Canadian Contributions to the Seventh International Congress of Slavists, Warsaw, August 21–27, 1973 [Reprint 2018 ed.] 9783110879841, 9789027925435

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SLAVISTIC P R I N T I N G S AND R E P R I N T I N G S 285

CANADIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE SEVENTH INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF SLAVISTS Warsaw, August 21-27, 1973

Edited by:

ZBIGNIEW FOLEJEWSKI University of British Columbia

EDMUND HEIER

GEORGE LUCKYJ

University of Waterloo

University of Toronto

DAVID HUNTLEY

GUNTER SCHAARSCHMIDT

University of Toronto

University of Alberta

1973

MOUTON THE HAGUE . PARIS

© Copyright 1973 in The Netherlands Mouton & Co. Ν.V., Publishers, The Hague No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 72-94468

Printed in Belgium by N.I.C.I., Ghent

EDITORIAL NOTE

The editorial intervention in preparing this volume has been limited to the minimum : It was felt desirable to arrange the papers devoted to the theme of Romanticism, the main theme of the Congress, in a separate part. As for the quality and significance, each contribution must be judged on its own merits. The book has been published with the help of a grant from the Humanities Research Council of Canada, using funds provided by the Canada Council. I wish to acknowledge gratefully this support on behalf of the Canadian Committee of Slavists and the Canadian Association of Slavists. Z. F.

CONTENTS

Editorial Note

5

PAPERS ON THE THEME OF ROMANTICISM

Rudolf Neuhäuser Periodization and Classification of Sentimental and Preromantic Trends in Russian Literature Between 1750 and 1815 . . . .

11

Glynn R. Barrati Russian Verse Translation in the Early Romantic Period: A Note on Changing Conventions

41

Bogdan Czaykowski Zagadnienie oryginalnoáci w romantyzmie polskim

47

Théodore F. Domaradzki Les Post-Romantiques Polonais : L'Example de J.I. Kraszewski et de Cyprian Κ. Norwid

69

Danuta Bienkowska Ernest Bryll i teatr romantyczny - Kontynuacja, czy deform a l a ? (Analiza Rzeczy Listopadowej)

99

PAPERS ON GENERAL THEMES

I. Literature and Stylistics Zbigniew Folejewski Dynamic or Static? The Function of the Verb in Poetry.

Ill

8

CONTENTS

Edward Mozejko Jeszcze raz w sprawie slowiañskich"

tzw.

"Porównawczych

literatur 121

Jean Drouilly Cexov et le sentiment de l'absurde

139

II. Linguistics Richard C. DeArmond An Abstract Phonological Analysis of the Sequence CVRC in Contemporary Standard Polish

165

Yvonne Grabowska On the Influence of the English Language on Russian and Polish, and English Interference in the Two Languages as Spoken on This Continent

185

Gunter Schaarschmidt Invariant and Variable Ordering in Slavic Syntax

203

I. Gerus-Tarnawecky Reducible Vowels and Xomonija in a Hitherto Unknown Eastern Slavic Manuscript (Toronto Krjuki-Manuscript)

219

G. Thomas Some Theories Concerning the Unification of the Endings of the Dative, Instrumental and Locative Plural of Russian Nouns . .

227

III History K.J. Cottam Boleslaw Limanowski and the Rise of Student Activism at the University of Moscow, 1857-1858

239

BRIEF NOTES

Jaroslav Β. Rudnyckyj Venedici of "Igor Song" - A Case in Onomastic Pars Pro Toto

251

PAPERS ON THE THEME OF ROMANTICISM

RUDOLF NEUHÄUSER

PERIODIZATION AND CLASSIFICATION OF SENTIMENTAL AND PREROMANTIC TRENDS IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE BETWEEN 1750 AND 1815.

There can be no study of literature in a historical perspective without a classification of the literary process in periods, trends, or movements on a chronological basis. Period terms may be of two kinds, as suggested by Werner Krauss, who diiferentiates between Ordnungsbegriff (ordering concept) and Wesensbegriff (concept of essentiality).1 Period terms as Ordnungsbegriffe rest on factual criteria such as reigns of monarchs, social and political upheavals, change or lack of change in the cultural and intellectual spheres, or the succession of generations. Such periodization schemes have a certain attractiveness. Their apparent objectivity appeals to the academic, yet it must be borne in mind that these attempts at ordering the material imply limitations which should be unacceptable to the literary historian. A chronological frame established on the criteria mentioned above inevitably tends to reduce literary history to a scheme of linear progression where one period follows another. This contradicts the actual development of literature where works of one chronological period may be closely related to two or more different trends or currents. Period terms as Wesensbegriffe (concepts of essentiality) aim at a definition of the essential nature of a group of literary works, or a given period in the cultural, intellectual, and literary life of a society. They imply abstraction which, in extreme cases, may lead to a disregard of historical perspective. This approach has led to a definition of classicism which includes disparate works of the 1730's, 1770's, and 1820's; a definition of realism applying to the literature of the 1770's, 1800's and the whole second half of the 19 th century; a definition of the baroque which includes F. Prokopoviö's writings as well as those of Derzavin a century later. Such use of period terms defeats the aim of literary classification. The resulting confusion is considerable, particularly in the area of 18th century 1

Werner Krauss, Grundprobleme der Literaturwissenschaft (Rowohlt (München, 1968), p. 119.

290-291),

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literature as the late academician Berkov has pointed out.2 What is needed is a reasonable compromise between an Ordnungsbegriff (period in the above sense) and a Wesensbegriff (defining a trend, current, or movement).3 It must be realized that periodization demands classification and that classification in a historical perspective involves periodization. Any periodization which goes beyond factual ordering on a chronological basis will be determined by the methodological approach. Such period terms and trends will reflect a literary theory.4 Before presenting another attempt at an adequate periodization scheme for 18th and early 19th century Russian literature I should like to outline the methodological approach on which it will be based^ For the sake of 2

P. N. Berkov, "Problemy izuöenija russkogo klassicizma," Russkaja literatura XVIII veka. Èpoxa klassicizma (M.-L. 1964), pp. 5-29. 3 The inadequacy of literary classification on the basis of chronologically determined period terms is obvious in the literary history of 18th and early 19th century Russia. Since Belinskij many unsatisfactory attempts have been made to present literary history for this period as a linear progression of three movements, classicism sentimentalism - romanticism. 4 A brief review of the main theories in literary scholarship may indicate the dependence of periodization and classification on theoretical assumptions. Positivism. The positivist scholar analyzes the condition of literature within society, its role and function, its eifect and significance, societal influences on literature, etc. His conclusions are determined by presumably verifiable aspects, such as the quantity and quality of literary works. -This approach leads to a periodization scheme which determines the periods of flowering of literary activity (Blütezeiten). Biographical data play a significant role in this context. Geistesgeschichte as it developed after Dilthey has led to typologies of abstract and often artificial nature. The literary historian attempted to define the spiritual and intellectual essence of literary and cultural epochs ("Gesamtdarstellung einer übergreifenden Idee in ihrer zeitlichen Abfolge und in ihrer Gleichzeitigkeit", according to Manon Maren-Grisebach, Methoden der Literaturwissenschaft, Dalp Taschenbücher, Bd. 397 [Bern, 1970], p. 38). The results are Dilthey's Weltanschauungstypen, Wölfflin's Sehtypen, Walzel's gotischer Mensch und Goethe'ischer Menschentyp, Cysarz' barocker Mensch, Strich's Romantik und Klassik. The tendency to replace the concrete historical phenomenon with an ahistorical abstraction is obvious. Not only are cultural epochs, or epochal styles, formulated in too grandiose a sweep, but we are faced again with a unilinear progression and succession of intellectual trends. The existentialist approach disregards chronological factors and reduces literary history to Problemgeschichte investigating such Urprobleme der Existenz as anxiety, grief, death, loneliness and others. The concept of the literary period becomes irrelevant. The many «phenomejtological» approaches, i.e. literary theories which tend to absolutize a synchronic approach to literature, such as Croce's aestheticism, new criticism, explication des textes, etc. have little use for periodization. Various sociological approaches to literature have led to period concepts which were formulated in accordance with sociological data. The specific literary and poetic qualities of literary works tend to be disregarded. If pursued consequently, this approach leads to non-literary classifications.

SENTIMENTAL PREROMANTIC TRENDS IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE

13

brevity, I will list my basic premises in the form of the following thirteen theses : 1. Literature is a societal phenomenon. There has been no society without its peculiar forms of literary or poetic expression. There can be no literature outside society. 2. The totality of literary works which are recognized as literature by a society constitutes its literary tradition. There is no literature outside the literary tradition. This does not preclude the possibility that a work may be discovered by later generations and ex post facto integrated into the literary tradition. 3. Every generation of writers and critics, every age, develops its own perspective of the literary tradition and reconstitutes it anew. The literary scholar plays a significant role in this process. He, like the literary critic, mediates between society and the literary tradition. 4. Literary works are interrelated with one another, both synchronically and diachronically within the literary tradition. This permits us to speak of literary trends and a literary evolution.5 5. The literary work grows out of its age and embodies it in its structure of concepts, images, and stylistic devices. In other words, the various structural configurations of a literary work relate to the societal determinants of a given time.6 6. Social and cultural history shows that societies do not change along more or less regular patterns. There are times of accelerated change and there are periods of little perceptible change. The same can be said of literature. However, here the situation is more complex, since the relationship between literature and society is rarely a direct, immediate 5

Evolution in this sense should not be misunderstood to denote a predetermined development. It is not meant to imply any teleological determination at all. 6 This has been emphasized by contemporary structural criticism. Jan Mukarovsky has pointed out, "Die Abschwächung der unmittelbaren Beziehung der poetischen Benennung zur Realität wird dadurch kompensiert, dass das dichterische Werk als globale Benennung mit dem gesamten Komplex der Lebenserfahrungen des Subjekts, des schöpfenden wie des aufnehmenden, in Beziehung tritt" (Jan Mukarovsky, Kapitel aus der Poetik, Edition Suhrkamp 230 [Frankfurt, 1967], p. 54). Luden Goldmann has similarly emphasized the relationship between the literary work and society, "... le structuralisme génétique a représenté un changement total d'orientation, son hypothèse fondamentale étant précisément que le caractère collectif de la création littéraire provient du fait que les structures de l'univers de l'œuvre sont homologues aux structures mentales de certains groupes sociaux ou en relation intelligible avec elles, alors que sur le plan des contenus, c'est-à-dire de la création d'univers imaginaires régis par ces structures, l'écrivain a une liberté totale" (Lucien Goldman, Pour une sociologie du roman [Gallimard, 1964], p. 345).

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and simple one. It could be described much rather as unpredictable, dialectic, and ambiguous. Literary trends do not coincide neatly with corresponding societal periods. 7. The literary work is characterized by a specific function of language. Speech, as we should say more appropriately, may be non-literary, either in the sense of technical jargon or as day-to-day communication between people7. In either case there is usually a direct, immediate relationship between speaker, the elements of speech, and the referent (reality, or an aspect of it). In the form of a diagram: S^-sp-^· R. In Professor Weinrich's terminology, such use of language relates to besprochene Welt (stated reality).8 Speech may also be literary or poetic, either in a literary work, or in our day-to-day use of language. In this function, the elements of speech stand in a more complex relationship to the speaker and the referent, which could be described in a diagram as follows : S -> [spi -> Äi] -*-sp2 -> Ü2-

Reality, captured in the elements of speech, is reflected upon the speaker who passes his reflection again through the medium of speech. The besprochene Welt (Ri) turns into the erzählte Welt (narrated reality, Rz). Poetic speech transcends non-literary speech (spi) thereby creating a metalanguage of poetic-symbolic significance. The word or sign in the context of speech refers not directly to any object, but rather to other signs which themselves may, in the final analysis, refer to an intended reality. There is a correlation between the poetic sign of spz and the sign of spi that corresponds to an analogous relation between R2 (the hypothetical or symbolic reality stipulated in the literary work) and Ri (actual reality, or one of its aspects). 8. Poetic speech is not confined to literature. It becomes literature when the signs of a text are correlated in a three-tiered structure of symbolic, paradigmatic, and syntagmatic relations expressive of a unique and unified symbolic reality (R2).9 These structures may, but need not 7

The well-known distinction is between language (la langue, or jazyk) as the nonnative and abstract totality of words and morphological as well as syntactical patterns, and oral or written speech (la parole, or reí'), i.e. the concrete expression of the speaker's intentions or reflections by means of 'language'. 8 S = speaker, sp = speech, R = reality, Harald Weinrich discusses a similar relationship in his book Tempus. Besprochene und erzählte Welt (Stuttgart 1964), where he describes two fundamental attitudes in speech (Erzählhaltungen) and relates them to two implied aims or objects of speech classified by him as besprochene Welt (stated reality) and erzählte Welt (narrated reality). 9 Cf. Roland Barthes, "Die Imagination des Zeichens" in Literatur oder Geschichte

SENTIMENTAL PREROMA NTIC TRENDS IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE

15

necessarily be, the result of a conscious effort embodied in the creative process. Any text, non-literary and literary alike, is potentially literature. 9. This leads to a consideration of the process of canonization, or the constitution of the literary tradition. Many factors, such as the various components of the literary institution -journals, newspapers, publishers, critics, the reading public, etc., not to forget the academic world of literary research, are constantly at work fashioning and refashioning the literary tradition. Every text has to be accepted, or canonized, by one or more of these instances in order to enter the literary tradition. A text that was never intended to function as literature may become literature through the process of canonization. In terms of the above diagram the simple relation: S spi -y Ri is then interpreted as: S -> [.spi -»• J?i] -»• SP2 -> R2. 10. The significance of a literary work is expressed on several levels: The stylistic level, where it is determined by the structure of devices used by the writer; 10 the poetic level, which is understood here to denote the level of relationship between the totality of language signs and the hypothetical reality created through their symbolic function - both poetic speech (spi) and intended or hypothetical reality (R¿) are but two aspects of one concretely existing literary work; the conceptual level, which is understood here to denote the relationship between the hypothetical reality of the literary work {Ri) and actual reality (i?i) to which it indirectly refers. 11. We can speak of a literary trend whenever the literary tradition has left us a group of works which are closely related to each other on the stylistic, poetic, and conceptual level, and where this relationship has entered the consciousness of the reader and student of literature. Whenever a literary trend dominates the literary process of a time, we will classify it as a literary movement. 12. Literature being a social phenomenon has to be seen and studied in historical perspective as an evolution of literary trends and movements (Edition Suhrkamp 303), (Suhrkamp Verlag, 1969); id., Elements of Semiology (London, 1967); and Ju. M. Lotman, Struktura xudozestvennogo teksta (M. 1970) (especially chapters 5. Konstruktivnye principy teksta, 6. Èlementy i urovni paradigmatiki xudozestvennogo teksta, and 7. Sintagmattôeskaja os' struktury). 10 Style may be defined with V.N. ¿irmunskij as follows, "... ν iivom edinstve xudozestvennogo proizvedenija vse priemy naxodjatsja ν vzaimodejstvii, podCineny odnomu xudoïestvennomu zadaniju. Èto edinstvo priemov poèttéeskogo proizvedenija my oboznaCaem terminom S t i l ' " (V. Ν. Zirmunskij, "Zadaíi poètiki", Voprosy teorii literatury. Stati 1916-1926 [L. 1928], p. 50).

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expressive of society and determined by the institutions of literature, the social and literary traditions of a time, and the individual's response to them. 13. Periodization and classification of one kind or another are a prerequisite to an academic study of literature. The literary tradition is not an amorphous stream of literary facts, but a structured totality of works, - the structure being determined by the critic's and historian's approach, which reflects the values and trends of his age.11 Both the conceptual and poetic aspects of a literary work are related to its stylistic structures. Consequently the first step in an attempt to establish adequate period terms should be an examination of the evolution of stylistic norms. Such an analysis should then be followed by an investigation of poetic and conceptual structures. Professor V.V. Vinogradov has described the literary language of the immediate post-Petrine period, which was characterized by the influx of cuvstviteVno-galantnaja lirika of Western origin, the striving to russify the language - often leading to the use of coarse dialect expressions, and a yet ill-defined grammar and syntax.12 The 1740's and 1750's saw an attempt to remedy the situation by an increased emphasis on the Church Slavonic model. Lomonosov's reform led to the imposition of norms which defined the literary language and established a framework of reference for its further development into the early 19th century. In the 1750's and 1760's another development took place which had important implications for the evolution of prose style. Statistics of books published show that beginning with the late 1750's the number of translated works increased considerably. From the early 1760's on translated works included a growing percentage (up to and exceeding 50%) of prose works, mostly translated from French.13 French became a sine qua non for the educated Russian, and elegant French style was as much a desideratum for the young aristocrat as the Church Slavonic heritage and high style in literary works. Russian prose style underwent a charac11 Literary scholarship necessarily involves a good degree of subjectivity. After all, we study the past evolution of our civilization and its present state in order to give meaning to our existence, "to feel at home" in this world, to integrate the past with the present in a meaningful manner. Any such attempt can only emanate from our consciousness, which is determined by the values and norms of our own age. 12 V. V. Vinogradov, Oéerki po istorii russkogo literaturnogo jazyka XVII-XIX vv. [Leiden, 1949], p. 83. 13 See V. V. Sipovskij, Oéerki iz istorii russkogo romana, v. I, pt. 1 (XVHI-yj vek) (St. Peterburg, 1909), pp. 4043 ; cf. also Svodnyj katalog russkoj knigi grazdanskoj peiati XVIII veka 1725-1800, v. 5 (Ukazateli) (M. 1967).

SENTIMENTAL PREROMANTIC TRENDS IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE

17

teristic change caused by French influence. V. Vinogradov has pointed to Fonvizin's style as being typical for the post-Lomonosovian period: Takim obrazom, vysokij slog slavjano-rossijskogo jazyka ν leksike, frazeologii, sintaksise, ritme terpel izmenenija pod vozdejstviem francuzskoj ritoriki, upravljavsej jazykovymi vkusami russkogo dvorjanstva. N o i ν srednem prozaiceskom sloge Fonvizina casto smeSivalis' i skresCivalis' slavjanizmy s gallicizmami, i ν nix rastvorjalis' formy zivogo russkogo prostorecija. 14

These traits characterized not only Fonvizin's style, but most of the prose literature from the late 1750's into the 1770's. Beginning with Sumarokov, a trend towards a smoother and less complex style appeared in poetry. Sumarokov already had advised his disciple E.V. Xeraskov "cuvstvuj tocno, mysli jasno, poj ty prosto i soglasno". 15 Light poetry in the anacreontic taste, madrigals and idylls, songs, often influenced by folklore, increasingly modified the clumsy style of the 1740's and 1750's. Besides Sumarakov it was Xeraskov who played a major role in this evolution. 16 The increasing emphasis on the adaption of the literary language to that of the salon, i.e. the merging of the language actually spoken by the educated aristocrat with the middle style, culminated in the Karamzinian reform. A new stylistic equilibrium was attained in the course of the late 1780's and 1790's. Summarizing the stylistic trends between the 1730's and 1790's in very approximative terms we arrive at these conclusions : disregarding popular folkloristic and so-called "low" literature we can differentiate between five major stylistic trends : 1. 1730's and 1740's.17 The pre-Lomonosovian period, characterized by undefined and widely vacillating norms of the literary language. 14

V. V. Vinogradov, op. cit., p. 126; P. A. Vjazemskij defined Fonvizin's style in a similar manner, "Prozaiôeskij jazyk Lomonosova telo, ozivlennoe to germanskim, to latinskim duxom, koemu dany ν posobie slavjanskie slova. Jazyk Fonvizina pri tex ze posobijax Casto sbivaetsja na gallicizmy. Ni ν torn, ni ν drugom net Cisto russkogo, ni Cisto slavjanskogo, ni daze Cisto slavjano-russkogo jazyka." Vinogradov, loc. cit. 15 Ibidem, p. 130. 16 1.1. Dmitriev, one of the main representatives of the literature of the 1790's, characteristically noted the innovatory role of the style of Sumarokov and Xeraskov. In his memoirs he mentioned, "obrazcami moimi byli Sumarokov i Xeraskov. Pervyj mne nravilsja bolee svoeju lëgkost'ju i raznoobraziem; no ν posledstvii ja uze predpoCital emu Xeraskova, naxodja ν stixax ego bolee myslej i stixotvornyx ukraäenij." 1.1. Dmitriev, Vzgljad na moju zizn' (M. 1866), p. 33. 17 Note that chronological data are meant to indicate the initial phase leading to the point of greatest influence of the respective stylistic systems, rather than their full chronological extent.

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2. The stylistic trend thatwas defined by Lomonosov's linguistic reform and extended over the 1750's and 1760's mainly. 3. The more fluent style of the light poetry of Sumarokov, Xeraskov and other authors of the 1760's and 1770's. 4. A "hybrid" style, resulting from an attempt to modernize Russian prose style by incorporating features of French style (both lexical and syntactic) which became most noticeable in the 1760's and 1770's. Novelists, playwrights, and essayists such as Emin, Kurganov, Culkov, Fonvizin, Elagin, and Lukin were among the exponents of this trend.18 18

The differentiation between a style that characterized many prose works of the 1760's and 1770's, very inadequately called "hybrid" above, a style which did not fully conform with Lomonosov's or Sumarokov's normative demands, and the stylistic refinement of the literature of two decades later, may need further explanation. Andrej Bolotov's Mysli, ili bespristrastnye suzdenija o romanax kak original'nyx rossijskix, tak i perevedënnyx s inostrannyx jazykov (Literaturnoe nasledstvo, vols. 9-10 [M. 1933], pp. 194-221) show that contemporaries were well aware of considerable stylistic differences between works of the 1760's and those of Bolotov's own time (the late 1780's). Bolotov characterized prose of the 1760's as follows: "mnogosloven, skuònovat (p. 194), popletennye nravouöenija (p. 195), neiskusno, durno, neudaëno, nelovko, nepristojno (p. 199)." Concerning Emin's novel Miramondo, Bolotov said, "Cto ze kasaetsja do samyx prikluCenij i spletenija ix, to po mnozestvu onyx i velikomu mnogorazliäju moglib oni sostavit' izrjadnyj i ljubopytnyj roman, esli-b ne izgazeny oni byli toi' nemiloserdno, i opisany-b byli luCäim i natural'nejäim obrazom" (p. 200). On the other hand, he praised contemporary style as "korotkij, lakoniíeskij i zamyslovatyj (p. 194), natural'nyj, pisano so vkusom, trogatel'nyj (p. 195), izjaSònyj, ostroumnyj (p. 209)." In contrast to the undisguised and obtrusive moralizing of earlier literature he praised "zivoe i dejatel'noe nravouöenie" (p. 207). It is worthy of note that Bolotov had praise only for those contemporary works which corresponded to Western sentimentalism in the taste of Richardson. He also discussed novels which have been considered early romantic works. These received a negative evaluation. Bolotov's comments seem to confirm the existence of three separate systems of stylistic norms in the second half of the 18th century, not to mention classicist literature. Later writers recognized similar divisions in 18th century literature. Karamzin said in 1802, "Feofan i Kantemir sostavljajut siju pervuju èpoxu, za neju sleduet èpoxa Lomonosova i Sumarokova; tret'eju dotino nazvat' vremja Ekateriny Velikoj, uze bogatoe öislom avtorov ..." (Vestnik Evropy, 20/1802). Batjuskov distinguished between five periods characterized by the works of five major authors : (1) Lomonosov, (2) Fonvizin, (3) Derzavin, (4) Karamzin, (5) literature since Karamzin. N. I. Gre£ divided Russian literature into two epochs, before and after Karamzin, and subdivided them again into (1) the age of Lomonosov, (2) the 1770's and 1780's when BogdanoviC, Xemnicer, and Fonvizin wrote, and (3) Karamzin's age. Bestuzev-Marlinskij, writing in the 1830's, likewise differentiated between (1) Lomonosov, (2) a group of writers of various character from Emin to Xeraskov and Knjaznin, (3) Derzavin, and (4) Karamzin. It is noteworthy that Bestuzev-Marlinskij defined Derzavin's poetry as the introduction to Russian romanticism. Gogol' likewise described Derzavin in terms of romantic literature, "u nego est' ôto-to eäie bolee ispolinskoe i parjaSöee, neíeli u Lomonosova. Nedoumevaet um reSit', otkuda vzjalsja ν nem ètot giperboliëeskij

SENTIMENTAL PREROMANTIC TRENDS IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE

19

5. The stylistic norms of I. Dmitriev's and Karamzin's works, i.e. the language patterned after the educated speech of the literary salon with incorporation of Western, especially French, stylistic norms, extending over the 1780's and 1790's. Sumarokov's and Xeraskov's poetry may be said to have begun this evolution. 6. In the 1790's a new influence made itself felt which found an early realization in some of Karamzin's works, especially those written before 1795.19 Derzavin's giperboliceskij razmax... reci (Gogol) was an early impulse towards a style that became opposed to Karamzin's late sentimental writings, as Andrej Turgenev pointed out in his speech O russkoj literature (1801). Around the turn of the century this new trend expanded under the influence of the gothic novel and German romantic literature. In the more extreme examples it came to incorporate the stylistic excesses of German Sturm und Drang literature. The early work of Nareznyj, Gnedic and Davydov expressed this trend in the first decade of the new century. An acceptable periodization scheme should attempt to accommodate and reflect the above-mentioned six trends in the development of the literary language. Two evolutionary traditions emerge in 18th century literature: (1) Lomonosov - Derzavin - early romanticism (i.e. the preromantic trend mentioned above, not the early romanticism of ¿ukovskij and Batjuskov) ; (2) Sumarokov - Xeraskov - Dimitriev - Karamzin, which found a further development in 2ukovskij's early poetry. Disregarding pre-Lomonosovian literature and leaving aside Russian classicism, we will have to account for four stylistic trends in Russian literature between the 1750's and approximately 1810. razmax ego reii... Diko, gromadno vse ..." Belinskij echoed these views, "S Derzavina nadinaetsja novyj period russkoj poèzii, i kak Lomonosov byl pervym eë imenem, tak Derzavin byl vtorym." Several young writers associated with the Friendly Literary Society (1801) and the Free Society of Lovers of Literature ... (founded 1801) refused to accept the Karamzinian tradition and attempted to continue the tradition of Lomonosov and Derzavin. Characteristically, it was in this literary environment that preromantic works were written. See K. N. Batjuäkov, "Cuzoe - moe sokrovisöe," Socinenija, v. II (St.-Petersburg, 1886); N.I. GreC, "Obozrenie russkoj literatury ν 1814 godu," Socinenija, v. Ill (St.-Petersburg, 1855), pp. 150, 247; A. A. BestuzevMarlinskij, "O romane Ν. Polevogo 'Kljatva pri grobe Gospodnem'," Moskovskij telegraf, 15-18 (1833); Ν. V. Gogol', "V öem ze, nakonec, suSöestvo russkoj poèzii i ν öem ee osobennost'", Vybrannye mesta iz perepiski s druz'jami (1844). 19 I am referring to the style of some of his critical reviews, e.g. on Emilia Galotti which he had translated in 1788, the introduction to his translation of Julius Caesar, the ballad Graf Guarinos, and the tales "The Island of Bornholm" and "Sierra Morena".

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If we consider these trends from the point of view of genres, then we notice that some were confined to only one or two genres. The stylistic characteristics of Sumarakov's and Xeraskov's light poetry did not extend beyond the confines of lyrical poetry patterned after Latin models, i.e. anacreontic, bucolic, idyllic verses, madrigals, eclogues, pastorals, and songs.20 These types of poems were part of the classicist canon, although they were assigned a very minor position in the context of the classicist genre system. Yet it was just in these minor genres that the literary language developed. Taking one of Sumarokov's songs and reading it alongside his dramatic and essayistic work, one cannot help noticing the considerable stylistic differences. An analogous stylistic gap existed between Xeraskov's lyrical "odes" and his classicist epic Rossijada. Similarly, the style of translated and original novels and comedies (patterned on Diderot and the middle-class drama) was limited to works of these two genres. It was only in the late 1780's that a generally accepted literary style applicable to more or less all genres emerged in Russia.

1. ASPECTS OF LIGHT POETRY OF THE 1760's AND 1770's

The main task is to determine how far the light poetry of the time reflected established classicist genres in accordance with Latin and Greek models, and presented a new departure under the influence of folklore and contemporary Western literature. It is obvious that some of the poetry of the time, like Sumarokov's "Pesenka" and Popov's ljubovnye pesni, reflects folkloristic elements.21 Xeraskov's anacreontic odes paralleled Western, e.g. German, anacreontic poetry of a somewhat earlier period (the 1730's and 1740's in German literature). Both Sumarakov's and Xeraskov's anacreontic poetry did not go far beyond classicist norms in its images 20

Anacreon was mentioned already by Trediakovskij in the foreword to his Socinenija iperevody of 1752. Lomonosov wrote his Razgovor s Anakreonom not much later (1759-1761). He stressed the visual and picturesque (zivopisnye and zritel'nye) features of anacreontic poetry to which he opposed his well-known views of the ode. The poetry of Horace, especially his epodes, was another significant influence. Again we have to go back to Trediakovskij who wrote a russified version of an Horatian epode in 1732 (Strofy poxval'nye poseljanskomu zitiju). Ezemesjacnye socinenija (1755-1764), among whose contributors we find Sumarokov and Xeraskov, printed translations from Anacreon. Poleznoe uveselenie (1760-1762), one of the journals edited by Xeraskov, published translations from Anacreon, Horace, and other Latin poets. 21 Here are the first four lines of Sumarokov's "Pesenka" (1760): "SavuSka greSen, / Sava povesen. / SavuSka, Sava! / Gde tvoja slava?" (G. P. Makogonenko [ed.], Russkaja literatura XVIII veka [L. 1970], p. 118).

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and devices. Boileau's lines: "Chanter Flore, les champs, Pomone, les vergers/Au combat de la fluste animer deux Bergers,/ Des plaisirs de l'Amour vanter la douce amorce,/... Le Madrigal plus simple, et plus noble en son tour,/Respire la douceur, la tendresse, et l'amour," which defined the topics of light poetry for the classicist writer, continued to determine the forms and structures of this genre until the middle 1770's.22 It was only M.N. Murav'ev's mature poetry that combined stylistic innovation with new poetic and conceptual norms. As an example one may compare Sumarokov's verses of 1770, "Ne grusti, moj svet! Mne grustno i samoj..." to Xeraskov's "Pesenka" of 1763 "Cto ja prel'scen toboju...," and both of these poems to Murav'ev's "Odes", or his poem "Noe"' of 1776.23 Both Sumarokov and Xeraskov dealt with generalized topics - love and beauty - on a one-dimensional plane, as it were. In contrast to them, Murav'ev's verses expressed psychological and philosophical reflection in a system of correspondences between nature, the emotional response of the individual, and a metaphysical concept of existence. In Murav'ev's poems the individual was seen from various angles, he was described not as a static being, but a dynamic process, integrated in the constant flux of life and nature. This was a conceptual background which decidedly transcended the classicist system. If we consider Sumarakov's and Xeraskov's poems as typical for their time and genre we can say that this kind of poetry should be considered part of the classicist movement despite its innovatory style and the moderate expansion of the classicist system which it entailed. Murav'ev's poetry, on the other hand, clearly belonged to another trend.

2. PROSE LITERATURE BETWEEN THE LATE 1750's AND APPROXIMATELY 1780

Beginning with the late 1750's Russian literature witnessed a considerable influx of translated prose literature which in terms of English, German, 22

Nicolas Boileau-Despréaux, L'Art poétique (Reclam Universal-Bibliothek Nr. 8523) (Stuttgart, 1967), "Chant second", pp. 25, 33. 23 Here is the first verse of each of the three poems mentioned : A. P. Suirarokov, "Ne grusti, moj svet! Mne grustno i samoj, / Cto davno ja ne vidalasja s toboju,/ Muz revnivyj ne puskaet nikuda; / Otvernus' lis' tak i on idet tuda." (G. P. Makogonenko, op. cit., p. 119); M. M. Xeraskov, "Cto ja prel'sòen toboju, / Cemu tomu divit'sja,- / Tebe krasoj rodit'sja / Naznaceno sud'boj. / Prekrasnoe ljubit'- / Nam sej zakon priroden, ..." (M. M. Xeraskov, Izbrannyeproizvedenija [L. 1961], p. 132); M. N. Murav'ev, "K prijatnoj tisine sklonilas' mysl' moja, / Medlitel'nej tekut mgnoven'ja bytija. / Umolkli golosa, i svet, pokrytyj t'moju, / Zovet zivusfiix vsex ko sladkomu pokoju ..." (M.N. Murav'ev, Stixotvorenija [L. 1967], pp. 159-160).

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or French literature could be defined as sentimental and moralistic, related to the type of literature found in Addison's and Steele's periodicals.24 This wave of translated essayistic literature reached a climax between 1759 and 1769. It was here that a new poetic and literary language was fashioned and new poetic concepts were developed. A very brief and cursory review of some of the translations indicates this. Prazdnoe vremja published a translation from Addison in 1759 which was entitled in Russian "O dejstvijax dobrogo i xudogo vospitanija". The essay dealt with "passions not regulated by virtue and disciplined by reason" and advised the reader to rely on "discourses of morality and reflections upon human nature"as the best means of an education to virtue.25 Xeraskov's journal Socinenija i perevody k poVze i uveseleniju sluzaScie printed a translation of an essay from The Spectator in 1760 which once again discussed the role of passions. The anonymous author stressed that reason had to balance passion in a sound human person, but assigned to passion a leading role, in so far as he considered passions the "principles of human actions". Dobroe namerenie, a journal edited by Xeraskov's disciples, published a tale in 1764 where the above sensualistic attitudes were developed into the plot of a story on the pattern of a Richardsonian novel involving motives of filial and parental love, friendship, sensual passion, abductions and duels, and a happy ending where the hero became "shaken with a thousand emotions of tenderness and passion... and a flood of tears succeeded the effect of inexpressible delight". The tale ended characteristically in "a conflict of agreeable passions". At the same time when Russian literary journals were printing translations of moralistic essays, there appeared the first Russian translations of sentimental novels and dramas. An early French sentimentalist, often compared to Richardson whom he translated into French, was Abbé Prévost (1697-1763), of whom Diderot once said, "every line of Prévost's novels stirs in me a movement of concern over the adversities of virtue and costs me tears". 26 Besides Prévost, such writers as Pierre Marivaux, 24 According to Ju. Levin's investigations ("Anglijskaja prosvetitel'skaja zurnalistika ν russkoj literature XVIII veka", Èpoxa pros ves ¿enija [L. 1967], pp. 84-109) there appeared about eighty translations from English moralistic weeklies in Russian periodicals between 1755 and 1764. Most of them came from the pages of The Spectator and had been authored by Addison. 25 The Russian journals mentioned here and below have not been accessible to me. The quotations have been taken from the English originals in accordance with Ju. Levin's list: The Spectator, Nov. 6, no. 215 (1711); The Spectator, June 18, no. 408 (1712); The Universal Magazine of Knowledge and Pleasure, "The Charms and reward of virtue in distress," XXIV, April (1759), pp. 177-184). 36 This sentiment was echoed by I. Dmitriev who said of Prévost that he elevated

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"the great cultivator o f sensibilité", A b b é Lambert, imitator o f popular sentimental stories a n d themes, M m e . de Lambert, w h o idolized sentimental friendship, D a n i e l D e f o e , a n d Henry Fielding were translated i n t o R u s s i a n in the 1760's. 2 7 A handwritten translation o f Pamela,

or Virtue Rewardedh&à

Richardson's

already circulated in Russia in the 1750's!

T h e violent reaction against novels o n the part o f classicist authors including S u m a r o k o v a n d X e r a s k o v p o i n t e d o u t the innovatory role o f translated p r o s e literature. L o m o n o s o v , S u m a r o k o v , a n d X e r a s k o v were u n a n i m o u s in c o n d e m n i n g n o v e l s . 2 8 T h e sentimental character o f translated literature w a s stressed by those w h o d e f e n d e d the genre, s u c h as Semen A . Porosin, the y o u n g translator o f a novel by Prévost. This is h o w Porosin described the "modern" novel : N e u odnix nas est' Bovykprolevici, Eruslany Lazarevici, Petry Zlatye kljuci, - vezde ix m n o g o ; n o n a d o b n o predvodimomu r a z u m o m celoveku spravedlivoe polagat' razlicie mezdu takimi vrakami i svjazno, prijatno i o s t r o u m n o vyvedennymi prikljucenijami... N o c t e n i e r a z u m n o p i s a n n y x r o m a n o v otvergat' i oporocivat' ni m a l o j net priciny: izobrazajutsja ν nix nravy celoveceskie, dobrodeteli ix i nemosci ; pokazyvajutsja ot raznyx porokov raznye bedstvija ν primerax, t o pricinjajuscix uzas, t o soboleznovanie i slezy izvlekajuscix; i mezdu cep'ju naistrojnejsim p o i j a d k o m sovokuplennyx prikljucenij nastavlenija k dobrodeteli polagajutsja. 2 9 F e d o r Emin, the first R u s s i a n t o cultivate the n e w genre, held similar views. H e stressed the quality o f craftsmanship speaking o f "izijadno soöinennye i svjazno spletennye r o m a n y " . 3 0 H e a d d e d that novels s h o u l d contain moral instruction a n d descriptions o f various countries together his soul. Dmitriev was "always captivated by the good examples" of Prévost's novels (I. I. Dmitriev, op. cit., p. i6). S. Glinka said of Prévost's novel ¿itie Klevelatida... (translated in 1760), that it presented "ne ljubov'.a besenstvo ljubvi; i èta isstuplennaja strast' iz burnogo serdca Prevo, soöinitelja romana, vyryvalas' kipjaäCeju lavoju ν junoe moe serdce" (V. V. Sipovskij, op. cit., p. 8). 27 Marivaux's novel La vie de Marianne was translated into Russian in 1762; Abbé Lambert's Le nouveau Télémaque... appeared in translation in 1761-1762, his L'Infortunée Sicilienne in 1767; Mme Lambert's treatise Avis d'une mère à son fils and Avis d'une mère à sa fille appeared in translation in 1761, her novel La femme érmite and a treatise on friendship Traité de l'amitié in the 1770's. 28 Their critical statements have been reprinted in V. V. Sipovskij, Ocerki iz istorii russkogo romana, I, 1 (St.-Petersburg, 1909), and by I. Z. Serman in his excellent study "Stanovlenie i razvitie romana ν russkoj literature XVIII v.", Iz istorii russkix literaturnyx otnosenij XVIII-XIX vv. (M.-L. 1959), pp. 82-95. 29 "Predislovie perevoddika", Filosof aglinskoj, ili ¿itie Klevelanda, poboänogo syna Kromvela, im samim pisannoe, v. I (St.-Petersburg, 1760), quoted by I. Ζ. Serman, op. cit., p. 87. 30 F. A. Emin, "Predislovie," Nepostojannaja fortuna, ili Poxozdenija Miramonda, v. I (St.-Petersburg, 1763), quoted by I. Z. Serman, op. cit., p. 89.

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with their morals and politics. Young Fonvizin stressed the same qualities in the novel which he translated (Jean Terrason's moralistic novel Sethos...)?1 Terrason's novel was conducive to "ispravlenie nravov" and contained "ucenye primecanija, nadlezascie do egipetskogo naroda" as well as "izvestija drevnej geografii".32 I.P. Elagin, who translated Prévost's Mémoires d'un homme de qualité qui s'est retiré du monde, stressed the moralistic and didactic aim of the novel in his foreword, as "smesennye s raznymi prikljucenijami ν zizni sego Markiza nravoucenija ...dljanastavlenija". 33 These qualities, undisguised moralistic instruction and learned discourses, related works of this period to the classicist system of norms. The increasing significance of emotional experiences both on the level of the plot and that of the interaction between novel and reader pointed ahead to the sentimental literature of the 1780's and 1790's. Emin already defined his aim as "podvinut' neznye serdca k soboleznovaniju o nasix nescastijax".34 Readers of a later age - 1 am referring to the last third of the century were no longer prepared to accept undisguised instruction in morals and the facts of geography or politics. A. Bolotov condemned these aspects in Emin's works. He also criticized his style as old-fashioned. S. Glinka similarly condemned the style of a translation of Prévost's novel (The Life of Cleveland), although he still had great praise for the contents.35 An analogous development characterized another genre, drama. The classicist differentiation between comedy and tragedy tended to become blurred. Already Xeraskov's tragedy Venecianskaja Monaxinja (1758) showed many features which related it to Diderot's genre sérieux, rather than to established classicist norms. Early sentimental comedies entered Russia in translation in the 1760's. N. Destouches, who began the transformation of French comedy into the tearful genre of the sentimental age, was translated between 1759 and the 1770's. His successor, Marivaux, analyzed emotions in his comedies translated in the 1760's and 1770's. 31

Jean Terrason, Gerojskaja dobrodeter, ili Zizrí Si/a, carja egipetskago, pts. 1-4 (M. 1762-1768). 32 "Predislovie perevodòika" Jean Terrason, op. cit., reprinted in D. I. Fonvizin, Sobranie socinenij, v. II (M.-L. 1959), pp. 221-222. 33 A. F. Prévost, Prikljucenija Markiza G*** ... (St.-Petersburg, 1756), "Pripisanie gr. A. G. Razumovskomu," quoted by V. D. Golovciner, "Iz istorii stanovlenija jazyka russjcoj literaturnoj prozy 50 - 60-x godov XVIII veka", XVIII vek. Sbornik 4 (M.-L. 1959), p. 69. 34 F. A. Emin, op. cit. (Cf. η. 30 above). 35 Concerning Bolotov's view of Emin's novel see n. 18 above. S. Glinka said of the language of the translation of Prévost's novel "perevod nesterpim" (V. V. Sipovskij, op. cit., p. 8).

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Nivelle de la Chaussée, who completed the transformation of the comedy begun by Destouches, was the earliest French representative of the Comédie larmoyante. One of his comedies appeared in Russia in 1776. Tearful comedies by a contemporary of Chaussée, Jean Galbert de Campistron, were translated already in the middle 1760's. George Lillo's famous middle-class tragedy The London Merchant, or The History of George Barnwell was translated in 1764, Mercier's adaptation of it Jenneval reached Russia in 1769. Edward Moore's The Gamester, the second famous English domestic tragedy, appeared on the Russian stage in 1773. Diderot's dramas Le Fils Naturel and Le Père de Famille appeared in Russia in 1765 and 1766 respectively. One of the translations of Le Fils Naturel contained a foreword which outlined Diderot's theories in the sentimental manner. The performance of Beaumarchais' Eugénie in translation in 1770 marked the victory of the new serious drama in Russia. The classicist attitude was well expressed by Sumarokov who denounced the new genre in 1771 and, in support, solicited a statement by Voltaire.36 As H. Schlieter has pointed out, the early period of the development of the drama in Russia extended approximately from 1755 to the middle 1760's.37 Apart from stylistic considerations it can be said that the following three features characterized much of prose literature, both translated and original, from the late 1750's into the 1770's : (1) undisguised moralizing; (2) didacticism, i.e. the desire to spread knowledge in various sciences; and (3) a growing insistence on the role of passions, sensual cognition, and the emotional effects of literature on the reader. For these reasons it seems permissible to speak of moralistic-didactic sentimentalism as a major trend in Russian literature from the late 1750's to approximately the middle 1770's.

36

For details I refer to Svodnyj ¡catalog russkoj kttigi grazdanskoj pelati XVIII veka 1725-1800 which lists translations of the works of the above authors. Concerning Sumarokov's attitude, see the foreword to his tragedy Dmitrij Samozvanec (1771), pp. X-XI; cf. also G. P. Makogonenko, Ot Fomizina do Puskina (M. 1969), p. 187 f. For further listings of sentimental dramas refer to V. Vsevolodskij-Gerngross, "Bibliografiëeskij i xronologiíeskij ukazatel' materialov po istorii teatra ν Rossii ν XVIIX V m vekax", Sbornik istorikoteatraVnoj sekcii, v. I, 8 (Petrograd, 1918), pp. 1-71 ; and V. D. Golovöiner, op. cit., p. 67. 37 H. Schlieter, Studien zur Geschichte des russischen Rührstückes 1758-1780 (Wiesbaden, 1968). Schlieter has classified the 1770's and 1780's as a period of greater maturity, variety, and originality. It was during this second period that German sentimental dramas, such as Gellert's and Lessing's comedies, appeared in translation in Russia.

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3. LITERATURE FROM THE MIDDLE 1770's TO THE MIDDLE 1790's

Some of the differences between the literature of this period and preceding literature have already been mentioned. A. Bolotov stressed the greater fluency and syntactic simplicity of contemporary writing. Undisguised moralizing and the inclusion of extra-literary and factual material for didactic purposes were frowned upon. The literary language had gained a new equilibrium expressed in the merging of Lomonosov's middle style with the speech of the salon, and poetic and conceptual norms were integrated into a comprehensive and structured system resting on sensualist and empiricist philosophy. Already in 1759, Sumarokov had given a brief but substantial outline of John Locke's sensualistic theories. The heart (i.e. passions) was assigned a superior place in comparison with the head (i.e. reason). "Razum est' ne öto inoe, kak tol'ko soderzateF voobrazenij, poruöennyx emu cuvstvami." All human experiences were assumed to be based on sensual impressions. The mind had only the function of ordering and associating these experiences. Since there were no inborn ideas in man, it followed that "nravouöenie osnovano na òuvstvax, a ne na razume! Sovest' osnovana na öuvstvax..." 38 Sumarokov did not go far enough to accept the expansion of sensualistic theory in Rousseau's writings. Nor did he integrate sensualistic philosophy with his literary work. This was left to the literature of the last quarter of the 18th century. The basic understanding of the origin and development of ideas and thought, both in the area of scientific knowledge and that of morality, was further developed in the course of the last two and a half decades of the century in the writings of Murav'ev, Karamzin, and their contemporaries. In sensualist philosophy, our world appeared as consisting of two spheres - the world of matter and nature, and the world of ideas and emotions, the latter being derived from the former. The principle of the analogous nature of the world outside and the world inside us, particularly with regard to morality, was established in an article which appeared in a Russian periodical in 1762 and was entitled "Sravnenie pritjagatel'noj sily ν bol'six telax sveta s onoju kotoraja 38

AN-SSSR, I. N. Novikov i ego sovremenniki (M. 1961), pp. 350-351. Karamzin expressed the same views twenty-five years later, "takim obrazom sobiraet on [íelovek, R. N.] besòislennye idei ili ¿uvstvennye ponjatija, kotorye sut' niòto inoe, kak neposredstvennoe otrazenie predmetov, i kotorye nosjatsja snaòala ν duSe ego bez vsjakogo porjadka." He defines "razum" as the force which "zdala tol'ko Cuvstvennyx vpeöatlenij, Ctoby naöat' svoi dejstvija." N. M. Karamzin, "Neíto o naukax, iskusstvax, i prosveSíenii" (1793), Socinenija Karamzina, v. VII (M. 1803), p. 33.

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usmatrivaetsja mezdu dus celoveceskix".39 The basic and central force which held together the universe of emotions and ideas in man akin to the force of gravity in the material universe was defined as an ethical emotion - as sympathy and compassion. This application of sensualist and empiricist theories to ethics is usually discussed under the heading of Moral Sense School,40 The inner sentiment or feeling (Adam Smith) that caused our emotional reaction to goodness and produced sympathy became known as the moral sense. This sense found its aim and fulfilment in the achievement of virtue and happiness. Just as the structure of the natural world was characterized by order, harmony, and beauty, so was that of human responses by sympathy, virtue and happiness. At least, this was the divinely ordained order of the world. Contradictory facts - such as natural catastrophes or moral evil -had to be explained as aberrations, or as the result of neprosvescennyj vkus, i.e. as a temporary stage on the arduous path of realizing the divinely intended order. Several conclusions can be drawn from this preliminary discussion: (1) emotional, aesthetic, ethic, and cognitive faculties of man tended to merge in somewhat vague and blurred concepts of taste, virtue's sweet charm, mental beauty, the nice concord of a well-tuned mind, moral grace, good breeding, etc. 41 Of great importance for literature was the identification of the aesthetic ideal with the ethic ideal (already contained in Platonic philosophy); (2) the above concepts inspired optimism and a belief in a coming golden age when universal happiness would be reached (i.e. compare Karamzin's views as expressed in his essays); (3) harmony became a central concern not only in morality, but in all human activities including literature. To be in harmony with the order of the world, to be integrated with it, became a central concept of the sentimental trend; (4) it is understandable that for the more searching minds the problem of the perennial existence of evil would become a very vexing one; (5) on the literary or poetic level, the implications of the above views were that virtue, goodness, harmony, not being preconceived or inherent ideas, could not be rationally explained 39

Socinenija i perevody k pol'ze i uveseleniju sluzascie, no. 126, August (1762), pp. 184-191 (translated from The Guardian, 1713). The article is ascribed to Bishop Berkeley. 40 The following works may be considered basic for the Moral Sense School: J. Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1690); D. Hume, Treatise on Human Nature (1739); A. Smith, Theory of the Moral Sentiments (1759); Anthony Ashley Cooper, Earl of Shaftesbury, Characteristics of Men, Manners, Opinions, and Times (1711). These writers became well-known in Russia in the course of the 18th century. 41 Cf. L. I. Bredvold, The Natural History of Sensibility (Wayne State University Press, Detroit, 1962), p. 17.

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and preached, but had to be shown in the interaction of people, their emotional responses, the presence or absence of taste and good breeding (defined as garmonija cuvstvovanija).42 Moralistic preaching, which had been characteristic of earlier literature, lost all justification for the writer who accepted the sentimental framework of reference; (6) the analogy between nature, created by God as a model and pattern for man, and the individual demanded that man develop a greater sensitivity or susceptibility to nature, i.e. develop the ability to listen to and understand what God wanted to tell him through her images; (7) sentimental concepts furthered the trend to deism and pantheism. P.P. Cekalevskij, secretary and later vice-president of the Academy of Fine Arts in St. Petersburg, summarized the sentimental view of nature and man mezdu tvorenijami prirody, vsë sluiit k naslazdeniju zrenija nasix cuvstv. Vsë, cto opredeleno dlja nasego upotreblenija, odareno krasotoju... priroda, starajas', takim obrazom, vlijati ν nas otovsjudu prijatnye cuvstvovanija, bez somnenija imela predmetom vozbudit' i vkorenit' cuvstvitel'nost', kotoraja by ν sostojanii byla ukrotit' stremlenie strastej i crezmernost' nasego samoljubija.43 Cekalevskij further identified the good with the beautiful and the ugly with evil. A perfect poetic version of this concept is contained in Karamzin's "povest"' Derevnja: Ja odin idu po tixoj ravnine, ν molcanii, ν glubokoj zadumcivosti. No vdrug duäa moja sodrogaetsja ot vnezapnogo bleska ognennyx luöej. Smotrju na vostocnoe nebo - tarn ν sizyx tucax blistaet molnija i osvesöaet peredo mnoju razvaliny staroj cerkvi i gustoju travoju zarosSie mogily. S drugoj storony vosxodit svetlaja luna; nebo vokrug ee öisto. Tak mrak i svet, porok i dobrodetel', buija i spokojstvie, skorb' i radost' sovokupno vladyöestvujut ν nasem mire!44 Note that porok is identified with ruins and graves, flashings of lightning and blue-grey clouds, while virtue is linked to the bright moon and a clear sky. Murav'ev likewise established an analogy between "physical beauty" and "moral beauty" and expressed their relationship in the well-known statement, "vnesnjaja krasota est' tol'ko obesöanie prekrasnoj dusi." 45 42

N. P. Nikolev, "Liro-didaktiòeskoe poslanie" (1791), Tvorenija, v. III (M. 17951796), p. 359. 43 Ak. Xudozestv., Istorija èstetiki. Pamjalniki mirovoj èsteticeskoj mysli, v. II (M. 1964), pp. 768 f. 44 G. P. Makogonenko (ed.), Russkaja literatura XVIII veka (L. 1970), p. 687. 45 M. Ν. Murav'ev, "Udovol'stvie i skorb'", Polnoe sobrante soéinenìj, v. III (St.-Petersburg, 1820), p. 29.

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A direct application of these concepts to literature can be found in Nikolev's notes to his Liro-didakticeskoeposlanie (1791), where he defined the essential quality of literature (poèzija) as harmony. The poetic work (celoe poèzii) according to him consisted of garmonija krasot,46 This definition is analogous to Karamzin's view of aesthetics as naslazdenie izjascnym and I. Dmitriev's youthful concept of poetry, expressed in the phrase "odnu tol'ko plavnost' stixa i bogatuju rifmu ja söital krasotoj i soversenstvom poèzii."47 On the basis of these concepts it may be appropriate to classify the literature of this trend as sentimental aestheticism. Accordingly, we can say that sentimental literature in Russia began in the 1750's and developed in two stages: an early one which lacked a unified style and poetic-conceptual framework, classified here as moralisticdidactic sentimentalism, and a later stage of maturity which contained the qualities that had been absent in the former, sentimental aestheticism. The poetry of Murav'ev, Dmitriev, Karamzin, the latter's prose works (with some notable exceptions, though) exemplified this conceptual framework where aesthetic perception had replaced rational moralization. As far as the individual was concerned, two tendencies were noticeable. On the one hand, the sentimentalist aimed at the attainment of virtue and happiness based on harmony, both within man as applied to his inner life, and in relations between people and society. Karamzin said "vse mogut naslazdat'sja plodami Iskusstva i Nauki - a kto naslazdaetsja imi, tot delaetsja lucsim celovekom i spokojnejsim grazdaninom..."48 Dmitriev proudly listed his achievements as a civil servant in his memoirs. The sentimentalist wanted to be integrated with society. On the other hand, sentimental concepts led to introversive reflection on the individual's self. The sentimentalist was inclined to flee the distractions of social life, to withdraw to nature and a contemplative life. These were, so to say, the two poles between which he moved. In the words of an early Russian sentimentalist, "odnako prekrasno i uedinenie; ono izoscrjaet ν nas oscuscenie nuzdy byt' vmeste."49 Solitude served yet another purpose, as Murav'ev already indicated. The "pleasant reflection on one's self" (ibidem) makes us sharply conscious of our separation from other people. Loneliness and sadness lead to a 46

N. P. Nikolev, op. cit., pp. 146-147. Ν. M. Karamzin, "Pis'ma russkogo puteSestvennika," Soíinenija, v. II (St.-Petersburg, 1834), p. 128; 1.1. Dmitriev, Vzgljad na moju iizrí (M. 1866), p. 91. 48 Ν. M. Karamzin, "NeCto o naukax, iskusstvax, i prosveSôenii" (1793), Soêinenija Karamzina, v. VII (M. 1803), p. 72. 49 M. Ν. Murav'ev, "Däöicy dlja zapisyvanija" (1778), reprinted in Prof. Makogonenko's Anthology (see η. 44 above), p. 545. 47

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heightened awareness of our own existence. The sentimentalist and freemason A.M. Kutuzov expanded on Murav'ev's view in an essay entitled "O prijatnosti grusti" (translated from Geliert), "ona [grust', R.N.] polagaet voobrazeniju moemu cenu; cto ja zasluzivaju lucsego zrebija, i stol'ko ze, ili esce bolee dostoin ego, nezeli drugie. Ona pitaet samoljubie moe...ne pozvoljaju ja lisat' sebja pecali sej i nacinaju ljubit' onuju." 5 0 It was particularly the emotions of sadness and grief which became important motives for sentimental literature. They were the most powerful stimuli in creating this heightened sensation of individual dignity and worth. Lessing provided an exact definition of this concept in a letter to Mendelssohn of 1757, where he said "alle Leidenschaften, auch die unangenehmsten, seien als Leidenschaften angenehm, denn bei jeder 'Leidenschaft' seien wir uns eines grossen Grades unserer Realität bewusst und dieses Bewusstsein könne nicht anders als angenehm sein." 51 Lessing defined what may be one of the most characteristic traits of sentimentalista: the inclination to narcissistic pleasures resulting from a conscious reflection of the individual upon his emotional experiences and responses. The trend to psychological analysis, and the reflective lyricism of romantic poetry drew from this concept. If we apply this understanding to sentimental drama, we can say that the tears which the sentimental author and his audience shared were not only an indication of compassion and sympathy, but of pleasure resulting from reflection on suffering and compassion. The tears were an indication of the moment of the most intense awareness of individual existence. Reality in sentimental literature increasingly served only as a release of emotional reactions and reflections. It tended to become stereotyped as another literary locus amoenus. Reality diffused and what was left was a network of emotional relationships at the center of which stood the individual self.

4. NEW TRENDS BETWEEN THE 1790's AND 1810

It was around the turn of the century that a renewed emphasis on classicist and moralistic-didactic sentimental concepts resulted in a trend which could be defined as neoclassicism. The writings of Batteux, La Harpe, and Hugh Blair, which became known in Russia at that time, stimulated the growth of this literary trend. Since it can hardly be considered a preromantic trend, it will not be discussed further here. 50 51

A. M. Kutuzov, "O prijatnosti grusti" (1781), ibidem, p. 551. G. E. Lessing, Sämtliche Schriften, 3rd ed. (Stuttgart, 1886), v. XVII, p. 90.

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Another trend, the roots of which extend into the late 1780's ,was related to Western preromantic literature such as E. Young's "Night Thoughts", Thomson's "The Seasons", Gray's "gravevard poetry", Goethe's Werther and Schiller's dramas of his Sturm und Drang period. The growing importance of Shakespearean plays, nationalfolklore (Ossianism), and mythology, of Rousseau's novels (including his Confessions) from the 1780's onwards contributed to the new trend which developed its own stylistic, poetic, and conceptual framework and has to be distinguished from sentimental aestheticism.52 Young Karamzin began as a sentimentalist under the influence of sentimental freemasons (A.M. Kutuzov and A.A. Petrov) but soon turned to preromantic writing. His adaptation of a poem by L. Kosegarten, "Des Grabes Furchtbarkeit und Lieblichkeit" exemplifies the contrast between the stylistic systems of the two trends at an early stage. The poem (translated in 1792) consists of twice five stanzas where "one voice" alternates with "the other voice". The first voice represents preromantic existential unrest, the inability to come to terms with death, and fear of the dark sides of life implying a rejection of the sentimental conceptual framework. The lexical expressions are strastno, voju, trjasutsja, zmii sipjat, mgla, uzas, trepet. The "other voice" is one of sentimental resignation and quiet acceptance of death as leading to "obitel' veönogo mira."53 The style includes sentimental cliches such as various diminutives and 52

Concerning translations from Gray, Thomson, and Young refer to J u . D . Levin's article "Anglijskaja poèzija i literatura russkogo sentimentalizma", Ot klassicizma k romantizmu (L. 1970), pp. 195-297; concerning Goethe, Schiller, and Shakespeare see the following studies: M. P. Alekseev, Sekspir i russkaja kuVtura (M.-L. 1965); H. Harder, Schiller in Russland (Gehlen, 1969); V. M. ¿irmunskij, "Verteriana", Literaturnoe nasledstvo, vols IV-VI (L. 1932); Macpherson's poems are discussed by V. I. Maslov, Ossian ν Rossii (L. 1928); folklore in 18th century literature is discussed in Russkaja literatura i fol'klor (XI-XVIII vv.) (L. 1970). Cf. also V. Sklovskij, Culkov i Let sin (L. 1933). All of the above influences (with the exception of the interest in folklore and Slavic mythologies which began earlier) made themselves felt in Russian literature from the late 1770's onwards. 53 N. M. Karamzin, Polrtoe sobrante stixotvorenij (M.-L. 1966), pp. 114-115. Young Gnediö wrote a long poem "Krasoty Ossiana" (1804) where he opposed the sentimental concept of grief to that expressed in Macpherson's preromantic poems. The bard Karmar describes a song telling of the death of two young people in typically sentimental cliches, "èto penie prijatnoe, / L'et ν serdca liS' tomnost' nekuju, ... Èto penie nebesnoe / V duäu l'et odno unynie, / No unynie prijatnoe; ..." He is answered by Armin, the father of the dead, who expresses his grief in terms that describe genuine suffering, and cries out against a cruel fate that deprived him of his children. Blind fate and the dark forces of Northern nature seem to conspire against man, who voices his despair and recognizes his helplessness. Armin's monologue expresses well preromantic stylistic, poetic, and conceptual features. Cf. Soâinenija Gnediía ν IIl-x tomax, v. I (St.-Petersburg-Moscow, 1884), pp. 15 ff.

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adjectives describing the sentimental locus amoenus (e.g. "malen'kij krolik ν travke zelenoj/S miloj podruzkoj tam otdyxaet..."). Karamzin's early essays, his introduction to the translation of Julius Caesar, his review of the performance of Emilia Galotti are further examples for a preromantic style. Karamzin's evolution led him from sentimentalism to preromanticism and back to sentimentalism after his so-called spiritual crisis in the middle 1790's. His preromantic writings culminated in the stories "The Island of Bornholm", and "Sierra Morena". Karamzin's main concern was man's exposure to the forces of evil. Fate placed man into circumstances where his actions often had negative consequences. Though innocent, man appeared guilty of committing an evil. The dividing line between good and evil became blurred. The inability to come to terms with evil, the exposure to the dark forces of fate, found a stylistic expression in a language of expressionistic force, hyperbolism, a hectic rhythm, and an exclamatory quality. "Sierra Morena" ended with these characteristic lines, "xladnyj mir! Ja tebja ostavil! - Bezumnye suscestva, òelovekami imenuemye! Ja vas ostavil! Svirepstvujte ν ljutyx svoix isstuplenijax, terzajte, umerscvljajte drug druga! Serdce moe dlja vas mertvo, i sud'ba vasa ego ne trogaet." 54 The preromantic author had lost the security of sentimental concepts concerning the harmony of the world, the confidence in a future golden age, and the innate goodness of man. Nature was no longer the wellmeaning mentor of mankind, but a fateful, irresponsible force, eternally creative and eternally destructive. The individual was subject to her forces. The laws of society were no longer considered obligatory and in harmony with nature. In fact, the well-intentioned laws of society could be contradictory to the laws of nature, as Karamzin pointed out in the "Island of Bornholm". 55 Unlike the sentimental hero, preromantic man often did not accept the order of the world, but rebelled. It was no longer possible to classify such heroes as virtuous or vicious, as they could be both, depending on the point of view. Shakespeare's heroes corresponded to this concept, and so did the heroes of German Sturm und Drang dramas. 56 Karamzin praised "the savage excitement of the soul" painted 54

N. M. Karamzin, Izbrannye soêinenija, v. I (M.-L. 1964), pp. 678-679. Cf. Ν. M. Karamzin, Polnoe sóbrame stixotvorenij (M.-L. 1966), pp. 128-129. 56 In Herder's definition such persons "lieben das Ungewöhnliche und es gelingt ihnen; gemeine Zwecke, gemeine Mittel sind nicht die ihrigen. Entweder denken sie von diesen geringe oder denken an sie gar nicht; dagegen der Zweck, der ihnen im Sinne liegt, die Mittel die sie ihn zu erreichen für die nächsten und natürlichsten halten, andern oft auch nur Hirngedanken, Geschöpfe aus dem Monde scheinen. Wie zu jeder so muss auch zu dieser Menschengattung die Natur selbst die Anlage gemacht haben..." J. G. Herder, Adrastea (Leipzig, 1801-1803). 55

SENTIMENTAL PREROMANTIC TRENDS IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE

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by Shakespeare's "gigantic" brush. 57 Shakespeare appeared as a genius and this term in itself received new meaning approximating the romantic understanding. The preromantic writer no longer objectivized his emotional experiences, but identified completely with his creation. Art and life merged. Poets tended to stylize their life in the manner of their art as did D. Davydov in his poems of the early 1800's. The reader was not presented with a moralistic lecture, nor was he asked to read, in the sense of reflecting upon the text, but he was intended to re-live the events of the text, to experience them as life. The tendency to consider man a toy of mysterious forces of nature and fate, to identify poetry and nature was related to the preromantic writer's interest in mythology. K.P. Moritz, one of the German Sturm und Drang authors, pointed this out in his Gesichtspunkt für die Mythologischen Dichtungen, translated in excerpts by Karamzin in 1792. He held that mythological tales contained "secret and mysterious traces of the most ancient and lost history of man, and we can only hope to penetrate them by accepting them as they are - as works of poetic imagination". 58 Imagination and genius, the marvellous (cudesnoe), the tragic and torn hero pursued by fate, deeds of violence, strong characters, destructive nature and unbounded passions became significant topics of the new trend. The preromantic concept of nature as identical with life and art was well expressed by S. Rodzjanko, a member of the Friendly Literary Society, who had nature say, "ja velikoe celoe - ja bol'se nicego skazat' ne imeju... ja vsja - Iskusstvo". 59 Alexandr Turgenev's prose account of PuteSestvie russkogo na Broken ν 1803 godu defined the dualistic aspect of nature, "nabljudatel' Filosof, vziraja s odnoj storony na sii utësy, s drugoj na sii razbrosannye otlomki, postigaet ν Prirode dve bespreryvno protivoborstvujusöie sily: zizdujuscuju i razrusajuscuju." 60 The romantic concept of creative genius was also introduced into Russian literature at that time. Lavater's description of Goethe was published in translation in Vestnik Evropy in 1808. Other relevant statements had appeared much earlier, e.g. in a review of Bobrov's poem "Tavrida" in Severnvj vestnik (3, V, 1804). Early representatives of this trend were the Turgenev brothers, Andrej and Aleksandr, A.F. Merzljakov, who together with Andrej Turgenev 57

Cf. Karamzin's foreword to his translation of Julius Caesar (M. 1787), reprinted in his Izbrannye soiinenija, v. I (M.-L. 1964). 88 See Moskovskij zurnal, VI (1792), pp. 282 f. 59 Utrennjaja zarja, I (1800), p. 183. Vestnik Evropy, 22, XLII (1808), pp. 77-94.

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founded the short-lived Friendly Literary Society, S. Rodzjanko, the philosopher of the Society, as well as some members of the Free Society of Lovers of Literature, the Arts and Sciences, especially G.B. Kamenev. Several Russian writers who later went different ways in their evolution began in the preromantic vein. Outstanding among them were V.T. Nareznyj, N.I. Gnediö, and D.E. Davydov. Most of them were conscious of the incompatibility of preromantic concepts with the sentimental trend. Andrej Turgenev complained that sentimental writing had inclined writers to effeminacy. He thought that writers should have "meäali s velikim, urodlivoe, Gigantskoe, örezvyöajnoe".61 The members of The Free Society also opposed Karamzinian sentimentalism. Several of them were strongly influenced by the stylistic devices and motives of Sturm und Drang dramas and novels in Germany. Young Nareznyj's tragedies, and young Gnediö' prose and poetry, are good examples for this trend. Nareznyj wrote seven dramas and one book of tales before 1810. They all correspond to the preromantic mood and style.62 Some of his dramas were characterized by an exaggerated heaping of preromantic devices. Gnediö published five books in 1802-1803, two of which were entirely in the preromantic spirit as was the greater part of the third.63 In 1808, Gnediö published a translation of Shakespeare's King Lear, a tragedy which appealed to the preromantic frame of mind. Gnediö' novel Moritz, or the Victim of Revenge was structured after Schiller's Die Räuber. Two inimical brothers, both representatives of the dämonische Mensch of early romantic literature, vied for the possession of a girl. Their boundless passion drove them to extreme deeds. Gustav would rather kill Sigisberta than put up with her refusal to yield to his passion. Moritz, overcome by blind hatred, forgot his father's admonition and stabbed his brother Gustav. Gnediö' style abounded in hyperbolic expressions, exclamations, and approached the Kraftstil of Sturm und Drang. 81

An. I. Turgenev, "O russkoj literature", Russkij bibliofil, 1 (1912), p. 29. A. N. NareZnyj, Krovavaja noè' ili koneânoe pódenle doma Kadmova (1800), Den' zlodejstva i míienija (1800), Dmitrij Samozvanec (1804), Mertvyj zamok (unpublished, 1801), Elena, and Svetoslav (two tragedies which have not been preserved; cf. L. N. Greò, Izbrannye mesta iz russkix soíinenij iperevodov νproze [St.-Petersburg, 1812], p. 447), Svjatopolk. Cf. V. Α. Boökarev (ed.), Stixotvornaja tragedija konca XVIII - naiala XIX v. (M.-L. 1964), pp. 131 f. 63 Gnedii's preromantic works include Morie, ili zertva míienija (1802), Plody uedinenija (1802; cf. A. N. Egunov, '"Plody uedinenija' N.I. Gnediöa," Rol' iznaSenie literatury XVIII v. ν istorii russkoj kuVtury [M.-L. 1966], pp. 312-319), Don Korrado de Gererra (1803). Two other early works were translations of Jean François Ducis' Abufar ou la feuille arabe (1802), and Schiller's Die Verschwörung des Fieseo zu Genua (1803). 62

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Nareznyj's tragedies and Gnediö's prose were only two examples of a trend which found fertile ground in Russia during the first decade of the new century. Apart from the influences already listed, mention should be made of the Gothic novel. A reviewer discussing translations of Mrs. Radcliffe's novels wrote in 1806, "mnogie polagajut, öto net nicego legòe, kak napisat' roman ν novom Anglijskom vkuse, gde.. .neverojatnoe, osnovannoe na nevozmoznom, prevosxodit vse cudesnoe, i gnusaetsja pravdopodobnym." 64 Russian writers and critics became increasingly aware of the novelty of the new trends and identified them as romantic. Critics spoke of Wieland's romaniceskie èpopei, of German romaniceskie dramy, the cudesnyj i romaniceskij mir opery.65 Although the basic meaning of the adjective related to the translated sentimental novel (roman), as suggested by Professor Harder,it seems to have acquiredamore specific meaning in thecourse of the early 1800's expressive of preromantic trends in German and English literature. As early as 1804, romaniéeskij apeared in a Russian text as a translation of the German adjective romantisch denoting a literary trend. I.I. Martynov, the editor of Severnyj vestnik, published a translation of a German essay defining opera as a preromantic genre. In a footnote he explained, "o sem mozno cSitat' ¿ana Paulja ν nacal'nom ego uöenii o prevosxodnom romaniceskom (Vorschule über das Romantische Trefliches [sic])". He then added his own definition of the essence of the romantic trend, romaniceskoe dlja stixotvorceskogo dejstvija est' utoncennaja vozmoînost', i utoncenie sie ne trebuet smesenija s cudesnym. - Romaniòeskim delaetsja predmet, kogda priobretaet o n vid cudesnogo, ne terjaja pritom svoej istiny. 68

Martynov was a respected member of the Free Society of Lovers of Literature... and his journal was considered the unofficial organ of the Society. Some of the Society's members also took a leading part in acquainting the Russian reader with the lyric poetry of Goethe and with Schiller's aesthetic essays between 1801 and 1812.67 84

Ljubitel' slovesnosti, II (1806), p. 249. Cf. R. Neuhäuser, "O povijesti znaéenja kniíevnog termina romaniieskij" Umjetnost rijeâi, 4, XIV (1970), pp. 447 if. ββ Severnyj vestnik, VI (1804), pp. 19-20. 87 V. Popugaev is supposed to have prepared a translation of Schiller's essay "Über das Erhabene" as early as 1804; Benitskij translated Schiller's "Gedanken über den Gebrauch des Gemeinen und Niedrigen in der Kunst" in 1809. Zukovskij, in his youth a close friend of An. Turgenev and Merzljakov (both adherents of the preromantic trend in the early 1800's), reflects Schillerian aesthetics ("Über Naive und Sentimentalische Literatur") in his essay "O dostoinstve drevnix i novyx pisatelej" 65

(1811).

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The German idealistic philosophers whose works contributed to the romantic trend were also introduced into Russia during the first two decades of the century. Kant's aesthetic writings appeared in a translation as early as 1804. Schelling's ideas were interpreted by D. Vellanskij in 1805. Fichte's philosophy was popularized by Professor J.B. Schaad at Kharkov University between 1804 and 1816.68 At the same time as these German philosophers were introduced into Russia, Karamzin's journal Vestnik Evropy pointed out the links between German philosophy and the modern, preromantic trend in literature. Transcendentalizm i Sellingianizm skryvajutsja pod äcegol'skimi äapoökami s razvevajliscimi per'jami; ... molodye muiôiny soblaznjajut devuSek; a devuski dajutsja ν soblazn, sleduja obrazcam, nacitannym ν romanax i dramax. 69

The limits of an essay have not permitted an investigation of all aspects of the evolution of the foregoing literary trends. The emphasis has been on certain stylistic and conceptual features which - in the opinion of the author - point out the need to differentiate between three pre-romantic trends in Russian literature of the second half of the eighteenth century into the second decade of the nineteenth century. An early stage of sentimentalism began with translations of English moralistic weeklies in the 1750's and reached a climax in the 1770's. This trend has been classified as moralistic-didactic sentimentalism. Stimulated by French and English literary critics it merged with late classicist concepts and lived through a revival in the first two decades of the 19th century, lingering on into the romantic age. This has been classified as neoclassicism in this study. In the 1780's sentimentalism assumed a new form defined here as sentimental aestheticism. Aesthetic, emotional, ethic, and cognitive norms merged in the refined style of the late sentimentalist. Moralistic and didactic aims were subordinated to the refinement of taste and sensibility. The experience of beauty in the refined style of the age became the focal point in sentimental works. 68

In 1803, Ja. Ruban published Kantovo osnovanie dlja metafiziki nravov (Nikolaev). A year later a study of Kant's aesthetics appeared in St. Petersburg under the title Immanuila Kama nabljudenija ob oscusienii prekrasnogo i vozvysennogo ν rassuzdenii prirody i éeloveka voobsöe i xarakterov narodnyx osobenno. D. M. Vellanskij popularized Schelling in his work Proluzija k medicine kak osnovatel'noj nauke (St.-Petersburg, 1805). Prof. Schaad had written several books on Fichte's philosophy prior to his arrival in Russia, where he went on a recommendation of Goethe. In 1813, he published a translation from German J. G. Fixte. JasnejSee izlozenie ν ¿em sostoit suSâestvermaja stia novejsej filosofii. Opyt prinudit' éitatelja k razumeniju. 89 Vestnik Evropy, 28 (1806), pp. 100 f.

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The influence of folklore, national mythology, a new consciousness of national and individual originality, of nature and the genius contributed to the formation of the preromantic trend which appeared on the literary scene in Russia in the 1790's. German Sturm und Drang, and the English Gothic novel were further influences. Russian writers were aware of the distinct differences of the three trends. They linked the preromantic style to German romantic literature. The study shows that sentimentalism, especially in its second stage, was a literary trend with a well-defined normative structure, stylistic and poetic conventions of its own resting on a body of general, philosophical assumptions. A similar claim, though to a lesser extent, can be made for preromantic literature. In contrast to the cosmopolitanism of sentimental literature, the preromantic writer stressed national originality. He denounced the sentimentalist's predilection for small genres and topics of limited individual significance and demanded a return to themes of national importance. The preromantic author rejected the effeminate, tearful style of sentimental aestheticism in preference for his own, less refined version of the German Kraftstil. An adequate period scheme taking into account major stylistic changes, as well as changes in the area of poetic and conceptual norms would appear as outlined below: romanticism literary movements

classicism sentimentalism

1730

literary trends

1740

1750

1760

1770

1780

1790 1800

1810

1820

j

1830

neoclassicism

moralistic-didactic sentimentalism sentimental aestheticism

preromantic lit.

Russian writers of the 18th and early 19th century were exposed simultaneously to heterogeneous influences coming from various national literatures and diflerentperiods. Initially there existed a considerable time-lag in the development of Russian literature versus Western literatures. Western trends were accepted slowly. During the second half of the century, the

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evolution of literature in Russia accelerated and the gap to Western European literatures was almost closed. The slow acceptance of Western trends, on the one hand, and the accelerated evolution of literature, on the other, led to a peculiar phenomenon. Once a literary trend had taken roots in Russia, it persisted, despite the appearance of new trends and movements. Classicism as a literary movement was replaced by sentimentalism during the last third of the century. Yet it continued, accepted features of moralistic-didactic sentimentalism, and, in the form of neoclassicism, lingered on into the 1820's and even 1830's. The same can be said of sentimentalism, which had passed its climax in the 1790's, yet continued into the first third of the 19th century. 70 Although the above classification - like all such attempts - includes a measure of schematization and abstraction, it has evolved from an empirical study of the literature of the time and should provide the literary historian with a more meaningful framework of reference. The University of Western Ontario RÉSUMÉ Klasyfikacja i periodyzacja spuácizny literackiej jest zasadniczym zadaniem dia historyka literatury. Wszelki system klasyfikacji idqcy dalej niz proste zamówienie na materialy, odzwìerciedla metodologiczne podejácie danego historyka. Autor rozpatruje literaturç jak zjawisko socjalne i bierze pod uwagç krytykç strukturaln^. Periodyzacja i klasyfikacja literatury powinny opierac siç na rozpatrzeniu stylistycznych, poetyckich i pojçciowych norm i typów twórczosci literackiej. Mozemy mówic 0 literackim pr^dzie wtedy, gdy mamy do czynienia ζ grupq utworów, które sq blisko spokrewnione miçdzy sobq w sensie stylistycznym, poetyckim i pojçciowym, kiedy to pokrewieñstwo dotarlo do áwiadomoáci czytelnika i badacza literatury. W wypadkach gdy literacki pr^d wywiera dominuj^cy wplyw na literacki procès epoki, mozemy nazwaó go literackim kierunkiem. Wstçpne rozpatrzenie trzech wyzej wymienionych aspektów rosyjskiej literatury danej epoki, wskazuje na to, ze nalezy rozrózniac w niej trzy pr^dy poprzedzaj^ce romantyzm: 1. Moralizatorski i dydaktyczny sentymentalizm charakterystyczny día prozy (powieác 1 dramat), od konca lat piçôdziesiqtych mniej wiçcej do polowy siedemdziesiqtych osiemnastego wieku. Znaczna czçiô jej przedstawia thimaczenia ζ jçzykow obcych. Powieíci Emina i sztuki teatralne stworzone przez jego grup3 mogq bye przykladem tego prçdu, który by! zwiqzany ζ sensualnq i empiryczn^ filozofiq (Moral Sense School). Otwarte moralizatorstwo, pragnienie rozprzestrzenienia wiedzy w rozmaitych gafçziach nauki, wzrastajqcy akcent na roli namiçtnoàci i zmyslowego poznania, wreszcie emocjonalny efekt wywierany na czytelnika, byly charakterystyczne dia tego rodzaju literatury. 2. Sentymentalny estetyzm (od lat osiemdziesiqtych do koñea stulecia). Przedstawiciele tego kierunku odrzucali otwarte moralizatorstwo i dydaktyzm. Patrzyli oni 70

The dotted lines in the diagram are an attempt to indicate these peculiarities.

SENTIMENTAL PREROMANTIC TRENDS IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE

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na literature jak na harmoniç piçktia (Nikolev) albo na delektowanie siç piçknoscig (Karamzm), opart^ na ramach pojçciowych wymagajqcych paralelizmu miçdzy przyrod^ (harmonía wszechswiata) i spoleczeústwem (harmonía jednostek). Moralizatorski eel jej przejawial siç niebezpoárednio w zmyslowym rozkoszowaniu siç sztukg, "wsie mogut naslazdatsja plodami Iskusstwa i Nauki - a kto naslazdajetsja imi tot delajetsja hiczszym czelowiekom i spokojniejszym grazdaninom" (Karamzin). 3. Przed-romantyzm (lata dziewiçcdziesi^te do 1810 r.). Autorzy przed-romantyczni utracili bezpieczne pojçcia sentymentalizmu. Przyroda przestala bye dobrotliwym nauczycielem cztowieka, staj^c siç natomiast sil^ wiecznie rodz^cego i niszcz^cego przeznaczenia. Zatarla siç granica pomiçdzy ziem i dobrem. Charakterystycznymi dia tego prqdu byfy: tragiczny bohater icigany przez przeznaczenie, siine charaktery i gwahowne czyny, nieograniczone namiçtnoàci - wszystko to wyrazone jçzykiem ekspresjonistycznie silnym, hyperbolicznym, ζ uzyciem wykrzykników. Przedstawicielami tego prçdu, który przejawil siç juz w niektórych tworach Karamzina przed 1795 r., byli ezlonkowie Literackiego Towarzystwa Przyjaciói (1801), jak równiez mlody Nareznyj, Gniedicz i Dawydow.

GLYNN R. BARRATT

RUSSIAN VERSE TRANSLATION IN THE EARLY ROMANTIC PERIOD: A NOTE ON CHANGING CONVENTIONS.

Of all Russian verse translators of the romantic period, few were at once so typical and so distinguished, in their practice, as Ivan Ivanoviö Kozlov. It was Kozlov's particular achievement to introduce to Russians not Byron "the Promethean... chained to a cliff, tormented by the vulture", (as in Belinskij's fanciful conceit),1 nor Byron the romantic martyr, but Byron the poet. Thanks, in large measure, to his versions of The Bride of Abydos, Childe Harold and Lara, to mention only three of those especially admired by Puskin and Andrej Turgenev, Russians who "chose to immerse themselves in the surf of poetry, reading and re-reading Byron" were by 1825 no longer condemned "to struggle through miserable French extracts".2 The hold of the Pichots, de Salles and Letourneurs had been broken. Yet did Russians find Byron's own wording and turns of phrase in these fine Russian versions? One cannot say so; few indeed of Kozlov's (or Orest Somov's or other contemporaries') translations from Byron are literally accurate renderings of the English texts. Nor is the fact surprising for, as will be suggested here, Russians had one enormous problem of translation by "the beautiful beginning of Alexander's days" that was of native origin and wholly of their own making - a problem only tenuously connected with Western works that they wished to render into Russian. That problem arose directly from the most intransigent of earlier Russian traditions of verse translation: that precise literal accuracy was by no means the main objective of the verse translator. To the contrary, rather, one easily discerns a tendency among the followers of Karamzin and V.l. Lukin - translators whose examples were forceful in both Petersburg and Moscow in the last two decades of the previous century - to think exact fidelity to an original text of secondary 1

V. G. Belinskij, "Russkaja literatura v. 1842 godu", Polnoe sobranie socinenij, vol. 2 (M. 1948), p. 454. 2 Letter of P. A. Vjazemskij to A. I. Turgenev of 11.10.19.

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importance. As the young ¿ukovskij put it, summing up his own views on the matter and those of Aleksandr and Andrej Turgenev also : The prose translator is a slave; verse translators are rivals... and a poetimitator may be an original author, though he writes nothing of his own. You see two actors, studying the art of declamation from a third. One, with slave-like accuracy, imitates the glances and bodily movements of his model; the other, to the contrary, trying to vie in the excellence of his presentation of one and the same role, uses methods (sposoby) that are his own and proper to himself alone!3

It was inevitable that such an attitude, expressed with such authority, weighed heavily with any literary novice in the pre-Decembrist years. Nor was this the full extent of ¿ukovskij's lucid dogma. "Not being an inventor in the whole", he continued (1809), "the imitator must most certainly be one in parts; beauty rarely passes from one language to another having lost nothing of its perfection: so what must the translator do ? He must find such beauties in his own imagination as may serve as substitutes (sluzit' zamenoj) for the original's, thus creating his own work". The imitator, as Kozlov and Somov, Puskin and Kjuxel'beker learned, must be an inventor in parts; a translator mustfindalternative expressions for those in the original. It was not easy to ignore the massive implication of this message - that literal accuracy is, in itself, of minor value. It is quite true that in no single translation of a poem or extract by Byron did Kozlov fail to replace at least ten images, ten concepts, ten expressions by "substitutes" of his own devising. But he did not do so with ease and relish, but with a marked reluctance. Far from feeling obliged "to create his own work", he, and Orest Somov also, most obviously felt a duty towards materials with which he worked; and it is in this attitude, this feeling of duty, that Kozlov's verse translations mark the beginning of the end of the Karamzinian period - the time of grand paraphrase. Of course Karamzin and Zukovskij had also felt obligations to their original poets; but these were of another kind and adequately met by the conveying of the spirit (dux) of a piece. Kozlov helped to open a new period in Russian verse translation. The conditions and conventions that prevailed when he began to write are best viewed in historical perspective. When, in 1803, Vasilij Puskin was invited by the editor of Mercure de France to contribute "some Russian translation or composition of your 3

"O basne i basnjax Krylova", cited by Ju. D. Levin in "Ob istoriöeskoj èvoljucii principov perevoda", Mezdunarodnye svjazi russkoj literatury (M. 1963), p. 20.

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own", he did not hesitate to offer four "translations" of Russian folk songs.4 There were no hostile reviews by other Russians in Paris or by Frenchmen who happened to know Russian. The fact remains, however, that Puskin's "translations" were, as such, frauds; rhyme, rhythm, phrasing, all were lost. Local colour was deftly removed. What had been matter-of-fact became (suitably) sentimental. Puskin is saved, by modern standards, only by the fact that a precise rendering of the originals was obviously not his aim. Far from setting a precedent, of course, the good Vasilij was following one. Had Karamzin, for example, placed an exalted value on literal preciseness ? On the contrary, those articles which he translated in such quantity, from 1802 to 1810, from the originals in Gazette de France, Le Moniteur Universel, Journal des Débats, Die Zeitung für die elegante Welt - and reprinted wholesale in his Vestnik Evropy - had been filled with errors of every shape and size. Nor were his few verse translations any better.5 Fortunately, Karamzin understood from the beginning that his readers read French no worse than he - Madame de Genlis, Madame Cottin, and many another "mushroom growing at the feet of oaks" (as Vasilij's nephew scornfully referred to Chénier's successors) made their way to Petersburg in French attire.® Not a literal translation (though this was also admirable), but a rendering of the mood and tenor of original poems was Karamzin's cardinal purpose. And such, as Puskin knew, had been the purpose of translators in Russia for more than fifty years. Tred'jakovskij was explicit on the subject. It was desirable and feasible (as he wrote in the lengthy introduction to his verse collection of 1751) "to lose nothing of the strength and beauty of the original, to compete with its heights..." In this, he was more sanguine than later translators would be; but the passage in "K èitatelju" ends on a familiar note: "...to give a rendering that is natural to a Russian's ears".7 Certainly, Tred'jakovskij's own translations of Boileau 4 "Chansons traduites du Russe", Mercure de France, III (1803), p. 3; for piquant details, see Ν. Ν. Trubicyn, "Ιζ poezdki Vasilija L'voviòa PuSkina za granicu, 1803-04", Puskin i ego sovremenniki, no. 19-20 (Petrograd, 1914), pp. 239-64. 6 Karamzin edited the journal from 1802-07; under the direction of M. T. KaCenovskij (1807-09) even the standard of paraphrasing sank. 6 A. S. PuSkin, "O russkoj literature s o&rkom francuzskoj". Madame Cottin enjoyed a great vogue, very briefly, as the authoress of Elisabeth, ou les exilés de Sibérie, a touching tale copied by Xavier de Maistre, inter alia, in La jeune Sibérienne (1815). As for Madame Genlis, "she hates philosophy, sighs for the past and writes novels while waiting for the future" (so Vasilij Puäkin informed Karamzin; V. L. PuSkin, Soiinenija [1895], p. 147). 7 See "K aitatelju", Soëinenija Tred'jakovskogo, 4 vols., vol. I (St.P. 1849), p. 8.

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were far from literal, nor did he scruple to change metre and rhyme schemes when he chose. V.l. Lukin, too, was quite prepared, "carefully including and excluding... to incline (the original - GB) to Russian ways". 8 Above all, Lukin believed, the forced and unnatural should be avoided - even if this means sacrificing the semantically perfect translation of a given word or phrase. Karamzin, as we have seen, did not demur. "As far as my translation is concerned" (he declares of his version of Julius Caeser) "I have most of all tried to translate faithfully, while at the same time avoiding expressions contrary to our tongue". 9 Precisely what expressions he considered "contrary to Russian" one can only surmise, having checked Shakespeare's text for omissions; but here, for the first time, there are premonitions of Kozlov's later attitude - at least Karamzin places fidelity first ("to translate faithfully"), and the avoidance of the ugly second. Karamzin struggled valiantly, moreover, to capture individual differences of speech and style.10 Small wonder, these earlier tendencies having been hallowed by Merzljakov, Andrej Turgenev, 2ukovskij and Orest Somov, that by 1826 Polevoj should praise Kozlov's Russian version of The Bride of Abydos - precisely because it made him forget that Byron was not a Russian! For those conscious of Kozlov's real aim, there is bitter irony in Polevoj's remarks : "An English or French translation can delight me; I read it willingly; but I am gladdened even more... if I see a Russian version. Here it is as though you forget that the great author was an Englishman. Of course the translator who succeeds in rendering his (Byron's - GB) work makes it closer to me {mne bolee blizkim, rodnym)".11 ¿ukovskij's position has been seen. It is clearly set forth in two articles, "O basne i basnjax Krylova" (1809) and "Radamist i Zenobija; tragedija" (1810). A brief extract from the latter would seem to be sufficient to underline points made in "O basne i basnjax Krylova", cited already: Of course the original idea on which the verse structure rests, like the plan of that structure... do not belong to the translator. But having conceded this honorary superiority to the original author, the translator himself remains a creator of expression - for he has his own materials for expression, and 8

Socinenija i perevody V. I. Lukina i Β. E. El'caninova, ed. P. Efremov (St.P. 1868),

p. 112. 9

Ν. M. Karamzin, Izbrannye soc. (M. 1884), p. 24. For his views on the question, see his letters to I.I. Dmitriev of 1798, esp. March 1 ; Pis'ma N. M. Karamzina k 1.1. Dmitrievu, compiled by Ja. Κ. Grot (St.P. 1866), pp. 92-5. 11 "Abidosskaja nevesta ; soôinenie 1.1. Kozlova", Moskovskij telegraf, Pt. 12 (1826;, p. 183. 10

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must use them without guidance and without others' assistance, "And the expressions of the original author?" He will not find them in his own language; he must create them. And he can create them only when, filled by the ideal presented to him in the work that he is translating, he, so to speak, transforms it into a creation of his own imagination. 12

Zukovskij, in brief, regarded himself as the rival, not the servant, of Byron, Schiller, Goethe. Expressing his own personality and "using his own materials for expression" (he held), he might well leave an original text on occasion, stressing some aspects of a poem, softening others and omitting others entirely. In his view, translations were to be judged not as shadows or imitations, but as works in their own right and on their own merits. The theory was consistently put into practice. "Orleanskaja deva", for example, scarcely reflects in Russian all that Schiller intended in his drama; not only is the question of Joan's honour heightened and intensified quite beyond recognition - whole episodes are removed and geographical details jettisoned! 13 The example was a potent one; Zukovskij's attitudes live on in translations by Lermontov, in whose "Sosna" and "Gornye versiny spjat vo t'me noònoj" Heine's "Fichtenbaum" and Goethe's "Über allen Gipfeln ist Ruh" are scarcely recognizable. It is a short step from loose translation to mere imitation, and Lermontov did not hesitate to take it. 14 Zukovskij's basic premises, however, were not universally accepted among Russians - not, at least, after his coming to Moscow (1809). By that year an embryonic opposition movement had been formed, under the lead of Β. V. Golicyn. Golicyn contested the assertion that the spirit of a work, above all else, must be rendered, and determines the value of translations; in a closely-argued introduction to his own versions of Rochefoucauld's Maximes (which, as he appreciated, could only lose in force through inexact translation) he took a stance very different from 2ukovskij's. "The translator", he argued, "must come to know his author well, become acquainted with his thoughts and turns of speech and be able to translate these into his native tongue..." 15 The phrasing is deceptive; it represents a basic change of attitude. Golicyn soon found support - some of it in unexpected quarters. 12

See note 3. V. Ceäixin, lukovskij kak perevodëik Sillera (Riga, 1895); also G. Raab, "Die Lyrik Schillers in früher russischer Übersetzung", Zeitschrift für Slawistik, bk. I (1956), pp. 40-60. 14 A. Fedorov, "Tvoröestvo Lermontova i zapadnye literatury", Literaturnoe nasledstvo, vols. 43-44 (1941), pp. 161-62. 15 Golicyn edited D. Pimenov's Nravstvennye rassuzdenija gercoga de la Rosfuko (St.P. 1809), and expressed his own views on verse translation in the introduction. 13

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Griboedov himself translated little, yet contributed largely to the theory of verse translation. Perhaps his most lucid, certainly his most outspoken article (it attacked ¿ukovskij roundly), "O razbore vol'nogo perevoda Bjurgerovoj ballady Lenory" appeared in Petersburg in 1816,16 and provoked an immediate controversy. Not only did Griboedov criticize Zukovskij's "Ljudmila" as an enfeebled, verbose reflection Of the original; Zukovskij himself was charged with carelessness and - prettification (priukrasivanie)\ Griboedov, moreover, took the unprecedented step of collating the original and translated texts - much to ¿ukovskij's disadvantage. The path was open to still more extreme censure of the law-giver 2ukovskij. P.A. Katenin was merely one of twenty to follow it to its end. "In great authors", (he wrote somewhat stiffly in a "Pis'mo k izdatelju Syna oteâestva" of 1822), "form is not an arbitrary thing, which can be changed without harming the spirit of a work : the two aspects are linked indissolubly, and distortion of the one inevitably leads to the ruin of the other".17 Of course verse should be rendered in verse and in the original metre! Of course the Russian language, "supple and rich", was equal to any foreign work, were the translator's skill sufficient! It will be seen that this last point bears directly on Kozlov's versions of Byron. Kozlov, then, participated in a general movement of reaction against "the teacher of harmony" - a movement similar to that in thefieldof verse composition in which he would have no part. Reaction had come late; but within ten years of Griboedov's article's appearing, 2ukovskij's views were being ridiculed so widely that Puskin felt obliged to defend his old master ("Why should we bite the breasts of our wet-nurse ? Because we have cut our teeth?").18 "In order to preserve the qualities of ancient poetry", wrote Gnediö simply " - qualities that are generally so opposed to those that we demand of our poets - the translator of Homer must renounce all servility... before that capricious refinement of society whose approbation we seek so timidly."19 To the modern eye, perhaps, the statement is axiomatic; in the 1820s it was not so. Kozlov did not follow, but led the newly intensified quest for greater literal accuracy than 2ukovskij held wholly necessary. Carleton University 16 17 18 19

Syn oteâestva, Pt. 31, no 30 (1816), pp. 150-60. Ibid., Pt. 76, no. 14 (1822), p. 304. Letter to K. F. Ryleev of 25.1.25. Iliada Gomera, perevedennaja N. I. Gnediiem, Pt. I (St.P. 1829), p. 8.

BOGDAN CZAYKOWSKI

ZAGADNIENIE ORYGINALNOáCI W ROMANTYZMIE POLSKIM

Tworzç, wiçc jestem. Henryk Kamieñski

I Ζ teoretycznego punktu widzenia znane ζ historii teorie oryginalnoáci literackiej dadz^ siç zgrupowac w okól dwóch zasadniczych koncepcji: koncepcji twórczego naêladownictwa, i koncepcji naéladowania istoty twórczoíci. Biorçc rzecz historycznie, wystçpowanie jednej koncepcji nie wyklucza, oczywiácie, równoczesnego pojawiania siç koncepcji drugiej; historyk bçdzie wiçc raczej mówil o dominuj^cym w danym okresie stanowisku jednej lub drugiej, a wiçc czy w panuj^cej poetyce okresu, pisanej lub niepisanej, dominuje dyrektywa naáladownictwa, czy dyrektywa nowatorstwa.1 Nie trudno tci zauwaiyc, ¿e niektóre okresy cechuje wystçpowanie obu dyrektyw równoczeánie, w formie dynamicznego konfliktu lub sprzçgu. Takim okresem jest byó moie epoka wspólczesna; jest nim takie epoka znana pod nazwq romantyzmu. Koncepcja twórczego naáladownictwa, sformulowana w okresie rzymskim, przetrwala w swoich zasadniczych zrçbach ai do pierwszych dekad wieku XVIII, a niektóre ζ jej istotnych elementów nie zatracily swej ¿ywotnosci i do dzisiaj. Koncepcja ta miala wiele sformulowan w poetykach klasycznych, renesansowych, i neo-klasycznych. Do jej zasadniczych elementów naleiafy: przekonanie o wzorcowym charakterze dziei przeszloáci, szczególnie staroiytnej ; przekonanie o koniecznoáci, a przynajmniej istotnym poiytku, naáladowania wzorów; 1

Terminy uzyte przez Henryka Markiewicza w dyskusji nad referatem A. OkopienSlawiáskiej, "Rola konwencji w procesie historycznoliterackim", w Procès historyczny tv literaturze i sztuce (Warszawa, 1967), s. 86.

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przekonanie o prawie artysty do rozporzqdzania przekazanym mu dorobkiem tematów, w^tków, form i konwencji; wzglçdna, lub nawet silna nieufnoác wobec zaskakuj^cych nowoáci, zbytniego odchylenia od norm, wzorów i przepisów; gotowoác przyznania przekladowi miaña dziela oryginalnego, szczególnie wyrazna w okresie powstawania literatur w jçzykach nowoiytnych, gdy istnialo specjalne wyczulenie na trudnosc znalezienia odpowiedniej formy dia oryginalu w jçzyku jeszcze nie uksztalconym;2 przekonanie, ¿e oryginalnoác zasadza siç na sposobie i doskonatoáci opracowania tematu, mniej zaá na inwencji; gdy zaá dopuszczano inwencjç i nowe tematy, to wówczas z^dano aby pisarz - jak to sformulowal Mickiewicz - "ksztaltowal materiç nowoczesn^ wedlug formy staroiytnej" ; 3 pojçcie geniuszu jako wyiszej inteligencji dzialaj^cej w ramach "rozumu, teorii, historii, tradycji i konwencji."4 Filozoficznq. podstaw^ tych zasad byla teoria mimesis, ich ram^ natomiast pragmatyczna teoria sztuki, wyznaczaj^ca artyácie cele: uczenia, bawienia i poruszania uczuc, nastawiona wiçc na odbiorcç jako swego rodzaju arbitra smaku. Dziela, których wartoác zostala sprawdzona przez trwaloác ich popularnoáci, nabieraly cech wzoru, ich naáladowanie umoiliwialo osi^gniçcie podobnego sukcesu, o podobnych cechach trwaloáci. St^d znaczenie retoryki jako nauki o osi^ganiu zamierzonych efektów artystycznych i dydaktycznych.5 Ζ perspektywy romantyzmu, koncepcja twórczej imitacji rysowala siç szczególnie rygorystycznie, gdy¿ widziano j^ glównie przez pryzmat francuskiego neo-klasycyzmu; Mickiewicz niejednokrotnie atakowal jej rygory i skrçpowania, przyrównywal do kodeksów i ustaw w polityce, czynil odpowiedzialn^ za "upadek smaku i niedostatek talentów". W jednym ζ pelniejszych krytycznych sformulowañ tej teorii pisal: Wiçkszoàc teoretyków zapatrywala siç dhigo na poezjç jako na szczep swiata pierwotnego, który wzi^wszy pocz^tek ζ dziewiczego gruntu natury, zakwitl 2

Por. wspólczesne stanowisko S. Grzeszczuka: "Cofred [Piotra Kochanowskiego] jest dzietem oryginalnym." Piotr Kochanowski, Torquato Tasso, Gofredalbo Jeruzalem wyzwolona (Warszawa, 1968), s. 11. 3 A. Mickiewicz, "Goethe i Byron", Dziela (Kraków, 1952), t. V, s. 273. 4 A. Hauser, The Social History of Art (New York, 1958), t. ΙΠ, s. 119. 6 O pragmatycznej teorii sztuki, patrz M. H. Abrams, The Mirror and the Lamp (New York, 1958), ss. 14-21. Patrz takze, W. Tatarkiewicz, Historia estetyki (Wroclaw, 1967), torn ΠΙ, passim', Η. O. White, Plagiarism and Imitation During the English Renaissance (Cambridge, Mass., 1935); J. E. Spingarn, A History of Literary Criticism in the Renaissance (New York, 1899); A. Gilbert, Literary Criticism-Plato to Dryden (New York, 1940).

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i zaowocowal najpiçkniej w dobie dziecinstwa spoleczeristw. Wedtug ich mniemania rod ludzki nie mògi doskonalic swych wyzszych wladz umyslowych bez równoczesnego zahamowania polotu swej wyobrazni i przytçpienia swej uczuciowosci. Za czym idzie, ze poeci nowoczesni, jako niezdolni stworzyc cos sami ζ siebie, powinni by ograniczyc siç do nasladowania starozytnych. Przepis ten nasladownictwa byl jednak wyrazony w sposób ogólnikowy i nieokreslony. Jedni chcieli po prostu kopiowac dziela sztuki, jakie nam zostawila szczçsliwa starozytnosc, inni, dopuszczaj^cy nieco wiçcej swobody, odzywali siç nadto o piçknie natury i o sercu ludzkim... Pozwalano badac serce ludzkie; aie namiçtnoàciom, wstrz^saj^cym spoleczeñstwem nowozytnym, narzucano przymusowo przebieg, silç i jçzyk takie, jakie one mialy dwa tysi^ce lat temu ... A kiedy juz ogtoszono dziela sztuki starozytnej za jedyne i wyl^czne wzory doskonaloáci, poszlo za tym, ze spostrzezenia wydobyte ze studiowania tych wzorów i ulozone w systemat, musialy byc uwazane za rodzaj prawidel wiecznych i niewzruszonych. 6

Jakkolwiek Mickiewiczowska charakterystyka teorii twórczej imitacji przykrojona zostala nieco do celów polemicznych jej autora, nie trudno odkryc tu istotne elementy teorii i poetyk neo-klasycznych, francuskich i polskich. Romantyczna teoria oryginalnosci ujmowana jest czçsto nie tylko jako daleko id^cy sprzeciw na teorie twórczej imitacji, ale jako skrajne rozwiniçcie dyrektywy nowatorstwa. Jezeli racjç ma Julian Krzyáanowski, ze "przed w. XIX oryginalnosc sprawiala stosunkowo niewiele klopotu krytykom literackim",7 to wrçcz zupelnie cos przeciwnego obserwujemy w okresie romantyzmu. Poszukiwanie oryginalnosci przejawia siç najpierw w Anglii, w zainteresowaniu problemem geniuszu, w rosn^cym smaku tego, co charakterystyczne, indywidualne, niezwykle, w powstaniu ekspresywnej teorii sztuki.8 Swoje apogeum nurt ten osi^ga u Carlyle'a (poeta jako bohater) i w duzo ciekawszej, a dia teorii twórczosci istotniejszej formie u Coleridge'a (u obu zreszt^ pod wplywem myslicieli niemieckich). Coleridge'owska teoria twórczoáci opiera siç na szeregu rozróznieñ, takich jak geniusz i talent, wyobraznia i fantazja; cechq geniusza jest organicznosc procesów twórczych, cechg. talenta - ich 6

A. Mickiewicz, op. cit., ss. 273-274. J. Krzyzanowski, Nauka o literaturze (Wroclaw, 1969), ss. 263-264. 8 W. Kaufman, "Heralds of Original Genius", Essays in Memory of Barrett Wendell (Cambridge, Mass., 1926); E. M. Mann, "The Problem of Originality in English Literary Criticism, 1750-1800", Philological Quarterly, XVIII (1939); M. H. Abrams, op. cit., ss. 21-26. Patrz takze, Z. Kopczyñska, "Poezja i jçzyk w wypowiedziach Κ. Brodziñskiego i L. Borowskiego", w Studia ζ teorii i historiipoezji (Wroclaw, 1970). Ζ cytatów zamieszczonych w artykule i uwag autorki wynika, ze Leon Borowski byl przedstawicielem ekspresywnej teorii sztuki na terenie polskim. 7

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mechanicznoác ; pierwszy posiada samowystarczaln^, ζ siebie dobywanq. silç twórcz^, drugi - umiejçtnosc asymilowania i stosowania wiedzy posiadanej przez innych.® Prototypem tak pojmowanego geniusza staje siç Szekspir, jui wczesniej nazwany przez Pope'a an Original, a nastçpnie wielokrotnie przywoiywany przez krytyków i teoretyków jako przyklad natury twórczej, organicznej i spontanicznej, dzialaj^cej na zasadzie wlasnych praw wewnçtrznych, chociai nie pozbawiony áwiadomoáci uiywanych árodków, eriídycji i najwyzszego sztukmistrzowstwa. Cytowany jui Abrams zwraca uwagç, ¿e pogl^d l^cz^cy przeciwstawne koncepcje poety jako twórcy i poety jako sztukmistrza w jednej osobowosci-nie byl obey Coleridge'owi,¡tak jak nie byl obey A. W. Schleglowi ; 10 nie byl zreszt^ obey i Mickiewiczowi, który pisal o formie poezji Karpiñskiego, ¿e "nie jest to forma czysto sztukmistrzowska, forma to natchniona. Mamy wniej szczçâliwe zespolenie, utoisamienie natchnienia ze sztuk^".11 W Anglii sprzecznoáei romantycznych teorii wystçpowaly jednak mniej wyraznie, ni¿ w Niemczech. Procès porzueania klasycznej teorii twórczej imitacji, bunt przeciwko neoklasycznym regulom i przepisom, byl tam bardziej organiczny, mniej gwaltowny; nie komplikowala go i nie zaogniala sprawa powolania do ¿yeia literatury narodowej w tym samym stopniu co w Niemczech, czy przede wszystkim w Polsce: wyswobodzenie narodowych impulsów twórczych spod nalecialosci obcego smaku i od skrçpowaù obcych wzorów, od obcego jçzyka nawet, nie bylo w Anglii kwesti^ tak palqc^, jak w Niemczech czy w Polsce, nie mialo te¿ takich ideologicznych i politycznych obramowan.12 To przede wszystkim w Niemczech zasada skrajnej, absolutnej oryginalnoáci, apoteoza geniusza, anty-konwencjonalizm, bunt przeciwko nie tylko regulom ale i rodzajom literackim, ideal aformii, uzyskaly ζ razu szczyt jeáli nie teoretycznego, to co najmniej retorycznego wyrazu. Utoisamienie jednak pogl^dów okresu "Burzy i Naporu" ζ romantyczn^ teoriq oryginalnoáci byloby moenym uproszczeniem. 9 S. T. Coleridge, Biographia Literaria (1907); T. Carlyle, On Heroes, Hero-Worship and the Heroic in Poetry (Londyn, 1841); Abrams, op. cit., s. 176 i passim. 10 Abrams cytuje zdame A. W. Schlegla o Szekspirze, które dobrze oddaje oscylacje niemieckiej myáli romantyczoej na temat geniuszu i oryginalnoáci: "Dia mnie Szekspir jest glçbokim artystq, a nie álepo i dziko rozbujalym geniuszem. To, co siç plotlo na ten temat, uwazam na ogól za wierutne bajki, za zaálepione i ekstrawaganckie przywidzenie." Abrams, op. cit., s. 213. 11 A. Mickiewicz, Dzieia, t. X, s. 238. 12 Zwraca na to uwagç Abrams, przytaczaj^c miçdzy innymi fakt, ze gdy w Anglii esej Edwarda Younga Conjectures on Original Composition nie wywolal ζ razu specjalnego zainteresowania, w Niemczech zostal przethimaezony dwukrotnie w przeciqgu dwu lat od ukazania siç w Anglii (1759). Abrams, op. cit., ss. 201-202.

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Uproszczenia takiego dopuszcza siç niew^tpliwie Alfred Hauser w swym gwaitownym ataku na romantyczn^ koncepcjç oryginalnoáci, w dziele The Philosophy of Art History. Twierdzi on, ¿e ... romantycy dowodzili, iz tylko to, co jest wolne od konwencji, formul i banalu powinno bye uwazane za sztukç lub poezjç; banalne zaá i oklepane bylo dia nich wszystko co juz chociazby raz zostaio uzyte ... Zaden pisarz nie miai odwagi napisac zdania bez zastanowienia siç przedtem, czy jest ono wystarczajaco uderzajace, niezwykle, nowe ... Zamiast zrozumieé, ze konwencjonalizm nalezy nieuchronnie do kazdego jçzyka formalnego, zamiast zadowolié siç maksimum osiagalnej oryginalnoáci, ... romantycy próbowali wyzbyc siç konwencji calkowicie, i tym mocniej wpadali w konwencjonalnoáó. 13 Romantycy zorganizowali systematyczna krucjatç przeciwko artystycznym konwencjom. 14 Pokolenie romantyków... stworzylo jedna ζ najbardziej krçpujacych konwencji wszystkich czasów, zasadç oryginalnoáci za wszelka cenç ... A mimo to - "plagiaryzowali".15

Przesadnoác tych sformulo wan wyst^pi jasno ζ chwil^, gdy porównamy je nie tylko ζ praktyk^ twórcz^ pisarzy romantycznych, angielskich, niemieckich czy polskich, ale takie ζ calym bogatym nurtem romantycznej teorii literackiej i krytycznej, któr^ cechowaly liezne antynomie i kompromisy, równiei na temat oryginalnoáci. Romantyzm niemiecki, a tak¿e romantyzm polski, cechuje uderzaj^cy paradoks, polegaj^cy na tym, te dziedzictwo klasyczne okazalo siç w nich zadziwiaj^co ¿ywotne. Zygmunt Lempicki uwazal, ¿e jednym ζ najciekawszych problemów w rozwoju pr^dów literackich jest fakt, ie "z niemieckiej epoki 'Sturm und Drang' rozwinçla siç niemiecka poezja klasyczna Goethego i Schillera."16 Pewnym wyjaánieniem tego paradoksu jest día niego wiaánie ¿ywotnoác "dziedzictwa kultury klasycznej", autorytet Lessinga, oraz Herderowska idea "romantyeznego odrodzenia". W szeregu rozpraw Lempicki zgromadzil bogaty material na dowód, jak powszechna byla w Niemczech dunose, wywodz^ca siç ζ historyzmu Herdera, do "odnowienia literatury przez historiç literatury", i jak w d^ieniu tym wzrok romantyków "kierowal siç przede wszystkim ku ksi^ikom". 17 Wedlug Lempickiego, romantyzm stworzyt, podobnie 13 14 16 16 17

A. Hauser, The Philosophy of Art History (Londyn, 1959), s. 405. Idem, s. 404. Idem, s. 403. A. Lempicki, Wybór pism (Warszawa, 1966), 1.1, s. 150. Idem, s. 343.

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jak renesans, typ poeta philologus, tzn., typ poety, " . . . studiuj^cego gruntownie tradycjç literack^, czerpi^cego ζ niej inspiracje dia swej twórczosci, i staraj^cego siç tworzyc jak Dante, Szekspir, Calderón, jak poeci sredniowiecza."18 Dowodzi on, ze w romantyzmie, "... w ogóle dominowalo przezycie literackie, w którym - by powtórzyc za Nietzschem - objawilo siç "subtelniejsze pasozytnictwo", "zagnieidlanie siç w cudzej duszy ,.." 19 Cytuje F. Schlegla, potçpiaj^cego tych, co to "odrzucaj^ wszelk^ naukç... szukaj^ swojego zbawienia w nieartystycznej bezksztaftnosci i chc% uchodzic za poetów ludu i natury". 20 Wskazuje na rolç przekladów, oraz wartosc przypisywanq. pracy przekladowej przez takich poetów jak Novalis.21 Konkluzje Lempickiego ida w diametralnie przeciwnym kierunku, niz cytowane powyiej zdania Hausera. "Romantycy [pisze Lempicki] bynajmniej nie uwazali oryginalnosci za zaletç dzieia literackiego. W tworach bçd^cych rezultatem pogoni za oryginalnoscig. widzial W. Schlegel przejaw niemieckiego barbarzyñstwa." 22 Twórczosc romantyczn^ cechuje - wedlug Lempickiego - "kontynuacja w^tków poetyckich (ci^g dalszy, opozycja, podjçcie wspólzawodnictwa), nasladowanie, wzorowanie siç, parodia, trawestacja". 23 Konrad Górski, id^c za Lempickim, ale ilustruj^c jego wnioski bogatym materialem polskim (Mickiewicz, Slowacki), uznaje za charakterystyczne dia epoki romantyzmu "pojçcie oryginalnoáci, które wcale nie polega na oderwaniu siç od tradycji, lecz na twórczym zwi^zaniu siç ζ ni^'\ Przypominaj^c, ze "uznanie pewnych w^tków fabularnych za dobro powszechne... bylo i przed romantyzmem przyjçte", Górski konstatuje, ¿e "romantyzm rozszerzyl tç konwencjç na wszelk^ tradycjç literack^, i to jest jedna ζ odrçbnosci jego niepisanej poetyki". 24 Jezeli oprzec siç na Lempickim i Górskim, uprawniony bylby wniosek, ze teoria twórczej imitacji pozostala w romantyzmie prawie równie zywotna, jak w okresie poetyk klasycznych. A w kaidym razie potwierdza siç wniosek o antynomicznym charakterze romantycznej teorii i praktyki. 18

Idem, s. 347. Idem, s. 346. 20 Idem, s. 348. 21 Idem, s. 350. Autor cytuje zdanie Novalisa, ze ostatecznie "kazda poezja jest thimaczeniem", oraz, ze "thimaczenie jest w równym stopniu poezja co produkcja wlasnych dziel - i to trudniejszq, subtelniejszq". 22 Idem, s. 348. 23 Idem, s. 349. 24 Konrad Górski, Ζ historii i teorii literatury (Warszawa, 1964), s. 180. 19

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Niew^tpliwie antynomie wystçpuj^ce w romantyzmie w kwestii oryginalnosci, stosunku do tradycji, naáladowania i wzorów, dadzq siç czçsciowo wyjasnic typow^ dia kazdego prçdu literackiego rozbieinosci^ miçdzy postulatami krytyki i teorii a praktyk^ twórcz^. Jak shisznie stwierdza Hauser, absolutna oryginalnosc, nawet najgwaltowniej postulowana, nie jest mozliwa to osi^gniçcia (w ogóle nie wiadomo, czym by byla). Skrajne nowatorstwo i radykalny anty-konwencjonalizm stoj^ w pewnej naturalnej sprzecznosci ζ praktyk^ twórcz^, która nie odbywa siç nigdy w próÉni, i jezeli tworzy nowe konwencje i nowe artystyczne wartosci, to czyni to zawsze w jakiejs relacji do konwencji i wartosci zastanych. Byloby jednak rzecz^ nieshiszn^ przyj^c bez zastrzezeñ zarówno tezç, te tak wyrazne w niektórych fazach romantyzmu d^zenie do spontanicznej, samorodnej oryginalnosci byio wyl^cznie wynikiem "specyficznego mechanizmu funkcjonowania literatury, wymagajqcego sprzeciwu wobec nieustannie automatyzuj^cych siç konwencji", 25 jak i tezç paralelnq, ze podobnie sam mechanizm funkcjonowania literatury wyjasnia bez reszty równie przeciez siine d^ienia do gruntowania nowatorstwa w tradycji, wystçpuj^ce chociazby w romantyzmie niemieckim, czy polskim (por. zapytanie Brodzmskiego: "Czego w tym wieku, w którym nowosc tyle poplaca, trzymac siç mamy"). 26 Parafrazuj^c romantyków, mozna by powiedziec, ze metafora mechanizmu nie koniecznie przystaje najlepiej do sposobu rozwijania siç procesu literackiego; ze w wypadku romantyzmu "mechanizm" dziatal równoczesnie w kierunku tradycji i w kierunku nowatorstwa; ze mozna w^tpic, aby mechanizm procesów literackich byl samoregulacyjny; w koúcu, ¿e nie byloby shiszne zacierac historyczny sens antynomii i przemian w literaturze i sztuce, szczególnie gdy wystçpujq. one zarówno jako rozbieznoáci miçdzy teoria a praktyk^, jak i w samej poetyce, pisanej i niepisanej.

II

Maria Janion, w swoim referacie "Swiatopogl^d polskiego romantyzmu" - w którym pogl^dy romantyków polskich ujçte w caly szereg antynomii - jedn^ ζ tych antynomii sformulowaïa nastçpuj^co : 28

Aleksandra Okopieñ-Slawiñska, "Rola konwencji w procesie historycznoliterackim", w Procès historyczny w literaturze i sztuce, s. 78. Chodzi o teorie formalistów. 26 Κ. Brodziñski, Wybór pism (Wroclaw, 1966), s. 326.

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Pojçcie formy, koncepcja poetyki romantycznej opiera siç równiez na antynomii miçdzy manifestem anarchicznej swobody twórcy i poszukiwaniem nowych form o charakterze ponadindywidualnego, nowego kanonu tradycji poetyckiej wigz^cej poetç. Pojçcie literatury narodowej, poezji ludowej czy áredniowiecznej zawiera w sobie implicite szereg wzorców okreslaj^cych kierunek indywidualnych poszukiwañ.27 Opozycjç tç warto zestawic ζ opozycjç inn^, sformutowang. nieco wczeániej w referacie przez autorkç. Chodzi o wspólistnienie w romantyzmie polskim tezy progresywnej : "naród powinien siç zmienic, jeáli ma dalej istniec", i tezy konserwatywnej : "naród winien ocalic jak najwiçcej ze swej tradycji, jeáli ma dalej istniec". 28 Sformulowania te, wziçte Iqcznie, zawieraj^ istotne elementy zagadnienia oryginalnoáci w romantyzmie polskim. Pomijaj^ jednak element nie mniej istotny, udokumentowany w pismach romantyków, a mianowicie, kwestiç nikloáci rodzimej tradycji, a szczególnie tej tradycji, która dia romantyków stanowila i programowo stanowic miata poiywkç glówn^: tradycji literatury áredniowiecznej, wlasnej, narodowej mitologii, oraz folkloru. Nie uwydatniaj^ tei dostatecznie tak silnej w romantyzmie polskim tendencji do utoísamiania problemu oryginalnoáci ζ problemem literatury narodowej. Utoisamienie to miato istotne konsekwencje dia rozwoju problematyki oryginalnoáci w romantyimie polskim, gdyz wlaánie widzenie problemu oryginalnoáci w kategoriach narodowoáci doprowadzilo romantyków do postawienia na porz^dku dziennym nie tylko kwestii oryginalnoáci przed-romantycznej literatury polskiej, ale i samego polskiego romantyzmu. Mozna by twierdzic, it pròba rozwi^zania zagadnienia oryginalnoáci w kategoriach literatury narodowej stanowi o istotnej specyfice romantyzmu polskiego. Problem literatury narodowej, postulat "uznania siç narodu w jestestwie swoim", jest wiçc jednym ζ najdonioálejszych hasel romantyzmu polskiego, a waga tego hasla w romantyzmie polskim przerasta jego znaczenie w romantyzmie niemieckim (w romantyzmie angielskim problem ten byl w ogóle raczej malo istotny). Postulat i eel stworzenia literatury narodowej l^czy prawie wszystkich pisarzy polskich pierwszej poíowy wieku XIX; eel ten postuluj^ krytycy, jak Brodzmski, Mochnacki, Dembowski; do niego d M i c k i e w i c z i Slowacki ; wykonuje go systematycznie ze zdumiewaj^cg. gigantomanig. twórcz^ (i raczej w imiç hasel organicznych) Józef Ignacy Kraszewski ; zawartg. w nim ideç rozszerzaj^ na inne dziedziny, pozaliterackie - Mochnacki, Mickiewicz 27 28

Procès historyczny w literaturze i sztuce, s. 142. Idem,*. 132.

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i Norwid: Mochnacki, gdy oswiadcza: "czas wezwac ñlozofii ζ glçbi ducha naszego",29 Mickiewicz gdy zarysowuje program filozofii narodowej w Prelekcjach paryskich, lub gdy nawraca na narodowosc Trentowskiego; 30 Norwid - gdy formuluje program sztuki narodowej. Nie ma w zasadzie dziedziny zycia intelektualnego, w której idea narodowoáci nie stanowiia by gtównej osi. A wszystkie te próby, ζ natury ówczesnych pojçc o narodowoáci, maj^ Charakter poszukiwañ i d^zeñ indywidualizuj^cych, wyodrçbniaj^cych, wynosz^cych ró¿nice nad podobieñstwa (nie byto to sprzeczne ζ zasadç. "przez naród do ludzkosci" ; dia Norwida wyrobienie form narodowych byto nieodzownym warunkiem wspóluczestniczenia w duchowej pracy ludzkoáci, wydzwigniçcia siç na szczebel pelnego cziowieczeñstwa;31 Mickiewicz widzial w instytucji narodu "zespól pomocy danych czlowiekowi, by mu ulatwic stosowanie prawdy ... dlatego czlowiek bez narodowoáci jest czlowiekiem niepelnym ... zdolny wiedziec, ale nie zdolny dzialac".32 Kwestia naáladownictwa rysowaía siç wiçc w oczach polskich romantyków szczególnie ostro, przybieraj^c niekiedy, jak w wypadku Mickiewicza, Charakter wrçcz obsesyjny. Przesledzenie stosunku Mickiewicza do kwestii naáladownictwa rzuca wiele istotnego swiatta na problemy twórcze romantyków polskich; pozwala ujrzeé zagadnienie oryginalnoáci w romantyzmie polskim w calej jego zloÉonosci. III

Míodzieñcze poglqdy Mickiewicza na literaturç i twórczoác byfy rygorystycznie neo-klasyczne. Nie tylko naáladowal on pisarzy neo-klasycz29 Por. M. Straszewski, Polska filozofia narodowa (Kraków, 1921), s. 13. Por. takze A. Walicki, Filozofia a mesjanizm (Warszawa, 1970), passim, a szczególnie: "Walka o narodowy Charakter filozofii byla w oczach Mochnackiego kontynuacj^ walki o narodowy Charakter literatury: 'Wyrwawszy siç ζ niemowlçctwa estetycznego, czyz na zawsze pozostac mamy w niemowlçctwie filozoficznym.'" (s. 190). 30 Por. list Mickiewicza do Trentowskiego: "Dot^d obce filozofie, równie jak obce oriy, panujq na ziemi naszej. Mowa takze slowiaúska, stara jak áwiat, a zyj^ca w swoim organizmie, databy ci sposoby wykrycia wielkich tajemnic, które moze ζ niej tylko samej mog^ siç wyjaánic... Mnie siç zdaje, ze duch twój w polskim duchu poczqlby systema filozoficzne nowe i rózne od tego, które teraz na obcej ziemi (a nazywam ziemiq i ksiqzki) urodzileá albo raczej zbudowaleá ..." A. Mickiewicz, op. cit., t. XV, ss. 254-255. Por A. Walicki: "Glówne zadanie zycia Trentowskiego - stworzenie polskiej filozofii narodowej - bylo realizowaniem postulatu, który stawial przed kulturq polskq ... M. Mochnacki; dodajmy, ze sam Trentowski pojmowal to zadanie jako uczynienie tego samego w dziedzinie filozofii, co Mickiewicz uczynil w dziedzinie poezji." Op. cit., s. 150. Por. takze uwagi Walickiego o przekonaniach i dqzeniach Libelta. 31 O poglqdzie Norwida na oryginalnoác, patrz nizej. 32 A. Mickiewicz, op. cit., t. XI, ss. 172-173.

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nych i klasycznych, obcych i polskich, ale w swoich wczesnych próbach krytycznych stosowaî zasady poetyki neo-klasycznej, powohijqc siç niejednokrotnie na reguly i przepisy. Zetkniçcie siç Mickiewicza ζ romantyzmem niemieckim, a nastçpnie angielskim, wprowadzilo do jego pogl^dów pocz^tkowo drobne, pózniej znaczniejsze modyfikacje, samej jednak zasady twórczej imitacji przez dtugi czas nie obalilo. W okresie od napisania przedmowy "O poezji romantycznej" az do mniej wiçcej potowy lat 1830-tych, liczne, nader liczne wypowiedzi Mickiewicza dotyczqce kwestii nasladownictwa oscyluj^ miçdzy calkowit^ negacj^ wartosci twórczej imitacji i krytyk^ jej rezultatów, a nawolywaniami do naáladowania, kanonizowaniem nowej tradycji, podkreslaniem wzorcowego charakteru pewnych dziel czy autorów. Ζ wypowiedzi Mickiewicza wynika, ¿e zdawat on sobie sprawç ze sprzecznosci swojego stanowiska, sprzecznosci tych jednak nie umial w pelni rozwiqzac; byly one czçsci^ sytuacji literatury romantycznej i jej adeptów w Polsce. 33 W wypadku Mickiewicza pierwsz^ istotn^ komplikacjç stanowito jego przywi^zanie do dziedzictwa klasycznego, fakt, ze do koñca pozostawal on pod wielkim urokiem poezji klasycznej i idealu doskonaíoáci, reprezentowanego przez jej najwybitniejszych przedstawicieli.34 Dopiero postulat literatury zaangazowanej, rozwiniçty w Prelekcjach paryskich, pozwolil Mickiewiczowi na peine podporz^dkowanie ideatów klasycyzmu idealowi literatury ζ misj^. Podporzqdkowania tego nie uwazal jednak za "prawidlo powszechne" : N i e utrzymujç wszakze, j a k o b y poezja i literatura mialy zawsze polegac na dzialaniu; jakoby - wedle poety bezimiennego - slowo bylo zawsze zdrad$, marnotrawstwem ducha... Nie jest t o prawidlo powszechne: sztuka istniec bçdzie zawsze, sztuka jest jednym ζ ogniw l^czacych ludzkosc ze swiatem niewidomym. Bywaja nawet epoki, kiedy najszlachetniejsze duchy, najsilniejsi ludzie o d d a j ^ siç n a d e wszystko sztuce: dzieje siç to p o rozwi^zaniu glównych zagadnieñ ludzkoáci... 3 5

33

Podobnie niespójny Charakter mialy liczne wypowiedzi Kazimierza Brodzinskiego o nasladowaniu i wzorach. Z. Kopczyñska zwrócila uwagç, ze u Brodzinskiego "w^tek 'przepisów i wzorów' przewija siç stale; raz kwestionuje [on] normatywizm w poezji, innym razem o 'prawach' mówi ζ aplauzem". Op. cit., s. 35. 34 Wystarczy wskazac na stosunek Mickiewicza do poezji Trembeckiego, którego nawet w Prelekcjach paryskich okreélal jako "najdoskonalszego, najbardziej skoñczonego pisarza, jakiego wydala Slowiañszczyzna", na jego wysokie mniemanie o twórczoáci Goethego, czy na stosowane przez niego metody twórcze w takich utworach jak Sonety odeskie i Pan Tadeusz. 35 A. Mickiewicz, op. cit., t. XI, s. 35.

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Mimo wiçc pogardy, ζ jak^ traktowal w okresie mesjanistycznym sztukç dia sztuki, czy literaturç czyst%,36 ideal doskonalosci artystycznej potencjalnie zachowal swoj^ wartosc. Inny rodzaj komplikacji stanowila geneza literatury romantycznej w Polsce. Mickiewicz byl swiadom jak daleki byl romantyzm polski od idealu samorodnosci. Byl tego swiadom zarówno jako przywódca nowego kierunku w Polsce, gdy pisal do Odynca: "My nasladujmy Szekspira, Szyllera i Goethego," 37 i jako krytyk, który nie tylko obserwowal wplyw pisarzy obcych na wspólczesnych mu poetów polskich, ale stwierdzal takze nasladownictwo i u pisarzy niepolskich tej miary, co Szyller lub Puszkin.38 Nie bez powodu tei moznosc nasladowania obcych rysowala siç niekiedy Mickiewiczowi jako zbawczy warunek odrodzenia poezji tam, gdzie n a s t r i l o jej skostnienie: Jest to szczególny i szczçsliwy naszych wieków przywilej, ze jezeli przeciwne okolicznosci sprowadz^ zJy smak lub upadek poezji w jednym narodzie, wtenczas przez scisle pol^czenie i liczne stosunki ζ obcymi narodami moze znalezc gdzie indziej do nasladowania wzory i nowe do przebiezenia drogi. 39 Sam fakt nasladownictwa nie zawsze miai wiçc Charakter negatywny; wiele zalezalo od tego, k o g o siç nasladuje i kiedy.

Komplikacjç najtrudniejsz^ wprowadzal postulat literatury narodowej. Jezeli bowiem, aby byc poet^ romantycznym, wystarczalo, przynajmniej na pocz^tek, nasladowac literaturç sredniowieczn^, Szekspira, Byrona, lub romantyków niemieckich, to, aby zostac poetq narodowym, naleialo odrózniac siç od wszystkich poetów obcych, i nasladowac tylko odpowiednio wybranq tradycjç rodzimq. której - jak siç okazalo - wlasciwie nie

byio.

Pojçcie literatury bçd^cej wyrazem narodowego jestestwa implikowalo rewizjç rodzimej tradycji literackiej, oczyszczenie jej ζ obcych nalecialosci. Ten procès rewizji i rewaluacji tradycji dawal rozne wyniki : Brodziñski zachowal przy polskosci bodaj najwiçcej ζ literatury staropolskiej ; Leon Borowski poddawal w w^tpliwosc nawet narodow^ czystoác samego jçzyka; 40 Goszczyñski rewidowal tak zapalczywie, ze odrzucal prawie 36

"Epoki, co tworzyfy literatury, byly epokami najmniej literackimi... Najwiçkszym i najpiçkniejszym ζ dziel wschodnich pod wzglçdem formy i stylu, jest Koran ... Ale czy Mahomet uprawial literaturç?" A. Mickiewicz, op. cit., t. XI, s. 431. 37 A. Mickiewicz, op. cit., t. XIV, s. 352. 38 "Szyller ζ cafym geniuszem byl nasladowcq Szekspira co do rodzaju i formy dramatów." A. Mickiewicz, op. cit. t. XIV, s. 352. O Puszkinie: "W utworach pierwszej jego maniery wszystko jest bajronowskie ..." A. Mickiewicz, op. cit., t. V, s. 288. 39 A. Mickiewicz, op. cit., t. V, s. 237. 40 "Jeszcze nie pisano po polsku, kiedy juz mowa dawnych mieszkañców tej ziemi

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wszystko, co do roku 1835 w jçzyku polskim napisano ; Mickiewicz pojçciem literatury nalecialej (termin Mochnackiego) obejmowal na ogóí wiçcej, ni¿ Brodzmski ; umiat jednak nie stawiac znaku równania miçdzy narodowosci^ a artystycznq doskonalosci^, umiejçtnosc nie tak znowu powszechna u innych krytyków romantycznych. Na pierwszy ogieñ narodowo-romantycznej "czystki" w literaturze polskiej poszla literatura stanislawowska. Mochnacki dowodzil, ¿e wyraiala ona "ducha, który nie byl duchem narodu"; ¿e "byía kopiq. kopii, przeobraieniem przeobraienia". Nie inaczej oceniaí literaturç stanislawowska Edward Dembowski. 41 Dawniejsza literatura nieco obronniejsz^ wychodzila rçk^, ale nie zawsze, skoro niektórzy krytycy gotowi byli odpisac na straty nawet poezjç Kochanowskiego. 42 W Mickiewiczowskich Prelekcjach paryskich miaña poetów narodowych dost^pili jedynie: Kochanowski, jako autor Trertów,43 Szymonowicz (najpierw nasladowca, potem narodowy), Karpmski (uznany ze wzglçdôw patriotyczno-ideologicznych raczej za slowianskiego, niz narodowego poetç, chocia¿ we wczeániejszym szkicu o nim Mickiewicz podkreálal natchniony i narodowy C h a r a k t e r jego twórczoáci), Niemcewicz.44 Rygoryzm (momentami fanatyzm) ζ jakim krytycy romantyczni stosowali "prawidlo" narodowoáci (nie mniejszy ni¿ rygoryzm neoklasyków w stosowaniu wlasnej poetyki) pozbawil romantyzm polski prawie calkowicie wlasnej tradycji literackiej, przynajmniej w teorii. w ustach pierwszych opowiadaczów wiary chrzescijañskiej, najczçiciej cudzoziemców, zaczçla tracie swojq narodowoáó i naklaniac siç do ksztahów laciñskich." Cytat za A. Kopczynska, op. cit., s. 42. 41 Patrz, Ζ. Libera, "Uwagi o klasycyzmie w Polsce", w Europejskie zwiazki literatury polskiej (Wroclaw, 1969), ss. 188-189. Por takze, S. Sawicki, Poczqtki syntezy historycznoliterackiej w Polsce (Wroclaw, 1969). 42 Por. S. Sawicki, op. cit., ss. 129 i 164. 43 Mickiewicz, w Prelekcjach paryskich mówit, oczywiscie, ζ perspektywy róznej od perspektywy "krajowców". Ζ tsj perspektywy Psalmy Kochanowskiego musialy mu siç wydac malo interesujqce dia cudzoziemców, jako "przeobrazenie przeobrazenia", jako przede wszystkim osiqgniçcie jçzykowoformalne, bez oryginalnej treáci, czyli ducha. Porównuj^c Kochanowskiego ζ Horacym, zwracal tez uwagç na nieprzethimaczalnosc form doskonalych. Inna sprawa, ze przemawiajqc do obcych jako ambasador kultury slowiañskiej, i polskiej, Mickiewicz naturalnie starai siç przedstawiac tç kulturç w swietle mozliwie najbardziej dodatnini. 44 Ζ nowszych, wspólczesnych Mickiewiczowi pisarzy, miana narodowych dost^pili : Garczyúski, Zaleski, Krasmski ; kryteria ówczesne Mickiewicza byly w ogóle interesujqce : Goszczyriski bywal w jego mniemaniu "bardzo czçsto Rosjaninem", natomiast Rosjanin ¿ukowski zaliczony zostat do "szkoty litewskiej"; Puszkin byl tylko czasami Rosjaninem, czçsto zaá Europejczykiem; Trembecki "nalezy do Rosji"; Kochanowski byl - konsekwentnie - "poet^ lacinskim" ; Kollar jedynym pisarzem czeskim, itd.

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Dalszy powód, utrudniajqcy wprowadzenie w ¿ycie programu "uznania siç narodu w jestestwie swoim" poprzez literaturç, nie zaleial ju¿ tylko od kryteriów pisarzy i krytyków romantycznych. Postulat stworzenia literatury narodowej przez nawi^zanie do narodowej przeszlosci napotkal bowiem na brak konkretnego materiahi. Jak stwierdzal Brodziñski : ... niedocieczone w szezepie, a tak rozlegte w gaiçziach swoich ludy slowianskie cóz posiadaj^, lub raczej co dot^d odkryly? Naród Polaków, najcelniejszy ζ nich w oáwieceniu, niestety! jakiez posiada wiadomoáci o pocz^tku swoim i obyczajach, gdy nawet od znakomitej epoki chrzeácijañstwa, az do rozszerzenia nauk we Wloszech, jezeli dzieje mniej w^tpliwe posiada, nie znaez^eego ζ poezji swojej nie mògi dochowac... 45

Zauwazai takze, ze w Polsce braklo "romantycznej czyli rycerskiej poezji áredniego wieku". 46 Mickiewicz w Prelekcjach paryskich, powodowany zreszt^ wzglçdami rozwijanej w nich mesjanistycznej poetyki i historiozofii, konstatowal braki jeszcze istotniejsze (i to j u i po okresie usilnych poszukiwañ polskich starozytnoáci) : ... jakiez to sa owe pomniki Slowianszezyzny pogañskiej? ... w krajach tych nie mogio siç wcale zrodzié obfitsze piámiennictwo. Nie posiadajac mitologii, która jest wyrazem wielkiej jednoáci, jakzez wydac wielka ideç poetyckg., jak stworzyc epopejç? Epopeja byia nie do pomyslenia u Slowian, bo nie bylo wáród nich pólbogów ani herosów.47 Co siç tyczy poezji swieckiej [mówil] jakie zasoby mògi Kochanowski znalezc u Polaków? Zestawmy ubóstwo pierwiastków poetyki slowiañskiej ζ niezmiernymi bogactwami zmarnowanymi przez Ronsarda i otaczajçca go Plejadç... 48

Historyzm romantyzmu polskiego, poza tematem narodowym, miai wiçc rzeczywiste trudnosci ze znalezieniem poiywki w rodzimej przeszloáci, wiçksze ni¿ romantyzm niemiecki. Poecie romantycznemu w Polsce, szukaj^cemu rodzimych tematów, w^tków, tradyeji, wzorów, pozostawala wiçc ludowosc, norwidowska "kolebka pieáni", jedno ζ najpojemniejszych pojçc romantyzmu polskiego. Mimo jednak zawartej w tym pojçciu magii, metoda nasladowania ludowoáci nie wolna byla od podobnych trudnosci jak metoda siçgania w przeszloác. Folklor polski ani nie byl jeszcze wówczas dostatecznie znany, ani tez nie zawieral form na których romantykom szczególnie zaleialo. Haslo ludowosci pozostawalo wiçc przez wiele lat haslem w 45 46 47 48

K. Brodziñski, op. cit., s. 271. Idem, s. ΠΑ. A. Mickiewicz, op. cit., t. Vili, ss. 103-104. Idem, s. 133.

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duiej mierze pustym, chociai potçinym, prowadzilo do mistyfikacji swiadomych i nieáwiadomych (dopuscil siç ich i Mickiewicz w swoich balladach i romansach), ζ pocz^tku zaá wytyczalo narodowej literaturze drogi tak anakreontycznosielankowe, ze w oczach jednego przynajmniej poety zakrawaío to na smiesznosc i absurdalny anachronizm. Takq. bowiem reakcjç wywolal u Mickiewicza jeden ζ artykutów Brodziñskiego, glównego wielbiciela polskich "erotyków kalinowych" : 49 Nikt nie zaprzeczy [pisal w liscie] ze w piosenkach slowiaúskich oddycha prawdziwa slodycz, delikatnosc i wesolosc Anakreonta; ale czyliz Anakreonta piesniami ograniczyc nalezy literaturç, i jeszcze w czasach, które widzialy Goethego, Szyllera, Moora i Bajrona. 50

Jak wysoki ideal reprezentowali wówczas (w roku 1826) día Mickiewicza wymienieni poeci, swiadczy wczesniejszy list ζ tego samego roku: "Teraz szukamy zawsze jak pijacy najmocniejszych trunków. Byron, Szyller rozpoili ñas." 51 Rozpojeni Szyllerem i Byronern, polscy poeci romantyczni stali przed zagadnieniem istotnie trudnym: od romantyzmu zachodniego szedl blask geniuszy i dyrektywy nowych kanonów oraz nowatorstwa; na terenie wlasnym olbrzymial program literatury narodowej; w teorii zasada twórczej imitacji jawila siç jako zasada zgubna, której produkty wtasnie skazywano na literack^ infamiç; materialu rodzimego pod rçk^ byio tyle, ile Slowacki uzyl do stworzenia Balladyny, a wiçc, wedhig obliczenia przenikliwego umyslu, jakim byl Krasiñski - "jednej zwrotki" ; piesni gminnej "kilku wierszy".52 Splot tych zagadnieñ wyst^pil szczególnie mocno w roku 1835, kiedy ukazal siç artykul Seweryna Goszczyñskiego "Nowa epoka poezji polskiej". Znamiennq. cech^ tego artykuhi bylo nie to, ze stanowil on jeden ζ najgwahowniejszych ataków na zasadç i metodç nasladownictwa, ani to, ¿e produkty wieków metody twórczej imitacji atakowaí tonem paszkwilanta; najistotniejszy byl fakt, ze w oczach autora prawie caly 49

Czeslaw Hernas, W kalinowym lesie (Warszawa, 1965), t. I, s. 236. Por. tegoz autora uwagi o poszukiwaniach polskiej prefolklorystyki, szczególnie o nurcie osjanicznym, micie pótnocy i wyprawie M. Nielubowicza na ¿mudz w celu odkrycia "piesni wojennych". 50 A. Mickiewicz, op. cit., t. XIV, s. 278. 51 Idem, s. 270. 52 Krasiñski wiedzial dobrze, co mówi, gdy poczytywal za "glçbokq genialnosc" Stowackiego fakt, ze Balladyna "jak najbujniejszy kwiat ζ marnego nasienia, tak ona ζ jednej zwrotki wykluwa siç, plemi, wstuliácia siç i plonie, az znów ogieñ niebieski pozre, az, wyszla ζ niczego, ζ niewidzialnoáci, wróci w niewidzialnoác". Ζ. Krasiñski, "Kilka slów o Juliuszu Stowackim", w Polska krytyka literacka (1800-1918), t. II, s. 138.

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dotychczasowy dorobek polskiej literatury postanislawowskiej, romantycznej, w zamierzeniu przynajmniej narodowej, ukladal siç w dalszy cieg literatury nalecialej. Artykul Goszczyñskiego wprowadzal bodaj po raz pierwszy rozróznienie miçdzy literature romantyczne w jçzyku polskim ("pseudoromantyczn^"), a literature istotnie narodowe, potçgowal lagodniejsze o wiele niechçc Brodziñskiego do wszelkiej cudzoziemszczyzny; do jej form starych, lacmskosci, francuszczyzny, niemiecczyzny, dodaj^c nowe: anglomani?, orientalizm; eksponowal daleko mocniej niz dotychczas samorodnosc, ludowosc, slowiañskoác, kosztem rodzimej tradycji pisanej, kosztem europejskosci i uniwersalnosci; zaostrzal kryteria narodowosci kosztem artystycznej doskonalosci. Poezja dzisiejsza [pisal Goszczyñski] laczy si§ bezposrednio ζ pseudoklasyczna : powiem wiçcej, ze przy calej wyzszosci nad poprzedniczk^ scisle przylega do niej niepoálednia swoja strong tak, ze w tym wzglçdzie moze siç za dalszy jej ci%g uwazac. T a nieszczçsliwa strona jest nasladowstwo. 5 3

Autor nie odmawial talentu pisarzom romantycznym, Malczewskiemu, Mickiewiczowi. Temu ostatniemu, uznaj^c go za przywodzcç nowego ruchu, przypisywai nie tylko "potçiny talent", ale i "wielkie zaslugi w obaleniu dawnego rymotwórstwa". Niemniej, ζ punktu widzenia kryteriów narodowosci stwierdzal, ¿e "nie moiemy go nazwac najoryginalniejszym ζ polskich poetów i narodowym w scislym znaczeniu tego slowa". Przeciwnie, ζ wyj^tkiem paru utworów, cale twórczosc Mickiewicza odpisywal - ζ punktu widzenia tak ostro pojmowanej oryginalnoáci i narodowosci - na straty. Ζ namaszczeniem oswiadczal: ... bez zartu mówi^c [Mickiewicz] jest celnym wyobrazicielem naszej poezji koteryjnej ... Zdolnosci wysokie nie unarodowiaja pisarza, a imiç szeroko rozniesione nie jest przywilejem wobec krytyki. 5 4

I ζ tych to wzglçdôw ostrzegal mlodych poetów przed szukaniem w Mickiewiczu wzoru jak zostac poete polskim : ... litujemy siç nad mlodym pisarzem, który by w Mickiewiczu Ballad, Sonetów, Dziadów i Wallenrodów szukal tajemnicy zostania poeta polskim, obra! wzór do uksztalcenia swoich zdolnoáci. Tymczasem byli i sa tacy. 5 5

Za jedynie w pelni narodowe ζ literatury postanislawowskiej uznawal parç ballad Mickiewicza i Grazynç, Zmijç i Jana Bieleckiego Slowackiego, S. Goszczyñski, "Nowa epoka poezji polskiej", w Polska krytyka (1800-1918) (Warszawa, 1959), t. II, s. 32. 54 Idem, s. 35. 55 Idem, s. 36.

53

literacka

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oraz utwory kilku pomniejszych pisarzy, takich jak Brodzmski ( Wieslaw), Zaleski, Malczewski. Mickiewicz, w Prelekcjach paryskich, docenil znaczenie wyst^pienia Goszczynskiego: "Goszczynski zaá jak gdyby podlozyl ogieñ pod starodawny gmach poezji... Ζ narodow^ poezji polsk^ Goszczyáski zl^czy siç na drodze polityki..." Przypisane przez Mickiewicza Goszczynskiemu "niweczenie wszystkich jej [poezji] tradycji", bieg "ku nieokreálonej i mglistej przyszloáci"56 nie bylo tylko ocen^ krytyka. Bylo takie wskazaniem na filiacjç przez twôrcç mesjanistycznej poetyki. "Krytyczna szar¿a" Goszczyñskiego wiodla bowiem w kierunku literatury terainiejszoáci i przyszloáci, literatury zaangazowanej, poczçtej ζ ducha jak ζ nicoáci.

IV

We wczeániejszej fazie romantyzmu polskiego pojçcia takie jak romantycznoác, narodowoác, ludowoác, przeszioác, staly tak blisko siebie, ze byty prawie wymienne. Zawarta w nich dyrektywa nowatorstwa prowadzila jednak wyraznie przez nasladownictwo ; wszystkie bowiem te hasla implikowaly uprzywilejowanie metody twórczej imitacji, czy to kanonizujqc w postad wzorów formy, rodzaj uczuciowoáci, style ζ pewnych okresów przeszloáci; czy to stawiaj^c przed oczyma pisz^cych dziela genialnych twórców dawnych (jak Szekspir, Dante, Calderón) i wspólczesnych (Goethe, Schiller, Byron); czy to kai^c szukac wzorów i form w ludowoáci. Szczególnie haslo narodowosci czynilo ζ pojçcia oryginalnoáci rodzaj cechy kolektywnej. W rezultacie wiçc sprzçg tych hasel i dyrektyw pomniejszal rolç geniusza, zamieniaj^c go albo w barda przeszloáci, albo w naâladowcç innych geniuszów, lub te¿ - jak to wyrazil Krasiñski - przemieniaj^c "poetç w milion chlopskich pieáni". 57 Pojçcie oryginalnoáci, implikowane przez te hasla nie radykalizowaío procesu twórczego i metod twórczoáci. Do radykalizacji prowadzila natomiast sytuacja poety narodoworomantycznego w Polsce polegaj^ca na braku rodzimego materialu naáladowczego, dopiero jednak ζ chwilg. gdy haslo narodowoáci zaakcentowaío naáladowczoác w pseudoromantycznoáci. Do radykalizacji procesu twórczego, do specyficznej oryginalnoáci "ironicznej" prowadzilo takáe wypracowane przez romantyków niemieckich rozróinienie miçdzy poezji naiwnq a poezji senty56 57

A. Mickiewicz, op. cit., t. XI, ss. 51-52. Ζ. Krasiúski, Listy do Jerzego Lubomirskiego (Warszawa, 1965), s. 37.

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mentaln^. W Prelekcjach paryskich Mickiewicz konstatowal, ¿e nie podobna naáladowac nieskazitelnej czystoáci piosenki slowianskiej dia podobnych powodów dia jakich nie podobna naáladowac naiwnych gestów dziecka. Najbardziej w duchu romantyków niemieckich uj^l ten problem Krasiñski : W tym bogi uâmiechnçly siç laskawie greckim plemionom, a pózniej germanskim, ze im daly Epopeç w czas. Co siç w czas zdarza, bywa zawzdy wielkim i prawdziwym; co przed czasem - nosi zwykle znamiç szaiu, a co po czasie, niestety, komicznosci. Niepodobna odwlec rzecz o tysiac lat i zçdaé po niej, by w zupelnie rodzimych barwach, w pierwotnej swiezy, w nietkniçtym dziewictwie na jaw wystipila; nie win? Slowackiego, ze nie zyl za dni Popiela, raczej win$ czasów popielowych, ze miasto szczurów i myszy nie porodzily wielkiego gçâlarza, wieszcza, który by, wigzac slowiariskie plemiona jak struny w olbrzymi^ harfç Epopei, byl uwiecznil kolebkç nasza, jak Homer Grecji kolebkç ... Dziwny, bardzo dziwny los dostal siç nam w dziale: umarli dopieroámy ài^gnçli rçkg. do harfy!... O to skarzmy siç na ñas samych, lub na bogi, ale nie na poetç, bo on siç urodzil w innych czasach; on, gdy ápiewa o Popielu, choc staje siç Popielem, nie moze byé li tylko Popielem. 58

W podobny sposób komentowal kwestiç mitotwórstwa u poetów nowozytnych: Starozytni ... ogólne pojçcia lub szereg dziejowy zdarzen wcielali w postaci osobne, ludzkie ... Mity wtedy rosly jak ogromne drzewa i skaly pierwotnego áwiata, jak organizma ... Dzis inaczej - dziá pojedyñczy czlowiek, dziá sam poeta musi mit caly uksztalcic, a ksztalc^c go, wie o nim. 59

Fakt, ¿e Slowackiemu udalo siç naáladowac jakby organiczny procès mitotwórczy (chociai nie bez Ariostycznego uámiechu), fakt, ¿e tworzyl on "ζ niczego"60 - oto byly znamiona genialnoáci Slowackiego. A równoczeánie dia Krasiúskiego Slowacki nie byl owq najczystsz^, najoryginalniejszq, najbardziej przyrodzon^ ζ natur twórczych. Nie byl ze wzglçdu wlaánie owego "Ariostycznego uámiechu", nie zawinionego przez poetç, a takie, i przede wszystkim, ze wzglçdu na rodzaj swojego twórczego temperamentu, który w áwietnym sformulowaniu Krasiñskiego reprezentowal formç "sily odwcieleñ", formç "ciqglego pojedyñczych cz^stek stawania siç i znoszenia", "tworzenia i niszczenia". 68

Ζ. Krasiñski, "Kilka slów o Juliuszu Slowackim", op. cit., s. 136. Idem, s. 138. 60 Charakterystyczna jest kpina Krasiñskiego ζ bezradnych, niepoetyckich prób odtworzenia przeszloáci zniknionej. "Dwa imiona tylko doszty nam uszu: Lei um, Polelum ... ¿ebyá ty wiedziafa, Lillo, co ζ tq jednq pamrçtka po was wyrabiali uczeni, kronikarze, bistorycy, pedanti, poeti, struchlalabyá ..." Idem, s. 138. 69

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St^d podobienstwo do tego, co Niemcy, przej^wszy od Anglików, nazwali humorem, czyli rodzajem, w którym mistrz stawia siç na stanowisku panteistycznego Boga i cingle stworzenia wiasne, jakby sny znikome, buduj^c i rozwalaj^c zarówno podlug widzimisiç swego, te ich wschody i zachody tragiczne lub komiczne, serio lub buffo uwazac moze. 61

Inna, wedlug Krasiñskiego, byla natura twórcza Mickiewicza : Czyn, w którym duch nasz siç objawil po rozebraniu siç ζ ciaJa politycznego,

zowie siç Mickiewiczem. On pierwszy ζ odmçtu rozbujalych fluktów... odgarn^l polsk^t ideç piçknosci i w ksztalt organiczny oblekl; potrzeba mu bylo na to tego, co jest trescò i zasadg. w kazdym tworzeniu, potrzeba mu bylo olbrzymiej, wnçtrznej, rodzimej sily, czyli energii. Sife tylko skupiañ, sil$ dosrodkowg. mozna niewidome zamienié na widome ... Standi grunt poezji naszej, opoka wnçtrzna tego intelektualnego planety wychylila siç na jaw. 62

Genialnoác Mickiewicza polegala na "sile wcieleñ", genialnoác Slowackiego na "sile odwcieleñ". "Kilka slów o Juliuszu Slowackim" Krasiñskiego stanowi jedn^ ζ najpehiiejszych definicji w krytyce polskiej okresu romantyzmu idei oryginalnosci radykalnej, pojçcia "nasladowania istoty twórczosci". Idea ta nurtowala romantyzm polski od jego najwczesniejszego okresu. W swoim tresciwym omówieniu koncepji oryginalnoáci w Nauce o literaturze Julian Krzyianowski zauwaiyi, ze ju¿ w pojçciu Brodziñskiego, "... pisarza nowoczesnego obowi^zuje nie punkt dojscia "wzoru", nie kopiowanie gotowego dziela, lecz droga przebyta przez pisarza antycznego, tj. metoda jego twórczego wysilku."63 Podobng. mysl wyraáai Mochnacki, gdy pisal o przejáciu, "... od nasladowania zewnçtrznych form w niemej naturze i sztuce do naáladowania produkcyjnej sily sprawuj^cej, ¿e te formy egzystuj^ i takie, a nie inné, majq wejrzenie."64 Koncepcje, zbliÊone do powyzszych, znajdujemy i we wczesniejszej fazie dzialalnosci pisarskiej Mickiewicza. S3 to jednak przewainie jedynie napomknienia, nagle uprzywilejowania natchnienia, czy tei poetyckie postaciowania poczucia mocy twórczej (w Wielkiej Improwizacji nie pozbawione elementu ambiwalencji). Istotniejsza - jako przyklad próby naáladowania istoty twórczoáci - jest pròba stworzenia dramatu slowiañskiego, Dziady, polegaj^ca nie tyle na naáladowaniu takich czy innych wzorów i form (chociaz i takiego naáladowania w nich nie 61 62 63 94

Idem, s. 135. Idem, s. 133. J. Krzyzanowski, op. cit., s. 265. M. Mochnacki, Pisma, Lwów, 1910, s. 147.

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65

brak), ale na "naáladowaniu" samego procesu powstawania dramatu starozytnego, wysnucia zasadniczej formy i pojçciowej struktury narodowego dramatu ζ ludowego obrzçdu i ζ ludowego áwiata pojçc (stopieñ zawartej w tej próbie mistyfikacji nie jest tu istotny). Dziady moina wiçc uznac za przyklad dziela oryginalnego w sensie innym, niz ten jaki oryginalnosci nadawala teoria twórczej imitacji. S^ one bardziej "naiwnym" ni¿ Balladyna Slowackiego wysiikiem by procès twórczy upodobnic do procesu historii tworz^cej organicznie to, co ζ perspektywy ukazuje siç jako historia i tradycja. ν "Ludzie ζ geniuszem utworzyli wzory, ludzie ζ geniuszem wyci^gnçli ζ tych wzorów przepisy" - pisai Mickiewicz w jednym ζ mlodzienczych pism krytycznych.65 Staj^c w okresie ostatnich dwóch kursów na katedrze paryskiej, Mickiewicz stawal jako prawodawca, wyci^gaj^cy ζ wzorów przepisy. Za dziela wzorowe sluzyla mu, wreszcie wydzwigniçta do istnienia, oryginalna literatura narodowa: Pisarze stowianscy, po okresie nasladowania wszelkich rodzajów literackich, zapozyczonych ζ zagranicy, w ostatnich dopiero czasach zdolali wydaé literature, która do nich wyl^cznie nalezy, literaturç istotnie oryginaln^: glównymi zaá jej dzielami, utworami klasycznymi [íí'c] S4 poematy polskie. 86 Literatura ta jest zupeinie nowozytna, jest tworem wspólczesnym. 67

Wspóltwórca narodowej, oryginalnej literatury polskiej, nie tylko konstatowal fakt jej zaistnienia, ale dawal tez, najpeiniejsz^ od czasów Brodziñskiego, probç okreálenia na czym ta oryginalnoác polega. W tym sensie kurs literatur slowiañskich Mickiewicza ubiega siç (przynajmniej na terenie síowiañskim) o zaszczytpierwszegokursukomparatystyki slowiañskiej. Na czym polegaía konkretna oryginalnoác dziel uznanych przez Mickiewicza za reprezentatywne día nowej literatury? Okreálenie ich oryginalnoáci jest ju¿ nie ogólnikowe, lecz równie¿ konkretne. Polega ona na tym, ¿e nowa literatura jest literatura zaangazowan^ (uzycie tego terminu uwazam za uprawnione mimo jego nowoczesnego wydzwiçku) ; ¿e zawiera pierwiastek cudowny, áwiat nadprzyrodzony "nie tylko poetycki i w duchu gminnym, ale ju¿ ujçty wedhig pojçc rozwiniçtych 85 66

A. Mickiewicz, op. cit., t. V, s. 139. Idem, t. XI, s. 9. Idem, s. 430.

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przez nasz wiek",68 czyli ζe jest literature spirytualistyczn^, mesjanistyczn^ w znaczeniu nadawanym tym terminom przez Mickiewicza, literature charyzmy i profecji ; na koniec, a jest to bodaj ze najcelniejsza uwaga formalna, nowa literatura polska jest oryginalna, gdy¿ "nie jest specjalnoácie". U nas kazde wybitne dzielo literackie jest zarazem dzielem religijnym i politycznym. Niejeden utwór siowianski mozna by nazwaó równie dobrze poematem, b%dz pamfletem, kazaniem b$dz artykulem dziennikarskim ... e9 Wystarczyloby wlasciwie tylko dodac, ze w tych konkretnych, a równoczesnie syntetycznych okreáleniach, zabrakio jedynie sformulowania najogólniejszego, ukazuj^cego na czym polegala oryginalnoác romantyzmu polskiego jako ruchu, a mianowicie, ¿e polegala ona na problematyce i dialektyce zawartej w antynomii slowa i czynu.

VI Mesjanistyczna poetyka Mickiewiczowskich Prelekcji paryskich byla na terenie polskim najskrajniejszym zdefiniowaniem pojçcia radykalnej, absolutnej, samorodnej, oryginalnoáci. Znakiem zbliiania siç tak skrajnego ujçcia tego problemu byl j u i list do Olizarowskiego ζ 1841 roku, jakie charakterystyczny: Dawne twoje poezje stracone, nie byles sam sob%. ... W poezji ostatniej stançleà na punkcie, sk$d idzie droga. Na nikogo siç nie ogl^daj, nikogo nie naáladuj. Pana pytaj, serce oczyszczaj i ducha twego shichaj. Mamy wielk^ potrzebç poetów nowych.70 Tak¿e w Prelekcjach paryskich "shichanie swego ducha" staje siç jedynym warunkiem twórczoáci. Szczególnie dwa ostatnie kursy Prelekcji przynoszq ogólne, skrajn^ spirytualizacjç problematyki zarówno twórczej, jak i politycznej. Postulat literatury zaangaiowanej, literatury terazniejszoáci i przyszloáci, odsuwa na plan dalszy nie tylko formalng. doskonaloác, ale nawet tradycjç i przeszloác wichsensiewidomym. Mickiewicz konsekwentnie usuwa ζ pola widzenia wszystko, co mogio by sluzyc za wzór, wszystko, co ju2 kiedykolwiek konkretnie zaistnialo. Ludowosc, przeszloác, tradycja trace na konkretnoáci, przestaje miec Charakter formalny, przeistaczaje siç w walory duchowe i etyczne, moina by wrçcz powiedziec, 68 69

70

Idem, s. 113. Idem, s. 431.

A. Mickiewicz, op. cit., t. XV, s. 370.

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67

±e uzyskuj^ istnienie upiorne. Literatura powieáci i pieáni gminnych uzyskuje miaño literatury kopalnej, utajonej, starodawna tradycja "zamyka siç na zawsze w dymnych chatach", przedwieczna m^droác egzystuje w utajeniu w jçzyku.71 To przeniesienie wszelkich wartosci widomych, konkretnych, maj^cych formy, do wewn^trz ducha, idzie w parze ζ apoteoz^ geniusza, jednostek które, "... wystrzelajq. ponad masy, na których masy patrz^ siç w oshipieniu jako na swych wladców, i które w istocie biorg. gôrç nad masami, i nad krytykq, i nad literatura, i nad poezj^."72 Jednostki takie nie tylko godne s^ naáladowania, ale, "... cokolwiek by czynila duma ogólu, trzeba przejsc poprzez indywidualnoác... trzeba isc ich áladem."73 Isc áladem nie znaczy jednak, "... wzorowac siç na ich formach ani powtarzac ich typy; znaczy to brac natchnienie ζ ich ducha...'"74 Geniusz to jednostka natchniona, ktos, kto dobywa swq moc jedynie ζ samego siebie, a zaglçbiaj^c siç w sw^ istotç, "... tym wiçcej prawd ζ niej dobywa, bo zbliia siç wtedy do owego oárodka, przez który obcuje ζ Bogiem."75 Poeta, to czlowiek "pracuj^cy wewnçtrznie", samoistny i samorodny, twórczy dziçki zeslanemu na niego natchnieniu, duchowej energii. Cyprian Norwid, poeta oryginalny, przekladaj^cy na wlasny jçzyk zastane przez siebie idee i teorie, nie bez powodu przy okazji odczytów 0 Slowackim prostowai jedn^ ζ ekstrem romantycznej ideologii i estetyki, pojçcie oryginalnoáci jako samoistnej sify: Ktoá mi powie, ze sumienna wzajemnoáé wobec ¿ródel nie daje samosily, 1 ze trzeba dia indywidualnej oryginalnoáci mieó zródlo w sobie, ale ja powtôrzç ze takiej oryginalnoáci absolutnie indywidualnej nie ma, nie bylo i nie bçdzie. 76 Oryginalnoáó wiçc jest tylko sumiennoáci^ dodatni^ w

obliczu

zródel. 77

University of British Columbia

71

Tak wiçc romantyczny etymologizm filozoficzny i poetycki nie by! po prostu jakqá maniq, byi metodi odkrywania zawartej w jçzyku prawdy. 72 A. Mickiewicz, op. cit., t. XI, s. 35. 73 Idem, s. 32. 74 Idem. 75 Idem, s. 161. 76 C. Κ. Norwid, "O Juliuszu Slowackim", Pisma wybrane, t. 4 (Warszawa, 1968), s. 213. 77 Idem, s. 215.

THÉODORE F. DOMARADZKI

LES POST-ROMANTIQUES POLONAIS: L'EXEMPLE DE JOSEPH I. KRASZEWSKI ET DE CYPRIAN Κ. NORWID

Le Romantisme polonais constitue un phénomène extrêmement complexe et difficile à circonscrire et à explorer, même pour les Polonais; quant aux étrangers, souvent ils ne réussissent presque pas à le comprendre. Afin de permettre upe meilleure compréhension de ce courant il faut le sortir de son isolement national et essayer, dans la présentation de ses manifestations, de le rapprocher des faits et des idées qui ont modelé le visage de la littérature française de cette période. Les points de contact et les rapprochements entre les littératures polonaise et française ne nous manqueront pas, car les meilleurs auteurs polonais de l'époque écrivaient et publiaient leurs œuvres en France, où ils jouissaient non seulement d'une liberté d'expression absolue, mais également d'une ambiance exceptionnelle propre à Paris, capitale mondiale des lettres et des beaux-arts. Il faut souligner à ce propos l'existence simultanée de deux sortes d'écrivains polonais à cette époque: les uns demeurant au pays opprimé et les autres en exil, où pratiquement aucune censure ne s'appliqua à la création littéraire polonaise.1 1

Jozef I. Kraszewski dans ses études Rachunki ζ roku 1866 (Poznan 1867) a constaté que dans la Pologne occupée par les Russes "on n'a pu parler de la patrie qu'en l'indiquant par le mot 'le pays', du passé qu'en l'exprimant par le mot 'siècle passé', du sacrifice qu'en ne suggérant que les associations dévotionnelles". D'après les documents recueillis par M-me Straszewska les hommes de lettres polonais dans la Pologne occupée par les Russes ont été soumis à un contrôle policier très sévère. Maria Straszewska, Czasopisma literackie w Krôlestwie Polskim w latach 1832-1848, vol. 2 (Wroclaw, 1959), pp. 6 et 7. Quant aux conditions de la littérature polonaise de l'exil, une excellente illustration non seulement de la liberté d'expression dont jouissaient les Polonais en France, mais également de la collaboration active des hommes de lettres français dans ce domaine, nous est fournie par M. Fabre: "Réciproquement, à travers le XIXe siècle et au delà, la littérature française aida la littérature polonaise à remplir la mission où elle trouvait à la fois servitude et grandeur: celle de manifester la Continuité de la Vie nationale, mais sans jamais sacrifier à ce devoir le respect du beau ni le souci du vrai." Jean Fabre, "Romantisme polonais et culture française", Europe (juillet-août, Paris, 1960), p. 10. Cf. Maria Straszewska, ¿yeie literackie Wielkiej Emigracji we Francji 1831-1940 (Warszawa, 1970), pp. 255-267.

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Les conditions différentes qui ont présidé au développement de la littérature au sein de ces deux groupes, ont souvent marqué d'une façon décisive l'orientation des écrivains. C'est ainsi que s'explique l'appartenance de la très grande majorité des poètes exilés à la première et à la deuxième phase du Romantisme - rarement au post-Romantisme - et celle de la plupart des auteurs vivant en Pologne à la catégorie des postromantiques. Or, Cyprien Norwid, bien qu'il ait écrit surtout à l'étranger, n'est pas un poète représentatif de la première catégorie, tandis que Joseph I. Kraszewski, malgré les longues années passées en exil et ses liens avec le Romantisme, appartient, selon nous, incontestablement à la seconde.2 2

Cyprian Kamil Norwid (1821-1883) a débuté comme poète en 1840 à Varsovie, donc à l'époque du plein épanouissement du Romantisme polonais. Pourtant il n'a pas voulu être continuateur de ce courant littéraire, mais au contraire, durant presque toute sa vie, il s'efforça de provoquer un tournant dans la poésie et la création artistique de sa nation. Il est un des plus grands poètes polonais du XIX siècle et le plus difficile de tous. Peu connu de son vivant il ne fut redécouvert que vers la fin du siècle passé et depuis sa gloire et la connaissance de son œuvre n'ont cessé de s'accroitre d'une décennie à l'autre en Pologne et à l'étranger. Aux chercheurs, nous conseillons de consulter les ouvrages suivants : Gabriel Korbut, Literatura Polska, vol. III, éd. II (Warszawa, 1931), p. 419; Wladyslaw Arcimowicz, "Nieco materialów do bibliografii o Norwidzie", Pamiçtnik Literacki, vol. XXVII (1930), p. 485; Waclaw Borowy, "Norwidiana 1930-1935", Pamiçtnik Literacki, vol. XXXIV (1937), p. 321; ditto dans Waclaw Borowy, O Norwidzie. Rozprawy i notatki (Warszawa, 1960), p. 140-250; Wladyslaw Arcimowicz, "Uzupelnienia do biografi! o Norwidzie", Ruch literacki, vol. V m , p. 249; Wladyslaw Arcimowicz, "Bibliografia pism Norwida", Ruch literacki, vol Vili, p. 51 ; Jean Lorentowicz, La Pologne en France, Vol. 1 (Paris, 1935), pp. 28, 42-43, 59, 69, 86-87 et 177; Vol. 3 (Paris, 1941), p. 415; Pamiçci Cypriana Norwida, éd. Waclaw Borowy (Warszawa, 1946); Cyprian Norwid. Wystawa w 125 rocznicç urodzin, Katalog, Muzeum Narodowe (Warszawa, 1946); Z. Jastrzçbski, J. Starnawski, "Materialy do bibliografi! Norwida", Roczniki Humanistyczne (Lublin, 1958); Β. Kocówna, "Autografy listów Norwida w Bibliotece Narodowej", Ν owe studia o Norwidzie (Warszawa, 1951); J. W. Gomulicki, Bibliografia wierszy Norwida, dans C. Norwid, Dziela Zebrane (Wiersze), vol. II (Warszawa, 1967), pp. 11-56; Zofia Trojanowicz, Rzecz o mlodosci Norwida (Poznan, 1968); Théodore F. Domaradzki, Cyprien Norwid darts les traductions et la critique de langue française, Études Slaves et Est-Européennes, Vol. XII, fase. 4 (Montréal, 1968), pp. 153-187; (Remarque: dans les notes qui suivent nous désignerons la revue Études Slaves et Est-Européennes par l'abréviation ESEE, tandis que les titres des articles de cette revue publiés également sous forme de brochure seront indiqués entre parenthèses). Jozef Ignacy Kraszewski (1812-1887), un des plus populaires parmi les écrivains polonais du siècle passé, est également l'auteur qui a à son compte le plus grand nombre des ouvrages, à savoir huit cents volumes (tandis que Alexandre Dumas n'a publié que six cents volumes et Honoré de Balzac quatre cents). Il peut être considéré comme le plus célèbre artiste-artisan de la littérature polonaise car il créa son immense œuvre littéraire sans aucune organisation financière ou technique moderne: il écrivit tous ses ouvrages à la main n'ayant ni secrétaires ni assistants. À l'instar de Dumas il a fait vivre aux Polonais toutes les époques de leur histoire et "fait respirer l'air de son temps", d'après l'expression utilisée par M. Samaran dans l'Avant-propos à Alexandre Dumas, Les Trois Mousquetaires. La critique contemporaine, à l'exception

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71

L'avènement de la nouvelle poésie européenne qui a pris naissance avec l'œuvre de Baudelaire et de ses contemporains, fait partie d'un changement révolutionnaire de la vie artistique et littéraire en France et un peu partout dans l'Europe du siècle dernier. L'époque de Baudelaire coïncide donc avec celle de la deuxième génération romantique, lorsque des critiques perspicaces, comme par exemple Sainte-Beuve, parlent déjà d'une "déviation du Romantisme" qui se dessine et qui est "plutôt philosophique et poétique que littéraire".3 A l'origine de ce mouvement de renouveau il y eut le sentiment d'un malaise politique et social et la protestation contre l'ordre établi qui régnait en France au temps de la Restauration. Or, la condamnation de la condition humaine de la société d'antan par les 'Jeune-France' nous suggère beaucoup d'analogies avec l'orientation prise par les postromantiques polonais. Le malaise de la vie quotidienne, tellement contraire à l'idéalisation romantique de l'homme et de l'amour, constitue l'essence de la poésie de Baudelaire, aussi bien que celle de Norwid et, à plusieurs égards également, de l'œuvre de Kraszewski. Les récentes découvertes et rapprochements faits dans le domaine de la littérature polonaise4 nous laissent croire qu'un eifort semblable à celui de Baudelaire a été fait par C.K. Norwid, sans conséquences apparentes, toutefois, pour sa propre génération, ni même pour la suivante. de W. Danek, a relégué dans l'oubli quatre-vingt-dix pour-cent de l'héritage littéraire de Kraszewski et ne garde en estime qu'une mince partie de ses romans historiques et quelques romans rustiques. Certains critiques (Piotr Chmielowski) lui reprochent d'avoir amoindri la Pléiade des grands romantiques polonais (Mickiewicz, Slowacki et Krasiñski). Aux chercheurs nous conseillons de consulter les ouvrages suivants: "Recueil d'études biographiques et bibliographiques sur J. I. Kraszewski" dans Ksiqzka jubìleuszowa dia uczczenìa 50-letniej pracy literackiej J. I. Kraszewskiego (Varsovie, 1880); Bronislaw Chlebowski, "Kraszewski J. I. (1812-1887)", dans le recueil Wiek XIX. Sto lat myslipolskiej, volume 7 (Warszawa, 1913); Wincenty Danek, Józef Ignacy Kraszewski (Zarys zycia i twórczosci) (Warszawa, 1962); - Leben und Werk des grossen polnischen Dichters (Berlin, 1962); - Po wiese historyczna J.I. Kraszewskiego (Warszawa, 1966); - Pisarz wciqz zywy (Warszawa, 1969); Haiina Maria D^browska, Tytan pracy (Warszawa, 1957); Julian Krzyzanowski, W swiecie romantycznym (Kraków, 1961); Marek Piekarski, J. I. Kraszewskiego zycie i dziela (Lwów, 1912); Marian Czamanski, "La philosophie de l'histoire de J. I. Kraszewski", ESEE (Montréal, 1969), pp. 3-30. Il s'agit d'un essai basé sur une partie de sa thèse de doctorat préparée en français sous la direction du professeur T. F. Domaradzki, intitulée Problème allemand dans la vie et l'œuvre de Kraszewski (Université de Montréal, 1968). 3 "M. Baudelaire a trouvé moyen de se bâtir à l'extrémité d'une langue de terre réputée inhabitable et par delà les confins du romantisme connu, un kiosk bizarre...", écrivait Sainte Beuve aans le Constitutionnel le 20 janvier 1862. Cité par Marcel A. Ruff dans Baudelaire, Œuvres Complètes (Paris, 1968), p. 36). 4 Cf. T. F. Domaradzki, "La réalité du mal dans deux messages poétiques: celui de C. Baudelaire et celui de C. Norwid", ESEE (Montréal, 1967), p. 123.

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Il ne serait pas possible de cerner dans l'espace de cet article toutes les implications du rôle que ce poète joua à l'époque, et d'évaluer l'influence, toujours grandissante, qu'il exerça tout au long du XX siècle. Cependant vu que la plupart des critiques et historiens polonais de la littérature, sont tellement impressionnés par la grandeur du Romantisme et qu'au nom de l'unité de ce dernier ils semblent rejeter l'idée même de sa limitation, nous sommes obligés d'éclaircir certains points concernants les rapports de Norwid avec cette école à laquelle on veut aujourd'hui attacher définitivement ce poète. Loin de nier certains aspects romantiques de l'œuvre de l'auteur de Prométhidion, nous proposons qu'on adopte à son sujet une attitude semblable à celle des critiques français qui, dans leur présentation des écrivains du XIX siècle, font une nette distinction entre les domaines du Romantisme, du Parnasse et du Symbolisme.5 La question de l'appartenance d'un auteur à un courant littéraire donné, plutôt qu'à un autre est souvent assez complexe, tout particulièrement en ce qui concerne les thèmes du Romantisme polonais et notamment sa deuxième phase (1831-65). Nous y voyons des écrivains qui passent par plusieures écoles littéraires : le Classicisme, le Romantisme, parfois même le Symbolisme ou le Réalisme. Si l'on veut considérer la création littéraire de l'époque sous tous les aspects, on est obligé de rompre avec l'idée de la prépondérance romantique qui ne facilite pas la compréhension de la période examinée, et d'en détacher les noms de Norwid, de Kraszewski et de plusieurs autres écrivains. Non seulement les Polonais, mais également les auteurs de manuels de littérature polonaise en langues étrangères ont rattaché, à l'instar de leurs confrères polonais, tous ces écrivains au Romantisme. Us ont procédé ainsi malgré leurs propres réserves et explications marginales, par lesquelles ils ont souligné la diversité des attitudes littéraires et philosophiques de ces hommes de lettres qui s'étaient souvent opposés à l'esprit et à la manière romantiques. Certains historiens de la littérature, tels que Kridl, Chlebowski, traitent séparément des lettres polonaises écrites en exil et de celles au pays, sans apporter pour autant aucune solution au problème de l'appartenance historico-littéraire de leurs auteurs. Hormis l'étude de la situation de Norwid et de Kraszewski, notre travail consiste donc en une tentative de changement du classement des 5

Cf. Cyprien Norwid, Prométhidion, Introduction et Traduction de Joseph Pérard (Paris, 1939).

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périodes littéraires en Pologne, où la catégorie des 'post-romantiques' n'existe pas encore officiellement.6 A notre avis, c'est l'examen du contenu du message romantique polonais qui nous permettra, plus que l'analyse de l'aspect purement esthétique et formel de l'œuvre des post-romantiques, d'établir la frontière qui sépare ces présymbolistes ou préréalistes polonais des romantiques. Rappelons ici que la grande poésie romantique fut, à quelques rares exceptions près, l'œuvre des réfugiés politiques polonais, émigrés en France dans les années 1830, 1840. Cette poésie d'inspiration patriotique, avait un caractère éminemment prophétique, mais était d'une valeur dogmatique très douteuse quant au sens religieux de son prophétisme. Bien qu'elle ait laissé des traces profondes dans la vie politique et littéraire polonaise et qu'elle ait trouvé des échos certains en France, elle n'a pas encore été suffisamment étudiée en dehors de la Pologne et encore moins dans un contexte européen: elle reste donc toujours méconnue par les lecteurs français et par les étrangers en général. Le professeur Jean Fabre, éminent spécialiste des études franco-polonaises, cherche à justifier ce phénomène en disant que "le drame romantique polonais déconcerta... d'abord par sa démesure ou son étrangeté". Toutefois il affirme également que "la France, en offrant à la Pologne un complément d'esprit, a reçu en retour un supplément d'âme". 7 De cette façon les Polonais eurent l'occasion non seulement de partager la terre hospitalière des Français, mais encore d'échanger avec eux le fruit de leur culture en leur communiquant les œuvres de la pensée polonaise. Il serait intéressant de souligner les caractéristiques du Romantisme polonais qui ont frappé avant tout l'imagination française. Mickiewicz, par exemple, fut connu en France surtout comme l'auteur du Livre des pèlerins polonais, et Slowacki comme celui de VAnhelli. La lecture attentive de ces deux messages romantiques nous permet de comprendre

6 La plus sérieuse tentative de revision de la classification en périodes de la littérature polonaise a été faite, en ce qui concerne l'époque qui nous intéresse, par Kazimierz Czachowski, Miçdzy romantyzmem a realizmem, éd. Adam Czachowski, préface de J. Maciejewski (Warszawa, 1967). Quant à la littérature française, citons à cause de certains parallelismes, l'étude de Charles Dédéyan, Le Nouveau mal du siècle. De Baudelaire à nos jours, tome J: Du Postromantisme au Symbolisme 1840-1889 (Paris, 1968). 7 Jean Fabre, "Romantisme polonais et culture française", dans Europe (juillet-août, 1960), 38e année, nos. 375-376, p. 10. À ce propos citons du même auteur: "Bien des découvertes restent encore à faire par la France en ce romantisme polonais qui s'était confié à celle pour éclore, celle de Cyprian Norwid, par exemple, le plus secret, le plus douloureux et le plus pur de ces poètes exilés qu'elle méconnut" (Ibid.).

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qu'ils renferment en effet, dans l'esprit du lecteur français, l'essentiel de l'âme polonaise.8 La synthèse politique du Romantisme polonais présente ce courant comme étant foncièrement démocratique et anti-monarchique, malgré les aspects anti-révolutionnaires et aristocratiques de l'œuvre de Krasmski. Or, Norwid et Kraszewski furent partisans de la monarchie et rejetèrent les conceptions de la libération révolutionnaire de la patrie; ils ont signé l'épitaphe du Romantisme politique et littéraire en Pologne. En effet, ils se sont opposés surtout à l'esprit révolutionnaire de Mickiewicz et de Slowacki et l'ont remplacé par leur propre programme de libération nationale, centré tout d'abord sur les réformes sociales et sur l'éducation; ces dernières seraient, d'après eux, plus efficaces dans la lutte contre l'absolutisme tsariste, tout en offrant au peuple des moyens pacifiques et plus réalistes que les soulèvements armés. Mickiewicz, Slowacki et Krasmski, les trois grands romantiques, ont essayé de faire de la cause polonaise une question de morale internationale et individuelle, question qui concernait la conscience de la communauté européenne toute entière.9 Ils ont donné une preuve d'originalité littéraire en créant une nouvelle manière poétique qui devait servir comme instrument politique capable de donner à la Pologne une force de symbole sacré aussi bien dans la littérature que dans la pensée du monde civilisé de l'époque. Le livre du pèlerin polonais et VAnhelli furent une évocation poétique émouvante de la triste existence des Polonais sans patrie; ces livres constitueront une sorte d'introduction à l'étude de l'âme polonaise. Mais cette symbolique de la douleur chargée de signes prophétiques, où l'inspiration chrétienne se joint à une philosophie messianique nationale, a beaucoup perdu de son dynamisme et de sa raison d'être politique après les défaites militaires des années 1860 et devant les faiblesses sociales et économiques de la nation. 10 Si la valeur poétique des messages de Mickiewicz et de Slowacki demeura toujours aussi grande, leur importance politique et morale a énormément diminué dans une Pologne privée de toutes ses libertés et de ses propres institutions culturelles et politiques. L'expression romantique de la douleur de la patrie ne suffisait plus aux Polonais, leur problème 8

Cf. Adam Mickiewicz, Le livre des pèlerins polonais, trad, par Ch. de Montalembert (Paris, 1833); cf. J. Slowacki, Anheilt, trad, par J. Bourrilly (Grenoble, 1957). 9 Cf. M. Straszewska, op. cit., pp. 35-72 et 138-157. 10 Cf. Zofia Stefanowska, Historia i Profecja, Studium O Ksiçgach Narodu i Pielgrzymstwa (Warszawa, 1962); J. Slowacki, Anhelli, traduit par J. Bourrilly (Grenoble, 1957).

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suprême étant alors la conservation de la substance nationale et la modernisation des structures essentielles pour l'existence de la nation. Cependant, l'énorme prestige littéraire et moral acquis par Mickiewicz, ainsi que sa conception prophétique de la poésie, ne permettaient pas, selon Norwid, aux autres écrivains et penseurs d'être acceptés ni même écoutés par les Polonais, surtout du moment où ils ont voulu s'affirmer comme représentant des idées opposées au Romantisme et ont préconisé des techniques poétiques nouvelles. Norwid n'a-t-il pas dit à ce propos qu' "on ne donna ni la place ni le temps aux nouvelles naissances et créations". 11 Bien que plus d'un siècle et demi se fut écoulé depuis, Norwid, le plus grand des post-romantiques, n'a toujours pas trouvé sa juste place dans la littérature. On ne devrait pas le rattacher au Romantisme, mais à tous ceux qui, comme lui, s'en sont détachés pour se tourner contre cette école. D'après le professeur M. Zurowski "le symbolisme constitue un trait de Norwid non moins essentiel que le Romantisme et le Parnasse". Aussi nous avons nous-mêmes souligné à plusieurs reprises, ainsi que l'ont fait en Pologne certains spécialistes de Norwid, les liens étroits qui unissent ce poète au Symbolisme.12 La question de sa position historique semblait être tranchée en principe par le célèbre professeur Julian Krzy¿anowski. Dans sa dernière Histoire de la littérature polonaise il affirme que la création de Norwild "se situe sur le chemin menant du Romantisme au Symbolisme et que le poète fut un pré-symboliste". 13 Mais, malgré une telle définition, on continue de placer Norwid parmi les romantiques. Ce fait est surtout dû à ime conception très large du Romantisme préconisée par les savants polonais. En effet, traitant de l'époque suivante, à savoir le 'Positivisme', Krzyianowski le définit comme "un triptyque au milieu duquel se trouve le Réalisme critique et dont les ailes sont constituées par le Romantisme d'un côté et le Naturalisme d'un autre". 14 Nous pouvons sentir la présence de certains éléments romantiques tout au long de cette période allant de 1864 à 1914. Il est évidemment légitime de déceler des aspects et des traits romantiques importants chez 11

Cyprian Norwid, Dzieta Zebrane, éd. J. W. Gomulicki, Vol. 1, Wiersze (Warszawa, 1966), p. 545. 12 Maciej Zurowski, "Norwid i symboliáci", Przegiqd Humanistyczny, No. 4 (1964), p. 101. 13 Julian Krzyzanowski, Dzieje literatury polskiej (Warszawa, 1969), p. 305. 14 Julian Krzyzanowski, préface à la Literatura polska w okresie realizmu i naturalizmu, tome I, de la série Obraz literatury polskiej XIX i X X wieku (Warszawa, 1965), pp. 15 et 16.

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une multitude d'auteurs de l'époque post-romantique et de les appeler "épigones du Romantisme" ; quant aux manuels de littérature polonaise destinés aux étrangers, il nous semble préférable qu'ils adoptent des critères qui limiteraient l'étendue de ce courant à sa durée historique essentielle, c'est-à-dire au temps où il fut prédominant dans la manière de penser et d'écrire des Polonais. Le professeur Stanislas Cywmski, un des pionniers des recherches norwidiennes contemporaines, est arrivé également à la conclusion que Norwid n'est décidément pas un romantique, mais qu'il représente plutôt "le tout dernier anneau de la littérature prépositiviste".15 Madame Zofia Stefanowska, excellent spécialiste des problèmes littéraires de l'époque, n'est pas d'accord avec Cywmski, tout en reconnaissant que du point de vue historique, Norwid "est absent du Romantisme polonais". En effet, à cause de son conflit avec l'époque et vu l'importance minime que ses contemporains lui accordèrent, le poète n'a pu laisser qu'à titre posthume son empreinte, très considérable d'ailleurs, sur la période littéraire en question. 16 Ce n'est qu'aujourd'hui, en examinant les choses rétrospectivement que nous pouvons lui accorder un rôle de premier plan dans l'histoire littéraire de la Pologne du XIX siècle, ne serait-ce qu'à cause de son influence indéniable sur les poètes du XX siècle. Mme Stefanowska reconnaît à son tour que Norwid, conformément au programme de la création artistique qu'il a conçu, s'opposa en principe à l'esthétique romantique et à tout ce qu'il a considéré comme l'essence du Romantisme polonais. Mais, selon le même critique, le poète ne condamna qu'une étape et un seul aspect de ce courant. "Dans sa conscience" - dit-elle - "il fut dans un certain sens un anti-romantique et un continuateur duRomantisme par négation". En conclusion elle dit que Norwid : fut un romantique, mais différent de ses grands prédécesseurs. S'il ne cadre pas avec le modèle de la poésie romantique polonaise, ce n'est pas qu'il fut un mauvais romantique, mais parce que notre modèle du Romantisme est défaillant. Au lieu de rejeter Norwid en dehors des époques [déjà établies] du développement de la littérature polonaise, il faut que nous élargissions notre entendement du Romantisme afin que Norwid, lui aussi, puisse y trouver sa place. 17

Nous ne sommes pas en faveur de la solution proposée par M-me Stefanowska, à savoir qu'il faut refaire l'image du Romantisme polonais pour 15

Stanislaw Cywmski, "Stanowisko Norwida w literaturze", Ruch Literacki, No. 3 (1933), p. 41; Cf. C. Norwid, Wybôr poezji, éd. St. Cywinski (Krakow, 1924), pp. XXX-XXXI et XXXIV-XXXV. 16 Zofia Stefanowska, "Norwidowski Romantyzm", Pamiçtnik Literacki, LIX, p. 4. 17 Ibid., p. 14.

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y acceuillir notre poète dans le but de "révéler ce qui, dans le Romantisme polonais, est resté à l'état potentiel".18 Bien entendu un tel procédé est théoriquement réalisable mais, à notre avis, au lieu de rendre le phénomène romantique plus clair et plus saisissable, on risque de compliquer davantage sa compréhension, particulièrement pour les non-Polonais et pour tous ceux qui sont plus proches de la discipline logico-formelle des lettres françaises. Il nous semble que le fait de placer Norwid à côté de Mickiewicz et de Slowacki dans la synthèse romantique, solution ardemment désirée par beaucoup de critiques polonais, n'est pas nécessaire pour mettre davantage en valeur la richesse du Romantisme polonais et le génie du poète. Quoi qu'il en soit il gardera toujours son prestige car il a ouvert un nouveau chapitre dans l'histoire littéraire de son pays; il appartiendra toujours à la pléiade des meilleurs poètes du XIX siècle. D'après nous l'image du poète ne doit jamais être déformée par les limites artificielles qu'on trace entre les écoles littéraires dont les différences, par ailleurs, équivalent souvent à des similitudes. Rappelons à ce propos la place qu'occupent dans la littérature française du XIX siècle les post-romantiques tels que Théophile Gautier, romantique et plus tard parnassien, Leconte de Lisle, anti-romantique qui peut être considéré aussi comme un des continuateurs du Romantisme, et Charles Baudelaire, pré-symboliste et en même temps auteur de Γ Art romantique. Les partisans de 'l'hypothèse romantique' de notre poète, expliquent qu'il ne s'opposa qu'à un certain genre du Romantisme, à savoir le messianisme de Mickiewicz et de Slowacki, mais que, ce faisant, il partagea les opinions romantiques de Cieszkowski et Krasiñski qui avaient condamné comme lui l'idéologie et les attitudes de Towianski ainsi que le prophétisme politique de ses grands adeptes.19 Si on examine de près les œuvres de Norwid qui devraient nous apporter des témoignages au sujet de sa dépendance vis-à-vis des écrivains cités plus haut, on est porté à affirmer que malgré les influences philosophiques de Krasiñski et de Cieszkowski et malgré certains motifs romantiques que le poète y développe, la manière de les traiter et surtout la conclusion qu'il en dégage, sont très différentes chez Norwid et chez ses probables inspirateurs.20 18

Ibid., p. 15. Ibid., pp. 8 et 9. 20 Cf. Kazimierz Berezyñski, "Filozofia Norwida", Sfinks, vol. XIII, fase. 38 et 39, vol. XIV, fase. 40, 41 et 42 (Warzszawa, 1911); Wladyslaw Arcimowicz, Cyprian 19

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A vrai dire, les ouvrages en question ne sont que les fruits de ses propres médiations sur les problèmes qui lui ont été suggérés par son milieu impregné de Romantisme : tout en abordant parfois des thèmes romantiques, Norwid s'oppose aux tendances et aux manières de pensée de ce courant et préconise souvent le renouveau à partir des critères de valeurs connues et acceptées par son milieu. Or, s'il condamne 'le socialisme païen', il ne le fait pas pour des motifs de partisanerie politique ou pour défendre les intérêts d'une seule classe sociale, ou parce que ses amis de l'aristocratie l'y ont poussé, mais à cause de ses propres convictions catholiques, bien différentes par leur orthodoxie de la religiosité apparente et trop souvent extravagante des romantiques.21 Au nom des mêmes principes il fut contre le mouvement révolutionnaire de 1848. C'est dans "La Veillée" qu'il le rapproche à la parabole du Seigneur tenté par Satan, prêt à faire cadeau à ses sujets "d'un hémisphère du globe", - "celui qui est baigné par les rayons du soleil", pour récompenser les gens qui lui rendront un hommage d'allégeance.22 Telle sera la récompense promise par les forces du Mal aux hommes et aux peuples qui chercheront à s'assurer d'un faux paradis terrestre au lieu de bâtir l'avenir sur la fidélité aux principes moraux et sur la sobriété chrétienne préconisées par l'Eglise catholique. Dans sa vision cette dernière finira par triompher, car "un soldat du Seigneur" viendra en tête de foules énormes et délivrera les gens de l'emprise du Mal.23 Mais avant que cela puisse arriver, la tentation diabolique visant la destruction de la société chrétienne peut conquérir le monde; il faut lui opposer l'action. Et le poète complète sa pensée en ajoutant une remarque explicative en marge du manuscrit. C'est ainsi qu'il actualise le sens de la conception du Mal, et de l'action qu'il préconise pour le combattre partout où ce dernier fera son apparition: "Aujourd'hui à Varsovie et plus tard, et plus clairement encore, à travers toute l'Europe vous le verrez dans l'action."24 Kamil Norwid na tie konfliktu z krytykg (Wilno, 1935); Jan Arcab, "Cyprian Norwid wobec Koéciola i Stolicy Apostolskiej", Nasza Przeszlosc, vol. IX (Kraków, 1959), pp. 369 388; C. Norwid, Pisma prozg, vol. 2, O sztuce i literaturze, éd. Z. Przesmycki (Warszawa, 1940), pp. 126-127; Zygmunt Falkowski, Cyprian Norwid, portret ogôlny (Warszawa, 1933), p. 146; T. F. Domaradzki, "Le culte de la Vièrge Marie chez Cyprien Norwid", ESEE (Montréal, 1961), p. 25. 21 Cf. T. F. Domaradzki, Les considérations de C. K. Norwid sur la liberté de la parole (Québec, 1971), pp. 52-53 ; C. Norwid, Pisma polityczne i filozoficzne, éd. Z. Przesmycki (et Z. Zaniewicki), p. 186. 22 C. Norwid, Wiersze, op. cit., vol. I, pp. 231-233 ; cf. T. F. Domaradzki, La Réalité du Mal, op. cit., p. 130; cf. Matthieu IV, 11 ; Sophonie III, 12-14. 23 Ibid., p. 233. 24 Ibid., vol. Π, p. 347.

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Selon le poète, l'action des forces du Bien naîtra de l'opposition morale à la propagation du Mal. Cela nous rappelle un autre de ses poèmes qu'on a tenté de rattacher au Romantisme, "Le Chant qui vient de notre terre", qui débute par une allusion aux persécutions politiques de Varsovie: "Là où brille la dernière potence, là se trouve mon centre, ma capitale, là est ma ville forte."25 Contrairement aux apparences, nous ne sommes pas ici en présence du messianisme romantique du poète, mais plutôt face à un nouveau type de réactualisation des faits bibliques qu'il veut opposer au "mensonge messianique" et "à la foi artificielle" propagés par le 'Towianisme'. Chez Norwid, la Pologne n'est pas comparée au Christ, elle n'est qu'un des terrains où la bataille pour la liberté de la conscience, et pour la liberté en général, a pris des dimensions plus grandes qu'ailleurs. Le poète, persuadé du fait que lui-même et les autres Polonais qui partagent ses idées sont devenus de rares îlots de la résistance morale, opposés aux assauts des forces du Mal, appelle à une action qui arrêtera les ravages faits par l'injustice politique et sociale et par l'oppression de la personne humaine en Pologne et partout dans le monde qui était devenu, dans sa vision, un immense "volcan". Les révolutions ne régleront pas ce problème, car elles ne peuvent qu'ajouter de nouvelles souffrances.26 Dans la perspective de la "Veillée" et du "Chant qui vient de notre terre", le succès de la mission historique des Polonais dépend de ce que chacun d'eux fera pour appliquer les vérités chrétiennes à sa vie quotidienne. Le poète regrettait que la Pologne fut proclamée par les romantiques une "nation-étendard" et que son pays fut toujours prêt à se soulever et à se sacrifier dans sa lutte désespérée contre des ennemis trop puissants. D'après Norwid, l'avenir et la libération de ses compatriotes dépendent de la qualité de leur travail quotidien pour la nation et de leur contribution au progrès de l'humanité.27 Dans le même ordre d'idées Norwid lance la conception d'ime "révolution européenne" pacifique, pouvant prendre la forme d'un "congrès militaire" international des puissances de l'Europe, afin de faire avancer le monde entier dans l'esprit de la collaboration chrétienne et des traditions chevaleresques d'antan. Cette révolution "dans le sens honnête du 25 Ibid., vol. I, p. 261 ; vol. II, pp. 273-275; cf. T. F. Domaradzki, "Le chant qui vient de notre terre de C. Norwid", ESEE (Montréal, 1963), p. 167. 26 Ibid., pp. 170-171,174. C. Norwid, Listy, éd. Gomulicki (Warszawa, 1971), vol. I, pp. 61-63 65„ 101 et 205-206. 27 C. Norwid, Pisma polityczne i filozoficzne, op. cit., pp. ΧΧ-ΧΧΙΠ.

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terme" - dit-il - "devra être le fruit d'une action concertée de toutes les classes sociales et de toutes les nations européennes".28 Laissant de côté la question des possibilités de réalisation pratique d'un tel projet, conçu il y a plus d'une centaine d'années, nous pouvons facilement admettre qu'il ressemble d'une certaine façon beaucoup plus aux institutions internationales actuelles, comme l'Organisation des Nations Unies, qu'aux visions romantiques 'des révolutions des peuples contre les rois' de Mickiewicz et de Slowacki. L'actualité étonnante de la pensée norwidienne ne se limite pas aux domaines de la poésie et de la philosophie politique, mais touche également aux secteurs économiques et culturels. Norwid les envisage de la façon propre aux conceptions qui prévalent aujourd'hui, c'est-à-dire d'une manière très réaliste et anti-romantique. "La nation" - dit-il - "ne se compose pas uniquement de tout ce que la rend différente des autres, mais également de ce qui l'unit aux autres." Le poète appelle cette interdépendance, "la force qui pousse les nations à s'unir" (potqczalnoscisita) ; elle ne doit pas être considérée comme une concession unilatérale d'un partenaire seulement, ou comme une perte causée à quiconque, mais comme une qualité humaine positive, car c'est elle qui prouve la maturité d'une nation. "Il y va de même dans le domaine moral" - ajoute-t-il, ainsi que dans celui "de la finance et de l'administration" où l'importation et l'exportation des biens représentent cette interdépendance.29 D'après le poète, cette tendance peut nous amener à envisager une nouvelle entité socio-politique, à savoir "une nation européenne". Certains journalistes condamnent ce genre de conceptions d'unification européenne, "comme un instrument capable de détruire les nationalités". Norwid signale l'accusation de "falsifier l'histoire" lancée contre les universalistes, mais il ne partage pas les craintes de ses adversaires car, selon lui, "l'histoire ne se borne pas à un assemblage de simples faits dignes de foi, mais embrasse également des concepts forgés par la nation elle-même pour exprimer son entendement de sa propre histoire".30 Malgré son estime sincère pour les trois grands poètes romantiques et pour leurs mérites littéraires et nationaux, Norwid n'hésite pas à les qualifier de "poètes pleins d'esprit sybillique" qui proclamèrent des "vérités prophétiques en les transformant en un ensemble de formes phénoménologiques"; ainsi étourdie, la nation passa d'un désastre à l'autre. Il explique leur attitude par le fait que, provenant d'une nation 28 29 30

Ibid., p. 136. C. Norwid, op. cit., éd. Przesmycki (et Zaniewicki), pp. 201-203. Ibid., p. 204.

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privée de son propre état, ils ont dû agir dans une "société sans formes définies de sa propre existence", "une société n'ayant que de petites étincelles de désirs et non pas une volonté constante" de réalisations durables. Donc "ils mentaient comme les bonnes aux enfants malades pour abréger les nuits sans sommeil" - ajoute-t-il tristement.31 Et pourtant Norwid reconnaît que l'école romantique, formée par ces merveilleux poètes, a fait beaucoup pour le perfectionnement des lettres polonaises : Mickiewicz brilla par "la langue de Moïse" exprimant "la colère de la nation"... "comme si la bataille avait continué" toujours, Krasinski toucha le lecteur par son "langage sénatorial", rappelant le temps de la grandeur de la Pologne, et enfin Slowacki rendit à jamais parfaite la parole poétique polonaise et éblouit tout le monde par son extraordinaire plénitude artistique.32 Quant au progrès des genres littéraires, Norwid partage avec ces auteurs beaucoup de mérites purement poétiques, bien que les romantiques ne les aient jamais reconnu et bien qu'ils n'aient fait aucun effort pour comprendre cet adversaire qui les déconcertait et qui fut pourtant un excellent novateur du contenu et aussi de la forme littéraires.33 Il aurait pu enrichir la culture romantique polonaise, mais l'écart qui le sépara d'elle et l'hostilité du milieu furent trop grands. Il a donc mené solitairement sa recherche afin de "donner un mot approprié à chaque chose". Il a préféré rester incompris et isolé plutôt que de se rallier au maniérisme de la "bouche d'or" des romantiques d'une part, et d'autre part à celui de la prose anti-poétique qui commença à se propager en Pologne à l'aube du Réalisme. Quant à son programme, ce qui le préoccupe en premier lieu, c'est le sens profond de la création littéraire. Dans ses manifestes poétiques il a indiqué des voies nouvelles à la littérature polonaise. Son programme théorique et pratique apparaît surtout dans les ouvrages suivants: Le Prométhidion, De Γ Art pour les Polonais, Le Quidam, De Jules Siowacki, un recueil: Le Vade-mecum, un poème-traité: De la liberté de la parole et Le Chant "Boga-Rodzica". Norwid y enseigne comment un Polonais, et un artiste, croyant par surcroît, peut tenir sa place de membre agissant des collectivités nationale et internationale tout en gardant son intégrité morale et artistique face à 31

C. Norwid, Pisma prozq, partie II: O sztuce i literaturze, Pisma Zebrane, vol. F, éd. Przesmycki (Warszawa, 1939), pp. 277-279. 32 Ibid., pp. 278-281. 33 C. Norwid, Wiersze, op. cit. (Vade-Mecum), pp. 537-539. Quant à la question de la langue poétique de Norwid, la plus pertinente présentation de cet aspect de son œuvre reste toujours l'étude d'Ignacy Fik, Uwagi nad jçzykiem Cypriana Norwida (Warszawa, 1930).

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la réalité hostile des milieux rétrogrades, pour la plupart irresponsables et toujours rêveurs, quand ils ne furent pas matérialistes à outrance.34 Selon le poète, l'école littéraire et la pensée romantiques n'ont fait qu'affaiblir et désorienter la nation polonaise au moment des crises et des changements cruciaux de la vie de l'Europe tout entière. A l'encontre de ce que nous avançons, il est possible de citer, comme le fait d'ailleurs Mme Stefanowska avec une grande érudition, plusieurs attitudes du poète qui le rapprochent des romantiques, mais il ne nous semble pas nécessaire d'entrer davantage dans ces détails, car le critique lui-même nous fournit, dans ses essais sur le "Romantisme de Norwid" et sur "Norwid comme écrivain de l'âge commercial et industriel", presque le même nombre d'arguments en faveur du caractère romantique de son œuvre que contre cette hypothèse. Mme Stefanowska affirme par la suite que le poète voulait sortir du Romantisme, mais ne fut pas à même de le faire car il avait partagé ses habitudes littéraires, sa vision historicophilosophique de la Pologne et sa conception de la régénération universelle de l'homme. Selon le même critique tous ces faits neutralisent les éléments réalistes de l'œuvre de Norwid, tandis que sa tendance à actualiser le passé est entravée par sa manière symbolique de concevoir les faits terrestres.35 Mme Stefanowska propose enfin qu'on passe outre à tous les écarts de Norwid du chemin tortueux du Romantisme polonais et qu'on le situe quand même dans la deuxième phase de ce courant. L'auteur du "Romantisme de Norwid" admet cependant indirectement la possibilité d'une interprétation différente des prises de position de Norwid, selon laquelle on pourra accorder plus d'importance aux facteurs qui l'opposent au Romantisme qu'à ceux qui le rapprochent de ce courant.36 Il nous semble que, pour éviter la plupart des difficultés et des antinomies dont on parle, il faut accepter que l'esthétique norwidienne soit strictement liée à sa recherche d'une essence sacrée de la poésie et de l'art en général. Dans cette optique son œuvre dans son ensemble représente une négation de la conception romantique, même si le poète utilise parfois une manière 34 C. Norwid, Poematy, op. cit., pp. 79-239 (Quidam), pp. 423-472 (Prométhidion), pp. 559-635 (Rzecz o wolnoscislowa) ; - Wiersze, op. cit., pp. 536-686 (Vade-mecum) ; - O szluce i literaturze, op. cit. pp. 129-158 ( O sztuce - dia Polaków), pp. 183-287 (O Juliuszu Slowackim), pp. 301-358 ("Boga - Rodzica" piesA, ze stanowiska historyczno-literackiego odczytana) ; cf. T. F. Domaxadzki, Les considérations sur la liberté de la parole, op. cit., partie I, pp. 32-35. 35 Zofia Stefanowska, "Norwid-Pisarz wieku kupieckiego i przemyslowego", Ksiçga poswiçcotta Julianowi Krzyzanowskiemu (Warszawa, 1968), pp. 423-460; "Norwidowski Romantyzm", op. cit., p. 13. 36 Ibid., pp. 17-23.

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plus ou moins romantique pour faire valoir son raisonnement et pour faire appel aux sentiments du lecteur.37 Il faut rechercher l'explication de ces contradictions dans la philosophie et dans les habitudes propres à toute cette époque. La mode a imposé beaucoup d'attitudes superficielles. C'est ainsi que les élites d'antan ont souvent succombé à de différentes tentations afin d'être populaires, mais Norwid marcha contre le courant et ne chercha jamais la popularité facile en combattant, par exemple, l'Eglise et en s'opposant à la religion. "Tous les esprits supérieurs en Europe", dit Norwid, "faisaient leur ascension en piétinant l'Eglise parce que cela leur donnait de la force devant les masses; un tel talent, qui s'était emporté contre l'Eglise, recevait le cachet du génie; quelqu'un qui était déjà un génie, était promu encore plus haut, il devenait un dieu." Les mots d'ordre lancés par la presse d'alors et qui fascinèrent les hommes, comme le fait remarquer le poète, furent "le progrès, le peuple, l'électricité, le Romantisme, les chemins de fer, l'adultère et les républiques".38 Ne voulant accepter aveuglément aucun de ces motsslogans, le poète chercha quand même un langage commun avec les romantiques sans faire de compromis au sujet des préceptes moraux. Il devait tenir compte dans son argumentation de la mentalité de son milieu. Donc, sans céder sur le plan des principes, il fit parfois usage de la manière romantique dans la présentation des vérités qu'il préconisa.39 Dans nos considérations sur Norwid, nous avons insisté sur deux aspects de sa création qui ont déterminé son appartenance à l'aprèsRomantisme, à savoir sa vision ultra-moderne de la société et de l'humanité et son sens de la réalité quotidienne. Son esprit profondément religieux ne l'a pas coupé du réel humain, bien au contraire il lui permit d'affronter avec plus de lucidité et de pondération toutes sortes de réalités qui étaient en lui et autour de lui : réalités que les romantiques polonais ont ignorées ou mal interprétées, comme ce fut le cas des réalités sociales, scientifiques ou même pratiques, c'est-à-dire vitales pour tout homme 37

Cf. T. F. Domaradzki, ibid., partie II, p. 47. À propos des nuances qui séparent parfois les écrivains se trouvant entre le Romantisme et les autres courants, citons le cas de l'Abbé Constant. Tout en partageant la thèse romantique qu'"une synthèse est une image de Dieu, parce que c'est un ensemble de vérités qui représente toute la vérité pour ime époque" il cherche à "s'attacher avec ime rigoureuse exactitude au symbolisme catholique". Mais il y échoue, car il est devenu finalement un défroqué; tandis que l'orthodoxie de Norwid l'a tenu toujours dans la ligne conforme aux dogmes et au symbolisme chrétien qui furent en opposition fondamentale à la symbolique égocentrique propre au Romantisme. Cf. Léon Cellier, L'époque romantique (Paris, 1954), pp. 212 et 219. 38 C. Norwid, op. cit., éd. Przesmycki (et Znaniewicki), p. 117. 39 C. Norwid, Listy, éd. Przesmycki (Warszawa, 1937), vol. Π, pp. 141-143, 173.

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devant gagner sa vie et faire face à un monde en pleine transformation industrielle et spirituelle. Grâce à sa façon de confronter ses propres vérités avec les vérités éternelles et de vérifier empiriquement mais aussi scientifiquement ses observations, Norwid est capable d'exprimer à la fois les réalités esthétiques et les réalités spirituelles liées étroitement à la vie intérieure et extérieure de l'homme. Dans sa recherche de l'essence de l'humanité, le poète s'adresse à notre intelligence et à notre entendement pratique. Par ce mélange de cérébralité, d'intuition poétique et d'intelligence utilitaire, Norwid concrétise ce qui pour les romantiques ne fût qu'une fiction intentionnelle.40 Ce sont là, à notre avis, des traits saillants du post-Romantisme polonais. Ils ne prennent pas tout à fait naissance dans le romantique 'mal du siècle' mais notamment dans un autre mal qui se nourrit d'une vision morbide de désespoir, de violence et de désenchantement face à la puissance triomphante des oppresseurs. Norwid et Kraszewski mettent l'Art au service de l'Idée et de la Société, mais pas à la façon de Mickiewicz ou de Slowacki qui "déformaient la réalité" et nourrissaient leurs compatriotes d'irréel comme si une imagination inconsciente pouvait changer la situation désespérée de la patrie et de l'individu qui souffrait. En perdant le sens de la réalité vécue, les romantiques ont souvent oublié, ou peut-être ne se sont-ils jamais posés une telle question, que la société polonaise, restée au pays ou émigrée, martyrisée et déséquilibrée, ne pouvait plus accomplir les tâches strictement nécessaires pour assurer la survie de l'organisme national, gravement malade. 41 Norwid fut pleinement conscient de la nature et de l'étendue de ce malaise, il fit son diagnostic et chercha les remèdes. Il fallait surtout dire à la nation toute la vérité et lui inculquer la sagesse d'agir toujours en connaissance de cause. Pour atteindre ces buts il a dû changer la mentalité de ses compatriotes et entreprendre leur éducation à partir de la base, voire de presque rien. Son tempérament, sa façon très souvent symbolique et même hermétique de présenter ses idées ne lui ont pas permis d'atteindre directement les masses, il s'est donc efforcé d'agir sur les élites, mais ce fut, de son vivant, un échec complet. C'est pourquoi sa poésie n'a rien de la douceur de vivre ni de 1' "inspiration du volcan", bien au contraire elle se présente à nous comme l'immense ruine d'une ancienne et glorieuse architecture perçue à travers 40 41

Ibid., pp. 288-291. C. Norwid, Pisma Polityczne i Filozoficzne, pp. 204-207.

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les vestiges des monuments qui avant de devenir, par leur beauté et grandeur, une œuvre impérissable du génie national, se sont transformés en ruines. Comment cela a pu arriver? L'explication de ce phénomène se trouve, selon le poète, dans le caractère des Polonais qui ne connaissent pas le présent réel, ou préfèrent l'ignorer, car ils ne vivent que dans le passé ou dans le futur. 42 Cepedant, son désenchantement n'est imprégné ni de colère ni de révolte pathétique, mais se transforme grâce à sa foi profonde en un "calme qui régnait immense dans cette ruine projetant sur le ciel" le profil immortel de ces vestiges "comme si, au bras de Dieu, la cité avait appuyé son front à l'instant de son écrasement".43 Józef I. Kraszewski ne peut se mesurer avec Norwid ni en tant que maître de la parole poétique, ni en tant que novateur doué d'une sensibilité artistique exquise; malgré sa force créatrice inépuisable, son vol fut moins spectaculaire. Néanmoins ses contemporains l'ont décrit comme un héros national qui a accompli une œuvre dépassant la mesure humaine. 44 En effet il fût un 'homme-institution' pour la Pologne privée de ses écoles nationales et d'une politique culturelle et éducative. Il a fondé le premier une littérature aussi vaste et accessible à tout le monde: cinq cents soixante romans et plusieurs centaines d'articles, des pièces de théâtre, des poésies, et surtout des essais à caractère politique, social, philosophique, artistique, théorico-littéraire et même scientifique. C'est lui qui a rapidement établi un contact direct avec toutes les sphères de la société polonaise et est devenu leur porte-parole au pays et à l'étranger. Par son énorme production romanesque, qui se dégagea progressivement des influences romantiques, il a inculqué au public le goût du vrai et surtout celui de la réalité historique et quotidienne. Grâce à une documentation solide, puisée dans les archives, chroniques et ouvrages spécialisés polonais et étrangers, il a su évoquer la vérité du passé non pas à la manière romantique où l'auteur dans des romans historiques ne se soucie pas trop de l'âme de ses protagonistes, pourvu qu'ils reflètent les traits saillants de l'époque qu'ils représentent, mais d'une façon originale et véridique. 42

Le sens symbolique de la vision poétique des vestiges de Palmire, ancienne cité très célèbre, est expliqué dans la seconde partie de l'étude de T. F. Domaradzki, Les considérations..., op. cit., pp. 50, 51 ; cf. C. Norwid, Wiersze, vol. I, p. 354. 43 C. Norwid, Pisma wszystkie, éd. J. W. Gomúlicki, vol. III, Poematy Warszawa, 1971), p. 616 (Rzecz o wolnoáci slowa); cf. T. F. Domaradzki, Les considérations sur la Liberté de la Parole, op. cit., p. 51. 44 Aleksander àwiçtochowski (PoseJ Prawdy), "Rozmyálania nagrobne", Prawda, No. 13 (1887).

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Contrairement aux écrivains romantiques, Kraszewski chercha à découvrir les vraies raisons et les dessous de la politique. Il ne composait pas ses romans en poète, mais il ne voulait pas non plus chasser toute poésie du récit. En engageant une polémique avec les critiques qui préconisent le contraire, il affirme que "La vérité dans un roman est double : à la fois artistique et historique." Selon lui, la vérité historique ne peut être absolue, car les conditions imposées par l'art "sont très différentes des conditions historiques, et le roman est avant tout une œuvre d'art". "C'est ainsi", explique-t-il, "que la vérité historique ne peut remplacer la vérité artistique, mais doit faire un tout avec cette dernière."45 Cette coexistence de l'art et de la réalité dans un roman doit garder les justes proportions entre ces deux éléments. Il y a dans le roman français d'aujourd'hui une mode suivant laquelle, affirme Kraszewski en 1843, la fantaisie morbide de l'auteur pousse souvent le récit vers la débauche et le crime, qui se trouvent par surcroît poétisés à la façon romantique. Kraszewski partage en principe l'opinion négative de Grabowski au sujet de Notre Dame de Paris de V. Hugo, mais il affirme que ce critique polonais tout en condamnant, d'ailleurs avec justesse, le côté moral et philosophique du roman, ne s'occupe pas assez de l'appréciation purement esthétique de cette œuvre à la lumière des principes énoncés par la nouvelle école. Il s'agit ici évidemment du roman de mœurs de la dernière phase du Romantisme français et de celui du post-Romantisme qui excellait dans la peinture factice des drames romantiques et marquait le passage vers le roman naturaliste, où le décor et le milieu social sont présentés à la manière réaliste, mais où l'intrigue reste toujours exagérément fictive. Kraszewski reproche sévèrement cette dernière faiblesse à l'auteur de Notre Dame de Paris, en affirmant que ses protagonistes "ne sont que des figures recherchées, les plus bizarres, les plus excentriques..." Il ne faut pas en déduire, selon Kraszewski, que Hugo considère tous ces personnages comme des symboles qui cachent derrière eux une pensée philosophique pernicieuse, comme le pense Grabowski ; il est d'accord avec ce dernier dans la condamnation de ce genre de littérature romantique où le crime côtoie une haute intelligence et qui est devenu "un trait caractéristique de la littérature française" de l'époque.46 45

Kraszewski, O powiesciopisarzach i powiesci, éd. Stanislaw Burkot (Warszawa, 1962), p. 80; cf. J. Kraszewski, Zygmuntowskie czasy, éd. W. Danek (Warszawa, 1966), p. XLVI. 46 Kraszewski, O powiesciopisarzach i powiesci, op. cit., pp. 68, 69.

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Les critiques cités, comme beaucoup d'autres Polonais, qualifiaient de "folle" une telle littérature; pour Grabowski elle est foncièrement "perverse" et "destructive". Kraszewski partage en général cette opinion, cependant il considère ce phénomène plutôt comme une attitude passagère de l'esprit littéraire français qui passe facilement d'un extrême à l'autre. Selon lui, il s'agit d'une des conséquences du désir romantique de créer des "nouveautés" et d'étonner à tout prix les gens. Ce n'est pas Hugo mais Paul Lacroix qui fut le grand coupable du maniérisme érotique dans ce domaine, affirme-t-il dans son essai sur la "Littérature folle".47 Nous pouvons citer plusieurs attaques de l'écrivain contre les attitudes des auteurs appartenant à la seconde phase du Romantisme en France et en Allemagne mais, malgré son oppositon à ce courant, Kraszewski est encore aujourd'hui considéré par la grande majorité des critiques et des historiens de la littérature comme un romancier appartenant au Romantisme; cela est, à notre avis, inexact, car en le qualifiant ainsi, on semble accorder plus d'importance à sa création d'avant les années 1840, plutôt qu'à celle d'après 1860 et surtout d'après 1870. Le professeur J. Krzyianowski a apporté déjà d'importantes nuances à ce propos en considérant Kraszewski comme "l'homme de l'époque romantique" et non pas du Romantisme et en affirmant que par certains de ses ouvrages "Kraszewski à créé un ensemble très éloigné du modèle qui a été fixé à la littérature romantique par les romans de Walter Scott." D'après lui ce romancier a opté pour la technique réaliste de Dickens (voir: Les temps du roi Sigismond [1846]).48 Sa manière réaliste fut accentuée davantage par la suite, surtout dans le domaine du roman historique, où, à propos du conflit entre les exigences de la science et celle de la poésie, il commença, à partir des années 1870, à donner la prépondérance à la science dans la composition de ses grand récits sur le passé. Rappelons à cet effet La Comtesse de Cosel (1874), Brühl (1875) et le Préfet de Varsovie (1877).49 En lisant ces œuvres, nous pouvons mesurer la distance qui le sépare de son roman où les influences romantiques se manifestent plus fortement qu'ailleurs (voir: le Poète et le monde [1839]). - Et pourtant dans présentation du conflit typiquement romantique entre le poète rêveur et le milieu social étroit et prosaïque dans lequel il vit, Kraszewski augmente par la suite ses tendances réalistes surtout dans la peinture satirique 47

Ibid, pp. 67 et 69-70. Cf. J. I. Krzyzanowski, Dzieje..., op. cit., p. 321. J. I. Kraszewski, Hrabina Cosel (Warszawa, 1962); - Brühl (Kraków, 1928); - Starosta Warszawski (1876); cf. Kazimierz Czachowski, op. cit., p. 146.

48

49

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de la société, peinture faite avec une sincérité apparente dans la description autobiographique des états d'âme du poète et dont la subjectivité est atténuée par le devoir du narrateur d'être objectif. Selon Kraszewski deux exigences peuvent conditionner jusqu'à un certain degré cette objectivité de l'auteur; la première et la plus importante exigence est, ditil, "la beauté esthétique, et seulement après celle-ci vient une tendance utilitaire", à condition qu'elle s'harmonise avec la précédente. Un roman objectivement calculé et repensé est, d'après lui, "un fruit infirme, pauvre et primitif".50 Mais, d'autre part, le modèle romantique de Walter Scott n'est pas suffisamment valable aux yeux de la critique d'aujourd'hui, écrit-il en 1849; elle exige qu'un roman serve un but d'utilité sociale. Cette tendance et plus encore l'idée d'écrire des romans à thèse, ne lui plaît pas beaucoup; il la suit parfois, mais il la considère comme un signe des temps nouveaux et comme une mode qui devra être passagère, car elle comporte une dégradation de la poésie. Cette dernière doit rester "une dame indépendante et libre" et non pas "l'interprète des passions et des idées politiques et sociales".51 Une telle définition comprend non seulement la condamnation de la théorie et de la pratique prônées par le Romantisme polonais, mais également par le pré-Réalisme (voire le Positivisme) qui a introduit le culte de l'utilitaire'. L'attitude de Kraszewski reflète aussi la grande facilité avec laquelle il a su saisir toutes les transformations qui se faisaient sentir dans les courants et les opinions littéraires en Pologne et ailleurs. Il les analysait et savait souvent les accepter; parfois les assimilait-il consciemment, mais pas sans réticences et réserves. Il n'en prenait que celles qui représentaient à ses yeux un vrai progrès et non pas un progrès quelconque. Car Kraszewski ne fut pas un progressiste dans le sens politique, ni même général, de ce terme; il le fut plutôt dans le même sens que Norwid, c'est-à-dire qu'il voulait que sa nation connaisse et apprenne tout ce qui avait été valable et bon dans l'avancement des lettres, des sciences et des institutions culturelles et sociales de l'Europe. Cependant, il rejetait toute fausse note dans l'orchestration nouvelle prônée par les divers avant-gardistes. C'est ainsi que nous pouvons expliquer la condamnation morale de certaines œuvres de Victor Hugo par Norwid et Kraszewski, bien qu'ils aient reconnu leur valeur artistique.52 50

J. I. Kraszewski, O powiesciopisarzach ipowiesci, op. cit., pp. 96,98 (80, 91-94, 96). Ibid., pp. 20-21, 60, 207-220. 52 C. Norwid, Wiersze, op. cit., p. 765 (La Religion de Mr. le Sénateur Comte Victor Hugo); J. I. Kraszewski, O powiesciopisarzach i powiesci; op. cit., pp. 67-68, et 151-154. 81

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Quant à son programme politique et social, Kraszewski, issu de la noblesse terrienne et s'appuyant toujours sur les lecteurs appartenant à la classe de la petite et moyenne bourgeoisie ou à celle de la noblesse moyenne, souvent hostile à l'aristocratie, fut une parfaite image de l'homme du centre, contraire à tout extrémisme, autant à celui de la gauche qu'à celui de la droite, quoiqu'il ait été, comme Norwid, assez proche de cette dernière. En ce qui concerne les réformes sociales et l'action contre la pauvreté et l'injustice, tous les deux les ont préconisées ardemment, tout en étant opposés aux idées socialistes et révolutionnaires. Ils ont aussi considéré la nation polonaise organiquement liée à l'Église catholique et y furent eux-mêmes sincèrement attachés. Cet attachement fut beaucoup plus orthodoxe et profond chez Norwid que chez Kraszewski, quoique ce dernier ait prêché aussi un moralisme chrétien conforme aux dogmes et ait préconisé une éthique où nous pouvons entendre des échos "des idées de Platon et d'Hegel unis à la foi religieuse et au programme réaliste" de la création littéraire.53 C'est ainsi que les sources de l'idéalisme de Kraszewski et encore davantage de celui de Norwid, se trouvèrent surtout dans leur foi chrétienne. D'après notre romancier, elle a sa base "dans le cœur et non pas dans le cerveau", mais, poursuit-il, l'intellect raffiné est capable de la rendre saisissable et intéressante même pour un enfant. En parlant de l'art, Kraszewski - comme Norwid - considère qu'il ne peut exister sans "une vérité idéale", ni "sans une vérité réelle qui n'est qu'une expression de la première". 54 Ces extraits des définitions théoriques du romancier nous prouvent que l'esprit religieux et son application pratique aux réalités quotidiennes constituent des traits saillants de nos deux poètes. Ils furent d'accord pour reconnaître que la foi donne à l'homme un sens de "l'harmonie" et un encouragement poux le travail productif et valable socialement ainsi qu'artistiquement. 55 Tous les deux furent les propagateurs inlassables 53

Cf. Czachowski, op. cit., p. 99. J. I. Kraszewski, Sfinks (1847), cité par Czachowski, op. cit., p. 99. Il faut pourtant y ajouter la remarque suivante: dans la vision de Kraszewski ce ne fut pas l'Idéalisme hégelien mais la morale chrétienne qui organise l'humanité "Pour comprendre et aimer le monde, il faut le contempler d'en haut, d'où le regard n'embrasse ni les chaumières en flammes ni les villes détruites", mais uniquement "les grands espaces de jardins et de champs dorés de blé." J. I. Kraszewski, Pamiçtnik niezrtajomego (Warszawa, 1846), p. 12. 55 D'après Kraszewski l'art nouveau fait ressortir "l'âme et la pensée, c'est-à-dire l'expression", tandis que l'art ancien [grec] a idéalisé trop le corps et ses formes. W. Gerson, Sztukipiçkne w dzielach J. I. Kraszewnkiego (citation prise de: J. I. Kraszewski, Sztuka u Slowian, szczególnie w Polsce i Litwie przedchrzescijañskiej [Wilno, 54

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du travail humain pratique et esthétiquement agréable, apte à inculquer à la société polonaise le culte de la beauté des choses quotidiennement utiles. Ils se sont élevé tous les deux contre l'inertie et l'indifférence de leurs compatriotes et ont œuvré pour la renaissance - ou, comme le disait Norwid, pour l'institution presque ex novo - de l'art polonais et d'une littérature proche des réalités sociales qui ne soit ni "folle" à la manière romantique ni trop réaliste dans le sens du matérialisme. Avant que son évolution vers le Positivisme s'accomplisse, Kraszewski lance dans son Roman sans titre (1855) l'idée de la "mission sacerdotale de la littérature". Ainsi la théorie romantique de l'inspiration poétique trouve chez lui un écho évident. L'écrivain doit être pur car il est, comme le prêtre, le gardien des "mystères sacrés". "Le génie et le talent forcent l'homme à se sacrifier et à donner un exemple", affirme-t-il. Plus tard, en 1858, les éléments réalistes prennent clairement le dessus dans son œuvre et Kraszewski complète, dans les Métamorphoses, sa peinture biographique esquissée précédemment, en utilisant cette fois-ci "le pinceau de Réalisme guidé par l'Idéalisme". 56 Le réalisme le plus moderne domine sans aucun doute dans ses derniers romans. Dans un ouvrage autobiographique Du berceau à la tombe, sur la vie d'un homme oublié (1885) il constate que le modèle, cher aux romantiques, d'un écrivain "mourant de faim" est périmé à jamais, car la création littéraire est devenue une profession, peut-être pas exactement pareille aux autres, mais quand même une occupation sérieuse du point de vue économique, car elle doit assurer une subsistance décente à ses adeptes. Ce fut également l'opinion de Norwid qui tâchait désespérement d'attirer l'attention de ses compatriotes sur les nécessités économiques vitales des écrivains et des artistes. Kraszewski, tout comme Norwid, ne cherche pas à idéaliser tous les écrivains puisque parmi eux il voit aussi de vulgaires arrivistes; c'est le cas d'Un beau morceau de littérateur, 1860], p. 5) dans Ksigzka Jubileuszowa, op. cit., p. 438; cf. Miscellanea ζ okresu romantyzmu, éd. Stanislaw Pigoñ (Wroclaw, 1956); (Cyprian Norwid, "Sztuka w obliczu dziejów jako Syntetyki Ksiçga Pierwsza"). Selon Norwid "la pensée polonaise aujourd'hui plus que jamais étant pleinement polonaise et slave, entre dans l'histoire du monde, elle ne peut pas donc perdre sa spécificité, son axe propre à elle et son point de départ". Cela concerne non seulement la personnalité d'écrivain, mais également le domaine de l'architecture, de la sculpture, de la peinture, etc. Ibid., p. 146. 56 J. I. Kraszewski, Powiesc bez tytuiu (Warszawa, 1855), cf. J. I. Kraszewski, O powieiciopisarzach i powiesci, op. cit., p. 18, "l'humanité souffrait trop, loin des idéalismes, qu'on a dû la traiter ave; de la viande crue pour qu'elle ne meure pas de tuberculose", affirmait Kraszewski pour expliquer les raisons de la tendance réaliste dans l'art. J. I. Kraszewski, "Listy do nieznajomego", Klosy, No. 659 (1878).

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roman très réaliste malgré les aspects sensationnels de son action.57 Nous pensons cependant que Kraszewski a atteint les sommets de sa manière réaliste dans son "Cycle saxon" des romans historiques et tout particulièrement dans Brühl, où grâce à son goût du concret et à sa recherche scientifique de la vérité psychologique et objective des caractères individuels et d'un milieu historique et politique précis, il a créé le roman qui est l'unique chef-d'œuvre dans son immense production littéraire. Le portrait du tyran et toute la richesse de la peinture d'une cour royale corrompue nous rappellent la maîtrise avec laquelle H. Sienkiewicz a présenté le régime de Néron dans le Quo Vadisl; ce dernier roman trouve son équivalent dans Rome sous Néron de Kraszewski, où l'objectivité de l'auteur et son érudition historique ne sont pas inférieures à celles de son confrère, bien que Sienkiewicz ait été un artiste beaucoup plus raffiné.58 Il faut enfin ajouter quelques reflexions sur les domaines de la création de Kraszewski qui intéressent moins le lecteur d'aujourd'hui. Il s'agit de ses drames et de ses comédies. Dramaturge romantique au début de sa carrière, il s'affirme dès les années 1850 comme un peintre véridique des mœurs de la noblesse polonaise, classe qu'il considère comme la meilleure gardienne des anciennes vertus. Malgré un conservatisme souvent hostile aux réformes sociales, elle est capable d'assurer, selon lui, la renaissance progressive de la nation, à condition qu'elle se modernise sans perdre pour autant sa foi religieuse et son sens moral. L'auteur tâche d'être objectif tout au long de sa vie et ne se gêne pas pour critiquer la noblesse et la ridiculiser dans ses romans et comédies par une satire dépourvue de malice. Ce n'est que rarement qu'il utilise des notes plus graves, mais presque toujours son pessimisme apparent est atténué par son regard réaliste et plein d'une philosophie chrétienne qui pardonne facilement les péchés mignons et laisse au Seigneur le soin de punir les crimes.59 La question qui peut se poser en premier lieu si on veut tirer des conclusions de nos précédentes remarques sur le réalisme de Kraszewski, est de savoir jusqu'à quel point son sens de la réalité fut romantique et où commence son 'positivisme' antiromantique. L'étude de ses romans rustiques nous sera particulièrement utile pour répondre à cette question. 57

J. I. Kraszewski, Od kolebki do grobu, ζ zycia czlowieka zapomnianego (Warszawa, 1885); Kawai literata (1876). 58 J. I. Kraszewski, Rzym za Verona (Warszawa, 1865). 59 J. I. Kraszewski, Miód kasztelañski (1850); - Panie Kochanku (1867) et Radzìwill w goscinie (1872). Cf. J. I. Kraszewski, Wybór pism, voi. 7, p. 8.

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Ce fut par ailleurs ce genre littéraire qui tout d'abord éveilla l'intérêt du public international pour Kraszewski. Oulana (1842), considéré aujoud'hui comme "le premier roman réaliste polonais sur la vie campagnarde", a eu le plus grand nombre de traductions parmi tous ses romans. Wiadyslaw Mickiewicz l'a traduit en français en 1859. "Oulana est une pastorale touchante et tragique" dit-on dans la préface de Louis Ulbach à l'édition française d'un autre roman de Kraszewski, Sans Cœur. "Ce qui frappe dans ce récit... C'est le charme d'une poésie spéciale, la vérité absolue de la poésie naturelle" et "de la poésie naturaliste".60 Certains critiques soulignent la vérité psychologique de la peinture du caractère d'Oulana, une simple paysanne et pourtant dotée d'une richesse d'âme extraordinaire et de celui de son mari, un campagnard rustre, égoïste et rusé. Ils remarquent également que la composition donne à ce récit certains traits d'une tragédie grecque.61 Malgré cette ressemblance on ne perçoit pas ici la froideur qui souvent fut propre au schéma classique de la création littéraire du genre, car ce roman est imprégné de lyrisme et d'un vérisme rustique, lesquels dégagent une chaleur humaine particulière. Par ailleurs les effets du réalisme indéniable de la description du peuple pauvre et ignorant et de l'injustice sociale qui fut alors le malaise dominant dans les rapports entre les propriétaires terriens et "leurs paysans" ("serfs de la terre à l'époque") sont fortement atténués par les éléments du décor romantique: les pressentiments du drame sanglant qui s'approche, les allusions et les reflexions de l'auteur, plus ou moins directes, sur le sort fatal de ses protagonistes. Tout de même nous pouvons souscrire à la constatation d'Ulbach selon laquelle "Oulana est vraie".62 Mais elle l'est d'une façon plutôt collective que personnelle. Or, le Romantisme polonais, quant à lui, négligea de s'attacher aux conséquences communautaires des drames individuels. Kraszewski nous montre dans Oulana un fragment de la vie concrète soumise aux conditions de lieu et de temps. Les injustices qu'il décrit concernent surtout l'inégalité des chances des parties en jeu: un paysan n'a rien pour se défendre contre l'arbitraire du seigneur de ses terres qui a séduit sa femme; il n'a qu'une seule arme pour venger l'offense subite, la violence et le crime. 60 J. I. Kraszewski, Viaria, éd. Juliusz Kijas (Wroclaw, 1951). D'après Kijas, Oulana est le premier roman réaliste campagnard luttant contre les conditions du servage de la terre. Ibid., p. 22. 61 J. I. Kraszewski, Sans Cœur, trad. Ladislas Mickiewicz, préface de Louis Ulbach (Paris, 1886). 62 Ibid., - Sans Cœur, p. VIII; Ulana, op. cit., p. 19.

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Or, Kraszewski se prononçait toujours contre la violence et la révolte il fut également adversaire de la conception de lutte des classes bien qu'il ait condamné souvent l'exploitation des pauvres par les riches. Cette condamnation sévère de l'injustice est fondée sur son amour de l'humanité et sur ses principes moraux. Il ne conteste jamais les valeurs fondamentales de la société, mais il mène, comme par ailleurs Norwid, un combat acharné pour que les préceptes chrétiens soient appliqués entièrement dans la vie quotidienne, non pas d'une manière formaliste et superficielle, mais sincère et très humaine. Tous les deux ont le culte de la liberté, mais ils sont conscients que l'homme peut choisir le Mal, voire la non-valeur. L'écrivain peut opter à son tour pour la non-vérité ou pour les demi-vérités... Quand cela arrive, la corrosion de l'homme et de toute la société commence. C'est ainsi que le Mal attaque tout d'abord la personne réelle dans les situations concrètes. L'argent mal utilisé et les conditions de la detresse matérielle et morale sont les principaux véhicules corrupteurs de l'homme. 63 Le modernisme de nos deux poètes et leur dépassement, toujours plus catégorique, de l'esprit du Romantisme consistent, entre autres choses, en leur "découverte réaliste" de l'homme de tous les jours chez lequel les préoccupations prosaïques ne sont pas toujours condamnables au nom de l'esprit - ce fut là une découverte d'avant-garde pour la littérature polonaise de l'époque. Ils consistent en outre en la prise de conscience du facteur économique de la vie quotidienne comme une réalité qui peut conditionner la liberté de choix de l'homme à un degré non moins grand que la passion amoureuse. Toutes ces raisons semblent justifier notre opinion à savoir que Kraszewski doit être considéré, à l'instar de Norwid, comme post-romantique 63

Norwid regrette que la nation polonaise se soit éloignée de la pensée chrétienne. Selon lui les Polonais ne sont pas encore parvenus à former une société nationale unie et conforme à l'idéal d'une communauté chrétienne. "Il suffit de regarder un paysan polonais et de voir l'abîme qui le sépare d'un noble pour comprendre que la largeur de cet abîme constitue la mesure du temps qui nous sépare du moment où la nation polonaise sera créée", comme une nation moderne et juste. C. Norwid, Pisma Politvczne i Filozoficzne, op. cit., p. 56. Selon Norwid, les partisans de l'orientation romantique d'une littérature populaire contenant des "demi-vérités" sont prêts à "abaisser cent fois le niveau de l'expression littéraire" dans l'espoir d'augmenter ainsi dans une même proportion le nombre de leurs lecteurs. Si cette tendance persiste, la société ne manquera pas bientôt de se nourrir d'une production littéraire puisant ses passions dans "l'excrément" et reniant tout idéal. "Puisque l'imprimerie signifie l'argent, et l'argent - la force, comment voulez-vous que la liberté de parole se propage, si ces oracles qui proclament la vérité subissent eux aussi dans les cœurs d'inexprimables servitudes?..." demande-t-il. C. Norwid, Poematy, op. cit., pp. 591 et 593.

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héraut des temps nouveaux. Nous partageons donc l'opinion de Madame Marina Bersano Begey qui est d'avis que "Kraszewski parmi les prosateurs polonais de l'époque fut le plus éloigné des courants romantiques" et que cela est dû à sa grande capacité d'entendre le pouls de la vie de la société de son temps et d'assimiler ses tendances.64 En étudiant Norwid et Kraszewski nous nous trouvons sans aucun doute devant deux personnalités artistiques et psychiques fondamentalement différentes, bien que proches dans leurs attitudes modernistes; l'un comme l'autre jouissaient d'une sensibilité extraordinaire qui leur permettait de sentir et de comprendre les transformations multiples que subissait l'humanité. Mais Norwid était en avance d'un siècle sur ses contemporains. Il devait l'extraordinaire acuité de son entendement surtout à son intuition poétique géniale qui déconcertait souvent l'interprétation habituelle des choses et des circonstances, en y projetant des lumières transcendantes, divines qui changèrent à leur tour les dimensions des réalités quotidiennes et leur donnèrent la force de symboles valables pour le présent, le passé et le futur. Kraszewski n'a évidemment pas possédé cette force symbolique et mystérieuse d'opérer des transformations sublimes, car son sens des réalités fut plus utilitaire et plus attaché aux visions familières, facilement saisissables pour tout le monde. Par son effort inlassable et son système philosophique peu compliqué il a su accomplir en grande partie sa mission d'éducation et d'élévation culturelle de la nation. Le Polonais moyen, à qui s'adressait surtout l'auteur, n'était pas capable de prendre connaissance, même pas partiellement, de l'ensemble des œuvres de Kraszewski ne serait-ce qu'à cause de leur étendu. Il est toutefois certain que dorénavant le public polonais n'est plus obligé de recourir aux romans étrangers pour trouver quelque chose à son goût et pour s'instruire sans peine: il peut puiser abondamment dans l'immense création de Kraszewski; il y trouva presque tous les genres littéraires et à peu près toutes les notions ainsi que les renseignements nécessaires pour qu'un homme moyen puisse être au courant des problèmes du jour ainsi que du passé de son peuple. Ce fut évidemment ime école parfois superficielle et assez rudimentaire, mais vraiment bénéfique pour la nation. Ses pensées, comme une semence légère ont donné une récolte presque immédiate et enrichissante. Il n'en fut pas de même avec Norwid, les grains de son savoir et de sa reflexion furent durs et résistèrent longtemps à la perception facile non seulement des esprits moyens mais M

Marina Bersano Begey, Storia della litteratura polacca (Milano, 1953), p. 156.

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même des intelligences supérieures. Et pourtant, malgré un certain hermétisme c'est lui, le moins populaire des poètes de son temps, qui fut le plus autentique précurseur de l'art populaire polonais d'aujourd'hui. 65 Nous avons essayé de recueillir dans ces pages les traits saillants des écrivains en question, traits les plus représentatifs du post-Romantisme polonais. Procédant ainsi, nous n'avons souligné que les aspects de leur création qui contrastent avec le Romantisme, sans toucher à certaines similitudes (voir surtout les premières périodes de leur création). Nous n'avons évoqué ces questions marginales qu'occasionnellement pour mieux circonscrire le phénomène post-romantique. Quant aux affinités incontestables, dont l'examen ne nous est pas apparu indispensable pour les fins que nous nous sommes fixées, et dont la justesse n'a pas été sérieusement mise en doute par la critique, nous n'en voyons qu'une seule qui ait une importance majeure: il s'agit de la philosophie d'histoire de Norwid et de celle de Kraszewski, domaine où ils furent particulièrement influencés par le Romantisme. Certains aspects de la "vision historiosophique" de la Pologne, si chère à Mickiewicz et Slowacki, ne sont pas absents des ouvrages norwidiens. Le chant qui vient de notre terre, le Prométhidion, De Jules Slowacki et même De la liberté de la parole nous fournissent les preuves que, dans l'optique de l'auteur, le présent n'est souvent qu'une particule de l'éternité et que le tout constitue une synthèse du type romantique, universaliste et en même temps nationaliste.66 L'interprétation de l'histoire chez Kraszewski possède également une base métaphysique et religieuse semblable à celle de Norwid. Le sens moral et universel des gestes des Polonais à travers les siècles apparaît facilement si on analyse les romans historiques de Kraszewski dans la perspective du conflit séculaire opposant les Polonais aux Allemands et on considère en particulier la question des rapports entre la nation, 65

"Crucifié par son siècle, voici que Norwid ressuscite," dit Pérard. Selon lui non seulement la jeunesse polonaise, mais également celle de France peut trouver chez ce poète aussi bien les splendeurs intellectuelles que "la plus haute expression de l'artisan dans son échoppe, de l'ouvrier dans son travail, du paysan dans son domaine et du berger sous les étoiles". C. Norwid, le Prométhidion, op. cit., p. 19. ββ Cf. ibid., p. 11. '"L'homme est son propre Prométhée' s'écria Michelet qui connaissait Norwid et que Norwid aimait," remarque Pérard. Et plus tard il résume ainsi l'essentiel du message que le poète a exprimé dans les ouvrages auxquels se référé notre renvoi: "En plein XIX siècle, en pleine cabotinage, en plein divorce du beau et de l'art, de l'art et du travail, de la science et de la conscience, avant Baudelaire et Rimbaud, les premiers, paraît-il, qui font de l'art moderne une expérience spirituelle, Norwid retrouve, avec l'homme complet, un et double, naturel et surnaturel, personnel et social, l'essence et les conditions de l'existence de l'art" (ibid., pp. 13 et 14).

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l'état et le pouvoir monarchique ou républicain, ainsi que les rapports de l'homme avec toute autocratie. Ces éléments et facteurs du processus de développement historique sont subordonnés, dans "l'historiosophie" de Kraszewski, à l'antagonisme de l'esprit polonais et de celui des Allemands. Ces mêmes structures historiques et philosophiques chez Norwid sont conditionnées par l'opposition russo-polonaise, qui par ailleurs joue un rôle central dans les synthèses historiques de Mickiewicz et des autres romantiques, l'opposition polono-allemande étant surtout le trait caractéristique du "Positivisme". Ce furent "les oppositions de Mickiewicz" et ses idées "historiosophiques" qui ont influencé Norwid, ne seraitce que dans la mesure ou elles l'ont poussé à y apporter ses rectifications et à avancer ses propres conceptions sur la lutte entre deux nations: une lutte qu'il désirait voir se transformer en une coexistence pacifique et une compréhension mutuelle. Cependant, la différence fondamentale qui sépare "l'historiosophie" romantique de Mickiewicz des conceptions historiques de l'auteur de Quidam où la synthèse universaliste côtoie davangage la religion que le nationalisme, consiste en l'étendue de ses conceptions et non seulement en leur contenu philosophique. Chez Norwid et Kraszewski, elles ne furent que des "parenthèses romantiques", brèves et passagères, sans que leur création perde dans son ensemble les marques pré-réalistes dans le cas de Kraszewski, et pré-symbolistes dans le cas de Norwid. Tous les deux revenaient vite à leurs réalités quotidiennes avec leur jugement moderne dans lequel il n'y avait pas de place pour un romantisme conscient. Arrivé à la plénitude de leur force créatrice, ils considérèrent ce courant comme définitivement terminé et dépassé par les découvertes et par les idées nouvelles. Université de Montréal RÉSUMÉ Une transformation profonde des tendances littéraires et de toute la mentalité polonaise dans le sens anti-romantique n'a pas commencé seulement après l'écrasement de l'insurrection polonaise des années soixantes du siècle passé. Nous pouvons indiquer les précurseurs de ce changement en examinant attentivement l'œuvre des écrivains qui, d'après la chronologie littéraire suivie par la plupart des historiens de la littérature polonaise, ont été classés sous le chapitre: les Romantiques. Or, l'auteur de la communication présente essaie d'établir sur l'exemple de J. K. Kraszewski et de C. K. Norwid que la réaction contre le Romantisme a commencé beaucoup plus tôt et que, malgré les relations multiples des écrivains en

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question avec ce courant, leur œuvre dans l'ensemble, n'appartient pas au romantisme. L'analyse des théories de Kraszewski et de Norwid concernant la poésie, la littérature, l'art et les problèmes de la société (aussi bien contemporaine que considérée à travers les divers processus historiques), permettra d'évaluer l'importance de l'héritage romantique dans leur création littéraire d'une part et de faire, d'autre part, un inventaire plutôt approximatif des éléments qui marquent l'opposition à ce courant et donnent à l'auteur la possibilité de démontrer pourquoi il considère Kraszewski et Norwid comme des post-romantiques. La communication se termine par une comparaison de la personnalité de ces deux auteurs dont le premier représenta une littérature pour les masses alors que le second s'adressa plutôt à 1 "élite de ses contemporains.

DANUTA BIEÑKOWSKA

ERNEST BRYLL I TEATR ROMANTYCZNY KONTYNUACJA, CZY DEFORMACJA ? (ANALIZA RZECZY LISTOPADOWEJ)

Ernest Bryll wyst^pil áwiadomie i niejako programowo, jako kontynuator wielkiej tradycji romantycznej, co podchwycili odrazu polscy krytycy i recenzenci. W omówieniu Rzeczy listopadowej ("Brylla obrachunki ζ Polsk^", Dialog, no, 10, 1968) Jan Blonski pisze, ¿e sztuka "... brzmi tysi^cem ech biegn^cych ζ polskiej tradycji teatralnej. Jui sam tytut zwiastuje, i& porwal siç on na 'summç' polskoáci i ogóln^ teoriç sarmackiego bytowania." Poza tytulem nawi^zuj^cym do tradycji powstania listopadowego, a wiçc do Dziadów, Kordiana, Warszawianki i Wyzwolenia, tak tematyka jak struktura Rzeczy listopadowej idzie po linii rozpoczçtej przez Mickiewicza i Slowackiego, a kontynuowanej przez Wyspianskiego. Pisz^c o Rzeczy listopadowej Blonski zwraca uwagç na dwa podstawowe zagadnienia poruszone w dramacie, które w sumie daj^ jak^á syntezç polskich dziejów porozbiorowych, a wiçc na zagadnienie rozbieinosci miçdzy Polskq i Europe (tej "nieprzystawalnoáci" Polski do Europy, jak to okreála Blonski) skutkiem czego Polska, jako kraj, w calym swym cierpieniu i walce, jest wlaáciwie niezrozumiala dia cudzoziemców. Drugim zagadnieniem, poruszonym przez Brylla i podchwyconym przez Bloñskiego, sq przeciwieástwa w polskim charakterze narodowym, gwahowne przejácia od szlachetnoáci do ohydy, od nihilizmu do bohaterstwa i od wystçpku do cnoty. Oba te tematy znalazly wyraz w twórczoáci wielkich romantyków. "Pawiem narodów bylaá i papug^" pisa! o Polsce Slowacki, lecz szukal w narodzie tej "duszy anielskiej", ukrytej gîçboko pod powlokq. wypaczeñ. "Nasz naród, jak lawa" wtórowal mu Mickiewicz wierz^c, ie da siç wykrzesac ogieú, tlej^cy siç gdzieá w glçbi narodowego ducha. W ujçciu obu tych zagadnieñ, specyfiki dziejów polskich i ich rezonansu w Europie i specyfiki charakteru polskiego, Bryll bliiszy jest Wyspiañskiego, ni¿ Slowackiego i Mickiewicza. Zwi^zki Brylla ζ romantyzmem na plaszczyznie strukturalno-jçzykowej

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omówione zostaly w artykule Bloñskiego i w recenzji Elibiety Wysiñskiej ζ trzech teatralnych ujçc Rzeczy listopadowej ("Konfrontacje - Listopadowe premiery Brylla", Dialog, no. 1, 1969). W analizie struktury Rzeczy listopadowej tak Bíoñski, jak Wysiñska, uzywajq. terminu "panoramicznoác", który moinaby równie¿ zast^pic terminera "widowiskowoác", czyli luzna konstrukcja dramatu, tak charakterystyczna día Dziadów, Kordiana i Wesela. Naleialoby tu moie uwydatnic jedn^ cechç znamienn^: tak w Dziadach, jak w Kordianie, czynnikiem wiq¿qcym poszczególne sceny jest bohater. Postac bohatera stanowi os, wokól której obraca siç kazdy ζ tych dramatów. W Weselu ju¿ jednak, tak jak w Rzeczy listopadowej, miejsce romantycznego bohatera zaj^l cafy naród, nie ma wiçc jednostkowego czynnika wi^cego, nie ma równieí ¿adnej akçji, która narzucalaby pewn% sekwencjç poszczególnym scenom. A mimo to sceny te l^czq. siç ze sob^ i nie robiq wraienia oderwanych. Wysiñska, widz^c pewne niebezpieczeñstwo "statycznoáci" konstrukcyjnej w Rzeczy listopadowej, uwaza jednak, ze statycznoác ta zostaje przelamana, bo "... kolejne sceny poszerzajq i poglçbiaj^ obraz, statycznoác panoramy zostaje przezwyciçiona nakladaniem siç na siebie motywów, prowadz^cych do finalu ζ tych motywów wynikaj^cego". Samo nakladanie siç na siebie motywów nie wyjaánia jednak spójnoáci strukturalnej dramatu. Czynnikiem l^cz^cym poszczególne sceny jest tak w Weselu jak w Rzeczy listopadowej nastrój, ta kilko-barwna tonacja, ulegaj^ca stopniowej intensyfikacji. (Stanislaw Ignacy Witkiewicz powiedzialby w tym miejscu o "napiçciach kierunkowych" dramatu Brylla.) Napiçcia kierunkowe w Rzeczy listopadowej, w opinii Wysiñskiej, wzrastajq. w ci^gu pierwszych dwóch aktów, akt trzeci jest ju¿ tylko "epilogiem" dwóch poprzednich, sumuj^cym poszczególne motywy. W dalszym ci^gu omawiania zwi^zków Brylla ζ romantyzmem, Bloñski zwraca uwagç na swiadomq stylizacjç romantyczn^, tak w wyborze tía, jak i w ujçciu postaci. Akt lszy Rzeczy listopadowej odbywa siç na cmentarzu, jak czçàc 2ga Dziadów, akt 2gi na weselu, jak slynna sztuka Wyspiañskiego. Rezonerzy Brylla peinig te same funkcje, co czarownice ζ Prologu do Kordiana, czy bogowie w teatrze Wyspiañskiego. Wreszcie poszczególne postacie Brylla, jak pan mlody, panna mloda, dziennikarz, poeta i.t.p. majq. swoje prototypy w Weselu. Ta sama stylizacja romantyczna wystçpuje w jçzyku Brylla, peinym cytat i luznej adaptacji dobrze znanych zwrotów. W jçzyku tym wystçpuje silniej, ni¿ u romantyków, áwiadoma "gra na kontrastach" - przeciwstawianie poetyckoáci i wulgarnoáci, to, co Wysiñska okreála, jako

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"antynomie literatury i publicystyki". Moznaby powiedziec, ze Bryll, wzi^wszy do rçki "harfç" narodowej poezji, raz po raz pozwala sobie na ostry i celowy dysonans. Jest w tej stylizacji na romantyków cos ζ zamierzonej parodii, parodii bez szyderstwa, czy kpiny, lecz pelnej bólu. "Bryll, jeáli nawet szydzi - pisze Blonski - to ζ ciçzkim smutkiem w sercu, ζ bolesnym zapamiçtaniem, które, kto wie, czy nie ζ ¿eromskiego rodem." Moinaby dodac, te nie tylko ζ Zeromskiego, ale i ζ Wyspiañskiego, i to bardziej bezpoárednio: Míales chamie zloty róg, Míales chamie czapkç ζ piór, Czapkç wicher niesie, Rogiem gra po lesie, Ostai ci siç ino sznur...

Przesnily siç narodowe sny, duchy snujq. siç po nocach, a nogi grzçzn^ w mazowieckim blocie - taka jest mniej wiçcej synteza polskoáci "na dzis" w ujçciu Brylla. Aie czy tylko taka ? Blonski ma za zie Bryllowi, ze szukaj^c syntezy i odrzucaj^c pozycje zarówno "moralizatorów" jak i "kpiarzy" stawia siebie wlaáciwie w sytuacjç bez wyjscia zamykajqc swój dramat w blçdnym kole sprzecznosci. Ale moie to kolo wlasnie ma stanowic syntezç ? Wysiñska jest gotowa wybaczyc Bryllowi to nagromadzenie sprzecznoáci i pytaú, na które nie ma odpowiedzi, ale zaznacza, jakby na przestrogç przyszlym pedagogom, ¿e "nie moina go tlumaczyc, jak lekcjç". Zadaniem tego referatu jest nie tyle odnalezienie zwi^zków Brylla ζ romantyzmem - zwi^zki te s^ tak wyrazne, ze nie budz^ w^tpliwosci i byly juz, jak wykazalismy, omawiane w Polsce. Chodzi nam o cos innego - a mianowicie o okreslenie "deformacji" romantyzmu w dramacie Brylla, o ustalenie linii, po której deformacja ta przebiega i o wykazanie jej celowosci. W odróznieniu od poprzedników, jak Κ. I. Galczyñski, W. Gombrowicz, czy S. Mroiek, Bryll, jak juz wspominalismy, nie naleiy do "czystych" szyderców. Jezeli wiçc nawi^zuje áwiadomie i prowokujqco do tradycji polskich romantyków, to nie poto ¿eby siç zabawic ich kosztem, czy wykazac, jak daleko odbiegla polska rzeczywistoác od marzeñ Slowackiego o "duszy anielskiej", czy snów Zeromskiego o "szklanych domach". A wiçc poco? Jak uzasadnic ten nagly zwrot ku romantykom po latach eksperymentów teatralnych na scenie

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"Witkacego", czy Gombrowicza, które odbiegaly daleko od modelów romantycznych? Tradycje romantyzmu wywarly tak glçboki wplyw na ksztahowanie siç psychiki polskiej, ie brzmi^ pewnym rezonansem a¿ po dzieñ dzisiejszy i to moina przyj^c za pewnik. Nawi^zujqc do nich dramaturg moie siç kierowaó róinymi wzglçdami. Moie zagrac widzom dobrze znan^ nutç, aby obudzic w nich pewne asocjacje uczuciowe, które sg. tak latwe do przewidzenia, ie a i banalne. Dia Witkacego byla to "bebechowatoác", czyli gra na uczuciach. O to Brylla nie moiemy pos^dzac. Moina do tradycji podejsc od strony przeciwnej. Wyci^gajqc na scenç stare, uàwiçcone rekwizyty przeszloáci narodowej moina wykazac, ie iycie j u i ζ nich uszlo, ie mechanizm od dawna nie dziala. Bóg zostal zdjçty ζ piedestalli i chochol Wyspiañskiego jest j u i tylko wiechciem slomy, który nie nie mówi i nie ápiewa. To byla w pewnym sensie linia Witkacego, Gombrowicza i Mroika. Bryll wybral drogç posredniq. miçdzy kultem, a ironiq, sentymentem, a drwin^. Jego romantyezne symbole wprawdzie nie umarly, ale j u i nie iyj^ dawnym iyeiem, wnoszq ze sob^ pod t^ samq powlok^ pewne nowe treáci i to takie, które nie daj^ siç uj^c jedn^ formulkq, czy sprowadzic pod jeden szablon. Aby wyjaánic bliiej o co nam chodzi, trzeba bçdzie nawrócic raz jeszcze do Rzeczy listopadowej, uwydatniaj^c tym razem nie zwi^zki ζ romantyzmem, ale róznice. Gdyby Bryll chcial napisac dramat w duchu romantycznym ζ "akcentem na heroizm" wybralby za przykladem Mickiewicza ζ Dziadów, czy Slowackiego ζ Kordiana moment historyeznie brzemienny. Móglby n.p. umieácic akçjç dramatu w czasie powstania Warszawskiego. Ale on poszedl raezej drog^ Wyspiañskiego ζ Wesela. Rany j u i siç zabliinily : Wszystko zbudowane, jakby nie znaio ognia - mówi dziewczyna o Palacu Lazienkowskim. Szczerby po pociskach tak ugladzone i tak zamazane Ze niby Tomasz mozesz kazdg dziurç Niewiernie obmacywaé i ogl^daó ζ bliska A krwi nie wysmakujesz.

Na tie tego "miasta-grobowca", w którym "domy áwieio zbudowano ζ gotyckiej cegiy", toezy siç akcja dramatu - akcja napozór doác zwykla, bez momentów silnego napiçcia, ζ garstkq. dose przypadkowo dobranych osób, ζ których iadna nie jest na miarç tragicznq, leez kaida ma poczucie,

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ic terazniejszoác w tym miescie ociera siç o tragiczne wczoraj, którego nie sposób jest obejác, ani wyeliminowac. Stosunek do przeszloáci jest tu ambiwalentny. Przesztoác - to swiatelka na grobach w Dzieñ Zaduszny: Ζ daleka Patrz^c jak siç krz^tamy, jak áwieczki i wieñce Ukladamy ζ namyslem, jak nam nagle rçce Rózowiej^ od áwiatla zapalek, jak czyste Sa twarze nasze, jakie w oc zach bystre Swiatelka skacz$ - myslalbys, ze wiçcej Zrozumieliámy, niz mozna wyczytaé Ζ naszych nagrobków. A tu tylko tyle Swiatelka w myáli, ile na mogile Pelgania áwieczek.

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My zawsze chçtnie postawimy Na grzbiecie naszych dziejów jeszcze jeden kamieñ Chçtnie pomnikiem nowym zawalimy Tu gorejacej wci^z glupoty znamiç. Jezeli Bryll uwatal, ¿e naród naogól nie umial wyczytac prawdy o historii, ze miai "tyle áwiatelka w myáli, ile pelgania áwieczek na mogilach", a pomnikami pokrywal álady wlasnej glupoty, on sam w k a i d y m razie nie chcial siç ζ t^ postaw^ pogodzic. W tym sensie Rzecz listopadowa jest protestem, jest prób^ zrozumienia sytuacji polskiej bez przywolywania na pomoc teorii mesjanistycznych, bez zaslaniania siç Bogiem, czy historic, bez pomocy jakichkolwiek autorytetów. Moznaby zaryzykowac twierdzenie, ie w przeciwieñstwie do romantyków Bryll nie wierzy w wyèszy sens historii, ale jednak nie rezygnuje ζ próby odnalezienia jakiegokolwiek sensu. Dia tego boleánie lepi ζ drobnych ulamków swoj^ wlasn^ syntezç polskoáci, w której tylei jest miloáci, co i nienawiáci, tyle dumy, co wstydu. N a tg. syntezç skladç. siç wiele fragmentów muzealnych i zywych. S3 tu i rekwizyty przeszloáci ζ Warszawskich kanalów: Pociski ζ gewehru Krople olowiu ζ knuta, okrawki bandaza, Czasem koáciotrup jeszcze, czasem oblamek ζ ordera, Czasem znak, jak ostatnia plongea litera, W kamieniu wydrapana Jakby tam umieral Czlowiek ζ samego ognia...

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A obok tego okrçgle kolana dziewcz^t Warszawskich, lasych na dolary "goáci dewizowych", jest "obey" ζ aparatem fotograficznym, jest cierpienie na pokaz i cierpienie w ukryciu, jest cala skala spraw wainych i niewainych, gdzie wszystko siç ze sobg. miesza i gmatwa tworz^c nierozdzieln^ caloác. Ach, te polskie dzieje, Gdzie wszystko poskrçcane w agonii. Gdzie zawsze Obok najpodlejszego tçtni najczyáciejsze Obok najtchórzliwszego pulsuje najkrwawsze.

Nie tak^ koncepcjç polskich dziejów miai Mickiewicz ζ DziadówPodzial na walcz^cych i na ciemiçzycieli, na szlachetnych i na sprzedaj" nych przebiegal tu jasno i nie budzil wqtpliwosci. Wiadomo bylo, kto cierpi i za co i nie moina bylo cierpiqcych i oprawców sprowadzic do wspólnego mianownika. To samo daloby siç powiedziec o Kordianie i o Anhellim - przy wszystkich blçdach powstañców, spiskowców, czy zesíanców, przy ich braku woli i fatalnym hamletyzmie przywodców, wiadomym jednak bylo po której stronie jest raeja. Czytelnik, czy widz wiedzial, komu naleialo wspólezue, a kogo potçpiac. Ale juz u Wyspiañskiego w Weselu i u Brylla w Rzeczy listopadowej ta linia siç zaciera. Nie ma winnych i niewinnych, caly naród ponosi odpowiedzialnosc za to, co siç stalo, caly naród zamiast dzialac, àpi. Nie ma pozatem postaci pozytywnych i postaci negatywnych, wszystkie postacie moinaby okreslic, jako negatywne, czy poprostu ludzkie, jeáli przyjmiemy twierdzenie, ¿e errare humanum est i ie wbrew wizji romantycznej przeciçtny czlowiek ma w sobie równie malo ζ aniola, co i ζ diabla. Goácie zgromadzeni w noe Zadusznych na Bryllowym weselu - to wlasciwie sama przeciçtnosc. Jedni, jak mlody prozaik otwarcie proklamujq cynizm, inni noszq. go skrycie w duszy, aie wszystkimi rz^dzq. te same ludzkie pragnienia "dopehania siç do ¿lobu". Dobrze ujmuje to dziewczyna, sama cyniczna zreszt^, sluchaj^c rozmowy mçiczyzn : Kiedy patrzç na te mçskie klótnie Mozna myslec - ktos tam komuá utnie Zaraz glowç w walce. Aie "zasiç" Pogodzicie siç przy jednej kasie.

Ale jest to tylko "nurt zewnçtrzny" polskiej rzeczywistosci, ten który odrazu rzuca siç w oezy przyjezdnym mala "czarna" w kawiarni, ladna dziewczyna, doweip. Ale pod tym naskórkiem kryjg. siç sprawy inné, których siç nie widzi, ale moina je wyczuc:

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Dziwaczne sprawy zyj4 w tym mieácie Niby wszyscy smaczne dowcipy lubi$ Kazdy umie takie smrody wyniuchaó Zc siç moze schowac Najlepszy w dziejach nos i polityczna glowa A poskrob glçbiej... Zaraz wykielkuje Zaraz dowcipów smaki pomiesza, popsuje Cuchnçca naftalina, zzólkla, powiatowa, Legenda

o

sumieniu.

W tym usiiowaniu "skrobania glçbiej", ¿eby siç dogrzebac do wnçtrza "narodowej duszy" i wydobyc na wierzch to, co ginie pod powtok^ powszedniosci - Bryll kontynuuje liniç polskich romantyków, ale rodzaj i kierunek poszukiwañ jest inny. Bryll nigdyby nie napisal "Ty nad poziomy wylatuj, a okiem slonca ludzkosci ogromy przeniknij ζ koñca do koñca." W swoich poszukiwaniach Bryll nie próbuje siç wznosic na prometejskich skrzydlach, moie dlatego ze Boga str^cono i nie ma j u i czego szukac w pustym niebie. Odpowiedzi na mçcz^ce pytania kryjq siç w "zakamarkach duszy", w tych symbolicznych kanalach Warszawskich, gdzie siç miesza "pulsowanie ognia i sluz Warszawy". Romantyzm Brylla wiçcej ma w sobie ζ "mysz, co chrobocz^" ni¿ ζ orlów wznosz^cych siç na wy¿yny myáli. Ale to nie pozbawia go sily i ¿aru. Tych "kanalów historii", tego "chrobotu myszy" polskich stara siç nie dostrzegac áwiat. Jesli jest u Brylla jakaá linia podziahi, to idzie ona wedhig nastçpuj^cej osi - swoi i obey, Polska i swiat. áwiat reprezentuje w dramacie zagraniczny dziennikarz, który chcialby uchwycic w kilku zdjçciach cal$ osobliwosc polskiego bytowania. To día niego byli "bohaterowie" maj^ pozowac na grobach, to on chcialby pochwycic ¿urawie, aby je przywi^zac za nogi do Kolumny Zygmunta. "Obey" chce patosu w odpowiedniej przyprawie, poluje na tragicznoác, ale chce dozowac, aby byla lekkostrawna dia jego angielskich odbiorców. Obey: Dia moich reportazy zawsze niezawodne Bylo to poteczenie zycia ζ nicoáci^ O, w mglistej, niejasnej mojej Anglii Lubia takie czyste, takie przeciwne, Ze az cwiekiem zbite... Jak krzyz Skontrastowane, gdzie siç prawda ζ mitem, Gdzie siç glupota ζ m^drym parzy Gdzie jak w lesie szukasz, hukasz...

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Panorama nocnej Warszawy ζ jej swiecami na grobach i pijanymi dzwiçkami tanca na weselu da "obcemu" material do takiego reportaÈu, gdzie siç "¿ycie l^czy ζ nicosci^". Dia miejscowych "obey" jest kwintesencj^ zagranieznej aroganeji, glodu sensaeji i braku taktu. Co gorsze, "obey" nie jest nawet autentyczny, pochodzi ζ Kolomyji i uwaiasiç potrosze za nowego Conrada. Jest obey i nieobcy, niby stamtqd, ale st^d. W jego nocnej wçdrowce po Warszawie jest specyficzna ironia. To Polacy pokazuj^ bylemu Polakowi specyfikç polskiej rzeczywistoáci. Nie szczçdz^ mu przy tym przykrych uwag : Niech pan czytuje pilnie. Niech pan doskonali Gietkoác swojego pióra. Co dzisiaj jest w cenie, Co czytelnikom usypia sumienie Moze siç jutro znudzic.

Jest to jakgdyby pewna zapowiedz zmiany na lepsze, czy przynajmniej mozliwosci takiej zmiany - drzemi^ce sumienie áwiata moie siç jednak obudzic. Ale i ta nikla iskra nadziei gaánie. Dochodzi do glosu realizm polityczny. W rozmowie starego poety ζ rezonerami padaj^ znamienne slowa: Stary poeta: Wiçc jest opinia áwiata... lszy Mozna ni$ jak w Wiále Kijem zawracac wodç Stary poeta: Nie, nie, áwiat pamiçta 2gi : Pamiçta, jezeli to w bezpieczn^ porç Stary poeta: A jezeli nie w bezpieczna? lszy : To obliczy sciále, co siç oplaca swiatu.

Po takich "obliczeniach" moie siç okazac, ¿e Polska powinna byla oddac Niemcom "korytarz", ζ takich obliczeñ napewno wynika, ze Polska, ζ jej krwawq przeszlosci^, ζ jej dhigiem cierpieñ, którego nie da siç splacic, tylko przeszkadzq w pogodnym bytowaniu innych narodów. Jeáli jest dostrzegana, wnosi tylko dysonans w ogólnq. harmoniç : Ledwo gdzie siç sklada Ugoda, a juz wylazimy Ζ naszych kanalów Juz znowu smierdzimy Kurzem i spalenizn^ Linieje racyja nasza. Co nam stopy pali Co dech zapiera ogniem - juz dia innych dzieje.

Ζ podobnym uczuciem mògi patrzee na sytych i zadowolonych obywateli Francji Mickiewicz pisz^c Ksiqgi Narodu i Pielgrzymstwa i Siowacki

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pìsz^c Anhellego. Ale oni wierzyli, ¿e krew przelana "za naszq. wolnosc i wasz^" przyniesie jakies owoce, ¿e haslo "wolnoác, równosc i braterstwo" pol^czy kiedyá ludzkoác. Bryll juz w te hasla nie wierzy, braterstwo - to kadlub dawnej wiary, "powloka wyschniçta, lekka, niewaina, jak stara piosenka". Ale ta piosenka wci^i jeszcze odbija siç echem w polskiej umyslowoáci: Ale oni szczerze Bçdç. za to braterstwo Odprawiac pacierze.

Poniewaz s^ w tym kraju jeszcze ci, którzy "odprawiajq. pacierze, trzeba uwazaé, ¿eby dawne hasîa nie rzucily naród w nowq walkç, chociai; hasla te nie s^ niebezpieczne, bo slowa s 3. zaklamane, "plyn^ przeciwko myálom" : Oblakana Chora rzeka naszego jçzyka Musi plyn^c przeciw myálom, musi, Co prawdziwe dia prawdy zadusic Co zdrowe przetr^cié, ugi^c, zgarbié... Tak to siç chronimy, Zeby znowu nie ruszac, jak w tañce, Prosto w ogien.

Jest to jeden ζ najsilniejszych i najbardziej gorzkich ustçpôw dramatu. Podkreála dwutorowoác polskiej rzeczywistoáci, niepokojqc^ rozbieinoác miçdzy tym, co siç mówi i tym, co siç mysli. Slowo, które w czasach romantyków mialo "uskrzydlac" i oswiçcac, zostalo zdemaskowane w swym klamstwie, nikt ju± slowom nie wierzy. Wartoác poezji jednakze pozostala nienaruszona. Bryll ζ nietajonym wzruszeniem pisze o poetach, którzy ginçli w walce : Naiwni byli i wierzyli szczerze Ze najwazniejsi zawsze w tym kraju zolnierze Ze jeáli amunicji nie ma, trzeba bombardowac Strzelaé do wroga - brylantami O talent latwiej w naszych powstaniach Niz jedng kulç do karabinu.

Wtedy, gdy brakowalo kul, ginçly talenty, Krzysztof Baczyñski i wielu innych, o talencie których nikt moie jeszcze nie wiedzial. Ginçli zwyczajnie; bez patosu, czy rçkopisôw w dloni (jak by sobie tego ¿yczyt "obey"). Tylko poezja nigdy ciç nie opusci, ¿olnierzu polski, - pisal ¿eromski tylko ona wiary ci dochowa.

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Moie ma racjç Bloâski, kiedy twierdzi, ¿e jest w Bryllu coá ζ Zeromskiego, ζ jego bolesnym rozdarciem, ζ jego potrzeb^ wiary i niemoÈnosci^ wiary, ζ jego pasj^ wykrywania prawdy i demaskowania kiamstwa. Rzecz listopadowa - to pròba eposu narodowego w nowym 20stowiecznym wydaniu. Pozostaly stare romantyczne rekwizyty, bo i tradycja romantycznych zrywów jest wci^¿ zywa, jak to wykazalo powstanie Warszawskie. Ale zmienii siç sposób odczuwania, co odbilo siç odrazu na stylu wypowiedzi. Nauczono siç maskowac szlachetniejsze uczucia, pokrywac cynizmem ból. Zachwial siç równiei gmach wiary w jakies "wyzsze" racje i sprawiedliwoác swiatow^. Na tym tie bohaterstwo gin^cych, pozbawionych wiary w celowosc wlasnej ámierci, staje siç tragiczne na sposób antyczny. Contra spem spero - takiego motta móglby u¿yc Bryll. Ta nadzieja wbrew nadziei stawia go jednak na tym szlaku, którym niegdys szli Mickiewicz, Slowacki i Wyspiañski. Droga siç zmienila, zmienil siç pejzaz, ale kierunek podstawowo pozostal ten sam. Nawet w dysonansach moina przekazac tradycyjnq. melodiç polskich dziejów. University of Toronto

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ZBIGNIEW FOLEJEWSKI

DYNAMIC OR STATIC? THE FUNCTION OF THE VERB IN POETRY

1 The function of the various parts of speech in works of literature has often been discussed by both scholars and writers of various persuasions. The subject, however, is very elusive, and up to this date there has not been any study - whether general or special - which would present a comprehensive treatment of this problem based on objective and exact data. This paper, devoted to the role of the verb in poetry, is for obvious reasons limited to posing the problem, pointing out certain theoretical and practical considerations which must be taken into account in any attempts at giving either general or specific evaluations, and, finally, making a few modest proposals. In spite of the fact that a long time has passed since the attention has been drawn to the necessity of specific criteria (different from the strictly linguistic ones) in treating the language in its artistic function, there is still a frequent lack of precision on the point of keeping the two levels apart in the analysis of works of literature. One of the most common generalizations is the so often encountered assertion that there is a direct relationship between the frequency of verbs in a poem and its dynamic quality. Scholars will invoke such authoritative but not always directly applicable sources as Wilhelm Humboldt's remarks about the verb as the element which gives speech its energy, Peskovskij's discussion of the importance of the predicate in his PyccKuü cunmaKcuc β naymoM

give weight to this view.1 1

oceenfenuu, etc., so as t o

A very interesting account of the various views on the role of the verb in speech and in literature, and of a number of interesting experiments in "verbless poetry", especially by some Russian poets, can be found in a recent book by Nils Ake Nilsson, The Russian Imaginists (Stockholm, 1970), pp. 74-93.

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The best illustration of the somewhat confused situation in the discussions of these problems is the fact that it is possible to see scholars using identical linguistic phenomena or at least identical terms as supposedly responsible for diametrically opposite qualities in poetry. 1 take two examples of referring to the absence of the verb in a poem (verblessness - 6e3z/iazonbHocmb) as the factor in creating the effect of either the static or the dynamic quality of the respective poem. The one is from the study by Krystyna Pomorska, Russian Formalist Theory and its Poetic Ambiance (Mouton, 1968), the other from the book by Simon Karlinsky, Marina Cvetaeva. Her Life and Art (University of California Press, 1966). In the discussion of the poetry of symbolism and in the attempt to explain its qualities Krystyna Pomorska makes a number of remarks about certain more or less general qualities of the poetic creations of that period. I refer to the discussion on pages 68-76, which follows a number of statements on such features of the symbolist poetry as "motionlessness and tranquility". "It is possible", says Pomorska, "to indicate which grammatical categories impart to symbolist poetry this motionlessness and tranquility of poetic structure" (p. 68). One of Pomorska's main points is that it is the absence of the verb which she sees as the source of energy, of dynamism. She quotes the above mentioned views of Humboldt and Peskovskij and quotes and analyzes some examples, mainly from Bal'mont. She admits that her evaluation is not based on dependable data, but is convinced that her main claim is right: It would be difficult to prove without special statistics that Symbolist poetry has in general a lower percentage of verbs. But this is not so important as the very fact that they were concerned with the problem. The best proof of this is the pieces quoted above which show an obvious orientation toward verbless constructions or simply poems about speech and language in which this idea is reflected in some way (p. 70)2 Here Pomorska adds a statement which makes her point more emphatic, but which is also a generalization and may be open to scrutiny. "Looking 2

While Bal'mont may be a good case in point, it may be of interest to note Boris Pasternak's remarks about Blok's poetry, whose most striking feature in his opinion is its exceptional swiftness, speed (cmpeMume.ibHocmb), (npntrucu, esôydopaMcemocmb, wpKo-MeAKa/oufUe ffiueypKu, ompweucmocmb). Cf. E o p a c üacrepHaK, Προ3α

1915-1958.

(University of Michigan Press, 1961), pp. 15-16. Pasternak's opinion, impressionistic as it is, is an additional illustration of the difficulties involved in evaluating these features.

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at futurist poetry, we shall see, as a contrast, what an important role the verb plays there" (Ibid.). Thus in popular language we have a direct relationship between the presence of verbs in a poem and its dynamic quality, on the one hand, and the lack of verb (verblessness) and the static quality, on the other. In Karlinsky's book on Cvetaeva's poetry, the term verblessness (6e3rJiarojn>HOCTb) is discussed (pp. 132-138) as being in many instances associated with the effect of movement. 3 Now, of course, I am not implying here that either of these scholars is guilty of error. What I want to stress is the need of delineating the exact area of applicability of certain grammatical terms when discussing the specific poetic usage of linguistic forms. Obviously we must speak here of two kinds of verblessness - the one discussed by Pomorska in reference to symbolism and the other discussed by Karlinsky in reference to Cvetaeva. In the first case the verb is not only absent but not implied, in the other we deal with ellipsis, i.e. the verb is hidden though implicitly present. Each of the two scholars has perhaps the right to use the term verblessness to make his point, but the case illustrates the need of more precision so as to avoid using the same terms for opposite phenomena, since they then may be taken and employed by literary critics in the absolute sense. 2

Pomorska's main example in the aforementioned discussion is a poem by K. Bal'mont which bears the title "Ee3rjiarojn>HOCTb" and which by this title and by its entire content is supposed to illustrate the phenomenon of verblessness. The author even counts the verbs in the poem, stressing their scarcity and suggests that "'verblessness' here could be read as 'motionlessness'." Here is the poem in its entirety: EE3rJIΑΓΟJlfcHO CTI» EctL· β pyccKoä npnpofle ycTajiaa HeacHOCTb, Ee3MOJiBHa« 6ojh> 3aTaeHHOìi n e i a j m ,

Be3Bi)ix0flH0CTb ropa, 6e3rjiacHOCTB, 6e36pe»CHOcri>, XojioflHaa Bticb, yxoflan^e a a n i i . ΠρΗΛΗ Ha paccBeTe Ha c k j i o h K o c o r o p a , -

H a s 3a6koë peKOK) s h m h t c h npoxjiafla, 3

Cf. a l s o , l O p n ö PÏBacK, "I^BeTaeBa - M a r a c o e c K H ô - ü a c T e p H a i c " , Hoeuü JKypuaA, XCV: " E e 3 r j i a r 0 j n . H 0 C T L · U B e T a e B o ä (oTMeiemaa β khhtc C. K a p n H H C K o r o ) Toace AHHaMH3HpoBajia ee ΠΟ33ΗΙΟ" (p. 163).

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ZBIGNIEW FOLEJEWSKI HepHeex rpoMaaa 3acTMBmero 6opa, H cepíwy TaK SoutHO, h cep/we He paflo. He^BiüfCHtxä KaMBim. He TpenenjeT ocoKa. RJIYÖOKAA ΤΗΠΠ>. Ee3rjiar0m»H0CTI> ΠΟΚΟΗ.

Jlyra yôeraiOT flajiëKO-flanëKo. Bo BceM yTOMJieHte - rjiyxoe, HeMoe. BoflflH Ha 3aicaTe, KaK Β cBeacHe bojihi>I, Β npoxjiaflHyio rjiyim.flepeeeHCKorocafla, .ZJepeBM TaK cyMpaHHO-CTpaHHO-6e3MOJiBHM, H cepfluy Tan rpycrao, Η cepflqe He paflo. KaK 6yflTO ayma o acenaraoM npocnna, Η cflenajiH eft He3acjiy»eHHO 6OJII»HO. Η cepíwe npocrano, HO cepjwe 3acTi>ijio, Η njianeT, Η rniaiex, H ruiaieT HeeonbHo. What is presented in the poem [says Pomorska] is an image of motionless nature, which is claimed to be typical for the Russian landscape in general ("ECTI> Β pyccKoñ npnpofle ycrajiaa HCHCHOCTI»"). This feature is figuratively called "verblessness", which could be read as "motionlessness", "drowsiness", that is to say, lack of energy, tender serenity. What corresponds to the whole image and the concept, clearly signalled by the title, is an obvious tendency in the poem to avoid verbs and verbal constructions (p. 69).

It is not my intention to question the validity of the claim that this poem indeed lacks dynamism. However, the assumption that this is so primarily because of the poem's postulated and actual verblessness is open to question.4 Furthermore, the entire argument loses in relevance in this case when one realizes that it is based on a misinterpretation of the word 6e3rjiarojii»HocTb. I mentioned above that we have two kinds of 6e3rjiarojn.HOCTi>; the one is the real absence of verbs, indeed often observable in symbolist poetry, the other is the seeming absence, produced by either the "natural" (grammatical) or by the "artificial" (artistic, poetic) device of ellipsis. The symbolist poets, indeed, produced many poems where this first kind of 6e3rjiarojBbHOCTb, which, of course, can be interpreted as verblessness, is a striking feature. However, it seems rather erroneous to interpret Bal'mont's poem "Ee3rjiarojn>HOcn>" as 'Verblessness'. What we have here is an entirely different meaning of the word 6e3rjiarojn>HocTb which has nothing to do with the absence of 4

Incidentally, even the question of the scarcity of the verbs here is relative; if we consider all the verbs (including the auxiliary verbs, either supplied or implied) we have nineteen of them for the twenty lines of the poem (not to speak of the eleven participial epithets) - which is not such a low proportion; anyway, far from verblessness.

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verbs. This becomes obvious if we simply take a closer look at the poem and view the word 6e3rjiarojn»HocTb in the context of the poem's actual theme and in the context of a whole row of linguistically and poetically identical forms on which the poem is constructed (6e3MOJiBHaa 6OJU>, 6e3Bbixo,miocTb, 6e3rjiacHocn>, 6e36peacHOCTb, CyMpaHHO-CTpaHHO-6e3MOJIBHH...). Clearly, it is not verblessness the poet speaks about. His 6e3i\Jiarojn>HOCTi> is used in the older meaning: 'wordlessness', 'silence'. This archaic form is here but one of many typical poetisms and it echoes Lermontov 's lines: "6e3rjiarojibHa, HeflBHacHMa/ MëpTBan cTpaHa". In Bal'mont's poem it is paired with such synonymous morphological and semantic formations as 6e3MOJiBHOCTb, 6e3rjiacHOCTb, etc. This is especially apparent when we look at the second line of the third stanza ('TjiySoKaa THim>. Ee3rjiarojn>HOCTh ΠΟΚΟΗ") where obviously "Ee3rjiar0jn>H0cn> ΠΟΚΟΗ" cannot be read as 'verblessness of peace'. Interestingly enough, Pomorska has omitted the two last stanzas, both of which, especially the last one, are far from verbless ("H cep;me npocTHJio, HO cepaae 3acn>uio,/ H njianeT, H njianeT, H luianeT HeB0jn>H0). This omission obscures the picture somewhat, since an observation can be made that in spite of all these verbs these stanzas do not seem more dynamic than the other stanzas in the poem. Again, the general remark must be repeated that it is not necessarily the (explicit or implicit) presence or absence of verbs that makes the poem dynamic or static. We have to consider the entire structure of the poem, the character of the verbs, the character of nouns, epithets, etc. The highly expressive character of all the nouns with the prefix 6e3-, quoted above, is easy to assess as contributing to the general effect of muteness. The same goes for almost all the other forms, especially, as mentioned, all the epithets and nouns (ycTajiaa HexHOCTt, 6e3MOJiBHas 6ojib, 3aTaeHHaa neiajib, yxoA^mHe flajm, xoJiOÂHaa Bbicb, 3acTbiBiuHH 6op, HeaBHXHbiH KaMHiii, rjiyßoKaa ram, rjiyxoe, HeMoe yTOMJieHHe). All these and other features must be taken into account, and in this light the significance of the frequency of verbs must be reduced to its proper proportions. Besides, as was pointed out above, the question here is whether the intended and the achieved effect is really mainly "motionlessness" or rather "muteness". Frequently, of course, these two features go together. On the whole, it is quite difficult to make categorical evaluations in such cases.

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One could even take some of the examples cited by Pomorska (p. 70) as illustrative of motionlessness, and make the observation that in certain cases ("npropaKH"), although the lack of verbs is absolute, the higher degree of "sonority" of the nouns is associated with at least some degree of motion (lUejiecT JiHCTteB, ΙΙΙΟΠΟΤ Tpae ... Ροποτ BeTpa, ryji flyôpaB, etc). Naturally, this is an impressionistic evaluation, but the off-hand reaction is that this fragment from Bal'mont differs somewhat from e.g., the fragment from Brjusov quoted immediately thereafter where there is neither motion nor sound (IJapcTBeHHBie pßjm. LJapcTBeHHaa ÔejIOCTb ... CTbUIOCTB, HenOflBHHCHOCTB, MTJIHCTOCTb, OHeMeJIOCTb, etc.). 3

There are some additional general and specific considerations which I would like to bring up here. It should be rememberd, for example, that the emotional load of many parts of speech attached to them by convention had often been lost or reduced by the automatism of this convention. Thus as the traditionally kinetic quality of verbal constructions has lessened, as verbs in their conventional role of grammatical conductors sometimes became rather obstacles in conveying motion, speed, other new means had to be resorted to, and, for example, the noun was given a much more prominent place in poetry. Marinetti's slogan of mots en liberté was closely associated with the notion of spontaneously dynamic vision of reality, freed from the bounds of traditional syntax, and his famous example of a man warning of a house on fire naturally shouting nouns ("Fire!") rather than constructing grammatical sentences with verbs was a simple statement of fact. Pomorska speaking of the verblessness in the poetry of symbolism as the phenomenon accounting for its motionlessness and tranquility, counter-opposes to it the poetry of futurism 5 in which she emphasizes the important role of the verb as the element responsible for the effect of dynamism. However, her main point here is based on the above discussed assumption which is not always automatically applicable. The fact that by resorting to the device of the ellipsis, the elimination 5 A more detailed discussion can be found in Pomorska's article, "TeopeimecKHe B3rjwflhi pyccKoro yTypH3Ma", Annal. Inst. Univ. Orient. Sez. Slav., 10, pp. 119-135 (esp. pp. 130-132).

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of the verb, the role of the predicate is emphasized can of course be an argument for the importance of the verb, but the argument could be reversed and we could speak of the enhancing of the importance of the non-verbal part of the predicative clause. If enhancing the role of the predicate is the argument for the importance of the verb as the source of dynamism in the case of Majakovskij and other futurist poets, one could carry this argument to its extreme and claim that the same should apply to some symbolist poetry. For instance, even in the celebrated "Ee3rjiarojn>HOCTI>" the entire first stanza could be viewed not as an example of verblessness but as a verbal construction, since, in terms of conventional grammar it is constructed as a series of predicative clauses. ("EcTb Β pyccKOH npHpo,ae ycrajiaa H O K H O C T Ï . " , etc.) From this point of view then it is not so much different from such constructions as for example some parts of Majakovskij's "Ham Maprn", generally considered dynamic. Jauern biK ner. MEFLNEHHA JTCT ap6a. H a m 6or 6er. Cepjme Ham 6apa6aH.

Karlinsky notes (op. cit., p. 138) constructions in Cvetaeva's poetry where, in his opinion, "the verb is neither supplied nor implied, the reason for the energetic sounding instrumental case is never made clear". His example is a fragment from the poem "Πβτρ h nyimcHH" of which he quotes the first part. However, it is perhaps better to quote the entire passage: H e (JWIOTOM, HE ΠΟΤΟΜ, HE 3AAOM

Β 3anjiaTax, He niee^OM y ΗΟΓ, He pocTOM - H3 BCflKoro pafly,

H e CHOCOM - Beerò, neMy cpoK, H e JIOTOM, H e 6OTOM, H e ΠΗΒΟΜ HEMEIOCHM - CKB03B KHacTepoB Λ Η Μ ,

H fla»ce η He Πβτρο-ΑΗΒΟΜ CBOHM ( Π ε τ ρ ο - Α Η Β Ο Μ CBOHM.).

A remark may be made that although no definite verb is implied here, nevertheless the example is a construction where there is at least a suggestion of an underlying verbal element. Nevertheless, a general observation is valid here that in certain cases the absence of the verb can be associated with the notion of action. There are many passages

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here where mainly the nouns carry the connotation of movement: H a KamanoTbeä

Tyuie cyflbÖH MycKyn noJieTa Bera. Bopb6w.

In Nils  k e Nilsson's study The Russian Imaginists we find the following passage from Anatolij Mariengof's totally verbless poem, "KoHOTTepcKaa cojiim". C 3JIOÖOIO OKaHHHOrO CBHTOnOJIKa

Toposa κροΒΗ KyÖKH 3ajmoM

BoiuieË 3ajin

He6a îkhbot β Apoxct.

Πο KptrtnaM, xaK noflociceKCTejiböaHa Tyaa h CKwa noacapoB »wpo.

naHEXHflbi β co6opax,

KaK apo6t 6apa6aaHafl.

This example is especially interesting: The imaginists, preoccupied in thefirstplace with the idea of "cataloguing images", were not concerned with the problem of speed, motion. Yet the dynamic character of the underlying theme (the Revolution) is reflected in the kinetic quality of the images here. Nilsson simply remarks that "the omission of the verbs does not preclude action" (p. 86). Verb as part of the conventional grammatical way of conveying meaning, part of the traditional poetry, which was based on the principle of relatio (narration) can actually weaken the dynamism, prevent the feeling of movement, of an "electric spark" produced by means of the basic device of modern poetry: the confrontation of basic elements, i.e. nominal forms, freed from the "shackles" of grammar. What has to be taken into consideration in discussing the poetic qualities associated with any linguistic phenomena is simply the basic distinction between the conventional, grammatical, semantic quality of words and sentences (meaning) and their stylistic, poetic value (expressiveness). A verb as such, or a noun as such, does not automatically give a poem either the dynamic or a static quality. Perhaps it should be called neutral. I do not think that statistics would help here a great deal, especially since we deal with such a variety of semantic nuances in verbs as well as in nouns. Marinetti's insistence that "il faut détruire la syntaxe en disposant

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les substantifs au hasard de leur naissance" was simply one of the many devices for loosening the conventional grammatical order and getting at the dynamic quality of the poetic vision in motion. In theory, then, the verb, especially in its finite form, was a mechanized conductor of grammar. It was likened to a cable in the old system of sending messages while the essence of modern poetry was supposed to be "wireless imagination", not bound by the need of a conductor. Of course, no such attempt is ever automatically successful. We know that a poem can be packed with verbs and its effect be or not be that of dynamism; we know, too, that the device of confronting nouns without connecting them by verbs may or may not produce the dynamic effect. Nevertheless, even if we agree that there was a certain amount of fetishism in the futurist belief in matter (noun) being inherently loaded with energy, their poetic practice often gave support to this belief. Exemple, Marinetti's poem "Zzzang-Tumb-Tumb" "Bombardamento (di Adrianopoli)", where the accumulation of free unconnected nouns, free non-connecting verbal forms (infinitives) and semantically suggestive sounds does produce dynamic effect.6 The very fact that it has been possible for poets of various persuasions to attempt (successfully at times) to produce the effect of dynamism or lack of dynamism respectively by the device of verblessness is perhaps the best evidence that the verb as such in poetry is a neutral category. University of British Columbia

RÉSUMÉ W niniejszym referacie autor porusza wazn^ a wciqz niedosc opracowan^ sprawç zwiqzku miçdzy formacjami czasownikowymi a stopniem dynamicznoáci wzglçdnie statycznoáci utworu poetyckiego. Na podstawie paru konkretnych przyktadów ksigzki K. Pomorskiej, Russian Formalist Theory and its Poetic Ambiance i S. Karlinskiego, Marina Cvetaeva. Her Life and Art - w których ten sam termin : Verblessness - 6e3¿AazoAbHocmb - bezczasownikowosc, shizy día wyjaánienia statycznoáci w jednym wypadku i dynamicznoáci w drugim, autor wskazuje na koniecznoác ustalenia bardziej ácislych kryteriów i bardziej precyzyjnej terminologii. Idzie o postulat specyfikacji poetyckich, stylistycznych wlaáciwoáci elementów jçzykowych w utworze literackim (ekspresywnosc), w odróznieniu od ich konwencjonalnej, gramatycznej funkcji. 6

It was for this quality of dynamism that Lazio Moholy-Nagy incorporated the poem in his book, Vision in Motion (Chicago 1947, pp. 304-305). To be sure, he felt compelled to conventionalize somewhat Marinetti's "stenographic compression" of the battle by supplying a few more verbs than in the original, but the quality of a largely verbless construction is there, and the degree of dynamism is very high indeed.

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Centralna czçàc referatu poàwiçcone jest bardziej szczególowej dyskusji zagadnienia funkcji czasownika w poezji. Autor rozpatruje wypowiedzi tych i innych autorów w áwietle konkretnych przykladów, których blizsza analiza wykazuje, iz aczkolwiek dane dotyczqce frekwencji czasownika nie sq bez znaczenia, jednakze nie stanowi^ dostatecznego kryterium. Niedostatecznie umotywowana jest naprzyklad analiza Κ . Pomorskiej wiersza Balmonta "Ee3rjiar0jn>H0CTb" stanowi^cego jej glówny przyklad statycznoáci zwiqzanej ζ programowym unikaniem czasowników. Analiza oparta jest w dodatku na blçdnej interpretacji kluczowego slowa 6e3znazoAbHocmb jako rzekomo oznaczaj^cego i postulujqcego w tym utworze "verblessness" gdy w rzeczywistoáci jest tu ono uzyte nie w tym wtórnym znaczeniu a w znaczeniu p i e r w o t n y m : bezslownosc, otiiemiaìosé, i jest j e d n y m ζ wielu p o d o b n y c h poetyzmów

(fie3MOjieHocmb, 6e3ZAacHocmb, itd) uzytym tu przez autora chyba nie tyle w celu wyrazenia intencji unikania czasowników (których n.b. jest tu wcale nie znikoma iloác okolo dwudziestu na dwadzieácia wersów) ile dia wyrazenia owego zastyglego w martwej ciszy, w bezgiosnosci, niewyrazalnosci pejzazu. Obok calego szeregu innych dowodów, calego zestawu elementów struktury wiersza, najlepszym potwierdzeniem faktu, ze slowo to jest tutaj uzyte wteánie w tym archaicznym znaczeniu, jako poetyzm, jest jego powtórzenie w trzeciej strofie: ζΛγβοκαη muiub. Ee32jiazoAbHocmb ηοκοΛ, gdzie przecie nonsensem b y l a b y interpretacja 6e3ZAaeoAbiiocmb

ΠΟΚΟΗ jako "verblessness of peace". Dia okreslenia co siç sklada na stopieñ statycznoáci wzglçdnie dynamicznosci utworu poetyckiego konieczne jest rozpatrzenie caiosci struktury wiersza, a wiec nietylko ilosci czasowników ale przede wszystkim semantycznych i poetyckich wlasciwosci wszystkich elementów skladowyeh, a wiçc i czasowników i rzeczowników, epitetów, przyslówków itd. Autor zwraca uwagç na fakt, ze w poezji dwudziestego wieku mialy miejsce - i to nie bez powodzenia - wysilki aby odtworzyc dynamikç wspólczesnego zycia wlaánie przez wyeliminowanie czasownika, jako skonwencjonalizowanej kategorii pelni^cej rolç "gramatycznego konduktora" (zwlaszcza w jego formie koniugacyjnej, "wiqz^cej") i przeniesienie nacisku na rzeczownik wyzwolony ζ wiçzôw gramatyki. W zwi^zku ζ tym nasuwa siç uwaga, ze czasownik sam przez siç moze byc traktowany raczej jako element neutralny niz energio-twórczy.

EDWARD MOFETICO JESZCZE RAZ W SPRAWIE TZW. "PORÓWNAWCZYCH LITERATUR SLOWIAÑSKICH"

Badanie literatur slowiañskich jako pewnego zespohi zjawisk artystycznych i ideowych wspólzaleznych od siebie i pod wieloma wzglçdami jednolitych posiada dosyc dlugq. i bogat^ tradycjç. Pierwsze obszerniejsze i bardziej systematycznie opracowane podrçczniki historii literatur slowiañskich napisane zostaly w drugiej polowie XIX wieku: najpierw A. N. Pypin wydal w 1865 r. swojq Istorija slavjartskix literatur zas trzydzieáci lat pózniej ukazala siç w Plovdivie Istorija na slavjanskite literaturi (1896), pióra bulgarskiego autora I. Ivanova. Zainteresowania l^cznym badaniem literatur slowiañskich datujq siç jednak wczeániej i siçgaj^ lat dwudziestych XIX w. W 1826 r. jeden ζ najwybitniejszych prekursorów czeskiego i slowackiego odrodzenia P. J. Safarik opublikowal Geschichte der slavischen Sprache und Literatur nach allen Mundarten, a dokladnie dziesiçc lat pózniej, wydawane pod redakcj^ Κ. Kuzmányho w Bañskiej Bystrzycy czasopismo Hronka przyniosto rozprawç Jana Kollara O literarnej vzájemnosti mezi rozlicnymi kmeny a nárecími slovanského národu. W roku 1837 ukazal siç tak¿e, w postaci broszury, niemiecki przeklad tej pracy p.t. Über die literarische Wechselseitigkeit zwischen den verschiedenen Stämmen und Mundarten der slawischen Nation (tytul podany w transkrypcji wspólczesnej), przeznaczony glównie dia czytelników w krajach nieslowiañskich. Wreszcie godzi siç tu przypomniec, ¿e w 1840 r. utworzona zostala przy Collège de France pierwsza na Zachodzie Europy katedra literatury slowiañskiej. Jej profesorem zostal Adam Mickiewicz. W odnotowanych tu faktach na uwagç zashiguje to, ze przed ukazaniem siç podrçcznika A. N. Pypina literatury slowiañskie traktowane byly jako jednolita calosc : A. Mickiewicz powolany zostal na katedrç "literatury slowiañskiej", P. J. Safarik pisal o "slowianskim jçzyku i literaturze" zas J. Kollar nawotywai do rozwiniçcia wspólpracy literackiej miçdzy "róznymi plemionami i dialektami narodu slowianskiego". Wydaje siç, ¿e wlaánie koncepcja J. Kollara wywolat najwiçksze zain-

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teresowanie i wywarla powainy wplyw na pózniejsze ksztaftowanie siç studiów w zakresie literatur síowiañskich nie tylko w Czechach, ale takie i w innych krajach síowiañskich. Trzeba tu jednak odrazu zaznaczyc, ze slowianofilski program Kollara nie spotkal siç ζ entuzjazmem ani w Rosji (poza A. S. Xomjakovem), ani w Polsce.1 W Rosji, jak konstatuje V. Cernobajev w swojej pracy 2 "Jan Kollar ν Rossii", obawiano siç "malych" narodowosci i ich "prywatnych" interesów i dlatego rozwi^zanie kíopotliwej kwestii "wzajemnosci slowiañskiej" widziano w zlaniu siç pobratymczych narodów w "morzu rosyjskim". W Polsce natomiast, rozdartej miçdzy trzema zaborcami, wszelkie próby czy propozycje nawi^zania jakiejkolwiek wspólpracy slowiañskiej budzily nieufnosc i podejrzenia niezaleinie od tego ζ jakiej strony je wysuwano. Dopatrywano siç w nich zwykle rçki rosyjskiego imperializmu, zmierzaj^cego do ostatecznego unicestwienia narodowych aspiracji Polaków. W tej sytuacji Czechy, a takie czçàciowo kraje poludniowo-síowiañskie, byly najbardziej podatne do przyjçcia utopijnych teorii slowianofilskich i panslawistycznych. Slowacy, Chorwaci, Czesi, Bulgarzy, którzy znajdowali siç odpowiednio pod panowaniem madziarskim, niemieckim i tureckim szukali w idei jednosci slowiañskiej, b^dz to kulturalnej czy politycznej, potrzebnego oparcia moralnego i szansy przetrwania. Literatura wydawala siç bye szczególnie przydatnym instrumentem w tych wysilkach do podkreálenia wspólnoty slowiañskiej. Nie tez dziwnego, ze podobnie jak w jçzykoznawstwie tak i w literaturze postanowiono uciec siç do metody porównawczej, aby i na tym polu udowodnic pokrewieñstwo duchowe i kulturalne Slowian. Narodem najbardziej predystynowanym do podjçcia takiego zadania okazali siç Czesi. Dhiga tradyeja zainteresowañ slawistycznych w tym kraju, tradyeja J. Dobrovskiego, zwanego "ojeem slawistyki", V. Hanki, J. Jungmanna, P. J. Safarika, J. Kollara, F. L. Celakovskiego, - obok znanych czynników politycznych, - sprawila, ¿e potrzebç wiçzi kulturalnej ζ innymi narodami slowiañskimi odezuwano tarn znacznie glçbiej ni¿ gdzie indziej. Dodajmy, ze tradyeja ta przetrwala do czasów najnowszych i stala siç decyduj^cym impulsem do prowadzenia na szerokq. skalç zakrojonych badañ porównawczych w zakresie literatur síowiañskich. Do koñea lat dwudziestych XX w. ukazaiy siç cztery historie porównawczych literatur síowiañskich, w tym trzy czeskie i jedna pol1

S. Vrtel-Wierczyñski, "Rozprawa Jana Kollara o Literackiej wzajemnosci Slowian 1 jej odglosy w ówczesnej Polsce", w Slovanská vzájemnost (Praha : Ceská Akademia ved a umeni - a Slovensky ustav, 1938), s. 226-241. 2 Ibidem, s. 152-174.

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ska. Ta ostatnia miala wyl^cznie charakter informatywny, a jej autor Α. Brückner nie roscil pretensji stworzenia odrçbnej nauki pod nazw^ "porównawcze Iiteratury slowiañskie". Inaczej zrozumieli swoje zadanie autorzy czescy. Poza J. Karaskiem, 3 zarówno J. Máchal 4 jak i Fr. Wollman 5 ujawnili ambicjç przedstawienia literatur síowiañskich jako pewnej calosci, która posiada wspólne cechy charakterystyczne. Dia J. Máchala Iiteratury slowiañskie byly dowodem duchowego pokrewieñstwa Slowian, zas Fr. Wollman doszedl do przekonania na podstawie swojej metody "synoptyczno-ideograficznej", ¿e specyficzn^ wlasciwosci^ literatur síowiañskich jest indywidualistyczno-kolektywistyczny dualizm. Szybkiemu rozwojowi porównawczych literatur síowiañskich towarzyszyly prace o charakterze mniej lub bardziej przyczynkarskim zarówno w Czechach jak i w innych krajach síowiañskich.6 Ale wlasnie ten gromadzony skwapliwie material maj^cy udowodnic jednoác typologiczn^ literatur síowiañskich wywolal w^tpliwosci i narzucil ζ cal^ ostroáci^ pytanie czy istotnie pokrewieñstwo etniczne i jçzykowe Slowian usprawiedliwia systematyczne, porównawcze badanie ich literatur narodowych. Ponadto nadal pozostawaly aktualne kwestie natury metodologicznej : jeáli ma siç udowodnic pokrewieñstwo literatur síowiañskich i wyodrçbnic cechy szczególne wyrózniaj^ce je od innych literatur europejskich - jakie kryteria i metody nalezy przyj^c? Sygnalem do bardziej generalnej dyskusji nad wymienionymi wyzej w^tpliwosciami stai siç artykul W. Lednickiego "Existe-t-il un patrimoine commun d'études slave?"7 Polski slawista zdecydowanie odrzucil wszelkie próby l^cznego traktowania Slowian i ich kultury wychodz^c ζ zalozenia, ze rozwój historyczny poszczególnych narodów síowiañskich poszedl tak odmiennymi drogami, ii zamiast o jednoáci trzeba mówic o nieprzezwyciçzalnych antagonizmach síowiañskich. Wlasnie te ró¿nice okreslily odrçbny charakter poszczególnych literatur síowiañskich. Jako przyklady, W. Lednicki podawal twórczoác A. Mickiewicza i A. Puskina. Ten ostatni w swoim wierszu "Klevetnikam Rosii" stai siç wyrazicielem wielkomocarstwowego szowinizmu rosyjskiego, zas poeta polski szermierzem nacjonalizmu polskiego. Stanowisko 3

J. Karasek, Slavische Literaturgeschichte (Leipzig, 1906), t. 1, s. 178; t. 2, s. 192. 4 J. Máchal, Slovanské Iiteratury (Praha, 1922, 1925, 1929), t. 1, s. 319; t. 2, s. 605; t. 3, s. 795. 5 F. Wollman, Slovesnost Slovaná (Praha: Vsemír, 1928), s. 261. 6 Z. Klarnerówna, Siowiartofilstwo w literaturze polskiej lat 1800-1848 (Warszawa, 1926), s. 186. 7 Le Monde slave, ΠΙ, 12 (Décembre, 1926), s. 411-431.

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W. Lednickiego poparl A. Brückner w napisanej wspólnie ζ T. LehremSplawmskim historii literatur i jçzykow slowiañskich.8 Stwierdzil on, ¿e "mimo spólnego podloáa etnicznego i jçzykowego, bardziej zwartego m í u narodów romaóskich i germañskich, rozeszly siç literatury slowianskie i oddality od siebie wiçcej niz romanskie i germañskie".9 Nieco pózniej, w artykule p.t. "Geschichte der slavischen Literaturen", 10 Brückner przytoczyl bardziej konkretne argumenty na rzecz swoich pogl^dów. Jego zdaniem miçdzy poszczególnymi literaturami slowiañskimi istniejg. takie róznice jakosciowe i iloáciowe, ¿e porównanie ich jest niemoiliwe: Vergleichen lassen sich die Erscheinungen desselben Typus, wenn das Vergleichen das Erkennen mehren soll. Schon die Geschichte der deutschen und englischen Literatur entzieht sich systematischen Vergleichen, obwohl beide einer nahe verwandten Welt angehören, weil jede ihre eigenen Wege gegangen ist.11 Literatury slowiañskie nie s^, zdaniem Brücknera, zjawiskami tego samego typu. Historie tych literatur sg. niewspófrniernie rozne i porównanie nie ma ¿adnych perspektyw. W dalszym ci^gu swoich wywodów autor zwrócil uwagç na róinice podíoza spolecznego ζ jakiego wyrastajq poszczególne literatury siowiaúskie. Podczas gdy twórcami literatury polskiej i rosyjskiej byli pisarze wywodz^cy siç ze szlachty, to literaturç czeskq (ζ wyj^tkiem XIV w.) tworzyly warstwy drobnomieszczañskie. Takie specyficzn^ cechq. literatury czeskiej XIX w. jest niezwykle bogaty regionalizm, a wiçc duza liczba utworów poàwiçconych róznym zak^tkom kraju. Ani wliteraturze polskiej, ani rosyjskiej regionalizm nie bylznany na tak^ skalç i wyst^pil znacznie pózniej, bo dopiero na pocz^tku XX w. Mimochodem trzeba tu przypomniec, ¿e takze wybitny historyk literatury polskiej J. Kleiner12 oraz slawista J. Gol^bek wypowiedzieli siç przeciwko traktowaniu literatur slowiañskich jako caíoáci, która da siç najlepiej wyjasnic po przez zestawienie czy porównanie poszczególnych jej czlonów. Pierwszy stwierdzil lakonicznie, ¿e zarówno literatura polska jak i czeska dadz^ siç w pelni zrozumiec tylko w l^cznoáci ζ germañsko-romañskim Zachodem, gdyz swym charakterem do niego nale¿3, drugi zaá okreálil swe stanowisko wyraznie w nastçpuj^cym 8

A. Brückner, T. Lehr-Splawiiíski, Zarys dziejów literatur i Jçzykow slowiañskich (Lwów, 1929), s. 20. 9 Ibidem, s. 3. 10 Slavische Rundschau, IV (1932), s. 1-10. 11 Ibidem, s. 1. 12 J. Kleiner, "Die polnische Literatur", w Handbuch der Literaturwissenschaft. Literaturen der slavischen Völker, t. ΙΠ, red. O. Walzel (Potsdam, 1929), s. 3-5.

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zdaniu : "Jak Slowiañszczyzna jest pojçciem oderwanem, które nabiera treáci, gdy jq. okreslimy jako zbiór konkretnie istniej^cych narodów slowianskich, tak samo nie ma jakiejs slowiañskiej literatury, lecz sq. literatury poszczególnych narodów slowianskich."13 Spór jaki zawi^zal siç pod koniec lat dwudziestych wokól problemu porównawczego badania literatur slowianskich trwal ai do wybuchu drugiej wojny áwiatowej. W ci^gu tego okresu zarysowaly siç wyraznie dwa przeciwstawne sobie stanowiska: czeskie i polskie. Czesi opowiadali siç za potrzebg. wszechstronnego i szczególowego prowadzenia studiów porównawczych literatur slowiañskich i pragnçli wyodrçbnic je w osobnq. dyscyplinç naukow^, Polacy natomiast tç potrzebç negowali wychodz^c ζ zalozenia, ze wysilek ten nie przyniesie poz^danych rezultatów, gdy¿ miçdzy tymi literaturami istnieje zbyt malo punktów stycznych i dadz^ siç one zrozumiec tylko w szerszym kontekscie europejskim. Nie znaczy to, ¿e ci ostatni przeciwstawiali siç wszelkiemu porównaniu literatur slowiañskich ; opowiadali siç oni np. za badaniem dwustronnych kontaktów literackich, aie w sunxie chodzilo im glównie o odrzucenie slowianofilskiej tezy o bliskim pokrewieñstwie duchowym i ideowym literatur slowiañskich. Nie zgadzali siç oni tak¿e ζ tym, ze istnieje jakieá wspólne prawidlowoáci w rozwoju tych literatur. Badacze literatury w innych krajach slowiañskich zachowali siç raczej w tym sporze neutralnie. Jedynie Ukrainiec M. Hrusevs'kyj poparl stronç czesk^ artykulem "Istorija slovans'kych literatur - fikcyja cy neobxidnyj naukovyj postulat ?" 14 Przy tej okazji warto jednak nadmienic, ze w drugim wydaniu swojej Istorii slavjanskix literatur (1879-1880), Pypin przeciwstawil siç traktowaniu Slowiañszczyzny jako jednolitej calosci kulturalnej i wyl^czyl literaturç rosyjskg. ze swoich rozwa¿añ uzasadniaj^c to jej znaczeniem historycznym i rozmiarami. W 1927 r. N. Trubeckoj oáwiadczyl wrçcz,15 ze "Slowian l^czy jçzyk i tylko jçzyk". Obaj Rosjanie, choc bezposredniego udzialu w tocz^cej siç dyskusji nie wziçli (Pypin zmarl w 1904), zajçli stanowisko zblizone do polskiego. Najbardziej zagorzalym zwolennikiem przedmiotu porównawczych literatur slowiañskich okazal siç Fr. Wollman. W ksi^ice Κ methodologii srovnavaci slovesnosti slovanské16 udzielil on nie tylko ostrej odpowiedzi 13

J. Got^bek, "Zagadnienie l^cznosci literatur slowiañskich", w Ruch Slowiañski, II (1929), s. 374. 14 Sveslavenski Zbornik (Zagreb, 1930), s. 90 i dalsze. 15 N. Trubeckoj, Κ problème russkogo samopoznanija (Pariz), s. 93. 16 Fr. Wollman, Κ methodologii srovnavaci slovesnosti slovanské (Brno: Filosoficka fakulta, 1936), s. 154.

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swoim polskim i niemieckim oponentom (szczególnie Bittnerowi),17 ale pokusil siç tei o stworzenie metodologicznych podstaw dia porównawczego badania literatur slowiañskich. Dzis, ζ perspektywy trzydziestu piçciu lat, widzimy wyraznie, jak olbrzymi wysilek uczonego zostal zmarnowany i rozminal siç ζ postawionym celem. Fr. Wollman zapewnia, ¿e "ku jednolitemu pojçciu literatury slowiañskiej dojdziemy i musimy dojsc na drodze postçpowania czysto literaturoznawczego bez jakichkolwiek aprjorycznych zaloáeñ", ale jednoczesnie caly tok jego rozumowania zaprzecza tej naczelnej tezie. Tç jednoác buduje Fr. Wollman nie na faktach literackich, lecz na danych ζ zakresu psychologii narodowej czy plemiennej. Przyjmujqc podzial Van Tieghem'a ζ jego La littérature comparée18 na littérature comparée i littérature générale, czeski slawista ujawnia ambicjç zbudowania generalnej teorii czy koncepcji porównawczych literatur slowiañskich, w której miescilyby siç i zrazem wyjaánialy cechy najbardziej typowe wszystkim literaturom slowiañskim. Aby zilustrowac swoje intencje Fr. Wollman powoluje siç na F. X. Saldç, który odnotowal 19 w jednym ze swoich artykulów, ze w mistyce i racjonalizmie pisarza-mysliciela J. Komenskiego jest "cos typowo slowiañskiego" (podkreálenie Fr. Wollmana). Wlaánie to bardzo niepewne "typowe coá" chce autor rozprawy tropic po przez wszystkie literatury slowiañskie, aby znalezc dia nich jakiá wspólny mianownik, aby wykazac ich organiczn^ jednoác. Wollman jest zreszt^ na swój sposób konsekwentny: poszukuje dalszych argumentów dia poparcia swojej tezy, któr^ rozwin^l wczesniej w Slovesnosti Slovanù, a mianowicie, ¿e podstawow^ wíasciwoáciq. literatur slowiañskich jest dualizm indywidualistyczno-kolekty wistyczny. W swym sposobie patrzenia na Slowian autor Methodologii... jest bliski T. G. Masarykowi i jego mysli o tzw. realizmie etyckim Slowian, którego istota ma polegaó na szczególnie rozwiniçtym poczuciu sprawiedliwoáci, opartym o pryncypialnosc religijn^.20 Jako przyklady podaje siç tu bogomilstwo, reformacjç czeskq, naukç Komenskiego o pokoju i duchowej wspólpracy ludów, polski mesjanizm i rosyjskie slowianofilstwo. Podkreálmy jeszcze raz: podobieñstwo miçdzy T. G. Masarykiem a Fr. Wollmanem zachodzi w sposobie traktowania Slowiañszczyzny, a nie w merytorycznej konkluzji. Pierwszy uznaje za glówn^ cechç Slowian ich wartoác etyczn^, drugi - wyróznia ich aspekt 17 Κ. Bittner, "Methodologisches zur vergleichenden germanisch-slavischen literaturwissenschaft", w Germanoslavica, III, s. 1-18 i 241-276. 18 P. Van Tieghem, La littérature comparée (1931), s. 174-175. 19 F. X. Salda, "O literarnim baroku cizim i domácím", w Said&v Zapisník (1936). 20 J. Horak, Ζ dëjin literatur slovanskych. Stati a rozpravy (Praha, 1948), s. 10-11.

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psychologiczny. Powyásze stwierdzenie wymaga uáciálenia: jesli wielki filozof i polityk czeski jest usprawiedliwiony w budowaniu swojej koncepcji hístoriozoficznej, gdyz czyni to na materiale róánych doktryn religijnych, - Wollman usprawiedliwiony byc nie moie, bowiem pragnie ζ literatury piçknej uczynic narzçdzie do poznania zbiorowej psychologii, czy filozofii, a wiçc przestaje traktowac literaturç jako autonomiczn^ sferç badañ. Owszem, badania na osi literatura - psychologia, literatura ñlozoña naleí^ do kompetencji literatury porównawczej, ale nie w ujçciu proponowanym przez Fr. Wollmana. W tym konkretnym wypadku naleialoby zacz^c od podjçcia badañ specjalistycznych, od ustalenia czy rzeczywiácie istnieje jakas wspólna slowiañska psychologia, czy filozofia; dopiero pó¿niej mo¿naby ewentualnie tropic te osobliwoáci w literaturze i próbowac, naprzyklad, robic uogólnienia, która literatura jest bardziej slowianska, a która mniej. Odwrotnie postçpowac nie wolno, gdy¿ bçdzie to postçpowanie dyletanta. W tym wypadku praca historyka literatury musi byc poprzedzona badaniami psychologów i filozofów. Nauka o literaturze nie moie zastçpowac obu wspomnianych dyscyplin, a tym bardziej historyk czy teoretyk literatury nie moze bawic siç w psychologa czy filozofa i wyrokowac na podstawie tekstów literackich o specyficznych cechach narodu lub grupy plemiennej. W swej gorliwoáci poszukiwania "jakichá" wspólnych síowianskich cech, które rzekomo dadzq siç w literaturze wykryc, Wollman zapomina jak dalece odszedí od swego pierwotnego zaloienia, ze bçdzie siç trzymal faktów literackich. Cóz to jednak znaczy "trzymac siç faktów literackich" ? Wollman spdnilby swój zamiar wówczas, gdyby caly problem ustawil inaczej, a mianowicie gdyby zadal pytanie: czy istnieje jakieá wspólne, typowe dia literatur slowiañskich struktury literackie jak np. slowiañski dramat, albo slowianska powiesc lub np. slowiañski sonet ? Czy w ramach wielkich pr^dów literackich znanych kulturze europejskiej dadz^ siç rzeczywiácie wyodrçbnic jakieá szczególne tematy czy motywy slowianskie, a przede wszystkim czy da siç przeprowadzic analogiç i zestawic poszczególne fazy rozwojowe literatur slowiañskich w planie synchronicznym takim, aby tworzyl on pewn^ caloác. Do problemu tego wrócimy jeszcze, tu chcemy tylko stwierdzic, ¿e Wollman wszystkie te pytania pomin^l w swoich rozwazaniach, gdy¿ wiedzial ζ góry, ¿e musialby na nie odpowiedziec negatywnie. Ktoá móglby w tym miejscu zaoponowac i zwrócic uwage, te przecieÉ istnieje pewne cechy typowe wyl^cznie día romantyzmu síowiañskiego. Jako cechç naczeln^ wymienia siç tu zwykle wplyw folkloru na romantyzm slowiañski. Wydaje siç, ie kwestia ta nigdy nie byla dokladnie zbadana i obserwacje na ten temat

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s^ raczej powierzchowne. Przede wszystkim nie dia wszystkich literatur síowiaúskich w okresie romantyzmu folklor miai to same znaczenie. W krajach, gdzie piesú ludowa naprawdç zdominowala literaturç, jak np. Bulgarii czy Serbii, literatury te byly mlode i trudno tam mówic o petnym romantyzmie. Trzeba tam raczej stwierdzic stan faktyczny i powiedziec, ¿e literatura tych krajów byla podówczas (tzn. gdzies w polowie XIX w.) mieszanin^ sentymentalizmu i romantyzmu o mocnym podloiu folklorystycznym. Folklor odegral tu rolç katalizatora nowych tendencji romantycznych. W krajach síowiaúskich, gdzie romantyzm rozwin^l siç jako pelny i samodzielny prçd literacki (Rosja, Polska i czçàciowo Czechy) wplyw folkloru byl ju¿ znacznie slabszy. Tu decydowaly o istocie romantyzmu inne struktury myslowe i formalne. Nie darmo pisano o bajronizmie A. Puskina, J. Slowackiego, M. Lermontowa, A. Mickiewicza, K. H. Màchy. Pisano o tym co siç najbardziej rzucalo w oczy21, co l^czylo tych wspomnianych pisarzy ζ romantyzmem europejskim. Ogólnie moinaby powiedziec tak: dia literatur miodych, wstepuj^cych jak np. bulgarska, serbska czy ukramska wplyw folkloru miai znaczenie niezwykle waine, jeáli nie decyduj^ce dia ich pelnego i przyápieszonego rozwoju; dia literatur takich jakich jak rosyjska czy polska folklor byl ju¿ czynnikiem drugorzçdnym. W tych literaturach dominowaly te cechy, które l^czyly je ζ romantyzmem europejskim oraz tematy o znaczeniu ogólnonarodowym. Ale wrócmy jeszcze na chwilç do Fr. Wollmana. Szukaj^c specyficznych síowiaúskich wyrózników w literaturze, które maj^ sluzyc jako spoiwo día badaú porównawczych, autor rozprawy poszukuje wlaáciwie cech drugorzçdnych. Nie ulega w^tpliwosci, ze moina mówié o áwiadomoáci slowiaúskiej Jana Kochanowskiego (podajemy to przykladowo, Wollman tego akurat wypadku nie dyskutuje), ale przeciei nie ona zadecydowala o wielkoáci tego poety22 i nie áwiadomoác slowiaúska inspirowala jego twórczoác. Rzecz^ najwainiejszg. jest to, ¿e autor Trenów byl cziowiekiem Renesansu, ¿e dziçki sile swego talentu przelamal panowanie laciny i uczynil jçzyk polski potçÊnym árodkiem wypowiedzi artystycznej. Dokonawszy tego dziela, J. Kochanowski standi w rzçdzie wielkich twórców epoki Odrodzenia europejskiego. Día ñas ten fakt jest najwa¿niejszy, ale dodajmy odrazu, ¿e fakt ten o pierwszorzçdnym znaczeniu 21

V. M. 2irmunskij, Bajron i Puíkin. Iz istorii romantiíeskoj poèmy (Leningrad, 1924). 22 T. Ulewicz, Éwiadomosc sìowiafiska Jana Kochanowskiego. Ζ zagadnieñ psychiki polskiego renesansu (Kraków, 1948), s. 198. Chcialbym podkreálic, ze jestem daleki od niedoceniania tej ksi^zki.

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dzieli Kochanowskiego od wszystkich wspóiczesnych mu pisarzy slowiañskich, ζ wyjqtkiem, oczywiácie, niektórych poetów dalmatynskich! Uwiklat siç tei Wollman w sprzecznoáci tam, gdzie próbowal ustalic metodç porównawczych literatur stowiañskich. Problem ten potraktowai krótko : porównawcze literatury slowiañskie, jako przedmiot, poshiguj^ siç tymi samymi metodami co i literatura porównawcza jako gal^z nauki o literaturze. Ale przeciei Wollman caly czas walczyl o autonomi? porównawczych literatur stowianskich. Jeáli nie posiadaj^ one wlasnych metod badawczych, to czy istnieje potrzeba wyodrçbniania ich w osobn^ dyscyplinç naukow^? Wollman i to pytanie pozostawil bez odpowiedzi. Ζ tego co powiedzielismy wyiej wynika, ¿e równiez ostatnia przed drugç. wojn^ áwiatow^ pròba stworzenia trwalych podstaw metodologicznych tzw. porównawczych literatur stowiañskich skoñczyia siç niepowodzeniem. Przejdímy wobec tego do omówienia tych pozycji o interesuj^cym ñas tu temacie, które ukazaly siç po drugiej wojnie áwiatowej. Na uwagç zashiguj^ tu prace D. Cyzevsky'ego,23 R. Jakobsona24 i bulgarskiego slawisty E. Georgieva.25 Wszyscy trzej mówi^ o "porównawczych literaturach stowiañskich" i wszyscy trzej ró¿ni^ siç diametralnie w podejsciu do tego tematu. Najbardziej ostroiny i umiarkowany w wysuwaniu hipotez i propozycji metodologicznych wydaje siç bye Cyzevsky. Wprawdzie i on nie neguje wspólnoty stowiañskiej usprawiedliwiaj^cej istnienie porównawczych literatur stowiañskich, ale nie waha siç przy tym pokazac znacznych róinic w rozwoju duchowym poszczególnych narodów stowiañskich. Tendencja jednak ku ich catoáciowemu traktowaniu zdecydowanie przewaia. Autor otwiera pierwszy rozdzial swojej pracy zdaniem nastçpuj^cym: "Slavic written literature began in the ninth century." Dia czytelnika nieobeznanego doktadnie ζ probiematyk^ slowiañskq, a dia takiego czytelnika ksi^zka Cyzevsky'ego jest przeznaczona, moie siç nasun^c wniosek, ¿e pierwsze teksty cerkiewno-slowiañskie posiadaj^ równie waine znaczenie dia wszystkich Stowian. Nie trzeba tu szerej udawadniac, it wniosek taki 23

D. Cyzevsky, Outline of Comparative Slavic Literatures (Boston, Massachusetts, 1952), s. 143, jako pierwszy torn serii "Survey of Slavic Civilization". 24 R. Jakobson, "The Kernel of Comparative Slavic Literature", w Harvard Slavic Studies, I (1953), s. 1-71. Kontynuacjq tego Studium jest artykul: "Studies in Comparative Slavic Metrics", w. Oxford Slavonic Papers, v. ΠΙ (1952), s. 21-66. 25 E. Georgiev, 1) Obito i sravnitelno slavjansko literaturoznanie (Sofija: Nauka i izkustvo, 1965), s. 396; 2) Oíerkipo istorija na slavjanskite literaturi, òast II (Sofija: Nauka i izkustvo, 1963), s. 497; 3) Oíerki po istorija na slavjanskite literaturi, ôast I (Sofija: Nauka i izkustvo, 1960), s. 366.

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bylby falszywy. Zdanie to nie moie bye odniesione do literatury polskiej. W polskiej swiadomosci narodowej nie istnieje tak dalece rozwiniçte poezueie wiçzi miçdzy sto wiañskiej, aby tradycjç pismiennietwa starocerkiewno-slowiañskiego uznac mozna bylo za czçsc skladow^ literackiego dziedzictwa Polski. W odezueiu kulturalnego (tzn. przeciçtnie wyksztalconego) Polaka piámiennictwo to uchodzi za cos zupetnie obcego. Za pierwsze teksty literatury polskiej przyjmuje siç kroniki i wiersze pisane po lacinie. S^ to fakty znane, przytaezane we wszystkich podrçcznikach historii literatury polskiej i przeoczyc je nie moina takie wtedy, gdy pisze siç o wczesnym piámiennictwie slowiañskim. Znaczenie tego ostatniego ogranieza siç przede wszystkim do obszaru terytorialnego Slowian pohidniowych i wschodnich. W tym rozróinieniu tkwi istota calego problemu i kluez do zrozumienia specyfiki rozwoju kulturalnego wszystkich Slowian. Po omówieniu zabytków kultury cerkiewno-síowiañskiej i jej kontynuacji wsród Slowian poludniowych i wschodnich, Öyzevsky przechodzi do nowszej historii literatur slowiañskich i synchronizuje jej ewolucjç zgodnie ze znanymi predami literatury europejskiej, a wiçc Renesansem, Barokiem, Klasycyzmem, Romantyzmem itd. W takim przegl^dzie nie zawsze mieszcz^ siç literatury mniejszych narodów slowiañskich, gdyi okresy te nie byly im znane w ich klasycznej realizaeji artystycznej. R. Jakobson opiera swojg. koncepcjç porównawczej literatury slowiañskiej (liezbç pojedynczq powtarzamy za Jakobsonem) na pewnych analogiach jakie dadz^ siç wykryc w zakresie poetyki i jçzykôw slowiañskich. Ζ wlasciw^ sobie erudycj^, pomysíowosci^ i precyzj^, ten wielki uezony gromadzi i zestawia fakty, które swiadczq wymownie o pokrewieñstwie srodków ekspresji artystycznej w literaturach slowiañskich. Alepoprzeczytaniu artykulów Jakobsona nasuwa siç dosyc paradoksalne pytanie: jeáli zestawione chwyty artystyczne s^ tak bliskie, to dlaczego literatury slowiañskie sq od siebie tak odlegle? Dokonana przez R. Jakobsona pròba zakreálenia przedmiotu porównawczych literatur slowiañskich wydaje siç niepewnaichwiejnaztrzechwzglçdôw: a) po pierwsze przyklady podane przez autora nie wykraczaj^ poza obrçb poezji; b) po drugie uwaga badaeza skupia siç glównie na poezji ludowej ; c) wreszcie w propozycji Jakobsona badarne literatury zredukowane zostaje do badania poetyki. Spróbujmy przyjrzec siç bli¿ej dwom przytoczonym przykladom. Jakobson ustalal np., powoluj^c siç na polskiego jçzykoznawcç Nitscha, ¿e slowiañskie rymy asonantyezne, w których identyezna jest tylko samogloska, zachowuj^ pewnq regularnosc gdy chodzi o jakoác spól-

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glosek: spólglosce bezdzwiçcznej nigdy nie moie odpowiadac spólgloska dzwiçczna. Ponadto duio miejsca poàwiçca Jakobson istniej^cym analogiom w metryce pieáni ludowej. Wskazuje on na ditóe podobieñstwo miçdzy struktur^ metryczn^ póinocno-rosyjskich "plaöi" (znanych tei jako "priöitanija") i serbskich "tuzbalice" oraz wyróznia w lamentach serbo-chorwackich i rosyjskich dwa róÉne style. Co do pierwszego przykladu to trzeba powiedziec, it naleiy on do typu zjawisk jçzykowych, a nie literackich. Czy podobieñstwo miçdzy rymami asonantycznymi w poezji slowiañskiej áwiadczy o pokrewieñstwie charakteru twórczoáci poetów ζ róznych krajów slowiañskich? Kiedy tak postawimy pytanie, zobaczymy odrazu ile zasadzek i niespodzianek kryje w sobie proponowana tu metoda porównawczego badania literatur slowiañskich. Wydaje siç, ¿e jej konsekwentne i rygorystyczne stosowanie prowadzi do utoisamienia badania literatury ζ badaniem jçzyka. Przez ujawnienie faktu, ¿e w rymach asonantycznych slowiañskich mog^ odpowiadac sobie tylko spólgloski bezdzwiçczne potwierdza siç tylko bliskie pokrewieñstwo jçzykôw slowiañskich. Wykryte zostalo jeszcze jedno prawo jçzykoznawcze wspólne tym jçzykom. Jest rzeczg. w^tpliw^, aby na podstawie tych podobieñstw jçzykowych, takie w zakresie poetyki, dalo siç ustalic jakiá zsynchronizowany cykl rozwojowy literatur slowiañskich i wykryc specyficzne prawidlowoáci ich rozwoju. Nawet na obszarze jçzykowym cerkiewnoslowiañskim, gdzie badania typu Jakobsonowskiego wydaje siç miec najwiçkszg. szansç powodzenia, wiek XVI-XVII przynosi daleko posuniçtezrôiniowanie charakteru poszczególnych literatur narodowych. Literatura rosyjska przybiera wówczas tak odrçbny kierunek rozwojowy, it nie sposób jej porównac ani ζ literatura ukraiñsk^, ani bulgarsk^, ani serbsk^. W XVIII w. mimo znacznego oddzialywania literatury rosyjskiej na serbsk^, rozwój tej pierwszej, jak slusznie podkreála Cernobajev, odbywal siç pod wplywem Zachodu, przy calkowitym zachowaniu obojçtnoàci w stosunku do tego co rozgrywalo siç w ¿yciu kulturalnym Czechów, Polaków i Slowian balkañskich.26 Jeáli porównawcze metody w zakresie jçzykoznawstwa slowiañskiego pozwolily odtworzyc podstawy struktury jçzyka praslowiañskiego, jeáli rozwój grup spólgloskowych takich jak tj, dj czy tort, toit, aby siç posluiyc przykladami najbardziej elementarnymi, ujawnily pewne prawidlowoáci w rozwoju poszczególnych jçzykôw slowiañskich, to przeniesienie tych metod porównawczych ζ zakresu lingwistyki na M

Op. cit., s. 156.

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literaturç nie wydaje siç bye tak plodne i przydatne. Przy ograniczaniu siç do zjawisk ζ zakresu jçzyka czy poetyki zatraca siç szersz^ perspektywç badawcz3, uwadze badacza wymyka siç to, co by moina nazwaé strukturami wyzszego rzçdu, a wiçc dziela literackie, które najczçsciej skladaj^ siç na pewien okreálony klimat literacki, tendencjç, lub po prostu tworzq prqd literacki. Jeszcze mniej trafia do przekonania argument, i¿ zal^zkiem porównawczych literatur slowiañskich moze siç stac porównanie metryki i stylu niektórych gatunków slowiañskich pieáni ludowych. Przede wszystkim oddzialywanie poezji ludowej na poszczególne literatury, jak ju¿ wspomnielismy, nie bylo jednakowo wazkie; po drugie, stanowi ona (tzn. poezja ludowa) odrçbny zespól zjawisk kulturowych, który trudno utoisamiac ζ literatura pisan^ i po trzecie, analogie w metryee tej poezji swiadcz^ o istnieniu jakiejs praslowiañskiej wspólnoty jçzykowej (o czym zreszt^ sam Jakobson wspomina), a nie o podobieñstwie pisanych literatur slowiañskich. Wszystkim tym, którzy próbowali wyodrçbnic porównawcze literatury slowiañskie w osobnq dyscyplinç naukow^ chodzilo glównie o udowodnienie istnienia cech wspólnych tych literatur od momentu powstania pierwszych zapisów glagolickich i cyrylickich do czasów najnowszych. Tymczasem gdy chodzi o pisana poezjç w krajach slowiañskich, szczególnie nowsz^, trudno jest znalezc dia niej jakiá wspólny mianownik i mówic o "metryee slowiañskiej". Zawartoác emocjonalna i treáciowa poszczególnych rozmiarów metryeznych w poezjach literatur slowiañskich jest w wiçkszoàci wypadków zróínicowana. Ζ braku szczególowszych badañ w tej dziedzinie trudno tu o autorytatywne sqdy, ale bardzo pomoene mog^ siç okazac liezne doáwiadczenia w zakresie tlumaczeñ ζ jednego jçzyka slowiañskiego na drugi. J. Tuwim zrezygnowal ostatecznie ζ przethimaczenia Eugeniusza Onegina na jçzyk polski, gdy¿ nie mogi sobie poradzic ζ rymami mçskimi. Ciekawego materialu dostarezaj^ takie przeklady Juliusza Slowackiego na jçzyk bulgarski. Okazuje siç, ze ¿adnemu ζ tlumaczy bulgarskich nie udalo siç zast^pic np. trzynastozgloskowca lub jedynastozgloskowca Slowackiego równym pod wzglçdem iloáci zglosek ekwiwalentem bulgarskim. W tlumaczeniu bulgarskim wspomniane miary wierszowe sq zwykle o jedn^ sylabç dhoisze. Tylko B. Strumie udalo siç zachowac tok tetrapodi! amfibrachicznej w "Dumie o Waclawie Rzewuskim" bez wiçkszego uszczerbku día ekspresyjnych i emocjonalnych walorów oryginahi.27 Na podstawie jednak sporadyeznyeh wypadków identycznoáci, 27

E. Mozejko, "Juliusz Stowacki w przekladach na jçzyk bulgarski", XXI (1961), s. 73-89.

denlalis, t.

Slavia Occi-

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nazwijmy to, ekspresywnej wartoáci pewnych rozmiarów metrycznych trudno jest mówic o jakiejs osobliwej metryce stowiañskiej we wspólczesnej poezji. Propozycje R. Jakobsona moina kwestionowac ze wzglçdu na ich przydatnosc dia zbudowania przedmiotu porównawczych literatur slowiañskich, ale nigdy nie moina im zarzucic, ii nie sq. one oparte na solidnym materiale faktycznym. Niestety inaczej jest w wypadku Emil Georgieva. Bulgarski badacz tak dalece "naciqga" fakty literackie dia swoich konstrukcji teoretycznych, ze w jego wypadku moina mówic o falszowaniu procesu historyczno-literackiego wsród Slowian. E. Georgiev do takiego stopnia "wygladzil" róinice miçdzy poszczególnymi literaturami slowianskimi, ¿e na podstawie jego podrçcznikôw moina mówic o jednej literaturze slowiaúskiej. Idqc w slady swoich czeskich poprzedników E. Georgiev przyjmuje podzial van Tieghem'a na littérature comparée i littérature générale. W ramach pierwszej proponuje on rozpatrywac dwustronne zwiqzki miçdzy literaturami slowianskimi, druga za§ ma shiiyc dia wykrycia ogólnych praw rzqdz^cych rozwojem tych literatur i ich wielostronnych powi^zañ miçdzy sob^. Aby ten eel osi^gn^c E. Georgiev wtlacza literatury slowiañskie w pewien schemat rozwojowy, który najczçàciej koliduje ζ periodyzacj^ przyjçtq w poszczególnych literaturach narodowych. W swej dowolnosci E. Georgiev nie waha siç przeinaczac faktów. Autor pisze np. o starej literaturze cerkiewnoslowiañskiej tak, jak gdyby byla ona równie waina dia wszystkich literatur krajów slowiañskich (pod tym wzglçdem idzie nawet dalej niz Cyzevsky). Drugim wyeksponowanym przez E. Georgieva okresem jest tzw. slowiañskie odrodzenie czyli okres powstawania i ksztaïtowania siç nowej literatury bulgarskiej, czeskiej, serbskiej, slowackiej. Autor jest áwiadom tego, ze ani literatura rosyjska, ani polska nie mieszcz^ siç w ramach tego prçdu, który rozciqga siç od koñea XVIII w. aï po lata siedemdziesi^te XIX w. Uwaza wiçc za stosowne wtrqcic zdanie nastçpuj^ce: "Narody rosyjski i polski rozwijaj^c dalej osiqgniçcia swego ruchu renesansowego ζ powodzeniem zrównuj^ siç ζ ideowym swiatem najbardziej przoduj^cych narodów europejskich."28 Jesli naród polski istotnie przeszedi przez okres Renesansu w znaczeniu zachodnio-europejskim, to nie moina tego powiedziec o Rosji, która w tym czasie przezywala okres swojej najwiçkszej izolacji. Jeáli naród polski rzeczywiácie "zrównal siç ζ ideowym swiatem najbardziej przoduj^cych narodów europejskich" juz w wieku XVI, to naród rosyjski uczynil to samo o dwa 28

Zob. Obsto isravmtelno..., s. 55.

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wieki pózniej. To co pisze E. Georgiev jest wiçc przekrçceniem prawdy historycznej. Dalej autor mówi ju¿ wyl^cznie o odrodzeniu slowiañskim, 0 Oáwieceniu i Romantyzmie jako dwóch etapach tego odrodzenia. W tak wlaánie zakreálonym schemacie znalazíy siç napowrót zarówno literatura rosyjska jak i polska. Ζ ksi^zek E. Georgieva moznaby wynotowac znacznie dluzszy rejestr przemilczeñ i subtelnie zawoalowanych przeinaczeñ, tu zatrzymamy siç jeszcze na jednym, a mianowicie na okresie po 1-szej wojnie áwiatowej. Tropico wspólne día wszystkich literatur síowiañskich zasady ewolucji, autor bulgarski dochodzi do wniosku, ¿e tendencj^ dominuj^cg. w okresie miçdzywojennym jest rewolucyjno-realistyczny typ twórczoáci, który po drugiej wojnie áwiatowej przeksztalca siç w realizm socjalistyczny jako najwyÉsze osi^gniçcie artystyczne i ukoronowanie wszystkich dotychczasowych wysilków stworzenia wielkiej sztuki. 29 W ten sposób literatury slowiañskie odgrodzone zostaly od reszty literatur europejskich podwójn^ kurtyn^ izolacyjn^: etnicznq (jako wyraz "specyficznego" charakteru i rozwoju narodów síowiañskich) i ideologiczn^ (jako wyraz "przoduj^cej" filozofii marksistowskiej). Tezç tç skwapliwie podchwytuje i rozwija moskiewski slawista D. F. Markov w artykule "Socialisticeskie literatury ν slavjanskix stranax 20-30-x godov i mirovoj literaturnyj process". 30 Polemizuje on tu ζ twierdzeniami niektórych autorów zachodnich, ie literatury poludniowowschodnie, takie np. jak chorwacka, serbska, bulgarska przechodz^ przez wszystkie fazy rozwojowe znane literaturom zachodnim. D. F. Markov nie zgadza siç ζ tak^ interpretacjg i twierdzi, ie typologicznym wyróznikiem tych literatur jest ich rewolucyjnoác i nierozerwalna wiçz ζ narodem. Twierdzenie to rozci^ga on takie na literatury czesk^, slowack^ 1 polsk^. 31 To wlaánie pisarze rewolucyjni, albo spolecznie zaangazowani wyznaczajq. zasadnicze linie rozwojowe literatur síowiañskich. Ale wrócmy do E. Georgieva. W drugiej czçàci Szkiców ζ historii literatur síowiañskich konkretyzuje on swoje zatozenia teoretyczne i wymienia pisarzy, ktorzy jego zdaniem odegrali decyduj^c^ rolç po pierwszej wojnie áwiatowej. W literaturze serbskiej s^ to: I. Andric 29 Zgodnie ζ pogl^dami E. Georgieva realizm socjalistyczny stai siç dominujqcym kierunkiem w literaturze czeskiej juz w okresie miçdzywojennym. 30 W Slavjanskie literatury. VI Meidunarodnyj s"ezd slavistov. Doklady sovetskoj delegacii (Moskva: Nauka, 1968), s. 420-447. 31 W tym artykule latwo zreszt^ wykryc sprzecznoáci i niedokladnoáci. Markov takze dia zachodnich literatur wymienia rewolucyjnoác jako cechç typologiczn^. Gdziez wiçc pozostaje specyflka literatur slowiaúskich ? Aby siç o tym przekonac wystarczy porównac str. 422 i 429.

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(swoj^ wysok^ pozycjç w literaturze zajmuje ten pisarz dziçki swym powiesciom wydanym tuz po drugiej wojnie swiatowej - E. M.) i R. Zogovic. Pominiçty zostal milczeniem Milos Crnjanski. W chorwackiej na uwagç zasiuguje M. Krleza, A. Cesaree oraz Ivan Goran Kovacic; w slowenskiej - P. Voranc. W literaturze polskiej, obok J. Tuwima, M. Dqbrowskiej, Z. Nalkowskiej, najwainiejsz^ rolç w latach 1918 - 1939 odegrali, zdaniem E. Georgieva, W. Kowalski, W. Wasilewska, L. Kruczkowski, Wl. Broniewski, L. Szenwald. Ten ostatni prawdopodobnie dlatego, gdyz napisal wiersz o Armii Czerwonej, który autor przytacza w swoim podrçczniku w thimaczeniu bulgarskim. W tym przegl^dzie nie ma ani slowa o wielkich dyskusjach i eksperymentach literackich jakie mialy miejsce w latach dwudziestych w obu czçsciach Europy - wschodniej i zachodniej. Nie wdaj^c siç ζ braku miejsca w szczególy, moina powiedziec, te okres miçdzy 1910-1930 byl okresem wielkiego fermentu artystycznego, dia którego moina przyj^c prowizoryczn^ nazwç buntu przeciw symbolizmowi, przeciw tradycyjnym realistycznym i naturalistycznym srodkom ekspresji artystycznej. Bunt ten jest wspólny wszystkim krajom slowiañskim, ale jego realizacja, konkretny przejaw, przebiegaj^ w literaturach narodowych w bardzo rozmaity sposób, idq. wlasnymi, niezaleinymi od siebie drogami. W literaturze rosyjskiej przelomu antysymbolistycznego dokonal V. Xlebnikov i caly bogaty ruch futurystyczny. W Polsce decyduj^c^ zashiga w ostatecznym przezwyciçzeniu spuscizny symbolistycznej przypadia w udziale poetom tzw. Awangardy krakowskiej. Tacy poeci i teoretycy jak T. Peiper, J. Przybos, J. Brzçkowski, J. Kurek zrezygnowali ζ konstrukeji wiersza opartego gtównie na elementach "zrozumialej" tresci i tradycyjnej pointy. Przyjçli oni za naczelny postulat swojej twórczosci poetyckiej zasadç "poezji integralnej" (przede wszystkim J. Brzçkowski) i tzw. "ukladu rozkwitania" (T. Peiper), 32 co doprowadzilo do wieloznacznosci obrazów poetyckich. W Czechach, obok takich poetów jak J. Wolker czy S. K. Neuman, w opozyeji do symbolizmu wystqpila grupa poetów skupiona wokól czasopisma Pasmo, grupa znana przede wszystkim pod nazw^ poetyzmu. 33 W latach trzydziestych czotowy poeta tej grupy V. Nezval zbliiyl siç, jesli calkowicie nie zaakceptowal, do surrealizmu. Jeáli poeci Awangardy 32

J. Brzçkowski, "Poezja integralna", w Wyobraznia wyzwolona (Warszawa: PIW, 1966), s. 246; St. Jaworski, U podstaw Awangardy. Tadeusz Peiper. Pisarz i teoretyk (Kraków, 1968), s. 301. 33 J. Baluch, Poetyzm. Propozycja czeskiej awangardy lat dwudziestych (Ossolineum, 1969), s. 88.

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krakowskiej kladli nacisk na caloáciowq. konstrukcjç wiersza twierdz^c, jak Brzçkowski, ¿e "wiersz powinien miec w calosci swej jednakie napiçcie, kondensuj^c walory poetyckie na calej przestrzeni" - ich czescy koledzy ζ grupy poetyzmu akcentowali znaczenie slowa jako podstawowej molekuly wiersza. siç ζ tym takie róinice w ocenie dzwiçkowej warstwy wiersza. Czesi przywi^zywali duie znaczenie do paronomazji, T. Peiper natomiast twierdzií, ¿e poezja jest "tworzeniem piçknych zdañ". W literaturze serbskiej ksztaltuje siç pocz^wszy od polowy lat dwudziestych prçiny ruch nadrealistyczny. Jego uczestnicy, M. Dedinac, A. Vuöo, D. Matic, D. Kostic, O. Daviöo, Κ. Popovic (pózniejszy minister spraw zagranicznych i vice-prezydent Jugoslawii), M. Ristic, wspóipracuj^ áciále ζ nadrealistami francuskimi 34 i próbuj^ w praktyce literackiej realizowac spoíeczne i estetyczne zaloienia nadrealizmu.35 W 1924 r. ukazuje siç pierwszy w jçzyku serbskim "zapis automatyczny" pióra M. Ristica (tytul: "Primer"). W Chorwacji wstçpuj^ca generacja twórców dokonuje swego rozrachunku ζ symbolizmem pod sztandarami ekspresjonizmu, który okazal siç tam najbardziej ekspansywnym kierunkiem literackim ju¿ podczas wojny i tu¿ po jej zakonczeniu w 1918 r. Jednym ζ jego reprezentantów w pocz^tkowym okresie swojej twórczosci stai siç M. Krleza, a jego czolowym przedstawicielem w poezji - A. B. Simic.36 W Bulgarii wreszcie, pierwsze próby przelamania wszechpotçinej dominacji szkoly symbolistycznej wyszly od Geo Mileva, poety i krytyka mocno zwi^zanego ζ niemieck^ grupq ekspresjonistyczn^ Aktion. Pózniej, w drugiej polowie lat dwudziestych, palmç pierwszenstwa w walce ζ symbolizmem przejmuj^ tacy poeci jak N. Furnadziev, E. Bagijana, A. Datëev, A. Razcvetnikov, a wiçc poeci, którzy czerpali inspiracjç twórcz^ glównie ζ rodzimej tradycji twórczoáci ludowej pojçtej bardzo szeroko. Róznice w doáwiadczeniu literackim poetów krajów slowiañskich doprowadzily do uksztahowania siç róinych modeli poezji: 37 w Polsce, 34

H. Kapidäc-Osmanagic, Srpski nadrealizam i njegovi odnosi sa francuskint ttadrealizmom (Sarajevo: Svetlost, 1966), s. 362; H. Kapidzic-Osmanagic, Hrestomatija srpskog nadrealizma (Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1970), s. 339. 35 Daviòo, Kostic, Matic, Polozaj nadrealizma u drustvenom procesu (Beograd: NadrealistiCka izdanja, 1932), s. 175. 36 Ekspresjotiizam i hrvatska knjizevnost, specjalne wydanie czasopisma Kritika, t. 3 (Zagreb, 1969), s. 156. 37 M. Glowiriski, "Grupa literacka a model poezji", w Ζ problemów literatury polskiej XXwieku, t. II (Warszawa, 1965), s. 48-68.

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naprzyklad, - bardziej awangardowego i sklonego do ámielszych eksperymentów literackich, w Bulgarii - bardziej tradycyjnego. Charakterystyczny tez wydaje siç bye przyklad ekspresjonizmu. Kierunek ten znalazl swoich wyznawców w czterech krajach slowiañskich: Bulgarii, Chorwacji, Polsce, Slowenii. W Polsce ekspresjonizm zmarl smierci^ naturali^ zanim zdolal przyniesc jakieá trwalsze wartosci artystyczne; w Bulgarii - kierunek ten stai siç bodzeem do nowych poszukiwañ literackich i wyrazicielem tendencji rewolucyjnych; w Chorwacji - przyniósl natomiast najbardziej interesuj^ce realizacje literackie. Ju¿ ζ tego szkicowego i ζ koniecznosci uproszczonego przegl^du niektórych zjawisk literackich w krajach slowiañskich widac wyraznie, ¿e trudno byloby znalezc jakis wspólny mianownik dia ich ewolueji po pierwszej wojnie áwiatowej. W okresie wielkiego fermentu literackiego, o którym wspomnielismy wyiej, w okresie buntu przeciw skostnialemu stylowi symbolistycznemu, w kaidej literaturze slowiañskiej dominowal jeden, odmienny ni ζ w innych krajach slowiañskich kierunek czy tendencja literacka. Twierdzenie, ¿e najwazniejszym dia literatur slowiañskich po 1918 r. byl rewolucyjno-realistyczny typ twórczoáci jest tendencyjnym, jednostronnym przedstawieniem calego obrazu epoki. Wlasnie podkreslenie deformacji w zakresie sztuki staje siç programowym haslem wszystkich kierunków awangardowych. Dodajmy tu dia ácisloáci, ¿e wielu pisarzy wymienionych wyiej grup bylo zwi^zanych ζ ruchem komunistycznym (np. czescy poetysci i serbsey nadrealisci). Poezja proletariacka, poezja typu Cr. Smirnenskiego w Bulgarii, czy J. Wolkera w Czechach, odegrala drugorzçdnq. rolç w stosunku do glównych szlaków rozwojowych literatury w latach dwudziestych, nie stanowila o dominuj^cej atmosferze okresu, choc byla jego czçsci^ skladow^. Czas na podsumowanie naszych rozwaiañ. Ζ ich toku i argumentaeji wynika chyba dosyc jasno, ¿e wyodrçbnienie literatur slowiañskich w samodzieln^ dyscyplinç naukow^ jest niemo¿liwe. Niezaleinie od tego jakie kryteria przyjmiemy za podstawç do stworzenia takiej dyscypliny, - rodzajowo-gatunkowe, wersyfikacyjne (w wypadku poezji), tematyczne, ideologiczne, psychologiczne, - zawsze dojdziemy do takiego punktu, w którym rygorystyczne zastosowanie tych kryteriów wobec wszystkich literatur slowiañskich okaze siç niemoiliwe. Literatury te zbyt daleko rozeszly siç w swoim dziejowym rozwoju i l^czenie ich pod wspólnym szyldem "porównawczych literatur slowiañskich" jest niezym innym jak tylko poglosem przebrzmialych teorii slowianofilskich, które dziá sluiyc mogq. wznoszeniu sztucznych barier miçdzy

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literaturami Europy wschodniej i zachodniej. Literatura porównawcza jako jedna ζ galçzi nauki o literaturze zrodzila siç, jak shisznie zauwaia profesor R. Wellek,38 ze szlachetnych intencji przelamania falszywych granic miçdzy literaturami narodowymi, aby ujawnic to, co jest wspólne kulturze swiatowej. Nie jestesmy przeciwni porównywaniu literatur slowiañskich. Ζ pewnosci^ dadz^ siç nawet udowodnic w pewnych okresach literackich podobieñstwa typologiczne miçdzy niektórymi literaturami slowiañskim (np. bulgarsk^, serbsk^, chorwack^, czesk%, slowack^), które nie majç. swych odpowiedników w krajach zachodnich. Mamy w tym wypadku na mysli glównie wiek XIX. Takie poiyteczne s^ badania dwustronnych zwi^zków literackich miçdzy narodami slowiañskimi jeáli takowe istniej^. Ale wszystkie te porównania i wspólzaleínosci musz^ byc wyjaániane w ramach literatury porównawczej. Wszelkie bowiem próby stworzenia porównawczych literatur slowiañskich jako nauki odrçbnej nie znajdujq. uzasadnienia ani w przedmiocie badañ, ani w metodologii, zas ζ punktu widzenia miçdzynarodowych kontaktów kulturalnych próby takie mogq. byc tylko szkodliwe. University

38

of

Alberta

R. Wellek, "The Crisis of Comparative Literature", w Concepts of Criticism (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1963), s. 282-295.

JEAN DROUILLY

CEXOV ET LE SENTIMENT DE L'ABSURDE

MaSa

: Mais pourtant quel est le sens de tout cela? Tuzenbax : Le sens... Regardez, il neige. Quel sens cela a-t-il? Les trois sœurs, acte II. "Tu me demandes: Qu'est-ce que la vie? C'est comme si tu me demandais: qu'est-ce qu'une carotte? Une carotte est une carotte et on ne sait rien d'autre." Lettre à Ol'ga Knipper, 20 avril 1904.

Si l'œuvre des grands écrivains a toujours été l'objet des interprétations les plus contradictoires, celle de Cexov a, plus que toute autre, été étudiée par une critique plus soucieuse de l'inféoder à un clan ou à une idéologie bien particulière que de la saisir dans sa réalité complexe et souvent contradictoire. Le temps est loin où le critique A. Skabièevskij avait qualifié Cexov d'écrivain sans idées, de "clown journalistique" qui "citron pressé" jusqu' à la dernière goutte terminerait sa vie couché "quelque part, le long d'une clôture". 1 Skabicevskij devait plus tard revenir sur un tel jugement et découvrir en Cexov un écrivain "progressiste".2 Ce qui n'était guère plus juste. Si l'on s'entend à peu près pour définir les qualités de l'artiste et de l'écrivain, le sens même de son œuvre reste encore sujet à controverses. Or ceci est d'une importance capitale aussi bien dans la Russie des tsars que dans l'Union Soviétique où s'il est une constante de la critique littéraire, c'est bien de vouloir chercher dans chaque écrivain le sens de message qu'il nous a transmis. La critique russe, et ceci n'est pas souvent sans agacer, est peut-être plus morale encore qu'esthétique, philosophique ou politique. 1

Severnyj vestnik, 1886, no. 6. Nous utilisons un double système de références pour l'œuvre de Cexov. La première renvoie aux œuvres complètes en russe, la seconde à la traduction publiée aux éditions de la Pléiade; voir la bibliographie. 2 A. SkabiCevskij, Soiinenija, t. 2 (St.-Peterburg, 1892).

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On comprend qu'un écrivain comme Cexov qui a dit de lui-même "Je ne suis ni libéral, ni conservateur, ni modéré, ni moine, ni indifférent: je voudrais être un libre artiste," 3 en un mot qui n'a jamais cédé aux engouements idéologiques de son époque, ait exaspéré souvent une critique à tendance simplificatrice. Et c'est pourquoi on a vu successivement Cexov être classé (injure suprême) parmi les écrivains "cheminant sur une route sans savoir où il allait et quel était son but", 4 ou bien comme le chantre de cette fin de siècle où l'intelligentsia russe déçue dans ses espoirs de révolution sociale, s'abandonne à la veulerie du quotidien et à la vulgarité d'une vie sans but et sans idéal. Je passe sur Cexov représentant de Γ "art pur", "symboliste",5 type du "citoyen sensible et patriote enthousiaste",6 partisan d'une monarchie constitutionnelle, mort trop tôt pour saluer les espoirs de la révolution de 1905. Sans compter la critique soviétique contemporaine dont un des plus éminents représentants V.V. Ermilov a montré, selon B.I. Aleksandrov7 "le développement difficile mais constant de la conception du monde et du talent artistique de Cexov" et sut nous décrire "le Cexov de l'âge mûr comme un écrivain-démocrate, et non un libéral poltron". 7 Mais Lo Gatto, dans son Histoire de la littérature russe préfère parler, avec peutêtre plus de bon sens quand il cherche à caractériser la conception du monde de l'écrivain, d' "un déchirement intérieur torturant, illuminé seulement par lueurs, d'une foi vague, sentimentalo-romantique, proche assurément du pessimisme".8 Il est évident que dans l'œuvre de Cexov, si complexe, si variée, il est difficile de retrouver non seulement une unité de pensée, mais des préoccupations constantes, des thèmes permanents qui domineraient l'œuvre et seraient pour ainsi dire des motifs d'orchestration comme on en trouve si facilement chez Dostoevskij ou chez Tolstoj. Écrivain comique dans sa jeunesse,9 mais dont la tristesse et le pessimisme s'accroissent au fur et à mesure que les années s'écoulent, Cexov à mesure que son talent se dé3

Lettre à PleSáeev, 4 octobre 1888, Cexov, Polnoe sobrante soíinenij i pisem, Goslitizdat, 20 volumes, t. 14 (Moskva, 1944-1951), p. 177. 4 Le célèbre critique N. Mixajlovskij (1890). 5 D. Merezkovskij. 6 S. N. Bulgakov. 7 A. P. Cexov, Seminari}, izdatel'stvo "Prosvesôenie" (Moskva-Leningrad, 1964), p. 44. 8 Ettore Lo Gatto, Histoire de la littérature russe, Desclée de Brouwer (1965), p. 528. 9 Mais pas toujours; que l'on songe par exemple aux nouvelles comme Le trousseau ou Le tragédien qui datent de 1883, ou Les huîtres qui date de 1884, ou bien encore à cet important récit intitulé La maîtresse [Barynja] qui est de 1882! C'est histoire d'un jeune paysan, séduit par sa maîtresse et qui finit par tuer sa femme.

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veloppe et donne sa pleine mesure, nous fait pénétrer dans un monde de plus en plus varié, de plus en plus complexe, où les thèmes les plus différents s'entrelacent pour former une sorte de symphonie où passe toute la société de son époque. Il est cependant un thème peu étudié par les critiques d'avant 1917 parce qu'il n'avait pas encore été mis à la mode à cette époque, négligé par la critique soviétique parce qu'il ne correspond pas aux préoccupations marxistes, un thème qui pouvait être le prétexte à développements aussi bien comiques que tragiques, et qui me semble à ce titre une constante dans l'œuvre de Cexov, je veux dire le thème de l'absurde. Il n'est pas question, bien entendu, dans cet article de faire dire à Cexov des choses qu'il n'a jamais voulu dire, ou bien de lui prêter des intentions philosophiques qui dépasseraient largement le cadre de sa pensée, ou bien de l'enrôler à la suite d'un Kierkegaard, d'un Kafka ou d'un Camus. Mais il est peut-être possible de montrer que le sentiment de l'absurde chez Cexov débouche, sans doute même à son insu, sur une certaine manière d'aborder l'univers dont les implications débordent largement les intentions conscientes de notre auteur. Mais, avant tout, il faudrait bien définir ce qu'on entend par absurde et dans quels termes l'enfermer. L'absurde, en effet, peut se concevoir à plusieurs niveaux qui vont de la rupture existentielle d'un ordre logique accepté comme normal et naturel, jusqu'à celui d'une certaine structure de l'univers, un absurde ontologique aux implications religieuses et philosophiques. Je pense que si l'œuvre de Cexov est pleine du sentiment de l'absurde du premier type, le sentiment d'un absurde à valeur ontologique n'est pas étranger, surtout dans son développement ultime, aux préoccupations de l'écrivain. Elle apparaît, en tous cas, en filigrane pour celui qui veut bien savoir lire entre les lignes. La première rencontre de Cexov avec l'absurde, je la vois quand, au début de sa carrière, il se veut seulement comique. En effet l'absurde est source de comique dans la mesure où, sous l'effet du hasard, il naît de la rencontre de deux séries logiques indépendantes, du choc de deux réalités sans rapport l'ime avec l'autre. L'absurde en ce cas ne manifeste rien en soi. Il n'est pas chargé de signification. Il n'est rien, ou plutôt c'est une réalité qui est et qui n'est pas à la fois. Il est Etre et non-Etre, non-existence dans l'existence. Il naît au sein même de la contradiction, et c'est cette contradiction qui provoque le rire. Ce genre d'absurde nous le rencontrons dans toute l'œuvre de Cexov.10 10

C'est ce qu'a noté le critique soviétique Kornej Cukovskij dans son livre O Cexove [A propos de Cexov] izd. Xudozestvennaja literatura (Moskva, 1967): "Partout

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Il est tantôt à l'état pur, sans explications, placé là par Cexov comme signe ou comme symbole sans qu'il ajoute quoique ce soit à la signification du conte ou de la pièce de théâtre. C'est par exemple la carte d'Afrique placé dans la chambre d'Ivan Petroviö Vojnickij, le fils de la première femme du professeur Serebrjakov dans L'oncle Vanja.11 Dans la nouvelle Dans la combe c'est le téléphone qui ne marche pas "parce que les punaises et les cafards l'avaient envahi".12 Dans Les moujiks, c'est une horloge d'église qui "sonnait les heures, mais de façon bizarre: on entendit sonner cinq heures, puis trois". 13 Ajoutons dans Les trois sœurs cette gare située à 20 kilomètres de la ville sans que personne ne sache pourquoi. Ornement gratuit, ces détails incongrus semblent appartenir à un monde plus onirique que réel. Loin d'étoffer la réalité, ils lui donnent un caractère de décor truqué. Comme si Cexov voulait nous affirmer qu'entre le monde de l'homme et le monde des choses il n'y a pas de commune mesure: L'absurde, fait brut, sans cause et sans explication, manifestation du réel qui ne rentre dans aucun cadre logique. C'est un tel type d'absurde qu'utilisera de nos jours Ionesco. Cet absurde absolument gratuit, nous le rencontrons parfois au cours d'un dialogue, ou bien il apparaît dans la réflexion d'un personnage au moment où on s'y attend le moins. Dans Le roman d'une contre-basse par exemple. Quand le héros de l'histoire, un musicien, se retrouve tout nu après s'être baigné, parce qu'on lui a volé tous ses habits, et pensant qu'il ne peut se rendre au bal où il a été engagé dans l'orchestre, s'écrie "Impossible d'aller tout nu chez le prince Bibulov [...] Il y aura des dames ! De plus, les voleurs ont emporté mon colophane avec mon pantalon!" 14 Je ne nie pas qu'il y a ici un procédé comique, mais il dérive de l'absurdité de la réflexion d'un homme qui tout le long du récit raisonne d'une manière parfaitement saine. En somme il s'agit du même procédé que tout à l'heure mais transposé sur le plan psychologique. Mais l'absurde peut naître aussi de la rencontre fortuite de deux séries d'événements indépendants. Il en résultera un effet qui peut être soit comique soit tragique. Et à partir de ce moment il peut se charger d'une signification tout autre. Ou bien l'événement ne renverra qu'à lui-même, il ne s'inscrira pas dans une structure plus vaste et il sera l'alogisme hurlant, l'absurdité, le chaos, la raillerie, à propos de la sottise quotidienne" (p. 167). 11 "Sur le mur, une carte d'Afrique, dont, apparemment, personne n'a besoin". Cexov, op. cit., 1.1, p. 400. 12 Ibid., t. 3, p. 919. « Ibid., t. 3, p. 711. 14 Ibid., t. 5, p. 59; 1.1, p. 1204.

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simplement comique. C'est par exemple le cas du conte intitulé Confession ou bien OVja, ¿enja, Zoja,15 histoire de quelqu'un qui, à l'opéra, durant la représentation de Faust, a décidé de faire sa déclaration d'amour et qui est pris d'un hoquet insurmontable qui ne cesse que quand il rentre à la maison, définitivement ridiculisé. Même mécanisme dans Une nuit d'épouvante16 où le personnage revenant d'une séance de spiritisme trouve chez lui un cercueil. Il s'enfuit chez un ami, qui est absent, et trouve également un cercueil. Finalement il s'agit d'un fabricant de cercueil qui menacé de saisie a mis en dépôt chez ses connaissances ses cercueils les plus précieux. Les personnages de ce conte s'appellent Lobsèque, Cadavre, De Profundis, Le Crâne, etc. Cela n'est pas, cela ne peut pas être! s'écriera le lecteur. Pourquoi pas? C'est ce genre d'absurde que nous cotoyons chaque jour. Pourquoi ne serait-il pas possible que des parents qui veulent marier leur fille à tout prix, se précipitent pour bénir avec un icône leur enfant en conversation avec un jeune homme réticent, et que cette icône se révèle être le portrait de l'écrivain Lazeönikov? La mère dans sa précipitation s'est trompée, et le garçon qui se croyait déjà marié, s'enfuit soulagé.17 Ce genre de situation Cexov en use et en abuse. C'est dans L'orateur, l'homme distrait qui se trompe au cimetière de personnage et au lieu de faire l'éloge du mort, fait celui d'une des personnes présentes à l'enterrement, 18 dans Le fruit du péché, c'est la blanchisseuse qui pose son enfant sur le pas de la porte. Et le propriétaire croit que c'est l'enfant illégitime qu'il a eu avec sa maîtresse et que celle-ci le menaçait de lui apporter. 19 Dans Le vengeur,20 c'est le mari trompé qui finit par acheter un filet à cailles, au lieu du revolver qu'il destinait à tuer sa femme, ou bien enfin dans Querelle de ménage,21 c'est l'homme qui s'étant disputé avec sa femme, croit qu'elle vient dans son lit pour se faire pardonner, et qui s'aperçoit que celle dont il sent le souffle chaud près de son oreille est sa chienne favorite. Une sale histoire enfin! Histoire d'une jeune fille qui veut se marier et qui trouve enfin quelqu'un d'assez insignifiant. On invite le prétendant l'été, à la campagne. Il finit par vouloir, à ce qu'elle pense, se déclarer. Sa tirade ressemble à 15

Cexov, op. cit., t. 1, pp. 192-194. Conte qui date de 1882. Ibid., t. 3, p. 87 et suivantes. 17 Ibid., t. 1, p. 126. 18 Ibid., t. 5, p. 250; t. 1, p. 1408. Et ce dernier s'écrie "C'est mal jeune homme... votre discours pouvait aller pour un mort, mais, adressé à un vivant, c 'est pure dérision ! Pensez un peu à ce que vous avez dit : désintéressé, incorruptible, il n'accepte pas de pots-de-vin! On ne peut dire ça d'un vivant que par dérision" (t. 5, p. 253 ; 1.1, p. 1408). 19 Ibid., t. 7, p. 188. 20 Ibid., t. 6, p. 258. 21 Ibid., t. 3, p. 232. 16

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une demande en mariage, mais c'est finalement pour la prier "de poser pour lui" car il est artiste.22 On voit bien ce qu'il y a de commun à toutes ces histoires. L'absurde naît de lui-même, à l'état pur. Né de la rencontre de deux séries indépendantes, il ne met pas en cause l'intelligibilité de l'univers. Autrement dit cela n'a pas de sens, précisément parce que le monde peut être expliqué d'une manière rationnelle. Cet absurde fait tache sur un fond raisonnable. Il n'a pas en soi de signification. Il ne requiert aucune explication; il est. C'est à un tout autre type d'absurde que celui auquel nous allons maintenant prêter attention. Celui-là comme l'autre suppose une intelligibilité du monde. C'est même à cette intelligibilité qu'il puise sa signification et de ce fait revêt souvent un caractère tragique. Tantôt il va naître d'une contradiction entre un certain ordre social et cet ordre tel qu'il est perçu dans la conscience du personnage. Prenons par exemple Le sous-officier PriSibeev.23 Le héros de l'histoire a une certaine conception de l'ordre qui ne correspond plus à la réalité de son temps. Partout il subodore le désordre et la subversion. Et c'est un véritable dialogue de sourds qui s'établit entre le juge qui lui explique qu'il n'a pas le droit de tourmenter le maire et les habitants de son village, et lui-même qui s'imagine qu'il a raison et qu'il doit avoir normalement le juge pour lui. L'absurde de la situation c'est que ce que le héros croit être l'ordre, n'est en réalité que du désordre. Il y a là, évidemment, on ne saurait le nier, un élément de comique, mais n'est-il pas en même temps tragique, et derrière le sous-officier Prisibeev n'est-ce pas toute une société de type paranoïaque qui se profile, celle que nous avons connue et que nous connaissons encore qu'elle soit hitlérienne, fasciste, stalinienne ou du type de certains dictateurs d'Amérique du Sud.24 C'est donc un double absurde que nous rencontrons ici, celui de la confrontation de deux mentalités qui ne se comprennent pas, de deux mécaniques qui fonctionnent indépendamment l'une de l'autre, d'un certain ordre social et de celui incarné par Prisibeev. C'est le même sentiment de l'absurde que l'on trouve, mais exprimé d'une manière plus subtile, dans la nouvelle intitulée Un désagrément.25 L'absurde ici naît non d'éléments fortuits, mais comme un phénomène social issu d'une situation intolérable. Il s'agit d'un docteur qui frappe 22

Cexov, op. cit., t. 1, p. 335 (1882). Ibid., t. 4, p. 54; 1.1, p. 968. 24 Je pense par exemple à Trujillo ou à Duvalier, où des centaines de sous-officiers Prisibeev formaient l'armature du gouvernement. 25 Ibid., t. 7, p. 112 et suivantes (1888); t. II, p. 548 et suivantes. 23

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son infirmier ivrogne et incompétent. C'est un scandale dans lequel sont bientôt impliqués la Commission rurale et le juge de paix. Légalement l'infirmier a raison: le docteur n'a pas le droit de le frapper. Mais les rapports sociaux et humains de la société russe de l'époque rendent tout procès non seulement impossible, mais absurde, si bien que le président du tribunal dit au plaignant "Demande immédiatement pardon au docteur!" 26 Et quand il l'a fait, le docteur de conclure "Se peut-il, songeait-il, que j'aie toute la semaine tant souffert, tant pensé, tant parlé, pour en arriver à une fin aussi stupide et aussi plate! Que c'est bête! que c'est bête!"27 N'est-ce pas le cri de désespoir d'un homme perdu dans l'anarchie et le laissez-aller de la société qui l'entoure et qui, quand il s'est révolté, voit tout rentrer dans l'ordre (un ordre absurde) 28 quand l'infirmier s'excuse et promet de s'amender, ce que d'ailleurs il ne fera certainement pas. Dans Ma vie,29 on verra la société considérer comme absurde, l'aspiration raisonnable à une vie de travail utile. Mais que peut-on attendre d'une ville qui, s'écrie le narrateur "existe depuis des siècles, et, pendant tout ce temps, n'a pas donné à la patrie un seul homme utile, pas un seul!... C'est une ville de boutiquiers, de mastroquets, de ronds-de-cuir, de cagots, une ville superflue, inutile, que personne ne regretterait si la terre l'engloutissait soudain." 30 On pense à Taganrog, la ville natale de Cexov. N'est-ce pas une société de fous où l'absurde est roi, que celle dans laquelle deux amis peuvent tranquillement discuter sur l'art, sur le beau, sur la vertu, sur la liberté et son expression théâtrale, et que soudain l'un d'eux s'interrompe pour fouetter son neveu que lui envoie sa sœur, et puisse tranquillement reprendre leur conversation. "Les deux amis achevèrent de boire et se mirent à parler de Shakespeare,"31 note cruellement Cexov. Partout éclate l'absurdité la plus comique ou la plus féroce. Absurdité non nécessaire mais qui dérive soit de la nature des hommes, soit de celle des institutions. Qu'on ne voit pas là un Cexov prenant parti politiquement ou socialement, non c'est chez lui un simple constat, la description clinique du froid médecin qu'il est. 26

Cexov, op. cit., t. 7, p. 129; t. Π, p. 567. Ibid., t. 7, p. 130; t. II, p. 568. 28 Mettre à la porte l'infirmier, serait la situation normale. Mais "Comment le mettre à la porte? dit le docteur. Mettre quelqu'un à la porte, ce n'est facile qu'en paroles. Comment le mettre à la porte et le priver de son gagne-pain, si je sais qu'il a une famille, qu'il a faim? Où iront-ils lui et les siens?" (t. 7, p. 127; t. Π, p. 565). 29 Ibid., t. 9, p. 104 et suivantes; t. Ill, p. 581 et suivantes. 30 Ibid., t. 9, p. 188; t. Ill, p. 681. 31 A propos du drame, ibid., t. 3, p. 270 (1884). 27

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Et sous l'aspect burlesque que prend la nouvelle intitulée Le seul moyen,32 il y a encore le sentiment profond de l'absurde d'une société mal organisée. Il s'agit d'une banque qui lasse d'avoir des caissiers qui la volent, a résolu le problème en leur offrant en plus de leurs salaires, une sorte de rente: champagne, abonnement au théâtre, voiture, etc.... Et le directeur de s'écrier "A vrai dire, le caissier nous coûte cher, mais en revanche dix fois moins que chacun des dix qui l'avaient précédé!" 33 Et beaucoup plus tragique cette nouvelle intitulée Premiers secours34 où des paysans par ignorance tuent un noyé en le balançant suivant la coutume populaire. L'absurde c'est ici la rencontre avec la mort, d'un homme qu'on pouvait aisément sauver. Et que dire de la célèbre nouvelle La salle no. 6. Sans entrer dans toutes les discussions que cette nouvelle a suscitées dès son apparition en Russie, 35 sans vouloir en souligner toutes les implications humaines et sociales, nous pouvons noter que ce qui règne la plupart du temps entre le personnage du docteur de l'asile et le fou auquel il s'intéresse, c'est la logique même de l'absurde. C'est le fou, ou prétendu tel, qui parle le langage de la raison et c'est le docteur qui répond d'une manière qui n ' a pas de sens. L'objection principale du fou c'est que, comme il le dit au docteur: Vous, votre aide, l'économe et toute votre racaille, vous êtes, du point de vue moral, incommensurablement plus vils qu'aucun de nous, pourquoi sommesnous enfermés, et pas vous? Où est la logique?" 36

A quoi le docteur répond : Le point de vue moral et la logique n'ont rien à voir ici. Tout dépend du hasard. Celui qu'on a enfermé reste enfermé et celui qu'on n'a pas enfermé se promène, voilà tout. Dans le fait que je suis un médecin et vous un aliéné, il n'y a ni morale ni logique, mais un simple hasard!... Du moment qu'il existe des prisons et des asiles d'aliénés, il faut qu'il y ait quelqu'un dedans. Si ce n'est pas vous, c'est moi, si ce n'est pas moi, c'en est un troisième." 36

Dans ce monde où règne l'absurde, qui peut distinguer les fous des gens sains d'esprit. La société n'est-elle pas, elle-même, un asile d'aliénés puisque tout y semble marcher sur la tête. L'absurde ici ne gît pas tant 32

Cexov, op. cit., t. 2, p. 114; la nouvelle lui est suggérée par un procès qui fit du bruit à l'époque, celui d'une caisse de secours mutuels, où des vols importants avaient été découverts. 33 Ibid., t. 2, p. 116 (1885). 34 Ibid., t. 6, p. 182 et suivantes (1887). 35 On a voulu en faire une nouvelle symbolique, dénonçant l'ordre social tsariste. 38 Ibid., t. 8, pp. 130-131 ; t. ΠΙ, pp. 65-66.

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dans le cœur des hommes, que dans le milieu dans lequel ils sont plongés et les choses qui les environnent. Si les héros de la tragédie antique dialoguaient ou s'affrontaient, c'était parce qu'ils portaient en eux les grands problèmes du destin ou de la Cité. Mais les misérables personnages de cette tragédie tchekhovienne, ne reflètent que le tragique de leur condition. Ils sont dépouillés vis-à-vis d'eux-mêmes et c'est une sorte de néant qui les dévore. Renvoyés à eux-mêmes par un ordre social absurde, ils se dissolvent dans une existence sans signification. C'est particulièrement caractéristique dans Une banale histoire.31 Si on a comparé cette nouvelle à Lu mort d'Ivan IVitch de L. Tolstoj, combien l'œuvre de Cexov est plus désolante. Car ce savant, ce respecté professeur d'Université, quand il fait le bilan de sa propre vie ne peut que dire : ".. .tout est sordide, il η'y a pas de raison de vivre, et les soixante-deux ans que j'ai vécu doivent être considérés comme perdus". 38 Et quand Katja, sa pupille, lui demande avec angoisse ce qu'il faut faire, tout ce qu'il peut répondre c'est: "Honnêtement, Katja, je ne sais pas..." 39 Quelque célèbre qu'il soit "cela ne m'empêchera pas, nous dit-il, de mourir sur un lit étranger, dans l'angoisse, dans une entière solitude."40 Il est vaincu par l'absurde d'une vie qui n'est pas dirigée par une certaine conception du monde, que dévore la mesquinerie du quotidien et qui finalement débouche sur le néant. C'est bien l'absurde dont nous parle Camus celui qui "est essentiellement un divorce", qui "n'est ni dans l'un ni dans l'autre des éléments comparés", mais "naît de leur confrontation". 41 Le désespoir du héros d'Une banale histoire vient précisément du sentiment de sa solitude en face du monde. 42 Cette solitude est si fondamentale qu'elle l'entraîne vers la fin de sa vie dans une sorte de dépaysement qui loin d'éveiller une conscience de soi ne le renvoie qu'à son propre néant. Entre un monde trop bien réglé et lui-même, il n'y a pas de commune mesure. Leur rencontre gît au sein même de l'absurde. Et c'est ce même sentiment d'être pris dans une souricière qui inspire Le professeur de lettres,qui lui est encore jeune, quand il s'écrie "où suis-je, mon Dieu? Autour de moi, tout n'est que banalité. Des gens ennuyeux, des nullités, des pots de crème, des brocs de 37

Cexov, op. cit., t. 7, p. 224 et suivantes ; t. II, p. 675 et suivantes. Ibid., t. 7, p. 263 ; t. II, p. 718. 39 Ibid., t. 7, p. 281 ; t. II, p. 738. 40 Ibid., t. 7, p. 278; t. II, p. 735. 41 A. Camus, Le mythe de Sysiphe, Gallimard "Les essais" (1962), p. 48. Et ce sentiment de solitude est profondément enraciné au cœur de Cexov "De même que je serai couché seul dans ma tombe, de même, somme toute, je vis seul," note-t-il dans ses Carnets, Iz arxiva A. P. Cexova (Moskva, 1960), ρ 74. 43 Cexov, op. cit., t. 8, p. 319 et suivantes; t. Ill, p. 319 et suivantes (1894). 38

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lait, des cafards, des sottes... Il n'y a rien de plus effroyable, de plus humiliant, de plus angoissant, que la banalité. Fuir d'ici, fuir aujourd'hui même, sinon je deviendrai fou!" 44 C'est bien le milieu qui engendre cette angoisse existentielle insupportable. Et l'absurde de l'existence sera aussi le sentiment fondamental de cet imbécile de gardien de prison qui discute avec le surveillant général de l'école cantonale sur la science, et qui après avoir accumulé une série de tristes sottises, conclut "Tout est superflu 45 ... Les sciences, les gens... les établissements pénitentiaires, les mouches... la bouillie... Vous aussi." "Nous venons de nous empiffrer à en crever ; et à quoi bon ? Pour rien... tout ça est inutile. Nous mangeons, sans même savoir pourquoi." 46 Et la nouvelle est intitulée, non sans ironie, Le penseur. C'est bien le sentiment qu'éprouve l'homme face à un monde sans signification, le sentiment d'être en trop, d'être inutile. Loin de voir dans cette nouvelle, comme Quentin-Ritzen "une vision grotesque du nihilisme philosophique", 47 j'y vois davantage une sorte de plongée soudaine de Cexov dans un problème qui est pour lui fondamental. Comme le dit Irène Nemirovsky "Pour Cexov, ce qui fait son mal, c'est que la vie, à ses yeux, n'a aucun sens."48 La vie bien entendu, et aussi l'ordre social par lequel elle se manifeste à l'homme dans ses contacts permanents avec son milieu. Et dans cette nouvelle ce qui est particulièrement saisissant, c'est que cet absurde est ressenti par un être dénué de toute culture et de toute conscience sociale. Et l'absurde de la condition humaine n'est-elle pas saisie d'une manière encore plus forte dans l'admirable nouvelle intitulée L'évêque "qui est peut-être son chef-d'œuvre" 49 et qui est en tout cas l'œuvre dans laquelle Cexov s'est le plus livré. N'est-ce pas le comble de la dérision que l'histoire de cet évêque, homme supérieur, qui meurt seul, incompris même de sa mère, surtout de sa mère. Et comme nous dit Cexov "Un mois après, un nouvel évêque suffragant fut nommé, quant à Monseigneur Petr, plus personne n'en parlait. Ensuite, on l'oublia complètement"50. Effrayant effacement d'un homme qui semble justifier les réflexions de l'étudiant à l'institut des communications, le baron Von Stenberg dans le récit Les feux,51 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51

Cexov, op. cit. ,t. 8, p. 370; t. Ill, p. 345. Je préférerais traduire le russe lisnyj par 'en trop'. Ibid., t. 4, pp. 33-34; 1.1, p. 946 (1885). Quentin-Ritzen, Anton Tchékhov, Éd. universitaires (Paris, 1962), p. 35. Irène Nemirovsky, La vie de Tchékhov, Albin Michel (1946), p. 173. Sophie Lafitte, Tchékhov par lui-même, Éd. du Seuil (Paris, 1955), p. 57. Cexov, op. cit., t. 9, p. 430; t. Ill, p. 980 (1902). Ibid., t. 7, pp. 433 et suivantes.

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Supposons que vous vous mettiez à lire, à l'instant même, un quelconque Darwin ou Shakespeare. A peine avez-vous lu une ligne, qu'un poison s'infiltre dans vos veines! Et votre longue vie, et Shakespeare et Darwin vous apparaissent une sottise, une absurdité parce que vous savez que vous mourrez, que Shakespeare et Darwin sont morts aussi, que leur pensée ne les a pas sauvés, ni n'a sauvé la terre, ni vous-même et que si par conséquent la vie n'a pas de sens, toutes ces connaissances, cette poésie et ces hautes pensées ne sont qu'un passe-temps inutile, un vain jeu pour grands enfants.52 Eternel commentaire à l'Ecclésiaste. Et le héros du Baiser sent à la fin du récit comme une chape de plomb lui tomber sur les épaules quand il sait qu'il ne retrouvera jamais l'inconnue qui dans le noir lui a donné un baiser "L'eau courait... Où? Pourquoi? Elle courait de même en mai, la petite rivière s'était jetée dans un grand fleuve, du fleuve dans la mer, puis s'était évaporée, s'était condensée et peut-être était-ce la même eau qui coulait à nouveau sous ses yeux. Pourquoi? A quoi bon? Et tout l'univers, toute la vie lui parurent une farce absurde, sans but..." 53 La mort semble l'expérience la plus absurde de toutes les expériences que nous éprouvons. 54 Comme le note mélancoliquement le héros de L'homme à Vétui (1898) "...la vie avait repris son cours, aussi grise, aussi lassante, aussi absurde, une vie qu'aucune circulaire n'interdisait, mais qui n'était pas entièrement permise non plus". 55 Vie absurde, mort absurde, les deux choses sont liées. Chaque homme vit dans un monde séparé qui ne lui semble qu'un ensemble de signes qui ne renvoient à rien, de mythes dénués de significations parce qu'ils ne débouchent pas sur une vision unitaire de l'univers. Monde de l'avoir et du paraître, qui fait que "sous le voile du secret, comme sous celui de la nuit chacun dissimule sa vie, celle qui présente le plus grand intérêt". 56 Vis-à-vis d'un monde relié par des mécanismes morts, les âmes se sentent déchirées et aliénées. De cette aliénation naît le sentiment de l'inutilité et de l'absurde. Mais cet absurde se présente comme une structure qui renvoie à une non-structure. C'est un message qui ne porte pas de sens précis. Il se réfère à un univers qui ne possède ni "formule d'ordre, ni règle de lecture". 57 Il est, par essence, vide. Le signifiant se confond avec le signifié. Cette vision de Cexov n'est, évidemment, ni nouvelle ni bien originale. Elle semble dénuée en tous cas de sens politique, religieux, ou métaphysi82

Cexov, op. cit., t. 7, p. 439 (1888). Ibid., t. 6, p. 355; t. II, p. 392 (1887). 54 "Il est absurde que nous soyions nés, il est absurde que nous mourrions." J. P. Sartre, L'Etre et le néant, Gallimard (Paris, 1963), p. 631. 55 Cexov, op. cit., t. 9, p. 264; t. ΠΙ, p. 776. 56 Ibid., t. 9, p. 371 ; t. ΙΠ, p. 903. 87 Eco, Umberto, L'œuvre ouverte, Aux éditions du Seuil (Paris, 1965), p. 180. 53

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que. Cet absurde est un absurde sans référence à une signification qui le dépasserait. Il est senti à un niveau purement existentiel et comme du domaine du quotidien, de la banalité.58 Mais n'y a-t-il pas pour Cexov un sentiment de l'absurde qui aille au delà de cette simple constatation qu'"on ne comprend rien à ce monde". 59 En un mot, Cexov a-t-il jamais saisi l'absurde non comme une réalité accidentelle née du hasard, fruit de la gratuité et du contigent, mais comme faisant parti de la structure même de l'univers. Cexov, en somme, a-t-il jamais eu une conscience ontologique de l'absurde? Loin de moi, bien entendu, de prêter à Cexov des intentions ou des conceptions qu'il n'a jamais nourries. Mais une œuvre, quelle qu'elle soit, dépasse toujours les intentions de son créateur. Message né dans un certain milieu social et culturel, elle peut être saisie d'une manière bien différente. Car suivant l'expression d'Umberto Eco, une œuvre est essentiellement ouverte, il n'en est pas qui ne se prête à plusieurs interprétations, à plusieurs lectures.60 Autrement dit, Cexov n'a-t-il pas, sans le vouloir, sans même se douter des implications métaphysiques qui en résultaient, opéré avec un absurde au sens moderne que lui donnent un Kafka, un J. P. Sartre ou un Camus? La question mérite d'être posée. Essayons d'y répondre. Prenons d'abord l'absurde à son niveau le plus simple, instrument de décomposition du monde. En face du monde deux attitudes sont en effet possibles : ou cela a un sens, le monde peut rentrer dans un système d'explication, rationnel ou non. L'absurde se présente alors comme une déviation de l'état normal, une exception à la règle, qui n'en fait que faire ressortir avec plus de force l'existence. C'est le sens habituel de l'expression "C'est absurde". 68 De cette postosi', comme on dit en russe, et qui n'a guère d'équivalent en français : vulgarité, banalité, triste quotidien, trivialité, platitude. Tout ce que Cexov détestait. 59 Les feux, Cexov, op. cit., t. 7, p. 469. 60 Roland Barthes n'hésite pas à dire "Ecrire, c'est ébranler le sens du monde, y disposer une interrogation indirecte, à laquelle l'écrivain, par un dernier suspens, s'abstient de répondre. La réponse, c'est chacun de nous qui la donne, y apportant son histoire, son langage, sa liberté; mais comme histoire, langage et liberté changent infiniment, la réponse du monde à l'écrivain est infinie: on ne cesse jamais de répondre à ce qui a été écrit hors de toute réponse: affirmés, puis mis en rivalité, puis remplacés, les sens passent, la question demeure." (Avant-propos à Sur Racine, Paris, Seuil, 1963), cité par Umberto Eco, op. cit., p. 38, ou comme le dit Marthe Robert, suivant un point de vue q.q. peu différent "... l'art peut cependant délivrer son message, non certes en l'énonçant - il n'y a pas pour lui d'énonciation possible - mais en devenant lui-même la forme visible du vrai". Kafka par Marthe Robert, N. R. F. Gallimard, "La bibliothèque idéale" (Paris, 1960), p. 80.

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Ou bien l'absurde peut être saisi comme une réalité ontologique. Le monde n'a aucun sens, et le sens que vous lui donnez est un système d'explication rationnelle ou de mythes, parfaitement arbitraire et luimême dépourvu de signification. La meilleure preuve c'est que l'on peut parfaitement concevoir un autre type d'explication ou bien un autre ordre et ce nouveau type, en faisant éclater le système de coordonnées que vous me proposez, prouve bien qu'il était absurde. 61 Le monde est absurde et il l'est d'une manière fondamentale. Il n'a pas de sens et lui en chercher un n'a pas de sens. Nous sommes déjà situés ici sur un autre plan où l'absurde n'est pas simple constatation mais tremplin, non pas enchaînement mais liberté, où il renvoie à une signification qui aide l'homme à se saisir comme une réalité originale qui non seulement ne s'insère pas dans l'univers comme un phénomène parmi d'autres phénomènes, mais qui puise dans cette contradiction entre son être propre et l'être du monde, les éléments d'une prise de conscience morale et spirituelle. Autrement dit, loin de mener à un nihilisme stérilisant et sans issue, ce sentiment de l'absurde serait le point de départ d'une remise en question des problèmes fondamentaux auxquels la société offre des solutions frappées en général de la marque de l'inauthenticité et de l'erreur. La quête de sa vérité oblige l'homme à passer par l'absurde pour se retrouver dans sa nudité essentielle et à se reconstruire. Dans une dialectique de la destruction par l'absurde des grandes pseudo-évidences qui nous tuent, il serait possible de se retrouver dans une authenticité existentielle qui finalement nous sauverait aussi bien de la banalité et du quotidien que des mensonges idéologiques. Au fond même de sa solitude amère, l'homme y trouverait des raisons de vivre et de lutter. Instrument de décomposition du réel, l'absurde est évidemment un procédé comique. Et Cexov n'a pas manqué de l'utiliser largement. Nous le voyons, tout d'abord, trouver l'absurde au sein même des jeux de mots, dans un mouvement qui n'est pas loin de nous rappeler J. Prévert.62 Je pense, par exemple, à la petite note intitulée Les annonces mêlées.63 Cexov suppose que le typographe s'est trompé et que le lecteur a pu lire dans son journal à la rubrique des petites annonces "Un poulain noir, de course, spécialiste des maladies de femmes et des 61

C'est le procédé largement utilisé par Ionesco. "Un remorqueur de famille nombreuse avec un père de haute mer, un membre de la prostate, avec une hypertrophie de l'Académie française, etc." J. Prévert, Paroles, N. R. F. (Paris, 1949), pp. 227-228. 63 Cexov, op. cit., t. 3, p. 173 (Revue Oskolki [les éclats], juillet 1883). 62

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maladies nerveuses, donne leçons d'escrime". 64 "Par suite du mauvais temps, le dentiste Kratcer pose des fausses dents. Service funèbre tous les jours". 65 "La société de navigation à vapeur 'L'avion' cherche place de femme de chambre". 66 Même procédé, mais un peu plus subtil, dans les réflexions que fait une jeune femme à propos du dîner qu'elle prépare "Demain ma soirée doit être un succès... Il semble queje n'ai rien oublié... Trois faisans, du caviar frais, un chanteur italien, des esturgeons vivants, un artiste célèbre..." 67 Cexov va également se servir des possibilités de corrosion du monde par le langage, pour nous faire accepter une logique de l'absurde. "On peut dire 'Je suis l'ami de cette maison', mais on ne peut pas dire 'Je suis l'ami de cette maison de bois'. D'où j'en conclue que, parlant des objets, il faut taire leurs qualités." 68 "La vodka est blanche, mais elle rougit le nez et noircit les réputations." 69 L'absurde peut aussi naître d'une traduction littérale du russe en allemand. D'où un tableau où l'on voit, entre autres, des vaches marchant sur des branches (en réalité il s'agit de bêtes à bon Dieu qui en russe se disent "les petites vaches du bon Dieu) etc.70 Le langage est une prise de possession de l'univers. La distortion du langage est une manière de faire apparaître comme étrange, insolite ce qui va de soi. Le procédé est évident quand on voit Cexov dans l'article Mes rangs et titres, écrire deux pages où, en s'attachant au sens littéral de la . fonction, il débouche sur des non-sens de ce type "Je suis conseiller secret parce que je prends conseil de ma femme en secret de ma belle-mère."71 Ou bien dans Sur les caractéristiques des peuples "Les Anglais apprécient beaucoup le temps 'Le temps c'est de l'argent', disent-ils, et c'est pourquoi ils payent leurs tailleurs non avec de l'argent, mais avec du temps." Faisons un pas de plus. L'absurde ne va pas naître d'un simple jeu de mot, mais de la rencontre d'idées saugrenues qui finissent par mettre en cause les définitions les plus évidentes et néantiser le quotidien et l'habituel, dissoudre l'expérience de tous les jours. Par la méthode de l'absurde, on aboutit à une pulvérisation du réel. C'est, par exemple, les Problèmes d'un mathématicien fou "Je suis poursuivi par 30 chiens, dont 7 blancs, 8 gris 64

Cexov, op. cit., t. 3, p. 173. Ibid., t. 3, p. 174. ββ Ibid., t. 3, p. 173. 67 Ibid., t. 3, p. 286 (1884). 68 Ibid., t. 3, p. 214. Les fruits de longues réflexions (1884). 69 Ibid., t. 3, p. 214. Même procédé dans le Tiré des carnets d'un vieux pédagogue, t. 8, p. 483-484 (1892), et qui est absolument intraduisible en français. 70 Ibid., Die russische Natur, t. 2, p. 283 (1882). » Ibid., t. 2, p. 273. 65

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et le reste noirs. On demande quelle est la jambe que les chiens m'ont mordu, la droite ou la gauche,"72 ou bien Mauvaises pensées dans laquelle on trouve des parodies absurdes de dictons "Il vaut mieux un canari dépravé qu'un loup honnête." 73 Ou encore dans le Nouveau manuel épistolaire "Lettre, substantif sans lequel les fonctionnaires des postes seraient sans emploi et sans lesquels on ne pourrait vendre de timbres-poste".74 "Un cochon est un cochon, ce n'est pas pour rien qu'on l'appelle ainsi" dit un personnage du Petchenègue.75 C'est le même procédé qu'emploiera d'une manière systématique et dans un tout autre but J. Joyce dans l'œuvre de qui, comme l'écrit Umberto Eco "se développe comme la citation ininterrompue et protéiforme d'une culture passée, comme un immense calembour que l'on ne peut comprendre que si l'on en rapporte toutes les références malicieuses ou érudites au patrimoine du déjà-dit". 76 Si, de même que l'on peut combiner d'une manière arbitraire les sens multiples des mots pour transmettre un message qui colle au réel et qui en même temps le dissout, on faisait de même pour les usages et les règles que nous acceptons généralement comme allant de soi, on arriverait à une distortion identique du monde qui nous entoure. Cexov l'a fait dans Absurdités. "Il y a quelques jours un professeur est venu me trouver et m'a confié que la question suivante le tourmentait: 'Qu'arriverait-il si les hommes s'habillaient en femme?' Question absurde, extravagante et même indécente, mais on ne peut pas dire qu'il était difficile d'y répondre." 77 "Et voici ce qu'on entendrait - Votre corsage, Excellence, est au-dessus de toute critique! Votre tournure merveilleuse! Votre décolleté un peu grand - Tenue réglementaire, mon cher! Décolleté de 4e classe! Allez, arrangez-moi, en bas, ce volant." 78 Ce badinage innocent va, en réalité, plus loin que ne le pense Cexov. L'absurde de la situation qui nous fait rire, n'est pas plus absurde que la convention à laquelle nous adhérons aujourd'hui. La seule différence est que l'accoutumance nous en cache la nature réelle. Pourquoi les hommes ne s'habilleraient pas en femme? Oui, à vrai dire, pourquoi? Qu'on réponde rationnellement à cette question! Qu'on donne de bonnes raisons! Le questionné ne répond pas. Pourquoi ? A vrai dire il n'en sait rien. Et le questionneur de triompher. 72

Cexov, op. cit., t. 1, p. 163 (1882). Ibid., t. 4, p. 247 (1885). 74 Ibid., t. 3, p. 283 (1884). Suit toute une série de types de lettres qui sont une parodie des manuels de correspondance. '5 Ibid., t. 9, p. 225 ; t. ΠΙ, p. 727 (1892). 76 Umberto Eco, op. cit., pp. 266-267. 77 Cexov, op. cit., t. 3, p. 221. 78 Ibid., t. 3, p. 222 (1884). 73

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L'absurdité de la convention éclate. Et plus tard un des héros de Cexov dans la nouvelle Les voleurs, reposera la même question sur un ton infiniment plus sérieux et plus tragique: Qui donc avait inventé, avait dit qu'il fallait se lever le matin, manger à midi, se coucher le soir, qu'un docteur était supérieur à un aide-médecin, qu'il fallait habiter dans une chambre et qu'on n'avait le choix de n'aimer que sa femme? Et pourquoi pas le contraire: manger la nuit et dormir le jour? Ah, sauter sur un cheval sans se demander à qui il est, courir le diable à travers la campagne, les bois et les ravins pour attraper le vent, aimer les filles et se moquer de tout le monde.79 Les cadres dans lesquels nous vivons sont fragiles, un rien peut les faire éclater. "Il pensait, nous dit le héros un peu plus loin, ...que s'il n'était pas encore devenu un voleur, un escroc ou même un brigand, c'était seulement qu'il ne savait pas s'y prendre ou n'en avait pas encore trouvé l'occasion" 80 Dans l'absurdité générale, seul le hasard forge les destins. Et pourquoi le réel résisterait-il même à la force de l'absurde et ne viendrait-il pas docilement se plier à ses lois? Au cours d'une répétition, le feu prend au théâtre. Les pompiers ne venant pas, un acteur se déguise en pompier. Les autres font de même et écrit Cexov "... bientôt la scène se remplit de pompiers. Le théâtre était sauvé." 81 Nous assistons ici à une pulvérisation des objets par la force de l'absurde! C'est le paraître qui maîtrise l'être, le décor qui remplace la solide trame du réel. Certes Cexov ne voit pas lui-même qu'il s'agit ici plus qu'un vain amusement et tout ce que la méthode implique si elle devient système. Dans ce jeu de l'humour et de l'absurde, que reste-t-il de notre monde familier? Faisons un pas de plus. Au delà d'une description de la réalité sociale ou humaine, odieuse sans doute, et misérable, et digne à la fois de pitié et de mépris, Cexov a-t-il eu le sentiment d'un absurde fondamental de la condition humaine tel que le définit Camus. "Ce divorce entre l'homme et la vie, l'acteur et son décor, c'est proprement le sentiment de l'absurdité." 82 Sentiment, bien entendu, et non "philosophie", et qui peut déboucher aussi bien sur un nihilisme moral absolu, que sur une acceptation de la vie. "C'est lorsqu'il n'espère plus rien que l'être humain assume son destin," comme le fait remarquer R. M. Albérès.83 79 80 81 82 83

Cexov, op. cit., t. 7, p. 297; t. II, p. 759. Ibid., t. 7, p. 297; t. II, p. 760. Ibid., t. 2, p. 338. Le feuilleton est intitulé La présence d'esprit de M. Rodon. A. Camus, Le mythe de Sisyphe, Gallimard, "Les essais" (1942), p. 18. R. M. Albérès, L'aventure intellectuelle du XXe siècle, Albin Michel (1959),

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Sans s'en rendre compte peut-être lui-même, Cexov atteindra-t-il à ce sens ontologique de l'absurde qui surgit de l'analyse d'un monde indifférent et inexplicable, sans commune mesure avec l'homme jeté dans une aventure dont il ne comprend ni le but, ni le sens. Absurdité de l'univers? Dans La dame au petit chien, Gurov contemple sur la plage le paysage de Crimée avec la femme qu'il commence à aimer: Pas une feuille ne bougeait, on entendait le chant des cigales et le bruit sourd et monotone qui montait de la mer parlait du repos, du sommeil éternel qui nous attend. La même rumeur s'élevait de la mer alors que ni Yalta, ni Oréanda n'existaient encore; elle s'élève aujourd'hui et s'élèvera toujours, aussi indifférente et monotone, lorsque nous ne serons plus.84 Même sensation dans la nouvelle intitulée Gusev : La mer n'a ni intelligence ni pitié. Si le bateau était plus petit, s'il n'était construit en fer épais, les vagues le briseraient sans regret et engloutiraient tous les passagers, sans distinguer les saints des pécheurs. Le bateau a lui aussi une expression insensée et cruelle.85 Et dans l'admirable récit La fortune, on voit Cexov interrompre le fil de son histoire pour remarquer: Rien ne bougeait dans les lointains bleuâtres où la dernière colline visible se fondait avec la brume; les plates-formes de guet et les tertres qui se dressaient, çà et là, au dessus de l'horizon et de la steppe infinie, étaient mornes et morts. Leur immobilité et leur silence disaient leur existence séculaire et leur complète indifférence vis-à-vis de l'homme; il s'écoulera encore un millier d'années, il mourra des milliards d'êtres humains, et ils seront toujours là, sans nul regret des morts, sans nul intérêt pour les vivants et personne au monde ne saura pourquoi ils sont debouts et quel secret de la steppe ils gardent sous eux.86 Il s'agit bien ici du sentiment de l'absurde à l'état brut, sous sa forme existentielle. C'est un effrayant silence qui répond à l'homme à la recherche des signes et des symboles pour déchiffrer le monde: par exemple dans Dusecka la misérable héroïne de ce récit, qui n'a toute sa vie été que le reflet de son mari et de son amant, se retrouve seule avec une conscience qui est suivant la belle expression de Sartre "transparent aux choses et pp. 313-314. Plus haut, Albérès avait fort justement remarqué, en parlant de l'absurde chez A. Camus "Il s'agit non point, comme on le dit à tort, d'une "philosophie", mais d'un "sentiment", c'est-à-dire d'un état de sensibilité sociologique et littéraire" {Ibid, p. 305).

84 85 86

Cexov, op. cit., t. 9, pp. 363-364; t. Ill, p. 893 (1899).

Ibid., t. 7, p. 310; t. II, p. 774 (1890). Ibid., t. 6, p. 167; t. II, p. 181.

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opaque aux significations",87 et qui se dit "Par exemple, on voit une bouteille, ou la pluie qui tombe, ou un paysan sur sa charette, mais pourquoi sont-ils là, cette bouteille, la pluie, le paysan, quel sens ont-ils, on ne pourrait le dire, même pour mille roubles." 88 L'univers, la vie, la mort, même les objets les plus familiers n'ont pas de sens. Us s'interposent entre moi et les questions que je me pose, et me renvoient à moi-même. Même la beauté se refuse à m'ouvrir la porte sur un monde de significations cohérentes. C'est une vision passagère et mélancolique que celle d'une belle fille dont nous parle le narrateur de la nouvelle intitulée Beautés et qui lui fait dire "Etait-ce envie de sa beauté ou regret qu'elle ne fut pas mienne et ne dût jamais l'être, d'être un étranger pour elle ou bien sentiment confus que sa rare beauté était fortuite, inutile et passagère comme toute chose en ce monde..." 89 Tout est "en trop", absurde, sans aucune référence à un cadre fait à la mesure de l'homme. Quand signe il y a, c'est celui d'une énigme dont on ne peut rien tirer. Un mari surprend sa femme avec son amant parce qu'il avait oublié sa casquette, et l'amant qui n'a obéi qu'à une impulsion passagère, à un caprice sans lendemain, s'écrie "Pourquoi ai-je fait cela!... Pourquoi cela s'est-il passé précisément ainsi et pas autrement ? A qui et à quoi était-il nécessaire qu'elle m'aimât sérieusement et qu'il vînt dans ma chambre chercher sa casquette? Qu'est-ce que cette casquette venait faire là-dedans ?".90 Quel vide message cette casquette est-elle donc? A quoi renvoie-t-elle, que veut-elle dire sinon quelque chose d'inexplicable, témoignage qu'elle est d'un authentique absurde. Parfois c'est plus qu'un signe isolé, mais c'est toute une scène, dont le sens échappe à celui qui la vit et qui est réduite à une sorte de lecture mécanique d'un texte rédigé dans une langue inconnue. Par exemple Torpeur.91 Dans le train-train habituel d'une séance du tribunal, l'avocat qui s'ennuie à mourir au ronron monotone du secrétaire qui lit des textes interminables, au sempiternel défilé des témoins, se laisse aller au fil de ses pensées. Il rêve qu'il serait bien mieux chez les tsiganes auprès d'une certaine GlaSa où il fait bon oublier sa vie misérable entre sa femme et sa belle-mère. Et brusquement il est réveillé de son rêve et reconnaît Glasa dans le témoin à qui on lui demande s'il a des questions à poser. C'est la rencontre brutale entre deux mondes indépendants, une confusion entre deux rôles sociaux distincts qu'il assume en général 87

J. P. Sartre, Situations, Gallimard (1967), p. 115. Sartre parle de la conscience de Meursault, le héros de La peste. 88 Cexov, op. cit., t. 9, p. 323 ; t. Ill, p. 846 (1899). 89 Ibid., t. 7, p. 135; t. II, p. 575 (1888). 90 La peur (1892); ibid., t. 8, p. 172; t. Ill, p. 114. 91 1885, Ibid., t. 4, p. 63 et suivantes.

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successivement. Soudain le monde n'est pas reconnu: Il appartient au domaine de l'étrange, de l'insolite. Même effet de dissolution du réel dans l'absurde, que nous trouvons dans cet autre récit intitulé Au tribunal92 et écrit suivant la profonde remarque de Quentin Ritzen "dans un style qui préfigure Kafka". 93 Il s'agit d'un vieux paysan accusé d'avoir assassiné sa femme. Au milieu de l'odieuse routine du procès, odieuse routine parce que le tribunal comme les avocats témoignent d'une cruelle indifférence alors qu'il s'agit du sort d'un homme, au moment où on interroge le prévenu pour savoir où est passé la hache, pièce à conviction principale du procès, celui-ci répond qu'il l'a prêtée à son fils et se tournant vers le garde armé d'un fusil qui l'accompagne, il s'écrie "Demandezle à mon fils Proxor. Proxor, où est-elle, la hache?" 94 Et ajoute Cexov "Dans toutes les têtes, autant qu'il y en avait dans la salle, passa comme un éclair la même idée affreuse, impensable, d'une fatale coïncidence possible, et personne ne se risqua ni ne s'enhardit à lever les yeux sur le visage du soldat." 95 Et finalement le procès se poursuit comme si de rien n'était. 96 Cet irruption de l'impensable provoque dans ce monde kafkaïen de la justice, comme une sorte de brève prise de conscience de l'absurdité de la machine judiciaire et du monde en général; c'est comme si cet appareil inhumain se trouvait brusquement confronté avec une réalité effrayante et incompréhensible. Cette rencontre du père et du fils dans les rôles du prisonnier et de son gardien est saisie par tous, pendant un bref instant, comme un signe renvoyant non pas à une réalité transcendantale, mais à quelque chose dont le sens échappe parce que l'absurde est peut-être la réponse que l'univers nous offre quand on veut l'interroger. Et l'attitude de l'accusé qui accepte cette situation sans protester comme si elle était naturelle, me fait songer à celle de Joseph K. du Procès. Prenons, enfin, une des dernières nouvelles de Cexov (elle date de 1898), Une visite médicale. Je sais bien qu'on peut lui donner une interprétation humaine et même sociale, qui est celle de J. Simmons quand il écrit "Le médecin, avec son esprit froid et scientifique mais non dénué d'une certaine sensibilité, se rend compte que la jeune héritière qu'il soigne pour des troubles nerveux souffre en réalité d'un cas de conscience. Elle supporte mal que sa richesse soit arrachée au travail des ouvriers 92

1 886, Cexov, op. cit., t. 5, pp. 190 et suivantes; 1.1, pp. 1342 et suivantes. Quentin Ritzen, op. cit., p. 36. 94 Cexov, op. cit., t. 6, p. 196; 1.1, p. 1348. 95 Ibid. 96 Tolstoj avait sélectionné cette histoire parmi les trente qu'il estimait les meilleures de Cexov. 93

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de l'usine qui gagnent à peine de quoi ne pas mourir de faim." 97 Telle est, bien entendu, l'interprétation que lui donne aussi VI. Ermilov dans son livre sur Cexov.98 Et Cexov lui-même, par ses carnets de notes, confirme en partie cette interprétation. 99 Mais même si on l'admet, quelle étrange manière que celle Cexov pour aborder ce problème social! Car cette nouvelle tient plus, par son atmosphère, du fantastique que d'une étude réaliste de la condition des ouvriers. Elle décrit davantage une réalité qui n'a pas de nom (ou plutôt qui en a un, car Cexov parlera du Diable) 100 et qui déborde largement le cadre d'un milieu historique et social. Que l'accumulation des détails réalistes ne nous trompe pas, c'est le procédé même qu'emploie Kafka. L'accumulation dans l'espace d'objets d'apparence réelle, loin d'apporter poids et authenticité, ne fait en réalité que témoigner d'un autre ordre de significations et de valeurs, comme le foisonnement de la dialectique du fou n'est que le signe de son délire. Les bâtiments, les ouvriers font bien partie d'un décor que l'on peut sentir et palper. Mais que la nuit survienne et tout prend une allure fantastique. Il suffit d'un changement d'éclairage pour que le tableau prenne sa véritable signification Soudain retentirent les mêmes sons étranges qu'il avait entendus avant le dîner... C'étaient sans doute les veilleurs de nuit qui frappaient les onze coups de onze heures... Et l'on aurait dit au milieu du silence de la nuit que ces sons étaient l'œuvre d'un monstre aux yeux pourpres, du diable en personne, qui régnait en maître ici sur les patrons et les ouvriers et les trompait les uns et les autres.101 C'est au cœur même de la nuit que la fabrique surgit dans son être véritable, éclairée d'une fulgurante et impénétrable vérité. Que s'écroulent les conditions habituelles de la perception et le héros de l'histoire rentre en contact avec un univers où les objets et les êtres semblent s'agiter dans une danse irréelle où le maître de ballet est un absurde métaphysique que Cexov identifie avec le diable auquel il ne croit pas : Il lui semblait que ces yeux pourpres qui le regardaient étaient ceux du diable en personne, de la force inconnue qui a créé les rapports entre les forts et les 97

3. Simmons, A. Tchékhov, Robert Laffont (Paris, 1968), p. 481. VI. Ermilov, A. P. Chekhov, transi, by Ivy Litvinov (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, s.d.). 99 Cexov, op. cit., t. 9, p. 601, "On regarde une fabrique, quelque part dans un trou désert. Tout est tranquille, silencieux, mais si on pénètre à l'intérieur, c'est ignorance crasse des propriétaires, aveugle égoïsme, situation sans espoir des ouvriers, bagarres, vodka, poux". 100 Et Cexov notera dans ses Carnets "Chez le Diable (la fabrique)", Iz arxiva A. P. Cexova, op. cit., p. 109. 101 Cexov, op. cit., t. 9, p. 310; t. ΠΙ, p. 829. 98

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faibles, cette grossière erreur que plus rien ne saurait réparer désormais. Il faut que le fort empêche le faible de vivre, telle est la loi de la nature... Ce n'est plus une loi mais une inconséquence où le fort et le faible tombent pareillement, victimes de leurs rapports mutuels, se soumettant malgré eux à une force directrice inconnue, extérieure à la vie, étrangère à l'homme. Voilà ce que pensait Korolev, assis sur son tas de planches, et peu à peu il se trouva dans l'humeur de croire que cette force inconnue, mystérieuse, se tenait effectivement devant lui et le regardait.102 Satanique certes, mais surtout absurde cette fabrique dont la propriétaire, qui est veuve, ne vit que pour sa fille qui est malade et malheureuse. Si bien que la seule personne au profit de qui fonctionne cette organisation monstrueuse, est la gouvernante, vieille fille insignifiante qui ne songe qu'à s'empiffrer: Quinze cents à deux milles ouvriers travaillent sans repos, dans des conditions malsaines, pour fabriquer de mauvaises cotonnades, ils ne mangent pas à leur faim, et tout ce qu'ils peuvent faire, c'est d'aller chercher de temps à autre l'oubli de ce cauchemar au cabaret... Mme Lialikov et sa fille sont malheureuses, elles font peine à voir, seule se trouve bien Mlle Christine, une demoiselle d'un certain âge, bornée et qui porte un lorgnon. Finalement on travaille dans ces cinq bâtiments et l'on vend de mauvaises cotonnades sur les marchés d'Occident uniquement pour permettre à Mlle Christine de manger de l'esturgeon et de boire du madère.103 "Ces mots", dit Ermilov, "exposent, avec la netteté et la précision tchékhovienne, l'absurdité et le non-sens de l'ordre capitaliste." 104 N'est-ce pas là une interprétation abusive? Par delà les injustices des structures sociales nées du capitalisme, Cexov n'entrevoit-il pas tout autre chose ? Quand il parle du "diable", n'est-ce pas plutôt une façon de dénoncer l'absurdité et la dérision de la condition humaine ? La situation qui règne dans cette fabrique n'est-elle pas plutôt un signe et un symbole? Et si Cexov fait dire au docteur "La vie sera belle dans une cinquantaine d'années," 105 il a d'avance annulé la portée de cette réflexion en écrivant un peu plus haut "...il considérait les usines comme un malentendu dont la cause était, elle aussi, obscure et inéluctable, et s'il ne considérait pas comme superflues toutes les améliorations apportées à la vie des ouvriers, il les comparaît au traitement des maladies incurables". 106 102

Cexov, op. cit., t. 9, pp. 310-311 ; t. ΙΠ, p. 830. Ibid., t. 9, pp. 309-310; t. Ill, p. 829. 104 VI. Ermilov, op. cit., p. 305. 105 Cexov, op. cit., t. 9, p. 313; t. Ill, p. 833. 106 Ibid., t. 9, p. 309; t. Ill, p. 828. Le mot rappelle celui que M. Gor'kij appliquait à Cexov "Il marche sur la terre comme un médecin dans un hôpital: beaucoup de malades et peu de médicaments. D'ailleurs le médecin n'est pas très sûr lui-même qu'il faille les soigner". 103

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Le délicat Cexov, contemplant au travers des éclats de son lorgnon le monde qui l'entoure, le cœur souvent serré par une réalité désolante, considère ici le problème ouvrier d'un œil pour le moins curieux. Se situant en dehors d'une critique sociale, à bien plus forte raison révolutionnaire, Cexov semble effectuer une plongée dans une problématique qui la dépasse infiniment. Changeant l'attitude qui a bien souvent été la sienne, et dont il a tiré à l'infini des effets d'un comique irrésistible, parvenu à l'âge mûr, Cexov semble traversé par le sentiment d'un absurde fondamental, structure même de l'univers. L'homme est seul. Il se débat dans un monde incompréhensible qui le déborde de toutes parts. Aliéné par la société, quand il descend en lui-même, c'est pour y trouver des modèles de pensées et de conduite que la société lui inspirent et qui le font agir en marionnette souvent comique, la plupart du temps tragique. Le rôle absorbe la personne, l'inauthentique débouche sur l'absurde. Et semblable à l'asile de la Chambre no. 6, le monde semble un asile de fous où rien n'échappe à l'analyse cruelle et impitoyable de Cexov. Et s'il reste de tout cela une critique sociale, elle se place sur un plan tout autre qui est celui de l'éthique. L'œuvre n'est-elle pas ime dénonciation des faux-sentiments, des idées toutes faites que les personnages englués dans une réalité pétrie de mensonge, véhiculent inconsciemment et avec lesquels inconsciemment ils s'empoisonnent. Si l'homme jeté dans un monde incompréhensible souffre de ne pas trouver un langage commun avec l'univers, il ajoute à cette absurdité une autre absurdité: le mensonge accepté comme vérité par veulerie et impuissance, parce qu'il en a toujours été ainsi, parce qu'il se justifie par la tradition, l'histoire, la coutume, l'exemple. Personne ne pose de questions parce que personne n'est en état d'y répondre. D'ailleurs poser une question serait déjà en soi quelque chose d'indécent et de suspect. Et si parfois, et au moment où s'y attend le moins, un personnage prend brusquement conscience de l'impossible situation qui est la sienne, sa voix angoissée résonne dans le vide. Plongé dans un quotidien fait de banalités et de sottise, il ne s'en échappe que par un sentiment impuissant d'absurdité de la condition dans laquelle il se débat sans savoir qui en porte la responsabilité. Cette réalité déshumanisante, ce quotidien, c'est le drame auquel s'attache Cexov, c'est l'étoffe même de son œuvre. S'il sait pour son usage personnel en tirer d'autres conclusions, ce n'est pas le cas de la majorité de ses héros. Ceux-ci enfermés dans un monde absurde, y périssent misérablement. Car l'absurde est bien l'instrument le plus corrosif qui puisse dissoudre la réalité. Et c'est bien le rôle qu'il assume chez Cexov. Mais, en même temps, par le même mouvement qui pousse à dénier toute valeur

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à l'univers, ce sentiment peut être pour l'homme un moyen de se saisir lui-même, de transformer cette expérience. De la conscience de son néant, à partir même de la situation qui est la sienne, l'homme peut poser son propre système de valeurs. Pour persister dans son être, il lui faut bien valoriser cette manière d'être. Tel est bien le cas de Cexov, sceptique devant les systèmes religieux, métaphysiques ou politiques mais d'un rigorisme moral sans compromission devant l'homme et la société. C'est bien un sentiment qui l'inspire, en artiste et écrivain qu'il est: la sensation de dépaysement qu'éprouve l'homme devant l'univers, ce drame de l'absurde est plutôt vécu par Cexov en moraliste et résolu en moraliste. Loind'être mené à un désespoir sans issu, Cexov y trouve plutôt des motifs d'agir malgré tout. Il en tire des raisons de s'affirmer en homme, pénétré de sa dignité d'homme dans un monde où sa place n'est pas marquée. Ce désespoir, pas plus que chez Camus ou que chez Ionesco "n'est pas renoncement à vivre, mais refus des compromis, des aveuglements, des lâchetés, et surtout de cette fausse tendresse, de cette fausse pitié qui rendent les êtres geignards et irresponsables..."107 En ce sens Cexov est bien moderne par sa sensibilité. Et les conclusions qui s'imposent à lui au terme d'une analyse lucide et dénuée d'illusions, elles sont bien aussi de notre temps. Il est bien entendu que chez Cexov le thème de l'absurde n'est abordé que d'une manière indirecte. Le mot ni la chose n'étaient à la mode. Mais s'il n'est pas formellement explicité (Cexov n'a pas pour cela une tête métaphysicienne), il n'en colore pas moins l'œuvre toute entière. Et quand Cexov traite de l'absurde, c'est parce qu'il le ressent comme une réalité qui déborde le monde de toutes parts. Mais il ne peut être question d'enrôler Cexov dans une quelconque école philosophique, et d'inscrire son nom dans la liste des théoriciens de l'absurde. S'il adhère à une 'philosophie', celle-ci n'est qu'un système étriqué fait de vague croyance à un matérialisme très simple, à une foi naïve dans le progrès, à une intégrité morale dont il a tiré les éléments dans Marc-Aurèle qu'il a lu et relu et qui le porte à une courageuse acceptation de la réalité.108 Mais constater que le monde est une énorme machine dont les mécanismes n'ont aucun sens par rapport à l'homme, c'était être conduit à centrer son intérêt sur cette réalité infiniment fragile et infiniment précieuse qui est la réalité humaine: l'absurde revalorisait l'homme dans la mesure où il l'isolait dans un univers sans signification. Cexov eut pu ainsi déboucher sur une conception cohérente du monde. Il ne l'a pas fait parce 107

R. M. Albérès, op. cit., p. 312. "Aucune philosophie nouvelle ne ressort de ses écrits," écrit Sophie Lafitte, "aucun système cohérent." Tchékhov par lui-même, op. cit., p. 154. 108

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JEAN DROUILLY

qu'il ne pouvait pas le faire. Ne lui demandons pas ce qui n'était pas dans sa nature de nous donner. Les délires idéologiques n'étaient pas son fait. Tirons-en peut-être une raison de plus de l'admirer. Université de Montréal

II. LINGUISTICS

RICHARD C. DeARMOND

AN ABSTRACT PHONOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE SEQUENCE CVRC IN CONTEMPORARY STANDARD POLISH

In view of the currently accepted views on the diachronic development of the clusters containing liquids in Contemporary Standard Polish (CSP), one normally would expect the rules for the derivation of such sequences in a generative phonological analysis to reflect the historical development of them. However, a constraint, which I shall call the Naturalness Condition of Rule Change, is imposed on phonological rules. This constraint renders the currently accepted historical rules incorrect. The purpose of this paper is to relate the derivation of the surface (systematic phonetic) forms to a potential underlying sequence CVRC within terms of this constraint plus two others. Although the diachronic development (see Agrell 1917a and b, S0rensen 1952, Milewski 1929, Lehr-Spíawiñski 1931) of Co/eRC presents few problems in terms of the proposed phonological constraints, the development of short high vowels in the same sequence does. According to Stieber (1968:52-62) Proto-Slavic lax high vowels plus a liquid became a palatal syllabic liquid; a lax high back vowel plus a liquid became a non-palatalized syllabic liquid. The development of /r/ 1 is relatively simple. Nonpalatalized ¡t¡ became /ar / ; palatal /r,/ became /ar/ before non-palatalized dentals ; otherwise, the latter became either /er/ or /er,/, which subsequently became /ez/ (or /es/ before voiceless consonants or in word final position). The development of syllabic laterals is more complex; their development is outlined in the following table: /}/ -ν /lu/ after dentals: dlugi 'long'. I\/ -*• /el/ after velars : kielb 'gudgeon'. /}/ -> /ul/ after labials : pulk {polk) 'regiment'. 1 All phonological segments or sequences of segments are enclosed in slants. Brackets are reserved for phonetic representation. To distinguish underlying systematic phonemes from surface systematic phones, when it is not clear from context, U is written immediately before the first slant in the former, and S in the latter; intermediate stages are not marked: U/tri/ -»· /tr, i/ -> /tz, i/ -> /ts, i/ -»• S/täy/.

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/!,/ -»• /ul/, /ol/ after palatals: zólé 'bile', czolgaé 'to crawl'. /ei/ after a labial and before a hard dentai : pelny 'full'. /\J /!,/ -> /il/ elsewhere: wi'/fc 'wolf'. /r/ -> /ar/: gardlo 'throat' /y,/ -> /ar/ before dentals: twardy 'hard'. /r,/ -> /er/, /ez/, /es/ : twierdzic 'assert', wierzba 'willow', wierzch 'surface'. There is no evidence for underlying tense (long) segments before liquids in CSP; whether or not there are tense segments in this position in an earlier stage of Polish or Common Slavic, which I believe to be questionable, is not germane to this paper. Although it is possible to write out these rules as they are listed above in a synchrony of CSP, to do so would require a relatively unconstrained set of rules which would have little explanatory adequacy. The rules would be essentially ad hoc. I have proposed in DeArmond (1971a, b) that phonological change is restricted to two unmarked (natural) processes. Briefly, natural rules are of two sorts: they are either rules of assimilation, or the rules are spontaneous; i.e., they are not conditioned by an environment. A segment changes from a form which is phonologically more distinct (in Jakobson 's [1968:68] sense of maximal contrast) to a form which is less distinct. Rules of dissimilation essentially belong to the latter group. Other rules are considered unnatural and they occur only in exceptional circumstances. A second constraint is posed in that the underlying forms are restricted by a set of strict morpheme structure rules. The underlying form of non-foreign morphemes in one interpretation must be set up in terms of these rules. The third constraint is a weak variant of Kiparsky's (1968a) Alternating Condition: if a surface form has no alternates, then its underlying systematic phonemic shape can be no more abstract than the phonetically closest form which can be expressed in terms of the morpheme structure rules. The underlying form of alternating forms can be no more abstract than the form which requires the simplest derivation within terms of the Naturalness Condition of Rule Change and the morpheme structure rules. An abstract phonological analysis occurs when the weak form of the Alternating Condition is accepted. See Hyman (1970) for further discussion on the inacceptability of the strong variant of the Alternating Condition. There is increasing evidence that a variation of the strong form of the Alternating Condition may indeed supersede the constraint placed by the

THE SEQUENCE "CVRC" IN CONTEMPORARY STANDARD POLISH

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morpheme structure rules. Vennemann (1972) claims that non-alternating morphemes should be introduced directly into the phonological component at the systematic phonetic level. This variant appears to be too strong. For example, a velar nasal in English would be introduced as /η/ if it does not alternate with /i)g/ in some other allomorph. However, in English it is possible for /r)g/ to appear in place of /η/ within the same allomorph under certain conditions. The segment /g/ may appear in word final position if the word in which it occurs is heavily emphasized: S/sigg/! /g/ may also appear if it occurs word-finally followed by a hesitation form: sing, uh/siqga:/. In DeArmond (1972) it is proposed that expressive terms (foreign words and onomatopoeia) be entered in the phonology at a level which nearly corresponds to the classical phonemic level. The rules which apply, deriving the systematic phonetic level of representation, appear to be automatic. That is, they are not morphologically conditioned and they may occur without exception. In the non-alternating examples which Vennemann is describing it appears that these forms may also be entered in the phonological component at this level. Alternating forms are introduced at the systematic phonemic level. In this paper I will assume the weak variant of the Alternating Condition in order to relate the synchronic phonological derivation to the diachronic derivation. It is not being claimed at this time that the following rules are correct historically. These rules would apply to a grammar incorporating the weak variant of the Alternating Condition. It is suggested that they may account for the diachronic derivation in a more natural way than they are accounted for within the currently accepted views. The Naturalness Condition of Rule Change is adapted from Postal's (1968 :55ff.) Naturalness Condition and from Stampe's (1969) observation on naturalness, and from McCawley's claim concerning naturalness, wherein a child may know what a possible grammar is; i.e., he knows what the possible rules of grammar are, and that he constructs his grammar around these innate data. In the following section it will appear that more rules are necessary than if the constraints were not adopted. McCawley proposes that a language is not evaluated by counting pluses and minuses or other such forms, but that language evaluation is based on the abovementioned hypothesis. Presumably, most grammars will be unacceptable; i.e., it will not be possible to express them within terms of these constraints. Such grammars are thus rejected. If it should happen that two or more grammars may be expressed within terms of these constraints, then simplicity is the evaluation factor. It is more probable in such cases that other

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universal constraints are being overlooked. In CSP I claim that the morpheme structure rules generate (s) (C) (R) V (R) (s) (C),2 where R here represents a sonorant. (Elsewhere in this paper R represents a liquid only.) There are several constraints of cooccurrence : for example, laterals cannot follow dentals, nasals can only follow /s/ or velar stops, but not, apparently, /x/. Other constraints which are relevant to the paper are noted in the text. The sequence CRVC is not discussed here since few if any rules apply to this sequence which are not already well known and which are unique to liquids. For example, the underlying from of trzy 'three' is /tri/, /r/ becomes palatalized, assimilating to the feature of palatality in the following vowel, /i/ : 3 /r,/ -> /r,/ -* /z,/ /z/. This process is well known in Polish. The morpheme structure rules will not generate initial /ts/, and there are no allomorphs wherein the initial consonant sequence alternates with another.4 Whereas /t/ is an underlying systematic phoneme, /§/ is not (Lightner 1963).5 The possible sources of /§/ are /sj/, /x/ plus a palatal vowel, or /r/ plus a palatal vowel. The morpheme structure rules only allow initial /tr/. That /r/ alternates with /z/ and /s/ is seen in biorç /b,orë/ Ί take' and bierzesz /b,szε§/ 'thou takest'. By progressive assimilation /tz/ /ts/. 2

The morpheme structure rules are based primarily on the distribution of consonants in the non-expressive verb stems. For example, the underlying structure of tkac 'to weave' is /tuk+öi/. /tuk/ is the root of the stem. Similarly in tlec siç 'to glimmer' the underlying stem is /tul+éi/. The underlying vowel appears in the secondary imperfective if it is formed with the suffix /öi/: natkac (perfective), natykac (imperfective) 'to fill'. 3 The feature of palatality in vowels (first suggested in Wang 1968) refers to a phonetic raising of the centre of the tongue plus its more forward position in the mouth. 4 The morpheme structure rules of words entered at the 'neo-phonemic' level (the intermediate level) are less constraining than those at the systematic phonemic level; e.g., djabei 'devil' is a foreign word with initial /dj/, which is not tolerated at the systematic phonemic level. However, there are certain restrictions. One such restriction is that initial /t§/ is not tolerated; foreign words are incorporated into the language with initial /£/. 6 The systematic phonemic system of Polish is based on Lightner (1963) : [—tense] [+pal] [ - p a l ] [+high]i: |i: u: ï: [—high]|ε: ε: ο: ε:

[+tense] [+pal] Q: o:

[-pal]

ρ b m

t d s ζ η r

k g χ

THE SEQUENCE "CVRC" IN CONTEMPORARY STANDARD POLISH

169

First, consider the derivation of krowa /króva/ 'cow'. Historically, the reconstructed Proto-Slavic form of the stem is /korw/. 8 However, the sequence /krow/ is possible by the morpheme structure rules. Since there are no sequential alternations of the vowel and the liquid, the posited underlying form of the stem is /krow/. 7 This is due to the constraint of the Weak Alternating Condition. Now consider mróz /mrus/ 'frost'. Here /u/ alternates with /o/ when the latter is in syllable final position. The genitive singular is mroza /mroza/. However, /mr/ is not a possible underlying initial sequence.8 /mroz/ is proposed as the underlying form of the stem. The metathesis of a vowel plus a liquid synchronically has been observed by Lightner (1963) in the following form: mlec 'to grind', mielç Ί grind'. The underlying form of the verb stem is /mei/. Metathesis occurs in closed syllables in traditional analysis. However, Lightner (1965) believes that an epenthetic vowel develops between the liquid and the final consonant. The initial vowel raises to a high vowel which is subsequently deleted. This formulation is historically correct (Stieber, 1968:61). It is necessary to assume this derivation in order to account for the alternation of the vowel in the prefix we- with zero : weprzec /vépsëc/ 'intrude' (perfective), and wpierac /fp,érac/ (imperfective). In the prefix the vowel /ε/, which is derived from a lax high back vowel, replaces the lax vowel if another lax high vowel occurs in the following syllable. The syllable is subsequently deleted. Following polnoglasie the first vowel in the stem is raised to a lax high vowel. Thus the condition is met whereby the vowel in the prefix becomes strong and is ultimately replaced with /ε/: /wu = per + ti/ -*• /wu = per ε + ti/ -*• /wu = ρίτε = ti/ ->- /we + pire -f- ti/. Palatalization applies and lax high vowels are deleted: /we = pr, ε + t,/. The systematic phonetic system of Polish is the following: i e ε ä

ü ö 5

y ë ε a

u 0 0

Ρ b f V m

w 6

Ρ, b, f, ν, m,

t d c 3 s ζ η r 1

t, d, c, 3. s, Z, n, r, 1,

é 3 S ζ ñ

3, δ, 2,

c 3 s ζ ή

j

k g

k, S.

χ Y O

ί

G)

In most examples only the stem of the word is cited. The rules for the derivation of the desinences are considerably more complex and are not dealt with here. 7 Following Coats and Harshenin (1971) /w/ represents a consonantal glide, which underlies /v/, and /u/ represents a non-consonantal semivowel which is derived from /u/. 8 See footnote (2).

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And finally /νέρδεό/ is derived. For variations on the interpretation of the historical development of vowel plus liquid see Rozwadowski (1909:187). In DeArmond (1971b) it is proposed that in Ukrainian underlying vowels are phonologically long. This interpretation is derived from the hypothesis that underlying segments are maximally distinct [- long] segments are more distinctive than short ones. It is argued that long vowels break naturally into two sequences of short vowels, and that one of them either becomes a glide [—syllabic, + consonant] or metathesis occurs. A constraint is proposed which prohibits the creation of a segment out of nothing. Although there is little empirical evidence for glide formation in Polish, the only concrete evidence for it occurs in the derivation of ksiqzka 'book'. It appears that /s/, which cannot follow /k/ in the underlying form, arises from /j/, which in turn is derived from /εε/ /ke :n, z, + ik/ -> /keen, z, + ik/ ->- /kjen, z, + ik/ -> /ksen, z, + ik/ -> /ksëwz + ik/ /ks3wz + k/ ->- /ksáwsk/. Rule (1) states that long underlying vowels first break into two identical short segments : Rule (1)

+ α β +

syl • 1 high pal long

+ syl • α high β pal — long

By convention, Rule (1) is abbreviated to the following form: V\\ -> Vi Fi. 10 Metathesis occurs if a liquid occurs in closed syllable. Reflecting its Common Slavic heritage, syllables in Polish become open except for nasal segments, which are reduced to nasalized semivowels. Otherwise all syllable final consonants are lost. 9

Historically the form is derived from */knig+ik—/. However, because of the Weak Alternating Condition only /ε:/ can be posited as the underlying vowel of the root since it is phonetically closer to /3w/, which is derived from /ew/, than it is to

fl:/. 10

The following symbols are used as abbreviations in the rule format: C refers to any segment that is [+consonantal, —sonorant], Ρ to [+anterior, —coronal], Τ to [+anterior, —coronal], Κ to [—anterior], R to [+liquid], W to [+sonorant, —nasal, —liquid], and F to [+syllabic].

THE SEQUENCE "CVRC" IN CONTEMPORARY STANDARD POLISH

Rule (2)

VR -* RVj

171

C.

Thus for example, /mo :rz/ /moorz/ Rule (1) /moroz/ Rule (2) The effect of the underlying long vowel is that it accounts for metathesis in a more natural manner. The gemination of a vocalic segment, that is, the creation of a vowel out of nothing, seems less natural than positing long underlying forms. At present there seems to be no way to test the validity of the hypothesis. Until one hypothesis can be disproven, my argument is dependent on the view that the more language (i.e., grammar) is constrained, the more powerful it becomes. The end result is : the more abstract the systematic level of representation, the less unnatural the rules will be. The first vowel in a sequence of vowel plus liquid plus vowel within a morpheme is raised: Rule (3)

Vi -y [+ high]/

RVi.

High vowels are deleted if another does not occur in the following syllable : Rule (4) /mom/

/muroz/ Rule (3) /mroz/ Rule (4) By a rule not relevant to the derivation of liquid sequences, in the nominative singular a short high vowel is deleted, which causes the preceding vowel /o/ to become tense if the final consonant is a voiced obstruent. The tense vowel is raised and then it becomes lax : /muroz + u/ -»/mr5z/ ->- /mrüz/ ->- /mruz/ ->- /mrus/ (final voiced obstruents become voiceless). Consider the derivation of gardlo /gárdwo/. It cannot be derived from */go :rd + l/,11 since the application of Rules (1) through (4) to it would derive */grod/ (*S/gród + w + o/ in the nominative singular). The 11

/!/ is a formant morpheme (a suffix) which frequently forms adjective stems, but infrequently nominal stems. As a separate morpheme it does not violate the morpheme structure rules.

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RICHARD C. DeARMOND

segment /g/ occurs at the systematic phonetic level. Therefore, the underlying vowel cannot be palatal; otherwise, the first palatalization would apply. Therefore, the underlying vowel must be /u:/. Rules (1) and (2) apply: /gu :rd + 1/ /guurd + 1/ Rule (1) /gurud + 1/ Rule (2) Although in traditional analysis the second lax high vowel is deleted, it is proposed in DeArmond (Forthcoming) that the vowel is first reduced (shortened), and then a reduced vowel which precedes a non-reduced vowel in the following syllable is desyllabified. The resulting form is a semivowel : Rule (5)

Rule (6)

"+syl · + high — tense_ " + syl Ί _+ reducedJ

[ + reduced]

[—syl]/_

Cn

"+ syl Ί — reducedJ

Thus, /gurud + 1/ /gürúd + 1/ Rule (5) /gürud + 1/ Rule (6) Rules (5) and (6) replace Rule (4). One advantage they have over Rule (4) is that it is no longer necessary to state the condition of the rule change in Rule (4) in negative terms. Any sequence of a liquid plus a semivowel plus a consonant (/rud/ in the above example) is phonetically implausible if not impossible. Metathesis occurs, reversing the position of the semivowel : Rule (7)

RW^

WR!

C

The lax vowel plus the semivowel are subsequently merged, resulting in a non-reduced lax vowel; /u/ is then lowered before /r/: Rule (8) Rule (9)

Γ+ syl Ί L+ reducedji ' + syl + round — tense

Γ - syl "1 consj2 [ - bigh]/_

Γ+ syl "1 reducedj 1 Γ+ liquid! L-lat J

THE SEQUENCE "CVRC" IN CONTEMPORARY STANDARD POLISH

173

And finally /o/ is delabialized and centralized before /r/; such vowels are typically low: Rule (10)

' + syl ' — high — tense

round"| back J

Thus, /gúryd + 1/ /guyrd + 1/ /gurd + 1/ /gord + 1/ /gard + 1/

Rule Rule Rule Rule

(7) (8) (9) (10)

Hard /l/ is specified as j\j, and then it becomes delateralized: /gárd + w + o/. Consider twierdzic /tv,έτ^ίό/ and twardy /tvárdy/. The underlying stem of twardy is /twi:rd/. Before /r/, the segment ¡i:/ is replaced with /u:/ if the consonant following /r/ is a hard dental. The derivation of the adjective twardy is similar to that of gardlo following the application of Rule (11) : Rule (11)

+ syl ' + pal . + high

"-pal Ί _+ roundj '

+ liquidj lat

[-

T

Thus, /twi :rd/ /twu:rd/ (Rule 12) -> /twuurd/ (Rule 1), etc. The labialization of the vowel is assimilation to the underlying labio-velarity of the dental. Dental consonants are maximally distinct, being marked as velarized and labialized, /r/ may be a possible exception: it could be an underlying alveopalatal. Dental consonants remain velarized and labialized at the systematic phonetic level unless they become palatalized. Whether labials and velars are marked for the same features is unknown at this time. In the derivation of twierdzic an interesting problem arises. The segment /w/ is palatalized, but palatalization does not occur in twardy. Rule (1) occurs before palatalization. However, Rule (11) applies if the following consonant is palatalized. In twierdzic the root final consonant is palatalized and Rule (11) does not apply. That is, palatalization must apply before Rule (11), palatalizing the final consonant of the stem thus blocking the application of Rule (11). If the structural description of palatalization is not met, then Rule (11) may apply. However, if Rule (11)

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RICHARD C. DeARMOND

does not apply and /i :/ remains, then the consonant which precedes /i :/ is palatalized. Palatalization applies twice. In its first application it applies only across a morpheme boundary (Rule 12); in its second application it applies without an intervening morpheme boundary (Rule 13): Rule (12)

pal] /

+ [+ pal]

Rule (13) C - > [+ pal] /

[ + pal]

Thus, twi :rd + Î + ti twi :rd, + I + ti

twi :rd + os twi :rd + os

tw,i :rd, + î + t, i

Rule (12) Rule (11) Rule (13)

The rules for the derivation of /tw,i :rd/ follow the above rules plus a variation of Rule (9), where lax high vowels are lowered to midvowels. This rule is a spontaneous rule:

Ru,e(l4)

piy-M»«

It is shown below that Rule (14) occurs after the delabialization of /u/, which is otherwise lowered before /r/ before delabialization occurs. However, a complication arises. Consider wierzch /ν,εδχ/. The only source for /§/ within terms of the constraint of the morpheme structure rules is /r/. In order to account for the palatalization of /r,/, Rule (2) (metathesis) applies before Rule (13): /wi :rx/ /wiirx/ /wirix/ /w,ir,ix/

Rule (1) Rule (2) Rule (13)

But in twierdzié Rule (13) applies before Rule (2); /r/ is not palatalized: /twi :rd,/ /tw,i:rd,/ /tw,iird,/ /tw,irid,/

Rule (13) Rule (1) Rule (2)

If the rule of metathesis in high vowels were ruled out, then the palatalization of /r/ would be much more difficult to explain. Rule reordering (see Kiparsky 1968b) is a process which explains analogical levelling, but

THE SEQUENCE "CVRC" IN CONTEMPORARY STANDARD POLISH

175

that is not the case here. There are no alternate forms where /r/ -> /z/. McCawley (1967) suggests that it occurs in order to achieve a natural ordering of rules. It is not clear at this time what the natural ordering of metathesis and palatalization is. Furthermore, since some of the Polish dialects show the opposite result (Stieber 1968:56), it is not clear that there is indeed a natural ordering. For example, in place of CSP wierzch and dem /cerri/ 'thorn', mer eh /v,erx/ and cierzn /όεζή/ are found. In /tv,irid,/ the second vowel /if is replaced with /y/, since it occurs after a non-palatalized consonant (/r/). Palatalization does not reapply. Rule (15) is an extension of the process of synharmonism where the initial consonants of a syllable and the vowel of that syllable agree in the feature of palatality: Rule (15) [ + s y l ] - > [ - p a l ] / [ - p a l ] Rule (15) must obviously follow Rules (12) and (13). Thus, /tw,irid,/ /tw,iryd,/ /tw,ïr?d,/ /tw.ïryd,/ /tw,ïyrd,/ /tw,ird,/ /tw,erd,/

/w,ir,ix/ /w,ïr,ïx/ /w,ïr,jx/ /w,ïir,x/ /w,ir,x/ /w,sr,x/

Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule

(15) (5) (6) (7) (8) (14)

Whether Rule (2) precedes or follows Rule (13) is a rule feature that must be entered in the lexical entry of the forms considered to be exceptional. Consider the forms with /I/. In dlugi /dwúg,i/ /w/ is derived from /I/, which in turn is derived from /l/ if the latter does not become palatalized. The pronunciation of dlugi with a labio-velarized lateral occurs in Literary (stage) Polish: /dlúg,i/. The morpheme structure rules block positing the underlying sequence of an initial dental plus a lateral. The underlying vowel cannot be non-high nor can it be a palatal vowel, which is shown below. Therefore, the underlying form of the stem is /dulg/. Rules (1) and (2) apply: /du:lg/ /duulg/ /dulug/

Rule (1) Rule (2)

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RICHARD C. DeARMOND

For reasons still unclear if the first segment is a dental, metathesis applies once again : Rule (16)

VR -> RV/T

VC

Merger follows creating a tense vowel: Rule (17)

Fi Fi -> Fi

Thus, /dutug/ /dluug/ /dlüg/

Rule (16) Rule (17)

Rule (17) must obviously apply before Rule (5), which reduces lax high vowels. Tense vowels become lax by a late rule: /dlüg,i/ -> /dlug,i/. Rule (16) does not apply following velars. In kielb /k,swp/ (the stem belongs to the soft declension) the final palatalized labial becomes hard; cf. the genitive singular kielbia /k,ewb,a/. Thus, /ku :1b/ /kuulb/ /kulub/ /kúlüb/ /kúlyb/ /küulb/ /kulb/

Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule

(1) (2) (5) (6) (7) (8)

When it is not lowered by Rule (9) before /r/, /u/ is delabialized and fronted; it does not become a palatal vowel: Rule (18)

Thus, /kulb/ /kylb/ /keib/

Rule (18) Rule (14)

Velar stops become palatalized before non-back vowels (Jy/ and /ε/), and the vowels become palatal by the process of synharmonism. Rule (19) does not apply to /x/ ; e.g., chelpic¡χείρ,ίό/ 'boast'.

THE SEQUENCE "CVRC" IN CONTEMPORARY STANDARD POLISH

Rule (19)

' + cons + high — cont

[ + pal] / . .

Rule (20) [ + syl] -

[apal]/

177

+ syl —back — low

Γ + cons') Lapal J

Thus, /k,ëlb/ /k,ë!b/

Rule (19) Rule (20)

Normally, vowel lowering (Rule 14) occurs after vowel reduction and merger (Rules 5, 6, and 7). However, in certain environments vowel lowering occurs before these rules if /u/ occurs after a labial and before /I/. It is lowered before vowel reduction. The reason for this rule reordering is not known. In pulk /puwk/, for example, /u/ is lowered by Rule (21a), which occurs before Rule (5) : Rule (21) a. Ρ [ + round] V - [ - high]/ b.

Γ + liquid! r + s y l Ί L+lat J L+highJ

[— round] Thus, /pu :1k/ /puulk/ /puluk/ /poluk/ /polük/ /poluk/ /poluk/

Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule

(1) (2) (21a) (5) (6) (7)

Rule (21b) is discussed below. The sequence /ow/ is merged resulting in a tense vowel /o/, which is subsequently raised to /u/ and then is laxed: /u/. However, the merging rules applies to /ε/ only if it occurs before palatalized /],/; it applies to /o/ regardless of the following consonant. Merger occurs in two steps; the first states that /o/ and /e/ become tense: 12 12 The rule format is base on Harms (1968:66). The rule applies to a segment which contains a feature enclosed in angle brackets only if the segment listed in the structural description of the rule contains the feature(s) listed in angle brackets.

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RICHARD C. DeARMOND

Rule (22) r+syl — reduced ( + round ) L ( < + [pal] > j

+ cons [ + tense] /

--syl Ί — consj

+ lat χ + pal/

The glide is then deleted, whether or not Rule (20) applies : Rule (23)

Γ— syl L - consj ^

l

~

Ί . Seg] 1

. r , [ + COns]

Rule (24) states that tense midvowels are raised : Rule (24)

+ syl • + tense — low

[ + high]

And Rule (25) states that all tense vowels are subsequently laxed. Rule (25) applies after vowel reduction, and in effect states that there are no tense surface vowels. 13 Rule (25) Thus, /poyk/ /pöyk/ /pök/ /pük/ /puk/

[ + tense] ->• [— tense] Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule

(22) (22) (23) (24) (25)

The remaining forms include sequences with /il/. Consider, for example, pelny /péwny/. It appears at first that /ε/ is derived from /u/, which in turn is derived from /i :/. However, there are two arguments against this. If vowel lowering (Rule 21b) does not apply to this sequence which occurs between a labial and /I/ and a hard dental, then vowel lowering is restricted in a very peculiar environment, /u/ is lowered after a labial, and /i/ everywhere but after labials and before /I/ plus a dental. More important is the second arument: if /i :/ is labialized to /u:/, then these forms in Pi :IT would merge with those in Pu :IT, which does not happen. Here, /ε/ is derived from /y/ by Rule (21b) and /y/ is derived directly from /i :/. In Rule (18) it was proposed that depalatalization and labialization occur 13 An opposition of tenseness and laxness in vowels has developed in Polish the following Rule (25). Before palatalized or palatal consonants vowels become phonetically tense and are somewhat higher and more fronted than those which occur belore hard consonants and remain lax. For example: opona 'curtain' /opina/, oponie (locative-dative singular) ,/ορόήε/.

THE SEQUENCE "CVRC" IN CONTEMPORARY STANDARD POLISH

179

simultaneously. Now it appears that depalatalization occurs first where a high vowel becomes depalatalized before a liquid and a hard dental: Rule (26)

+ syl L + high ighj

1

Pal]/.

RT

/y/ is then labialized before /r/ plus a hard dental (Rule 26), but before /!/, it is lowered (Rule 21b): Rule (27)

syl "| . + highj

[ + round] /

"+ li quidJ lat

T

Vowel splitting (Rule 1) and metathesis (Rule 2) follow Rules (22) and (23), but precede (21b): /pi:ln/ /pyrin/ /pyyln/ /pylyn/ /pëlyn/ /pëlyn/ /pëlyn/ /pëyln/ /ρείη/

Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule

(26) (1) (2) (21b) (5) (6) (7) (23)

Hard /I/ becomes a labio-velar lateral and is subsequently delateralized in CSP, but not in Literary Polish: Rule (28) [ + lat] Rule (29)

Thus, /ρείη/ /pSn/ /pëwn/

' + lat + cor + round

Γ+ round"] L+high J [ - cor]

Rule (28) Rule (29)

In iòle /zuwc/ 'bile' palatalization applies before metathesis. Hence ¡\¡ remains hard. The relative ordering of the first palatalization to metathesis or many of the other rules is not known at this time. The underlying stem of iòle is /gi:lt/. The stem belongs to the so-called 'i' stem declension which accounts for palatalization of the final segment:

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RICHARD C. DeARMOND

/gfclt + V /gi:lt, + i/ /g,i:lt, + V /g,iilt, + ï/ /g,ilit, + 1 / /g,ilyt, + ï/ /z,ilyt, + ï/ /z,EÍyt' + 1 /

Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule First Rule

(12) (13) (1) (2) (15) Palatalization (21b)

A high front vowel is labialized if it occurs before /r/ plus a hard dental (Rule 23), but a non-high front vowel is labialized if it occurs between a palatal and /!/ : Rule (30)

Γ+syl 1 L - highj

[ + round] /

' + cons" + high . + Pal .

pa

Thus, /z,elyt' + Ï/ /z,51yt, + ï/ /z,51jft, + 1/ /z,olyt, + ï/ /z,oylt, + 1/ /z,ôylt, + ï/ /z,olt, + i/ /zölt, + í/ /zült, + l¡ /züh, + í/ /zult, + i/ / zuwt, + i/

Rule (30) Rule (5) Rule (6) Rule (7) Rule (22) Rule (23) Depalatalization of lamino-palatals and Rule (20) Rule (24) Rule (28) Rule (25) Rule (29)

In some lexical items of this class /o/ does not become tense before /y/. These forms appear to be exceptional and are marked in the lexicon by the rule feature [- Rule 22]. For example, in czolgac/o/ remains. The stem is derived from /ki:lg/. In the remaining forms with /i:/, palatalization occurs after metathesis since labialization does not apply to /i/, which is lowered. Consider wilk /v,ilk/, which is derived from /wi:lk/. Despite the similarity between the surface and the underlying forms, all the rules which are applicable apply:

THE SEQUENCE "CVRC" IN CONTEMPORARY STANDARD POLISH

/wi:lk/ /wiilk/ /wilik/ /w,il,ik/ /w,el,ik/ /w,8l,ïk/ /w,el,ik/ /w,Ejl,k/ /w,ëjl,k/ /w,ël,k/ /w,ïl,k/ /w,il,k/

Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule Rule

181

(1) (2) (13) (21b) (5) (6) (7) (22) (23) (24) (25)

Except before /i/, palatalized laterals become non-palatalized, but remain non-labialized and velarized (the so-called 'clear' /I/): /w,ilk/; /w,/ is replaced with /v,/ : /v,ilk/. To conclude, the relative ordering of the rules are the following: 12, 26, 27, 21, 30, 1, 2, (16, 13) (rules in parentheses are not ordered with respect to each other), or 13, 1, 2, 15 apply (the rule order of 13, 1, and 2 feeds rule 15), 17, 3, 21, 30, 5, 6, 7, 21, 23, 24, 9, (10, 18), 14, 28, 25, and 29. No claim is being made at this time that these synchronic rules do indeed reflect the historical development. Reordering of the rules has applied subsequent to the original ordering. For example, that metathesis occurs before palatalization is a Polish development, whereas palatalization originally preceded metathesis. Metathesis also originally preceded vowel lowering, but now it follows in certain cases. Careful research is necessary in study of the orthographical systems of the old text in view of these synchronic claims. A careful comparison of the abstract phonological systems of the contemporary Slavic languages and dialects is necessary in order to substantiate these claims. The reconstruction of the rules of Slavic phonological development in terms of abstract formulation should lead to some interesting results. Simon Fraser

University

BIBLIOGRAPHY Agrell, Sigurd 1917a "Die Reflexe des urslavischen tert-, /e/ t5rt) auf west- und südslavischem Boden", Lunds Universitets Ârsskrift, Ν. F. Avd. 1, Bd. 12, 76-88. Coats, Herbert S., and Alex P. Harshenin 1971 "On the Phonological Properties of Russian v", SEE J 15, 466-78. DeArmond, Richard C. 1966 "'Palatal' and 'Palatalized' Redefined", CJL 11, 109-113. 1971a "Some New Concepts in Phonological Theory". Paper read before the Symposium on Human Communication, University of Victoria. (Unpublished ms.) 1971b "Ukrainian in Canada", Linguistic Diversity in Canadian Society, ed. Regna Darnell (Edmonton, Linguistic Research, Inc.), 291-307. 1972 "On Expressive Forms in Phonology - A Case in Point in Ukrainian", Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Phonetic Sciences , ed. A. Rigault (The Hague: Mouton), 1099-1103. (Forthcoming) "An Abstract Interpretation of Nasal Segments in Polish" (To appear in the Proceedings of the Zweite Internationale Phonologietagung, Vienna). Gladney, Frank Y. 1968 "Some Rules for Nasals in Polish", Studies Presented to Professor Roman Jakobson by His Students, ed. Charles E. Gribble (Cambridge, Mass. : Slavica Publishers, Inc.), 112-120. Harms, Robert T. 1968 Introduction to Phonological Theory (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: PrenticeHall). Hymen, Lawrence 1970 "How Concrete is Phonology?", Lg., 46, 58-76. Jakobson, Roman 1952 "On Slavic Diphthongs Ending in a Liquid", Word, 1, 306-310. 1968 Child Aphasia and Phonological Universals, translated by Allen R. Keiler (The Hague : Mouton). King, Robert D. 1970 "Can Rules Be Added in the Middle of Grammars?" (Unpublished ms.) Kiparsky, Paul 1968a "How Abstract Is Phonology?" (Unpublished ms.) 1968b "Linguistic Universals and Linguistic Change", Universals in Linguistic Theory, eds. E. Bach and R. Harms (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston), 171-204. Lehr-Splawinski, Tadeusz 1931 "O mieszaniu praslowianskich pot^czeñ telt ζ toit w jçzykach pólnocnoslowiañskich", Prace Filologiczne, 15, 345-57. Lightner, Theodore M. 1963 "Preliminary Remarks on the Morphophonemic Component of Polish", QPR, 71, 220-235. 1965a "On the Development of turt tirt tult tilt in Russian", QPR, 76. 1965b "Segmental Phonology of Modern Standard Russian". Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 1970 "Why and How Does Vowel Nasalization Take Place ?", LI, 2, 179-226. McCawley, James D. 1967 "Can You Count Pluses and Minuses before You Can Count?", Papers from the Third Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society (Chicago : Dept. of Linguistics), 51-56.

THE SEQUENCE "CVRC" IN CONTEMPORARY STANDARD POLISH

183

Milewski, Tadeusz 1933 "O zastçpstwie ps. grup târt, tâlt, tert, telt w jçzykach lechickich", Sla via Occidentalis, 12, 96-120. Postal, Paul M. 1968 Aspects of Phonological Theory (New York: Harper and Row). Rozov, Vladimir 1929 "ESCe o formulax tort, tolt, tert, telt", First International Congress of Slavists (Prague), pp. 668-694. Rozwadowki, J. 1909 "K voprosu o pol'skom ro", Rocznik Slawistyczny, 2, pp. 186-89. Sorensen, Hans C. 1952 "Die sogenannte Liquidametathese im Slavischen", Acta Linguistica Hafniensa, 7, pp. 40-61. Stampe, David 1969 "The Acquisition of Phonetic Representation", Papers from the Fifth Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society (Chicago: Department of Linguistics), pp. 433-444. Stieber, Zdzislaw 1968 The Phonological Development of Polish, translated by Elias J. Schwartz (Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Materials). Vennemann, Theo 1972 "Phonological Uniqueness in Natural Generative Grammar", Glossa, 6, pp. 105-116. Vondrák, Václav 1903 "Zur Liquidametathese im Slavischen", Archiv für slavische Philologie, 25, pp. 182-211.

RÉSUMÉ Praca niniejsza omawia pochodzenie grup zawierajqcych samogloskç i spôlgtoskç plynn^ we wspólczesnym polskim jçzyku literackim. Przyjçto trzy ograniczenia w analizie fonologicznej i formulowaniu zasad w ramach danej hierarchii. Ograniczenie pierwsze : istnieje seria zasad struktury morfologicznej która ogranicza sposób budowy form podstawowych. W wyrazach nieekspresywnych jedynie samogtoski rozluznione mogq wystçpowac przed spólgloskami plynnymi; spólgtoski boczne nie mogq wystçpowac po zçbowych. Jak, np. przymiotnik dlugi nie wywodzi siç ζ rdzenia /dloug/; lecz /dulg/. Ograniczenie drugie to Naturalne Uwarunkowanie Zmian Zasad. Pomimo, ze termin "naturalnosc" nie zostat zdefiniowany przyjçto definicjç roboczq, która nawrçzuje do definicji synchronicznej; wfonologii historycznej zaklada siç, ze rozluzniona wysoko samogloska plus spólgloska plynna przeszly w spôlgtoskç pfynnq zgloskotwórczq, która ζ kolei data jednq ζ róznorodnych grup w zaleznoáci od srodowiska. Ograniczenie to postuluje, ze zasady tworzenia zgtosek s^ nienaturalne i ze tworzenia zglosek nie jest procesem synchronicznym. Ograniczenie trzecie to slaby wariant warunku wymiany, sugerowanej przez Kiparskiego, który glosi, ze jeáli rdzeñ nie postada zadnej formy obocznej, to znaczy, ze rdzeñ stanowi formç podstawowq. Jest to wariant slaby, gdyz brany jest pod uwagç, dopiero po uwzglçdnieniu dwóch silnych ograniczeñ. Praca niniejsza nie analizuje poprawnosci faktów historycznych oraz zaleznoáci zasad synchronicznych od procesu diachronicznego. W tym celu nalezatoby przeprowedzic badania w fonologii porównawczej.

YVONNE GRABOWSKA

ON THE INFLUENCE OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE ON RUSSIAN AND POLISH, AND ENGLISH INTERFERENCE IN THE TWO LANGUAGES AS SPOKEN ON THIS CONTINENT

Among the foreign languages which have served as a source of loanwords for contemporary Russian and Polish, the greatest influence appears to have been exercised by English. It is sufficient to peruse several dictionaries of foreign words to become immediately aware of the influx of English words into both languages.1 However, in spite of the fact that the areas of intensive borrowing and the type of words borrowed are often similar, there are important differences in the way that Russian and Polish accept and integrate English loanwords. The differences are not wholly of linguistic character, that is dependent on the structural diversity of the two languages. The treatment and integration of foreign language influences are to a great extent the result of extra-linguistic factors : such as areas of language contact, predominant types of such contact - graphic or oral, type of individuals, groups or institutions that are the prime carriers of foreign linguistic influences, their education, linguistic awareness, cultural resistance to borrowing, attitudes towards 'purity' of the language, socio-political differences which facilitate or restrict the influx and usage of foreign words, and numerous others. 2 These extra-linguistic factors have differed considerably in Polish and Russian both in the mother countries as well as on this continent; 1

To quote just a few: Kratkij slovar' inostrannyx slov, ed. by I. Lexin and F. Petrov (Moscow, 1951); Kratkij slovar' inostrannyx slov, ed. by M. LokSina (Moscow, 1966); Slovar' inostrannyx slov, ed. by I. Lexin and F. Petrov (Moscow 1954); Slownik wyrazów obcych, ed. by M. Arct (Warsaw, 1947); Slownik wyrazów obcych, ed. by Z. Rysiewicz (Warsaw, 1958); Slownik wyrazów obcych i zwrotów obcojçzycznych (Warsaw, 1968). 2 The role of extra-linguistic factors in language contacts and the resulting type of influence have been stressed by many authors. Among others by: U. Weinreich, Languages in Contact (New York, 1953); V. Vildomec, Multilingualism (Leyden, 1963); E. Haugen, The Norwegian Language in America (Philadelphia, 1953); T. Hope, "Loanwords as Cultural and Lexical Symbols", Archivum Linguisticum, XIV, 2 (1962) and XV,¡1 (1963); O.Voccadlo, "Slav Linguistic Purity and the Use of Foreign words", The Slavonic Review, V (1926).

186

YVONNE GRABOWSKA

they have also exercised a different impact on the usage and treatment of foreign words. The short scope of this paper does not permit an extensive discussion of the differences and similarities in the way in which English affected Russian and Polish. It will therefore be necessary to limit this study to pointing out some important trends and discussing certain factors responsible for those trends. An important point to make here is that the periods of more intensive English influence are not the same for both languages. Polish began to introduce English loans on a larger scale much later than Russian. English loanwords in Polish practically up to the twentieth century were rather insignificant and limited to some highly specific areas, such as sports and legal terminology.3 With the Russian language the period of more extensive language contacts began much earlier, under the reign of Peter the Great, who brought from England many engineers, mathematicians and experts in shipbuilding. The import of English goods and the anglophile attitudes among the Russian aristocracy also facilitated the introduction of English loans. 4 Although the number of English words borrowed by Russian in the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth centuries may not appear to have been much higher than in Polish, the loans were often of a less marginal character. All through the nineteenth century Russian contacts with England were more intensive and on a broader scale than those of Poland. 5 The end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth is characterized by a large influx of foreign words into Russian, among them also English words introducing new concepts in politics, social life, economics and similar fields.6 In Polish this epoch is marked by a predominance of German influence, and many English words reach Polish through the intermediary of German. 7 After the Revolution of 1905 there is a marked slowdown in the influx of foreign vocabulary into Russian, a situation which continues 3

Cf. Alexander Brückner in "Wplywy jçzykôw obcych", Dzieje jçzyka polskiego, Encyklopedia Polska PAU (1915). 4 Cf. Gerda Hüttl-Worth, Foreign Words in Russian (Univ. of California, 1963). 5 Cf. L. A. Bulaxovskij, Russkij literaturnyj jazyk pervoj poloviny XIX veka (Kiev, 1957) and V. Vinogradov, Ocerki po istorii russkogo literaturnogo jazyka XVìli-XIX v. (Moscow, 1938). 4 On the fluctuations in the influx of foreign loans at the end of the nineteenth and during the twentieth century, see L. P. Krysin, Inojazycnye slova ν sovremennom russkom jazyke (Moscow, 1968). 7 Cf. J. Fisiak, "Zlozony kontakt jçzykowy w procesie zapozyczania ζ jçzyka angielskiego do polskiego", Jçzyk polski XVII, 4 (1962), pp. 286-294.

THE INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON RUSSIAN AND POLISH

187

even after the October Revolution. 8 In Polish the situation is reversed. The establishment of an independent Polish state strengthens Poland's contact with the West and is marked by a steady increase in the influx of English words in the domains of science, sports, technology until the outbreak of the Second World War. In Russian, English loans begin to reappear on a larger scale only in the second half of the twenties and the thirties of our century. They are predominantly of technical and sports character. 9 The war marks for both languages a slackening of English influence. After the war Polish continues with its pre-war tendency of increased linguistic borrowing. However, in the Soviet Union at that time there are strong political trends and social pressures in the direction of general resistance to foreign linguistic influences, in particular to those from English-speaking countries. These socio-political pressures result in attempts to limit the borrowing of new terms and in replacing some of the already borrowed terms by caiques and hybrid loan translations, or even descriptive phrases. 9 The struggle with 'cosmopolitan' tendencies never reaches a similar intensity in Polish, and consequently English loans continue to be imported and fewer of them than in Russian are being replaced by syntactic substitutions or descriptive phrases. The forties and the fifties are marked in Russian by a tendency (also in evidence nowadays) to introduce terminology of English and American origin with strong negative meaning. The number of these negative loans in social, political and economic sciences is quite considerable.10 In Polish foreign words in the same fields were most often borrowed with an indifferent emotional shade.11 Some of the "negative" loans 8

According to Superanskaja,"In the twentieth century the English language becomes the chief source of new technical, political, sports and other loanwords" (Udarenie ν zaimstvovannyx slovax ν sovremennom russkom jazyke, Moscow, 1968, p. 13). 9 Cf. Krysin, Inojazyânye slova, ν sovremennom russkom jazyke (Moscow, 1968). pp. 138-141. 10 Thus, for instance, the meaning of the word 'boss' is not only given as: XOSHUH, pyKoeodumeAb npednpunmun, ytpeoicdeHUft, but also as: napmuiinwi pyxoeodumeAb, 3anpaewia κακοϋ-Λ. opzanu3aifuu odnoü U3 deyx noAumunecKUx napmuü φιωαηοοβοζο KanumoAa CHIA, pecnyÖAUKcmcKoü wiu deMOKpammecKoü, etc. (Slovar' inostrannyx slov, Moscow, 1954, p. 117). 11 For example: Kratkij slovar' inostrannyx slov gives the meaning of 'lobby' as azeHmu KammaAucmmecKux MOHOKOAUÜ doôueawufuecH npuHxmun wiu npoeana β KOHzpecce meΧ UAU UHUX 3ακοιιοηροεκηιοβ nymeM OKCNAHUN BAURHUH ua KompeccMenoe (Moscow, 1966), p. 171-172, whereas Kopalinski in Slownik wyrazáw obcych explains 'lobby' as "Grupy nacisku" wywierajqce wplyw na ciaia ustawodawcze w interesie okreálonych warstw. grup, instytucji itd., gìòwnie przez urabianie czlonków parlamentu (Warsaw, 1968), p. 448.

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YVONNE GRABOWSKA

have reached Polish through Russian. 12 In the Polish language there appears at work a certain snobbery in connection with English loanwords. On one hand, it facilitates the penetration and spread of new linguistic imports ; on the other, it keeps many of these at the quotation stage, that is with minimal phonetic and no grammatical assimilation, to enhance the status of users of such forms. 13 Since the late fifties there has been again an intensification in the process of borrowing from English both for Polish and Russian. In Russian especially, the contrast with the previous period is quite noticeable. There is less resistance to introducing English loanwords not only on the part of the general public but also on that of linguists who now acknowledge the 'enrichment' of language by means of foreign loans. 14 As can be seen from the above, extra-linguistic factors which have affected the process of borrowing in Russian and Polish have also resulted in certain differences in the areas of greatest concentration of English lexical imports. The main areas for both languages where English influence is most pronounced are : a) naval and sailing terminology with connected areas, such as shipbuilding, sea-freight etc., terms such as: φ/ιορ, dunmam, Kamep, napmep, KMipenc, and bulaj, tramp, tent, czarterpartia, etc. b) Sports and sport equipment: with terms like φγιηβοΛ, 6ymcbi, βοΛΛβϋόοΛ, Ô3KX3HÔ, and gokart, gol, serw, drajw. If Russian appears at present to have more sport terms of English derivation than Polish, this is due to the fact that in the thirties strong puristic attitudes were prevalent in Poland which resulted in energetic efforts to 'polonize' sport terminology by means of loan translations, such as pilka nozna, motylek, siatkówka, koszykówka, etc. Russian still uses English-derived terms for most of these, since by the time similar purist tendencies became marked in Russian, most sport terms had become too firmly established to be replaced. c) The third area of loan concentration consists of technical and technological loans, including such terms as akcelerator, emiter, tranzystor, and aKcejiepamop, JMumep, mpan3ucmop. Many of these terms have been introduced by the two languages around the same time. In other cases English terms have reached Polish 12

For instance fordyzm and tayloryzm. Such attitudes are limited in Russian to members of some subcultures. 14 Cf. among others B. Rozencvejg, "O jazykovyx kontaktax", Voprosy koznanija, 1 (1963), pp. 57-58. 13

jazy-

THE INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON RUSSIAN AND POLISH

189

through Russian: such as for instance: pikap (R. nman), ekonomajzer (R. 3K0H0MdÜ3ep), skreper (R. acpenep), eskalator (R. 3CKcuiamop), kombajn (R. KOMÔam).15 Quite often Polish would borrow at the same time Russian-created derivatives, as in the case of tankietka (mamemm), kombajner (KOMÔamep), etc. In the field of technological loans a process took place opposite to the one observed in sport terms. The new concepts were being borrowed at a time when in Poland pressures against foreign influx were relaxed, but were in full force in Russia. Consequently in this area Russian has a far greater number of caiques, loan translations and new creations inspired by English terms than can be found in Polish. In spite of that at present the Russian language seems to possess more English-derived technical loans. This, however, is probably due to greater technological advances in the Soviet Union, especially in such fields as mining and agriculture. d) In sciences the influx of English terms has been almost as impressive as in technology, especially in the last couple of decades. This can be easily seen from the perusal of specialist dictionaries. Not all the sciences seem to have been affected to the same extent. Geology, biology, agriculture and horticulture appear to have been most affected by foreign influence. To quote a few examples: kliff, dajk kemy (from kames), inbredowac, mulczowac smolt, and aymôpuduHZ, dama, MyAbua, dycm, MMbdbto etc. The English loanwords in other scientific fields, such as mathematics, medicine or atomic science, have passed into Russian and Polish negatively marked as to their English source. Most of them were created on a Latin or Greek basis, and the awareness of their English source seems to have been quite lost. 16 In humanities and connected fields the number of English loans decreases significantly, although we have here some notable exceptions, especially in Russian. The great interest evinced by Russian scholars in studying and analyzing socio-economical and politicohistorical phenomena in English-speaking countries has led to the adoption of numerous English terms in these fields, such as: 15

A similar process of Russian serving as language link for English words can be observed in relation to the languages of the Eastern Bloc and those of the other republics of the Soviet Union. Cf. the collection Vzaimodejstvie i vzaimoobogasèenie jazykov narodov SSSR (Moscow, 1969). 16 For instance both the Slovar' russkogo jazyka of the Soviet Academy of Arts and Sciences as well as Siowttik jçzyka polskiego of the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences mark the word 'insulin' only as Latin derived.

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YVONNE GRABOWSKA

AU320Abdepbi, uion-cmtoapbi, KneüMcu. As Krysin states with justice, this category of loans remains on the outskirts of language since their use is restricted to a narrow group of specialists.17 Polish accepted English loans in other fields where Russian proved more resistant, as for instance in psychology with terms like relaks, sfrustrowany or literary theory and criticism: thesis play, limeryk, science fiction. In this connection it is appropriate to mention that the resistance of Polish to the so-called 'cultural loans' has been significantly smaller than that of Russian in the twentieth century, the reasons being in both languages extra-linguistic. The new English terms in music, arts, fashions and foods seem to take hold much more easily than in Russian; thus pop-artowski, cool, frug, hamburger, non-iron, and others. In Russian the number of words such as mncbi, doKUHCbi, KopwßAeKC, xyjia-xyn is not only more limited, but the words themselves make their appearance as a rule several years, sometimes as much as a decade, later than in Polish, or if they appear at the same time their use is restricted, as in the case of jazz and painting terms, to members of fairly small subcultures. A considerable number of loans borrowed by both languages belong to the international vocabulary, and often it is difficult to say whether they are direct loans from English or whether they belong to the indirect category since they appear in a similar form in several European languages. This type of loan has encountered very little resistance, especially in the last two decades where there has been a marked tendency towards a greater acceptance of international loans in the Slavic world. 18 A special group of loans of restricted usage in both languages are the so-called exoticisms which reflect the steadily increasing contacts and interest of Soviet Union and Poland in the English-speaking world. These terms denoting specific features of British, American, Australian or Canadian ways of life appear in books and articles to supply the couleur locale. Their role is steadily increasing, but in most cases it is hard to say how many of them will eventually become assimilated. The chief source of introducing the new vocabulary is at present the 17 18

Krysin, Inojazyinye slova ν sovremennom russkom jazyke, p. 150. Cf. Iviè, "Κ Probleme lingvistiöeskoj terminologii i uslovnyx oboznaöenij",

Voprosy jazykoznanija, XII, 1 (1963), p. 18; B. Akulenko, "SusCestvuet-li internacional'naja leksika?", Voprosy jazykoznanija, X, 3 (1961).

THE INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON RUSSIAN A N D POLISH

191

Polish and Russian press. Most English terms appear nowadays for the first time in papers such as Literaturnaja gazeta, Za rubezom, Komsomol' skaja pravda, Sovetskaja kuVtura, 2y eie Warszawy, Przekrój, Twórczosc. The scholarly and scientific magazines also constitute a highly important source. Third in importance are books: reportages, sketches, novels, but also poetry as can be seen in the case of Voznesenskij and Evtusenko, and translations from English. English loanwords then come into Russian and Polish mainly through written language. In spite of that the loans are not predominantly graphic, as might have been expected. This seems especially true of the Russian language where in the last few decades phonetic and pseudo-phonetic loans have predominated. In Polish the number of graphic loans has been significantly greater. One of the reasons is certainly the alphabet: Polish as a rule introduces the new loan in its English spelling, which then quite often influences the subsequent pronunciation. 18 In Russian the new loans have to be transliterated and thus can maintain their original phonetic form. The difference can be exemplified by quoting a few examples with the same English source in both languages: P. /muz'ikal/ R. /mjuz'ikl/, P. /kontener/ R. /kAntejner/, P. /akfalung/ R. /akfalang/. The phonetic adaptation of foreign loans is fairly straightforward both in Russian and Polish. In case of graphic loans this means that the new word is 'read' according to the rules of Russian and Polish phonetics, with the general interpretation being very much the same for both languages. With phonetic loans there are more marked differences, some of which I would like to point out. Polish has the tendency to reduce all of the long vowels and most diphthongs. Russian reduces the long vowels, but interprets most of the diphthongs as vowel-consonant clusters. Thus : Russian eaüdpon, zpeûdep, KOMnaynò, luoy versus Polish moher20, greting. /ae/ becomes

/e/ in Russian interpretation: Z3M6AUHZ, Kitdmnep. The /a/ interpretation is reserved for graphic loans. In Polish both the /a/ and the /e/ interpretations prevail: /kraksa/, /fles/. The difference here is due to the different position of the Russian and Polish /a/ phonemes. The English /A/ phoneme becomes in Russian mostly /e/ pezôu, Λ em, 19 If the new loanword remains a phonetic loan, the orthography subsequently changes to Polish: thus 'non-iron' becomes non ajron, 'trolleybus' becomes trolejbus etc. 20 There are a few exceptions to this rule, as there will be in most subsequent cases discussed here. However, the scope of this paper does not permit a discussion of these.

192

YVONNE GRABOWSKA

The /a/ interpretation has appeared recently in a few words : In Polish the standard interpretation is /a/ as in /dab'ink/, /lanδ/; the occasional /e/ appearing in some words such as diemper is due to such loans having reached Polish indirectly, via German or Russian, /a/ is usually rendered by both languages as /e/: zepAc and gerlsa. /i :/, /i/ and /»/ are interpreted in Russian as /i/: 6u3Hec, deppuicκραη, zpuÒAUK. In Polish the interpretation can be either ß/ or /y/. As a rule the /i/ is felt by Poles as equivalent of the Polish /y/. Also, because Polish does not have soft palatalized /t/, /d/, /s/, /z/, /r/ phonemes, there is a strong tendency towards dispalatalization when /i/ follows one of these: thus 'dictograph' becomes dyktograf, 'transistor' tranzystor, 'detective' becomes detektyw. The same words in Russian emerge as όιικηιοζραφ, mpamucmop, demeKmue. The English semivowel /w/ is as a rule rendered in Russian by /v/ as in eucm, meucm. In Polish this interpretation is reserved for graphic loans, and in phonetic loans the Polish semivowel /μ/ replaces /w/: /uisk'i/ /tuist/. The English /l/ can be interpreted in Russian either as hard /l/ or soft /l'/, or even occasionally by a potential Russian phoneme, the so-called European /l/ 21 , cf : κΑβρκ, AendAopd. In numerous English loanwords there is a tendency towards dispalatalization of consonants before /e/. The strongest tendency is shown by dental stops: deMnrnz, mepjuoc, memuc, demetcmop. It is less frequent in fricatives, labial stops, and liquids: cenc, cepeuc, pezôu, ÒMceMnep.

ακβαΛΟΗΖ, nuKan.

pecßepu, 6u3HecMen, ueÜAOH, (ßeiueHeöeAbHbiü.22

The English /h/ is rendered by Polish as /h/: hippiesi, hobby. The Russian interpretation can be either /g/ or /x/: zandôoA, ζβΜΑοκ, or xym-xyn, xunnn. The /x/ may become replaced by /g/ when the word reaches a greater stage of assimilation: xoyjacmed versus zoMcmed. As far as the stress is concerned, English loanwords take in Polish with very few exceptions the Polish stress on the penultieme. In Russian, quite predictably, the situation is much more complex. In the early stages of assimilation many foreign words tend to retain their original stress, but this becomes subsequently replaced in the majority of cases by a stress more in agreement with the Russian system. The general tendency with English loanwords is to have the stress on the last syllable. 21

Cf. Avanesov on the European /l/ in loanwords (Russkoe Uteraturnoe proiznoienie, Moscow, 1968, p. 186). Udarenie ν zaimstvovarmyx slovax ν sovremennom russkom jazyke (Moscow, 1968), pp. 256-263.

22

THE INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON RUSSIAN AND POLISH

193

Less often it occurs on the second syllable from the end. Superanskaja feels that the decisive factor was the ending of the borrowed word and that the stress in a recently borrowed word would follow the stress in previously imported loans with a similar ending. In this manner all the words with the -Men ending, whether borrowed from German or English or native Russian derivatives, would follow the rule established by the first such loans and have the stress on the final syllable. A fluctuation of stress can be noticed in connection with the tendency of some Russian words to change the ending ep into ëp and the stress from the penultieme to the final syllable. Although the ëp ending was originally a Russian rendition of the eur formant, numerous English loanwords such as ôoKcëp nucßmep joined this category. In general there is a fair amount of stress hesitation in newer English loanwords, although most of them are not recorded in Avanesov's Pronunciation Dictionary, which is fairly normative in this respect. The English loanwords are very quickly integrated into the grammatical pattern of Russian and Polish. The majority of loans are nouns of masculine gender.23 Nouns ending in a consonant as a rule acquire a masculine gender: R. Kozepep, CMOZ, cnypm, P. bulaj, honing, laser. Nouns ending with an a become feminine, so do nouns ending in -tion, -sion: P. rezerwacja, eskalacja; R. Kopposun, ΗοηιιιφιικαιμίΗ. Nouns

ending in a mute e usually become feminine in Polish whereas in Russian they have a tendency to shed their ending and become masculine: P. antycyklina, insulina versus R. ZÜ30AUH, nomuc. However, there are fairly numerous deviations from these tendencies which in many cases cannot be explained,24 such as the fem. gender of the Polish kraksa, the fem. gender of the Polish tarpolina, or the Russian feminines of Mynbna, dama or the masc. of Kacfiemepuü (orig. Katßemepun).

Occasionally the same word has passed into Russian and Polish with a different gender, as in the case of P. dajk R. όαύκα, P. farad R. φαραόα, or P. dingo masc. and R. dumo neuter. Words ending with the vowels i, u, e, o are usually neuter in both languages : Auôepmu, MMbdbto (R.) hobby, igloo (P.). 23

A similar tendency for most European languages has been established by U. Weinreich (Languages in Contact, p. 40). However, this rule does not apply to agent nouns. 24 Cf. Superanskaja, "Rod zaimstvovannyx suSCestvitel'nyx ν sovremennom russkom jazyke", Voprosy kuVtury reci, VI (Moscow, 1965), pp. 52-55.

194

YVONNE GRABOWSKA

In some cases there is a gender hesitation in this type of noun; for instance Polish kanu can be either neuter or feminine, as can Russian nenaAbmu. In Russian such hesitation is, however, extremely rare, and on the whole Russian seems to be able to tolerate indeclinable neuter nouns ending in i, u, e, o much better than the Polish language system. In Polish there is in evidence a mechanism calling for an adjustment of the ending. (It is for this reason that more Polish words of this type become depluralized than in Russian.) 25 R.

ÒMcepcu

vs. P.

dzersej,

R.

KOAUÔpu

vs.

P . koliber,

R.

xunnu

vs.

P. hippiesi, R. mopu vs. P. torys. There are fairly numerous cases of depluralization in both languages. However, it is not always the same words that become depluralized. Although in the nineteenth and the early twentieth century Polish appeared to be more inclined to depluralize foreign nouns, especially those which would otherwise end in a foreign-sounding vowel, nowadays Russian borrows more such terms in technology and professional jargons: mspnenc,

Kjieümcbi,

òammeucbi,

duAbCbi,

cmenc.26

Derivation from new forms is used very extensively and is a much faster process than phonic integration. In general it can be said that Russian uses a greater variety of formants for the purposes of derivation than Polish. Thus, while Polish has only one active verbal suffix -owac (dopingowac, twistowac), Russian, apart from -oeamb (npeccumoeamb), uses -upoeamb (MyAbmpoeamb,

CKdAbnupoeamb)

a n d -umb

(mpaAumb).

A similar situation exists with adjectives. In Polish the most active ending -owyj leaves far behind creations with other formants. 27 In Russian there are several highly productive adjectival endings, such as -HblÜ, -CKUÜ, -oeblü, -OeCKUÜ. Both languages are also using various formants for nominal derivation. To give just a few: in Russian mpaKmop-ucm, -ucmica, peeoAbeepufUK, mpaû6aA-u3M, owiec,

hobb-ista,

-tifutfa,

Aucßmep,

φeιueHe6eΛbH-ocmb, tennis-istka,

-tua,

cmend-oem,

mpaKmop-U3atfUR\ brojler-nia,

kontener-yzacja,

xyAuzan-cmeo,

in Polish:

spinningbig-beat-yzm.

Diminutives created from English words appear more often in 25

Henke, Die Westlichen Lehnwörter in der polnischen Sprache (Munich, 1970) (English loans). 26 Most of these are practically always used in plural, while others remain indeclinable. 27 Cf. Y. Grabowska, "Recent English Loanwords in Polish Language", Canadian Slavonic Papers, XIII (1971), pp. 65-71.

THE INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON RUSSIAN AND POLISH

195

Russian than in Polish: mioôuK, 6}>MHUK. In Polish forms like skuterek are very few. The Russian language has also developed to a much greater degree the compound type of loan with the first component ending in o:

mpaKmopopeMOHtnHbiü,

mpaKmopocóopombiü,

mpaKinopocmpoeme,

This type of construction creates almost limitless derivational possibilities. Other types of hybrids are less common. The very fast assimilation of loanwords is accompanied in both languages by efforts towards polonizing and russifying foreign imports. These are in most cases caiques and loan translations. Polish relies heavily on caiques and hybrids and loan translations in sports ; Russian uses caiques and loan translations on a very wide scale in technology. The number of Russian loan translations in sport that survived the anticosmopolitan efforts of the forties and fifties and remained permanently in Russian is fairly small : epamapb replaced zoAKunep and noAy3aufiimHUK

mpaKmopocmpoumeMCKuü,

r e p l a c e d χαβόεκ,

mpaKmopoucnoAb3oeaHue.

etc.

In technology the situation is different and most caiques and loan translations appear there to stay. In this manner 'switcher' became nepeKAwuameAb,

'water-engine'

-

βοόοπερηαΛκα

and

'potato-digger'

- καρηιοφβΑβκοηαΑκα. The pressure on using native terms and not foreign loans is so strong in Russian that descriptive phrases are often introduced in dictionaries and textbooks 28 to avoid the use of English terminology. In this manner 'runway' is translated as E3AËMHO-nocadoHHÜH noAoca or nodbe30Hbiü nynib and 'after-cooler' becomes donoAHumeAbnuv. oxAadumeAb or 'adjuster' turns into pezyAupoeomoe npucnocoÔAeme. On similar occasions Polish is more often inclined to introduce the much shorter English loan, as in the case of 'runway'. Since many of these translated or descriptive phrases are unduly long it seems rather doubtful whether they are going to stay permanently in Russian technical terminology. Sooner or later they will probably be replaced by new and shorter creations inspired by the English term. In many cases, and this applies both to Russian and Polish, both the English term and the Slavic caique stay in use: aKceAepamop and ycKopumeAb, φβόιαιζ and 3amyxcmue\ in Polish kompresor and sprqzarka, konwertor and przetwornik. The perusal of technical dictionaries in search of such double terms may often prove misleading. In both 28

Cf. Anglo-russkij politexniceskij slovar', ed. by A. Serpuxin (Moscow, 1962).

196

YVONNE GRABOWSKA

countries a conscious effort is made by specialists and linguists to introduce native elements into technology, with the result that specialist dictionaries often give official terms souding Russian or Polish enough, but these terms are not used on a daily basis by the majority of people working in those fields. In everyday working use the English loanword, which may often not even be recorded in the dictionary, will still be prevalent. 29 This double terminology testifies to the resistance towards introducing caiques and loan translations. 30 In other cases two terms may stay alongside and become differentiated. In this manner the word φ3Η is used in technology and eetimuAnmop (a sufficiently old loan to be felt native) is left for everyday use. Similar doublets also occur in Polish, as for instance deszyfrator and dekoder. In other also fairly numerous cases, the foreign word stays as a part of the new Polish or Russian compound created as its equivalent. Thus 'conveyor belt' is "translated" as AenmoHHbiü mpmcnopmep, mpmcnopmëp being an older French loan, or a 'carryall' is rendered as KOAëcHbiû cKpenep (here an English term borrowed several years previously is used as part of the hybrid composition). In Polish pulsator becomes obsardzarka pulsacyjna (with the English term now a part of the compound) and waterproofing is "polonized" into hydrofobizacja or impregnacja (both terms with a classical basis and therefore negatively marked as to their origin by speakers of Polish).31 Some of the efforts at making the foreign terms native result in new creations where the original English term served only as an inspiration. MUHOHOceif for 'torpedo boat', or mamemm for 'wedge-heeled shoes', or coKoebioKUMüAKü for 'juicer'. Polish uses quite extensively similar methods, turning 'hip-hugging slacks' into biodrówki, or 'slang' into wiech, or 'quiz' into zgaduj-zgadula. If we compare the influence of Polish in their mother countries on the two languages as spoken communities, we shall notice at 29

English exerted on Russian and with a similar influence exerted on this continent by immigrant once that both the similarities

An excellent example is here the Polish word for 'runway' mentioned above. In the Technological Dictionary published in Warsaw in 1962 its Polish equivalent is given as droga startowa. However, both pilots and airport personnel in Poland use currently the English term. 30 Cf. Unbegaun, "Le calque dans les langues slaves littéraires", Revue des études slaves, XII (1932), pp. 19-48. 31 Cf. P. Wexler, "Towards a Structural Definition of Internationalisms", Linguistics, XVVII, 2, pp. 77-92.

THE INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON RUSSIAN AND POLISH

197

and differences have been greatly affected by the type of language contact that took place. The influence of English on the North American continent is quite naturally much more extensive since Russian and Polish are spoken here by minority groups surrounded by speakers of English. The importance of the more extensive language contact is particularily visible in the domain of vocabulary which is flooded with English imports, predominantly in the sphere of material culture and everyday life. The number of loans may be with some speakers so extensive as to make the language itself sound almost unrecognizable to the visitor from Europe. The loanwords replace even firmly established Russian and Polish words in spite of the fact that the speakers may be well aware that there is an native equivalent for umoMmanca (ΠΟΑΟΧΟΑΗΒΙΗ Hajior), moMamyc (noMH^op) or for strita (ulica) or kara (auto). The main lexicological feature in contrast to the standard variety of language as spoken in the mother countries appears to be a narrowing of the vocabulary. Wherever more shades, concepts or finer distinctions are used, English words are simply introduced. This narrowing of lexical devices affects not only single words, but accepted phrases, idioms and idiomatic expressions, proverbs, etc., to an even greater extent. Instead, both Russian and Polish adopt widely syntactical or stylistic devices from English. Even whole phrases may be transferred in this manner, although usually the type of juncture and intonation denote the awareness on the part of the speaker that he is using a foreign element. For instance: Tlonuean dpuHK Mean CKÜ3ÜA Mue: take it easy. On byl taki upset about it all, ze nie wiedzial,

co

robic.

In the immigrant community situation loan translations abound and in contrast to the situation in Standard Russian and Polish, where this device is most often consciously applied for the sake of creating a native terminology, the immigrant loan translations are spontaneous creations. An extension of this practice is syntactic substitution, practically non-existent in the mothercountries,32 with phrases of the type: Λ βαδεοκαΛ U3 dewz ( Ί ran out of money'); mambH nocAe nnmu nacoe ('after-five'); Cnacuôo ouem MHozo ('thank you very much') in Russian; and in Polish phrases of the type: Osobiste konto czekowe, Jak ty jesteé stara, polska dziewczyna? ('How old are you, Polish girl?') 32

Although Krysin notes a recent stylistical influence in Russian journals (Inojazycnye slova ν sovremermom russkom jazyke, p. 19).

198

YVONNE GRABOWSKA

It is interesting to note that compound loans and hybrids, so often encountered in the old countries, are rather rare in Polish and Russian on this continent. 3 3 On the other hand, semantic loans which are fairly rare in standard Russian and Polish abound on the North American Continent. In many cases such semantic loans may succeed in replacing with the majority of speakers the original meaning of the word. Thus denapmaMeHm begins to be used where standard Russian would use omden or omdeAenue; P. oddzial, dzial; cmydenm, student is used for high school students; φορΜα is used in Russian with the meaning of Zi 6ΛΟΗΚ, and in Polish blankiet replaces the old koldra. Independent Russian and Polish creations inspired by the English word are much less common than in the standard languages. It is interesting t o note that no major difference can be observed in the manner in which N o r t h American Russian and Polish integrate grammatically the foreign loans. The morphological structure is the least affected by differences in language contact. The American loans 6eü3MeHm or krakersy will follow the same rules of integration as if the words had been adopted in the standard languages. Similarily, the verbal loans 3 5 are quickly incorporated into the Slavic verbal system and acquire repetitive or perfective aspects whenever necessary: Bukowac, zabukowywac, odbukowac, ηαρκοeamb, nonapKoeamb, nepenapKoeamb, etc. The only important difference observed by this writer is the slightly smaller number of productive suffixes. There is also a greater number of variants since the same word may receive various endings. To give a few examples: ÔOCCKÛ, ôoccuxa; mopoHtncmü, mopoHmoecKuü, moponmoHCKUÜ or in Polish fedup, fedupny, sfedupialy ('fed up'). These grammatical fluctuations are especially characteristic of North American Russian, where the immigration is less cohesive and smaller in numbers than in case of Polish communities. Under the general impact of English a weakening of the so-called linguistic sense can be observed, especially among the children of immigrants, 3 6 which contributes to additional hesitation in the usage 33

Their number seems to be dwindling in Polish in comparison with the findings of Doroszewski, in 1937 (Jçzyk polski w Stanach Zjednoczonych, Warsaw, 1938). 34 Cf. Doroszewski, op. cit., on semantic loans. 35 More verbs get introduced into North American Polish and Russian than into the standard varieties of these two languages. The number of adjectives introduced is only slightly larger. 36 Cf. Y. Grabowska, "Conclusions to 'Languages in Contact' ", Slavs in Canada, III (1971). Corrected version to be reprinted in the Proceedings of Society for Ethnic Studies (for 1971).

THE INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON RUSSIAN AND POLISH

199

of even native forms. 37 Case endings and tenses become 'regularized* and adjusted to the most frequently encountered types. Syntactic substitution extends to grammatical categories. The application of grammatical categories becomes confused as a result of identification of the grammar categories in Polish and Russian with those of English. Hymen πβΛοβεκ nepeee3mu HeöoAbuiue eeufu β ezo ceoôodme epeMH. On wyjql rçkç ζ jego kieszeni are the direct results of identifying the functions of the possessive pronoun 'his' with jego and ezo. Prepositions are especially susceptible to this type of treatment. Phrases like npozpaMMa na meAeeudenuio, jestem na telefonie, βοκργζ nnrnu uacoe, pracujç ζ obiema rçkami, etc. result from the identification of Russian and Polish prepositions with what is felt are their English equivalents. In the sound systems similar tendencies to reduction are at work. Certain important phonemic distinctions may become obliterated with the resulting re-distribution and under-differentiation of important features. 38 As far as the phonic integration of foreign loans is concerned, the practice of North American Polish and Russian differs sometimes considerably from that of the standard varieties of the two languages. The English words reach the Russian and Polish immigrants directly, and not, as is quite often the case in Europe, through other languages. They also reach them in their spoken form and become integrated in this form. Many of these loans never appear in print. For this reason the influence of the written form on the phonetic shape of the loan is practically non-existent. The ears of the Slavic speakers on this continent, being more attuned to English, distinguish between a variety of allophones which is normally lost on the speakers in the mother countries. As a result the same phoneme may be rendered in a variety of ways in North American Polish and Russian, whereas in Poland and the Soviet Union the tendency is to render one phoneme by what is felt to be its best equivalent. To give some examples : the English /a/ phoneme, which 37

See Doroszewski, Jçzyk polski w Stanach Zjednoczonych; F. Lyra, "English and Polish in Contact", unpublished Ph. D. Diss., Indiana University, 1962. Similar conclusions were reached in Great Britain by J. Otwinowska, Wplyw içzyka angielskiego na system fleksyjny rzeczowrtika w jçzyku dzieci polskich w Londynie (London, 1966). So far, no similar study has appeared in Russian. 38 Cf. F. Lyra, "Integration of English Loans into United States Polish", Slavic and East European Journal, X, 3 (1966), pp. 303-312; also "The American English Pronunciation of Russian Immigrants", unpublished Ph. D. Diss., Columbia University, 1951.

200

YVONNE GRABOWSKA

can be rendered by /a/ in Polish and is almost invariably rendered by an /e/ in Russian, can be integrated in a variety of ways by North American versions of the two languages. It may be heard as /a/ P. /lane/ R. /satap/, as /o/ in Polish /trok/ or Russian /sobvej/, as /e/ in Russian and Polish /fernas/, as /oy/ in P. /koyntry/ R. /koyntry/, or even /u//krismus/. The /ae/ can be rendered by /a/, /e/ and /i/: Russian and Polish /xam/ /ham/ or /xem/ /hem/, /brandi/, Polish /morgic/, Russian /dimic/39. The oral type of language contact has also influenced the stress which stays more often on the same syllable as in English. However, with older, more assimilated loans the stress often becomes adjusted to the rules of Russian or Polish.

CONCLUSION

The differences in the influence exerted by English on Russian and Polish both in Europe and on this continent are to a great extent due to extra-linguistic factors. It is for this reason that English interference has affected Russian and Polish in a more similar manner on this continent than was the case in the mother countries. Both languages have been exposed on the North American continent to almost identical non-linguistic factors : a minority situation, difficulty of contact with the language as spoken at home and the resultant isolation from the mainstream of language development, primarily oral type of contact, with comparatively few speakers being confronted by the written form of the word, and the existence in some North American towns of Slavic ghettos which have contributed to an overall Slavic integration of many loanwords which otherwise might have acquired a different form in different Slavic languages. The least divergence between the standard varieties and the North American Russian and Polish is shown in the patterns of grammatical integration. These patterns are strikingly similar, showing the morphological structure of the language to be highly resistant to extralinguistic factors. The differences in the phonic integration are much more noticeable in that North American Russian and Polish offer a wider choice of interpretations than the standard languages. The lexical differences are more pronounced since they affect even 39 It would be difficult here to account for those variations in terms of various dialects since in immigrant communities people originally from various provinces live together and we observe a 'levelling out' of dialectal differences.

THE INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON RUSSIAN AND POLISH

201

very recent immigrants and people who do not speak English at all. The words borrowed by Polish and English on this continent belong as a rule to different categories and different areas of life than in the Soviet Union and Poland. The technical and specialist area loans, so abundant in the mother countries, are almost non-existent. It is the everyday and cultural loans that prevail under immigrant conditions. There is also a significant difference made in the attempts to assimilate the foreign loans into the language system. In North America the domination of the straightforward loan is immediately obvious. In Poland and the Soviet Union a great effort is spent, not always successfully, in making the loans sound native. The frequency of various types of loan translations, hybrid creations and foreign-inspired equivalents is thus significantly greater, especially in various professional dialects. In the Soviet Union and in Poland the different ways in which the influence of English has manifested itself are to a lesser degree caused by extra-linguistic factors than on the North American continent. The considerable differences in the methods of integration of foreign loans by the two languages can be explained by the much greater part played by purely linguistic factors, such as for instance the different nature of Russian and Polish stress systems. In the same manner many similarities can be explained by similarities in linguistic structure, as can be seen in the pattern of integration of foreign-derived verbs into the highly complex Slavic verbal system. The extra-linguistic factors affect mainly lexicology and semantics. Russia's earlier and more extensive ties with the English-speaking West have exerted influence on the type and number of English loans to be borrowed in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Similarily Poland's greater susceptibility to English influence after 1920 has resulted in a greater number of non-specialist and widely accepted loans than in Russia. Also, the number of 'negative loans' in Polish has been significantly smaller. Contemporary Polish has also a greater number of loanwords with a minimal phonological and, often, no grammatical assimilation, whereas Russian tends to treat English loanwords in many cases much more radically, subjecting them to a faster process of integration. York University

202

YVONNE GRABOWSKA

RÉSUMÉ AHTjmficKHÜ S3tnc OKa3BiBaji h npoAOJracaeT OKa3bmaTb 3HaHoe BJitwHHe Ha coBpeMeHHbie uojibckhK h pyccKHÄ « μ κ η . O^naKO, β tom, Kaie 3th flBa iObnca

HCnOJn>3ylOT H aCCHMHjrapjTOT CJIOBa, 3aHMCTBOBaHHbie H3 aHTHHÄCKOrO H3bIKa, HaöJiwflaeTca 6ojn.maa pa3Hnua. MacTKHHO «3bIKOB. Type Β

3T0

BapaauHH

Pa3JIHHHH Β

npHBejiH

κ

3aBHC$rr

οτ

πηηγβηοτηη«;κηχ

ocoôeHHOCTefl

o6ohx

HX 3ByKOBOË CHCT6M6, y f l a p e H H H Η ΜΟρφΟϋΟΓΗΗβΟΚΟή C T p y K -

pa3jnnHo8

icapraHe

p y C C K O M 8 3 b n c e Η nOJIbCKOM

H3bnce.

accHMHJisniHH Ho

amuraiicKHx

KpOMC 3 Τ 0 Γ 0 ,

3anMCTBOBaHHä

CXOÄCTBO

H

pa3JIHTOe

Β OCBOCHHH aHTJIHËCKHX 3aHMCTBOBaHHÌt Β 3 H a i H T e J I h H O ñ Μ β ρ β 3aBHCHT βΠΙβ Η ΟΤ

HCTOpHH 3THX C T p a H , HX HeyCTOÄHHBOrO OTHOmeHHH κ aHTJio-caKCOHCKHM CTpaHaM η coiiHajibHO-nonHTHHecKoit oöcTaHOBKH, Β KOTOpOÖ npOHCXOflHJIH H3bIKOBbie K O H T a K T H . O c o 6 e H H 0 3 a M e T H b I SKCTpanHHTBHCTOTeCKHe φ 3 Κ Τ θ ρ Η Β B H Ö O p e 3aHMCTBOBaHHO0 JieKCHKH, CeMaHTOTeCKHX n p e 0 6 p a 3 0 B a H H H X , K O T o p b i M OHa n O Ä B e p r a j i a c b , a Taiose β π ο π Β ί τ κ β χ conpoTHBJieHHH BBefleHHIO HHOCTpaHHHX SJieMeHTOB. JInHTBHCTHHecKaa ΗΗτερφβρβΗΐιΐΜ aHTjrañcKoro íobnca β nOJIbCKOM h pyccKOM β ΑΜβρπκβ bo μηογομ rana apyrHMH nyTSMn, ieM bjihahhc am-jmäcKoro a3bixa β CCCP η riojibme. 3το BbneaHo 6oJiee cmn>HbiM flaBJiemeM SKCTparaarBHCTHMeCKHX φ3ΚΤθρθΒ Β HMMHTpaiXHOHHblX yCHOBHHX. OcHOBHblC Cpe«H HHX: TOT φ3ΚΤ, i t o mofla, roBopamne 3jiecb Ha pyccKOM η dojii>ckom a3bncax, HaxoaaTCH 3«eci> Β MeHblIIHHCTBe, Η ITO Β OCHOBHOM npeo6jiaflaeT yCTHblfi BHfl S3HKOBHX KOHTaKTOB. OAHHaKOBaa coiiHajibHO-jiHHrBHCTHiecKaa noHBa äjm Bcex HMMHrpaHTOB nprnejia κ ôojibineMy OAHOo6pa3HK> β accnMHJwinm 3ji6M6htob aHTjmficKoro snbuca nojibCKHM H pyCCKHM, TCM 3ΤΟ CJiyiHJIOCb Β CCCP H ITojIbine. XoT« HMMHrpaHTCKHe yCJIOBHH Η He H3MCHHJIH CTpyiCTypbl pOflHOTO H3bIKa, 3KCTpaJIHHTBHCTHH6CKOC BJIHHHHe npHBejio κ apyrHM pe3yjitTaTaM. Β rpaMMarmecKoä accHMnjiaqnH aHrjmäCKHX 3aRMCTBOBaHHü nojibCKHM η pyccKHM β AMepmce HaÖjno^aeTCH HanMeiamee OTKJioHeime οτ craHflapTHBix nojibCKoro h pyccKoro h3mkob. Pa3JnnHJi β φοΗβτΗΊβοκοή HHTepnpeTauHH yace 3HaiHTejibHO öojibme. Ητο ace xacaeTca JieKCHKH, το TyT pasturami oiem> bcjihkh: HHCJIO 3aHMCTBOBaHHbIX CJIOB Ha aMepHKaHCKOM KOHTHHeHTe ropasflo ÖOJTbme «racna 3aHMCTBOBaHHbix cjiob β IIojn>nie η CCCP, η oöJiacTH, β KOTopbix npoHCSKCTpajTHHTBHCTHHeCKHX y e n O B H Ü :

χολητ 3aHMCTB0BaHHe, coBepmeHHO apyrae.

GUNTER H. SCHAARSCHMIDT

INVARIANT AND VARIABLE ORDERING IN SLAVIC SYNTAX

0. Linguistic descriptions of word order phenomena, i.e., the existence of variable surface arrangements of syntactic elements in languages, have generally been governed by one of two assumptions concerning the specification of linear concatenation. The first of these, the Invariant Order Hypothesis, maintains that order alternations can be predicted fully in terms of a set of ordering rules applying to linearly unordered underlying structures (Saumjan 1965; Saumjan and Soboleva 1963, 1968; Sanders 1970a, 1970b). The second, the Variable Order Hypothesis, assumes that order alternations must be accounted for in terms of sets of reordering rules applying to linearly ordered deep or intermediate structures. The latter hypothesis is exemplified by all generativetransformational grammarians, most explicitly by Chomsky (1957, 1965). To the extent that both hypotheses make the justifiable claim that linear ordering is completely predictable for all languages, the choice between the contradictory assumptions of invariance and variance can apparently only be determined on the basis of the range and generality of explanations which are formulated in these theories. The present paper will present some evidence which can be brought to bear upon the questions of invariant vs. variable ordering in relation to linear concatenation in Russian and other Slavic languages (particularly Czech and Bulgarian). Specifically, we will investigate (a) the process of passivization in relation to word order processes in Russian; and (b) the problem of enclitic ordering in Czech and Bulgarian in relation to other rules. 1. Traditional grammar and modern descriptivist approaches have generally treated the active-passive correlation in Russian independently of statements about word order. In fact, passivization has been considered either a morphological fact or process, or a pattern given inde-

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pendently of active constructions.1 The problem of word order has quite predictably been treated as a syntactic, and often a stylistic phenomenon. One of the major contributions of generative-transformational grammar consists in the fact of having provided a principled syntactic explanation for the active-passive correlation in the form of a transformational rule. This rule, i.e., the passive transformation, provides an explicit and general account of the superficial distributional properties of both active and passive verbs which would otherwise have to be stated in a very complicated way (see Chomsky 1957). Even though this rule was designed as a rule in the grammar of English, linguists working with Slavic languages were quick to notice the explanatory significance of Chomsky's treatment of selectional restrictions and applied it accordingly. However, along with the characterization of the selectional restrictions of active and passive verbs, these linguists also adopted Chomsky's insistence on the passive being based upon an inversion of Subject and Object, i.e., his assumption that one particular linear order of constituents must be taken as basic, while the other one is derived via a reordering rule. Thus, in analogy to the transformation in English, the Russian pair of sentences (1) was analyzed as having a deep structure (2), with an optional transformation deriving (lb). 2 (1) (a) plotniki strojat

dom

'The carpenters are building the house' (b) dom stroitsja

plotnikami

'The house is being built by the carpenters' (2)

NP

V

NP

plotniki

strojat

dom

Ignoring various details irrelevant to this discussion, the reordering transformation deriving (lb) can be stated as follows: 1

For detailed discussion, see Schaarschmidt (1971). This kind of analysis is exemplified in Rüziöka (1965). The necessity for postulating an underlying concatenation order for Russian has been asserted most explicitly by Worth (1964) and Isaòenko (1967). Note that here and elsewhere we shall indicate linear concatenation by an ampersand (&). We are also using parentheses to indicate grouping relations, instead of the more familiar square brackets. This is the notation adopted by Sanders (1967). 2

INVARIANT AND VARIABLE ORDERING IN SLAVIC SYNTAX

205

(3) (NPi & (V & NP 2 )) -> (NP 2 & (Vp & NPi)) Notice that a rule such as (3) carries out at least three quite distinct operations: (i) it reorders the subject and object noun phrases; (ii) it regroups the two noun phrases in such a way that it places the original object into the dominance configuration of the subject, while the original subject becomes a complement; and (iii) it changes the voice features of the verb and the case features of the nouns (not shown in the above rule). More importantly, however, this analysis will treat the grammatical subjects of (la) and (lb) as being derivationally different: the former will be derived by a set of phrase structure rules which group and order the underlying structure (2) as presented above, while the latter will be derived by a transformational rule which regroups and reorders (2). The need for a more general derivation of grammatical subjects was suggested by Fillmore (1968), who postulated an underlying order which is like neither of the surface orders, and which furthermore has no specified grammatical subject. Fillmore's proposal, which was subsequently adopted by Channon (1968) in the analysis of Russian passivization, will involve assigning an underlying structure such as (4) for the pair of sentences (1): (4) (V & OBJ & AG) Now both active and passive constructions can be derived by a subjectcreation {and subject-ordering) rule which will move either one of the postverbal nomináis into the subject position. Without going into further details of this proposal, it should be clear that nothing is really gained by it. That is, we shall still require an ad hoc ordering rule to give the underlying structure (4), and two ad hoc reordering rules to express the fact that grammatical subjects precede their verbs. Furthermore, for Russian this proposal would be quite unnatural in the sense that (i) it is only conditionally true that subjects precede predicates; and (ii) the order postulated by Fillmore is one of the actually occurring ones in Russian. Thus, a subsequent reordering rule would presumably have to move the subject back to the place where it started out to begin with. We shall return to this problem below. In defending the Variable Order Hypothesis, Chomsky (1965: 125) asserts that it has invariably been found necessary to postulate syntactic rules which apply to linearly ordered representations of some construction involving sets of synonymous sentences. If this were the case, the Invariant Order Hypothesis would of course be falsified. In order

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to prove the correctness of this hypothesis, it will thus be necessary to show that the facts referred to by Chomsky can be accounted for without reference to linear order. Sanders (1970a, 1970b) has shown on the basis of English that the assumption of underlying concatenation order is neither necessary nor sufficient for the expression of various generalizations concerning sets of alternantly ordered surface structures. Specifically, he has demonstrated that the operations in a rule of the type (3) above can be more clearly separated without a loss in generality. In fact, given a separation of grouping and ordering operations, it becomes possible to state significant generalizations in English which are excluded from grammars governed by the Variable Order Hypothesis, such as the above-mentioned fact that superficial subjects in that language always precede their verbs. Following Sanders' theory, the pair of sentences (3) can be characterized as involving the underlying, unordered structure (5), which may conveniently be called a predication. (5) (VERB, ((NOMINAL, AGENT), (NOMINAL, OBJECT)))

The only relation which governs such underlying structures is grouping, i.e., a symmetric, or commutative, relation of co-constituency. The notation (A, (B)) is to be interpreted as meaning that Β is subordinate to A. Thus, a rule (Α, (Β)) = (B, (A)) would indicate a reversal of this relationship. The process of subject-creation can thus be expressed as a regrouping operation which raises any one of the nomináis in the predicate as illustrated in (6) : (6) ( X , VERB, (NOMINAL, Y ) ) = ( X , NOMINAL, (VERB, Y ) )

If rule (6) raises the object nominal, the verb will acquire the feature PASSIVE.3 The process of passivization is thus stated as a simple regrouping transformation giving the intermediate structures of either (7), which underlies (la), or (8), which underlies (lb). (7) (NOMINAL, AGENT, ((VERB), (NOMINAL, OBJECT))) (8) (NOMINAL, OBJECT, ((VERB, PASSIVE), (NOMINAL, AGENT)))

The relation of linear concatenation between elements, which is asymmetric, or non-commutative, is established by a set of ordering rules 3

For the purpose of this discussion, various details irrelevant to the problem in question have been omitted from (5) and (6). Thus, for example, it is taken for granted here that (5) is already the result of some grouping operation. See, in this respect, Sanders (1967).

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INVARIANT AND VARIABLE ORDERING IN SLAVIC SYNTAX

which apply after all other transformations have applied, i.e., at the level of surface structure. By definition such rules are language-specific, while (6) may very well be universal. An example of such an ordering rule is the one given by Sanders (1970b) for English: (9) (NOMINAL, VERB)

=

(VERB & NOMINAL)/(NOMINAL,—) ) (i) (NOMINAL & VERB)

J (ii)

This rule, then, allows for the generalization that in English (i) all nonsubject nomináis are ordered after their verbs; and (ii) all subject nomináis are ordered before their verbs. 2. The explanatory significance of the analysis suggested by Sanders would appear to be beyond question, particularly inasmuch as it succeeds in providing a clear separation of the operations noted in the discussion of rule (3) above. However, while (5) and (6) are apparently equally applicable to English and Russian, a rule such as (9) is clearly inadequate for a grammar of Russian. The reason for this is clear: Russian allows far more variations in word order than can be accounted for by (9). In fact, as Jakobson (1963) has shown, of the six mathematically possible surface orders involving subject nomináis, verbs, and object nomináis, all six occur in Russian. Notice also that these six variants are permitted in the case of active and passive constructions alike, as illustrated in (10) and (11) below (the examples are taken from Jakobson 1963). (10) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f)

Lenin citiruet Marksa Lenin Marksa citiruet Citiruet Marksa Lenin Citiruet Lenin Marksa Marksa citiruet Lenin Marksa Lenin citiruet

(11) (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f)

Marks citiruetsja Leninym Marks Leninym citiruetsja Citiruetsja Leninym Marks Citiruetsja Marks Leninym Leninym citiruetsja Marks Leninym Marks citiruetsja

'Lenin cites Marx'

'Marx is cited by Lenin'

It would obviously constitute a violation of the Invariant Order Hypothesis if we were first to apply a rule such as (9), and then subsequently a reordering rule, or a set of such rules, in order to obtain the other variants.

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In order to show the correctness of this constraint, one would therefore have to demonstrate that all of the above variants can be derived by a single set of ordering rules applying to grouped structures such as (7) and (8). Before attempting such a demonstration, let us consider the question how grammars obeying the Variable Order Constraint account for the facts presented in (10) and (11). The simplest solution is presented by Chomsky (1965: 126-7), who admits that inversions of the kind illustrated above are beyond the power of transformational rules, and who argues that rules of stylistic reordering do not belong to the domain of grammar at all, but must be viewed as rules of performance. Somewhat differently, Dingwall maintains that rules of word order, like rules of ellipsis, "are best treated as part of the post-transformational stylistic component of the grammar" (1969: 223). Finally, in discussing Russian sentences involving subject-predicate constructions, Isacenko (1967) assumes that some variants can be characterized in terms of grammatical reordering transformations, while other word order variants are due to stylistically conditioned inversion. Similar assumptions have been made by Jakobson (1963), Danes (1967), and a number of Soviet and Czech scholars. It would of course be easy to adopt a similar distinction between grammatical and stylistic reordering in theories obeying the Invariant Order Hypothesis. That is, we could either exclude certain word order variants from grammar and still maintain the Invariant Order Hypothesis, or we could modify the latter by allowing partial invariant ordering. There is good reason to believe, however, that such ad hoc decisions are not only grossly unnatural, but also clearly unnecessary. Consider, for example, a sentence such as (12). (12) gimnastiku ja ljublju s detstva (lit. :) 'Gymnastics I have liked since childhood' This sentence, which has the order OSV, is clearly grammatical in Russian, but only in certain contexts. Specifically, it is an appropriate answer in a question-answer situation as cited by Raspopov (1970: 100): (13) — — — —

Davno ètim zanimaetes' ? Ceml Gimnastikoj. Gimnastiku ja ljublju s detstva. (K. Fedin, Pervye radosti)

INVARIANT AND VARIABLE ORDERING IN SLAVIC SYNTAX

209

(— Have you indulged in this for a long time? — In what? — Gymnastics. — Gymnastics I have liked since childhood.) It is clear that in grammars in which the domain of analysis is restricted to the sentence, (12) must either be excluded from grammatical description, i.e., considered ungrammatical qua stylistic, or it must be handled in a post-transformational stylistic component as an unpredictable phenomenon. As soon as the domain of analysis is extended to the discourse, however, such facts as (12) can be characterized in a very straightforward manner. We will assume therefore that all linguistic descriptions must be in the form of grammars of discourses, since it is only in this way that surface ordering can be predicted by a single set of ordering rules.4 Once it is assumed, however, that the domain of grammar must be the discourse, the assumption of variable ordering becomes even less tenable. Consider, in this respect, the treatment given to subject-predicate inversion in Russian, as discussed by Isacenko (1967). On the basis of an analysis of pairs of two-member sentences, such as (14) and (15), Isaöenko concludes that the two orders SV and VS are equally unmarked, but that both occur in mutually exclusive contexts. (14) (a) masiny rabotajut ) ,. ,. , ' , . _ The machines are working (b) rabotajut masiny ) (15) (a) telefon zvonit ) . . . , . , . > The telephone is ringing . (b) zvonit telefon ) Isacenko then proceeds to state the rule for relating the (a) and (b) sentences above : (16) SV ->- VS/in the environment # — where # indicates the boundary of a text passage It is difficult to see how this ordering decision could be motivated; in fact, the rule could be just as easily, and just as unnaturally, stated with the reverse directionality. However, since the context is apparently sufficient to predict both orders, this constitutes very strong motivation to consider both orders as being contextually derived from unordered 4

For a detailed discussion of the naturalness of discourse grammar, see Sanders (1970c).

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structures. We will show shortly that these and other facts can in fact be handled by a very general ordering rule in Russian. 3. It will have become apparent from the discussion in the previous two sections that for every case where a derivation of the kind (17) is assumed in Russian, a derivation such as (18), obeying the Invariant Order Hypothesis, is also possible. (17)

(i) (A, B) = (A & B) (ii) X (A & Β) Y = Χ (Β & A) Y (iii) Χ (Β & A) Y = X (A & Β) Y

phrase structure rule reordering transformation stylistic inversion

Π8Ί & B ) / ( X , - ) )j (18) (A ( A ,b B, _) |- (j A ( B & A ) The choice between the two hypotheses can be determined with respect to the formulation of the following generalizations about the facts illustrated in (10), (11) and (12): (i) the active-passive alternation in Russian is independent of the specification of superficial word order differences; and (ii) word order differences in Russian depend in all cases upon the context in which the sentence in question occurs. Concerning (i), it should be apparent that the regrouping transformation (6), given earlier, expresses this generalization, while the reordering transformation (3) does not. 5 Concerning (ii), we shall restrict our discussion to what would appear to be one of the clearer and least disputed ordering generalizations in Russian, viz., that in declarative sentences the nominal having an antecedent in the discourse is ordered before verbs.6 A more detailed account of other types of ordering would involve presenting a segment of Russian discourse grammar, something which is beyond the scope of this paper. The above generalization, if true, can be expressed by the following ordering rule : (19)

/ (NOMINAL & VERB)/((NOMINAL,

(NOMINAL, VERB) =

< ANTECEDENT)X—) ( (VERB & NOMINAL)

There are a number of restrictions on passivization in Russian which do not exist in English, such as aspect and tense of the verb as well as the nature of the underlying object nominal. See, in this respect, Ruziöka (1965), Harrison (1967), Channon (1968), Schaarschmidt (1971). These restrictions do not affect the proposal discussed here. 4 See, for example, Raspopov (1970: 98-104), where a special type of antecedent ordering in discourse, i.e., a question-answer discourse, is discussed extensively. 5

INVARIANT AND VARIABLE ORDERING IN SLAVIC SYNTAX

211

This rule as stated will correctly account for sets of active-passive pairs such as (20), i.e., sentences with either SYO or OVS orders which, according to Schaller (1966: 59), are the two most frequent orders among Russian three-member sentences. (20) (a) kongress naznacil odin den' ν godu dlja boevogo osmotra vsex sil proletariata 'The Congress named one day in the year for the battle inspection of all forces of the proletariat' (b) odin den' ν godu byI naznacen kongressom dlja boevogo smotra vsex sil proletariata O n e day in the year was named by the Congress for the battle inspection of all forces of the proletariat' (c) kongressom byl naznacen odin den' ν godu dlja boevogo smotra vsex sil proletariata (d) odin den ' ν godu naznacil kongress dlja boevogo smotra vsex sil proletariata Of the above, (20c) is the sentence which actually occurs in the given discourse and it is apparently the only one which is allowed there. The prediction of all four sentences by a single rule is clearly more general than the alternative treatment allowed in grammars obeying the Variable Order Hypothesis. The latter would have to generate first the structure underlying (20a) and then reorder this structure to obtain (20b) before it could finally derive (20c), i.e., the occurring sentence. The exact nature of ordering rules, and the constraints which they obey, have been treated extensively by Sanders (1970a). It will be sufficient to point out here that (19) is far from being an adequate characterization of the processes involved in sets of sentences such as (10) and (11) above. The rule as stated will in fact generate all variants in (10) and (11), with the exception of the (d) and (f) sentences which are in any case only interpretable as emphatically and contrastively stressed variants. Given the right assumptions, it is of course possible to prove, and generate, almost anything. However, linguists are just barely beginning to understand the processes of ordering as conditioned by context, and the facts are far from clear at the present time. In this respect, American scholars are advised to take note of some important aspects of the research conducted by a number of East European linguists, in particular by Czech and Soviet scholars, on word order in terms of the topic-comment bipartition hypothesis.7 This 7

See, in particular, Adamec (1966) and Raspopov (1970).

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work has yielded valuable insights into the question of the contextual dependency of word order variants. Nevertheless, an account of word order variations in Russian as suggested in rule (19) clearly seeras plausible, although many problems remain to be solved.8 An alternative treatment to the one suggested for Russian in (5), (6) and (19) above might be, for example, to view the grouping operation itself as being a contextually conditioned transformation. That is, we might argue that in addition to providing superficial subjects, such a rule should also account for a topic-comment grouping. In other words, a structure such as (7) or (8) could be further regrouped by a general nominal extraposition transformation, which could have a form as follows : 9 (21) (((NOMINAL, ANTECEDENT) X ) Y ((NOMINAL), Z ) ) ->(((NOMINAL, ANTECEDENT) X ) Y (NOMINAL, (Z)))

This rule, which would precede (19) in the grammar, and which could possibly be conflated with (6), would claim that the creation of topics, while contextually conditioned, is not an ordering operation. Such a formulation would be useful, of course, for cases in which topics do not actually precede their verbs, a fact which would serve to falsify a rule such as (19). In any case, (21) would also be able to account for VSO and OSV orders, as illustrated by sentences (lOd) and (lid), and (lOf), (1 If), and (12), respectively. As noted above, these orders cannot be accounted for by a rule such as (19) due to the assumed grouping universal that in all languages the surface grouping is (S(VO)), and the constraint on ordering which claims that all ordering must proceed from the inside outwards, but not vice versa.10 Given a rule such as (21), however, a structure such as (7), repeated here as (22), could be transformed into (23) with the grouping (O, (S, (V))): (22) (NOMINAL, AGENT, ((VERB), (NOMINAL, OBJECT))) (23) (NOMINAL, OBJECT, (NOMINAL, AGENT, (VERB))) 8

Notice, for example, that an interesting problem arises in those cases where a sentence contains two nomináis with antecedents in the discourse. Rule (19), as stated, will assign the precedence ordering SOV to such cases. This problem seems to be the one Firbas (1959: 52-3) has in mind in his suggestion to establish intermediate degrees of contextual dependence. I am grateful to Nick Hassanoff for having supplied this reference. 9 See, for example, Sanders (1970b), who proposes to reduce the rule of subject formation to the more general process of nominal raising in the case of English. 10 For a detailed discussion of these two universali, see Sanders (1970a).

INVARIANT AND VARIABLE ORDERING IN SLAVIC SYNTAX

213

Such a treatment would of course make it possible to state ordering rules in an entirely context-free manner in the sense that the grouping (or bracketing) of elements would determine what superficial order variants are allowed. Something of this sort appears to be implicit in various recent publications which concern themselves with the problem of ordering in relation to sentence intonation and the bipartition of sentences (aktual'noe clenenie).n Further research in this area will no doubt produce a number of insights which will have some bearing upon the choice between the alternatives suggested above. It seems clear, however, that unless proposals such as either (19) or (21) are being incorporated in grammatical descriptions of the facts of Russian word order, such facts will continue to be described in an unsystematic and isolated manner. In particular, the monotheoretic nature of grammars governed by the Invariant Order Hypothesis allows for the formulation of significant generalizations that would seem to be beyond the capacity of theories such as the theory of Functional Sentence Perspective. For one thing, by including considerations of non-linguistic contexts along with linguistic contexts (i.e., the domain of polysentential discourses), 12 the latter type of theory is stepping outside the domain of discourse grammar and thus of linguistic theory, as these are presently conceivable. 13 For another, the theory of Functional Sentence Perspective and its applications assume rules or statements of ordering which are of a non-grammatical nature, in addition to those of a grammatical nature applying to underlying 'stylistically neutral' order variants (Danes 1967: 499). 14 The final section of this paper will be concerned 11 It must be noted, however, that proponents of this approach, such as Adamec (1966) and Raspopov (1970), restrict their analysis to formally marked, superficial relations and are thus inherently incapable of expressing generalizations of the kind stated in either (19) or (21). 12 The term 'consituation', coined by Mirowicz (1949), is often used to denote both contexts. 13 See, in this respect, Sanders (1970c: 120-1), who argues convincingly that linguistic theories of discourse grammar are at present not reducible to any other scientific theories. Thus, for example, any theories about structure and function, i.e., theories which attempt to explain why and how a particular text or utterance could be used and understood in a particular situation, would be viewed as different fields of study. 14 The persistent lack of success on the part of linguists in their attempts to work out clear demarcation lines between stylistic inversion and grammatical inversion, as noted by Poöepcov (1971: 75), suggests that the assumption of a separate stylistic component is neither useful nor necessary for explaining word order phenomena and other aspects of linguistic structure (see also Schaarschmidt 1966). It is interesting to note here the conclusion reached by Bivon (1971: 11) that cases where neither contextual nor grammatical conditioning can be used to explain a particular order

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with the well-known case of enclitic ordering in Slavic syntax, which will serve to show the untenability of the assumption of any kind of posttransformational stylistic reordering. 4. The order of enclitics, i.e., of weakly stressed or unstressed word forms, in Slavic languages is in most cases governed by rigid rules which are often referred to as "Wackernagel's Law" (most recently by Cyxun 1968). According to this "law", enclitics are placed generally after the first stressed word or word-group in the sentence. This rule seems to be certainly true for Czech (see, for example, Trávnícek 1949: 248), but it holds only with reservations for Bulgarian, where enclitics tend to be placed either directly before or directly after the verb (Popov 1963: 230-1; Cyxun 1968: 123-6). The latter has no bearing on the argument presented here. As an illustration of the above, consider the sets of Czech sentences (24) and (25), and the sets of Bulgarian sentences (26) and (27).15 (24) (a) ucí se cestinë ve zvláStních kursech 'They are learning Czech in special courses' (b) cestinë se ucí ve zvlástních kursech 'Czech they are learning in special courses' (c) ve zvlástních kursech se ucí cestinë 'In special courses they are learning Czech' (d) * cestinë ucí se ve zvlástních kursech (25) (a) Samuel Hartlib se dovëdël o Komenském od svého bratra 'Samuel Hartlib learnt about Komensky from his brother' (b) o Komenském se Samuel Hartlib dovëdël od svého bratra 'About Komensky Samuel Hartlib learnt from his brother' (c) * o Komenském Samuel Hartlib se dovëdël od svého bratra (d) * o Komenském Samuel Hartlib dovëdël se od svého bratra (26) (a) izkacixa se ne bez mbka do kbStata s*s znamenata 'They went up to the house with the flags not without difficulty' of elements are extremely rare In Russian. In fact, no clear cases have been presented in the literature which would refute the hypothesis that all surface ordering, including what is referred to as stylistic inversion, is predictable by a single set of rules. 15 The English translations for sentences are given in a form which is as literal as possible. Ungrammatical sentences are preceded by an asterisk.

INVARIANT AND VARIABLE ORDERING IN SLAVIC SYNTAX

215

(b) ne bez tmka se izkacixa do kbStata sbs znamenata 'Not without difficulty they went up to the house with the flags' (c) * ne bez mbka izkacixa se do kbstata sbs znamenata (27) (a) vcera tojja vidja 'Yesterday he saw her' (b) toj ja vidja vcera 'He saw her yesterday' (c) vidja ja vcera 'He saw her yesterday' (d) * ja vidja vcera If word order rules are considered post-transformational stylistic rules, as suggested by Dingwall (1969), then the placement of pronominal enclitics, such as the reflexive se or the feminine object pronoun ja in the sentences above, must be assumed to occur after all such rules have applied. But enclitic placement in Slavic syntax must clearly be considered a syntactic transformation much in the same way as the question transformation which relates pairs of sentences such as (28) in Czech and (29) in Bulgarian. (28) (a) tvüj otee prijede do Prahy 'Your father will come to Prague' (b) prijede tvüj otee do Prahy ? 'Will your father come to Prague?' (29) (a) Nikola pbtuva za PolSa 'Nikola is travelling to Poland' (b) pbtuva li Nikola za PolSal 'Is Nikola travelling to Poland?' That is, in grammars with variable ordering, the order of enclitics as well as the noun-verb inversion in questions is effected by reordering transformations which operate under well-specifiable syntactic conditions. These conditions include specific dominance configurations, i.e., linear groupings of constituents, as well as certain features which trigger a reordering operation, such as the element Q in the underlying structure of questions and the feature [-STRESS] in the case of non-contrastively stressed object pronouns. 16 The two operations are similar in the sense 16

For discussion of contrastive stressing, see Sanders (1967, 1970c) and Schaarschmidt (1970).

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that they both involve reference to some constituent in sentence-initial position; however, they differ in the actual reordering process, which moves an element into a position before the original sentence-initial constituent in the case of questions, and after the sentence-initial constituent in the case of enclitic ordering, as shown in (30) and (31), respectively: (30) ((X) & (Y) & (Z)) -> ((Y) & (X) & (Z)) (31) ( ( W ) & (X) & ( Y , -STRESS) & (Z)) ( ( W ) & (Y, -STRESS) & (X) & (Z))

Notice, however, that if enclitic ordering is a syntactic transformation, and word order rules are post-transformational stylistic rules, then sentences such as (24b), (24c), (25b), (26b), and (27c) could never be generated due to the fact that (31), i.e., enclitic placement, applies before such structures are obtained. Instead of these sentences, we would obtain the ungrammatical (24d), (25c), (25d), (26c) and (27d). It must be the case then that, unless shown otherwise, all word order rules must apply before the rule of enclitic placement, and since the latter is a transformational rule, the former must necessarily also belong to the transformational component of the grammar. The above facts thus provide strong evidence against the assumption of post-transformational stylistic inversion rules in a grammar. They also provide additional support for the assumption of invariant ordering as a necessary and sufficient condition for the derivational specification of all linear order relations in Slavic syntax. University of Alberta

REFERENCES Adamec, P. 1966 Porjadok slov ν sovremennom russkom jazyke (Praha). Bivon, R. 1971 "Element Order", in Studies in the Modern Russian Language, No. 7 (Cambridge: University Press). Channon, R. 1968 "On Passivization in Russian", in C. E. Gribble (ed.), Studies Presented to Professor Roman Jakobson by His Students (Cambridge: Slavica Pubs), 49-60. Chomsky, N. 1957 Syntactic Structures (The Hague: Mouton). 1965 Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press).

INVARIANT AND VARIABLE ORDERING IN SLAVIC SYNTAX

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Cyxun, G. A. 1968 Sintaksis mestoimennyx klitik ν juznoslavjanskix jazykax (Minsk: Nauka i Texnika). DaneS, F. 1967 "Order of Elements and Sentence Intonation", in To Honor Roman Jakobson, Vol. I (The Hague: Mouton), 499-512. Dingwall, W. O. 1969 "Secondary Conjunction and Universal Grammar", Papers in Linguistics, 1, 207-230. Fillmore, C. J. 1968 "The Case for Case", in E. Bach and R. T. Harms (eds.), Universals in Linguistic Theory (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston), 1-88. Firbas, J. 1959 "Thoughts on the Communicative Function of the Verb in English, German and Czech", Brno Studies in English, 1, 39-68. Harrison, W. 1967 "The Expression of the Passive Voice", in Studies in the Modern Russian Language, No. 4 (Cambridge: University Press), 5-46. Isaëenko, Α. V. 1967 "Frazovoe udarenie i porjadok slov", in To Honor Roman Jakobson, Vol. II (The Hague: Mouton), 967-976. Jakobson, R. 1963 "Implications of Language Universals for Linguistics", in J. H. Greenberg (ed.), Universals of Language (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press), 208-219. Mirowicz, A. 1949 "Z zagadnieñ struktury zdania (Wskazniki jçzykowej konsytuacji)", Biul. PTJ, zesz. IX (Kraków), 57-71. Poöepcov, G. G. 1971 "The Development of the Study of Word Order in Russian Linguistics II: From GreC to Saxmatov", Linguistics, 69, 57-80. Popov, K. 1963 Sbvremenen bblgarski ezik: Sintaksis (Sofija: Nauka i Izkustvo). Raspopov, I. P. 1970 Stroenie prostogo predlozenija ν sovremennom russkom jazyke (Moskva: ProsvesCenie). RùziCka, R. 1965 "Zur Präzisierung und zum Begriff der Passivtransformation im Russischen", in Festschrift für Wolfgang Steinitz (Berlin: Akademie Verlag), 334-9. Sanders, G. A. 1967 "Some General Grammatical Processes in English". Indiana University doctoral dissertation (Mimeographed), Indiana University Linguistics Club, 1968. 1970a "Invariant Ordering" (Mimeographed), Indiana University Linguistics Circle. 1970b "Constraints on Constituent Ordering", Papers in Linguistics, 2, 460502. 1970c "On the Natural Domain of Grammar", Linguistics, 63, 51-123. Saumjan, S. K. 1965 Strukturnaja lingvistika (Moskva: Nauka). Saumjan, S. K., and Soboleva, P. A. 1963 Applikativnaja porozdajusiaja model' i isâislenie transformaci]' ν russkom jazyke (Moskva: Akademija Nauk). 1968 Osnovanija porozdajuscej grammatiki russkogo jazyka (Moskva: Nauka).

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Schaarschmidt, G. 1966 "Quasi-Direct Discourse: Style or Grammar?", Canadian Journal of Linguistics, 12, 24-32. 1970 "Reflexive Particle and Reflexive Pronoun in Russian", Canadian Slavonic Papers, 12, 9-22. 1971 "Passive and Pseudo-Passive Constructions in Russian", Scando-Slavica, 17, 141-160. Schaller, H. W. 1966 Die Wortstellung im Russischen (München: Kubon & Sagner). Trávnídek, F. 1949 Mlumice spisovné destiny. Cást II: Skladba (Praha: Melantrich). Worth, D. S. 1964 "Ob otobrazenii linejnyx otnoSenij ν porozdajusöix modeljax jazyka", Voprosy jazykozrtanija, 13, 46-58.

I. GERUS-TARNAWECKY

REDUCIBLE. VOWELS AND XOMONIJA IN A HITHERTO UNKNOWN EASTERN SLAVIC MONUMENT (TORONTO KRJUKI-MANUSCRIPT)1

The problem of reducible vowels and xomonija is not new to scholars. It was usually associated with the fate of these vowels, and there is no doubt that some connections between the two phenomena exist. However, the nature and the character of the relationship between these two phenomena is not quite clear. Moreover, the xomonija itself has not yet been ultimately defined. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to review the whole problem, and, on the basis of a new material, to revise existing interpretations and indicate new aspects of the problem. The source for this study is a thus far unknown Cyrillic manuscript, preserved among the Rariora Collection at the University of Toronto Library. It is registered as follows: ZMO, 2649, Stixirarion Kniga s(via)scennago piesnoxvalenija duxovnago sladkoglasija torzestvennago dobropienijaprazdnikovb G(ospo)dbskixb. We wish to introduce this manuscript into the scholarly world under the name of Toronto Krjuki-Manuscript (TKMS). The Toronto Krjuki-Manuscript is undated. However, a preliminary paléographie examination suggests that its origin was in the second half of the 18th century in Eastern Slavic territory. The book contains a collection of church hymns for the ecclesiastical year, beginning from the Nativity of the Virgin Mary to the Assumption of the Virgin Mary. It is carefully written in a late semiuncial hand on 232 paper leaves, and illuminated with artistic multicoloured plant-like ornaments in a baroque style. The music is in the old Slavic notation system - the krjuki,2 presenting the so-called znamennoe penie. 1

With regard to the name Toronto Krjuki-Manuscript cf. the author's paper Toponymie Designation of Old Manuscripts presented at the Xlth International Congress of Onomastic Sciences, in Sofia, Bulgaria, 1972. 2 The name is derived from one of the most frequently used signs in this system a krjuk, a 'hook'. According to this system the singing is called znamennoe penie.

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I. GERUS-TARNAWECKY

Our manuscript differs f r o m the majority o f k n o w n Church Slavic musical b o o k s , n o t o n l y by its n o t a t i o n system but also by the m a n n e r o f text presentation. T h e text is written in a so-called xomonija T h e subject o f xomonija

style.

has n o t attracted m u c h attention f r o m scholars.

Occasionally this p h e n o m e n o n is m e n t i o n e d by historians o f Eastern Slavic church m u s i c in c o n n e c t i o n w i t h znamennoe xomovoe

penie,

o f znamennoe

xomonija, penie

or razdëlnorecie,

penie.

It is called

a n d is defined as a version

w h i c h resulted f r o m the loss o f reducible vowels.

F o r instance, in the w o r k o f T. Livanova, w h i c h deals primarily with musical culture, w e read: With respect to the origin of razdëlnorëcie the majority of researchers agree that at one time in the Slavic language there were semi-vowels which were later extended in singing. They gradually disappeared f r o m the spoken language ; however, they remained in church singing a n d gradually were replaced by vowels. This probably occurred in the 15th century. 3 The earliest form of the krjuki notation is based on the Byzantine neums. In its first phase this system consisted rather of mnemonic signs, designed to indicate correct chanting. Thus, the notation was primarily intended to guide singers. The song was monophonie, having a basic tendency to rise to a climax and then subside. In the 14th century the plainsong became more elaborate and more complicated, acquiring rozvody, but the melody and the amount of written signs remained the same. In its further phase the system of znamennoe penie was amplified by the introduction of new motif passages and by a variation of old ones. Such supplements influenced the melody, giving to it more melisma, as well as grouping it into popëvki (razpëvy), lica and fity. The difference between these three arts of the motif recurrence is a quantitative one. In the course of time this art of florid vocalization made the whole system a very complex one. The complexity of the melody was reflected in its notation. The number of notation signs increased up to 70, each of them designating from one to several sounds of various pitch and duration. It, therefore, became necessary to give clearer indications of the quality of notation signs. Consequently, at the turn of the 16th century, to indicate the nuances of melody and rhythm, special marks, pomëty, were added in cinnabar, known as "Sajdurov's red marks". Thus, the hooked notation system in its final form consisted of two types of signs : 1) krjuki - heavy signs written in black and designating unchanged sounds; 2) red diacritical signs or letters made in red cinnabar, which indicated changes in melody. The znamennoe penie and the krjuki notation system were used among Eastern Slavs up to the 17th century until the reforms of Nikon. It has survived among Old Believers, particularly in the sect of Bezpopovcy, to the present. The krjuki notation has been preserved in several church musical manuscripts. 3 Livanova, T., Ocerki i materialy po istori' russkoj muzykaTnoj kuVtury (Moskva: Gosudarstvennoe Izdatel'stvo "Iskusstvo", 1938). In a recent article by H. Pichura, there is also mention of xomonija. It reads: "An interesting feature of the Supras'l podobny texts, and indeed of the whole Irmologion, is the persistence of the former tendency to assimilate the half-vowels b and b to the letters 'e' and 'o', respectively... This practice, known as xomonija,

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221

In the field of Slavic philology the xomonija attracted even less attention. There is a very limited number of articles, usually dealing with this subject indirectly. For example, in examining church pronunciation of liturgical texts, I. Ohijenko noted its archaic aspect and stated that church pronunciation had influenced the language of writs, 4 causing xomonija. H e also stated: I have in mind a certain phenomenon - namely, that in churches the OCS & was pronounced in its final position - close to o, as late as the 14th century. This sort of a pronunciation was then used by some scribes in their writing. Hence, in the Luck document of 1388 one can find such forms as listo, pano, horodo, etc. This xomonija, no doubt, is of church provenance and is associated with OCS pronunciation. 5 S. O. Vysockij, in his investigation of some characteristics of Old Rus' writing, draws attention to the quite frequent occurrence o f o and e graphemes in place of the final & or 6 (e.g., dvoro, hrvno, kone, etc.) in the Novgorodian Bark Charters. But here he perceives a graphical archaism depicting a pre-Cyrillic phase of Slavic writing. 6 Humee'ka, o n the other hand, objects t o Vysockij's supposition and points to one of the results of the loss of reducible vowels, namely, the alteration of o||& and e||& which often led t o confusion in the 14th and 15th centuries. 7 The most important contribution to the study of xomonija thus far was made by E. Koschmieder. 8 H e described this p h e n o m e n o n quite extensively and attempted to define it. Koschmieder wrote:

was widespread throughout the East Slavonic world until the beginning of the 17th century, when it began to disappear." "The Podobny Texts and Chants of the Supras'l Irmologion of 1601", The Journal of Byelorussian Studies, Vol. II, 2 (London : Anglo-Byelorussian Society, 1970), p. 200. Cf. also works by N. Dileckij, V. Metalov, D. Razumovskij, and others. 4 This refers to the Middle Eastern Slavic languages in formal writings and legal documents, dilova kancelaryjna mova. 5 Ohijenko, I., "Staroslovjans'ka mova ν vy§òij äkoli", Nasa Kultura, Vol. 13, No. 4 (Warszawa, 1936), p. 253. 6 Vysockij, S. O., "Dejaki rysy davniorus'koji pysemnosti IX-X st. za arxeolohiônymy pamjatkamy", Movoznavstvo, Vol. 3, AN URSR (1971), p. 11. 7 Humec'ka, L., "Uvahy i dodatky do naukovyx statej", Movoznavstvo, Vol. 5, AN URSR (1971), p. 88. 8 Koschmieder, E., Przyczynki do zagadnienia chotnoniji w. hirmosach rosyjskich, Instytut Naukowo-Badawczy Europy Wschodniej, Sekcja filologiczna, Nr. 2 (Wilno, 1932). Unfortunately the work is not available for the author at the time of writing this paper. Koschmieder, E., Die ältesten Novgoroder Hirmologien-Fragmente, Abhandlungen der Bayerischer Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophischhistorische Klasse, Heft 37 (München, 1955).

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I. GERUS-TARNAWECKY

...after the loss of semivowels in singing, the o and e were also articulated in the 'weak position' in order to retain a syllable having a notation sign over it. In addition to this, there is a possibility that the semivowels in church language were generally articulated according to the Bulgarian pattern. This caused an increase in the formation of absurd words, such as denese, bogo, sogreSixomo, etc. Besides this, the artificial and conspicuous endings -xo and -mo appeared, and the art of such a pronunciation of the singing text was called xomonija.9

Koschmieder also thought that xomonija was not limited to church language but spread to the language of writs. The xomonija period lasted from the 13th to the 17th century. As an illustration of this "chaotic writing style", as he calls it, Koschmieder takes examples from a 13th century document as well as from church musical manuscripts of the 13th and 16th centuries. The given examples show not only a substitution of b and b in weak positions by vowels but also the reverse occurrence (¿»»g», ptsh, veremtnemb). Thus, the foregoing survey makes it evident that the general view on this subject is that xomonija is related to reducible vowels and came into being after their loss. This survey also discloses that opinions differ as to where the phenomenon first originated - in spoken language (Vysockij) or in liturgical church language (Ohijenko, Koschmieder). The most important fact is that previous investigations do not state clearly nor yield enough evidence as to whether the xomonija phenomenon is a continuation of previous linguistic tradition or is an innovation. Undoubtedly the TKMS provides the most interesting material for the study of the xomonija phenomenon. The xomonija is displayed here in all its fullness (e.g., spasti otovesëxo protivenyxo polko, denese rodo jevreiskii pogibe; vërenymo, vërenyixo, oteca, serdece, vënece; prisno dëvyç; vo grado ijerosalimo, etc.). 10

The text of TKMS is set so that words are fitted to existing and already set melodies. The words are divided into syllables, which is evident from the small blanks and the placing of notation. There a number of words and phrases are repeated. Then, when the final syllable is set to a long melisma and when it comes to repetition, it is extended still further (svetyme duxome—sve-ty-me-du-xo—me-

; or

sebo-se-bo-jedina-je-di-na—).

This is especially peculiar to end pieces of hymns. Besides the repetition of certain words and phrases, repetitions of parts of words and single syllables occur frequently (¿fo/gotérpelive-peli-ve—ve; vese/fte-se-se—se; 9

19

Ibid., p. 6.

The TKMS has no pagination yet, therefore we cannot make reference to pages or leaves.

REDUCIBLE VOWELS AND XOMONIJA

223

si—si—i-denb\ ibogo ëelovëkomo—ko—mo—). Apart from such repetitions there are instances where a short instruction (or remark) regarding the singing is incorporated in a song text with notes over it (je-si-go-spodi-xe- -bu-ve-idi-veno-vodëlaxo tvoicho slava tebë; pre-zde—ineine-ine— xe- -buve—roiestva tvoego; xe- -buve—eie votebë viíju) instead of being written in a glossarial manner. Consequently such an "ornamentation" of the text, and, at the same time the fitting of text within a certain pattern according to prosodie requirements, not only modified it but caused its emergence into transitional sounds in order to suit the articulation in accordance with the needs of prosody. As the transitional sounds in our material the vocal glides are interpolated within the succession of segmental phonemes, thus forming suprasegmental phonemes, so-called prosodemes. Usually they accompany the consonants and occasionally they are superadded to vowels. In the text of the TKMS the prosodemes are represented mainly by the vowels o and e, written systematically in place of the etymological, weak jers (proroko, vopijete, umo, sobogome, tvoreca, otovesjudu, krepokij, ivojçslixo, bezsomertene, vozopiemo, stranenoje, somerete, cerkovenaç, vesëxo, vënece, rodo, tëmeze, isuso, vifliomo, etc.). From time to time one also encounters other graphemes such as ç, e, i, ju, (imëç acc. sg., dëvaç acc. sg.,prisno dëvyç gen. sg.; iestenno, ineine-ine·, otozemenyixo gen. pl., vërenyixo gen. pl., obradovainëi nom. pl. ; dëvuiu acc. sg.). It seems that the prosodemes represented by reflexes of reducible vowels go along with consonants, whereas all other prosodemes supplement vowels. Although these prosodemes occur quite systematically, it is rather difficult to determine their quality properly. It is not possible to rely completely upon the reflexes of reducible vowels since there is no consistency in this respect. Certain prosodemes represent natural reflexes of jers (scedroto gen. pl., vesëxo, umo acc. sg., isuso nom. sg., gospodenju acc. sg., straxome i trepetome, soijakovome iivannome instr. sg.), while others do not correspond to them (prixodite, vokusajete, rozdajete - 3rd pers. sg., caremo, straxomo instr. sg.). However, it is quite plausible that the vowel o prevails. More frequently this o appears along with the χ or m, forming -xo or -mo syllables and thus giving the name xomonija to the entire phenomenon {ivojçslëxo, bezslovesenyxo, takovymo, vidimo). With respect to the quality of the prosodemes which accompany vowels, three kinds may be distinguished, viz:

224

I. GERUS-TARNAWECKY

1. a) prosodemes identical to the vowel both in sound and in the graphical expression ( blagiixo); b) prosodemes alike in sound but different in the graphical manifestation (imëç) ; 2. prosodemes repeating the sound quality of the vowel but with an interpolated iotation (dëvaq, dëvu'}\i) ; 3. prosodemes qualitatively different (zemenyixo). Aside from the above, there is a number of prosodemes represented in our text by 6 and & graphemes. From notation signs placed over them and from the melody itself it is evident that they follow a certain system. They represent sounds and sometimes quite extensive vocalic elements were sung to them (mi-lo-stb dne-sb, si-so-vo-ku-plb-si, ne-du-ziy-rm, cju-de-se-mb, su-sce-stvo-mb, go-spo-db, ma-te-n-e-ju, pri-ko-sno-ve-nb, ro-êe-stvo-m», na-sb, gla-sb, ga-vri-lo-vb). Therefore, the graphemes & and b cannot be ascribed to unconscious slips by a copyist but rather viewed as still another type of prosodemes. More probably they are allophones of o and e prosodemes. From the analysis set forth we may state that xomonija is the development of prosodemes (suprasegmental phonemes) imposed upon the language by prosody. The interpolation of prosodemes broke consonant clusters making chanting easier but at the same time changing the texture of the language. Thus the xomonic language became more vocalic. By coincidence the xomonija phenomenon in most instances corresponds to the original Proto-Slavic relationship of reducible vowels, though not consistently. Yet in no case is it an organic continuation of these vowels. It is an artificial substitutive process caused by prosody and which also has manifestations beyond the liturgical language. For instance, in folk-songs one can observe such prosodemic extensions of the verse as : "a matusja ne pusjkaje" ; "oj, jak krykne sylvian turec'kyj"; "oj, postelyla styry podusecky A pjatuju - perynu/w."11 If there were cases of the transfer of xomonija to the language used in official documents, such as writs, the basis for them was the influence of rhythmical language. As evidence of this we can point to the phrases in which the repetitive formula is used, for example : 11

Rudnyc'kyj, J. B., Materialy, Vol. I (Winnipeg: UVAN, 1958), p. 110.

REDUCIBLE VOWELS AND XOMONIJA

225

"Velemo(z)ny(m) pano(mH) panu xoroze(mu) i panu pre(d)svicju i vsemu panwstvu kro(?)la jeho ..sto je(s)mi pisa(l) u pçtonaca(t)i dm> sevo m 0 " 12 It is clear that such frequently used formulas influenced this language. Furthermore, the 'ornamentation' of the texts and their increasingly vocalic texture made xomonic language less comprehensible. In this way it also acquired a sort of 'mystical' character. Naturally, this 'mysticism' greatly added to the popularity and preservation of xomonija among the various sects of Old Believers, and in particular among Bezpopovcy. In conclusion, it may be said that the material of the TKMS confirms the evidence of other sources and also offers some new examples of the xomonic occurrences and new views on the phenomenon. Among other things, it indicates the rather late appearance of the xomonija phenomenon (18th century). It proves the view that xomonija first originated in liturgie language on prosodie grounds and then was transferred to other types of speech. It also offers a greater qualitative variety of the prosodemes in question - besides the reflexes of reduced vowels, there are also such vowels as i, y, ja, ju involved. As well, the TKMS material confirms the view that the xomonija phenomenon happened to coincide, in most cases, with the historic and prehistoric relationship of the jers and the o and e vowels. However, the most important result of this study of the Toronto Krjuki-Manuscript is the hypothesis that xomonija is not a continuation of previous linguistic traditions, but is an innovation. University of Manitoba.

SAMOGLOSKI REDUKCYJNE I CHOMONIJA W N1EZNANYM DOTYCHCZAS RÇKOPISIE WSCHODNIOSLOWIAÑSKIM Zjawisko znane pod nazvrç chomonii nie jest nowym w jçzykoznawstwie. Niestety wiadomoáci dotyczgce chomonii sq bardzo sk^pe. O ile mozna wnioskowac ζ poprzednich badali, chomonija jako zjawisko nie jest jeszcze áciále okreálona. Istniej^ce informacje nie pozwalajq zorientowac siç czy chomonija jest kontynuacjq poprzednich tradycyj jçzykowych, czy tez jest zjawiskiem zupetaie nowym. Uwaza siç na ogól, ze chomonija powstala w wymowie wyrazeñ liturgicznych w jçzykach wschodnioslowiaúskich, po zaniku jerów slabych. 12 Dashkevych, J., "Turec'ki dyplomatyöni lysty ukrajins'koju movoju ζ 40-ch rr. XVI st.", Slavia, Vol. XL, No. 2 (Praha: Ceskoslovenska Akademie vëd, 1971), pp. 247-249.

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I. GERUS-TARNAWECKY

Na podstawie nowego materiata jçzykowego i nowych przykladów zjawisk chomonijnych, które nam dostarcza dotychczas niebadany rçkopis ζ 18-ego wieku (Toronto Krjuki-Manuscript - TKMS), mozna stwierdzic co nastçpuje: 1. Chomonija jest to wynikniçcie prozodemów (supersegmentalnych fonemów) wywolanych w jçzyku potrzebami prozodycznymi. 2. Badany material pozwala rozróznió dwa rodzaje prozodemów : a) prozodemy towarzysz^ce spóigtoskom; b) prozodemy towarzysz^ce samogloskom. Prozodemy interpolowane miçdzy spóigfoskami przedstawione s^ w rçkopisie graficznie: a) grafemami o i e, odpowiadaj^cymi jakoáciowo refleksom jerów silnych (chociaz nie konsekwentnie); b) jerami, które, prawdopodobnie s^ allofonami poprzednich (o i e). Prozodemy dodane do samogtosek sq : a) identyczne w dzwiçku ze samogiosk^, ktôrç przedluzaj^ ; b) prozodemy powtarzajqce dzwiçk samogtoski ζ dodan^ jotacj^; c) prozodemy jakoáciowo inne. 3. Material TKMS potwierdza, ze u wiçkszoàci wypadków chomonija przypadkowo odbija stosunki dohistoryczne jak i historyczne jerów i samogtosek o i e. W zadnym jednak wypadku nie jest to kontynuacja poprzednich tradycyj jçzykowych. Jest to zjawisko nowe i sztuczne.

G. THOMAS

SOME THEORIES CONCERNING THE UNIFICATION OF THE ENDINGS OF THE DATIVE, INSTRUMENTAL AND LOCATIVE PLURAL OF RUSSIAN NOUNS

Despite the efforts of many scholars of Russian morphology one of the central problems in the study of the development of the Russian declension system remains unresolved. In modern Russian the only forms to be used for the dative, instrumental and locative plural of Russian nouns of all genders, with the well-known exception of some instrumentais in -'mi, e.g. losad"mi, are the endings: -am, -ami, -ax and -jam, -jami, -jax. These represent the endings of the α-stem nouns of Common Slavonic and Old Russian.1 While the outcome of this morphological simplification is incontrovertible enough, almost all the factors involved in the process have been subject to theories, which are often mutually exclusive. The main questions which still await a definitive answer may be summed up as follows : 1) Why did the unification take place ? Was it the result of the influence of the α-stems on the other classes or was it the result of a variety of factors ? 2) How was it possible for the unification to take place? 3) When did it take place? 4) Which case was affected first? 5) Did masculine nouns or neuters adopt the "new" endings first ? 6) Were the /-stems more or less ready than the other classes to take on the new endings ? 7) When were the modifications of the inflexional system as we have them in present Russian adopted into the literary language ? In this paper it is intended to discuss the various theories, giving special weight to more recent research of the problem, and to offer where applicable new theories in the hope that further research into this important problem may be stimulated. 1

This development is shared with Ukrainian and the Sorbían languages; Czech alone has kept the three main stem classes of Common Slavonic separate.

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The earliest work on this problem belongs to Saxmatov in his study of the language of the Novgorod texts.2 He points to the possible influence of the neuter plural nominative ending in -a (a point of view later taken up by Unbegaun) 3 and adds that the infiltration began in the dative case. In his work on the Dvina texts Saxmatov says that the prime mover of the phenomenon was that pronouns and adjectives in these cases did not differ by gender.4 In his final formulation of the problem, however, Saxmatov shifted his ground completely and stated on the basis of West Ukrainian and White Russian dialects5 (cf. WhR. stalom, stalami, stalox) that the instrumental case was the first to be affected and for the following reason: Kogda formy imeniternogo-vinitel'nogo mnozestvennogo muiskogo roda sovpali po okonöaniju s sootvetstvennymi formami zenskogo roda, pojavlenie 1 ν muzskom rode -ami vmesto -y ν tvoritel'nom mnozestva stalo neizbeznym.6 Most scholars would dispute Saxmatov's theory that a homophone in the nominative, accusative and instrumental plural of masculine nouns brought about the need for a new instrumental ending by analogy with the feminines because of the lack of evidence of the texts. The earliest examples of the new endings from the end of the 13th century provide evidence for all three cases.7 Thereafter -ami not only does not appear more often than the new endings in the other cases, as one would have expected, but -y is clearly more resistant to the encroachment of the new endings, lasting in some genres right into the 18th century.8 Indeed so distinctive is the ending -y for the instrumental plural felt to be, that one even finds isolated examples of -y as the instrumental plural ending of α-stem nouns. 9 In addition, according to the recent findings 2 A . A . Saxmatov, "Issledovanie o jazyke novgorodskix gramot xiii-xiv vekov", Issledovanija po russkomu jazyku, Vol. 1 (St.-Petersburg, 1885), pp. 196-197. 3 B. O. Unbegaun, La langue russe au 16e siècle (1500-1550) : I. La flexion des noms, Institut d'études slaves de l'Université de Paris, Vol. 16 (Paris, 1935), p. 200. 4 A. A. Saxmatov, "Issledovanie o dvinskix gramotax xv veka", Issledovanija po russkomu jazyku, Vol. 2, Vyp. 3 (St.-Petersburg, 1903), pp. 107, 111. 5 Unbegaun, op. cit., p. 202 (in a footnote) points to the probable influence of Polish on White Russian and the dialects in question. • A. A. Saxmatov, Kurs istorii russkogo jazyka, 2 izd., 2 cast' (St.-Petersburg, 1910-1912), p. 277. 7 V. V. Ivanov, Istoriöeskaja grammatika russkogo jazyka (Moscow, 1964), p. 306; A. I. Sobolevskij, Lekcii po istorii russkogo jazyka (Kiev, 1888), p. 177. 8 Unbegaun, op. cit., p. 201 ; N. F. MolCanova, Unifikacija form imen suscestvitel'nyx ν datel'nom, mestnom i tvoritel'nom padezax mnozestvennogo cisla, Avtoreferat kandidatskoj dissertacii (Moscow, 1965), p. 12. 9 Sbornik russkogo istoriíeskogo obscestva, T. 53, No. 4: Ζ gramoty (1517); R. D. Sepeleva, "Formy datel'nogo, tvoritel'nogo i mestnogo padezej mnoiestvennogo

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of Georgiev, a coincidence of forms between the nominative and the instrumental did not create a need for morphological change.10 Furthermore the hypothesis rests on the as yet unproven theory that masculine nouns were more receptive to the new endings than the neuters.11 The idea that the process began in the dative case has been accepted and refined by many scholars since Saxmatov.12 This is prompted by the fact that the difference between -om of the hard masculines and neuters and -am of the hard feminines is small. Indeed it has been pointed out that in unstressed endings admitting akan'e the endings would coincide phonetically.13 There is however no evidence in the texts to show that the dative was less conservative than the locative. Nikiforov goes as far as to say that the process began in the locative case of neuters. 14 A comparison of texts emanating from Moscow and Novgorod shows that the process was more widespread in Novgorod texts of the 14th and early 15th century than in Muscovite ones.15 Since akan'e has never been a feature of Novgorod speech, where the innovation of these unified oblique case forms was more widespread, the phonetic coincidence of these dative endings brought about by the reduction in unstressed syllables seems not to have played an important role in the early stages of the unification process. Speaking of the oblique case forms in the writings of Peter the Great, Kiridenko points out that words with ending stress, e.g. dvor, master, are more prone to have the unified endings than words like burmistr, admiral with stem stress.16 éisla ν proizvedenijax Simeona Polockogo", Ucenye zapiski Leningradskogo pedagogiéeskogo instituía im. A. I. Gercena, Vol. 202 (1959), p. 94; Unbegaun, op. cit., p. 201. 10 V. I. Georgiev, "Fonematiöeskij i morfematideskij podxod k ob"jasneniju fieksii slavjanskix jazykov", Voprosy jazykoznanija, No. 4 (1968), p. 39. 11 V. M. Markov, "Formy imen ν jazyke sudebnikov xv-xvi w.", Ucenye zapiski Kazanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. V. I. Ul'janova-Lenina, Vol. 116, Kn. 11 (1956), pp. 39-99; p. 71 speaks for the primacy of neuters in the process. 12 V. I. Jagiò, Kriticeskie zametki po istorii russkogo jazyka (St.-Petersburg, 1889), pp. 116-117; Unbegaun, op. cit., pp. 194-206; Sobolevskij, op. cit., p. 178. 13 G. A. Maxaroblidze, "K voprosu ob okonöanijax -am, -ami, -ax", Doklady i soobsëenija instituía jazykoznanija AN SSSR, No. 12 (Moscow, 1950), p. 133; V. Kiparsky, Russische hisforische Grammatik, Band Π (Heidelberg, 1967), p. 106. 14 S. D. Nikiforov, "Iz nabljudenij nad imenami suäöestvitel'nymi ν pamjatnikax vtoroj poloviny xvi veka", Ucenye zapiski L'vovskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. I. Franko, Vol. 7, Kn. 1 (1948), pp. 146-150. 15 I. V. Macenko, "K voprosu o grammatiëeskoj indukcii ν datel'nom padeze mnozestvennogo disia imen suSòestvitel'nyx muzskogo roda (na materiale novgorodskix i moskovskix gramot xiv-xv w.)", Doslidzennja literaturoznavslva ta movoznavstva, Kyjivs'kyj derzavnyj universytet, Part 2 (1961), p. 74. 18 G. S. Kiriëenko, "K istorii form datel'nogo, tvoritel'nogo i predloznogo padezej imen suSöestvitel'nyx sovremennogo literaturnogo jazyka (po dokumentam delovoj

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Most of the other theories deal with subsidiary factors in the process, such as the influence of the α-stem masculine nouns, e.g. voevoda,17 the fact that place names, where, according to the theory, gender might be confused, appear to adopt the new locative ending more readily than common nouns,18 and the question of the role of the masculine /-stems in the unification process. On the one hand Unbegaun and Saxmatov point to the lateness of the /-stems in adopting the new endings,19 while on the other Cernyx and Nikiforov, on the basis of 17th century and late 16th century texts respectively,20 claim that the unification process began with the /-stems. These mutually exclusive views have arisen because Cernyx and Nikiforov have attempted to use later evidence to shed light on an earlier period. Ul'janov has made a systematic study of the /-stem oblique endings and comes to the overwhelming conclusion that for the dative of /-stems -am and -jam are not found earlier than the 15th century and that the consolidation of the "new" ending in the /-stems takes place much later than in the other stem classes.21 MolCanova comes to much the same conclusion, stating that /-stems develop the new endings about a century after the o-stems, with a particularly intensive introduction of the modified endings at the end of the 16th-beginning of the 17th century.22 It has been demonstrated that the process affected the speech of different areas at different rates, most scholars seeing Novgorod as the first area affected, with the trend spreading from the northwest southwards and eastwards.23 It is clear too that the process was a long one, beginning in the 13th century and being completed in the 18th century. reöi konca xvii-xviii veka)", Ucenye zapiski filologiëeskogo fakul'teta Rovenskogo pedagogiceskogo instituía, Vol. 6 (1961), p. 243. 17 Unbegaun, op. cit., p. 202. 18 N. F. Moldanova, "O zakonomernostjax rasprostranenija ν istorii russkogo jazyka fleksii αχ ν formax mestnogo pade2a mnozestvennogo Cisla suSSCestvitel'nyx muzskogo roda", Nauínye doklady vyssej skoly, filologiieskie nauki, No. 3 (Moscow, 1965), pp. 20-28; p. 27 points out that in Moscow and in the NW areas the new endings are found first in geographical names which are pluralia tantum, then they spread into other nouns with similar endings. 19 Unbegaun, op. cit., pp. 201-202, Maxaroblidze, op. cit., p. 131 ; Saxmatov, Kurs..., p. 277. 20 P. Ja. Cernyx, Jazyk Ulozenija 1649 goda (Moscow, 1953), p. 296; Nikiforov, op. cit., p. 149. 21 Ju. P. Ul'janov, "Iz istorii razvitija unificirovannyxfleksij-am, -ami, -αχ ν sklonenii imen suSCestvitel'nyx (na materiale pamjatnikov russkoj pis'mennosti xi-xvii w.)", Uéenye zapiski Cardzouskogopedagogiceskogo instituía, vyp. 4 (1958), pp. 136-139,147. 22 Molöanova, Unifikacija..., p. 7. 23 G. A. Jakovleva, Formy sklonenija suiiesfvifel'nyx ν novgorodskix pamjalnikax delovogo stilja xvi veka, Avtoreferat kandidatskoj dissertaci! (Moscow, 1965), p. 7.

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Some scholars 24 have attempted to isolate distinct periods in the unification of these oblique endings : the early or "erroneous" period, the normal period (14th-15th century in Novgorod), the 16th century with a return to the old endings, possibly as a result of Church Slavonic especially through the workings of the Second South Slav influence of the late 14th early-15th century, then the reintroduction of the new endings in the 17th century and their normalisation in the 18th century. Such a dating scheme would allow us to separate the problems of the mechanics of the stabilisation of the new endings in the literary language, with its expected conservatism and considerable dependence on the norms of Church Slavonic, from the analysis of the factors which brought about the desire for unification in the first place. At this point, though, mention must be made of the fact that the assumption by almost all scholars that the process represents an assimilation of the other stem classes by the α-stem nouns, 25 is refuted by Markov. He asserts that the process was the result of many complicated factors (e.g. the influence of the neuter nominative plural ending, etc.) and "vo vsjakom slucae prostaja ssylka na vlijanie suscesiviteVnyx tipa 'zena', 'zemlja', nicego ne ob"jasnjaet i ne mozet sëitafsja obosnovannoj".26 He advances as his principal arguments the fact that it does not explain the obviously late adoption of the new instrumental forms, and that the ending -yj-i is used as the instrumental plural of α-stems while this reverse analogy is comparatively rare in the dative and instrumental cases. MolSanova's data for the very first examples of the phenomenon, with confusion of gender in pluralia tantum in the prepositional case, show that the influence is precisely that of the α-stems on the o-stems. 27 Maxaroblidze, 28 after giving the usual survey of the theories concerning the whole problem, makes the following interesting comment: Poslednij (Cernyx - G. T.), kak i Saxmatov ν "Issledovanii o Dvinskix gramotax xv veka", ne pytaetsja ustanovit', kakoj iz padeiej ran'äe usvoil novuju fleksiju i èto imeet svoi osnovanija. Neobxodimo podcerknut', cto zdes', kazetsja, ne iskljucena vozmo2nost' rasprostranenija novyx okonòanij vo vsex trex padeiax odnovremenno.

On the basis of the evidence of the new forms from the 13th century, despite the obvious paucity of the examples, Maxaroblidze claims that 24 25 26 27 28

Macenko, op. cit., p. 64, 74; Cernyx, op. cit., p. 295. See for example Georgiev, op. cit., p. 33. Markov, op. cit., p. 77. Molöanova, "O zakonomernostjax...", p. 27. Maxaroblidze, op. cit., p. 132.

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this was the century when the process began and further that it was introduced into all cases simultaneously. The author further claims that the reasons for the unification must be sought in the phonetic and morphological system of the language of that time. In his view a situation conducive to the unification of the endings did exist in the 13th century, namely that the category of gender had lessened in importance, which had lead to a generalization of the ending -i for the nominative and accusative plural of all /-stems, soft jo-stems and jastems and -y for the hard a- and o-stems. 29 Therefore it would be logical to assume an extension of this loss of the category of gender, which is so characteristic of East Slavonic as against the other Slav languages, to the oblique cases. This loss of feeling for gender can be seen in the pronouns and adjectives: 30 Reäajuäcim faktorom, daväim tolcok rasprostraneniju novyx okoncanij -am, -ami, -ax sootvetstvenno ν dat., tv., mest. p. mn. c. javljaetsja analogija s ¡menami prilagatel'nymi i mestoimenijami, utrativsimi rodovye razlicija vo mn. c. ν svjazi s unifikaciej ν xiii v. form imenitel'nogo i diktovalas' samim grammaticeskim stroem jazyka, zakonami slovosocetanija.

This view is shared by Molcanova 3 1 and Ul'janov, 3 2 who sees the loss of gender in the plural of Russian nouns as a result of grammatical abstraction in the morphological system. This approach, in our view, successfully analyses the reasons behind the unification of the oblique case plural endings of nouns of different stem classes. It also prompts us to view the phenomenon as a process conditioned by the linguistic system of the 13th century, which was implemented only by a long and tortuous confrontation with already existing morphological norms. Galenko points out that the secondary role of vowels in the phonological system and the fact that softness and hardness became the distinguishing factors in declension meant that vowels could be interchanged, allowing a simplification of the oppositions in the declension system. 33 What Maxaroblidze's approach fails to explain satisfactorily is the reason why, given the loss of feeling for gender in 29

Unbegaun, op. cit., p. 39. Maxaroblidze, op. cit., p. 134. MolCanova, Unifikacija..., p. 17. 32 Ul'janov, op. cit., p. 133. 33 I. G. Galenko, "K voprosuo priöinax ob"edinenija ν drevnerusskom jazyke form dat., tvor., i mest. padezej mn. ö. imen suäöestvitel'nyx", XXXIX Naukova Konferencija, prisvjaëena pidsumkam naukovo-doslidtioji raboty L'vivs'kogo universytetu za 1964 rik: Tezi dopovidej. Filologija, zurnalistyka. 18-21 travnja 1965 roku (L'viv, 1965), p. 33). A similar idea is expressed by MolCanova, Unifikacija..., p. 13. 30

31

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Russian, the forms of the α-stem nouns were those to be generalized for all stem classes.34 It is on this point that we would like to offer our own theories. An examination of Old Russian texts reveals all kinds of morphological analogy at work in the oblique cases (e.g. the influence of /-stems on yo-stems, /-stems on ja-stems), which may reflect popular usage or scribal error, but which in either case are more or less haphazard. What we have to determine is why the influence of the α-stems alone has been consistent in Russian. If one examines the syntactical function of the various cases in Old Russian as well as in Modern Russian, it is obvious that there is a clear distinction between the nominative, accusative and genitive, on the one hand, and the dative, instrumental and prepositional (or locative), on the other. In view of this we should expect to find in the oblique cases a logically linked system of endings. However, if one looks at the oblique case endings for the o-stems (masculine and neuter) of Old Russian from the synchronic point of view the logical connection between -ornò, -y, and -ëxb is completely lacking. The y'o-stems offer the same kind of apparently random heterogeneity: -emb, -i, -ixb, (e.g. gorodomb, gorody, gorodëxb; selomb, sely, selëxb; konemb, koni, konixb ; moremb, mori, morixb). The a- (ja-) stems on the other hand present a cogent euphonic system; -amb, -ami, -axb; -jamb, -jami, -jaxb. This system of endings is demonstrated too in the endings of the hard long form adjectives (-ymb, -ymi, and the soft long form adjectives (-imb, -imi, -ixb). If one bears in mind the fact that the /-stems (at least orthographically) had an identical system (bmb, -bmi, -bx&), it becomes clear that of the three most numerous and the only productive stem classes of Old Russian, together with all the long form adjectives, only the o- (jo-) stem classes present an anomaly. Given this situation, one could expect some modification of the o-stems, or, to be more precise, a morphological levelling to bring them into line with the parallel, cogent system of endings in the other classes of nouns and the adjectives. The α-stems being more numerous than the /-stems would have been the class to influence the o-stems. Naturally this process was aided by, and could not have been realized without, the precondition that the category of gender for Russian nouns had lost its significance in the plural. It goes 34

This problem, and the need for it to be resolved, is mentioned by Ul'janov, op. cit., p. 134. He offers rather unconvincingly the explanation that the vast majority of feminine nouns belonged to the α-stem class; that it was one of the liveliest and growing types, with many word-building suffixes; and that there were a number of masculine α-stem nouns.

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without saying that such a morphological levelling would take a long time to be implemented, and that it would proceed at varying speeds in different dialects. It is interesting to note that after formulating this theory, we came across the ideas of Baudouin de Courtenay on the subject. 35 He sees the new endings as the result of the spread of α-stem endings into the masculine and neuter in the 13th and 14th centuries, pointing out that this could be assisted by cases of unstressed endings where the dative of α-stems and o-stems combines in an undifferentiated -ym. All these points we have dealt with earlier, but then he goes on to make the following statement which is not without interest for us: Zatem okonëanija -am, -ami, -ax otliëalis' bol'seju siloj i poluëili pereves vsledstvie obsònosti svojstvennogo im vsem glasnogo a, togda kak ν muz. i sred. rode zdes' carilo nesoglasie i nesovpadenie; rjadom s dat. -om ili -em bylo tvorit. -y ili -i i predi, (mestn.) -ëx ili -ix. Naturally such a theory of morphological levelling involving hypotheses about the logical processes inherent in a language so far removed from our own time can be neither proved not disproved, but it is worth noting that such a theory does explain why the /-stems nouns were slower in accepting the "new" endings. The internal logic of their own system and its parallelism with the other stem classes meant that it had no need to adopt the a (ja) stem endings.36 The stability of the system was destroyed only after the loss of the reduced vowels and the regular appearance of -erm, and -exb instead of -ama and -bxb in the dative and prepositional, leading to the following system: -emb, -bmi, -exb. If one looks at the situation in the 17th century, when, after a return to the original endings under the influence of Church Slavonic, the "new" endings were gaining ground once more, it is clear that the dative and locative were more receptive to the new endings both for soft and hard o-stems,37 -ax endings are very common after velars; -jam and -jax are also found commonly; -ami is rare. As we have suggested above the conservatism of the instrumental plural may be explained by the uniqueness of the -y ending. The struggle between the old and the new endings was complete only in the 18th century, and here, as might have been expected, contemporary grammarians of the Russian language played a key role in stabilising 35

I. A. Boduèn de Kurtenè, "Lingvistiöeskie zametki i aforizmy", ¿urnal sterstva Narodnogo Prosveséenija, May 1903, p. 5. 36 Ul'janov, op. cit., p. 147, too, mentions the stability of the /-stems. 37 P. Ja. Cemyx, op. cit., p. 291.

Mini-

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the new endings as the literary norm. According to Sepeleva,38 the early grammars of the 18th century follow more or less the traditions of Smotrickij's grammar, where the original and modified endings coexist, the former being designated as Church Slavonic forms. In 1731, however, a new grammar appeared, which was compiled by V. Adodurov, 39 in which the only endings given for the dative, instrumental and prepositional cases were -am (-jam), -ami (-jami), -ax i-jax), with the exception of the forms ditjatem, ljudem and the instrumentais in -'mi or -jami. Lomonosov 40 fixed the α-stem endings as oblique case plural endings for all nouns, with the exception of the /-stems which could have -'mi in the instrumental. This situation lasted right up to the beginning of the 19th century. Recently the question of the relative influence exerted by the Russian vernacular and Church Slavonic in the formation of the Russian literary language has been raised by Unbegaun and others. 41 Whatever the outcome of this debate, it will be clear from what has been said above, that the endings of the dative, instrumental and prepositional (locative) plurals of Russian nouns demonstrate one area at least in which "la morphologie slavonne... a été radicalement russifiée".42 Me Master University

38

R. D. Sepeleva, "Zakreplenie fleksij -am, -ami, -αχ ν datel'nom, tvoritel'nom i mestnom padezax imen suäöestvitel'nyx ν grammatikax xvi-xviii w . , izdannyx ν Rossii", Ucenye zapiski Leningradskogo gosudarstvennogo pedagogiceskogo instituía im. A. I. Gercena, Vol. 258 (1965), p. 34. 39 V. Adodurov, Nemecko-latinskij i russkij leksikon kupno s pervymi na ¿alami russkogo jazyka (St.-Petersburg, 1731), p. 23. 40 M. V. Lomonosov, Rossijskaja Grammatika, St.-Petersburg, 1755, Polnoe sobranie soâinenij, Vol. 7 (Moscow-Leningrad, 1952), pp. 445-451. 41 B. O. Unbegaun, "Le russe littéraire est-il d'origine russe?", Revue des Études Slaves, Vol. 44 (Paris, 1965), pp. 19-28; A. Saxmatov-G. Y. Shevelov, Die kirchenslavischen Elemente in der modernen russischen Literatursprache (Wiesbaden, 1960), passim. 42 Unbegaun, "Le russe littéraire... ?", p. 27.

ΠΙ. HISTORY

Κ. J. COTTAM

BOLESLAW LIMANOWSKI AND THE RISE OF STUDENT ACTIVISM AT THE UNIVERSITY OF MOSCOW, 1857-1858

Unlike the internationally oriented Polish students of the 1870's, the Polish student generation of the 1850's was intensely patriotic. Yet, of this generation, those attending the University of Moscow became a catalyst, as it were, of the Russian student movement. In contrast to their counterparts of the 1870's, it was they who supplied the inspiration and the model to the Russian students, rather than vice versa. True, these Polish students in Moscow came under the influence of Russian radical thought; for instance, they were exposed to the ideas of Herzen, Cernysevskij and Dobroljubov. Yet, aiming at another struggle for Polish independence, they kept themselves aloof from their Russian comrades by forming separate organizations. This paper represents an attempt to trace the origins of student radicalization in mid-nineteenth century Russia in terms of Polish student activism at the University of Moscow (1857-58), against the background of the early career of one of the Polish student leaders, Boleslaw Limanowski (1835-1935).1 Limanowski was to become a co-founder and active member of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), created in 1892-93. A pioneer historian of the Polish struggles for independence and peasant emancipation in the period following the partitions, he also distinguished himself as a student activist during the Moscow student "revolution" of 1857. He was born on October 30, 1835, in the formerly Polish part of Livonia at Podgórz (a landed estate located in the county of Dünaburg then in Vitebsk gubernija), which was annexed to Russia in the first partition. His family milieu was that of lower-medium gentry of Polonized ethnic stock or of mixed origins, settled eastward from ethnic Poland on lands which for several centuries represented the bone of contention 1

This paper is based on the author's doctoral dissertation, Boleslaw Limanowski, 1835-1935: A Political Biography, (University of Toronto, 1970). A monograph on Limanowski very recently appeared in Poland. See Z. ¿ychowski, Boleslaw Limanowski, 1835-1935 (Warsaw, 1971).

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between Poland and Russia. Devoted to the military traditions of the old Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the borderland gentry was surrounded by a potentially hostile peasantry of Latvian or Lithuanian descent in the northeast, Belorussian toward the south, and Ukrainian in the southeast. During the period following the partitions, it was this lesser borderland gentry stock which produced many outstanding Polish politicians, and played a significant role in all Polish uprisings.2 As was customary in his milieu at this time, Limanowski received his primary education at home from a number of tutors. His favorite childhood game was a make-believe war against "Muscovy". Though his parents appeared to be reconciled to the Russian rule, very early he became intensely patriotic; he acquired this patriotism from reading romantic history and literature (as often was the case with his Polish contemporaries), under the influence of some of his tutors and his two elder brothers, Aleksander and Anicety.3 For instance, from Anicety he learned of the uprising of 1830 and of the subsequent repressions ordered by Nicholas I, the memory of which persisted in nearby Lithuania - particularly of the martyrdom of Szymon Konarski in 1839, who was the emissary of "Young Poland" allied with Mazzini 's "Young Italy". 4 A pious child, in his prayers Limanowski asked God for the restitution of the fatherland, as well as for the abolition of serfdom. His father, though indulgent to his children, was a cruel master and Limanowski rebelled against the maltreatment of the serfs on the estate. The fate of the peasants in the immediate area of Podgórz was indeed far from enviable. Heavily overworked, existing on a diet of black bread and unpeeled potatoes, these people were compelled to feed on grass in the spring. Due to poor harvests, the last two years of Limanowski's stay at home - 1845 and 1846 - were especially hungry for the peasants. 5 Following his father's death in April 1847, it was decided that th^ twelve-year-old Limanowski would attend gymnasium in Moscow. He was to spend eleven years there: seven years in secondary schools (1847-1854) and four years at the University of Moscow (1854-1858) 2

H. JaWonski, "Wstçp", in B. Limanowski, Pamiçtniki, ed. J. Durko (Warsaw, 1958), II, vii; Limanowski, Pamiçtniki, ed. A. Próchnik (1937; rpt. Warsaw, 1957), I, 21; P. Brock, Bolesiaw Wysiouch, twórca ideowy ruchu ludowego w Galicji, Diss. (Jagiellonian University of Cracow, 1950), p. 37; W. Studnicki-Gizbert, "Boleslaw Limanowski", in Ζ okolic Dzwiny: Ksiçga zbiorowa na dochôd czytelni polskiej w Witebsku (Vilna, 1912), pp. 93-94. 3 Limanowski, Pamiçtniki, I, pp. 29-39. 4 Ibid., I, pp. 38-39. 6 Md., I, pp. 46-48.

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studying medicine; and he regretted this for the rest of his life for he felt a sense of shame in having been educated in Russia.6 During his second year in gymnasium his new step-father Kazimierz Sawicki, accompanied by Limanowski's mother and sister, arrived in Moscow to complete his legal studies. Limanowski then temporarily came under the influence of the ardent catholicism of Sawicki, who introduced him to Mickiewicz's drama Forefathers (Dziady), the third part of which described the martyrdom of young people exiled to Russia in the Polish cause.7 However, upon the return home of his mother and sister, which almost coincided with the untimely deaths of Aleksander and Anicety, he virtually lost touch with his family and home country. For four years he associated almost entirely with Russians, while boarding at the home of the Russian merchant Sirejscikov, where he was treated as a member of the family.8 During the reign of Nicholas I, Russian gymnasia were of two categories from the fourth year on: the classical and the "realist" (specializing in the natural sciences). Having decided to pursue the study of history and literature at the University of Moscow, Limanowski chose the classical program.9 His final high school year was marked by the outbreak of the Crimean War. At first he sympathized with the Balkan Slavs; but because of Napoleon III, who was allied with Turkey, Limanowski soon came down on the side of the Turks. Recollecting his childhood interest in the Napoleonic era, he idealized Napoleon III as the nephew of the famous uncle. However, the object of his special cult was the defeated Napoleon I, the Napoleon of the "one hundred days", rather than the victor,10 for he always sympathized with the underdog. Having passed his final examination which enabled him to enroll at the university, Limanowski felt liberated from the vague fear which he experienced during his gymnasium years. Although throughout this period he himself was well treated, every day when he entered his classroom he anticipated a humiliation. He was disgusted by the screams of the flogged boys, because he hated any form of corporal punishment. « Ibid., I, 51-52. Ibid., I, 75-78. 8 In exchange for room and board Limanowski taught the younger sons of Sirejäöikov. The letter, which the former wrote to his sister Kamila in his fifth year of gymnasium, indicates that his Polish was already considerably Russified. See Limanowski, Pamiçtniki, I, 85-89; Limanowski, Pamiçtniki, II, 673. See also Limanowski, Stanisiaw Worcell (1910; rpt. Warsaw, 1948), pp. 5-6. 9 Limanowski, Pamiçtniki, I, p. 89. Ibid., I, p. 99. 7

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Abandoning his school uniform for civilian clothes, Limanowski felt grown up and independent. However, he was frustrated in his plans to pursue history and literature at the University of Moscow.11 Frightened by the events of 1848-49, Nicholas I considered universities a seedbed of revolutionary propaganda. Therefore, he limited each academic department of Moscow's University to 300 students, with the exception of medicine. Thus Limanowski was faced with a dilemma; either to delay for a year or two his enrolment in the department of history and philology, to which wealthy graduates of a lyceum enjoyed priority of admission, or to study medicine. He reluctantly decided to follow the latter course in order to enter the university immediately. However, during his first year he paid little attention to medicine, and instead attended lectures on history and archeology. At this time the faculty of the University of Moscow included two famous historians, both free thinkers and humanitarians: Timofej Granovskij (1813-1855) and Petr Kudrjavcev (1816-1858). Unfortunately, Granovskij died soon after Limanowki's arrival at the university. However, he was given the opportunity to attend the lectures of Kudrjavcev on ancient history, and was impressed by this professor's sympathy for conquered peoples struggling for their independence.12 Indifferent to the defeat in the war, the students at the university responded to the passing of the Tsar with great joy. (Limanowski himself hated him for ordering repressions in Poland, and for his despotism in general.) The successor to the throne, Alexander II, was popular with Moscow's intelligentsia, due to his unassuming behavior in society. Soon Limanowski was able to take a close look at the new Tsar when the latter came to inspect the university.13 Upon passing into his second year, Limanowski became interested in physiology. He contemplated devising a new science which he termed "sociology", dealing with society rather than with the individual organism. Limanowski then compared the family to a cell in the biological organism, independently of such scholars of the nineteenth century "organicist" school as the sociologist and Austrian statesman, Albert Schäffle (1831-1903).14 However, his interest in social studies was short-lived. The rise of student activism during his third year of university, in October 1857, 11 12 13 14

Ibid., I, 99-100. Ibid., I, 102-104; Limanowski, Sociologia, 2nd ed. (Cracow, 1921), I, p. 5-6. Limanowski, Pamiçtniki, I, pp. 107-109. Limanowski, Sociologia, I, 7.

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changed the course of his life. It represented one of the first manifestations of the revolutionary movement in the Russian Empire, and was due to an arbitrary police raid of an innocent Polish student party. During this party one of the participants went out to obtain an additional supply of refreshments. On his way back he hurried to rejoin his comrades, and held his purchases under his overcoat. Becoming suspicious of the student, a passing policeman ordered him to stop. The student, however, disobeyed the order and instead began to run faster - with the policeman following in his footsteps. Ejected from the student premises, the latter soon returned with several fellow policemen and a few workers employed on a construction nearby; they all forced their way into the apartment by breaking down the front door, and by shattering a window pane. Outnumbering their opponents, the police and workers eventually subdued the resisting students ; tied and brutally beaten, the latter found themselves in jail. In this instance, it seems that the police retaliated for having been defeated by another group of students a few days prior to the party. 15 The raid outraged all students at the University of Moscow; professors and university administrators condemned the police brutality as well. A large group of students signed a vehement complaint submitted to the district curator, who authorized a commission of inquiry composed of student deputies and university administrators. The latter concurred with the students. Confronted with general indignation, the police chief ordered that the arrested students be immediately released; he reprimanded his subordinates; and he even came to the university in person to justify himself before the administration. As a result, Moscow students became conscious of their collective power. Unmollified, during the week following the raid they held many meetings at the university to discuss their needs, framed resolutions, and sent a petition to university authorities, demanding the punishment of the guilty police officials, as well as the right of association and assembly. Limanowski distinguished himself as one of the student leaders.18 Previously, he had rebelled against serfdom, against the Russian autocracy, and against the despotic regime in schools. He longed to become another William Tell. Now, at the university, his rebellious mood became more intense under the influence of Herzen and Dobroljubov; he 15

Limanowski, Pamiçtniki, I, pp. 133-134. Limanowski, Pamiçtniki, I, 134-135; Limanowski, Worcell, pp. 5-6. It was the first student demonstration in the Russian Empire, initiating a student movement which culminated in student riots in 1861. See W. L. Mathes, "The Origins of Confrontation Politics in Russian Universities: Student Activism, 1855-1861", Canadian Slavic Studies, Π (Spring, 1968), pp. 28-34. 16

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read the latter's literary reviews in the Contemporary (Sovremennik) in the home of the merchant Sirejscikov. Moreover, the students who were victimized by the police happened to be Poles, as mentioned above. Hence, Limanowski identified himself with the activist Polish students. Overcoming his superficial assimilation with the milieu of the Russian intelligentsia, he recovered his ardent Polish patriotism. 17 There were more than 600 Poles at the University of Moscow at this time, mainly from the borderlands. They had founded a separate Polish student organization for the purpose of mutual aid, which was also a school of Polish patriotism. The overall organization consisted of separate associations from each of the academic departments; it had its diet and dietines, as well as a handwritten daily paper. The central organization chose one chief cashier and two librarians, one of whom was to procure books forbidden by the Tsarist censors. Each constituent association employed one cashier and one librarian; the latter was entrusted with the distribution of these forbidden books to the members, who studied Polish émigré political literature, Polish history and the works of Polish poets associated with Romanticism in Poland. Like the majority of Polish students at this time, Limanowski adopted the political program of the Polish Democratic Society formed abroad in 1832, i.e. he was in favour of an armed mass struggle for an independent, democratic Poland to be made possible by emancipating the peasants and endowing them with the land which they tilled for themselves.18 On joining an inner secret "circle" which, like the socialist circles in Russian Poland - created after the 1863 uprising - combined selfeducation with propaganda activity, Limanowski lectured on Polish history for the benefit of his fellow members in the circle. He based his lectures on writings by the great historian Joachim Lelewel and by his disciples Henryk Schmitt and Karol Szajnocha. The group also edited a student paper, to which Limanowski contributed translations from 17

Limanowski, Pamiçtniki, I, pp. 135-136; Limanowski, "Jak stalem siç socjalist^", in Socjalizm-Demokracja-Patriotyzm (Cracow, 1902), pp. 83-84; Limanowski, Wotcell, pp. 5-6. The Poles in Moscow and in St.-Petersburg - both students and military men - were subjected to the influence of Herzen and ternyäevskij at this time, after having been previously exposed to Polish democratic political literature. An interesting interaction of ideas took place: the Polish émigrés in the West in the 1850's acquainted Herzen with the idea of the ancient Slav commune, the latter influenced Cernysevskij, and both Russians subsequently influenced the Poles. See Limanowski, Historia ruchu spolecznego w XIX stuleciu (Lvov, 1890), pp. 489-490. 18 Limanowski, Pamiçtniki, I, pp. 136-137, 152-153; Limanowski, SocjalizmDemokracja-Patriotyzm, pp. 84-85; Limanowski, Rozwój przekonafi demokratycznych w narodzie polskim (Cracow, 1906), pp. 23-24.

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Gegenwart, a German periodical sympathetic to Polish struggles for independence.19 The semi-legal organization, with its secret inner circles, became standard among Polish students in Russia, after the student "revolution" of 1857. Moreover, by bringing Russian and Polish student activists together, the "revolution" gave the impetus to the Russian student movement which was organized on the Polish model. The Russians were protagonists of a joint political front with the Poles against their common enemy, the Russian autocracy, within the framework of a joint organization. At the University of Moscow, they issued a proclamation to this effect, to which they appended a copy of a moving obituary in honor of the Polish émigré socialist Stanislaw Worcell, written by Herzen in his Polar Star (Poljarnaja Zvezda). Limanowski was much affected by this homage to Worcell, who died in 1857. It evoked his national pride, and henceforth he attempted to learn everything he could about this early Polish socialist and patriot. He was eventually to become the first biographer of Worcell.20 The Poles had remained calm during the Crimean War. On arrival of the new Tsar Alexander II in Warsaw, in May 1856, there was an expectation of major changes, partly as the reward for this loyalty. He conceded an amnesty to the Polish political exiles in Siberia; the opening of an Academy of Medicine in Warsaw; and a charter to an important gentry organization known as the Agricultural Society, to provide a forum for the discussion of the imminent agrarian reform. However, by 1858 there was a re-awakening of aspirations to independence in the former Congress Poland; many Poles deemed these concessions insufficient, especially students - who were now convinced that an armed uprising against Russia was inevitable. They put pressure on the gentry to anticipate the agrarian reform above, in order to gain peasant allegiance for the Polish cause, in accordance with the program of the Polish Democratic Society. Like their Russian comrades, Polish students in Moscow at this time were intensely interested in the peasant question. They entertained the "Siberians" on their way home from exile. Affected by the atmosphere 19

Limanowski, Pamiçtniki, I, pp. 153-154; Limanowski, Sociologia, I, pp. 7-8. Limanowski, Pamiçtniki, I, pp. 156-157; Limanowski, Worcell, pp. 5-7. See the obituary in Poljarnaja Zvezda, III (1857), pp. 306-312. For the origins of Polish socialism see P. Brock, "The Birth of Polish Socialism", Journal of Central and East European Affairs, XIII (1953), pp. 213-231; Brock, "The Socialists of the Polish 'Great Emigration'", in Asa Briggs and John Saville (eds.), Essays in Labour History (London, 1960), pp. 140-173. 20

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in Poland, by the growing popularity of Napoleon III among the Poles, and the student "revolution" of 1857, the Polish student activists in Moscow attempted to contact their counterparts elsewhere in Russia, as well as student radicals in Poland; they maintained ties with Polish émigré activists as well. The effect of all this on Limanowski was to cause him to transfer from Moscow to the German university at Dorpat (where he abandoned medicine and began his studies in philosophy) for the sake of removing himself from the milieu of a Russian university, which he now hated.21 Finally, in September 1860 he abandoned this university as well, on hearing a rumor that a Polish legion was being formed in western Europe. In anticipation of an imminent uprising, from December 1860 to March 1861 he trained at the new Polish Military Academy at Batignolles near Paris, which was subsidized by Napoleon III. After returning to his native borderlands, he was exiled to north Russia for organizing a patriotic demonstration in the Vilna Cathedral, in May 1861. In exile Limanowski was befriended by the Ukrainian ethnographer Pavel Cubinskij; for a time he was a member of the latter's political circle consisting of several Ukrainian and Russian populists. Notwithstanding his conversion to socialism following the defeat of the 1863 uprising, Limanowski's attitude toward the Russian revolutionaries became increasingly "separatist". This separatism was to emerge as a salient feature of Polish right-wing socialism which gave rise to the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) in 1892-93. However, the next Polish student generation (especially those young people who studied in Russian universities during the 1870's) had grown up in the atmosphere of disillusionment with the tradition of armed struggles for Polish independence. Adopting Marxist internationalism, many of them, unlike Limanowski's contemporaries, became ardent advocates of close collaboration with the revolutionary Russians. University

of

Toronto.

RÉSUMÉ Polska mlodziez studiujqca na uniwersytecie w Moskwie w latach piçcdziesi^tych zeszlego stulecia stala siç jakgdyby katalizatorem ruchu studentów w Rosji. Celem tego referatu jest krótka ocena genezy ruchu studentów Rosjan pod wpfywem polskich stowarzyszeú akademickich w Moskwie, na tie wczesnej dzialalnoáci Boleslawa 21

S. Kieniewicz, Historia Polski, 1795-1918 (Warsaw, 1968), pp. 227-228; Limanowski, Pamiçtniki, I, pp. 155-158.

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Limanowskiego (1835-1935), jednego ζ przywodców tak zwanej "rewolucji" studentów moskiewskich w roku 1857. Limanowski by! wspótzalozycielem i wybitnym dzialaczem Polskiej Partii Socjalistycznej (PPS), stworzonej w latach 1892-1893. Zasiuzyl siç tez jako historyk polskich walk o niepodlegtosc i uwlaszczenie chlopów w okresie porozbiorowym. Urodzony na terenie dawnych Inflant Polskich, w árodowisku sredniej i drobnej szlachty, osiadlej wáród biatoruskich i totewskich wsi, Limanowski od wczesnego dziecinstwa byl gorqcym patriot^. Swój patriotyzm zawdziçczaf starszym braciom, oraz lekturze doby Romantyzmu. Przez cale zycie zatowal, ze postano go do szkoly sredniej w Moskwie i uczçszczat tarn na uniwersytet, staj^c siç coraz bardziej niechçtnym do Rosji. "Rewolucja" pazdziernikowa 1857 roku byla bezposrednim skutkiem napasci moskiewskiej policji na mieszkanie studentów Polaków. Poturbowanie i areszt niewinnych wywotalo powszechne oburzenie na uniwersytecie w Moskwie. Wykorzystuj^c t4 okolicznosc, mtodziez akademicka zaczçta domagac siç prawa do zakladania wtasnych organizacji. Od dawna zbuntowany przeciw poddanstwu chlopstwa i despotyzmowi wtadz szkolnych, Limanowski pod wptywem Herzena i Dobrolubowa radykalizowal siç coraz wiçcej. Odegral czynn^ rolç w ruchu moskiewskiej mlodziezy akademickiej w pazdzierniku 1857 roku. Poniewaz poszkodowani studenci byli Polakami, Limanowski solidaryzowal siç ζ rodakami, wykladaj^c historiç Polski jako cztonek tajnego kótka studentów polskich. W tym okresie na uniwersytecie w Moskwie uczylo siç okolo 600 Polaków, przewaznie pochodz^cych ζ kresów wschodnich. Nawpót legalne polskie stowarzyszenia akademickie - w ramach których organizowano tajne kólka, ksztalc^ce czlonków na podstawie nielegalnej lektury - powstawaly na wszystkich rosyjskich uczelniach, gdzie studiowali Polacy. Rosyjcy studenci, tworz^c wlasne kólka, wzorowali siç na stowarzyszeniach studentów Polaków. Na uniwersytecie w Moskwie studenci Rosjanie namawiali kolegów Polaków do walki ζ caratem w ramach wspólnej organizacji. Jednakze, pod wptywem nastrojów patriotycznych, wzmagaj^cych siç w dawnym Polskim Królewstwie Kongresowym, polscy studenci oddzielali siç od Rosjan, zakíadajqc wlasne stowarzyszenia samopomocy przepojone duchem patriotycznym. Zniechçcony do uniwersytetu w Moskwie, w 1858 roku Limanowski przeniósl siç do niemieckiego uniwersytetu w Dorpacie. Po studiach w Dorpacie (1858-1860), udal siç do Paryza. Uczçszczal tam na Kursy Wojskowe Generata Mierostawskiego, szykuj^c sie do czynnego udziatu w nowym powstaniu zbrojnym. W maju 1861 roku Limanowski byt jednym ζ organizatorów manifestacji patriotyczno-religijnej w Wilnie. Zestany do Archangielska, Limanowski nalezat tam do tajnego kólka ukraiñskich i rosyjskich ludowców, kierowanego przez slynnego etnografa, Pawta Czubmskiego. Po rozgromieniu powstania styczniowego 1863 roku, Limanowski stai siç socjalist^. Natomiast w stosunku do rewolucjonistów Rosjan Limanowski okazywal coraz to wiçksz^ nieufnoác, charakterystyczn^ dia calej prawicy socjalistycznej, która stworzyla PPS. Dopiero nastçpne pokolenie studentów polskich (szczególnie miodziez studiuj^ca w Rosji podczas lat siedemdziesi^tych) wychowato siç w atmosferze rozczarowania do walk zbrojnych o niepodlegtosé. Mlodziez ta w znacznej liczbie uwazala siç za marksistôw-miçdzynarodowcôw i nawotywala do bliskiej wspólpracy ζ rewolucjonistami rosyjskimi.

BRIEF NOTES

JAROSLAV Β. RUDNYCKYJ

VENEDICI OF "IGOR SONG" - A CASE IN ONOMASTIC PARS PRO TOTO

The well known passage of the "Igor Song" - Slovo o polku Ihorevi : Tu Nëmci i Venedici, tu Hreci i Morava pojutb slavu Svjatbslavlju ('Here Germans and Venetians, here Greeks and Moravians sing the glory of Svjatoslav') - never was disputed in the Slovo-scholarship. It was generally assumed that Venedici referred to 'Venetians' and the dictionaries of Slovo gave only that interpretation, viz.: "Venedici - veneciancy,"1 or "Venediki>/proper name m./ *Venecianec /Venetian N. pi. 90."2 The same can be said of the translations of Slovo into various languages, cf. e.g. Veneciane of the first Russian translation in the first edition of Slovo (Moscow, 1800), p. 22, followed by writers of the 19th and 20th c., e.g.: V. A. Zukovskij : N. A. Zabolockij : A. N. Majkov: V. I. Stelleckij : L. I. Timofeev: A. K. Jugov: D. Lixaöev: S. Lesnoj:

Venedy Venecejcy veneciane venedici /nemcy.../ s venicejcami Veneciane veneciancy3 veneciantyi

1 Slovak-spravoinik "Slova o polku Igoreve", Vypusk 1 : A - G, sostavitel' V. L. Vinogradova, Izdatel'stvo "Nauka" (Moskva-Leningrad, 1965), p. 102-103. 2 Glossary of the Igor' Tale by Tatjana Cizevska, Slavistic Printings and Reprintings LEI, Mouton & Co. (London-The Hague-Paris, 1966), 89. 3 Cf. Slovo o polku Igoreve. Vstupitel'naja stat'ja, podgotovka teksta i primeöanija D. Lixaíeva, "Sovetskij pisateP" (Leningrad, 1953), pp. 73, 94, 118, 144, 165, 187, 214. 4 S. Lesnoj, Slovo o polku Igoreve, I (Paris, 1950), p. 35.

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JAROSLAV Β. RUDNYÓKYJ

Similarly the Ukrainian and the other translations of Slovo : M. O. Maksymovyc S. Rudans'kyj P. Myrnyj

venedci

V. Sòurat

O. Kovalenko V. A. Kendzers'kyj

venedynci

M. Cernjavs'kyj M. Ryl's'kyj N. Zabila S. Hordynskyj Κ. M. Zin'kivs'kyj

venecijci

Ivan Franko I. Stesenko V. Svidzins'kyj5

veneciany

In his translation and interpretation of Slovo Metropolitan Ilarion (Dr. Ohienko) uses parallelly two forms : venecijci and venedci.6 The English translations have as a rule 'Venetians' as an equivalent of Old Eastern Slavic venedici? In checking all the other renderings of venedici we found that only two authors differed from the generally accepted translations of it as Venetians. One of them was the Ukrainian writer of the 19th century, Osyp Jurij Fed'kovyc, who in his translation of Slovo rendered this name as voloxy 'Italians'. 8 Similarly the Czech translator and interpreter of Slovo J. Jungmann translated the name in question as vlasi 'Italians'. 9 5

Slovo o phku Ihoreve joho poetyënipereklady iperespivy, Naukova Dumka (Kyjiv, 1967), pp. 149, 177, 230, 252, 274, 303, 324, 344, 366, 409, 429; Slovo o polku Jhorevi. Herojiònyj epos XII viku, za redakcijeju Svjatoslava Hordyns'koho, V-vo "Kyjiv" (Philadelphia, 1950), p. 13, 33. 6 Mytropolyt Ilarion, Slovo pro Ihoriv poxid, vydanja T-va, "Volyn" (Winnipeg, 1967), p. 128, 225. 7 Cf. The Ukrainian Poets, 1189-1962, selected and translated by C. H. Andrusyshen and W. Kirkconnell, University of Toronto Press (1963), p. 11; The Song of Igor's Campaign, translated from Old Russian by V. Nabokov, Vintage Books (New York, 1960), p. 48. 8 See above note 5, page 204. 9 Cf. J. Jungmann, Slovo o pluku Jgorovê, Knihovna Slovanského Ustavu ν Praze, Svazek HI (Praha, 1932), p. 33.

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253

In analyzing the contex of the whole passage quoted in the beginning of this paper it becomes clear that the other ethnonyms in it refer to generalized names of whole nations and not to dwellers of one city only. Thus nëmci are 'Germans', hreci 'Greeks', morava 'Moravians'. The contextual semantics conditions the interpretation of venedici as 'Italians' and not 'Venetians' only. In our opinion venedici is used here to designate all Italians. As such it is an onomastic pars pro toto known in other cases like French Allemands (Allemania, part of Germany), E. Romance, for all Romance peoples and in particular in cases where the extension of city names on ethnonyms is evident, cf. : (1) Russian, Polish and Ukrainian moskal meaning 'Russian' and derived from the city of Moscow.10 (2) Slavic volynians 'Ukrainian tribe' derived from Volyn - originally name of a castle,11 (3) Russian kurjanin meaning 'dweller of Kursk' as well as 'Russian' in general,12 (4) It is assumed by some scholars that the name Slav is connected with original dwellers on a river with root *Slov-,13 Venice was well known to Old Rus' in political, cultural and commercial spheres. The same might be said of other cities as, for example, Florence, Padua, Rome, Naples, etc. Yet, it seems that Venice was most widely known to Eastern Slavs at that time. In particular its cultural treasures, its artistic and musical traditions were widely accepted and cherished in medieval Rus' 1 4 As such they were synonymous to Italian culture in general and consequently Italians might have been referred to as Venetians. As is known, medieval Italy was not united in one state; thus the 10

Cf. moskali... ν re ci zitelej zapadnyx i juznyx oblastej Rossii - obyëno o russkix voobsce ( = 'in the language of dwellers of the Western and Southern provinces of Russia - Russians in general'), cf. A. M. Babkin, Slovar' nazvanij zitelej (RSFSR), Sov. Ènciklopedija (Moscow, 1964), p. 179. 11 Cf. J. B. Rudnyckyj, "The Names 'Galicia' and 'Volynia'", Onomastica, UVAN, No. 3 (Winnipeg, 1952), pp. 17-32. 12 This seems to be in the literary use only, cf. M. Gor'kij's: "- A ty otkudal... - Ja,polozim, kurskij. - Iz Rossii znaiiñ... A kakzvat'l - Vasilij - nesrazu ineoxotno otvetil kurjanin." ( = 'Where are you f r o m ? - I am, let us say, Kurskian. - And what is your name? - Vasilij - slowly and unwillingly answered Kurskian.'), cf. A. M. Babkin, op. cit., 4. 13 Cf. J. Β. Rudnyckyj, "The Origin of the Name 'Slav'", Onomastica, UVAN, No. 21 (Winnipeg, 1961). 14 Cf. Κ. Studyns'kyj, Zapysky Naukovoho Tovarystva im. Sevíenka, Vol. 12, pp. 19-22; Jar. Hordynskyj, Zbirnyk Zaxodoznavstva, UVAN, vol. 2, pp. 3-69; J. B. Rudnyckyj, From My Italian Diary (Winnipeg-Rome, 1965).

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major cities formed states per se. Any one of them could have represented the country as a whole. This finds its expression in the afore-mentioned passage in Slovo. Along with German, Greek, and Moravian minstrels, the Italian singers glorify in their songs Prince Svjatoslav at his court in Kiev, yet, unlike the others, who are known by their national names, the Italian singers are called Venetians. In conclusion, it should be stated that the Fed'kovyc-Jungmann translations of venedici as 'Italians' (voloxy and vlasi respectively) deserves much credit and attention. Led by contextual requirements, both authors properly translated them as 'Italians' and not as 'Venetians' like all the other translators of Slovo. Furthermore, it should be stressed that the interpretation of this name in commentaries and dictionaries to Slovo should contain besides literal translation - venedici 'Venetians' an additional explanation: 'here used for designation of Italians in general'. As an onomastic pars pro toto, venedici in Slovo is an interesting and remarkable stylistic figure which once more illustrates the high artistic craftsmanship of the author of this medieval masterpiece. University of Manitoba