a n t s b e c o m e m o r e plentiful, so too do these orders of society. Their growing wealth, a n d the relatively d i m i n i s h e d n u m b e r of w o r k m e n required to p r o d u c e the necessaries of life beget, simultaneously with the rise of new a n d luxurious wants, t h e m e a n s of satisfying those wants. A larger portion of the p r o d u c e of society is changed into surplus produce, a n d a larger part of the surplus prod u c e is supplied for c o n s u m p t i o n in a multiplicity of refined shapes. In other words, the p r o d u c t i o n of luxuries i n c r e a s e s . T h e refined a n d varied forms of t h e products are also d u e to new relations with the m a r k e t s of the

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" A family o f four grown u p p e r s o n s , with two c h i l d r e n a s w i n d e r s , e a r n e d a t t h e e n d o f t h e last, a n d t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e p r e s e n t c e n t u r y , by t e n h o u r s ' daily labour, £4 a week. If t h e work was very pressing, t h e y c o u l d e a r n m o r e . . . . Before that, t h e y h a d always suffered from a deficient supply of yarn." (Gaskell, I.e., p p . 24, 26.) F . Engels i n "Lage, etc.," p o i n t s o u t t h e m i s e r a b l e c o n d i t i o n o f a large n u m b e r o f t h o s e w h o work on t h e s e very articles of l u x u r y . See also n u m e r o u s i n s t a n c e s in t h e " R e p o r t s of t h e Children's Employment Commission." 1 4 0

388

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Chapter XV · Machinery and modern industry

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world, relations that are created by M o d e r n ||447| Industry. N o t only are greater quantities of foreign articles of luxury exchanged for h o m e products, b u t a greater m a s s of foreign raw materials, ingredients, a n d i n t e r m e diate products, are used as m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n in t h e h o m e industries. Owing to these relations with the m a r k e t s of the world, the d e m a n d for labour increases in the carrying trades, which split up into n u m e r o u s varieties. T h e increase of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d subsistence, a c c o m p a n i e d by a relative d i m i n u t i o n in the n u m b e r of labourers, causes an increased d e m a n d for labour in m a k i n g canals, docks, t u n n e l s , bridges, a n d so on, works that can only bear fruit in the far future. Entirely new branches of production, creating new fields of labour, are also formed, as the direct result either of m a c h i n e r y or of the general industrial changes brought about by it. But the place occupied by these b r a n c h e s in the general p r o d u c t i o n is, even in the m o s t developed countries, far from i m p o r t a n t . T h e n u m b e r of labourers that find e m p l o y m e n t in t h e m is directly proportional to the d e m a n d , created by those industries, for the crudest form of m a n u a l labour. T h e chief industries of this k i n d are, at present, gas works, telegraphs, photography, steam navigation, a n d railways. According to the census of 1 861 for E n g l a n d a n d Wales, we find in t h e gas industry (gasworks, p r o d u c tion of m e c h a n i c a l apparatus, servants of the gas c o m p a n i e s , etc.), 15,211 persons; in telegraphy, 2399; in photography, 2366; steam navigation, 3570; and in railways, 70,599, of w h o m the unskilled "navvies," m o r e or less p e r m a n e n t l y employed, a n d the whole administrative and c o m m e r cial staff, m a k e up about 28,000. T h e total n u m b e r of persons, therefore, employed in these five new industries a m o u n t s to 94,145. Lastly, the extraordinary productiveness of m o d e r n industry, a c c o m p a n i e d as it is by b o t h a m o r e extensive a n d a m o r e intense exploitation of labour-power in all other spheres of p r o d u c t i o n , allows of the u n p r o d u c t i v e e m p l o y m e n t of a larger a n d larger part of the working class, a n d the conseq u e n t ||448| reproduction, on a constantly extending scale, of the a n c i e n t domestic slaves u n d e r the n a m e of a servant class, including men-servants, women-servants, lackeys, etc. According to t h e census of 1861, t h e population of England a n d Wales was 20,066,224; of these, 9,770,259 m a l e s , a n d 1 0,2 8 9,96 5 female. If we d e d u c t from this p o p u l a t i o n all who are too old or too young for work, all u n p r o d u c t i v e w o m e n , y o u n g persons a n d children, the "ideological" classes, such as g o v e r n m e n t officials, priests, lawyers, soldiers, etc.; further, all who h a v e no occupation b u t to c o n s u m e the l a b o u r of others in the form of rent, interest, etc.; and, lastly, paupers, vagabonds, 141

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I n 1 8 6 1 , i n E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s , t h e r e were 94,665 sailors i n t h e m e r c h a n t service.

389

Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value a n d criminals, there r e m a i n in r o u n d n u m b e r s eight millions of t h e two sexes of every age, including in that n u m b e r every capitalist who is in any way engaged in industry, c o m m e r c e , or finance. A m o n g these, 8 millions are: Persons. Agricultural labourers (including shepherds, farm servants, a n d maidservants living in the houses of farmers), All who are employed in cotton, woollen, worsted, flax, h e m p , silk, a n d j u t e factories, in stocking m a k i n g a n d lace m a k i n g by machinery, All who are employed in coal m i n e s a n d metal mines, All who are employed in m e t a l works (blast-furnaces, rolling mills, etc.), a n d m e t a l m a n u f a c t u r e s of every kind, T h e servant class,

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1,098,261 10 642,607

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565,835 15 396,998 1,208,648

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All the persons employed in textile factories a n d in m i n e s , t a k e n together, n u m b e r 1,208,442; those employed in textile factories a n d m e t a l industries, t a k e n together, n u m b e r ||449| 1,039,605; in b o t h cases less t h a n the n u m b e r of m o d e r n domestic slaves. W h a t a splendid result of the capitalist exploitation of machinery!

Section

7.—Repulsion and Attraction of Workpeople by the Factory System. Crises in the Cotton Trade.

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All political economists of any standing a d m i t that t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of new m a c h i n e r y has a baneful effect on the w o r k m e n in the old handicrafts a n d m a n u f a c t u r e s with which this m a c h i n e r y at first competes. A l m o s t all of t h e m b e m o a n the slavery of the factory operative. A n d what is the great 30

1 4 2

Of t h e s e only 177,596 are m a l e s above 13 years of age. O f these, 30,501 are females. O f these, 137,447 m a l e s . N o n e are i n c l u d e d i n t h e 1,208,648 w h o d o n o t serve i n private h o u s e s . B e t w e e n 1861 a n d 1870 t h e n u m b e r o f m a l e servants nearly d o u b l e d itself. I t i n creased to 2 6 7 , 6 7 1 . In t h e year 1847 t h e r e were 2 6 9 4 g a m e - k e e p e r s (for t h e l a n d l o r d s ' p r e serves), in 1869 t h e r e were 4 9 2 1 . T h e y o u n g servant girls in t h e h o u s e s of t h e L o n d o n lower m i d d l e class are i n c o m m o n p a r l a n c e called "slaveys." 1 4 3

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry

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t r u m p - c a r d that they play? T h a t m a c h i n e r y , after the horrors of the period of introduction a n d development have subsided, instead of diminishing, in the long r u n increases t h e n u m b e r of t h e slaves of labour! Yes, political e c o n o m y revels in t h e h i d e o u s theory, h i d e o u s to every "philanthropist" who believes in the eternal n a t u r e - o r d a i n e d necessity for capitalist p r o d u c tion, that after a period of growth a n d transition, even its crowning success, the factory system based on machinery, grinds down m o r e workpeople t h a n on its first introduction it throws on the s t r e e t s . It is true that in some cases, as we saw from instances of English worsted and silk factories, an extraordinary extension ||450| of the factory system may, at a certain stage of its development, be a c c o m p a n i e d not only by a relative, b u t by an absolute decrease in t h e n u m b e r of operatives employed. In the year 1860, when a special census of all the factories in the U n i t e d K i n g d o m was t a k e n by order of P a r l i a m e n t , t h e factories in those parts of Lancashire, Cheshire, a n d Yorkshire, included in the district of Mr. Baker, the factory inspector, n u m b e r e d 652; 570 of these c o n t a i n e d 85,622 powerlooms, 6,819,146 spindles (exclusive of doubling spindles), employed 27,439 horse-power (steam), a n d 1390 (water), a n d 94,119 persons. In t h e year 1865, the same factories contained, l o o m s 95,163, spindles 7,025,031, had a steam-power of 28,925 horses, a n d a water-power of 1445 horses, a n d employed 88,913 persons. Between 1860 a n d 1865, therefore, the increase in looms was 1 1 % , in spindles 3 % , a n d in engine-power 5%, while the n u m b e r of persons employed decreased 5 ½ % . Between 1852 a n d 1862, considerable extension of t h e English woollen m a n u f a c t u r e took place, while the n u m b e r of h a n d s employed in it r e m a i n e d almost stationary, showing how greatly the i n t r o d u c t i o n of new m a c h i n e s h a d superseded t h e 145

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G a n i l h , o n t h e contrary, c o n s i d e r s t h e f i n a l result o f t h e factory s y s t e m t o b e a n absolutely less n u m b e r o f operatives, a t w h o s e e x p e n s e a n i n c r e a s e d n u m b e r o f "gens h o n n ê t e s " live a n d d e v e l o p t h e i r well-known "perfectibilité perfectible." Little as he u n d e r s t a n d s t h e m o v e m e n t of p r o d u c t i o n , at least he feels, t h a t m a c h i n e r y m u s t n e e d s be a very fatal i n s t i t u t i o n , if its i n t r o d u c t i o n converts busy w o r k m e n i n t o p a u p e r s , a n d its d e v e l o p m e n t calls m o r e slaves of lab o u r i n t o e x i s t e n c e t h a n i t h a s s u p p r e s s e d . I t i s n o t possible t o b r i n g o u t t h e c r e t i n i s m o f h i s s t a n d p o i n t , e x c e p t by h i s o w n w o r d s : «Les classes c o n d a m n é e s à p r o d u i r e et à c o n s o m m e r d i m i n u e n t , e t les classes q u i dirigent l e travail, q u i soulagent, c o n s o l e n t , e t éclairent t o u t e l a p o p u l a t i o n , se m u l t i p l i e n t et s ' a p p r o p r i e n t t o u s les b i e n f a i t s q u i r é s u l t e n t de la d i m i n u t i o n des frais d u travail, d e l ' a b o n d a n c e d e s p r o d u c t i o n s , e t d u b o n m a r c h é d e s c o n s o m m a t i o n s . D a n s cette direction, l'espèce h u m a i n e s'élève a u x p l u s h a u t e s c o n c e p t i o n s d u g é n i e , p é n è t r e d a n s les p r o f o n d e u r s m y s t é r i e u s e s de la religion, établit les p r i n c i p e s salutaires de la m o r a l e (which consists in ' s ' a p p r o p r i e r t o u s les bienfaits,' etc.), les lois t u t é l a i r e s de la liberté (liberty of 'les classes c o n d a m n é e s à p r o d u i r e ? ' ) et du p o u v o i r , de l ' o b é i s s a n c e et de la j u s t i c e , du d e voir e t d e l ' h u m a n i t é . » F o r t h i s t w a d d l e see " D e s S y s t è m e s d ' É c o n o m i e P o l i t i q u e , etc., P a r M . C h . G a n i l h . " 2 è m e éd., Paris, 1 8 2 1 , 1.1., p . 2 2 4 , a n d see p . 2 1 2 . " R e p o r t s o f I n s p . o f Fact., 3 1 Oct., 1865," p . 58, sq. A t t h e s a m e t i m e , however, m e a n s o f e m p l o y m e n t for an i n c r e a s e d n u m b e r of h a n d s was r e a d y in 110 n e w mills with 11,625 l o o m s , 628,576 s p i n d l e s a n d 2695 total h o r s e - p o w e r of s t e a m a n d water (I.e.). 1 4 6

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value 147

labour of preceding p e r i o d s . In certain cases, the increase in the n u m b e r of h a n d s employed is only apparent; t h a t is, it is n o t d u e to the extension of t h e factories already established, b u t to the g r a d u a l a n n e x a t i o n of conn e c t e d trades; for instance, the increase in power-looms, a n d in the h a n d s e m p l o y e d by t h e m between 1838 a n d 1856, was, in the cotton trade, simply 5 owing to the extension of this b r a n c h of industry; b u t in the other trades to t h e application of steam-||451|power to t h e carpet-loom, to the ribbonloom, a n d to the linen-loom, which previously h a d b e e n worked by the power of m e n . H e n c e the increase of the h a n d s in these latter trades was merely a s y m p t o m of a d i m i n u t i o n in t h e total n u m b e r employed. Finally, 10 we have considered this question entirely apart from the fact, t h a t everywhere, except in the m e t a l industries, y o u n g persons ( u n d e r 18), a n d w o m e n a n d children form the preponderating e l e m e n t in the class of factory h a n d s . 1 4 8

Nevertheless, in spite of the mass of h a n d s actually displaced a n d virtually replaced by machinery, we can u n d e r s t a n d how the factory operatives, t h r o u g h the building of m o r e mills a n d t h e e x t e n s i o n of old ones in a given industry, m a y b e c o m e m o r e n u m e r o u s t h a n the m a n u f a c t u r i n g w o r k m e n a n d handicraftsmen that have b e e n displaced. Suppose, for example, that in the old m o d e of production, a capital of £500 is employed weekly, twofifths being constant a n d three-fifths variable capital, i.e., £200 being laid out in m e a n s of production, a n d £300, say £1 per m a n , in labour-power. On t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of m a c h i n e r y the c o m p o s i t i o n of this capital b e c o m e s altered. We will suppose it to consist of four-fifths c o n s t a n t a n d one-fifth variable, which m e a n s that only £100 is now laid o u t in labour-power. Consequently, two-thirds of the w o r k m e n are discharged. If now the business extends, and the total capital employed grows to £1500 u n d e r u n c h a n g e d conditions, the n u m b e r of operatives employed will increase to 300, j u s t as m a n y as before the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the m a c h i n e r y . If the capital further grows to £2000, 400 m e n will be employed, or one-third m o r e t h a n u n d e r the old system. Their n u m b e r s have, in point of fact, increased by 100, b u t relatively, i.e., in proportion to the total capital advanced, they have d i m i n ished by 800, for the £2000 capital would, in t h e old state of things, have

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" R e p o r t s , etc., for 3 1 Oct., 1862," p . 79. A t t h e e n d o f 1 8 7 1 , M r . A . R e d g r a v e , t h e factory i n spector, in a lecture given at Bradford, in t h e N e w M e c h a n i c s ' I n s t i t u t i o n , said; " W h a t h a s struck m e for s o m e t i m e p a s t i s t h e altered a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e w o o l l e n factories. F o r m e r l y t h e y were filled with w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n , n o w m a c h i n e r y s e e m s t o d o all t h e work. A t m y asking for an e x p l a n a t i o n of this from a m a n u f a c t u r e r , he gave me t h e following: ' U n d e r t h e old syst e m I e m p l o y e d 63 p e r s o n s ; after t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of i m p r o v e d m a c h i n e r y I r e d u c e d my h a n d s to 3 3 , a n d lately, in c o n s e q u e n c e of new a n d extensive a l t e r a t i o n s , I have b e e n in a p o s i t i o n to reduce those 33 to 1 3 . " ' See " R e p o r t s , etc., 3 1 Oct., 1856," p . 16. 1 4 8

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry employed 1200 instead of 400 m e n . H e n c e , a relative decrease in the n u m ber of h a n d s is consistent with an actual increase. We a s s u m e d above that while the total capital increases, its c o m p o s i t i o n r e m a i n s the same, because the conditions of p r o d u c t i o n r e m a i n constant. ||452| But we have already 5 seen that, with every advance in the use of m a c h i n e r y , the constant c o m p o n e n t of capital, that part which consists of m a c h i n e r y , raw material, etc., increases, while the variable c o m p o n e n t , the part laid out in labour-power, decreases. We also know t h a t in no other system of p r o d u c t i o n is improvem e n t so c o n t i n u o u s , a n d t h e composition of t h e capital employed so conio stantly changing as in the factory system. T h e s e changes are, however, continually interrupted by periods of rest, during which there is a m e r e quantitative extension of the factories on the existing technical basis. D u r ing such periods the operatives increase in n u m b e r . T h u s , in 1835, the total n u m b e r of operatives in the cotton, woollen, worsted, flax, and silk facto15 ries of the U n i t e d K i n g d o m was only 354,684; while in 1861 the n u m b e r of the power-loom weavers alone (of b o t h sexes a n d of all ages, from eight years upwards), a m o u n t e d to 230,564. Certainly, this growth appears less important w h e n we consider that in 1838 the h a n d - l o o m weavers with their families still n u m b e r e d 8 0 0 , 0 0 0 , n o t to m e n t i o n those thrown o u t of work 20 in Asia, a n d on the C o n t i n e n t of E u r o p e . 149

In the few remarks I have still to m a k e on this point, I shall refer to s o m e actually existing relations, the existence of which o u r theoretical investigation has n o t yet disclosed. So long as, in a given b r a n c h of industry, the factory system extends it25 self at the expense of t h e old handicrafts or of m a n u f a c t u r e , the result is as sure as is the result of an e n c o u n t e r between an army furnished with breach-loaders, a n d o n e a r m e d with bows a n d arrows. This first period, during which m a c h i n e r y conquers its field of action, is of decisive i m p o r t a n c e owing to t h e extraordinary profits t h a t it helps to p r o d u c e . T h e s e profits n o t 30 only form a source of accelerated a c c u m u l a t i o n , b u t also attract into the favoured sphere of p r o d u c t i o n a large part of t h e additional social capital that is ||453| being constantly created, a n d is ever on the look-out for new investments. The special advantages of this first period of fast a n d furious activity are felt in every b r a n c h of p r o d u c t i o n that m a c h i n e r y invades. So 35 soon, however, as the factory system has gained a certain b r e a d t h of footing and a definite degree of maturity, a n d , especially, so soon as its t e c h n i c a l

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149 «Tjjg sufferings of t h e h a n d - l o o m weavers were t h e subject of an i n q u i r y by a R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n , b u t a l t h o u g h t h e i r distress was a c k n o w l e d g e d a n d l a m e n t e d , t h e a m e l i o r a t i o n o f t h e i r c o n d i t i o n was left, a n d p r o b a b l y necessarily so, to t h e c h a n c e s a n d c h a n g e s of t i m e , w h i c h it m a y n o w b e h o p e d " (20 years later!) " h a v e nearly o b l i t e r a t e d t h o s e m i s e r i e s , a n d n o t i m p r o b ably by t h e p r e s e n t great e x t e n s i o n of t h e p o w e r - l o o m . " ( " R e p . I n s p . of Fact., 31 Oct., 1 8 5 6 , " P. 15.)

393

Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value basis, m a c h i n e r y , is itself produced by m a c h i n e r y ; so soon as coal m i n i n g a n d iron m i n i n g , t h e m e t a l industries, a n d the m e a n s of transport have b e e n revolutionised; so soon, in short, as the general c o n d i t i o n s requisite for p r o d u c t i o n by the m o d e r n industrial system have b e e n established, this m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n acquires an elasticity, a capacity for s u d d e n extension by leaps a n d b o u n d s that finds no h i n d r a n c e except in the supply of raw m a t e r i a l a n d in the disposal of the produce. On t h e o n e h a n d , the i m m e d i ate effect of m a c h i n e r y is to increase the supply of raw m a t e r i a l in the same way, for example, as the cotton gin a u g m e n t e d the p r o d u c t i o n of c o t t o n . On the other h a n d , the cheapness of t h e articles p r o d u c e d by m a c h i n e r y , a n d the improved m e a n s of transport a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n furnish the weapons for conquering foreign markets. By r u i n i n g handicraft p r o d u c t i o n in other countries, m a c h i n e r y forcibly converts t h e m into fields for the supply of its raw material. In this way East I n d i a was compelled to p r o d u c e cotton, wool, h e m p , j u t e , and indigo for G r e a t B r i t a i n . By constantly m a k i n g a part of the h a n d s "supernumerary," m o d e r n industry, in all c o u n tries where it has taken root, gives a spur to emigration a n d to the colonization of foreign lands, which are thereby converted into settlements for growing the raw material of the m o t h e r country; j u s t as Australia, for e x a m ple, was converted into a colony for growing w o o l . A new a n d international division of labour, a division ||454| suited to the r e q u i r e m e n t s of the chief centres of m o d e r n industry springs u p , a n d converts o n e part of the globe into a chiefly agricultural field of p r o d u c t i o n , for supplying the other part w h i c h r e m a i n s a chiefly industrial field. This revolution hangs together with radical changes in agriculture which we n e e d n o t here further inquire into.

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153

On the m o t i o n of Mr. Gladstone, the H o u s e of C o m m o n s ordered, on the 18th February, 1867, a return of the total quantities of grain, corn, a n d 1 5 0

O t h e r ways i n w h i c h m a c h i n e r y affects t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f raw m a t e r i a l will b e m e n t i o n e d in t h e t h i r d b o o k . E x p o r t o f C o t t o n from I n d i a t o G r e a t Britain. 1 8 4 6 . - 3 4 , 5 4 0 , 1 4 3 lbs. 1 8 6 0 . - 2 0 4 , 1 4 1 , 1 6 8 lbs. 1 8 6 5 . - 4 4 5 , 9 4 7 , 6 0 0 lbs. E x p o r t o f W o o l from I n d i a t o G r e a t B r i t a i n . 1 8 4 6 . - 4 , 5 7 0 , 5 8 1 lbs. 1 8 6 0 . - 2 0 , 2 1 4 , 1 7 3 lbs. 1 8 6 5 . - 1 7 , 1 0 5 , 6 1 7 lbs. E x p o r t of W o o l from t h e C a p e to G r e a t B r i t a i n . 1 8 4 6 . - 2 , 9 5 8 , 4 5 7 lbs. 1 8 6 0 . - 1 6 , 5 7 4 , 3 4 5 lbs. 1 8 6 5 . - 2 9 , 2 2 0 , 6 2 3 lbs. E x p o r t o f W o o l from A u s t r a l i a t o G r e a t B r i t a i n . 1 8 4 6 . - 2 1 , 7 8 9 , 3 4 6 lbs. 1 8 6 0 . - 5 9 , 1 6 6 , 6 1 6 lbs. 1 8 6 5 . - 1 0 9 , 7 3 4 , 2 6 1 1 b s . T h e e c o n o m i c a l d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e U n i t e d States i s itself a p r o d u c t o f E u r o p e a n , m o r e especially o f E n g l i s h m o d e r n industry. I n their p r e s e n t f o r m (1866) t h e States m u s t still b e cons i d e r e d a E u r o p e a n colony.

30

1 5 1

1 5 2

35

1 5 3

E x p o r t o f C o t t o n from t h e U n i t e d States t o G r e a t B r i t a i n . 1846.-401,949,3931bs. 1859.-961,707,2641bs.

394

1 8 5 2 . - 765,630,5441bs. 1860. — l , 1 1 5 , 8 9 0 , 6 0 8 1 b s .

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry flour, of all sorts, imported into, a n d exported from, the U n i t e d K i n g d o m , between the years 1831 a n d 1866. I give below a s u m m a r y of the result. T h e flour is given in quarters of corn. Quinquennial Periods and the Year 1866. 5

A n n u a l Average. I m p o r t (Qrs.)

1831-1835.

1836-1840.

1841-1845.

1846-1850.

1,096,373

2,389,729

2,843,865

8,776,552

Export »

225,263

251,770

139,056

155,461

Excess of I m p o r t over Export,

871,110

2,137,959

2,704,809

8,621,091

24,621,107

25,929,507

27,262,559

27,797,598

0.036

0.082

0.099

Population. 10

Yearly average in e a c h period, Average q u a n t i t y of corn, etc., i n Qrs., c o n s u m e d a n n u a l l y p e r h e a d over a n d above t h e h o m e produce consumed,

15

| 4 5 5 | Quinquennial Periods, etc. — ( C o n t i n u e d . ) A n n u a l Average. I m p o r t (Qrs.) Export » Excess of I m p o r t over Export,

20

0.3101

1851-1855.

1856-1860.

1861-1865.

1866.

8,345,237

10,913,612

15,009,871

16,457,340

307,491

341,150

302,754

216,218

8,037,746

10,572,462

14,707,117

16,241,122

27,572,923

28,391,544

29,381,760

29,935,404

0.291

0.372

0.501

0.543

Population. Yearly average in e a c h period, Average q u a n t i t y of corn, etc., in Qrs., c o n s u m e d a n n u a l l y per h e a d over a n d above t h e h o m e

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produce consumed,

T h e e n o r m o u s power, i n h e r e n t in the factory system, of expanding by j u m p s , a n d the d e p e n d e n c e o f t h a t system on the markets of the world, n e c E x p o r t of Corn, etc., from t h e U n i t e d States to G r e a t Britain.

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W h e a t , cwts. Barley, » Oats, » Rye, » Flour, » B u c k w h e a t , cwts. M a i z e , cwts. Bere or Bigg (a sort of "1 Barley), cwts. J P e a s , cwts. Beans, » Total exports,

1850.

1862.

16,202,312 3,669,653 3,174,801 388,749 3,819,440 1054 5,473,161

41,033,503 6,624,800 4,426,994 7,108 7,207,113 19,571 11,694,818

2039

7675

811,620 1,822,972

1,024,722 2,037,137

35,365,801

74,083,441

395

Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value essarily beget feverish production, followed by over-filling of the markets, w h e r e u p o n contraction of the markets brings on crippling of p r o d u c t i o n . T h e life of m o d e r n industry b e c o m e s a series of periods of m o d e r a t e activity, prosperity, over-production, crisis a n d stagnation. T h e u n c e r t a i n t y a n d instability to which m a c h i n e r y subjects t h e e m p l o y m e n t , a n d consequently 5 t h e conditions of existence, of the operatives b e c o m e n o r m a l , owing to t h e s e periodic changes of the industrial cycle. Except in the periods of prosperity, there rages between the capitalists the m o s t furious c o m b a t for t h e share of e a c h in the markets. This share is directly proportional to the cheapness of the product. Besides the rivalry t h a t this struggle begets in the 10 application of improved m a c h i n e r y for replacing labour-power, a n d of new m e t h o d s of production, there also comes a t i m e in every indus||456|trial cycle, w h e n a forcible r e d u c t i o n of wages b e n e a t h the value of labour-power, is a t t e m p t e d for the purpose of cheapening c o m m o d i t i e s . 154

A necessary condition, therefore, to the growth of t h e n u m b e r of factory 15 h a n d s , is a proportionally m u c h m o r e rapid growth of the a m o u n t of capital invested in mills. This growth, however, is c o n d i t i o n e d by the ebb a n d flow of the industrial cycle. It is, besides, constantly interrupted by the technical progress that at one t i m e virtually supplies t h e place of new workmen, at another, actually displaces old ones. This qualitative c h a n g e in m e c h a n i c a l 20 industry continually discharges h a n d s from the factory, or shuts its doors against the fresh stream of recruits, while the purely quantitative extension of the factories absorbs n o t only the m e n thrown out of work, b u t also fresh 1 5 4

I n a n appeal m a d e i n July, 1866, t o t h e T r a d e Societies o f E n g l a n d , b y t h e s h o e m a k e r s o f Leicester, w h o h a d b e e n t h r o w n on t h e streets by a lock-out, it is s t a t e d : " T e n years a g o t h e Leicester s h o e t r a d e was r e v o l u t i o n i s e d by t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of riveting in t h e p l a c e of stitching. A t t h a t t i m e good wages c o u l d b e e a r n e d . G r e a t c o m p e t i t i o n was s h o w n b e t w e e n t h e different firms as to w h i c h c o u l d t u r n o u t t h e n e a t e s t article. Shortly afterwards, however, a worse k i n d o f c o m p e t i t i o n sprang u p , n a m e l y , t h a t o f u n d e r s e l l i n g o n e a n o t h e r i n t h e m a r k e t . T h e injurious c o n s e q u e n c e s s o o n m a n i f e s t e d t h e m s e l v e s in r e d u c t i o n s of wages, a n d so sweepingly q u i c k was t h e fall in t h e price of labour, t h a t m a n y firms n o w p a y o n l y o n e half of t h e original wages. A n d yet, t h o u g h wages sink lower a n d lower, profits a p p e a r , with e a c h a l t e r a t i o n i n t h e scale of wages, to i n c r e a s e . " E v e n b a d t i m e s are u t i l i z e d by t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s , for m a k i n g exc e p t i o n a l profits by excessive lowering of wages, i.e., by a direct r o b b e r y of t h e l a b o u r e r ' s m e a n s of s u b s i s t e n c e . O n e e x a m p l e (it h a s reference to t h e crisis in t h e C o v e n t r y silk weaving): " F r o m i n f o r m a t i o n I have received from m a n u f a c t u r e r s as well as w o r k m e n , t h e r e s e e m s t o b e n o d o u b t t h a t wages h a v e b e e n r e d u c e d t o a greater e x t e n t t h a n either t h e c o m p e t i t i o n o f t h e foreign p r o d u c e r s , o r o t h e r c i r c u m s t a n c e s h a v e r e n d e r e d n e c e s s a r y . . . . t h e majority o f weavers are working at a r e d u c t i o n of 30 to 40 per cent, in t h e i r wages. A p i e c e of r i b b o n for m a k i n g w h i c h t h e weaver got 6s. or 7s. five years back, n o t only brings t h e m 3s. 3d. or 3s. 6d.; o t h e r work is n o w priced at 2s. a n d 2s. 3d. w h i c h was formerly p r i c e d at 4s. a n d 4s. 3d. T h e red u c t i o n in wage s e e m s to h a v e b e e n carried to a greater e x t e n t t h a n is necessary for i n c r e a s i n g d e m a n d . I n d e e d , t h e r e d u c t i o n i n t h e cost o f weaving, i n t h e case o f m a n y d e s c r i p t i o n s o f ribb o n s , h a s n o t b e e n a c c o m p a n i e d b y a n y c o r r e s p o n d i n g r e d u c t i o n i n t h e selling price o f t h e m a n u f a c t u r e d article." (Mr. F . D . L o n g e ' s R e p o r t . "Ch. E m p . C o m . , V . R e p . , 1866," p . 114, n.l.)

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Chapter XV · Machinery and modern industry

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contingents. T h e workpeople are thus continually b o t h repelled a n d attracted, hustled from pillar to post, while, at the s a m e t i m e , constant changes take place in the sex, age, and skill of the levies. T h e lot of the factory operatives will be best depicted by taking a rapid survey of the course of the English cotton industry. | )457( F r o m 1770 to 1815 this trade was depressed or stagnant for 5 years only. D u r i n g this period of 45 years the English manufacturers h a d a m o n opoly of m a c h i n e r y a n d of t h e m a r k e t s of t h e world. F r o m 1815 to 1821 depression; 1822 a n d 1823 prosperity; 1824 abolition of t h e laws against Trades' U n i o n s , great extension of factories everywhere; 1825 crisis; 1826 great misery a n d riots a m o n g the factory operatives; 1827 slight improvem e n t ; 1828 great increase in power-looms, a n d in exports; 1829 exports, especially to India, surpass all former years; 1830 glutted markets, great distress; 1831 to 1833 c o n t i n u e d depression, the m o n o p o l y of the trade with I n d i a a n d China withdrawn from t h e East I n d i a C o m p a n y ; 1834 great increase of factories and m a c h i n e r y , shortness of h a n d s . T h e new poor law furthers the migration of agricultural labourers into the factory districts. T h e country districts swept of children. W h i t e slave trade; 1835 great prosperity, c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s starvation of t h e h a n d l o o m weavers; 1836 great prosperity; 1837 a n d 1838 depression a n d crisis; 1839 revival; 1840 great depression, riots, calling out of the military; 1841 a n d 1842 frightful suffering a m o n g the factory operatives; 1842 the m a n u f a c t u r e r s lock the h a n d s out of the factories in order to enforce the repeal of the Corn Laws. T h e o p eratives stream in t h o u s a n d s into the towns of Lancashire a n d Yorkshire, are driven back by the military, a n d their leaders brought to trial at L a n c a s ter; 1843 great misery; 1844 revival; 1845 great prosperity; 1846 c o n t i n u e d i m p r o v e m e n t at first, t h e n reaction. R e p e a l of the Corn Laws; 1847 crisis, general r e d u c t i o n of wages by 10 a n d m o r e per cent, in h o n o u r of the "big loaf;" 1848 c o n t i n u e d depression; M a n c h e s t e r u n d e r military protection; 1 8 49 revival; 1850 prosperity; 1851 falling prices, low wages, frequent strikes; 1852 i m p r o v e m e n t begins, strikes c o n t i n u e , the manufacturers threaten to import foreign h a n d s ; 1853 increasing exports. Strike for 8 m o n t h s , and great misery at Preston; 1854 prosperity, glutted m a r k e t s ; 1855 news of failures stream in from the U n i t e d States, Canada, and t h e Eastern markets; 1856 great prosperity; 1857 crisis; 1858 i m p r o v e m e n t ; 1859 great prosperity, increase in factories; 1860 ||458| Z e n i t h of t h e English cotton trade, the I n d i a n , Australian, a n d other markets so glutted with goods that even in 1863 they h a d n o t absorbed the whole lot; the F r e n c h Treaty of C o m m e r c e , e n o r m o u s growth of factories a n d machinery; 1861 prosperity c o n t i n u e s for a t i m e , reaction, the A m e r i c a n civil war, cotton famine; 1862 to 1863 complete collapse.

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value T h e history of the cotton famine is too characteristic to dispense with dwelling u p o n it for a m o m e n t . F r o m the i n d i c a t i o n s as to t h e c o n d i t i o n of the m a r k e t s of the world in 1860 a n d 1861, we see that t h e cotton famine c a m e in the nick of t i m e for the manufacturers, a n d was to some extent advantageous to them, a fact that was acknowledged in the reports of the M a n c h e s t e r C h a m b e r of C o m m e r c e , p r o c l a i m e d in P a r l i a m e n t by Palmerston a n d Derby, a n d confirmed by e v e n t s . No doubt, a m o n g the 2887 cott o n mills in the U n i t e d K i n g d o m in 1861, there were m a n y of small size. According to the report of Mr. A. Redgrave, out of the 2109 mills i n c l u d e d in his district, 392 or 19 % employed less t h a n ten horse-power each; 345, or 16% employed over 10 H . P . , a n d less t h a n 20 H . P . ; while 1372 employed upwards of 20 H. P . T h e majority of the small mills were weaving sheds, built during the period of prosperity after 1858, for the most part by speculators, of w h o m one supplied the yarn, a n o t h e r the m a c h i n e r y , a third the buildings, a n d were worked by m e n who h a d b e e n over-lookers, or by other persons of small m e a n s . These small m a n u f a c t u r e r s mostly went to the wall. T h e s a m e fate would have overtaken t h e m in the c o m m e r c i a l crisis that was staved off only by the cotton famine. A l t h o u g h they formed o n e third of t h e total n u m b e r of manufacturers, yet their mills absorbed a m u c h smaller part of the capital invested in the cotton trade. As to the extent of the stoppage, it appears from a u t h e n t i c estimates, that in October 1862, 60.3 % of the spindles, a n d 58 % of the looms were standing. This refers to t h e cotton trade as a whole, and, of course, requires considerable modification for individual districts. Only very few mills worked full t i m e (60 h o u r s a week), the r e m a i n d e r worked at intervals. Even in those few cases where full t i m e was ||459| worked, a n d at the customary rate of piece-wage, the weekly wages of the operatives necessarily shrank, owing to good cotton being replaced by bad, Sea Island by Egyptian (in fine spinning mills), A m e r ican a n d Egyptian by Surat, and p u r e cotton by mixings of waste a n d Surat. T h e shorter fibre of the Surat cotton a n d its dirty condition, the greater fragility of the thread, the substitution of all sorts of heavy ingredients for flour in sizing the warps, all these lessened the speed of the m a c h i n e r y , or t h e n u m b e r of the looms that could be s u p e r i n t e n d e d by one weaver, increased the labour caused by defects in the m a c h i n e r y , a n d r e d u c e d the piece-wage by reducing the m a s s of the p r o d u c t t u r n e d off. W h e r e Surat cotton was used, the loss to the operatives w h e n on full t i m e , a m o u n t e d to 20, 30, a n d m o r e per cent. But besides this, t h e majority of the manufacturers reduced the rate of piece-wage by 5, 7¾, a n d 10 per cent. We can therefore conceive the situation of those h a n d s who were employed for only 3,

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Conf. R e p o r t s of I n s p . of F a c t . 31st October, 1862, p. 30.

1 5 6

I.e., p p . 18, 19.

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Chapter XV · Machinery and modern industry 3¾ or 4 days a week, or for only 6 h o u r s a day. Even in 1863, after a comparative i m p r o v e m e n t h a d set in, t h e weekly wages of spinners a n d of weavers were 3s. 4d., 3s. 10d., 4s. 6d. a n d 5s. I d . Even in this miserable state of things, however, the inventive spirit of the m a s t e r never stood still, b u t was exercised in m a k i n g deductions from wages. T h e s e were to some extent inflicted as a penalty for defects in the finished article that were really due to his b a d cotton a n d to his u n s u i t a b l e m a c h i n e r y . Moreover, where the manufacturer owned the cottages of the workpeople, he paid himself his rents by deducting the a m o u n t from these miserable wages. Mr. R e d grave tells us of self-acting m i n d e r s (operatives who m a n a g e a pair of selfacting mules) "earning at the end of a fortnight's full work 8s. l i d . , a n d that from this s u m was d e d u c t e d t h e rent of t h e h o u s e , the manufacturer, however, returning half the rent as a gift. T h e m i n d e r s took away the s u m of 6s. l i d . In m a n y places the self-acting m i n d e r s ranged from 5s. to 9s. per week, a n d the weavers from 2s. to 6s. per week, during t h e latter part of 1 8 6 2 . " Even w h e n working short t i m e the r e n t was frequently d e d u c t e d from the wages of the o p e r a t i v e s . No ||460| w o n d e r that in some parts of Lancashire a kind of famine fever broke out. B u t m o r e characteristic t h a n all this, was the revolution t h a t took place in t h e process of p r o d u c t i o n at the expense of the workpeople. E x p é r i m e n t a in corpore vili, like those of anatomists on frogs, were formally m a d e . "Although," says Mr.Redgrave, "I have given t h e actual earnings of t h e operatives in the several mills, it does not follow that they earn the same a m o u n t week by week. T h e operatives are subject to great fluctuation from the c o n s t a n t experimentalizing of t h e manufacturers . . . . the earnings of the operatives rise a n d fall with the quality of the cotton mixings; s o m e t i m e s they have b e e n within 15 per cent, of former earnings, a n d t h e n , in a week or two, they have fallen off from 50 to 60 per c e n t . " T h e s e e x p e r i m e n t s were n o t m a d e solely at the expense of the w o r k m a n ' s m e a n s of subsistence. His five senses also h a d to pay the penalty. "The people who are employed in m a k i n g up Surat cotton c o m plain very m u c h . They inform m e , on o p e n i n g the bales of cotton there is an intolerable smell, which causes sickness . . . . In t h e mixing, scribbling and carding rooms, the dust a n d dirt which are disengaged, irritate the air passages, a n d give rise to cough a n d difficulty of breathing. A disease of the skin, no d o u b t from the irritation of the dirt c o n t a i n e d in the Surat cotton, also prevails ... T h e fibre being so short, a great a m o u n t of size, b o t h a n i m a l a n d vegetable, is used . . . . Bronchitis is m o r e prevalent owing to t h e 1 5 7

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" R e p . I n s p . o f Fact., 31st O c t o b e r , 1 8 6 3 , " p p . 4 1 - 4 5 , 5 1 , 52. " R e p . I n s p . o f F a c t , 31st O c t o b e r , 1 8 6 3 . " I.e., p . 57. I.e., pp. 5 0 - 5 1 .

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value dust. Inflammatory sore throat is c o m m o n , from the s a m e cause. Sickness a n d dyspepsia are p r o d u c e d by the frequent breaking of t h e weft, w h e n the weaver sucks t h e weft t h r o u g h the eye of the shuttle." On the other h a n d , the substitutes for flour were a F o r t u n a t a s ' purse to the manufacturers, by increasing the weight of the yarn. They caused "15 lbs. of raw m a t e r i a l to 5 weigh 20 lbs. after it was w o v e n . " In t h e R e p o r t of Inspectors of Factories for 30th April, 1864, we read as follows: " T h e trade is availing itself of this resource at present to an extent which is even discreditable. I have heard on good authority of a cloth weighing 8 lbs. which was m a d e of 5% lbs. cotton a n d 2¾ lbs. ||461| size; and of another cloth weighing 5¼ lbs., of which 10 2 lbs. was size. These were ordinary export shirtings. In cloths of other descriptions, as m u c h as 50 per cent, size is s o m e t i m e s a d d e d ; so that a m a n ufacturer may, a n d does truly boast, t h a t he is getting rich by selling cloth for less m o n e y per p o u n d t h a n he paid for t h e m e r e yarn of which they are c o m p o s e d . " But the workpeople h a d to suffer, n o t only from the experi- 15 m e n t s of the manufacturers inside the mills, a n d of t h e m u n i c i p a l i t i e s outside, n o t only from reduced wages a n d absence of work, from want a n d from charity, and from t h e eulogistic speeches of lords a n d c o m m o n s . " U n fortunate females who, in c o n s e q u e n c e of the cotton famine, were at its c o m m e n c e m e n t thrown o u t of e m p l o y m e n t , a n d have thereby b e c o m e out- 20 casts of society; a n d now, t h o u g h trade has revived, a n d work is plentiful, c o n t i n u e m e m b e r s of that unfortunate class, a n d are likely to c o n t i n u e so. There are also in the borough m o r e youthful prostitutes t h a n I have known for the last 25 y e a r s . " 161

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We find then, in the first 45 years of the English cotton trade, from 1770 25 to 1815, only 5 years of crisis a n d stagnation; b u t this was the period of m o n o p o l y . T h e second period from 1815 to 1863 counts, during its 48 years, only 20 years of revival a n d prosperity against 28 of depression a n d stagnation. Between 1815 and 1830 the c o m p e t i t i o n with the c o n t i n e n t of E u r o p e and with the U n i t e d States sets in. After 1833, the extension of t h e 30 Asiatic m a r k e t s is enforced by "destruction of the h u m a n r a c e " (the wholesale extinction of I n d i a n h a n d l o o m weavers). After the repeal of the Corn Laws, from 1846 to 1863, there are 8 years of m o d e r a t e activity and prosperity against 9 years of depression a n d stagnation. T h e c o n d i t i o n of the adult m a l e operatives, even during the years of prosperity, m a y be j u d g e d 35 from the n o t e s u b j o i n e d . 1 164

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I.e., p p . 6 2 - 6 3 . R e p . etc. 3 0 t h April,1864., p . 27. F r o m a letter of M r . H a r r i s , Chief C o n s t a b l e of Bolton, in R e p . of I n s p . of F a c t . 31st October, 1865, p . 6 1 . In an a p p e a l , d a t e d 1863, of t h e factory operatives of L a n c a s h i r e , etc., for t h e p u r p o s e of forming a society for organised e m i g r a t i o n , we find t h e following: " T h a t a large e m i g r a t i o n of 1 6 2

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Section 8.—Revolution effected in Manufacture, Handicrafts, and Domestic Industry by Modem Industry.

a. Overthrow of Co-Operation based on Handicraft a n d on the Division of Labour. We have seen how m a c h i n e r y does away with co-operation based on h a n d icrafts, a n d with m a n u f a c t u r e based on the division of handicraft labour. An example of the first sort is the m o w i n g - m a c h i n e ; it replaces co-operation between mowers. A striking example of the second kind, is t h e n e e d l e m a k i n g m a c h i n e . According to A d a m Smith, 10 m e n , in his day, m a d e in

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co-operation, over 48,000 needles a-day. On t h e other h a n d , a single n e e d l e - m a c h i n e m a k e s 145,000 in a working day of 11 hours. O n e w o m a n or o n e girl superintends four s u c h m a c h i n e s , a n d so produces n e a r u p o n 600,000 needles in a day, a n d upwards of 3,000,000 in a w e e k . A single m a c h i n e , when it takes t h e place of co-operation or of m a n u f a c t u r e , m a y it15 self serve as the basis of an industry of a handicraft character. Still, such a r e t u r n to handicrafts is b u t a transition to the ||463| factory system, which, as a rule, m a k e s its a p p e a r a n c e so soon as the h u m a n muscles are replaced, for the purpose of driving t h e m a c h i n e s , by a m e c h a n i c a l motive power, such as s t e a m or water. H e r e a n d there, b u t in any case only for a time, an 20 industry m a y be carried on, on a small scale, by m e a n s of m e c h a n i c a l power. This is effected by hiring s t e a m power, as is d o n e in some of the Bir165

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factory workers is n o w absolutely essential to raise t h e m from t h e i r p r e s e n t prostrate c o n d i t i o n , few will d e n y ; b u t to show t h a t a c o n t i n u o u s s t r e a m of e m i g r a t i o n is at all t i m e s d e m a n d e d , a n d , w i t h o u t w h i c h i t i s i m p o s s i b l e for t h e m t o m a i n t a i n t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n o r d i n a r y t i m e s , we beg to call a t t e n t i o n to t h e s u b j o i n e d f a c t s : — I n 1814 t h e official value of c o t t o n g o o d s exported was £17,665,378, whilst t h e real m a r k e t a b l e value was £ 2 0 , 0 7 0 , 8 2 4 . In 1858 t h e official value of c o t t o n g o o d s exported, was £ 1 8 2 , 2 2 1 , 6 8 1 ; b u t t h e real or m a r k e t a b l e v a l u e was only £43,001,322, b e i n g a ten-fold q u a n t i t y sold for little m o r e t h a n d o u b l e t h e former price. To p r o d u c e results so d i s a d v a n t a g e o u s to t h e c o u n t r y generally, a n d to t h e factory workers in particular, several c a u s e s h a v e c o - o p e r a t e d , w h i c h , h a d c i r c u m s t a n c e s p e r m i t t e d , we s h o u l d have b r o u g h t m o r e p r o m i n e n t l y u n d e r y o u r n o t i c e ; suffice i t for t h e p r e s e n t t o say t h a t t h e m o s t o b v i o u s o n e is t h e c o n s t a n t r e d u n d a n c y of l a b o u r , w i t h o u t w h i c h a t r a d e so r u i n o u s in its effects never c o u l d h a v e b e e n carried o n , a n d w h i c h r e q u i r e s a constantly e x t e n d i n g m a r k e t to save it from a n n i h i l a t i o n . O u r c o t t o n mills m a y be b r o u g h t to a s t a n d by t h e p e r i o d ical s t a g n a t i o n of t r a d e , which, u n d e r p r e s e n t a r r a n g e m e n t s , are as inevitable as d e a t h itself; b u t t h e h u m a n m i n d i s c o n s t a n t l y a t work, a n d a l t h o u g h w e believe w e are u n d e r t h e m a r k i n stating t h a t six m i l l i o n s of p e r s o n s h a v e left t h e s e shores d u r i n g t h e last 25 years, yet, from t h e n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e of p o p u l a t i o n , a n d t h e d i s p l a c e m e n t of l a b o u r to c h e a p e n p r o d u c t i o n , a large p e r c e n t a g e of t h e m a l e adults in t h e m o s t p r o s p e r o u s t i m e s find it i m p o s s i b l e to o b t a i n work in factories on any c o n d i t i o n s whatever." ("Reports of I n s p . of Fact., 3 0 t h April, 1 8 6 3 , " p p . 5 1 - 5 2 . ) We shall, in a later chapter, see h o w o u r friends, t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s , e n d e a v o u r e d , d u r i n g t h e c a t a s t r o p h e in the c o t t o n t r a d e , to p r e v e n t by every m e a n s , i n c l u d i n g State interfere n c e , t h e e m i g r a t i o n of t h e operatives. "Ch. E m p i . C o m m . III. R e p o r t , 1864," p . 108, n . 4 4 7 . 1 6 5

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value m i n g h a m trades, or by t h e use of small caloric-engines, as in some b r a n c h e s of w e a v i n g . In the Coventry silk weaving industry the experim e n t of "cottage factories" was tried. In the centre of a square s u r r o u n d e d by rows of cottages, an engine-house was built a n d the engine c o n n n e c t e d by shafts with the looms in the cottages. In all cases the power was hired at 5 so m u c h per loom. T h e r e n t was payable weekly, whether the looms worked or not. E a c h cottage held from 2 to 6 looms; s o m e belonged to t h e weaver, s o m e were b o u g h t on credit, some were hired. T h e struggle between these cottage factories and the factory proper, lasted over 12 years. It e n d e d with t h e complete r u i n of the 300 cottage-factories. W h e r e v e r t h e n a t u r e of 10 t h e process did not involve production on a large scale, the new industries t h a t have sprung up in the last few decades, s u c h as envelope m a k i n g , steel-pen making, etc., have, as a general rule, first passed t h r o u g h the handicraft stage, a n d t h e n the m a n u f a c t u r i n g stage, as short phases of transition to the factory stage. T h e transition is very difficult in those cases 15 where t h e p r o d u c t i o n of t h e article by m a n u f a c t u r e consists, n o t of a series of graduated processes, b u t of a great n u m b e r of disconnected ones. This circumstance formed a great h i n d r a n c e to the establishment of steel-pen factories. Nevertheless, about 15 years ago, a m a c h i n e was invented that automatically performed 6 separate operations at o n c e . T h e first steel-pens 20 were supplied by the handicraft system, in the year 1820, at £7 4s. the gross; in 1830 they were supplied by m a n u f a c t u r e at 8s., a n d to-day t h e factory ||464| system supplies t h e m to the trade at from 2s. to 6d. the g r o s s . 166

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b. Re-action of the Factory System on M a n u f a c t u r e a n d D o m e s t i c Industries. 25 Along with the development of t h e factory system a n d of the revolution in agriculture t h a t a c c o m p a n i e s it, p r o d u c t i o n in all t h e other b r a n c h e s of industry n o t only extends, b u t alters its character. T h e principle, carried out in the factory system, of analysing the process of p r o d u c t i o n into its constituent phases, a n d of solving the problems t h u s proposed by t h e applica- 30 t i o n of m e c h a n i c s , of chemistry, a n d of the whole range of the n a t u r a l sci1 6 6

I n t h e U n i t e d States t h e r e s t o r a t i o n i n this way, o f h a n d i c r a f t s b a s e d o n m a c h i n e r y i s freq u e n t ; a n d therefore, w h e n t h e inevitable t r a n s i t i o n t o t h e factory s y s t e m shall t a k e p l a c e , t h e e n s u i n g c o n c e n t r a t i o n will, c o m p a r e d with E u r o p e a n d even with E n g l a n d , s t r i d e o n i n sevenleague boots. See " R e p . of I n s p . of F a c t , 31st Oct., 1865," p. 64. M r . G i l l o t t erected i n B i r m i n g h a m t h e f i r s t s t e e l - p e n factory o n a large scale. I t p r o d u c e d , so early as 1 8 5 1 , over 180,000,000 of p e n s yearly, a n d c o n s u m e d 120 t o n s of steel. Birm i n g h a m h a s t h e m o n o p o l y o f this industry i n t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m , a n d a t p r e s e n t p r o d u c e s t h o u s a n d s of m i l l i o n s of steel p e n s . A c c o r d i n g to t h e C e n s u s of 1 8 6 1 , t h e n u m b e r of p e r s o n s e m p l o y e d was 1428, of w h o m 1268 females from 5 years of age u p w a r d s .

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ences, b e c o m e s the d e t e r m i n i n g principle everywhere. H e n c e , m a c h i n e r y squeezes itself into the m a n u f a c t u r i n g industries first for one detail process, t h e n for another. T h u s t h e solid crystal of their organisation, based on the old division of labour, b e c o m e s dissolved, a n d m a k e s way for constant changes. I n d e p e n d e n t l y of this, a radical change takes place in t h e composition of t h e collective labourer, a change of t h e persons working in combination. In contrast with the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period, the division of labour is thenceforth based, wherever possible, on the e m p l o y m e n t of w o m e n , of children of all ages, and of unskilled labourers, in o n e word, on cheap labour, as it is characteristically called in England. This is the case n o t only with all p r o d u c t i o n on a large scale, whether employing m a c h i n e r y or not, but also with the so-called domestic industry, whether carried on in the houses of the workpeople or in small workshops. This m o d e r n so-called domestic industry has n o t h i n g , except t h e n a m e , in c o m m o n with the oldfashioned domestic industry, the existence of which presupposes i n d e p e n dent u r b a n handicrafts, i n d e p e n d e n t peasant farming, a n d above all, a dwelling-house for the labourer ||465| a n d his family. T h a t old-fashioned industry h a s now b e e n converted into an outside d e p a r t m e n t of the factory, the manufactory, or the warehouse. Besides the factory operatives, t h e manufacturing w o r k m e n and the handicraftsmen, w h o m it concentrates in large masses at one spot, a n d directly c o m m a n d s , capital also sets in m o tion, by m e a n s of invisible threads, a n o t h e r army; that of the workers in t h e domestic industries, who dwell in t h e large towns a n d are also scattered over the face of the country. An e x a m p l e : T h e shirt factory of Messrs. Tillie at Londonderry, which employs 1000 operatives in t h e factory itself, a n d 9000 people spread up and down t h e country a n d working in their own houses. T h e exploitation of c h e a p a n d i m m a t u r e labour-power is carried out in a more shameless m a n n e r in m o d e r n M a n u f a c t u r e t h a n in the factory proper. This is because the technical f o u n d a t i o n of the factory system, namely, the substitution of m a c h i n e s for m u s c u l a r power, and t h e light character of the labour, is almost entirely absent in M a n u f a c t u r e , a n d at the same t i m e w o m e n a n d over-young children are subjected, in a m o s t u n conscionable way, to t h e influence of p o i s o n o u s or injurious substances. This exploitation is m o r e shameless in the so-called domestic industry t h a n in m a n u f a c t u r e s , and t h a t b e c a u s e the power of resistance in the labourers decreases with their dissemination; b e c a u s e a whole series of p l u n dering parasites insinuate themselves between t h e employer and t h e workm a n ; because a d o m e s t i c industry has always to compete, either with the 169

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value factory system, or with manufacturing in the same b r a n c h of production; b e c a u s e poverty robs the w o r k m a n of the c o n d i t i o n s m o s t essential to his labour, of space, light a n d ventilation; b e c a u s e e m p l o y m e n t b e c o m e s m o r e a n d m o r e irregular; and, finally, because in these the last resorts of the masses m a d e " r e d u n d a n t " by M o d e r n Industry a n d Agriculture, competi5 tion for work attains its m a x i m u m . E c o n o m y in t h e m e a n s of production, first systematically carried out in the factory system, a n d there, from the very beginning, coincident with the m o s t reckless s q u a n d e r i n g of labourpower, a n d robbery of the conditions normally requisite for l a b o u r — t h i s | |466| e c o n o m y now shows its antagonistic a n d m u r d e r o u s side m o r e a n d 10 m o r e in a given b r a n c h of industry, the less t h e social productive power of l a b o u r a n d the technical basis for a c o m b i n a t i o n of processes are developed in that b r a n c h .

c. M o d e r n M a n u f a c t u r e . I now proceed, by a few examples, to illustrate the principles laid down above. As a m a t t e r of fact, the reader is already familiar with n u m e r o u s instances given in the chapter on the working day. In the hardware m a n u f a c tures of B i r m i n g h a m a n d the n e i g h b o u r h o o d , there are employed, mostly in very heavy work, 30,000 children a n d y o u n g persons, besides 10,000 w o m e n . There they are to be seen in t h e u n w h o l e s o m e brass-foundries, b u t t o n factories, enamelling, galvanizing, a n d lackering w o r k s . Owing to the excessive labour of their workpeople, b o t h adult a n d n o n - a d u l t , certain L o n d o n houses where newspapers a n d books are printed, have got the ill-omened n a m e of " s l a u g h t e r - h o u s e s . " Similar excesses are practised in bookbinding, where the victims are chiefly w o m e n , girls, a n d children; young persons have to do heavy work in rope-walks a n d night-work in salt m i n e s , candle manufactories, and c h e m i c a l works; y o u n g people are worked to d e a t h at turning the looms in silk weaving, w h e n it is n o t carried on by m a c h i n e r y . O n e of the m o s t shameful, the m o s t dirty, a n d the worst paid kinds of labour, a n d one on which w o m e n a n d y o u n g girls are by preference employed, is the sorting of rags. It is well known that G r e a t Britain, apart from its own i m m e n s e store of rags, is the e m p o r i u m for t h e rag t r a d e of the whole world. They flow in from J a p a n , from the m o s t r e m o t e States of S o u t h A m e r i c a , a n d from the Canary Islands. But the chief sources of their supply are G e r m a n y , F r a n c e , Russia, Italy, Egypt, Turkey,

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A n d n o w forsooth c h i l d r e n are e m p l o y e d a t file-cutting i n Sheffield. C h . E m p i . C o m m . V . R e p . 1866, p . 3 , n . 2 4 , p . 6 , n . 5 5 , 56, p . 7 , n . 5 9 , 60. L . c . p p . 114, 115, n . 6 , 7 . T h e c o m m i s s i o n e r justly r e m a r k s t h a t t h o u g h a s a r u l e m a c h i n e s t a k e t h e p l a c e o f m e n , h e r e literally y o u n g p e r s o n s r e p l a c e m a c h i n e s . 1 7 1

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry Belgium, and H o l l a n d . T h e y are u s e d for m a n u r e , for m a k i n g bed-flocks, for shoddy, a n d they ||467| serve as the raw m a t e r i a l of paper. T h e rag-sorters are the m e d i u m for the spread of small-pox a n d other infectious diseases, a n d they themselves are the first v i c t i m s . A classical e x a m p l e of over-work, of h a r d a n d inappropriate labour, a n d of its brutalising effects on the w o r k m a n from his childhood upwards, is afforded n o t only by coalm i n i n g a n d m i n e r s generally, b u t also by tile a n d brick m a k i n g , in which industry t h e recently invented m a c h i n e r y is, in England, used only here and there. Between M a y a n d September the work lasts from 5 in t h e m o r n ing till 8 in the evening, and where the drying is d o n e in the o p e n air, it often lasts from 4 in the m o r n i n g till 9 in the evening. W o r k from 5 in the m o r n i n g till 7 in the evening is considered " r e d u c e d " a n d " m o d e r a t e . " Both boys and girls of 6 a n d even of 4 years of age are employed. T h e y work for t h e s a m e n u m b e r of h o u r s , often longer, t h a n the adults. T h e work is h a r d a n d the s u m m e r h e a t increases the e x h a u s t i o n . In a certain tile field at Moxley, e.g., a y o u n g woman, 24 years of age, was in the habit of m a k i n g 2000 tiles a day, with the assistance of 2 little girls, who carried t h e clay for her, a n d stacked the tiles. These girls carried daily 10 tons up the slippery sides of the clay pits, from a d e p t h of 30 feet, a n d t h e n for a dist a n c e of 210 feet. "It is impossible for a child to pass t h r o u g h the purgatory of a tile-field without great m o r a l degradation ... the low language, which they are a c c u s t o m e d to h e a r from their tenderest years, the filthy, indecent, a n d shameless habits, a m i d s t which, u n k n o w i n g , a n d half wild, they grow u p , m a k e t h e m in after life lawless, a b a n d o n e d , dissolute A frightful source of d e m o r a l i z a t i o n is t h e m o d e of living. E a c h moulder, who is always a skilled labourer, and the chief of a group, supplies his 7 subordinates with board a n d lodging in his cottage. W h e t h e r m e m b e r s of his family or not, the m e n , boys, a n d girls all sleep in t h e cottage, which c o n t a i n s generally two, exceptionally 3 rooms, all on t h e ground floor, a n d badly ventilated. These people are so e x h a u s t e d after the day's h a r d work, t h a t n e i t h e r the rules of health, of cleanliness, n o r of decency are in the | |468| least observed. M a n y of these cottages are m o d e l s of u n t i d i n e s s , dirt, a n d dust. ... T h e greatest evil of the system t h a t employs y o u n g girls on this sort of work, consists in this, that, as a rule, it chains t h e m fast from childhood for the whole of their after-life to t h e m o s t a b a n d o n e d rabble. They b e c o m e rough, f o u l - m o u t h e d boys, before N a t u r e has taught t h e m that they are w o m e n . Clothed in a few dirty rags, the legs n a k e d far above the knees, hair a n d face b e s m e a r e d with dirt, they learn to treat all feelings of decency and of s h a m e with c o n t e m p t . D u r i n g meal-times they lie at full 173

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See t h e R e p o r t o n t h e rag t r a d e , a n d n u m e r o u s details i n P u b l i c H e a l t h , VIII. R e p . L o n d 1866, app. p p . 1 9 6 - 2 0 8 .

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value length in t h e fields, or watch the boys bathing in a n e i g h b o u r i n g canal. Their heavy day's work at length completed, they p u t on better clothes, a n d a c c o m p a n y the m e n to the public houses." T h a t excessive insobriety is prevalent from childhood upwards a m o n g the whole of this class, is only n a t u ral. "The worst is t h a t the brickmakers despair of themselves. Y o u m i g h t as well, said o n e of the better kind to a chaplain of Southallfield, try to raise a n d improve the devil as a brickie, s i r ! " As to the m a n n e r in which capital effects an e c o n o m y in t h e requisites of labour, in m o d e r n M a n u f a c t u r e (in which I i n c l u d e all workshops of larger size, except factories proper), official a n d m o s t a m p l e m a t e r i a l bearing on it is to be found in the Public H e a l t h Reports IV. (1862) a n d VI. (1864). T h e description of the workshops, m o r e especially those of t h e Lond o n printers a n d tailors, surpasses the m o s t l o a t h s o m e p h a n t a s i e s of our r o m a n c e writers. T h e effect on the health of t h e workpeople is self-evident. Dr. S i m o n , t h e chief m e d i c a l officer of the Privy C o u n c i l a n d the official editor of the "Public H e a l t h Reports," says: " I n my fourth R e p o r t (1863) I showed, how it is practically impossible for t h e workpeople to insist u p o n t h a t which is their first sanitary right, viz., the right that, no m a t t e r what t h e work for which their employer brings t h e m together, the labour, so far as it d e p e n d s u p o n h i m , should be freed from all avoidably u n w h o l e s o m e conditions. I pointed out, that while the workpeople are practically incapable of doing themselves this sanitary justice, they are ||469| u n a b l e to obtain any effective support from the paid administrations of the sanitary police. ... T h e life of myriads of w o r k m e n a n d workwomen is now uselessly tortured a n d shortened by the never-ending physical suffering that their mere occupation begets." In illustration of the way in which the workr o o m s influence the state of health, Dr. S i m o n gives the following table of mortality.

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C h . E m p i . C o m m . V . R e p . , 1866, p p . X V I I , X V I I I , n . 9 6 , p . X V I I I , n . 9 7 , a n d p . 130, n . 3 9 , p. 132, n. 6 1 . See also I I I . R e p . , 1864, p. 48, 56. P u b l i c H e a l t h . Sixth R e p . L o n d . 1864, p p . 2 9 , 3 1 . I.e., p . 30. Dr. S i m o n r e m a r k s t h a t t h e m o r t a l i t y a m o n g t h e L o n d o n tailors a n d p r i n t e r s b e t w e e n t h e ages o f 2 5 a n d 3 5 i s i n fact m u c h greater, b e c a u s e t h e e m p l o y e r s i n L o n d o n o b t a i n from t h e c o u n t r y a great n u m b e r of y o u n g p e o p l e up to 30 years of age, as " a p p r e n t i c e s " a n d " i m p r o v e r s , " w h o c o m e for t h e p u r p o s e o f b e i n g perfected i n t h e i r t r a d e . T h e s e figure i n t h e c e n s u s a s L o n d o n e r s , t h e y swell o u t t h e n u m b e r o f h e a d s o n w h i c h t h e L o n d o n d e a t h - r a t e i s c a l c u l a t e d , w i t h o u t a d d i n g p r o p o r t i o n a l l y t o t h e n u m b e r o f d e a t h s i n t h a t p l a c e . T h e greater p a r t of t h e m in fact r e t u r n to t h e country, a n d especially in cases of severe illness. (I.e.)

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Chapter XV · Machinery and modern industry N u m b e r of p e r s o n s of

Industries compared

D e a t h r a t e p e r 100,000 m e n

all ages e m p l o y e d in

as regards h e a l t h .

i n t h e respective i n d u s t r i e s

t h e respective

b e t w e e n t h e s t a t e d ages.

industries. Age 2 5 - 3 5 .

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Age 35-45.

Age 4 5 - 5 5 .

Agriculture in 958,265 22,301 m e n 12,377 w o m e n 10

13,803

England and Wales

743

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1,145

L o n d o n tailors

958

1,262

2,093

L o n d o n printers

894

1,747

2,367

d. M o d e r n D o m e s t i c Industry. I now c o m e to the so-called domestic industry. In order to get an idea of the horrors of this sphere, in which capital c o n d u c t s its exploitation in the background of m o d e r n m e c h a n i c a l industry, o n e m u s t go to the apparently 15 quite idyllic trade of n a i l - m a k i n g , carried on in a few r e m o t e villages of England. In this place, however, it will be e n o u g h to give a few examples from those branches of the lace-making a n d straw-plaiting ||470| industries that are n o t yet carried on by the aid of m a c h i n e r y , a n d t h a t as yet do n o t c o m p e t e with b r a n c h e s carried on in factories or in manufactories. 20 Of the 150,000 persons employed in E n g l a n d in the p r o d u c t i o n of lace, a b o u t 10,000 fall u n d e r the authority of t h e Factory Act, 1 8 6 1 . A l m o s t the whole of the r e m a i n i n g 140,000 are w o m e n , y o u n g persons, a n d children of b o t h sexes, the m a l e sex, however, being weakly represented. T h e state of health of this cheap m a t e r i a l for exploitation will be seen from the follow25 ing table, c o m p u t e d by Dr. T r u m a n , physician to the N o t t i n g h a m G e n e r a l Dispensary. Out of 686 female patients who were lace makers, most of t h e m between the ages of 17 a n d 24, the n u m b e r of consumptive ones were: 177

1 8 5 2 . - 1 i n 45. 1 8 5 3 . - 1 i n 28. 1 8 5 4 . - 1 i n 17.

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1855.-1 1856.-1 1857.-1 1861.-1

i n 18. i n 15. i n 13. in 8.

1 8 5 8 . - 1 i n 15. 1 8 5 9 . - 1 in 9. 1 8 6 0 . - 1 in 8. 178

This progress in the rate of c o n s u m p t i o n ought to suffice for t h e m o s t optimist of progressists, a n d for the biggest hawker of lies a m o n g the F r e e Trade b a g m e n of G e r m a n y . 1 7 7

I allude h e r e t o h a m m e r e d n a i l s , a s d i s t i n g u i s h e d from n a i l s c u t o u t a n d m a d e b y m a c h i n ery, See Child. E m p i . C o m m . , T h i r d R e p . p . X I , n . 6 1 , p . X I X , n . 1 2 5 - 1 3 0 , p . 5 3 , n . 14, p . 1 1 3 , 114, n . 4 8 7 , p . 137, n . 6 7 4 . Ch. Empi. Comm., II. Rep., p. XXII., n . 1 6 6 . 1 7 8

407

Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value T h e Factory Act of 1861 regulates the actual m a k i n g of the lace, so far as it is d o n e by machinery, and this is the rule in England. T h e b r a n c h e s that we are now about to e x a m i n e , solely with regard to those of t h e workpeople who work at h o m e , a n d not those who work in m a n u f a c t o r i e s or warehouses, fall into two divisions, viz. (1), finishing; (2), m e n d i n g . T h e former gives the finishing t o u c h e s to the m a c h i n e - m a d e lace, a n d i n c l u d e s n u m e r ous sub-divisions. T h e lace finishing is d o n e either in what are called "Mistresses' H o u s e s , " or by w o m e n in their own houses, with or without the help of their children. T h e w o m e n who keep the "Mistresses' H o u s e s " are themselves poor. T h e workroom is in a private house. T h e mistresses take orders from m a n u facturers, or from warehousemen, a n d employ as m a n y w o m e n , girls, and y o u n g children as the size of their rooms a n d the fluctuating d e m a n d of t h e business will allow. T h e n u m b e r ||471| of the w o r k w o m e n employed in these workrooms varies from 20 to 40 in some, a n d from 10 to 20 in others. T h e average age at which the children c o m m e n c e work is six years, but in m a n y cases it is below five. T h e usual working h o u r s are from 8 in the m o r n i n g till eight in the evening, with 1% h o u r s for m e a l s , which are t a k e n at irregular intervals, and often in the foul workrooms. W h e n business is brisk, the labour frequently lasts from 8 or even 6 o'clock in the m o r n i n g till 10, 1 1 , or 12 o'clock at night. In English barracks t h e regulation space allotted to e a c h soldier is 5 0 0 - 6 0 0 cubic feet, and in the military hospitals 1200 cubic feet. But in those finishing styes there are b u t 67 to 100 cubic feet to each person. At the same t i m e the oxygen of the air is c o n s u m e d by gas-lights. In order to keep the lace clean, a n d although t h e floor is tiled or flagged, the children are often compelled, even in winter, to pull off their shoes. "It is n o t at all u n c o m m o n in N o t t i n g h a m to find 15 to 20 children h u d d l e d together in a small room, of, perhaps, n o t m o r e t h a n 12 feet square, a n d employed for 15 h o u r s out of the 24, at work t h a t of itself is exhausting, from its weariness and m o n o t o n y , and is besides carried on u n d e r every possible u n w h o l e s o m e condition Even the very youngest child r e n work with a strained attention a n d a rapidity t h a t is astonishing, hardly ever giving their fingers rest or slowering their m o t i o n . If a question be asked t h e m , they never raise their eyes from their work from fear of losing a single m o m e n t . " T h e "long stick" is used by the mistresses as a stimulant m o r e a n d m o r e as t h e working h o u r s are prolonged. "The children gradually tire and b e c o m e as restless as birds towards t h e e n d of their long d e t e n t i o n at an occupation that is m o n o t o n o u s , eye-straining, a n d exhausting from the uniformity in the posture of t h e body. Their work is like slavery." W h e n w o m e n a n d their children work at h o m e , which now-a-days 1 7 9

1 7 9

C h . E m p i . C o m m . , I I . Rep., 1864, p p . XIX., XX., X X I .

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C h a p t e r XV • M a c h i n e r y a n d m o d e r n i n d u s t r y

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m e a n s in a hired room, often in a garret, the state of things is, if possible, still worse. This sort of work is given out within a circle of 80 miles radius from N o t t i n g h a m . On leaving the warehouses at 9 or 10 o'clock at night, the children are often given a b u n d l e of lace to take ||472| h o m e with t h e m a n d finish. T h e Pharisee of a capitalist represented by o n e of his servants, a c c o m p a n i e s this action, of course, with t h e u n c t u o u s phrase: "That's for mother," yet he knows well e n o u g h that t h e poor children m u s t sit up a n d help. 180

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Pillow lace m a k i n g is chiefly carried on in E n g l a n d in two agricultural districts; one, the H o n i t o n lace district, extending from 20 to 30 miles along the s o u t h coast of Devonshire, a n d including a few places in N o r t h Devon; the other comprising a great part of the counties of B u c k i n g h a m , Bedford, a n d N o r t h a m p t o n , a n d also the adjoining portions of Oxfordshire and H u n t i n g d o n s h i r e . T h e cottages of the agricultural labourers are the places where the work is usually carried on. M a n y m a n u f a c t u r e r s employ upwards of 3000 of these lace makers, w h o are chiefly children a n d y o u n g persons of the female sex exclusively. T h e state of things described as incidental to lace finishing is here repeated, save that instead of the "mistresses' houses," we find what are called "lace schools," kept by poor w o m e n in their cottages. F r o m their fifth year a n d often earlier, u n t i l their twelfth or fifteenth year, the children work in these schools; during the first year t h e very y o u n g o n e s work from four to eight h o u r s , a n d later o n , from six in the m o r n i n g till eight a n d ten o'clock at night. "The rooms are generally the ordinary living r o o m s of small cottages, the c h i m n e y stopped up to keep o u t draughts, the i n m a t e s kept w a r m by their own a n i m a l h e a t alone, and this frequently in winter. In other cases, these so-called schoolr o o m s are like small store-rooms without fire-places T h e overcrowding in these dens a n d the c o n s e q u e n t vitiation of the air are often extreme. A d d e d to this is the injurious effect of drains, privies, d e c o m p o s i n g s u b stances, a n d other filth u s u a l in the purlieus of the smaller cottages." W i t h regard to space: "In o n e lace school 18 girls a n d a mistress, 33 cubic feet to each person; in another, where the smell was u n b e a r a b l e , 18 persons a n d 24½ cubic feet per head. In this industry are to be found employed children of 2 a n d 2½ y e a r s . " W h e r e lace-making ends in the counties of B u c k i n g h a m and Bedford, straw-plaiting begins, a n d extends over a large part ||473| of Hertfordshire a n d the westerly and northerly parts of Essex. In 1861, there were 48,043 persons employed in straw-plaiting a n d straw-hat making; of these 181

35

1 8 0

40

1 8 1

I.e., p p . X X I , X X V I . I.e., p p . X X I X , X X X .

409

Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value 3815 were males of all ages, t h e rest females, of w h o m 14,913, including a b o u t 6000 children, were u n d e r 20 years of age. In t h e place of t h e laceschools we find h e r e the "straw-plait schools." T h e children c o m m e n c e their instruction in straw-plaiting generally in their 4th, often between their 3rd a n d 4th year. E d u c a t i o n , of course, they get n o n e . T h e children t h e m selves call the elementary schools, "natural schools," to distinguish t h e m from these blood-sucking institutions, in which they are kept at work simply to get t h r o u g h the task, generally 30 yards daily, prescribed by their half-starved m o t h e r s . These s a m e mothers often m a k e t h e m work at h o m e , after school is over, till 10, 11, a n d 12 o'clock .at night. T h e straw cuts their m o u t h s , with which they constantly m o i s t e n it, a n d their fingers. Dr. Ballard gives it as the general o p i n i o n of the whole body of m e d i c a l officers in L o n d o n , that 300 cubic feet is the m i n i m u m space proper for e a c h person in a b e d r o o m or work-room. B u t in the straw-plait schools space is m o r e sparingly allotted t h a n in the lace-schools, "12¾, 17, 18½ a n d below 22 cubic feet for e a c h person." T h e smaller of these n u m b e r s , says o n e of the c o m m i s s i o n e r s , Mr. W h i t e , represents less space t h a n t h e half of what a child would occupy if packed in a box m e a s u r i n g 3 feet in e a c h direction. T h u s do the children enjoy life till the age of 12 or 14. T h e wretched halfstarved parents t h i n k of n o t h i n g but getting as m u c h as possible out of their children. T h e latter, as soon as they are grown u p , do n o t care a farthing, a n d naturally so, for their parents, a n d leave t h e m . "It is no w o n d e r t h a t ignorance a n d vice a b o u n d in a p o p u l a t i o n so b r o u g h t u p . ... Their morality is at the lowest ebb, ... a great n u m b e r of the w o m e n have illegitim a t e children, and that at such an i m m a t u r e age that even those m o s t conversant with criminal statistics are a s t o u n d e d . " A n d the native l a n d of these m o d e l families is t h e pattern Christian country for E u r o p e ; so says at least C o u n t M o n t a l e m b e r t , certainly a c o m p e t e n t authority on Christianity! |

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|474| Wages in the above industries, miserable as they are (the m a x i m u m wages of a child in the straw-plait schools rising in rare cases to 3 shillings), are r e d u c e d far below their n o m i n a l a m o u n t by the prevalence of the truck system everywhere, b u t especially in the lace d i s t r i c t s .

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I.e. pp. XL, XLI. Child. Empi. Comm. I. Rep. 1863, p. 185.

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry

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e. Passage of M o d e r n M a n u f a c t u r e a n d D o m e s t i c Industry into M o d e r n M e c h a n i c a l Industry. T h e H a s t e n i n g of this R e v o l u t i o n by the Application of the Factory Acts to those Industries. T h e cheapening of labour-power, by sheer a b u s e of t h e labour of w o m e n a n d children, by sheer robbery of every n o r m a l c o n d i t i o n requisite for working a n d living, a n d by the sheer brutality of over-work a n d night-work, m e e t s at last with n a t u r a l obstacles that c a n n o t be overstepped. So also, w h e n based on these m e t h o d s , do the c h e a p e n i n g of c o m m o d i t i e s a n d capitalist exploitation in general. So soon as this p o i n t is at last r e a c h e d — a n d it takes m a n y y e a r s — t h e h o u r has struck for t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of m a c h i n ery, a n d for the thenceforth rapid conversion of the scattered domestic industries and also of m a n u f a c t u r e s into factory industries. An example, on the m o s t colossal scale, of this m o v e m e n t is afforded by the p r o d u c t i o n of wearing apparel. This industry, according to the classification of the Children's E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n , comprises straw-hat makers, ladies'-hat m a k e r s , cap-makers, tailors, milliners a n d dressmakers, shirt-makers, corset-makers, glove-makers, s h o e m a k e r s , besides m a n y m i n o r branches, such as the m a k i n g of neck-ties, collars, etc. In 1861, t h e n u m b e r of females employed in these industries, in England a n d Wales, a m o u n t e d to 586,298, of these 115,242 at the least were u n d e r 20, a n d 16,560 u n d e r 15 years of age. T h e n u m b e r of these workwomen in t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m in 1861, was 750,334. T h e n u m b e r of males employed in E n g l a n d a n d Wales, in hat-making, s h o e - m a k i n g , glove-making a n d tailoring was 437,969; of these 14,964 u n d e r 15 years, 89,285 between 15 and 20, a n d 333,117 over 20 years. M a n y of the ||475| smaller branches are not included in these figures. But take the figures as they stand; we t h e n have for E n g l a n d a n d Wales alone, according to the census of 1861, a total of 1,024,267 persons, about as m a n y as are absorbed by agriculture a n d cattle breeding. We begin to u n d e r s t a n d what b e c o m e s of t h e i m m e n s e quantities of goods conjured up by the m a g i c of m a c h i n e r y , a n d of the e n o r m o u s masses of workpeople, which that m a c h i n e r y sets free. T h e p r o d u c t i o n of wearing apparel is carried on partly in manufactories in whose workrooms there is b u t a r e p r o d u c t i o n of t h a t division of labour, the m e m b r a disjecta of which were found ready to h a n d ; partly by small master-handicraftsmen; these, however, do not, as formerly, work for i n d i vidual consumers, b u t for manufactories a n d warehouses, a n d to s u c h an extent that often whole towns a n d stretches of country carry on certain branches, such as shoe-making, as a speciality; finally, on a very great scale by t h e so-called d o m e s t i c workers, who form an external d e p a r t m e n t of t h e

411

Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value manufactories, warehouses, and even of the workshops of the smaller m a s ters. T h e raw material, etc., is supplied by m e c h a n i c a l industry, the m a s s of cheap h u m a n material (taillable à merci et miséricorde) is c o m p o s e d of t h e individuals "liberated" by m e c h a n i c a l industry a n d improved agriculture. T h e m a n u f a c t u r e s of this class owed their origin chiefly to the capitalist's n e e d of having at h a n d an army ready e q u i p p e d to m e e t any increase of demand. These m a n u f a c t u r e s , nevertheless, allowed t h e scattered h a n d i crafts a n d domestic industries to c o n t i n u e to exist as a b r o a d foundation. T h e great p r o d u c t i o n of surplus-value in these b r a n c h e s of labour, a n d t h e progressive cheapening of their articles, were and are chiefly d u e to the m i n i m u m wages paid, no m o r e t h a n requisite for a miserable vegetation, a n d to the extension of working t i m e up to t h e m a x i m u m e n d u r a b l e by t h e h u m a n organism. It was in fact by the ||476| cheapness of the h u m a n sweat a n d the h u m a n blood, which were converted into c o m m o d i t i e s , t h a t the m a r k e t s were constantly being extended, and c o n t i n u e daily to be ext e n d e d ; m o r e especially was this the case with E n g l a n d ' s colonial m a r k e t s , where, besides, English tastes a n d habits prevail. At last the critical p o i n t was reached. T h e basis of the old m e t h o d , sheer brutality in the exploitation of the workpeople, a c c o m p a n i e d m o r e or less by a systematic division of labour, no longer sufficed for the extending m a r k e t s a n d for the still m o r e rapidly extending c o m p e t i t i o n of the capitalists. T h e h o u r struck for the advent of m a c h i n e r y . T h e decisively revolutionary m a c h i n e , the m a c h i n e which attacks in an equal degree the whole of the n u m b e r l e s s b r a n c h e s of this sphere of production, dressmaking, tailoring, shoe-making, sewing, hat-making, and m a n y others, is the sewing-machine. 184

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Its i m m e d i a t e effect on the workpeople is like that of all machinery, which, since the rise of m o d e r n industry, has seized u p o n new branches of trade. Children of too t e n d e r an age are sent adrift. T h e wage of t h e m a c h i n e h a n d s rises compared with that of the house-workers, m a n y of w h o m 30 belong to the poorest of the poor. T h a t of t h e better situated handicraftsm e n , with w h o m the m a c h i n e competes, sinks. T h e new m a c h i n e h a n d s are exclusively girls a n d young women. W i t h the help of m e c h a n i c a l force, they destroy the m o n o p o l y that m a l e labour h a d of the heavier work, a n d they drive off from the lighter work n u m b e r s of old w o m e n a n d very y o u n g 35 children. T h e overpowering competition crushes t h e weakest of the m a n u a l 1 8 4

I n E n g l a n d m i l l i n e r y a n d d r e s s m a k i n g are for t h e m o s t part carried on, o n t h e p r e m i s e s o f t h e e m p l o y e r , partly by w o r k w o m e n w h o live t h e r e , partly by w o m e n w h o live off t h e p r e m ises. M r . W h i t e , a c o m m i s s i o n e r , visited a m i l i t a r y c l o t h i n g m a n u f a c t o r y t h a t e m p l o y e d 1000 to 1200 p e r s o n s , a l m o s t all females, a n d a shoe m a n u f a c t o r y with 1300 p e r s o n s ; of t h e s e nearly o n e half were c h i l d r e n a n d y o u n g p e r s o n s . 1 8 5

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry labourers. T h e fearful increase in d e a t h from starvation during the last 10 years in L o n d o n runs parallel with the e x t e n s i o n of m a c h i n e s e w i n g . T h e new workwomen t u r n the m a c h i n e s by h a n d a n d foot, or by h a n d alone, s o m e t i m e s sitting, s o m e t i m e s standing, according to the weight, size, a n d special m a k e of t h e m a c h i n e , a n d expend a great deal of labourpower. Their o c c u p a t i o n is u n w h o l e s o m e , owing to the long hours, alt h o u g h in m o s t cases they are n o t so long as u n d e r the old ||477| system. Wherever the sewing m a c h i n e locates itself in narrow a n d already overcrowded workrooms, it adds to t h e u n w h o l e s o m e influences. " T h e effect," says Mr. Lord, "on entering low-ceiled workrooms in which 30 to 40 m a chine h a n d s are working is u n b e a r a b l e . ... T h e heat, partly d u e to the gas stoves used for warming the irons, is horrible Even when m o d e r a t e h o u r s of work, i.e., from 8 in the m o r n i n g till 6 in t h e evening, prevail in such places, yet 3 or 4 persons fall into a swoon regularly every d a y . " T h e revolution in the industrial m e t h o d s which is the necessary result of the revolution in the i n s t r u m e n t s of p r o d u c t i o n , is effected by a m e d l e y of transition forms. These forms vary according to the extent to which the sewing m a c h i n e has b e c o m e prevalent in o n e b r a n c h of industry or the other, to the time during which it has b e e n in operation, to the previous condition of the workpeople, to the p r e p o n d e r a n c e of m a n u f a c t u r e , of handicrafts or of domestic industry, to the rent of the w o r k r o o m s , etc. In dressmaking, for instance, where the labour for the most part was already organised, chiefly by simple co-operation, the sewing m a c h i n e at first formed merely a new factor in that m a n u f a c t u r i n g industry. In tailoring, shirtmaking, shoemaking, etc., all t h e forms are intermingled. H e r e the factory system proper. There m i d d l e m e n receive the raw material from t h e capitalist en chef, a n d group a r o u n d their sewing m a c h i n e s , in " c h a m b e r s " and "garrets," from 10 to 50 or m o r e workwomen. Finally, as is always t h e case with m a c h i n e r y w h e n n o t organised into a system, a n d when it can also be used in dwarfish proportions, h a n d i c r a f t s m e n a n d d o m e s t i c workers, along with their families, or with a little extra labour from without, m a k e use of their own sewing m a c h i n e s . The system actually prevalent in 186

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A n i n s t a n c e . T h e weekly report o f d e a t h s b y t h e R e g i s t r a r G e n e r a l d a t e d 2 6 t h F e b . , 1864, , c o n t a i n s 5 cases of d e a t h from starvation. On t h e s a m e d a y t h e " T i m e s " reports a n o t h e r c a s e . 35 Six victims of starvation in o n e week! Child. E m p i . C o m m . , S e c o n d R e p . , 1864, p . L X V I I . n . 4 0 6 - 9 , p . 84, n . 124, p . L X X I I I . n . 4 4 1 , p . 68, n . 6 , p . 84, n . 1 2 6 , p . 7 8 , n . 8 5 , p . 76, n . 6 9 , p . L X X I I . n . 4 3 8 . 188 «Tjjg t i f p r e m i s e s r e q u i r e d for w o r k r o o m s s e e m s t h e e l e m e n t w h i c h u l t i m a t e l y determ i n e s t h e p o i n t ; a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y it is in t h e m e t r o p o l i s , t h a t t h e old system of giving work 40 o u t t o s m a l l employers a n d families h a s b e e n l o n g e s t r e t a i n e d , a n d earliest r e t u r n e d t o . " (I.e. p . 83, n . 123.) T h e c o n c l u d i n g s t a t e m e n t i n t h i s q u o t a t i o n refers exclusively t o s h o e m a k i n g . I n glove-making a n d o t h e r i n d u s t r i e s w h e r e t h e c o n d i t i o n o f t h e workpeople i s hardly d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e from t h a t of p a u p e r s , t h i s does n o t o c c u r . 1 8 7

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value England is, that ||478| the capitalist concentrates a large n u m b e r of m a chines on his premises, a n d t h e n distributes the p r o d u c e of those m a c h i n e s for further m a n i p u l a t i o n amongst t h e domestic w o r k e r s . T h e variety of the transition forms, however, does n o t conceal t h e t e n d e n c y to conversion into the factory system proper. This t e n d e n c y is n u r t u r e d by t h e very n a t u r e of the sewing m a c h i n e , t h e manifold uses of which p u s h on the concentration, u n d e r o n e roof, a n d o n e m a n a g e m e n t , of previously separated b r a n c h e s of a trade. It is also favoured by the c i r c u m s t a n c e that preparatory needlework, a n d certain other operations, are m o s t conveniently d o n e on the premises where the m a c h i n e is at work; as well as by t h e inevitable expropriation of the h a n d sewers, and of the domestic workers who work with their own m a c h i n e s . This fate has already in part overtaken t h e m . T h e constantly increasing a m o u n t of capital invested in sewing m a c h i n e s , gives the spur to the p r o d u c t i o n of, and gluts the m a r k e t s with, m a c h i n e - m a d e articles, thereby giving the signal to the d o m e s t i c workers for the sale of their m a c h i n e s . T h e overproduction of sewing m a c h i n e s themselves, causes their producers, in bad want of a sale, to let t h e m out for so m u c h a week, t h u s crushing by their deadly competition the small owners of m a c h i n e s . C o n s t a n t changes in the construction of the m a c h i n e s , a n d their ever-increasing cheapness, depreciate day by day the older makes, a n d allow of their being sold in great n u m b e r s , at absurd prices, to large capitalists, who alone can t h u s employ t h e m at a profit. Finally, the substitution of the steam-engine for m a n gives in this, as in all similar revolutions, the finishing blow. At first, the use of steam power m e e t s with m e r e technical difficulties, such as u n s t e a d i n e s s in t h e m a c h i n e s , difficulty in controlling their speed, rapid wear a n d tear of the lighter m a c h i n e s , etc., all of which are soon overcome by e x p e r i e n c e . If, .on the o n e h a n d , the concentration of m a n y m a c h i n e s in large manufactories leads to the use of s t e a m | |479| power, on the other h a n d , the c o m p e t i t i o n of s t e a m with h u m a n m u s cles h a s t e n s on the concentration of workpeople a n d m a c h i n e s in large factories. T h u s England is at present experiencing, n o t only in the colossal industry of m a k i n g wearing apparel, but in m o s t of t h e other trades m e n tioned above, the conversion of manufacture, of handicrafts, a n d of d o m e s tic work into the factory system, after each of those forms of p r o d u c t i o n , totally changed and disorganized u n d e r the influence of m o d e r n industry, 190

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I.e. p . 8 3 , n . 122. I n t h e wholesale b o o t a n d s h o e t r a d e o f L e i c e s t e r a l o n e , t h e r e were i n 1864, 800 sewing m a c h i n e s already i n u s e . I.e. p . 84, n . 124. I n s t a n c e s : T h e A r m y Clothing D e p o t a t P i m l i c o , L o n d o n , t h e Shirt factory o f Tillie a n d H e n d e r s o n a t L o n d o n d e r r y , a n d t h e clothes factory o f M e s s r s . T a i t a t L i m e r i c k w h i c h e m p l o y s a b o u t 1200 h a n d s . 1 9 1

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry has long ago reproduced, a n d even overdone, all the horrors of the factory system, without participating in any of t h e e l e m e n t s of social progress it contains. This industrial revolution which takes place spontaneously, is artificially h e l p e d on by the extension of the Factory Acts to all industries in which w o m e n , y o u n g persons a n d children are employed. T h e compulsory regulation of the working day as regards its length, pauses, beginning and end, the system of relays of children, the exclusion of all children u n d e r a certain age, etc., necessitate on the o n e hand m o r e m a c h i n e r y a n d the substitution of steam as a motive power in the place of m u s c l e s . On t h e other h a n d , in order to m a k e up for the loss of t i m e , an expansion occurs of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n used in c o m m o n , of the furnaces, buildings, etc.; in o n e word, greater concentration of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d a correspondingly greater concourse of workpeople. T h e chief objection, repeatedly and passionately urged on behalf of each ||480| m a n u f a c t u r e threatened with the Factory Act, is in fact this, t h a t in order to c o n t i n u e the business on the old scale a greater outlay of capital will be necessary. B u t as regards labour in the so-called d o m e s t i c industries and t h e i n t e r m e d i a t e forms between t h e m a n d M a n u f a c t u r e , so s o o n as limits are p u t to the working day and to the e m p l o y m e n t of children, those industries go to the wall. U n l i m i t e d exploitation of cheap labour-power is the sole f o u n d a t i o n of their power to compete. O n e of the essential conditions for the existence of the factory system, especially when the length of the working day is fixed, is certainty in the resuit, i.e., the p r o d u c t i o n in a given t i m e of a given quantity of c o m m o d i t i e s , or of a given useful effect. T h e statutory pauses in t h e working day, m o r e over, imply the a s s u m p t i o n that periodical a n d s u d d e n cessation of the work does no h a r m to the article u n d e r g o i n g the process of p r o d u c t i o n . This certainty in the result, a n d this possibility of interrupting the work are, 194

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" T e n d e n c y to factory s y s t e m " (I.e. p . L X V I I ) . " T h e w h o l e e m p l o y m e n t is at t h i s t i m e in a state of transition, a n d is u n d e r g o i n g t h e s a m e c h a n g e as t h a t effected in t h e lace t r a d e , weaving, e t c . " (I.e. n . 4 0 5 . ) "A c o m p l e t e r e v o l u t i o n " (I.e. p . X L V I . n. 318). At t h e date of t h e C h i l d . E m p i . C o m m . o f 1840, stocking m a k i n g was still d o n e b y m a n u a l l a b o u r . Since 1846 various sorts o f m a c h i n e s have b e e n i n t r o d u c e d , w h i c h are n o w d r i v e n b y s t e a m . T h e total n u m b e r o f p e r s o n s of b o t h sexes a n d of all ages from 3 years u p w a r d s , e m p l o y e d in stocking m a k i n g in E n g l a n d , was in 1862 a b o u t 129,000. Of t h e s e only 4 0 6 3 were, a c c o r d i n g to t h e P a r l i a m e n t a r y R e t u r n o f t h e 11th F e b r u a r y , 1862, working u n d e r t h e F a c t o r y A c t s . T h u s , e.g., i n t h e e a r t h e n w a r e t r a d e , M e s s r s . C o c h r a n , o f t h e B r i t a i n Pottery, Glasgow, r e port: "To k e e p u p o u r q u a n t i t y w e h a v e g o n e extensively i n t o m a c h i n e s w r o u g h t b y u n s k i l l e d labour, a n d every day c o n v i n c e s us t h a t we c a n p r o d u c e a greater q u a n t i t y t h a n by t h e old m e t h o d . " ("Rep. of I n s p . of F a c t , 31st Oct., 1 8 6 5 , " p. 13.) " T h e effect of t h e F a c t . A c t s is to force o n t h e further i n t r o d u c t i o n o f m a c h i n e r y " (I.e., p . 1 3 - 1 4 ) . T h u s , after t h e e x t e n s i o n o f t h e F a c t o r y A c t t o t h e potteries, great i n c r e a s e o f power-jiggers in place of h a n d - m o v e d jiggers. 1 9 5

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value of course, easier to be attained in the purely m e c h a n i c a l industries t h a n in those in which c h e m i c a l a n d physical processes play a part; as, for instance, in the earthenware trade, in bleaching, dyeing, baking, a n d in m o s t of the m e t a l industries. Wherever there is a working day without restriction as to length, wherever there is night work and unrestricted waste of h u m a n life, 5 there the slightest obstacle presented by the n a t u r e of t h e work to a change for the better is soon looked u p o n as an everlasting barrier erected by N a ture. No poison kills v e r m i n with m o r e certainty t h a n t h e Factory Act rem o v e s such everlasting barriers. No one m a d e a greater outcry over "impossibilities" t h a n our friends the earthenware m a n u f a c t u r e r s . In 1864, 10 however, they were brought u n d e r the Act, a n d within sixteen m o n t h s every "impossibility" h a d vanished. "The improved m e t h o d , " called forth by the Act, "of m a k i n g slip by pressure instead of by evaporation, the newly-constructed stoves for drying the ware in its green state, (etc.), are e a c h events of great i m p o r t a n c e in the pottery art, a n d m a r k an advance 15 w h i c h t h e preceding century could n o t rival It has even considerably reduced the t e m p e r a t u r e of the stoves themselves with a consid||481|erable saving of fuel, and with a readier effect on the w a r e . " In spite of every prophecy, the cost price of earthenware did not rise, b u t t h e quantity prod u c e d did, a n d to such an extent that the export for the twelve m o n t h s , e n d i n g D e c e m b e r , 1865, exceeded in value by £138,628 the average of the preceding three years. In the m a n u f a c t u r e of m a t c h e s it was thought to be an indispensable r e q u i r e m e n t , that boys, even while bolting their dinner, should go on dipping t h e m a t c h e s in m e l t e d p h o s p h o r u s , the p o i s o n o u s vap o u r from which rose into their faces. T h e Factory A c t (1864) m a d e the saving of t i m e a necessity, a n d so forced i n t o existence a dipping m a c h i n e , t h e vapour from which could n o t c o m e in contact with t h e w o r k e r s . So, at the present t i m e , in those branches of the lace m a n u f a c t u r e n o t yet subject to the Factory Act, it is m a i n t a i n e d that the m e a l t i m e s c a n n o t be regular owing to the different periods required by the various kinds of lace for drying, which periods vary from three m i n u t e s up to an h o u r a n d m o r e . To this t h e Children's E m p l o y m e n t Commissioners answer: " T h e circumstances of this case are precisely analogous to that of the paper-stainers, dealt with in our first report. S o m e of the principal manufacturers in the trade urged that in c o n s e q u e n c e of the n a t u r e of the materials used, a n d their various processes, they would be unable, without serious loss, to stop for m e a l t i m e s at any given m o m e n t . But it was seen from t h e evidence that, by d u e care a n d 197

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" R e p o r t o f I n s p . o f Fact., 31st Oct., 1865," p p . 9 6 a n d 127. T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f this a n d o t h e r m a c h i n e r y i n t o m a t c h - m a k i n g c a u s e d i n o n e d e p a r t m e n t a l o n e 2 3 0 y o u n g p e r s o n s to be replaced by 32 b o y s a n d girls of 14 to 17 years of age. T h i s saving in l a b o u r was carried still further in 1865, by t h e e m p l o y m e n t of steam-power. 1 9 8

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry

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previous arrangement, the a p p r e h e n d e d difficulty would be got over; a n d accordingly, by clause 6 of section 6 of the Factory Acts Extension Act, passed during this Session of Parliament, an interval of eighteen m o n t h s is given to t h e m from the passing of the A c t before they are required to conform to the m e a l hours, specified by t h e Factory A c t s . " Hardly h a d the A c t b e e n passed when our friends the m a n u f a c t u r e r s found out: "The inconveniences we expected to arise from the introduc||482|tion of the F a c tory Acts into our b r a n c h of m a n u f a c t u r e , I am happy to say, have not arisen. We do not find the p r o d u c t i o n at all interfered with; in short, we 1 9 9

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produce m o r e in the s a m e t i m e . " It is evident t h a t the English legislature, which certainly no o n e will v e n t u r e to reproach with being overdosed with genius, has b e e n led by experience to t h e conclusion that a simple compulsory law is sufficient to enact away all the so-called i m p e d i m e n t s , opposed by the n a t u r e of t h e process, to the restriction a n d regulation of the working day. H e n c e , on the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the Factory A c t into a given industry, a period varying from six to eighteen m o n t h s is fixed within which it is i n c u m b e n t on t h e manufacturers to remove all t e c h n i c a l i m p e d i m e n t s to the working of t h e Act. M i r a b e a u ' s "Impossible! ne me dites jam a i s ce bête de mot!" is particularly applicable to m o d e r n technology. But t h o u g h the Factory Acts t h u s artificially ripen the material elements necessary for the conversion of the m a n u f a c t u r i n g system into the factory system, yet at the same t i m e , owing to the necessity they i m p o s e for greater outlay of capital, they h a s t e n on the decline of the small masters, and the concentration of c a p i t a l . Besides the purely technical i m p e d i m e n t s t h a t are removable by t e c h n i cal m e a n s , the irregular habits of the workpeople themselves obstruct the regulation of the hours of labour. This is especially the case where piece wage p r e d o m i n a t e s , a n d where loss of t i m e in o n e part of the day or week can be m a d e good by s u b s e q u e n t overtime, or by night work, a process which brutalises the adult w o r k m a n , a n d r u i n s his wife a n d c h i l d r e n . Al201

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"Ch. E m p i . C o m m . , II. R e p . , 1 8 6 4 , " p . IX., n . 5 0 . " R e p . o f I n s p . o f Fact., 31st Oct., 1 8 6 5 , " p . 2 2 . 201 « g j t b e b o r n e i n m i n d t h a t t h o s e i m p r o v e m e n t s , t h o u g h carried o u t fully i n s o m e e s t a b l i s h m e n t s , are b y n o m e a n s g e n e r a l , a n d are n o t c a p a b l e o f b e i n g b r o u g h t i n t o u s e i n m a n y o f t h e old m a n u f a c t o r i e s w i t h o u t a n e x p e n d i t u r e o f capital b e y o n d t h e m e a n s o f m a n y o f t h e p r e s e n t occupiers." " I c a n n o t b u t rejoice," writes S u b - I n s p . M a y , " t h a t n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g t h e t e m p o r a r y d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n w h i c h inevitably follows t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of s u c h a m e a s u r e (as t h e F a c t o r y A c t E x t e n s i o n Act), a n d is, i n d e e d , directly i n d i c a t i v e of t h e evils w h i c h it was int e n d e d to r e m e d y , etc." ( R e p . of I n s p . of Fact., 31st Oct., 1865.) W i t h b l a s t furnaces, for i n s t a n c e , "work t o w a r d s t h e e n d o f t h e w e e k b e i n g generally m u c h i n c r e a s e d i n d u r a t i o n i n c o n s e q u e n c e o f t h e h a b i t o f t h e m e n o f idling o n M o n d a y a n d o c c a sionally d u r i n g a part or t h e whole of T u e s d a y also." (Child. E m p i . C o m m . , III. R e p . , p. VI.) " T h e little m a s t e r s generally have very irregular h o u r s . T h e y lose two or t h r e e days, a n d t h e n work all night to m a k e it up T h e y always e m p l o y t h e i r own c h i l d r e n , if they have a n y . " 2 0 0

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value t h o u g h this absence of regularity in the ||483| e x p e n d i t u r e of labour-power is a n a t u r a l a n d r u d e reaction against the t e d i u m of m o n o t o n o u s drudgery, it originates, also, to a m u c h greater degree from anarchy in production, a n a r c h y t h a t in its turn pre-supposes u n b r i d l e d exploitation of labourpower by the capitalist. Besides the general periodic changes of the i n d u s 5 trial cycle, a n d the special fluctuations in t h e m a r k e t s to which e a c h i n d u s try is subject, we m a y also reckon what is called "the season," d e p e n d e n t either on the periodicity of favourable seasons of the year for navigation; or on fashion, and the s u d d e n placing of large orders t h a t have to be executed in the shortest possible t i m e . T h e habit of giving s u c h orders b e c o m e s m o r e 10 frequent with the extension of railways a n d telegraphs. " T h e extension of the railway system t h r o u g h o u t the country has t e n d e d very m u c h to encourage giving short notice. Purchasers now c o m e up from Glasgow, M a n c h e s ter, a n d E d i n b u r g h o n c e every fortnight or so to the wholesale city wareh o u s e s which we supply, a n d give small orders requiring i m m e d i a t e 15 execution, instead of buying from stock as they used to do. Years ago we were always able to work in the slack times, so as to m e e t the d e m a n d of the n e x t season, b u t now no o n e can say beforehand what will be t h e demand then." 2 0 3

In those factories a n d manufactories t h a t are n o t yet subject to t h e F a c tory Acts, t h e m o s t fearful overwork prevails periodically during what is called the season, in c o n s e q u e n c e of s u d d e n orders. In the outside departm e n t of the factory, of the manufactory, a n d of the warehouse, the socalled d o m e s t i c workers, whose e m p l o y m e n t is at the best irregular, are entirely d e p e n d e n t for their raw material a n d their orders on the caprice of the capitalist, who, in this industry, is not h a m p e r e d ||484| by any regard for depreciation of his buildings and m a c h i n e r y , a n d risks n o t h i n g by a stoppage of work, b u t the skin of the worker himself. H e r e t h e n he sets himself systematically to work to form an industrial reserve force that shall be ready at a m o m e n t ' s notice; during o n e part of t h e year he d e c i m a t e s this force by the most i n h u m a n toil, during the other part, he lets it starve for want of work. "The employers avail themselves of the h a b i t u a l irregularity in t h e home-work, when any extra work is wanted at a p u s h , so t h a t t h e work goes on till 1 1 , a n d 12 p.m. or 2 a.m., or as the u s u a l phrase is, 'all h o u r s , ' " a n d that in localities where "the stench is e n o u g h to k n o c k you down, you go to the door, perhaps, a n d o p e n it, b u t s h u d d e r to go fur-

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O x . , p . VII.) " T h e w a n t o f regularity i n c o m i n g t o work, e n c o u r a g e d b y t h e possibility a n d p r a c t i c e of m a k i n g up for this by working longer h o u r s . " (I.e., p . X V I I I . ) " I n B i r m i n g h a m . . . . a n e n o r m o u s a m o u n t o f t i m e i s l o s t . . . . idling part o f t h e t i m e , slaving t h e rest." (I.e., p . X I . ) 2 0 3

" C h i l d . E m p i . C o m m . , I V . R e p . , p . X X X I I . , " " T h e e x t e n s i o n o f t h e railway system i s said t o

h a v e c o n t r i b u t e d greatly t o t h i s c u s t o m o f giving s u d d e n o r d e r s , a n d t h e c o n s e q u e n t hurry, n e g l e c t o f m e a l t i m e s , a n d late h o u r s o f t h e w o r k p e o p l e . " (I.e., p . X X X I . )

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry 204

t h e r . " "They are curious m e n , " said o n e of the witnesses, a shoemaker, speaking of t h e masters, "they t h i n k it does a boy no h a r m to work too h a r d for half the year, if he is nearly idle for the other half." In the same way as technical i m p e d i m e n t s , so, too, those "usages which 5 have grown with the growth of t r a d e " were and still are p r o c l a i m e d by interested capitalists as obstacles due to the n a t u r e of t h e work. This was a favourite cry of the cotton lords at the t i m e they were first t h r e a t e n e d with the Factory Acts. A l t h o u g h their industry m o r e t h a n any other depends on navigation, yet experience has given t h e m the lie. Since t h e n , every pre10 t e n d e d obstruction to business has b e e n treated by the Factory inspectors as a m e r e s h a m . T h e thoroughly conscientious investigations of the Children's E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n prove t h a t the effect of the regulation of the hours of work, in some industries, was to spread the m a s s of labour previously employed m o r e evenly over t h e whole y e a r ; t h a t this régulais tion was the first rational bridle ||485| on the m u r d e r o u s , meaningless caprices of f a s h i o n , caprices that consort so badly with the system of m o d ern industry; that the development of o c e a n navigation a n d of the m e a n s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n generally, has swept away the t e c h n i c a l basis on which season-work was really s u p p o r t e d , a n d t h a t all other so-called u n c o n q u e r 20 able difficulties vanish before larger buildings, additional m a c h i n e r y , increase in the n u m b e r of workpeople e m p l o y e d , a n d the alterations 205

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C h . E m p i . C o m m . IV. R e p . p . X X X V . n . 2 3 5 , 2 3 7 . C h . E m p i . C o m m . IV. R e p . p . 127, n . 56. 206 «with respect t o t h e 'loss of t r a d e ' by n o n - c o m p l e t i o n of s h i p p i n g orders i n t i m e , I rem e m b e r t h a t this was t h e p e t a r g u m e n t o f t h e factory m a s t e r s i n 1832 a n d 1833. N o t h i n g t h a t c a n b e a d v a n c e d n o w o n this subject, c o u l d have t h e force t h a t i t h a d t h e n , before s t e a m h a d h a l v e d all d i s t a n c e s a n d e s t a b l i s h e d n e w r e g u l a t i o n s for transit. It q u i t e failed at t h a t t i m e of proof w h e n p u t to t h e test, a n d a g a i n it will certainly fail s h o u l d it have to be tried." (Reports of I n s p . of Fact., 31 Oct., 1862, p p . 5 4 , 5 5 . Ch. E m p i . C o m m . III. R e p . p . X V I I I . n . 118. J o h n Bellers r e m a r k e d a s far b a c k a s 1699. " T h e u n c e r t a i n t y o f fashions does i n c r e a s e n e cessitous p o o r . It h a s two great m i s c h i e f s in it. 1st, T h e j o u r n e y m e n are m i s e r a b l e in w i n t e r for w a n t o f work, t h e m e r c e r s a n d m a s t e r weavers n o t d a r i n g t o lay o u t t h e i r stocks t o k e e p t h e j o u r n e y m e n e m p l o y e d before t h e spring c o m e s , a n d they k n o w w h a t t h e fashion will t h e n b e : 2 n d l y , I n t h e spring t h e j o u r n e y m e n are n o t sufficient, b u t t h e master-weavers m u s t draw i n m a n y p r e n t i c e s , t h a t t h e y m a y supply t h e t r a d e of t h e k i n g d o m in a q u a r t e r or half a year, w h i c h robs t h e p l o u g h of h a n d s , d r a i n s t h e c o u n t r y of l a b o u r e r s , a n d in a great p a r t stocks t h e city with beggars, a n d starves s o m e i n w i n t e r t h a t are a s h a m e d t o beg." (Essays a b o u t t h e Poor, M a n u f a c t u r e s , etc., p. 9.) Ch. E m p i . C o m m . V . R e p . p . 1 7 1 , n . 34. T h e e v i d e n c e o f s o m e Bradford e x p o r t - h o u s e s i s a s follows: " U n d e r t h e s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s , i t s e e m s clear t h a t ' n o boys n e e d be w o r k e d longer t h a n from 8 a.m. to 7 or 7.30 p.m., in m a k i n g up [...] It is m e r e l y a q u e s t i o n of e x t r a h a n d s a n d e x t r a outlay. If s o m e m a s t e r s were n o t so greedy, t h e b o y s w o u l d n o t work l a t e ; a n e x t r a m a c h i n e costs only £16 o r £ 1 8 ' [...]; m u c h o f s u c h o v e r t i m e as does o c c u r is to be referred to an insufficiency of a p p l i a n c e s , a n d a w a n t of space." Ch. Empi. C o m m . V . R e p . p. 171, n. 3 1 , 38. 2 0 5

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caused by all these in the m o d e of conducting t h e wholesale t r a d e . But for all that, capital never b e c o m e s reconciled to s u c h c h a n g e s — a n d this is a d m i t t e d over a n d over again by its own representatives—except " u n d e r the pressure of a G e n e r a l Act of P a r l i a m e n t " for t h e compulsory regulation of the h o u r s of labour. 212

5

Section 9.—The Factory Acts. Sanitary and Education Clauses of the same. Their general Extension in England. Factory legislation, that first conscious a n d m e t h o d i c a l re||486|action of society against the spontaneously developed form of the process of p r o d u c tion, is, as we have seen, just as m u c h the necessary p r o d u c t of m o d e r n industry as cotton yarn, self-actors, and the electric telegraph. Before passing to the consideration of the extension of t h a t legislation in England, we shall shortly notice certain clauses contained in the Factory Acts, a n d n o t relating to the hours of work. A p a r t from their wording, which m a k e s it easy for t h e capitalist to evade t h e m , t h e sanitary clauses are extremely m e a g r e , and, in fact, limited to provisions for whitewashing the walls, for insuring cleanliness in some other matters, for ventilation, and for protection against d a n g e r o u s m a chinery. In the third book we shall return again to the fanatical opposition of the masters to those clauses which imposed u p o n t h e m a slight expenditure on appliances for protecting the limbs of their workpeople, an opposition that throws a fresh a n d glaring light on the free trade dogma, according to which, in a society with conflicting interests, e a c h individual necessarily furthers the c o m m o n weal by seeking n o t h i n g b u t his own personal advantage! O n e example is enough. T h e reader knows t h a t during the last 20 years, the flax industry has very m u c h extended, a n d that, with that extension, the n u m b e r of scutching mills in Ireland has increased. In 1864 there were in that country 1800 of these mills. Regularly in a u t u m n and winter w o m e n a n d "young persons," the wives, sons, a n d daughters of the n e i g h b o u r i n g small farmers, a class of people totally u n a c c u s t o m e d to m a -

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I.e. A L o n d o n m a n u f a c t u r e r , who i n o t h e r respects looks u p o n t h e c o m p u l s o r y r e g u l a t i o n of t h e h o u r s of l a b o u r as a p r o t e c t i o n for t h e workpeople against t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s , a n d for t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s t h e m s e l v e s against t h e wholesale t r a d e , states: " T h e p r e s s u r e i n o u r b u s i n e s s is c a u s e d by t h e shippers, who want, e.g., to s e n d t h e g o o d s by sailing vessel so as to r e a c h t h e i r d e s t i n a t i o n at a given season, a n d at t h e s a m e t i m e w a n t to p o c k e t t h e difference in freight b e t w e e n a sailing vessel a n d a s t e a m s h i p , or w h o select t h e earlier of two s t e a m s h i p s in o r d e r to be in t h e foreign m a r k e t before their c o m p e t i t o r s . " 212 "This c o u l d be obviated," says a m a n u f a c t u r e r , "at t h e e x p e n s e of an e n l a r g e m e n t of t h e works u n d e r t h e pressure of a G e n e r a l Act Of P a r l i a m e n t . " I.e. p. X. n. 3 8 .

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chinery, are t a k e n from field labour to feed t h e rollers of the scutching mills with flax. T h e accidents, b o t h as regards n u m b e r and kind, are wholly u n e x a m p l e d in the history of m a c h i n e r y . In o n e scutching mill, at Kildin a n , n e a r Cork, there occurred between 1852 a n d 1856, six fatal accidents a n d sixty m u t i l a t i o n s ; every one of which m i g h t have b e e n prevented by the simplest appliances, at the cost of a few shillings. D r . W . W h i t e , the certifying surgeon for factories at Downpatrick, states in his official report, dated the 16th D e c e m b e r , 1865: "The serious accidents at the scutching mills are of the m o s t fearful n a t u r e . In m a n y cases a quarter of the body is torn from the trunk, a n d either involves death, or a future of ||487| wretched incapacity and suffering. T h e increase of mills in the country will, of course, extend these dreadful results, a n d it will be a great b o o n if they are brought u n d e r the legislature. I am convinced that by proper supervision of scutching mills a vast sacrifice of life a n d l i m b would be a v e r t e d . " W h a t could possibly show better the character of t h e capitalist m o d e of production, t h a n the necessity that exists for forcing u p o n it, by Acts of Parliament, the simplest appliances for m a i n t a i n i n g cleanliness a n d health? In the potteries the Factory A c t of 1864 "has whitewashed a n d cleansed upwards of 200 workshops, after a period of abstinence from any s u c h cleaning, in m a n y cases of 20 years, a n d in some, entirely," (this is the " a b s t i n e n c e " of the capitalist!) "in which were employed 27,878 artisans, h i t h e r t o breathing through protracted days a n d often nights of labour, a m e p h i t i c atmosphere, a n d which r e n d e r e d an otherwise comparatively inn o c u o u s occupation, p r e g n a n t with disease a n d d e a t h . " T h e A c t has improved the ventilation very m u c h . At the s a m e t i m e , this portion of the A c t strikingly shows that the capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n , owing to its very n a t u r e , excludes all rational i m p r o v e m e n t b e y o n d a certain point. It has b e e n stated over and over again that the English doctors are u n a n i m o u s in declaring t h a t where the work is c o n t i n u o u s , 500 cubic feet is the very least space that should be allowed for each person. Now, if the Factory Acts, owing to their compulsory provisions, indirectly h a s t e n on t h e conversion of small workshops into factories, thus indirectly attacking the proprietary rights of the smaller capitalists, a n d assuring a m o n o p o l y to the great ones, so, if it were m a d e obligatory to provide the proper space for each w o r k m a n in every workshop, t h o u s a n d s of small employers would, at o n e full swoop, be expropriated directly! T h e very root of the capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c tion, i.e., the self-expansion of all capital, large or small, by m e a n s of the "free" purchase a n d c o n s u m p t i o n of labour-power, would be attacked. F a c tory legislation is therefore brought to a dead-lock before these 500 cubic 213

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value feet of breathing space. T h e sanitary officers, ||488| t h e industrial inquiry c o m m i s s i o n e r s , the factory inspectors, all harp, over a n d over again, u p o n the necessity for those 500 cubic feet, a n d u p o n the impossibility of wringing t h e m out of capital. They thus, in fact, declare t h a t c o n s u m p t i o n a n d other lung diseases a m o n g the workpeople are necessary c o n d i t i o n s to the 5 existence of c a p i t a l . Paltry as the e d u c a t i o n clauses of the Act appear on the whole, yet they proclaim elementary e d u c a t i o n to be an indispensable c o n d i t i o n to t h e e m p l o y m e n t of c h i l d r e n . T h e success of those clauses proved for the first t i m e t h e possibility of c o m b i n i n g e d u c a t i o n a n d g y m n a s t i c s with m a n u a l 10 labour, and, consequently, of c o m b i n i n g m a n u a l labour with e d u c a t i o n a n d gymnastics. T h e factory inspectors soon found o u t by questioning the schoolmasters, t h a t the factory children, a l t h o u g h receiving only o n e half the e d u c a t i o n of the regular day scholars, yet learnt quite as m u c h a n d oft e n m o r e . "This can be a c c o u n t e d for by t h e simple fact that, with only be- 15 ing at school for one half of the day, they are always fresh, a n d nearly always ready and willing to receive instruction. T h e system on which they work, half m a n u a l labour, a n d half school, renders e a c h e m p l o y m e n t a rest a n d a relief to the other; consequently, b o t h are far m o r e congenial to the child, ||489| t h a n would be the case were he kept constantly at o n e . It is 20 quite clear t h a t a boy who has b e e n at school all the m o r n i n g , c a n n o t (in h o t weather particularly) cope with one who c o m e s fresh a n d bright from his w o r k . " F u r t h e r information on this point will be found in Senior's 215

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I t h a s b e e n f o u n d o u t b y e x p e r i m e n t , t h a t w i t h e a c h r e s p i r a t i o n o f average i n t e n s i t y m a d e by a h e a l t h y average i n d i v i d u a l , a b o u t 25 c u b i c i n c h e s of air are c o n s u m e d , a n d t h a t a b o u t 2 0 r e s p i r a t i o n s are m a d e i n e a c h m i n u t e . H e n c e t h e air i n h a l e d i n 2 4 h o u r s b y e a c h i n d i v i d u a l is a b o u t 720,000 c u b i c i n c h e s , or 416 c u b i c feet. It is clear, however, t h a t air w h i c h h a s b e e n o n c e b r e a t h e d , c a n n o longer serve for t h e s a m e process u n t i l i t h a s b e e n purified i n t h e great w o r k s h o p of N a t u r e . A c c o r d i n g to t h e e x p e r i m e n t s of V a l e n t i n a n d B r u n n e r , it a p p e a r s t h a t a h e a l t h y m a n gives off a b o u t 1300 c u b i c i n c h e s of c a r b o n i c acid p e r h o u r ; this w o u l d give a b o u t 8 o u n c e s of solid c a r b o n thrown off from t h e l u n g s in 24 h o u r s . "Every m a n s h o u l d h a v e at least 800 c u b i c feet." (Huxley.)

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A c c o r d i n g t o t h e E n g l i s h F a c t o r y Act, p a r e n t s c a n n o t s e n d t h e i r c h i l d r e n u n d e r 1 4 years o f age into F a c t o r i e s u n d e r t h e c o n t r o l o f t h e A c t , u n l e s s a t t h e s a m e t i m e t h e y allow t h e m t o receive e l e m e n t a r y e d u c a t i o n . T h e m a n u f a c t u r e r is r e s p o n s i b l e for c o m p l i a n c e with t h e A c t . " F a c t o r y e d u c a t i o n is c o m p u l s o r y , a n d it is a c o n d i t i o n of l a b o u r . " ( R e p . I n s p . F a c t . 31st Oct., 1865, p . 111.)

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O n t h e very a d v a n t a g e o u s results o f c o m b i n i n g g y m n a s t i c s ( a n d drilling i n t h e case o f boys) with c o m p u l s o r y e d u c a t i o n for factory c h i l d r e n a n d p a u p e r scholars, see t h e s p e e c h of N . W . S e n i o r a t t h e s e v e n t h a n n u a l congress o f " T h e N a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n for t h e P r o m o t i o n o f Social S c i e n c e , " i n " R e p o r t o f P r o c e e d i n g s , etc., L o n d . 1 8 6 5 , " p . 6 3 , 64, also t h e R e p . I n s p . Fact., 31st Oct., 1865, p. 118, 119, 120, 126 sqq. R e p . I n s p . F a c t . 31st Oct. 1865, p p . 118, 119. A silk m a n u f a c t u r e r naively states t o t h e C h i l d r e n ' s E m p l o y m e n t C o m m i s s i o n e r s : "I am q u i t e sure t h a t t h e t r u e secret of p r o d u c i n g efficient w o r k p e o p l e is to be f o u n d in u n i t i n g e d u c a t i o n a n d l a b o u r from a p e r i o d of c h i l d h o o d . O f c o u r s e t h e o c c u p a t i o n m u s t n o t b e too severe, n o r i r k s o m e , o r u n h e a l t h y . B u t o f t h e a d v a n -

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Chapter XV • Machinery and modern industry speech at the Social Science Congress at E d i n b u r g h in 1863. He t h e r e shows, a m o n g s t other things, how the m o n o t o n o u s a n d uselessly long school h o u r s of the children of the u p p e r a n d m i d d l e classes, uselessly a d d to the labour of the teacher, "while he n o t only fruitlessly b u t absolutely in5 juriously, wastes the t i m e , health, a n d energy of the c h i l d r e n . " F r o m the Factory system b u d d e d , as R o b e r t Owen has shown us in detail, the germ of the e d u c a t i o n of the future, an e d u c a t i o n t h a t will, in the case of every child over a given age, c o m b i n e productive labour with instruction a n d gymnastics, not only as o n e of the m e t h o d s of adding to the efficiency of 10 production, but as t h e only m e t h o d of p r o d u c i n g fully developed h u m a n beings. 219

M o d e r n Industry, as we have seen, sweeps away by t e c h n i c a l m e a n s the m a n u f a c t u r i n g division of labour, u n d e r which e a c h m a n is b o u n d h a n d a n d foot for life to a single detail-operation. At the s a m e t i m e , the capital15 istic form of that industry reproduces this s a m e division of l a b o u r in a still m o r e m o n s t r o u s shape; in the factory proper, by converting the w o r k m a n into a living appendage of t h e m a c h i n e ; and every||490|where outside t h e Factory, partly by the sporadic use of m a c h i n e r y a n d m a c h i n e w o r k e r s , partly by re-establishing the division of l a b o u r on a fresh basis by the gen20 eral i n t r o d u c t i o n of the labour of w o m e n a n d children, a n d of cheap u n skilled labour. T h e a n t a g o n i s m between the m a n u f a c t u r i n g division of l a b o u r and the m e t h o d s of M o d e r n Industry m a k e s itself forcibly felt. It manifests itself, 220

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tage of t h e u n i o n I h a v e no d o u b t . I wish my o w n c h i l d r e n c o u l d have s o m e w o r k as well as play to give variety to t h e i r schooling." (Ch. E m p i . C o m m . V. R e p . p. 82. n. 36.) Senior, I.e. p . 6 6 . H o w M o d e r n I n d u s t r y , w h e n i t h a s a t t a i n e d t o a c e r t a i n p i t c h , i s c a p a b l e , b y t h e r e v o l u t i o n i t effects i n t h e m o d e o f p r o d u c t i o n a n d i n t h e social c o n d i t i o n s o f p r o d u c tion, of also r e v o l u t i o n i z i n g p e o p l e ' s m i n d s , is strikingly s h o w n by a c o m p a r i s o n of S e n i o r ' s s p e e c h in 1 8 6 3 , with h i s p h i l i p p i c against t h e F a c t o r y A c t of 1833; or by a c o m p a r i s o n , of t h e views of t h e congress above referred to, w i t h t h e fact t h a t in c e r t a i n c o u n t r y districts of E n g l a n d p o o r p a r e n t s are f o r b i d d e n , o n p a i n o f d e a t h b y starvation, t o e d u c a t e t h e i r children. T h u s , e.g., M r . Snell reports it to be a c o m m o n o c c u r r e n c e in S o m e r s e t s h i r e that, w h e n a p o o r p e r s o n c l a i m s p a r i s h relief, he is c o m p e l l e d to t a k e his c h i l d r e n from school. M r . W o l l a s t o n , t h e c l e r g y m a n at F e l t h a m , also tells of cases w h e r e all relief was d e n i e d to c e r t a i n families 2 1 9

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" b e c a u s e they were s e n d i n g t h e i r c h i l d r e n t o school!" W h e r e v e r h a n d i c r a f t - m a c h i n e s , driven b y m e n , c o m p e t e directly o r indirectly w i t h m o r e d e v e l o p e d m a c h i n e s driven by m e c h a n i c a l power, a great c h a n g e takes place w i t h regard to t h e l a b o u r e r who drives t h e m a c h i n e . A t first t h e s t e a m - e n g i n e replaces this l a b o u r e r , afterwards h e m u s t replace t h e s t e a m - e n g i n e . C o n s e q u e n t l y t h e t e n s i o n a n d t h e a m o u n t o f labourp o w e r e x p e n d e d b e c o m e m o n s t r o u s , a n d especially s o i n t h e case o f t h e c h i l d r e n w h o are c o n d e m n e d t o this t o r t u r e . T h u s M r L o n g e , o n e o f t h e c o m m i s s i o n e r s , f o u n d i n Coventry a n d t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d boys of from 10 to 15 years e m p l o y e d in driving t h e r i b b o n l o o m s , n o t to m e n t i o n y o u n g e r c h i l d r e n w h o h a d t o drive s m a l l e r m a c h i n e s . "It i s extraordinarily fatiguing work. T h e b o y is a m e r e s u b s t i t u t e for s t e a m - p o w e r . " (Ch. E m p i . C o m m . V . R e p . 1866, p. 114, n. 6.) As to t h e fatal c o n s e q u e n c e s of "this s y s t e m of slavery," as t h e official r e p o r t styles it, see I.e. p . 114 s q q 2 2 0

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value a m o n g s t other ways, in the frightful fact t h a t a great part of the children employed in m o d e r n factories and manufactures, are from their earliest years riveted to the m o s t simple m a n i p u l a t i o n s , a n d exploited for years, witho u t being taught a single sort of work that would afterwards m a k e t h e m of use, even in the s a m e manufactory or factory. In the English letter press printing trade, for example, there existed formerly a system, corresponding to that in t h e old m a n u f a c t u r e s and handicrafts, of advancing the apprentices from easy to m o r e a n d m o r e difficult work. They went t h r o u g h a course of teaching till they were finished printers. To be able to read a n d write was for every one of t h e m a r e q u i r e m e n t of their trade. All this was c h a n g e d by the printing m a c h i n e . It employs two sorts of labourers, o n e grown u p , tenters, the other, boys mostly from 11 to 17 years of age whose sole business is either to spread the sheets of p a p e r u n d e r the m a c h i n e , or to take from it the printed sheets. They perform this weary task, in L o n d o n especially, for 14, 15, a n d 16 hours at a stretch, during several days in the week, a n d frequently for 36 hours, with only 2 h o u r s ' rest for m e a l s and s l e e p ! A great part of t h e m c a n n o t read, a n d they are, as a ||491| rule, utter savages a n d very extraordinary creatures. "To qualify t h e m for the work which they have to do, they require no intellectual training; there is little r o o m in it for skill, a n d less for j u d g m e n t ; their wages, t h o u g h rather high for boys, do n o t increase proportionately as they grow u p , a n d the majority of t h e m c a n n o t look for a d v a n c e m e n t to the better paid a n d m o r e responsible post of m a c h i n e m i n d e r , because while each m a c h i n e has b u t o n e m i n d er, it has at least two, a n d often four boys attached to i t . " As soon as they get too old for such child's work, that is a b o u t 17 at the latest, they are discharged from the printing establishments. They b e c o m e recruits of crime. Several attempts to procure t h e m e m p l o y m e n t elsewhere, were rendered of no avail by their ignorance a n d brutality, a n d by their m e n t a l and bodily degradation.

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As with the division of labour in the interior of the m a n u f a c t u r i n g work- 30 shops, so it is with the division of labour in the interior of society. So long as handicraft a n d m a n u f a c t u r e form the general groundwork of social production, the subjection of the producer to o n e b r a n c h exclusively, the breaking up of t h e multifariousness of his e m p l o y m e n t , is a necessary 223

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I.e. p . 3, n . 2 4 . I.e. p . 7., n . 60. " I n s o m e parts o f t h e H i g h l a n d s o f Scotland, n o t m a n y years ago every p e a s a n t , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e Statistical A c c o u n t , m a d e h i s o w n s h o e s o f l e a t h e r t a n n e d b y himself. M a n y a s h e p h e r d a n d cottar t o o , with h i s wife a n d c h i l d r e n , a p p e a r e d a t C h u r c h i n clothes w h i c h h a d b e e n t o u c h e d b y n o h a n d s b u t t h e i r own, since t h e y were s h o r n from t h e s h e e p a n d sown i n t h e flaxfield. In t h e p r e p a r a t i o n of these, it is a d d e d , scarcely a single article h a d b e e n p u r c h a s e d , e x c e p t t h e awl, n e e d l e , t h i m b l e , a n d a very few parts of t h e iron-work e m p l o y e d in the weaving. T h e dyes, too, were chiefly e x t r a c t e d b y t h e w o m e n from trees, s h r u b s a n d h e r b s . " ( D u gald Stewart's W o r k s . H a m i l t o n ' s Ed., Vol. V I I I . p . 3 2 7 - 3 2 8 . )

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step in the development. On that ground-work each separate b r a n c h of prod u c t i o n acquires empirically the form t h a t is technically suited to it, slowly perfects it, and, so soon as a given degree of m a t u r i t y has b e e n reached, rapidly crystallizes that form. T h e only thing, t h a t h e r e a n d there causes a change, besides new raw material supplied by c o m m e r c e , is the gradual alteration of the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour. B u t their form, too, once definitely settled by experience, petrifies, as is proved by their being in m a n y cases h a n d e d down in the s a m e form by o n e g e n e r a t i o n to ||492| a n o t h e r during t h o u s a n d s of years. A characteristic feature is, that, even down into the

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eighteenth century, the different trades were called "mysteries" (myst è r e s ) ; into their secrets n o n e b u t those duly initiated could p e n e t r a t e . M o d e r n Industry rent the veil that concealed from m e n their own social process of production, a n d t h a t t u r n e d t h e various, spontaneously divided branches of production into so m a n y riddles, n o t only to outsiders, b u t 15 even to the initiated. T h e principle which it pursued, of resolving e a c h process into its constituent m o v e m e n t s , without any regard to their possible e x e c u t i o n by the h a n d of m a n , created t h e new m o d e r n science of t e c h n o logy. T h e varied, apparently u n c o n n e c t e d , a n d petrified forms of t h e i n d u s trial processes now resolved themselves into so m a n y conscious a n d 20 systematic applications of n a t u r a l science to t h e a t t a i n m e n t of given useful effects. Technology also discovered the few m a i n f u n d a m e n t a l forms of m o t i o n , which, despite the diversity of the i n s t r u m e n t s used, are necessarily taken by every productive action of the h u m a n body; just as t h e science of m e c h a n i c s sees in the m o s t complicated m a c h i n e r y n o t h i n g b u t the con25 t i n u a l repetition of the simple m e c h a n i c a l powers. M o d e r n Industry never looks u p o n a n d treats the existing form of a process as final. T h e technical basis of that industry is therefore revolutionary, while all earlier m o d e s of p r o d u c t i o n were essentially conservative. By 224

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In t h e celebrated "Livre des m é t i e r s " of E t i e n n e B o i l e a u , we find it prescribed t h a t a j o u r n e y m a n o n b e i n g a d m i t t e d a m o n g t h e m a s t e r s h a d t o swear "to love his b r e t h r e n w i t h b r o t h erly love, to s u p p o r t t h e m in t h e i r respective t r a d e s , n o t wilfully to betray t h e secrets of t h e t r a d e , a n d besides, in t h e interests of all, n o t to r e c o m m e n d his o w n wares by calling t h e a t t e n tion of t h e b u y e r to defects in t h e articles m a d e by o t h e r s . " " T h e bourgeoisie c a n n o t exist w i t h o u t c o n t i n u a l l y r e v o l u t i o n i z i n g t h e i n s t r u m e n t s o f p r o d u c t i o n , a n d t h e r e b y t h e r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d all t h e social r e l a t i o n s . C o n s e r v a t i o n , in a n u n a l t e r e d form, o f t h e old m o d e s o f p r o d u c t i o n was o n t h e contrary t h e f i r s t c o n d i t i o n o f e x i s t e n c e for all earlier i n d u s t r i a l classes. C o n s t a n t r e v o l u t i o n in p r o d u c t i o n , u n i n t e r r u p t e d d i s t u r b a n c e of all social c o n d i t i o n s , everlasting u n c e r t a i n t y a n d agitation, d i s t i n g u i s h t h e b o u r g e o i s e p o c h from all earlier o n e s . A l l fixed, fast-frozen r e l a t i o n s , with their t r a i n of a n cient a n d venerable prejudices a n d o p i n i o n s , are swept away, all new f o r m e d o n e s b e c o m e a n t i q u a t e d before t h e y c a n ossify. All t h a t is solid m e l t s into air, all t h a t is holy is profaned, a n d m a n is at last c o m p e l l e d to face w i t h sober senses h i s real c o n d i t i o n s of life, a n d h i s r e l a t i o n s with h i s k i n d . " ( F . E n g e l s a n d K a r l M a r x : M a n i f e s t der K o m m u n i s t i s c h e n P a r t e i . L o n d . 1848, P. 5.) 2 2 5

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value m e a n s of m a c h i n e r y , ||493| c h e m i c a l processes a n d other m e t h o d s , it is continually causing changes not only in the t e c h n i c a l basis of p r o d u c t i o n , b u t also in the functions of the labourer, a n d in the social c o m b i n a t i o n s of the labour-process. At the s a m e t i m e , it thereby also revolutionizes the division of l a b o u r within the society, and incessantly l a u n c h e s masses of capital a n d of workpeople from one b r a n c h of p r o d u c t i o n to another. But if M o d e r n Industry, by its very n a t u r e , therefore necessitates variation of labour, fluency of function, universal mobility of t h e labourer, on t h e other h a n d , in its capitalistic form, it reproduces the old division of l a b o u r with its ossified particularisations. We have seen how this absolute contradiction between the technical necessities of M o d e r n Industry, a n d t h e social character i n h e r e n t in its capitalistic form, dispels all fixity a n d security in t h e situation of the labourer; how it constantly threatens, by taking away the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, to snatch from his h a n d s his m e a n s of subsist e n c e , and, by suppressing his detail-function, to m a k e h i m superfluous. We have seen, too, how this a n t a g o n i s m vents its rage in the creation of that monstrosity, an industrial reserve army, kept in misery in order to be always at the disposal of capital; in the incessant h u m a n sacrifices from a m o n g the working class, in the most reckless s q u a n d e r i n g of labour-power, a n d in the devastation caused by a social a n a r c h y which t u r n s every econo m i c a l progress into a social calamity. This is the negative side. But if, on t h e o n e h a n d , variation of work at present imposes itself after the m a n n e r of an overpowering n a t u r a l law, a n d with t h e blindly destructive action of a n a t u r a l law t h a t meets with r e s i s t a n c e at all p o i n t s , M o d e r n Industry, on t h e other h a n d , ||494| t h r o u g h its catastrophes imposes the necessity of recognising, as a f u n d a m e n t a l law of p r o d u c t i o n , variation of work, consequently fitness of the labourer for varied work, consequently the greatest possible d e v e l o p m e n t of his varied aptitudes. It b e c o m e s a q u e s t i o n of life a n d d e a t h for society to adapt the m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n to t h e n o r m a l functioning of this law. M o d e r n Industry, indeed, compels society, u n d e r penalty of death, to replace the detail-worker of to-day, crippled by lifelong repetition of o n e and the s a m e trivial operation, a n d thus r e d u c e d to the 226

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226 « Y t a k e my life W h e n you d o t a k e t h e m e a n s w h e r e b y I live." Shakespeare. A F r e n c h w o r k m a n , on h i s r e t u r n from S a n - F r a n c i s c o , writes as follows: "I n e v e r c o u l d h a v e believed, t h a t I was c a p a b l e of working at t h e v a r i o u s o c c u p a t i o n s I was e m p l o y e d on in California. I was firmly c o n v i n c e d t h a t I was fit for n o t h i n g b u t letter-press p r i n t i n g . ... O n c e i n t h e m i d s t o f t h i s world o f a d v e n t u r e r s , who c h a n g e t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n a s often a s t h e y d o t h e i r shirt, egad, I did as t h e o t h e r s . As m i n i n g did n o t t u r n o u t r e m u n e r a t i v e e n o u g h , I left it for t h e town, where in s u c c e s s i o n I b e c a m e typographer, slater, p l u m b e r , etc. In c o n s e q u e n c e of t h u s f i n d i n g o u t t h a t I am fit for any sort of work, I feel less of a m o l l u s k a n d m o r e of a m a n . " ( A . C o r b o n . D e l ' e n s e i g n e m e n t professionnel, 2 è m e éd. p p . 5 0 , 51.)

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m e r e fragment of a m a n , by the fully developed individual, fit for a variety of labours, ready to face any change of p r o d u c t i o n , a n d to w h o m t h e different social functions he performs, are b u t so m a n y m o d e s of giving free scope to his own n a t u r a l a n d acquired powers. O n e step already spontaneously t a k e n towards effecting this revolution is t h e establishment of t e c h n i c a l a n d agricultural schools, and of "écoles d ' e n s e i g n e m e n t professionnel," in which the children of the working-men receive s o m e little instruction in technology a n d in the practical h a n d l i n g of t h e various i m p l e m e n t s of labour. T h o u g h t h e Factory Act, t h a t first a n d meagre concession wrung from capital, is limited to c o m b i n i n g elementary e d u c a t i o n with work in the factory, there can be no d o u b t that w h e n the working class comes into power, as inevitably it must, technical instruction, b o t h theoretical a n d practical, will take its proper place in the working-class schools. There is also no d o u b t that s u c h revolutionary ferments, the final result of which is t h e abolition of the old division of labour, are diametrically opposed to the capitalistic form of production, a n d to the e c o n o m i c status of the labourer corresponding to that form. But t h e historical development of the antagonisms, i m m a n e n t in a given form of p r o d u c tion, is the only way in which that form of p r o d u c t i o n can be dissolved a n d a new form established. "Ne sutor ultra c r e p i d a m " — t h i s n e c plus ultra of handicraft wisdom b e c a m e sheer n o n s e n s e , from the m o m e n t t h e watchm a k e r W a t t invented the steam-engine, the b a r b e r Arkwright, the throstle, and the working-jeweller, F u l t o n , the s t e a m s h i p . 1 |495| So long as Factory legislation is confined to regulating t h e labour in factories, manufactories, etc., it is regarded as a m e r e interference with the exploiting rights of capital. But w h e n it c o m e s to regulating the socalled " h o m e - l a b o u r , " it is i m m e d i a t e l y viewed as a direct attack on t h e patria potestas, on parental authority. T h e t e n d e r - h e a r t e d English Parliam e n t long affected to shrink from taking this step. T h e force of facts, however, compelled it at last to acknowledge t h a t m o d e r n industry, in overturn228

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J o h n Bellers, a very p h e n o m e n o n i n t h e history o f p o l i t i c a l e c o n o m y , saw m o s t clearly a t t h e e n d o f t h e 17th c e n t u r y , t h e necessity for a b o l i s h i n g t h e p r e s e n t s y t e m o f e d u c a t i o n a n d division of labour, w h i c h b e g e t h y p e r t r o p h y a n d a t r o p h y at t h e two o p p o s i t e e x t r e m i t i e s of society. A m o n g s t o t h e r t h i n g s h e says t h i s : " A n idle l e a r n i n g b e i n g little b e t t e r t h a n t h e l e a r n i n g of idleness ... Bodily l a b o u r , it's a p r i m i t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n of G o d ... L a b o u r b e i n g as p r o p e r for t h e b o d i e s ' h e a l t h as e a t i n g is for its living; for w h a t p a i n s a m a n saves by ease, he will find in disease L a b o u r a d d s oyl to t h e l a m p of life, w h e n t h i n k i n g inflames i t . . . . A c h i l d i s h silly e m p l o y " ( a w a r n i n g this, b y p r e s e n t i m e n t , a g a i n s t t h e B a s e d o w s a n d t h e i r m o d e r n i m i t a t o r s ) "leaves t h e c h i l d r e n ' s m i n d s silly." (Proposals for r a i s i n g a colledge of industry of all useful t r a d e s a n d h u s b a n d r y . L o n d . , 1696, p. 12, 14, 16, 18.) T h i s sort o f l a b o u r goes o n m o s t l y i n s m a l l w o r k s h o p s , a s w e h a v e seen i n t h e l a c e - m a k i n g a n d straw-plaiting t r a d e s , a n d as c o u l d be s h o w n m o r e in d e t a i l from t h e m e t a l t r a d e s of Sheffield, B i r m i n g h a m , etc. 2 2 9

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value ing the e c o n o m i c a l foundation on which was based t h e traditional family, a n d the family labour corresponding to it, h a d also u n l o o s e n e d all traditional family ties. T h e rights of the children h a d to be proclaimed. T h e fin a l report of t h e Ch. E m p i . C o m m . of 1866, states: "It is u n h a p p i l y , to a painful degree, apparent t h r o u g h o u t the whole of the evidence, t h a t against no persons do the children of both sexes so m u c h require protection as against their parents." T h e system of u n l i m i t e d exploitation of childrens' labour in general a n d the so-called h o m e - l a b o u r in particular is " m a i n tained only because the parents are able, without check or control, to exercise this arbitrary a n d mischievous power over their y o u n g a n d t e n d e r offspring 'Parents m u s t not possess the absolute power of m a k i n g their children m e r e m a c h i n e s to earn so m u c h weekly wage.' . . . . T h e children a n d young persons, therefore, in all s u c h cases m a y justifiably claim from the legislature, as a n a t u r a l right, that an e x e m p t i o n should be secured to t h e m , from what destroys prematurely their physical strength, a n d lowers t h e m in the scale of in j 14961telle ctual a n d m o r a l b e i n g s . " It was not, however, t h e m i s u s e of parental authority that created the capitalistic exploitation, whether direct or indirect, of children's labour; but, on the contrary, it was the capitalistic m o d e of exploitation which, by sweeping away the e c o n o m i c a l basis of parental authority, m a d e its exercise degenerate into a m i s c h i e v o u s m i s u s e of power. However terrible a n d disgusting the dissolution, u n d e r the capitalist system, of the old family ties m a y appear, nevertheless, m o d e r n industry, by assigning as it does an i m p o r t a n t part in the process of production, outside the domestic sphere, to w o m e n , to y o u n g persons, a n d to children of both sexes, creates a new e c o n o m i c a l foundation for a higher form of the family a n d of the relations between the sexes. It is, of course, just as absurd to hold the T e u t o n i c - c h r i s t i a n form of the family to be absolute a n d final as it would be to apply that character to the a n c i e n t R o m a n , the a n c i e n t Greek, or the Eastern forms which, moreover, t a k e n together form a series in historic development. Moreover, it is obvious that the fact of the collective working group being c o m p o s e d of individuals of b o t h sexes and all ages, m u s t necessarily, u n d e r suitable conditions, b e c o m e a source of h u m a n e development; although in its spontaneously developed, brutal, capitalistic form, where the labourer exists for the process of production, and not the process of p r o d u c t i o n for the labourer, that fact is a pestiferous source of corruption and slavery. T h e necessity for a generalization of the Factory Acts, for transforming

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Ch. E m p i . C o m m . , V . R e p . , p . X X V , n . 1 6 2 , a n d I I . R e p . , p . X X X V I I L , n . 2 8 5 , 2 8 9 , p . X X V . , XXVI., n. 191. " F a c t o r y l a b o u r m a y b e a s p u r e a n d a s excellent a s d o m e s t i c l a b o u r , a n d p e r h a p s m o r e so." ( R e p . I n s p . F a c t , 31st October, 1865, p . 129.)

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t h e m from an exceptional law relating to m e c h a n i c a l spinning a n d weavi n g — t h o s e first creations of m a c h i n e r y — i n t o a law affecting social production as a whole, arose, as we have seen, from the m o d e in which M o d e r n Industry was historically developed. In t h e rear of t h a t industry, the traditional form of m a n u f a c t u r e , of handicraft, and of d o m e s t i c industry, is entirely revolutionised; m a n u f a c t u r e s are constantly passing into t h e factory system, a n d handicrafts into m a n u f a c t u r e s ; a n d lastly, the spheres of h a n d i - | |497|craft a n d of the domestic industries b e c o m e , in a, comparatively speaking, wonderfully short time, dens of misery in which capitalistic exploitation obtains free play for the wildest excesses. There are two circumstances that finally t u r n the scale: first, the constantly recurring experience that capital, so soon as it finds itself subject to legal control at o n e point, compensates itself all the m o r e recklessly at other p o i n t s ; secondly, the cry of the capitalists for equality in the conditions of competition, i.e., for e q u a l restraint on all exploitation of l a b o u r . On this point let us listen to two heart-broken cries. Messrs. Cooksley of Bristol, nail a n d chain, etc., manufacturers, spontaneously i n t r o d u c e d the regulations of the Factory Act into their business. "As the old irregular system prevails in neighbouring works, the Messrs. Cooksley are subject to the disadvantage of having their boys enticed to c o n t i n u e their l a b o u r elsewhere after 6 p.m. 'This,' they naturally say, 'is an unjustice a n d loss to u s , as it exhausts a portion of the boy's strength, of which we ought to have the full b e n e f i t . ' " Mr. J. Simpson (paper box a n d bagmaker, L o n d o n ) states before t h e c o m m i s s i o n ers of the Ch. E m p i . C o m m . : " H e would sign any petition for it" (legislative interference) As it was, he always felt restless at night, w h e n he h a d closed his place, lest others should be working later t h a n h i m a n d getting away his o r d e r s . " S u m m a r i s i n g , the C h . E m p i . C o m m . says: "It would be unjust to the larger employers that their factories should be placed u n d e r regulation, while the h o u r s of labour in the smaller places in their own b r a n c h of business were u n d e r no legislative restriction. A n d to t h e injustice arising from the unfair conditions of competition, in regard to hours, that would be created if the smaller places of work were exempt, would be added t h e disadvantage to the larger manufacturers, of finding their supply of juvenile and female labour drawn off to the places of work exempt from legislation. Further, a stimulus would be given to the multiplication of the smaller places of work, which are almost invariably t h e least ||498| favour232

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o f Fact., 31st October, 1865, p . 2 7 - 3 2 . i n s t a n c e s will b e f o u n d i n R e p . o f I n s p . o f F a c t . Comm., V.Rep., p.X., n.35. Comm., V.Rep., p.IX., n.28.

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value able to the health, comfort, education, a n d general i m p r o v e m e n t of the people." In its final report t h e C o m m i s s i o n proposes to subject to the Factory Act m o r e t h a n 1,400,000 children, young persons, a n d w o m e n , of which n u m ber about o n e half are exploited in small industries a n d by the so-called 5 h o m e - w o r k . It says, "But if it should seem fit to P a r l i a m e n t to place the whole of that large n u m b e r of children, y o u n g persons a n d females u n d e r t h e protective legislation above adverted to . . . . it c a n n o t be d o u b t e d that s u c h legislation would have a m o s t beneficent effect, n o t only u p o n the y o u n g a n d the feeble, who are its m o r e i m m e d i a t e objects, b u t u p o n the 10 still larger body of adult workers, who would in all these e m p l o y m e n t s , b o t h directly and indirectly, come i m m e d i a t e l y u n d e r its influence. It would enforce u p o n t h e m regular and m o d e r a t e h o u r s ; it would lead to their places of work being kept in a h e a l t h y a n d cleanly state; it would therefore h u s b a n d a n d improve that store of physical strength on which 15 their own well-being a n d t h a t of the country so m u c h d e p e n d s ; it would save the rising generation from that over-exertion at an early age which u n d e r m i n e s their constitutions a n d leads to p r e m a t u r e decay; finally, it would ensure t h e m — a t least up to the age of 1 3 — t h e opportunity of receiving the e l e m e n t s of education, a n d would put an end to t h a t u t t e r ignorance ... as 20 faithfully exhibited in the Reports of our Assistant C o m m i s s i o n e r s , a n d which c a n n o t be regarded without the deepest pain, a n d a profound sense of n a t i o n a l d e g r a d a t i o n . " 1 236

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|499| Twenty-four years before, a n o t h e r C o m m i s s i o n of Inquiry on the labour of children h a d already, as Senior r e m a r k s , disclosed "the most 25 frightful picture of avarice, selfishness a n d cruelty on t h e part of masters a n d of parents, a n d of juvenile a n d infantile misery, degradation a n d destruction ever presented. ... It m a y be supposed t h a t it describes t h e horrors of a past age. But there is u n h a p p i l y evidence t h a t those horrors continue as intense as they were. A p a m p h l e t published by Hardwicke a b o u t 30 2 3 6

I.e., p . X X V . , n . 1 6 5 - 1 6 7 . A s t o t h e advantages o f large scale, c o m p a r e d w i t h s m a l l scale, industries, see Ch. E m p i . C o m m . , I I I . R e p . , p . 1 3 , n . 1 4 4 , p . 2 5 , n . 1 2 1 , p . 2 6 , n . 1 2 5 , p . 2 7 , n . 1 4 0 , etc. T h e t r a d e s p r o p o s e d t o b e b r o u g h t u n d e r t h e A c t were t h e following: L a c e - m a k i n g , stocking-weaving, straw-plaiting, t h e m a n u f a c t u r e of wearing a p p a r e l with its n u m e r o u s subdivisions, artificial flower-making, s h o e m a k i n g , h a t - m a k i n g , g l o v e m a k i n g , tailoring, all m e t a l works, from blast furnaces d o w n to needleworks, etc., p a p e r - m i l l s , glass-works, t o b a c c o factories, i n d i a - r u b b e r works, b r a i d - m a k i n g (for weaving), h a n d - c a r p e t - m a k i n g , u m b r e l l a a n d parasol m a k i n g , t h e m a n u f a c t u r e o f s p i n d l e s a n d spools, letter-press p r i n t i n g , b o o k - b i n d i n g , m a n u f a c t u r e of stationery ( i n c l u d i n g p a p e r bags, cards, c o l o u r e d paper, etc.,) r o p e - m a k i n g , m a n u f a c t u r e o f j e t o r n a m e n t s , b r i c k - m a k i n g , silk m a n u f a c t u r e b y h a n d , Coventry weaving, salt works, tallow c h a n d l e r s , c e m e n t works, sugar refineries, b i s c u i t - m a k i n g , v a r i o u s i n d u s t r i e s c o n n e c t e d with t i m b e r , a n d o t h e r m i x e d trades. I.e. p . X X V . n . 169. 2 3 7

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2 years ago states that ' t h e abuses c o m p l a i n e d of in 1842, are in full b l o o m at the present day.' [...] It is a strange proof of the general neglect of the morals a n d health of the children of the working class, t h a t this report lay u n n o t i c e d for 20 years, during which t h e children, 'bred up without the remotest sign of c o m p r e h e n s i o n as to what is m e a n t by the t e r m morals, who h a d n e i t h e r knowledge, n o r religion, n o r n a t u r a l affection,' were allowed to b e c o m e the parents of the present g e n e r a t i o n . " T h e social conditions having u n d e r g o n e a c h a n g e , P a r l i a m e n t could n o t venture to shelve the d e m a n d s of t h e C o m m i s s i o n of 1862, as it h a d d o n e those of the C o m m i s s i o n of 1840. H e n c e in 1864, w h e n t h e C o m m i s s i o n h a d not yet published m o r e t h a n a part of its reports, the earthenware industries (including the potteries), m a k e r s of paper-hangings, m a t c h e s , cartridges, a n d caps, a n d fustian cutters were m a d e subject to the Acts in force in the textile industries. In the speech from t h e T h r o n e , on 5th February, 1867, the Tory C a b i n e t of t h e day a n n o u n c e d the i n t r o d u c t i o n of Bills, founded on the final r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s of t h e C o m m i s s i o n , which h a d completed its labours in 1866. On the 15th August, 1867, the Factory Acts E x t e n s i o n Act, a n d on t h e 21st August, the W o r k s h o p s ' R e g u l a t i o n A c t received the Royal Assent; t h e former Act having reference to large industries, the latter to small. T h e former applies to blast-furnaces, iron a n d copper mills, foundries, m a c h i n e shops, m e t a l manufactories, gutta-percha works, paper mills, glass works, tobacco manufactories, letterpress printing (including newspapers), book-binding, in short ||500| to all industrial establishments of the above kind, in which 50 individuals or m o r e are o c c u p i e d simultaneously, a n d for not less t h a n 100 days during the year. To give an idea of the extent of the sphere e m b r a c e d by t h e W o r k s h o p s ' Regulation Act in its application, we cite from its interpretation clause, the following passages: "Handicraft shall m e a n any m a n u a l l a b o u r exercised by way of trade, or for purposes of gain in, or incidental to, the m a k i n g any article or part of an article, or in, or incidental to, the altering, repairing, o r n a m e n t i n g , finishing, or otherwise adapting for sale any article." " Workshop shall m e a n any r o o m or place whatever in the open air or u n der cover, in which any handicraft is carried on by any child, young person, or w o m a n , and to which a n d over which t h e person by w h o m such child, y o u n g person, or w o m a n is employed, has the right of access and control." "Employed shall m e a n occupied in any handicraft, whether for wages or not, u n d e r a m a s t e r or u n d e r a p a r e n t as h e r e i n defined." 239

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Senior, Social S c i e n c e Congress, p p . 5 5 - 5 8 .

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Part IV · Production of relative surplus-value "Parent shall m e a n parent, guardian, or person, having t h e custody of, or control over, any ... child or young person." Clause 7, which imposes a penalty for e m p l o y m e n t of children, y o u n g persons, a n d women, contrary to the provisions of the Act, subjects to fines, n o t only t h e occupier of the workshop, whether p a r e n t or not, b u t even "the p a r e n t of, or the person deriving any direct benefit from t h e labour of, or having the control over, the child, young person or w o m a n . " T h e Factory Acts E x t e n s i o n Act, which affects the large establishments, derogates from the Factory A c t by a crowd of vicious exceptions a n d cowardly compromises with the masters. T h e W o r k s h o p s ' Regulation Act, wretched in all its details, r e m a i n e d a dead letter in the h a n d s of the m u n i c i p a l a n d local authorities who were charged with its execution. W h e n , in 1871, P a r l i a m e n t withdrew from t h e m this power, in order to confer it on the Factory Inspectors, to whose province it thus a d d e d by a single stroke m o r e t h a n o n e h u n d r e d t h o u s a n d workshops, and three h u n d r e d brickworks, care was t a k e n at ||501| the s a m e t i m e n o t to add m o r e t h a n eight assistants to their already u n d e r m a n n e d staff. W h a t strikes us, t h e n , in the English legislation of 1867, is, on the o n e h a n d , the necessity i m p o s e d on the p a r l i a m e n t of the ruling classes, of adopting in principle measures so extraordinary, a n d on so great a scale, against the excesses of capitalistic exploitation; a n d on the other h a n d , the hesitation, the r e p u g n a n c e , a n d the bad faith, with which it lent itself to t h e task of carrying those m e a s u r e s into practice. T h e I n q u i r y C o m m i s s i o n of 1862 also proposed a new regulation of the m i n i n g industry, an industry distinguished from others by the exceptional characteristic that the interests of landlord a n d capitalist there j o i n h a n d s . T h e a n t a g o n i s m of these two interests h a d b e e n favourable to Factory legislation,, while on the other h a n d the absence o f t h a t a n t a g o n i s m is sufficient to explain the delays a n d chicanery of the legislation on m i n e s . T h e Inquiry C o m m i s s i o n of 1840 h a d m a d e revelations so terrible, so shocking, a n d creating such a scandal all over E u r o p e , that to salve its conscience P a r l i a m e n t passed the M i n i n g A c t of 1842, in which it limited itself to forbidding the e m p l o y m e n t u n d e r g r o u n d in m i n e s of children u n d e r 10 years of age and females. T h e n a n o t h e r Act, T h e M i n e s ' Inspecting Act of 1860, provides t h a t m i n e s shall be inspected by public officers n o m i n a t e d specially for that

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T h e " p e r s o n n e l " of t h i s staff consisted of 2 inspectors, 2 assistant i n s p e c t o r s a n d 41 s u b - i n s p e c t o r s . Eight a d d i t i o n a l s u b - i n s p e c t o r s were a p p o i n t e d i n 1 8 7 1 . T h e total cost o f a d m i n i s t e r ing t h e A c t s in E n g l a n d , Scotland, a n d I r e l a n d a m o u n t e d for t h e y e a r 1 8 7 1 - 7 2 to no m o r e t h a n £ 2 5 , 3 4 7 , inclusive of t h e law e x p e n s e s i n c u r r e d by p r o s e c u t i o n s of offending m a s t e r s .

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purpose, a n d that boys between the ages of 10 a n d 12 years shall n o t be e m ployed, unless they have a school certificate, or go to school for a certain n u m b e r of hours. This Act was a c o m p l e t e d e a d letter owing to t h e ridiculously small n u m b e r of inspectors, t h e m e a g r e n e s s of their powers, and other causes that will b e c o m e apparent as we proceed. O n e of t h e most recent b l u e books on m i n e s is the "Report from the Select C o m m i t t e e on M i n e s , together with etc. ||502| Evidence, 23rd July, 1866." This R e p o r t is t h e work of a Parliamentary C o m m i t t e e selected from m e m b e r s of the H o u s e of C o m m o n s , a n d authorised to s u m m o n and exa m i n e witnesses. It is a thick folio v o l u m e in which t h e Report itself occupies only five lines to this effect: that the c o m m i t t e e has n o t h i n g to say, and that m o r e witnesses m u s t b e e x a m i n e d ! T h e m o d e of e x a m i n i n g the witnesses r e m i n d s one of the cross-examination of witnesses in English courts of justice, where the advocate tries, by m e a n s of i m p u d e n t , u n e x p e c t e d , equivocal a n d involved questions, p u t without connexion, to i n t i m i d a t e , surprise, a n d confound the witness, a n d to give a forced m e a n i n g to the answers extorted from h i m . In this inquiry the m e m b e r s of the c o m m i t t e e themselves are the cross-examiners, a n d a m o n g t h e m are to be found b o t h m i n e owners a n d m i n e exploiters; the witnesses are mostly working coalminers. T h e whole farce is too characteristic of the spirit of capital, not to call for a few extracts from this Report. For the sake of conciseness I have classified t h e m . I m a y also add that every question a n d its answer are n u m b e r e d in the English Blue Books. I. E m p l o y m e n t in m i n e s of boys of 10 years and upwards.—In the m i n e s the work, inclusive of going a n d r e t u r n i n g , usually lasts 14 or 15 hours, s o m e t i m e s even from 3, 4, a n d 5 o'clock a.m., till 5 and 6 o'clock p.m., (n.6., 452, 83). T h e adults work in two shifts, of eight h o u r s each; b u t there is no alteration with the boys, on a c c o u n t of t h e expense (n. 80, 2 0 3 , 204). T h e younger boys are chiefly employed in opening a n d shutting the ventilating doors in the various parts of the m i n e ; t h e older ones are e m ployed on heavier work, in carrying coal, etc. (n. 122, 739, 740, 1717). T h e y work these long h o u r s u n d e r g r o u n d u n t i l their 18th or 2 2 n d year, w h e n they are p u t to m i n e r ' s work proper, (n. 161.) Children a n d y o u n g persons are at present worse treated, a n d h a r d e r worked t h a n at any previous period (n. 1 6 6 3 - 1 6 6 7 ) . A n d now Hussey Vivian (himself an exploiter of mines) asks: "Would n o t the o p i n i o n of the w o r k m a n d e p e n d u p o n the poverty of the w o r k m a n ' s family?" Mr. Bruce: "Do y o u n o t t h i n k it would be a very h a r d case, where a p a r e n t h a d b e e n injured, or where ||503| he was sickly, or where a father was dead, a n d there was only a m o t h e r , to prevent a child between 12 and 14 earning I s . 7d. a day for the good of the family? ... Y o u m u s t lay down a general rule? ... Are you prepared to r e c o m m e n d legisla-

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value tion which would prevent t h e e m p l o y m e n t of children u n d e r 12 a n d 14, whatever t h e state of their parents might b e ? " "Yes." (ns. 107-110). Vivian: "Supposing that an e n a c t m e n t were passed preventing the e m p l o y m e n t of children u n d e r t h e age of 14, would it n o t be probable t h a t ... the parents of children would seek e m p l o y m e n t for their children in other directions, 5 for instance, in m a n u f a c t u r e ? " " N o t generally I think," (n. 174). K i n n a i r d : " S o m e of t h e boys are keepers of doors?" "Yes." "Is there n o t generally a very great draught every t i m e you o p e n a door or close it?" "Yes, generally t h e r e is." "It s o u n d s a very easy thing, b u t it is in fact rather a painful o n e ? " " H e is i m p r i s o n e d there just the s a m e as if he was in a cell of a gaol." Bour- 10 geois Vivian: " W h e n e v e r a boy is furnished with a l a m p c a n n o t he r e a d ? " "Yes, he c a n read, if he finds himself in candles ... I suppose he would be found fault with if he was discovered reading; he is t h e r e to m i n d his business, he has a duty to perform, a n d he has to a t t e n d to it in t h e first place, [...] and I do n o t t h i n k it would be allowed down the pit." (ns. 139, 141, 15 143, 158, 160.) I I . E d u c a t i o n . — T h e working m i n e r s want a law for the compulsory e d u c a t i o n of their children, as in factories. T h e y declare the clauses of t h e A c t of 1860, which require a school certificate to be o b t a i n e d before e m ploying boys of 10 a n d 12 years of age, to be quite illusory. T h e e x a m i n a t i o n of the witnesses on this subject is truly droll. "Is it (the Act) required m o r e against the masters or against the p a r e n t s ? " "It is required against b o t h I think." "You c a n n o t say whether it is required against o n e m o r e t h a n against the o t h e r ? " " N o ; I can hardly answer t h a t question." (ns. 115, 116.) "Does there appear to be any desire on the part of t h e employers that the boys should have s u c h h o u r s as to enable t h e m to go to school?" " N o ; the h o u r s are never shortened for t h a t p u r p o s e . " (n. 137.) Mr. K i n n a i r d : " S h o u l d you say ||504| that the colliers generally improve their e d u c a t i o n ; have y o u any instances of m e n who have, since they b e g a n to work, greatly improved their education, or do they n o t rather go back, a n d lose any advantage t h a t they m a y have gained?" "They generally b e c o m e worse: they do n o t improve; they acquire b a d habits; they get on to drinking a n d g a m bling and s u c h like, a n d they go completely to wreck," (n. 211). " D o they m a k e any a t t e m p t of t h e k i n d (for providing instruction) by having schools at n i g h t ? " "There are few collieries where night schools are held, a n d perh a p s at those collieries a few boys do go to those schools; b u t they are so physically exhausted t h a t it is to no purpose t h a t they go there." (n. 454.) "You are then," concludes t h e bourgeois, "against e d u c a t i o n ? " "Most certainly not; but," etc. (n. 445, 446.) "But are they (the employers) n o t c o m pelled to d e m a n d t h e m " (school certificates)? "By law they are; b u t I am n o t aware that they are d e m a n d e d by the employers." " T h e n it is your opin-

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ion, that this provision of t h e Act as to requiring certificates, is n o t generally carried o u t in the collieries?" "It is n o t carried out." (ns. 4 4 3 , 444.) "Do the m e n take a great interest in this q u e s t i o n " (of education)? "The majority of t h e m do." (n. 717) "Are they very a n x i o u s to see the law enforced?" "The majority are." (n. 718.) " D o y o u t h i n k t h a t in this country any law t h a t you pass ... can really be effectual unless the population themselves assist in putting it into o p e r a t i o n ? " " M a n y a m a n might wish to object to employing a boy, b u t he would perhaps b e c o m e m a r k e d by it." (n.720.) "Marked by w h o m ? " "By his employers." (n.721.) " D o you t h i n k that the employers would find any fault with a m a n who obeyed t h e l a w . . . . ?" "Ibelieve they would." (n.722.) "Have y o u ever h e a r d of any w o r k m a n objecting to employ a boy between 10 a n d 12, who could not write or r e a d ? " "It is n o t left to m e n ' s option." (n. 723.) " W o u l d you call for the interference of P a r l i a m e n t ? " "I t h i n k that if anything effectual is to be d o n e in the e d u c a t i o n of the colliers' children, it will have to be m a d e c o m p u l sory by Act of Parliament." (n. 1634.) " W o u l d you lay that obligation u p o n the colliers only, of all the work people of ||505| G r e a t Britain?" "I c a m e to speak for the colliers." (n. 1636.) "Why should you distinguish t h e m (colliery boys) from other boys?" "Because I t h i n k they are an exception to the rule." (n. 1638.) " I n what respect?" "In a physical respect." (n. 1639.) "Why should e d u c a t i o n be m o r e valuable to t h e m t h a n to other classes of lads?" "I do n o t know that it is m o r e valuable; b u t t h r o u g h the over-exertion in m i n e s there is less c h a n c e for the boys t h a t are employed there to get e d u cation, either at S u n d a y schools, or at day schools." (n. 1640.) "It is i m p o s sible to look at a question of this sort absolutely by itself?" (n. 1644.) "Is there a sufficiency of s c h o o l s ? " — " N o " ... (n. 1646). "If the state were to require that every child should be sent to school, would there be schools for the children to go to?" " N o ; b u t I think if the c i r c u m s t a n c e s were to spring u p , the schools would be forthcoming." (n. 1647.) " S o m e of t h e m (the boys) c a n n o t read and write at all, I suppose?" "The majority cannot. ... T h e m a jority of the m e n themselves c a n n o t . " (ns. 705, 726). I I I . E m p l o y m e n t o f w o m e n . — S i n c e 1842 w o m e n are n o m o r e e m ployed u n d e r g r o u n d , b u t are occupied on the surface in loading the coal, etc., in drawing the tubs to the canals a n d railway waggons, in sorting, etc. Their n u m b e r s have considerably increased during the last three or four years, (n. 1727.) T h e y are mostly t h e wives, daughters, a n d widows of t h e working miners, a n d their ages range from 12 to 50 or 60 years, (ns. 647, 1781.) " W h a t is the feeling a m o n g the working m i n e r s as to the employm e n t of w o m e n ? " "I t h i n k they generally c o n d e m n it." (n. 648.) " W h a t o b jection do you see to it?" "I t h i n k it is degrading to the sex." (n. 649.) "There is a peculiarity of dress?" "Yes ... it is rather a m a n ' s dress, a n d I

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value believe in s o m e cases, it drowns all sense of decency." " D o the w o m e n s m o k e ? " " S o m e do." "And I suppose it is very dirty work?" "Very dirty." "They get black a n d grimy?" "As black as those who are down t h e m i n e s ... I believe that a w o m a n having children (and there are plenty on the b a n k s that have) c a n n o t do h e r duty to h e r children." (ns. 6 5 0 - 6 5 4 , 701.) " D o you t h i n k that those widows could get e m p l o y m e n t anywhere else, which | |506| would bring t h e m in as m u c h wages as that (from 8s. to 10s. a week)?" "I c a n n o t speak to that." (n.709.) "You would still be prepared, would you," (flint-hearted fellow!) "to prevent their obtaining a livelihood by these m e a n s ? " "I would." (n.710.) " W h a t is the general feeling in t h e district ... as to the e m p l o y m e n t of w o m e n ? " "The feeling is t h a t it is degrading; a n d we wish as m i n e r s to have m o r e respect to the fair sex t h a n to see t h e m placed on the pit b a n k ... Some part of the work is very hard; s o m e of these girls have raised as m u c h as 10 tons of stuff a day." (ns. 1715, 1717.) "Do you think that the w o m e n employed about the collieries are less m o r a l t h a n the w o m e n employed in the factories?" " . . . the percentage of b a d ones [...] m a y be a little more ... t h a n [...] with the girls in the factories." (n. 1732.) "But you are n o t quite satisfied with the state of morality in the factories?" " N o . " (n. 1733.) "Would you prohibit the e m p l o y m e n t of w o m e n in factories also?" " N o , I would not." (n. 1734.) "Why n o t ? " "I think it a m o r e honourable o c c u p a t i o n for t h e m in the mills." (n. 1735.) "Still it is injurious to their morality, you t h i n k ? " "Not so m u c h as working on the pit bank; b u t it is m o r e on the social position I take it; I do n o t take it on its m o r a l ground alone. T h e degradation, in its social bearing on the girls, is deplorable in the extreme. W h e n these 400 or 500 girls b e c o m e colliers' wives, the m e n suffer greatly from this degradation, a n d it causes t h e m to leave their h o m e s a n d drink." (n. 1736.) "You would be obliged to stop the employm e n t of w o m e n in the ironworks as well, would you not, if you stopped it in the collieries?" "I c a n n o t speak for any other trade." (n.1737.) " C a n y o u see any difference in the circumstances of w o m e n employed in iron-works, a n d the circumstances of w o m e n employed above g r o u n d in collieries?" "I have n o t ascertained anything as to that." (n. 1740.) " C a n you see anything t h a t m a k e s a distinction between one class a n d the other?" "I have n o t ascert a i n e d that, but I know from h o u s e to h o u s e visitation, that it is a deplorable state of things in our district..." (n. 1741.) "Would you interfere in every case with the e m p l o y m e n t of w o m e n where t h a t e m p l o y m e n t was, degrading?" "It would b e c o m e in||507|jurious, I think, in this way: the best feelings of E n g l i s h m e n have b e e n gained from the instruction of a m o t h e r . . . " (n. 1750.) "That equally applies to agricultural e m p l o y m e n t s , does it n o t ? " "Yes, b u t that is only for two seasons, a n d we have work all the four seasons." (n. 1751). "They often work day a n d night, wet t h r o u g h to

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the skin, their constitution, u n d e r m i n e d and their h e a l t h ruined." "You have n o t inquired into that subject perhaps?" "I have certainly t a k e n n o t e of it as I have gone along, and certainly I have seen n o t h i n g parallel to the effects of the e m p l o y m e n t of w o m e n on the pit b a n k ... It is the work of a m a n ... a strong m a n . " (ns. 1753, 1793, 1794.) "Your feeling u p o n the whole subject is that the better class of colliers who desire to raise t h e m selves and h u m a n i s e themselves, instead of deriving help from the w o m e n , are pulled down by t h e m ? " "Yes." (n. 1808.) After some further crooked questions from these bourgeois, t h e secret of t h e i r "sympathy" for widows, poor families, etc., comes o u t at last. "The coal proprietor appoints certain g e n t l e m e n to take the oversight of the workings, a n d it is their policy, in order to receive approbation, to place things on the m o s t e c o n o m i c a l basis they can, a n d these girls are employed at from I s . up to I s . 6d. a day, where a m a n at the rate of 2s. 6d. a day would have to be employed." (n. 1816.) I V . C o r o n e r ' s i n q u e s t s . — " W i t h regard t o coroner's inquests i n your district, have the w o r k m e n confidence in the proceedings at those inquests when accidents occur?" " N o ; they have not." (n.360.) "Why n o t ? " "Chiefly because the m e n who are generally chosen, are m e n who know n o t h i n g a b o u t m i n e s a n d such like." "Are n o t w o r k m e n s u m m o n e d at all u p o n the juries?" "Never b u t as witnesses to my knowledge." " W h o are t h e people who are generally s u m m o n e d u p o n these j u r i e s ? " "Generally t r a d e s m e n in the n e i g h b o u r h o o d . . . . from their c i r c u m s t a n c e s they are s o m e t i m e s liable to be influenced by their employers . . . . the owners of the works. [...] T h e y are generally m e n who have no knowledge, a n d can scarcely u n d e r s t a n d the witnesses who are called before t h e m , a n d the t e r m s which are u s e d a n d such like." "Would you have the jury c o m p o s e d of persons who | |508| h a d b e e n employed in m i n i n g ? " "Yes, partly . . . . they (the workmen) t h i n k that the verdict is n o t in accordance with the evidence given generally." (ns. 361, 364, 366, 368, 369, 3 7 1 , 373, 375.) " O n e great object in s u m m o n i n g a jury is to have an impartial o n e , is it n o t ? " "Yes, I should think so." "Do you think t h a t the juries would be impartial if they were composed to a considerable extent of w o r k m e n ? " "I c a n n o t see any motive which the w o r k m e n would have to act partially ... they necessarily have a better knowledge of the operations in c o n n e c t i o n with the m i n e . " "You do n o t t h i n k there would be a t e n d e n c y on t h e part of t h e w o r k m e n to return unfairly severe verdicts?" " N o , I t h i n k n o t . " ( n s . 3 7 8 , 379, 380.) V . F a l s e w e i g h t s a n d m e a s u r e s . — T h e workmen demand t o b e paid weekly instead of fortnightly, and by weight instead of by cubical c o n t e n t s of the tubs; they also d e m a n d protection against the use of false weights, etc. (n. 1071.) "If the t u b s were fraudulently increased, a m a n could disc o n t i n u e working by giving 14 days' n o t i c e ? " "But if he goes to another

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value place, there is the same thing going on there." (n. 1071.) "But he can leave t h a t place where the wrong has b e e n c o m m i t t e d ? " "It is general; wherever he goes, he has to s u b m i t to it." (n. 1072.) "Could a m a n leave [...] by giving 14 days' n o t i c e ? " "Yes." (n. 1073.) A n d yet they are n o t satisfied! V I . I n s p e c t i o n o f m i n e s . — C a s u a l t i e s from explosions are n o t the only things the w o r k m e n suffer from. (n. 234, sqq.) " O u r m e n c o m p l a i n e d very m u c h of the b a d ventilation of the collieries ... the ventilation is so b a d in general that the m e n can scarcely breathe; they are quite unfit for e m p l o y m e n t of any k i n d after they have b e e n for a length of t i m e in conn e c t i o n with their work; indeed, just at the part of t h e m i n e where I am working, m e n have b e e n obliged to leave their e m p l o y m e n t a n d c o m e h o m e in c o n s e q u e n c e of that .... some of t h e m have b e e n out of work for weeks j u s t in c o n s e q u e n c e of the bad state of the ventilation where there is n o t explosive gas ... there is plenty of air generally in the m a i n courses, yet p a i n s are n o t t a k e n to get air into the workings where m e n are working." "Why do you n o t apply to the ||509| inspector?" "To tell the t r u t h there are m a n y m e n who are timid on that point; there have b e e n cases of m e n being sacrificed and losing their e m p l o y m e n t in c o n s e q u e n c e of applying to the inspector." "Why; is he a m a r k e d m a n for having c o m p l a i n e d [...]?" "Yes." " A n d he finds it difficult to get e m p l o y m e n t in a n o t h e r m i n e ? " "Yes." " D o you t h i n k [...] the m i n e s in your n e i g h b o u r h o o d are sufficiently inspected to insure a c o m p l i a n c e with the provisions of the A c t ? " " N o ; they are n o t inspected at all ... the inspector h a s b e e n down j u s t o n c e in the pit, a n d it has b e e n going seven years ... In the district to which I belong [...] there are n o t a sufficient n u m b e r of inspectors. [...] We have o n e old m a n m o r e t h a n 70 years of age to inspect m o r e t h a n 130 collieries." "You wish to have a class of sub-inspectors?" "Yes." (ns. 234, 2 4 1 , 2 5 1 , 254, 255, 274, 275, 554, 276, 293.) "But do you think it would be possible for g o v e r n m e n t to m a i n t a i n s u c h an army of inspectors as would be necessary to do all t h a t you want t h e m to do, without information from the m e n ? " " N o , I should t h i n k it would be n e x t to impossible." ... "It would be desirable [...] the inspectors should c o m e oftener?" "Yes, a n d without being sent for." ( n . 2 8 0 , 277.) "Do you n o t t h i n k that the effect of having these inspectors e x a m i n ing the collieries so frenquently would be to shift t h e responsibility (!) of supplying proper ventilation from the owners of the collieries to the Gove r n m e n t officials?" " N o , I do not t h i n k that, I t h i n k t h a t they should m a k e it their bussiness to enforce the Acts which are already in existence." (n.285.) " W h e n you speak of sub-inspectors, do you m e a n m e n at a less salary, a n d of an inferior stamp to the present inspectors?" "I would n o t have t h e m inferior, if you could get t h e m otherwise." (n. 294.) " D o you merely want m o r e inspectors, or do you want a lower class of m a n as an inspec-

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tor?" "A m a n who would k n o c k about, a n d see that things are kept right; a m a n who would n o t be afraid of himself." (n. 295.) "If y o u obtained your wish in getting an inferior class of inspectors appointed, do you think that there would be no danger [...] from want of skill, etc.?" "I t h i n k not, I t h i n k that the G o v e r n m e n t would see after that, a n d have proper m e n in that p o sition." (n.297.) ||510| This kind of e x a m i n a t i o n b e c o m e s at last too m u c h even for the c h a i r m a n of t h e c o m m i t t e e , a n d he interrupts with the observation: "You want a class of m e n who would look into all t h e details of the m i n e , a n d would go into all the holes a n d corners a n d go into the real facts ... they would report to the chief inspector, who would t h e n bring his scientific knowledge to b e a r on the facts they have stated?" (ns.298, 299.) "Would it n o t entail very great expense if all these old workings were kept ventilated?" "Yes, expense m i g h t be incurred, b u t life would be at the s a m e t i m e protected." (n.531.) A working m i n e r objects to the 17th section of the Act of 1860; he says, "At t h e present t i m e , if t h e inspector of m i n e s finds a part of the m i n e unfit to work in, he has to report it to the m i n e owner a n d the H o m e Secretary. After doing that, there is given to the owner 20 days to look over the matter; at the end of 20 days he has the power to refuse m a k ing any alteration in the m i n e ; but, w h e n he refuses, the m i n e owner writes to the H o m e Secretary, at the s a m e t i m e n o m i n a t i n g five engineers, a n d from those five engineers n a m e d by the m i n e owner himself, t h e H o m e Secretary appoints one, I think, as arbitrator, or appoints arbitrators from t h e m ; now we t h i n k in that case the m i n e owner virtually appoints his own arbitrator." (n.581.) Bourgeois examiner, himself a m i n e owner: "But ... is this a merely speculative objection?" (n. 586.) " T h e n you have a very poor o p i n i o n of the integrity of m i n i n g engineers?" "It is m o s t certainly unjust a n d inequitable." (n.588.) " D o n o t m i n i n g engineers possess a sort of p u b lic character, and do n o t you think that they are above m a k i n g s u c h a partial decision as you a p p r e h e n d ? " "I do n o t wish to answer such a question as that with respect to the personal character of those m e n . I believe t h a t in m a n y cases they would act very partially i n d e e d , and that it ought n o t to be in their h a n d s to do so, where m e n ' s lives are at stake." (n.589.) This s a m e bourgeois is not a s h a m e d to put this question: "Do you n o t t h i n k that the m i n e owner also suffers loss from an explosion?" Finally, "Are n o t you w o r k m e n in Lancashire able to take care of your own interests without calling in the G o v e r n m e n t to help y o u ? " " N o . " (n. 1042.) | |511| In the year 1865 there were 3217 coal m i n e s in Great Britain, a n d 12 inspectors. A Yorkshire m i n e owner himself calculates ("Times," 2 6 t h January, 1867), t h a t putting on o n e side their office work, which absorbs all their time, each m i n e can be visited b u t once in ten years by an inspector. N o wonder that explosions have increased progressively, b o t h i n n u m b e r

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value a n d extent (sometimes with a loss of 2 0 0 - 3 0 0 m e n ) , during the last ten years. T h e very defective Act, passed in 1872, is the first that regulates the h o u r s of labour of the children employed in m i n e s , a n d m a k e s exploiters and owners, to a certain extent, responsible for so-called accidents. T h e Royal C o m m i s s i o n appointed in 1867, to i n q u i r e into the employm e n t in agriculture of children, young persons, and w o m e n , has published s o m e very i m p o r t a n t reports. Several attempts to apply the principles of the Factory Acts, b u t in a modified form, to agriculture have b e e n m a d e , b u t have so far resulted in complete failure. All that I wish to draw attention to h e r e is the existence of an irresistible t e n d e n c y towards the general application of those principles. If the general extension of factory legislation to all trades for the purpose of protecting the working class b o t h in m i n d a n d b o d y has b e c o m e inevitable, on the other h a n d , as we have already p o i n t e d out, t h a t extension h a s t e n s on the general conversion of n u m e r o u s isolated small industries into a few c o m b i n e d industries carried on u p o n a large scale; it therefore accelerates the concentration of capital a n d the exclusive p r e d o m i n a n c e of t h e factory system. It destroys b o t h the a n c i e n t and the transitional forms, b e h i n d which the d o m i n i o n of capital is still in part concealed, a n d replaces t h e m by the direct a n d o p e n sway of capital; b u t thereby it also generalises the direct opposition to this sway. W h i l e in e a c h individual workshop it enforces uniformity, regularity, order, a n d economy, it increases by the i m m e n s e spur which the limitation a n d regulation of the working day give to t e c h n i c a l improvement, the anarchy a n d the catastrophes of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n as a whole, the intensity of labour, a n d the c o m p e t i t i o n of m a c h i n e r y with the labourer. By the destruction of ||512| petty a n d d o m e s tic industries it destroys the last resort of the " r e d u n d a n t p o p u l a t i o n , " a n d with it the sole r e m a i n i n g safety-valve of the whole social m e c h a n i s m . By m a t u r i n g the material conditions, and t h e c o m b i n a t i o n on a social scale of the processes of production, it m a t u r e s the contradictions a n d a n t a g o n i s m s of the capitalist form of production, a n d thereby provides, along with t h e elements for the formation of a new society, t h e forces for exploding t h e old o n e .

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R o b e r t Owen, t h e father o f Co-operative F a c t o r i e s a n d S t o r e s , b u t w h o , a s before r e m a r k e d , in no way s h a r e d t h e illusions of h i s followers w i t h regard to t h e b e a r i n g of t h e s e isol a t e d e l e m e n t s o f t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , n o t only practically m a d e t h e factory s y s t e m t h e sole found a t i o n o f h i s e x p e r i m e n t s , b u t also d e c l a r e d t h a t s y s t e m t o b e t h e o r e t i c a l l y t h e starting p o i n t of t h e social revolution. H e r r Vissering, Professor of Political E c o n o m y in t h e University of L e y d e n , appears to have a s u s p i c i o n of t h i s w h e n , in h i s " H a n d b o e k v a n P r a k t i s c h e Staatsh u i s h o u d k u n d e , 1 8 6 0 - 6 2 , " w h i c h r e p r o d u c e s all t h e p l a t i t u d e s o f vulgar e c o n o m y , h e strongly s u p p o r t s handicrafts against t h e factory system.

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10.—Modern

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The revolution called forth by m o d e r n industry in agriculture, a n d in the social relations of agricultural producers, will be investigated later on. In this place we shall merely i n d i c a t e a few results by way of anticipation. If the u s e of m a c h i n e r y in agriculture is for t h e m o s t part free from t h e injurious physical effect it has on t h e factory operative, its action in superseding the labourers is m o r e intense, and finds less resistance, as we shall see later in detail. In the counties of Cambridge a n d Suffolk, for example, the area of cultivated land has e x t e n d e d very m u c h within the last 20 years (up to 1868), while in the same period the rural p o p u l a t i o n has diminished, n o t only relatively, b u t absolutely. In t h e U n i t e d States it is as yet only virtually t h a t agricultural m a c h i n e s replace labourers; in other words, they allow of t h e cultivation by the farmer of a larger surface, b u t do n o t actually expel the labourers employed. In 1861 the n u m b e r of persons occupied in England a n d Wales in the m a n u f a c t u r e of agricultural m a c h i n e s was 1034, whilst the n u m b e r of agricultural labourers employed in the use of agricultural m a c h i n e s a n d s t e a m engines did n o t exceed 1205. | |513| In the sphere of agriculture, m o d e r n industry has a m o r e revolutionary effect t h a n elsewhere, for this reason, t h a t it annihilates t h e peasant, t h a t bulwark of the old society, a n d replaces h i m by t h e wage labourer. T h u s the desire for social changes, a n d t h e class a n t a g o n i s m s are brought to t h e s a m e level in the country as in the towns. T h e irrational, old fashioned m e t h o d s of agriculture are replaced by scientific ones. Capitalist prod u c t i o n completely tears as u n d e r the old b o n d of u n i o n which held together agriculture and m a n u f a c t u r e in their infancy. But at t h e s a m e t i m e it creates the material conditions for a higher synthesis in the future, viz., the u n i o n of agriculture and industry on the basis of the m o r e perfected forms they have e a c h acquired during their temporary separation. Capitalist production, by collecting the p o p u l a t i o n in great centres, a n d causing an ever increasing p r e p o n d e r a n c e of town population, on the o n e h a n d concentrates the historical motive-power of society; on the other h a n d , it disturbs the circulation of m a t t e r between m a n a n d t h e soil, i.e., prevents the return to the soil of its elements c o n s u m e d by m a n in t h e form of food a n d clothing; it therefore violates the c o n d i t i o n s necessary to lasting fertility of the soil. By this action it destroys at the s a m e t i m e the h e a l t h of the town labourer a n d the intellectual life of t h e rural l a b o u r e r . But while u p 242

242 « Y divide t h e p e o p l e i n t o two h o s t i l e c a m p s of c l o w n i s h boors a n d e m a s c u l a t e d dwarfs. G o o d h e a v e n s ! a n a t i o n divided i n t o a g r i c u l t u r a l a n d c o m m e r c i a l interests, calling itself s a n e ; nay, styling itself e n l i g h t e n e d a n d civilized, n o t only in spite of, b u t in c o n s e q u e n c e of t h i s o u

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Part IV • Production of relative surplus-value setting the naturally grown conditions for t h e m a i n t e n a n c e of t h a t circulat i o n of matter, it imperiously calls for its restoration as a system, as a regulating law of social production, a n d u n d e r a form appropriate to the full d e v e l o p m e n t of the h u m a n race. In agriculture as in m a n u f a c t u r e , the transformation of p r o d u c t i o n u n d e r the sway of capital, m e a n s , at the s a m e 5 t i m e , the m a r t y r d o m of the producer; the i n s t r u m e n t of l a b o u r b e c o m e s the m e a n s of enslaving, exploiting, a n d impoverishing the ||514| labourer; the social c o m b i n a t i o n a n d organization of labour-processes is t u r n e d into an organised m o d e of crushing o u t the w o r k m a n ' s individual vitality, freedom, a n d i n d e p e n d e n c e . T h e dispersion of t h e rural labourers over larger areas 10 breaks their power of resistance while c o n c e n t r a t i o n increases that of the town operatives. In m o d e r n agriculture, as in t h e u r b a n industries, the increased productiveness a n d quantity of t h e l a b o u r set in m o t i o n are b o u g h t at the cost of laying waste a n d c o n s u m i n g by disease labour-power itself. Moreover, all progress in capitalistic agriculture is a progress in t h e art, n o t 15 only of robbing the labourer, b u t of robbing t h e soil; all progress in increasing t h e fertility of the soil for a given t i m e , is a progress towards r u i n i n g the lasting sources of that fertility. T h e m o r e a country starts its d e v e l o p m e n t on the foundation of m o d e r n industry, like the U n i t e d States, for e x a m p l e , the m o r e rapid is this process of d e s t r u c t i o n . 1 | 5 1 5 | Capitalist production, 20 243

m o n s t r o u s a n d u n n a t u r a l division." (David U r q u h a r t , I.e., p . 119.) T h i s p a s s a g e shows, a t o n e a n d t h e s a m e t i m e , t h e s t r e n g t h a n d t h e w e a k n e s s o f t h a t k i n d o f criticism w h i c h k n o w s h o w t o j u d g e a n d c o n d e m n t h e present, b u t n o t h o w t o c o m p r e h e n d it. See Liebig: „ D i e C h e m i e i n i h r e r A n w e n d u n g a u f A g r i c u l t u r u n d Physiologie, 7 . Auflage, 1 8 6 2 , " a n d especially t h e " E i n l e i t u n g i n die N a t u r g e s e t z e des F e l d b a u s , " i n t h e 1st V o l u m e . To h a v e developed from t h e p o i n t of view of n a t u r a l s c i e n c e , t h e negative, i.e., d e s t r u c t i v e side o f m o d e r n a g r i c u l t u r e , i s o n e o f Liebig's i m m o r t a l m e r i t s . H i s s u m m a r y , t o o , o f t h e history o f a g r i c u l t u r e , a l t h o u g h n o t free from gross errors, c o n t a i n s flashes of light. It is, however, to be regretted t h a t h e v e n t u r e s o n s u c h h a p - h a z a r d assertions a s t h e following: "By g r e a t e r pulverising a n d m o r e f r e q u e n t p l o u g h i n g , t h e c i r c u l a t i o n o f air i n t h e i n t e r i o r o f p o r o u s soil i s a i d e d , a n d t h e surface exposed t o t h e a c t i o n o f t h e a t m o s p h e r e i s i n c r e a s e d a n d r e n e w e d ; b u t i t i s easily s e e n t h a t t h e i n c r e a s e d yield o f t h e l a n d c a n n o t b e p r o p o r t i o n a l t o t h e l a b o u r s p e n t o n t h a t l a n d , b u t increases i n a m u c h s m a l l e r p r o p o r t i o n . T h i s law," a d d s Liebig, "was first e n u n c i a t e d b y J o h n S t u a r t M i l l i n h i s 'Principles o f Pol. E c o n . , ' V o l . 1 . , p . 2 1 7 , a s follows: ' T h a t t h e p r o d u c e of l a n d increases, cceteris paribus, i n a d i m i n i s h i n g r a t i o t o t h e i n c r e a s e of t h e l a b o u r ers e m p l o y e d (Mill h e r e i n t r o d u c e s i n a n e r r o n e o u s f o r m t h e law e n u n c i a t e d b y R i c a r d o ' s s c h o o l , for since t h e " d e c r e a s e o f t h e labourers e m p l o y e d , " k e p t e v e n p a c e i n E n g l a n d w i t h t h e a d v a n c e o f agriculture, t h e law discovered in, a n d a p p l i e d t o , E n g l a n d , c o u l d h a v e n o t applicat i o n to t h a t c o u n t r y , at all events), is t h e u n i v e r s a l law of a g r i c u l t u r a l i n d u s t r y . ' T h i s is very rem a r k a b l e , since M i l l was i g n o r a n t of t h e r e a s o n for t h i s law." (Liebig, I.e., Bd. I., p. 143 a n d N o t e . ) A p a r t from Liebig's wrong i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e w o r d " l a b o u r , " b y w h i c h word h e u n d e r s t a n d s s o m e t h i n g q u i t e different from w h a t political e c o n o m y d o e s , it is, in a n y case, "very r e m a r k a b l e " t h a t h e s h o u l d m a k e M r . J o h n Stuart M i l l t h e first p r o p o u n d e r o f a theory w h i c h was first p u b l i s h e d b y J a m e s A n d e r s o n i n A . S m i t h ' s days, a n d was r e p e a t e d i n v a r i o u s works d o w n t o t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e 1 9 t h century; a theory w h i c h M a l t h u s , t h a t m a s t e r i n p l a g i a r i s m (the whole of his p o p u l a t i o n t h e o r y is a s h a m e l e s s p l a g i a r i s m ) , a p p r o p r i a t e d to h i m s e l f in 2 4 3

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Chapter XVI · Absolute and relative surplus-value therefore, developes technology, a n d the c o m b i n i n g together of various processes into a social whole, only by sapping the original soures of all w e a l t h — t h e soil a n d t h e labourer. |

|516| P A R T V . 5

The and

Production of

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of Absolute Surplus-Value.

CHAPTER XVI.

Absolute and Relative Surplus-Value. In considering the labour-process, we began (see Chapter V.) by treating it in t h e abstract, apart from its historical forms, as a process between m a n a n d n a t u r e . We there stated, p. 1 5 6 - 1 5 7 : "If we e x a m i n e the whole labourprocess, from the point of view of its result, it is plain that b o t h the i n s t r u m e n t s and the subject of l a b o u r are m e a n s of production, a n d t h a t the labour itself is productive labour." A n d in N o t e 7, s a m e page, we 15 further a d d e d : "This m e t h o d of d e t e r m i n i n g , from t h e s t a n d p o i n t of t h e labour-process alone, what is productive labour, is by no m e a n s directly a p plicable to the case of the capitalist process of production." We now proceed to t h e further development of this subject. So far as the labour-process is purely individual, o n e a n d the s a m e la20 b o u r e r u n i t e s in himself all t h e functions, t h a t later on b e c o m e separated. W h e n an individual appropriates n a t u r a l objects for his livelihood, no o n e controls h i m but himself. Afterwards he is controlled by others. A single m a n c a n n o t operate u p o n n a t u r e without calling his own muscles into play u n d e r the control of his own brain. As in the n a t u r a l body head a n d h a n d 25 wait u p o n e a c h other, so the labour-process u n i t e s the labour of t h e h a n d 10

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1815; w h i c h W e s t d e v e l o p e d a t t h e s a m e t i m e as, a n d i n d e p e n d e n t l y of, A n d e r s o n ; w h i c h i n t h e year 1817 was c o n n e c t e d b y R i c a r d o w i t h t h e g e n e r a l theory o f v a l u e , t h e n m a d e t h e r o u n d o f t h e world a s R i c a r d o ' s t h e o r y , a n d i n 1820 was vulgarised b y J a m e s Mill, t h e f a t h e r of J o h n S t u a r t Mill; a n d w h i c h , finally, was r e p r o d u c e d by J o h n S t u a r t M i l l a n d others, as a d o g m a already q u i t e c o m m o n - p l a c e , a n d k n o w n t o every school-boy. I t c a n n o t b e d e n i e d t h a t J o h n Stuart M i l l owes his, at all events, " r e m a r k a b l e " a u t h o r i t y a l m o s t entirely to s u c h quid-

pro-quos.

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Part V • The production of absolute and of relative surplus-value with t h a t of the h e a d . Later on they part c o m p a n y a n d even b e c o m e deadly foes. T h e product ceases to be the direct p r o d u c t of t h e individual, a n d bec o m e s ||517| a social product, produced in c o m m o n by a collective labourer, i.e., by a c o m b i n a t i o n of workmen, each of w h o m takes only a part, greater or less, in the m a n i p u l a t i o n of the subject of their labour. As the co5 operative character of the labour-process b e c o m e s m o r e a n d m o r e m a r k e d , so, as a necessary c o n s e q u e n c e , does our n o t i o n of productive labour, a n d of its agent the productive labourer, b e c o m e e x t e n d e d . In order to l a b o u r productively, it is no longer necessary for you to do m a n u a l work yourself; enough, if you are an organ of the collective labourer, a n d perform o n e of 10 its subordinate functions. T h e first definition given above of productive labour, a definition d e d u c e d from the very n a t u r e of t h e p r o d u c t i o n of m a t e rial objects, still r e m a i n s correct for the collective labourer, considered as a whole. But it no longer holds good for e a c h m e m b e r t a k e n individually. On the other h a n d , however, our n o t i o n of productive l a b o u r b e c o m e s 15 narrowed. Capitalist p r o d u c t i o n is n o t merely the p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i ties, it is essentially t h e p r o d u c t i o n of surplus-value. T h e labourer produces, n o t for himself, b u t for capital. It no longer suffices, therefore, that h e should simply produce. H e m u s t produce surplus-value. T h a t labourer alone is productive, who produces surplus-value for the capitalist, and t h u s 20 works for the self-expansion of capital. If we m a y take an e x a m p l e from outside the sphere of production of m a t e r i a l objects, a schoolmaster is a productive labourer, when, in addition to belabouring the h e a d s of his scholars, he works like a horse to enrich the school proprietor. T h a t the latter has laid out his capital in a teaching factory, instead of in a sausage fac- 25 tory, does n o t alter the relation. H e n c e the n o t i o n of a productive labourer implies n o t merely a relation between work a n d useful effect, between lab o u r e r a n d product of labour, b u t also a specific, social relation of p r o d u c tion, a relation that has sprung up historically a n d stamps the labourer as t h e direct m e a n s of creating surplus-value. To be a productive labourer is, 30 therefore, n o t a piece of luck, b u t a misfortune. In Book IV. which treats of t h e history of t h e theory, it will be m o r e clearly seen, that the p r o d u c t i o n of surplus-value has at all t i m e s b e e n m a d e , by classical political economists, the distinguishing characteristic of t h e productive labourer. H e n c e | 15181 their definition of a productive labourer changes with their compre- 35 h e n s i o n of the n a t u r e of surplus-value. T h u s the Physiocrats insist t h a t only agricultural labour is productive, since that alone, they say, yields a surplus-value. A n d they say so because, with t h e m , surplus-value has no existence except in t h e form of rent. T h e prolongation of the working day b e y o n d the point at which t h e lab o u r e r would have p r o d u c e d just an equivalent for the value of his labour-

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Chapter XVI · Absolute and relative surplus-value

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power, a n d the appropriation of t h a t surplus-labour by capital, this is prod u c t i o n of absolute surplus-value. It forms the general groundwork of the capitalist system, and the starting point for the p r o d u c t i o n of relative surplus-value. T h e latter presupposes that t h e working day is already divided into two parts, necessary labour, a n d surplus-labour. In order to prolong the surplus-labour, the necessary labour is shortened by m e t h o d s whereby the equivalent for the wages is p r o d u c e d in less t i m e . T h e p r o d u c t i o n of absolute surplus-value turns exclusively u p o n the length of the working day; the production of relative surplus-value, revolutionises o u t a n d out t h e technical processes of labour, and the c o m p o s i t i o n of society. It therefore presupposes a specific m o d e , the capitalist m o d e of production, a m o d e which, along with its m e t h o d s , m e a n s , a n d conditions, arises and developes itself spontaneously on the f o u n d a t i o n afforded by the formal subjection of labour to capital. In the course of this development, the formal subjection is replaced by the real subjection of labour to capital. It will suffice merely to refer to certain i n t e r m e d i a t e forms, in which surplus-labour is n o t extorted by direct c o m p u l s i o n from the producer, nor the producer himself yet formally subjected to capital. In s u c h forms capital has not yet acquired the direct control of the labour-process. By t h e side of i n d e p e n d e n t producers who carry on their handicrafts a n d agriculture in the traditional old-fashioned way, there stands the usurer or the m e r c h a n t , with his usurer's capital or m e r c h a n t ' s capital, feeding on t h e m like a parasite. The p r e d o m i n a n c e , in a society, of this form of exploitation excludes the capitalist m o d e of production; to which m o d e , however, this form m a y | |519| serve as a transition, as it did towards t h e close of the M i d d l e Ages. Finally, as is shown by m o d e r n " d o m e s t i c industry," some i n t e r m e d i a t e forms are here a n d there r e p r o d u c e d in the b a c k g r o u n d of M o d e r n I n d u s try, t h o u g h their physiognomy is totally changed. If, on the o n e h a n d , the m e r e formal subjection of l a b o u r to capital suffices for the p r o d u c t i o n of absolute surplus-value, if, e.g., it is sufficient that handicraftsmen who previously worked on their own account, or as apprentices of a master, should b e c o m e wage labourers u n d e r the direct control of a capitalist; so, on the other h a n d , we have seen, how the m e t h o d s of producing relative surplus-value, are, at the s a m e t i m e , m e t h o d s of producing absolute surplus-value. Nay, more, the excessive prolongation of the working day t u r n e d out to be the peculiar product of M o d e r n Industry. Generally speaking, the specifically capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n ceases to be a mere m e a n s of producing relative surplus-value, so soon as t h a t m o d e has c o n q u e r e d an entire b r a n c h of p r o d u c t i o n ; a n d still m o r e so, so soon as it has c o n q u e r e d all the i m p o r t a n t b r a n c h e s . It t h e n b e c o m e s the general, socially p r e d o m i n a n t form of p r o d u c t i o n . As a special m e t h o d of p r o d u c i n g

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Part V • The production of absolute and of relative surplus-value relative surplus-value, it r e m a i n s effective only, first, in so far as it seizes u p o n industries that previously were only formally subject to capital, t h a t is, so far as it is propagandist; secondly, in so far as the industries that have b e e n t a k e n over by it, c o n t i n u e to be revolutionized by changes in the m e t h o d s of p r o d u c t i o n . 5 F r o m o n e standpoint, any distinction between absolute a n d relative surplus-value appears illusory. Relative surplus-value is absolute, since it c o m pels the absolute prolongation of the working day b e y o n d the l a b o u r - t i m e necessary to the existence of the labourer himself. A b s o l u t e surplus-value is relative, since it m a k e s necessary s u c h a d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e productive- 10 ness of labour, as will allow of the necessary l a b o u r - t i m e being confined to a p o r t i o n of the working day. But if we keep in m i n d the behaviour' of surplus-value, this appearance of identity vanishes. O n c e the capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n established a n d b e c o m e general, the difference between absolute a n d relative surplus-value m a k e s itself felt, whenever there is ||520| a 15 q u e s t i o n of raising the rate of surplus-value. A s s u m i n g t h a t labour-power is p a i d for at its value, we are confronted by this alternative: given the productiveness of labour a n d its n o r m a l intensity, the rate of surplus-value can be raised only by the actual prolongation of the working day; on the other h a n d , given the length of the working day, that rise c a n be effected only by 20 a c h a n g e in the relative m a g n i t u d e s of t h e c o m p o n e n t s of the working day, viz., necessary labour a n d surplus-labour; a c h a n g e which, if the wages are n o t to fall below the value of labour-power, presupposes a c h a n g e either in the productiveness or in the intensity of the labour. If the labourer wants all his t i m e to p r o d u c e the necessary m e a n s of sub- 25 sistence for himself a n d his race, he has no t i m e left in which to work gratis for others. W i t h o u t a certain degree of productiveness in his labour, he has no s u c h superfluous t i m e at his disposal; without s u c h superfluous t i m e , no surplus-labour, and therefore no capitalists, no slave-owners, no feudal lords, in o n e word, no class of large proprietors. 30 T h u s we m a y say that surplus-value rests on a n a t u r a l basis; b u t this is permissible only in the very general sense, t h a t there is no n a t u r a l obstacle absolutely preventing o n e m a n from d i s b u r d e n i n g himself of the l a b o u r requisite for his own existence, and b u r d e n i n g a n o t h e r with it, any m o r e , for instance, t h a n u n c o n q u e r a b l e n a t u r a l obstacles prevent o n e m a n from 35 eating the flesh of a n o t h e r . No mystical ideas m u s t in any way be con1

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" T h e very e x i s t e n c e of t h e master-capitalists, as a d i s t i n c t class, is d e p e n d e n t on t h e p r o d u c tiveness o f i n d u s t r y . " ( R a m s a y , I.e. p . 206.) "If e a c h m a n ' s l a b o u r were b u t e n o u g h t o p r o d u c e h i s o w n food, t h e r e c o u l d b e n o property." ( R a v e n s t o n e , I.e. p . 14). A c c o r d i n g to a r e c e n t c a l c u l a t i o n , there are yet at least 4,000,000 c a n n i b a l s in t h o s e p a r t s of t h e e a r t h w h i c h have already b e e n explored. 2

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Chapter XVI • Absolute and relative surplus-value nected, as s o m e t i m e s h a p p e n s , with this historically developed productiveness of labour. It is only after m e n have raised themselves above the r a n k of a n i m a l s , w h e n therefore their l a b o u r h a s b e e n to s o m e extent socialised, that a state of things arises in which the surplus-labour of the one b e c o m e s 5 a c o n d i t i o n of existence for the other. At the dawn of civilisation the productiveness acquired by labour is small, b u t so too are the wants w h i c h develop with a n d by the m e a n s of satisfying t h e m . ||521| Further, at t h a t early period, the portion of society that lives on the l a b o u r of others is infinitely small compared with the m a s s of direct p r o d u c e r s . Along with the progress 10

in the productiveness of labour, t h a t small p o r t i o n of society increases b o t h absolutely a n d relatively. Besides, capital with its a c c o m p a n y i n g relations springs up from an e c o n o m i c soil that is t h e p r o d u c t of a long process of development. T h e productiveness of l a b o u r t h a t serves as its f o u n d a t i o n a n d starting point, is a gift, n o t of n a t u r e , b u t of a history e m b r a c i n g t h o u 15 sands of centuries. A p a r t from the degree of development, greater or less, in the form of social production, the productiveness of l a b o u r is fettered by physical c o n d i tions. These are all referable to the constitution of m a n himself (race, etc.), a n d to surrounding n a t u r e . T h e external physical c o n d i t i o n s fall into two 20 great economical classes, (1) N a t u r a l wealth in m e a n s of subsistence, i.e., a fruitful soil, waters teeming with fish, etc., a n d (2), n a t u r a l wealth in the instruments of labour, such as waterfalls, navigable rivers, wood, metal, coal, etc. At the dawn of civilisation, it is the first class that t u r n s the scale; at a higher stage of development, it is t h e second. C o m p a r e , for example, Eng25 l a n d with India, or in a n c i e n t times, A t h e n s a n d C o r i n t h with the shores of the Black Sea. T h e fewer the n u m b e r of n a t u r a l wants imperatively calling for satisfac• tion, a n d t h e greater the n a t u r a l fertility of t h e soil a n d t h e favourableness of the climate, so m u c h less is the l a b o u r - t i m e necessary for the m a i n t e 30 n a n c e and reproduction of the producer. So m u c h greater therefore can be the excess of his labour for others over his l a b o u r for himself. D i o d o r u s long ago remarked this in relation to the a n c i e n t Egyptians. "It is altogether incredible how little trouble a n d expense the bringing up of their children causes t h e m . They cook for t h e m the first simple food at h a n d ; 35 they also give t h e m the lower part of the papyrus s t e m to eat, so far as it can be roasted in the fire, a n d t h e roots a n d stalks of m a r s h plants, | [522j some raw, s o m e boiled a n d roasted. M o s t of the children go without shoes and u n c l o t h e d , for the air is so mild. H e n c e a child, u n t i l he is grown u p , costs his parents n o t m o r e , o n t h e whole, t h a n twenty d r a c h m a s . I t i s 3

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" A m o n g t h e wild I n d i a n s in A m e r i c a , a l m o s t everything is t h e l a b o u r e r ' s , 99 parts of a h u n dred are t o b e p u t u p o n t h e a c c o u n t o f l a b o u r . I n E n g l a n d , p e r h a p s , t h e l a b o u r e r h a s n o t (The A d v a n t a g e s o f t h e East I n d i a T r a d e , etc. p p . 7 2 , 73.)

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Part V • The production of absolute and of relative surplus-value this, chiefly, which explains why the p o p u l a t i o n of Egypt is so n u m e r o u s , and, therefore, why so m a n y great works can be u n d e r t a k e n . " Nevertheless the grand structures of a n c i e n t Egypt are less d u e to the extent of its p o p u lation t h a n to t h e large proportion of it t h a t was freely disposable. Just as the individual labourer can do m o r e surplus-labour in proportion as his n e c essary labour-time is less, so with regard to the working population. T h e smaller t h e part of it which is required for the p r o d u c t i o n of the necessary m e a n s of subsistence, so m u c h t h e greater is t h e part t h a t can be set to do other work. Capitalist production o n c e assumed, then, all other c i r c u m s t a n c e s rem a i n i n g the same, a n d given the length of the working day, the quantity of surplus-labour will vary with the physical c o n d i t i o n s of labour, especially with the fertility of the soil. But it by no m e a n s follows from this that the m o s t fruitful soil is the m o s t fitted for the growth of t h e capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n . This m o d e is based on t h e d o m i n i o n of m a n over n a t u r e . W h e r e n a t u r e is too lavish, she "keeps h i m in h a n d , like a child in leadingstrings." She does n o t impose u p o n h i m any necessity to develop himself. It is n o t the tropics with their luxuriant vegetation, b u t the t e m p e r a t e zone, t h a t is t h e m o t h e r country of capital. It is n o t the m e r e fertility of the soil, b u t the differentiation of the soil, the variety of its n a t u r a l products, the changes of the seasons, ||523| which form the physical basis for the social division of labour, a n d which, by changes in t h e n a t u r a l surroundings, spur m a n on to the multiplication of his wants, his capabilities, his m e a n s a n d m o d e s of labour. It is the necessity of bringing a n a t u r a l force u n d e r the control of society, of economising, of appropriating or s u b d u i n g it on a large scale by the work of m a n ' s h a n d , that first plays the decisive part in the history of industry. E x a m p l e s are, the irrigation works in Egypt, L o m 4

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D i o d o r u s , I.e. 1.1, c. 80. " T h e first ( n a t u r a l wealth) as it is m o s t n o b l e a n d a d v a n t a g e o u s , so d o t h it m a k e t h e p e o p l e careless, p r o u d , a n d given to all excesses; whereas t h e s e c o n d e n f o r c e t h vigilancy, l i t e r a t u r e , arts a n d policy." ( E n g l a n d ' s T r e a s u r e b y F o r e i g n T r a d e . O r t h e B a l a n c e o f o u r F o r e i g n T r a d e is the Rule of our Treasure. Written by Thomas M u n of London, merchant, and now published for t h e c o m m o n good b y his son J o h n M u n . L o n d o n . 1669, p . 1 8 1 , 1 8 2 . ) " N o r c a n I conceive a greater c u r s e u p o n a b o d y of people, t h a n to be t h r o w n u p o n a spot of l a n d , w h e r e t h e p r o d u c t i o n s for s u b s i s t e n c e a n d food were, in great m e a s u r e , s p o n t a n e o u s , a n d t h e c l i m a t e req u i r e d o r a d m i t t e d little care for r a i m e n t a n d covering ... t h e r e m a y b e a n e x t r e m e o n t h e o t h e r side. A soil i n c a p a b l e of p r o d u c e by l a b o u r is q u i t e as b a d as a soil t h a t p r o d u c e s p l e n t i fully w i t h o u t a n y l a b o u r . " (An I n q u i r y i n t o t h e p r e s e n t H i g h P r i c e of P r o v i s i o n s . L o n d . 1767. p . 10.) 5

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T h e n e c e s s i t y for p r e d i c t i n g t h e rise a n d fall of t h e N i l e c r e a t e d E g y p t i a n a s t r o n o m y , a n d with it t h e d o m i n i o n of t h e priests, as directors of agriculture. «Le solstice est le m o m e n t de l ' a n n é e o ù c o m m e n c e l a crue d u Nil, e t celui q u e les É g y p t i e n s o n t d û observer avec l e p l u s d ' a t t e n t i o n ... C'était c e t t e a n n é e t r o p i q u e q u ' i l leur i m p o r t a i t d e m a r q u e r p o u r s e diriger d a n s leurs o p é r a t i o n s agricoles. Ils d u r e n t d o n c c h e r c h e r d a n s l e ciel u n signe a p p a r e n t d e s o n r e t o u r . » (Cuvier: D i s c o u r s sur les révolutions du globe, éd. Hoefer. Paris, 1 8 6 3 , p. 141.)

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bardy, Holland, or in I n d i a a n d Persia where irrigation by m e a n s of artificial canals, not only supplies the soil with the water indispensable to it, b u t also carries down to it, in the shape of s e d i m e n t from the hills, m i n e r a l fertilizers. T h e secret of the flourishing state of industry in Spain a n d Sicily u n d e r the d o m i n i o n of the Arabs lay in their irrigation works. Favourable n a t u r a l conditions alone, give us only the possibility, never the reality, of surplus-labour, nor, consequently, of surplus-value a n d a surplus-product. T h e result of difference in the n a t u r a l conditions of labour is this, that the same quantity of labour satisfies, in different countries, a different m a s s of r e q u i r e m e n t s , consequently, t h a t u n d e r circumstances | |524| in other respects analogous, the necessary labour-time is different. These conditions affect surplus-labour only as n a t u r a l limits, i.e., by fixing the points at which labour for others can begin. In proportion as industry advances, these n a t u r a l limits recede. In the m i d s t of our West E u r o p e a n society, where the labourer purchases t h e right to work for his own livelih o o d only by paying for it in surplus-labour, the idea easily takes root that it is an inherent quality of h u m a n l a b o u r to furnish a surplus-product. But consider, for example, an i n h a b i t a n t of the eastern islands of t h e Asiatic Archipelago, where sago grows wild in t h e forests. " W h e n the i n h a b i t a n t s have convinced themselves, by boring a hole in the tree, that the pith is ripe, the t r u n k is cut down a n d divided into several pieces, the pith is extracted, m i x e d with water a n d filtered: it is t h e n quite fit for u s e as sago. O n e tree c o m m o n l y yields 300 lbs., a n d occasionally 500 to 600 lbs. There, then, people go into the forests, a n d cut bread for themselves, j u s t as with us they cut firewood." Suppose n o w such an eastern bread-cutter requires 12 working hours a week for the satisfaction of all his wants. N a t u r e ' s direct 7

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O n e of t h e m a t e r i a l b a s e s of t h e power of t h e state over t h e s m a l l d i s c o n n e c t e d p r o d u c i n g o r g a n i s m s i n I n d i a , was t h e r e g u l a t i o n o f t h e w a t e r supply. T h e M a h o m e t a n rulers o f I n d i a u n d e r s t o o d t h i s b e t t e r t h a n t h e i r E n g l i s h successors. I t i s e n o u g h t o recall t o m i n d t h e f a m i n e of 1866, w h i c h cost t h e lives of m o r e t h a n a m i l l i o n H i n d o o s in t h e district of Orissa, in t h e Bengal presidency. " T h e r e are no two c o u n t r i e s w h i c h furnish an e q u a l n u m b e r of t h e n e c e s s a r i e s of life in e q u a l plenty, a n d w i t h the s a m e q u a n t i t y o f labour. M e n ' s w a n t s i n c r e a s e o r d i m i n i s h with t h e severity or t e m p e r a t e n e s s of t h e c l i m a t e t h e y live in; c o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e p r o p o r t i o n of t r a d e w h i c h t h e i n h a b i t a n t s of different c o u n t r i e s are obliged to carry on t h r o u g h necessity c a n n o t b e t h e s a m e , n o r i s i t p r a c t i c a b l e t o a s c e r t a i n t h e degree o f v a r i a t i o n farther t h a n b y t h e d e grees o f H e a t a n d Cold; from w h e n c e o n e m a y m a k e t h i s g e n e r a l c o n c l u s i o n , t h a t t h e q u a n t i t y of l a b o u r r e q u i r e d for a c e r t a i n n u m b e r of p e o p l e is greatest in cold c l i m a t e s , a n d least in h o t o n e s ; for i n t h e former m e n n o t only w a n t m o r e clothes, b u t t h e e a r t h m o r e cultivating t h a n i n t h e latter." (An Essay on t h e G o v e r n i n g C a u s e s of t h e N a t u r a l R a t e of Interest. L o n d . 1750. p. 59.) T h e a u t h o r of this e p o c h - m a k i n g a n o n y m o u s work is J. M a s s i e . H u m e took his theory of interest from it. " T o u t travail doit (this a p p e a r s also to be p a r t of t h e droits et devoirs du citoyen) laisser un excédant." Proudhon. F . S c h o u w : " D i e Erde, die Pflanze u n d d e r M e n s c h , 2 . E d . L e i p z . 1854, p . 148. 8

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Part V · The production of absolute and of relative surplus-value gift to h i m is plenty of leisure t i m e . Before he c a n apply this leisure t i m e productively for himself, a whole series of historical events is required; b e fore he spends it in surplus-labour for strangers, c o m p u l s i o n is necessary. If capitalist p r o d u c t i o n were introduced, the h o n e s t fellow would perhaps have to work six days a week, in order to appropriate to himself t h e p r o d u c t of o n e working day. T h e b o u n t y of N a t u r e does n o t explain why he would t h e n have to work 6 days a week, or why he m u s t furnish 5 days of surpluslabour. It explains only why his necessary l a b o u r - t i m e would be limited to o n e day a week. But in no case would his surplus-product arise from some occult quality i n h e r e n t in h u m a n labour. T h u s , n o t only does the historically developed social productiveness of labour, b u t also its n a t u r a l productiveness, appear to be productiveness of t h e capital with which that labour is incorporated. | |525| R i c a r d o never concerns himself a b o u t the origin of surplus-value. He treats it as a thing i n h e r e n t in the capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n , which m o d e , in his eyes, is the n a t u r a l form of social p r o d u c t i o n . W h e n e v e r he discusses the productiveness of labour, he seeks in it, n o t t h e cause of surplus-value, b u t the cause that determines the m a g n i t u d e of that value. On t h e other h a n d , his school has openly p r o c l a i m e d t h e productiveness of lab o u r to be the originating cause of profit (read: Surplus-value). This at all events is a progress as against the mercantilists who, on their side, derived the excess of the price over the cost of p r o d u c t i o n of the product, from the act of exchange, from the product being sold above its value. Nevertheless, R i c a r d o ' s school simply shirked the problem, they did n o t solve it. In fact these bourgeois economists instinctively saw, a n d rightly so, that it is very dangerous to stir too deeply the b u r n i n g q u e s t i o n of the origin of surplusvalue. But what are we to think of J o h n Stuart Mill, who, half a century after R i c a r d o , solemnly claims superiority over the mercantilists, by clumsily repeating the wretched evasions of R i c a r d o ' s earliest vulgarisers?

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Mill says: "The cause of profit is that l a b o u r produces m o r e t h a n is re- 30 quired for its support." So far, n o t h i n g b u t the old story; b u t Mill wishing to a d d s o m e t h i n g of his own, proceeds: "To vary t h e form of the t h e o r e m ; the reason why capital yields a profit, is b e c a u s e food, clothing, materials a n d tools, last longer t h a n the t i m e which was required to p r o d u c e t h e m . " He here confounds the duration of l a b o u r - t i m e with the d u r a t i o n of its pro- 35 ducts. According to this view, a baker whose p r o d u c t lasts only a day, could never extract from his workpeople the s a m e profit, as a m a c h i n e m a k e r whose products e n d u r e for 20 years a n d m o r e . Of course it is very true, that if a bird's nest did n o t last longer t h a n the t i m e it takes in building, birds would have to do without nests. 40 This f u n d a m e n t a l t r u t h once established, Mill establishes his own supe-

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riority over the mercantilists. "We t h u s see," he proceeds, "that profit arises, n o t from the i n c i d e n t of exchange, b u t from the productive power of labour; a n d the general profit of the country is always what the productive | |526| power of labour m a k e s it, whether any e x c h a n g e takes place or not. If there were no division of e m p l o y m e n t s , there would be no buying or selling, b u t there would still be profit." F o r Mill then, exchange, buying a n d selling, those general conditions of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n , are b u t an incident, a n d there would always be profits even without the p u r c h a s e a n d sale of labour-power! "If," he continues, "the labourers of the c o u n t r y collectively p r o d u c e twenty per cent m o r e t h a n their wages, profits will be twenty per cent, whatever prices m a y or m a y not b e . " This is, on t h e one h a n d , a rare bit of tautology; for if labourers p r o d u c e a surplus-value of 20 % for t h e capitalist, his profit will be to the total wages of the labourers as 20:100. On t h e other h a n d , it is absolutely false to say t h a t "profits will be 2 0 % . " T h e y will always be less, because they are calculated u p o n the sum total of t h e capital advanced. If, for example, the capitalist have advanced £500, of which £400 is laid out in m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d £ 1 0 0 in wages, and if the rate of surplus-value be 20 %, the rate of profit will be 20:500, i.e., 4 % and n o t 20 %. T h e n follows a splendid e x a m p l e of Mill's m e t h o d of handling the different historical forms of social p r o d u c t i o n . "I a s s u m e , throughout, the state of things which, where the labourers a n d capitalists are separate classes, prevails, with few exceptions, universally; namely, that the capitalist advances the whole expenses, including t h e entire r e m u n e r a t i o n of t h e labourer." Strange optical illusion to see everywhere a state of things which as yet exists only exceptionally on our earth. B u t let us finish—Mill is willing to concede, "that he should do so is n o t a rnatter of inherent necessity." On the contrary: "the. labourer m i g h t wait, u n t i l t h e p r o d u c t i o n is c o m plete, for all that part of his wages which exceeds m e r e necessaries; a n d even for the whole, if he has funds in h a n d sufficient for his temporary support. But in the latter case, the labourer is to t h a t extent really a capitalist in the concern, by supplying a p o r t i o n of the funds necessary for carrying it o n . " Mill might have gone further a n d have a d d e d , that the labourer who advances to himself not only the necessaries of ||527| life b u t also the m e a n s of production, is in reality n o t h i n g b u t his own wage-labourer. He m i g h t also have said t h a t the A m e r i c a n p e a s a n t proprietor is but a serf who does enforced labour for himself instead of for his lord. After t h u s proving clearly, that even if capitalist p r o d u c t i o n h a d no exist e n c e , still it would always exist, Mill is consistent e n o u g h to show, on the contrary, that it has no existence, even w h e n it does exist. " A n d even in t h e

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former case" (when t h e w o r k m a n is a wage labourer to w h o m the capitalist advances all the necessaries of life, he the labourer), "may be looked u p o n in the s a m e light," (i.e., as a capitalist), "since, contributing his labour at less t h a n the m a r k e t price, (!) he m a y be regarded as lending the difference (?) to his employer a n d receiving it back with interest, e t c . " In reality, t h e 5 labourer advances his labour gratuitously to t h e capitalist during, say o n e week, in order to receive the m a r k e t price at the end of the week, etc., a n d it is this which, according to Mill, transforms h i m into a capitalist. On the level plain, simple m o u n d s look like hills; a n d the imbecile flatness of t h e present bourgeoisie is to be m e a s u r e d by the altitude of its great intellects. 10 1 1

CHAPTER XVII.

Changes of Magnitude in the Price of Labour-Power and in Surplus-Value. T h e value of labour-power is d e t e r m i n e d by t h e value of the necessaries of life habitually required by the average labourer. T h e quantity of these n e c - 15 essaries is known at any given epoch of a given society, and can therefore be treated as a constant m a g n i t u d e . W h a t changes, is t h e value of this quantity. There are, besides, two other factors that enter into the determin a t i o n of the value of labour-power. One, the expenses ||528| of developing that power, which expenses vary with the m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n ; the other, its 20 n a t u r a l diversity, the difference between the labour-power of m e n a n d w o m e n , of children a n d adults. T h e e m p l o y m e n t of these different sorts of labour-power, an e m p l o y m e n t which is, in its turn, m a d e necessary by the m o d e of production, m a k e s a great difference in t h e cost of m a i n t a i n i n g the family of the labourer, a n d in the value of the labour-power of the adult 25 male. B o t h these factors, however, are excluded in the following investigation. 12

I a s s u m e (1) that c o m m o d i t i e s are sold at their value; (2) t h a t the price of labour-power rises occasionally above its value, b u t never sinks below it. On this a s s u m p t i o n we have seen that the relative m a g n i t u d e s of surplus- 30 value a n d of price of labour-power are d e t e r m i n e d by three circumstances; (1) the length of the working day, or the extensive m a g n i t u d e of labour; (2) t h e n o r m a l intensity of labour, its intensive m a g n i t u d e , whereby a given quantity of labour is expended in a given t i m e ; (3) t h e productiveness of la11

J. St. Mill. Principles of Pol. E c o n . L o n d . 1868, p. 2 5 2 - 5 3 p a s s i m . T h e case c o n s i d e r e d at pages 2 7 3 - 2 7 5 is h e r e of c o u r s e o m i t t e d . ( N o t e by e d i t o r of t h i r d edition.) 12

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hour, whereby the same q u a n t u m of l a b o u r yields, in a given t i m e , a greater or less q u a n t u m of product, d e p e n d e n t on t h e degree of d e v e l o p m e n t in the conditions of p r o d u c t i o n . Very different c o m b i n a t i o n s are clearly possible, according as one of the three factors is c o n s t a n t and two variable, or two constant and one variable, or lastly, all three simultaneously variable. A n d the n u m b e r of these c o m b i n a t i o n s is a u g m e n t e d by the fact that, w h e n these factors simultaneously vary, the a m o u n t a n d direction of their respective variations m a y differ. In what follows the chief c o m b i n a t i o n s alone are considered. I. Length of the Working-Day and Intensity of Labour constant. Productiveness of Labour variable. On these a s s u m p t i o n s the value of labour-power, a n d the m a g n i t u d e of surplus-value, are d e t e r m i n e d by three laws. (1.) A working day of given length always creates the same a m o u n t of value, no m a t t e r how the productiveness of labour, ||529| and, with it, the mass of the product, a n d the price of each single c o m m o d i t y produced, m a y vary. If the value created by a working day of 12 h o u r s be, say, six shillings, then, although t h e m a s s of the articles p r o d u c e d varies with the productiveness of labour, the only result is that the value represented by six shillings is spread over a greater or less n u m b e r of articles. (2.) Surplus-value and the value of labour-power vary in opposite directions. A variation in the productiveness of labour, its increase or d i m i n u tion, causes a variation in the opposite direction in the value of labourpower, a n d in the same direction in surplus-value. T h e value created by a working day of 12 h o u r s is a constant quantity, say, six shillings. This constant quantity is t h e s u m of the surplus-value plus the value of the labour-power, which latter value the labourer replaces by an equivalent. It is self-evident, that if a constant quantity consist of two parts, n e i t h e r of t h e m can increase without the other diminishing. Let the two parts at starting be equal; 3 shillings value of labour-power, 3 shillings surplus-value. T h e n t h e value of t h e labour-power c a n n o t rise from t h r e e shillings to four, without the surplus-value falling from three shillings to two; and the surplus-value c a n n o t rise from three shillings to four, without the value of labour-power falling from three shillings to two. U n d e r these circumstances, therefore, no change can take place in the absolute m a g n i t u d e , either of the surplus-value, or of the value of labour-power, without a s i m u l t a n e o u s change in their relative m a g n i t u d e s , i.e., relatively to e a c h other. It is impossible for t h e m to rise or fall simultaneously.

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(3.) Increase or d i m i n u t i o n in surplus-value is always c o n s e q u e n t on, a n d never the cause of, the corresponding d i m i n u t i o n or increase in the value of labour-power. 1 13

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T o this t h i r d law M a c C u l l o c h h a s m a d e , a m o n g s t o t h e r s , t h i s a b s u r d a d d i t i o n , t h a t a rise i n surplus-value, u n a c c o m p a n i e d by a fall in t h e v a l u e of l a b o u r - p o w e r , c a n o c c u r t h r o u g h t h e

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Chapter XVII • Changes of magnitude in the price of labour-power and in surplus-value

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|531|Since the working-day is constant in m a g n i t u d e , a n d is represented by a value of constant m a g n i t u d e , since, to every variation in t h e m a g n i t u d e of surplus-value, there corresponds an inverse variation in t h e value of labour-power, a n d since the value of labour-power c a n n o t change, except in c o n s e q u e n c e of a c h a n g e in t h e productiveness of labour, it clearly follows, u n d e r these conditions, that every c h a n g e of m a g n i t u d e in surplusvalue arises from an inverse change of m a g n i t u d e in the value of labourpower. If, then, as we have already seen, there c a n be no change of absolute m a g n i t u d e in the value of labour-power, and in surplus-value, u n a c c o m p a n i e d by a change in their relative m a g n i t u d e s , so now it follows that no change in their relative m a g n i t u d e s is possible, without a previous c h a n g e in t h e absolute m a g n i t u d e of t h e value of labour-power. According to the third law, a change in the m a g n i t u d e of surplus-value, presupposes a m o v e m e n t in the value of labour-power, which m o v e m e n t is brought a b o u t by a variation in the productiveness of labour. T h e limit of this change is given by the altered value of labour-power. Nevertheless, even when circumstances allow the law to operate, subsidiary m o v e m e n t s m a y occur. F o r example: if in c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e increased productiveness of labour, the value of labour-power fall from 4 shillings to 3, or t h e necessary labour-time from 8 h o u r s to 6, the price of labour-power m a y possibly n o t fall below 3s. 8d., 3s. 6d., or 3s. 2d., a n d t h e surplus-value consequently n o t rise above 3s. 4d., 3s. 6d., or 3s. lOd. T h e a m o u n t of this fall, t h e m a x i m u m limit of which is 3 shillings (the new value of labour-power), d e p e n d s on the relative weight, which the pressure of capital on the o n e side, a n d the resistance of the labourer on the other, throws into the scale. T h e value of labour-power is d e t e r m i n e d by the value of a j|532| given quantity of necessaries. It is t h e value a n d n o t t h e m a s s of these necessaries that varies with the productiveness of labour. It is, however, possible that, owing to an increase of productiveness, b o t h t h e labourer a n d the capitalist m a y simultaneously be able to appropriate a greater quantity of these n e c essaries, without any change in the price of labour-power or in surplus-valu e . If the value of labour-power be 3 shillings, a n d the necessary labourt i m e a m o u n t to 6 hours, if t h e surplus-value likewise be 3 shillings, and t h e surplus-labour 6 hours, t h e n if the productiveness of labour were d o u b l e d without altering the ratio of necessary labour to surplus-labour, there would abolition o f taxes payable b y t h e capitalist. T h e a b o l i t i o n o f s u c h taxes m a k e s n o c h a n g e whatever in t h e q u a n t i t y of s u r p l u s - v a l u e t h a t t h e capitalist extorts at first-hand from t h e labourer. I t alters only t h e p r o p o r t i o n i n w h i c h t h a t s u r p l u s - v a l u e i s divided b e t w e e n h i m s e l f a n d t h i r d p e r s o n s . I t c o n s e q u e n t l y m a k e s n o a l t e r a t i o n w h a t e v e r i n t h e r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n surplus-value a n d value of labour-power. M a c C u l l o c h ' s e x c e p t i o n therefore proves only his m i s a p p r e h e n s i o n of t h e rule,' a m i s f o r t u n e t h a t as oftens h a p p e n s to h i m in t h e vulgarisation of R i c a r d o , a s i t does t o J . B . Say i n t h e v u l g a r i s a t i o n o f A d a m S m i t h .

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I

Part V · The production of absolute and of relative surplus-value be no change of m a g n i t u d e in surplus-value a n d price of labour-power. T h e only result would be that each of t h e m would represent twice as m a n y u s e values as before; these use-values being twice as c h e a p as before. A l t h o u g h labour-power would be u n c h a n g e d in price, it would be above its value. If, however, the price of labour-power h a d fallen, n o t to I s . 6d., the lowest possible point consistent with its new value, b u t to 2s. lOd. or 2s. 6d., still this lower price would represent an increased m a s s of necessaries. In this way it is possible with an increasing productiveness of labour, for the price of labour-power to keep on falling, and yet this fall to be a c c o m p a n i e d by a constant growth in the m a s s of the labourer's m e a n s of subsistence. But even in s u c h case, the fall in the value of labour-power would cause a corresponding rise of surplus-value, and t h u s the abyss between the labourer's position a n d t h a t of t h e capitalist would keep w i d e n i n g . R i c a r d o was the first who accurately formulated the three laws we have above stated. But he falls into the following errors: (1) he looks u p o n the special conditions u n d e r which these laws hold good as the general a n d sole conditions of capitalist production. He knows no change, either in t h e length of the working day, or in t h e intensity of labour; con||533|sequently with h i m there can be only one variable factor, viz., the productiveness of labour; (2), and this errors vitiates his analysis m u c h m o r e t h a n (1), he has not, any m o r e t h a n have the other economists, investigated surplus-value as such, i.e., independently of its particular forms, s u c h as profit, rent, etc. He therefore confounds together the laws of the rate of surplus-value a n d the laws of the rate of profit. T h e rate of profit is, as we have already said, the ratio of the surplus-value to the total capital advanced; the rate of surplus-value is the ratio of the surplus-value to t h e variable part of that capital. A s s u m e that a capital C of £500 is m a d e up of raw material, instrum e n t s of labour, etc. (c) to the a m o u n t of £400; a n d of wages (v) to the a m o u n t of £100; and further, that the surplus-value (s) = £100. T h e n we

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have rate of surplus-value -^- =

= 100 %. B u t the rate of profit

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~ = "l^jjjj- = 20 %. It is, besides, obvious that the rate of profit m a y d e p e n d on circumstances that in no way affect the rate of surplus-value. I shall show in Book I I I . that, with a given rate of surplus-value, we m a y have any n u m b e r of rates of profit, a n d that various rates of surplus-value may, u n der given conditions, express themselves in a single rate of profit. 35 14

" W h e n a n alteration takes place i n t h e p r o d u c t i v e n e s s o f i n d u s t r y , a n d t h a t either m o r e o r less is p r o d u c e d by a given q u a n t i t y of l a b o u r a n d capital, t h e p r o p o r t i o n of wages m a y obviously vary, whilst t h e q u a n t i t y , w h i c h t h a t p r o p o r t i o n r e p r e s e n t s , r e m a i n s t h e s a m e , o r t h e q u a n t i t y m a y vary, whilst t h e p r o p o r t i o n r e m a i n s t h e s a m e . " ( " O u t l i n e s o f Political E c o n o m y , " etc., p. 67.)

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Chapter XVII • Changes of magnitude in the price of labour-power and in surplus-value

II.

Working-Day constant. Productiveness of Labour constant. Intensity of Labour variable.

Increased intensity of labour m e a n s increased e x p e n d i t u r e of labour in a given t i m e . H e n c e a working-day of m o r e intense labour is e m b o d i e d in 5 more products t h a n is o n e of less intense labour, the length of e a c h day being the s a m e . Increased productiveness of labour also, it is true, will supply m o r e products in a given working-day. But in this latter case, the value of each single product falls, for it costs less labour t h a n before; in the former case, that value r e m a i n s u n c h a n g e d , for e a c h article costs the s a m e labour 10 as before. H e r e we have an increase in t h e n u m b e r of products, u n a c c o m p a n i e d by a fall in their individual prices: as their n u m b e r increases, so does the s u m of their prices. But in the case of increased ||534[ productiveness, a given value is spread over a greater m a s s of products. H e n c e the length of the working-day being constant, a day's labour of increased inten15 sity will be incorporated in an increased value, and, t h e value of m o n e y rem a i n i n g u n c h a n g e d , in more m o n e y . T h e value created varies with the extent to which the intensity of labour deviates from its n o r m a l intensity in the society. A given working-day, therefore, no longer creates a constant, but a variable value; in a day of 12 h o u r s of ordinary intensity, the value 20 created is, say 6 shillings, b u t with increased intensity, the value created m a y be 7, 8, or m o r e shillings. It is clear that, if the value created by a day's labour increases from, say, 6 to 8 shillings, t h e n the two parts into which this value is divided, viz., price of labour-power a n d surplus-value, m a y both of t h e m increase simultaneously, a n d either equally or unequally. 25 They m a y b o t h simultaneously increase from 3 shillings to 4. H e r e , the rise in the price of labour-power does n o t necessarily imply that the price has risen above the value of labour-power. On the contrary, t h e rise in price m a y be a c c o m p a n i e d by a fall in value. This occurs whenever the rise in the price of labour-power does n o t c o m p e n s a t e for its increased wear a n d 30 tear. We know that, with transitory exceptions, a change in the productiveness of labour does not cause any change in t h e value of labour-power, n o r consequently in the m a g n i t u d e of surplus-value, unless the products of the industries affected are articles habitually c o n s u m e d by the labourers. In t h e 35 present case this condition no longer applies. F o r w h e n the variation is either in the duration or in the intensity of labour, there is always a corresponding change in the m a g n i t u d e of the value created, i n d e p e n d e n t l y of the n a t u r e of the article in which that value is e m b o d i e d . If the intensity of labour were to increase simultaneously and equally in

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Part V · T h e p r o d u c t i o n of a b s o l u t e a n d of relative s u r p l u s - v a l u e

every b r a n c h of industry, t h e n the new a n d higher degree of intensity would b e c o m e t h e n o r m a l degree for the society, a n d would therefore cease to be t a k e n account of. B u t still, even then, the intensity of labour would be different in different countries, a n d would modify t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l application of the law of value. T h e m o r e intense working-||535|day of o n e n a tion would be represented by a greater s u m of m o n e y t h a n would the less i n t e n s e day of another n a t i o n .

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III.

Productiveness and Intensity of Labour constant. Length of the Working-Day variable.

T h e working day m a y vary in two ways. It m a y be m a d e either longer or shorter. F r o m our present data, and within t h e limits of the a s s u m p t i o n s m a d e on p. 528 we obtain t h e following laws: (1.) T h e working-day creates a greater or less a m o u n t of value in proportion to its l e n g t h — t h u s , a variable and n o t a c o n s t a n t quantity of value. (2.) Every change in the relation between t h e m a g n i t u d e s of surplus value a n d of the value of labour-power arises from a change in the absolute m a g n i t u d e of the surplus-labour, and consequently of the surplus-value. (3.) T h e absolute value of labour-power can change only in c o n s e q u e n c e of the reaction exercised by the prolongation of surplus-labour u p o n the wear and tear of labour-power. Every change in this absolute value is therefore the effect, b u t never the cause, of a change in t h e m a g n i t u d e of surplus-value. We begin with the case in which the working-day is shortened. (1.) A shortening of the working-day u n d e r the c o n d i t i o n s given above, leaves the value of labour-power, and with it, the necessary labour-time, u n a l t e r e d j j t reduces the surplus-labour a n d surplus-value. Along with the absolute m a g n i t u d e of the latter, its relative m a g n i t u d e also falls, i.e., its m a g n i t u d e relatively to t h e value of labour-power whose m a g n i t u d e rem a i n s unaltered. Only by lowering the price of labour-power below its value could the capitalist save himself harmless. | |536| All the u s u a l arguments against the shortening of t h e working-day, a s s u m e that it takes place u n d e r the c o n d i t i o n s we have h e r e supposed to exist; b u t in reality the very contrary is the case: a change in the p r o d u c -

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"All t h i n g s b e i n g e q u a l , t h e English m a n u f a c t u r e r c a n t u r n o u t a c o n s i d e r a b l y larger a m o u n t of work in a given t i m e t h a n a foreign m a n u f a c t u r e r , so m u c h as to c o u n t e r b a l a n c e t h e difference of t h e working-days, b e t w e e n 60 h o u r s a w e e k h e r e , a n d 72 or 80 elsewhere." ( R e p . of I n s p . of F a c t , for 31st Oct. 1855, p. 65.) T h e m o s t infallible m e a n s for r e d u c i n g t h i s qualitative difference b e t w e e n t h e English a n d C o n t i n e n t a l working h o u r w o u l d be a law s h o r t e n i n g quantitatively t h e l e n g t h o f t h e working-day i n C o n t i n e n t a l factories.

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Chapter XVII · Changes of magnitude in the price of labour-power and in surplus-value tiveness a n d intensity of l a b o u r either precedes, or i m m e d i a t e l y follows, a shortening of the working-day. (2.) L e n g t h e n i n g of the working-day. Let t h e necessary labour-time be 6 hours, or the value of labour-power 3 shillings; also let the surplus-labour be 6 hours or the surplus-value 3 shillings. T h e whole working-day t h e n a m o u n t s to 12 h o u r s a n d is e m b o d i e d in a value of 6 shillings. If, now, t h e working-day be lengthened by 2 h o u r s a n d the price of labour-power rem a i n unaltered, t h e surplus-value increases b o t h absolutely and relatively. A l t h o u g h there is no absolute change in t h e value of labour-power, it suffers a relative fall. U n d e r the conditions a s s u m e d in I. there could n o t be a change of relative m a g n i t u d e in the value of labour-power without a change in its absolute m a g n i t u d e . H e r e , on the contrary, the change of relative m a g n i t u d e in the value of labour-power is the result of the change of absolute m a g n i t u d e in surplus-value. Since the value in which a day's labour is e m b o d i e d , increases with t h e length of that day, it is evident that the surplus-value a n d the price of labour-power m a y simultaneously increase, either by e q u a l or u n e q u a l q u a n tities. This s i m u l t a n e o u s increase is therefore possible in two cases, o n e , the actual lengthening of the working-day, t h e other, an increase in the intensity of labour u n a c c o m p a n i e d by such lengthening. W h e n the working-day is prolonged, t h e price of labour-power m a y fall below its value, although t h a t price be n o m i n a l l y u n c h a n g e d or even rise. The value of a day's labour-power, is, as will be r e m e m b e r e d , estimated from its n o r m a l average duration, or from t h e n o r m a l d u r a t i o n of life a m o n g the labourers, a n d from corresponding n o r m a l transformations of organised bodily m a t t e r into m o t i o n , in conformity with t h e ||537| n a t u r e of m a n . Up to a certain point, the increased wear and tear of labour-power, inseparable from a lengthened working-day, m a y be c o m p e n s a t e d by higher wages. But beyond this point the wear a n d tear increases in geometrical progression, and every c o n d i t i o n suitable for the n o r m a l r e p r o d u c t i o n and functioning of labour-power is suppressed. T h e price of labour-power and the degree of its exploitation cease to be c o m m e n s u r a b l e quantities. 16

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" T h e r e are c o m p e n s a t i n g c i r c u m s t a n c e s . . . . w h i c h t h e working o f t h e T e n H o u r s ' A c t h a s b r o u g h t to light." (Rep. of I n s p . of F a c t , for 1st D e c . 1848, p. 7.) "The a m o u n t of labour which a m a n had undergone in the course of 24 hours might be app r o x i m a t e l y arrived a t b y a n e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e c h e m i c a l c h a n g e s w h i c h h a d t a k e n place i n h i s body, c h a n g e d forms i n m a t t e r i n d i c a t i n g t h e a n t e r i o r exercise o f d y n a m i c force." ( G r o v e : " O n t h e Correlation of P h y s i c a l Forces.") 17

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Part V · The production of absolute and of relative surplus-value IV. Simultaneous Variations in the Duration, Productiveness, and Intensity of Labour. It is obvious t h a t a large n u m b e r of c o m b i n a t i o n s are h e r e possible. A n y two of the factors m a y vary a n d the third r e m a i n constant, or all three m a y vary at o n c e . They m a y vary either in the s a m e or in different degrees, in 5 the same or in opposite directions, with the result that the variations c o u n teract one another, either wholly or in part. Nevertheless the analysis of every possible case'is easy in view of the results given in I., II., a n d III. T h e effect of every possible c o m b i n a t i o n may be found by treating e a c h factor in t u r n as variable, a n d the other two constant for t h e t i m e being. We shall, 10 therefore, notice, and that briefly, but two i m p o r t a n t cases.

(1.) D i m i n i s h i n g Productiveness of Labour with a S i m u l t a n e o u s Lengthening of the Working-Day. In speaking of diminishing productiveness of labour, we here refer to dim i n u t i o n in those industries whose products d e t e r m i n e the value of labour-power; such a d i m i n u t i o n , for example, as results from decreasing fertility of the soil, and from the corresponding dearness of its products. Take the working-day at 12 h o u r s and the value created by it at 6 shillings, of which o n e half replaces the value of the labour-power, the other forms the surplus-value. Suppose, in c o n s e q u e n c e of the increased dearness of the products of the soil, that the value of labour-power rises from 3 shillings to 4, a n d therefore the necessary labour-time from 6 h o u r s to 8. If there | |538( be no change in the length of the working-day, the surplus-labour would fall from 6 hours to 4, the surplus-value from 3 shillings to 2. If the day be l e n g t h e n e d by 2 hours, i.e., from 12 h o u r s to 14, the surplus-labour r e m a i n s at 6 hours, the surplus-value at 3 shillings, b u t the surplus-value decreases c o m p a r e d with the value of labour-power, as m e a s u r e d by the necessary labour-time. If the day be l e n g t h e n e d by 4 h o u r s , viz., from 12 h o u r s to 16, the proportional m a g n i t u d e s of surplus-value a n d value of labour-power, of surplus-labour and necessary labour, c o n t i n u e u n c h a n g e d , b u t the absolute m a g n i t u d e of surplus-value rises from 3 shillings to 4, that of t h e surplus-labour from 6 hours to 8, an i n c r e m e n t of 33½ %. Therefore, with d i m i n i s h i n g productiveness of labour a n d a s i m u l t a n e o u s lengthening of the working-day, the absolute m a g n i t u d e of surplus-value m a y c o n t i n u e unaltered, at the same t i m e that its relative m a g n i t u d e d i m i n i s h e s ; its relative m a g n i t u d e m a y c o n t i n u e u n c h a n g e d , at the s a m e t i m e t h a t its absolute m a g n i t u d e increases; and, provided the lengthening of the day be sufficient, b o t h m a y increase.

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Chapter XVII • Changes of magnitude in the price of labour-power and in surplus-value In the period between 1799 and 1815 t h e increasing price of provisions led in England to a n o m i n a l rise in wages, a l t h o u g h the real wages, expressed in the necessaries of life, fell. F r o m this fact West and Ricardo drew the conclusion, t h a t t h e d i m i n u t i o n in t h e productiveness of agricultural labour h a d brought about a fall in t h e rate of surplus-value, and they m a d e this a s s u m p t i o n of a fact that existed only in their imaginations, t h e starting-point of important investigations into the relative m a g n i t u d e s of wages, profits, and rent. But, as a m a t t e r of fact, surplus-value h a d at that time, t h a n k s to the increased intensity of labour, a n d to the prolongation of the working-day, increased b o t h in absolute a n d relative m a g n i t u d e . This was the period in which t h e right to prolong the h o u r s of labour to an outrageous extent was e s t a b l i s h e d ; the period ||539| that was especially characterised by an accelerated a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital here, by p a u p e r i s m there. 18

19

(2.) Increasing Intensity a n d Productiveness of L a b o u r with s i m u l t a n e o u s Shortening of the Working-Day. Increased productiveness a n d greater intensity of labour, b o t h have a like effect. They b o t h a u g m e n t the m a s s of articles p r o d u c e d in a given t i m e . Both, therefore, shorten that portion of the working-day which the labourer 18

" C o r n a n d l a b o u r rarely m a r c h q u i t e abreast; b u t t h e r e i s a n o b v i o u s limit, b e y o n d w h i c h they c a n n o t b e s e p a r a t e d . W i t h regard t o t h e u n u s u a l e x e r t i o n s m a d e b y t h e l a b o u r i n g classes in p e r i o d s of d e a r n e s s , w h i c h p r o d u c e t h e fall of wages n o t i c e d in t h e e v i d e n c e " ( n a m e l y , b e fore t h e P a r l i a m e n t a r y C o m m i t t e e o f I n q u i r y , 1 8 1 4 - 1 5 ) , " t h e y are m o s t m e r i t o r i o u s i n t h e individuals, a n d certainly favour t h e growth o f capital. B u t n o m a n o f h u m a n i t y c o u l d wish t o see t h e m c o n s t a n t a n d u n r e m i t t e d . T h e y are m o s t a d m i r a b l e as a t e m p o r a r y relief; b u t if t h e y were c o n s t a n t l y in action, effects of a s i m i l a r k i n d w o u l d r e s u l t from t h e m , as from t h e p o p u l a t i o n of a c o u n t r y b e i n g p u s h e d to t h e very e x t r e m e l i m i t s of its food." ( M a l t h u s : " I n q u i r y into t h e N a t u r e a n d Progress o f R e n t , " L o n d . , 1815., p p . 4 8 , 4 9 , n o t e . ) All h o n o u r t o M a l t h u s t h a t he lays stress on t h e l e n g t h e n i n g of t h e h o u r s of labour, a fact to w h i c h he elsewhere in his p a m p h l e t draws a t t e n t i o n , while R i c a r d o a n d o t h e r s , i n face o f t h e m o s t n o t o r i o u s facts, m a k e invariability in t h e l e n g t h of t h e working-day t h e g r o u n d - w o r k of all t h e i r investigations. But t h e conservative interests, w h i c h M a l t h u s served, p r e v e n t e d h i m from seeing t h a t a n u n l i m i t e d p r o l o n g a t i o n o f t h e working-day, c o m b i n e d w i t h a n e x t r a o r d i n a r y d e v e l o p m e n t o f m a c h i n e r y , a n d t h e e x p l o i t a t i o n o f w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n , m u s t inevitably have m a d e a great p o r t i o n of t h e working class " s u p e r n u m e r a r y , " p a r t i c u l a r l y w h e n e v e r t h e war s h o u l d h a v e ceased, a n d t h e m o n o p o l y o f E n g l a n d i n t h e m a r k e t s o f t h e world s h o u l d have c o m e t o a n end. I t was, o f course, far m o r e c o n v e n i e n t , a n d m u c h m o r e i n conformity w i t h t h e interests o f t h e r u l i n g classes, w h o m M a l t h u s adored like a t r u e priest, to e x p l a i n t h i s " o v e r - p o p u l a t i o n " by t h e eternal laws of N a t u r e , r a t h e r t h a n by t h e h i s t o r i c a l laws of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n . 19

" A p r i n c i p a l cause o f t h e i n c r e a s e o f capital, d u r i n g t h e war, p r o c e e d e d from t h e g r e a t e r exertions, a n d p e r h a p s t h e greater privations o f t h e l a b o u r i n g classes, t h e m o s t n u m e r o u s i n every society. M o r e w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n were c o m p e l l e d b y n e c e s s i t o u s c i r c u m s t a n c e s , t o e n ter u p o n l a b o r i o u s o c c u p a t i o n s ; a n d former w o r k m e n were, from t h e s a m e cause, obliged t o devote a greater p o r t i o n of t h e i r t i m e to increase p r o d u c t i o n . " (Essays on Pol. E c o n . , in w h i c h are illustrated t h e p r i n c i p a l c a u s e s o f t h e p r e s e n t n a t i o n a l distress. L o n d . , 1830, p p . 2 4 8 , 249.)

461

Part V · The production of absolute and of relative surplus-value needs to p r o d u c e his m e a n s of subsistence or their equivalent. T h e m i n i m u m length of the working-day is fixed by this necessary b u t contractile portion of it. If the whole working-day were to shrink to the length of this portion, surplus-labour would vanish, a c o n s u m m a t i o n utterly impossible u n d e r t h e régime of capital. Only by suppressing the capitalist form of pro5 d u c t i o n could the length of the working-day be r e d u c e d to t h e necessary lab o u r - t i m e . But, even in that case, the latter would e x t e n d its limits. On the o n e h a n d , b e c a u s e t h e n o t i o n of " m e a n s of subsistence" would considerably expand, a n d the labourer ||540| would lay claim to an altogether different standard of life. On the other h a n d , b e c a u s e a part of what is now sur- 10 plus-labour, would t h e n c o u n t as necessary labour; I m e a n t h e l a b o u r of forming a fund for reserve a n d a c c u m u l a t i o n . T h e m o r e t h e productiveness of labour increases, the m o r e can the working-day be shortened; and the m o r e the working-day is shortened, the m o r e c a n the intensity of labour increase. F r o m a social p o i n t of view, t h e pro- 15 ductiveness increases in the same ratio as the e c o n o m y of labour, which, in its turn, includes n o t only e c o n o m y of the m e a n s of production, b u t also t h e avoidance of all useless labour. T h e capitalist m o d e of production, while on the o n e h a n d , enforcing e c o n o m y in e a c h individual business, on t h e other h a n d , begets, by its anarchical system of competition, the m o s t 20 outrageous squandering of labour-power a n d of the social m e a n s of p r o d u c tion, n o t to m e n t i o n the creation of a vast n u m b e r of e m p l o y m e n t s , at present indispensable, b u t in themselves superfluous. T h e intensity a n d productiveness of l a b o u r being given, the t i m e which society is b o u n d to devote to material p r o d u c t i o n is shorter, a n d as a conse- 25 q u e n c e , the t i m e at its disposal for the free development, intellectual a n d social, of the individuals is greater, in proportion as the work is m o r e and m o r e evenly divided a m o n g all the able-bodied m e m b e r s of society, a n d as a particular class is m o r e a n d m o r e deprived of the power to shift the n a t u ral b u r d e n of labour from its own shoulders to those of a n o t h e r layer of so- 30 ciety. In this direction, the shortening of the working-day finds at last a lim i t in the generalisation of labour. In capitalist society spare t i m e is acquired for o n e class by converting the whole life-time of the masses into labour-time. |

462

Chapter XVIII • Various formulas for the rate of surplus-value |541| C H A P T E R X V I I I .

Various Formulas for the Rate of Surplus-Value. We have seen t h a t t h e r a t e of surplus-value is r e p r e s e n t e d by t h e following formulae. 5

j

Surplus-value

/ s \ _

Surplus-value

Variable Capital \ ν /

_

V a l u e of labour-power

Surplus-labour Necessary l a b o u r

T h e two first of these formules represent, as a r a t i o of values, t h a t which, in t h e third, is r e p r e s e n t e d as a ratio of t h e t i m e s d u r i n g w h i c h t h o s e values are p r o d u c e d . T h e s e formulae, s u p p l e m e n t a r y t h e o n e to t h e other, are rig­ orously definite a n d correct. W e therefore find t h e m substantially, b u t n o t 10

consciously, worked o u t in classical political e c o n o m y . T h e r e we m e e t with t h e following derivative formulae. jj

Surplus-labour _ Working-day

Surplus-value Value of t h e P r o d u c t

_ Surplus-product Total Product

O n e a n d t h e s a m e r a t i o is h e r e expressed as a ratio of labour-times, of t h e values in w h i c h t h o s e labour-times are e m b o d i e d , a n d of t h e p r o d u c t s 15

in which those values exist. It is of course u n d e r s t o o d that, by "Value of t h e P r o d u c t , " is m e a n t only t h e value newly c r e a t e d in a working-day, t h e c o n s t a n t p a r t of t h e value of t h e p r o d u c t being excluded. In all of these formulae (II.), t h e a c t u a l degree of exploitation of labour, or t h e r a t e of surplus-value, is falsely expressed. Let t h e working-day be

20

12 h o u r s . T h e n , m a k i n g t h e s a m e a s s u m p t i o n s as in former instances, t h e real degree of exploitation of l a b o u r will be r e p r e s e n t e d in t h e following proportions. 6 h o u r s surplus-labour

_

6 h o u r s necessary l a b o u r

Surplus-value of 3 sh.

_ JQQ.^

Variable C a p i t a l of 3 sh.

°

F r o m formulae I I . we get very differently, 25

6 h o u r s surplus-labour

_ Surplus-value of 3 sh. _

Working-day of 12 h o u r s

V a l u e created of 6 sh.

T h e s e derivative formulas express, in reality, only t h e p r o p o r t i o n in w h i c h t h e working-day, or t h e value p r o d u c e d by ||542| it, is divided be­ tween capitalist a n d labourer. If they are to be t r e a t e d as direct expressions of t h e degree of self-expansion of capital, t h e following e r r o n e o u s law 30

would h o l d good: Surplus-labour or surplus-value can never r e a c h 100 %. 2 0

463

Part V · The production of absolute and of relative surplus-value Since the surplus-labour is only an aliquot part of the working-day, or since surplus-value is only an aliquot part of the value created, the surplus-lab o u r m u s t necessarily be always less t h a n the working-day, or the surplusvalue always less t h a n the total value created. In order, however, to attain the ratio of 100 : 100 they m u s t be equal. In order that the surplus-labour 5 m a y absorb the whole day (i.e., an average day of any week or year), the n e c essary labour m u s t sink to zero. But if the necessary labour vanish, so too does the surplus-labour, since it is only a function of the former. T h e ratio Surplus-labour Surplus-value ., , ,, .. .. —— or ^ r - r IT therefore never r e a c h the limit o f Working-day Value created -jjjjp still less rise to ^ | Q Q . But n o t so the rate of surplus-value, the real 10 c

c

a

n

X

degree of exploitation of labour. Take, e.g., the estimate of L. de Lavergne, according to which the English agricultural labourer gets only 74, the capitalist (farmer) on the other h a n d % of the p r o d u c t or of its value, apart from the question of how t h e booty is subsequently -divided between the | )543) capitalist, the landlord a n d others. According to this, the surplus-la- 15 h o u r of the English agricultural labourer is to his necessary labour as 3:1, which gives a rate of exploitation of 300 %. T h e favourite m e t h o d of treating the working-day as constant in m a g n i t u d e b e c a m e , t h r o u g h the u s e of the formula? IL, a fixed usage, b e c a u s e in t h e m surplus-labour is always c o m p a r e d with a working-day of given 20 length. T h e s a m e holds good when the repartition of the value p r o d u c e d is exclusively kept in sight. T h e working-day that has already b e e n realised in a given value, m u s t necessarily be a day of given length. 21

20

T h u s , e.g., i n " D r i t t e r Brief a n v . K i r c h m a n n v o n R o d b e r t u s . W i d e r l e g u n g d e r R i c a r d o ' s c h e n T h e o r i e v o n d e r G r u n d r e n t e u n d B e g r ü n d u n g e i n e r n e u e n R e n t e n t h e o r i e . Berlin, 1 8 5 1 . " I shall r e t u r n to t h i s letter later on; in spite of its e r r o n e o u s theory of rent, it sees t h r o u g h t h e n a t u r e o f capitalist p r o d u c t i o n . N o t e b y t h e E d i t o r o f t h e 3rd E d i t i o n . I t m a y b e s e e n from t h i s h o w favourably M a r x j u d g e d h i s predecessors, w h e n e v e r h e f o u n d i n t h e m real progress, o r n e w a n d s o u n d i d e a s . T h e s u b s e q u e n t p u b l i c a t i o n o f R o b e r t u s ' letters t o R u d . M e y e r h a s s h o w n t h a t t h e above a c k n o w l e d g m e n t b y M a r x w a n t s restricting t o s o m e extent. I n t h o s e letters t h i s passage occurs: "Capital m u s t be r e s c u e d n o t only from labour, b u t from itself, a n d t h a t will be best effected, by treating t h e acts o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l capitalist a s e c o n o m i c a l a n d political f u n c t i o n s , t h a t h a v e b e e n d e l e g a t e d to h i m with h i s capital, a n d by treating his profit as a f o r m of salary, b e c a u s e we still k n o w n o o t h e r social o r g a n i s a t i o n . B u t salaries m a y b e r e g u l a t e d , a n d m a y also b e r e d u c e d i f t h e y t a k e t o o m u c h from wages. T h e i r r u p t i o n of M a r x i n t o Society, as I m a y call h i s b o o k , m u s t b e w a r d e d off.... Altogether, M a r x ' s book i s n o t s o m u c h a n investigation i n t o capital, a s a p o l e m i c against t h e p r e s e n t form of capital, a form w h i c h he c o n f o u n d s with the c o n c e p t itself of capital." (Briefe, etc., v o n Dr. R o d b e r t u s - J a g e t z o w , h e r a u s g g . von Dr. R u d . M e y e r , Berlin, 1 8 8 1 , I . Bd. p . 1 1 1 . , 4 8 . Brief von R o d b e r t u s . ) T o s u c h ideological c o m m o n p l a c e s did t h e b o l d a t t a c k by R o d b e r t u s in h i s "social letters" finally d w i n d l e d o w n . T h a t part o f t h e p r o d u c t w h i c h m e r e l y replaces t h e c o n s t a n t c a p i t a l a d v a n c e d , i s o f c o u r s e left o u t in this c a l c u l a t i o n . M r . L. de Lavergne, a b l i n d a d m i r e r of E n g l a n d , is i n c l i n e d to estim a t e t h e share o f t h e capitalist too low, r a t h e r t h a n t o o h i g h . 21

464

25

30

35

40

Chapter XVIII • Various formulas for the rate of surplus-value

5

T h e h a b i t of representing surplus-value a n d value of labour-power as fractions of t h e value c r e a t e d — a h a b i t that originates in t h e capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n itself, a n d whose import will hereafter be disclosed— conceals t h e very t r a n s a c t i o n that characterises capital, n a m e l y t h e exchange of variable capital for living labour-power, a n d the c o n s e q u e n t exclusion of t h e labourer from the product. I n s t e a d of t h e real fact, we have the false s e m b l a n c e of an association, in w h i c h labourer a n d capitalist divide the p r o d u c t in proportion to the different e l e m e n t s which they respectively contribute towards its f o r m a t i o n . 22

10

Moreover, the formulae II. c a n at any t i m e be reconverted into for. . f . , , Surplus-labour of 6 hours , ., mula? I . If, for instance, w e have ^ 7 - ^ ; ?τττ; t h e n t h e necesWorking-day of 12 h o u r s sary labour-time being 12 h o u r s less t h e surplus-labour of 6 h o u r s , we get t h e following result, Surplus-labour of 6 h o u r s 100 Necessary l a b o u r of 6 h o u r s 100 T

15

T i

t

There is a third formula which I have occasionally already anticipated; it is Surplus-value V a l u e of labour-power

_

Surplus-labour Necessary labour

_ U n p a i d labour . Paid labour

15441 After the investigations we have given above, it is no longer possible t o b e misled, b y the formula 20

U

P

a

l

a

b

o

u

r

" . ^ t , concluding, that t h e P a i d labour capitalist pays for labour and not for labour-power. This formula is only a

popular expression for

u

r

m

m

0

s

^ P labour capitalist pays the value, s o Necessary l a b o u r far as price coincides with value, of t h e labour-power, and receives in exchange the disposal of t h e living labour-power itself. H i s usufruct is spread over two periods. D u r i n g o n e the l a b o u r e r p r o d u c e s a value that is only 25 e q u a l to t h e value of his labour-power: he produces its equivalent. T h u s t h e capitalist receives in r e t u r n for his advance of the price of the labourpower, a p r o d u c t of the s a m e price. It is t h e s a m e as if he h a d b o u g h t t h e p r o d u c t ready m a d e in the market. D u r i n g t h e other period, t h e period of surplus-labour, the usufruct of the labour-power creates a value for the cap30

35

22

All well-developed forms of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n b e i n g forms of c o - o p e r a t i o n , n o t h i n g is, o f c o u r s e , easier, t h a n t o m a k e a b s t r a c t i o n from t h e i r a n t a g o n i s t i c c h a r a c t e r , a n d t o t r a n s f o r m t h e m by a word i n t o s o m e form of free a s s o c i a t i o n , as is d o n e by A. de L a b o r d e in " D e l'Esprit d e l ' A s s o c i a t i o n d a n s t o u s les i n t é r ê t s d e l a c o m m u n a u t é . " Paris 1 8 1 8 . H . Carey, t h e Y a n k e e , o c c a s i o n a l l y performs t h i s conjuring trick w i t h like s u c c e s s , even w i t h t h e r e l a t i o n s r e s u l t i n g from slavery.

465

Part VI • Wages 23

italist, T h a t costs h i m no equivalent. This e x p e n d i t u r e of labour-power c o m e s to h i m gratis. In this sense it is that surplus-labour c a n be called u n paid labour. Capital, therefore, is not only, as A d a m S m i t h says, t h e c o m m a n d over labour. It is essentially the c o m m a n d over u n p a i d labour. All surplus-valu e , whatever particular form (profit, interest, or rent), it m a y subsequently crystallise into, is in substance the materialisation of u n p a i d labour. T h e secret of the self-expansion of capital resolves itself into having the disposal of a definite quantity of other people's u n p a i d labour. |

5

1545| P A R T V I .

10

Wages.

CHAPTER XIX.

The Transformation of the Value (and respectively the Price) of Labour-Power into Wages.

15

On t h e surface of bourgeois society the wage of the labourer appears as the price of labour, a certain quantity of m o n e y t h a t is paid for a certain q u a n tity of labour. T h u s people speak of the value of labour a n d call its expression in m o n e y its necessary or n a t u r a l price. On the other h a n d they speak of the m a r k e t prices of labour, i.e., prices oscillating above or below its nat- 20 ural price. But what is the value of a c o m m o d i t y ? T h e objective form of the social l a b o u r e x p e n d e d in its production. A n d how do we m e a s u r e t h e quantity of this value? By t h e quantity of the labour c o n t a i n e d in it. H o w t h e n is the value, e.g., of a 12 h o u r s ' working day to be d e t e r m i n e d ? By the 12 working 25 h o u r s c o n t a i n e d in a working day of 12 h o u r s , which is an absurd tautology. 1

23

A l t h o u g h the Physiocrats c o u l d n o t p e n e t r a t e t h e m y s t e r y o f surplus-value, yet t h i s m u c h was clear to t h e m , viz., t h a t it is " u n e richesse i n d é p e n d a n t e et d i s p o n i b l e q u ' i l (the possessor) n ' a p o i n t a c h e t é e e t q u ' i l v e n d . " (Turgot: "Réflexions s u r l a F o r m a t i o n e t l a D i s t r i b u t i o n des R i c h e s s e s , " p. 11.) " M r . R i c a r d o , i n g e n i o u s l y e n o u g h , avoids a difficulty w h i c h , on a first view, t h r e a t e n s to e n c u m b e r h i s d o c t r i n e , t h a t value d e p e n d s o n t h e q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r e m p l o y e d i n p r o d u c t i o n . I f t h i s p r i n c i p l e i s rigidly a d h e r e d t o , i t follows t h a t t h e v a l u e o f l a b o u r d e p e n d s o n t h e q u a n t i t y 1

466

30

Chapter XIX • The transformation of the value ... of labour-power into wages In order to be sold as a c o m m o d i t y in the market, labour ||546| m u s t at all events exist before it is sold. But could the labourer give it an i n d e p e n d e n t objective existence, he would sell a c o m m o d i t y a n d n o t l a b o u r . Apart from these contradictions, a direct e x c h a n g e of m o n e y , i.e., of real5 ized labour, with living labour would either do away with the law of value which only begins to develop itself freely on t h e basis of capitalist p r o d u c tion, or do away with capitalist p r o d u c t i o n itself, w h i c h rests directly on wage-labour. T h e working day of 12 h o u r s e m b o d i e s itself, e.g., in a m o n e y value of 6s. Either equivalents are exchanged, a n d t h e n t h e labourer re10 ceives 6s. for 12 h o u r s ' labour; the price of his l a b o u r would be e q u a l to the price of his product. In this case he produces no surplus-value for the buyer of his labour, the 6s. are n o t transformed into capital, the basis of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n vanishes. B u t it is on this very basis that he sells his labour a n d that his labour is wage-labour. Or else he receives for 12 h o u r s ' l a b o u r less 15 t h a n 6s., i.e., less t h a n 12 h o u r s ' labour. Twelve h o u r s ' l a b o u r are exchanged against 10, 6, etc., h o u r s ' labour. T h i s equalisation of u n e q u a l quantities n o t merely does away with the d e t e r m i n a t i o n of value. S u c h a self-destructive contradiction c a n n o t be in any way even e n u n c i a t e d or form u l a t e d as a law. 20 It is of no avail to d e d u c e t h e exchange of m o r e labour against less, from their difference of form, the o n e being realized, the other living. This is the 2

3

4

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of l a b o u r e m p l o y e d in p r o d u c i n g i t — w h i c h is evidently a b s u r d . By a d e x t e r o u s t u r n , t h e r e fore, M r . R i c a r d o m a k e s t h e v a l u e o f l a b o u r d e p e n d o n t h e q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r r e q u i r e d t o p r o d u c e wages; or, t o give h i m t h e benefit o f h i s o w n l a n g u a g e , h e m a i n t a i n s , t h a t t h e value o f lab o u r is to be e s t i m a t e d by t h e q u a n t i t y of l a b o u r r e q u i r e d to p r o d u c e wages; by w h i c h he m e a n s the q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r r e q u i r e d t o p r o d u c e t h e m o n e y o r c o m m o d i t i e s given t o t h e labourer. T h i s is similar to saying, t h a t t h e v a l u e of c l o t h is e s t i m a t e d , n o t by t h e q u a n t i t y of lab o u r bestowed o n its p r o d u c t i o n , b u t b y t h e q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r b e s t o w e d o n t h e p r o d u c t i o n o f t h e silver, for w h i c h t h e c l o t h is e x c h a n g e d . " (A Critical D i s c o u r s e on t h e N a t u r e , etc., of V a l u e , p. 50, 51.) "If y o u call l a b o u r a c o m m o d i t y , it is n o t like a c o m m o d i t y w h i c h is first p r o d u c e d in o r d e r to exchange, and then brought to market where it m u s t exchange with other commodities according t o t h e respective q u a n t i t i e s o f e a c h w h i c h t h e r e m a y b e i n t h e m a r k e t a t t h e t i m e ; lab o u r is created t h e m o m e n t it is b r o u g h t to m a r k e t ; nay, it is b r o u g h t to m a r k e t before it is created." (Observations on s o m e V e r b a l D i s p u t e s , etc., p p . 7 5 , 76.) "Treating l a b o u r as a c o m m o d i t y , a n d capital, t h e p r o d u c e of labour, as a n o t h e r , t h e n , if t h e values of t h e s e two c o m m o d i t i e s were r e g u l a t e d by e q u a l q u a n t i t i e s of labour, a given a m o u n t o f l a b o u r w o u l d ... e x c h a n g e for t h a t q u a n t i t y o f c a p i t a l w h i c h h a d b e e n p r o d u c e d b y t h e s a m e a m o u n t o f l a b o u r ; a n t e c e d e n t l a b o u r w o u l d ... e x c h a n g e for t h e s a m e a m o u n t a s p r e s e n t labour. B u t t h e value of l a b o u r in r e l a t i o n to o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s ... is d e t e r m i n e d n o t by e q u a l q u a n t i t i e s o f l a b o u r . " (E. G . Wakefield i n h i s e d i t i o n o f A d a m S m i t h ' s " W e a l t h o f N a t i o n s , " v o l . I . , L o n d o n , 1835, p p . 2 3 0 , 2 3 1 , note.) « I l a fallu c o n v e n i r (a n e w e d i t i o n of t h e c o n t r a t social!) q u e t o u t e s les fois q u ' i l é c h a n g e rait du travail fait c o n t r e du travail à faire, le d e r n i e r (le capitaliste) a u r a i t u n e v a l e u r s u p é r i e u r e a u p r e m i e r » (le travailleur). S i m o n d e (i.e., S i s m o n d i ) , " D e la R i c h e s s e C o m m e r c i a l e , " G e n è v e , 1 8 0 3 , 1 . 1 , p . 37. 2

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Part VI • Wages m o r e absurd as .the ||547| value of a c o m m o d i t y is d e t e r m i n e d n o t by the quantity of labour actually realized in it, b u t by the q u a n t i t y of living lab o u r necessary for its production. A c o m m o d i t y represents, say 6 working h o u r s . If an invention is m a d e by which it can be p r o d u c e d in 3 h o u r s , t h e value, even of the c o m m o d i t y already produced, falls by half. It represents now 3 h o u r s of social labour instead of the 6 formerly necessary. It is the quantity of labour required for its production, n o t the realized form of that labour, by which the a m o u n t of the value of a c o m m o d i t y is d e t e r m i n e d . T h a t which comes directly face to face with the possessor of m o n e y on the market, is in fact n o t labour, but the labourer. W h a t the latter sells is his labour-power. As soon as his labour actually begins, it has already ceased to belong to h i m ; it can therefore no longer be sold by h i m . L a b o u r is t h e substance, a n d the i m m a n e n t m e a s u r e of value, b u t has itself no value. In the expression "value of labour," the idea of value is n o t only completely obliterated, b u t actually reversed. It is an expression as imaginary as t h e value of the earth. These imaginary expressions, arise, however, from the relations of p r o d u c t i o n themselves. They are categories for the p h e n o m e n a l forms of essential relations. T h a t in their a p p e a r a n c e things often represent themselves in inverted form is pretty well k n o w n in every science except political e c o n o m y . 1 |548| Classical political e c o n o m y borrowed from every-day life the category "price of labour" without further criticism, a n d t h e n simply asked the question, how is this price d e t e r m i n e d ? It soon recognized t h a t the change in t h e relations of d e m a n d a n d supply explained in regard to the price of labour, as of all other commodities, n o t h i n g except its changes, i.e., the os-

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" L a b o u r t h e exclusive s t a n d a r d of value ... t h e creator of all w e a l t h , no c o m m o d i t y . " T h . H o d g s k i n , I.e. p. 186. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e a t t e m p t t o e x p l a i n s u c h expressions a s m e r e l y p o e t i c l i c e n s e only shows t h e i m p o t e n c e o f t h e analysis. H e n c e , i n answer t o P r o u d h o n ' s p h r a s e ; « L e travail est dit valoir, n o n p a s e n t a n t q u e m a r c h a n d i s e l u i m ê m e , m a i s e n v u e des valeurs q u ' o n s u p p o s e r e n f e r m é e s p u i s s a n c i e l l e m e n t en lui. La v a l e u r du travail est u n e e x p r e s s i o n figurée,» etc., I have r e m a r k e d : « D a n s l e t r a v a i l - m a r c h a n d i s e q u i est d ' u n e réalité effrayante, i l ( P r o u d h o n ] 6

n e voit q u ' u n e ellipse g r a m m a t i c a l e . D o n c , t o u t e l a société a c t u e l l e , f o n d é e sur l a travail-marc h a n d i s e , est d é s o r m a i s f o n d é e sur u n e license p o é t i q u e , s u r u n e e x p r e s s i o n figurée. L a société veut-elle ( é l i m i n e r t o u s les i n c o n v é n i e n t s , ) q u i la travaillent, eh b i e n ! q u ' e l l e é l i m i n e les t e r m e s m a l s o n n a n t s , q u ' e l l e c h a n g e de langage, et p o u r cela elle n ' a q u ' à s'adresser à l ' A c a d é m i e p o u r lui d e m a n d e r u n e nouvelle é d i t i o n d e son d i c t i o n n a i r e . » (Karl M a r x . " M i s è r e d e l a P h i l o s o p h i e , " p . 3 4 , 35.) It is naturally still m o r e c o n v e n i e n t to u n d e r s t a n d by value n o t h i n g at all. T h e n o n e c a n w i t h o u t difficulty s u b s u m e everything u n d e r this category. T h u s , e.g., J. B. Say; w h a t is " v a l e u r ? " Answer; "C'est ce q u ' u n e chose vaut," a n d w h a t is " p r i x ? " A n s w e r ; "La v a l e u r d ' u n e chose e x p r i m é e e n m o n n a i e . " A n d why h a s "le travail d e l a terre ... u n e valeur? P a r c e q u ' o n y m e t un prix." Therefore value is w h a t a t h i n g is worth, a n d t h e land h a s its " v a l u e , " b e c a u s e its value is "expressed in m o n e y . " T h i s is, a n y h o w , a very s i m p l e way of exp l a i n i n g t h e why a n d t h e wherefore o f t h i n g s .

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d i l a t i o n s of the m a r k e t price above or below a certain m e a n . If d e m a n d a n d supply b a l a n c e , the oscillation of prices ceases, all other conditions rem a i n i n g t h e same. But t h e n d e m a n d a n d supply also cease to explain anything. T h e price of labour, at the m o m e n t w h e n d e m a n d a n d supply are in equilibrium, is its n a t u r a l price, d e t e r m i n e d i n d e p e n d e n t l y of the relation of d e m a n d a n d supply. A n d how this price is d e t e r m i n e d , is just the q u e s tion. Or a larger period of oscillations in the market-price is taken, e.g., a year, and they are found to cancel o n e the other, leaving a m e a n average quantity, a relatively constant m a g n i t u d e . This h a d naturally to be determ i n e d otherwise t h a n by its own c o m p e n s a t i n g variations. This price which always finally p r e d o m i n a t e s over t h e a c c i d e n t a l market-prices of l a b o u r a n d regulates t h e m , this "necessary price" (physiocrats) or "natural price" of labour ( A d a m Smith) can, as with all other c o m m o d i t i e s , be n o t h i n g else t h a n its value expressed in m o n e y . In this way political e c o n o m y expected to penetrate athwart the accidental prices of labour, to the value of labour. As with other c o m m o d i t i e s , this value was d e t e r m i n e d by the cost of production. B u t what is the cost of p r o d u c t i o n — o f the labourer, i.e., the cost of producing or reproducing the labourer himself? This question u n c o n sciously substituted itself in political e c o n o m y for the original o n e ; for the search after the cost of p r o d u c t i o n of l a b o u r as such t u r n e d in a circle a n d never left the spot. W h a t economists therefore call value of labour, is in fact the value of labour-power, as it exists in the personality of the labourer, which is as different from its function, labour, as a m a c h i n e is from the work it performs. Occupied with the difference between the m a r k e t price of ||549| labour a n d its so-called value, with the relation of this value to the rate of profit, and to the values of the c o m m o d i t i e s produced by m e a n s of labour, etc., they never discovered t h a t the course of the analysis h a d led not only from the m a r k e t prices of l a b o u r to its p r e s u m e d value, b u t h a d led to the resolution of this value of l a b o u r itself into the value of labour-power. Classical e c o n o m y never arrived at a consciousness of the results of its own analysis; it accepted uncritically the categories "value of labour," "natural price of labour," etc., as final a n d as a d e q u a t e expressions for the value-relation u n d e r consideration, and was t h u s led, as will be seen later, into inextricable confusion a n d contradiction, while it offered to the vulgar economists a secure basis of operations for their shallowness, which on principle worships appearances only. Let us n e x t see how value (and price) of labour-power, present t h e m selves in this transformed c o n d i t i o n as wages. We know that t h e daily value of labour-power is calculated u p o n a certain length of the labourer's life, to which, again, corresponds a certain length o f working-day. A s s u m e the h a b i t u a l working-day a s 1 2 hours, t h e

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Part VI • Wages daily value of labour-power as 3s., the expression in m o n e y of a value that e m b o d i e s 6 h o u r s of labour. If the labourer receives 3s., t h e n he receives the value of his labour-power functioning t h r o u g h 12 h o u r s . If, now, this value of a day's labour-power is expressed as t h e value of a day's l a b o u r itself, we have t h e formula: Twelve h o u r s ' labour h a s a value of 3 s. T h e value 5 of labour-power thus determines the value of labour, or, expressed in m o n ey, its necessary price. If, on the other h a n d , the price of labour-power differs from its value, in like m a n n e r the price of labour differs from its socalled value. As t h e value of labour is only an irrational expression for the value of la- 10 bour-power, it follows, of course, t h a t the value of l a b o u r m u s t always be less t h a n t h e value it produces, for the capitalist always m a k e s labourpower work longer t h a n is necessary for the r e p r o d u c t i o n of its own value. In t h e above example, the value of the labour-power t h a t functions t h r o u g h 12 h o u r s in 3s., a value for the reproduction of w h i c h 6 h o u r s are required. 15 T h e value w h i c h the labour-power produces is, ||550| on t h e other h a n d , 6s., because it, in fact, functions during 12 hours, a n d the value it produces dep e n d s , n o t on its own value, b u t on the length of t i m e it is in action. T h u s , we have a result absurd at first sight—that labour which creates a value of 6s. possesses a value of 3 s. 20 1

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We see, further: T h e value of 3 s. by which a part only of t h e workingday—i.e., 6 h o u r s ' labour—is paid for, appears as the value or price of the whole working-day of 12 hours, which thus i n c l u d e s 6 h o u r s u n p a i d for. T h e wage-form t h u s extinguishes every trace of the division of the workingday into necessary labour a n d surplus-labour, into paid a n d u n p a i d labour. 25 All labour appears as paid labour. In the corvée, t h e l a b o u r of the worker for himself, a n d his compulsory labour for his lord, differ in space a n d t i m e in the clearest possible way. In slave-labour, even t h a t part of the workingday in which the slave is o n l y replacing the value of his own m e a n s of existence, in which, therefore, in fact, he works for himself alone, appears as la- 30 b o u r for his master. All the slave's labour appears as u n p a i d l a b o u r . In wage-labpur, on the contrary, even surplus labour, or u n p a i d labour, appears as paid. There the property-relation conceals the l a b o u r of the slave for himself; here the money-relation conceals the u n r e q u i r e d labour of the wage-labourer. 35 8

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Cf. Z u r Kritik d e r P o l i t i s c h e n Œ k o n o m i e , p. 40, where I state that, in t h e p o r t i o n of t h a t work t h a t d e a l s w i t h Capital, this p r o b l e m will b e solved: " H o w does p r o d u c t i o n , o n t h e basis o f e x c h a n g e - v a l u e d e t e r m i n e d simply b y l a b o u r - t i m e , l e a d t o t h e result t h a t t h e e x c h a n g e - v a l ue of l a b o u r is less t h a n t h e e x c h a n g e - v a l u e of its p r o d u c t ? " T h e " M o r n i n g Star," a L o n d o n free-trade organ, naïf to silliness, p r o t e s t e d a g a i n a n d a g a i n d u r i n g t h e A m e r i c a n civil war, with all t h e m o r a l i n d i g n a t i o n o f w h i c h m a n i s c a p a b l e , t h a t t h e n e g r o i n t h e " C o n f e d e r a t e S t a t e s " worked absolutely for n o t h i n g . I t s h o u l d h a v e c o m p a r e d t h e daily cost of s u c h a negro with t h a t of t h e free w o r k m a n in t h e E a s t e n d of L o n d o n . 8

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H e n c e , we m a y u n d e r s t a n d the decisive i m p o r t a n c e of the transformation of value a n d price of labour-power into t h e form of wages, or into t h e value and price of labour itself. This p h e n o m e n a l form, which m a k e s t h e actual relation invisible, a n d , indeed, shows t h e direct opposite of t h a t relation, forms the basis of all the juridical n o t i o n s of b o t h labourer a n d capitalist, of all the mystifications of t h e capitalistic m o d e o f | | 5 5 1 | production, of all its illusions as to liberty, of all t h e apologetic shifts of t h e vulgar economists. If history took a long t i m e to get at t h e b o t t o m of t h e mystery of wages, n o t h i n g , on the other h a n d , is m o r e easy to u n d e r s t a n d t h a n the necessity, the raison d'être, of this p h e n o m e n o n . T h e exchange between capital a n d l a b o u r at first presents itself to t h e m i n d in the same guise as t h e buying a n d selling of all other c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e buyer gives a certain s u m of m o n e y , the seller an article of a n a t u r e different from m o n e y . T h e jurist's consciousness recognises in this, at most, a material difference, expressed in t h e juridically equivalent formula?: " D o ut des, do ut facias, facio ut des, facio ut facias." Further. Exchange-value a n d use-value, being intrinsically i n c o m m e n s u rable m a g n i t u d e s , the expressions "value of labour," "price of labour," do n o t s e e m m o r e irrational t h a n the expressions "value of cotton," "price of cotton." Moreover, the labourer is p a i d after he has given his labour. In its function of m e a n s of p a y m e n t , m o n e y realises subsequently t h e value or price of the article supplied—i.e., in this particular case, the value or price of the labour supplied. Finally, t h e use-value supplied by the labourer to t h e capitalist is not, in fact, his labour-power, b u t its function, s o m e definite useful labour, the work of tailoring, shoemaking, spinning, etc. T h a t this s a m e labour is, on the other h a n d , t h e universal value-creating elem e n t , a n d thus possesses a property by which it differs from all other c o m modities, is beyond the cognisance of t h e ordinary m i n d . Let us p u t ourselves in the place of the labourer who receives for 12 h o u r s ' labour, say the value p r o d u c e d by 6 h o u r s ' labour, say 3s. F o r h i m , in fact, his 12 h o u r s ' labour is the m e a n s of buying t h e 3s. T h e value of his labour-power m a y vary, with the value of his u s u a l m e a n s of subsist e n c e , from 3 to 4 shillings, or from 3 to 2 shillings; or, if t h e value of his labour-power r e m a i n s constant, its price m a y , in c o n s e q u e n c e of changing relations of d e m a n d a n d supply, rise to 4s. or fall to 2s. He always gives 12 h o u r s of labour. Every change in the a m o u n t of the equivalent t h a t he receives ||552| appears to h i m , therefore, necessarily as a change in the value or price of his 12 h o u r s ' work. This c i r c u m s t a n c e misled A d a m Smith, who treated the working-day as a c o n s t a n t q u a n t i t y , to the assertion that 1

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Part VI • Wages the value of labour is constant, although the value of the m e a n s of subsist e n c e m a y vary, a n d the same working-day, therefore, m a y represent itself in m o r e or less m o n e y for the labourer. Let us consider, on the other h a n d , the capitalist. He wishes to receive as m u c h l a b o u r as possible for as little m o n e y as possible. Practically, there5 fore, the only thing t h a t interests h i m is the difference between the price of labour-power a n d the value which its function creates. But, t h e n , he tries to b u y all c o m m o d i t i e s as cheaply as possible, a n d always a c c o u n t s for his profit by simple cheating, by buying u n d e r , a n d selling over the value. H e n c e , he never comes to see that, if such a thing as t h e value of labour 10 really existed, and he really paid this value, no capital would exist, his m o n e y would n o t be t u r n e d into capital. Moreover, the actual m o v e m e n t of wages presents p h e n o m e n a which s e e m to prove t h a t n o t t h e value of labour-power is paid, b u t t h e value of its function, of labour itself. We m a y r e d u c e these p h e n o m e n a to two great classes: (1.) Change of wages with the changing length of the working-day. O n e m i g h t as well c o n c l u d e t h a t not the value of a m a c h i n e is paid, b u t t h a t of its working, because its costs m o r e to hire a m a c h i n e for a week t h a n for a day. (2.) T h e individual difference in the wages of different labourers who do the same k i n d of work. We find this individual difference, b u t are n o t deceived by it, in the system of slavery, where, frankly a n d openly, without any circumlocution, labour-power itself is sold. Only, in the slave system, the advantage of a labour-power above the average, a n d t h e disadvantage of a labour-power below the average, affects t h e slaveowner; in the wage-labour system it affects the labourer himself, b e c a u s e his labour-power is, in the one case, sold by himself, in the other, by a third person. F o r t h e rest, in respect to the p h e n o m e n a l form, "value a n d | | 5 5 3 | price of labour," or "wages," as contrasted with the essential relation manifested therein, viz., the value a n d price of labour-power, the s a m e difference h o l d s t h a t holds in respect to all p h e n o m e n a a n d their h i d d e n s u b s t r a t u m . T h e former appear directly a n d spontaneously as current m o d e s of thought; the latter m u s t first be discovered by science. Classical political e c o n o m y nearly t o u c h e s the true relation of things, without, however, consciously formulating it. This it c a n n o t so long as it sticks in its bourgeois skin.

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Chapter XX · Time-wages

C H A P T E R XX.

Time-Wages.

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Wages themselves again take m a n y forms, a fact n o t recognizable in the ordinary e c o n o m i c a l treatises which, exclusively interested in the material side of the question, neglect every difference of form. An exposition of all these forms however, belongs to the special study of wage-labour, n o t therefore to this work. Still the two f u n d a m e n t a l forms m u s t be briefly worked o u t here. T h e sale of labour-power, as will be r e m e m b e r e d , takes place for a definite period of t i m e . T h e converted form u n d e r which the daily, weekly, etc., value of labour-power presents itself, is h e n c e t h a t of time-wages, therefore day-wages, etc. N e x t it is to be n o t e d that the laws set forth, in the 17th chapter, on the changes in the relative m a g n i t u d e s of price of labour-power a n d surplus-value, pass by a simple transformation of form, into laws of wages. Similarly the distinction between the exchange-value of labour-power, a n d t h e s u m of the necessaries of life into which this value is converted, now reappears as the distinction between n o m i n a l a n d real wages. It would be useless to repeat here, with regard to t h e p h e n o m e n a l form, what has b e e n already worked o u t in the sub||554|stantial form. We limit ourselves therefore to a few points characteristic of time-wages. T h e s u m of m o n e y which the labourer receives for his daily or weekly labour, forms the a m o u n t of his n o m i n a l wages, or of his wages estimated in value. But it is clear that according to the length of the working-day, that is, according to the a m o u n t of actual labour daily supplied, the s a m e daily or weekly wage m a y represent very different prices of labour, i.e., very different s u m s of m o n e y for t h e s a m e quantity of l a b o u r . We m u s t , therefore, in considering time-wages, again distinguish between the s u m total of the daily or weekly wages, etc., a n d the price of labour. H o w t h e n to find this price, i.e., the money-value of a given quantity of labour? T h e average price of labour is found, w h e n the average daily value of the labour-power is divided by the average n u m b e r of h o u r s in t h e working-day. If, e.g., t h e daily value of labour-power is 3 shillings, t h e value of the product of 6 working hours, and if the working-day is 12 h o u r s , the price of 1 working 10

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T h e value o f m o n e y itself i s h e r e always s u p p o s e d c o n s t a n t . " T h e price of l a b o u r is t h e s u m p a i d for a given q u a n t i t y of l a b o u r . " (Sir E d w a r d W e s t , "Price of C o r n a n d W a g e s of L a b o u r . " L o n d o n , 1826, p. 67). W e s t is t h e a u t h o r of t h e a n o n y m o u s "Essay on t h e A p p l i c a t i o n of C a p i t a l to L a n d . By a Fellow of t h e University College of Oxford, L o n d o n , 1815." A n e p o c h m a k i n g w o r k i n t h e history o f political e c o n o m y . 11

473

Part VI • Wages h o u r is shillings = 3d. T h e price of the working h o u r t h u s found serves as the u n i t m e a s u r e for the price of labour. It follows therefore t h a t the daily a n d weekly wages, etc., m a y r e m a i n the same, a l t h o u g h the price of labour falls constantly. If, e.g., the h a b i t u a l working-day is 10 h o u r s a n d the daily value of t h e labour-power 3s., the 5 price of t h e working h o u r is 3 / d. It falls to 3d. as soon as t h e working-day rises to 12 hours, to 2 / d. as soon as it rises to 15 h o u r s . Daily or weekly wages r e m a i n , despite all this, u n c h a n g e d . On the contrary, t h e daily or weekly wages m a y rise, although the price of labour r e m a i n s c o n s t a n t or even falls. If, e.g., the working day is 10 hours, a n d t h e daily value of la- 10 bour-power 3 shillings, the price of one working h o u r is 3 / d. If t h e lab o u r e r in c o n s e q u e n c e of increase of trade works 12 hours, t h e price of lab o u r r e m a i n i n g the same, his daily wage ||555| now rises to 3 shillings 7%d. without any variation in the price of labour. T h e same result m i g h t follow if, instead of t h e extensive a m o u n t of labour, its intensive a m o u n t in- 15 c r e a s e d . T h e rise of t h e n o m i n a l daily or weekly wages m a y therefore be a c c o m p a n i e d by a price of labour that r e m a i n s stationary or falls. T h e s a m e holds as to the i n c o m e of the labourer's family, as soon as the quantity of labour e x p e n d e d by the h e a d of the family is increased by t h e l a b o u r of the m e m b e r s of his family. There are, therefore, m e t h o d s of lowering the price 20 of l a b o u r i n d e p e n d e n t of the r e d u c t i o n of the n o m i n a l daily or weekly wages. 3

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As a general law it follows that, given the a m o u n t of daily, weekly labour, etc., the daily or weekly wages d e p e n d on the price of l a b o u r which, itself varies either with the value of labour-power, or with t h e difference be- 25 tween its price a n d its value. Given, on the other h a n d , the price of labour, the daily or weekly wages d e p e n d on the quantity of the daily or weekly labour. 12

" T h e wages o f l a b o u r d e p e n d u p o n t h e price o f l a b o u r a n d t h e q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r p e r f o r m e d . . . . A n i n c r e a s e i n t h e wages o f l a b o u r does n o t necessarily imply a n e n h a n c e m e n t o f t h e price o f l a b o u r . F r o m fuller e m p l o y m e n t , a n d greater e x e r t i o n s , t h e wages o f l a b o u r m a y b e c o n s i d e r a b l y i n c r e a s e d , while t h e price o f l a b o u r m a y c o n t i n u e t h e s a m e . " W e s t , I.e. p p . 67, 68, 112. T h e m a i n q u e s t i o n : " H o w i s t h e price o f l a b o u r d e t e r m i n e d ? " W e s t , however, dismisses with m e r e b a n a l i t i e s . T h i s i s p e r c e i v e d b y t h e fanatical representative o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l b o u r g e o i s i e o f t h e 18th c e n t u r y , t h e a u t h o r o f t h e "Essay o n T r a d e a n d C o m m e r c e " often q u o t e d b y u s , a l t h o u g h h e p u t s t h e m a t t e r in a confused way: "It is t h e q u a n t i t y of l a b o u r a n d n o t t h e price of it (he m e a n s by t h i s t h e n o m i n a l daily or weekly wages) t h a t is d e t e r m i n e d by t h e p r i c e of provisions a n d o t h e r n e c e s s a r i e s : r e d u c e t h e price o f necessaries very low, a n d o f c o u r s e y o u r e d u c e t h e q u a n t i t y o f l a b o u r i n p r o p o r t i o n . M a s t e r m a n u f a c t u r e r s k n o w t h a t t h e r e are v a r i o u s ways o f raising a n d felling t h e price of labour, b e s i d e s t h a t of altering its n o m i n a l a m o u n t . " (I.e. p p . 4 8 , 61.) I n h i s " T h r e e L e c t u r e s o n t h e rate o f W a g e s , " L o n d o n , 1830, i n w h i c h N . W S e n i o r u s e s W e s t ' s work w i t h o u t m e n t i o n i n g it, h e says: " T h e l a b o u r e r i s principally i n t e r e s t e d i n t h e a m o u n t of wages," (p. 15), t h a t is to say t h e l a b o u r e r is principally i n t e r e s t e d in w h a t he r e ceives, t h e n o m i n a l s u m o f h i s wages, n o t i n t h a t w h i c h h e gives, t h e a m o u n t o f l a b o u r ! 13

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Chapter XX • Time-wages

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T h e u n i t m e a s u r e for time-wages, the price of the working-hour, is the quotient of the value of a day's labour-power, divided by the n u m b e r of h o u r s of the average working-day. Let t h e latter be 12 hours, a n d t h e daily value of labour-power 3 shillings, the value of t h e product of 6 h o u r s of labour. ||556| U n d e r these circumstances t h e price of a working-hour is 3d., the value produced in it is 6d. If the labourer is now employed less t h a n 12 hours (or less t h a n 6 days in the week), e.g., only 6 or 8 hours, he receives, with this price of labour, only 2s. or I s . 6d. a d a y . As on our hypothesis he m u s t work on the average 6 h o u r s daily, in order to p r o d u c e a 14

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day's wage corresponding merely to t h e value of his labour-power, as according to the same hypothesis he works only half of every h o u r for h i m self, a n d half for the capitalist, it is clear t h a t he c a n n o t o b t a i n for himself the value of the p r o d u c t of 6 h o u r s if he is employed less t h a n 12 h o u r s . In previous chapters we saw the destructive c o n s e q u e n c e s of over-work; h e r e we find the sources of the sufferings that result to the labourer from his insufficient e m p l o y m e n t . If the h o u r ' s wage is fixed so that the capitalist does n o t b i n d himself to pay a day's or a week's wage, b u t only to pay wages for the h o u r s during which he chooses to employ the labourer, he can employ h i m for a shorter t i m e t h a n t h a t which is originally t h e basis of the calculation of t h e hourwage, or the u n i t - m e a s u r e of the price of labour. Since this u n i t is deter. , , ., .. daily value of labour-power ,. m i n e d by the ratio — ^— — f , it, of course, working-day of a given n u m b e r of hours loses all m e a n i n g as soon as the working-day ceases to contain a definite n u m b e r of h o u r s . T h e c o n n e x i o n between the p a i d a n d the u n p a i d labour is destroyed. T h e capitalist can now wring from t h e labourer a certain quantity of surplus-labour without allowing h i m t h e labour-time necessary for his own subsistence. He can a n n i h i l a t e all regularity of e m p l o y m e n t , a n d according to his own convenience, caprice, a n d t h e interest of the m o m e n t , m a k e the m o s t e n o r m o u s over-work alternate with relative or absolute cessation of work. He can, u n d e r the pretence of paying "the n o r m a l price of labour," abnormally lengthen the working-day ||557| without any corresponding c o m p e n s a t i o n to the labourer. H e n c e the perfectly rational revolt in 1860 of the L o n d o n labourers, employed in the building trades, against the attempt of the capitalists to i m p o s e on t h e m this sort of wage by the hour. T h e legal limitation of the working-day puts an e n d to s u c h m i s ;

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T h e effect of such an a b n o r m a l l e s s e n i n g of e m p l o y m e n t is q u i t e different from t h a t of a g e n e r a l r e d u c t i o n o f t h e working-day, enforced b y law. T h e former h a s n o t h i n g t o d o w i t h t h e a b s o l u t e l e n g t h of t h e working-day, a n d m a y o c c u r j u s t as well in a working-day of 15, as of 6 h o u r s . T h e n o r m a l price of l a b o u r is in t h e first case c a l c u l a t e d on t h e l a b o u r e r working 15 h o u r s , in t h e s e c o n d case on h i s working 6 h o u r s a d a y on t h e average. T h e result is therefore t h e s a m e if he in t h e o n e case is e m p l o y e d only for 1%, in t h e o t h e r only for 3 h o u r s .

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Part VI • Wages chief, a l t h o u g h not, of course, to t h e d i m i n u t i o n of e m p l o y m e n t c a u s e d by t h e c o m p e t i t i o n of m a c h i n e r y , by changes in t h e quality of t h e labourers employed, a n d by crises partial or general. W i t h an increasing daily or weekly wage t h e price of l a b o u r m a y r e m a i n n o m i n a l l y c o n s t a n t , a n d yet m a y fall below its n o r m a l level. This occurs

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every t i m e that, t h e price of labour (reckoned per working-hour) r e m a i n i n g c o n s t a n t , t h e working-day is prolonged b e y o n d its c u s t o m a r y length. If in ,. .. t h e fraction: x1

daily value of labour-power . , , · * • ., - - — τ t h e d e n o m i n a t o r increases, t h e working-day

n u m e r a t o r increases yet m o r e rapidly. T h e value of labour-power, as de­ p e n d e n t on its wear a n d tear, increases with t h e d u r a t i o n of its functioning,

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a n d i n m o r e rapid p r o p o r t i o n t h a n t h e increase o f t h a t d u r a t i o n . I n m a n y b r a n c h e s of industry where time-wage is t h e general rule w i t h o u t legal li­ m i t s t o t h e working-time, t h e h a b i t has, therefore, s p o n t a n e o u s l y grown u p of regarding t h e working-day as n o r m a l only up to a certain point, e.g., up to t h e expiration of t h e t e n t h h o u r ( " n o r m a l working-day," " t h e day's

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work," " t h e regular h o u r s of work"). Beyond this limit t h e working-time is over-time, a n d is, taking t h e h o u r as u n i t - m e a s u r e , p a i d b e t t e r ("extra pay"), a l t h o u g h often in a p r o p o r t i o n ridiculously small. 1 5 T h e n o r m a l working-day exists h e r e as a fraction of t h e a c t u a l working-day, a n d t h e lat­ ter, often during t h e whole year, lasts longer t h a n t h e former. 1 6 T h e increase

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in t h e price of l a b o u r with t h e e x t e n | | 5 5 8 | s i o n of t h e working-day b e y o n d a c e r t a i n n o r m a l limit, takes s u c h a s h a p e in various British i n d u s t r i e s t h a t t h e low price of l a b o u r during t h e so-called n o r m a l t i m e c o m p e l s t h e la­ b o u r e r to work during t h e better paid over-time, if he wishes to o b t a i n a sufficient wage at all. 1 7 Legal l i m i t a t i o n of t h e working-day puts an e n d to

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these amenities.18 15

" T h e r a t e o f p a y m e n t for o v e r t i m e (in l a c e - m a k i n g ) i s s o s m a l l , f r o m %d. a n d %d. t o 2d. p e r h o u r , t h a t i t s t a n d s i n p a i n f u l c o n t r a s t t o t h e a m o u n t o f injury p r o d u c e d t o t h e h e a l t h a n d stamina of the workpeople T h e s m a l l a m o u n t t h u s e a r n e d i s also often o b l i g e d t o b e s p e n t i n extra n o u r i s h m e n t . " ("Child E m p . C o m . , I I . R e p . , " p . XVI., n . 117.) 16 E.g., in p a p e r - s t a i n i n g before t h e r e c e n t i n t r o d u c t i o n i n t o t h i s t r a d e of t h e F a c t o r y A c t . " W e work on w i t h no stoppage for m e a l s , so t h a t t h e d a y ' s work of 10'/ 2 h o u r s is f i n i s h e d by 4 . 3 0 p . m . , a n d all after t h a t is o v e r t i m e , a n d we s e l d o m leave off working before 6 p . m . , so t h a t w e a r e really w o r k i n g o v e r t i m e t h e w h o l e year r o u n d . " (Mr. S m i t h ' s " E v i d e n c e i n C h i l d . E m p . C o m . , I . R e p . , " p . 125.)

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E.g., in t h e S c o t c h bleaching-works. " I n s o m e parts of .Scotland t h i s t r a d e (before t h e i n t r o ­ d u c t i o n of t h e F a c t o r y A c t in 1862) was c a r r i e d on by a s y s t e m of o v e r t i m e , i.e., t e n h o u r s a day were t h e r e g u l a r h o u r s of work, for w h i c h a n o m i n a l wage of I s . 2d. p e r d a y was p a i d to a m a n , t h e r e b e i n g every day o v e r t i m e for t h r e e o r four h o u r s , p a i d a t t h e r a t e o f 3d. p e r h o u r . T h e effect o f t h i s s y s t e m . . . a m a n c o u l d n o t earn m o r e t h a n 8s. p e r week w h e n w o r k i n g t h e o r d i n a r y h o u r s ... w i t h o u t o v e r t i m e t h e y c o u l d n o t e a r n a fair d a y ' s wages." ( " R e p t . of I n s p . of F a c t o r i e s , " April 30th, 1863, p. 10.) " T h e h i g h e r wages, for g e t t i n g a d u l t m a l e s to work longer h o u r s , a r e a t e m p t a t i o n t o o s t r o n g to be resisted." ( " R e p t . of I n s p . of F a c t . , " A p r i l 30th, 1848,

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Chapter XX • Time-wages It is a fact generally k n o w n that, the longer the working-days, in any b r a n c h of industry, the lower are the w a g e s . A. Redgrave, factory-inspector, illustrates this by a comparative review of the 20 years from 1 8 3 9 - 1 8 5 9 , according to which wages rose in t h e factories u n d e r the 5 10 h o u r s ' law, whilst they fell in the factories in which the work lasted 14 to 15 h o u r s d a i l y . F r o m the law: "the price of labour being given, t h e daily or weekly wage depends on the quantity of labour e x p e n d e d , " ||559| it follows, first of all, that, the lower the price of labour, the greater m u s t be the quantity of la10 bour, or t h e longer m u s t be the working-day for the labourer to secure even a miserable average-wage. T h e lowness of the price of labour acts here as a stimulus to the extension of the l a b o u r - t i m e . On the other h a n d , the extension of the working-time produces, in its turn, a fall in the price of labour, a n d with this a fall in the day's or week's 15 wages. T h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n of t h e price of l a b o u r by: 19

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daily value of labour-power working-day of a given n u m b e r of h o u r s '

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p. 5.) T h e b o o k b i n d i n g t r a d e in t h e city of L o n d o n e m p l o y s very m a n y y o u n g girls from 14 to 15 years old, a n d t h a t u n d e r i n d e n t u r e s w h i c h p r e s c r i b e c e r t a i n definite h o u r s of l a b o u r . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e y work in t h e last week of e a c h m o n t h u n t i l 10, 1 1 , 12, or 1 o'clock at n i g h t , a l o n g with t h e older l a b o u r e r s , in a very m i x e d c o m p a n y . " T h e m a s t e r s t e m p t t h e m by extra p a y a n d supper," w h i c h t h e y e a t i n n e i g h b o u r i n g p u b l i c - h o u s e s . T h e great d e b a u c h e r y t h u s p r o d u c e d a m o n g t h e s e ' y o u n g i m m o r t a l s ' ( " C h i l d r e n ' s E m p l o y m e n t C o m m . , V . R e p t , " p . 44, n . 191) i s c o m p e n s a t e d b y t h e fact t h a t a m o n g t h e rest m a n y Bibles a n d religious b o o k s are bound by them. See " R e p o r t s of I n s p . of F a c t . , " 3 0 t h April, 1863, I.e. W i t h very a c c u r a t e a p p r e c i a t i o n of t h e state o f things, t h e L o n d o n l a b o u r e r s e m p l o y e d i n t h e b u i l d i n g trades d e c l a r e d , d u r i n g t h e great strike a n d l o c k o u t of 1860, t h a t t h e y w o u l d only a c c e p t wages by t h e h o u r u n d e r two c o n d i t i o n s (1) that, with t h e price of t h e w o r k i n g - h o u r , a n o r m a l w o r k i n g - d a y of 9 a n d 10 h o u r s respectively s h o u l d be fixed, a n d t h a t t h e price of t h e h o u r for t h e 10 h o u r s ' workingday s h o u l d be h i g h e r t h a n t h a t for t h e h o u r of t h e 9 h o u r s ' working-day; (2), t h a t every h o u r b e y o n d the n o r m a l working-day s h o u l d b e r e c k o n e d a s o v e r t i m e a n d p r o p o r t i o n a l l y m o r e highly paid. "It is a very n o t a b l e thing, t o o , t h a t where long h o u r s are t h e rule, small wages are also so." ("Report of I n s p . of Fact.," 31st Oct., 1863, p . 9 . ) " T h e work w h i c h o b t a i n s t h e scanty p i t t a n c e of food, is, for t h e m o s t part, excessively p r o l o n g e d . " ("Public H e a l t h , S i x t h R e p o r t , " 1864, p . 15.) "Reports o f I n s p e c t o r s o f F a c t , " 30th April, 1860, p p . 3 1 , 32. T h e h a n d - n a i l m a k e r s in E n g l a n d , e.g., h a v e , on a c c o u n t of t h e low price of labour, to work 15 h o u r s a d a y in order to h a m m e r o u t t h e i r m i s e r a b l e weekly wage. "It's a great m a n y h o u r s i n a day ( 6 a . m . t o 8 p . m . ) , a n d h e h a s t o work h a r d all t h e t i m e t o get l i d . o r Is., a n d t h e r e i s t h e wear of t h e tools, t h e cost of firing, a n d s o m e t h i n g for waste i r o n to go out of this, w h i c h t a k e s off altogether 2 ' ^ d or 3d." ("Children's E m p l o y m e n t Com., III. R e p o r t , " p. 136, n . 6 7 1 . ) T h e w o m e n e a r n by t h e s a m e w o r k i n g - t i m e a week's wage of o n l y 5 shillings (I.e., p. 137, n . 674.) 18

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Part VI • Wages shows that a m e r e prolongation of the working-day lowers the price of labour, if no c o m p e n s a t i o n steps in. But the s a m e c i r c u m s t a n c e s which allow t h e capitalist in the long r u n to prolong the working-day, also allow h i m first, a n d c o m p e l h i m finally, to nominally lower the price of labour, u n t i l t h e total price of the increased n u m b e r of h o u r s is lowered, and, therefore, the daily or weekly wage. Reference to two c i r c u m s t a n c e s is sufficient here. If o n e m a n does the work of 1½ or 2 m e n , the supply of l a b o u r increases, alt h o u g h the supply of labour-power on the m a r k e t r e m a i n s constant. T h e c o m p e t i t i o n t h u s created between the labourers allows t h e capitalist to b e a t down the price of labour, whilst the falling price of labour allows h i m , on the other h a n d , to screw up still further the w o r k i n g - t i m e . Soon, however, this c o m m a n d over a b n o r m a l quantities of u n p a i d labour, i.e., quantities in excess of the average social a m o u n t , b e c o m e s a source of c o m p e t i t i o n a m o n g s t ||560| the capitalists themselves. A part of t h e price of the comm o d i t y consists of the price of labour. T h e u n p a i d part of the labour-price n e e d n o t be reckoned in the price of the c o m m o d i t y . It m a y be presented to the buyer. This is the first step to which c o m p e t i t i o n leads. T h e second step to w h i c h it drives, is to exclude also from the selling-price of t h e commodity, at least a part of the a b n o r m a l surplus-value created by the extension of the working-day. In this way an abnormally low selling-price of the c o m m o d i t y arises, at first sporadically, and b e c o m e s fixed by degrees; a lower selling-price which henceforward b e c o m e s the constant basis of a miserable wage for an excessive working-time, as originally it was the prod u c t of these very circumstances. This m o v e m e n t is simply indicated here, as the analysis of c o m p e t i t i o n does n o t belong to this part of o u r subject. Nevertheless, the capitalist may, for a m o m e n t , speak for himself. "In Birm i n g h a m there is so m u c h competition of masters o n e against another, t h a t m a n y are obliged to do things as employers t h a t they would otherwise be a s h a m e d of; a n d yet no m o r e m o n e y is m a d e , b u t only the public gets t h e b e n e f i t . " T h e reader will r e m e m b e r the two sorts of L o n d o n bakers, of w h o m o n e sold the bread at its full price (the "full-priced" bakers), the other below its n o r m a l price ("the underpriced," "the undersellers"). T h e "full-priced" d e n o u n c e d their rivals before the Parliamentary C o m m i t t e e of Inquiry: "They only exist now by first defrauding the public, a n d n e x t getting 18 h o u r s ' work out of their m e n for 12 h o u r s ' wages. ... T h e u n p a i d labour of the m e n was ... m a d e the source whereby the c o m p e t i t i o n was car-

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If a factory-hand, e.g., refused to work t h e c u s t o m a r y long h o u r s , " h e w o u l d very shortly be r e p l a c e d b y s o m e b o d y who w o u l d work a n y l e n g t h o f t i m e , a n d t h u s b e t h r o w n o u t o f e m p l o y m e n t . " ("Report of I n s p e c t o r s of Fact.," 31st Oct., 1848. E v i d e n c e , p. 39. n. 58.) "If o n e m a n performs t h e work of two . . . . t h e rate of profits will generally be raised . . . . in c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e a d d i t i o n a l supply of l a b o u r h a v i n g d i m i n i s h e d its p r i c e . " (Senior, 1. c., p. 15.) " C h i l d r e n ' s E m p l o y m e n t C o m . , III. R e p . , " E v i d e n c e , p . 66, n . 2 2 . 23

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Chapter XXI • Piece-wages

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ried on, a n d c o n t i n u e s so to this day. ... T h e c o m p e t i t i o n a m o n g the m a s t e r bakers is the cause of the difficulty in getting rid of night-work. An underseller, who sells his bread below the cost price according to the price of flour, m u s t m a k e it up by getting m o r e out of the labour of the m e n . ... If I got only 12 h o u r s ' work o u t of my m e n , a n d my n e i g h b o u r got 18 or 20, he m u s t b e a t me in the selling price. If t h e m e n could insist on p a y m e n t for over-work, this would be set right. ... A large n u m b e r of those employed by the undersellers are ||561| foreigners, a n d youths, who are obliged to accept a l m o s t any wages they c a n o b t a i n . " This j e r e m i a d is also interesting b e c a u s e it shows, how the appearance only of the relations of p r o d u c t i o n mirrors itself in t h e brain of t h e capitalist. T h e capitalist does n o t know t h a t t h e n o r m a l price of labour also includes a definite quantity of u n p a i d labour, a n d t h a t this very u n p a i d lab o u r is the n o r m a l source of his gain. T h e category, surplus-labour-time, does n o t exist at all for h i m , since it is i n c l u d e d in the n o r m a l working-day, which he thinks he has paid for in t h e day's wages. B u t overtime does exist for h i m , t h e prolongation of the working day b e y o n d t h e limits corresponding with the u s u a l price of labour. F a c e to face with his underselling competitor, he even insists u p o n extra pay for this overtime. He again does n o t know that this extra pay includes u n p a i d labour, j u s t as well as does the price of the customary h o u r of labour. F o r example, the price of one h o u r of the 12 h o u r s ' working-day is 3d., say t h e value-product of half a workinghour, whilst the price of the overtime working-hour is 4d., or the valueproduct of % of a working-hour. In the first case the capitalist appropriates to himself one-half, in the second, one-third of the working-hour without paying for it. 24

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CHAPTER XXI.

Piece-Wages. 30

Wages by the piece are n o t h i n g else t h a n a converted form of wages by t i m e , just as wages by t i m e are a converted form of t h e value or price of labour-power. In piece-wages it seems at first sight as if the use-value ||562| b o u g h t 24

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" R e p o r t , etc., relative t o t h e G r i e v a n c e s c o m p l a i n e d o f b y t h e J o u r n e y m e n B a k e r s . " L o n d . 1862, p . L I I , a n d ib. E v i d e n c e , n o t e s 479, 3 5 9 , 2 7 . A n y h o w t h e full-priced also, a s was m e n t i o n e d above, a n d a s t h e i r s p o k e s m a n , B e n n e t t , h i m s e l f a d m i t s , m a k e their m e n "generally b e g i n work a t 1 1 p . m u p t o 8 o'clock t h e n e x t m o r n i n g . . . t h e y a r e t h e n e n g a g e d all d a y long ... as late as 7 o'clock in t h e e v e n i n g . " (I.e., p . 2 2 . )

479

Part VI • Wages from the labourer was, n o t the function of his labour-power, living labour, b u t labour already realised in the product, a n d as if the price of this labour was determined, n o t as with time-wages, by the fraction: daily value of labour-power , , , .. . , — 7 — r-— b u t by the capacity for work of the working day of given n u m b e r of hours producer. 5 T h e confidence that trusts in this appearance ought to receive a first severe shock from the fact that both forms of wages exist side by side, simultaneously, in the same b r a n c h e s of industry; e.g., "the compositors of London, as a general rule, work by the piece, time-work being t h e exception, while those in the country work by the day, the exception being work by to the piece. T h e shipwrights of the port of L o n d o n work by the j o b or piece, while those of all other ports work by the d a y . " In the s a m e saddlery shops of L o n d o n , often for t h e s a m e work, piecewages are paid to the F r e n c h , time-wages to the English. In the regular factories in which t h r o u g h o u t piece-wages p r e d o m i n a t e , particular k i n d s of 15 work are u n s u i t a b l e to this form of wage, a n d are therefore paid by t i m e . But it is moreover self-evident that the difference of form in the p a y m e n t of wages alters in no way their essential n a t u r e , ||563| although t h e o n e form m a y be m o r e favourable to the development of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n t h a n the other. 20 Let the ordinary working day c o n t a i n 12 h o u r s of which 6 are paid, 6 u n paid. Let its value-product be 6 shillings, t h a t of o n e h o u r ' s labour therefore 6d. Let us suppose that, as the result of experience, a labourer who 4

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" T h e s y s t e m of piece-work illustrates an e p o c h in t h e history of t h e working m a n ; it is halfway b e t w e e n t h e p o s i t i o n of t h e m e r e day l a b o u r e r d e p e n d i n g u p o n t h e will of t h e capitalist a n d t h e co-operative artisan, w h o i n t h e n o t d i s t a n t future p r o m i s e s t o c o m b i n e t h e a r t i z a n a n d t h e capitalist in h i s o w n person. Piece-workers are in fact t h e i r o w n m a s t e r s , even whilst working u p o n t h e c a p i t a l o f t h e employer." (John W a t t s : " T r a d e Societies a n d Strikes, M a c h i n e r y a n d Co-operative Societies." M a n c h e s t e r , 1865, p. 52, 53.) I q u o t e t h i s little work b e c a u s e it is a very sink of all long-ago-rotten, apologetic c o m m o n p l a c e s . T h i s s a m e M r . W a t t s earlier t r a d e d i n O w e n i s m a n d p u b l i s h e d i n 1842 a n o t h e r p a m p h l e t : " F a c t s a n d F i c t i o n s o f Political E c o n o m i s t s , " i n w h i c h a m o n g o t h e r t h i n g s h e declares t h a t "property i s r o b b e r y . " T h a t is long ago. T . J . D u n n i n g : " T r a d e ' s U n i o n s a n d Strikes," L o n d . 1860. p . 2 2 . H o w t h e e x i s t e n c e , side b y s i d e a n d s i m u l t a n e o u s l y , o f t h e s e two forms o f wage favours t h e m a s t e r s ' c h e a t i n g : "A factory e m p l o y s 400 people, t h e half of w h i c h work by t h e ' p i e c e , ' a n d have a direct interest in working longer h o u r s . T h e o t h e r 200 a r e p a i d by t h e day, work equally long with t h e others, a n d get n o m o r e m o n e y for their o v e r t i m e . . . . T h e work o f t h e s e 2 0 0 p e o ple for half an h o u r a d a y is e q u a l to o n e p e r s o n ' s work for 50 h o u r s , or % of o n e p e r s o n ' s lab o u r in a week, a n d is a positive g a i n to t h e e m p l o y e r . " ("Reports of I n s p . of Fact., 31st Oct., 1860," p. 9.) "Overworking to a very c o n s i d e r a b l e e x t e n t still prevails; a n d , in m o s t i n s t a n c e s , w i t h t h a t security against d e t e c t i o n a n d p u n i s h m e n t w h i c h t h e law itself affords. I h a v e in m a n y former reports [...] s h o w n ... t h e injury t o w o r k p e o p l e who are n o t e m p l o y e d o n p i e c e work, b u t receive weekly wages." L e o n a r d H o r n e r in " R e p o r t s of I n s p . of F a c t . " 3 0 t h April, 1859, p p . 8, 9.)

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Chapter XXI · Piece-wages

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works with the average a m o u n t of intensity a n d skill, who, therefore, gives in fact only the t i m e socially necessary to the p r o d u c t i o n of an article, supplies in 12 h o u r s 24 pieces, either distinct p r o d u c t s or m e a s u r a b l e parts of a c o n t i n u o u s whole. T h e n the value of these 24 pieces, after subtraction of the portion of constant capital contained in t h e m , is 6 shillings, a n d the value of a single piece 3d. T h e labourer receives l%d. per piece, a n d t h u s earns in 12 h o u r s 3 shillings. Just as, with time-wages, it does n o t m a t t e r whether we a s s u m e that the labourer works 6 h o u r s for himself and 6 h o u r s for the capitalist, or half of every h o u r for himself, a n d the other half for the capitalist, so h e r e it does n o t m a t t e r w h e t h e r we say that each individual piece is half paid, a n d half u n p a i d for, or t h a t the price of 12 pieces is the equivalent only of t h e value of the labour-power, whilst in t h e other 12 pieces surplus-value is incorporated. T h e form of piece-wages is j u s t as irrational as that of time-wages. Whilst in o u r example two pieces of a c o m m o d i t y , after subtraction of t h e value of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n c o n s u m e d in t h e m , are worth 6d as being the product of o n e hour, t h e labourer receives for t h e m a price of 3d. Piece-wages do not, in fact, distinctly express any relation of value. It is not, therefore, a question of m e a s u r i n g the value of the piece by the working t i m e incorporated in it, b u t on t h e contrary of m e a s u r i n g t h e working-time the labourer has expended, by the n u m b e r of pieces he has p r o d u c e d . In time-wages t h e l a b o u r is m e a s u r e d by its i m m e d i a t e duration, in piece-wages by t h e q u a n tity of products in which t h e labour has e m b o d i e d itself during a given t i m e . T h e price of l a b o u r - t i m e itself is finally d e t e r m i n e d by the e q u a t i o n : value of a day's l a b o u r = daily ||564| value of labour-power. Piece-wage is, therefore, only a modified form of time-wage. Let us now consider a little m o r e closely t h e characteristic peculiarities of piece-wages. T h e quality of the l a b o u r is here controlled by t h e work itself, which m u s t be of average perfection if the piece-price is to be paid in full. Piecewages b e c o m e , from this p o i n t of view, t h e m o s t fruitful source of r e d u c tions of wages a n d capitalistic cheating. They furnish to the capitalist an exact m e a s u r e for the intensity of labour. Only the working-time which is e m b o d i e d in a q u a n t u m of c o m m o d i ties d e t e r m i n e d beforehand a n d experimentally fixed, counts as socially necessary working t i m e , a n d is paid as such. In t h e larger workshops of the L o n d o n tailors, therefore, a certain piece of work, a waistcoat e.g., is called an hour, or half an hour, the h o u r at 6d. By practise it is k n o w n how m u c h 28

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« L e salaire p e u t s e m e s u r e r d e d e u x m a n i è r e s : o u sur l a d u r é e d u travail, o u s u r son p r o d u i t . » ("Abrégé é l é m e n t a i r e d e s p r i n c i p e s d e l ' É c o n o m i e P o l i t i q u e . " Paris 1796, p . 32.) T h e a u t h o r o f this a n o n y m o u s work: G . G a m i e r .

481

Part VI • Wages is the average product of o n e hour. W i t h new fashions, repairs, etc., a contest arises between m a s t e r a n d labourer, whether a particular piece of work is o n e hour, a n d so on, u n t i l here also experience decides. Similarly in the L o n d o n furniture workshops, etc. If the labourer does n o t possess t h e average capacity, if he c a n n o t in c o n s e q u e n c e supply a certain m i n i m u m of 5 work per day, he is d i s m i s s e d . Since the quality a n d intensity of the work are h e r e controlled by the form of wage itself, s u p e r i n t e n d e n c e of labour b e c o m e s in great part superfluous. Piece-wages therefore lay the f o u n d a t i o n of the m o d e r n " d o m e s t i c labour," described above, as well as of a hierarchically organised system of 10 exploitation and oppression. The latter has two f u n d a m e n t a l forms. On the o n e h a n d piece-wages facilitate the interposition of parasités between the capitalist and the wage-labourer, the "sub-letting of labour." T h e gain of these m i d d l e - m e n comes entirely from ||565| the difference between the lab o u r price which the capitalist pays, a n d the part of t h a t price which they 15 actually allow to r e a c h the l a b o u r e r . In E n g l a n d this system is characteristically called the "Sweating system." On the other h a n d piece-wage allows the capitalist to m a k e a contract for so m u c h per piece with t h e h e a d lab o u r e r — i n m a n u f a c t u r e s with the chief of some group, in m i n e s with t h e extractor of the coal, in the factory with the actual m a c h i n e - w o r k e r — a t a 20 price for which the h e a d labourer himself u n d e r t a k e s the enlisting a n d paym e n t of his assistant workpeople. The exploitation of the labourer by capital is here effected t h r o u g h the exploitation of the labourer by the labourer. 29

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G i v e n piece-wage, it is naturally the personal interest of the labourer to 25 strain his labour-power as intensely as possible; this enables the capitalist to raise m o r e easily the n o r m a l degree of intensity of l a b o u r . It is m o r e 32

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" S o m u c h weight of cotton is delivered to h i m (the s p i n n e r ) , and he h a s to r e t u r n by a cert a i n t i m e , in lieu of it, a given weight of twist or yarn, of a c e r t a i n d e g r e e of fineness, a n d he is p a i d so m u c h p e r p o u n d for all t h a t he so r e t u r n s . If h i s work is defective in quality, t h e pen a l t y falls on h i m , if less in q u a n t i t y t h a n t h e m i n i m u m fixed for a given t i m e , he is d i s m i s s e d a n d an abler operative p r o c u r e d . " (Ure I.e. p p . 3 1 6 , 317.) "It is w h e n work passes t h r o u g h several h a n d s , e a c h of w h i c h is to t a k e its share of profits, while only the last d o e s t h e work, t h a t t h e p a y w h i c h r e a c h e s t h e w o r k w o m a n is m i s e r a b l y disp r o p o r t i o n e d . " (Child. E m p . C o m . II. R e p o r t , p . L X X , n . 424.) E v e n W a t t s , t h e apologetic, r e m a r k s : "It w o u l d b e a great i m p r o v e m e n t t o t h e system o f piece-work, if all t h e m e n e m p l o y e d on a j o b were p a r t n e r s in t h e c o n t r a c t , e a c h a c c o r d i n g to h i s abilities, i n s t e a d of o n e m a n b e i n g interested in overworking h i s fellows for h i s o w n b e n efit." (I.e. p.53.) O n t h e vileness o f this system, cf. Child. E m p . C o m . R e p . I I I . p . 6 6 , n . 2 2 , p . l l , n. 124, p. V, VI, n. 13, p. X, n. 53, p. XI, n. 59, etc. T h i s s p o n t a n e o u s result is often artificially h e l p e d along, e.g., in t h e E n g i n e e r i n g T r a d e of L o n d o n , a c u s t o m a r y trick is " t h e selecting of a m a n w h o possesses s u p e r i o r physical s t r e n g t h a n d q u i c k n e s s , a s t h e p r i n c i p a l o f several w o r k m e n , a n d p a y i n g h i m a n a d d i t i o n a l rate, b y t h e q u a r t e r o r otherwise, with t h e u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h a t h e i s t o exert h i m s e l f t o t h e u t m o s t t o ind u c e t h e others, w h o are only paid t h e ordinary wages, t o k e e p u p t o h i m . . . W i t h o u t a n y c o m -

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Chapter XXI · Piece-wages over n o w t h e personal interest of t h e labourer to l e n g t h e n t h e working day, since with it his daily or weekly wages rise.

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T h i s gradually brings ||566| on

a r e a c t i o n like t h a t already described in time-wages, w i t h o u t r e c k o n i n g t h a t t h e p r o l o n g a t i o n of t h e working day, even if t h e piece-wage r e m a i n s con5

stant, i n c l u d e s of necessity a fall in t h e price of t h e labour. In time-wages, with few exceptions, t h e s a m e wage holds for t h e s a m e kind of work, whilst in piece-wages, t h o u g h t h e price of t h e working t i m e is m e a s u r e d by a certain q u a n t i t y of product, t h e day's or week's wage will vary with t h e i n d i v i d u a l differences of t h e labourers, of w h o m o n e supplies

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in a given t i m e t h e m i n i m u m of p r o d u c t only, a n o t h e r t h e average, a third m o r e t h a n t h e average. W i t h regard to a c t u a l receipts there is, therefore, great variety a c c o r d i n g to t h e different skill, strength, energy, stayingpower, etc., of t h e i n d i v i d u a l labourers. 3 4 Of course this does n o t alter t h e general relations between capital a n d wage-labour. First, t h e individual dif-

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ferences b a l a n c e o n e a n o t h e r in t h e workshop as a whole, which t h u s sup­ plies in a given working-time t h e average p r o d u c t , a n d t h e total wages p a i d will be t h e average wages of t h a t p a r t i c u l a r b r a n c h of industry. Second, t h e p r o p o r t i o n b e t w e e n wages a n d surplus-value r e m a i n s u n a l t e r e d , since t h e mass of surplus-labour supplied by e a c h p a r t i c u l a r labourer corresponds

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with t h e wage received by h i m . B u t t h e wider scope t h a t piece-wage gives to individuality, t e n d s t o develop o n t h e o n e h a n d t h a t individuality, a n d with it t h e sense of liberty, i n d e p e n d e n c e , a n d self-control of t h e labourers, on t h e other, their c o m p e t i t i o n o n e with a n o t h e r . Piece-work has, therefore, a tendency, while raising i n d i v i d u a l wages above t h e average, to lower this

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average itself. B u t where a particular rate of piece-wage has for a long t i m e b e e n fixed by tradition, a n d its lowering, therefore, presented especial diffi­ culties, t h e masters, in such exceptional cases, s o m e t i m e s h a d recourse to

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m e n t t h i s will g o far t o explain m a n y o f t h e c o m p l a i n t s o f ' s t i n t i n g t h e a c t i o n , s u p e r i o r ' skill, a n d working-power, m a d e b y t h e e m p l o y e r s a g a i n s t t h e m e n " ( D u n n i n g , T r a d e ' s U n i o n s , ΡΡ-22, 23). As t h e a u t h o r is h i m s e l f a l a b o u r e r a n d secretary of a T r a d e ' s U n i o n , t h i s m i g h t be t a k e n for e x a g g e r a t i o n . B u t t h e r e a d e r m a y c o m p a r e t h e " h i g h l y r e s p e c t a b l e " Cyclopaedia o f A g r i c u l t u r e o f J . C h . M o r t o n , Art. " L a b o u r e r , " w h e r e t h i s m e t h o d i s r e c o m m e n d e d t o t h e farm­ ers as an approved o n e . 33 "All t h o s e w h o a r e p a i d by piece-work ... profit by t h e t r a n s g r e s s i o n of t h e legal l i m i t s of work. T h i s o b s e r v a t i o n a s t o t h e willingness t o work o v e r t i m e i s especially a p p l i c a b l e t o t h e w o m e n e m p l o y e d a s weavers a n d r e e l e r s . " ( R e p t . o f I n s p . o f F a c t , 3 0 t h April, 1858, p . 9). " T h i s s y s t e m (piece-work), s o a d v a n t a g e o u s t o t h e e m p l o y e r . . . t e n d s directly t o e n c o u r a g e t h e y o u n g p o t t e r greatly t o overwork h i m s e l f d u r i n g t h e four o r five years d u r i n g w h i c h h e i s e m ­ ployed i n t h e piece-work system, b u t a t low wages . . . T h i s i s ... a n o t h e r great c a u s e t o w h i c h t h e b a d c o n s t i t u t i o n s o f t h e p o t t e r s are t o b e a t t r i b u t e d . " ( C h i l d . E m p i . C o m . I . R e p t . , p.XIII.) 34 „ W h e r e t h e work i n a n y t r a d e i s p a i d for b y t h e ' p i e c e ' a t s o m u c h p e r j o b . . . wages m a y very m a t e r i a l l y differ i n a m o u n t . B u t i n work b y t h e day t h e r e i s generally a n u n i f o r m r a t e ... r e c o g n i z e d b y b o t h e m p l o y e r a n d e m p l o y e d a s t h e s t a n d a r d o f wages for t h e g e n e r a l r u n o f w o r k m e n i n t h e t r a d e . " ( D u n n i n g , I.e. p . 17.)

483

Part VI · Wages its compulsory transformation into time-wages. H e n c e , e.g., in 1860 a great strike a m o n g the ribbon-weavers ||567| of Coventry. Piece-wage is finally o n e of the chief supports of the hour-system described in t h e preceding chapter. F r o m what has b e e n shown so far, it follows that piece-wage is the form 5 of wages m o s t in h a r m o n y with t h e capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n . Alt h o u g h by no m e a n s new—it figures side by side with time-wages officially in the F r e n c h a n d English labour statutes of the 14th c e n t u r y — i t only conquers a larger field for action during the period of M a n u f a c t u r e , properly so-called. In the stormy y o u t h of M o d e r n Industry, especially from 10 1797 to 1815, it served as a lever for the lengthening of the working day, a n d t h e lowering of wages. Very i m p o r t a n t materials for t h e fluctuation of wages during that period are to be found in t h e Blue-books: "Report a n d Evidence from the Select C o m m i t t e e on Petitions respecting the C o r n Laws," (Parliamentary Session of 1813-14), a n d "Report from the L o r d s ' 15 C o m m i t t e e , on the state of the Growth, C o m m e r c e , a n d C o n s u m p t i o n of G r a i n , a n d all Laws relating thereto," (Session of 1814-15). H e r e we find d o c u m e n t a r y evidence of the constant lowering of the price of ||568| labour from the beginning of the Anti-Jacobin War. In t h e weaving industry, e.g., piece-wages h a d fallen so low that in spite of the very great lengthening of 20 t h e working day, the daily wages were t h e n lower t h a n before. "The real earnings of t h e cotton weaver are now far less t h a n they were; his superiority over t h e c o m m o n labourer, which at first was very great, h a s now almost 35

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« L e tavail d e s C o m p a g n o n s - a r t i s a n s sera réglé à la j o u r n é e ou à p i è c e . . . Ces m a î t r e s - a r t i s a n s savent à p e u près c o m b i e n d'ouvrage u n c o m p a g n o n - a r t i s a n p e u t faire p a r j o u r d a n s c h a q u e m é t i e r , et les p a y e n t s o u v e n t à p r o p o r t i o n de l'ouvrage q u ' i l s font; a i n s i ces c o m p a g n o n s travaillent a u t a n t qu'ils p e u v e n t , p o u r leur p r o p r e intérêt, s a n s a u t r e i n s p e c t i o n . » (Cantillon, Essai sur l a N a t u r e d u C o m m e r c e e n général, A m s t . Ed., 1756, p p . 185 a n d 2 0 2 . T h e first e d i t i o n a p p e a r e d i n 1755.) C a n t i l l o n , from w h o m Q u e s n a y , Sir J a m e s S t e u a r t a n d A . S m i t h h a v e largely drawn, already h e r e r e p r e s e n t s piece-wage as s i m p l y a m o d i f i e d form of t i m e - w a g e . T h e F r e n c h e d i t i o n o f C a n t i l l o n professes i n its title t o b e a t r a n s l a t i o n from t h e English, b u t t h e E n g l i s h e d i t i o n : " T h e analysis o f T r a d e , C o m m e r c e , etc., b y P h i l i p C a n t i l l o n , late o f t h e city of L o n d o n , M e r c h a n t , " is n o t only of later d a t e (1759), b u t proves by its c o n t e n t s t h a t it is a later a n d revised e d i t i o n ; e.g., in t h e F r e n c h e d i t i o n , H u m e is n o t yet m e n t i o n e d , whilst in t h e English, o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , Petty hardly figures a n y longer. T h e E n g l i s h e d i t i o n i s t h e o r e t ically less i m p o r t a n t , b u t it c o n t a i n s n u m e r o u s details referring specifically to E n g l i s h c o m m e r c e , b u l l i o n t r a d e , etc., t h a t are w a n t i n g i n t h e F r e n c h text. T h e words o n t h e title-page o f t h e E n g l i s h e d i t i o n , a c c o r d i n g to w h i c h t h e work is " T a k e n chiefly from t h e m a n u s c r i p t of a very i n g e n i o u s g e n t l e m a n , d e c e a s e d , a n d a d a p t e d , etc.," s e e m , therefore, a p u r e fiction, very customary at that time.

25

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35

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36

« C o m b i e n d e fois n ' a v o n s n o u s p a s vu, d a n s c e r t a i n s ateliers, e m b a u c h e r b e a u c o u p plus d'ouvriers q u e n e l e d e m a n d a i t l e travail à m e t t r e e n m a i n ? S o u v e n t , d a n s l a prévision d ' u n travail aléatoire, quelquefois m ê m e i m a g i n a i r e , o n a d m e t d e s o u v r i e r s : c o m m e o n les p a i e a u x p i è c e s , o n s e dit q u ' o n n e c o u r t a u c u n r i s q u e , p a r c e q u e t o u t e s les p e r t e s d e t e m p s s e r o n t à l a c h a r g e d e s i n o c c u p é s . » ( H . Gregoir: "Les T y p o g r a p h e s d e v a n t l e T r i b u n a l c o r r e c t i o n n e l d e B r u x e l l e s , " Bruxelles, 1865, p. 9.)

484

45

Chapter XXI • Piece-wages entirely ceased. I n d e e d ... t h e difference in t h e wages of skilful and comm o n l a b o u r is far less n o w t h a n at any former p e r i o d . " H o w little the increased intensity a n d extension of l a b o u r t h r o u g h piece-wages benefited the agricultural proletariat, the following passage borrowed from a work on 5 the side of the landlords a n d farmers shows: "By far the greater part of agricultural operations is d o n e by people, who are hired for the day or on piece-work. Their weekly wages are a b o u t 12s., a n d although it m a y be ass u m e d t h a t a m a n earns on piece-work u n d e r the greater s t i m u l u s to labour, I s . or perhaps 2s. m o r e t h a n on weekly wages, yet it is found, on callo culating his total i n c o m e , that his loss of e m p l o y m e n t , during the year, outweighs this again ... Further, it will generally be found that t h e wages of these m e n bear a certain proportion to t h e price of t h e necessary m e a n s of subsistence, so that a m a n with two children is able to bring up his family without recourse to parish relief." M a l t h u s at that t i m e r e m a r k e d with ref15 erence to t h e facts published by P a r l i a m e n t : "I confess t h a t I see, with m i s giving, the great extension of the practice of piece-wage. Really hard work during 12 or 14 h o u r s of the day, or for any longer time, is too m u c h for any h u m a n b e i n g . " In the workshops u n d e r the Factory Acts, piece-wage b e c o m e s the gen20 eral rule, because capital c a n there only increase t h e efficacy of the working day by intensifying l a b o u r . 37

38

39

40

W i t h t h e changing productiveness of l a b o u r t h e s a m e q u a n t u m of product represents a varying working t i m e . Therefore, piece-wage also varies, for it is the m o n e y expression of a ||569| d e t e r m i n e d working t i m e . In o u r 25 example above, 24 pieces were p r o d u c e d in 12 h o u r s , whilst the value of the product of the 12 h o u r s was 6s., the daily value of the labour-power 3s., the price of the l a b o u r - h o u r 3d., a n d the wage for o n e piece V-/-&. In o n e piece half-an-hour's labour was absorbed. If the s a m e working day now supplies, in c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e d o u b l e d productiveness of labour, 30 48 pieces instead of 24, a n d all other c i r c u m s t a n c e s r e m a i n u n c h a n g e d , t h e n the piece-wage falls from 1/^d. to %à., as every piece now only represents %, instead of % of a working hour. 24 by \%à. = 3s., a n d in like m a n n e r 48 by %â. = 3s. In other words, piece-wage is lowered in the same proportion as the n u m b e r of t h e pieces p r o d u c e d in the s a m e t i m e r i s e s , a n d 41

35

37

R e m a r k s o n t h e C o m m e r c i a l Policy o f G r e a t B r i t a i n , L o n d o n , 1815. C o n s i d e r a t i o n s u p o n t h e C o r n Bill L o n d o n 1815, p . 3 4 . M a l t h u s , I n q u i r y i n t o t h e N a t u r e a n d Progress o f R e n t , L o n d . , 1815. " T h o s e w h o are p a i d b y piece-work . . . . c o n s t i t u t e p r o b a b l y four-fifths o f t h e workers i n t h e factories." " R e p o r t s of I n s p . of Fact., 3 0 t h April, 1 8 5 8 . " " T h e p r o d u c t i v e power o f h i s s p i n n i n g - m a c h i n e i s a c c u r a t e l y m e a s u r e d , a n d t h e r a t e o f p a y for work d o n e w i t h it d e c r e a s e s with, t h o u g h n o t as, t h e i n c r e a s e of its p r o d u c t i v e power." (Ure, I.e., p. 317.) T h i s last a p o l e g e t i c p h r a s e U r e h i m s e l f a g a i n c a n c e l s . T h e l e n g t h e n i n g of 38

39

40

40

41

485

Part VI • Wages therefore as the working t i m e spent on the s a m e piece falls. This c h a n g e in piece-wage, so far purely n o m i n a l , leads to constant battles b e t w e e n capitalist a n d labour. Either because the capitalist uses it as a pretext for actually lowering the price of labour, or because increased productive power of labour is a c c o m p a n i e d by an increased intensity of t h e s a m e . Or because 5 t h e labourer takes seriously the appearance of piece-wages, viz., t h a t his p r o d u c t is paid for, a n d n o t his labour-power, a n d therefore revolts against a lowering of wages, u n a c c o m p a n i e d by a lowering in t h e selling price of the c o m m o d i t y . "The operatives . . . . carefully watch t h e price of the raw m a t e r i a l a n d the price of manufactured goods, and are t h u s enabled to 10 form an accurate estimate of their master's p r o f i t s . " 42

T h e capitalist rightly knocks on the h e a d s u c h pretensions ||570| as gross errors as to the n a t u r e of wage-labour. He cries out against this usurping a t t e m p t to lay taxes on the advance of industry, a n d declares r o u n d l y that the productiveness of labour does not concern the labourer at a l l . 15 43

44

t h e m u l e c a u s e s s o m e i n c r e a s e o f labour, h e a d m i t s . T h e l a b o u r d o e s therefore n o t d i m i n i s h in t h e s a m e ratio as its productivity increases. F u r t h e r : "By t h i s i n c r e a s e t h e p r o d u c t i v e power o f t h e m a c h i n e will b e a u g m e n t e d one-fifth. W h e n t h i s event h a p p e n s t h e s p i n n e r will n o t b e p a i d at t h e s a m e r a t e for work d o n e as he was before, b u t as t h a t r a t e will n o t be d i m i n i s h e d in t h e r a t i o o f one-fifth, t h e i m p r o v e m e n t will a u g m e n t h i s m o n e y e a r n i n g s for a n y given n u m b e r of h o u r s ' work," b u t "the foregoing s t a t e m e n t r e q u i r e s a c e r t a i n m o d i f i c a t i o n The s p i n n e r h a s t o p a y s o m e t h i n g a d d i t i o n a l for j u v e n i l e aid o u t o f h i s a d d i t i o n a l s i x p e n c e , acc o m p a n i e d by displacing a p o r t i o n of a d u l t s " (I.e., p p . 3 2 0 , 321), w h i c h h a s in no way a t e n d e n c y to raise wages. H . F a w c e t t : " T h e E c o n o m i c P o s i t i o n o f t h e British L a b o u r e r . C a m b r i d g e a n d L o n d o n , 1 8 6 5 , " p p . 1 7 8 , 179. I n t h e London Standard o f O c t o b e r 26, 1 8 6 1 , t h e r e is a r e p o r t of p r o c e e d i n g s of t h e firm of J o h n Bright & Co., before t h e R o c h d a l e magistrates "to p r o s e c u t e for i n t i m i d a t i o n t h e a g e n t s o f t h e Carpet W e a v e r s T r a d e s ' U n i o n . Bright's p a r t n e r s h a d i n t r o d u c e d n e w m a c h i n e r y w h i c h w o u l d t u r n o u t 240 yards of carpet in t h e t i m e a n d with t h e l a b o u r (!) previously r e q u i r e d to p r o d u c e 160 yards. T h e w o r k m e n h a d n o c l a i m w h a t e v e r t o s h a r e i n t h e profits m a d e b y t h e i n v e s t m e n t o f their e m p l o y e r ' s capital i n m e c h a n i c a l i m p r o v e m e n t s . Accordingly, Messrs. Bright p r o p o s e d to lower t h e r a t e of p a y from l % d . per yard to I d . , leaving t h e e a r n i n g s of t h e m e n exactly t h e s a m e as before for t h e s a m e l a b o u r . B u t t h e r e was a n o m i n a l r e d u c t i o n , of w h i c h t h e operatives, it is asserted, h a d n o t fair w a r n i n g before h a n d . " " T r a d e s ' U n i o n s , i n their desire t o m a i n t a i n wages, e n d e a v o u r t o s h a r e i n t h e benefits o f i m p r o v e d m a c h i n e r y . [Quelle horreur!] .... t h e d e m a n d i n g h i g h e r wages, b e c a u s e l a b o u r is a b b r e v i a t e d , is in o t h e r words t h e e n d e a v o u r to establish a d u t y on m e c h a n i c a l i m p r o v e m e n t s . " ( " O n C o m b i n a t i o n of T r a d e s , new ed., L o n d o n , 1834," p. 42.) 42

20

25

4 3

44

486

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35

Chapter XXII • National differences of wages

CHAPTER XXII.

National Differences of Wages.

5

In the 17th chapter we were occupied with the manifold c o m b i n a t i o n s which m a y bring a b o u t a change in m a g n i t u d e of the value of labourpower—this m a g n i t u d e being considered either absolutely or relatively, i.e., as compared with surplus-value; whilst on t h e other h a n d , the q u a n t u m of the m e a n s of subsistence in which the price of l a b o u r is realised m i g h t again u n d e r g o fluctuations i n d e p e n d e n t of, or different from, the changes of this p r i c e . As has b e e n already said, the simple translation of the value or respectively of the price of labour-power into the exoteric form of wages transforms all these laws into laws of the fluctuations of wages. T h a t which appears in these fluctuations of wages within a single country as a series of varying c o m b i n a t i o n s , m a y appear in different countries as c o n t e m p o r a n e ous difference of n a t i o n a l wages. In |f571| the c o m p a r i s o n of the wages in different nations, we m u s t therefore take into a c c o u n t all the factors t h a t d e t e r m i n e changes in the a m o u n t of the value of labour-power; the price a n d the extent of the prime necessaries of life as naturally a n d historically developed, the cost of training the labourers, t h e part played by t h e l a b o u r of w o m e n and children, the productiveness of labour, its extensive and intensive m a g n i t u d e . Even the most superficial c o m p a r i s o n requires the red u c t i o n first of t h e average day-wage for t h e s a m e trades, in different c o u n tries, to a u n i f o r m working day. After this r e d u c t i o n to the same terms of t h e day-wages, time-wage m u s t again be translated into piece-wage, as the latter only can be a m e a s u r e b o t h of the productivity and the intensity of labour. In every country there is a certain average intensity of labour, below which the labour for the p r o d u c t i o n of a c o m m o d i t y requires m o r e t h a n the socially necessary t i m e , a n d therefore does n o t reckon as labour of n o r m a l quality. Only a degree of intensity above t h e n a t i o n a l average affects, in a given country, the m e a s u r e of value by the m e r e d u r a t i o n of the working t i m e . This is n o t the case on the universal market, whose integral parts are the individual countries. T h e average intensity of labour changes from country to country; here it is greater, there less. T h e s e n a t i o n a l averages form a scale, whose u n i t of m e a s u r e is the average u n i t of universal labour. T h e m o r e intense n a t i o n a l labour, therefore, as c o m p a r e d with the less in45

10

15

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25

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35

45

"It i s n o t a c c u r a t e t o say t h a t w a g e s " (he deals h e r e w i t h their m o n e y expression) "are increased, b e c a u s e t h e y p u r c h a s e m o r e of a c h e a p e r article." (David B u c h a n a n in h i s e d i t i o n of A d a m S m i t h ' s " W e a l t h , " etc., 1814, Vol. I., p . 4 1 7 . N o t e . )

487

Part VI • Wages tense, p r o d u c e s in t h e s a m e t i m e m o r e value, w h i c h expresses itself in more money. But the law of value in its international application is yet m o r e modified by this, that on the world-market the m o r e productive n a t i o n a l labour recko n s also as the m o r e intense, so long as the m o r e productive n a t i o n is n o t 5 c o m p e l l e d by c o m p e t i t i o n to lower the selling price of its c o m m o d i t i e s to t h e level of their value. In proportion as capitalist production is developed in a country, in t h e s a m e proportion do the n a t i o n a l intensity a n d productivity of labour there rise above the i n t e r n a t i o n a l level. 1|572| T h e different q u a n t i t i e s of c o m - 10 m o d i t i e s of the s a m e kind, produced in different countries in t h e s a m e working t i m e , have, therefore, u n e q u a l i n t e r n a t i o n a l values, w h i c h are expressed in different prices, i.e., in s u m s of m o n e y varying according to int e r n a t i o n a l values. T h e relative value of m o n e y will, therefore, be less in t h e n a t i o n with m o r e developed capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n t h a n in t h e 15 n a t i o n with less developed. It follows, t h e n , t h a t t h e n o m i n a l wages, t h e equivalent of labour-power expressed in m o n e y , will also be higher in t h e first n a t i o n t h a n in t h e second; which does n o t at all prove t h a t this holds also for t h e real wages, i.e., for the m e a n s of subsistence placed at the disposal of the labourer. 20 46

B u t even apart from these relative differences of t h e value of m o n e y in different countries, it will be found, frequently, that t h e daily or weekly, etc., wage in the first n a t i o n is higher t h a n in t h e second, whilst t h e relative price of labour, i.e., the price of labour as c o m p a r e d b o t h with surplus-value a n d with the value of the product, stands higher in t h e second t h a n in 25 the first. J . W . Cowell, m e m b e r of t h e Factory C o m m i s s i o n of 1833, after careful investigation of the spinning trade, c a m e to the conclusion that, "in E n g 47

46

We shall inquire, in another place, what circumstances in relation to productivity may modify this law for individual branches of industry. 30 James Anderson remarks in his polemic against Adam Smith: "It deserves, likewise, to be remarked, that although the apparent price of labour is usually lower in poor countries, where the produce of the soil, and grain in general, is cheap; yet it is in fact for the most part really higher than in other countries. For it is not the wages that is given to the labourer per day that constitutes the real price of labour, although it is its apparent price. The real price is that 35 which a certain quantity of work performed actually costs the employer; and considered in this light, labour is in almost all cases cheaper in rich countries than in those that are poorer, although the price of grain, and other provisions, in usually much lower in the last than in the first... Labour estimated by the day, is much lower in Scotland than in England ... Labour by the piece is generally cheaper in England." (James Anderson, Observations on the means of 40 exciting a spirit of National Industry, etc., Edin. 1777, pp.350, 351). On the contrary, lowness of wages produces, in its turn, dearness of labour. "Labour being dearer in Ireland than it is in England ... because the wages are so much lower." (N. 2074 in Royal Commission on Railways, Minutes, 1867." 47

488

Chapter XXII · National differences of wages l a n d wages are virtually lower to t h e capitalist, t h o u g h h i g h e r to t h e opera­ tive t h a n o n t h e C o n t i n e n t o f E u r o p e . " (Ure, p . 314.) T h e English F a c t o r y Inspector, A l e x a n d e r Redgrave, in his R e p o r t of Oct. 31st, 1866, proves by c o m p a r a t i v e statistics with C o n t i n e n t a l states, | | 5 7 3 | t h a t in spite of lower 5

wages a n d m u c h longer working-time, C o n t i n e n t a l l a b o u r is, in p r o p o r t i o n to t h e product, dearer t h a n English. An E n g l i s h m a n a g e r of a c o t t o n factory in Oldenburg, declares t h a t t h e working-time t h e r e lasted from 5.30. a.m. to 8. p.m., Saturdays i n c l u d e d , a n d t h a t t h e workpeople there, w h e n u n d e r English overlookers, d i d n o t supply d u r i n g t h i s t i m e q u i t e s o m u c h p r o d u c t

10

a s t h e English i n 1 0 h o u r s , b u t u n d e r G e r m a n overlookers m u c h less. Wages are m u c h lower t h a n i n E n g l a n d , i n m a n y cases 5 0 % , b u t t h e n u m ­ ber o f h a n d s i n p r o p o r t i o n t o t h e m a c h i n e r y was m u c h greater, i n certain d e p a r t m e n t s in t h e p r o p o r t i o n of 5 : 3 . — M r . R e d g r a v e gives very full details a s t o t h e R u s s i a n c o t t o n factories. T h e d a t a were given h i m b y a n English

15

m a n a g e r u n t i l recently e m p l o y e d t h e r e . On t h i s R u s s i a n soil, so fruitful of all infamies, the old horrors of t h e early days of English factories are in full swing. T h e m a n a g e r s are, of course, English, as t h e native R u s s i a n capital­ ist is of no u s e in factory b u s i n e s s . D e s p i t e all over-work, c o n t i n u e d day a n d night, despite t h e m o s t shameful u n d e r - p a y m e n t o f t h e workpeople,

20

R u s s i a n m a n u f a c t u r e m a n a g e s to vegetate only by p r o h i b i t i o n of foreign c o m p e t i t i o n . I give, in c o n c l u s i o n , a c o m p a r a t i v e table of M r . Redgrave's, on t h e average n u m b e r of spindles p e r factory a n d p e r s p i n n e r in t h e differ­ e n t c o u n t r i e s o f E u r o p e . H e , himself, r e m a r k s t h a t h e h a d collected t h e s e figures a few years ago, a n d t h a t since t h a t t i m e t h e size of t h e factories a n d

25

t h e n u m b e r o f spindles p e r l a b o u r e r i n E n g l a n d h a s Increased. H e sup­ poses, however, a n approximately e q u a l progress i n t h e C o n t i n e n t a l c o u n ­ tries m e n t i o n e d , so t h a t t h e n u m b e r s given would still have their value for purposes of c o m p a r i s o n . Average Number of Spindles per Factory.

30

England,

average of s p i n d l e s p e r factory

France,

1,500

Prussia, Belgium,

1,500 M

4,000

Saxony, 35

» Switzerland, η

Austria,

12,600

4,500 »

7,000 8,000

489

Part VI • Wages |574| Average Number of Persons Employed to Spindles. France,

one person to

14 s p i n d l e s

Russia,

»

28

Prussia,

»

37 »

Bavaria,

»

46

Austria,

5

49

Belgium,

»

50

Saxony,

»

50

Switzerland,

»

55 » 10

Smaller States of G e r m a n y ,

»

55

G r e a t Britain,

»

74

"This comparison," says Mr. Redgrave, "is yet m o r e unfavourable to G r e a t Britain, i n a s m u c h as there is so large a n u m b e r of factories in which weaving by power is carried on in conjunction with s p i n n i n g (whilst in the table the weavers are n o t d e d u c t e d ) , a n d the factories abroad are chiefly spinning factories; if it were possible to c o m p a r e like with like, strictly, I could find m a n y cotton spinning factories in my district in which m u l e s containing 2,200 spindles are m i n d e d by o n e m a n (the ' m i n d e r ' ) a n d two assistants only, turning off daily 220 lbs. of yarn, m e a s u r i n g 4Ö0 m i l e s in length." (Reports of Insp. of Fact., 31st Oct., 1866, p. 3 2 - 3 4 , passim.) It is well k n o w n that in Eastern E u r o p e as well as in Asia, English companies have u n d e r t a k e n the construction of railways, a n d have, in m a k i n g t h e m , employed side by side with the native labourers, a certain n u m b e r of English workingmen. Compelled by practical necessity, they t h u s have h a d to take into account the n a t i o n a l difference in the intensity of labour, b u t this has brought t h e m no loss. Their experience shows t h a t even if the height of wages corresponds m o r e or less with the average intensity of labour, the relative price of l a b o u r varies generally in the inverse direction. In an "Essay on the R a t e of W a g e s , " o n e of his first e c o n o m i c writings, H. Carey tries to prove that the wages of t h e different n a t i o n s are directly proportional to t h e degree of ||575| productiveness of t h e n a t i o n a l working days, in order to draw from this international relation, t h e conclusion that wages everywhere rise a n d fall in proportion to the productiveness of lab o u r . T h e whole of our analysis of the p r o d u c t i o n of surplus-value shows t h e absurdity of this conclusion, even if Carey himself h a d proved his prem i s e s , instead of, after his u s u a l uncritical a n d superficial fashion, shuffling to a n d fro a confused m a s s of statistical materials. T h e best of it is t h a t he does n o t assert t h a t things actually are as they ought to be accord-

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"Essay o n t h e R a t e o f W a g e s , with a n E x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e C a u s e s o f t h e Differences i n t h e Conditions of the Labouring Population throughout the World," Philadelphia, 1835.

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Chapter XXII · National differences of wages ing to his theory. F o r State intervention h a s falsified the n a t u r a l e c o n o m i c relations. T h e different n a t i o n a l wages m u s t be reckoned, therefore, as if t h a t part of each that goes to the State in the form of taxes, c a m e to the lab o u r e r himself. Ought n o t Mr. Carey to consider further whether those 5 "State expenses" are n o t the "natural" fruits of capitalistic development? T h e reasoning is quite worthy of the m a n who first declared the relations of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n to be eternal laws of n a t u r e a n d reason, whose free, h a r m o n i o u s working is only disturbed by the intervention of the State, in order afterwards to discover t h a t the diabolical influence of E n g l a n d on the 10 world-market (an influence which, it appears, does n o t spring from the natu r a l laws of capitalist production) necessitates State intervention, i.e., the protection of those laws of n a t u r e a n d reason by the State, alias t h e System of Protection. He discovered further, t h a t t h e t h e o r e m s of Ricardo a n d others, in which existing social a n t a g o n i s m s a n d contradictions are formu15 lated, are n o t the ideal p r o d u c t of the real e c o n o m i c m o v e m e n t , b u t on the contrary, that the real a n t a g o n i s m s of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n in E n g l a n d a n d elsewhere are the result of the theories of R i c a r d o a n d others! Finally, he discovered that it is, in t h e last resort, c o m m e r c e t h a t destroys t h e i n b o r n beauties a n d h a r m o n i e s of the capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n . A step fur20 ther, and he will, perhaps, discover t h a t t h e o n e evil in capitalist p r o d u c tion is capital itself. Only a m a n with s u c h atrocious want of t h e critical faculty a n d s u c h spurious erudition deserved, in spite of his Protectionist heresy, to b e c o m e the secret source of t h e h a r m o n i o u s wisdom of a Bastiat, a n d of all the other F r e e T r a d e optimists of to-day. |

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|576| P A R T V I I . The

Accumulation

of

Capital.

T h e conversion of a s u m of m o n e y into m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d labourpower, is t h e first step t a k e n by the q u a n t u m of value t h a t is going to function as capital. This conversion takes place in t h e market, within the sphere 30 of circulation. T h e second step, the process of production, is complete so soon as the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n have b e e n converted into c o m m o d i t i e s whose value exceeds t h a t of their c o m p o n e n t parts, and, therefore, c o n t a i n s the capital originally advanced, plus a surplus-value. These c o m m o d i t i e s m u s t t h e n be thrown into circulation. T h e y m u s t be sold, their value real35 ised in m o n e y , this m o n e y afresh converted i n t o capital, a n d so over a n d over again. This circular m o v e m e n t , in which t h e same phases are c o n t i n u ally gone t h r o u g h in succession, forms the circulation of capital.

491

Part VII · The accumulation of capital T h e first c o n d i t i o n of a c c u m u l a t i o n is t h a t the capitalist m u s t h a v e contrived to sell his c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d to reconvert into capital the greater part of the m o n e y so received. In the following pages we shall a s s u m e t h a t capital circulates in its n o r m a l way. T h e detailed analysis of t h e process will be found in Book II. 5 T h e capitalist who produces surplus-value—i.e., who extracts u n p a i d lab o u r directly from t h e labourers, a n d fixes it in c o m m o d i t i e s , is, i n d e e d , t h e first appropriator, b u t by no m e a n s t h e u l t i m a t e owner, of this surplusvalue. He has to share it with capitalists, with landowners, etc., w h o fulfil other functions in the c o m p l e x of social p r o d u c t i o n . Surplus-value, there- 10 fore, splits up into various parts. Its fragments fall to various cate||577|gories of persons, a n d take various forms, i n d e p e n d e n t the o n e of the other, s u c h as profit, interest, m e r c h a n t s ' profit, rent, etc. It is only in Book I I I . t h a t we c a n take in h a n d these modified forms of surplus-value. On t h e o n e h a n d , t h e n , we a s s u m e that the Capitalist sells at their value t h e c o m m o d i t i e s h e h a s produced, without c o n c e r n i n g ourselves either a b o u t the new forms t h a t capital assumes while in t h e sphere of circulation, or a b o u t the concrete conditions of r e p r o d u c t i o n h i d d e n u n d e r t h e s e forms. On the other h a n d , we treat the capitalist p r o d u c e r as owner of the entire surplus-value, or, better perhaps, as t h e representative of all t h e sharers with h i m in the booty. W e , therefore, first of all consider a c c u m u l a t i o n from an abstract point of view—i.e., as a m e r e p h a s e in the actual process of p r o d u c t i o n . So far as a c c u m u l a t i o n takes place, the capitalist m u s t have succeeded in selling his c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d in reconverting t h e sale-money into capital. Moreover, the breaking-up of surplus-value into fragments n e i t h e r alters its n a t u r e n o r the conditions u n d e r w h i c h it b e c o m e s an e l e m e n t of acc u m u l a t i o n . W h a t e v e r be the proportion of surplus-value w h i c h t h e industrial capitalist retains for himself, or yields up to others, he is t h e o n e who, in the first instance, appropriates it. W e , therefore, a s s u m e no m o r e t h a n what actually takes place. O n the other h a n d , t h e simple f u n d a m e n t a l form of the process of a c c u m u l a t i o n is obscured by t h e i n c i d e n t of t h e circ u l a t i o n which brings it about, a n d by t h e splitting up of surplus-value. An exact analysis of the process, therefore, d e m a n d s t h a t we should, for a t i m e , disregard all p h e n o m e n a t h a t hide the play of its i n n e r m e c h a n i s m .

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Chapter XXIII · Simple reproduction

CHAPTER XXIII.

Simple Reproduction.

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W h a t e v e r t h e form of t h e process of p r o d u c t i o n in a society, it m u s t be a c o n t i n u o u s process, m u s t c o n t i n u e to go periodically t h r o u g h t h e s a m e phases. A society c a n no m o r e cease ||578| to p r o d u c e t h a n it c a n cease to c o n s u m e . W h e n viewed, therefore, as a c o n n e c t e d whole, a n d as flowing on with incessant renewal, every social process of p r o d u c t i o n is, at t h e s a m e time, a process of r e p r o d u c t i o n . T h e conditions of p r o d u c t i o n are also those of r e p r o d u c t i o n . No society

10

can go on producing, in other words, no society c a n r e p r o d u c e , unless it constantly reconverts a part of its products i n t o m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , or e l e m e n t s of fresh p r o d u c t s . All o t h e r c i r c u m s t a n c e s r e m a i n i n g t h e same, the only m o d e by w h i c h it c a n r e p r o d u c e its wealth, a n d m a i n t a i n it at o n e level, is by replacing t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n — i . e . , t h e i n s t r u m e n t s of la15 bour, the raw material, a n d the auxiliary s u b s t a n c e s c o n s u m e d in t h e course of t h e year—by an e q u a l q u a n t i t y of t h e s a m e k i n d of articles; these m u s t be separated from t h e m a s s of t h e yearly p r o d u c t s , a n d thrown afresh into t h e process of p r o d u c t i o n . H e n c e , a definite p o r t i o n of e a c h year's produ c t belongs to t h e d o m a i n of p r o d u c t i o n . D e s t i n e d for productive con20

s u m p t i o n from t h e very first, this p o r t i o n exists, for t h e m o s t part, in t h e shape of articles totally unfitted for individual c o n s u m p t i o n . If p r o d u c t i o n be capitalistic in form, so, too, will be r e p r o d u c t i o n . Just as in the former the labour-process figures b u t as a m e a n s towards t h e self-exp a n s i o n of capital, so in t h e latter it figures b u t as a m e a n s of r e p r o d u c i n g 25 as c a p i t a l — i . e . , as self-expanding v a l u e , — t h e value advanced. It is only b e cause his m o n e y constantly functions as capital that t h e e c o n o m i c a l guise of a capitalist attaches to a m a n . If, for instance, a s u m of £100 h a s this year b e e n converted i n t o capital, a n d p r o d u c e d a surplus-value of £20, it m u s t c o n t i n u e during n e x t year, a n d s u b s e q u e n t years, to repeat t h e s a m e 30 operation. As a periodic i n c r e m e n t of t h e capital advanced, or periodic fruit of capital in process, surplus-value acquires t h e form of a revenue flowing o u t of capital. 1 1

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35

« M a i s ces r i c h e s , q u i c o n s o m m e n t les p r o d u i t s d u travail d e s a u t r e s , n e p e u v e n t les o b t e n i r q u e p a r des é c h a n g e s ( p u r c h a s e s o f c o m m o d i t i e s ) . S'ils d o n n e n t c e p e n d a n t l e u r r i c h e s s e a c q u i s e e t a c c u m u l é e e n r e t o u r c o n t r e ces p r o d u i t s n o u v e a u x q u i s o n t l'objet d e l e u r fantaisie, ils s e m b l e n t e x p o s é s à é p u i s e r b i e n t ô t l e u r fonds de réserve; ils ne travaillent p o i n t , a v o n s n o u s dit, e t ils n e p e u v e n t m ê m e travailler; o n croirait d o n c q u e c h a q u e j o u r d o i t voir d i m i n u e r leurs vieilles richesses, e t q u e l o r s q u ' i l n e l e u r e n r e s t e r a p l u s , r i e n n e sera offert e n é c h a n g e a u x ouvriers q u i t r a v a i l l e n t e x c l u s i v e m e n t p o u r e u x . . . . M a i s d a n s l'ordre social, l a ri-

493

Part VII · The accumulation of capital |579| If this revenue serve t h e capitalist only as a fund to provide for his c o n s u m p t i o n , and be spent as periodically as it is gained, t h e n , caeteris paribus, simple reproduction will take place. A n d a l t h o u g h this reproduction is a m e r e repetition of the process of p r o d u c t i o n on the old scale, yet this m e r e repetition, or continuity, gives a new character to t h e process, or, rather, causes the disappearance of some a p p a r e n t characteristics which it possessed as an isolated d i s c o n t i n u o u s process. T h e p u r c h a s e of labour-power for a fixed period is the p r e l u d e to the process of production; a n d this prelude is constantly repeated w h e n the stipulated t e r m comes to an end, when a definite period of p r o d u c t i o n , such as a week or a m o n t h , has elapsed. But the labourer is n o t paid u n t i l after he has e x p e n d e d his labour-power, a n d realised in c o m m o d i t i e s n o t only its value, b u t surplus-value. He has, therefore, p r o d u c e d n o t only surplus-valu e , which we for the present regard as a fund to m e e t the private c o n s u m p tion of the capitalist, b u t he has also produced, before it flows back to h i m in the shape of wages, the fund out of which he himself is paid, the variable capital; and his e m p l o y m e n t lasts only so long as he c o n t i n u e s to reprod u c e this fund. H e n c e , t h a t formula of the economists, referred to in Chapter XVIII., which represents wages as a share in the p r o d u c t itself. W h a t flows back to the labourer in the shape of wages is a portion of the p r o d u c t t h a t is continuously reproduced by h i m . T h e capitalist, it is true, pays h i m in m o n e y , b u t this m o n e y is merely the t r a n s m u t e d form of the product of his labour. W h i l e he is converting a portion of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n into products, a portion of his former product is being t u r n e d into m o n e y . It is his labour of ||580| last week, or of last year, that pays for his labourpower this week or this year. T h e illusion begotten by the intervention of m o n e y vanishes immediately, if, instead of taking a single capitalist a n d a single labourer, we take the class of capitalists a n d the class of labourers as a whole. T h e capitalist class is constantly giving to t h e labouring class order-notes, in the form of money, on a portion of the c o m m o d i t i e s produced by the latter a n d appropriated by the former. T h e labourers give these order-notes back just as constantly to the capitalist class, a n d in this way get their share of their own product. T h e transaction is veiled by the c o m m o d ity-form of t h e product a n d the money-form of t h e c o m m o d i t y .

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2

Variable capital is therefore only a particular historical form of appearc h e s s e a a c q u i s la p r o p r i é t é de se r e p r o d u i r e par le travail d ' a u t r u i , et s a n s q u e son propriétaire y c o n c o u r e . La richesse, c o m m e le travail, et par le travail, d o n n e un fruit a n n u e l q u i p e u t être d é t r u i t c h a q u e a n n é e sans q u e le r i c h e en d e v i e n n e p l u s p a u v r e . Ce fruit est le revenu q u i n a î t d u capital.» ( S i s m o n d i : N o u v . P r i n c . d ' É c o n . Pol. Paris, 1819. t . I . p p . 8 1 - 8 2 . ) " W a g e s as well as profits are to be c o n s i d e r e d , e a c h of t h e m , as really a p o r t i o n of t h e finished p r o d u c t . " ( R a m s a y , I.e., p. 142.) " T h e share of t h e p r o d u c t w h i c h c o m e s to t h e l a b o u r e r in the form of wages." (J. Mill, E l e m e n t s , etc. T r a n s l a t e d by Parisot. Paris, 1823. p. 34.) 2

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Chapter XXIII • Simple reproduction

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ance of the fund for providing the necessaries of life, or the labour-fund which the labourer requires for the m a i n t e n a n c e of himself a n d family, a n d which, whatever be the system of social p r o d u c t i o n , he m u s t himself prod u c e and reproduce. If t h e labour-fund constantly flows to h i m in the form of m o n e y that pays for his labour, it is b e c a u s e the p r o d u c t he has created moves constantly away from h i m in the form of capital. But all this does n o t alter the fact, that it is t h e labourer's own labour, realised in a product, which is advanced to h i m by the capitalist. Let us take a peasant liable to do compulsory service for his lord. He works on his own land, with his own 3

10

m e a n s of production, for, say, 3 days a week. T h e 3 other days he does forced work on the lord's d o m a i n . He constantly reproduces his own labour-fund, which never, in his case, takes the form of a m o n e y p a y m e n t for his labour, advanced by another person. But in return, his u n p a i d forced labour for the lord, on its side, never acquires the character of voluntary paid 15 labour. If one fine m o r n i n g the lord appropriates to himself the land, the cattle, the seed, in a word, the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n of this peasant, the latter will henceforth be obliged to sell his labour-power to the lord. He will, c e t e r i s paribus, labour 6 days a week as before, 3 for himself, 3 for | |581| his lord, who thenceforth b e c o m e s a wages-paying capitalist. As be20 fore, he will use up the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n as m e a n s of production, a n d transfer their value to the product. As before, a definite portion of t h e produ c t will be devoted to reproduction. But from t h e m o m e n t that t h e forced labour is c h a n g e d into wage-labour, from t h a t m o m e n t the labour-fund, which the peasant himself c o n t i n u e s as before to p r o d u c e a n d r e p r o d u c e , 25 takes the form of a capital advanced in the form of wages by the lord. T h e bourgeois economist whose narrow m i n d is u n a b l e to separate t h e form of appearance from the thing that appears, shuts his eyes to the fact, that it is b u t h e r e a n d there on the face of the earth, that even now-a-days the labour-fund crops up in the form of capital. 30 Variable capital, it is true, only t h e n loses its character of a value advanced out of the capitalist's f u n d s , w h e n we view the process of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n in the flow of its constant renewal. But that process m u s t have h a d a beginning of s o m e kind. F r o m our present stand-point it therefore 4

s

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35

" W h e n capital is e m p l o y e d in a d v a n c i n g to t h e w o r k m a n h i s wages, it a d d s n o t h i n g to t h e funds for t h e m a i n t e n a n c e of l a b o u r . " ( C a z e n o v e in n o t e to h i s e d i t i o n of M a l t h u s , D e f i n i t i o n s in Pol. E c o n . L o n d o n , 1853, p. 22.) " T h e wages of l a b o u r are a d v a n c e d by capitalists in t h e case of less t h a n o n e - f o u r t h of t h e l a b o u r e r s o f t h e e a r t h . " (Rich. J o n e s : T e x t b o o k o f L e c t u r e s o n t h e Pol. E c o n . o f N a t i o n s . H e r t ford, 1852, p. 36.) " T h o u g h t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r " (i.e. t h e labourer) " h a s his wages a d v a n c e d to h i m by his m a s ter, he in reality costs h i m no e x p e n s e , t h e value of t h e s e wages b e i n g generally restored, t o g e t h e r with a profit, in t h e i m p r o v e d value of t h e subject u p o n w h i c h his l a b o u r is bestowed." (A. S m i t h I.e. Book II. ch. III. p. 355.) 4

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Part VII · The accumulation of capital seems likely t h a t t h e capitalist, once u p o n a t i m e , b e c a m e possessed of m o n ey, by s o m e a c c u m u l a t i o n that took place i n d e p e n d e n t l y of t h e u n p a i d lab o u r of others, a n d that this was, therefore, how he was e n a b l e d to frequent t h e m a r k e t as a b u y e r of labour-power. However this m a y b e , t h e m e r e continuity of t h e process, the simple reproduction, brings a b o u t s o m e other wonderful changes, which affect n o t only t h e variable, b u t t h e total capital. If a capital of £1000 beget yearly a surplus-value of £200, a n d if this surplus-value be c o n s u m e d every year, it is clear t h a t at t h e e n d of 5 years the surplus-value c o n s u m e d will a m o u n t to 5 x £200 or the £1000 originally advanced. If only a part, say one half, were c o n s u m e d , t h e s a m e result would follow at the e n d of 10 years, since 10 x £100 = £1000. ||582| G e n eral R u l e : T h e value of the capital advanced divided by the surplus-value a n n u a l l y c o n s u m e d , gives the n u m b e r of years, or r e p r o d u c t i o n periods, at t h e expiration of which the capital originally advanced h a s b e e n c o n s u m e d by t h e capitalist a n d has disappeared. T h e capitalist t h i n k s , t h a t he is cons u m i n g t h e p r o d u c e of t h e u n p a i d labour of others, i.e., the surplus-value, a n d is keeping intact his original capital; b u t what he t h i n k s c a n n o t alter facts. After t h e lapse of a certain n u m b e r of years, the capital value he t h e n possesses is e q u a l to t h e s u m total of the surplus-value appropriated by h i m during those years, a n d the total value he has c o n s u m e d is e q u a l to t h a t of h i s original capital. It is true, he has in h a n d a capital whose a m o u n t has n o t changed, a n d of which a part, viz., the buildings, m a c h i n e r y , etc., were already there w h e n t h e work of his business b e g a n . But, what we have to do with here, is n o t the m a t e r i a l elements, b u t the value, of t h a t capital. W h e n a p e r s o n gets t h r o u g h all his property, by taking u p o n himself debts e q u a l to t h e value of that property, it is clear that his property represents n o t h i n g b u t the s u m total of his debts. A n d so it is with the capitalist; when he has c o n s u m e d the equivalent of his original capital, t h e value of his present capital represents n o t h i n g b u t t h e total a m o u n t of t h e surplus-value appropriated by h i m without p a y m e n t . N o t a single a t o m of the value of his old capital c o n t i n u e s to exist.

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A p a r t t h e n from all a c c u m u l a t i o n , the m e r e c o n t i n u i t y of the process of p r o d u c t i o n , in other words simple reproduction, sooner or later, a n d of n e cessity, converts every capital into a c c u m u l a t e d capital, or capitalised surplus-value. Even if t h a t capital was originally acquired by the personal la- 35 b o u r of its employer, it sooner or later b e c o m e s value appropriated without an equivalent, the u n p a i d labour of others materialised either in m o n e y or in some other object. We saw in chapter IV. t h a t in order to convert m o n e y i n t o capital s o m e t h i n g m o r e is required t h a n t h e p r o d u c t i o n a n d circulat i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s . We saw that on t h e o n e side t h e possessor of value or 40 m o n e y , on the other, the possessor of the value-creating substance; on the

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Chapter XXIII · Simple reproduction

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o n e side, the possessor of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d subsistence, on the other, the possessor of n o t h i n g b u t labour-||583|power, m u s t confront o n e another as buyer a n d seller. T h e separation of l a b o u r from its product, of subjective labour-power from the objective c o n d i t i o n s of labour, was therefore t h e real foundation in fact, a n d the starting p o i n t of capitalist p r o d u c tion. But that which at first was b u t a starting pqint, b e c o m e s , by the m e r e continuity of the process, by simple r e p r o d u c t i o n , the peculiar result, constantly renewed a n d perpetuated, of capitalist production. On the o n e h a n d , the process of p r o d u c t i o n incessantly converts m a t e r i a l wealth into capital, into m e a n s of creating m o r e wealth a n d m e a n s of enjoyment for the capitalist. On the other h a n d the labourer, on quitting the process, is what he was on entering it, a source of wealth, b u t devoid of all m e a n s of m a k i n g t h a t wealth his own. Since, before e n t e r i n g on the process, his own l a b o u r has already b e e n alienated from himself by t h e sale of his labour-power, has b e e n appropriated by the capitalist a n d incorporated with capital, it m u s t , during the process, be realised in a p r o d u c t t h a t does n o t belong to h i m . Since the process of p r o d u c t i o n is also t h e process by which t h e capitalist c o n s u m e s labour-power, the p r o d u c t of the labourer is incessantly converted, n o t only into c o m m o d i t i e s , b u t i n t o capital, into value t h a t sucks up the value-creating power, into m e a n s of subsistence that buy the person of the labourer, into m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n that c o m m a n d t h e p r o d u c ers. T h e labourer therefore constantly p r o d u c e s material, objective wealth, b u t in the form of capital, of an alien power t h a t d o m i n a t e s a n d exploits h i m ; and t h e capitalist as constantly p r o d u c e s labour-power, b u t in the form of a subjective source of wealth, separated from the objects in a n d by which it can alone be realised; in short he p r o d u c e s the labourer, b u t as a wage-labourer. T h i s incessant ||584| r e p r o d u c t i o n , this p e r p e t u a t i o n of the labourer, is the sine q u â n o n of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n . T h e labourer c o n s u m e s in a twofold way. W h i l e p r o d u c i n g he c o n s u m e s by his labour the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , a n d converts t h e m into p r o d u c t s with a higher value t h a n that of the capital advanced. This is his productive c o n s u m p t i o n . It is at the s a m e t i m e c o n s u m p t i o n of his labour-power by the capitalist who b o u g h t it. On the other h a n d , t h e labourer turns the m o n 6

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" T h i s is a r e m a r k a b l y p e c u l i a r property of p r o d u c t i v e l a b o u r . W h a t e v e r is p r o d u c t i v e l y c o n s u m e d is capital, a n d it b e c o m e s c a p i t a l by c o n s u m p t i o n . " ( J a m e s M i l l I.e. p.242.) J a m e s Mill, however, n e v e r got o n t h e t r a c k o f t h i s " r e m a r k a b l y p e c u l i a r property." "It is t r u e i n d e e d , t h a t t h e first i n t r o d u c i n g a m a n u f a c t u r e e m p l o y e s m a n y poor, b u t t h e y cease n o t t o b e so, a n d t h e c o n t i n u a n c e o f i t m a k e s m a n y . " ( R e a s o n s for a l i m i t e d E x p o r t a t i o n o f W o o l . L o n d o n , 1677, p . 19.) " T h e f a r m e r n o w a b s u r d l y asserts, t h a t h e keeps t h e poor. T h e y are i n d e e d k e p t in misery." ( R e a s o n s for t h e late i n c r e a s e of t h e P o o r R a t e s : or a c o m p a r a t i v e view o f t h e prices o f l a b o u r a n d p r o v i s i o n s . L o n d o n , 1777, p . 31.) 7

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Part VII • The accumulation of capital ey paid to h i m for his labour-power, into m e a n s of subsistence: this is his individual c o n s u m p t i o n . T h e labourer's productive c o n s u m p t i o n , a n d his individual c o n s u m p t i o n , are therefore totally distinct. In the former, he acts as the m o t i v e power of capital, a n d belongs to the capitalist. In t h e latter, he belongs to himself, and performs his necessary vital functions o u t s i d e t h e process of production. T h e result of the o n e is, t h a t the capitalist lives; of the other, that the labourer lives. W h e n treating of the working-day, we saw that the labourer is often compelled to m a k e his individual c o n s u m p t i o n a m e r e i n c i d e n t of p r o d u c t i o n . In such a case, he supplies himself with necessaries in order to m a i n t a i n his labour-power, j u s t as coal and water are supplied to t h e s t e a m engine a n d oil to the wheel. His m e a n s of c o n s u m p t i o n , in that case, are the mere m e a n s of c o n s u m p t i o n required by a m e a n s of production; his individual c o n s u m p t i o n is directly productive c o n s u m p t i o n . This, however, appears to be an abuse n o t essentially appertaining to capitalist p r o d u c t i o n . T h e m a t t e r takes quite another aspect, when we c o n t e m p l a t e , n o t the single capitalist, a n d the single labourer, b u t t h e capitalist class a n d the lab o u r i n g class, n o t an isolated process of production, b u t capitalist p r o d u c t i o n in full swing, a n d on its actual social scale. By converting part of his capital into labour-power, the capitalist a u g m e n t s the value of his entire capital. He kills two birds with one stone. He profits, n o t only by what he receives from, b u t by what he gives to, the labourer. T h e capital given in exc h a n g e for labour-power is ||585| converted into necessaries, by the cons u m p t i o n of which the muscles, nerves, b o n e s , a n d brains of existing labourers are reproduced, a n d new labourers are begotten. W i t h i n the limits of what is strictly necessary, the individual c o n s u m p t i o n of t h e working class is, therefore, the reconversion of the m e a n s of subsistence given by capital in exchange for labour-power, into fresh labour-power at the disposal of capital for exploitation. It is the p r o d u c t i o n a n d r e p r o d u c t i o n of t h a t m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n so indispensible to the capitalist: t h e labourer h i m self. T h e individual c o n s u m p t i o n of the labourer, whether it proceed within t h e workshop or outside it, whether it be part of the process of p r o d u c t i o n or not, forms therefore a factor of the p r o d u c t i o n a n d r e p r o d u c t i o n of capital; j u s t as cleaning m a c h i n e r y does, whether it be d o n e while the m a c h i n ery is working or while it is standing. T h e fact t h a t the labourer c o n s u m e s his m e a n s of subsistence for his own purposes, a n d n o t to please the capitalist, has no bearing on the matter. T h e c o n s u m p t i o n of food by a beast of b u r d e n is n o n e the less a necessary factor in the process of production, because the beast enjoys what it eats. T h e m a i n t e n a n c e a n d r e p r o d u c t i o n of 8

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R o s s i w o u l d n o t d e c l a i m so e m p h a t i c a l l y against this, h a d he really p e n e t r a t e d t h e secret of "productive consumption."

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Chapter XXIII • Simple reproduction the working-class is, a n d m u s t ever be, a necessary c o n d i t i o n to the reproduction of capital. But the capitalist m a y safely leave its fulfilment to the labourer's instincts of self-preservation a n d of propagation. All t h e capitalist cares for, is to reduce the labourer's individual c o n s u m p t i o n as far as 5 possible to what is strictly necessary, a n d he is far away from imitating those brutal South A m e r i c a n s , who force their labourers to take the m o r e substantial, rather t h a n the less substantial, k i n d of food. H e n c e b o t h the capitalist a n d his ideological representative, the political economist, consider t h a t part alone of the labourer's individual c o n s u m p 10 tion to be productive, which is requisite for t h e p e r p e t u a t i o n of the class, a n d which therefore m u s t take ||586| place in order that the capitalist m a y have labour-power to c o n s u m e ; what the labourer c o n s u m e s for his own pleasure b e y o n d that part, is u n p r o d u c t i v e c o n s u m p t i o n . If the a c c u m u l a tion of capital were to cause a rise of wages a n d an increase in the la15 bourer's c o n s u m p t i o n , u n a c c o m p a n i e d by increase in the c o n s u m p t i o n of labour-power by capital, t h e additional capital would be c o n s u m e d u n p r o ductively. In reality, the individual c o n s u m p t i o n of the labourer is u n p r o ductive as regards himself, for it reproduces n o t h i n g b u t the n e e d y individual; it is productive to the capitalist a n d to the State, since it is t h e 20 p r o d u c t i o n of the power t h a t creates t h e i r w e a l t h . F r o m a social point of view, therefore, the working-class, even w h e n n o t directly engaged in the labour-process, is j u s t as m u c h an appendage of capital as the ordinary i n s t r u m e n t s of labour. Even its individual c o n s u m p tion is, within certain limits, a m e r e factor in the process of p r o d u c t i o n . 25 T h a t process, however, takes good care to prevent these self-conscious ins t r u m e n t s from leaving it in the lurch, for it removes their product, as fast as it is m a d e , from their pole to the opposite pole of capital. I n d i v i d u a l c o n s u m p t i o n provides, on t h e o n e h a n d , the m e a n s for their m a i n t e n a n c e a n d reproduction: on the other h a n d , it secures by the a n n i h i l a t i o n of t h e 9

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" T h e labourers in this m i n e s of S. A m e r i c a , w h o s e daily task (the heaviest p e r h a p s in t h e world) consists in b r i n g i n g to t h e surface on t h e i r s h o u l d e r s a load of m e t a l weighing from 180 to 200 p o u n d s , from a d e p t h of 450 feet, live on b r e a d a n d b e a n s only; they t h e m s e l v e s w o u l d prefer t h e b r e a d alone for food, b u t t h e i r m a s t e r s , w h o h a v e f o u n d o u t t h a t t h e m e n c a n n o t work s o h a r d o n b r e a d , treat t h e m like h o r s e s , a n d c o m p e l t h e m t o e a t b e a n s ; b e a n s , however, are relatively m u c h richer in b o n e - e a r t h ( p h o s p h a t e of lime) t h a n is b r e a d " (Liebig, I.e., vol. 1, p. 194, n o t e ) . J a m e s Mill, I.e., p . 2 3 8 . "If t h e price o f l a b o u r s h o u l d rise s o h i g h t h a t , n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g t h e i n c r e a s e o f capital, n o m o r e could be e m p l o y e d , I s h o u l d say t h a t s u c h increase of c a p i t a l would be still u n p r o d u c tively c o n s u m e d . " ( R i c a r d o , I.e., p. 163.) " T h e only p r o d u c t i v e c o n s u m p t i o n , properly so-called, i s t h e c o n s u m p t i o n o r d e s t r u c t i o n o f wealth" (he alludes to t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n ) "by capitalists with a view to r e p r o d u c t i o n . . . . T h e w o r k m a n . . . . i s a p r o d u c t i v e c o n s u m e r t o t h e p e r s o n w h o e m p l o y s h i m , a n d t o t h e State, b u t n o t , strictly speaking, to himself." ( M a l t h u s ' D e f i n i t i o n s , etc., p. 30.) 10

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Part VII · The accumulation of capital necessaries of life, the c o n t i n u e d reappearance of t h e w o r k m a n in t h e lab o u r - m a r k e t . T h e R o m a n slave was held by fetters: the wage-labourer is b o u n d to his owner by invisible threads. T h e a p p e a r a n c e of i n d e p e n d e n c e is kept up by m e a n s of a constant change of employers, a n d by t h e fictio j u ris of a contract. In former times, capital resorted to legislation, whenever necessary, to enforce its proprietary rights over the free labourer. F o r instance, down to 1815, t h e emigration of ||587| m e c h a n i c s employed in m a c h i n e m a k i n g was, in E n g l a n d , forbidden, u n d e r grievous p a i n s a n d penalties. T h e r e p r o d u c t i o n of the working class carries with it t h e a c c u m u l a t i o n of skill, t h a t is h a n d e d down from o n e generation to a n o t h e r . To what extent t h e capitalist reckons t h e existence of such a skilled class a m o n g the factors of p r o d u c t i o n t h a t belong to h i m by right, a n d to what extent he actually regards it as t h e reality of his variable capital, is seen so soon as a crisis t h r e a t e n s h i m with its loss. In c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e civil war in t h e U n i t e d States a n d of the a c c o m p a n y i n g cotton famine, t h e majority of t h e cotton operatives in Lancashire were, as is well known, thrown o u t of work. B o t h from the working-class itself, a n d from other r a n k s of society, t h e r e arose a cry for State aid, or for voluntary n a t i o n a l subscriptions, in order to enable t h e "superfluous" h a n d s to emigrate to the colonies or to the U n i t e d States. T h e r e u p o n , the " T i m e s " published on the 2 4 t h M a r c h , 1863, a letter from E d m u n d Potter, a former president of t h e M a n c h e s t e r C h a m b e r of C o m m e r c e . This letter was rightly called in the H o u s e of C o m m o n s , the m a n u facturers' m a n i f e s t o . We cull here a few characteristic passages, in which t h e proprietary rights of capital over labour-power are u n b l u s h i n g l y asserted.

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" H e " (the m a n o u t of work) "may be told t h e supply of cotton-workers is too large . . . . (and) .... m u s t . . . . in fact be r e d u c e d by a third, perhaps, a n d t h a t t h e n there will be a healthy d e m a n d for t h e r e m a i n i n g two-thirds . . . . P u b l i c o p i n i o n . . . . urges emigration . . . . T h e m a s t e r c a n n o t willingly see 30 his l a b o u r supply being removed; he m a y think, a n d perhaps justly, t h a t it is b o t h wrong a n d u n s o u n d . . . . But if the public funds are to be devoted to assist emigration, he has a right to be heard, a n d perhaps to protest." Mr. Potter t h e n shows how useful t h e cotton trade is, how the ||588| "trade h a s u n d o u b t e d l y drawn the surplus-population from Ireland a n d from the 35 agricultural districts," how i m m e n s e is its extent, how in the year 1860 it 13

" T h e o n l y thing, o f w h i c h o n e c a n say, t h a t i t i s stored u p a n d p r e p a r e d b e f o r e h a n d , i s t h e skill o f t h e l a b o u r e r . . . . T h e a c c u m u l a t i o n a n d storage o f skilled l a b o u r , t h a t m o s t i m p o r t a n t o p e r a t i o n , is, as regards t h e great m a s s of l a b o u r e r s , a c c o m p l i s h e d w i t h o u t a n y c a p i t a l whatever." ( T h o . H o d g s k i n : L a b o u r D e f e n d e d , etc., p p . 12, 13.) " T h a t letter m i g h t b e looked u p o n a s t h e m a n i f e s t o o f t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r s . " ( F e r r a n d : M o t i o n o n t h e C o t t o n F a m i n e , H . o . C , 2 7 t h April, 1863.) 14

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C h a p t e r XXIII • S i m p l e r e p r o d u c t i o n

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yielded / ^ t h s of the total English exports, how, after a few years, it will again e x p a n d by the extension of t h e m a r k e t , particularly of t h e I n d i a n market, a n d by calling forth a plentiful supply of cotton at 6d. per lb. He t h e n continues: " S o m e t i m e one, two, or t h r e e years, it m a y be, will p r o d u c e t h e quantity . . . . T h e question I would p u t t h e n is t h i s — I s the trade worth retaining? Is it worth while to k e e p t h e m a c h i n e r y (he m e a n s the living labour m a c h i n e s ) in order, a n d is it n o t the greatest folly to t h i n k of parting with that? I t h i n k it is. I allow t h a t t h e workers are n o t a property, n o t t h e property of Lancashire a n d the masters; b u t they are the strength of both; they are the m e n t a l a n d trained power which c a n n o t be replaced for a generation; the m e r e m a c h i n e r y which they work m i g h t m u c h of it be b e n e ficially replaced, n a y improved, in a t w e l v e m o n t h . E n c o u r a g e or allow (!) t h e working-power to emigrate, a n d what of t h e capitalist? .... Take away the c r e a m of the workers, a n d fixed capital will depreciate in a great degree, a n d the floating will n o t subject itself to a struggle with t h e short supply of inferior labour . . . . We are told t h e workers wish it" (emigration). "Very n a t u r a l it is that they should do so . . . . R e d u c e , compress the cotton trade by taking away its working power a n d r e d u c i n g their wages expenditure, say one-third, or five millions, a n d what t h e n would h a p p e n to t h e class above, t h e small shopkeepers; a n d what of t h e rents, t h e cottage rents . . . . Trace o u t the effects upward to t h e small farmer, t h e better householder, a n d . . . . ||589| the landowner, a n d say if there could be any suggestion m o r e suicidal to all classes of the country t h a n by enfeebling a n a t i o n by exporting the best of its m a n u f a c t u r i n g population, a n d destroying the value of s o m e of its m o s t productive capital a n d e n r i c h m e n t . . . . I advise a loan (of five or six millions sterling), . . . . e x t e n d i n g it m a y be over two or t h r e e years, administered by special c o m m i s s i o n e r s a d d e d to the Boards of G u a r d i a n s in the cotton districts, u n d e r special legislative regulations, enforcing s o m e o c c u p a t i o n or labour, as a m e a n s of keeping up at least t h e m o r a l standard of the recipients of the l o a n . . . . c a n anything be worse for landowners or masters t h a n parting with the best of the workers, a n d demoralising a n d disappointing t h e rest by an e x t e n d e d depletive emigration, a depletion of capital a n d value in an entire province?" 15

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I t will n o t b e forgotten t h a t t h i s s a m e c a p i t a l sings q u i t e a n o t h e r song, u n d e r o r d i n a r y circ u m s t a n c e s , w h e n t h e r e i s a q u e s t i o n o f r e d u c i n g wages. T h e n t h e m a s t e r s e x c l a i m w i t h o n e voice: " T h e factory operatives s h o u l d k e e p i n w h o l e s o m e r e m e m b r a n c e t h e fact t h a t theirs i s really a low species of skilled l a b o u r ; a n d t h a t t h e r e is n o n e w h i c h is m o r e easily a c q u i r e d , or of its quality m o r e a m p l y r e m u n e r a t e d , or w h i c h , by a short t r a i n i n g of t h e least expert, c a n be m o r e quickly, a s well a s a b u n d a n t l y , a c q u i r e d . . . . T h e m a s t e r ' s m a c h i n e r y " (which w e n o w l e a r n c a n be replaced w i t h a d v a n t a g e in 12 m o n t h s ) "really plays a far m o r e i m p o r t a n t p a r t in t h e b u s i n e s s o f p r o d u c t i o n t h a n t h e l a b o u r a n d skill o f t h e o p e r a t i v e " (who c a n n o t n o w b e r e p l a c e d u n d e r 3 0 years), " w h i c h six m o n t h s ' e d u c a t i o n c a n t e a c h , a n d a c o m m o n l a b o u r e r c a n learn." (See a n t e , p. 370.)

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Part VII • The accumulation of capital Potter, the chosen m o u t h p i e c e of the m a n u f a c t u r e r s , distinguishes two sorts of "machinery," e a c h of which belongs to t h e capitalist, a n d of w h i c h o n e stands in his factory, the other at night-time a n d on S u n d a y s is h o u s e d o u t s i d e t h e factory, in cottages. T h e one is i n a n i m a t e , the other living. T h e i n a n i m a t e m a c h i n e r y n o t only wears out a n d depreciates from day to day, 5 b u t a great part of it b e c o m e s so quickly s u p e r - a n n u a t e d , by c o n s t a n t techn i c a l progress, t h a t it c a n be replaced with advantage by n e w m a c h i n e r y after a few m o n t h s . T h e living machinery, on t h e contrary, gets better the longer it lasts, a n d in proportion as the skill, h a n d e d from o n e generation to another, a c c u m u l a t e s . T h e " T i m e s " answered t h e cotton lord as fol- 10 lows: "Mr. E d m u n d Potter is so impressed with the exceptional a n d s u p r e m e i m p o r t a n c e of the cotton masters that, in order to preserve this class a n d perpetuate their profession, he would keep half a m i l l i o n of t h e labouring class confined in a great m o r a l workhouse against their will. 'Is the trade worth retaining?' asks Mr. Potter. 'Certainly by all h o n e s t m e a n s it is,' we answer. 'Is it worth while keeping the m a c h i n e r y in order?' again asks Mr. Potter. H e r e we hesitate. By the ' m a c h i n e r y ' Mr. Potter m e a n s t h e h u m a n m a c h i n e r y , for he goes on to protest t h a t he does n o t m e a n to use t h e m as an ||590| absolute property. We m u s t confess t h a t we do n o t t h i n k it 'worth while,' or even possible, to keep the h u m a n m a c h i n e r y in o r d e r that is to shut it up a n d keep it oiled till it is wanted. H u m a n m a c h i n e r y will rust u n d e r inaction, oil a n d rub it as you may. Moreover, the h u m a n m a c h i n e r y will, as we have just seen, get t h e s t e a m up of its own accord, a n d burst or r u n a m u c k in o u r great towns. It might, as Mr. Potter says, require some t i m e to reproduce the workers, but, having m a c h i n i s t s a n d capitalists at h a n d , we could always find thrifty, hard, i n d u s t r i o u s m e n wherewith to improvise m o r e master manufacturers t h a n we can ever want. Mr. Potter talks of the trade reviving 'in one, two, or three years,' a n d he asks us n o t 'to encourage or allow (!) the working power to emigrate.' He says t h a t it is very n a t u r a l the workers should wish to emigrate; b u t he thinks that in spite of their desire, the n a t i o n ought to keep this half million of workers with their 700,000 d e p e n d e n t s , s h u t up in the cotton districts; a n d as a necessary c o n s e q u e n c e , he m u s t of course t h i n k t h a t t h e n a tion o u g h t to keep down their discontent by force, a n d sustain t h e m by a l m s — a n d u p o n the c h a n c e t h a t t h e cotton masters m a y s o m e day want t h e m ... T h e t i m e is c o m e when t h e great public o p i n i o n of these islands m u s t operate to save this 'working power' from those who would deal with it as they would deal with iron, a n d coal, and cotton."

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T h e " T i m e s ' " article was only a j e u d'esprit. T h e "great public o p i n i o n " 40 was, in fact, of Mr. Potter's opinion, that the factory operatives are part of

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Chapter XXIII • Simple reproduction 16

the movable fittings of a factory. Their emigration was p r e v e n t e d . They were locked up in that "moral workhouse," the cotton districts, and they form, as before, "the strength" of the cotton manufacturers of Lancashire. I 5 |591| Capitalist production, therefore, of itself reproduces the separation between labour-power a n d the m e a n s of labour. It thereby reproduces a n d perpetuates the c o n d i t i o n for exploiting the labourer. It incessantly forces h i m to sell his labour-power in order to live, a n d enables t h e capitalist to purchase labour-power in order that he m a y enrich himself. It is no longer 10 a m e r e accident, that capitalist a n d labourer confront e a c h other in the m a r k e t as buyer and seller. It is t h e process itself that incessantly hurls back the labourer on to the m a r k e t as a vendor of his labour-power, a n d that incessantly converts his own p r o d u c t into a m e a n s by which another m a n can p u r c h a s e h i m . In reality, the labourer belongs to capital, 15 before he has sold himself to capital. His e c o n o m i c a l b o n d a g e is b o t h brought a b o u t a n d concealed by the periodic sale of himself, by his change of masters, a n d by the oscillations in the m a r k e t price of labourpower. Capitalist production, therefore, u n d e r its aspect of a c o n t i n u o u s con20 n e c t e d process, of a process of reproduction, produces not only c o m m o d i 17

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P a r l i a m e n t d i d n o t vote a single farthing i n aid o f e m i g r a t i o n , b u t simply p a s s e d s o m e A c t s e m p o w e r i n g t h e m u n i c i p a l c o r p o r a t i o n s to k e e p t h e operatives in a half-starved state, i.e., to exploit t h e m a t less t h a n t h e n o r m a l wages. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , w h e n 3 years later, t h e cattle disease b r o k e o u t , P a r l i a m e n t b r o k e wildly t h r o u g h its u s a g e s a n d voted, straight off, m i l l i o n s for i n d e m n i f y i n g t h e m i l l i o n a i r e l a n d l o r d s , w h o s e farmers in any e v e n t c a m e off w i t h o u t loss, owing t o t h e rise i n t h e price o f m e a t . T h e bull-like bellow o f t h e l a n d e d proprietors a t t h e o p e n i n g of P a r l i a m e n t , in 1866, s h o w e d t h a t a m a n c a n w o r s h i p t h e cow Sabala w i t h o u t b e i n g a H i n d o o , a n d can c h a n g e h i m s e l f i n t o an ox w i t h o u t b e i n g a J u p i t e r . « L ' o u v r i e r d e m a n d a i t d e l a s u b s i s t e n c e p o u r vivre, l e c h e f d e m a n d a i t d u travail p o u r gag n e r . » ( S i s m o n d i , I.e., p. 91.) A boorishly c l u m s y form o f this b o n d a g e exists i n t h e c o u n t y o f D u r h a m . T h i s i s o n e o f t h e few c o u n t i e s , i n w h i c h c i r c u m s t a n c e s d o n o t secure t o t h e f a r m e r u n d i s p u t e d proprietary rights over t h e agricultural l a b o u r e r . T h e m i n i n g i n d u s t r y allows t h e latter s o m e c h o i c e . I n t h i s c o u n t y , t h e farmer, c o n t r a r y t o t h e c u s t o m elsewhere, r e n t s only s u c h farms a s h a v e o n t h e m l a b o u r e r s ' cottages. T h e r e n t of t h e cottage is a p a r t of t h e wages. T h e s e cottages are k n o w n as " h i n d s ' h o u s e s . " T h e y are let to t h e l a b o u r e r s in c o n s i d e r a t i o n of c e r t a i n f e u d a l services, u n d e r a c o n t r a c t called " b o n d a g e , " w h i c h , a m o n g s t o t h e r t h i n g s , b i n d s t h e l a b o u r e r , d u r ing t h e t i m e he is e m p l o y e d elsewhere, to leave s o m e o n e , say his d a u g h t e r , etc., to supply h i s p l a c e . T h e l a b o u r e r h i m s e l f is called a " b o n d s m a n . " T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p h e r e set up also shows how individual consumption by the labourer becomes consumption on behalf of capital—or p r o d u c t i v e c o n s u m p t i o n — f r o m q u i t e a n e w p o i n t of view: "It is c u r i o u s to observe t h a t t h e very d u n g o f t h e h i n d a n d b o n d s m a n i s t h e p e r q u i s i t e o f t h e c a l c u l a t i n g lord ... a n d t h e lord will allow no privy b u t h i s o w n to exist in t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d , a n d will r a t h e r give a bit of m a n u r e h e r e a n d t h e r e for a g a r d e n t h a n b a t e a n y p a r t of h i s s e i g n e u r i a l right." (Public H e a l t h , R e p o r t VII., 1865, p. 188.) I t will n o t b e forgotten, t h a t , with respect t o t h e l a b o u r o f c h i l d r e n , etc., even t h e formality of a voluntary sale d i s a p p e a r s . 17

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Part VII · The accumulation of capital ties, n o t only surplus-value, b u t it also produces a n d reproduces the capitalist relation; on the o n e side the capitalist, on the other the wagelabourer. ! 20

|592| C H A P T E R X X I V .

Conversion of Surplus-Value into Capital. Section

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1.—Capitalist Production on a progressively increasing Scale. Transition of the Laws of Property that characterise Production of Commodities into Laws of Capitalist Appropriation.

H i t h e r t o we have investigated how surplus-value e m a n a t e s from capital; we h a v e now to see how capital arises from surplus-value. E m p l o y i n g surplusvalue as capital, reconverting it into capital, is called a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital. First let us consider this transaction from t h e s t a n d p o i n t of t h e individu a l capitalist. Suppose a spinner to have advanced a capital of £10,000, of which four-fifths (£8000) are laid o u t in cotton, m a c h i n e r y , etc., a n d o n e fifth (£2000) in wages. Let h i m produce 240,000 lbs. of y a r n annually, having a value of £12,000. T h e rate of surplus-value being 100 %, t h e surplusvalue lies in the surplus or net product of 40,000 lbs. of yarn, o n e sixth of t h e gross product, with a value of £2000 w h i c h will be realised by a sale. £2000 is £2000. We c a n n e i t h e r see n o r smell in this s u m of m o n e y a trace of surplus-value. W h e n we know that a given value is surplus-value, we know how its owner c a m e by it; b u t that does n o t alter t h e n a t u r e either of value or of m o n e y . In order to convert this additional s u m of £2000 i n t o capital, the m a s t e r s p i n n e r will, all circumstances r e m a i n i n g as before, advance four-fifths of it (£1600) in the purchase of cotton, etc., a n d one-fifth (£400) in t h e purchase of additional spinners, who will find in t h e m a r k e t t h e necessaries of

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"Capital pre-supposes wage-labour, and wage-labour pre-supposes capital. One is a necessary condition to the existence of the other; they mutually call each other into existence. Does 30 an operative in a cotton-factory produce nothing but cotton goods? No, he produces capital. He produces values that give fresh command over his labour, and that, by means of such command, create fresh values." (Karl Marx: Lohnarbeit und Kapital, in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, No.266, 7th April 1849.) The articles published under the above title in the N.Rh.Z. are parts of some lectures given by me on that subject, in 1847, in the German "Arbeiter-Verein" 35 at Brussels, the publication of which was interrupted by the revolution of February. "Accumulation of capital; the employment of a portion of revenue as capital." (Malthus: Definitions etc., ed. Cazenove p. 11.) "Conversion of revenue into capital." (Malthus: Princ. of Pol. Econ., 2nd Ed., Lond., 1836, p. 320.) 21

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Chapter XXIV • Conversion of surplus-value into capital

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life whose value the m a s t e r h a s a d v a n c e d to t h e m . T h e n t h e new capital of £2000 ||593| functions in the spinning mill, a n d brings in, in its turn, a surplus-value of £400. T h e capital-value was originally advanced in the m o n e y form. T h e surplus-value on the contrary is, originally, the value of a definite p o r t i o n of the gross product. If this gross p r o d u c t be sold, converted into m o n e y , t h e capital-value regains its original form. F r o m this m o m e n t the capital-value a n d the surplus-value are b o t h of t h e m s u m s of m o n e y , a n d their reconversion into capital takes place in precisely t h e s a m e way. T h e one, as well as the other, is laid o u t by the capitalist in t h e p u r c h a s e of c o m m o d i t i e s t h a t place h i m in a position to begin afresh t h e fabrication of his goods, a n d this t i m e , on an e x t e n d e d scale. B u t in order to be able to b u y those c o m modities, h e m u s t find t h e m ready i n the market. His own yarns circulate, only b e c a u s e he brings his a n n u a l p r o d u c t to market, as all other capitalists likewise do with their c o m m o d i t i e s . B u t these c o m m o d i t i e s , before c o m i n g to market, were part of the general ann u a l product, part of the total m a s s of objects of every kind, into which the s u m of the individual capitals, i.e., the total capital of society, h a d b e e n converted in the course of the year, a n d of w h i c h e a c h capitalist h a d in h a n d only an aliquot part. T h e transactions in the m a r k e t effectuate only the interchange of the individual c o m p o n e n t s of this a n n u a l product, transfer t h e m from o n e h a n d to another, b u t c a n n e i t h e r a u g m e n t the total ann u a l production, n o r alter t h e n a t u r e of t h e objects p r o d u c e d . H e n c e t h e u s e t h a t can be m a d e of the total a n n u a l product, d e p e n d s entirely u p o n its own composition, b u t in no way u p o n circulation. T h e a n n u a l p r o d u c t i o n m u s t in the first place furnish all those objects (use-values) from which t h e m a t e r i a l c o m p o n e n t s of capital, u s e d up in t h e course of the year, have to be replaced. D e d u c t i n g t h e s e t h e r e r e m a i n s t h e n e t or surplus-product, in w h i c h the surplus-value lies. A n d of what does this surplus-product consist? Only of things destined to satisfy t h e wants a n d desires of the capitalist class, things which, consequently, enter i n t o the c o n s u m p t i o n fund of the ||594| capitalists? W e r e t h a t t h e case, the c u p of surplus-value would be d r a i n e d to t h e very dregs, a n d n o t h i n g b u t simple r e p r o d u c t i o n would ever take place. To a c c u m u l a t e it is necessary to convert a p o r t i o n of the surplus-product i n t o capital. But we cannot, except by a m i r a c l e , convert into capital anything b u t s u c h articles as c a n be employed in the labour-process (i.e., m e a n s of production), a n d s u c h further articles as are suitable for t h e sust e n a n c e of the labourer, (i.e., m e a n s of subsistence.) Consequently, a part of the a n n u a l surplus-labour m u s t have b e e n applied to the p r o d u c t i o n of a d d i t i o n a l m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d subsistence, over a n d above the q u a n -

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Part VII • The accumulation of capital tity of these things required to replace the capital advanced. In o n e word, surplus-value is convertible into capital solely b e c a u s e the surplus-product, whose value it is, already comprises the m a t e r i a l e l e m e n t s of n e w c a p i t a l . N o w in order to allow of these elements actually functioning as capital, t h e capitalist class requires additional labour. If t h e exploitation of t h e la5 bourers already employed do n o t increase, either extensively or intensively, t h e n additional labour-power m u s t be found. F o r this t h e m e c h a n i s m of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n provides beforehand, by converting t h e working class into a class d e p e n d e n t on wages, a class whose ordinary wages suffice, n o t only for its m a i n t e n a n c e , b u t for its increase. It is only necessary for capital 10 to incorporate this additional labour-power, annually supplied by the working class in the shape of labourers of all ages, with the surplus m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n comprised in the a n n u a l produce, a n d t h e conversion of surplus-value into capital is complete. F r o m a concrete p o i n t of view, a c c u m u lation resolves itself into the reproduction of capital on a progressively in- 15 creasing scale. T h e circle in which simple r e p r o d u c t i o n moves, alters its ||595| form, and, to use Sismondi's expression, changes into a spiral. 22

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Let us now return to our illustration. It is the old story: A b r a h a m begat Isaac, Isaac begat J a c o b , a n d so on. T h e original capital of £10,000 brings in a surplus-value of £2000, which is capitalised. T h e n e w capital of £2000 20 brings in a surplus-value of £400, a n d this, too, is capitalised, converted into a second additional capital, which, in its turn, p r o d u c e s a further surplus-value of £80. A n d so the ball rolls on. We h e r e leave out of consideration the p o r t i o n of the surplus-value cons u m e d by the capitalist. Just as little does it c o n c e r n us, for the m o m e n t , 25 w h e t h e r the a d d i t i o n a l capital is j o i n e d on to the original capital, or is separated from it to function independently; whether the s a m e capitalist, who a c c u m u l a t e d it, employs it, or whether he h a n d s it over to another. This only we m u s t n o t forget, that by the side of t h e newly-formed capital, the original capital continues to reproduce itself, a n d to p r o d u c e surplus-value, 30 a n d t h a t this is also true of all a c c u m u l a t e d capital, a n d the additional capital engendered by it. T h e original capital was formed by the advance of £10,000. H o w did the owner b e c o m e possessed of it? "By his own l a b o u r a n d t h a t of his forefa22

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W e h e r e t a k e n o a c c o u n t o f export t r a d e , b y m e a n s o f w h i c h a n a t i o n c a n c h a n g e articles o f l u x u r y e i t h e r i n t o m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n or m e a n s of s u b s i s t e n c e , a n d vice versa. I n o r d e r to exa m i n e t h e object of o u r investigation in its integrity, free from all d i s t u r b i n g subsidiary circ u m s t a n c e s , w e m u s t treat t h e whole world a s o n e n a t i o n , a n d a s s u m e t h a t capitalist p r o d u c t i o n is everywhere e s t a b l i s h e d a n d h a s possessed itself of every b r a n c h of industry. S i s m o n d i ' s analysis o f a c c u m u l a t i o n suffers from t h e great defect, t h a t h e c o n t e n t s himself, t o t o o great a n e x t e n t , w i t h t h e p h r a s e " c o n v e r s i o n o f r e v e n u e i n t o capital," w i t h o u t f a t h o m i n g the material conditions of this operation.

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Chapter XXIV • Conversion of surplus-value into capital 24

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thers," answer u n a n i m o u s l y the s p o k e s m e n of political e c o n o m y . A n d , in fact, their supposition appears the only o n e c o n s o n a n t with the laws of the p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s . But it is quite otherwise with regard to the additional capital of £2000. How that originated we know perfectly well. T h e r e is n o t o n e single a t o m of its value t h a t does n o t owe its existence to u n p a i d labour. T h e m e a n s of production, with which the additional labour-power is incorporated, as well as t h e necessaries with which the labourers are sustained, are n o t h i n g b u t c o m p o n e n t parts of t h e surplus product, of t h e tribute annually exacted from the working class by the capi||596|talist class. T h o u g h the latter with a portion of that tribute purchases the a d d i t i o n a l labour-power even at its full price, so that equivalent is e x c h a n g e d for equivalent, yet the transaction is for all that only the old dodge of every conqueror who buys c o m modities from the c o n q u e r e d with the m o n e y he has robbed t h e m of. If the a d d i t i o n a l capital employs t h e person w h o p r o d u c e d it, this p r o d u c er m u s t n o t only c o n t i n u e to a u g m e n t t h e value of the original capital, b u t m u s t buy back the fruits of his previous l a b o u r with m o r e labour t h a n they cost. W h e n viewed as a transaction between the capitalist class and t h e working class, it m a k e s no difference t h a t a d d i t i o n a l labourers are e m ployed by m e a n s of the u n p a i d l a b o u r of the previously employed labourers. T h e capitalist m a y even convert the a d d i t i o n a l capital into a m a c h i n e that throws the producers of that capital out of work, a n d that replaces t h e m by a few children. In every case the working class creates by the surplus-labour of one year the capital destined to employ additional labour in the following y e a r . A n d this is what is called: creating capital out of capital. T h e a c c u m u l a t i o n of the first a d d i t i o n a l capital of £2000 presupposes a value of £10,000 belonging to the capitalist by virtue of his "primitive labour," a n d advanced by h i m . T h e second a d d i t i o n a l capital of £400 presupposes, on the contrary, only t h e previous a c c u m u l a t i o n of the £2000, of which the £400 is the surplus-value capitalised. T h e ownership of past u n paid labour is thenceforth the sole c o n d i t i o n for the appropriation of living u n p a i d labour on a constantly increasing scale. T h e m o r e the capitalist h a s a c c u m u l a t e d , the m o r e is he able to a c c u m u l a t e . In so far as t h e surplus-value, of which t h e additional capital, Ns 1, consists, is the result of the p u r c h a s e of labour-power with part of the original capital, a purchase that conformed to the laws of the exchange of c o m m o d 25

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« L e travail p r i m i t i f a u q u e l son c a p i t a l a dû sa n a i s s a n c e . » S i s m o n d i , I.e., éd. Paris, 1.1., p . 109. " L a b o u r creates c a p i t a l before c a p i t a l e m p l o y s l a b o u r . " E . G . Wakefield, E n g l a n d a n d A m e r i c a . Lond., 1833, V o l . II., p. 110. 25

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Part VII • The accumulation of capital ities, a n d that, from a legal stand-point, presupposes n o t h i n g b e y o n d the free disposal, on the part of the labourer, of his own capacities, a n d | |597| on the part of the owner of m o n e y or c o m m o d i t i e s , of t h e values that belong to h i m ; in so far as the additional capital, N o . 2, etc., is t h e m e r e result of N o . 1, and, therefore, a c o n s e q u e n c e of the above c o n d i t i o n s ; in so far as each single transaction invariably conforms to the laws of t h e e x c h a n g e of c o m m o d i t i e s , t h e capitalist buying labour-power, t h e labourer selling it, a n d we will a s s u m e at its real value; in so far as all this is true, it is evident t h a t the laws of appropriation or of private property, laws t h a t are based on t h e p r o d u c t i o n a n d circulation of c o m m o d i t i e s , b e c o m e by their own i n n e r a n d inexorable dialectic c h a n g e d into their very o p p o s i t e . T h e e x c h a n g e of equivalents, t h e original operation with which we started, has n o w bec o m e t u r n e d r o u n d in s u c h a way t h a t there is only an a p p a r e n t exchange. T h i s is owing to t h e fact, first, t h a t the capital w h i c h is e x c h a n g e d for labour-power is itself b u t a portion of the p r o d u c t of o t h e r s ' labour appropria t e d without an equivalent; and, secondly, t h a t this capital m u s t n o t only be replaced by its producer, b u t replaced together with an a d d e d surplus. T h e relation of e x c h a n g e subsisting between capitalist a n d labourer bec o m e s a m e r e s e m b l a n c e appertaining to t h e process of circulation, a m e r e form, foreign to t h e real n a t u r e of the transaction, a n d only mystifying it. T h e ever repeated p u r c h a s e a n d sale of labour-power is n o w t h e m e r e form; what really takes place is t h i s — t h e capitalist again a n d again appropriates, without equivalent, a portion of the previously materialised l a b o u r of others, a n d exchanges it for a greater quantity of living labour. At first the rights of property s e e m e d to us to be based on a m a n ' s own labour. At least, some s u c h a s s u m p t i o n was necessary since only c o m m o d i t y owners with e q u a l rights confronted e a c h other, a n d the sole m e a n s by w h i c h a m a n could bec o m e possessed of the c o m m o d i t i e s of others, was by alienating his own c o m m o d i t i e s ; a n d ||598| these could be replaced by l a b o u r alone. Now, however, property turns o u t to be the right, on t h e part of the capitalist, to appropriate the u n p a i d labour of others or its product, a n d to be t h e i m p o s sibility, on t h e part of the labourer, of appropriating his own product. T h e separation of property from labour has b e c o m e t h e necessary c o n s e q u e n c e of a law t h a t apparently originated in their i d e n t i t y .

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J u s t as at a given stage in its d e v e l o p m e n t , c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n n e c e s s a r i l y passes i n t o capitalistic c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n (in fact, it is only on t h e basis of capitalistic p r o d u c t i o n t h a t p r o d u c t s t a k e t h e g e n e r a l a n d p r e d o m i n a n t form o f c o m m o d i t i e s ) , s o t h e laws o f property t h a t are b a s e d o n c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n , necessarily t u r n i n t o t h e laws o f capitalist a p p r o p r i a t i o n . W e m a y well, therefore, feel a s t o n i s h e d a t t h e cleverness o f P r o u d h o n , w h o w o u l d a b o l ish capitalistic property b y enforcing t h e e t e r n a l laws o f p r o p e r t y t h a t a r e b a s e d o n c o m m o d i t y production! 27

T h e p r o p e r t y o f t h e capitalist i n t h e p r o d u c t o f t h e l a b o u r o f o t h e r s "is a strict c o n s e q u e n c e

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Chapter XXIV · Conversion of surplus-value into capital We have seen t h a t even in the case of simple reproduction, all capital, whatever its original source, b e c o m e s converted into a c c u m u l a t e d capital, capitalised surplus-value. B u t in t h e flood of p r o d u c t i o n all the capital originally advanced b e c o m e s a vanishing q u a n t i t y (magnitudo evanescens, in 5 the m a t h e m a t i c a l sense), c o m p a r e d with the directly a c c u m u l a t e d capital, i.e., with the surplus-value or surplus-product t h a t is reconverted into capital, w h e t h e r it function in the h a n d s of its a c c u m u l a t o r , or in those of others. H e n c e , political e c o n o m y describes capital in general as " a c c u m u lated wealth" (converted surplus-value or revenue), "that is employed over 10 again in the p r o d u c t i o n of s u r p l u s - v a l u e , " a n d the capitalist as "the owner of s u r p l u s - v a l u e . " It is merely a n o t h e r way of expressing t h e s a m e thing to say t h a t all existing capital is a c c u m u l a t e d or capitalised interest, for interest is a m e r e fragment of surplus-value. 28

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Section 2. —Erroneous Conception by Political Economy of Reproduction on a progressively increasing Scale.

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Before we further investigate a c c u m u l a t i o n or t h e reconver||599|sion of surplus-value into capital, we m u s t b r u s h on o n e side an ambiguity introd u c e d by the classical economists. Just as little as the c o m m o d i t i e s t h a t t h e capitalist buys with a part of t h e 20 surplus-value for his own c o n s u m p t i o n , serve t h e purpose of p r o d u c t i o n a n d of creation of value, so little is the l a b o u r t h a t he b u y s for the satisfaction of his n a t u r a l a n d social r e q u i r e m e n t s , productive labour. I n s t e a d of converting surplus-value into capital, h e , on t h e contrary, by the p u r c h a s e of those c o m m o d i t i e s a n d that labour, c o n s u m e s or expends it as r e v e n u e . 25 In the face of the h a b i t u a l m o d e of life of t h e old feudal nobility, which, as Hegel rightly says, "consists in c o n s u m i n g what is in h a n d , " and m o r e especially displays itself in t h e luxury of personal retainers, it was extremely i m p o r t a n t for bourgeois e c o n o m y to p r o m u l g a t e t h e doctrine that a c c u m u lation of capital is the first duty of every citizen, a n d to preach without 30

of t h e law of a p p r o p r i a t i o n , t h e f u n d a m e n t a l p r i n c i p l e of w h i c h was, on t h e contrary, t h e exclusive title o f every l a b o u r e r t o t h e p r o d u c t o f h i s o w n l a b o u r . " ( C h e r b u l i e z , R i c h e o u P a u v r e . Paris, 1841, p . 58, w h e r e , however, t h e dialectical reversal i s n o t properly developed.) " C a p i t a l , viz., a c c u m u l a t e d w e a l t h e m p l o y e d w i t h a view to profit." ( M a l t h u s , I.e.) " C a p i t a l . . . . consists of wealth saved from r e v e n u e , a n d u s e d w i t h a view to profit." ( R . J o n e s : T e x t b o o k of lectures on Polit. E c o n . , Hertford 1 8 5 2 , p. 16.) " T h e possessors o f surplus p r o d u c e o r c a p i t a l . " (The S o u r c e a n d R e m e d y o f t h e N a t i o n a l Difficulties. A L e t t e r to L o r d J o h n Russell. L o n d . , 1821.) " C a p i t a l , w i t h c o m p o u n d i n t e r e s t o n every p o r t i o n o f c a p i t a l saved, i s s o all engrossing t h a t all t h e wealth i n t h e world from w h i c h i n c o m e i s derived, h a s long ago b e c o m e t h e i n t e r e s t o n capital." (London Economist, 19th July, 1851.) 28

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Part VII • The accumulation of capital ceasing, that a m a n c a n n o t a c c u m u l a t e , if he eats up all his revenue, instead of spending a good part of it in the acquisition of a d d i t i o n a l p r o d u c tive labourers, who bring in m o r e t h a n they cost. On t h e other h a n d the economists h a d to c o n t e n d against the popular prejudice, t h a t confuses capitalist p r o d u c t i o n with h o a r d i n g , a n d fancies t h a t a c c u m u l a t e d wealth is either wealth t h a t is rescued from being destroyed in its existing form, i.e., from being c o n s u m e d , or wealth that is withdrawn from circulation. E x c l u s i o n of m o n e y from circulation would also exclude absolutely its selfe x p a n s i o n as capital, while a c c u m u l a t i o n of a h o a r d in t h e shape of comm o d i t i e s would be sheer tomfoolery. T h e a c c u m u l a t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s in great masses is the result either of overproduction or of a stoppage of circ u l a t i o n . It is true t h a t the popular m i n d is impressed by t h e sight, on the o n e ||600| h a n d , of the m a s s of goods that are stored up for g r a d u a l cons u m p t i o n by t h e r i c h , and on the other h a n d , by t h e formation of reserve stocks; the latter, a p h e n o m e n o n that is c o m m o n to all m o d e s of p r o d u c tion, a n d on which we shall dwell for a m o m e n t , w h e n we c o m e to analyse circulation. Classical e c o n o m y is therefore q u i t e right, w h e n it m a i n t a i n s t h a t the c o n s u m p t i o n of surplus-products by productive, instead of by u n productive labourers, is a characteristic feature of t h e process of a c c u m u l a tion. B u t at this point the mistakes also begin. A d a m S m i t h has m a d e it the fashion, to represent a c c u m u l a t i o n as n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n c o n s u m p t i o n of surplus-products by productive labourers, which a m o u n t s to saying, t h a t t h e capitalising of surplus-value consists in merely t u r n i n g surplus-value i n t o labour-power. Let us see what Ricardo e.g., says: "It m u s t be u n d e r stood t h a t all the productions of a country are c o n s u m e d ; b u t it m a k e s the greatest difference imaginable whether they are c o n s u m e d by those who r e p r o d u c e , or by those who do not reproduce a n o t h e r value. W h e n we say t h a t r e v e n u e is saved, a n d a d d e d to capital, what we m e a n is, t h a t the port i o n of revenue, so said to be a d d e d to capital, is c o n s u m e d by productive i n s t e a d of u n p r o d u c t i v e labourers. There can be no greater error t h a n in supposing that capital is increased by n o n - c o n s u m p t i o n . " T h e r e can be 31

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" N o political e c o n o m i s t o f t h e p r e s e n t day c a n b y saving m e a n m e r e h o a r d i n g : a n d b e y o n d t h i s c o n t r a c t e d a n d insufficient p r o c e e d i n g , n o u s e o f t h e t e r m i n reference t o t h e n a t i o n a l w e a l t h c a n well be i m a g i n e d , b u t t h a t w h i c h m u s t arise from a different a p p l i c a t i o n of w h a t is saved, f o u n d e d u p o n a r e a l d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e different k i n d s of l a b o u r m a i n t a i n e d by it." ( M a l t h u s , I.e., p. 3 8 , 39.) T h u s for i n s t a n c e , Balzac, w h o s o t h o r o u g h l y s t u d i e d every s h a d e o f avarice, r e p r e s e n t s t h e old u s u r e r G o b s e c a s i n h i s s e c o n d c h i l d h o o d w h e n h e b e g i n s t o h e a p u p a h o a r d o f c o m m o d i ties. " A c c u m u l a t i o n o f stocks ... n o n - e x c h a n g e ... o v e r - p r o d u c t i o n . " (Th. C o r b e t I.e., p . 104.) I n t h i s sense N e c k e r speaks o f t h e "objets d e faste e t d e s o m p t u o s i t é , " o f w h i c h "le t e m p s a grossi l ' a c c u m u l a t i o n , " a n d w h i c h "les lois d e p r o p r i é t é o n t r a s s e m b l é s d a n s u n e s e u l e classe d e l a société." ( Œ u v r e s d e M . N e c k e r , Paris a n d L a u s a n n e , 1786, t . I L p . 291.) R i c a r d o , I.e., p . 163, n o t e .

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Chapter XXIV · Conversion of surplus-value into capital no greater error t h a n that which Ricardo a n d all s u b s e q u e n t economists repeat after A. Smith, viz., that "the part of r e v e n u e , of w h i c h it is said, it h a s b e e n a d d e d to capital, is c o n s u m e d by productive labourers." According to this, all surplus-value t h a t is changed into capital b e c o m e s variable capital. 5 So far from this being the case, the surplus-value, like the original capital, divides itself into constant capital a n d variable capital, into m e a n s of prod u c t i o n a n d labour-power. Labour-power is t h e form u n d e r which variable capital exists during the process of p r o d u c t i o n . In this process the labourpower is itself c o n s u m e d by the capitalist while t h e ) [6011 m e a n s of p r o d u c iti tion are c o n s u m e d by the labour-power in the exercise of its function, labour. At the same t i m e , the m o n e y paid for t h e purchase of the labour-power, is converted into necessaries, t h a t are c o n s u m e d , n o t by "productive labour," b u t by the «productive labourer." A d a m Smith, by a fundamentally perverted analysis, arrives at t h e absurd conclusion, that 15 even t h o u g h e a c h individual capital is divided into a constant a n d a variable part, the capital of society resolves itself only into variable capital, i.e., is laid out exclusively in p a y m e n t of wages. F o r instance, suppose a cloth m a n u f a c t u r e r converts £2000 into capital. O n e portion he lays out in buying weavers, the other in woollen yarn, m a c h i n e r y , etc. But the people, 20 from w h o m he buys the yarn a n d t h e m a c h i n e r y , pay for labour with a part of the purchase m o n e y , a n d so on u n t i l t h e whole £2000 are spent in the p a y m e n t of wages, i.e., u n t i l the entire p r o d u c t represented by t h e £2000 has b e e n c o n s u m e d by productive labourers. It is evident that the whole gist of this a r g u m e n t lies in the words " a n d so o n , " which send us from pil25 lar to post. In truth, A d a m S m i t h breaks his investigation off, j u s t where its difficulties b e g i n . 36

T h e a n n u a l process of r e p r o d u c t i o n is easily u n d e r s t o o d , so long as we keep in view merely the s u m total of the year's p r o d u c t i o n . B u t every single c o m p o n e n t of this p r o d u c t m u s t be b r o u g h t into the m a r k e t as a c o m m o d 30 ity, and there the difficulty begins. T h e m o v e m e n t s of the individual capitals, a n d of the personal revenues, cross a n d intermingle a n d are lost in the general change of places, in the circulation of the wealth of society; this dazes the sight, a n d p r o p o u n d s very complicated problems for solution. In the third part of Book II. I shall give the analysis of the real bearings of t h e 35 facts. It is o n e of the great merits of the Physiocrats, that in their Tableau

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I n spite o f h i s "Logic," J o h n St. M i l l n e v e r d e t e c t s e v e n s u c h faulty analysis a s this w h e n m a d e b y h i s predecessors, a n analysis w h i c h , even from t h e b o u r g e o i s s t a n d p o i n t o f t h e science, cries o u t for rectification. In every case he registers w i t h t h e d o g m a t i s m of a disciple, t h e confusion o f h i s m a s t e r ' s t h o u g h t s . S o h e r e : " T h e c a p i t a l itself i n t h e long r u n b e c o m e s entirely wages, a n d w h e n r e p l a c e d by t h e sale of p r o d u c e b e c o m e s wages a g a i n . "

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Part VII · The accumulation of capital économique they were the first to a t t e m p t to depict t h e a n n u a l ||602| p r o d u c t i o n in t h e shape in which it is presented to us after passing t h r o u g h the process of c i r c u l a t i o n . F o r t h e rest, it is a m a t t e r of course, that political e c o n o m y , acting in the interests of the capitalist class, has n o t failed to exploit the doctrine of A d a m Smith, viz., that the whole of that part of t h e surplus p r o d u c t which is converted into capital, is c o n s u m e d by the working class. 37

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3.—Separation

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of Surplus-Value into Capital and Revenue. The Abstinence Theory.

In the last preceding chapter, we treated surplus-value (or t h e surplus product) solely as a fund for supplying the individual c o n s u m p t i o n of the capitalist. In this chapter we have, so far, treated it solely as a fund for a c c u m u lation. It is, however, n e i t h e r the o n e n o r the other, b u t is b o t h together. O n e portion is c o n s u m e d by the capitalist as r e v e n u e , the other is e m ployed as capital, is a c c u m u l a t e d . Given the m a s s of surplus-value, t h e n , the larger the o n e of these parts, the smaller is the other. Caeteris paribus, the ratio of these parts d e t e r m i n e s the m a g n i t u d e of the a c c u m u l a t i o n . But it is by t h e owner of the surplusvalue, by the capitalist alone, t h a t the division is m a d e . It is his deliberate act. T h a t part of the tribute exacted by h i m which he a c c u m u l a t e s , is | [603j said to be saved by h i m , because he does n o t eat it, i.e., because he performs t h e function of a capitalist, a n d enriches himself. Except as personified capital, the capitalist has no historical value, a n d no right to that historical existence, which, to u s e an expression of t h e witty Lichnowsky, " h a s n ' t got no date." A n d so far only is the necessity for his own transitory existence implied in the transitory necessity for the capi-

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I n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e process o f r e p r o d u c t i o n , a n d o f a c c u m u l a t i o n , A d a m S m i t h , i n m a n y ways, n o t only m a d e n o a d v a n c e , b u t even lost c o n s i d e r a b l e g r o u n d , c o m p a r e d w i t h h i s p r e d e c e s s o r s , especially t h e P h y s i o c r a t s . C o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e i l l u s i o n m e n t i o n e d i n t h e text, i s t h e really wonderful d o g m a , left b y h i m a s a n i n h e r i t a n c e t o p o l i t i c a l e c o n o m y , t h e d o g m a , t h a t t h e p r i c e of c o m m o d i t i e s is m a d e up of wages, profit (interest) a n d rent, i.e., of wages a n d s u r p l u s - v a l u e . Starting from t h i s basis, Storch naively confesses, "II est i m p o s s i b l e de r é s o u d r e le p r i x n é c e s s a i r e d a n s ses é l é m e n t s les plus s i m p l e s . " (Storch, I.e. P e t e r s b . E d i t . 1815, t. I I . p. 1 4 1 , n o t e . ) A fine s c i e n c e of e c o n o m y this, w h i c h declares it i m p o s s i b l e to resolve t h e p r i c e of a c o m m o d i t y i n t o its s i m p l e s t e l e m e n t s ! T h i s p o i n t will be further investigated in t h e seventh part of Book III.

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T h e r e a d e r will n o t i c e , t h a t t h e word r e v e n u e i s u s e d i n a d o u b l e s e n s e : f i r s t , t o d e s i g n a t e s u r p l u s - v a l u e so far as it is t h e fruit periodically y i e l d e d by capital; s e c o n d l y , to d e s i g n a t e t h e p a r t o f t h a t fruit w h i c h i s periodically c o n s u m e d b y t h e capitalist, o r a d d e d t o t h e fund t h a t s u p p l i e s h i s private c o n s u m p t i o n . I h a v e r e t a i n e d t h i s d o u b l e m e a n i n g b e c a u s e i t h a r m o n i s e s with the language of the English and French economists.

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Chapter XXIV • Conversion of surplus-value into capital talist m o d e of production. But, so far as he is personified capital, it is n o t values in use a n d the enjoyment of t h e m , b u t exchange-value a n d its augm e n t a t i o n , that spur h i m into action. Fanatically b e n t on m a k i n g value exp a n d itself, he ruthlessly forces the h u m a n race to p r o d u c e for p r o d u c t i o n ' s 5 sake; he t h u s forces the development of the productive powers of society, and creates those material conditions, which alone can form the real basis of a higher form of society, a society in which the full a n d free developm e n t of every individual forms the ruling principle. Only as personified capital is the capitalist respectable. As such, he shares with the miser the 10 passion for wealth as wealth. But that which in the miser is a m e r e idiosyncrasy, is, in t h e capitalist, t h e effect of the social m e c h a n i s m , of which he is b u t one of the wheels. Moreover, the d e v e l o p m e n t of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n m a k e s it constantly necessary to keep increasing the a m o u n t of the capital laid out in a given industrial undertaking, a n d c o m p e t i t i o n m a k e s the im15 m a n e n t laws of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n to be felt by each individual capitalist, as external coercive laws. It compels h i m to keep constantly extending his capital, in order to preserve it, b u t extend it he cannot, except by m e a n s of progressive a c c u m u l a t i o n . So far, therefore, as his actions are a m e r e function of c a p i t a l — e n d o w e d 20 as capital is, in his person, with consciousness a n d a will—his own private c o n s u m p t i o n is a robbery perpetrated on a c c u m u l a t i o n , just as in bookkeeping by d o u b l e entry, the private e x p e n d i t u r e of the capitalist is placed on the debtor side of his a c c o u n t against his capital. To a c c u m u l a t e , is to c o n q u e r the'world of social wealth, to increase the m a s s of h u m a n beings 25 exploited by h i m , and t h u s ||604| to e x t e n d b o t h the direct and t h e indirect sway of the capitalist. 39

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T a k i n g t h e u s u r e r , t h a t o l d - f a s h i o n e d b u t ever r e n e w e d s p e c i m e n o f t h e capitalist for his text, L u t h e r shows very aptly t h a t t h e love of p o w e r is an e l e m e n t in t h e desire to get rich. " T h e h e a t h e n were able, by t h e light of r e a s o n , to c o n c l u d e t h a t a u s u r e r is a d o u b l e - d y e d thief a n d m u r d e r e r . W e C h r i s t i a n s , however, h o l d t h e m i n s u c h h o n o u r , t h a t w e fairly w o r s h i p t h e m for t h e sake o f their m o n e y ... W h o e v e r eats u p , robs, a n d steals t h e n o u r i s h m e n t o f a n o t h e r , t h a t m a n c o m m i t s as great a m u r d e r (so far as in h i m lies) as he w h o starves a m a n or u t t e r l y u n d o e s h i m . S u c h does a u s u r e r , a n d sits t h e w h i l e safe o n his stool, w h e n h e o u g h t r a t h e r t o b e h a n g i n g o n t h e gallows, a n d b e e a t e n b y a s m a n y ravens a s h e h a s stolen guilders,

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i f only t h e r e were s o m u c h flesh o n h i m , t h a t s o m a n y r a v e n s c o u l d stick their b e a k s i n a n d s h a r e it. M e a n w h i l e , w e h a n g t h e s m a l l thieves ... Little thieves are p u t i n t h e stocks, great thieves go flaunting in gold a n d silk . . . Therefore is t h e r e , on this earth, no g r e a t e r e n e m y of m a n (after t h e devil) t h a n a g r i p e - m o n e y , a n d u s u r e r , for h e w a n t s t o b e G o d over all m e n . T u r k s , soldiers, a n d tyrants are also b a d m e n , yet m u s t t h e y let t h e p e o p l e live, a n d confess

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t h a t t h e y are b a d , a n d e n e m i e s , a n d d o , n a y , m u s t , n o w a n d t h e n show pity t o s o m e . But a u s u rer a n d m o n e y - g l u t t o n , s u c h a o n e would h a v e t h e whole world perish of h u n g e r a n d thirst, m i s e r y a n d want, so far as in h i m lies, so t h a t he m a y h a v e all to himself, a n d every o n e m a y receive from h i m as from a G o d , a n d be h i s serf for ever. To wear fine cloaks, g o l d e n c h a i n s , rings, to wipe his m o u t h , to be d e e m e d a n d t a k e n for a worthy, p i o u s m a n . . . U s u r y is a great h u g e m o n s t e r , like a were-wolf, w h o lays waste all, m o r e t h a n a n y C a c u s , G e r i o n or A n t u s .

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Part VII • The accumulation of capital But original sin is at work everywhere. As capitalist p r o d u c t i o n , a c c u m u lation, a n d wealth, b e c o m e developed, the capitalist ceases to be t h e m e r e i n c a r n a t i o n of capital. He has a fellow-feeling for his own A d a m , a n d his e d u c a t i o n gradually enables h i m to smile at t h e rage for asceticism, as a m e r e prejudice of the old-fashioned miser. W h i l e the capitalist of the classical type b r a n d s individual c o n s u m p t i o n as a sin against his function, and as " a b s t i n e n c e " from accumulating, the m o d e r n i s e d capitalist is capable of looking u p o n a c c u m u l a t i o n as " a b s t i n e n c e " from pleasure. "Two souls, alas, do dwell within his breast; T h e o n e is ever parting from the o t h e r . " 1 40

|605| At the historical dawn of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n , — a n d every capitalist upstart has personally to go through this historical stage—avarice, a n d desire to get rich, are the ruling passions. But t h e progress of capitalist prod u c t i o n n o t only creates a world of delights; it lays open, in speculation a n d the credit system, a t h o u s a n d sources of s u d d e n e n r i c h m e n t . W h e n a certain stage of development has b e e n reached, a conventional degree of prodigality, which is also an exhibition of wealth, a n d consequently a source of credit, b e c o m e s a business necessity to the " u n f o r t u n a t e " capitalist. Luxury enters into capital's expenses of representation. Moreover, the capitalist gets rich, n o t like the miser, in proportion to his personal labour a n d restricted c o n s u m p t i o n , b u t at the s a m e rate as he squeezes out the labour-power of others, and enforces on the labourer abstinence from all life's enjoyments. Although, therefore, the prodigality of the capitalist never possesses the bonâ-fide character of the o p e n - h a n d e d feudal lord's prodigality, but, on the contrary, has always lurking b e h i n d it the m o s t sordid avarice a n d the most anxious calculation, yet his e x p e n d i t u r e grows with his a c c u m u l a t i o n , without the o n e necessarily restricting the other. But along with this growth, there is at the s a m e t i m e developed in his breast, a F a u s t i a n conflict between the passion for a c c u m u l a t i o n , a n d the desire for enjoyment.

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Dr. A i k i n says in a work published in 1795: " T h e trade of M a n c h e s t e r A n d yet decks h i m s e l f out, a n d would b e t h o u g h t p i o u s , s o t h a t p e o p l e m a y n o t see w h e r e t h e o x e n h a v e g o n e , t h a t h e drags b a c k w a r d s into h i s d e n . B u t H e r c u l e s shall h e a r t h e cry o f t h e o x e n a n d of his prisoners, a n d shall seek Cacus even in cliffs a n d a m o n g rocks, a n d shall set the. o x e n loose a g a i n from t h e villain. F o r C a c u s m e a n s t h e villain t h a t is a p i o u s u s u r e r , a n d steals, robs, eats everything. A n d will n o t o w n t h a t h e h a s d o n e it, a n d t h i n k s n o o n e will find h i m o u t , b e c a u s e t h e oxen, d r a w n b a c k w a r d s i n t o h i s d e n , m a k e i t s e e m , from t h e i r footp r i n t s , t h a t they h a v e b e e n let o u t . S o t h e u s u r e r w o u l d deceive t h e world, a s t h o u g h h e were o f u s e a n d gave t h e world oxen, w h i c h he, however, r e n d s , a n d eats all a l o n e ... A n d s i n c e w e b r e a k o n t h e wheel, a n d b e h e a d h i g h w a y m e n , m u r d e r e r s a n d h o u s e b r e a k e r s , h o w m u c h m o r e o u g h t w e t o b r e a k o n t h e w h e e l a n d kill, ... h u n t d o w n , curse a n d b e h e a d all u s u r e r s . " ( M a r t i n L u t h e r , I.e.) See G o e t h e ' s F a u s t . 40

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m a y be divided into four periods. First, w h e n manufacturers were obliged to work hard for their livelihood." T h e y enriched themselves chiefly by robbing the parents, whose children were b o u n d as apprentices to t h e m : the parents paid a high p r e m i u m , while the apprentices were starved. On the other h a n d , the average profits were low, a n d to a c c u m u l a t e , extreme parsim o n y was requisite. They lived like misers, a n d were far from c o n s u m i n g even the interest on their capital. "The second period, w h e n they h a d beg u n to acquire little fortunes, b u t worked as h a r d as before,"—for direct exploitation of labour costs labour, as every slave-driver k n o w s — " a n d lived in as plain a m a n n e r as before T h e third, w h e n luxury began, a n d the trade was p u s h e d by sending out riders for orders into every m a r k e t town in the K i n g d o m ||606| It is probable that few or no capitals of £3000 to £4000 acquired by trade existed here before 1690. However, a b o u t that time, or a little later, the traders h a d got m o n e y beforehand, and began to build m o d e r n brick houses, instead of those of wood a n d plaster." Even in the early part of the 18th century, a M a n c h e s t e r manufacturer, who placed a p i n t of foreign wine before his guests, exposed himself to the remarks a n d headshakings of all his neighbours. Before the rise of m a c h i n e r y , a m a n u facturer's evening e x p e n d i t u r e at the p u b l i c - h o u s e where they all m e t , never exceeded sixpence for a glass of p u n c h , a n d a penny for a screw of t o bacco. It was n o t till 1758, a n d this m a r k s an epoch, that a person actually engaged in business was seen with an equipage of his own. "The fourth period," the last 30 years of the 18th century, "is that in which expense a n d luxury have m a d e great progress, and was supported by a trade extended by m e a n s of riders a n d factors t h r o u g h every part of E u r o p e . " W h a t would the good D r . A i k i n say if he could rise from his grave and see the M a n c h e s ter of to-day? A c c u m u l a t e , a c c u m u l a t e ! T h a t is Moses and the prophets! "Industry furnishes the m a t e r i a l which saving a c c u m u l a t e s . " Therefore, save, save, i.e., reconvert the greatest possible portion of surplus-value, or surplus-product into capital! A c c u m u l a t i o n for a c c u m u l a t i o n ' s sake, p r o d u c t i o n for p r o d u c tion's sake: by this formula classical e c o n o m y expressed the historical mission of the bourgeoisie, a n d did not for a single instant deceive itself over the birth-throes of w e a l t h . But what avails l a m e n t a t i o n in the face of historical necessity? If to classical economy, t h e proletarian is b u t a m a 41

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Dr. A i k i n : D e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e c o u n t r y from 3 0 t o 4 0 m i l e s r o u n d M a n c h e s t e r . L o n d . , 1795, p . 1 8 1 , sqq. A . S m i t h : I.e., b k . I L , ch. III. E v e n J . B . Say says: « L e s é p a r g n e s des riches s e font a u x d é p e n s d e s p a u v r e s . » " T h e R o m a n p r o l e t a r i a n lived a l m o s t entirely at t h e e x p e n s e of society It can a l m o s t be said t h a t m o d e r n society lives at t h e e x p e n s e of t h e p r o l e t a r i a n s , on w h a t it keeps o u t of t h e r e m u n e r a t i o n of l a b o u r . " ( S i s m o n d i : É t u d e s , etc., 1.1., p. 24.) 42

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Part VII • The accumulation of capital chine for the p r o d u c t i o n of surplus-value; on the other h a n d , the capitalist is in its eyes only a m a c h i n e for the conversion of this surplus-value into additional ||607| capital. Political economy takes the historical function of the capitalist in bitter earnest. In order to c h a r m o u t of his b o s o m the awful conflict between the desire for enjoyment a n d the chase after riches, M a i t h u s , a b o u t the year 1820, advocated a division of labour, which assigns to the capitalist actually engaged in production, t h e business of a c c u m u l a t ing, a n d to the other sharers in surplus-value, to t h e landlords, the placem e n , the beneficed clergy, etc., the business of spending. It is of the highest i m p o r t a n c e , he says, "to keep separate the passion for e x p e n d i t u r e and the passion for a c c u m u l a t i o n . " T h e capitalists having long b e e n good livers and m e n of the world, uttered loud cries. W h a t , exclaimed o n e of their spokesmen, a disciple of Ricardo, Mr. M a l t h u s preaches high rents, heavy taxes, etc., so that the pressure of the spur m a y constantly be kept on the industrious by u n p r o d u c t i v e consumers! By all m e a n s , p r o d u c t i o n , p r o d u c tion on a constantly increasing scale, r u n s the shibboleth; b u t "production will, by s u c h a process, be far m o r e curbed in t h a n spurred on. N o r is it quite fair t h u s to m a i n t a i n in idleness a n u m b e r of persons, only to p i n c h others, who are likely, from their characters, if you c a n force t h e m to work, to work with s u c c e s s . " Unfair as he finds it to spur on the industrial capitalist, by depriving his bread of its butter, yet he thinks it necessary to red u c e the labourer's wages to a m i n i m u m "to keep h i m industrious." N o r does he for a m o m e n t conceal the fact, that the appropriation of u n p a i d lab o u r is the secret of surplus-value. "Increased d e m a n d on the part of the labourers m e a n s n o t h i n g m o r e t h a n their willingness to take less of their own p r o d u c t for themselves, a n d leave a greater part of it to t h e i r employers; a n d if it be said, that this begets glut, by lessening c o n s u m p t i o n " (on the part of t h e labourers), "I can only reply that glut is s y n o n y m o u s with large profits."

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T h e learned disputation, how the booty p u m p e d o u t of the labourer m a y 30 be divided, with m o s t advantage to a c c u m u l a t i o n , between the industrial capitalist and the rich idler, was h u s h e d ||608| in face of the revolution of July. Shortly afterwards, the town proletariat at Lyons s o u n d e d the tocsin of revolution, a n d the country proletariat in E n g l a n d b e g a n to set fire to farmyards a n d cornstacks. On this side of t h e C h a n n e l O w e n i s m began to 35 spread; on t h e other side, St. S i m o n i s m a n d F o u r i e r i s m . T h e h o u r of vulgar e c o n o m y h a d struck. Exactly a year before N a s s a u W. Senior discovered at M a n c h e s t e r , that the profit (including interest) of capital is the p r o d u c t of 44

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M a l t h u s , I.e., p . 3 2 5 , 326. A n I n q u i r y i n t o t h o s e Principles respecting t h e N a t u r e o f D e m a n d , etc., p . 67. I.e., p . 59.

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Chapter XXIV • Conversion of surplus-value into capital the last h o u r of the twelve, he h a d a n n o u n c e d to t h e world another discovery. "I substitute," he proudly says, "for the word capital, considered as an i n s t r u m e n t of production, the word a b s t i n e n c e . " An unparalleled sample this, of the discoveries of vulgar e c o n o m y ! It substitutes for an econ o m i c category, a sycophantic phrase—voilà tout. " W h e n the savage," says Senior, "makes bows, he exercises an industry, b u t he does n o t practise abstinence." This explains how and why, in the earlier states of society, the i m p l e m e n t s of labour were fabricated without abstinence on the part of the capitalist. "The more society progresses, the m o r e abstinence is de47

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m a n d e d , " namely, from those who ply the industry of appropriating the fruits of others' industry. All the c o n d i t i o n s for carrying on the labour-process are suddenly converted into so m a n y acts of abstinence on t h e part of the capitalist. If the corn is n o t all eaten, b u t part of it also sown—abstin e n c e of the capitalist. If the wine gets t i m e to m a t u r e — a b s t i n e n c e of the 15 capitalist. ||609| T h e capitalist robs his own self, whenever he "lends (!) the i n s t r u m e n t s of p r o d u c t i o n to t h e labourer," that is, whenever by incorporating labour-power with t h e m , he uses t h e m to extract surplus-value o u t of that labour-power, instead of eating t h e m u p , steam-engines, cotton, railways, m a n u r e , horses, a n d all; or as t h e vulgar economist childishly puts 20 it, instead of dissipating "their value" in luxuries a n d other articles of cons u m p t i o n . How the capitalists as a class are to perform that feat, is a secret that vulgar e c o n o m y has h i t h e r t o obstinately refused to divulge. E n o u g h , t h a t the world still jogs on, solely t h r o u g h t h e self-chastisement of 49

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(Senior, P r i n c i p e s f o n d a m e n t a u x d e l'Écon. Pol. trad. A r r i v a b e n e . Paris, 1836, p . 309.) T h i s was r a t h e r too m u c h for t h e a d h e r e n t s of t h e old classical school. " M r . Senior h a s s u b s t i t u t e d for it" (the expression, l a b o u r a n d profit) " t h e expression L a b o u r a n d A b s t i n e n c e . [...] He w h o converts h i s r e v e n u e a b s t a i n s from t h e e n j o y m e n t w h i c h its e x p e n d i t u r e w o u l d afford h i m . I t i s n o t t h e capital, b u t t h e u s e o f t h e capital productively, w h i c h i s t h e c a u s e o f profits." ( J o h n C a z e n o v e , I.e. p . 130, N o t e . ) J o h n St. Mill, o n t h e contrary, accepts o n t h e o n e h a n d R i c a r d o ' s t h e o r y o f profit, a n d a n n e x e s o n t h e o t h e r h a n d S e n i o r ' s " r e m u n e r a t i o n o f a b s t i n e n c e . " H e i s a s m u c h a t h o m e i n a b s u r d c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , a s h e feels a t sea i n t h e H e g e l i a n c o n t r a d i c t i o n , t h e s o u r c e o f all dialectic. I t h a s n e v e r o c c u r r e d t o t h e vulgar e c o n o m i s t t o m a k e t h e s i m p l e reflexion, t h a t every h u m a n a c t i o n m a y be viewed, as " a b s t i n e n c e " from its o p p o s i t e . E a t i n g is a b s t i n e n c e from fasting, walking, a b s t i n e n c e from s t a n d i n g still, working, a b s t i n e n c e from idling, idling, a b s t i n e n c e from working, etc. T h e s e g e n t l e m e n would do well, to p o n d e r , o n c e in a way, over S p i n o z a ' s : " D e t e r m i n a t i o est N e g a t i o . " Senior, I.e. p p . 3 4 2 , 3 4 3 . " N o o n e ... will sow h i s wheat, for i n s t a n c e , a n d allow it to r e m a i n a t w e l v e - m o n t h in t h e g r o u n d , or leave his wine in a cellar for years, i n s t e a d of c o n s u m i n g t h e s e t h i n g s or t h e i r e q u i v a l e n t a t o n c e ... u n l e s s h e expects t o a c q u i r e a d d i t i o n a l value, etc." (Scrope, Polit. E c o n . edit, b y A . P o t t e r , N e w York, 1 8 4 1 , p . 133.) « L a p r i v a t i o n q u e s ' i m p o s e l e capitaliste, e n p r ê t a n t (this e u p h e m i s m u s e d , for t h e p u r p o s e of identifying, a c c o r d i n g to t h e approved m e t h o d of vulgar e c o n o m y , t h e l a b o u r e r who is exp l o i t e d , with t h e i n d u s t r i a l capitalist w h o exploits, a n d t o w h o m o t h e r capitalists l e n d m o n e y ) ses i n s t r u m e n t s de p r o d u c t i o n au travailleur, au l i e u d ' e n c o n s a c r e r la valeur à son p r o p r e u s a g e , e n l a t r a n s f o r m e n t e n objets d ' u t i l i t é o u d ' a g r é m e n t . » ( G . d e M o l i n a r i , I . e . p . 3 6 . ) 48

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Part VII • The accumulation of capital this m o d e r n p e n i t e n t of Vishnu, the capitalist. N o t only a c c u m u l a t i o n , b u t the simple "conservation of a capital requires a constant effort to resist the t e m p t a t i o n of c o n s u m i n g i t . " T h e simple dictates of h u m a n i t y therefore plainly enjoin the release of the capitalist from this m a r t y r d o m a n d t e m p t a tion, in the same way that the Georgian slave-owner was lately delivered, by the abolition of slavery, from the painful d i l e m m a , whether to s q u a n d e r the surplus-product lashed out of his niggers, entirely in c h a m p a g n e , or whether to reconvert a part of it, into m o r e niggers a n d m o r e land. In e c o n o m i c forms of society of the m o s t different kinds, there occurs, n o t only simple reproduction, but, in varying degrees, r e p r o d u c t i o n on a progressively increasing scale. By degrees m o r e is p r o d u c e d a n d m o r e cons u m e d , a n d consequently m o r e products have to be converted into m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . This process, however, does n o t present itself as a c c u m u l a tion of capital, n o r as the function of a capitalist, so long as t h e labourer's m e a n s of production, a n d with them, his p r o d u c t a n d ||610| m e a n s of subsistence, do not confront h i m in the shape of c a p i t a l . R i c h a r d J o n e s , who died a few years ago, a n d was the successor of M a l t h u s in the chair of political e c o n o m y at Haileybury College, discusses this p o i n t well in the light of two i m p o r t a n t facts. Since the great m a s s of the H i n d o o p o p u l a t i o n are peasants cultivating their land themselves, their products, their instrum e n t s of labour a n d m e a n s of subsistence never take "the shape of a fund saved from revenue, which fund has, therefore, g o n e t h r o u g h a previous process of a c c u m u l a t i o n . " On the other h a n d , the non-agricultural labourers in those provinces where the English rule h a s least disturbed t h e old system, are directly employed by the m a g n a t e s , to w h o m a portion of t h e agricultural surplus-product is r e n d e r e d in t h e shape of tribute or rent. O n e portion of this product is c o n s u m e d by the m a g n a t e s in kind, a n o t h e r is converted, for their use, by the labourers, into articles of luxury a n d such like things; while the rest forms the wages of the labourers, who own their i m p l e m e n t s of labour. Here, production a n d r e p r o d u c t i o n on a progressively increasing scale, go on their way without any intervention from that q u e e r saint, that knight of the woeful c o u n t e n a n c e , the capitalist "abstainer." 51

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« L a c o n s e r v a t i o n d ' u n capital exige ... u n effort c o n s t a n t p o u r résister à l a t e n t a t i o n d e l e c o n s o m m e r . » ( C o u r c e l l e - S e n e u i l , I.e. p . 2 0 . ) " T h e p a r t i c u l a r classes o f i n c o m e w h i c h yield t h e m o s t a b u n d a n t l y t o t h e progress o f n a t i o n a l capital, c h a n g e at different stages of t h e i r progress, a n d are, therefore, entirely different in n a t i o n s o c c u p y i n g different p o s i t i o n s in t h a t progress ... Profit ... u n i m p o r t a n t s o u r c e of a c c u m u l a t i o n , c o m p a r e d w i t h wages a n d rents, in t h e earlier stages of society . . . W h e n a cons i d e r a b l e a d v a n c e in t h e powers of n a t i o n a l industry h a s actually t a k e n place, profits rise i n t o c o m p a r a t i v e i m p o r t a n c e as a s o u r c e of a c c u m u l a t i o n . " ( R i c h a r d J o n e s . T e x t b o o k , etc., p. 16, 2 0 , 21.) I.e. p . 36. sq.

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Chapter XXIV • Conversion of surplus-value into capital Section

4.—Circumstances that, independently of the proportional Division of Surplus-Value into Capital and Revenue, determine the Amount of Accumulation. Degree of Exploitation of Labour-Power. Productivity of Labour. Growing Difference in Amount between Capital employed and Capital consumed. Magnitude of Capital advanced.

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T h e proportion in which surplus-value breaks up into capital a n d revenue being given, the m a g n i t u d e of the capital a c c u m u l a t e d clearly d e p e n d s on the absolute m a g n i t u d e of the ||611| surplus-value. Suppose t h a t 80 per 10 cent, were capitalised a n d 20 per cent, e a t e n u p , t h e a c c u m u l a t e d capital will be £2,400 or £1,200, according as the total surplus-value has a m o u n t e d to £3,000 or £1,500. H e n c e all the c i r c u m s t a n c e s that d e t e r m i n e the m a s s of surplus-value, operate to d e t e r m i n e the m a g n i t u d e of t h e a c c u m u l a t i o n . We s u m t h e m up o n c e again, b u t only in so far as they afford new points of 15 view in regard to a c c u m u l a t i o n . It will be r e m e m b e r e d t h a t t h e rate of surplus-value d e p e n d s , in t h e first place, on the degree of exploitation of labour-power. Political e c o n o m y values this fact so highly, that it occasionally identifies the acceleration of acc u m u l a t i o n d u e to increased productiveness of labour, with its acceleration 20 due to increased exploitation of the l a b o u r e r . In the chapters on the prod u c t i o n of surplus-value it was constantly presupposed that wages are at least equal to the value of labour-power. Forcible r e d u c t i o n of wages below this value plays, however, in practice too i m p o r t a n t a part, for us n o t to pause u p o n it for a m o m e n t . It, in fact, transforms, within certain limits, 25 the labourer's necessary c o n s u m p t i o n - f u n d into a fund for the a c c u m u l a tion of capital. "Wages," says J o h n Stuart Mill, "have no productive power; they are the price of a productive-power. Wages do n o t contribute, along with labour, to the p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s , no m o r e t h a n the price of tools contributes 30 along with the tools themselves. If labour could be h a d without purchase, wages might be dispensed w i t h . " But if the labourers could live on air 54

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" R i c a r d o says: 'In different stages o f society t h e a c c u m u l a t i o n o f capital o r o f t h e m e a n s o f e m p l o y i n g " (i.e., exploiting) " l a b o u r is m o r e or less r a p i d , a n d m u s t in all cases d e p e n d o n t h e p r o d u c t i v e powers of l a b o u r . T h e p r o d u c t i v e powers of l a b o u r are generally greatest w h e r e there is an a b u n d a n c e of fertile l a n d . ' If, in t h e first s e n t e n c e , t h e p r o d u c t i v e powers of l a b o u r m e a n t h e s m a l l n e s s o f t h a t a l i q u o t part o f a n y p r o d u c e t h a t goes t o t h o s e w h o s e m a n u a l lab o u r p r o d u c e d it, t h e s e n t e n c e i s n e a r l y i d e n t i c a l , b e c a u s e t h e r e m a i n i n g a l i q u o t part i s t h e fund w h e n c e capital c a n , if t h e owner pleases, b e a c c u m u l a t e d . B u t t h e n t h i s does n o t generally h a p p e n , w h e r e t h e r e i s m o s t fertile l a n d . " ("Observations o n c e r t a i n verbal d i s p u t e s , etc.," p . 74.) J . Stuart Mill: "Essays o n s o m e u n s e t t l e d q u e s t i o n s o f Political E c o n o m y L o n d . , 1844," pp.90, 91. 55

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Part VII • The accumulation of capital they could n o t be b o u g h t at any price. T h e zero of their cost is therefore a l i m i t in a m a t h e m a t i c a l sense, always ||612| b e y o n d reach, although we can always approximate m o r e and m o r e nearly to it. T h e constant t e n d e n c y of capital is to force the cost of labour back towards this zero. A writer of t h e 18th century, often quoted already, the a u t h o r of t h e "Essay on Trade a n d C o m m e r c e , " only betrays the innermost secret soul of English capitalism, w h e n he declares the historic mission of E n g l a n d to be t h e forcing down of English wages to the level of the F r e n c h a n d the D u t c h . W i t h other things he says naively: "But if our poor" (technical t e r m for labourers) "will live luxuriously .... t h e n labour m u s t , of course, be dear W h e n it is considered what luxuries the manufacturing populace c o n s u m e , s u c h as brandy, gin, tea, sugar, foreign fruit, strong beer, printed linens, snuff, tobacco, e t c . " He quotes the work of a N o r t h a m p t o n s h i r e manufacturer, who, with eyes squinting heavenward, m o a n s : "Labour is one-third cheaper in F r a n c e t h a n in England; for their poor work hard, a n d fare hard, as to their food a n d clothing. Their chief diet is bread, fruit, herbs, roots, a n d dried fish; for they very s e l d o m eat flesh; a n d w h e n wheat is dear, they eat very little b r e a d . " "To which m a y be added," our essayist goes on, "that their drink is either water or other small liquors, so t h a t they spend very little m o n ey . . . . These things are very difficult to be brought about; b u t they are n o t impracticable, since they have b e e n effected b o t h in F r a n c e a n d in Holl a n d . " Twenty years [(613( later, an A m e r i c a n h u m b u g , the baronised Y a n k e e , Benjamin T h o m p s o n (alias C o u n t Rumford) followed t h e s a m e line of p h i l a n t h r o p y to the great satisfaction of G o d a n d m a n . H i s "Essays" are a cookery book with receipts of all kinds for replacing by s o m e succedan e u m the ordinary dear food of the labourer. T h e following is a particulary successful receipt of this wonderful philosopher: "5 lbs. of barley m e a l ,

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" A n Essay o n T r a d e a n d C o m m e r c e , Lond., 1770," p p . 4 3 , 4 4 . T h e " T i m e s " o f D e c e m b e r , 1866, a n d J a n u a r y , 1867, i n like m a n n e r p u b l i s h e d c e r t a i n o u t p o u r i n g s o f t h e h e a r t o f t h e E n g l i s h m i n e o w n e r , i n w h i c h t h e h a p p y lot o f t h e Belgian m i n e r s was p i c t u r e d , w h o asked a n d received n o m o r e t h a n was strictly necessary for t h e m t o live for t h e i r " m a s t e r s . " T h e Belgian l a b o u r e r s h a v e t o suffer m u c h , b u t t o f i g u r e i n t h e " T i m e s " a s m o d e l l a b o u r e r s ! I n t h e b e g i n n i n g o f F e b r u a r y , 1867, c a m e t h e answer: strike o f t h e Belgian m i n e r s a t M a r c h i e n n e , p u t d o w n by p o w d e r a n d lead. I.e., p p . 44, 46. T h e N o r t h a m p t o n s h i r e m a n u f a c t u r e r c o m m i t s a p i o u s fraud, p a r d o n a b l e i n o n e w h o s e h e a r t is so full. He n o m i n a l l y c o m p a r e s t h e life of t h e E n g l i s h a n d F r e n c h m a n u f a c t u r i n g lab o u r e r , b u t i n t h e words j u s t q u o t e d h e i s p a i n t i n g , a s h e h i m s e l f confesses i n h i s confused way, t h e F r e n c h agricultural l a b o u r e r s . I.e., p . 70, 7 1 . N o t e t o t h e 3rd e d i t i o n : To-day, t h a n k s t o t h e c o m p e t i t i o n o n t h e w o r l d - m a r ket, e s t a b l i s h e d since t h e n , w e have a d v a n c e d m u c h further. "If C h i n a , " says M r . Stapleton, M . P . , to h i s c o n s t i t u e n t s , " s h o u l d b e c o m e a great m a n u f a c t u r i n g c o u n t r y , I do n o t see h o w t h e m a n v f a c t u r i n g p o p u l a t i o n o f E u r o p e c o u l d s u s t a i n t h e c o n t e s t w i t h o u t d e s c e n d i n g t o t h e level of t h e i r c o m p e t i t o r s . " ( " T i m e s , " Sept. 9, 1873, p. 8.) T h e wished-for goal of E n g l i s h c a p i t a l is n o l o n g e r C o n t i n e n t a l wages b u t C h i n e s e . 5 7

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Chapter XXIV • Conversion of surplus-value into capital 7/4d.; 5 lbs. of I n d i a n corn, 6%d.; 3d. worth of red herring, I d . salt, I d . vinegar, 2d. pepper a n d sweet herbs, in all 20%d.; m a k e a soup for 64 m e n , and at the m e d i u m price of barley a n d of I n d i a n corn . . . . this soup m a y be provided at %d, the portion of 20 o u n c e s . " W i t h the advance of capitalistic production, the adulteration of food r e n d e r e d T h o m p s o n ' s ideal superfluous. At the end of the 18th and during the first ten years of the 19th century, the English farmers a n d landlords enforced the absolute m i n i m u m of wage, by paying the agricultural labourers less t h a n the m i n i m u m in the form of wages, a n d the r e m a i n d e r in the shape of parochial relief. An example of the waggish way in which the English Dogberries acted in their "legal" fixing of a wages tariff: " T h e squires of Norfolk h a d dined, says Mr. Burke, when they fixed the rate of wages; t h e squires of Berks evidently thought the labourers ought not to do so, w h e n they fixed the rate of wages at S p e e n h a m l a n d , 1795 There they decide t h a t ' i n c o m e (weekly) should be 3s. ||614| for a m a n . ' w h e n the gallon or half-peck loaf of 8 lbs. 11 oz. is at Is., a n d increase regularly till b r e a d is I s . 5d.; when it is above that sum, decrease regularly till it be at 2s., a n d t h e n his food should be %U\ l e s s . " Before the C o m m i t t e e of Inquiry of the H o u s e of Lords, 1814, a certain J. Benett, a large farmer, magistrate, poor-law guardian, a n d wage-regulator, was asked: " H a s any proportion of the value of daily labour b e e n m a d e up to the labourers o u t of the poors' rate?" Answer: "Yes, it has; t h e weekly i n c o m e of every family is m a d e up to the gallon loaf (8 lbs. 11 oz.), a n d 3d. per head! . . . . T h e gallon loaf per week is what we suppose sufficient for the m a i n t e n a n c e of every person in t h e family for the week; a n d the 3d. is for clothes, a n d if the parish think proper to find clothes, the 3d. is deducted. This practice goes t h r o u g h all t h e western part of Wiltshire, 60

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B e n j a m i n T h o m p s o n : Essays, Political, E c o n o m i c a l , a n d P h i l o s o p h i c a l , etc., 3 vols., L o n d . , 1 7 9 6 - 1 8 0 2 , vol.L, p . 2 9 4 . I n his " T h e State o f t h e Poor, o r a n H i s t o r y o f t h e L a b o u r i n g Classes i n E n g l a n d , etc.," Sir F . M . E d e n strongly r e c o m m e n d s t h e R u m f o r d i a n b e g g a r - s o u p t o workh o u s e overseers, a n d reproachfully w a r n s t h e E n g l i s h l a b o u r e r s t h a t " m a n y poor p e o p l e , p a r t i c ularly in Scotland, live, and t h a t very comfortably, for m o n t h s together, u p o n o a t - m e a l a n d b a r l e y - m e a l , m i x e d w i t h only water a n d salt." (I.e., vol.1, b o o k IL, c h . 2 . , p. 503.) T h e s a m e sort of h i n t s in t h e 19th century. " T h e m o s t w h o l e s o m e m i x t u r e s of flour h a v i n g b e e n refused (by t h e E n g l i s h agricultural labourer) . . . . in S c o t l a n d , where e d u c a t i o n is better, this p r e j u d i c e is, probably, u n k n o w n . " (Charles H . Parry. M . D . : T h e q u e s t i o n o f t h e necessity o f t h e existing C o r n Laws c o n s i d e r e d . L o n d o n , 1816, p p . 68, 69.) T h i s s a m e Parry, however, c o m p l a i n s t h a t t h e E n g l i s h l a b o u r e r i s n o w (1815) i n a m u c h worse c o n d i t i o n t h a n i n E d e n ' s t i m e (1797). F r o m t h e reports o f t h e last P a r l i a m e n t a r y C o m m i s s i o n o n a d u l t e r a t i o n o f m e a n s o f s u b sistence, it will be seen t h a t t h e a d u l t e r a t i o n even of m e d i c i n e s is t h e r u l e , n o t t h e e x c e p t i o n in E n g l a n d . E.g., t h e e x a m i n a t i o n of 34 s p e c i m e n s of o p i u m , p u r c h a s e d of as m a n y different c h e m i s t s i n L o n d o n , s h o w e d t h a t 3 1 were a d u l t e r a t e d with p o p p y h e a d s , wheat-flour, g u m , clay, sand, etc. Several did n o t c o n t a i n a n a t o m o f m o r p h i a . G . L . N e w n h a m (barrister-at-law): " A Review o f t h e E v i d e n c e before t h e C o m m i t t e e o f t h e H o u s e s of P a r l i a m e n t o n t h e C o r n Laws. L o n d . , 1 8 1 5 , " p . 20, note. 61

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a n d , I believe, t h r o u g h o u t the c o u n t r y . " "For years," exclaims a bourgeois a u t h o r of t h a t t i m e , "they (the farmers) have degraded a respectable class of their c o u n t r y m e n , by forcing t h e m to have recourse to t h e workhouse .... the farmer [...], while increasing his own gains, has prevented any a c c u m u lation on the part of his labouring d e p e n d a n t s . " T h e part played in our 5 days by the direct robbery from the labourer's necessary c o n s u m p t i o n fund in t h e formation of surplus-value, and, therefore, of t h e a c c u m u l a t i o n fund of capital, the so-called domestic industry has served to show. (Ch. XV., sect. 8, c.) F u r t h e r facts on this subject will be given later. A l t h o u g h in all b r a n c h e s of industry that part of the constant capital 10 consisting of i n s t r u m e n t s of labour m u s t be sufficient for a certain n u m b e r of labourers (determined by the m a g n i t u d e of the u n d e r t a k i n g ) , it by no m e a n s always necessarily increases in the same proportion as the quantity of labour employed. In a factory, suppose t h a t 100 labourers working 8 hours a day yield 800 working-hours. ||615| If the capitalist wishes to raise 15 this s u m by one half, he can employ 50 m o r e workers; b u t t h e n he m u s t also advance m o r e capital, n o t merely for wages, b u t for i n s t r u m e n t s of labour. But he might also let the 100 labourers work 12 h o u r s instead of 8, a n d t h e n the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour already to h a n d would be enough. These would t h e n simply be more rapidly c o n s u m e d . T h u s a d d i t i o n a l la- 20 bour, begotten of the greater tension of labour-power, can a u g m e n t surplus-product a n d surplus-value (i.e., the subject m a t t e r of a c c u m u l a t i o n ) , without corresponding a u g m e n t a t i o n in the constant part of capital. 64

In the extractive industries, m i n e s , etc., the raw materials form no part of the capital advanced. T h e subject of labour is in this case n o t a p r o d u c t of 25 previous labour, but is furnished by N a t u r e gratis, as in the case of metals, m i n e r a l s , coal, stone, etc. In these cases the c o n s t a n t capital consists alm o s t exclusively of i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, which can very well absorb an increased quantity of labour (day a n d night shifts of labourers, e.g.). All other things being equal, the m a s s and value of the p r o d u c t will rise in di- 30 rect proportion to t h e labour expended. As on the first day of p r o d u c t i o n , t h e original produce-formers, now t u r n e d into the creators of the material e l e m e n t s of c a p i t a l — m a n a n d N a t u r e — s t i l l work together. T h a n k s to the elasticity of labour-power, the d o m a i n of a c c u m u l a t i o n has e x t e n d e d witho u t any previous e n l a r g e m e n t of constant capital. 35 In agriculture the land u n d e r cultivation c a n n o t be increased without 6 3

I.e., p p . 19, 20. C H . Parry, I.e., p p . 7 7 , 69. T h e l a n d l o r d s , o n t h e i r side, n o t o n l y " i n d e m n i f i e d " t h e m s e l v e s for t h e A n t i - j a c o b i n war, w h i c h they waged i n t h e n a m e o f E n g l a n d , b u t e n r i c h e d t h e m s e l v e s e n o r m o u s l y . T h e i r r e n t s d o u b l e d , trebled, q u a d r u p l e d , " a n d i n o n e i n s t a n c e , i n c r e a s e d sixfold in e i g h t e e n y e a r s . " (I.e., p p . 100, 101.) 64

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Chapter XXIV • Conversion of surplus-value into capital the advance of m o r e seed a n d m a n u r e . But this advance once m a d e , the purely m e c h a n i c a l working of the soil itself p r o d u c e s a marvellous effect on the a m o u n t of the product. A greater q u a n t i t y of labour, d o n e by the s a m e n u m b e r of labourers as before, t h u s increases t h e fertility, without requir5 ing any new advance in the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour. It is o n c e again t h e direct action of m a n on N a t u r e which b e c o m e s an i m m e d i a t e source of greater a c c u m u l a t i o n , without the intervention of any new capital. Finally, in what is called m a n u f a c t u r i n g industry, every additional exp e n d i t u r e of l a b o u r presupposes a corresponding additional expenditure of 10 raw materials, b u t n o t necessarily of ||616| i n s t r u m e n t s of labour. A n d as extractive industry a n d agriculture supply m a n u f a c t u r i n g industry with its raw materials and those of its i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, the additional p r o d u c t the former have created without a d d i t i o n a l advance of capital, tells also in favour of the latter. 15

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G e n e r a l result: by incorporating with itself the two primary creators of wealth, labour-power a n d the land, capital acquires a power of e x p a n s i o n that permits it to a u g m e n t the elements of its a c c u m u l a t i o n beyond the limits apparently fixed by its own m a g n i t u d e , or by the value and the m a s s of the m e a n s of production, already p r o d u c e d , in which it has its being. A n o t h e r i m p o r t a n t factor in the a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital is the degree of productivity of social labour. W i t h t h e productive power of labour increases the m a s s of the products, in which a certain value, and, therefore, a surplus-value of a given m a g n i t u d e , is e m b o d i e d . T h e rate of surplus-value r e m a i n i n g the same or even falling, so long as it only falls m o r e slowly, t h a n the productive power of lab o u r rises, the m a s s of the surplus-product increases. T h e division of this p r o d u c t into revenue a n d additional capital r e m a i n i n g the same, the cons u m p t i o n of the capitalist m a y , therefore, increase without any decrease in the fund of a c c u m u l a t i o n . T h e relative m a g n i t u d e of the a c c u m u l a t i o n fund m a y even increase at the expense of the c o n s u m p t i o n fund, whilst the c h e a p e n i n g of c o m m o d i t i e s places at the disposal of the capitalist as m a n y m e a n s of enjoyment as formerly, or even m o r e t h a n formerly. But h a n d - i n h a n d with the increasing productivity of labour, goes, as we have seen, t h e cheapening of the labourer, therefore a higher rate of surplus-value, even w h e n the real wages are rising. T h e latter never rise proportionally to the productive power of labour. T h e s a m e value in variable capital therefore sets in m o v e m e n t m o r e labour-power, and, therefore, m o r e labour. T h e s a m e value in constant capital is e m b o d i e d in m o r e m e a n s of production, i.e., in m o r e i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, materials of labour a n d auxiliary m a t e rials; it therefore also supplies m o r e e l e m e n t s for the p r o d u c t i o n b o t h of use-value a n d of value, a n d with these m o r e absorbers of labour. T h e value

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Part VII • The accumulation of capital of the additional capital, therefore, r e m a i n i n g the s a m e ||617| or even dim i n i s h i n g , accelerated a c c u m u l a t i o n still takes place. N o t only does the scale of r e p r o d u c t i o n materially extend, b u t the p r o d u c t i o n of surplusvalue increases m o r e rapidly t h a n the value of the a d d i t i o n a l capital. T h e development of the productive power of labour reacts also on the original capital already engaged in the process of p r o d u c t i o n . A part of the functioning constant capital consists of i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, s u c h as m a chinery, etc., which are n o t c o n s u m e d , and therefore n o t reproduced, or replaced by new ones of the same kind, u n t i l after long periods of t i m e . But every year a part of these i n s t r u m e n t s of labour perishes or reaches t h e limit of its productive function. It reaches, therefore, in t h a t year, the t i m e for its periodical reproduction, for its r e p l a c e m e n t by new ones of the s a m e kind. If t h e productiveness of labour has, during t h e using up of these ins t r u m e n t s of labour, increased (and it developes continually with t h e u n i n terrupted advance of science a n d technology), m o r e efficient a n d (considering their increased efficiency), cheaper m a c h i n e s , tools, apparatus, etc., replace t h e old. T h e old capital is reproduced in a m o r e productive form, apart from the constant detail improvements in the i n s t r u m e n t s of l a b o u r already in use. T h e other part of the constant capital, raw material a n d auxiliary substances, is constantly reproduced in less t h a n a year; those prod u c e d by agriculture, for the m o s t part annually. Every i n t r o d u c t i o n of improved m e t h o d s , therefore, works almost simultaneously on the new capital a n d on t h a t already in action. Every advance in Chemistry n o t only m u l t i plies the n u m b e r of useful materials and the useful applications of those already known, t h u s extending with the growth of capital its sphere of investm e n t . It teaches at the same t i m e how to throw the excrements of the processes of production a n d c o n s u m p t i o n back again i n t o t h e circle of t h e process of reproduction, a n d thus, without any previous outlay of capital, creates new m a t t e r for capital. Like the increased exploitation of n a t u r a l wealth by the m e r e increase in the tension of labour-power, science a n d technology give capital a power of expansion i n d e p e n d e n t of the given m a g n i t u d e of the capital actually functioning. T h e y react at the s a m e t i m e on ||618| that part of the original capital which has entered u p o n its stage of renewal. This, in passing into its new shape, incorporates gratis the social advance m a d e while its old shape was being used u p . Of course, this develo p m e n t of productive power is a c c o m p a n i e d by a partial depreciation of functioning capital. So far as this depreciation m a k e s itself acutely felt in competition, the b u r d e n falls on the labourer, in the increased exploitation of w h o m the capitalist looks for his indemnification.

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L a b o u r transmits to its p r o d u c t the value of t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n 40 c o n s u m e d by it. On the other h a n d , the value a n d m a s s of the m e a n s of

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production set in m o t i o n by a given quantity of labour increase as t h e labour b e c o m e s m o r e productive. T h o u g h the s a m e quantity of labour adds always to its products only the same s u m of new value, still the old capitalvalue, transmitted by the labour to the products, increases with the growing productivity of labour. An English a n d a Chinese spinner, e.g., m a y work the same n u m b e r of h o u r s with the same intensity; t h e n they will b o t h in a week create e q u a l values. But in spite of this equality, an i m m e n s e difference will o b t a i n between the value of the week's product of t h e E n g l i s h m a n , who works with a mighty a u t o m a t o n , a n d that of the C h i n a m a n , who has b u t a spinning wheel. In the same t i m e as the C h i n a m a n spins one p o u n d of cotton, the E n g l i s h m a n spins several h u n d r e d s of p o u n d s . A sum, m a n y h u n d r e d times as great, of old values swells the value of his product, in which those reappear in a new, useful form, a n d can t h u s function anew as capital. "In 1782," as Frederick Engels teaches u s , "all the wool crop in E n g l a n d of the three preceding years, lay u n t o u c h e d for want of labourers, a n d so it m u s t have lain, if newly invented m a c h i n e r y h a d n o t c o m e to its aid a n d spun i t . " L a b o u r e m b o d i e d in the form of m a c h i n e r y of course did not directly force into life a single m a n , b u t it m a d e it possible for a smaller n u m b e r of labourers, with the addition of relatively less living labour, not only to cons u m e the wool productively, a n d p u t into it n e w value, b u t to preserve in the form of yarn, etc., its old value. At the s a m e time, it caused a n d stimulated increased r e p r o d u c t i o n of ||619| wool. It is the n a t u r a l property of living labour, to transmit old value, whilst it creates new. H e n c e , with the increase in efficacy, extent and value of its m e a n s of production, consequently with the a c c u m u l a t i o n that a c c o m p a n i e s the d e v e l o p m e n t of its productive power, labour keeps up a n d eternises an always increasing capital-value in a form ever n e w . T h i s ||620| n a t u r a l power of labour takes 65

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F r e d e r i c k Engels, "Lage der a r b e i t e n d e n Klasse i n E n g l a n d , " p . 20. Classic e c o n o m y h a s , on a c c o u n t of a deficient analysis of t h e labour-process, a n d of t h e process of creating v a l u e , never properly grasped t h i s weighty e l e m e n t of r e p r o d u c t i o n , as m a y b e s e e n i n R i c a r d o ; h e says, e.g., whatever t h e c h a n g e i n p r o d u c t i v e power, " a m i l l i o n m e n always p r o d u c e i n m a n u f a c t u r e s t h e s a m e v a l u e . " T h i s i s a c c u r a t e , i f t h e e x t e n s i o n a n d d e g r e e of intensity of their l a b o u r are given. B u t it does n o t p r e v e n t (this R i c a r d o overlooks in c e r t a i n c o n c l u s i o n s he draws) a m i l l i o n m e n w i t h different powers of productivity in t h e i r labour, t u r n i n g i n t o p r o d u c t s very different m a s s e s of t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , a n d therefore preserving in t h e i r p r o d u c t s very different m a s s e s of v a l u e ; in c o n s e q u e n c e of w h i c h t h e values of t h e p r o d u c t s y i e l d e d m a y vary c o n s i d e r a b l y . R i c a r d o h a s , i t m a y b e n o t e d i n passing, tried i n v a i n to m a k e clear to J. B. Say, by t h a t very e x a m p l e , t h e difference b e t w e e n u s e - v a l u e (which he h e r e calls wealth or m a t e r i a l riches) a n d e x c h a n g e - v a l u e . Say answers: « Q u a n t à la difficulté q u ' é l è v e M r . R i c a r d o e n d i s a n t q u e , par d e s p r o c é d é s m i e u x e n t e n d u s , u n m i l l i o n d e p e r s o n n e s p e u v e n t p r o d u i r e d e u x fois, trois fois a u t a n t de richesses, sans p r o d u i r e plus de valeurs, cette difficulté n'est p a s u n e l o r s q u e l'on c o n s i d è r e , ainsi q u ' o n le doit, la p r o d u c t i o n c o m m e u n é c h a n g e d a n s l e q u e l o n d o n n e les services productifs d e son travail, d e s a terre, e t 66

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Part VII • The accumulation of capital t h e appearance of an intrinsic property of capital, in which it is incorporated, just as the productive forces of social l a b o u r take the a p p e a r a n c e of i n h e r e n t properties of capital, and as the constant appropriation of surpluslabour by the capitalists, takes that of a constant self-expansion of capital. W i t h the increase of capital, the difference between the capital employed 5 a n d the capital c o n s u m e d increases. In other words, there is increase in the value a n d the m a t e r i a l m a s s of the i n s t r u m e n t s of labour, s u c h as buildings, m a c h i n e r y , drain-pipes, working-cattle, apparatus of every kind that function for a longer or shorter t i m e in processes of p r o d u c t i o n constantly repeated, or t h a t serve for the a t t a i n m e n t of particular useful effects, whilst 10 they themselves only gradually wear out, therefore only lose their value piecemeal, therefore transfer that value to the p r o d u c t only bit by bit. In the s a m e proportion as these i n s t r u m e n t s of labour serve as product-formers without adding value to the product, i.e., in the s a m e proportion as they are wholly employed b u t only partly c o n s u m e d , they perform, as we 15 saw earlier, the same gratuitous service as the n a t u r a l forces, water, steam, air, electricity, etc. This gratuitous service of past labour, when seized and de ses c a p i t a u x , p o u r o b t e n i r des p r o d u i t s . C'est p a r le m o y e n de ces services p r o d u c t i f s , q u e n o u s a c q u é r o n s t o u s les p r o d u i t s q u i sont a u m o n d e . O r . . . . n o u s s o m m e s d ' a u t a n t plus r i c h e s , n o s services productifs ont d ' a u t a n t plus d e v a l e u r qu'ils o b t i e n n e n t d a n s l ' é c h a n g e a p pelé p r o d u c t i o n u n e plus g r a n d e q u a n t i t é d e choses u t i l e s . » ( J . B . S a y ; "Lettres à M . M a l t h u s , Paris, 1820," p p . 168, 169.) T h e "difficulté"—it exists for h i m , n o t for R i c a r d o — t h a t Say m e a n s t o clear u p i s this: W h y does n o t t h e e x c h a n g e - v a l u e o f t h e u s e - v a l u e s i n c r e a s e , w h e n t h e i r q u a n t i t y increases i n c o n s e q u e n c e o f i n c r e a s e d p r o d u c t i v e p o w e r o f l a b o u r ? Answer: t h e difficulty is m e t by calling u s e - v a l u e , e x c h a n g e - v a l u e , if y o u please. E x c h a n g e - v a l u e is a t h i n g t h a t is c o n n e c t e d o n e way or a n o t h e r with e x c h a n g e . If therefore p r o d u c t i o n is called an exc h a n g e of l a b o u r a n d m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n against t h e p r o d u c t , it is clear as d a y t h a t y o u o b t a i n m o r e e x c h a n g e - v a l u e i n p r o p o r t i o n a s t h e p r o d u c t i o n yields m o r e u s e - v a l u e . I n o t h e r words, t h e m o r e use-values, e.g. stockings, a working day yields to t h e s t o c k i n g - m a n u f a c t u r e r , t h e r i c h e r is he in stockings. S u d d e n l y , however, Say recollects t h a t "with a greater q u a n t i t y " of stockings t h e i r " p r i c e " (which of c o u r s e h a s n o t h i n g to do with t h e i r exchange-value!) falls " p a r c e q u e la c o n c u r r e n c e les (les p r o d u c t e u r s ) oblige à d o n n e r les p r o d u i t s p o u r ce q u ' i l s leur c o û t e n t . " B u t w h e n c e does t h e profit c o m e , if t h e capitalist sells t h e c o m m o d i t i e s at costp r i c e ? N e v e r m i n d ! Say declares t h a t , i n c o n s e q u e n c e o f i n c r e a s e d productivity, every o n e n o w receives in r e t u r n for a given e q u i v a l e n t two pairs of stockings i n s t e a d of o n e as before. T h e result h e arrives at, i s precisely t h a t p r o p o s i t i o n o f R i c a r d o t h a t h e a i m e d a t disproving. After this m i g h t y effort o f t h o u g h t , h e t r i u m p h a n t l y a p o s t r o p h i s e s M a l t h u s i n t h e words: « T e l l e est, m o n s i e u r , la d o c t r i n e b i e n liée, sans laquelle il est i m p o s s i b l e , je le déclare, d'exp l i q u e r les p l u s g r a n d e s difficultés d e l ' é c o n o m i e p o l i t i q u e , e t n o t a m m e n t , c o m m e n t i l s e p e u t q u ' u n e n a t i o n soit p l u s r i c h e l o r s q u e ses p r o d u i t s d i m i n u e n t d e valeur, q u o i q u e l a r i c h e s s e soit de la v a l e u r . » (I.e. p. 170.) An E n g l i s h e c o n o m i s t r e m a r k s u p o n t h e conjuring tricks of t h e s a m e n a t u r e t h a t a p p e a r i n Say's "Lettres": " T h o s e affected ways o f talking m a k e u p i n g e n e r a l t h a t w h i c h M . Say i s pleased t o call h i s d o c t r i n e a n d w h i c h h e earnestly u r g e s M a l t h u s t o t e a c h at Hertford, as it is already t a u g h t ' d a n s p l u s i e u r s parties de l ' E u r o p e . ' He says, 732,017 »» 761,909 15,160 » 13,989 »» 12,680 » 18,364 » 4,312,388 ts. 3,865,990 ts. 3,301,683 .. 3,467,659 »» 147,284 »» 297,375 »

191,937 » 350,252 »

64,506 st. 2,607,153 ts.

39,561 st. 3,068,707 ts.

48,999 qs. 166,605 » 29,892 ». .1,171 » 5,684 qs. 446,398 ts. 165,976 »» 44,653 ts. 52,877 »

461,554 »

24,945 st. 193

609

T h e d a t a of t h e text are p u t t o g e t h e r from t h e m a t e r i a l s of t h e " A g r i c u l t u r a l Statistics, I r e l a n d , G e n e r a l A b s t r a c t s , D u b l i n , " for t h e years 1860, et seq., a n d "Agricultural Statistics, I r e l a n d , T a b l e s showing t h e e s t i m a t e d average p r o d u c e , etc., D u b l i n , 1866." T h e s e statistics are official, a n d laid before P a r l i a m e n t a n n u a l l y . ( N o t e to 2 n d e d i t i o n . T h e official statistics for t h e y e a r 1872 show, as c o m p a r e d with 1 8 7 1 , a d e c r e a s e in a r e a u n d e r cultivation of 134,915 acres. An increase o c c u r r e d in the c u l t i v a t i o n of g r e e n crops, t u r n i p s , m a n g o l d - w u r z e l , a n d t h e like; a decrease in t h e a r e a u n d e r cultivation for w h e a t of 16,000 acres; oats, 14,000; barley a n d rye, 4,000; p o t a t o e s , 66,632; flax, 34,667; grass, clover, vetches, rape-seed, 30,000. T h e soil u n d e r cultivation for w h e a t shows for t h e last 5 years t h e following stages of d e c r e a s e : — 1 8 6 8 , 285,000 acres; 1869, 2 8 0 , 0 0 0 ; 1870, 2 5 9 , 0 0 0 : 1 8 7 1 , 244,000; 1872, 228,000. F o r 1872 we find, in r o u n d n u m b e r s , an i n c r e a s e of 2,600 horses, 80,000 h o r n e d cattle, 28,682 s h e e p , a n d a decrease of 236,000 pigs.)

Chapter XXV · The general law of capitalist accumulation

5

Product per Acre.

Increase or Decrease, 1865.

Part VII · The accumulation of capital Under

Schedule

D.

the

average

annual

increase

of income

from

1853-1864 was only 0.93; whilst, in t h e s a m e period, in G r e a t Britain, it was 4.58. T h e following table shows the d i s t r i b u t i o n of t h e profits (with t h e e x c e p t i o n of t h o s e of farmers) for t h e years 1864 a n d 1 8 6 5 : — | |724| Table E. Schedule D. Income from Profits (over £60) in Ireland. 1864.

1865.

£.

£.

4,368,610

T o t a l yearly

divided a m o n g 17,467

income of

4,669,979

5

divided a m o n g 18,081

persons.

persons.

10

Yearly i n c o m e over £ 6 0 a n d 238,726

u n d e r £100

»

5,015

1,979,066 »

11,821

2,150,818 »

1,131

1,073,906 »

1,010

222,575

»

4,703

»

2,028,571

»

12,184

»

2,418,833

Of t h e yearly total income

η

15

Remainder of t h e t o t a l yearly income

1,076,912 » Of these

121 M

430,535

»

95

646,377

»

26

262,619 »

η

3 »

»

1,194

»

1,097,927 »

1,044

»

1,320,906 »

150

»

584,458

»

122

»

736,448

»

274,528

»

28 3

20

» »195

E n g l a n d , a country with fully developed capitalist p r o d u c t i o n , a n d pre­ e m i n e n t l y industrial, would have bled to d e a t h with s u c h a d r a i n of popula-

25

t i o n as I r e l a n d has suffered. B u t Ireland is at present only an agricultural district of E n g l a n d , m a r k e d off by a wide c h a n n e l from the c o u n t r y to w h i c h it yields corn, wool, cattle, i n d u s t r i a l a n d military recruits. T h e d e p o p u l a t i o n of I r e l a n d has thrown m u c h of t h e l a n d o u t of cultiva­ tion, h a s greatly d i m i n i s h e d t h e p r o d u c e of the soil, 1 9 6 a n d , in spite of the

30

greater area devoted to cattle breeding, h a s b r o u g h t a b o u t , in s o m e of its b r a n c h e s , an absolute d i m i n u t i o n , in others, an a d v a n c e scarcely worthy of mention,

a n d constantly i n t e r r u p t e d by retrogressions. Nevertheless,

|

|725| with t h e fall in n u m b e r s of t h e p o p u l a t i o n , r e n t s a n d farmers' profits rose, a l t h o u g h t h e latter n o t as steadily as t h e former. T h e r e a s o n of this is

35

easily c o m p r e h e n s i b l e . On the o n e h a n d , with t h e throwing of small hold195

T h e t o t a l yearly i n c o m e u n d e r S c h e d u l e D . i s different i n t h i s t a b l e f r o m t h a t w h i c h a p ­ p e a r s i n t h e p r e c e d i n g o n e s , b e c a u s e o f c e r t a i n d e d u c t i o n s allowed b y law. 196 I f t h e p r o d u c t also d i m i n i s h e s relatively p e r acre, i t m u s t n o t b e f o r g o t t e n t h a t for a c e n ­ tury a n d a h a l f E n g l a n d h a s i n d i r e c t l y e x p o r t e d t h e soil of I r e l a n d , w i t h o u t as m u c h as allowing its c u l t i v a t o r s t h e m e a n s for m a k i n g u p t h e c o n s t i t u e n t s o f t h e soil t h a t h a d b e e n e x h a u s t e d .

610

40

C h a p t e r XXV • T h e g e n e r a l law of capitalist a c c u m u l a t i o n

5

10

15

20

25

30

ings into large ones, a n d the change of arable into pasture land, a larger part of the whole p r o d u c e was transformed into surplus p r o d u c e . T h e surplus p r o d u c e increased, although the total p r o d u c e , of which it formed a fraction, decreased. On the other h a n d , the m o n e y - v a l u e of this surplus produce increased yet m o r e rapidly t h a n its m a s s , in c o n s e q u e n c e of the rise in the English marketprice of m e a t , wool, etc., during t h e last 20, a n d especially during the last 10, years. T h e scattered m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n that serve the producers themselves as m e a n s of e m p l o y m e n t a n d of subsistence, without e x p a n d i n g their own value by the incorporation of the l a b o u r of others, are no m o r e capital t h a n a product c o n s u m e d by its own p r o d u c e r is a c o m m o d i t y . If, with the m a s s of the population, that of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n employed in agriculture also diminished, the m a s s of the capital employed in agriculture increased, because a part of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n t h a t were formerly scattered, was concentrated a n d t u r n e d into capital. T h e total capital of Ireland outside agriculture, employed in industry a n d trade, a c c u m u l a t e d during the last two decades slowly, a n d with great a n d constantly recurring fluctuations; so m u c h the m o r e rapidly did the concentration of its individual constituents develop. A n d , however small its absolute increase, in proportion to the dwindling p o p u l a t i o n it h a d increased largely. Here, t h e n , u n d e r our own eyes a n d on a large scale, a process is revealed, t h a n which n o t h i n g m o r e excellent could be wished for by o r t h o d o x e c o n o m y for the support of its dogma: t h a t misery springs from absolute surplus-population, a n d t h a t e q u i l i b r i u m is re-established by depopulation. This is a far m o r e i m p o r t a n t e x p e r i m e n t t h a n was the plague in the m i d d l e of the 14th century so b e l a u d e d of M a l t h u s i a n s . N o t e further: If only the naïveté of the schoolmaster could apply, to the conditions of p r o d u c t i o n a n d p o p u l a t i o n of the n i n e t e e n t h century, the standard of the 14th, this naïveté, into the bargain, ||726| overlooked the fact t h a t whilst, after the plague a n d the d e c i m a t i o n t h a t a c c o m p a n i e d it, followed on this side of the channel, in England, enfranchisement a n d e n r i c h m e n t of the agricultural population, on t h a t side, in F r a n c e , followed greater servitude a n d m o r e misery. T h e Irish famine of 1846 killed m o r e t h a n 1,000,000 people, b u t it killed poor devils only. To the wealth of the country it did n o t t h e slightest d a m 197

35

1 9 7

40

A s I r e l a n d i s r e g a r d e d a s t h e p r o m i s e d l a n d o f t h e " p r i n c i p l e o f p o p u l a t i o n , " M . T . Sadler, before t h e p u b l i c a t i o n of h i s work on p o p u l a t i o n , i s s u e d h i s f a m o u s book, " I r e l a n d , its evils a n d their r e m e d i e s . 2 n d e d i t i o n , L o n d o n , 1829." H e r e , b y c o m p a r i s o n o f t h e statistics o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l provinces, a n d o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l c o u n t i e s i n e a c h province, h e proves t h a t t h e m i s ery t h e r e i s n o t , a s M a l t h u s w o u l d h a v e it, i n p r o p o r t i o n t o t h e n u m b e r o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , b u t in inverse ratio to this.

611

Part VII · The accumulation of capital age. T h e e x o d u s of t h e n e x t 20 years, an exodus still c o n s t a n t l y increas­ ing, did not, as, e.g., t h e thirty years' war, d e c i m a t e , along with t h e h u m a n beings, t h e i r m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . Irish genius discovered an altogether n e w way of spiriting a p o o r people t h o u s a n d s of miles away from t h e scene of its misery. T h e exiles t r a n s p l a n t e d to t h e U n i t e d States, send h o m e s u m s

5

of m o n e y every year as travelling expenses for t h o s e left b e h i n d . Every t r o o p t h a t emigrates o n e year, draws a n o t h e r after it t h e next. T h u s , i n s t e a d of costing Ireland anything, emigration forms o n e of t h e m o s t lucrative b r a n c h e s of its export trade. Finally, it is a systematic process, which does n o t simply m a k e a passing gap in t h e p o p u l a t i o n , b u t sucks o u t of it every

10

year m o r e p e o p l e t h a n are replaced by t h e births, so t h a t t h e a b s o l u t e level of t h e p o p u l a t i o n falls year by year. 1 9 8 W h a t were t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s for t h e Irish labourers left b e h i n d a n d freed from t h e surplus-population? T h a t t h e relative surplus-population is to-day as great as before 1846; t h a t wages are j u s t as low, t h a t t h e oppression of

15

t h e labourers h a s increased, t h a t misery is forcing t h e c o u n t r y towards a n e w crisis. T h e facts are simple. T h e revolution in agriculture h a s k e p t p a c e with e m i g r a t i o n . T h e p r o d u c t i o n of relative surplus-population h a s m o r e t h a n kept p a c e with t h e absolute d e p o p u l a t i o n . A glance at table Β shows t h a t t h e change of arable to pasture land m u s t work yet m o r e acutely in Ire-

20

l a n d ||727| t h a n in E n g l a n d . In E n g l a n d t h e cultivation of green crops in­ creases with t h e b r e e d i n g of cattle; in Ireland, it decreases. Whilst large n u m b e r of acres, t h a t were formerly tilled, lie idle or are t u r n e d p e r m a ­ n e n t l y i n t o grass-land, a great part of t h e waste l a n d a n d p e a t bogs t h a t were u n u s e d formerly, b e c o m e of service for t h e e x t e n s i o n of cattle-breed-

25

ing. T h e smaller a n d m e d i u m f a r m e r s — I r e c k o n a m o n g these all who d o n o t cultivate m o r e t h a n 100 acres—still m a k e up a b o u t yioths of t h e whole n u m b e r . 1 9 9 T h e y are, o n e after t h e other, a n d with a degree of force u n ­ k n o w n before, crushed by t h e c o m p e t i t i o n of an agriculture m a n a g e d by capital, a n d therefore they continually furnish new recruits to t h e class of

30

wage-labourers. T h e o n e great industry of Ireland, l i n e n - m a n u f a c t u r e , re­ quires relatively few adult m e n a n d only employs altogether, in spite of its e x p a n s i o n since t h e price of c o t t o n rose in 1861-1866, a comparatively in­ significant part of t h e p o p u l a t i o n . Like all o t h e r great m o d e r n industries, it c o n s t a n t l y produces, by incessant fluctuations, a relative surplus-popula-

35

t i o n w i t h i n its own sphere, even with an absolute increase in t h e m a s s of h u m a n beings absorbed by it. T h e misery of t h e agricultural p o p u l a t i o n forms t h e pedestal for gigantic shirt-factories, whose a r m i e s of labourers 198

B e t w e e n 1851 a n d 1874, t h e t o t a l n u m b e r o f e m i g r a n t s a m o u n t e d t o 2,325,922. A c c o r d i n g to a table in M u r p h y ' s " I r e l a n d i n d u s t r i a l , p o l i t i c a l a n d social," 1870, 94.6 p e r cent, of t h e h o l d i n g s do n o t r e a c h 100 acres, 5.4 e x c e e d 100 acres. 199

612

40

Chapter XXV · The general law of capitalist accumulation

5

are, for t h e most part, scattered over the country. H e r e , we e n c o u n t e r again the system described above of domestic industry, which in u n d e r - p a y m e n t and over-work, possesses its own systematic m e a n s for creating s u p e r n u merary labourers. Finally, although the d e p o p u l a t i o n has n o t such destructive consequences as would result in a country with fully developed capitalistic production, it does n o t go on without c o n s t a n t reaction u p o n t h e h o m e - m a r k e t . T h e gap which emigration causes here, limits n o t only t h e local d e m a n d for labour, b u t also the i n c o m e s of small shopkeepers, artisans, tradespeople generally. H e n c e the d i m i n u t i o n in i n c o m e s between

10

£60 a n d £100 in table E. A clear s t a t e m e n t of the c o n d i t i o n of the agricultural labourers in Ireland is to be found in the Reports of the Irish ||728| Poor Law Inspectors ( 1 8 7 0 ) . Officials of a government which is m a i n t a i n e d only by bayonets a n d by a state of siege, now open, now disguised, they have to observe all 15 the precautions of, language that their colleagues in E n g l a n d disdain. In spite of this, however, they do n o t let their g o v e r n m e n t cradle itself in illusions. According to t h e m the rate of wages in t h e country, still very low, h a s within the last 20 years risen 5 0 - 6 0 per cent., a n d stands now, on the average, at 6s. to 9s. per week. But b e h i n d this a p p a r e n t rise, is h i d d e n an ac20 tual fall in wages, for it does n o t correspond at all to t h e rise in price of t h e necessary m e a n s of subsistence that has t a k e n place in the m e a n t i m e . F o r proof, the following extract from t h e official accounts of an Irish workhouse. Average Weekly Cost per Head. 200

25

Year ended.

Provisions a n d

Clothing.

Total.

Necessaries. 2 9 t h Sept., 1849. 1869.

30

35

40

i%d.

3d.

I s . 6%d.

2s. 7%d.

6d.

3s. i y d .

Is.

4

T h e price of the necessary m e a n s of subsistence is therefore fully twice, a n d that of clothing exactly twice, as m u c h as they were 20 years before. Even apart from this disproportion, the m e r e c o m p a r i s o n of the rate of wages expressed in gold would give a result far from accurate. Before the famine, the great m a s s of agricultural wages were paid in kind, only the smallest part in m o n e y ; to-day, p a y m e n t in m o n e y is the rule. F r o m this it follows that, whatever the a m o u n t of the real wage, its m o n e y rate m u s t rise. "Previous to the famine, the labourer enjoyed his cabin . . . . with a rood, or half-acre or acre of ||729| land, a n d facilities for ... a crop of pota200 " R é p o n s from t h e Poor L a w I n s p e c t o r s on t h e wages of A g r i c u l t u r a l L a b o u r e r s in D u b l i n , 1870." See also "Agricultural L a b o u r e r s (Ireland) R e t u r n , etc., 8 M a r c h 1 8 6 1 , L o n d o n 1862."

613

Part VII • The accumulation of capital toes. He was able to rear his pig and keep fowl. .. B u t they now have to b u y bread, a n d they have no refuse u p o n which they can feed a pig or fowl, a n d they have consequently no benefit from the sale of a pig, fowl, or e g g s . " In fact, formerly, the agricultural labourers were b u t the smallest of the small farmers, a n d formed for the m o s t part a k i n d of rear-guard of t h e m e d i u m a n d large farms on which they found e m p l o y m e n t . Only since t h e catastrophe of 1846 have they b e g u n to form a fraction of t h e class of purely wage-labourers, a special class, connected with its wage-masters only by m o n e t a r y relations. We know what were t h e conditions of their dwellings in 1846. Since t h e n they have grown yet worse. A part of the agricultural labourers, which, however, grows less day by day, dwells still on the holdings of the farmers in over-crowded huts, whose hideousness far surpasses the worst that the English agricultural labourers offered us in this way. A n d this holds generally with the exception of certain tracts of Ulster; in the south, in the counties of Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, etc.; in t h e east, in Wicklow, Wexford, etc.; in the centre of Ireland, in King's a n d Q u e e n ' s County, D u b l i n , etc.; in the west, in Sligo, R o s c o m m o n , Mayo, Galway, etc. " T h e agricultural labourers' h u t s , " an inspector cries out, "are a disgrace to the Christianity a n d to the civilisation of this c o u n t r y . " In order to increase t h e attractions of these holes for the labourers, the pieces of l a n d belonging thereto from t i m e i m m e m o r i a l , are systematically confiscated. "The m e r e sense that they exist subject to this species of b a n , on the part of t h e landlords a n d their agents, has ... given birth in the m i n d s of the labourers to corresponding s e n t i m e n t s of a n t a g o n i s m and dissatisfaction towards those by w h o m they are t h u s led to regard themselves as being treated as ... a proscribed race." 201

202

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T h e first act of the agricultural revolution was to sweep away the h u t s situ a t e d on t h e field of labour. This was d o n e on the largest scale, and as if in o b e d i e n c e to a c o m m a n d from on high. T h u s m a n y labourers were c o m - 30 pelled to seek shelter in villages and towns. T h e r e they were thrown like refuse ||730| into garrets, holes, cellars and corners, in t h e worst b a c k slums. T h o u s a n d s of Irish families, who according to the t e s t i m o n y of the English, e a t e n up as these are with n a t i o n a l prejudice, are n o t a b l e for their rare att a c h m e n t to the domestic hearth, for their gaiety a n d t h e purity of their 35 home-life, found themselves suddenly transplanted into h o t b e d s of vice. T h e m e n are now obliged to seek work of the n e i g h b o u r i n g farmers and are only hired by the day, a n d therefore u n d e r the m o s t precarious form of 2 0 1

2 0 2

2 0 3

I.e. p p . 2 9 , 1 . I.e. p . 12. I.e. p . 12.

614

40

Chapter XXV · The general law of capitalist accumulation wage. H e n c e "they s o m e t i m e s have long distances to go to a n d from work, often get wet, a n d suffer m u c h hardship, n o t unfrequently ending in sickness, disease a n d w a n t . " "The towns have h a d to receive from year to year what was d e e m e d to be the surplus-labour of the rural d i v i s i o n ; " a n d t h e n people still wonder "there is still a surplus of labour in the towns a n d villages, a n d either a scarcity or a t h r e a t e n e d scarcity in some of t h e country d i v i s i o n s . " T h e t r u t h is t h a t this want only b e c o m e s perceptible "in harvest-time, or during spring, or at such times as agricultural operations are carried on with activity; at other periods of the year m a n y h a n d s are i d l e ; " t h a t "from the digging out of the m a i n crop of potatoes in October u n t i l the early spring following ... there is no e m p l o y m e n t for t h e m ; " a n d further, that during the active times they "are subject to b r o k e n days a n d to all k i n d s of interruptions." 204

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207

2 0 8

209

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35

These results of the agricultural revolution— i.e., the change of arable into pasture land, the use of m a c h i n e r y , the m o s t rigorous e c o n o m y of labour, etc., are still further aggravated by t h e m o d e l landlords, who, instead of spending their rents in other countries, c o n d e s c e n d to live in Ireland on their d e m e s n e s . In order t h a t the law of supply a n d d e m a n d m a y n o t be broken, these g e n t l e m e n draw their "labour-supply ... chiefly from their small tenants, who are obliged to attend w h e n required to do the landlord's work, at rates of wages, in m a n y instances, considerably u n d e r the current rates paid to ordinary labourers, a n d without regard to the i n c o n v e n i e n c e or loss to the t e n a n t ||731| of being obliged to neglect his own business at critical periods of sowing or r e a p i n g . " T h e u n c e r t a i n t y a n d irregularity of e m p l o y m e n t , t h e constant r e t u r n a n d long duration of gluts of labour, all these s y m p t o m s of a relative surpluspopulation, figure therefore in the reports of t h e Poor Law administration, as so m a n y hardships of the agricultural proletariat. It will be r e m e m b e r e d that we met, in the English agricultural proletariat, with a similar spectacle. But the difference is t h a t in England, an industrial country, the industrial reserve recruits itself from the country districts, whilst in Ireland, an agricultural country, the agricultural reserve recruits itself from the towns, the cities of refuge of the expelled agricultural labourers. In t h e former, the super-numeraries of agriculture are transformed into factory-operatives; in 210

204 205 206 207

40

208 209 210

I.e. p. 25. I.e. p. 27. I.e. p. 26. I.e. p. 1. I.e. pp.31, 32. I.e. p. 25. I.e. p. 30.

615

Part VII • The accumulation of capital the latter, those forced into the towns, whilst at the same t i m e they press on the wages in towns, r e m a i n agricultural labourers, a n d are constantly sent back to the country districts in search of work. T h e official inspectors s u m up the material c o n d i t i o n of the agricultural labourer as follows: " T h o u g h living with the strictest frugality, his own 5 wages are barely sufficient to provide food for an ordinary family a n d pay his rent, a n d he d e p e n d s u p o n other sources for the m e a n s of clothing h i m self, his wife, a n d children. .. T h e a t m o s p h e r e of these cabins, c o m b i n e d with t h e other privations they are subjected to, h a s m a d e this class particularly susceptible to low fever and p u l m o n a r y c o n s u m p t i o n . " After this, it 10 is no wonder that, according to the u n a n i m o u s t e s t i m o n y of the inspectors, a sombre discontent r u n s through the ranks of this class, t h a t they long for the return of the past, loathe the present, despair of the future, give t h e m selves up "to the evil influence of agitators," a n d have only o n e fixed idea, to emigrate to America. This is the l a n d of Cockaigne, into which the great 15 M a l t h u s i a n p a n a c e a , depopulation, has transformed green Erin. 211

W h a t a happy life the Irish factory operative leads, o n e e x a m p l e will show: " O n my recent visit to the N o r t h of Ireland," says the English F a c tory Inspector, R o b e r t Baker. ||732| "I m e t with the following evidence of effort in an Irish skilled w o r k m a n to afford e d u c a t i o n to his children; a n d I give his evidence verbatim, as I took it from his m o u t h . T h a t he was a skilled factory h a n d , m a y be u n d e r s t o o d w h e n I say t h a t he was employed on goods for the M a n c h e s t e r market. ' J o h n s o n . — I am a beetler a n d work from 6 in t h e m o r n i n g till 11 at night, from M o n d a y to Friday. Saturday we leave off at 6 p.m., a n d get three h o u r s of it (for meals a n d rest). I have five children in all. For this work I get 10s. 6d. a week; my wife works here also, and gets 5s. a week. T h e oldest girl who is 12, m i n d s t h e h o u s e . She is also cook, a n d all the servant we have. She gets the y o u n g ones ready for school. A girl going past the h o u s e wakes me at half past five in the m o r n i n g . My wife gets up a n d goes along with m e . We get n o t h i n g (to eat) before we c o m e to work. T h e child of 12 takes care of the little children all t h e day, a n d we get n o t h i n g till breakfast at eight. At eight we go h o m e . We get tea o n c e a week; at other times we get stirabout, s o m e t i m e s of oatmeal, somet i m e s of I n d i a n m e a l , as we are able to get it. In the winter we get a little sugar a n d water to our I n d i a n m e a l . In the s u m m e r we get a few potatoes, planting a small p a t c h ourselves; a n d w h e n they are d o n e we go back to stirabout. S o m e t i m e s we get a little milk as it m a y b e . So we go on from day to day, Sunday a n d week day, always t h e s a m e the year r o u n d . I am always very m u c h tired when I have d o n e at night. We m a y see a bit of flesh m e a t sometimes, b u t very seldom. Three of our children attend school, for 211

I.e. pp.21, 13.

616

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40

Chapter XXV • The general law of capitalist accumulation w h o m we pay I d . a week a h e a d . O u r rent is 9d a week. P e a t for firing costs I s . 6d. a fortnight at the very l o w e s t . ' " S u c h are Irish wages, s u c h is Irish life! In fact t h e misery of Ireland is again t h e topic of t h e day in England. At the end of 1866 a n d the beginning of 1867, o n e of the Irish land m a g n a t e s , Lord Dufferin, set a b o u t its solution in the " T i m e s . " "Wie m e n s c h l i c h von solch grossem Herrn!" F r o m Table E. we saw that, during 1864, of £4,368,610 of total profits, three surplus-value m a k e r s pocketed only £262,819; t h a t in 1865, however, out of £4,669,979 total ||733| profits, t h e s a m e three virtuosi of "abstin e n c e " pocketed £274,528; in 1864, 26 surplus-value m a k e r s reached to £646,377; in 1865, 28 surplus-value m a k e r s reached to £736,448; in 1864, 121 surplus-value m a k e r s , £1,076,912; in 1865, 150 surplus-value m a k e r s , £1,320,906; in 1864, 1131 surplus-value m a k e r s £2,150,818, nearly half of the total a n n u a l profit; in 1865, 1194 surplus-value m a k e r s , £2,418,833, m o r e t h a n half of t h e total a n n u a l profit. But t h e lion's share, which an inconceivably small n u m b e r of land m a g n a t e s in England, Scotland and Ireland swallow up of the yearly n a t i o n a l rental, is so m o n s t r o u s that the wisd o m of the English state does n o t think fit to afford the same statistical materials about the distribution of rents as a b o u t the distribution of profits. Lord Dufferin is o n e of those l a n d m a g n a t e s . T h a t rent-rolls and profits c a n ever be "excessive," or t h a t their plethora is in any way c o n n e c t e d with plethora of the people's misery is, of course, an i d e a as "disreputable" as " u n sound." He keeps to facts. T h e fact is that, as t h e Irish p o p u l a t i o n d i m i n ishes, the Irish rent-rolls swell; that d e p o p u l a t i o n benefits the landlords, therefore also benefits t h e soil, and, therefore, t h e people, t h a t m e r e accessory of the soil. He declares, therefore, that Ireland is still over-populated, a n d the stream of emigration still flows too lazily. To be perfectly happy, Ireland m u s t get rid of at least one-third of a million of labouring m e n . Let no m a n imagine t h a t this lord, poetic into the bargain, is a physician of the school of Sangrado, who as often as he did n o t find his patient better, ordered p h l e b o t o m y a n d again phlebotomy, u n t i l t h e patient lost his sickness at the same t i m e as his blood. Lord Dufferin d e m a n d s a new blood-letting of one-third of a million only, instead of a b o u t two millions; in fact, without the getting rid of these, the m i l l e n n i u m in E r i n is n o t to be. T h e proof is easily given. 212

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2 1 2

R e p t . o f I n s p . o f F a c t . 31st Oct., 1866, p . 96.

617

Part VII • The accumulation of capital Number and Extent of Farms in Ireland in 1864. (1) F a r m s n o t over

(2) F a r m s over 1,

(3) F a r m s over 5,

(4) F a r m s over 15,

1 acre.

n o t over 5 acres.

n o t over 15 acres.

n o t over 30 acres.

No.

Acres.

No.

Acres.

No.

Acres.

No.

Acres.

48,653

25,394

82,037

288,916

176,368

1,836,310

136,578

3,051,343|

5

|734| (8) T o t a l area.

(5) F a r m s over 30,

(6) F a r m s over 50,

(7) F a r m s over 100

n o t over 50 acres.

n o t over 100 acres.

acres.

No.

Acres.

No.

Acres.

No.

Acres.

Acres.

71,961

2,906,274

54,247

3,983,880

31,927

8,227,807

20,319,924

213

Centralisation has from 1851 to 1861 destroyed principally farms of the first three categories, u n d e r 1 and n o t over 15 acres. These above all m u s t disappear. This gives 307,058 " s u p e r n u m e r a r y " farmers, a n d reckoning the families t h e low average of 4 persons, 1,228,232 persons. On the extravagant supposition that, after the agricultural revolution is complete, o n e fourth of these are again absorbable, there r e m a i n for emigration 921,174 persons. Categories 4, 5, 6, of over 15 a n d n o t over 100 acres, are, as was k n o w n long since in England, too small for capitalistic cultivation of corn, a n d for sheep-breeding are almost vanishing quantities. On the s a m e supposition as before, therefore, there are further 788,358 persons to emigrate; total, 1,709,532. A n d as l'appétit vient en m a n g e a n t , Rent-roll's eyes will soon discover that Ireland, with 3¼ millions, is still always miserable, a n d miserable b e c a u s e she is over-populated. Therefore her d e p o p u l a t i o n m u s t go yet further, t h a t t h u s she m a y fulfil her true destiny, that of an English sheep walk a n d cattle-pasture. 1 214

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T h e t o t a l area i n c l u d e s also peat, bogs, a n d waste l a n d . H o w t h e f a m i n e a n d its c o n s e q u e n c e s have b e e n d e l i b e r a t e l y m a d e t h e m o s t of, b o t h b y t h e i n d i v i d u a l l a n d l o r d s a n d b y t h e E n g l i s h legislature, t o forcibly carry o u t t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l r e v o l u t i o n a n d t o t h i n t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f I r e l a n d d o w n t o t h e p r o p o r t i o n satisfactory t o t h e l a n d l o r d s , I shall show m o r e fully in V o l . III. of t h i s work, in t h e section on l a n d e d property. T h e r e also I r e t u r n to t h e c o n d i t i o n of t h e small farmers a n d t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s . At p r e s e n t , only o n e q u o t a t i o n . N a s s a u W . Senior says, with o t h e r t h i n g s , i n h i s p o s t h u m o u s work, " J o u r n a l s , C o n v e r s a t i o n s a n d Essays, relating to I r e l a n d . " 2 vols. L o n d o n 1868; V o l . I L , p . 2 8 2 . ' " W e l l , " ' said D r . G . , ' " w e h a v e got o u r P o o r Law a n d it is a great i n s t r u m e n t for giving t h e victory to t h e l a n d l o r d s . A n o t h e r , a n d a still m o r e powerful i n s t r u m e n t is e m i g r a t i o n ... N o friend t o I r e l a n d can wish t h e war t o b e p r o l o n g e d (between t h e l a n d l o r d s a n d t h e s m a l l Celtic farmers)—still less, t h a t it s h o u l d e n d by t h e victory of t h e t e n a n t s [...] T h e s o o n e r it is o v e r — t h e s o o n e r I r e l a n d b e c o m e s a grazing c o u n t r y , with t h e c o m p a r a t i v e l y t h i n p o p u l a t i o n w h i c h a g r a z i n g c o u n t r y r e q u i r e s , t h e b e t t e r for all c l a s s e s . ' " T h e E n g l i s h C o r n Laws of 1815 s e c u r e d I r e l a n d t h e m o n o p o l y o f t h e free i m p o r t a t i o n o f c o r n i n t o G r e a t B r i t a i n . T h e y fav o u r e d artifically, therefore, t h e cultivation of corn. W i t h t h e a b o l i t i o n of t h e C o r n Laws in 1846, this m o n o p o l y was s u d d e n l y r e m o v e d . A p a r t from all o t h e r c i r c u m s t a n c e s , t h i s event a l o n e was sufficient to give a great i m p u l s e to t h e t u r n i n g of Irish arable i n t o p a s t u r e l a n d , to 2 1 4

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Chapter XXVI • The secret of primitive accumulation

5

|735| Like all good things in this b a d world, this profitable m e t h o d has its drawbacks. W i t h the a c c u m u l a t i o n of rents in Ireland, t h e a c c u m u l a t i o n of the Irish in A m e r i c a keeps pace. T h e I r i s h m a n , b a n i s h e d by sheep a n d ox, reappears on the other side of the o c e a n as a F e n i a n , a n d face to face with t h e old q u e e n of t h e seas rises, threatening a n d m o r e threatening, the y o u n g giant R e p u b l i c : Acerba fata R o m a n o s agunt Scelusque fraterna? necis. |

|736| P A R T V I I I . 10

The

so-called

Primitive

Accumulation.

CHAPTER XXVI.

The secret of Primitive Accumulation. We have seen how m o n e y is changed into capital; how t h r o u g h capital surplus-value is m a d e , a n d from surplus-value m o r e capital. But the a c c u m u lo lation of capital presupposes surplus-value; surplus-value presupposes capitalistic production; capitalistic p r o d u c t i o n presupposes the pre-existence of considerable masses of capital a n d of labour-power in the h a n d s of producers of c o m m o d i t i e s . T h e whole m o v e m e n t , therefore, seems to t u r n in a vicious circle, out of which we can only get by supposing a primitive accu20 m u l a t i o n (previous a c c u m u l a t i o n of A d a m Smith) preceding capitalistic a c c u m u l a t i o n ; an a c c u m u l a t i o n n o t t h e result of the capitalist m o d e of production, b u t its starting point. This primitive a c c u m u l a t i o n plays in Political E c o n o m y about the s a m e part as original sin in theology. A d a m bit t h e apple, a n d t h e r e u p o n sin fell 25 on the h u m a n race. Its origin is supposed to be explained w h e n it is told as an a n e c d o t e of the past. In t i m e s long gone by there were two sorts of people; one, t h e diligent, intelligent, and, above all, frugal élite; the other, lazy rascals, spending their substance, a n d m o r e , in riotous living. T h e legend 30

t h e c o n c e n t r a t i o n of farms, a n d to t h e eviction of s m a l l cultivators. After t h e fruitfulness of t h e Irish soil h a d b e e n p r a i s e d from 1815 to 1846, a n d p r o c l a i m e d loudly as by N a t u r e herself d e s t i n e d for t h e cultivation of wheat, E n g l i s h a g r o n o m i s t s , e c o n o m i s t s , p o l i t i c i a n s , discover s u d d e n l y t h a t i t i s good for n o t h i n g b u t t o p r o d u c e forage. M . L é o n c e d e L a v e r g n e h a s h a s t e n e d to r e p e a t this on t h e o t h e r side of t h e C h a n n e l . It t a k e s a " s e r i o u s " m a n , à la Lavergne, to be c a u g h t by s u c h c h i l d i s h n e s s .

619

Part Vili · The so-called primitive accumulation of theological original sin tells us certainly how m a n c a m e to be cond e m n e d to eat his bread in the sweat of his brow; b u t the history of econ o m i c original sin reveals to us that there are people to w h o m this is by no m e a n s ||737| essential. Never m i n d ! T h u s it c a m e to pass t h a t the former sort a c c u m u l a t e d wealth, a n d the latter sort h a d at last n o t h i n g to sell ex5 cept their own skins. A n d from this original sin dates the poverty of the great majority that, despite all its labour, has up to now n o t h i n g to sell b u t itself, a n d the wealth of the few that increases constantly a l t h o u g h they have long ceased to work. S u c h insipid childishness is every day p r e a c h e d to us in the defence of.property. M . T h i e r s , e.g., h a d t h e assurance to repeat 10 it with all the solemnity of a statesman, to the F r e n c h people, o n c e so spirituel. B u t as soon as the question of property crops u p , it b e c o m e s a sacred duty to proclaim the intellectual food of the infant as t h e o n e thing fit for all ages a n d for all stages of development. In acutal history it is notorious that conquest, enslavement, robbery, m u r d e r , briefly force, play the great 15 part. In the t e n d e r a n n a l s of Political E c o n o m y , the idyllic reigns from t i m e i m m e m o r i a l . Right a n d "labour" were from all t i m e the sole m e a n s of e n r i c h m e n t , the present year of course always excepted. As a m a t t e r of fact, the m e t h o d s of primitive a c c u m u l a t i o n are anything b u t idyllic. In themselves, m o n e y a n d c o m m o d i t i e s are no m o r e capital t h a n are the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d of subsistence. They want transforming into capital. B u t this transformation itself can only take place u n d e r certain circumstances t h a t centre in this, viz., that two very different k i n d s of c o m m o d i t y possessors m u s t c o m e face to face a n d into contact; on the o n e h a n d , the owners of m o n e y , m e a n s of production, m e a n s of subsistence, w h o are eager to increase the s u m of values they possess, by buying other people's labour-power; on the other h a n d , free labourers, the sellers of their own labour-power, a n d therefore the sellers of labour. F r e e labourers, in the d o u b l e sense that n e i t h e r they themselves form part a n d parcel of the m e a n s of production, as in the case of slaves, b o n d s m e n , etc., n o r do the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n belong to t h e m , as in the case of peasant-proprietors; they are, therefore, free form, u n e n c u m b e r e d by, any m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n of their own. W i t h this polarisation of the m a r k e t for c o m m o d i t i e s , the f u n d a m e n t a l conditions of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n are given. T h e capitalist system presupposes the complete separation of the labourers from all | |738| property in the m e a n s by which they c a n realise their labour. As soon as capitalist production is o n c e on its own legs, it n o t only m a i n t a i n s this separation, b u t reproduces it on a continually extending scale. T h e process, therefore, that clears the way for the capitalist system, can be n o n e other t h a n t h e process which takes away from t h e labourer t h e possession of his m e a n s of production; a process that transforms, on t h e o n e h a n d , the social

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Chapter XXVI • The secret of primitive accumulation

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m e a n s of subsistence a n d of p r o d u c t i o n into capital, on t h e other, the imm e d i a t e producers into wage-labourers. T h e so-called primitive a c c u m u l a tion, therefore, is n o t h i n g else t h a n the historical process of divorcing the producer from the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . It appears as primitive, b e c a u s e it forms the pre-historic stage of capital a n d of t h e m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n corresponding with it. T h e e c o n o m i c structure of capitalistic society has grown out of the econ o m i c structure of feudal society. T h e dissolution of the latter set free the elements of the former. T h e i m m e d i a t e producer, the labourer, could only dispose of his own person after he h a d ceased to be attached to t h e soil a n d ceased to be the slave, serf, or b o n d m a n of another. To b e c o m e a free seller of labour-power, who carries his c o m m o d i t y wherever he finds a market, he m u s t further have escaped from the regime of the guilds, t h e i r rules for apprentices a n d j o u r n e y m e n , a n d the i m p e d i m e n t s of their l a b o u r regulations. H e n c e , the historical m o v e m e n t which changes the producers into wage-workers, appears, on the one h a n d , as their e m a n c i p a t i o n from serfdom a n d from the fetters of the guilds, a n d this side alone exists for our bourgeois historians. But, on the other h a n d , these new freedmen b e c a m e sellers of themselves only after they h a d b e e n robbed of all their own m e a n s of production, a n d of all the guarantees of existence afforded by t h e old feudal arrangements. A n d the history of this, their expropriation, is written in the annals of m a n k i n d in letters of blood and fire. T h e industrial capitalists, these new potentates, h a d on their part not only to displace the guild masters of handicrafts, b u t also t h e feudal lords, the possessors of the sources of wealth. In this respect their c o n q u e s t of social power appears as the fruit of a victorious struggle b o t h against feudal lordship a n d ||739| its revolting prerogatives, a n d against the guilds a n d the fetters they laid on the free d e v e l o p m e n t of p r o d u c t i o n a n d the free exploit a t i o n of m a n by m a n . T h e chevaliers d'industrie, however, only succeeded in supplanting the chevaliers of the sword by m a k i n g use of events of which they themselves were wholly i n n o c e n t . T h e y have risen by m e a n s as vile as those by which t h e R o m a n freed-man once on a t i m e m a d e himself the m a s t e r of his patronus. T h e starting-point of the development that gave rise to the wage-labourer as well as to the capitalist, was the servitude of the labourer. T h e advance consisted in a c h a n g e of form of this servitude, in the transformation of feudal exploitation into capitalist exploitation. To u n d e r s t a n d its m a r c h , we n e e d n o t go back very far. A l t h o u g h we c o m e across the first beginnings of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n as early as the 14th or 15th century, sporadically, in certain towns of the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , the capitalistic era dates from the

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Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation 16th century. Wherever it appears, the abolition of serfdom has b e e n long effected, a n d the highest development of the m i d d l e ages, the existence of sovereign towns, h a s b e e n long on the wane. In the history of primitive a c c u m u l a t i o n , all revolutions are e p o c h - m a k ing t h a t act as levers for the capitalist class in course of formation; but, 5 above all, those m o m e n t s when great masses of m e n are suddenly a n d forcibly torn from their m e a n s of subsistence, a n d h u r l e d as free a n d " u n a t t a c h e d " proletarians on t h e labour market. T h e expropriation of the agricult u r a l producer, of the peasant, from the soil, is the basis of the whole process. T h e history of this expropriation, in different countries, a s s u m e s 10 different aspects, and r u n s t h r o u g h its various phases in different orders of succession, and at different periods. In England alone, which we take as o u r example, has it the classic form. 1 1

|740| C H A P T E R X X V I I .

Expropriation of the Agricultural Population from the Land.

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In England, serfdom h a d practically disappeared in the last part of the 14th century. T h e i m m e n s e majority of the p o p u l a t i o n consisted t h e n , a n d to a still larger extent, in the 15th century, of free peasant proprietors, whatever was the feudal title u n d e r which their right of property was h i d d e n . In the 20 larger seignorial d o m a i n s , the old bailiff, himself a serf, was displaced by the free farmer. T h e wage-labourers of agriculture consisted partly of peas2

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In Italy, where capitalistic p r o d u c t i o n developed earliest, t h e d i s s o l u t i o n of serfdom also t o o k place earlier t h a n elsewhere. T h e serf was e m a n c i p a t e d i n t h a t c o u n t r y before h e h a d a c q u i r e d any prescriptive right to t h e soil. H i s e m a n c i p a t i o n at o n c e t r a n s f o r m e d h i m i n t o a free proletarian, w h o , m o r e o v e r , f o u n d his m a s t e r r e a d y waiting for h i m in t h e t o w n s , for t h e m o s t p a r t h a n d e d d o w n a s legacies from t h e R o m a n t i m e . W h e n t h e r e v o l u t i o n o f t h e worldm a r k e t , a b o u t t h e e n d o f t h e 1 5 t h century, a n n i h i l a t e d N o r t h e r n Italy's c o m m e r c i a l s u p r e m acy, a m o v e m e n t in t h e reverse d i r e c t i o n set in. T h e l a b o u r e r s of t h e towns were driven en masse i n t o t h e country, a n d gave a n i m p u l s e , n e v e r before seen, to t h e petite culture, carried o n in t h e form of g a r d e n i n g . " T h e petty proprietors who cultivated t h e i r o w n fields with t h e i r o w n h a n d s , a n d enjoyed a m o d e s t c o m p e t e n c e . . . . t h e n f o r m e d a m u c h m o r e i m p o r t a n t part o f t h e n a t i o n t h a n a t present. If we m a y trust t h e b e s t statistical writers of t h a t age, n o t less t h a n 160,000 proprietors w h o , w i t h t h e i r families, m u s t h a v e m a d e u p m o r e t h a n a s e v e n t h o f t h e whole p o p u l a t i o n , d e rived t h e i r s u b s i s t e n c e from little freehold estates. T h e average i n c o m e o f t h e s e s m a l l l a n d lords . . . . was e s t i m a t e d at b e t w e e n £ 6 0 a n d £70 a year. It was c o m p u t e d t h a t t h e n u m b e r of p e r s o n s w h o tilled t h e i r own l a n d was greater t h a n t h e n u m b e r o f t h o s e w h o farmed t h e land of others." M a c a u l a y : History of E n g l a n d , 10th ed., 1 8 5 4 , 1 , p. 3 3 3 , 334. E v e n in t h e last third of t h e 17th c e n t u r y , % of t h e E n g l i s h p e o p l e were agricultural. (I.e., p. 413.) I q u o t e M a c a u l a y , b e c a u s e as s y s t e m a t i c falsifier of history he m i n i m i s e s as m u c h as possible facts of t h i s kind.

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Chapter XXVII • Expropriation of the agricultural population from the land ants, who utilised their leisure t i m e by working on the large estates, partly of an i n d e p e n d e n t special class of wage-labourers, relatively and absolutely few in n u m b e r s . T h e latter also were practically at the same t i m e peasant farmers, since, besides their wages, they h a d alloted to t h e m arable land to the extent of 4 or m o r e acres, together with their cottages. Besides they, with the rest of the peasants, enjoyed the usufruct of the c o m m o n land, which gave pasture to their cattle, furnished t h e m with timber, fire-wood, turf, etc. In all countries of E u r o p e , ||741| feudal p r o d u c t i o n is characterised by division of the soil amongst the greatest possible n u m b e r of sub-feudatories. T h e m i g h t of t h e feudal lord, like that of the sovereign, d e p e n d e d n o t on the length of his rent roll, but on the n u m b e r of his subjects, a n d the latter d e p e n d e d on the n u m b e r of peasant proprietors. A l t h o u g h , therefore, t h e English land, after the N o r m a n conquest, was distributed in gigantic baronies, o n e of which often i n c l u d e d some 900 of the old Anglo-Saxon lordships, it was bestrewn with small peasant properties, only here a n d there interspersed with great seignorial d o m a i n s . S u c h conditions, together with the prosperity of t h e towns so characteristic of t h e 15th century, allowed of that wealth of the people which Chancellor F o r t e s c u e so eloquently paints in his " L a u d i b u s l e g u m Angliae;" b u t it excluded the possibility of capitalistic wealth. T h e prelude of the revolution that laid the f o u n d a t i o n of the capitalist m o d e of production, was played in the last third of the 15th, and the first d e c a d e of the 16th century. A m a s s of free proletarians was hurled on the labour-market by the breaking-up of the b a n d s of feudal retainers, who, as Sir J a m e s Steuart well says, "everywhere uselessly filled h o u s e a n d castle." A l t h o u g h the royal power, itself a p r o d u c t of bourgeois development, in its strife after absolute sovereignty forcibly h a s t e n e d on the dissolution of these bands of retainers, it was by no m e a n s the sole cause of it. In insolent conflict with king and parliament, the great feudal lords created an i n c o m parably larger proletariat by the forcible driving of the peasantry from t h e land, to which the latter h a d the s a m e feudal right as the lord himself, a n d by the u s u r p a t i o n of the c o m m o n lands. T h e rapid rise of the F l e m i s h wool manufactures, and the corresponding rise in the price of wool in E n g l a n d ,

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We m u s t n e v e r forget that even t h e serf was n o t only t h e owner, if b u t a t r i b u t e - p a y i n g owner, of t h e p i e c e of l a n d a t t a c h e d to his h o u s e , b u t also a co-possessor of t h e c o m m o n l a n d . « L e p a y s a n y (in Silesia, u n d e r F r e d e r i c k I L ) , est serf.» N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e s e serfs possess c o m m o n l a n d s . « O n n ' a p a s p u e n c o r e engager les Silésiens a u p a r t a g e d e s c o m m u n e s , t a n d i s q u e d a n s la N o u v e l l e M a r c h e , il n ' y a g u è r e de village où ce p a r t a g e ne soit e x é c u t é avec le p l u s g r a n d s u c c è s . » ( M i r a b e a u : D e l a M o n a r c h i e P r u s s i e n n e . L o n d r e s , 1788, t . I L , p p . 1 2 5 , 1 2 6 . ) J a p a n , with its purely f e u d a l o r g a n i s a t i o n of l a n d e d property a n d its developed petite culture, gives a m u c h t r u e r p i c t u r e of t h e E u r o p e a n m i d d l e ages t h a n all o u r history b o o k s , d i c t a t e d as t h e s e are, for t h e m o s t part, by b o u r g e o i s prejudices. It is very c o n v e n i e n t to be "liberal" at t h e e x p e n s e of t h e m i d d l e ages.

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Part Vili · The so-called primitive accumulation gave the direct impulse to these evictions. T h e old nobility h a d b e e n devoured by the great feudal wars. T h e new nobility was t h e child of its time, for which m o n e y was ||742| the power of all powers. T r a n s f o r m a t i o n of arable l a n d into sheep-walks was, therefore, its cry. Harrison, in his "Description of England, prefixed to H o l i n s h e d ' s Chronicle," describes how the ex5 propriation of small peasants is ruining the country. " W h a t care o u r great encroachers?" T h e dwellings of the peasants a n d the cottages of the labourers were razed to the ground or d o o m e d to decay. "If," says Harrison, "the old records of euerie m a n o u r be s o u g h t . . . . it will soon appear that in some m a n o u r seventeene, eighteene, or twentie h o u s e s are s h r u n k . . . . that Eng- io l a n d was n e u e r less furnished with people t h a n at the present . . . . Of cities a n d townes either utterly decaied or m o r e t h a n a quarter or half d i m i n ished, t h o u g h some one be a little increased here or there; of townes pulled downe for sheepe-walks, a n d no m o r e b u t the lordships now standing in t h e m . . . . I could saie somewhat." T h e complaints of these old chroniclers 15 are always exaggerated, b u t they reflect faithfully the impression m a d e on contemporaries by the revolution in the conditions of p r o d u c t i o n . A comparison of t h e writings of Chancellor Fortescue a n d T h o m a s M o r e reveals t h e gulf between the 15th a n d 16th century. As T h o r n t o n rightly has it, the English working-class was precipitated without any transition from its 20 golden into its iron age. Legislation was terrified at this revolution. It did n o t yet stand on that height of civilisation where the "wealth of the n a t i o n " (i.e., the formation of capital, a n d the reckless exploitation a n d impoverishing of the m a s s of the people) figure as the ultima Thüle of all state-craft. In his history of H e n r y VII., Bacon says: "Inclosures at that t i m e (1489) b e g a n to be m o r e frequent, whereby arable land (which could n o t be m a n u r e d without people a n d families) was turned into pasture, which was easily rid by a few herdsm e n ; a n d tenancies for years, lives, a n d at will (whereupon m u c h of the yeom a n r y lived) were t u r n e d into d e m e s n e s . This bred a decay of people, a n d (by consequence) a decay of towns, churches, tithes, a n d the like In r e m e d y i n g of this i n c o n v e n i e n c e the king's wisdom was admirable, a n d the p a r l i a m e n t ' s at that t i m e . . . . they took a course to take away depopulating inclosures, a n d ||743| depopulating pasturage." An Act of H e n r y VII., 1488, cap. 19, forbad the destruction of all "houses of h u s b a n d r y " to which at least 20 acres of land belonged. By an Act, 25 H e n r y VIII., the same law was renewed. It recites, a m o n g other things, t h a t m a n y farms a n d large flocks of cattle, especially of sheep, are c o n c e n t r a t e d in the h a n d s of a few m e n , whereby the rent of l a n d has m u c h risen and tillage has fallen off, churches a n d houses have b e e n pulled down, a n d marvellous n u m b e r s of people have b e e n deprived of the m e a n s wherewith to m a i n t a i n themselves

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Chapter XXVII • Expropriation of the agricultural population from the land a n d their families. T h e Act, therefore, ordains the rebuilding of the decayed farm-steads, and fixes a proportion between corn l a n d a n d pasture land, etc. An Act of 1533 recites t h a t s o m e owners possess 24,000 sheep, a n d limits the n u m b e r to be owned to 2 0 0 0 . T h e cry of the people a n d the legislation directed, for 150 years after H e n r y VII., against the expropriation of the small farmers a n d peasants, were alike fruitless. T h e secret of their inefficiency Bacon, without knowing it, reveals to u s . "The device of King Henry VIL," says Bacon, in his "Essays, Civil a n d Moral," Essay 20, "was profound a n d a d m i r a b l e , in m a k i n g farms a n d houses of h u s b a n d r y of 5

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a standard; that is, m a i n t a i n e d with such a proportion of l a n d to t h e m as m a y breed a subject to live in convenient plenty, a n d no servile condition, a n d to keep the plough in the h a n d s of the owners a n d n o t m e r e hirel i n g s . " ||744| W h a t the capitalist system d e m a n d e d was, on the other h a n d , a degraded a n d almost servile c o n d i t i o n of the m a s s of the people, the 15 transformation of t h e m into mercenaries, a n d of their m e a n s of l a b o u r into capital. During this transformation period, legislation also strove to retain t h e 4 acres of land by the cottage of the agricultural wage-labourer, a n d forb a d h i m to take lodgers into his cottage. In the reign of Charles I., 1627, Roger Crocker of F o n t m i l l , was c o n d e m n e d for having built a cottage on 20 the m a n o r of F o n t m i l l without 4 acres of l a n d attached to the same in perpetuity. As late as Charles I.'s reign, 1638, a royal c o m m i s s i o n was appointed to enforce the carrying o u t of the old laws, especially that referring to the 4 acres of land. Even in Cromwell's t i m e , the building of a h o u s e within 10 miles of L o n d o n was forbidden unless it was endowed with 25 4 acres of land. As late as the first half of the 18th century c o m p l a i n t is 6

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In h i s " U t o p i a , " T h o m a s M o r e says, t h a t in E n g l a n d " y o u r s h e p e t h a t were w o n t to be so m e k e a n d t a m e , a n d so s m a l eaters, now, as I h e a r e saye, be b e c o m e so great d e v o u r e r s a n d so wylde t h a t t h e y eate u p , a n d swallow d o w n e , t h e very m e n t h e m s e l f e s . " " U t o p i a , " transi, b y R o b i n s o n . , ed. Arber, L o n d . , 1869, p p . 4 0 , 4 1 . B a c o n shows t h e c o n n e x i o n b e t w e e n a free, well-to-do p e a s a n t r y a n d g o o d infantry. " T h i s did wonderfully c o n c e r n t h e m i g h t a n d m a n n e r h o o d o f t h e k i n g d o m t o h a v e farms a s i t were of a s t a n d a r d sufficient to m a i n t a i n an able b o d y o u t of p e n u r y , a n d did in effect a m o r t i z e a great part o f t h e l a n d s o f t h e k i n g d o m u n t o t h e h o l d a n d o c c u p a t i o n o f t h e y e o m a n r y o r m i d dle people, of a c o n d i t i o n b e t w e e n g e n t l e m e n , a n d cottagers a n d p e a s a n t s F o r it h a t h b e e n held by t h e g e n e r a l o p i n i o n of m e n of b e s t j u d g m e n t in t h e wars . . . . t h a t t h e p r i n c i p a l s t r e n g t h o f a n a r m y c o n s i s t e t h i n t h e infantry o r foot. A n d t o m a k e g o o d infantry i t r e q u i r e t h m e n bred, n o t in a servile or i n d i g e n t fashion, b u t in s o m e free a n d plentiful m a n n e r . T h e r e fore, i f a state r u n m o s t t o n o b l e m e n a n d g e n t l e m e n , and t h a t t h e h u s b a n d m e n a n d p l o u g h m e n b e b u t a s t h e i r workfolk a n d l a b o u r e r s , o r else m e r e cottagers (which are b u t h o u s ' d beggars), y o u m a y have a good cavalry, b u t n e v e r g o o d stable b a n d s of foot A n d t h i s is to be s e e n in F r a n c e , a n d Italy, a n d s o m e o t h e r parts a b r o a d , where in effect all is n o b l e s s e or p e a s antry . . . . i n s o m u c h t h a t t h e y are inforced t o e m p l o y m e r c e n a r y b a n d s o f Switzers a n d t h e like, for t h e i r b a t t a l i o n s of foot; w h e r e b y also it c o m e s to p a s s t h a t t h o s e n a t i o n s h a v e m u c h p e o p l e a n d few soldiers." ("The R e i g n o f H e n r y V I I . " V e r b a t i m r e p r i n t from K e n n e t ' s E n g l a n d . E d . 1719. L o n d . , 1870, p. 308.) 6

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Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation m a d e if the cottage of the agricultural labourer has n o t an adjunct of o n e or two acres of land. Nowadays he is lucky if it is furnished with a little garden, or if he m a y rent, far away from his cottage, a few roods. "Landlords a n d farmers," says Dr. H u n t e r , "work here h a n d in h a n d . A few acres to t h e cottage would m a k e the labourers too i n d e p e n d e n t . " 5 T h e process of forcible expropriation of t h e people received in t h e 16th century a new a n d frightful impulse from the Reformation, a n d from the c o n s e q u e n t colossal spoliation of the c h u r c h property. T h e Catholic c h u r c h was, at the t i m e of the Reformation, feudal proprietor of a great part of t h e English land. T h e suppression of the monasteries, etc., h u r l e d their in- 10 m a t e s into the proletariat. T h e estates of the c h u r c h were to a large extent given away to rapacious royal favourites, or sold at a n o m i n a l price to speculating farmers a n d citizens, who drove out, en masse, the hereditary | |745| sub-tenants a n d threw their holdings into o n e . T h e legally g u a r a n t e e d property of t h e poorer folk in a part of the church's tithes was tacitly confis- 15 cated. "Pauper u b i q u e jacet," cried Q u e e n Elizabeth, after a j o u r n e y t h r o u g h England. In the 43rd year of h e r reign the n a t i o n was obliged to recognise p a u p e r i s m officially by the i n t r o d u c t i o n of a poor-rate. " T h e authors of this law s e e m to have b e e n a s h a m e d to state the grounds of it, for (contrary to traditional usage) it has no p r e a m b l e w h a t e v e r . " By the 16th 20 of Charles 1., ch. 4, it was declared perpetual, a n d in fact only in 1834 did it take a new a n d harsher f o r m . These i m m e d i a t e results of the R e f o r m a t i o n 7

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Dr. H u n t e r , I.e., p. 134. " T h e q u a n t i t y of l a n d a s s i g n e d (in t h e old laws] w o u l d n o w be j u d g e d t o o great for l a b o u r e r s , a n d r a t h e r a s likely t o convert t h e m i n t o s m a l l f a r m e r s . " ( G e o r g e R o b e r t s : " T h e Social H i s t o r y o f t h e P e o p l e o f t h e S o u t h e r n C o u n t i e s o f E n g l a n d i n p a s t c e n t u ries." L o n d . , 1856, p. 184.) " T h e right of t h e p o o r to s h a r e in t h e t i t h e , is established by t h e t e n u r e of a n c i e n t s t a t u t e s . " (Tuckett, I.e., V o l . I L , p p . 8 0 4 - 8 0 5 . ) W i l l i a m C o b b e t t : "A H i s t o r y of t h e P r o t e s t a n t R e f o r m a t i o n , " § 4 7 1 . T h e "spirit" o f P r o t e s t a n t i s m m a y b e s e e n from t h e following, a m o n g o t h e r t h i n g s . I n t h e s o u t h o f E n g l a n d c e r t a i n l a n d e d proprietors a n d well-to-do farmers p u t t h e i r h e a d s t o g e t h e r a n d p r o p o u n d e d t e n q u e s t i o n s a s t o t h e right i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e poor-law o f E l i z a b e t h . T h e s e they laid before a celebrated jurist of t h a t t i m e , S e r g e a n t Snigge (later a j u d g e u n d e r J a m e s I.) for h i s o p i n i o n . " Q u e s t i o n 9 — S o m e o f t h e m o r e w e a l t h y farmers i n t h e p a r i s h h a v e devised a skilful m o d e by w h i c h all t h e t r o u b l e of e x e c u t i n g t h i s A c t (the 43rd of E l i z a b e t h ) m i g h t b e avoided. T h e y have p r o p o s e d t h a t w e shall erect a p r i s o n i n t h e p a r i s h , a n d t h e n give n o t i c e to t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d , t h a t if any p e r s o n s are d i s p o s e d to farm t h e p o o r of this parish, t h e y do give in sealed proposals, on a c e r t a i n day, of t h e lowest price at w h i c h t h e y will t a k e t h e m off o u r h a n d s ; a n d t h a t t h e y will b e a u t h o r i s e d t o refuse t o a n y o n e u n l e s s h e b e s h u t u p

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in t h e aforesaid prison. T h e proposers of this p l a n c o n c e i v e t h a t t h e r e will be f o u n d in t h e adj o i n i n g c o u n t i e s , persons, w h o , b e i n g u n w i l l i n g t o l a b o u r a n d n o t possessing s u b s t a n c e o r credit to t a k e a farm or s h i p , so as to live w i t h o u t labour, m a y be i n d u c e d to m a k e a very adv a n t a g e o u s offer to t h e p a r i s h . If any of t h e p o o r p e r i s h u n d e r t h e c o n t r a c t o r ' s care, t h e sin will lie at h i s door, as t h e p a r i s h will have d o n e its d u t y by t h e m . We are, however, a p p r e h e n sive t h a t t h e p r e s e n t A c t (43rd of E l i z a b e t h ) will n o t w a r r a n t a p r u d e n t i a l m e a s u r e of t h i s k i n d ; b u t y o u are to learn t h a t t h e rest of t h e freeholders of t h e c o u n t y , a n d of t h e adjoining

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Chapter XXVII • Expropriation of the agricultural population from the land were n o t its m o s t lasting ones. T h e property of t h e c h u r c h ||746| formed the religious bulwark of the traditional conditions of l a n d e d property. W i t h its fall these were no longer t e n a b l e . Even in the last d e c a d e of the 17th century, the yeomanry, the class of 5 i n d e p e n d e n t peasants, were m o r e n u m e r o u s t h a n the class of farmers. T h e y h a d formed the b a c k b o n e of Cromwell's strength, a n d , even according to the confession of Macaulay, stood in favourable contrast to the d r u n k e n squires a n d to their servants, the country clergy, who h a d to marry their m a s t e r s ' cast-off mistresses. A b o u t 1750, the y e o m a n r y h a d d i s a p p e a r e d , 10 a n d so had, in the last d e c a d e of the 18th century, the last trace of the c o m m o n land of the agricultural labourer. We leave on o n e side here t h e purely e c o n o m i c causes of the agricultural revolution. We deal only with the forcible m e a n s employed. After the restoration of the Stuarts, the l a n d e d proprietors carried, by le15 gal m e a n s , an act of u s u r p a t i o n , effected everywhere on the C o n t i n e n t without any legal formality. T h e y abolished the feudal t e n u r e of land, i.e., they got rid of all its obligations to the State, "indemnified" the State by taxes on the peasantry and the rest of the m a s s of the people, vindicated for themselves the rights of m o d e r n private property in estates to which they 20 h a d only a feudal title, and, finally, passed those laws of settlement, which, mutatis mutandis, h a d t h e s a m e effect on t h e English agricultural labourer, as the edict of the Tartar Boris G o d u n o f on t h e R u s s i a n peasantry. 11

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c o u n t y o f B , will very readily j o i n i n i n s t r u c t i n g t h e i r m e m b e r s t o p r o p o s e a n Act t o e n a b l e t h e p a r i s h to c o n t r a c t w i t h a p e r s o n to lock up a n d work t h e poor; a n d to d e c l a r e t h a t if a n y p e r s o n shall refuse to be so l o c k e d up a n d worked, he shall be e n t i t l e d to no relief. This, it is h o p e d , will prevent p e r s o n s in distress from w a n t i n g relief, a n d be t h e m e a n s of k e e p i n g d o w n parishes." (R. Blakey: " T h e H i s t o r y of Political L i t e r a t u r e from t h e earliest T i m e s . " L o n d . , 1855, Vol. IL, p p . 8 4 - 8 5 . ) I n S c o t l a n d , t h e a b o l i t i o n o f serfdom t o o k p l a c e s o m e c e n t u r i e s later t h a n i n E n g l a n d . E v e n i n 1698, F l e t c h e r o f S a l t o u n , d e c l a r e d i n t h e S c o t c h p a r l i a m e n t , " T h e n u m b e r of beggars in S c o t l a n d is r e c k o n e d at n o t less t h a n 200,000. T h e only r e m e d y t h a t I, a rep u b l i c a n on principle c a n suggest, is to restore t h e old state of serfdom, to m a k e slaves of all t h o s e who are u n a b l e to p r o v i d e for t h e i r o w n s u b s i s t e n c e . " E d e n , I.e., Book 1., ch. 1, p p . 6 0 - 6 1 , says, " T h e decrease of villenage s e e m s necessarily to h a v e b e e n t h e era of t h e origin of t h e poor. [...] M a n u f a c t u r e s a n d c o m m e r c e are t h e two p a r e n t s of o u r n a t i o n a l poor." E d e n , like o u r S c o t c h r e p u b l i c a n o n principle, errs only i n t h i s : n o t t h e a b o l i t i o n o f villenage, b u t t h e a b o lition of t h e property of t h e agricultural l a b o u r e r in t h e soil m a d e h i m a p r o l e t a r i a n , a n d eventually a p a u p e r . In F r a n c e , where t h e e x p r o p r i a t i o n was effected in a n o t h e r way, t h e ord o n n a n c e o f M o u l i n s , 1566, a n d t h e E d i c t o f 1656, c o r r e s p o n d t o t h e E n g l i s h poor-laws. Professor Rogers, a l t h o u g h formerly Professor o f Political E c o n o m y i n t h e University o f Oxford, t h e h o t b e d of P r o t e s t a n t o r t h o d o x y , in h i s preface to t h e " H i s t o r y of A g r i c u l t u r e " lays stress o n t h e fact o f t h e p a u p e r i s a t i o n o f t h e m a s s o f t h e p e o p l e b y t h e R e f o r m a t i o n . A letter to Sir T. C. B u n b u r y , Bart., on t h e H i g h Price of Provisions. By a Suffolk G e n t l e m a n . Ipswich, 1795, p. 4. E v e n t h e fanatical a d v o c a t e of t h e system of large farms, t h e a u t h o r of t h e " I n q u i r y i n t o t h e c o n n e c t i o n of large farms, etc., L o n d o n , 1 7 7 3 , " p . 1 3 9 , says: "I m o s t lam e n t t h e loss o f o u r y e o m a n r y , t h a t set o f m e n w h o really k e p t u p t h e i n d e p e n d e n c e o f t h i s n a t i o n ; a n d sorry I a m t o see t h e i r l a n d s n o w i n t h e h a n d s o f m o n o p o l i z i n g lords, t e n a n t e d o u t t o s m a l l farmers, who h o l d t h e i r leases o n s u c h c o n d i t i o n s a s t o b e little better t h a n vassals ready to a t t e n d a s u m m o n s on every m i s c h i e v o u s o c c a s i o n . " 11

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Part Vili · The so-called primitive accumulation T h e "glorious R e v o l u t i o n " brought into power, along with ||747| W i l l i a m of Orange, the landlord a n d capitalist appropriators of surplus-value. They inaugarated the new era by practising on a colossal scale thefts of state lands, thefts that h a d b e e n hitherto m a n a g e d m o r e modestly. T h e s e estates were given away, sold at a ridiculous figure, or even a n n e x e d to private es5 tates by direct s e i z u r e . All this h a p p e n e d without the slightest observation of legal etiquette. T h e crown lands t h u s fraudulently appropriated, together with the robbery of the C h u r c h estates, as far as these h a d n o t b e e n lost again during the republican revolution, form the basis of t h e to-day princely d o m a i n s of the English oligarchy. T h e bourgeois capitalists fa- 10 voured the operation with the view, a m o n g others, to p r o m o t i n g free trade in land, to extending the d o m a i n of m o d e r n agriculture on t h e large farmsystem, a n d to increasing their supply of the free agricultural proletarians ready to h a n d . Besides, the new l a n d e d aristocracy was the n a t u r a l ally of the new bankocracy, of the newly-hatched haute finance, a n d of the large 15 m a n u f a c t u r e r s , t h e n d e p e n d i n g on protective duties. T h e English bourgeoisie acted for its own interest quite as wisely as did the Swedish bourgeoisie who, reversing the process, h a n d in h a n d with their e c o n o m i c allies, the peasantry, helped the kings in the forcible r e s u m p t i o n of the Crown l a n d s from the oligarchy. This h a p p e n e d since 1604 u n d e r Charles X. a n d 20 Charles XI. 13

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C o m m u n a l property—always distinct from the State property j u s t dealt with—was an old T e u t o n i c institution which lived on u n d e r cover of feudalism. We have seen how the ||748| forcible u s u r p a t i o n of this, generally a c c o m p a n i e d by t h e turning of arable into pasture land, begins at the e n d 25 of the 15th a n d extends into the 16th century. But, at t h a t t i m e , the process was carried on by m e a n s of individual acts of violence against which legislation, for a h u n d r e d a n d fifty years, fought in vain. T h e advance m a d e by the 18th century shows itself in this, that the law itself b e c o m e s now the ins t r u m e n t of the theft of the people's land, although the large farmers m a k e 30 13

O n t h e private m o r a l c h a r a c t e r o f t h i s b o u r g e o i s h e r o , a m o n g o t h e r t h i n g s : " T h e large g r a n t of l a n d s in I r e l a n d to L a d y Orkney, in 1695, is a p u b l i c i n s t a n c e of t h e k i n g ' s affection, a n d t h e lady's i n f l u e n c e ... L a d y O r k n e y ' s e n d e a r i n g offices are s u p p o s e d to h a v e b e e n — f œ d a lab i o r u m m i n i s t e r i a . " (In t h e S l o a n e M a n u s c r i p t Collection, a t t h e British M u s e u m , N o . 4 2 2 4 . T h e M a n u s c r i p t is entitled: " T h e Charakter a n d b e h a v i o u r of K i n g W i l l i a m , S u n d e r l a n d , etc., as r e p r e s e n t e d in Original Letters to t h e D u k e of Shrewsbury, from S o m e r s Halifax, Oxford, Secretary V e r n o n , etc." It is full of curiosa.) " T h e illegal a l i e n a t i o n of t h e Crown Estates, partly by sale a n d partly by gift, is a s c a n d a l o u s c h a p t e r in E n g l i s h history ... a gigantic fraud on t h e n a t i o n . " (F. W. N e w m a n , L e c t u r e s on Political E c o n o m y . L o n d o n , 1 8 5 1 , p p . 129, 130.) [ F o r details a s t o h o w t h e p r e s e n t large l a n d e d proprietors o f E n g l a n d c a m e i n t o their possessions see " O u r O l d N o b i l i t y . B y N o b l e s s e Oblige." L o n d o n , 1 8 7 9 . - E d . ] R e a d , e.g., E. B u r k e ' s P a m p h l e t on t h e d u c a l h o u s e of Bedford, w h o s e offshoot was Lord J o h n Russell, t h e " t o m t i t o f L i b e r a l i s m . "

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u s e of their little i n d e p e n d e n t m e t h o d s as well. T h e p a r l i a m e n t a r y form of t h e robbery is that of Acts for enclosures of C o m m o n s , in other words, decrees by which the landlords grant themselves t h e people's l a n d as private property, decrees of expropriation of the people. Sir F. M. E d e n refutes his own crafty special pleading, in which he tries to represent c o m m u n a l property as the private property of the great landlords who have t a k e n the place of the feudal lords, w h e n h e , himself, d e m a n d s a "general A c t of Parl i a m e n t for the enclosure of C o m m o n s , " (admitting thereby that a parliam e n t a r y coup d'état is necessary for its transformation into private property), a n d moreover calls on the legislature for the i n d e m n i f i c a t i o n for the expropriated p o o r . Whilst the place of the i n d e p e n d e n t y e o m a n was t a k e n by t e n a n t s at will, small farmers on yearly leases, a servile rabble d e p e n d e n t on the pleasure of the landlords, the systematic robbery of the C o m m u n a l lands h e l p e d especially, n e x t to the theft of the State d o m a i n s , to swell those large farms, t h a t were called in t h e 18th century capital f a r m s or m e r c h a n t f a r m s , a n d to „set free" the agricultural p o p u l a t i o n as proletarians for m a n u f a c t u r ing industry. | |749| T h e 18th century, however, did n o t yet recognise as fully as the 19th, the identity between n a t i o n a l wealth a n d the poverty of t h e people. H e n c e the m o s t vigorous polemic, in the e c o n o m i c literature of t h a t t i m e , on the "enclosure of c o m m o n s . " F r o m the m a s s of materials that lie before m e , I give a few extracts t h a t will throw a strong light on t h e circumstances of the t i m e . "In several parishes of Hertfordshire," writes one i n d i g n a n t person, "24 farms, n u m b e r i n g on the average 5 0 - 1 5 0 acres, have b e e n m e l t e d u p into three f a r m s . " "In N o r t h a m p t o n s h i r e a n d Leicestershire t h e enclosure of c o m m o n lands has t a k e n place on a very large scale, a n d m o s t of the new lordships, resulting from the enclosure, have b e e n t u r n e d into pasturage, in c o n s e q u e n c e of which m a n y lordships have n o t now 50 acres ploughed yearly, in which 1500 were ploughed formerly. T h e ruins 17

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" T h e farmers forbid cottagers t o k e e p a n y living c r e a t u r e s b e s i d e s t h e m s e l v e s a n d c h i l d r e n , u n d e r t h e p r e t e n c e t h a t if t h e y k e e p a n y b e a s t s or poultry, they will steal from t h e f a r m e r s ' b a r n s for t h e i r support; t h e y also say, k e e p t h e cottages p o o r a n d y o u will k e e p t h e m i n d u s t r i o u s , etc., b u t t h e r e a l fact, I believe, is t h a t t h e f a n n e r s m a y have t h e w h o l e right of c o m m o n t o t h e m s e l v e s . " ( A Political I n q u i r y i n t o t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f e n c l o s i n g W a s t e L a n d s . L o n d o n , 1785, p . 75.) E d e n , I.e. preface. "Capital F a r m s . " T w o letters o n t h e F l o u r T r a d e a n d t h e D e a r n e s s o f Corn. B y a p e r s o n i n b u s i n e s s . L o n d o n , 1767, p . 19. " M e r c h a n t F a r m s . " A n I n q u i r y i n t o t h e p r e s e n t H i g h Prices o f Provisions. L o n d o n , 1767, p . 1 1 1 . N o t e . — T h i s e x c e l l e n t work, t h a t was p u b l i s h e d a n o n y m o u s l y , i s b y t h e Rev. N a t h a n i e l Forster. T h o m a s W r i g h t : A short address t o t h e p u b l i c o n t h e m o n o p o l y o f large farms, 1795, p p . 2, 3. 17

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Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation of former dwelling-houses, barns, stables, etc.," are the sole traces of the former i n h a b i t a n t s . "An h u n d r e d houses a n d families have in s o m e o p e n field villages . . . . dwindled to eight or ten .... T h e landholders in m o s t parishes t h a t have b e e n enclosed only 15 or 20 years, are very few in comparison of the n u m b e r s who occupied t h e m in their open-field state. It is no u n c o m m o n thing for 4 or 5 wealthy graziers to engross a large enclosed lordship which was before in the h a n d s of 20 or 30 farmers, a n d as m a n y smaller t e n a n t s a n d proprietors. All these are hereby thrown o u t of their livings with their families a n d m a n y other families who were chiefly e m ployed a n d supported by t h e m . " It was n o t only the l a n d that lay waste, b u t often l a n d cultivated either in c o m m o n or held u n d e r a definite rent paid to the c o m m u n i t y , that was a n n e x e d by the n e i g h b o u r i n g landlords u n d e r pretext of enclosure. "I have here in view enclosures of o p e n fields a n d lands already improved. It is acknowledged by even the writers in defence of enclosures that these d i m i n i s h e d villages increase the m o n o p o l i e s of farms, raise the prices of provisions, a n d p r o d u c e d e p o p u l a t i o n . . . . (and even the enclosure of waste lands (as now carried on) bears) h a r d on | |750| the poor, by depriving t h e m of a part of their subsistence, a n d only goes towards increasing farms already too l a r g e . " W h e n , " says Dr. Price, "this land gets into the h a n d s of a few great farmers, the c o n s e q u e n c e m u s t be that the little farmes" (earlier designated by h i m "a m u l t i t u d e of little proprietors a n d t e n a n t s , who m a i n t a i n themselves a n d families by the prod u c e of the ground they occupy by sheep kept on a c o m m o n , by poultry, hogs, etc., a n d who therefore have little occasion to p u r c h a s e any of the m e a n s of subsistence") "will be converted into a b o d y of m e n who earn their subsistence by working for others, a n d who will be u n d e r a necessity of going to m a r k e t for all they want . . . . T h e r e will, perhaps, be m o r e labour, because there will b e m o r e c o m p u l s i o n t o i t . . . . Towns a n d m a n u f a c turers will increase, because m o r e will be driven to t h e m in quest of places a n d e m p l o y m e n t . This is the way in which t h e engrossing of farms n a t u rally operates. A n d this is the way in which, for m a n y years, it h a s b e e n actually operating in this k i n g d o m . " He s u m s up the effect of t h e enclosures t h u s : " U p o n the whole, t h e circumstances of t h e lower r a n k s of m e n are altered in almost every respect for the worse. F r o m little occupiers of land, they are r e d u c e d to the state of day-labourers a n d hirelings; a n d , at the 2 1

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R e v . A d d i n g t o n : I n q u i r y i n t o t h e r e a s o n s for o r against e n c l o s i n g o p e n fields. Coventry, 1772, p p . 37, 43 p a s s i m . D r . R . P r i c e , I.e., v . I I . , p p . 1 5 5 , 156. Forster, A d d i n g t o n , K e n t , Price, a n d J a m e s A n d e r s o n , s h o u l d b e r e a d a n d c o m p a r e d w i t h t h e m i s e r a b l e prattle o f S y c o p h a n t M a c C u l l o c h i n h i s catalogue: T h e L i t e r a t u r e o f Political E c o n o m y , L o n d o n , 1845. Price, I.e., p p . 147, 148

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s a m e t i m e , their subsistence i n that state has b e c o m e m o r e difficult." I n fact, ||751| u s u r p a t i o n of the c o m m o n lands a n d the revolution in agriculture a c c o m p a n y i n g this, told so acutely on t h e agricultural labourers that, even according to E d e n , between 1765 a n d 1780, their wages began to fall below the m i n i m u m , a n d to be s u p p l e m e n t e d by official poor-law relief. Their wages, he says "were n o t m o r e t h a n e n o u g h for the absolute necessaries of life." Let us h e a r for a m o m e n t a defender of enclosures a n d an o p p o n e n t of Dr. Price. "Nor is it a c o n s e q u e n c e t h a t there m u s t be depopulation, b e cause m e n are n o t seen wasting their l a b o u r in the o p e n field . . . . If, by converting the little farmers into a body of m e n who m u s t work for others, m o r e labour is p r o d u c e d , it is an advantage which the n a t i o n " (to which, of course, the "converted" ones do n o t belong) "should wish for .... the prod u c e being greater w h e n their j o i n t labours are employed on o n e farm, there will be a surplus for m a n u f a c t u r e s , a n d by this m e a n s m a n u f a c t u r e s , o n e of the m i n e s of the n a t i o n , will increase, in proportion to the quantity of corn p r o d u c e d . " T h e stoical peace of m i n d with which t h e political e c o n o m i s t regards t h e m o s t shameless violation of t h e "sacred rights of property" a n d the grossest acts of violence to persons, as soon as they are necessary to lay the foundations of the capitalistic m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n , is shown by Sir. F. M. E d e n , philanthropist a n d tory, to boot. T h e whole series of thefts, outrages, a n d popular misery, t h a t a c c o m p a n i e d the forcible expropriation of t h e people, from the last third of the 15th to the e n d of t h e 18th century, lead h i m 25

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Price, I.e., p p . 1 5 9 , 1 6 0 . W e are r e m i n d e d o f a n c i e n t R o m e . " T h e r i c h h a d got p o s s e s s i o n o f t h e greater p a r t o f t h e u n d i v i d e d l a n d . T h e y t r u s t e d i n t h e c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e t i m e , t h a t t h e s e possessions w o u l d n o t b e a g a i n t a k e n from t h e m , a n d b o u g h t , therefore, s o m e o f t h e pieces o f l a n d lying n e a r theirs, a n d b e l o n g i n g t o t h e poor, w i t h t h e a c q u i e s c e n c e o f t h e i r owners, a n d t o o k s o m e by force, so t h a t t h e y n o w were cultivating widely e x t e n d e d d o m a i n s , i n s t e a d of isolated f i e l d s . T h e n t h e y e m p l o y e d slaves i n a g r i c u l t u r e a n d c a t t l e - b r e e d i n g , b e c a u s e f r e e m e n would have b e e n t a k e n from l a b o u r for m i l i t a r y service. T h e possession of slaves b r o u g h t t h e m great gain, i n a s m u c h a s t h e s e , o n a c c o u n t o f t h e i r i m m u n i t y from m i l i t a r y service, c o u l d freely multiply a n d have a m u l t i t u d e of c h i l d r e n . T h u s t h e powerful m e n drew all w e a l t h to themselves, a n d all t h e l a n d s w a r m e d with slaves. T h e I t a l i a n s , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , were always d e c r e a s i n g in n u m b e r , destroyed as t h e y were by poverty, taxes, a n d m i l i t a r y service. E v e n w h e n t i m e s o f p e a c e c a m e , t h e y were d o o m e d t o c o m p l e t e inactivity, b e c a u s e t h e r i c h were i n possession of t h e soil, a n d u s e d slaves i n s t e a d of free m e n in t h e tilling of it." ( A p p i a n : Civil W a r s , I. 7.) T h i s p a s s a g e refers to t h e t i m e before t h e L i c i n i a n r o g a t i o n s . M i l i t a r y service, w h i c h h a s t e n e d t o s o great a n e x t e n t t h e r u i n o f t h e R o m a n p l e b e i a n s , was also t h e chief m e a n s by w h i c h , as in a f o r c i n g - h o u s e , C h a r l e m a g n e b r o u g h t a b o u t t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of free G e r m a n p e a s a n t s i n t o serfs a n d b o n d s m e n . A n I n q u i r y i n t o t h e C o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e P r e s e n t Prices o f Provisions, etc., p . 124, 128, 129. T o t h e like effect, b u t with a n o p p o s i t e t e n d e n c y : " W o r k i n g - m e n are driven from t h e i r cottages a n d forced i n t o t h e towns to seek for e m p l o y m e n t ; b u t t h e n a larger s u r p l u s is o b t a i n e d , a n d t h u s c a p i t a l i s a u g m e n t e d . " ( T h e Perils o f t h e N a t i o n , 2 n d ed. L o n d o n . 1 8 4 3 , p . XIV.) 25

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Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation merely to the comfortable conclusion: „The d u e proportion between arable l a n d a n d pasture h a d to be established. D u r i n g t h e whole of the 14th a n d the greater part of t h e 15th century, there was o n e acre of pasture to 2, | |752| 3, a n d even 4 of arable land. A b o u t the m i d d l e of t h e 16th century the proportion was changed to 2 acres of pasture to 2, later on, of 2 acres of pasture to o n e of arable, u n t i l at last the just proportion of 3 acres of pasture to o n e of arable land was attained." In the 19th century, the very m e m o r y of the c o n n e x i o n between the agricultural labourer a n d the c o m m u n a l property h a d , of course, vanished. To say n o t h i n g of m o r e recent times, have the agricultural p o p u l a t i o n received a farthing of c o m p e n s a t i o n for the 3,511,770 acres of c o m m o n land w h i c h between 1801 a n d 1831 were stolen from t h e m a n d by p a r l i a m e n t a r y devices presented to the landlords by the landlords? T h e last process of wholesale expropriation of the agricultural population from the soil is, finally, the so-called clearing of estates, i.e., the sweeping m e n off t h e m . All the English m e t h o d s h i t h e r t o considered c u l m i n a t e d in "clearing." As we saw in the picture of m o d e r n c o n d i t i o n s given in a form e r chapter, where there are no m o r e i n d e p e n d e n t peasants to get rid of, the "clearing" of cottages begins; so that the agricultural labourers do n o t find on the soil cultivated by t h e m even the spot necessary for their own h o u s i n g . But what "clearing of estates" really a n d properly signifies, we learn only in t h e promised l a n d of m o d e r n r o m a n c e , the H i g h l a n d s of Scotland. T h e r e the process is distinguished by its systematic character, by the m a g n i t u d e of the scale on which it is carried out at o n e blow (in Ireland landlords have gone to the length of sweeping away several villages at once; in Scotland areas as large as G e r m a n principalities are dealt with), finally by the peculiar form of property, u n d e r which the e m b e z z l e d lands were held. T h e H i g h l a n d Celts were organised in clans, each of which was the owner of the land on which it was settled. T h e representative of the clan, its chief or "great m a n , " was only the titular owner of this property, j u s t as the Q u e e n of England is the titular owner of all the n a t i o n a l soil. W h e n the English g o v e r n m e n t succeeded in suppressing the intestine wars of these "great m e n , " a n d their constant incursions into the Lowland plains, the chiefs of the clans by no m e a n s gave up ||753| their t i m e - h o n o u r e d trade as robbers; they only c h a n g e d its form. On their own authority they transformed their n o m i n a l right into a right of private property, a n d as this b r o u g h t t h e m into collision with their clansmen, resolved to drive t h e m o u t by o p e n force. "A king of E n g l a n d m i g h t as well claim to drive his subjects into the sea," says Professor N e w m a n . This revolution, w h i c h b e g a n in 26

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I.e., p . 132.

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Chapter XXVII • Expropriation of the agricultural population from the land Scotland after the last rising of the followers of t h e Pretender, can be followed t h r o u g h its first phases in t h e writings of Sir J a m e s S t e u a r t a n d J a m e s A n d e r s o n . In the 18th century t h e h u n t e d - o u t Gaels were forbidd e n to emigrate from the country, with a view to driving t h e m by force to 5 Glasgow a n d other m a n u f a c t u r i n g t o w n s . As an e x a m p l e of the m e t h o d obtaining in the 19th century, the "clearing" m a d e by the D u c h e s s of Sutherland ||754| will suffice here. This person, well instructed in economy, resolved, on entering u p o n h e r government, to effect a radical cure, a n d to t u r n the whole country, whose p o p u l a t i o n h a d already b e e n , by earlier pro10 cesses of the like kind, r e d u c e d to 15,000, into a sheep-walk. F r o m 1814 to 1820 these 15,000 i n h a b i t a n t s , a b o u t 3000 families, were systematically h u n t e d a n d rooted out. All their villages were destroyed a n d burnt, all their fields t u r n e d into pasturage. British soldiers enforced this eviction, a n d c a m e to blows with the i n h a b i t a n t s . O n e old w o m a n was b u r n t to d e a t h in 15 t h e flames of the hut, which she refused to leave. T h u s this fine lady appropriated 794,000 acres of l a n d t h a t h a d from t i m e i m m e m o r i a l belonged to the clan. She assigned to t h e expelled i n h a b i t a n t s a b o u t 6000 acres on the sea-shore—2 acres per family. T h e 6000 acres h a d u n t i l this t i m e lain waste, a n d brought in no i n c o m e to their owners. T h e D u c h e s s , in the n o 27

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Steuart says: "If y o u c o m p a r e t h e r e n t o f t h e s e l a n d s " (he e r r o n e o u s l y i n c l u d e s i n t h i s e c o n o m i c category t h e t r i b u t e o f t h e t a k s m e n t o t h e clan-chief) "with t h e e x t e n t , i t a p p e a r s very small. I f y o u c o m p a r e i t w i t h t h e n u m b e r s fed u p o n t h e farm, y o u will f i n d t h a t a n estate i n the Highlands maintains, perhaps, ten times as m a n y people as another of the same value in a good fertile p r o v i n c e . " (I.e., vol. 1., ch. X V I . , p. 104.) 28

J a m e s A n d e r s o n : O b s e r v a t i o n s o n t h e m e a n s o f exciting a spirit o f N a t i o n a l I n d u s t r y , etc. E d i n b u r g h , 1777. I n 1860 t h e p e o p l e e x p r o p r i a t e d b y force were e x p o r t e d t o C a n a d a u n d e r false p r e t e n c e s . S o m e f l e d t o t h e m o u n t a i n s a n d n e i g h b o u r i n g i s l a n d s . T h e y were followed b y t h e police, c a m e t o blows w i t h t h e m a n d e s c a p e d . " I n t h e H i g h l a n d s o f S c o t l a n d , " says B u c h a n a n , t h e c o m m e n t a t o r o n A d a m S m i t h , 1814, " t h e a n c i e n t state o f p r o p e r t y i s daily s u b v e r t e d . . . . T h e l a n d l o r d , w i t h o u t r e g a r d t o t h e h e r e d i tary t e n a n t ( a category u s e d i n error h e r e ) , n o w offers h i s l a n d t o t h e h i g h e s t b i d d e r , w h o , i f h e is an improver, i n s t a n t l y a d o p t s a n e w s y s t e m of c u l t i v a t i o n . T h e l a n d , formerly overspread with s m a l l t e n a n t s o r l a b o u r e r s , was p e o p l e d i n p r o p o r t i o n t o its p r o d u c e , b u t u n d e r t h e n e w 29

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s y s t e m of i m p r o v e d c u l t i v a t i o n a n d i n c r e a s e d r e n t s , t h e largest possible p r o d u c e is o b t a i n e d at t h e least possible e x p e n s e : a n d t h e useless h a n d s b e i n g , w i t h t h i s view, r e m o v e d , t h e p o p u l a t i o n i s r e d u c e d , n o t t o w h a t t h e l a n d will m a i n t a i n , b u t t o w h a t i t will e m p l o y . T h e dispossessed t e n a n t s either seek a s u b s i s t e n c e in t h e n e i g h b o u r i n g towns," etc. (David B u c h a n a n : O b s e r v a t i o n s o n , etc., A . S m i t h ' s W e a l t h o f N a t i o n s . E d i n b u r g h , 1814, p . 144.) " T h e S c o t c h

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g r a n d e e s dispossessed families a s t h e y w o u l d g r u b u p coppice-wood, a n d t h e y t r e a t e d villages a n d t h e i r p e o p l e as I n d i a n s h a r a s s e d w i t h wild b e a s t s do, in t h e i r v e n g e a n c e , a j u n g l e with tigers . . . . M a n is b a r t e r e d for a fleece or a c a r c a s e of m u t t o n , n a y , h e l d c h e a p e r . . . . W h y , h o w m u c h worse i s i t t h a n t h e i n t e n t i o n o f t h e M o g u l s , w h o , w h e n t h e y h a d b r o k e n i n t o t h e n o r t h e r n provinces o f C h i n a , p r o p o s e d i n c o u n c i l t o e x t e r m i n a t e t h e i n h a b i t a n t s , a n d convert t h e l a n d i n t o p a s t u r e . T h i s p r o p o s a l m a n y H i g h l a n d proprietors h a v e effected i n t h e i r o w n c o u n t r y a g a i n s t their o w n c o u n t r y m e n . " ( G e o r g e E n s o r : A n i n q u i r y c o n c e r n i n g t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f n a t i o n s . L o n d . , 1818, p p . 2 1 5 , 216.)

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Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation bility of h e r heart, actually went so far as to let these at an average r e n t of 2s. 6d. p e r acre to the clansmen, who for centuries h a d shed their blood for h e r family. T h e whole of the stolen clan-land she divided into 29 great sheep farms, each i n h a b i t e d by a single family, for the m o s t part i m p o r t e d English farm-servants. In the year 1821 the 15,000 Gaels were already replaced by 131,000 sheep. T h e r e m n a n t of the aborigines flung on the seashore, tried to live by catching fish. T h e y b e c a m e a m p h i b i o u s a n d lived, as an English a u t h o r says, half on l a n d a n d half on water, a n d withal only half on both.

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But the brave Gaels m u s t expiate yet m o r e bitterly their idolatry, r o m a n tic a n d of the m o u n t a i n s , for the "great m e n " of the clan. T h e smell of their fish rose to the noses of the great m e n . They scented s o m e profit in it, a n d let the sea-||755|shore to the great fishmongers of L o n d o n . F o r t h e second t i m e t h e Gaels were h u n t e d o u t . But, finally, part of the sheep-walks are t u r n e d i n t o deer preserves. Every o n e knows t h a t there are no real forests in England. T h e deer in t h e parks of the great are demurely domestic cattle, fat as L o n d o n a l d e r m e n . Scotl a n d is therefore t h e last refuge of the "noble passion." " I n the H i g h l a n d s , " says Somers in 1848, "new forests are springing up like m u s h r o o m s . H e r e , on o n e side of Gaick, y o u have the new forest of Glenfeshie; a n d there on t h e other you have the new forest of Ardverikie. In the s a m e line y o u have t h e Black M o u n t , an i m m e n s e waste also recently erected. F r o m east to west—from the n e i g h b o u r h o o d of A b e r d e e n to the crags of O b a n — y o u h a v e now a c o n t i n u o u s line of forests; while in other parts of the H i g h l a n d s there are t h e new forests of Loch Archaig, Glengarry, G l e n m o r i s t o n , (etc.). Sheep were i n t r o d u c e d into glens which h a d b e e n t h e seats of c o m m u n i t i e s of small farmers; a n d t h e latter were driven to seek subsistence on coarser a n d m o r e sterile tracks of soil. N o w [...] deer are supplanting sheep; a n d these are o n c e m o r e dispossessing the small t e n a n t s , who will necessarily be driven down u p o n still coarser land a n d to m o r e grinding penury. D e e r f o r e s t s a n d the people c a n n o t co-exist. O n e or other of t h e two m u s t yield.

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W h e n the present Duchess of Sutherland entertained Mrs. Beecher-Stowe, authoress of " U n c l e T o m ' s C a b i n , " with great m a g n i f i c e n c e i n L o n d o n , t o show h e r s y m p a t h y for t h e n e g r o slaves o f t h e A m e r i c a n r e p u b l i c — a s y m p a t h y t h a t s h e p r u d e n t l y forgot, w i t h h e r fellow-arist o c r a t s , d u r i n g t h e civil war, in w h i c h every " n o b l e " E n g l i s h h e a r t b e a t for t h e slave-owner—I gave i n t h e " N e w Y o r k T r i b u n e " t h e facts a b o u t t h e S u t h e r l a n d slaves. ( E p i t o m i s e d i n p a r t b y Carey in T h e Slave T r a d e . P h i l a d e l p h i a , 1853, p. 2 0 2 , 203.) My article was r e p r i n t e d in a S c o t c h newspaper, a n d led to a pretty p o l e m i c b e t w e e n t h e latter a n d t h e s y c o p h a n t s of t h e Sutherlands. 32

I n t e r e s t i n g details o n t h i s fish trade will b e f o u n d i n M r . D a v i d U r q u h a r t ' s Portfolio, n e w s e r i e s . — N a s s a u W . Senior, i n h i s p o s t h u m o u s work, already q u o t e d , t e r m s " t h e p r o c e e d i n g s i n S u t h e r l a n d s h i r e o n e o f t h e m o s t b e n e f i c e n t clearings since t h e m e m o r y o f m a n . " (I.e.) T h e deer-forests o f S c o t l a n d c o n t a i n n o t a single tree. T h e s h e e p a r e driven from, a n d t h e n 33

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Chapter XXVII • Expropriation of the agricultural population from the land

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Let the forests be increased in n u m b e r a n d extent during t h e n e x t quarter of a century, as they have b e e n in the last, a n d t h e Gaels will perish from their native s o i l . . . This m o v e m e n t a m o n g the H i g h l a n d proprietors is with some a m a t t e r of a m b i t i o n . ... with some [...] love of sport. ... while others, of a m o r e practical cast, follow the trade in deer with an eye solely to profit. F o r it is a fact, that a m o u n t a i n range laid out in forest is, in m a n y cases, m o r e profitable to the proprietor t h a n w h e n let as a sheep walk. ... T h e | |756| h u n t s m a n who wants a deer-forest limits his offers by no other calculation t h a n the extent of his purse. ... Sufferings have b e e n inflicted in t h e

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H i g h l a n d s scarcely less severe t h a n those occasioned by the policy of t h e N o r m a n kings. Deer have received e x t e n d e d ranges, while m e n h a v e b e e n h u n t e d within a narrower a n d still narrower circle. ... O n e after o n e the liberties of the people have b e e n cloven down. ... A n d the oppressions are daily on the increase. ... T h e clearance a n d dispersion of the people is 15 p u r s u e d by the proprietors as a settled principle, as an agricultural necessity, j u s t as trees a n d brushwood are cleared from the wastes of A m e r i c a or Australia; a n d the o p e r a t i o n goes on in a quiet, business-like way, e t c . " | 34

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t h e deer driven t o , t h e n a k e d hills, a n d t h e n it is called a deer forest. N o t e v e n t i m b e r - p l a n t i n g a n d r e a l forest c u l t u r e . R o b e r t S o m e r s : Letters from t h e H i g h l a n d s : or t h e F a m i n e of 1847. L o n d o n 1848, pp. 12-28 p a s s i m . T h e s e letters originally a p p e a r e d in t h e " T i m e s . " T h e E n g l i s h e c o n o m i s t s of c o u r s e e x p l a i n e d t h e f a m i n e of t h e G a e l s in 1847, by t h e i r o v e r - p o p u l a t i o n . At all events, t h e y "were pressing on t h e i r food-supply." T h e "clearing of estates," or as it is called in G e r m a n y " B a u e r n l e g e n , " o c c u r r e d in G e r m a n y especially after t h e 30 y e a r s ' war, a n d led to p e a s a n t - r e volts as late as 1790 in K u r s a c h s e n . It o b t a i n e d especially in East G e r m a n y . In m o s t of t h e P r u s s i a n provinces, F r e d e r i c k I I . for t h e first t i m e s e c u r e d r i g h t of property for t h e p e a s a n t s . After t h e c o n q u e s t o f Silesia h e forced t h e l a n d l o r d s t o r e b u i l d t h e h u t s , b a r n s , etc., a n d t o p r o v i d e t h e p e a s a n t s w i t h cattle a n d i m p l e m e n t s . H e w a n t e d soldiers for h i s a r m y a n d tax-payers for his treasury. F o r t h e rest, t h e p l e a s a n t life t h a t t h e p e a s a n t led u n d e r F r e d e r i c k ' s s y s t e m of finance a n d h o d g e - p o d g e r u l e of d e s p o t i s m , b u r e a u c r a c y a n d feudalism, m a y be s e e n from t h e following q u o t a t i o n from h i s a d m i r e r , M i r a b e a u : « L e l i n fait d o n c u n e des g r a n d e s r i chesses d u cultivateur d a n s l e N o r d d e l ' A l l e m a g n e . M a l h e u r e u s e m e n t p o u r l'espèce h u maine, ce n'est q u ' u n e ressource contre la misère et n o n un m o y e n de bien-être. Les impôts directs, les corvées, les servitudes de t o u t g e n r e , é c r a s e n t le c u l t i v a t e u r a l l e m a n d , q u i p a i e e n core des i m p ô t s i n d i r e c t s d a n s t o u t ce q u ' i l a c h è t e . ... et p o u r c o m b l e de r u i n e , il n ' o s e p a s v e n d r e ses p r o d u c t i o n s où et c o m m e il le veut; il n ' o s e p a s a c h e t e r ce d o n t il a b e s o i n a u x m a r c h a n d s q u i p o u r r a i e n t l e l u i livrer a u m e i l l e u r prix. T o u t e s ces c a u s e s l e r u i n e n t i n s e n s i b l e m e n t , et il se trouverait h o r s d'état de p a y e r les i m p ô t s directs à l ' é c h é a n c e s a n s la filerie; elle l u i offre u n e ressource, en o c c u p a n t u t i l e m e n t sa f e m m e , ses enfants, ses servants, ses valets, et l u i - m ê m e ; m a i s q u e l l e p é n i b l e vie, m ê m e a i d é e de ce secours. En été, il travaille c o m m e un forçat au l a b o u r a g e et à la récolte; il se c o u c h e à 9 h e u r e s et se lève à d e u x , p o u r suffire a u x t r a v a u x ; e n hiver i l devrait r é p a r e r ses forces par u n p l u s g r a n d repos; m a i s i l m a n q u e r a de g r a i n s p o u r le p a i n et les semailles, s'il se défait d e s d e n r é e s q u ' i l faudrait v e n d r e p o u r payer les i m p ô t s . Il faut d o n c filer p o u r s u p p l é e r à ce vide. ... il faut y a p p o r t e r la p l u s g r a n d e assiduité. A u s s i le p a y s a n se c o u c h e - t - i l en h i v e r à m i n u i t , u n e h e u r e , et se lève à c i n q ou six; ou b i e n il se c o u c h e à neuf, et se lève à d e u x , et cela t o u s les j o u r s de la vie si ce n ' e s t le d i m a n c h e . Ces excès de veille et de travail u s e n t la n a t u r e h u m a i n e , et de là v i e n t q u ' h o m m e s et f e m m e s vieillissent b e a u c o u p plutôt d a n s les c a m p a g n e s q u e d a n s les villes. » ( M i r a b e a u , Le. t . I I I . , pp.212 sqq.) 34

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Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation |757| T h e spoliation of the church's property, t h e fraudulent a l i e n a t i o n of the State d o m a i n s , the robbery of the c o m m o n lands, the u s u r p a t i o n of feudal a n d clan property, a n d its transformation into m o d e r n private property u n d e r circumstances of reckless terrorism, were j u s t so m a n y idyllic m e t h ods of primitive a c c u m u l a t i o n . They c o n q u e r e d the field for capitalistic agriculture, m a d e the soil part a n d parcel of capital, a n d created for t h e town industries t h e necessary supply of a "free" a n d outlawed proletariat. | N o t e t o t h e s e c o n d e d i t i o n . I n M a r c h 1 8 6 6 , 1 8 years after t h e p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h e work o f R o b e r t S o m e r s q u o t e d above, Professor L e o n e Levi gave a lecture before t h e Society of A r t s on t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of s h e e p walks i n t o deer-forest, in w h i c h he depicts t h e a d v a n c e in t h e d e v a s t a t i o n o f t h e Scottish H i g h l a n d s . H e says, with o t h e r t h i n g s : " D e p o p u l a t i o n a n d transform a t i o n i n t o sheep-walks were t h e m o s t c o n v e n i e n t m e a n s for getting a n i n c o m e w i t h o u t exp e n d i t u r e ... A deer forest in p l a c e of a sheep-walk was a c o m m o n c h a n g e in t h e H i g h l a n d s . T h e l a n d o w n e r s t u r n e d o u t t h e s h e e p a s t h e y o n c e t u r n e d o u t t h e m e n from t h e i r estates, a n d w e l c o m e d t h e n e w t e n a n t s — t h e wild beasts a n d t h e feathered b i r d s . ... O n e c a n walk from t h e E a r l of D a l h o u s i e ' s estates in Forfarshire to J o h n o ' G r o a t s , w i t h o u t ever leaving forest l a n d . . . . I n m a n y o f t h e s e w o o d s t h e fox, t h e wild cat, t h e m a r t e n , t h e polecat, t h e w e a s e l a n d t h e A l p i n e h a r e are c o m m o n ; whilst t h e rabbit, t h e squirrel a n d t h e r a t h a v e lately m a d e t h e i r way i n t o t h e c o u n t r y . I m m e n s e t r a c t s o f l a n d , m u c h o f w h i c h i s d e s c r i b e d i n t h e statistical a c c o u n t of S c o t l a n d as h a v i n g a p a s t u r a g e in r i c h n e s s a n d e x t e n t of very s u p e r i o r d e s c r i p t i o n , are t h u s s h u t o u t from all cultivation a n d i m p r o v m e n t , a n d are solely d e v o t e d to t h e sport of a few pers o n s for a very brief p e r i o d of t h e year." The London Economist of J u n e 2 , 1 8 6 6 , says, " A m o n g s t t h e i t e m s of n e w s in a S c o t c h p a p e r of last week, we r e a d . .. O n e of t h e finest s h e e p farms in S u t h e r l a n d s h i r e , for w h i c h a r e n t of £1,200 a y e a r was recently offered, on t h e expiry of t h e existing lease t h i s year, is to be c o n v e r t e d i n t o a d e e r forest.' H e r e we see t h e m o d e r n i n s t i n c t s of f e u d a l i s m . ... o p e r a t i n g pretty m u c h a s t h e y did w h e n t h e N o r m a n C o n q u e r o r . . . . destroyed 36 villages to create t h e N e w F o r e s t . ... Two m i l l i o n s of acres. . . . totally laid waste, e m b r a c i n g w i t h i n their a r e a s o m e o f t h e m o s t fertile l a n d s o f S c o t l a n d . T h e n a t u r a l grass o f G l e n Tilt was a m o n g t h e m o s t n u t r i t i v e i n t h e c o u n t y o f Perth. T h e deer forest o f B e n A u l d e r was b y far t h e b e s t grazing g r o u n d in t h e w i d e district of B a d e n o c h ; a part of t h e Black M o u n t forest was t h e b e s t p a s t u r e for black-faced s h e e p in S c o t l a n d . S o m e i d e a of t h e g r o u n d laid waste for purely sporting p u r p o s e s i n S c o t l a n d m a y b e f o r m e d from t h e fact t h a t i t e m b r a c e d a n area larger t h a n t h e w h o l e c o u n t y o f P e r t h . T h e r e s o u r c e s o f t h e forest o f B e n A u l d e r m i g h t give s o m e i d e a o f t h e loss s u s t a i n e d from t h e forced d e s o l a t i o n s . T h e g r o u n d w o u l d p a s t u r e 15,000 s h e e p , a n d a s i t was n o t m o r e t h a n o n e - t h i r t i e t h part o f t h e old forest g r o u n d i n Scotl a n d , it m i g h t (etc.) ... A l l t h a t forest l a n d is as totally u n p r o d u c t i v e . ... It m i g h t t h u s as well h a v e b e e n s u b m e r g e d u n d e r t h e waters o f t h e G e r m a n O c e a n . ... S u c h e x t e m p o r i z e d wildernesses o r deserts o u g h t t o b e p u t d o w n b y t h e d e c i d e d interference o f t h e L e g i s l a t u r e . ' "

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Chapter XXVIII • Bloody legislation against the expropriated ... Forcing down of wages ...

|758| C H A P T E R X X V I I I .

Bloody Legislation against the Expropriated from the End of the 15th Century. Forcing down of Wages by Acts of Parliament. 5

T h e proletariat created by the breaking up of t h e b a n d s of feudal retainers a n d by the forcible expropriation of the people from the soil, this "free" proletariat could n o t possibly be absorbed by t h e n a s c e n t m a n u f a c t u r e s as fast as it was thrown u p o n the world. On t h e other h a n d , these m e n , suddenly dragged from their wonted m o d e of life, could n o t as suddenly adapt 10 themselves to the discipline of their new condition. T h e y were t u r n e d en masse into beggars, robbers, vagabonds, partly from inclination, in m o s t cases from stress of circumstances. H e n c e at the e n d of the 15th and during the whole of the 16th century, t h r o u g h o u t W e s t e r n E u r o p e a bloody legislation against vagabondage. T h e fathers of the present working-class were 15 chastised for their enforced transformation into vagabonds a n d paupers. Legislation treated t h e m as "voluntary" criminals, a n d a s s u m e d t h a t it dep e n d e d on their own goodwill to go on working u n d e r the old c o n d i t i o n s t h a t no longer existed. In E n g l a n d this legislation b e g a n u n d e r H e n r y VII. 20 H e n r y V I I I . 1530: Beggars old a n d u n a b l e to work receive a beggar's licence. On the other h a n d , whipping and i m p r i s o n m e n t for sturdy vagab o n d s . They are to be tied to the cart-tail a n d whipped u n t i l the blood streams from their bodies, t h e n to swear an o a t h to go back to their birthplace or to where they have lived the last three years a n d to "put themselves 25 to labour." W h a t grim irony! In 27 H e n r y V I I I . the former statute is repeated, b u t strengthened with new clauses. For the second arrest for vagab o n d a g e the whipping is to be repeated a n d half the ear sliced off; but for the third relapse the offender is to be executed as a h a r d e n e d criminal a n d e n e m y of t h e c o m m o n weal. 30 Edward VI.: A statute of t h e first year of his reign, 1547, ||759| ordains t h a t if anyone refuses to work, he shall be c o n d e m n e d as a slave to the person who has d e n o u n c e d h i m as an idler. T h e m a s t e r shall feed his slave on bread a n d water, weak b r o t h a n d s u c h refuse m e a t as he thinks fit. He has t h e right to force h i m to do any work, no m a t t e r how disgusting, with whip 35 a n d chains. If the slave is absent a fortnight, he is c o n d e m n e d to slavery for life and is to be b r a n d e d on forehead or back with the letter S; if he r u n s away thrice, he is to be executed as a felon. T h e m a s t e r c a n sell h i m , beq u e a t h h i m , let h i m o u t on hire as a slave, just as any other personal chat-

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Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation tei or cattle. If the slaves a t t e m p t anything against the masters, they are also to be executed. Justices of the peace, on information, are to h u n t the rascals down. If it h a p p e n s that a vagabond has b e e n idling a b o u t for t h r e e days, he is to be t a k e n to his birthplace, b r a n d e d with a r e d h o t iron with the letter V on the breast and be set to work, in chains, in t h e streets or at 5 s o m e other labour. If the vagabond gives a false birthplace, he is t h e n to b e c o m e the slave for life of this place, of its i n h a b i t a n t s , or its corporation, a n d to be b r a n d e d with an S. All persons have the right to take away the children of the vagabonds and to keep t h e m as apprentices, the y o u n g m e n u n t i l t h e 2 4 t h year, the girls u n t i l the 20th. If they r u n away, they are to be- 10 c o m e up to this age the slaves of their masters, who c a n p u t t h e m in irons, whip t h e m , etc., if they like. Every m a s t e r m a y p u t an iron ring r o u n d t h e neck, arms or legs of his slave, by which to know h i m m o r e easily a n d to be m o r e certain of h i m . T h e last part of this statute provides, t h a t certain poor people m a y be employed by a place or by persons, who are willing to 15 give t h e m food a n d drink a n d to find t h e m work. This k i n d of parish-slaves was kept up in England u n t i l far into the 19th century u n d e r the n a m e of "roundsmen." 35

Elizabeth, 1572: U n l i c e n s e d beggars above 14 years of age are to be severely flogged a n d b r a n d e d on the right ear unless s o m e o n e will take 20 t h e m into service for o n e year; in case of a ||760| repetition of t h e offence, if they are over 18, they are to be executed, unless s o m e o n e will take t h e m into service for two years; b u t for the third offence they are to be executed without mercy as felons. Similar statues: 18 Elizabeth, c. 3, a n d a n o t h e r of 1597. 25 36

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T h e a u t h o r o f t h e Essay o n T r a d e , etc., 1770, says, " I n t h e reign o f E d w a r d VI. i n d e e d t h e E n g l i s h s e e m t o have set, i n g o o d earnest, a b o u t e n c o u r a g i n g m a n u f a c t u r e s a n d e m p l o y i n g t h e poor. T h i s we l e a r n from a r e m a r k a b l e s t a t u t e w h i c h r u n s t h u s : ' T h a t all v a g r a n t s shall be b r a n d e d , e t c . ' " I.e., p . 5 . T h o m a s M o r e says i n his U t o p i a : "Therefore t h a t o n c o v e t o u s a n d u n s a t i a b l e c o r m a r a u n t e a n d very plage o f h i s n a t i v e c o n t r e y m a y e c o m p a s s e a b o u t e a n d i n c l o s e m a n y t h o u s a n d akers o f g r o u n d e t o g e t h e r w i t h i n o n e pale o r h e d g e , t h e h u s b a n d m e n b e t h r u s t owte o f t h e i r o w n e , o r els e i t h e r b y c o n e y n e a n d fraude, o r b y violent o p r e s s i o n t h e y b e p u t b e s y d e s it, o r b y wrongs a n d i n i u r i e s t h e i b e s o weried t h a t t h e y b e c o m p e l l e d t o sell all: b y o n e m e a n e s , t h e r e fore, or by other, either by h o o k e or crooke t h e y m u s t e n e e d e s d e p a r t e awaye, p o o r e , selye, w r e t c h e d s o u l e s , m e n , w o m e n , h u s b a n d s , wiues, fatherlesse c h i l d r e n , widowes, wofull m o t h e r s w i t h their yonge b a b e s , a n d t h e i r whole h o u s e h o l d s m a l i n s u b s t a n c e , a n d m u c h e i n n u m b r e , as h u s b a n d r y e r e q u i r e t h m a n y h a n d e s . A w a y e t h e i t r u d g e , I say, owte of t h e i r k n o w e n a c c u s t o m e d h o u s e s , fyndynge no p l a c e to reste in. All their h o u s h o l d e stuffe, w h i c h is very little w o o r t h e , t h o u g h e i t m i g h t well a b i d e t h e sale: yet b e e y n g e s o d a i n e l y t h r u s t e owte, t h e y b e c o n s t r a y n e d to sell it for a t h i n g of n o u g h t . A n d w h e n t h e y h a u e w a n d e r e d a b r o d e tyll t h a t be spent, w h a t c a n t h e y t h e n els d o e b u t steale, a n d t h e n iustly p a r d y b e h a n g e d , o r els g o a b o u t beggyng. A n d yet t h e n also t h e y b e caste i n p r i s o n a s v a g a b o u n d e s , b e c a u s e t h e y g o a b o u t e a n d worke n o t : w h o m n o m a n wyl set a worke t h o u g h t h e i n e u e r s o willyngly profre t h e m selues t h e r t o . " O f t h e s e p o o r fugitives o f w h o m T h o m a s M o r e says t h a t t h e y were forced t o 36

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Chapter XXVIII • Bloody legislation against the expropriated ... Forcing down of wages ... J a m e s I: A n y o n e wandering about a n d begging is declared a rogue a n d a vagabond. Justices of t h e peace in petty sessions are authorised to have t h e m publicly whipped a n d for the first offence to i m p r i s o n t h e m for 6 m o n t h s , for the second for 2 years. W h i l s t in prison they are to be 5 whipped as m u c h a n d as often as the justices of the peace t h i n k fit ... Incorrigible a n d d a n g e r o u s rogues are to be b r a n d e d with an R on the left shoulder a n d set to h a r d labour, a n d if they are c a u g h t begging again, to be executed without mercy. These statutes, legally b i n d i n g u n t i l the beginning of the 18th century, were only repealed by 12 A n n , c. 2 3 . | 10 |761| Similar laws in F r a n c e , where by t h e m i d d l e of the 17th century a k i n g d o m of vagabonds (truands) was established in Paris. Even at the b e ginning of Louis XVI.'s reign ( O r d i n a n c e of July 13th, 1777) every m a n in good h e a l t h from 16 to 60 years of age, if without m e a n s of subsistence a n d not practising a trade, is to be sent to t h e galleys. Of the s a m e n a t u r e are 15 the statute of Charles V. for the N e t h e r l a n d s (October, 1531), the first edict of the States a n d Towns of H o l l a n d ( M a r c h 19, 1614), the "Plakaat" of t h e U n i t e d Provinces (June 25, 1649), etc. T h u s were the agricultural people, first forcibly expropriated from t h e soil, driven from their h o m e s , t u r n e d into vagabonds, a n d t h e n whipped, 20 b r a n d e d , tortured by laws grotesquely terrible, into the discipline necessary for the wage system. It is n o t e n o u g h t h a t t h e c o n d i t i o n s of labour are c o n c e n t r a t e d in a m a s s , in the shape of capital, at t h e one pole of society, while at the other are grouped masses of m e n , who have n o t h i n g to sell b u t their labour-power. 25 N e i t h e r is it e n o u g h t h a t they are compelled to sell it voluntarily. T h e advance of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n developes a working-class, which by education, tradition, habit, looks u p o n the conditions of that m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n as self-evident laws of n a t u r e . T h e organization of the capitalist process of production, o n c e fully developed, breaks down all resistance. T h e constant 30 generation of a relative surplus-population keeps the law of supply and dem a n d of labour, a n d therefore keeps wages, in a rut that corresponds with the wants of capital. T h e dull c o m p u l s i o n of e c o n o m i c relations completes

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thieve, "72 000 great a n d p e t t y thieves were p u t t o d e a t h , " i n t h e r e i g n o f H e n r y V I I I . ( H o l i n s h e d , d e s c r i p t i o n of E n g l a n d , V o l . 1., p. 186.) In E l i z a b e t h ' s t i m e , "rogues were t r u s s e d up a p a c e , a n d t h a t t h e r e was n o t o n e y e a r c o m m o n l y w h e r e i n t h e r e o r four h u n d r e d were n o t d e v o u r e d a n d e a t e n u p b y t h e gallowes." (Strype's A n n a l s o f t h e R e f o r m a t i o n a n d E s t a b l i s h m e n t o f Religion, a n d o t h e r V a r i o u s O c c u r r e n c e s i n t h e C h u r c h o f E n g l a n d d u r i n g Q u e e n Elizab e t h ' s H a p p y R e i g n . S e c o n d ed., 1725, Vol. 2.) A c c o r d i n g t o this s a m e Strype, i n S o m e r s e t shire, i n o n e year, 4 0 p e r s o n s were e x e c u t e d , 3 5 r o b b e r s b u r n t i n t h e h a n d , 3 7 w h i p p e d , a n d 183 d i s c h a r g e d a s "incorrigible v a g a b o n d s . " N e v e r t h e l e s s , h e i s o f o p i n i o n t h a t this large n u m b e r of prisoners does n o t c o m p r i s e even a fifth of t h e a c t u a l c r i m i n a l s , t h a n k s to t h e n e g l i g e n c e Of t h e j u s t i c e s a n d t h e foolish c o m p a s s i o n of t h e p e o p l e ; a n d t h e o t h e r c o u n t i e s of E n g l a n d were n o t b e t t e r off i n t h i s respect t h a n S o m e r s e t s h i r e , while s o m e were e v e n worse.

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Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation the subjection of the labourer to the capitalist. Direct force, outside econ o m i c conditions, is of course still used, b u t only exceptionally. In the ordinary r u n of things, the labourer can be left to the " n a t u r a l laws of p r o d u c tion," i.e., to his d e p e n d e n c e on capital, a d e p e n d e n c e springing from, a n d guaranteed in perpetuity by, the conditions of p r o d u c t i o n themselves. It is 5 otherwise during the historic genesis of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n . T h e bourgeoisie, at its rise, wants a n d uses the power of the state to "regulate" wages, i.e., to force t h e m within the limits suitable for surplus-value m a k ing, to l e n g t h e n the working-day a n d to keep the labourer ||762| himself in the n o r m a l degree of d e p e n d e n c e . This is an essential e l e m e n t of t h e so- 10 called primitive a c c u m u l a t i o n . T h e class of wage-labourers, which arose in the latter half of t h e 14th century, formed t h e n a n d in the following century only a very small part of t h e population, well protected in its position by t h e i n d e p e n d e n t p e a s a n t proprietary in the country a n d the guild-organization in the town. In c o u n - 15 try a n d town m a s t e r a n d w o r k m e n stood close together socially. T h e subord i n a t i o n of labour to capital was only formal—i.e., the m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n itself h a d as yet no specific capitalistic character. Variable capital preponderated greatly over constant. T h e d e m a n d for wage-labour grew, therefore, rapidly with every a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital, whilst the supply of wage-la- 20 b o u r followed b u t slowly. A large part of the n a t i o n a l product, c h a n g e d later into a fund of capitalist a c c u m u l a t i o n , t h e n still entered into the cons u m p t i o n fund of the labourer. Legislation on wage-labour, (from t h e first, a i m e d at t h e exploitation of t h e labourer and, as it advanced, always equally hostile to h i m ) , is started 25 in E n g l a n d by t h e Statute of Labourers, of Edward III., 1349. T h e ordin a n c e of 1350 in F r a n c e , issued in the n a m e of King J o h n , corresponds with it. English a n d F r e n c h legislation r u n parallel a n d are identical in purport. So far as t h e labour-statutes a i m at compulsory extension of the working-day, I do n o t return to t h e m , as this p o i n t was treated earlier (Chap.X., 30 Section 5). T h e Statute of Labourers was passed at the u r g e n t instance of the H o u s e of C o m m o n s . A Tory says naively: "Formerly the poor d e m a n d e d s u c h high wages as to t h r e a t e n industry a n d wealth. N e x t , their wages are so low as to t h r e a t e n industry and wealth equally a n d perhaps m o r e , b u t in a n o t h e r 35 w a y . " A tariff of wages was fixed by law for town a n d country, for piece37

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" W h e n e v e r t h e legislature a t t e m p t s t o r e g u l a t e t h e differences b e t w e e n m a s t e r s a n d t h e i r w o r k m e n , its counsellors are always t h e m a s t e r s , " says A . S m i t h . « L ' e s p r i t des lois, c'est la p r o p r i é t é , » says L i n g u e t . " S o p h i s m s o f F r e e T r a d e . " B y a Barrister. L o n d . , 1850, p . 2 0 6 . H e a d d s m a l i c i o u s l y : " W e were r e a d y e n o u g h t o interfere for t h e e m p l o y e r , c a n n o t h i n g n o w b e d o n e for t h e e m ployed?" 38

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work a n d day-work. T h e agricultural labourers were to hire themselves out by the year, the town ones "in open ||763| m a r k e t . " It was forbidden, u n d e r p a i n of i m p r i s o n m e n t , to pay higher wages t h a n those fixed by the statute, b u t the taking of higher wages was m o r e severely p u n i s h e d t h a n t h e giving t h e m . (So also in Sections 18 a n d 19 of the Statute of Apprentices of Elizabeth, ten days' i m p r i s o n m e n t is decreed for h i m t h a t pays t h e higher wages, b u t twenty-one days for h i m that receives them.) A statute of 1360 increased the penalties a n d authorised the m a s t e r s to extort labour at the legal rate of wages by corporal p u n i s h m e n t . All c o m b i n a t i o n s , contracts, oaths, etc., by which m a s o n s a n d carpenters reciprocally b o u n d themselves, were declared n u l l and void. Coalition of t h e labourers is treated as a hein o u s crime from the 14th century to 1825, t h e year of the repeal of the laws against Trades' U n i o n s . T h e spirit of the Statute of Labourers of 1349 a n d of its offshoots, comes o u t clearly in the fact, t h a t i n d e e d a m a x i m u m of wages is dictated by t h e State, b u t on no a c c o u n t a m i n i m u m . In the 16th century, the c o n d i t i o n of the labourers h a d , as we know, bec o m e m u c h worse. T h e m o n e y wage rose, b u t n o t in proportion to the depreciation of m o n e y a n d the corresponding rise in the prices of c o m m o d i ties. Wages, therefore, in reality fell. Nevertheless, t h e laws for keeping t h e m down r e m a i n e d in force, together with the ear-clipping and b r a n d i n g of those " w h o m no o n e was willing to take into service." By the Statute of Apprentices 5 Elizabeth, c. 4, the justices of the peace were empowered to fix certain wages a n d to modify t h e m according to the t i m e of the year a n d t h e price of c o m m o d i t i e s . J a m e s I. e x t e n d e d t h e s e regulations of labour also to weavers, spinners, a n d all possible categories of w o r k e r s . George II. ||764| e x t e n d e d the laws against coalitions of labourers to m a n u factures. In the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period par excellence, the capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n h a d b e c o m e sufficiently strong to r e n d e r legal regulation of 39

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F r o m a c l a u s e o f S t a t u t e 1 J a m e s I., c.6, w e see t h a t c e r t a i n c l o t h - m a k e r s took u p o n t h e m selves to dictate, in t h e i r capacity of j u s t i c e s of t h e p e a c e , t h e official tariff of wages in t h e i r o w n s h o p s . I n G e r m a n y , especially after t h e T h i r t y Y e a r s ' W a r , statutes for k e e p i n g d o w n wages were general. " T h e w a n t o f servants a n d l a b o u r e r s was very t r o u b l e s o m e t o t h e l a n d e d proprietors i n t h e d e p o p u l a t e d districts. All villagers were f o r b i d d e n t o let r o o m s t o single m e n a n d w o m e n ; all t h e latter were t o b e r e p o r t e d t o t h e a u t h o r i t i e s a n d cast i n t o p r i s o n i f t h e y were u n w i l l i n g to b e c o m e servants, e v e n if t h e y were e m p l o y e d at a n y o t h e r work, s u c h as sowing seeds for t h e p e a s a n t s at a daily wage, or e v e n b u y i n g a n d selling corn. ( I m p e r i a l privileges a n d s a n c t i o n s for Silesia, I., 125.) F o r a w h o l e c e n t u r y in t h e decrees of t h e s m a l l G e r m a n p o t e n t a t e s a bitter cry goes u p a g a i n a n d a g a i n a b o u t t h e wicked a n d i m p e r t i n e n t rabble t h a t will n o t reconcile itself to its h a r d lot, will n o t be c o n t e n t with t h e legal wage; t h e i n d i v i d u a l l a n d e d proprietors are f o r b i d d e n to pay m o r e t h a n t h e State h a d fixed by a tariff. A n d yet t h e c o n d i t i o n s of service were at t i m e s b e t t e r after t h e war t h a n 100 years later; t h e f a r m servants of Silesia h a d , in 1652, m e a t twice a week, whilst e v e n in o u r century, districts a r e k n o w n w h e r e t h e y h a v e it only t h r e e t i m e s a year. F u r t h e r , wages after t h e war were h i g h e r t h a n in t h e following c e n t u r y . " (G. Freytag.)

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Part Vili · The so-called primitive accumulation wages as impracticable as it was unnecessary; b u t the ruling classes were unwilling in case of necessity to be without the weapons of the old arsenal. Still, 7 George III. forbade a higher day's wage t h a n 2s. 7/4d. for j o u r n e y m e n tailors in a n d a r o u n d L o n d o n , except in cases of general m o u r n i n g ; still, 13 George III., c. 68, gave the regulation of t h e wages of silk-weavers to the justices of the peace; still, in 1796, it required two j u d g m e n t s of the higher courts to decide, whether the m a n d a t e s of justices of the peace as to wages held good also for non-agricultural labourers; still, in 1799, an act of P a r l i a m e n t ordered that the wages of the Scotch m i n e r s s h o u l d c o n t i n u e to be regulated by a statute of Elizabeth a n d two Scotch acts of 1661 a n d 1617. H o w completely in the m e a n t i m e circumstances h a d changed, is proved by an occurrence u n h e a r d - o f before in the English Lower H o u s e . In t h a t place, where for m o r e t h a n 400 years laws h a d b e e n m a d e for the m a x i m u m , beyond w h i c h wages absolutely m u s t n o t rise, W h i t b r e a d in 1796 proposed a legal m i n i m u m wage for agricultural labourers. Pitt opposed this, b u t confessed that the "condition of the poor was cruel." Finally, in 1813, t h e laws for the regulation of wages were repealed. T h e y were an absurd anomaly, since the capitalist regulated his factory by his private legislation, a n d could by the poor-rates m a k e up the wage of the agricultural labourer to the indispensable m i n i m u m . T h e provisions of t h e labour statutes as to contracts between m a s t e r a n d w o r k m a n , as to giving notice a n d t h e like, which only allow of a civil action against the contract-breaking master, b u t on the contrary permit a criminal action against t h e contract-breaking workman, are to this h o u r (1873) in full force. T h e b a r b a r o u s laws against Trades' U n i o n s fell in ||765f 1825 before the t h r e a t e n i n g bearing of the proletariat. Despite this, they fell only in part. Certain beautiful fragments of the old statute vanished only in 1859. Finally, t h e act of Parliam e n t of J u n e 29, 1871, m a d e a pretence of removing t h e last traces of this class of legislation by legal recognition of Trades U n i o n s . But an act of Parl i a m e n t of the s a m e date (an act to a m e n d the criminal law relating to violence, threats, a n d molestation), re-established, in point of fact, the former state of things in a new shape. By this Parliamentary escamotage the m e a n s which the labourers could use in a strike or lock-out were withdrawn from the laws c o m m o n to all citizens, a n d placed u n d e r exceptional p e n a l legislation, the interpretation of which fell to the masters themselves in their capacity as justices of the peace. Two years earlier, the s a m e H o u s e of C o m m o n s a n d the s a m e Mr. G l a d s t o n e in the well-known straightforward fashion brought in a bill for the abolition of all exceptional p e n a l legislat i o n against the working-class. But this was never allowed to go beyond the second reading, a n d the m a t t e r was t h u s protracted u n t i l at last the "great Liberal party," by an alliance with the Tories, found courage to t u r n against

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the very proletariat that h a d carried it into power. N o t content with this treachery, the "great Liberal party" allowed the English judges, ever complaisant in the service of the ruling classes, to dig up again the earlier laws against "conspiracy," a n d to apply t h e m to coalitions of labourers. We see that only against its will a n d u n d e r the pressure of the masses did the English P a r l i a m e n t give up the laws against Strikes a n d Trades' U n i o n s , after it h a d itself, for 500 years, held, with shameless egoism, t h e position of a p e r m a n e n t Trades' U n i o n of the capitalists against the labourers. During the very first storms of t h e revolution, the F r e n c h bourgeoisie dared to take away from the workers the right of association b u t just acquired. By a decree of J u n e 14, 1791, they declared all coalition of the workers as "an a t t e m p t against liberty a n d the declaration of the rights of m a n , " p u n i s h a b l e by a fine of 500 livres, together with deprivation of t h e rights of an active citizen for o n e y e a r . This law which, by m e a n s of State | |766| compulsion, confined the struggle between capital a n d l a b o u r within limits comfortable for capital, has outlived revolutions and changes of dynasties. Even the R e i g n of Terror left it u n t o u c h e d . It was b u t quite recently struck out of the Penal Code. N o t h i n g is m o r e characteristic t h a n the pretext for this bourgeois coup d'état. " G r a n t i n g , " says Chapelier, the reporter of the Select C o m m i t t e e on this law, "that wages o u g h t to be a little higher t h a n they are, ... that they o u g h t to be h i g h e n o u g h for h i m that receives t h e m , to be free from that state of absolute d e p e n d e n c e d u e to t h e want of the necessaries of life, a n d which is almost that of slavery," yet the workers m u s t n o t be allowed to c o m e to any u n d e r s t a n d i n g a b o u t their own interests, n o r to act in c o m m o n a n d thereby lessen their "absolute dependence, which is almost that of slavery;" because, forsooth, in doing this they injure "the freedom of their cidevant masters, the present entrepreneurs," a n d because a coalition against the despotism of the q u o n d a m m a s ters of the corporations is—guess what!—is a restoration of the corporations abolished by the F r e n c h c o n s t i t u t i o n . 40

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Article I . o f this law r u n s : « L ' a n é a n t i s s e m e n t d e t o u t e e s p è c e d e c o r p o r a t i o n s d u m ê m e état et profession é t a n t l ' u n e des b a s e s f o n d a m e n t a l e s de la c o n s t i t u t i o n française, il est d é fendu de les rétablir de fait s o u s q u e l q u e p r é t e x t e et sous q u e l q u e forme q u e ce soit.» A r t i cle IV. declares, t h a t if "des citoyens a t t a c h é s a u x m ê m e s professions, arts et m é t i e r s p r e n a i e n t d e s d é l i b é r a t i o n s , faisaient entre e u x des c o n v e n t i o n s t e n d a n t e s à refuser de c o n c e r t ou à n ' a c c o r d e r q u ' à u n prix d é t e r m i n é l e secours d e leur i n d u s t r i e o u d e leurs t r a v a u x , les dites d é l i b é r a t i o n s et c o n v e n t i o n s ... seront d é c l a r é e s i n c o n s t i t u t i o n n e l l e s , a t t e n t a t o i r e s à la liberté et à la d e c l a r a t i o n des droits de l ' h o m m e , etc.": felony, therefore, as in t h e old l a b o u r - s t a t u t e s . ("Révolutions de P a r i s . " Paris, 1 7 9 1 , t. III., p. 523.) 41

B û c h e z e t R o u x : " H i s t o i r e P a r l e m e n t a i r e , " t . X., p . 195.

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CHAPTER XXIX.

Genesis of the Capitalist Farmer. N o w that we have considered the forcible creation of a class of outlawed proletarians, the bloody discipline t h a t t u r n e d t h e m into wage-labourers, the disgraceful action of the state which employed the police to accelerate the a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital ||767| by increasing the degree of exploitation of labour, t h e question r e m a i n s : whence c a m e the capitalists originally? F o r the expropriation of t h e agricultural population creates, directly, n o n e b u t great l a n d e d proprietors. As far, however, as concerns the genesis of the farmer, we can, so to say, put our h a n d on it, because it is a slow process evolving t h r o u g h m a n y centuries. T h e serfs, as well as the free small proprietors, held land u n d e r very different tenures, a n d were therefore e m a n c i pated u n d e r very different e c o n o m i c conditions. In E n g l a n d t h e first form of the farmer is the bailiff, himself a serf. His position is similar to t h a t of the old R o m a n villicus, only in a m o r e limited sphere of action. D u r i n g the second half of the 14th century he is replaced by a farmer, w h o m t h e landlord provides with seed, cattle and i m p l e m e n t s . His c o n d i t i o n is n o t very different from that of the peasant. Only he exploits m o r e wage-labour. Soon he becomes a métayer, a half-farmer. He advances o n e part of the agricultural stock, t h e landlord t h e other. T h e two divide the total p r o d u c t in proportions d e t e r m i n e d by contract. This form quickly disappears in England, to give place to the farmer proper, who m a k e s his own capital breed by e m ploying wage-labourers, a n d pays a part of the surplus product, in m o n e y or in kind, to the landlord as rent. So long, during the 15th century, as the ind e p e n d e n t peasant a n d the farm-labourer working for himself as well as for wages, enriched themselves by their own labour, the c i r c u m s t a n c e s of t h e farmer, a n d his field of production, were equally m e d i o c r e . T h e agricultural revolution which c o m m e n c e d in the last third of t h e 15th century, a n d c o n t i n u e d during almost the whole of t h e 16th (excepting, however, its last decade), enriched h i m j u s t as speedily as it impoverished the m a s s of the agricultural p e o p l e .

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T h e u s u r p a t i o n of the c o m m o n lands allowed h i m to a u g m e n t greatly his stock of cattle, almost without cost, whilst they yielded h i m a richer supply of m a n u r e for the tillage of the soil. To this, was a d d e d in the 16th century,

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H a r r i s o n i n h i s " D e s c r i p t i o n o f E n g l a n d , " says " a l t h o u g h p e r a d v e n t u r e foure p o u n d s o f old r e n t be i m p r o v e d to fortie, toward t h e end of his t e r m , if he h a v e n o t six or seven yeares r e n t lieng by h i m , fiftie or a h u n d r e d p o u n d s , yet will t h e farmer t h i n k e h i s gaines verie s m a l l . "

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Chapter XXIX · Genesis of the capitalist farmer a very im||768|portant element. At that t i m e the contracts for farms ran for a long time, often for 99 years. T h e progressive fall in the value of the precious metals, a n d therefore of money, brought the farmers golden fruit. Apart from all t h e other circumstances discussed above, it lowered wages. 5 A portion of the latter was now a d d e d to the profits of t h e farm. T h e continu o u s rise in the price of corn, wool, meat, in a word of all agricultural prod u c e , swelled the m o n e y capital of the farmer without any action on his part, whilst the r e n t he paid, (being calculated on the old value of m o n e y ) d i m i n i s h e d in reality. T h u s they grew rich at the expense b o t h of their 10 labourers a n d their landlords. No w o n d e r therefore, that England, at t h e e n d of the 16th century, h a d a class of capitalist farmers, rich, considering the cirumstances of the t i m e . 1 43

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O n t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e d e p r e c i a t i o n o f m o n e y i n t h e 16th c e n t u r y , o n t h e different classes of society, see "A C o m p e n d i o u s or Briefe E x a m i n a t i o n of C e r t a y n e O r d i n a r y c o m p l a i n t s of Diverse of o u r C o u n t r y m e n in t h e s e o u r d a y s . " By W. S., G e n t l e m a n . ( L o n d o n 1581). T h e d i a l o g u e form of this work led p e o p l e for a long t i m e to a s c r i b e it to S h a k e s p e a r e , a n d e v e n in 1 7 5 1 , i t was p u b l i s h e d u n d e r h i s n a m e . Its a u t h o r i s W i l l i a m Stafford. I n o n e place t h e k n i g h t r e a s o n s as follows: Knight: "You, my neighbour, the h u s b a n d m a n , you Maister Mercer, and you G o o d m a n Capper, with o t h e r artificers, m a y save yourselves m e t e l y well. F o r as m u c h as all t h i n g s are d e e r e r t h a n t h e y were, s o m u c h d o y o u arise i n t h e pryce o f y o u r wares a n d o c c u p a t i o n s t h a t ye sell agayne. But we have n o t h i n g to sell w h e r e b y we m i g h t a d v a n c e ye price t h e r e of, to countervaile t h o s e t h i n g s t h a t w e m u s t b u y a g a y n e . " I n a n o t h e r place t h e k n i g h t asks t h e d o c tor: "I pray y o u , what be t h o s e sorts t h a t ye m e a n e . A n d first, of t h o s e t h a t ye t h i n k e s h o u l d have no losse t h e r e b y ? — D o c t o r : I m e a n all t h o s e t h a t live by b u y i n g a n d selling, for as they b u y deare, t h e y sell thereafter. K n i g h t : W h a t is t h e n e x t sort t h a t ye say w o u l d win by it? D o c tor: Marry, all s u c h as h a v e takings or f e a r m e s in t h e i r owne m a n u r a n c e (cultivation) at t h e old rent, for where they pay after t h e o l d e r a t e t h e y sell after t h e n e w e — t h a t is, t h e y paye for theire l a n d e good c h e a p e , a n d sell all t h i n g s growing t h e r e o f d e a r e . K n i g h t : W h a t sorte i s t h a t which, y e sayde s h o u l d have greater losse h e r e b y , t h a n t h e s e m e n h a d profit? D o c t o r : I t i s all n o b l e m e n , g e n t l e m e n , a n d all o t h e r t h a t live either by a s t i n t e d r e n t or stypend, or do n o t m a n u r e (cultivation) t h e g r o u n d , o r doe o c c u p y n o b u y i n g a n d selling." 44

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I n F r a n c e , t h e régisseur, steward, collector o f d u e s for t h e f e u d a l lords d u r i n g t h e earlier part o f t h e m i d d l e ages, s o o n b e c a m e a n h o m m e d'affaires, w h o b y extortion, c h e a t i n g , etc., swindled h i m s e l f i n t o a capitalist. T h e s e régisseurs t h e m s e l v e s were s o m e t i m e s n o b l e m e n . E.g. « C ' e s t li c o m p t e q u e m e s s i r e J a c q u e s de T h o r a i s s e chevalier c h a s t e l a i n sor B e s a n ç o n r e n t ès-seigneur t e n a n t les c o m p t e s à D i j o n p o u r m o n s e i g n e u r le d u c et c o m t e de B o u r g o i g n e rentes a p p a r t e n a n t à l a d i t e c h a s t e l l e n i e , d e p u i s X X V j o u r d e d é c e m b r e M C C C L I X j u s q u ' a u X X V I I I j o u r d e d é c e m b r e M C C C L X . » (Alexis M o n t e i l : H i s t o i r e des M a t é r i a u x m a n u s c r i t s etc., p p . 234, 235.) A l r e a d y it is e v i d e n t h e r e h o w in all s p h e r e s of social life t h e l i o n ' s s h a r e falls to t h e m i d d l e m a n . In t h e e c o n o m i c d o m a i n , e.g., financiers, s t o c k - e x c h a n g e speculators, m e r c h a n t s , s h o p k e e p e r s s k i m t h e c r e a m ; i n civil m a t t e r s , t h e lawyer fleeces h i s clients; i n p o l i tics t h e representative i s o f m o r e i m p o r t a n c e t h a n t h e voters, t h e m i n i s t e r t h a n t h e sovereign; i n religion G o d i s p u s h e d i n t o t h e b a c k g r o u n d b y t h e " M e d i a t o r , " a n d t h e latter a g a i n i s e

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shoved back b y t h e priests, t h e inevitable m i d d l e m e n b e t w e e n t h e good s h e p h e r d a n d h i s s h e e p . I n F r a n c e , a s i n E n g l a n d , t h e great f e u d a l territories were divided i n t o i n n u m e r a b l e small h o m e s t e a d s , b u t u n d e r c o n d i t i o n s i n c o m p a r a b l y m o r e u n f a v o u r a b l e for t h e p e o p l e . D u r ing t h e 14th c e n t u r y arose t h e farms or terriers. T h e i r n u m b e r grew c o n s t a n t l y , far b e y o n d 100,000. T h e y p a i d r e n t s varying from / t o % o f t h e p r o d u c t i n m o n e y o r i n k i n d . T h e s e farms were fiefs, sub-fiefs, etc., a c c o r d i n g to t h e v a l u e a n d e x t e n t of t h e d o m a i n s , m a n y of 1 2

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|769| C H A P T E R X X X .

Reaction of the Agricultural Revolution on Industry. Creation of the Home Market for Industrial Capital. T h e expropriation and expulsion of the agricultural population, intermitt e n t b u t renewed again a n d again, supplied, as we saw, the town industries with a m a s s of proletarians entirely u n c o n n e c t e d with t h e corporate guilds a n d unfettered by t h e m ; a fortunate circumstance t h a t m a k e s old A . A n d e r son (not to be c o n f o u n d e d with J a m e s A n d e r s o n ) in his "History of C o m m e r c e , " believe in the direct intervention of Providence. We m u s t still pause a m o m e n t on this e l e m e n t of primitive a c c u m u l a t i o n . T h e t h i n n i n g o u t of the i n d e p e n d e n t , self-supporting peasants n o t only b r o u g h t a b o u t the crowding together of t h e industrial proletariat, in the way that Geoffroy Saint Hilaire explained the c o n d e n s a t i o n of cosmical m a t t e r at o n e place, by its rarefaction at a n o t h e r . In spite of the smaller n u m b e r of its cultivators, the soil brought forth as m u c h or m o r e produce, after as before, b e cause the revolution in the conditions of l a n d e d property was a c c o m p a n i e d by improved m e t h o d s of culture, greater co-operation, c o n c e n t r a t i o n of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , etc., a n d because not only were t h e agri||770|cultural wage-labourers p u t on t h e strain more i n t e n s e l y , b u t t h e field of p r o d u c t i o n on w h i c h they worked for themselves, b e c a m e m o r e a n d m o r e contracted. W i t h the setting free of a part of the agricultural population, therefore, their former m e a n s of n o u r i s h m e n t were also set free. They were now transformed into m a t e r i a l elements of variable capital. T h e peasant, expropriated a n d cast adrift, m u s t buy their value in the form of wages, from his new master, the industrial capitalist. T h a t which holds good of the m e a n s of subsistence holds with the raw materials of industry d e p e n d e n t u p o n h o m e agriculture. T h e y were transformed into an e l e m e n t of constant capital. Suppose, e.g., a part of the W e s t p h a l i a n p e a s a n t s , who, at the t i m e of Frederic II., all span flax, forcibly expropriated a n d h u n t e d from the soil; a n d the other part that r e m a i n e d , t u r n e d into day-labourers of large farmers. At the s a m e t i m e arise large establishments for flax-spinning a n d weaving, in which the m e n "set free" now work for wages. T h e flax looks exactly as before. N o t a fibre of it is changed, b u t a n e w social soul has

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t h e m only c o n t a i n i n g a few acres. B u t t h e s e farmers h a d rights of j u r i s d i c t i o n in s o m e degree over t h e dwellers o n t h e soil; t h e r e were four grades. T h e o p p r e s s i o n o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n u n d e r all t h e s e petty tyrants will be u n d e r s t o o d . M o n t e i l says t h a t t h e r e were o n c e in F r a n c e 160,000 j u d g e s , w h e r e t o d a y 4000 t r i b u n a l s , i n c l u d i n g j u s t i c e s o f t h e p e a c e , suffice. I n h i s N o t i o n s d e P h i l o s o p h i e N a t u r e l l e . Paris, 1838. A p o i n t t h a t Sir J a m e s S t e u a r t e m p h a s i s e s . 45

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popped into its body. It forms now a part of the c o n s t a n t capital of the m a s ter manufacturer. Formerly divided a m o n g a n u m b e r of small producers, who cultivated it themselves a n d with their families s p u n it in retail fashion, it is now concentrated in the h a n d of o n e capitalist, who sets others to spin a n d weave it for h i m . T h e extra labour e x p e n d e d in flax-spinning realised itself formerly in extra i n c o m e to n u m e r o u s p e a s a n t families, or m a y b e , in Frederic II.'s t i m e , in taxes p o u r le roi de Prusse. It realises itself now in profit for a few capitalists. T h e spindles a n d looms, formerly scattered over the face of t h e country, are now crowded together in a few great labour-barracks, together with the labourers a n d the raw material. A n d spindles, looms, raw material, are now transformed, from m e a n s of i n d e p e n d e n t existence for the spinners a n d weavers, into m e a n s for c o m m a n d ing t h e m a n d sucking out of t h e m u n p a i d l a b o u r . O n e does not perceive, w h e n looking at the large manufactories a n d t h e large farms, t h a t they have ||771| originated from t h e throwing into o n e of m a n y small centres of production, a n d have b e e n built up by the expropriation of m a n y small ind e p e n d e n t producers. Nevertheless, the p o p u l a r i n t u i t i o n was n o t at fault. In t h e t i m e of M i r a b e a u , the lion of the Revolution, the great m a n u f a c t o ries were still called m a n u f a c t u r e s réunies, workshops thrown into one, as we speak of fields thrown into o n e . Says M i r a b e a u : "We are only paying att e n t i o n to the grand manufactories, in which h u n d r e d s of m e n work u n d e r a director a n d which are c o m m o n l y called manufactures réunies. Those where a very large n u m b e r of labourers work, each separately a n d on his own account, are hardly considered; they are placed at an infinite distance from t h e others. This is a great error, as the latter alone m a k e a really important o b ject of n a t i o n a l prosperity ... T h e large workshop (manufacture réunie) will e n r i c h prodigiously o n e or two entrepreneurs, b u t the labourers will only be j o u r n e y m e n , paid m o r e or less, a n d will n o t have any share in the success of t h e u n d e r t a k i n g . In the discrete workshop (manufacture séparée,) on t h e contrary, no one will b e c o m e rich, b u t m a n y labourers will be comfortable; the saving a n d the industrious will be able to a m a s s a little capital, to p u t by a little for a birth of a child, for an illness, for themselves or their belongings. T h e n u m b e r of saving a n d industrious labourers will increase, b e cause they will see in good conduct, in activity, a m e a n s of essentially bettering their condition, a n d n o t of obtaining a small rise of wages t h a t c a n never be of any i m p o r t a n c e for the future, and whose sole result is to place m e n in the position to live a little better, b u t only from day to day ... T h e large workshops, u n d e r t a k i n g s of certain private persons who pay labourers 47

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« J e p e r m e t t r a i , » says t h e capitalist, « q u e v o u s a y e z l ' h o n n e u r d e m e servir, à c o n d i t i o n q u e vous me donnez le peu qui vous reste pour la peine que je prends de vous c o m m a n d e r . » (J. J. R o u s s e a u : D i s c o u r s s u r l ' É c o n o m i e Politique.)

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Part Vili · The so-called primitive accumulation from day to day to work for their gain, m a y be able to p u t these private individuals at their ease, b u t they will never be an object worth the attention of governments. Discrete workshops, for the m o s t part c o m b i n e d with cultivation of small holdings, are the only free o n e s . " T h e expropriation a n d eviction of a part of the agricultural population n o t ||772| only set free for industrial capital, t h e labourers, their m e a n s of subsistence, a n d m a t e r i a l for labour; it also created the h o m e market. In fact, the events t h a t transformed the small peasants into wage-labourers, a n d their m e a n s of subsistence a n d of labour into m a t e r i a l e l e m e n t s of capital, created, at the s a m e t i m e , a h o m e - m a r k e t for the latter. Formerly, the peasant family produced the m e a n s of subsistence a n d the raw m a t e r i als, which they themselves, for the most part, c o n s u m e d . T h e s e raw m a t e r i als a n d m e a n s of subsistence have now b e c o m e c o m m o d i t i e s ; the large farmer sells t h e m , he finds his m a r k e t in m a n u f a c t u r e s . Yarn, linen, coarse woollen stuffs—things whose raw materials h a d b e e n within the r e a c h of every p e a s a n t family, h a d b e e n spun a n d woven by it for its own u s e — w e r e now transformed into articles of m a n u f a c t u r e , to which t h e country districts at o n c e served for markets. T h e m a n y scattered customers, w h o m stray artizans u n t i l now h a d found in the n u m e r o u s small producers working on their own account, concentrate themselves now into o n e great m a r ket provided for by industrial c a p i t a l . T h u s , h a n d in h a n d with the expropriation of the self-supporting peasants, with their separation from their m e a n s of production, goes the destruction of rural d o m e s t i c industry, the process of separation between m a n u f a c t u r e a n d agriculture. A n d only t h e destruction of rural domestic industry can give the internal m a r k e t of a country t h a t extension a n d consistence which t h e capitalist m o d e of prod u c t i o n requires. Still the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period, properly so-called, does n o t succeed in carrying out this transformation radically a n d completely. It will be r e m e m b e r e d that m a n u f a c t u r e , properly so-called, c o n q u e r s b u t partially t h e d o m a i n of n a t i o n a l production, a n d always rests on the h a n d i crafts of the town a n d t h e domestic industry of the rural ||773| districts as its u l t i m a t e basis. If it destroys these in one form, in particular branches, at 48

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M i r a b e a u , I.e. t . I l l , p p . 2 0 - 1 0 9 p a s s i m . T h a t M i r a b e a u c o n s i d e r s t h e s e p a r a t e w o r k s h o p s m o r e e c o n o m i c a n d p r o d u c t i v e t h a n t h e " c o m b i n e d , " a n d sees i n t h e l a t t e r m e r e l y artificial exotics u n d e r g o v e r n m e n t cultivation, is e x p l a i n e d by t h e p o s i t i o n at t h a t t i m e of a great p a r t of the continental manufactures. "Twenty p o u n d s o f wool c o n v e r t e d u n o b t r u s i v e l y i n t o t h e yearly c l o t h i n g o f a l a b o u r e r ' s family b y its o w n i n d u s t r y i n t h e intervals o f o t h e r w o r k — t h i s m a k e s n o show; b u t b r i n g i t t o m a r k e t , s e n d i t t o t h e factory, t h e n c e t o t h e broker, t h e n c e t o t h e dealer, a n d y o u will h a v e great c o m m e r c i a l o p e r a t i o n s , a n d n o m i n a l c a p i t a l e n g a g e d t o t h e a m o u n t o f twenty t i m e s its v a l u e . ... T h e working class is t h u s e m e r c e d to support a w r e t c h e d factory p o p u l a t i o n , a p a r a sitical s h o p - k e e p i n g class, a n d a fictitious c o m m e r c i a l , m o n e t a r y , a n d financial s y s t e m . " ( D a v i d U r q u h a r t , I.e., p. 120.)

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certain points, it calls t h e m up again elsewhere, because it n e e d s t h e m for the preparation of raw m a t e r i a l up to a certain point, it produces, therefore, a new class of small villagers who, while following the cultivation of the soil as an accessary calling, find their chief o c c u p a t i o n in industrial labour, the products of which they sell to the m a n u f a c t u r e r s directly, or t h r o u g h the m e d i u m of m e r c h a n t s . This is one, t h o u g h not t h e chief, cause of a p h e n o m enon which, at first, puzzles the s t u d e n t of English history. F r o m the last third of the 15th century he finds continually complaints, only interrupted at certain intervals, a b o u t the e n c r o a c h m e n t of capitalist farming in the

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country districts, and the progressive destruction of the peasantry. On the other hand, he always finds this peasantry turning up again, although in dim i n i s h e d n u m b e r , and always u n d e r worse c o n d i t i o n s . T h e chief reason is: England is at one t i m e chiefly a cultivator of corn, at a n o t h e r chiefly a breeder of cattle, in alternate periods, a n d with these the extent of peasant 15 cultivation fluctuates. M o d e r n Industry alone, a n d finally, supplies, in m a chinery, the lasting basis of capitalistic agriculture, expropriates radically t h e e n o r m o u s majority of t h e agricultural population, and completes t h e separation between agriculture a n d rural d o m e s t i c industry, whose roots— spinning u n d weaving—it tears u p . 1 20 |774| It therefore also, for the first t i m e , conquers for industrial capital the entire h o m e m a r k e t . 50

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C r o m w e l l ' s t i m e forms a n e x c e p t i o n . S o long a s t h e R e p u b l i c lasted, t h e m a s s o f t h e E n g lish p e o p l e o f all grades rose from t h e d e g r a d a t i o n i n t o w h i c h t h e y h a d s u n k u n d e r t h e T u dors. T u c k e t t i s aware t h a t t h e m o d e r n woollen i n d u s t r y h a s s p r u n g , w i t h t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f m a chinery, from m a n u f a c t u r e p r o p e r a n d from t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f rural a n d d o m e s t i c i n d u s t r i e s . " T h e plough, t h e yoke, were ' t h e i n v e n t i o n o f gods, a n d t h e o c c u p a t i o n o f h e r o e s ; ' are t h e l o o m , t h e s p i n d l e , t h e distaff, of less n o b l e p a r e n t a g e . Y o u sever t h e distaff a n d t h e p l o u g h , t h e spindle a n d t h e yoke, a n d y o u get factories a n d p o o r h o u s e s , credit and p a n i c s , two h o s t i l e n a t i o n s , agricultural a n d c o m m e r c i a l . " (David U r q u h a r t , I.e., p. 122.) But n o w c o m e s Carey, a n d cries o u t u p o n E n g l a n d , surely n o t with u n r e a s o n , t h a t it is trying to t u r n every o t h e r c o u n t r y into a m e r e a g r i c u l t u r a l n a t i o n , w h o s e m a n u f a c t u r e r is to be E n g l a n d . He p r e t e n d s t h a t i n this way T u r k e y h a s b e e n r u i n e d , b e c a u s e " t h e o w n e r s a n d o c c u p a n t s o f l a n d h a v e n e v e r b e e n p e r m i t t e d (by E n g l a n d ) t o s t r e n g t h e n t h e m s e l v e s b y t h e f o r m a t i o n o f t h a t n a t u r a l alliance b e t w e e n t h e p l o u g h a n d t h e l o o m , t h e h a m m e r a n d t h e h a r r o w . " (The Slave T r a d e , p. 125.) A c c o r d i n g to h i m , U r q u h a r t h i m s e l f is o n e of t h e chief agents in t h e r u i n of T u r k e y , where he h a d m a d e free t r a d e p r o p a g a n d a in t h e E n g l i s h interest. T h e best of it is t h a t Carey, a great R u s s o p h i l e by t h e way, w a n t s to p r e v e n t t h e process of s e p a r a t i o n by t h a t very s y s t e m of p r o t e c t i o n w h i c h accelerates it. P h i l a n t h r o p i c English e c o n o m i s t s , like Mill, R o g e r s , G o l d w i n S m i t h , Fawcett, etc., a n d liberal m a n u f a c t u r e r s like J o h n Bright & Co., ask t h e E n g l i s h l a n d e d proprietors, as G o d a s k e d C a i n after A b e l , W h e r e are o u r t h o u s a n d s of freeholders g o n e ? But where do you c o m e from, t h e n ? F r o m t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h o s e freeholders. W h y d o n ' t y o u ask further, w h e r e are t h e ind e p e n d e n t weavers, s p i n n e r s , a n d a r t i z a n s gone? 51

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CHAPTER XXXI.

Genesis of the Industrial Capitalist. 53

T h e genesis of the i n d u s t r i a l capitalist did n o t proceed in s u c h a gradual way as t h a t of the farmer. Doubtless m a n y small guild-masters, a n d yet m o r e i n d e p e n d e n t small artisans, or even wage-labourers, transformed 5 themselves into small capitalists, a n d (by gradually extending exploitation of wage-labour a n d corresponding accumulation) into full-blown capitalists. In t h e infancy of capitalist production, things often h a p p e n e d as in the infancy of mediaeval towns, where the question, which of t h e escaped serfs should be m a s t e r a n d which servant, was in great part d e c i d e d by the ear- 10 lier or later date of their flight. T h e snail's-pace of this m e t h o d corres p o n d e d in no wise with the c o m m e r c i a l r e q u i r e m e n t s of t h e new worldm a r k e t t h a t the great discoveries of the e n d of the 15th century created. B u t the m i d d l e ages h a d h a n d e d down two distinct forms of capital, w h i c h m a t u r e in t h e m o s t different e c o n o m i c social formations, a n d which, be- 15 fore the era of the capitalist m o d e of production, are considered as capital q u a n d m ê m e — usurer's capital a n d m e r c h a n t ' s capital. "At present, all the wealth of society goes first into the possession of the capitalist . . . . he pays t h e landowner his rent, the labourer his wages, the tax a n d tithe gatherer their claims, a n d keeps a large, i n d e e d the largest, 20 a n d a continually aug||775|menting share, of the a n n u a l p r o d u c e of l a b o u r for himself. T h e capitalist m a y now be said to be the first owner of all t h e wealth of the c o m m u n i t y , t h o u g h no law has conferred on h i m the right to this property . . . . this c h a n g e has b e e n effected by the taking of interest on capital . . . . a n d it is n o t a little curious t h a t all the lawgivers of E u r o p e en- 25 deavoured to prevent this by statutes, viz., statutes against usury The power of the capitalist over all the wealth of the country is a c o m p l e t e c h a n g e in t h e right of property, a n d by what law, or series of laws, was it eff e c t e d ? " T h e a u t h o r should have r e m e m b e r e d t h a t revolutions are n o t m a d e by laws. 30 T h e m o n e y capital formed by m e a n s of usury and c o m m e r c e was prevented from turning into industrial capital, in the country by the feudal constitution, in the towns by the guild o r g a n i s a t i o n . T h e s e fetters van54

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I n d u s t r i a l h e r e i n c o n t r a d i s t i n c t i o n t o agricultural. I n t h e " c a t e g o r i c " sense t h e f a r m e r i s a n i n d u s t r i a l capitalist a s m u c h a s t h e m a n u f a c t u r e r . " T h e N a t u r a l a n d Artificial R i g h t s o f Property C o n t r a s t e d . " L o n d . , 1832, p p . 9 8 - 9 9 . A u t h o r o f t h e a n o n y m o u s work: " T h . H o d g s k i n . " E v e n as late as 1794, t h e s m a l l c l o t h - m a k e r s of L e e d s s e n t a d e p u t a t i o n to P a r l i a m e n t , with a p e t i t i o n for a law to forbid a n y m e r c h a n t from b e c o m i n g a m a n u f a c t u r e r . (Dr. A i k i n , I.e.) 54

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Chapter XXXI • Genesis of the industrial capitalist

5

ished with the dissolution of feudal society, with t h e expropriation a n d partial eviction of the country population. T h e new m a n u f a c t u r e s were established at sea-ports, or at inland points beyond the control of the old municipalities a n d their guilds. H e n c e in E n g l a n d an embittered struggle of the corporate towns against these new industrial nurseries.

T h e discovery of gold a n d silver in A m e r i c a , the extirpation, enslavem e n t and e n t o m b m e n t in m i n e s of the aboriginal population, the beginning of the conquest a n d looting of the East Indies, the t u r n i n g of Africa into a warren for the c o m m e r c i a l h u n t i n g of black-skins, signalised the rosy 10 dawn of the era of capitalist production. T h e s e idyllic proceedings are t h e chief m o m e n t a of primitive a c c u m u l a t i o n . On their heels treads t h e c o m mercial war of the E u r o p e a n n a t i o n s , with the globe for a theatre. It begins with the revolt of the N e t h e r l a n d s from Spain, assumes giant d i m e n s i o n s in England's anti-jacobin war, a n d is still going on in the o p i u m wars against 15 China, etc. T h e different m o m e n t a of primitive a c c u m u l a t i o n distribute ||776| t h e m selves now, m o r e or less in chronological order, particulary over Spain, Portugal, Holland, F r a n c e , a n d England. In E n g l a n d at t h e end of t h e 17th century, they arrive at a systematical c o m b i n a t i o n , e m b r a c i n g the colonies, 20 the n a t i o n a l debt, the m o d e r n m o d e of taxation, a n d t h e protectionist syst e m . These m e t h o d s d e p e n d in part on b r u t e force, e.g., the colonial sytem. B u t they all employ the power of the State, the concentrated and organised force of society, to hasten, h o t h o u s e fashion, the process of transformation of the feudal m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n into the capitalist m o d e , a n d to s h o r t e n 25 the transition. Force is the midwife of every old society p r e g n a n t with a new one. It is itself an e c o n o m i c power. Of the Christian colonial system, W . H o w i t t , a m a n who m a k e s a speciality of Christianity, says: "The barbarities a n d desperate outrages of the socalled Christian race, t h r o u g h o u t every region of the world, a n d u p o n every 30 people they have b e e n able to s u b d u e , are n o t to be paralleled by those of any other race, however fierce, however u n t a u g h t , a n d however reckless of mercy and of s h a m e , in any age of the e a r t h . " T h e history of the colonial a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of H o l l a n d — a n d H o l l a n d was t h e h e a d capitalistic n a t i o n of the 17th century— "is o n e of the m o s t extraordinary relations of treach56

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W i l l i a m H o w i t t : " C o l o n i s a t i o n a n d Christianity: A P o p u l a r History o f t h e T r e a t m e n t o f t h e N a t i v e s b y t h e E u r o p e a n s i n all t h e i r C o l o n i e s . " L o n d o n , 1838, p . 9 . O n t h e t r e a t m e n t o f t h e slaves t h e r e is a g o o d c o m p i l a t i o n in C h a r l e s C o m t e , T r a i t é de la Législation. 3 m e éd. B r u xelles, 1837. T h i s subject o n e m u s t s t u d y i n detail, t o see w h a t t h e b o u r g e o i s i e m a k e s o f itself and of t h e labourer, wherever it c a n , w i t h o u t restraint, m o d e l t h e world after its o w n image.

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ery, bribery, massacre, a n d m e a n n e s s . " N o t h i n g is m o r e characteristic t h a n their system of stealing m e n , to get slaves for Java. T h e m e n stealers were trained for this purpose. T h e thief, the interpreter, a n d the seller, were t h e chief agents in this trade, native princes the chief sellers. T h e y o u n g people stolen, were thrown into the secret d u n g e o n s of Celebes, u n t i l they 5 were ready for sending to the slave-ships. An official report says: "This one town of Macassar, e.g., is full of secret prisons, o n e m o r e horrible t h a n the other, c r a m m e d with unfortunates, victims of greed a n d tyranny fettered in chains, forcibly torn ||777| frorh their families." To secure M a l a c c a , the D u t c h corrupted the Portuguese governor. He let t h e m into the town in 10 1641. T h e y h u r r i e d at o n c e to his h o u s e a n d assassinated h i m , to "abstain" from the p a y m e n t of £21,875, the price of his treason. W h e r e v e r they set foot, devastation a n d depopulation followed. Banjuwangi, a province of Java, in 1750 n u m b e r e d over 80,000 i n h a b i t a n t s , in 1811 only 8,000. Sweet commerce! 15 T h e English East I n d i a Company, as is well known, o b t a i n e d , besides the political rule in India, the exclusive m o n o p o l y of the tea-trade, as well as of t h e Chinese trade in general, a n d of the transport of goods to a n d from E u rope. But the coasting trade of I n d i a and between the islands, as well as the internal trade of India, were the m o n o p o l y of the higher employés of the c o m p a n y . T h e m o n o p o l i e s of salt, o p i u m , betel and other c o m m o d i t i e s , were inexhaustible m i n e s of wealth. The employés themselves fixed the price a n d p l u n d e r e d at will the u n h a p p y H i n d u s . T h e G o v e r n o r - G e n e r a l took part in this private traffic. His favourites received contracts u n d e r conditions whereby they, cleverer t h a n the alchemists, m a d e gold out of n o t h ing. G r e a t fortunes sprang up like m u s h r o o m s in a day; primitive accum u l a t i o n went on without the advance of a shilling. T h e trial of W a r r e n Hastings swarms with s u c h cases. H e r e is an instance. A contract for o p i u m was given to a certain Sullivan at the m o m e n t of his departure on an official mission to a part of I n d i a far removed from the o p i u m district. Sullivan sold his contract to o n e B e n n for £40,000; B e n n sold it t h e s a m e day for £60,000, and the u l t i m a t e purchaser who carried out t h e contract declared that after all he realised an e n o r m o u s gain. According to o n e of the lists laid before Parliament, the C o m p a n y a n d its employés from 1757-1766 got £6,000,000 from the I n d i a n s as gifts. Between 1769 a n d 1770, the English m a n u f a c t u r e d a famine by buying up all the rice a n d refusing to sell it again, except at fabulous p r i c e s .

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T h o m a s Stamford Raffles, late G o v . o f t h a t island: " H i s t o r y o f J a v a a n d its d e p e n d e n c i e s . " L o n d . , 1817. I n t h e year 1866 m o r e t h a n a m i l l i o n H i n d u s died o f h u n g e r i n t h e p r o v i n c e o f Orissa a l o n e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e a t t e m p t was m a d e t o e n r i c h t h e I n d i a n t r e a s u r y b y t h e price a t w h i c h t h e n e c e s s a r i e s of life were sold to t h e starving p e o p l e . 58

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Chapter XXXI • Genesis of the industrial capitalist T h e t r e a t m e n t of the aborigines was, naturally, m o s t fright||778|ful in plantation-colonies destined for export trade only, such as the W e s t I n d i e s , a n d in rich and well-populated countries, s u c h as M e x i c o a n d India, t h a t were given over to plunder. B u t even in the colonies properly so-called, t h e 5 Christian character of primitive a c c u m u l a t i o n did n o t belie itself. T h o s e sober virtuosi of Protestantism, the Puritans of N e w England, in 1703, by decrees of their assembly set a p r e m i u m of £40 on every I n d i a n scalp a n d every captured red-skin: in 1722 a p r e m i u m of £100 on every scalp; in 1744, after Massachusetts-Bay h a d p r o c l a i m e d a certain tribe as rebels, the 10 following prices: for a m a l e scalp of 12 years a n d upwards £100 (new currency), for a m a l e prisoner £105, for w o m e n a n d children prisoners £55, for scalps of w o m e n a n d children £50. S o m e d e c a d e s later, the colonial system took its revenge on the d e s c e n d a n t s of the p i o u s pilgrim fathers, who h a d grown seditious in the m e a n t i m e . At English instigation a n d for English 15 pay they were t o m a h a w k e d by red-skins. T h e British P a r l i a m e n t proclaimed b l o o d - h o u n d s a n d scalping a s " m e a n s that G o d a n d N a t u r e h a d given into its h a n d . " T h e colonial system ripened, like a h o t - h o u s e , tade and navigation. T h e "societies M o n o p o l i a " of L u t h e r were powerful levers for c o n c e n t r a t i o n of 20 capital. T h e colonies secured a m a r k e t for t h e b u d d i n g m a n u f a c t u r e s , and, t h r o u g h the m o n o p o l y of the market, an increased a c c u m u l a t i o n . T h e treasures captured outside E u r o p e by u n d i s g u i s e d looting, enslavement, a n d m u r d e r , floated back to the m o t h e r - c o u n t r y a n d were there t u r n e d into capital. Holland, which first fully developed the colonial system, in 1648 stood 25 already in the a c m e of its c o m m e r c i a l greatness. It was "in almost exclusive possession of the East I n d i a n trade a n d the c o m m e r c e between t h e southeast a n d north-west of E u r o p e . Its fisheries, m a r i n e , m a n u f a c t u r e s , surpassed those of any other country. T h e total capital of the R e p u b l i c was probably m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n that of all the rest of E u r o p e put together." 30 G ü l i c h forgets to add t h a t by 1648, the people of H o l l a n d were m o r e overworked, poorer a n d m o r e brutally oppressed t h a n those of all the rest of E u rope p u t together. To-day industrial s u p r e m a c y implies c o m m e r c i a l supremacy. ||779| In the period of m a n u f a c t u r e properly so-called, it is, on the other h a n d , the 35 c o m m e r c i a l supremacy t h a t gives industrial p r e d o m i n a n c e . H e n c e the p r e p o n d e r a n t rôle t h a t the colonial system plays at t h a t t i m e . It was "the strange G o d " who perched himself on the altar cheek by jowl with the old G o d s of Europe, a n d o n e fine day with a shove a n d a kick c h u c k e d t h e m all of a h e a p . It p r o c l a i m e d surplus-value m a k i n g as the sole e n d a n d a i m of 40 humanity. T h e system of public credit, i.e. of n a t i o n a l debts, whose origin we dis-

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Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation cover in G e n o a and Venice as early as the m i d d l e ages, took possession of E u r o p e generally during the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period. T h e colonial system with its m a r i t i m e trade a n d c o m m e r c i a l wars served as a forcing-house for it. T h u s it first took root in Holland. N a t i o n a l debts, i.e., the alienation of the state—whether despotic, constitutional or r e p u b l i c a n — m a r k e d with its s t a m p the capitalistic era. T h e only part of the so-called n a t i o n a l wealth that actually enters into the collective possessions of m o d e r n peoples is— their n a t i o n a l d e b t . H e n c e , as a necessary c o n s e q u e n c e , t h e m o d e r n doctrine t h a t a n a t i o n b e c o m e s the richer the m o r e deeply it is in debt. Public credit b e c o m e s the credo of capital. A n d with the rise of n a t i o n a l debt-making, want of faith in the n a t i o n a l debt takes the place of t h e b l a s p h e m y against the Holy Ghost, which m a y n o t be forgiven. T h e public debt b e c o m e s o n e of the m o s t powerful levers of primitive acc u m u l a t i o n . As with t h e stroke of an e n c h a n t e r ' s wand, it endows barren m o n e y with the power of breeding a n d thus turns it into capital, without the necessity of its exposing itself to the troubles a n d risks inseparable from its e m p l o y m e n t in industry or even in usury. T h e state-creditors actually give n o t h i n g away, for the s u m lent is transformed into public b o n d s , easily negotiable, which go on functioning in their h a n d s j u s t as so m u c h h a r d cash would. But further, apart from the class of lazy a n n u i t a n t s t h u s created, a n d from the improvised wealth of the financiers, m i d d l e m e n between the government a n d the n a t i o n — a s also apart from the tax-| |780|farmers, m e r c h a n t s , private manufacturers, to w h o m a good part of every n a t i o n a l loan renders the service of a capital fallen from h e a v e n — t h e n a t i o n a l debt has given rise to joint-stock c o m p a n i e s , to dealings in negotiable effects of all kinds, and to agiotage, in a word to stock-exchange gambling a n d t h e m o d e r n bankocracy.

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At their b i r t h the great banks, decorated with n a t i o n a l titles, were only associations of private speculators, who placed themselves by the side of governments, and, t h a n k s to the privileges they received, were in a position 30 to advance m o n e y to the state. H e n c e the a c c u m u l a t i o n of the n a t i o n a l d e b t has no m o r e infallible m e a s u r e t h a n the successive rise in the stock of these banks, whose full development dates from the founding of the B a n k of E n g l a n d in 1694. T h e Bank of England b e g a n with lending its m o n e y to the G o v e r n m e n t at 8 %; at the same t i m e it was empowered by P a r l i a m e n t 35 to coin m o n e y out of t h e s a m e capital, by lending it again to the p u b l i c in t h e form of bank-notes. It was allowed to use these n o t e s for discounting bills, m a k i n g advances on c o m m o d i t i e s , and for buying t h e precious m e t als. It was not long ere this credit-money, m a d e by the b a n k itself, b e c a m e 59

W i l l i a m C o b b e t t r e m a r k s t h a t i n E n g l a n d all p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s are d e s i g n a t e d "royal;" a s c o m p e n s a t i o n for this, however, t h e r e is t h e " n a t i o n a l " debt.

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Chapter XXXI • Genesis of the industrial capitalist t h e coin in which the Bank of E n g l a n d m a d e its loans to the state, a n d paid, on a c c o u n t of the state, the interest on t h e public debt. It was n o t e n o u g h t h a t the b a n k gave with o n e h a n d a n d took back m o r e with the other; it r e m a i n e d , even whilst receiving, the eternal creditor of the n a t i o n 5 down to the last shilling advanced. Gradually it b e c a m e inevitably the receptacle of the metallic hoard of the country, a n d the centre of gravity of all c o m m e r c i a l credit. W h a t effect was p r o d u c e d on their contemporaries by the s u d d e n uprising of this brood of bankocrats, financiers, rentiers, brokers, stock-jobbers, etc., is proved by the writings o f t h a t t i m e , e.g., by Bo10 l i n g b r o k e ' s . 60

W i t h the n a t i o n a l d e b t arose an i n t e r n a t i o n a l credit system, which often conceals o n e of the sources of primitive a c c u m u l a t i o n in this or that people. T h u s the villanies of the V e n e t i a n | | 7 8 1 | thieving system formed o n e of the secret bases of the capital-wealth of H o l l a n d to w h o m V e n i c e in 15 her d e c a d e n c e lent large s u m s of m o n e y . So also was it with H o l l a n d a n d England. By the beginning of the 18th century the D u t c h m a n u f a c t u r e s were far outstripped. H o l l a n d h a d ceased to be the n a t i o n p r e p o n d e r a n t in c o m m e r c e a n d industry. O n e of its m a i n lines of business, therefore, from 1701-1776, is the lending out of e n o r m o u s a m o u n t s of capital, especially to 20 its great rival England. T h e s a m e thing is going on to-day between E n g l a n d a n d the U n i t e d States. A great deal of capital, which appears to-day in t h e U n i t e d States without any certificate of birth, was yesterday, in England, the capitalised blood of children. As the n a t i o n a l debt finds its support in the public revenue, which m u s t 25 cover the yearly p a y m e n t s for interest, etc., the m o d e r n system of taxation was the necessary c o m p l e m e n t of the system of national loans. T h e loans enable the government to m e e t extraordinary expenses, without the taxpayers feeling it immediately, b u t they necessitate, as a c o n s e q u e n c e , increased taxes. On the other h a n d , the raising of taxation caused by the ac30 c u m u l a t i o n of debts contracted one after another, compels the g o v e r n m e n t always to have recourse to new loans for new extraordinary expenses. M o d ern fiscality, whose pivot is formed by taxes on the m o s t necessary m e a n s of subsistence (thereby increasing their price), t h u s contains within itself the g e r m of a u t o m a t i c progression. Over-taxation is n o t an incident, b u t 35 rather a principle. In H o l l a n d , therefore, where this system was first inaugurated, the great patriot, De Witt, has in his " M a x i m s " extolled it as the best system for m a k i n g the wage-labourer submissive, frugal, industrious, a n d overburdened with labour. T h e destructive influence that it exercises 60

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« S i les Tartaree i n o n d a i e n t l ' E u r o p e a u j o u r d ' h u i , i l faudrait b i e n des affaires p o u r l e u r faire e n t e n d r e c e q u e c'est q u ' u n f i n a n c i e r p a r m i n o u s . » M o n t e s q u i e u Esprit des lois, t.TV. p . 3 3 , éd. L o n d r e s , 1769.

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on the condition of the wage-labourer concerns us less, however, here, t h a n t h e forcible expropriation, resulting from it, of peasants, artisans, a n d in a word, all elements of t h e lower middle-class. On this there are n o t two opinions, even a m o n g the bourgeois economists. Its expropriating efficacy is still further h e i g h t e n e d by the sytem of protection, which forms o n e of its integral parts. | |782| T h e great part t h a t the public debt, a n d the fiscal system corresponding with it, has played in the capitalisation of wealth a n d t h e expropriation of the masses, has led m a n y writers, like Cobbett, D o u b l e d a y a n d others, to seek in this, incorrectly, the f u n d a m e n t a l cause of the misery of t h e m o d e r n peoples. T h e system of protection was an artificial m e a n s of m a n u f a c t u r i n g m a n ufacturers, of expropriating i n d e p e n d e n t labourers, of capitalising the national m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d subsistence, of forcibly abbreviating the transition from the mediaeval to the m o d e r n m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n . T h e E u r o p e a n states tore one a n o t h e r to pieces a b o u t the p a t e n t of this invention, a n d , once entered into the service of the surplus-value m a k e r s , did n o t merely lay u n d e r c o n t r i b u t i o n in the pursuit of this purpose their own people, indirectly t h r o u g h protective duties, directly t h r o u g h export p r e m i u m s . They also forcibly rooted out, in their d e p e n d e n t countries, all industry, as, e.g., England did with t h e Irish woollen m a n u f a c t u r e . On the c o n t i n e n t of Europe, after Colbert's example, the process was m u c h simplified. T h e primitive industrial capital, here, c a m e in part directly out of the state treasury. "Why," cries M i r a b e a u , "why go so far to seek the cause of the m a n u facturing glory of Saxony before the war? 180,000,000 of debts contracted by the s o v e r e i g n s ! " Colonial system, public debts, heavy taxes, protection, c o m m e r c i a l wars, etc., these children of the true m a n u f a c t u r i n g period, increase gigantically during the infancy of M o d e r n Industry. T h e birth of the latter is heralded by a great slaughter of the i n n o c e n t s . Like the royal navy, the factories were recruited by m e a n s of t h e press-gang. Blasé as Sir F. M. E d e n is as to the horrors of the expropriation of the agricultural p o p u l a t i o n from t h e soil, from the last third of the 15th century to his own t i m e ; with all the self-satisfaction with which he rejoices in this process, "essential" for establishing capitalistic agriculture a n d "the d u e proportion between arable a n d pasture land"— —he does n o t show, however, the s a m e e c o n o m i c insight in respect to the necessity of child-stealing and child-slavery for the transformat i o n of m a n u f a c t u r i n g ||783| exploitation into factory exploitation, a n d the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the "true relation" between capital a n d labour-power. He

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Chapter XXXI • Genesis of the industrial capitalist

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says: "It may, perhaps, be worthy the a t t e n t i o n of t h e public to consider, whether any m a n u f a c t u r e , which, in order to be carried on successfully, requires that cottages a n d workhouses should be ransacked for poor children; that they should be employed by turns during t h e greater part of the night a n d robbed o f t h a t rest which, t h o u g h indispensable to all, is m o s t required by the young; a n d t h a t n u m b e r s of b o t h sexes, of different ages a n d dispositions, should be collected together in s u c h a m a n n e r that the contagion of example c a n n o t b u t lead to profligacy a n d debauchery; will add to the s u m of individual or n a t i o n a l felicity?" "In the counties of Derbyshire, N o t t i n g h a m s h i r e , a n d m o r e particularly in Lancashire," says Fielden, "the newly-invented m a c h i n e r y was u s e d in large factories built on the sides of streams capable of t u r n i n g t h e waterwheel. T h o u s a n d s of h a n d s were suddenly required in these places, r e m o t e from towns; a n d Lancashire, in particular, being, till then, comparatively thinly populated a n d barren, a population was all that she now wanted. T h e small a n d n i m b l e fingers of little children being by very far the m o s t in request, the c u s t o m instantly sprang up of procuring apprentices from the different parish workhouses of L o n d o n , B i r m i n g h a m , a n d elsewhere. M a n y , m a n y t h o u s a n d s of these little, hapless creatures were sent down into the north, being from the age of 7 to the age of 13 or 14 years old. T h e c u s t o m was for the m a s t e r to clothe his apprentices a n d to feed a n d lodge t h e m in an 'apprentice h o u s e ' n e a r the factory; overseers were appointed to see to the works, whose interest it was to work the children to the u t m o s t , b e c a u s e their pay was in proportion to the quantity of work that they could exact. Cruelty was, of course, the c o n s e q u e n c e . .. In m a n y of t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g districts, b u t particularly, I am afraid, in the guilty county to which I belong (Lancashire), cruelties the m o s t heart-rending were practised u p o n t h e unoffending a n d friendless creatures who were t h u s consigned to the charge of m a s t e r manufacturers; ||784| they were harassed to the brink of d e a t h by excess of l a b o u r ... were flogged, fettered a n d tortured in the m o s t exquisite refinement of cruelty; ... they were in m a n y cases starved to the b o n e while flogged to their work a n d . . . . even in some instances ... were driven to c o m m i t suicide ... T h e beautiful a n d r o m a n t i c valleys of Derbyshire, N o t t i n g h a m s h i r e a n d Lancashire, secluded from t h e public eye, b e c a m e the dismal solitudes of torture, a n d of m a n y a m u r d e r . T h e profits of manufactures were e n o r m o u s ; b u t this only whetted the appetite t h a t it should have satisfied, a n d therefore the m a n u f a c t u r e r s h a d recourse to an expedient that seemed to secure to t h e m those profits without any possibility of limit; they began the practice of what is t e r m e d 'night-working,' t h a t 62

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E d e n , I.e., Vol. I., Book I L , C h . I., p p . 4 2 0 - 4 2 2 .

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Part Vili · The so-called primitive accumulation is, having tired out o n e set of h a n d s , by working t h e m t h r o u g h o u t the day, they h a d a n o t h e r set ready to go on working t h r o u g h o u t t h e night; t h e dayset getting into the b e d s that the night-set h a d just quitted, a n d in their t u r n again, t h e night-set getting into the beds that t h e day-set q u i t t e d in the m o r n i n g . It is a c o m m o n tradition in Lancashire, t h a t t h e b e d s never get cotó." W i t h the development of capitalist production during the m a n u f a c t u r i n g period, t h e public o p i n i o n of E u r o p e h a d lost the last r e m n a n t of s h a m e and conscience. T h e n a t i o n s bragged cynically of every infamy t h a t served t h e m as a m e a n s ||785| to capitalistic a c c u m u l a t i o n . R e a d , e.g., t h e naïve A n n a l s of C o m m e r c e of the worthy A. A n d e r s o n . H e r e it is t r u m p e t t e d forth as a t r i u m p h of English statecraft that at the P e a c e of Utrecht, England extorted from the Spaniards by the Asiento Treaty the privilege of being allowed to ply the negro-trade, u n t i l t h e n only carried on between Africa a n d the English W e s t Indies, between Africa a n d Spanish A m e r i c a as well. E n g l a n d thereby acquired the right of supplying Spanish A m e r i c a u n t i l 1743 with 4800 negroes yearly. This threw, at the s a m e t i m e , an official cloak over British smuggling. Liverpool waxed fat on the slave-trade. This was its m e t h o d of primitive a c c u m u l a t i o n . A n d , even to the present day, Liverpool "respectability" is the P i n d a r of the slave-trade w h i c h — c o m pare the work of A i k i n (1795) already q u o t e d — " h a s coincided with t h a t spirit of bold adventure which has characterised the trade of Liverpool a n d rapidly carried it to its present state of prospertity; has occasioned vast e m p l o y m e n t for shipping a n d sailors, a n d greatly a u g m e n t e d the d e m a n d for the m a n u f a c t u r e s of the country" (pp.338, 339). Liverpool employed in the slave trade, in 1730, 15 ships; in 1751, 53; in 1760, 74; in 1770, 96; a n d in 1792, 132.

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Whilst t h e cotton industry i n t r o d u c e d child-slavery in E n g l a n d , it gave 63

J o h n F i e l d e n , I.e. p p . 5 , 6. On t h e earlier i n f a m i e s of t h e factory system, cf. Dr. A i k i n (1795) I.e. p . 219, a n d G i s b o r n e : E n q u i r y i n t o t h e D u t i e s o f M e n , 1795, V o l . I I . W h e n t h e s t e a m - e n g i n e t r a n s p l a n t e d t h e factories from t h e c o u n t r y waterfalls t o t h e m i d d l e o f t o w n s , t h e " a b s t e m i o u s " surplus-value m a k e r f o u n d t h e c h i l d - m a t e r i a l r e a d y t o h i s h a n d , w i t h o u t b e i n g forced to s e e k slaves from t h e w o r k h o u s e s . W h e n Sir R. Peel, (father of t h e " m i n i s t e r of p l a u sibility"), b r o u g h t i n h i s bill for t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f c h i l d r e n , i n 1815, F r a n c i s H o r n e r , l u m e n o f t h e Bullion C o m m i t t e e a n d i n t i m a t e friend o f R i c a r d o , said i n t h e H o u s e o f C o m m o n s ; "It i s n o t o r i o u s , t h a t with a b a n k r u p t ' s effects, a gang, if he m i g h t u s e t h e word, of t h e s e c h i l d r e n h a d b e e n p u t u p t o sale, a n d were advertised publicly a s part o f t h e property. A m o s t a t r o c i o u s i n s t a n c e h a d b e e n b r o u g h t before t h e C o u r t o f K i n g ' s B e n c h two years before, i n w h i c h a n u m b e r o f t h e s e boys, a p p r e n t i c e d b y a p a r i s h i n L o n d o n t o o n e m a n u f a c t u r e r , h a d b e e n transferred to a n o t h e r , a n d h a d b e e n f o u n d by s o m e b e n e v o l e n t p e r s o n s in a state of a b s o l u t e f a m i n e . A n o t h e r case m o r e h o r r i b l e h a d c o m e t o h i s k n o w l e d g e while o n a ( P a r l i a m e n t a r y ) C o m m i t t e e . . . . t h a t n o t m a n y years ago, a n a g r e e m e n t h a d b e e n m a d e b e t w e e n a L o n d o n parish a n d a L a n c a s h i r e m a n u f a c t u r e r , by w h i c h it was stipulated, t h a t w i t h every 20 s o u n d child r e n o n e idiot s h o u l d b e t a k e n . "

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Chapter XXXI • Genesis of the industrial capitalist in the U n i t e d States a stimulus to the transformation of the earlier, m o r e or less patriarchal slavery, into a system of c o m m e r c i a l exploitation. In fact, the veiled slavery of the wage-workers in E u r o p e n e e d e d , for its pedestal, slavery p u r e a n d simple in the n e w world. Tantas molis erat, to establish the "eternal laws of N a t u r e " of the capitalist m o d e of production, to complete the process of separation between labourers and conditions of labour, to transform, at o n e pole, the social m e a n s of production a n d subsistence into capital, at the opposite pole, the mass of the population into wage-labourers, into "free labouring poor," that artificial product of m o d e r n society. If ||786| m o n e y , according to A u gier, "comes into the world with a congenital blood-stain on o n e cheek," capital comes dripping from h e a d to foot, from every pore, with blood and dirt. 64

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I n 1790, t h e r e were i n t h e E n g l i s h W e s t I n d i e s t e n slaves for o n e free m a n , i n t h e F r e n c h f o u r t e e n for o n e , i n t h e D u t c h t w e n t y - t h r e e for o n e . ( H e n r y B r o u g h a m : A n I n q u i r y i n t o t h e C o l o n i a l Policy of t h e E u r o p e a n Powers. E d i n . 1 8 0 3 , vol.11, p. 74.) T h e p h r a s e , " l a b o u r i n g poor," i s f o u n d i n E n g l i s h legislation from t h e m o m e n t w h e n t h e class o f wage-labourers b e c o m e s n o t i c e a b l e . T h i s t e r m i s u s e d i n o p p o s i t i o n , o n t h e o n e h a n d , t o t h e "idle p o o r , " beggars, etc., o n t h e o t h e r t o t h o s e l a b o u r e r s , w h o , p i g e o n s n o t yet p l u c k e d , are still possessors of their o w n m e a n s of l a b o u r . F r o m t h e S t a t u t e B o o k it p a s s e d i n t o political e c o n o m y , a n d was h a n d e d d o w n b y C u l p e p e r , J . Child, etc., t o A d a m S m i t h a n d E d e n . After this, o n e c a n j u d g e o f t h e good faith o f t h e " e x e c r a b l e political c a n t - m o n g e r , " E d m u n d B u r k e , w h e n h e called t h e expression, " l a b o u r i n g p o o r , " — " e x e c r a b l e political c a n t . " T h i s syc o p h a n t w h o , i n t h e pay o f t h e E n g l i s h oligarchy, played t h e r o m a n t i c l a u d a t o r t e m p o r i s acti against t h e F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n , j u s t as, i n t h e pay o f t h e N o r t h A m e r i c a n C o l o n i e s , a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e A m e r i c a n t r o u b l e s , h e h a d played t h e L i b e r a l against t h e E n g l i s h oligarchy, was a n o u t a n d o u t vulgar b o u r g e o i s . " T h e laws o f c o m m e r c e are t h e laws o f N a t u r e , a n d therefore t h e laws of G o d . " ( E . B u r k e , I.e., p. 32.) No w o n d e r that, t r u e to t h e laws of G o d a n d of N a t u r e , he always sold h i m s e l f in t h e best m a r k e t . A very g o o d p o r t r a i t of this E d m u n d B u r k e , d u r i n g his liberal t i m e , is to be f o u n d in t h e writings of t h e Rev. M r . T u c k e r . T u c k e r was a p a r s o n and a Tory, b u t , for t h e rest, an h o n o u r a b l e m a n a n d a c o m p e t e n t political e c o n o m i s t . In face of t h e i n f a m o u s cowardice o f c h a r a c t e r t h a t reigns to-day, a n d believes m o s t devoutly i n "the laws of c o m m e r c e , " it is o u r b o u n d e n d u t y a g a i n u n d a g a i n to b r a n d t h e B u r k e s , w h o only differ from t h e i r successors in o n e t h i n g — t a l e n t . M a r i e A u g i e r : D u Credit P u b l i c . Paris, 1842. "Capital is said by a Q u a r t e r l y Reviewer to fly t u r b u l e n c e a n d strife, a n d to be t i m i d , w h i c h is very t r u e ; b u t this is very i n c o m p l e t e l y stating t h e q u e s t i o n . C a p i t a l eschews no profit, or very small profit, j u s t as N a t u r e was formerly said to a b h o r a v a c u u m . W i t h a d e q u a t e profit, c a p i t a l is very bold. A c e r t a i n 10 p e r cent, will c e n s u r e its e m p l o y m e n t a n y w h e r e ; 20 p e r cent. c e r t a i n will p r o d u c e e a g e r n e s s ; 50 p e r cent., positive a u d a c i t y ; 100 p e r cent, will m a k e it ready to t r a m p l e on all h u m a n laws; 300 per cent., a n d t h e r e is n o t a c r i m e at w h i c h it will scruple, n o r a risk it will n o t r u n , e v e n to t h e c h a n c e of its o w n e r b e i n g h a n g e d . If t u r b u l e n c e a n d strife will bring a profit, it will freely e n c o u r a g e b o t h . S m u g g l i n g a n d t h e slave-trade h a v e a m p l y proved all t h a t is h e r e stated." (T. J. D u n n i n g , I.e., p p . 3 5 , 36.) 65

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Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation

CHAPTER XXXII.

Historical Tendency of Capitalist Accumulation. W h a t does the primitive a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital, i.e., its historical genesis, resolve itself into? In so far as it is n o t i m m e d i a t e transformation of slaves a n d serfs into wage-labourers, a n d therefore a m e r e c h a n g e of form, it only m e a n s the expropriation of the i m m e d i a t e producers, i.e., the dissolution of private property based on the labour of its owner. Private property, as the antithesis to social, collective property, exists only where ||787| t h e m e a n s of l a b o u r and the external conditions of labour belong to private individuals. B u t according as these private individuals are labourers or n o t labourers, private property h a s a different character. T h e n u m b e r l e s s shades, t h a t it at first sight presents, correspond to the i n t e r m e d i a t e stages lying b e t w e e n t h e s e two extremes. T h e private property of the labourer in his m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n is the f o u n d a t i o n of petty industry, whether agricultural, m a n u facturing, or both; petty industry, again, is an essential c o n d i t i o n for t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of social p r o d u c t i o n a n d of the free individuality of the lab o u r e r himself. Of course, this petty m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n exists also u n d e r slavery, serfdom, a n d other states of d e p e n d e n c e . But it flourishes, it lets loose its whole energy, it attains its a d e q u a t e classical form, only where the labourer is the private owner of his own m e a n s of l a b o u r set in action by himself: the p e a s a n t of the l a n d which he cultivates, t h e artizan of the tool which he h a n d l e s as a virtuoso. This m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n pre-supposes parcelling of the soil, and scattering of the other m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . As it excludes the c o n c e n t r a t i o n of these m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , so also it excludes co-operation, division of labour within each separate process of production, the control over, a n d the productive application of the forces of N a t u r e by society, a n d the free development of t h e social productive powers. It is compatible only with a system of p r o d u c t i o n , a n d a society, moving within narrow a n d m o r e or less primitive b o u n d s . To perpetuate it would be, as P e c q u e u r rightly says, "to decree universal mediocrity." At a certain stage of d e v e l o p m e n t it brings forth the m a t e r i a l agencies for its own dissolution. F r o m that m o m e n t new forces and n e w passions spring up in the b o s o m of society; b u t the old social organization fetters t h e m a n d keeps t h e m down. It m u s t be annihilated; it is a n n i h i l a t e d . Its a n n i h i l a t i o n , t h e transformation of t h e individualised a n d scattered m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n into socially concentrated ones, of the pigmy property of the m a n y into t h e h u g e property of the few, the expropriation of t h e great m a s s of the people from the soil, from the m e a n s of subsistence, and from t h e m e a n s of la-

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Chapter XXXII • Historical tendency of capitalist accumulation

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bour, this fearful a n d painful expropriation of t h e m a s s of t h e people forms t h e prelude to t h e history of ||788| capital. It comprises a series of forcible m e t h o d s , of which we have passed in review only those that have b e e n e p o c h - m a k i n g as m e t h o d s of the primitive a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital. T h e expropriation of the i m m e d i a t e producers was a c c o m p l i s h e d with merciless Vandalism, a n d u n d e r the stimulus of passions the most infamous, the most sordid, the pettiest, the most m e a n l y odious. Self-earned private property, that is based, so to say, on the fusing together of the isolated, i n d e p e n d e n t labouring-individual with the conditions of his labour, is supplanted by capitalistic private property, which rests on exploitation of the n o m i n a l l y free labour of others, i.e., on wages-labour. As soon as this process of transformation has sufficiently d e c o m p o s e d the old society from top to b o t t o m , as soon as the labourers are t u r n e d into proletarians, their m e a n s of labour into capital, as soon as the capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n stands on its own feet, t h e n the further socialisation of labour a n d further transformation of the land a n d other m e a n s of p r o d u c tion into socially exploited and, therefore, c o m m o n m e a n s of production, as well as the further expropriation of private proprietors, takes a n e w form. T h a t which is now to be expropriated is no longer t h e labourer working for himself, b u t the capitalist exploiting m a n y labourers. This expropriation is accomplished by the action of the i m m a n e n t laws of capitalistic p r o d u c t i o n itself, by the centralisation of capital. O n e capitalist always kills m a n y . H a n d in h a n d with this centralisation, or this expropriation of m a n y capitalists by few, develop, on an ever extending scale, t h e co-operative form of the labour-process, t h e conscious t e c h n i c a l application of science, the m e t h odical cultivation of t h e soil, t h e transformation of the i n s t r u m e n t s of lab o u r into i n s t r u m e n t s of labour only usable in c o m m o n , the e c o n o m i s i n g of all m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n by their use as the m e a n s of production of c o m bined, socialised labour, the e n t a n g l e m e n t of all peoples in the n e t of the world-market, and with this, the i n t e r n a t i o n a l character of the capitalistic régime. Along with the constantly d i m i n i s h i n g n u m b e r ||789| of the m a g nates of capital, who u s u r p a n d m o n o p o l i s e all advantages of this process of transformation, grows the m a s s of misery, oppression, slavery, degradation, exploitation; b u t with this too grows t h e revolt of t h e working-class, a class always increasing in n u m b e r s , a n d disciplined, u n i t e d , organised by the very m e c h a n i s m of t h e process of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n itself. T h e m o n o p oly of capital b e c o m e s a fetter u p o n the m o d e of production, which has sprung up a n d flourished along with, a n d u n d e r it. Centralisation of the 68

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« N o u s s o m m e s d a n s u n e c o n d i t i o n tout-à-fait n o u v e l l e d e l a société ... n o u s t e n d o n s à sép a r e r t o u t e e s p è c e d e p r o p r i é t é d'avec t o u t e espèce d e travail.» ( S i s m o n d i : N o u v e a u x P r i n cipes de l ' É c o n . Polit, t. I L , p. 434.)

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Part Vili · The so-called primitive accumulation m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d socialisation of labour at last r e a c h a point where they b e c o m e i n c o m p a t i b l e with their capitalist i n t e g u m e n t . This integum e n t is burst asunder. T h e knell of capitalist private property s o u n d s . T h e expropriators are expropriated. T h e capitalist m o d e of appropriation, the result of t h e capitalist m o d e of 5 production, produces capitalist private property. This is t h e first n e g a t i o n of individual private property, as founded on the l a b o u r of t h e proprietor. But capitalist p r o d u c t i o n begets, with the inexorability of a law of N a t u r e , its own negation. It is t h e negation of negation. This does n o t re-establish private property for the producer, b u t gives h i m individual property based 10 on the acquisitions of the capitalist era: i.e., on co-operation a n d the possession in c o m m o n of t h e land a n d of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n . T h e transformation of scattered private property, arising from individual labour, into capitalist private property is, naturally, a process, i n c o m p a rably m o r e protracted, violent, a n d difficult, t h a n the transformation of cap- 15 italistic private property, already practically resting on socialised p r o d u c tion, into socialised property. In the former case, we h a d t h e expropriation of the m a s s of t h e people by a few usurpers; in the latter, we have t h e expropriation of a few usurpers by the m a s s of t h e p e o p l e . | 69

)790} C H A P T E R X X X I I I .

The Modern Theory of Colonisation.

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Political e c o n o m y confuses on principle two very different kinds of private property, of which o n e rests on the producers' own labour, t h e other on t h e e m p l o y m e n t of the labour of others. It forgets t h a t the latter n o t only is the direct antithesis of the former, b u t absolutely grows on its t o m b only. In W e s t e r n E u r o p e , the h o m e of political economy, the process of primitive

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" T h e a d v a n c e o f i n d u s t r y , w h o s e i n v o l u n t a r y p r o m o t e r i s t h e b o u r g e o i s i e , r e p l a c e s t h e isol a t i o n o f t h e l a b o u r e r s , d u e t o c o m p e t i t i o n , b y t h e i r r e v o l u t i o n a r y c o m b i n a t i o n , d u e t o assoc i a t i o n . T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f M o d e r n I n d u s t r y , therefore, c u t s from u n d e r its feet, t h e very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. W h a t the bourgeoisie therefore, p r o d u c e s , above all, are its o w n grave-diggers. Its fall a n d t h e victory of t h e p r o l e t a r i a t are equally inevitable ... Of all t h e classes, t h a t s t a n d face to face with t h e b o u r geoisie to-day, t h e proletariat a l o n e is a really revolutionary class. T h e o t h e r classes p e r i s h a n d d i s a p p e a r i n t h e face o f M o d e r n I n d u s t r y , t h e proletariat i s its special a n d e s s e n t i a l p r o d u c t . . . T h e lower m i d d l e - c l a s s e s , t h e s m a l l m a n u f a c t u r e r s , t h e s h o p k e e p e r s , t h e artisan, t h e p e a s a n t , all t h e s e fight against t h e b o u r g e o i s i e , to save from e x t i n c t i o n t h e i r e x i s t e n c e as fractions of t h e m i d d l e - c l a s s ... t h e y are r e a c t i o n a r y , for t h e y try to roll b a c k t h e w h e e l of history." "Karl M a r x a n d F r e d e r i c k Engels, M a n i f e s t der K o m m u n i s t i s c h e n P a r t e i , " L o n d o n , 1848, p p . 9 , 11. W e treat h e r e o f real C o l o n i e s , virgin soils, c o l o n i s e d b y free i m m i g r a n t s . T h e U n i t e d 70

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a c c u m u l a t i o n is m o r e or less accomplished. H e r e the capitalist régime has either directly c o n q u e r e d the whole d o m a i n of n a t i o n a l production, or, where e c o n o m i c conditions are less developed, it, at least, indirectly controls those strata of society which, t h o u g h belonging to t h e a n t i q u a t e d m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n , c o n t i n u e to exist side by side with it in gradual decay. To this r e a d y - m a d e world of capital, the political e c o n o m i s t applies the n o tions of law a n d of property inherited from a precapitalistic world with all the m o r e a n x i o u s zeal a n d all the greater u n c t i o n , the m o r e loudly the facts cry out in the face of his ideology. It is otherwise in the colonies. There t h e capitalist régime everywhere comes into collision with the resistance of the producer, who, as owner of h i s own conditions of labour, employs that lab o u r to enrich himself, instead of the capitalist. T h e contradiction of these two diametrically opposed e c o n o m i c systems, manifests itself h e r e practically in a struggle between t h e m . W h e r e the capitalist has at his back t h e power of t h e m o t h e r - c o u n t r y , he tries to clear o u t of his way by force, the m o d e s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d appropriation, based on his i n d e p e n d e n t l a b o u r of the producer. T h e s a m e interest, which compels ||791| the sycophant of capital, the political economist, in the m o t h e r - c o u n t r y , to p r o c l a i m the t h e oretical identity of the capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n with its contrary, that s a m e interest compels h i m in the colonies to m a k e a clean breast of it, a n d to proclaim aloud the a n t a g o n i s m of the two m o d e s of p r o d u c t i o n . To this end he proves h o w the d e v e l o p m e n t of the social productive power of labour, co-operation, division of labour, use of m a c h i n e r y on a large scale, etc., are impossible without the expropriation of the labourers, and the corresponding transformation of their m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n into capital. In the interest of the so-called n a t i o n a l wealth, he seeks for artificial m e a n s to ensure the poverty of the people. H e r e his apologetic a r m o u r crumbles off, bit by bit, like rotten touchwood. It is the great merit of E. G. Wakefield to have discovered, n o t anything new a b o u t the C o l o n i e s , b u t to have discovered in the Colonies the t r u t h as to the conditions of capitalist p r o d u c tion in the mother-country. As the system of protection at its o r i g i n att e m p t e d to m a n u f a c t u r e capitalists artificially in the mother-country, so Wakefield's colonisation theory, which E n g l a n d tried for a t i m e to enforce •by Acts of Parliament, a t t e m p t e d to effect the m a n u f a c t u r e of wage-workers in the Colonies. This he calls "systematic colonisation." 71

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States are, s p e a k i n g e c o n o m i c a l l y , still only a C o l o n y of E u r o p e . Besides, to t h i s category b e long also s u c h old p l a n t a t i o n s as t h o s e in w h i c h t h e a b o l i t i o n of slavery h a s c o m p l e t e l y altered t h e earlier c o n d i t i o n s . W a k e f i e l d ' s few glimpses o n t h e subject o f M o d e r n C o l o n i s a t i o n are fully a n t i c i p a t e d b y M i r a b e a u P è r e , t h e p h y s i o c r a t , a n d even m u c h earlier b y E n g l i s h e c o n o m i s t s . Later, i t b e c a m e a t e m p o r a r y necessity i n t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m p e t i t i v e struggle. But, whatever its m o t i v e , t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s r e m a i n t h e s a m e . 71

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Part Vili · The so-called primitive accumulation First of all, Wakefield discovered t h a t in t h e Colonies, property in m o n ­ ey, m e a n s of subsistence, m a c h i n e s , and other m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n , does n o t as yet s t a m p a m a n as a capitalist if there be wanting t h e c o r r e l a t i v e — t h e wage-worker, t h e o t h e r m a n who is compelled to sell h i m s e l f of his own free-will. He discovered t h a t capital is n o t a thing, b u t a social r e l a t i o n between persons, established by t h e i n s t r u m e n t a l i t y of t h i n g s .

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M r . Peel, he

m o a n s , took with h i m from E n g l a n d t o Swan River, West Australia, m e a n s of subsistence a n d of p r o | | 7 9 2 | d u c t i o n to t h e a m o u n t of £50,000. M r . Peel h a d t h e foresight to bring with h i m , besides, 300 persons of t h e workingclass, m e n , w o m e n , a n d children. O n c e arrived at his d e s t i n a t i o n , " M r . Peel

10

was left without a servant to m a k e his bed or fetch h i m water from t h e river." 7 4 U n h a p p y M r . P e e l who provided for everything except t h e export of English m o d e s of p r o d u c t i o n to Swan River! F o r t h e u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e following discoveries of Wakefield, two preliminary r e m a r k s : We know t h a t t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a n d subsist-

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e n e e , while they r e m a i n t h e property of t h e i m m e d i a t e producer, are n o t capital. T h e y b e c o m e capital, only u n d e r c i r c u m s t a n c e s i n w h i c h they serve at t h e s a m e t i m e as m e a n s of exploitation a n d subjection of t h e la­ bourer. B u t this capitalist soul of theirs is so i n t i m a t e l y wedded, in t h e h e a d of t h e political e c o n o m i s t , to their m a t e r i a l s u b s t a n c e , t h a t he chris-

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t e n s t h e m capital u n d e r all c i r c u m s t a n c e s , even w h e n t h e y are its exact op­ posite. T h u s is it with Wakefield. F u r t h e r : t h e splitting up of t h e m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n i n t o the i n d i v i d u a l property o f m a n y i n d e p e n d e n t labourers, working on their own a c c o u n t , he calls e q u a l division of capital. It is with t h e political e c o n o m i s t as with t h e feudal jurist. T h e latter stuck on to p u r e

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m o n e t a r y relations t h e labels supplied by feudal law. "If," says Wakefield, "all t h e m e m b e r s of t h e society are supposed to pos­ sess e q u a l portions of c a p i t a l . . . . no m a n would have a m o t i v e for a c c u m u ­ lating m o r e capital t h a n h e could u s e with his own h a n d s . This i s t o s o m e e x t e n t t h e case in new A m e r i c a n settlements, where a passion for owning

30

l a n d prevents t h e existence of a class of labourers for h i r e . " 7 5 So long, therefore, as the l a b o u r e r c a n a c c u m u l a t e for h i m s e l f — a n d this be c a n do so long as he r e m a i n s possessor of his m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n — c a p i t a l i s t ac­ c u m u l a t i o n a n d t h e capitalistic m o d e o f p r o d u c t i o n are impossible. T h e class of wage-labourers, essential to these, is wanting. How, t h e n , in old Eu73 "A n e g r o is a n e g r o . In c e r t a i n c i r c u m s t a n c e s he b e c o m e s a slave. A m u l e is a m a c h i n e for s p i n n i n g c o t t o n . Only u n d e r c e r t a i n c i r c u m s t a n c e s d o e s i t b e c o m e c a p i t a l . O u t s i d e t h e s e cir­ c u m s t a n c e s , it is no m o r e c a p i t a l t h a n gold is intrinsically m o n e y , or s u g a r is t h e p r i c e -of sug­ ar . . . . C a p i t a l is a social r e l a t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n . It is a h i s t o r i c a l r e l a t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n . " (Karl M a r x , " L o h n a r b e i t u n d K a p i t a l . " Ν . R h . Ζ . N s 2 6 6 , April 7 , 1849.) 74 E.G.Wakefield: England and America, vol.II., p . 3 3 . 75 I.e., v o l . 1 , p. 17.

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Chapter XXXIII · The modern theory of colonization rope, was the expropriation of the labourer from his ||793| conditions of labour, i.e., t h e co-existence of capital and wage-labour, brought about? By a social contract of a quite original kind. " M a n k i n d have adopted a . . . . simple contrivance for p r o m o t i n g the a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital," which, of 5 course, since the t i m e of A d a m , floated in their i m a g i n a t i o n as t h e sole a n d final end of their existence: "they have divided themselves into owners of capital a n d owners of labour . . . . This division was the result of concert a n d c o m b i n a t i o n . " In o n e word: the m a s s of m a n k i n d expropriated itself in h o n o u r of t h e " a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital." Now, o n e would think, that this 10 instinct of self-denying fanaticism would give itself full fling especially in the Colonies, where alone exist the m e n a n d c o n d i t i o n s t h a t could t u r n a social contract from a d r e a m to a reality. B u t why, then, should "systematic colonisation" be called in to replace its opposite, s p o n t a n e o u s , u n r e g u l a t e d colonisation? B u t — b u t — " I n the N o r t h e r n States o f the A m e r i c a n U n i o n , 15 it m a y be d o u b t e d whether so m a n y as a t e n t h of the people would fall u n der t h e description of hired labourers . . . . In E n g l a n d . . . . the labouring class c o m p o s e the bulk of the p e o p l e . " N a y , the impulse to self-expropriation, on the part of labouring h u m a n i t y , for the glory of capital, exists so little, that slavery, according to Wakefield himself, is the sole n a t u r a l basis 76

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of Colonial wealth. His systematic colonisation is a m e r e pis aller, since he unfortunately has to do with free m e n , n o t with slaves. " T h e first Spanish settlers in Saint D o m i n g o did not obtain labourers from Spain. But, without labourers, their capital m u s t have perished, or, at least, m u s t soon have b e e n d i m i n i s h e d t o that small a m o u n t which e a c h individual could employ 25 with his own h a n d s . This h a s actually occurred in the last Colony f o u n d e d by E n g l i s h m e n — t h e Swan River S e t t l e m e n t — w h e r e a great m a s s of capital, of seeds, i m p l e m e n t s , a n d cattle, has perished for want of labourers to use it, a n d where no settler h a s preserved m u c h m o r e capital t h a n he can employ with his own h a n d s . " 30 We have seen t h a t t h e expropriation of the m a s s of the people from the soil forms t h e basis of t h e capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n . T h e essence of a free colony, on the contrary, consists in t h i s — t h a t ||794| the bulk of the soil is still public property, a n d every settler on it therefore can t u r n part of it into his private property a n d individual m e a n s of production, without h i n 35 dering the later settlers in t h e s a m e o p e r a t i o n . This is the secret b o t h of the prosperity of the colonies and of their inveterate vice—opposition to 7 8

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I.e., v o l . 1 , p . 18. I.e., p p . 4 2 , 4 3 , 4 4 . I.e., vol. I I , p . 5. " L a n d , t o b e a n e l e m e n t o f c o l o n i z a t i o n , m u s t n o t only b e waste, b u t i t m u s t b e p u b l i c property, liable t o b e c o n v e r t e d i n t o private property." (I.e. Vol. I I , p . 125.) 77

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Part VIM · The so-called primitive accumulation the establishment of capital. " W h e r e land is very cheap a n d all m e n are free, where every o n e w h o so pleases can easily obtain a piece of l a n d for himself, n o t only is l a b o u r very dear, as respects the labourer's share of the p r o d u c e , b u t the difficulty is to obtain c o m b i n e d labour at any p r i c e . " As in the colonies the separation of the labourer from the c o n d i t i o n s of 5 l a b o u r a n d their root, the soil, does n o t yet exist, or only sporadically, or on too limited a scale, so n e i t h e r does t h e separation of agriculture from industry exist, n o r t h e destruction of the h o u s e h o l d industry of the peasantry. W h e n c e t h e n is to c o m e the internal m a r k e t for capital? " N o part of the p o p u l a t i o n of A m e r i c a is exclusively agricultural, excepting slaves a n d 10 their employers who c o m b i n e capital and labour in particular works. F r e e A m e r i c a n s , who cultivate the soil, follow m a n y other o c c u p a t i o n s . S o m e portion of the furniture a n d tools which they use is c o m m o n l y m a d e by themselves. They frequently build their own houses, a n d carry to market, at whatever distance, the p r o d u c e of their own industry. They are spinners 15 a n d weavers; they m a k e soap a n d candles, as well as, in m a n y cases, shoes a n d clothes for their own use. In A m e r i c a t h e cultivation of l a n d is often the secondary p u r s u i t of a blacksmith, a miller or a s h o p k e e p e r . " W i t h s u c h queer people as these, where is the "field of a b s t i n e n c e " for t h e capitalists? 20 80

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T h e great beauty of capitalist production consists in t h i s — t h a t it n o t only constantly reproduces the wage-worker as wage-worker, b u t produces always, in proportion to the a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital, a relative surplus popu l a t i o n of wage-workers. T h u s the law of supply a n d d e m a n d of labour is kept in the right rut, the oscillation of wages is p e n n e d within limits | 25 |795| satisfactory to capitalist exploitation, a n d lastly, t h e social d é p e n d a n c e of t h e labourer on the capitalist, that indispensable requisite, is secured; an u n m i s t a k e a b l e relation of d e p e n d e n c e , which t h e s m u g political economist, at h o m e , in the m o t h e r country, c a n transmogrify into o n e of free contract between buyer and seller, between equally i n d e p e n d e n t 30 owners of commodities, the owner of the c o m m o d i t y capital a n d the owner of the c o m m o d i t y labour. But in the colonies this pretty fancy is torn a s u n der. T h e absolute p o p u l a t i o n here increases m u c h m o r e quickly t h a n i n the m o t h e r - c o u n t r y , because m a n y labourers enter this world as r e a d y - m a d e adults, a n d yet the labour m a r k e t is always u n d e r s t o c k e d . T h e law of the 35 supply a n d d e m a n d of labour falls to pieces. On the o n e h a n d , the old world constantly throws in capital, thirsting after exploitation a n d "abstin e n c e ; " on the other, t h e regular r e p r o d u c t i o n of t h e wage-labourer as wage-labourer c o m e s into collision with i m p e d i m e n t s t h e m o s t i m p e r t i n e n t 8 0

I.e. V o l . I. p . 2 4 7 .

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a n d in part invincible. W h a t b e c o m e s of t h e p r o d u c t i o n of wage-labourers, supernumerary in proportion to the a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital? T h e wageworker of to-day is to-morrow an i n d e p e n d e n t peasant, or artisan, working for himself. He vanishes from the labour-market, b u t n o t into t h e workhouse. This constant transformation of the wage-labourers into i n d e p e n d e n t producers, who work for themselves instead of for capital, a n d enrich themselves instead of t h e capitalist gentry, reacts in its t u r n very perversely on the conditions of t h e labour-market. N o t only does the degree of exploitation of the wage-labourer r e m a i n indecently low. T h e wage-labourer loses into the bargain, along with the relation of d e p e n d e n c e , also the s e n t i m e n t of d e p e n d e n c e on t h e a b s t e m i o u s capitalist. H e n c e all the i n c o n v e n i e n c e s that our E. G. Wakefield pictures so doughtily, so eloquently, so pathetically. T h e supply of wage-labour, he c o m p l a i n s , is n e i t h e r constant, n o r regular, nor sufficient. " T h e supply of l a b o u r is always, n o t only small, b u t u n c e r t a i n . " " T h o u g h the p r o d u c e divided between the capitalist a n d the labourer be large, the labourer takes so great a share that he soon b e c o m e s a capitalist. .. Few, even of those whose lives are u n u s u a l l y long, can accumu||796|late great masses of w e a l t h . " T h e labourers most distinctly decline to allow the capitalist to abstain from t h e p a y m e n t of t h e greater part of their labour. It avails h i m n o t h i n g , if he is so c u n n i n g as to import from E u r o p e , with his own capital, his own wage-workers. T h e y soon "cease ... to be labourers for hire; they ... b e c o m e i n d e p e n d e n t landowners, if n o t competitors with their former masters in the l a b o u r m a r k e t . " T h i n k of the horror! T h e excellent capitalist has imported bodily from E u r o p e , with his own good m o n e y , his own competitors! T h e e n d of the world has come! No wonder Wakefield l a m e n t s t h e absence of all d e p e n d e n c e a n d of all sentim e n t of d e p e n d e n c e on the part of t h e wage-workers in the colonies. On acc o u n t of t h e high wages, says his disciple, Merivale, there is in t h e colonies "the u r g e n t desire for cheaper a n d m o r e subservient labourers—for a class to w h o m t h e capitalist m i g h t dictate terms, instead of being dictated to by t h e m . .. In a n c i e n t civilized countries the labourer, t h o u g h free, is by a law of n a t u r e d e p e n d e n t on capitalists; in colonies this d e p e n d e n c e m u s t be created by artificial m e a n s . " 82

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I.e., Vol. I L , p . 116. I.e., Vol. I , p . 1 3 1 . I.e., Vol. I I , p . 5. M e r i v a l e , I.e., V o l . 1 1 , p p . 2 3 5 - 2 3 7 , 314, p a s s i m . E v e n t h e m i l d , free-trade, vulgar e c o n omist, M o l i n a r i , says: « D a n s les c o l o n i e s où l'esclavage a été aboli s a n s q u e le travail forcé se trouvait r e m p l a c é p a r u n e q u a n t i t é é q u i v a l e n t e de travail libre, on a vu s'opérer la contre-partie du fait q u i se réalise t o u s les j o u r s sous n o s yeux. On a vu les s i m p l e s travailleurs exploiter à leur t o u r les e n t r e p r e n e u r s d ' i n d u s t r i e , exiger d ' e u x des salaires h o r s de t o u t e p r o p o r t i o n 8 3

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Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation W h a t is now, according to Wakefield, the c o n s e q u e n c e of this ||797| u n fortunate state of things in the colonies? A "barbarising t e n d e n c y of dispersion" of producers a n d n a t i o n a l w e a l t h . T h e parcelling-out of the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n a m o n g i n n u m e r a b l e owners, working on their own account, annihilates, along with the centralisation of capital, all t h e f o u n d a t i o n s of 5 c o m b i n e d labour. Every long-winded undertaking, extending over several years a n d d e m a n d i n g outlay of fixed capital, is prevented from b e i n g carried out. In Europe, capital invests without hesitating a m o m e n t , for the working-class constitutes its living a p p u r t e n a n c e , always in excess, always at disposal. But in the colonies! Wakefield tells an extremely doleful a n e c - 10 dote. He was talking with some capitalists of C a n a d a a n d the state of N e w York, where the i m m i g r a n t wave often becomes stagnant a n d deposits a s e d i m e n t of " s u p e r n u m e r a r y " labourers. " O u r capital", says o n e of the characters in the m e l o d r a m a , "was ready for m a n y operations which require a considerable period of t i m e for their completion; b u t we could n o t 15 begin such operations with labour which, we knew, would s o o n leave u s . If we h a d b e e n sure of retaining the labour of such emigrants, we s h o u l d have b e e n glad to have engaged it at once, a n d for a high price: a n d we should h a v e engaged it, even t h o u g h we h a d b e e n sure it would leave us, provided we h a d b e e n sure of a fresh supply whenever we m i g h t n e e d i t . " 20 86

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After Wakefield has contrasted the English capitalist agriculture a n d its " c o m b i n e d " l a b o u r with the scattered cultivation of A m e r i c a n peasants, he unwittingly gives us a glimpse at the reverse of the m e d a l . He depicts the m a s s of the A m e r i c a n people as well-to-do, i n d e p e n d e n t , enterprising and comparatively cultured, whilst "the English agricultural labourer is a m i s - 25 erable wretch, a pauper. .. In what country, except N o r t h A m e r i c a a n d s o m e new colonies, do t h e wages of free labour employed in agriculture, m u c h exceed a bare subsistence for the labourer? ... U n d o u b t e d l y , farmavec l a part l é g i t i m e q u i leur r e v e n a i t d a n s l e p r o d u i t . L e s p l a n t e u r s , n e p o u v a n t o b t e n i r d e leurs sucres un prix suffisant p o u r couvrir la h a u s s e de salaire, o n t été obligés de fournir l'exc é d a n t , d ' a b o r d sur leurs profits, e n s u i t e sur leurs c a p i t a u x m ê m e s . U n e foule d e p l a n t e u r s o n t été r u i n é s d e l a sorte, d ' a u t r e s o n t fermé leurs ateliers p o u r é c h a p p e r à u n e r u i n e i m m i n e n t e . . . S a n s d o u t e , i l vaut m i e u x voir péri des a c c u m u l a t i o n s d e c a p i t a u x q u e des g é n é r a t i o n s d ' h o m m e s (how g e n e r o u s o f M r . M o l i n a r ü ) : m a i s n e v a u d r a i t - i l pas m i e u x q u e n i les u n e s n i les a u t r e s p é r i s s e n t ? » ( M o l i n a r i Le. p p . 5 1 , 52.) M r . M o l i n a r i , M r . M o l i n a r i ! W h a t t h e n b e c o m e s o f t h e t e n c o m m a n d m e n t s , o f M o s e s a n d t h e p r o p h e t s , o f t h e law o f supply a n d d e m a n d , i f i n E u r o p e t h e " e n t r e p r e n e u r " c a n c u t d o w n t h e l a b o u r e r ' s l e g i t i m a t e part, a n d i n t h e W e s t I n d i e s , t h e l a b o u r e r c a n c u t d o w n t h e e n t r e p r e n e u r ' s ? A n d what, if you please, is this " l e g i t i m a t e part," w h i c h on y o u r own showing t h e capitalist in E u r o p e daily neglects to pay? Over y o n d e r , i n t h e colonies w h e r e t h e labourers are s o " s i m p l e " a s t o " e x p l o i t " t h e capitalist, M r . M o l i n a r i feels a strong i t c h i n g to set t h e law of supply a n d d e m a n d , t h a t works elsewhere a u t o m a t i c a l l y , o n t h e right r o a d b y m e a n s o f t h e police. Wakefield, I.e., Vol. II., p . 52. I.e. p p . 1 9 1 , 192. 86

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Chapter XXXIII • The modern theory of colonization horses in England, being a valuable property, are better fed t h a n English p e a s a n t s . " But, never m i n d , ||798| n a t i o n a l wealth is, o n c e again, by its very n a t u r e , identical with misery of the people. How, t h e n , to h e a l the anti-capitalistic cancer of t h e colonies? If m e n were willing, at a blow, to t u r n all the soil from public into private property, they would destroy certainly the root of the evil, b u t a l s o — t h e colonies. T h e trick is how to kill two birds with one stone. Let t h e G o v e r n m e n t p u t u p o n the virgin soil an artificial price, i n d e p e n d e n t of the law of supply a n d d e m a n d , a price that compels the i m m i g r a n t to work a long t i m e for wages before he can earn e n o u g h m o n e y to buy land, a n d t u r n himself into an i n d e p e n d e n t p e a s a n t . T h e funds resulting from the sale of land at a price relatively prohibitory for the wage-workers, this fund of m o n e y extorted from the wages of labour by violation of t h e sacred law of supply a n d d e m a n d , the G o v e r n m e n t is to employ, on t h e o t h e r h a n d , in proportion as it grows, to import have-nothings from E u r o p e into the colonies, a n d t h u s keep the wage-labour m a r k e t full for the capitalists. U n d e r these circumstances, tout sera p o u r le m i e u x d a n s le meilleur des m o n d e s possibles. This is the great secret of "systematic colonisation." By this plan, W a k e field cries in t r i u m p h , "the supply of l a b o u r must be constant a n d regular, because, first, as no labourer would be able to p r o c u r e l a n d u n t i l he h a d worked for m o n e y , all i m m i g r a n t labourers, working for a t i m e for wages a n d in c o m b i n a t i o n , would p r o d u c e capital for t h e e m p l o y m e n t of m o r e labourers; secondly, b e c a u s e every labourer who left off working for wages and b e c a m e a landowner, would, by p u r c h a s i n g land, provide a fund for bringing fresh labour to the c o l o n y . " T h e price of the soil i m p o s e d by the State must, of course, be a "sufficient price" — i.e., so high "as to prevent the labourers from b e c o m i n g i n d e p e n d e n t landowners u n t i l ||799| others h a d followed to take their p l a c e . " This "sufficient price for the l a n d " is n o t h i n g b u t a e u p h e m i s t i c c i r c u m l o c u t i o n for the r a n s o m which the lab o u r e r pays to the capitalist for leave to retire from the wage-labour m a r k e t to t h e land. First, he m u s t create for t h e capitalist "capital," with which the latter may be able to exploit m o r e labourers; t h e n he m u s t place, at his own expense, a locum tenens on the labour market, w h o m the G o v e r n m e n t forwards across the sea for the benefit of his old master, the capitalist. 88

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I.e., Vol. I., p p . 24, 4 7 , 246. « C ' e s t , ajoutez-vous, grâce à l ' a p p r o p r i a t i o n d u sol e t d e s c a p i t a u x q u e l ' h o m m e , q u i n ' a q u e ses bras, trouve de l ' o c c u p a t i o n , et se fait un r e v e n u . C'est au c o n t r a i r e , grâce à l ' a p p r o priation i n d i v i d u e l l e d u sol q u ' i l s e trouve des h o m m e s n ' a y a n t q u e leurs bras. ... Q u a n d v o u s m e t t e z u n h o m m e d a n s l e v i d e , vous vous e m p a r e z d e l ' a t m o s p h è r e . A i n s i faites-vous, q u a n d vous vous e m p a r e z du sol. C'est le m e t t r e d a n s le v i d e de richesses, p o u r ne le laisser vivre q u ' à votre v o l o n t é . » (Colins, Le. t . I l l , p p . 2 6 7 - 2 7 1 , passim.) Wakefield, I.e., Vol. I I , p . 192. I.e., p . 4 5 . 89

40

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Part Vili • The so-called primitive accumulation It is very characteristic t h a t the English G o v e r n m e n t for years practised this m e t h o d of "primitive a c c u m u l a t i o n , " prescribed by Mr. Wakefield expressly for the u s e of t h e colonies. T h e fiasco was, of course, as c o m p l e t e as t h a t of Sir R o b e r t Peel's B a n k Act. T h e stream of emigration was only diverted from the English colonies to the U n i t e d States. M e a n w h i l e , t h e advance of capitalistic p r o d u c t i o n in Europe, a c c o m p a n i e d by increasing Gove r n m e n t pressure, has r e n d e r e d Wakefield's recipe superfluous. On t h e o n e h a n d , the e n o r m o u s a n d ceaseless stream of m e n , year after year driven u p o n A m e r i c a , leaves b e h i n d a stationery s e d i m e n t in the east of the U n i t e d States, the wave of i m m i g r a t i o n from E u r o p e throwing m e n on the labour m a r k e t there m o r e rapidly t h a n the wave of emigration westwards c a n wash t h e m away. On the other h a n d , the A m e r i c a n Civil W a r b r o u g h t in its train a colossal n a t i o n a l debt, and, with it, pressure of taxes, the rise of t h e vilest financial aristocracy, the squandering of a h u g e part of t h e public l a n d on speculative c o m p a n i e s for t h e exploitation of railways, m i n e s , etc., in brief, the m o s t rapid centralisation of capital. T h e great republic has, therefore, ceased to be the promised land for emigrant labourers. Capitalistic p r o d u c t i o n advances there with giant strides, even t h o u g h the lowering of wages a n d the d e p e n d e n c e of the wage-worker are yet far from being b r o u g h t down to the n o r m a l E u r o p e a n level. T h e shameless lavishing of u n c u l t i v a t e d colonial l a n d on aristocrats a n d capitalists by the Governm e n t , so loudly d e n o u n c e d even by Wakefield, has p r o d u c e d , especially in A u s t r a l i a , in conjunc||800|tion with the stream of m e n t h a t the gold-diggings attract, a n d with t h e competition that the i m p o r t a t i o n of English c o m m o d i t i e s causes even to the smallest artisan, an a m p l e "relative surplus labouring p o p u l a t i o n , " so that almost every m a i l brings t h e J o b ' s news of a "glut of t h e Australian labour-market," a n d prostitution in some places there flourishes as wantonly as in the L o n d o n H a y m a r k e t .

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However, we are not concerned here with the c o n d i t i o n of the colonies. T h e only thing t h a t interests us is the secret discovered in the new world by 30 t h e political e c o n o m y of the old world, a n d p r o c l a i m e d on the house-tops: t h a t t h e capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n a n d a c c u m u l a t i o n , a n d therefore capitalist private property, have for their f u n d a m e n t a l c o n d i t i o n t h e a n n i hilation of self-earned private property; in other words, t h e expropriation of t h e labourer. | 35 92

A s s o o n a s A u s t r a l i a b e c a m e h e r o w n law-giver, s h e passed, o f c o u r s e , laws favourable t o t h e settlers, b u t t h e s q u a n d e r i n g o f t h e l a n d , already a c c o m p l i s h e d b y t h e E n g l i s h G o v e r n m e n t , s t a n d s i n t h e way. " T h e f i r s t a n d m a i n object a t w h i c h t h e n e w L a n d A c t o f 1862 a i m s i s to give ' i n c r e a s e d facilities for t h e s e t t l e m e n t ' of t h e p e o p l e . " (The L a n d Law of V i c t o r i a , by t h e H o n . C. G. Duffy, M i n i s t e r of P u b l i c L a n d s . L o n d . 1862.)

670

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A B E L , C , a n d Meek- Arbeiten der Kaiserlich Russischen Gesandschaft z u Peking ü b e r China. Berlin, 1 8 5 8 . lenburg, F . A . E n q u i r y i n t o t h e R e a s o n s for or A D D I N G T O N , Steph. against enclosing O p e n Fields. London, 1 7 7 2 . A B R É G É E l é m e n t a i r e des Principes d ' É c o n o m i e Politique. (See u n d e r Anonymous). 5? ADVANTAGES of t h e East I n d i a n T r a d e . (See u n d e r A n o n y m o u s ) . D e s c r i p t i o n of t h e country from A I K I N , Dr. thirty to forty miles r o u n d M a n c h e s ter. London,1795. A B R É G É E l é m e n t a i r e des Principes de ANONYMOUS. l ' É c o n o m i e Politique. (See Garnier, G.). Paris, 1 7 9 6 . 55 ADVANTAGES of the East I n d i a n Trade t o England. London, 1 7 2 0 . 55 C A S E , T h e , o f our English Wool, etc. L o n d o n , 1 6 8 5 . 55 COMBINATION, On, o f Trades. London, 1 8 3 4 , 55 CONSIDERATIONS concerning taking off the b o u n t y o n Corn exported. London, 1 7 5 3 . CURRENCY QUESTION, The.

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D I S C O U R S E concerning Trade, that in L o n d o n , 1689. particular of the East Indies. D I S C O U R S E , A, on the general notions of Money, Trade, and E x c h a n g e as they stand in relation to each other. L o n d o n , 1695. By a M e r c h a n t .

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ture, Measures, and Causes of Value, 10 etc. (See Bailey S.). L o n d o n , 1825. DISSERTATION on the Poor Laws. By a Well-wisher of M a n k i n d . (See Towns- L o n d o n , 1786 end). (repub. 1817.) | 15

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E A S T India Trade, The, a m o s t profitable Trade. ECONOMY, Public, concentrated. E N Q U I R Y into the c o n n e c t i o n between the present price of Provisions a n d the size of F a r m s . By a F a r m e r . ENQUIRY into the causes of the present high price of Provisions. (See Forster, N a t h a n i e l ) . E N Q U I R Y into those principles respecting the n a t u r e of D e m a n d as lately advocated by Mr. M a l t h u s . E N Q U I R Y , A political, into the consequences of enclosing W a s t e L a n d s . ESSAY, An, on the Governing Causes of the N a t u r a l rate of Interest (See J. Massie). ESSAY, a prize, on the Comparative merits of Competition a n d Cooperation. ESSAY on Credit a n d the Bankrupt Act. ESSAY on the Political E c o n o m y of Nations. ESSAY on Public Credit. ESSAY on Trade and C o m m e r c e .

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which are illustrated the principal causes of the present N a t i o n a l Distress. L o n d o n , 1830. Two Letters on the F l o u r Trade, and t h e dearness of Corn. By a Person in Business. L o n d o n , 1767. INDUSTRY of N a t i o n s , T h e . London, 1855.

» 10

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s c h i e d n e n Ständen, Altern u n d G e schlechtern e i g e n t h ü m l i c h sind. U l m , 1840. "

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M O N E Y a n d its Vicissitudes.

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Bailey). L o n d o n , 1837. O U T L I N E S of Political E c o n o m y . L o n d o n , 1832. OBSERVATIONS on certain verbal disp u t e s in Political E c o n o m y . L o n d o n , 1821.)

|803| 25

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P E R I L S , T h e , o f the N a t i o n .

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PRINCIPLES, Essential, of the W e a l t h of N a t i o n s . R E A S O N S for the late increase of the Poor R a t e . R E A S O N S for a limited Exportation of Wool. R E M A R K S on the C o m m e r c i a l Policy of G r e a t Britain. S.W. A C o m p e n d i o u s a n d Briefe Exa m i n a t i o n of certayne ordinary complaints of diverse of our c o u n t r y m e n in these our days. (See W i l l i a m Stafford). S O P H I S M S of Free Trade. By a Barrister. ... Reprint, 1870.

» » 30 " » 35

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BUCHANAN, David. »

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C H E R B U L I E Z , A. E.

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1