Body and Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt: Violent Treatment of Enemies and Prisoners 3447113022, 9783447113021

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Uroš Matić

Body and Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt Violent treatment of enemies and prisoners

PHILIPPIKA

Altertumswissenschaftliche Abhandlungen Contributions to the Study of Ancient World Cultures 134

Harrassowitz Verlag

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

P H I L I P P I K A

Altertumswissenschaftliche Abhandlungen Contributions to the Study of Ancient World Cultures

Herausgegeben von /Edited by Joachim Hengstl, Elizabeth Irwin, Andrea Jördens, Torsten Mattern, Robert Rollinger, Kai Ruffing, Orell Witthuhn 134

2019

Harrassowitz Verlag . Wiesbaden

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

Uroš Matić

Body and Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt Violent Treatment of Enemies and Prisoners

2019

Harrassowitz Verlag . Wiesbaden

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

Bis Band 60: Philippika. Marburger altertumskundliche Abhandlungen. Bei diesem Werk handelt es sich um die überarbeitete Dissertation, die an der Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität Münster unter dem Titel „Body and Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt: Violent Treatments of Enemies and Prisoners“ eingereicht und am 1. Juni 2017 verteidigt wurde.

Das Werk wurde mit dem „Philippika-Preis“ des Jahres 2018 ausgezeichnet.

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the internet at http://dnb.dnb.de.

Informationen zum Verlagsprogramm finden Sie unter http://www.harrassowitz-verlag.de © Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden 2019 Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen jeder Art, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und für die Einspeicherung in elektronische Systeme. Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem Papier. Druck und Verarbeitung: Hubert & Co., Göttingen Printed in Germany ISSN 1613-5628 ISBN 978-3-447-11302-1 e-ISBN 978-3-447-19925-4

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

Contents List of plates. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IX Acknowledgments.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XIII Introduction.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Body-centered research on violence. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 2

Research aims, questions and problems. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

5

Materials, method and theoretical background.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Materials. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Method and theoretical background. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Problem of historicity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

7 7 7 9



History of Research. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Enemies and prisoners of war in ancient Egypt: A critical history of research. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . War and violence in archaeology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

11

Torture. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sun exposure.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Caging. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Beating and harassment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

19 20 23 25

Mutilation.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Branding and marking. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Eye and ear removal. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hand cutting. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Phalli cutting. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hanging upside-down. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

31 31 35 40 55 65

11 15

Execution. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 Strangling. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 Decapitation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Impalement. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 Burning. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 Skeletal evidence. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 “Execration pits” from Tell el-Dabca.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 Execution or execration in the case of Karnak temple.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126

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VI

Contents

Hand cutting in Tell el-Dabca. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Burning of enemies at Amman. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hunt.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gender. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Religion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .



133 133 139 149

Bodies as objects of violence. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 Human sacrifice. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 Body parts of enemies as commodities.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 Bodies as media of violence. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Difference between the king and soldiers in treatments of enemies and prisoners of war. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Violence as performance.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . “Propaganda” and the social production and control of fear.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

167 167 179 185

Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 Documents. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 1: Ahmose relief block from Abydos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 2: The Coronation of Queen Hatshepsut, Deir el-Bahari temple. . . . . . . . . . Doc. 3: Autobiography of Ahmose son of Ebana. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 4: Tombs of Djehuty (TT 11) and Montuherkhepeshef (TT 20). . . . . . . . . . Doc. 5: The Annals of Thutmose III in temple of Amun at Karnak.. . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 6: Poetic stela of Thutmose III from Karnak (Cairo CG 34010; JE3425). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 7: Gebel Barkal stela of Thutmose III (Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 23.733). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 8: Autobiography of Amenemhab called Mahu (TT 85). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 9: Great Sphinx Stele Amenhotep II in Giza.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 10: Memphis stela of Amenhotep II (Egyptian Museum in Cairo, JE 86763). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 11: Amada inscription and Elephantine stela of Amenhotep II (Wien ÄS 5909-upper part; Kairo CG 34019, JE 28585-lower part). . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 12: Chariot of Thutmose IV from his tomb (Egyptian Museum in Cairo, CG 46097). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 13: Autobiography of Ahmose-Pennekhbet. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 14: Stela of Amenhotep III between Aswan and Philae. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 15: Amenhotep III Semnah stela (British Museum EA 138 (657)). . . . . . . . . Doc. 16: Letter of the Assyrian king Ashuruballit to Akhenaten (EA 16). . . . . . . Doc. 17: Stela of Akhenaten from the temple of Buhen, Museum of the University of Pennsylvania (Phil. E16022 A and B). . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 18: Walking stick of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 61737; Carter no. 048a). . . . .

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4



207 207 208 209 215 219

222 223 225 227 228 236

238 240 242 243 245

246 249

VII

Contents

Doc. 19: Walking stick of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 61735; Carter no. 048b). . . . . Doc. 20: Walking stick of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 61736; Carter no. 048c). . . . . Doc. 21: Walking stick of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 61733; Carter 048d). . . . . . . . Doc. 22: Walking stick of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 61732; Carter no: 050uu). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 23: Walking stick of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 61734; Carter no. 100a). . . . . Doc. 24: Chariot yoke of Tutankhamun (Carter no. 159=120d) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 25: Painted box of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 61467; Carter no. 021).. . . . . . . Doc. 26: Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 27: Memphite tomb of Horemhab. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 28: Karnak, Northern Wars of Seti I, Campaign from Sile to Pa-Canaan, Year 1. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 29: Kanais, temple of Seti I.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 30: Decree of Blessing of Ptah. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 31: Abydos, Battle of Qadesh. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 32: Karnak, Battle of Qadesh. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 33: Luxor, Battle of Qadesh. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 34: Ramesseum, Battle of Qadesh and the Taking of Dapur under Ramesses II. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 35: Abu Simbel, Battle of Qadesh. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 36: Beit el-Wali/South temple, Nubian campaign. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 37: Papyrus Anastasi II (BM EA 10243). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 38: Athribis stela of Merenptah, Kom el-Ahmar, Menuf (Cairo JE 50568). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 39: Amada temple stela-inscription dedicated to Merenptah.. . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 40: Papyrus Harris I (British Museum EA 9999), Ramesses III’ concluding prayer to Amun. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 41: Karnak, Great Libyan War Inscription of Ramesses III . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 42: Medinet Habu, East High Gate, North Tower, Façade. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 43: Medinet Habu, Speech of Amun to Ramesses III in Presentation Scene on Pylon II (Campaign against Sea Peoples). . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 44: Medinet Habu, First Pylon, South Triumph Scene. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 45: Medinet Habu, Great Inscription of Year 5 of Ramesses III . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 46: Medinet Habu, First Libyan war of Ramesses III, Battle with the Libyans. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 47: Medinet Habu, First Libyan War, Presentations of spoils of war to the king. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 48: Medinet Habu, First Libyan war of Ramesses III, Presentation of spoils of war to the king. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 49: Medinet Habu, First Libyan War of Ramesses III, Battle with the Libyans. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 50: Medinet Habu, Sea Peoples campaign of Ramesses III, Land Battle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

251 251 252

252 253 254 254 258 262



264 265 266 267 270 272



273 275 276 277

278 280 283 285 288 289 289 290 291 293 296 298 300

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Doc. 51: Medinet Habu, Sea Peoples campaign of Ramesses III, River mouth battle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 52: Medinet Habu, Sea Peoples campaign of Ramesses III, Presentation of spoils of war to the king. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 53: Medinet Habu, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Battle with the Libyans. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 54: Medinet Habu, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Presentation of spoils of war to the king. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 55: Medinet Habu, Siege of Tunip by Ramesses III.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 56: Medinet Habu, Nubian campaign of Ramesses III. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 57: Karnak, Amun precinct, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Battle with the Libyans. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 58: Karnak, Amun precinct, Asiatic campaign of Ramesses III. . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 59: Karnak, Mut precinct, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III. . . . . . . . . . . Doc. 60: Karnak, Mut precinct, Asiatic campaign of Ramesses III.. . . . . . . . . . . .

301 302 304 305 306 307

307 308 309 309

Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311 Indexes.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Terms and themes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sites.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Geograhic areas. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Persons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Middle Egyptian and Late Egyptian words. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Plates

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375 375 381 382 383 386 389

List of plates Plate I. Plate II. Plate III. Plate IV.

(a) Ahmose block from Abydos with the depiction of piled cut off hands, drawing (Harvey 2003: 10, Fig. 8, reproduced with kind permission of Stephen P. Harvey). (b) Tomb of Montuhirkhepeshef (TT 20), Scene 3 on the south wall of the inner room, drawing (Davies 1913: Pl. VIII). (a) The chariot of Thutmose IV from his tomb (Egyptian Museum in Cairo, CG 46097), right side (exterior), drawing (Carter and Newberry 1904: Pl. X). (b) The chariot of Thutmose IV from his tomb (Egyptian Museum in Cairo, CG 46097), left side (exterior), drawing (Carter and Newberry 1904: Pl. XI). (a) Painted box of Tutankhamun (Egyptian Museum Cairo JE 61467), Slaughter of the Syrians, facsimile (Davies 1962: Pl. I, , reproduced with kind permission of the Griffith Institute in Oxford). (b) Painted box of Tutankhamun (Egyptian Museum Cairo JE 61467), Slaughter of the Nubians, facsimile (Davies 1962: Pl. II, , reproduced with kind permission of the Griffith Institute in Oxford). (a) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 38, drawing (Johnson 1992: 164, reproduced with kind permission of W. Raymond Johnson). (b) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 18, drawing (Johnson 1992: 158, reproduced with kind permission of W. Raymond Johnson). (c) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 20, drawing (Johnson 1992: 158, reproduced with kind permission of W. Raymond Johnson). (d) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 21, drawing (Johnson 1992: 160, reproduced with kind permission of W. Raymond Johnson). (e) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 29, drawing (Johnson 1992: 160, reproduced with kind permission of W. Raymond Johnson). (f) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 35, drawing (Johnson 1992: 162, reproduced with kind permission of W. Raymond Johnson).

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X

List of Plates

Plate V.

(a) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 44, drawing (Johnson 1992: 166, reproduced with kind permission of W. Raymond Johnson). (b) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 50, drawing (Johnson 1992: 170, reproduced with kind permission of W. Raymond Johnson). (c) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, presentation of the spoils of war to the Theban triad, reconstruction, drawing (Johnson 1992: 191, Fig. 21, reproduced with kind permission of W. Raymond Johnson).



Plate VI.

Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, reconstruction, presentation of the spoils of war to the king, drawing (Johnson 1992: 189, Fig. 19, reproduced with kind permission of W. Raymond Johnson). The south side of the east wall of the second courtyard of the Memphite tomb of Horemhab, third and fourth registers, drawing (Martin 2016: Pl. 33, reproduced with kind permission of Geoffrey Thorndike Martin, courtesy of the Egypt Exploration Society).

Plate VII.

Plate VIII.

(a) The south side of the east wall of the second courtyard of the Memphite tomb of Horemhab, register below the large scale figure of Horemhab, drawing (Martin 2016: Pl. 36, reproduced with kind permission of Geoffrey Thorndike Martin, courtesy of the Egypt Exploration Society).



(b) The south side of the east wall of the second courtyard of the Memphite tomb of Horemhab, two registers of imprisoned Nubian figures sitting on the ground, drawing (Martin 2016: Pl. 37, reproduced with kind permission of Geoffrey Thorndike Martin, courtesy of the Egypt Exploration Society).

Plate IX.

Karnak, Northern Wars of Seti I, Campaign from Sile to Pa-Canaan, Year 1. Lowest register of the eastern front side of the north wall (outside) of the hypostile hall, drawing (Nelson 1954: Pl. 2). (a) Beating of the Hittite spies, the “Conference Scene” of the Battle of Qadesh, Ramesses II temple of Abydos, drawing (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 19). (b) Temple of Abydos of Ramesses II, outer west wall; Battle of Qadesh, drawing (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 20). Temple of Abydos of Ramesses II, west half of the outer north wall; Battle of Qadesh, drawing (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 25). The Battle of Qadesh, temple of Karnak, court between 8th and 9th pylon, west wall, outside, representation of the spoils of war, drawing (Wreszinski 1935, Tf. 70). (a) Beating of the Hittite spies, the “Conference Scene” of the Battle of Qadesh, the outer wall of the west tower of the First pylon of the Luxor temple, drawing (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 82).

Plate X. Plate XI. Plate XII. Plate XIII.

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List of Plates

Plate XIV. Plate XV. Plate XVI. Plate XVII. Plate XVIII. Plate XIX. Plate XX. Plate XXI. Plate XXII. Plate XXIII. Plate XXIV. Plate XXV.

XI

(b) Beating of the Hittite spies, the “Conference Scene” of the Battle of Qadesh, west part of the north wall (outside) of the second court, east of the entrance of the temple of Luxor, drawing (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 64). (a) Beating of the Hittite spies, the “Conference Scene” of the Battle of Qadesh, the west wall of the north tower of the First pylon of the Ramesseum, drawing (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 95). (b) Ramesseum, East wall of the hypostile hall, south of the main entrance, lower register, Taking of Dapur, drawing (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 109). (a) Beating of the Hittite spies, the “Conference Scene“ of the Battle of Qadesh, temple of Abydos, drawing (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 19). (b) Beit el-Wali/South temple, Nubian campaign of Ramesses II, drawing (Wreszinski 1935: 166). Medinet Habu, First Libyan war of Ramesses III, battle with the Libyans, lowest register of the first scene from the south on the east wall of the second court (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 122). Medinet Habu temple, First Libyan War of Ramesses III, Presentations of spoils of war to the king, Lowest register of the first scene from the east on the south wall of the second court (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 124). Medinet Habu, First Libyan war of Ramseses III, Presentation of spoils of war to the king, third scene from the west on the north wall (outer side) (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 133). Medinet Habu, First Libyan War of Ramesses III, Battle with the Libyans, North Wall, outside, second scene from the West (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 129f). Medinet Habu temple, Sea Peoples campaign of Ramesses III, the Land battle, Sixth scene from the west on the outer north wall (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 114). Medinet Habu temple, Sea Peoples campaign of Ramesses III, the River mouth battle, Eighth scene from the west on the outside north wall (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 116). Medinet Habu temple, Sea Peoples campaign of Ramesses III, Presentation of spoils of war to the king, Outer north wall, ninth scene from the west (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 119). Medinet Habu, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Battle with the Libyans, East wall of the first court, north of the entrance (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 37). Medinet Habu temple, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Presentation of the spoils of war to the king, East wall of the first court, north of the entrance (Nelson 1932: Pl. 75). Medinet Habu temple, Siege of Tunip by Ramesses III, First scene from the east in the upper most register on the outer north wall between first and second pylon (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 151).

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XII

List of Plates

Plate XXVI. Plate XXVII. Plate XXVIII. Plate XXIX.

Medinet Habu temple, Nubian campaign of Ramesses III, First scene from the south on the outer west wall (Nelson 1930: Pl. 9). Karnak, Amun precinct, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Battle with the Libyans, lowest register of the third scene from the north on the outer west wall (Nelson 1936: Pl. 81). Karnak, Amun precinct, Asiatic campaign of Ramesses III, Upper most register of the first scene from the north on the outer west wall (Nelson 1936: Pl. 81). (a) Karnak, Mut precinct, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Fifth scene from the south on the west outer wall (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 62b). (b) Karnak, Mut precinct, Asiatic campaign of Ramesses III, Second scene from the north on the outer west wall (Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 62a).

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Acknowledgments Although being a result of doctoral studies at the Institut für Ägyptologie und Koptologie, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster, this work started slightly earlier than September 2012 when I officially enrolled. It began after my MA studies at the Department for Archaeology, Faculty of Philosophy, University in Belgrade, and my gender studies advanced graduate courses at the Faculty for political sciences. The very beginings were shaped by my interest in archaeologies of the body, paralleled with my interest in New Kingdom Egyptian relations with their neighbours. Egyptology has rarely dealt with all the things Egyptians could do to them. This is how my research topic was formed. I would like therefore to thank all of those professors, lecturers, colleagues and friends who helped form my research topic and who guided me towards its completion. I thank Vera Vasiljević who taught me iconography, encouraged and supported my decision to continue my path in Egyptology and helped me in my choice of the university in Germany; Staša Babić and Aleksandar Palavestra who taught me to think critically in archaeology and theory; Danijela Stefanović who gave me introduction to Middle Egyptian, supported my choice of the research topic, encouraged my research in Egyptology, always answered my questions and showed great support; Irene Forstner-Müller for allowing me to study the field documentation from Tell el-Dabca and for all matters Tell el-Dabca related I owe her my deepest gratitude; Pam Rose for her interest in my work, critical insights, suggestions, long discussions and references; Wolfgang Müller for our discussion on my research theme in the breaks from fieldwork in Aswan and his ever necessary critical insights; Cornelius von Pilgrim for his help in organising my visit to the Amada temple; Christian Bayer for his kind interest in my research, discussions on iconography and encouragement; Marianne Eaton-Krauss on her help in contacting W. Raymond Johnson regarding his doctoral thesis and for our discussion on the orientation of the talatat of Tutankhamun with a caged enemy; Julia Gresky for finding time to reassess the skeletal remains from the Tell el-Dabca execration pits; Regine Schulz for our discussion on my research topic and encouragement with dealing with it, as there is much more yet to be said; her suggestion to pay closer attention to numbers produced interesting results; Kristina Scheelen for our discussion on the application of strontium analysis; Karin Kopetzky for our discussion on Tell el-Dabca related issues and her continuous support of my work; Marcel Marée on his interest in my topic and our discussions in Aswan; Annik Wüthrich for enlarging my knowledge of Middle and Late Egyptian, constant interest in my research, critical insights, long discussions, help with references and all matters related to religion and Book of the Dead I owe my sincere gratitude; Anke Blöbaum for making study photos of the Memphis stela of Amenhotep II in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo; I also thank her and Annik Wüthrich for discussions on problems related to my research; Anthony J. Spalinger for our discussions on all matters related to war and violence in the New Kingdom during

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XIV

Acknowledgments

the 12th International Conference for Meroitic Studies in Prague; Stephan P. Harvey for kindly sending me the upublished photo and drawing of the Abydos block from the reign of Ahmose for the purpose of my study; José Manuel Galán and Andrés Diego Espinel for kindly providing me with information on the tomb of Djehuty (TT 11); Andrea Sinclair on proofreading the manuscript and correcting the English. I especially thank my supervisor Angelika Lohwassser for agreeing to supervise me and guide me through this work, for her patience, useful critiques and suggestions. My acknowledgments also go to the organisers and participants of the workshop “Blurred Lines. Working Symmetrically in Anthropology and Archaeology” (Ebernburg, Bad Kreilsheim, 12–14/06/2015) for deepening my knowledge of the symmetrical approach in anthropology and archaeology, and sparking my interest in questions of ontology. I especially thank Martin Fotta for introducing the work of Christopher C. Taylor on the Rwandan Genocide to me during the final discussions of the workshop. Last, but not least, I would like to mention all of those colleagues and friends who either discussed some of the themes I dealt with in the last four years or who had the patience to listen to me: Uroš Belegić, Simon Dix, Mennat-Allah el Dorry, Tim Eggert, Haggag Elshahhat, Ana Đuričić, Filip Franković, Christian Langer, Manuel Lobeck, Nenad Marković, Christian Schulz, Dijana Simić, Selena Vitezović and Benjamin Wortmann. This work could not be done without the generous support of the Delta Foundation grant I received throughout my studies in Münster (2012–2016). I thank them sincerely for this and for all of their support and interest in my work and its progress. My gratitude also goes to the Ministry of Youth and Sport of the Republic of Serbia for rewarding me with Dositeja Scholarship for Serbian students studying in foreign universities (2012–2016). I also thank “Stiftungsfonds für Postgraduates der Ägyptologie” (former: HansGoedicke Stiftung) from Vienna for recognising my work as prospective and rewarding it with a research grant for the academic year 2016. My sincere gratitude goes to the Harrassowitz publishing house for rewarding my work with the Philippika prize for 2018. Finally, my greatest gratitude goes to my family, Dušan Matić, Gordana Matić and Nikola Matić, who supported me and continue supporting me on my professional path. Muenster, October 2019 Uroš Matić

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Introduction Violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war in ancient Egypt have received relatively little attention in Egyptology. The entire corpus of attestations has never been studied in detail and with a clear research focus, aims, questions, theoretical and methodological background. This work deals with the relations between violence and the bodies of enemies and prisoners of war in New Kingdom Egypt (c. 1539–1077 BC). It is a study of the ways these bodies were treated and how this was textually and visually represented. It goes beyond representations into a discussion of the frames of war and the production and maintenance of hierarchies. Three main questions can be asked about the bodies of actors and victims in war. What is a body? What can a body do? What can be done to a body? 1 This implies that human beings can have “other possible” bodies 2, and that different bodies of actors and victims emerge in violent acts. 3 The underlying cultural structure proposed for New Kingdom Egyptian violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war is rooted in the difference between the king and soldiers, as the difference between divine and human. 4 Some of the corporeal effects of violence against enemies and prisoners of war in New Kingdom Egypt were less permanent and less damaging to the enemy bodies, and are in this work classified as torture (sun exposure, caging, beating and harassment). Others left permanent traces on bodies, they were more damaging and could eventually lead to death, although this may not have been their intention. They were also done to already dead bodies. These treatments are classified as mutilations (branding and marking, eye and ear removal, hand cutting, phalli cutting, hanging upside-down). Finally, there are those violent treatments which caused death (strangling, decapitation, impalement, burning).

1 Misra 2015: 23. 2 Agamben 2015: 9. 3 It is not possible to first define the ontology of the body and then refer to the social significations the body assumes. Bodies are exposed to social crafting and this makes the ontology of bodies a social ontology, Butler 2009: 3. 4 It seems that this difference has earlier background as Laurel Bestock correctly noticed that from Early Dynastic period until the end of the Middle Kingdom there seems to be “a monopoly on scripted types of violence” which legitimised the king, Bestock 2018: 265.

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2

Introduction

Body-centered research on violence Humans have the capacity to experiment with violence and justify its results. 5 Acts of violence are understood both individually and socially through narratives. These narratives can express motivations or justifications for further violence or for its avoidance or suppression. 6 Violence cannot be isolated from its social context, although it has some evolutionary background. Torturing and killing are as cultural as nursing the sick and burying the dead; therefore violence is in no way senseless, there is always a cultural logic behind it. 7 Techniques of cruelty can follow meaningful forms and be mythically and symbolically conditioned. 8 Social and cultural dimensions of violence give violence its power and meaning. 9 Even the worst acts involving faeces, urine, body parts, beheading, impaling, gutting, sawing, raping, burning, hanging and suffocating have forms of cultural design and predictability. 10 Siniša Malešević argued that “we fight and slaughter best in the presence of others - to impress, to please, to conform, to hide, to fear, to profit, to avoid shame and for many other reasons too.” 11 How much can the notion of culture explain violence if some patterns of violent behavior appear across cultures? 12 This question should not lead us into the trap of sociobiology. No one ever died from the lack of violence. Killing does not come naturally to soldiers, but requires intensive coercive regulation, control and the use of weapons. 13 Sociobiological arguments on war and violence are not sufficient to explain social action and cultural background of war and violence. We should remember that as Jacques Derrida said “one does not count the dead in the same way from one corner of the globe to another”. 14 Bodies are used to establish parameters of otherness. 15 Contemporary cultural theory emphasises that dehumanisation, as a prerequisite of violence against others, is especially frequent in war. 16 War condones and ritualises the destruction and occupation of both 5 Wolin 2009: 33. 6 Wood 2007: 82. 7 Vandkilde 2003: 139; Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois 2004: 3. Evolutionary perspectives put emphasis on the role of violence in solving adaptation problems, or serving as a strategy in obtaining resources. They do not offer us methods or a theoretical framework for studying violence beyond quite simplified notions of adaptive strategies and reproductive competition as ad hoc explanations, Liddle, Shackelford and Weekes-Shackelford 2012: 11–19. 8 Taylor 1999: 29. 9 Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois 2004: 1. 10 Appadurai 2002: 289; also see Taylor 1999. 11 Malešević 2010: 3. 12 Wood 2007: 79. 13 Malešević 2010: 48. 14 Borradori 2013: 92. 15 Appadurai 2002: 290–292. 16 Butler 1990: 25; Butler 2004: xiv–xv, 34–36. Those killed are not quite human and not quite alive, Butler 2009: 42; Savage 2006: 17–45; Smith 2011. Also see the discussion on religion and hunt as frames of war in Chapter Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt.

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Body-centered research on violence

3

territories and bodies. 17 It would be as much a mistake to think of the body as primarily active as it would be to think of it as primarily vulnerable and inactive. 18 A body can be a subject, an object and a medium of violence. 19 Bodies, as the subjects of violence, are in this work understood as actors and their acts of violence as “subjective violence”. 20 Bodies can be objects of violence as they can be hurt. “Bodies matter” 21 and hurting them produces both corporeal and discursive effects. 22 They can go from wholes to fragments. 23 Certain violent treatments can produce “bodies without organs” 24 and “organs without bodies”. 25 Landscapes of violence include the sight of the blood and of mutilated body parts, the smell of urine and excrement (generated out of fear and desperation), and the odour of dead and decomposing bodies. 26 Broken and dismembered bodies evoke reactions of both victims and those who observe the violent acts. The discursive effects of violence can transcend the bodies of victims. Bodies as media 27 emerge in the context of meaningful violent acts. Bodies as objects of violence, take part in the creation of the meaning of a violent act which is materialised in the affected bodies. Some understand this as inscribing the “law” upon the body 28, marking the body through violence, as it can carry traces and thus have memories “printed” on it. 29 This can be metaphorically described as “writing of a text” 30, however the core is a corporeal experience which matters. 31 Archaeological theory in the last three decades also emphasises that bodies matter. 32 This statement causes many epistemological problems and a potentially great divide 17 Stiles 2007: 526. 18 Butler 2015: 139. 19 This understanding of the body has been recognised by those archaeologists dealing most closely with the human body and its skeletal remains, Sofaer 2012: 135–150. 20 For the definition of subjective violence as violence with a clearly identifiable agent see Žižek 2008: 1, 10. 21 Materiality of the body is “bound up with signification from the start”, Butler 1993: 30. 22 Olsen 2010: 131. 23 Body parts as fragments have been the subject of studies which mostly did not deal with fragmentation of the body through violent acts, Rebay-Salisbury, Sørensen and Hughes 2010. 24 Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari see bodies without organs as unproductive, sterile, unengendered, unconsumable, dead things, Deleuze and Guattari 1983: 8–11, 20. 25 These are organs which persist alone even when the bodies are no longer present, Žižek 2004, 30; for organs without bodies, which stand in for the missing bodies see Chapter Mutilation. Hand cutting and Phalli cutting. 26 This is often forgotten because modern wars are perceived by most western people today through the dusty lenses of cultural anaesthesia, Hamilakis 2013: 3. 27 For the body and its treatments as “projection surface” in ancient Egypt and Sudan, especially regarding the various treatments of skin and the meanings they can project see Lohwasser 2012: 527–559. 28 Franz Kafka described the body in this manner, see “In the Penal Colony”, Kafka 1984. 29 Taylor 1999: 105. 30 Some language-oriented philosophers would even go so far as to see the body as theatre, Derrida 2002: 293. 31 Body is not simply a surface which can be analysed as a forum of display and on which power relations are mapped, cf. Meskell 1998: 140–141. 32 See especially Perry and Joyce 2001: 63–76.

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4

Introduction

between the bioarchaeological and the constructivist approach. 33 Archaeological works on the body can be roughly grouped into those based on physical anthropology, constructivist works based on representations and phenomenological works emphasising embodiment. 34 Each of these has its own shortcomings. 35 There is no escape from language when talking about bodies, but they are not experienced solely as linguistic signs or only through language. 36 If everything is discourse and text, what about violence and bodily injury? 37 Bodies are material, they feel, and they can be damaged and hurt. It cannot be denied that the meanings of violent acts are constructed through bodies as media, but it must be acknowledged that these acts leave traces. Exploration of bodies as subjects, objects and media of violence requires acknowledging the epistemological potential of each of the three above mentioned research directions. 38 The fact that this study is based on written and visual attestations of violence, places it on one side of the studied sources and the bodies of actors and victims of violence on the other. Violence is an embodied experience. 39 However, by studying attestations of violence we cannot so much access the bodies, as much as we can outline how these were represented in the context of violence. This excludes the phenomenological approach. 40 We have access solely to experience of violence as represented by the ancient Egyptians.

33 This divide was shown to be unstable, Sofaer 2006. 34 Hamilakis, Pluciennik and Tarlow 2002: 4–5; Borić and Robb 2008: 1–4. For an overview of these approaches and their potential for Egyptology see Stewart 2011: 116–120. 35 The approach, grounded solely in physical anthropology, was criticised for neglecting the socio-cultural embeddedness of material bodies and that bodies are materialised through their situatedness in a given society, Sofaer 2006. The representational approach was crtiticised because of its tendency to deprive bodies of materiality, Meskell 2000: 20–21. 36 Olsen 2010: 58. In the words of Eduardo Viveiros de Castro, “no dimension of human experience is (given as) entirely constructed; something must always be (constructed as) given”, Viveiros de Castro 2015: 98–99. 37 Butler 1993: 28. 38 For an excellent summary of different body based theories see Koch 2012: 8–14. 39 Dann 2009: 219. 40 In archaeology, phenomenology is understood as the use of sensory experiences in order to view and interpret. It has been applied most extensively to the study of landscape. It puts emphasis on the body and its movement and experience, Johnson 2010: 118.

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Research aims, questions and problems The first aim of this work is to investigate whether certain treatments are related to specific actors and victims and why. It asks the questions: Is it possible to outline culturally specific treatments of enemies and prisoners of war which are related to New Kingdom Egyptian notion of the body, being and personhood? Is it possible to outline an underlying cultural structure for these treatments like it has been done elsewhere? 1 Which bodies and notions of the bodies would these culturally specific treatments of enemies and prisoners of war be related to? What is the possible role of status, age, gender and ethnicity of actors and victims in relation to the treatments? The second aim is to investigate which treatments are attested textually, visually or both, and if we can observe changes in decorum. This has to be explored because of the problems of access, visibility and restricted knowledge. 2 It is of the utmost importance to consider who were the producers, editors and consumers of the texts and images with attestations of violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war. 3 Knowing this, we can answer the question if political and social institutions help to establish a particular level of sensitivity towards violence. 4 Only by knowing the producers, editors and consumers, can we discuss the role of representations of violence in their local context and the effects they could have had on the local population. The third aim is to investigate if there are parallels in violent treatments of criminals and the damned dead in the Underworld, if they are restricted to certain treatments and if this can be related to different actors and victims. The fourth aim is to investigate forms of objective violence (symbolic and systemic) starting from the primary evidence of subjective violence (treatment of enemies and prisoners of war). 5 The aim is to relate the violent treatments, which are to be seen as subjective 1 Violence in the Rwanda genocide was structured on cultural ideas about flow (e.g river flow but also flow of the bodily fluids) and treatments of enemies were methods of stopping bodily flow (e.g through impaling, cutting of the limbs etc.), Taylor 1999: 30. 2 These concepts will be elaborately discussed in the Chapter Materials, method and theoretical background. 3 The research question on the mediality of treatments is related to already present discussions in history of art and Egyptology, namely those discussions on images as media, their producers and recipients and the effects of communication, Verbovsek 2014: 14; Schulz 2014: 35–36. Laurel Bestock set the same aim in her book on representations of violence from Early Dynastic period to the end of Middle Kingdom, Bestock 2018: 3. 4 Wolin 2009: 39. 5 According to Žižek, subjective violence is the form of violence with a clearly identifiable agent whereas objective violence includes both symbolic violence, embodied in language and its forms in imposing a certain universe of meaning, and systemic violence, a consequence of the smooth function of political and economic systems, Žižek 2008: 1–2.

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6

Research aims, questions and problems

violence, to the “frames of war”, which are to be seen as reflections of objective violence. According to Slavoj Žižek these forms of violence are in complex interaction and the crux is to analyse them in this very interaction. 6 Violence is usually divided into physical and symbolic. Physical violence uses physical force 7 against oneself or others resulting either in injury or in death. This again indicates that physical violence has closest affinity to the body. 8 Symbolic violence should be understood as violence exercised upon a social agent. 9 The fifth aim of this work is to explore the potential use of written and visual attestations of violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war in interpreting the skeletal evidence for violence. Written and visual attestations will be studied first in order to establish a firm interpretative basis.

6 Žižek 2008: 2. 7 Actually, this is strength if we follow Hannah Arendt’s theoretical distinctions. Strength designates something in singular, as a property inherent in an object or person and belonging to its character. Arendt argued that the strength of the strongest individual can be always overpowered by the many, Arendt 1969: 44. 8 Although it seems banal it has to be said that the body is the site of the worst possible infliction of pain, terror, indignity and suffering in comparison with other resources, Appadurai 2002: 289. 9 Bourdieu and Wacquant 2004: 272. Indeed, some philosophers would possibly term this form of violence cultural hegemony, Gramsci 2000: 234; or even ideology, Žižek 2008.

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Materials, method and theoretical background

Materials The primary materials studied in this work are written and visual attestations of violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war. Written attestations come from textual sources which can be most broadly divided into royal and private. Royal textual sources are inscriptions found on papyri (Doc. 37, 40), clay tablets (Doc. 16), stelae (Docs. 6, 7, 9–11,14, 15, 17, 38, 39) and temple walls (Docs. 2, 5, 28–32, 35, 36, 41–45, 47, 48, 54). Private textual sources are biographies of high officials (Docs. 3, 8, 13). Visual attestations also come from royal and private contexts. The visual attestations from royal contexts include representations of battles on temple walls (Docs. 1, 26, 28, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 46–60), but also on objects such as chariots (Docs. 12, 24), the painted box (Doc. 25) and motifs of defeat on the walking sticks (Docs. 18–23). Those visual attestations coming from private contexts are significantly smaller in number and are limited to several elite tombs (Docs. 4 and 27). Skeletal evidence is considered to be those cases in which evidence of trauma caused by violence is documented. Only those remains interpreted as belonging to foreigners were included in this study. These include supposed evidence for execration (Tell el-Dabca), execution (Karnak), burning (Amman) and hand cutting (Tell el-Dabca).

Method and theoretical background This study takes decorum as its main method in analysing the evidence. Decorum is “a set of rules and practices defining what may be represented pictorially with captions, displayed, and possibly written down, in which context and in what form.” 1 It was probably based on the rules or practices of conduct and etiquette, of spatial separation and religious avoidance. 2 It is important to stress that it is not related to taste, but to appropriateness. 3 Decorum is distinguished through iconographic patterns and the reasons behind them. 4 It has a history and it can be useful in interpretation of material that has generally been 1 Baines 1990: 20. Decorum may not correspond to any single world in the Egyptian language but it is a principle observable in material. The principle was probably so deeply ingrained as not to require any explicit formulation, Baines 2007: 15. 2 Baines 1990: 20. This will be demonstrated in Chapter Bodies as media of violence. 3 Riggs 2013: 157. 4 Baines 2007: 16–17.

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8

Materials, method and theoretical background

seen in other terms. 5 As changes in decorum did not occur often, they must have been considered significant enough to be accounted for. Thus, they could hypothetically correspond to developments in practice. 6 John Baines initially saw decorum as demarcating the world of the king and gods from the world of humanity. 7 By asking what sorts of assumptions and values the original authors must have had in order to write the things they did, or depict the things they did, in the manner they did, we get insight into social structure, ethical and aesthetic standards, and even their metaphysical presuppositions. 8 Therefore, this study concentrates on the meanings of different violent treatments and it goes into the realm of what Michel Foucault termed “regimes of truth”. It concentrates on areas within which different treatments of enemies and prisoners of war are “sayable” (or “doable”), more precisely written down, but also visually represented. 9 Thus, the written and visual representations of war in New Kingdom Egypt can also be understood as being simulated by the decorum. This is what Jean Baudrillard called a “cosmetic treatment” of the real war. 10 When war is turned into information it stops being realistic and starts being virtual. 11According to Judith Butler there is no way to separate the materiality of war from those representational regimes through which it operates. 12 She focussed on the selective and differential framing of violence and the normative functions of structuring “frames of war”. Butler understood these as the ways of selectively carving up experience as essential to the conduct of war. 13 The “frames of war” organise visual experience and differentiate forms of living. 14 Nevertheless, one should not understand the “frames of war” as entirely determining what we see, think, recognise or understand. There is always something outside these frames which does not conform to the established understanding of things. 15 5 Baines 1990: 22; Baines 2007: 21. 6 Baines 2007: 24. 7 Baines 1990: 21. The same will be argued in the Chapters Frames of war in New Kingdom Egypt and Bodies as media of violence. 8 Kosso 2009: 17. 9 Under truth one should in Foucauldian terms understand the rules according to which true and false are separated. Foucault understood it as a system of ordered procedures for the production, regulation, distribution, circulation and operation of statements, Foucault 1980: 133. 10 Baudrillard 1995: 28. Similar approach to representations of violence against people in ancient Egypt from Early Dynastic period to the end of the Middle Kingdom was taken by Laurel Bestock who argued that it is important to distinguish between pictures of violence and its practice, Bestock 2018: 1. 11 Baudrillard 1995: 41. The image which is supposed to deliver reality in fact withdraws reality from perception, Butler 2009: 75. 12 Butler 2009: 29. One example Butler gave is the media agreement in the USA not to show pictures of the victims of war from either side in the Iraq war, on the grounds that it undermined the war effort and jeopardised the nation, Butler 2009: 65. 13 Butler 2009: 26. 14 Butler 2009: 3. 15 Butler 2009: 9. One example is the masked blow in the smiting of the enemy motif. Since its early appearance in Egyptian art in the Predynastic period, although the king is depicted in the striking pose next to his enemy, the blow itself is not depicted, Davis 1992.

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Problem of historicity

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Problem of historicity Modern definitions of historiography as objective analyses of historical events do not absolutely match ancient Egyptian genres. The past is a physical phenomenon and history a cultural one. 16 Each ancient Egyptian text describing historical events links the physical with the literary. 17 Even the basic distinction between the events of the past and their representations is difficult to maintain. 18 This is an epistemological problem of historiography also found outside of Egyptology. Nearly identical sentences from older texts could appear in much later texts. That is the case with a sentence in the Speech of Amun to the King before the Sea Peoples campaign of Ramesses III 19 which is attested in nearly identical form in earlier Poetic stela of Thutmose III. 20 This is not surprising as the Poetic Stela of Thutmose III was restored during the Ramesside period and was used by later kings, Amenhotep III, Seti I and Ramesses III (see Doc. 6). The same phrase is found on the Memphis stela of Amenhotep II (Doc. 10) and a text from the reign of Seti I describing his war in Canaan. 21 The question is whether we are dealing with transference from a particular stela to a new document or whether both are based on a pre-existing pattern which could be even earlier, an Urtext. 22 Luc Gabolde also pointed to clear similarities in the text compositions of three documents, the rock-cut stela of Thutmose II at Sehel, the Konosso stela of Thutmose IV and the Amenhotep III stela at Philae. 23 Although, all three are found in the area of the First Cataract, their dates are different and we either have to assume that the scribes of the later documents accessed the earlier ones or there was a pattern in which such texts were composed. The question is if texts containing a particular phrase or a passage, for which there are earlier examples, lack historicity? The repeated use of a pattern does not always have to mean the lack of historicity. It rather indicates compliance to an established decorum. It is important that we do not see the real event of war in New Kingdom Egypt. 24 We cannot so much reconstruct “the real” behind the attestations of violence, especially those committed on enemies and prisoners of war, but the “the Archive”. This is a term Foucault used to describe “systems that establish statements as events (with their own conditions and domain of appearance) and things (with their own possibility and field of use).” 25 16 Popko 2015: 1. 17 Eyre 1996: 418–419. 18 Quite often the same word “history” is used to signify both the events in the past and the texts the historians write about, Tucker 2009: 2. 19 Medinet Habu, 2nd Pylon, presentation scene, KRI V, 35. 13–14. 20 Urk. IV, 616, 3. As noticed by Shlomit Israeli, see Israeli 2015: 92. 21 See Doc. 10 in the catalogue for more details. 22 From the point of view of postructuralist approach, such an Urtext is indeed a transcendental signified. This concept describes things and meanings fought to exist before the signifier, Derrida 1997: 18. 23 Gabolde 2004: 146–147. 24 Baudrillard 1995: 29. 25 Foucault 2002: 145.

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History of Research

Enemies and prisoners of war in ancient Egypt: A critical history of research Violence has attracted the attention of those Egyptologists mostly dealing with war in ancient Egypt. Some exceptions are found in studies of domestic violence and its legal aspects in Roman Egypt 1, but also child abuse 2 and gender violence. 3 Within the research on war and the military, extensive studies have been done on military rank and title, 4 organisation 5, army and battle logistics 6, battle representations 7, weaponry and equipment 8, fortifications 9, specific wars and campaigns 10, but also “symbolic” violence. 11 However, general studies of war and the military in ancient Egypt have not payed close attention to the violent treatments of enemies and prisoners. 12 Even in most recent publications it is

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Bryen 2013. Wheeler, Williams, Beauchesne and Dupras 2013: 71–82. Hue-Arcé 2017. Schulman 1964; Stefanović 2006. Schulman 1964; Gnirs 1996a. Spalinger 2005; Heagren 2007: 139–156; Heagren 2010. Heinz 2001; Müller 2001a; Spalinger 2011b; Bestock 2018. Shaw 1991; Partridge 2002; Petschel 2011. Vogel 2004; Vogel 2009: 165–185; Vogel 2010. Redford 2003; Redford 2018. Müller-Wollermann 2009: 47–64. Sometimes the terminology used by Egyptologists can be misleading. Symbolic violence is a theoretically laden concept coming from sociology and philosophy. According to Pierre Bourdieu “symbolic power” (sometimes “symbolic violence”) is not so much a specific type of power but an aspect of most forms of power routinely deployed in social life and often not recognised. Gender system and work division is one of such symbolic violence structures, Bourdieu 1991: 23. Although Renate Müller-Wollermann refers to Bourdieu’s theory, her understanding of symbolic violence is not what Bourdieu refers to in his work. She applied Boudieu’s concept on written and visual representations of violence in ancient Egypt which she described as symbolic. At the end of her overview of certain motifs such as smiting and trampling of the enemy and hunt, she suggested that the symbolic violence is generated from “real violence” and that the symbolic violence is used to produce fear, Müller-Wollermann 2009: 64. This is far from often not recognised violence structures such as gender and work division. 12 Babón 2003; McDermott 2004; Spalinger 2005; Grandet 2008. Also see papers in the special issue of journal Kemet 18.4 (2009) devoted to war and peace.

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argued that “violence is depicted as marginal, limited in individuation, and so not appearing quite real, in contrast to comparable Assyrian material”. 13 Enemies have attracted the attention of the scholars who have dealt with the smiting of the enemy motif in ancient Egyptian art. 14 The discussions about this motif illustrate the general state of research on violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war in Egyptology. Alan Richard Schulman’s study of the smiting of the enemy on private stelae of the New Kingdom triggered the most heated debate. He studied the corpus of private stelae dating from the reign of Thutmose IV to the reign of Ramesses III. Schulman concluded that “such scenes recorded actual physical events which took place at specific points in time and which may, under certain circumstances, be utilised as reliable historical documents” (emphasis added). 15 Additionally, he argued that these supposed actual events were “a public holiday, the occasion and ceremony during which the Egyptian king ritually executed captive enemy rulers in the presence of a god” (emphasis added). 16 According to Schulman not only was this a public holiday but the worshippers most likely “watched the ceremony from inside the temple’s forecourt”. 17 Schulman’s work makes many problematic secondary assumptions and one of them is that commoners could have accessed the rituals conducted by the king. The reactions to Schulman’s study were as equally extreme as his own interpretations. William A. Ward stated that he is “not very comfortable with the idea that representations on private stelae of the king slaying captives reflect a reality” (emphasis added). He admitted that his reluctance to accept Schulman’s view stems partially from his own view of the ancient “Egyptian national character”. He added that “one expects this of the Assyrians, not the Egyptians”. 18 Both views are equally problematic, each on its own terms. In the case of Schulman, the first problem is that we do not have any sources which could confirm his idea on ritual executions in the divine presence during public holidays. He himself later wrote that his mistake was that he identified the representation of the deity on the stelae as a cult statue. 19 Renate Müller-Wollermann criticised Schulman’s classification and typology of the stelae. Some of these belong to the corpus of the so called “ear stelae” which were definitely votive in character. She added that the owners of these stelae did not depict an event but copied the depiction found on the temple pylon. Furthermore, Müller-Wollermann argued that on some of these stelae the king is smiting enemies which he is not attested to have fought against, e.g. Thutmose IV smiting a Libyan. Finally, she rightly argued that there is no text attested together with the smiting of the enemy motif which would indi13 Eyre 2017: 90. 14 Schoske 1982; Hall 1986; Schulman 1988. For the earliest representations of this motif, its narrative background and the masked blow of the ruler see Davis 1992. 15 Schulman 1988: 4. 16 Schulman 1988: 4–5. 17 Schulman 1988: 46. 18 Ward 1992: 153. The qualitative leap from our standards to standards as such, like in the case of Ward, can be made only if the ideological conditions under which these standards become appropriable are themselves submitted to thorough critique and deconstruction, Radhakrishnan 2003: 82. 19 Schulman 1994: 267.

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Enemies and prisoners of war in ancient Egypt: A critical history of research

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cate a temple ritual in which the enemies were killed. 20 Didier Devauchelle interpreted the motif as an archetype, and in his opinion the stelae come from the same workshop. 21 Regarding the smiting of the enemy motif Alberto Green stated that “at issue here is not whether or not the Egyptians did engage in ritual killing on these occasions, but rather when we can use scenes as those described above as conclusive proofs of that fact”. 22 Enemies were killed in and after battles, but whether their killing had a ritual background is a question which can be answered only after detailed examination of all the available sources. 23 After Schulman’s work and the reactions to it, violence against enemies and prisoners of war received little attention. Magdi Omar explored the word field “enemy” and attempted to answer the question of whether the foreign and local enemies of the king overlap with those enemies of king and gods in the Underworld and if we can really construct sharp borders between political, social and magico-religious enemies. 24 He analysed seventeen lexemes and their use in royal, private and literary texts until the Graeco-Roman period from the point of view of their writing, etymology, phraseology, meaning and changes of meaning. Omar concluded that one can differentiate between political, social and magico-religious enemies, whereas the symbolism of the political enemy cannot be distinguished from the religious enemy. 25 The monograph of Anthony J. Spalinger is the most comprehensive study of war in New Kingdom Egypt until now, but it does not deal extensively with treatments of enemies and prisoners of war. 26 He occasionally mentioned some treatments, such as hanging upside-down and burning, but also hand and phalli cutting. In his other major work on war in New Kingdom Egypt, Spalinger dealt more closely with visual representations of war by simultaneously referring to the textual sources. 27 His goal in this study was to analyse what ancient Egyptian visual representations of war intended and the focus of this work is the interaction of images containing various icons in a narrative setting. 28 Some references to violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war can be found in more specialised studies. These do not necessarily cover all the available sources 29 and some provide overviews rather than an in-depth analysis. 30 The growing research interest in violence in recent years has mostly concentrated on sanctioned killing and its religious background. 31 With the work of Kerry Muhlestein the 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31

Müller-Wollermann 1988: 69–76. Devauchelle 1994: 38, 42 Green 1973: 244. See Chapter Frames of war in New Kingdom Egypt. Religion. Omar 2008: 2. Omar 2008: 28–284. Spalinger 2005. Spalinger 2011b; See also Spalinger 2011a. Spalinger 2011b: 1–5. Stefanović 2003: 149–167. Müller 2002: 1221–1232; Müller 2009a: 115–142. Muhlestein 2011.

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old question of historicity of the smiting of the enemy motif was raised again. He stressed that “the fallacy of presuming ideological representations to be completely bereft of a historical referent should be avoided” and asked if we are justified in assumptions that all smiting scenes are similarly ahistorical. 32 Muhlestein used other evidence to show that violence did occur. A more theoretically framed research approach would be to explore how the smiting of the enemy motif constitutes the social reality and vice versa. 33 Continuing the debate on the reality of violence and the historicity of attestations, one of the most recent studies dealt with the bound prisoner motif in the New Kingdom. 34 Mark D. Janzen argued that Egyptologists have largely neglected the bound prisoner motif because they argued that it lacks historical value. He added that when this motif occurs in a rhetorical context the specific historical reference (date, campaign) is not present. However, Janzen argued that these representations inform us about what the Egyptians considered appropriate to represent and possibly do to foreigners. 35 His goal was not to catalogue all known New Kingdom objects but to provide a sampling of the motif, highlighting the best preserved examples. 36 Janzen also included the representations of prisoners of war from those scenes which have specific historical references and often referred to the textual sources dealing with treatments of enemies to interpret his corpus. 37 His conclusions are in line with those authors who argue for execution of enemies at religious festivals and ceremonies. 38 Janzen stressed the importance of the context of written and visual attestations and their accessibility and audience. 39 However, he did not develop this argument further, and did not indicate who the audience was and which effects these attestations could have had. Finally, when Janzen referred to the skeletal evidence for violence, he unfortunately uncritically adopted previous interpretations of these contexts, especially concerning the ethnicity of the victims. 40 To sum up, violent treatments of enemies have been thus far studied only in regard to the consequences fighting can have on their bodies. This was done by comparing New Kingdom battle representations with ancient Egyptian and modern knowledge of med-

32 33 34 35 36 37 38

Muhlestein 2011: 86. Münch 2013: 264–268. Janzen 2013. Janzen 2013: 2. Janzen 2013: 49. Janzen 2013: 5. Janzen 2013: 7. Such interpretations are erroneous. The evidence often referred to is actually not indicating ritual execution in Egypt. See especially the Chapter Frames of war in New Kingdom Egypt. Religion. 39 Janzen 2013: 8. 40 He accepted that the victim in the Mirgissa deposit was a Nubian, Janzen 2013: 21. He did the same for the skeletal material from Tell el-Dabca execration pits, not raising any doubt on the interpretations of these pits in relation to the Mirgissa deposit, Janzen 2013: 315. For a different view and related problems, see Chapter Skeletal evidence. For the problem of the ethnic identity of the victim in the Mirgissa deposit see Matić 2019b.

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War and violence in archaeology

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icine, the human body and surgery. 41 The necessity of investigating the realities of the battle in ancient Egypt has also been emphasised, although the study in question concentrated more on the consequences for the Egyptian side rather than for the enemies. 42 Recently, Christopher Eyre has collected some of the evidence for physical violence against both local subjects and Egyptian enemies arguing for reality behind such attestations and the role of violence in demonstration of power. He describes this focus on details as close to a “new military history”. 43

War and violence in archaeology Anthropologists and archaeologists have for a long time preserved the myth of the “peaceful savage” within their socio-cultural evolutionary framework. The noticeable lack of reports on warfare by anthropologists from c. 1850 to 1920 reflects the pacifist disinterest rather than the actual state of affairs. 44 Anthropologists from c. 1920 to 1960, on the other hand, criticised the evolutionary approach to societies and the myth of the “peaceful savage”. 45 One of the pioneer archaeological volumes countering the idea of peaceful prehistory was edited much later by Debra L. Martin and David W. Frayer in 1997. It provided both skeletal and visual evidence for violence in various societies of the Old and the New World, and dealt with topics such as violence against women and gendered violence in general. 46 Other similar volumes continued to appear and mostly concentrated on warfare and violence in prehistoric societies as a consequence of a long held false idea of peaceful prehistory. 47 Since the 1960s anthropologists have developed different approaches to war and violence and offered different opinions on causes and effects of war. 48 Archaeological works on violence mostly drew inspiration from these approaches. Since the initial criticism of the evolutionary perspective and the myth of peaceful prehistory, archaeologists and historians have critically re-addressed the relationship between violence and civilization. 49 41 Sanchez 2000: 143–165; Sanchez 2003: 58–65. Among the injuries the author also mentioned the amputated hands, but did not analyse the custom of hand cutting further. 42 Boatright 2008: 13–23; Gnirs 2009a: 109–118; Janzen pointed out that if some of the scenes depicted the actual treatment of the prisoners, the position of their arms would in some cases likely require dislocating the left shoulder so that the elbow would likely have suffered severe ligament damage. The angle of the head of some of the bound prisoners would cut off blood flow to the head leading to a potential loss of consciousness. Binding could cause severe damage to the joints and muscles of the shoulders and chests, Janzen 2013: 60–61. 43 Eyre 2017: 90. 44 Otterbein 1999: 794. 45 Otterbein 1999: 794. 46 Martin and Frayer 1997. 47 Pearson and Lenton 2005; Pollard and Banks 2006. 48 Some of them are innate aggression, physical environment and social structure etc., Otterbein 1999: 798. 49 Campbell 2013.

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A volume edited by Martin Zimmermann dealt with extreme forms of physical violence in image and text in antiquity. 50 A very rich volume on archaeology and violence, emergence of warrior elite, landscape and violence, spectacle and violence, iconoclasm, conflict archaeology etc. was edited by Sarah Ralph. 51 A volume edited by Spalinger and Jeremy Armstrong dealt with rituals of triumph in various cultures, such as New Kingdom and Hellenistic Egypt, Neo-Assyria, ancient Greece and Rome. 52 There are also two important volumes on war and freedom in the ancient Near East. One dealt with both textual and iconographic evidence for violence, including treatments of enemies and prisoners of war in various periods of Near Eastern history. 53 The other dealt with the production of images of war from the second millennium BC to the Neo-Assyrian period, including several more theoretically oriented discussions on the purpose of Assyrian war imagery. 54 Whereas most authors dealt with war and violence within the border of their discipline, some ventured into more diachronic and comparative studies. Through a superficial overview of conflicts from prehistory to the contemporary world, Ian Morris concluded that wars have made humans safer in the long run. 55 Common to all of the studies cited above is the lack of focus on bodies of enemies or prisoners of war and the violent acts which can be committed to them. The volume edited by Annie Allély dealing with the body, torture and military violence in antiquity is a noticeable exception. 56 If one also looks into the history of research on warfare in anthropology, it is clear that victims of violence have not been the primary research focus. 57 Similarly, only a few historians have dealt with the question how does one speak of, write of or think of an enemy. 58 Which violent acts could have been commited on enemies was rarely explored. Maybe the interest in this question only emerges in the context of our contemporary preoccupations with such problems. 59 It is an ethical necessity to contribute to debates on violence in other disciplines and the contemporary world from the archaeological and historical perspective. 60

50 51 52 53 54 55

56 57 58 59 60

Zimmermann 2009. Ralph 2013. Spalinger and Armstrong 2013. Neumann, Dittmann, Paulus, Neumann und Schuster-Brandis 2014. Battini 2016. His basic argument is that conflicts triggered development towards larger territorial units controlled by social elites. This further led to conflicts between these territorial units, producing even larger territorial states which could offer stability and non-violent lives to their inhabitants. He contrasted this to prehistoric societies in which, according to Morris, chances of dying from violence were much greater, Morris 2014. Allély 2014. Otterbein 1999: 800. For example Figal 2011: 25. Vandkilde 2013: 37–62. The question of ethics has been addressed almost exclusively by archaeologists dealing with the recent past and contemporary world, González-Ruibal and Moshenska 2015.

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War and violence in archaeology

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Studies of warriors and weapons in archaeology have deprived the past of war itself, idealising warriors as heroes and largely ignoring human suffering. 61 In the words of Žižek, most anthropologists, historians and archaeologists were studying the “product deprived of its substance” 62, violence without blood, war without victims. Blood, flesh and pain have to return to archaeological narratives about violence and the body. 63 We have to return the bodies of actors and victims in archaeological and historiographical studies of war. 64 Zainab Bahrani took the relations between the body and violence in the Near East towards their interpretative limits by examining both written and visual attestations. Her work considers what underlies war and violence. It examines philosophical beliefs about war and ideologies of war in the Near East, conceptions of violence and power which she considers inseparable from the conceptions of body and its control. Bahrani also dealt with rituals of war that made these formulations of the body and power possible. She explored “magical technologies of war”, those technologies which would not be considered as military technologies by modern society (reading of omens, movement of prisoners, displays of acts of torture). 65 Bahrani adopted Foucault’s approach to body as principal factor in the political economy of power and examined the interrelationship of power, the body and violence and its representations, naming this “a semiotics of war”. 66

61 Vandkilde 2003: 139. 62 Žižek 2003: 96. 63 For body centered narratives on human sacrifice see Dann 2009: 219. One such study is arguing that during the Rwandan genocide in 1994 there was a symbolical pattern of violence which originated in flow/blockage symbolism. Namely, flow/blockage symbolism mediated between physiological, sociological and cosmological levels of causality among the locals. A crucial necessity was allowing the flow, as blocking of the flow causes problems and can dehumanise the victim. The same symbolism was noticed behind road blocking, impaling and cutting of limbs in Rwandan genocide, Taylor 1999: 112. 64 One study dealing with history of execution and its methods dealt more directly with the human body, but other than providing us with a detailed catalogue of violence of execution, rich in historical references, it does not tell us anything more, Abbott 1994. 65 Bahrani 2008: 15. For the use of magic in war see Wlodarczyk 2009. 66 Bahrani 2008: 16.

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Torture Torture consists of physical infliction of pain and verbal act of interrogation. The infliction of pain usually consists of three simultaneous phenomena: the infliction of pain in an ever-intensifying way, the visibility of the amplification of the pain to those who are not tortured and the reading of this visible pain as power over the tortured. 1 The verbal act consists of the question and the answer. 2 The ultimate domination makes the prisoner increasingly physical (body with no voice) and the torturer increasingly verbal. 3 Torture exploits the vulnerability of the body. 4 Foucault distinguished two demands of torture. The first is marking the victim either by the scar on the body or by the accompanying spectacle which brands the victim with infamy. The second is that torture needs to be a spectacle seen by all, almost as its triumph. 5 Torture is a performance of creating and sustaining meanings through violence, pain and the threat of pain. 6 It has to be re-theatricalised anew with each break of power. 7 The corporeal effect, intensity and duration of pain often depend on the gravity of the crime, identity of the criminal and the rank of the victims. 8 As a performance of sovereign violence against enemies it is a means of displaying and deploying the power of the state. 9 Its goal is also to show through the body of the enemy the total lack of power of his gods and total presence of alien sovereign power. 10 Weakening of the enemy’s body was expected to weaken their mind and loyalty, and to give the necessary information. Physical torture is also psychological violence as it makes those who are tortured feel shame for their “weakness” in their ultimate betrayal. 11 Treatments of enemies and prisoners of war which can be most broadly classified as torture are sun exposure, caging, beating and harassment. The infliction of pain was not intended to leave a permanent mark as in the case of mutilation and the lives were not 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Scarry 1985: 28. Scarry 1985: 35. Scarry 1985: 57. Butler 2009: 61. Foucault 1995: 31. Spectacle does not consist solely of images but of social relations mediated through images, Lošonc 2009: 16. Kahn 2008: 6–14. Dreyfus and Rabinow 1982: 146. Whenever the power of the sovereign is in danger, theatre of body torture is enacted, as it directly marks the body and performatively establishes the power of the sovereign, Wilcox 2015: 54. Foucault 1995: 34. Kahn 2008: 42. Kahn 2008: 165. Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois 2004: 1.

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taken away. Only in the case of beating and harassment can we argue for proper torture. In the case of the supposed sun exposure and caging the connection to torture is the use of the body in a spectacle of a sovereign’s power. Although the same can be said for some treatments classified as mutilation or execution, the difference is that through mutilation bodies were changed permanently and through execution lives were taken away.

Sun exposure The supposed evidence for sun exposure, as a violent treatment of prisoners, is thus far attested in only one text. This is a letter from the Amarna archive (EA 16), sent by Ashuruballit to Akhenaten, in which he complains about the mistreatment of Assyrian emissaries (Doc. 16). The question here is whether this is evidence for actual mistreatment or a metaphor for negligence. This text provides a rare glimpse on how others perceived Egyptian treatments of prisoners, at least those of high status, such as emissaries. EA 16 has to be placed in the context of Late Bronze Age diplomacy in the Near East and the Egyptian court at Amarna during the reign of Akhenaten. Foreign emissaries 12 took part in Egyptian court processions. 13 The processions with foreign emissaries in Egypt were ideologically framed to suit the Egyptian kingship. The Ramesside Papyrus Koller, Papyrus Anastasi IIIA, Papyrus Anastasi IV (recto) 14 inform us that the event was particularly emotionally loaded and frightening. The Egyptian official in charge could not know if the procession would meet the expectations of the audience, especially the king. 15 Some have suggested that the emissaries were in no worse positions than members of Akhenaten’s court who were also exposed to the sun in one of the king’s “interminable religious devotions”. 16 But there is no evidence that the treatment of the Assyrian emissaries had any religious connotations. It cannot be claimed that there is something in the Amarna religion which influenced the treatment of Assyrian emissaries. The phrase i-na ṣe-ti, as used in the letter, cannot be related to sun exposure and therefore cannot be 12 For a short summary on messengers and ambassadors in the ancient Near East see Oller 1995: 1465–1473. 13 For a detailed survey of the New Kingdom procession scenes with foreigners bringing imported materials, objects, animals and children see Hallmann 2006. For tribute scenes as objective historical sources see Panagiotopoulos 2001: 263–283. For tribute scenes embedded in ancient Egyptian decorum and ideology of kingship see Matić 2012: 235–253; Matić 2014b: 277–294. 14 Papyrus Koller 5,5–8; Papyrus Anastasi III; Papyrus Anastasti IV (recto), 13,8–17,9; Gardiner 1964: 48. 8–49.2. 15 Gnirs 2009b: 29; Joachim Friedrich Quack also proposed that there was a strict protocol at the royal court, but we do not have it in its written form, Quack 2010: 4. However, the elements of the protocol can be reconstructed through various other documents (including Ramesside papyri), especially for the New Kingdom, where we also have non-Egyptian texts, e.g. Amarna letters. 16 Westbrook 2000: 34; Similarly, David Warburton wrote that Akhenaten’s treatment of messengers reflected his particular form of solar worship, Warburton 2003: 83.

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Sun exposure

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related to Akhenaten’s religious (e.g. solar) devotions (Doc. 16). How do we then explain the mistreatment of Assyrian emmisaries? The Assyrian king was the newest member of the community of kings who exchanged gifts and established diplomatic relations through them. His status was still in negotiation. 17 From an Assyrian perspective, of course, as attested in EA 16, the king of Assyria is already a member of the brotherhood. 18 It could also be that Akhenaten detained the Assyrian emissaries because his emissaries were detained in Assyria and that he blamed Ashuruballit for that and responded with an equal measure. Ashuruballit states in the letter, that it is the Suteans 19 who detained Egyptian messengers and that their followers were dead. 20 However, this interpretation is influenced by the preconceived view of the Suteans as robbers, kidnappers, pursuers and killers. Liverani suggested that the Suteans were the guides of the Egyptian messengers and that Ashuruballit detained the messengers because their guides died. Supposedly, Ashuruballit needed time to find new guides, as the messengers had to avoid passing through Hittite territory and had to use the desert road (Ashur-Hindanu-Tadmor-Damascus) instead. He also pointed out that we do not know if the guides really died or this was only an excuse of Ashuruballit for his detention of Egyptian emissaries. 21 Hospitality in the Late Bronze Age was denied when the host king wanted to express that he was not satisfied for whatever reason. 22 The main problem is whether the reference to being outside and dying outside should be understood as a form of torture or as a metaphor for delayed access to the court and to admission in front of the king of Egypt. If the phrase i-na ṣe-ti has anything to do with being in the open air, and thus possibly in the sun, one should try to archaeologically identify the probable place where the emissaries could have waited for an audience and yet be exposed to the sun. During the reign of Akhenaten, the residence was in Amarna and there is evidence that court processions with 17 Feldman 2006: 108. Hittite kingdom explicitly denied the Assyrian king membership in the brotherhood, Jakob 2006: 12–13. 18 Mynářová 2007: 130; Mynářová 2010: 79. 19 The term Sutean probably changed meaning during the Bronze Age, from a reference to a well-defined tribe in northern Syria in the Old Babylonian period, to a more generic term for pastoral nomads since the 16th century B.C, see Vidal 2010: 95–96. For a comprehensive study on Suteans see, Heltzer 1981. 20 Moran 1992: 39. It is possible that the messengers were detained for a ransom, see Heltzer 1981: 81. 21 Liverani 2004: 117–118. 22 In the Amarna letter EA 3 Kadashman-Enlil complains that the king of Egypt detained his messengers for six years, Moran 1992: 7; in Amarna letter EA 7 the Babylonian king Burnaburiash denies feasting to the Egyptian messengers, Moran 1992: 13; kings of Babylon, Mitanni, Assyria and Alashiya remind the Egyptian king that he should not detain their messengers and should send them back quickly, Holmes 1975: 380. A letter (KBo I 10: Rs. 34–37) from the Hittite king Hatušili to Kadashman-Enlil, king of Babylon, explicitly states that the Babylonian physician sent to Hatti who died there was not detained like the previous one sent to his brother Muwatalli. Hatušili distances himself from detaining, claiming that it is not the custom to detain, see Oppenheim 1967: 145; an earlier text from Mari shows that messengers could be used as means to demonstrate the royal prerogative of life and death over the king’s subjects, Vita 2007: 310.

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foreign emissaries occurred at the throne. 23 In the tomb of Huya the throne is described as tA js b. t aA. t n Ax . t-Jt n n Ss p bAk .w “the great throne of Akhenaten for receiving of bAk .w” 24 and in the tomb of Merire II as s t jt=j pA Jt n “throne of my father Aten”. 25 Suggestions for the location of the event are based on the comparison of scenes from private Amarna tombs with the architectural layout of the city. According to Francis Llewellyn Griffith, the locations were the so called “Desert Altars”, between the North Palace and the North Tombs. 26 Barry J. Kemp argued for the same location and stressed that in the tomb of Huya the left-hand building in the middle register of the wall on which this scene is to be found provides a counterpart to Altar II. A platform with ramps and a canopy supported by columns is depicted to the right and Kemp identified it as Altar III. According to him, based on the depiction from the tomb of Huya, Altar I cannot be identified. He also warned that it is impossible to find complete congruence and one cannot even be sure that the scenes depict the “Desert Altars” site at all. 27 Kemp nevertheless made a connection between the “Desert Altars” and the supposed waiting in the sun to which the Assyrian messengers were exposed. 28 However, as the “Desert Altars” cannot be recognised with certainty in the foreigners’ procession scenes in Amarna tombs, it cannot be argued that these events occured there. Furthermore, as the “Desert Altars” are also apparently connected to the North Tombs and the tomb of Panehesy in particular by several roads, a link with private mortuary cult cannot be excluded. How this could have functioned is not clear and is further complicated by the fact that most tombs were never used. 29 Kemp also suggested that the foreign emissaries were received in the Great Palace. 30

23 24 25 26

27

28 29 30

Hallmann 2006: 288‒289. Davies 1905b: 9, Pl. XIII; Urk. IV, 2006, 19. Davies 1905a: 38, Pl. XXXIII; Urk. IV, 2003, 8. These structures were excavated in 1931–1932, planned and named like this by William Matthew Flinders Petrie. The structure termed Altar III is probably something like a pavilion. As the ramps on either side do not reach the façade this suggests that the whole building may have been faced with stone, Frankfort and Pendlebury 1933: 101. In its final phase the “Desert Altars” site was 250 by 300 m and was cleared of stones. Three buildings were constructed along a single axis. Altar III is the brick foundation for a pavilion consisting of a platform reached by ramps. The building was roofed and may have contained walled or columned rooms. Altar II is the group of three “Sunshades” with the central one being rebuilt in one stage when a central offering-table was replaced by a pair. Altar I was a platform reached by ramps, but the platform itself was left open to the sky. In the center a square, brick-lined depression can be found, Kemp 2006: 286. Kemp 1986, 315; Kemp 1995: 452. That the “Desert Altars” can be identified in the representations in the tomb of Huya was previously suggested by Jan Assmann, Assmann 1972: 154. On the problem of identifying representations of certain structures or elements, such as the so called “Window of Appearance”, in the archaeological context see, Vomberg 2004: 250–270. For Amarna especially see 252–258. The problem is also nicely summarised by Kate Spence who stated that “the officials who represented the palaces within their tombs did so to illustrate their privileged access to the royal sphere rather than to provide detailed information on architectural layout”, Spence 2009: 180. Kemp 2006: 287. Stevens 2006: 326. Kemp 1976: 99.

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Caging

23

John D. S. Pendlebury suggested a different location for the event. He argued that the ruins overlying the northern temenos wall are to be identified in the building represented in the tombs of Huya and Merire II. This “Hall of Foreign Tribute” consists of a main square building accessed by a platform with stairways on each side. The two cross-passages divide this building into four blocks with different layouts. The south-western block could not be reconstructed. The south-eastern, north-western and north-eastern blocks are lustration rooms with plastered and whitewashed walls. Pendlebury identified this building as the building depicted in the middle register in the tomb of Huya, as this also has four platforms. He identified the structures in the first and the third register as the east and west platform of his building, the left structure in the middle register as the southern platform and the right structure in the middle register as the northern platform. 31 However, the building in question is located in front of the sanctuary of the Great Aten temple in Amarna and is interpreted as a possible purification space for the people entering the temple. 32 The text of the letter cannot be used as a definitive argument that the messengers were out in the sun and that Akhenaten was protected with sunshades and canopies. 33 It also cannot be used to interpret the architecture in Amarna. Although often suggested, the translation of the phrase i-na ṣe-ti cannot be related directly to the sun, as the sun is not mentioned. The meaning of ṣē/ītu is not “sun exposure” but simply “outside”. According to Mario Liverani the messengers were simply kept in Egypt and they waited for permission to leave, as it was the usual practice of the time. 34 Even if being outside meant being in the sun, one should not jump to the conclusion that it was Akhenaten’s aim to let the Assyrian messengers to die. Ashuruballit refers to their potential death outside as part of his rhetoric of complaint.

Caging Evidence for keeping and displaying war captives in cages in New Kingdom Egypt is thus far restricted to a single depiction (Doc. 26). The talatat block with a caged prisoner belonged to a larger scene from the memorial temple built for Tutankhamun by Ay. In this particular scene, according to the reconstruction, the king presents ships as spoils of war to the triad Amun-Mut-Khonsu. One of these ships has a prisoner in a cage on the back. The erroneous connection between the scene on the talatat block from Karnak and the hanging of enemies upside-down by Amenhotep II was first made by Abdul-Ḳader 31 Pendlebury 1951: 23–24. Silke Hallmann follows Pendlebury’s identification as she does not refer to the work of Kemp, Hallmann 2006: 289. 32 Stevens 2016: 16. 33 Contra Kemp 2006: 287. Donald B. Redford even went so far as to make judgment on Akhenaten’s mental state based on what happened to the Assyrian messengers. He claimed that everyone had to follow “the subjection of his own body to the rays of his father”, Redford 1984: 235. 34 Liverani 2004: 119.

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M. Mohammad. 35 Alfred Grimm argued that this cage has a direct analogy to a wooden object found in Giza. 36 This object consists of cylindrical columns, cornice, base and cylindrical disconnected parts. It was found deliberately fragmented and cut. Pieces were carefully placed in a wooden box which was then put in a niche at the right end of a long sloping passage found on the south side of the pyramid of Khafre. 37 The reconstructed object has iconographic analogies in wooden box for statue transport from the Old Kingdom (Tomb of Ti at Saqqara and Tomb of Meresankh III at Giza). 38 The similarities between the object from Giza and the depiction of the cage on the talatat block from Karnak are superficial. There is also a huge chronological span between them. The main difference between the two objects is the lack of the cornice top on the cage depicted on the talatat. The wooden object found at Giza has a cornice and therefore more secure analogies in the depictions of transport boxes of the Old Kingdom. 39 Grimm argued that the cage is related to the ritual killing of enemies through drowning, because drowning of enemies is attested already in the Pyramid Texts and there are New Kingdom texts describing the placing of prisoners upside-down on the prow of a ship (Docs. 3 and 11). 40 The prisoner in the cage on the talatat is depicted living and not in contact with water. The analogies in Pyramid Texts and later New Kingdom texts are also superficial. The former mention drowning and the latter mention hanging upside-down on the prow of a ship (Docs. 3 and 11). The figure in the cage is standing upright with hands bound in manacles. As the scene is oriented towards the left, the cage itself is to be understood as suspended on the back of the ship which is also oriented towards the left (Doc. 26). The idea that there was a long tradition of ritual killing of enemies with Nile water was revived by Muhlestein. His arguments were the same as those of Grimm, however he added Gebel Sheikh Suleiman as the earliest evidence, supposedly making the tradition longer. 41 The famous rock carving from Gebel Sheikh Suleiman depicts a boat on the right with four bodies beneath, and one kneeling captive on the left. 42 He is not depicted in the cage, nor upside-down. 43 35 Mohammad 1959: 132. 36 Grimm 1987: 203; Grimm 1989: 111–113. Harco Willems and Thomas Schneider accepted the identification of the object found at Giza as a cage for a prisoner, Willems 1990: 50; Schneider 2010: 149. 37 ’Abd el ’Al and Youssef 1977: 104–118. 38 Lehner and Lacovara 1985: 169–171. 39 Lehner and Lacovara 1985. 40 Grimm referred to the Pyramid Texts (PT 692c, Spell 397; PT 1925, Spell 666; PT 2186a-b, Spell 700) which mention the drowning of enemies and to the Autobiography of Ahmose son of Ebana and Amada and Elephantine stelae which mention the placing of prisoners upside-down on the prow of the ship, Grimm 1987: 204–205; Grimm 1989: 113–117. 41 Muhlestein 2005: 173–179; Muhlestein 2011: 22, 47. 42 Although often assumed, the kneeling enemy does not seem to be depicted tied to the boat with a rope. Recent reassesments by Bruce Williams and by myself during my visit to Sudan National Museum in Khartoum in Fenruary 2019, where the block is exhibited in the museum’s garden, indicate that the supposed rope is a line between strata of the rock itself, Bestock 2018: 64. 43 Needler 1967: 87.

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Beating and harassment

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The scene from the memorial temple built for Tutankhamun is thus far unique in ancient Egyptian iconography. 44 The figure in the cage is a bound Asiatic prisoner which suggests a conflict in the north from which the Egyptian army were victorious and brought at least one prisoner back. 45 There is evidence for Asiatic princes being brought to Egypt during the Amarna period. 46 The unique depiction of the prisoner in a cage on the back of a ship resembles similar single motifs which are to be interpreted as narrative snapshots, motifs with a “tale” behind them. 47 It was also suggested that such a treatment of the prisoner is brutal and that the “unlucky Syrian” must had been exposed to the weather through the entire journey. 48 Even if the scene to which the block belonged is interpreted historically, it cannot be claimed that the prisoner was outside in the cage during the entire journey. He could also have been deliberately placed in the cage only during the processional display.

Beating and harassment The earliest evidence for beating and harassment of enemies and prisoners of war in New Kingdom Egypt comes from the Memphite tomb of Horemhab (Doc. 27). It comes from the scenes depicting Egyptian officials punching the prisoners of war in the face with fists or poking them in their eyes with their fingers, and scenes with Egyptian officials holding sticks in the air in striking blows, indicating beating. Other iconographic evidence for beating of enemies, followed by an accompanying inscription, is found in the depictions of the “Conference Scene” of the Battle of Qadesh in the temples of Abydos, Karnak, Luxor, Ramesseum and Abu Simbel (Docs. 31–35). 49 Before this evidence is discussed, parallels in punishment of criminals with beating in New Kingdom Egypt will be presented first.

44 Sussana Constanze Heinz compared the relief block from Karnak with a block from the causeway of the pyramid of Unas and with a block from a so far not located tomb in the Memphis necropolis, Heinz 2001: 172. However, the photo of the mentioned block from the causeway of Unas depicts only the fight and not the transport of the prisoners on a ship, nor alone in cages, cf. Hassan 1938: 520, Pl. XCV. Although there is a parallel scene with the presentation of Nubian spoils of war in the memorial temple for Tutankhamun, it does not include a Nubian prisoner in a cage, at least according to the partial reconstruction available so far, Gabolde 2015: 419, fig. 186. 45 The depiction can be categorised as return from war, Heinz 2001: 172. 46 John Coleman Darnell and Colleen Manassa identify the prisoner in the cage as Aitakama, the ruler of Qadesh, Darnell and Manassa 2007: 182. 47 Spalinger 2011b: 61. 48 Darnell and Manassa 2007: 132. 49 The scene presents no major differences among the survived reliefs depicting it, Spalinger 1985: 17.

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Beating as a penalty in New Kingdom Egypt Attestations for beating as a punishment for criminals in New Kingdom Egypt are numerous and are here presented in the form of a table: Document

Date

Number of blows (sx . t)

Papyrus Mook50

Thutmose IV

Ostracon IFAO 135751

Merenptah

Ostracon Nash 252

Seti II

100

Ostracon Deir el-Medinah 43353

Ramesses IV

100

Ostracon Oriental Institute Chicago 1207354

Ramesses IV

100

Papyrus Ashmolean Museum 1945.95 (The Naunakhte Documents)55

Ramesses V

100

Ostracon IFAO Inv. 38856

Ramesses V

100

Ostracon BM 562557

Ramesses V

100

Ostracon Berlin P. 1265458

Ramesses VI

100

Ostracon Deir el-Medinah 13359

Ramesses VII

100

Papyrus Turin 2070/15460

Ramesses VII

100

Ostracon Petrie 1861

Ramesses VII

100

50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61

Lorton 1977: 23; also see McDowell 2001: 318. Ostracon IFAO 1357, Recto, line 3, KRI IV, 162. 4–5. Ostracon Nash 2, Recto, line 14, KRI IV, 318. 12. Ostracon Deir el-Medinah 433, line 8, KRI VI, 131. 1. Ostracon Oriental Institute Chicago 12073, Recto, line 8, KRI VI, 139. 8. Papyrus Ashmolean Museum 1945.95, line 5. 12, KRI VI, 239. 14–15. Ostracon IFAO Inv. 388, Recto, line 6, KRI VI, 249. 16; Verso, line 5, KRI VI, 250. 3 Ostracon BM 5625, Verso, line 10, KRI VI, 253. 3. Ostracon Berlin P. 12654, Recto, line 10, KRI VI, 344. 16 Ostracon Deir el-Medinah 133, Recto, line 5, KRI VI, 425. 13. Papyrus Turin 2070/154, Verso, line 2.9, KRI VI, 428. 6. Ostracon Petrie 18, Verso, line 7, KRI VI, 431. 6.

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100 50

Beating and harassment

27

The number of attestations for beating as a punishment for criminals is especially high during the reign of Ramesses IX. Papyrus Abbot (BM 10221, Recto) informs us extensively on the punishment for tomb robberies among which is “being beaten” (q n q n(.w)). 62 This form of punishment is also attested in the Papyrus Leopold III-Amherst 63, Papyrus BM 10052 64, Papyrus BM 10054 65, Papyrus Mayer A 66, and Papyrus BM 10403 67. Beating was the punishment for false litigation, stealing, requisitioning free personnel or “slaves”, reluctance of officials in prosecuting the crimes, litigations after an established agreement, divorce (reasons unknown as there is no background information), or not paying debt and perjury. 68 Punishment by beating could result in permanent physical damage to the victim’s body. 69 The usual number of the blows was one hundred. 70 This is mentioned so frequently that it can be understood as a “standard beating” measure. 71 However, the number of blows delivered to enemies and prisoners of war is not given. This is because they were beaten not because they were punished, but because they were harassed and tortured. Discussion Beating of enemy prisoners should be interpreted as physical violence used for mockery (Memphite tomb of Horemhab, Doc. 27) and extraction of information through torture (Battle of Qadesh, Docs. 31–35). The written attestations for beating as punishment for criminals in Egypt use either the verb sx . t “blow” 72 with an indicated number of blows, or the verb q n q n “to beat” 73. This verb is used to describe the beating of the enemies too. 74 It is written with the determinative for force A24 which in the 18th Dynasty is replaced with the sign D40, forearm with hand holding a stick. This is suggesting the use of a 62 63 64 65 66

67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74

Papyrus Abbot (BM 10221, Recto), line 5.6, KRI VI, 475. 6. Papyrus Leopold III-Amherst, line 3.16, KRI VI, 487. 6. Papyrus BM 10052, Verso, lines 8.21, 12.9, KRI VI, 787. 11; KRI VI, 793. 14–15. Papyrus BM 10054, Verso, line 1.4, KRI VI, 490. 7. Papyrus Mayer A, Recto, lines 1.17, 1.21, 2.17, 3.2, 3.8, 3. 10, 3. 12, 3. 15, 3.19, 4. 1, 4. 12, 4. 22, 5. 9; 5. 7; 5. 9, 5. 16, KRI VI, 805. 8; KRI VI, 805. 15; KRI VI, 807. 15; KRI VI, 808.9; KRI VI, 809. 2; KRI VI, 809. 6; KRI VI, 809. 10; KRI VI, 809. 14; KRI VI, 810. 3; KRI VI, 810. 15; KRI VI, 812. 4; KRI VI, 813. 5; KRI VI, 813. 7; KRI VI, 813. 15; KRI VI, 814. 9; Papyrus Mayer A, Verso, 8. 8–9, 8. 10, 8. 16, 8. 21, 8. 22, 9. 5, 9. 8, 9. 11, 9. 16, 9. 20, 9. 22, 9. 24, 10. 10–11; KRI VI, 818. 1–2; KRI VI, 818. 5; KRI VI, 818. 14; KRI VI, 819. 7; KRI VI, 819. 9; KRI VI, 820. 9–10; KRI VI, 820. 13; KRI VI, 821. 3; KRI VI, 821. 9; KRI VI, 822. 1; KRI VI, 822. 3; KRI VI, 822. 7; KRI VI, 823. 2–3. Papyrus BM 10403, Recto, 3. 1, 3. 9, 3. 15, 3. 23, 3. 30, KRI VI. 831. 6; KRI VI, 831. 16; KRI VI, 832. 6; KRI VI, 832. 15; KRI VI, 833.6 For an overview of the New Kingdom attestations see Lorton 1977: 24–49. Gresky, Roumelis, Kozak, Schulz 2013. Ellen Dailey Bedell presented the evidence of the Ramesside period, Bedell 1973: 176–178. Beating as an appropriate punishment in order for the land to function is already attested in the Instructions of king Merikare of the 10th dynasty, Lorton 1977: 13–24; see also McDowell 2001: 318. Webb 2011: 80. Wb 3, 467.14–468.4. Wb 5, 55.4–56.9. Wb 5, 55; Lesko 1989: 17; Müller-Wollermann 2004: 77–78.

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beating stick. 75 Its use is also attested in the “Conference Scene” of the Battle of Qadesh in the temples of Abydos, Karnak, Luxor, Ramesseum and Abu Simbel (Docs. 31–35). It is clear from the images and texts which describe the Battle of Qadesh that beating is used as an instrument of torture to acquire information of strategic significance, namely the location of the prince of Hatti. That the scene can be interpreted as torture is argued by the fact that it contains primary physical act (infliction of pain), primary verbal act (interrogation) and the sought information as a motive. 76 Thomas D. Gilroy suggested that the images of foreigners in the tomb of Horemhab were intended to be mocked by the visitors of the tomb and that the reversal in the relative scale of the figures is to achieve the comical effect. 77 This does not explain the same reversal in the depiction of the beating of the two Hittite scouts in the “Conference Scene” of the Battle of Qadesh, unless this motif was also meant to be comical. Yet, the size of the Hittite spies does not have to be explained in the same manner as the size of prisoners in the tomb of Horemhab. A possible explanation for the reversal in the relative proportions and its comical aspects in the tomb of Horemhab can be looked for in the fact that such scenes of violence are usually not found in the tomb scenes of private individuals. 78 It is possible that they needed to be adjusted with a comical effect in order to fit the context. A possible explanation for the size of beaten figures in the “Conference Scene” representations is the narrative background of this motif. According to the Battle of Qadesh record, the beaten figures are spies who gave erroneous information to Ramesses II, which ultimately led him into a trap (Docs. 31–35). Hans Goedicke suggested that Ramesses II may even have invented this story to justify his faulty decisions and bad military strategy. 79 True or not, it is clear that there is a narrative background behind this motif. It can be understood as part of the corpus of snapshots with narrative character, motifs with a “tale” behind them. 80 In that case the size of the beaten figures does not surprise. It was a method of attracting the viewers’ attention to this particular part of the narrative. The same can be said for the Nubians being beaten and harassed in the representations from the tomb of Horemhab. We can easily imagine that there must have been stories behind such motifs, although there are no texts accompanying these scenes that could provide us with more information. It is also possible, but it cannot be argued with certainty, that the motif of poking Nubian prisoners in their eyes is to be interpreted as a mocking reference to Nubians as “pupil smiters” (Doc. 27). However, this description of Nubians is two 75 76 77 78

Gardiner 1957: 444. Scarry 1985: 28. Gilroy 2002. Spalinger argued that cruelty towards captured people is avoided in the decoration of the tombs, Spalinger 2011b: 115. Visual representations of violence in the New Kingdom are almost exclusively found on royal monuments. Exceptions along with the Memphite tomb of Horemhab are found in tombs of Djehuty (TT 11) and Montuherkhepeshef (TT 20), where we have representation of strangling of two Nubians (Doc. 4). Nevertheless, nothing in the scenes of strangling of Nubians indicates comical effect or mockery. 79 Goedicke 1985: 81. 80 Spalinger 2011b: 61.

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Beating and harassment

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millenia later than the Memphite tomb of Horemhab. One should be cautious with using it to interpret the evidence from this tomb. An explanation of difference in size being a method of getting a viewer’s attention to a narrative snapshot speaks against the idea that the size of the figures represents their actual size. Also, we should not think of the pictorial representations of foreigners as less ideologically coloured than the textual record. We could hardly agree that the Shasu were giants (up to 2.5 m plus half of the head) who hide in the bushes. However, this is the description we find in Papyrus Anastasi I. 81 Such a view of a foreigner’s body can be related to their ideological dehumanisation. 82 Considering that the Hittite spies were Shasu in their service, the size of their figures, as depicted beaten in the “Conference Scene” of the Battle of Qadesh, does not surprise. The description of Shasu in Papyrus Anastasi I provides a narrative background for the motif of beaten Shasu, just as it provides a narrative background for the motif of an enemy in a tree. 83 If one examines the relative scale of figures in the tomb of Horemhab more closely, it is clear that northern and southern prisoners are depicted with the same height and both groups of figures are larger than the Egyptians. Even if there was a physical difference in height between the Egyptians and their neighbours, in iconography we are observing its cultural interpretation with an ideological background. In such cases exaggeration comes as no surprise. Beating is a common form of torture in many societies. As a capital punishment for criminals it is attested in many cultures, with different numbers of blows for different crimes. 84 Beating and harassment as physical forms of violence against enemies and prisoners of war could be recognised in the skeletal evidence of the Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period. Skeletal evidence from Elephantine showed a high percentage of trauma (30%), and the authors indicate that the possibility of physical punishment with fracture consequences is the most probable cause of the observed patterns of trauma. 85 No skeletal remains of foreign enemies and prisoners of war with such trauma patterns have been identified so far for the New Kingdom. 86

81 Fischer-Elfert 1983: 139–140; Fischer-Elfert 1986: 202. For another narrative snapshot with a textual attestation in Papyrus Anastasi I see Doc. 28. 82 Moers 2010: 176. 83 See Doc. 28. 84 The Chinese Qing Legal Tretise set the limits of torture at thirty daily blows with heavy bamboo, Conner 2000: 139. 85 Gresky, Roumelis, Kozak, Schulz 2013: 89. 86 See Chapter Skeletal evidence.

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Mutilation Mutilation is an act of physical injury which degrades the appearance or function of a living body or the appearance of the dead body. It is a deliberately delivered peri- or post-mortem trauma, a hostile act which can include amputation. 1 Violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war which can be classified as mutilation are supposed branding and marking, eye and ear removal, hand cutting, phalli cutting and hanging upside-down. In all of those treatments where the living body was the target of violence the infliction of pain intended to leave a permanent mark on the body through amputation of body parts (eyes, ears, hands, phalli). In the case of hanging upside-down, mutilation was practiced on executed enemies in public spectacles of sovereign’s power. In the case of branding and marking, contrary to the widely accepted view, we are not dealing with the actual branding of enemies and prisoners of war.

Branding and marking Branding is a known procedure in ancient Egypt usually used on animals and reputedly also on humans. 2. There are only a few attestations of branding and marking of enemies and prisoners of war in the New Kingdom. 3 There are two Egyptian lexemes understood as referring to brand-mark or branding. The lexeme Ab “brand-mark” is written with the determinative for fire Q7, depicting a brazier with flame rising from it, or the determinative for knife D30, 4 This strongly suggests the nature of the procedure implied by the term. The bilingual sign Ab (U23) is interpreted by Alan Gardiner as a chisel. 5 Evidence for branding procedure is attested with the use of the lexeme Ab (Docs. 30 and 40). The second attested lexeme is m nS , written with a cartouche determinative V10 (Doc. 40). 6 Before evidence, or the lack of it, for the branding and marking of enemies in New Kingdom is discussed, parallels in branding of local subjects and criminals, but also the damned dead in the Underworld will be presented first.

1 Spars 2014: 108–109. 2 Brugsch 1876: 35; Eggebrecht 1975: 850–852; Brewer 2001: 243. 3 There has been a suggestion that branding is already depicted on an ivory tablet of king Aha. For the tablet see Petrie 1901, Pl. III, 6. For the branding as possible interpretation of the depiction see the comment in asterix by Edgerton and Wilson 1936: 42. The victim could also be interpreted as being pierced with an object with other purpose than branding. 4 Wb I, 6; Gardiner 1957: 500, 515; Lesko 1982: 4. 5 Gardiner 1957: 518. 6 Wb II, 89. 5; Spiegelberg 1906: 158; Gardiner 1957: 522; Lesko 1982: 222.

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“Branding” of local subjects in the New Kingdom There are several proposed attestations for branding of Egyptians in the New Kingdom. The Papyrus Cairo 58054 contains a letter from the standardbearer Mai-Seth to a soldier named Hat. 7 The letter ends with an order dictating how to treat all who might escape him: jrj r=k s t m gm pA-wn n Ab.w nA-n m rj.w 8 “Do it as found, because the grooms will be branded” 9. Papyrus Bologna 1094, dated to the reign of Merenptah, contains a letter of introduction sent from the priest Haru to the royal steward Ptahemhab regarding the stable master Paser, servant of Ptahemhab. Paser is returning from Syria after five years of service as a shieldbearer. 10 Paser’s younger brother is apparently to be “branded” as a groom on the instructions of the major-domo: m t w pA aA-pr Dj=t Ab.w=t w n=f pAy sn Srj.w sAwy r m ry 11 “… (and) the major-domo will cause this younger brother to be ‘branded’ for him as a groom”. 12 It is strange that a younger brother of a shieldbearer and stable master would be branded. The lexeme Ab is here probably used with the meaning “to mark”. The m ry.w “grooms”  13 as “victims of branding” are only attested in these two documents. The lexeme m ry itself is Semitic in origin 14 and is attested for the first time in the New Kingdom. The contexts of its appearance associate the occupation with the care of horses. 15 It was also suggested that it designates soldiers in the infantry. 16 The fact that m ry occurs as a title carried by a scribe who is subordinate to the charioteer indicates its relatively high status.  17 Papyrus Anastasi V, dated to the reign of Seti II, contains the sorry plight of a soldier in summer and refers to the “branding” of followers after the army is dismissed from the country: jw=t w Hr Ab.w nAy=sn Sm s.w 18 “One is ‘branding’ their followers” 19. The letter also contains a prayer to Thoth for skill in writing and refers to the multitude of people who will come to the god in every country: jw=sn Xr.j nAy=sn Xrd .w r Ab.w=w {r} jAw=k 20 “(Then) they will come with their children to be ‘branded’ accord 7 The text is dated to the reign of Seti I. Mai-Seth writes to Hat asking him about the workmen who Hat should not have seized. Hat according to Mai-Seth did not seize the right workmen and MaiSeth instructs him to correct the matter, Allam 1987: 13–19; Wente 1990: 115. 8 Papyrus Cairo 58054, verso H/V, 8, Allam 1987: Pl. IVa. Also see, Bakir 1970: Pl. 3; KRI I, 324.5–6. 9 For another translation see Allam 1987: 13; KRITA I, 262; Wente 1990: 115; Lohwasser 2012: 533 10 Caminos 1954: 24. 11 Transliteration after Gardiner 1937: 8.16–9.1. 12 For other translations see Altägyptischen Wörterbuch, Zettel DZA 20.041.580; Caminos 1954: 24. 13 Wb II, 110; Lesko 1982: 226–227; Takács 2008: 416–417. 14 According to Wolfgang Helck the word is Hurrian, Helck 1971: 513; also see Sivan and Cochavi-Rainey 1992: 38; Hoch 1994: 133–134. 15 Hoch 1994: 132; Störk 1982b: 1011. 16 Sauneron 1964: 24. 17 Hoch 1994: 132–134. 18 Transliteration after Gardiner 1937: 59.3. For another transliteration see Fischer-Elfert 1983: 84. 19 For other translations see Zettel DZA 20.041.570, Altägyptischen Wörterbuch; Brugsch 1876: 37; Caminos 1954: 230; Fischer-Elfert 1983: 85; Lohwasser 2012: 533. 20 Transliteration after Altägyptischen Wörterbuch, Zettel DZA 20.041.590; Gardiner 1937: 60.13.

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ing to your calling“. 21 It should not come as a surprise that Thoth is the one who supposedly registers the population of every country. In all of these attestations the lexeme Ab should not be translated as branding in a narrow sense but as labelling or marking in a broader sense. As it will be shown in the continuation of this discussion, in the cases where actual branding is attested as a punishment for criminals the number of brandings is provided. None of the sources discussed above provide the number of brandings. This is another indication that in these attestations marking is meant instead. Branding as a punishment Branding is attested as a punishment for criminals. 22 However, the lexeme Ab is in these contexts found with different translations in the literature. For the sake of consistency, it will be translated here as “branding” and other suggested translations will be referenced. Papyrus Deir el-Medinah 26A (verso), dated to the reign of Ramesses III, mentions an oath in which a group of people swears not to dispute against N or they shall suffer a “hundred blows and five brandings” (100 sx . t 5 Ab.w). 23 The same papyrus in section B (verso) mentions punishing two guilty people with a “hundred blows and five brandings”. 24 Papyrus Berlin P. 10496 (verso), also dated to the reign of Ramesses III, mentions an oath in which one swears not to enter a tomb again, otherwise he should be punished with a “hundred blows and five brandings”. 25 In Ostracon Berlin 12654 the scribe Paser disputed with the draftsman Nebnefer in the law court and won the case. As the draftsman Nebnefer was found to be wrong he was punished with S. t sx(.w) TAw. t my 10 Ab.w 26 “hundred blows penalty, equal (of) ten brandings”. 27 It is not clear whether he was punished in this manner because of the court dispute or because of some other crime which is not mentioned in the text. The text actually does not state that he was branded, rather that his penalty was equivalent to ten brandings. That the lexeme Ab is used to designate violent acts in these contexts is indicated by the fact that it occurs following punishment by beating.

21 For other translations see Brugsch 1876: 37; Caminos 1954: 233. 22 The text of one boundary stela from Abydos is taken as a reference for branding, Randall-MacIver and Mace 1902: Pl. XXIX; BARE I, 770; Lorton 1977: 18. However the attested lexeme is not Ab but wbd which should be understood as burning, not branding, see Wb 1, 297.1–6. 23 KRI V, 465.1. Kenneth A. Kitchen translates Ab.w here as “piercing wounds” KRITA V, 376. 24 KRI V, 466, 10. Kitchen translates Ab.w here as “piercing wounds” KRITA V, 377. 25 KRI V, 478.10. Kitchen translates Ab.w here as “bleeding wounds”, KRITA V, 384. 26 Transliteration after KRI VI, 344.16–345.1. 27 For other translations see KRITA VI, 272. Müller-Wollermann understood the punishment as both 100 blows and 10 brandings, however the text rather states the equivalency between the two. She argued that the offender is branded in the truest sense of the words, however such an interpretation is not based on the text, Müller-Wollermann 2004: 205.

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Branding in the Underworld Branding is attested already in the Pyramid Texts. In PT 385 it is written that if the Hfn .w snake does not listen to her father Geb then she will listen to his brand: “you will listen to his branding iron which is on your head” (sDm=k Ab. t=f j m . t t p =k). 28 Branding as a corporeal punishment is also found in Chapter 146 of the Book of the Dead which states about one of the gates: m rj s tA wAb Ab.wt m r rs Sad t p.w 29 “It loves the fire, purifying the ‘branding-irons’. It loves to watch the cutting of the heads”. 30 We also find it in Chapter 153A of the Book of the Dead in which the deceased states that he knows the names of the commissioned who receives the fishes of the waters of the heavens. His name is “brander and cutter” (Ab.w d sj). 31 Discussion The lexeme Ab can mean both “to brand” and “to mark” depending on the context. In the context of capital punishment, the lexeme Ab is to be understood as branding. “Branding” of social groups that we would not expect to be branded, such as m ry.w (P. Cairo 58054, Papyrus Bologna 1094) or Sm s.w (Papyrus Anastasi V) ought to be understood as marking. The textual attestations for branding being practiced and applied to enemies and prisoners of war are also better understood as marking or labelling (Docs. 30 and 40). Branding of people, as for cattle, is not attested in the pictorial record. 32 The idea that dependant people in ancient Egypt were branded is often based on reputed analogies with Greek and Roman practices of branding slaves. 33 However, branding was almost unknown in Greece and relatively rare in Rome, as tattooing was preferred for demarcation. The underlying problems are terminological caused by mistranslation of the sources and misleading lexicographical entries. 34 In the end it has to be stressed that there is no evidence that prisoners were branded. They were marked instead. Papyrus Jumilhac (c. 300 BC) contains an ancient Egyptian explanation of the origin of the leopard’s spots. The god Seth disguised himself as a leopard to approach the body of Osiris, but he was captured by Anubis and branded all over his body 35. The text is 28 29 30 31 32

PT 385, 675b, Sethe 1908: 368. Transliteration after Naville 1886: Tf. CLXI. For other translations see Zandee 1960: 225. Papyrus of Nu (Papyrus London BM 10477), line 14, Lapp 1997: Pls. 57 and 58. The supposed branding depicted in Medinet Habu is actually marking with a stylus shaped object and not branding iron (see Doc. 52 with accompanying discussion and references), contra Eyre 2017: 103. 33 Brugsch 1876: 37. The same analogies are recurrent even in recent studies, Müller-Wollermann 2004: 205. For Mesopotamian evidence on branding and tattooing see Ditchey 2017. The evidence from Mesopotamia will not be elaborately commented here as it is argued that there is no clear evidence on branding of enemies and prisoners of war in New Kingdom Egypt. 34 The tendency to argue branding in Greece and Rome for people too has to be modified to the term “stigmata’’ it refers to tattooing and not brand marks, Jones 1987: 140–141. Branding is known in medieval Europe and is a common later colonial practice, Gustafson 1997: 98–99. 35 Vandier 1961: 113–114; Pinch 2002: 105; Teeter 2011: 24–25.

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much later than New Kingdom attestations, but it informs us about the treatment of Seth who is a wrongdoer in this particular context. The “word play” of Ab “branding“ and Abj “leopard” 36 is therefore not accidental. 37

Eye and ear removal The practice of the removal of eyes and ears of enemies in New Kingdom Egypt is until now attested in only one document, the Amada temple stela dedicated to Merenptah (Doc. 39). 38 Before this evidence is discussed, parallels in punishment of criminals with ears cutting, eyes gouging and nose cutting in New Kingdom Egypt will be presented first. Ears cutting, eye gouging and nose cutting as punishment Ears cutting, eye gouging and nose cutting was a punishment for different crimes: meddling with field boundaries, theft and false testimony (also the penalty for the crime itself). 39 The cutting of ears is in juridical texts paired with the cutting of noses. 40 The Nauri Decree of Seti I claims that any high official, superintendent of fields, riverbank ploughman or anyone interfering with the boundaries of fields belonging to the temple of Seti I in Abydos, would be punished with cutting of nose and ears (swA fnD=f m sDr.wy=f) and demotion to a field labourer of the temple. 41 The decree claims that anyone who takes an animal belonging to the temple would be punished in the same manner. 42 Ostracon Cairo 25556 of Seti II punishes the false accusation brought by a woman and three workman against the foreman Hay. They accused him of speaking ill of pharaoh 36 Wb I, 7. 11–14. 37 Zandee 1960: 225. 38 The earliest known attestation for eyes of enemies as targets of violence is found on the Early Dynastic Battlefield Palette (Vulture Palette) now in the British Museum (EA 20791). The eyes of enemies are there depicted being plucked out by vultures, Petrie 1953, 14, fig. 14; Davis 1992: 131, Fig. 34. Interestingly, the prisoner whose eye is being eaten by the vulture has arms tied behind his back as was already pointed out, Partridge 2002: 163. As no human action is involved, the Battlefield Palette cannot be used as an appropriate parallel for a New Kingdom practice of removal of the eyes of enemies. Vultures plucking out the eyes of enemies is a common cross-cultural motif in visual and written representations of battle aftermath, in which the dead bodies of fallen soldiers are mutilated by carrion birds. The motif of vultures feeding on corpses on the battlefield is found in many cultures, see Dooren 2011. For example, Esarhaddon (681–669 BC), king of Assyria boasts of letting vultures eat the unburied bodies of his enemies (Esarhaddon 1, Col. V, 6), see Leichty 2011: 21. 39 Lure 1960: 115–121; Allam 1978: 66–67. These offences can be considered criminal and unlike in civil cases where the punishment is typically 100 blows, they are punished much more severely, Allam 2003: 24; Allam 2007: 268. For the most recent and extensive discussion of evidence see Loktionov 2017. 40 Müller-Wollermann 2004: 205–206. 41 KRI I, 54: 1–3; Griffith 1927: 202; Edgerton 1947: 22. For a summary on the significance of this stela and its context in the reign of Seti I see Brand 2000: 294–295. 42 KRI I, 55: 12–15.

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Seti II. The accusers admitted they did not hear the ill speech from Hay and were forced to swear an oath that if they lied in the court or brought false accusations against the foreman in the future, their noses and ears would be cut off (swA fnD=f m sDr.wj=f). 43 Papyrus Berlin 10496 dating to the reign of Ramesses III contains an oath of an accused who claims that if he opens up a tomb again, his nose and ears will be cut off and he will be placed on the execution block (swA Srj m m sDr. t=f dj.w Hr d px). 44 The north wall of the Saqqara tomb chapel of Mose, treasury-scribe of Ptah during the reign of Ramesses II contains an oath by a goatherd Mesmen stating that if he speaks falsely they should cut off his nose and ears and exile him to Kush (swA fnD=j m sDr.wj=j jw=j r kAS). 45 The same text contains an oath by Papa, the priest of the temple of Ptah who also claims that if he speaks falsely they should cut off his nose and ears and exile him to Kush (swA fnD=j m sDr.wj=j jw=j r kAS). 46 Papyrus Deir el-Medinah 27 dated to the reign of Ramesses III contains an oath in which the individual accused of adultery with a married woman claims that if he speaks with this woman his nose and ears shall be cut off and he will be exiled to the land of Kush (swA fnD=f m sDr.wj=f jw=f r pA tA kAS). 47 The ordinary local courts could not pass a sentence in form of cutting off nose and ears, nor could they issue a death penalty. 48 Such actions needed royal permission, as attested in Papyrus Turin 1887 which mentions a priest who cut an ear of one Sekhatuemnefer, son of Beksetyt without the knowledge of the king. 49 Cutting of the ears and removal of the eyes, although not necessarily having a deadly outcome, leaves a permanent mark on the body of the victim. Body mutilation also ensured long-term humiliation since the body constantly signified its crime. 50 Such a mark is the result of a processed offence but it is primarily the mark of the state. There is one pictorial attestation of a cut off nose on a relief from a private collection 51 but according to Ludwig Keimer and Müller-Wollermann it is stylistically dated to the Late Period. 52

43 44 45 46 47 48

49 50 51 52

Allam 1973b: 62; KRI IV, 302: 16–303: 9. Papyrus Berlin 10496 Verso, 3–4, Allam 1973a: 83; Allam 1973b: 278; KRI V, 477: 14–16. KRI III, 429: 10–11. KRI III, 430. 7–8. Papyrus DeM 27. Verso, 3–4, Allam 1973a: 99; Allam 1973b: 301; KRI V, 579. 8–9. Bedell 1973: 175. Local courts of a certain place or a temple were supervised by a vizier who was represented everywhere by local scribes who could contact the vizier directly. The great court in the capital was under the presidency of the vizier himself and was watched over by a royal scribe who performed his function as a delegate of the king, Allam 1991: 114–115. Papyrus Turin 1887, Recto. 2, 3, Gardiner 1948: 76. Meskell and Joyce 2003: 149. The owner is Mamduh Bey Riaz, former minsiter who bought it from an antiquities dealer, Keimer 1954: 142. Keimer 1954: 142; Müller-Wollermann 2004: 208.

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Destruction of sight and hearing of enemies of gods Losing the power of sight and hearing was considered dangerous for the deceased in the Underworld and these powers were restored with the use of spells. There are scarce attestations for the restoration of sight and hearing of the deceased in the Underworld and the destruction of sight and hearing of enemies of gods such as Seth and Apophis. 53 As early as the Coffin Texts, we have an attestation for the restoration of sight. In Spell 226 it is said about the Ram and Soped “they remove the dimness of your sight and the wrinkles which are on your limbs” (d r=sn jArr n Hr=k q rf.w j r.w a.wt=k). 54 In Spell 407 the deceased states “I do not become blind. I do not become deaf” (n Sp(=j) n jdj(=j)). 55 Spell 455 makes the ears of the deceased function again “My ears are opened” (wbA an x .wj n=j). 56 In Chapter 154 of the Book of the Dead the deceased states: “My ears are not deaf” (n jdj m sDr=j). 57 Later sources indicate that the powers of sight and hearing of Seth and Apophis were intentionally magically destroyed in order to make them harmless. In Papyrus Metropolitan Museum of Art 35.9.21 (papyrus of Imouthes) it is stated: HA=k ‚tS jr. ty=k Sp n n mAA=k an x .wy=k jdj n n sDm=k “Step back Seth! Your eyes are blind, you cannot see any longer! Your ears are deaf, you cannot hear any longer!”. 58 The Apophis Book states: an x .wy=k sx r “Your ears are blocked!” 59 Eyes gouging in the Near East The closest parallels for the practice of taking out eyes of enemies are found in the Near East. The earliest evidence is pre-Sargonic and from Third Dynasty of Ur date. 60 Presumably the prisoners of war in the Third Dynasty were blinded in order to make it difficult for them to run away. 61 The custom of blinding of war prisoners is best known from the Neo-Assyrian period. Shalmaneser I (1274–1245 BC) boasts of having blinded 14,400 enemies who remained alive. 62 Ashurnasirpal II (883–859 BC) gouged out the eyes of many troops from the city of Tēla. 63 He also gouged out the eyes of some soldiers from the city of Udu. 64 He blinded enemies when he conquered the city of Mal[(…)h]ānu. 65

53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

Emerit 2011: 71. CT 226, de Buck 1947: 255a; Faulkner 1973: 179. CT 407, de Buck 1951: 223g; Faulkner 1977: 58. CT 455, de Buck 1947: 327h; Faulkner 1977: 86. Papyrus of Nu (Papyrus London BM 10477), col. 19, Lapp 1997: Pl. 52. Papyrus Metropolitan Museum of Art 35.9.21, col. 29, 4–5, Goyon 1975: 380–381. Papyrus Bremner Rhind IV, 31, 17, Faulkner 1933: 84. 7; Faulkner 1937: 45, 51. Gelb 1973: 87; Hempel 2009: 46–47. Hempel 2009: 46. A.0.77.1, 67–70, Grayson 1987: 184. A.0.101.1, 115, Grayson 1991: 201. A.0.101.1, 113, Grayson 1991: 220. A.0.101.21, 14, Grayson 1991: 266.

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Eye removal and ear cutting was also a form of corporeal punishment in juridical contexts in the Near East. 66 The Codex Hammurabi punishes a child who repudiates either of his parents by plucking out one of his eyes 67 and it also punishes “blinding of an eye” with “blinding of an eye”. 68 Ears are the body parts quite often taken as trophies in many conflicts of varying date and occurring in different cultures. 69 Discussion The complex symbolic of the nose and the eye in ancient Egypt does not allow a straightforward interpretation of the removal of eyes and ears of enemies. 70 The same can be said for the ears. 71 Although a close parallel for the treatment of the damned dead in the Underworld cannot be found, there are spells dealing with the restoration of sight and hearing. Blindness and deafness were understood as consequences of death. Deteriorations of the body and loss of the functions of life had to be restored. 72 Later sources indicate that by taking away the senses of seeing and hearing Seth and Apophis could be rendered harmless. Other parallels for the removal of eyes as a violent treatment of the body are restricted to the conflict of the gods, as in the case of Seth taking out the eyes of Horus. 73 Neither the spells for the restoration of sight and hearing nor the parallel in the conflict between Horus and Seth provide enough analogies to the removal of eyes and ears described in the Amada stela dedicated to Merenptah (Doc. 39). These actions in the Amada stela have no apparent religious symbolic. One ought to point out that the ears and eyes taken from the rebels in Wawat were not taken as trophies. The text of the Amada stela informs us that ears and eyes were

66 67 68 69

70 71 72 73

A summary can be found in Neumann and Paulus 2012: 199. L193 (xl 10–22), Roth 1995: 120. L196 (xl 45–49), Roth 1995: 121. For example Otto I (912–973) cut the noses and ears of the Magyars, Gillespie 2011, 124; both Franks and Muslims did the same during the Crusades, British soldiers in the Sixth Frontier War (1834–1836) against the Xhosa, Union men in the war with the Southerners, Algerian colonial auxiliaries during the Franco-Prussian War, Senegalese colonial auxiliaries on the French side in the First World War, Goumiers on the French side in the Second World War, U.S soldiers in the Pacific War, U.S soldiers in the Vietnam War, Smith 2011: 260. Many of these stories about soldiers taking trophies are similar in details, such as the number of the cut off ears and usually targeting the colonial Other practicing savage customs and not conducting according to the “civilised” laws of war, see Harrison 2012: 121; the eyes of enemies and war prisoners are the target of mutilation in many attested conflicts, e.g king Basil II (958–1025) blinded 15000 Bulgarian prisoners leaving one in every 100 with one eye to lead the rest home, king Alfred (849–899) also blinded enemies which became a common punishment in England after 1066, Robert Guiscard (1015–1085), William the Conquerer (1027–1087), Richard the Lionheart in 1198 blinded 14 French knights with one only in one eye to lead the rest, Gillespie 2011: 124. Störk 1982a: 559–562; Meskell and Joyce 2003: 20. For the sexual connotation of an ear see Störk 1973a: 33; Störk 1973b: 40–41. Zandee 1960: 60–61. Otto 1975: 563–564.

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made into heaps in Kushite towns. 74 In contrast to the cut of hands and phalli which were counted and registered immediately on the battlefield or outside of the forts in Egypt 75, the ears and eyes were together with both cut off hands, as attested in this text, brought to Kush. They were piled in heaps in the towns where they could have been seen. The intention behind this was to send a clear warning and suppress similar potential rebellions. The severity of the punishments imposed on Nubian captives reflects Merenptah’s determination to deter any future uprising. 76 If we accept that it was done in order to strike terror and repel future rebellions, then the targets of this warning were in Kush, and not in Wawat where the rebellion occured. Could it be suggested that the rebellion in Wawat was orchestrated by the polities in Kush? 77 The distance between Wawat (Lower Nubia) and Kush (Upper Nubia) is around 200 km. As Merenptah would have been at least 46 years old by the beginning of his rule, it has been suggested that in his physical condition it is likely that he handed over the command of the army to his son Seti II. 78 However, as some authors identify the owner of the inscription and the praising figure to the left of it as Messuy, it was suggested that he was commanding the troops who crushed the rebellion in Wawat. 79 The same argument can be suggested for Khaemtitry, as he is also a possible candidate for the ownership of the inscription (Doc. 39). The climate in this region would not allow the eyes of the rebels to remain in a state of recognition after transport, unless they were somehow conserved. Human body parts taken as trophies of war could have been preserved. 80 The cut off eyes would require preservation in order to remain in a state of recognition.

74 Benedict G. Davies suggested that these heaps were made of corpses although the word XA.wt “corpses” is not written, Davies 1997: 193. As the text informs us that some had their hands, and some had their ears and eyes removed and not that they were killed, it is correct to understand these heaps as heaps of removed body parts, namely ears and eyes. There is a word XA.y t or XA. tjw for the “heap of corpses” but it is also not written in the text of the Amada stela, Wb 3, 224. 75 See Chapters Mutilation. Hand cutting and Phalli cutting. 76 Kitchen suggested that the effect was about a generation long as Merenptah’s successors had not had troubles with revolts in Nubia before the advent of the 20th Dynasty, Kitchen 1977: 223–224. For the idea that the act had the purpose of preventing future uprisings, also see Davies 1997: 189. 77 A later parallel can be found in the rebellion against Roman rule under emperor Augustus and the second prefect in Egypt, Aelius Gallus, which happened both in Triakontaschoinos and Upper Egypt, but was probably most welcomed if not aided by the kingdom of Meroe further south, Matić 2014c. 78 Davies 1997: 194. The mummy of Seti II (CG 61037) suggests that he died young, Hornung 2006: 212. 79 Kitchen 1977: 222. Although it can be posited that Messuy took part in these actions against the rebels, if the inscription belongs to him, there is no military title assigned to him which would collaborate this view; for a summary of current knowledge on Messuy see Müller 2013: 137. Nevertheless, although the military stationed in the Middle Nile region was under the command of a Hry pD. t - “battalion commander”, the viceroy too occasionally took the role of the commander, as is the case with Merimes under Amenhotep III or Panehesy under Rameses XI, see Török 2009: 181. Therefore, it may not be entirely rejected that Messuy was the one who confronted the rebels. 80 See Chapter Mutilation. Hand cutting.

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Hand cutting Hand cutting is attested for the first time in visual sources during the reign of Ahmose (Doc. 1) and in textual sources during the reign of Thutmose III (Docs. 3, 5, 7, 8, 13). Some of the textual sources, dating to the reign of Thutmose III and later, refer to the practice of hand cutting as already existing during the reigns of Ahmose, Amenhotep I and Thutmose I (Docs. 3, 13). After the single visual attestation under Ahmose (Doc. 1) the next thus far known visual attestation dates to the reign of Thutmose IV (Doc. 12). 81 A silver ring of Amenhotep II (Brooklyn 37.726E) 82 cannot be the earliest attestation as some have suggested. The block of Ahmose is clearly earlier. The textual attestations of hand cutting are recurrent until and including the reign of Ramesses III. Earliest attestation The earliest visual attestation dates to the reign of Ahmose and comes from Abydos (Doc. 1). There are no textual sources from the reign of Ahmose, and neither textual nor visual sources from the reigns of Amenhotep I, Thutmose I, Thutmose II and Hatshepsut. That hand cutting was also practiced during the reigns of Amenhotep I and Thutmose I is based on the texts of the autobiographies of Ahmose son of Ebana (Doc. 3) and Ahmose-Pennekhbet (Doc. 13). Both of these autobiographies were written much later than the events they refer to. The autobiographies of Ahmose son of Ebana and Ahmose-Pennekhbet were written during the reign of Thutmose III. All other early attestations, except the visual attestation from the reign of Ahmose, date later into the reign of Thutmose III, or in the reign of Amenhotep II (Docs. 3, 5, 7, 8, 10, 11, 13). These are contemporary with the events they report. We should also bear in mind that Ahmose-Pennekhbet was not alive when his biography was inscribed in his tomb and that he was either around 80 or already dead later in the reign of Thutmose III. His two statue bases with the same biography date to the reign of Thutmose III (Doc. 13). The fact that the Abydos block dates to the reign of Ahmose indicates that we should not reject the existence of hand cutting during Amenhotep I and Thutmose I simply because we do not have 81 José M. Galán claimed that this is the earliest visual evidence for this practice, Galán 2002: 448; the new evidence from Abydos changes this picture significantly. We now have evidence contemporary to the reign of Ahmose, unlike in the cases of the later texts (Thutmose III and later), suggesting that the practice existed in Ahmose’s time (Docs. 3 and 13). 82 The silver square-bezeled ring supposedly originates from Saqqara. Caroline Ransom Williams argued that both hands of the enemy are missing, Williams 1924: 90–91, Pl. VIII, 26c, Pl. X, 26d,e. Other authors argued that only one hand is missing, Hall 1986: 1–2, Fig. 1; Abdalla 2005: 26; Muhlestein 2011: 88. The arm of the enemy on the ring, whose hand is supposedly cut off, is depicted as though behind the leg of this enemy. If the artisan who made the ring intended to show that the hand was missing, he would surely have paid more attention to making his intention clearer. If we accept that the arm is deliberately depicted as missing a hand, this would be the only visual attestation for a king in connection to hand cutting. Otherwise, all known visual attestations for hand cutting are related solely to the activities of soldiers, mostly Egyptian and in the Ramesside period also foreign (Shardana). The exceptions to this are found in some textual attestations in which hand cutting is associated to the king.

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contemporary evidence. As a visual attestation for hand cutting in the form of a pile with cut off hands exists in Abydos under Ahmose, we can only assume that the entire set of motifs, including enemies missing hands, Egyptian soldiers cutting off hands, carrying, piling and counting hands once existed on the reliefs of this monument too. Piles of cut off hands are otherwise not attested as a sole motif and are always part of a scene in which hands are counted. Such scenes are found on temple walls whose other reliefs show enemies without one of their hands or soldiers cutting off a hand during the battle itself. The thus far known blocks belonging to the mortuary temple of Thutmose II at Deir el-Medinah 83 and those belonging to the reliefs of military campaigns on the walls of temple of Thutmose III in Luxor do not have visual evidence for hand cutting. 84 The lack of the visual attestations for hand cutting under Amenhotep I, Thutmose I, Thutmose II, Hatshepsut and Thutmose III can be explained by the poor state of the temples built in their reigns. The temple of Hatshepsut from Deir el-Bahari is an exception because it had a different decorative program than other 18th Dynasty temples. 85 The context and date of amputated hands from Tell el-Dabca are discussed separately. 86 Latest attestation There is a suggestion that hand cutting is attested during the reign of Psammetichus II on his stela from Shellal (Aswan). 87 This is based on a line jrj (.w) s p m Dr.wt “they made the rest into hands” 88 which Francis Breyer understood as an idiomatic usage, a colloquialism coming from the language of the soldiers. 89 If this interpretation is correct the Shellal stela of Psammthicus II would be the latest known attestation and the first after the reign of Ramesses III. However, there are several arguments against this interpretation. Nothing in this particular expression explicitly indicates cutting of hands. New Kingdom attestations describe hand cutting actions using different phrases: jn=j “I brought” (Docs. 3 and 8); kf a=j “I captured” (Doc 13); jn=f “he brought” (Doc 10); sx m-jb sw… Hr Sad Dr.wt “He was brave in … cutting of hands” (Doc 14). When not preceded by these expressions, the cut off hands are part of the lists of spoils of war (Docs. 10, 15, 31, 32, 41, 47, 48, 54). Cut off hands are missing in the list of spoils of war in the text on the stela of Psammetichus II from Shellal.

83 In one of the reconstructions an enemy is depicted missing a hand, however there are no elements on which this is based, Harvey 1998: 548, Fig. 95. Also see Spalinger 2005: 60–62, Figs. 3.1a and b, 3.2. 84 Álvarez et al. 2010: 35–36; Babón 2012: 669–677. 85 Particularly noticeable is the absence of the battle scenes in her temple when compared to other New Kingdom temples, cf. Heinz 2001. 86 See Chapter Skeletal evidence. 87 Breyer 2002: 55–56. Also accepted by other scholars, Müller 2009a: 120. 88 Goedicke translated this as “the rest made signs with their hands” although he states that the passive is equally feasible “the rest was made into hands”. He chose the first translation because he claimed that cutting of hands, known in Ramesside period, is not otherwise attested in later periods, Goedicke 1981: 196. 89 Breyer 2002: 55–56.

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An additional problem is the connotation that some enemies were made into (cut off) hands. The hands were cut off from enemies in the battle or relatively soon after it, and not from living prisoners after the battle. Idiom or not, one does not have to understand the hands here as cut off hands. The same word can be used to refer to workmen (as in “working hands”). 90 Two more phrases found in the text of the stela were used by Breyer to argue that the mentioned hands are cut off hands. The phrase n wn x Dr. t “the hand does not let loose” is understood by Breyer as referring to cutting off a hand. He followed the translation of the verb wn x in this context as “to loosen”. 91 Goedicke understood wn x as “dislocation of a limb”. 92 He translated the phrase as “they were prisoners without the scratching of a hand” 93 suggesting that no harm was done to them. Breyer also related the phrase DAj=t w m Tr=sn mj nw(.y) “one waded in their blood 94 like (in) water” to his interpretation of n wn x Dr. t as “the hand does not let loose” as a reference to hand cutting.  95 This phrase is actually reminiscent of the similar phrase attested in Ramesside texts, namely, “(left) wallowing in their blood like water” (Hd b Hr sn f=sn mj mw) 96 or “their blood in their place was like water” (sn f=sn Hr s t=sn mj mw). 97 In Ramesside texts at least, this phrase has nothing to do with cutting of hands and is to be seen as a metaphor for slaughter. 98 Additionally, the plural suffix pronoun =sn written with the word Tr “blood” refers to the XAk .w-jb “rebels” at the beginning of the passage, as do the other two previous occurences of this pronoun, and not to a single hand which does not let loose. Therefore, there are no arguments that hand cutting is attested during the reign of Psammetichus II and the latest known attestations are still from the reign of Ramesses III. Hand cutting and the “Gold of Valour” The cutting of the hands was at least in one period rewarded with the “gold of valour”. The textual attestations for this practice date from the reign of Ahmose (the text itself dates to the reign of Thutmose III, Doc. 1) and to the reign of Thutmose III/Amenhotep II (Docs. 3 and 8). Textual and visual attestations for counting of hands must not be confused with the rewarding for the cutting of hands. This detail is of great importance for the proper understanding of the occurrence, context and longevity of this practice and consequent changes in decorum. 90 For example j n .w t p.w Dr.w t “income of heads and hands”, Royal favours to the high priest Amenhotep in year 10 of Ramesses IX, Karnak, south approach, BARE IV, 497; KRI VI, 46.10; KRITA VI, 351. 91 For the meaning of wn x “to loosen”, see Graefe 1979: 53–58. For this translation of the verb in the context of Shellal stela see Lichtheim 1980: 86; Der Manuelian 1994: 340, 348, f. 222. 92 Goedicke 1981: 196. 93 Goedicle 1981: 189 94 For “red” as a reference for blood see Wb 5, 386. 13 95 Breyer 2002: 54. 96 Ramses II, Karnak, Great Hall (S. Wall), W. Side, lower register, KRI II, 153. 9. 97 Merenptah, Lybian War, Karnak, KRI IV, 6. 2. 98 Matić 2017d: 21‒22.

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The gift in gold from the king to those officials who deserved it, was usually in the form of a gold necklace (Sby.w) and occasionally also included armlets and bracelets. The bestowal usually took place in a public ceremony. 99 Ahmose son of Ebana states that he was rewarded seven times with gold of valour (Doc. 3). However, if all of the rewards were due to the cutting of hands cannot be said. 100 He was rewarded with the gold of valour for cutting off the hands of enemies four times under Ahmose, out of which one reward was double (Doc. 3). The fifth time, under Amenhotep I, the king witnessed his valour. But, although he states that he cut off the hands and that they were taken to the king, he does not mention a reward. He also does not state where previous rewards took place, except that they were done after he reported the cutting of the hands to the king’s herald (Doc. 3). We also do not know what he received as a reward. Amenemhab called Mahu was also rewarded and he also does not state where this took place. He is the only one for whom we at least partly know, what he was given as reward. Amenhemhab received among others two silver rings (Doc. 8). Therefore, the suggestion that cutting the hands of enemies could also be rewarded with weapons or land and slaves 101 is not based on the available sources. Equally problematic is the assumption that the reward consisted of golden chains, ostentatious weapons or military medals. 102 It was suggested that, as there are no depictions related to the autobiographies of the early 18th Dynasty, the rewarding could have even taken place during the campaign. 103 In the meanwhile an early 18th Dynasty attestation was found at Abydos (Doc. 1), but considering its very fragmentary nature, it is not very informative. Presenting and counting hands during the campaign and immediately after battle would be more practical in order to avoid hygienic problems associated with transport of decomposing flesh. We know of cases when cut off hands were brought to Egypt. In some the number of hands brought to Egypt is small and counts six hands of dead enemies brought to Egypt hanged upside-down on the prow of the ship (Doc. 11). In others we know that the hands were brought back to Egypt, however they were presented and counted in immediate vicinity of the fortress and not temple or palace and certainly not in a closed space (Doc. 48). Rewarding could also have happened in Egypt where it would be issued based on the record. The iconography of the gold rewarding scenes from the New Kingdom shows a royal kiosk, the “Window of Appearance” and some open space as the location. 104 There are cases in which, although the parapet with a cushion belonging to the “Window of Appearance” is depicted, we know that the location is not a temple or a palace. Sometimes the presentation of prisoners and spoils of war is conducted in front of an Egyptian fort depicted behind the king and his chariot (Doc. 48). The hands were presented and count 99 Binder 2008: 1; Binder 2012: 47–49. 100 For a discussion on the gold of valour as attested in the Autobiography of Ahmose son of Ebana, but also other high officials see also von Deines 1954: 83–86. 101 Stefanović 2003: 164; Müller 2009a: 120. 102 Müller 2002: 1224. 103 Binder 2008: 199. 104 Binder 2008: 199.

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ed while still fresh, as indicated by the use of red colour on the block from Ahmose’s reign from Abydos (Doc. 1), cut off hands on spears depicted in the memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak (Doc. 26) and hands in piles on the Medinet Habu temple (Docs. 47). The presence of a “Window of Appearance” in hand counting scenes does not necessarily mean the location of the scene and that counting of the hands and phalli took place in closed spaces in Egypt. There are representations in which cut off hands are carried, presented, piled, counted and registered in front of the king, who sits in his chariot with his back to figures tending his horses (Docs. 32, 33, 47, 60). The motif of a king seated backwards in his chariot is first attested under Seti I and then continuously used in the Ramesside period as a substitute for both the throne and “Window of Appearance”. 105 It appears in scenes in which an outside location is indicated. The cases in which cut of hands were brought to Egypt are probably exceptions. 106 However, they were surely not displayed before the people and before the god as proof of the king’s military exploits. 107 None of the attestations indicates that the audience included people other than soldiers and high officials, and none indicates that the hands were displayed before the god. Interestingly, in none of these scenes of presenting, counting and registering the hands or phalli is there a depiction of the king rewarding the soldiers. Unlike the presenting and counting of cut off hands, rewarding with the gold of valour had a wider audience, as the iconographic and textual sources indicate that it happened in Egypt and “before everybody”. 108 We could also speculate that this is a consequence of decorum. It is possible that soldiers were rewarded for this act, but the event was not depicted for reasons of decorum. The reward for cutting of hands is not attested in the autobiographies and other texts later than the biography of Amenemhab called Mahu 109 which dates to the reign of Thutmose III/Amenhotep II, but refers to taking of hands during the campaigns of Thutmose III. It is a question, whether the scenes in which soldiers bring cut off hands to be counted and registered before the king, necessarily indicate that these soldiers were rewarded. In the well-known rewarding scenes, the king bestows gold on his subjects and they are depicted with it. 110 These elements are entirely lacking in the scenes with counting of cut off hands. It is possible that, although not directly represented, the reward in gold was still implied. One would nevertheless have to explain why certain motifs, such as the crucial motif of gold bestowal, are omitted from hand counting scenes. If the intention was to deliver a message of rewarding for this act, should one not expect the crucial motif of gold bestowal to be depicted too? A distinction has to be made between the textual attestations and hand counting representations. That the bestowal of gold is not depicted does not mean gold was not given as a reward, as we are well informed about this in autobi105 Sabbahy 2016. 106 Danijela Stefanović suggested that hands were counted after the actual battle in the 18th Dynasty and were not transported to Egypt, whereas in the 19th Dynasty they were taken to Egypt, Stefanović 2003: 165. 107 Galán 2002: 446. 108 Binder 2012: 49. 109 cf. Binder 2008: 206–207. 110 Binder 2008: 79.

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ographies. However, as boasting of rewarding for hand cutting with gold is not attested after Thutmose III, we cannot argue that the practice continued just because the practice of hand cutting and counting continued. Consequently, this means that scenes of presenting and counting of hands are iconographically speaking not the same as rewarding scenes. Regarding the absence of the motif of the reward in the form of gold of valour from texts after Thutmose III, it is an interesting question if this may be interpretted as a change in practice, namely that rewards in gold were no longer given for the cutting of enemy hands, or a change in expression of status, namely rewards in gold were still given for the cutting of hands but boasting of it was not part of decorum. It cannot be claimed that the number of cut off hands brought by a single soldier drastically increased over time. In the autobiography of Ahmose son of Ebana he boasts of taking one, two or three hands in a single event (Doc. 3). In the autobiography of Ahmose-Pennekhbet he boasts of taking 21 hands in a single event (Doc. 13). King Amenhotep II boasts of bringing 20 hands on the foreheads of his horses (Doc. 10). The pile of cut off hands depicted on a block of Ahmose’s date from Abydos counts c. 6 preserved hands (Doc. 1). Bearing in mind that this is a fragment there must have been more hands in this pile. The soldiers depicted on the talatats of the memorial temple of Tutankhamun carry three hands each on their spears (Doc. 26). Later documents indicate a slightly increased number of hands one particular soldier brings. Thus, in the representation of the Battle of Qadesh from Karnak soldiers are depicted bringing three to seven hands each (Doc. 32). If one takes into account the total of cut off hands listed in the plunder lists and the number of hands depicted in piles one could be mistaken in thinking that the number of cut off hands increased over time. This could easily mislead one to interpret the disappearance of the reward in gold from texts as a consequence of “inflation”. Namely, too many cut off hands were brought to the king, which meant more expenses for the crown if everyone is to be rewarded. However, we should bear in mind that the largest number of cut off hands is in the lists of spoils of war. Both in earlier and later texts this number is not a total score for a single individual, like in the autobiographies, but for a whole group of soldiers, or perhaps even an entire army (Docs. 31, 32, 33, 47, 48, 52, 54, 57, 60). 111 Therefore, there is a possibility that there was an inflation of cut off hands, but this cannot be further confirmed with the surviving evidence. Additionally, some numbers are extremely high (e.g. 12,535), especially when compared with other documents, indicating exaggerations (Docs 47 and 48). The highest number for cut off hands is not a round number, as one would expect if the information was rhetorical and not based in reality. However, 111 Magda A. Abdalla suggested that the scenes of cutting of hands increased greatly in the Ramesside period because of the increased number of foreigners serving in Egyptian army who needed strong proof of their loyalty, Abdalla 2005: 29; bearing in mind that the Ramesside representations of carrying, presenting and counting of hands are in all basic elements already attested under Tutankhamun it cannot be claimed that there is an increase in the practice. We should rather see this as a consequence of preservation of sources and the fact that we have more monumental temples surviving from the Ramesside period than from any other period of the New Kingdom.

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we should be careful in taking this as evidence that the number is legitimate. Very high, but still not round numbers are attested under Sahure of the 5th Dynasty in the list of the Libyan tribute in his funerary temple (123,400 bulls and cows, 223,200 asses, 232,413 goats and 243,688 rams). These numbers are not realistic for a pastoral population living on the margins of the desert. 112 Bearing in mind the scale of the campaigns of Ramesses III, at least in the written and visual representations we have, such a high number of cut off hands does not surprise. Finally, the two possibilities are not mutually exclusive. Possible inflation of cut off hands could have led to the disappearance of reward for it and thus also to a lack of boasting in biographies. Because of the fact that we do not have any explicit statement on why the hands of enemies were cut off, it is hard to provide a more detailed answer to the questions why this practice was rewarded in the first place and what that tells us about the practice itself when the rewards for it are no longer attested. Certainly, officials who had military roles continued to be rewarded with gold of valour, but the hands cut from enemies were not part of why the reward was given. 113 Bearing in mind that the gold of valour was a powerful political tool under the sole control of the king who selected the rewarded officials himself 114 the change in decorum could have originated in the change of rewarding by the king. We can imagine that hand cutting was proof of exceptional combat vigour for the soldiers who could do it. As it will be argued further, hands were also cut from living enemies. In the early 18th Dynasty when hand cutting was rewarded with gold of valour, the highest-ranking members of the Egyptian army were placed at the forefront in the king’s household hierarchy. 115 In the 19th Dynasty a change from the focus on the king’s rewards to a focus on the promotion to a military rank can be observed. 116 After the reign of Thutmose III changes in the practice of hand cutting can be noticed. There is no boasting on reward in gold anymore. The soldiers who present the cut off hands on the reliefs of the memorial temple for Tutankhamun and on later Ramesside temples are not shown rewarded. It is possible that the reward for hand cutting stopped after Thutmose III because the mechanisms of promotion changed. Hand cutting as punishment Hand cutting is attested as a punishment in Papyrus Salt 124 from the beginning of the 20th dynasty. 117 In this text workman Amennakht listed a series of crimes committed by the chief workman Peneb and mentioned that someone has been wrongly accused and his hand was cut off because of this. Hartwig Altenmüller suggested that there is an attestation for hand cutting as punishment in Papyrus Mayer A. 118 However, the verb used for the 112 Moreno García 2010: 11. For the problem of extraordinary large numbers in unexpected contexts also see the discussion on the year 9 campaign of Amenhotep II, Spalinger 1983: 93, 100. 113 Binder 2008: 241–251. 114 Binder 2011: 44. 115 Spalinger 2013a: 405. 116 Gnirs 1996a: 150, f. 928. 117 Černý 1929: 245. 118 Altenmüller 1977: 940, 942.

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treatment of both hands and feet in this text is in one case qAs 119 meaning “to bind, to fetter” 120 and in the other case man 121 meaning “to twist”. 122 Thus, Papyrus Mayer A cannot be taken as an attestation for hand cutting as punishment. According to Bedell, Papyrus Salt 124 is the only Egyptian reference to hand cutting as a punishment. 123 Müller-Wollermann also does not provide any other sources and is generally reluctant towards including hand cutting as a corporeal punishment for criminals in ancient Egypt. 124 The practise is also mentioned by Diodorus Siculus. 125 He reports that both hands should be cut off from falsifiers of measures and weights, imitators of seals, official scribes who made false entries or erased items, and any who adduced false documents, so that the hands as the instruments of wrongdoing serve as an example to others. That the pharaoh punishes by cutting off hands and feet is attested in the story of Moses and the magicians in the Quran. 126 The scarcity of attestations for hand cutting as a punishment for criminal offences indicates that this was certainly not a standard form of punishment in New Kingdom Egypt. Hand cutting in the Near East There is little evidence for this practice in the ancient Near East. On a seal impression inscribed with the name of Mukannishum, intendant of the palace, known from door-lock sealings from the Royal Palace in Mari, there is a depiction of the king trampling a cluster of five enemies and cutting the arm of a standing enemy with his sickle shaped sword. 127 Cutting off, more often the right and more rarely the left hand, is also attested on Old Babylonian cylinder seals dated to the 19th century BC. 128 Such scenes of kings cutting off the arms and hands of enemies are not known from New Kingdom Egypt. The same case is with the textual attestations from the New Kingdom where an association of hand cutting to the king is an exception (Docs. 10 and 14). Ashurnasirpal II (883–859 BC) boasts of cutting off arms and hands of the troops of his enemies at the city of Tēla. 129 On band X of the Balawat Gate of Shalmaneser III (859–824 BC) found in Balawat (ancient Imgur-Enlil) we see one impaled figure whose hands and feet were cut off. The act of cutting the hands and feet by an Assyrian soldier is depicted just to the left of the impaled figure. 130 We do not know if the hands and feet 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129

Papyrus Mayer A, 3. 2, Peet 1920. Wb 4, 304.3. Papyrus Mayer A. 3. 13, Peet 1920. Wb 2, 47.6. Bedell 1973: 176 Müller-Wollermann 2004: 207. Diodorus Siculus, Library of History, I, 78; Burton 1972: 230. Qur’an, Ta Ha, 72, Behbudi and Turner 2013: 187. Muller 2016: 23. Paolo 2016: 32–33. A.0.101.1, Col i. 115, Annals of Ashurnasirpal II from the Ninurta temple at Calah, Grayson 1991: 201. He boasts of this in another document, A.0.101.21, 3, Clay tablets found at Assur, Paolo 2016: 265. 130 King 1915: Pl. LVI.

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were cut off before or after the impalement. In any case the victim could have been alive during the process. Tiglath-Pileser III (744–727 BC) boasts of cutting the hands of the warriors he did not impale in the lands of Bīt-Kapsi, Bīt-Sangi and Bīt-Urzakki, after which he released them in their own land. 131 This indicates that they were mutilated and left alive. Sennacherib (704–681 BC) boasts of cutting the hands of the warriors of Elam “like the stems of cucumbers in season”. 132 Unlike in New Kingdom Egypt where hand cutting is activity related to soldiers, in the Near East it is ascribed to kings, both in visual and in written attestations for this practice. There are indications that in the Near East, at least in the Neo-Assyrian period, hands were cut from living enemies who were left mutilated, as in New Kingdom Egypt. The possibility that amputated hands found in the 15th dynasty Hyksos palace at Tell el-Dabca are related to the royal prerogative of cutting hands of enemies in the Near East will be discussed separately. 133 Discussion Other than providing us with the numbers of cut off hands and in some early texts (Docs. 3 and 13) with the information that the one who cut them received gold of valour as a reward, the written attestations for the practice are not particularly informative. The textual attestations use the word Dr. t (Docs. 2, 5, 8, 10, 11, 13–15) for cut off hands and from the reign of Ramesses III the Semitic word k p 134 is also attested (Docs. 41, 45, 47, 48 and 54). The word Dr. t is still used for the same purpose, but in only one document (Doc. 41). In some cases, the sign D46 “hand” is written differently than one normally finds in the writing of words such as Dr. t or k p. In the biography of Ahmose son of Ebana in his tomb at El-Kab the sign D46 is written in the context of the cut hands as an outstretched hand with space left between individual fingers (Doc. 3). 135 In another example it is depicted as a cut off hand, resembling the hands piled in the register (Doc. 47). This indicates that the scribes and the artists who executed this particular scene did this deliberately and possibly even worked together to achieve a visual coherence between the image and the text accompanying it. It is also possible that the scribes came after the scene was completed by the craftsmen and saw the depicted cut off hands and decided to change the 131 Slab from Kalḫu with annals of Tiglath-Pileser III, 8. 6b-8a, Tadmor and Yamada 2011: 31. 132 Text describing eight of Sennacherib’s military campaigns on a hexagonal clay prism from Niniveh, vi 13–16a, Grayson and Novotny 2012: 183. He boasts with the same words on another document, Text of a hexagonal clay prism presumably from Niniveh, vi 5–9, Grayson and Novotny 2012: 200. 133 See Chapter Skeletal evidence. 134 This is a well attested Semitic word with the meaning “palm of the hand” or “sole of the foot”, It is also attested as Demotic gp , Hoch 1994: 317–318; Schneider 2008: 198. There is a considerable input of foreign, especially Semitic words into Egyptian military language of the Ramesside period, Schneider 2008. 135 For the striking similarity between this form of writing of D46 and the deposition of the amputated hands from Tell el-Dabca see Chapter Skeletal evidence.

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way they usually inscribe D46 in this particular context. If one bears in mind that not all Egyptians could read the text and some probably did not bother, then the purpose of this parity has to be interpreted in the context of the balance between the written and visual often attested in ancient Egyptian art. 136 According to the written attestations, hands were cut from both Asiatic and Nubian soldiers. The most striking example is the Memphis stela of Amenhotep II where it is stated that hands were placed on the foreheads of the king’s horses (Doc. 10). 137 It is possible that this is related to a close connection between Amenhotep II and horses. 138 A later document (Doc. 41) informs us that the hands were brought from Shekelesh, Tursha, Shardana and Aqaywasha because they did not have q rn . t “foreskin or phallus with foreskin”. 139 This indicates that phalli cutting was restricted to those enemies who had a “foreskin or phallus with foreskin” (Libyans). Through this distinction one could obtain an accurate account of mutilated enemies of different enemy groups. By taking hands from one group, and hands and phalli from the other it was possible to know how many of which enemies were defeated. Other than these few informative statements not much is possible to extrapolate from the written sources. Ultimately, no written attestation for this practice informs us about the reasons behind it. Visual attestations, the earliest from the reign of Ahmose (Doc. 1) and the next attested under Thutmose IV (Doc. 12), provide us with completely different information. Based on these we can conclude that both left and right hands were cut off, although right hands in slightly larger numbers. Both hands are never cut off. 140 None of the enemies depicted missing a hand misses both of his hands, bit in reality it could have happened that some soldiers cut off both hands. Based on the visual attestations we know that while cutting off the hands Egyptian soldiers targeted the joint between the hand and the arm. Hands are depicted missing from alive (Docs. 12, 28, 46 and 50) or already dead enemies. However, hands are always depicted being cut from alive or dying enemies (Docs. 26, 46 and 50). Judging by depictions of living enemies missing their hands, we can argue that they could survive this. The hands were brought on spears numbering three hands on a single spear (Doc. 26), or on ropes (as bundles) numbering from three to seven hands (Doc. 32). They are depicted piled in front of Egyptian officials who register them (Docs. 32, 33, 47, 48, 52, 54, 57, 60). Usually, two officials are represented, one counting the hands, holding them by their thumbs and separating the counted from the uncounted, while the other official writes down the count. The hands are depicted being cut off both from Asiatic and Nubian soldiers. The earliest depictions of cutting the hands of Asiatics, in the form of missing hands, are from the reign of Thutmose IV (Doc. 12), whereas the earliest depictions 136 Baines 2007. 137 This attestation is rarely mentioned. Helck brought attention to it in relation to “draping” of the heads of horses, Helck 1975a: 23. It is also mentioned by Magda A. Abdalla, Abdalla 2005: 26. 138 We are informed about this in the Great Sphinx stela of Amenhotep II in situ in Giza, Beylage 2002a: 58–59; Klug 2002: 230. 139 For phalli cutting of enemies see Chapter Mutilation. Phalli cutting. 140 Contra Cooney 2008: 2. The only exception is found in the text of the Amada temple stela dedicated to Merenptah (Doc. 39).

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of cutting the hands of Nubians, both as hands being cut off and missing, are from the reign of Tutankhamun or more precisely Ay (Doc. 26). This is because we do not know to whom the cut off hands from the Abydos block belonged (Doc. 1). We can assume that these are Asiatics bearing in mind the rest of the fragments of this battle scene. There is a change in decorum that can be observed in the visual attestations. Namely, the earliest representations of this practice depict only a pile of cut off hands (Ahmose, Doc, 1) but its very existence indicates that other motifs such presenting and counting must have existed too. 141 However, the state of preservation does not provide us with the entire scene. The first thus far known visual attestation after the block from Abydos depicts enemy soldiers missing hands (Thutmose IV, Doc. 12). Starting from the reign of Tutankhamun, or more precisely Ay, we have evidence for more motifs, namely the act of cutting and carrying of the hands on spears and their presentation to the king, possibly even counting and registering, although not preserved (Doc. 26). During the reign of Ramesses II new motifs are attested, namely the act of cutting is now depicted being practiced also by foreign soldiers, Shardana 142 (Docs. 50 and 51), and carrying is depicted on ropes with cut off hands depicted in bundles and carried by Egyptian soldiers (Doc. 32). For the first time during the reign of Ramesses II there are attestations for hands being depicted in piles and counted (Doc. 32), although it is almost certain this motif already existed during the reigns of Ahmose (Doc. 1) and Tutankhamun/Ay (Doc. 26). During the reign of Ramesses III for the first time there are attestations of a motif of an enemy holding with his surviving hand the arm on which a hand is missing (Docs. 46 and 50). Also, for the first-time hands are depicted in the same pile as cut off phalli with scrotum attached (Doc. 47). This is because phalli cutting in iconography is in the New Kingdom thus far not attested before this king. During the reign of Ramesses III there are no attestations of motifs such as the carrying of the hands either on spears or on ropes in bundles. Also, the number of representations with the motif of the act of hand cutting is significantly smaller. In decorum of the reign of Ramessses III hand cutting seems to be restricted to the motif of enemies missing hands or to cut hands being counted and registered. At the same time a new practice is attested in visual representations, namely cutting the phalli of enemies, although already attested during the reign of Merenptah in written evidence (Doc. 38). The act of cutting off phalli is not a known motif. Equally an enemy is never depicted missing a phallus or the shaft of the phallus. The only motif we have are piles of cut off phalli shafts being counted and registered. 143 141 Therefore, the depictions of piles of hands appear much earlier than the Ramesside period, contra Eyre 2017: 107. As we have seen they are known from the reign of Ahmose from Abydos (Doc. 1) and were probably part of the scenes from the memorial temple built for Tutankhamun (Doc.26) judging by the other motifs present. 142 According to Magda A. Abdalla foreigners serving in the Egyptian army were more concerned with collecting cut off hands to prove their bravery and to prove that they were worthy of their awards, Abdalla 2005: 25. This cannot be accepted because of all foreigners serving in the Egyptian army only the Shardana are attested cutting the hands of enemies and the number of such attestations (Docs. 50 and 51) does not allow her conclusion. 143 See Chapter Mutilation. Phalli cutting.

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Several authors have dealt with the practice of hand cutting in the New Kingdom. They suggested various interpretations for the purpose of this practice: proof of killing an enemy soldier 144, proof of courage 145, evidence for the body count 146, accurate estimation of enemy casualties 147, fear production among enemies 148, metonymically rendering the fallen enemy and proving fighting prowess 149, adaptation of capital punishment 150, trophies as a measurable proof of success in battle 151, effective bureaucratic method of counting the carnage and means to ensure that the enemies could not bring themselves back into existence in the afterlife 152, and incapacitation of action. 153 However, none of these interpretations is based on a comprehensive study of all available written and visual attestations for this practice. Similarly, many authors expressed their views on whether the hands were cut from dead or alive enemies, with most of them arguing the enemies must have been dead. 154 Abdalla argued that hands were cut from “living warriors who showed great skill and bravery during the course of the battle as a punishment for their rebellion” 155 and that the hands were not cut from dead enemies because this “bears no sign or proof of bravery”. 156 After the survey of all available attestations it can be concluded that hands are missing from both living and dead enemies, but that they are only depicted being cut from alive or dying enemies. This is based on visual attestations for the practice showing enemies missing hands but still holding shields with the other hand (Doc. 12); enemies missing one hand and holding a weapon in the other (Doc. 12); enemies missing one hand but having the other arm in a movement suggesting they are still alive (Doc. 26); enemies with eyes open looking at the Egyptian soldier who cuts their hand off (Doc. 25); dying enemies whose hands are already cut off (Docs. 12, 25, 31, 36), suggesting they must 144 Lorton 1974: 53; Kuhrt 1998: 189. 145 Galán 2002: 446; Stefanović 2003: 164. 146 Helck 1975a: 23; Schulman 1988: 89; Müller 2001b: 601; Müller 2002: 1224. According to Stefanović the purpose of hand cutting in the 19th dynasty is less related to trophy taking and reward, and more to counting dead enemies, Stefanović 2003: 164–165; also see Müller 2001b: 1224. 147 Brothwell and Møller-Christensen 1963: 193; Partridge 2002: 146–147; Stefanović 2003: 165; Darnell and Manassa 2007: 76. 148 Stefanović 2003: 165. 149 Meskell and Joyce 2003: 149–150. 150 Müller-Wollermann 2004: 207. 151 Müller 2009a: 120. 152 This was first suggested by Stefanović as a prevention of revenge by the spirit of the dead enemy, Stefanović 2003: 164–165. Cooney referred to regenerative gods such as Atum regarding the prevention of rebirth in a sense that the Egyptian soldiers supposedly cut off hands of enemies so they cannot masturbate in the afterlife and so regenerate themselves like Atum and visit their killers, Cooney 2008: 2. 153 This was suggested because of the common metaphoric use of the word hand as referring to action, and thus by cutting off the hand the enemy would be incapacitated from taking acts against the king, Galán 2002: 450; Galán 2003: 358–359. 154 Lorton 1974: 57; Helck 1975a: 23; Stefanović 2003: 164; Morris 2018: 133. 155 Abdalla 2005: 25. 156 Abdalla 2005: 28.

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have been alive when this happened; dying but not dead enemies whose hands are being cut off (Docs. 32 and 53); enemies holding the arm with a missing hand with their surviving hand, thus clearly being alive (Docs. 46 and 50). Hands are also sometimes depicted as left next to the bodies from which they were cut (Doc. 25) Therefore, hands were at least in visual attestations of the practice cut from alive and not dead enemies, but whether or not this was the case in reality cannot be said unless one accepts that the visual representations of war contain elements of reality. One additional indication that the hands were cut from living enemies is the statement of Amenemhab called Mahu in his autobiography when he describes the hunt of Thutmose III on elephants in the region of Niy. Amenemhab claims that he killed the largest elephant close to His Majesty and cut off the elephant’s Dr. t “hand” (here to be understood as trunk) as the elephant was still alive. 157 We should not forget that Amenemhab boasts in this same autobiography of receiving gold of valour for cut off hands of enemies. Several remarks can be made on the previous interpretations of the hand cutting custom. It was surely proof of killing an enemy soldier, as indicated by both written and visual attestations, but it was also proof of courage, as is indicated in written attestations. The hands were definitely taken as trophies and as evidence for the body count, as we have seen in representations of hands brought on spears in the memorial temple for Tutankhamun or on ropes in the Battle of Qadesh representations, and numerous representations of the counting. Counting the hands provided an accurate estimation of enemy casualties. Cutting off hands caused fear among the enemies and already cut off hands could be used for the same purpose. Amenhotep II placed twenty hands on the foreheads of his horses. Cutting the hands was not just metonymically rendering the fallen enemy, it made him incapacitated in reality. Hand cutting was definitely not adapted from capital punishment as we have seen that there are only few attestations for hand cutting as a punishment for local criminals. Hands were surely not cut so that the enemies could not bring themselves back in the afterlife, as this view assumes that the Egyptian soldiers thought that the enemies shared their own beliefs and that they also had access to the Egyptian afterlife. It is hard to imagine that an enemy would be granted such an opportunity. The reference to god Atum 158, is in this interpretation indeed problematic, as it is there probably because he is attested as the creator of the world through the means of masturbation in which he uses his Dr. t “hand” as his female counterpart. 159 However, only one hand was cut off from an enemy. Even if we accept the suggestion that the hands were cut off so that the enemies could not bring themselves back into life through masturbation in the Underworld, the cutting of only one hand would not stop them from doing so. The principal problem is not this but the fact that enemies could not have an Egyptian afterlife. The interpretation that 157 Urk. IV. 893, 14–894, 1. 158 Cooney 2008: 2. 159 In the Pyramid Texts Atum is attested as masturbating by putting his phallus in his grasp and thus giving birth to Shu and Tefnut (PT Spell 527), and for the first time in the First Intermediate Period and onward a female partner Dr. t=f is attested. For the overview of sources see Orriols-Llonch 2015: 839–844.

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the hands were cut off so that enemies were not granted afterlife also neglects the fact that starting from the reign of Ramesses II at least, foreign soldiers, namely Shardana, also cut off the hands of enemies. Accepting that the hands were cut off so that the enemies could not bring themselves back in the afterlife would also mean that the Shardana shared the same ideas on the bodily preconditions for afterlife as the Egyptians. 160 One striking contrast can be noticed in regard to the identity of those who cut the hands off. Namely, written attestations are in almost all cases, except two exceptions (Docs. 10 and 14), relating this practice to Egyptian soldiers. Egyptian kings are not attested as the ones who cut hands off as they do in the Near East. This observation of difference in the actor of hand cutting is even more explicit in the visual attestations where we never find the king cutting off a hand of an enemy. This can be explained on the one side by the very fact that the king’s violent actions towards enemies are quite restricted in the decorum. 161 On the other, this can be explained as an actual practice, namely kings did not cut the hands off. Cutting off hands meant being present on the battlefield, and although some kings, such as Thutmose III and Ramesses II, under whose reigns hands were cut off, boast of being particularly active on the battlefield as sole fighters 162, these statements cannot be taken without caution. Although according to the official display the king was the commander in chief of the army, in reality he was often represented by his oldest son and crown prince. 163 A battlefield is a dangerous space and the very active role in the battle would put the king at risk of death. Additionally, although enemy prisoners are being given as spoils of war to the gods and temples by the king himself, he never gives them hands, suggesting that hand cutting belongs to a domain in which king was usually not active. 164 This is possibly one more argument in favour of hand cutting originating in trophy taking but then developing into an administrative practice. If hand cutting originates in trophy taking and is developed into administrative practice, then the counting of the hands was surely done during the campaigns, after the battles, when it was necessary to know what the enemy casualties were and to compare them with Egyptian casualties. Stefanović suggested that the custom could have come to Egypt with the Hyksos because it is not reported in Egypt before the 18th Dynasty. 165 After the discovery of the amputated hands in a 15th Dynasty palace in area F/II in Tell el-Dabca, other authors 160 It is possible that foreigners adopted some of the ideas of the Egyptian soldiers, and we know from later sources that Shardana were also settled in Egypt. Shardana first appear as employed by the Egyptians in the reign of Ramesses II, Emanuel 2013: 14–27; Cavillier 2015: 633–637. 161 The king is either depicted in his chariot storming into the mass of enemies or he engages the largest enemy figure alone or an entire enemy fortress. Otherwise he is depicted binding, carrying or smiting the enemies by holding them by their hair. All of these motifs are related to his representation as a “hero”, cf. Spalinger 2011b. One has to bear in mind that all of these motifs are emblematic and fit well with the rhetorical statements on the king smiting the enemy or decapitating him. 162 Edel 1953: 160–161. 163 Gnirs 2013: 642. 164 Already Stefanović noticed that hands presentation is not directly related to gods, Stefanović 2003: 165. 165 Stefanović 2003: 165.

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have made the same suggestion. 166 However, that the custom is not attested before the 18th Dynasty does not necessarily mean that it was introduced as a consequence of the conflict with the Hyksos. It is not mentioned in 17th Dynasty sources (e.g. Second Stela of Kamose). The finding of amputated hands in Tell el-Dabca changes nothing regarding this problem. The hands found at Tell el-Dabca could have been amputated for other reasons. 167 Mutilation of enemies through cutting their hands off existed in the Near East in the Middle Bronze Age, but it was not a common practice. The accounting use of cut off hands is specifically Egyptian, as in the Near East the hands were not used for this purpose, but rather the cut off heads. 168 Cutting off the hands of enemies in war is a practice that is also attested in other cultures. The Old Testament mentions that the Seleucid Antiochus Epiphanes cut off the hands of his enemies. 169 Hands and feet of enemies were severed also by the Inuit. 170 Among the Nootka of the western coast of Vancouver Island the taking of mostly right hands was a practice known before 1774 and the contact with Euro-Americans. These hands were fresh, smoked, dried, and specially preserved. Cut off hands and heads were used to barter. 171 The most common reason reported for the hand cutting in ethnographic and historical records for the Nootka is prestige enhancement associated with war. 172 Hands were cut off as a proof that an execution took place during Belgian atrocities in the Congo under king Leopold II. Some military units even had what was termed a “keeper of the hands” whose job was to preserve the severed hands by smoking them. 173 Victims of Revolutionary United Front mutilations in Freetown, capital of Sierra Leone, in January 1999 told how the rebels would not only cut off their hands, but also ask them to choose between “long sleeve” (from the wrist) or “short sleeve”. 174 The intent was to send the message “You don’t hold your weapon against your brother”. 175 Recent reports on the war in Afghanistan mention an investigation of Australian Special Forces for cutting off hands of dead Afghan soldiers in Zabul province. The hands were cut off and taken back to the Australian base at Tarin Kot. Apparently, Australian troops were required to collect fingerprints and eye scans of every Taliban fighter killed. Reputedly, the Australian Defence Force Investigative Service (ADFIS) lectured a group of Special Forces telling them that it did not matter how the fingerprints were taken, even if they have to chop off the hands of the dead and bring

166 The publishers stated that this still remains unclear, Bietak, Math, Müller and Jurman 2012/2013: 32. 167 See Chapter Skeletal evidence. 168 See also the evidence for decapitation in the Near East in Chapter Execution. Decapitation. 169 See 2 Maccabees 7: 3–4, Chacon and Dye 2007: 11. 170 Maschner and Reedy-Maschner 2007: 37. 171 Lovisek 2007: 49–50. 172 Lovisek 2007: 52. 173 Chacon and Dye 2007: 14. 174 Gberie 2005: 136–137. 175 Sorious Samura, „Return to Freetown“.  February 7, 2001. Retrieved May 22,2010, CNN (December 23, 2001).

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them back to the base for fingerprinting. 176 This is an interesting parallel to New Kingdom Egyptian practice which also had accounting purpose. Whereas for the Australian forces it was important to record individual enemies through fingerprinting, for the Egyptian scribes it was important to record the number of incapacitated enemies. The overview of evidence for hand cutting in other cultures informs us that in order to be preserved the hands often had to be smoked (e.g Nootka, Belgians in Congo under Leopold II). If not smoked, the cut off body parts such as hands or phalli shafts would start to decompose. Bearing in mind the total number of cut off hands and phalli (from 21 to 12,535 given in the lists), we can assume that keeping these body parts for longer than necessary to immediately count and register them, would cause a major hygienic problem in a climate such as in the Late Bronze Age Near East and Egypt. This is valid even if we consider that the highest attested number 12,535 for hands together with 12,860 phalli is an exaggeration. This fact alone complicates the idea that the hands and phalli shafts were brought back to Egypt. If we accept the estimation proposed by Spalinger, that the rate of the progress of the Egyptian army could never exceed 25 km/day 177, the body parts would be a liability if carried from battle to battle and then back to Egypt. However, there are some attestations of hands being brought back to Egypt (Doc. 11 and 48).

Phalli cutting Phalli cutting in the New Kingdom is attested during the reigns of Merenptah and Ramesses III 178 and their conflicts with the Libyans. 179 176 http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013–08–30/claims-sas-troops-cut-hands-off-afghan-insurgent/4924694, accessed on 11. July 2016. 177 Spalinger 2013a: 405. 178 However, the earliest evidence for cutting of the phalli of enemies is attested on the Narmer palette, Davies and Friedman 2002: 245–246; Meskell and Joyce 2003: 149–150; O’Connor 2005: 450; O’Connor 2011: 148. In the second register on the obverse the king, wearing a red crown, inspects the slain captives. Ten captives laying horizontally in two rows of five have their bodies bound around their waists and arms. They are decapitated and their heads are depicted between their legs. There is a phallus on nine heads and nine captives are depicted without genitalia, Quibell 1898: Tf. XII. There are authors who do not interpet these as phalli but as: two-peaked helmets, Quibell 1898: 82; headdresses with feathers, Fairservis 1991: 16; horns, Gundlach 1998: 77; masks, hats or caps, some of the shape of the red crown, Cíałowícz 2001: 184. The only captive on whose cut off head there is no phallus is the lowest figure in the left row. His phallus is still attached to his body. The detail is visible in the original and on good photos of the palette and some authors suggested that the detail was omitted from the original drawing of James E Quibell because of censure, Davies and Friedman 2002: 244. They then don’t explain why did Quibell left the representations of other nude male figures on the palette with genitals. The lowest register on the reverse depicts two nude fallen enemies. The right man clearly has a phallus whereas the left one does not. Neither of them has anything on their heads, Quibell 1898, Tf. XIII. 179 The term Libyans does not refer to a single ethnic group, but to several different groups situated west of Egypt, Kitchen 1990: 16; O’Connor 1990: 30; Cooney 2011: 43–52.

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Meaning of the lexeme q rn . t Most authors translate the lexeme q rn . t as “foreskin” or “phallus with foreskin (uncircumcised phallus)”. 180 This is based on the opinion that it originates from Semitic languages. We find it as urullu in Akkadian, oral in Hebrew, urlā in Syrian and gurlat in Arabic. 181 It has long been identified with the Semitic root grl. 182Additional arguments to confirm this translation were found in the Medinet Habu reliefs. 183 It is widely accepted that the objects piled and counted next to the cut off hands are phalli. 184 This is because in several cases this word is used to label the cut off body parts in the piles (Docs. 48 and 54). However, already Édouard Naville and Friedrich Wilhelm von Bissing argued against the understanding of the word q rn . t as foreskin or phallus with foreskin. 185 First Naville, and then von Bissing relying on his suggestion, interpreted the depicted piles of “objects” not as piles of phalli but as piles of phallus sheaths. Most recently the doubt towards the understanding of q rn . t as foreskin or phallus with foreskin was raised by Alexander V. Safronov. He attempted to provide philological, iconographic, culture-historical and ethnographic arguments to support his interpretation of q rn . t as phallus sheath. His arguments are following on those presented by scholars who raised the same doubts before him. Therefore, in the following passages I will discuss the arguments presented against the interpretation of q rn . t as phallus with foreskin and argue that they do not stand the weight of evidence indicating the contrary. Safronov argued that the identification of the word q rn . t with the Semitic words, like the ones listed previously and having the root grl and meaning “foreskin”, is erroneous. According to him this is because the reading of the grapheme group nA / (found in different written forms of the lexeme q rn . t) as Semitic phoneme /l/ can not be sustained because this group is read as /n/ in Late Egyptian. Late Egyptian according to Safronov prefers the grapheme or , also groups and for Semitic phoneme /l/. 186 In fact the word q rn . t is in Egyptian texts written in syllabic orthography which means that weak consonants such as A, j or w are written too. Safronov did not take into account the orthography of the word q rn . t. This will be presented in table here.

180 181 182 183 184

Wb V, 60. 15–61. 2–4; Helck 1971: 522; Lesko 1989: 20. Tezel 2014, 201. Wb 5, 60.15–61.4; Lesko 1989, 20; Hoch 1994, 302; Schneider 2008, 197. Hoch 1994: 302. See Docs. 41, 45, 47, 48 and 54. Gaballa 1976: 121; Hasel 1998: 66. There is an Old Testament parallel in David’s bringing of 100 phalli to Saul after defeating the Philistines (I Sam 18:25–27), Kang 1989, 107; Nibbi 1972: 62–63; Partridge 2002: 146; Ritner 2008: 307; Śliwa 1974: 108. 185 von Bissing 1936, 75–76 186 Safronov 2010: 108. cf. Loprieno 1995: 13. Schneider found /l/ only in final position of a personal name, Schneider 1992: 378–379.

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Document Great Libyan War Inscription from Karnak (Doc 41) Presentation of the spoils of war to the king after the First Libyan War, Medinet Habu (Docs. 47 and 48)

Writing ;

;

;

Presentation of the spoils of war to the king from the Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Medinet Habu (Doc. 54)

In all of the different writings of the word grapheme q (A) is followed by an r followed by a n (A) followed by a tj (or T in one case). In all cases except one the word is determined with a sign for flesh, F51 in Gardiner’s list. When the feminine ending tj is removed one is left with q (A) -r-n (A). The sign or the group of signs r which can be read as /l/ 187 are not in the final position where one would expect them in order to read the root as grl. This would be possible in the case of metathesis (rearranging of sounds or syllables) of radicals (one of the three consonants in a Semitic root). In fact, as argued by James E. Hoch two thirds of the examples of metathesis in Egyptian contain r and in 76% of the cases we are dealing with the metathesis of the second and third radical. 188 According to Hoch, although very small, there is a certain percentage of cases in which the sign or group of signs n (A) is standing for r. 189 Therefore, it is possible that q rn . t derives from the Semitic root grl meaning foreskin. The arguments on the appropriate reading of certain grapheme groups aside, one has to bear in mind that if the word q rn . t indeed has Semitic origins it is here used to label a Libyan body part. This can be explained with the predominance of Semitic words in military language of the New Kingdom. 190 Nevertheless, it might be worthwhile considering the possibility that q rn . t is a Libyan word, but also that Libyans themselves borrowed the word from Semitic. We do not know much on the language of the Late Bronze Age population Egyptologists label as Libyans and they should not be confused neither with Libyans described by Greek and Roman authors nor with modern Libyans. Thus, a research on Libyan loanwords in Late Egyptian is highly welcomed and could possibly also additionally illuminate the New Kingdom military practice of phalli cutting of Libyan enemies.

187 188 189 190

Its function as final syllable in personal names is clear, see Schneider 1992, 381–382. Hoch 1994, 420. Hoch 1994, 432. Schneider 2008.

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Safronov’s iconographic and ethnographic evidence is based on the comparison of the depicted cut off and piled phallus shafts with the phallus sheaths worn by Bantu people in Cameroon. 191 Similar ethnographic analogies were previously proposed by Naville and Frans Jonckheere 192 and the same was accepted by von Bissing. 193 This is clearly a very doubtful simple formal analogy. Naville, Jonckheere, von Bissing and Safronov did not take into account that the cut off and piled body parts do not resemble what Egyptologists usually identify as Libyan phallus sheath. Indeed, both Naville and von Bissing explicitly refer to these in their interpretation of q rn . t also mentioning that the Aegeans are carrying them too in Egyptian representations. 194 Naville, Jonckheere, von Bissing and Safronov did not take into account that the word q rn . t is written with Gardiner’s F51 flesh determinative which is a further indication that q rn . t is a body part. This is also indicated by the red color of the cut off phalli preserved in one context (Doc. 54). What Egyptologists usually interpret as Libyan phallus sheath is a long piece of dress depicted as being worn in front. It is attached to the belt and narrows down towards the end where it is bound with a smaller narrow band. William A. Cooney argues that there are around 80 individuals who based on the associated captions can be interpreted as Libu. Cooney argues that none of the depicted enemies who can be identified as Libu wears a phallus sheath. 195 That of course does not mean that none of the enemies Egyptologists label as Libyans wears this piece of clothes. What Egyptologists usually interpret as Libyan phallus sheath might very well be a frontally depicted loop of their dress. 196 Safronov argued that the fact that Aqaywasha are described in the Great War Inscription from Karnak (Doc. 41) as not having q rn . t would mean that they did not have foreskin. Already von Bissing saw this as problematic. Both von Bissing and Safronov identify Aqaywasha with Ahhiyawa, attested in Hittite texts. These they identify with the Homeric Achaeans, ancestors of classical Greeks. 197 They did not practice circumcision. The problematic line of argumentation leading from Aqaywasha to classical Greeks and their Indo-European background is out of the scope of this work. 198 Suffice is to say that even if the identification of Aqaywasha with Ahhiyawa is correct this still does not mean that the identification of Ahhiyawa with Homeric Achaens is correct. Additionally, this identification argues for a coherent unchangeable identity over a period of thousand years. If for the sake of argument, we accept that Aqaywasha can be related to mainland Greece and Myceaneans, the problem is the lack of representations of nude mature males 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198

Safronov 2010, 113. Naville 1910, 227–237; Jonckheere 1944, 60–61. von Bissing 1936: 75. von Bissing 1936: 75. Cooney 2011: 47. Wachsmann 1987, 43. von Bissing 1936, 74‒76; Safronov 2010, 107–108. For the most recent overview of the Ahhiyawa question and its identification with the Mycenaean world see Beckman, Bryce and Cline 2011: 1–6; Breyer 2010: 334. For the problem of this equation see Cline and O’Connor 2012: 188. For the problems with this identification see most recently Redford 2018, 115‒116.

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in Aegean art where we could check if they practiced circumcision or not. 199 Also, the Great War Inscription at Karnak (Doc. 41) states that Shardana, Shekelesh and Aqaywasha did not have q rn . t. When the piles of cut off phalli are depicted, the enemies brought behind are depicted without phalli sheaths (Docs. 48 and 52). The only exception to this (Doc. 54) is the one case where they are labelled by the accompanying inscription as TmH s p d maSwS. 200 The phallus sheath is absent in the dress of the Libyan enemies in battle and spoil presentation scenes of the Year 5. It appears in the scenes of the Year 11. However, phalli with foreskin are shown in piles in scenes depicting the aftermath of wars of both years. 201 The body parts labelled as q rn . t do not look like the phallus sheath or frontally depicted loop worn by the Libyans in Egyptian iconography. 202 The representations of Libyan enemies with their uncircumcised phalli attached to their bodies provides a visual match to phalli depicted in piles in front of Egyptian officials. 203 There are five enemies depicted with phalli on the second scene from the west end of the north exterior wall of the great temple at Medinet Habu. None of these men is circumcised, and one of them is still alive as he holds his arm which is missing a hand (Doc. 49). 204 There are four enemies depicted with visible phalli on the southernmost scene of lower register of the interior east wall of the second court of the great temple at Medinet Habu. None of these is depicted circumcised. 205 The reliefs of Medinet Habu were painted and on most of them the colour is no longer preserved. Therefore, one could argue that as the colour is not preserved, we do not know if what protrudes from Libyan robes are 199 There are no numerous representations of male nudity in the Aegean Bronze Age. One of the fallen enemies on LM IA Ship Procession fresco from Akrotiri on Thera is depicted with a flaccid penis, Morgan 1988: fig. 189. Young boys from LM IA Akrotiri on Thera, namely Yellow Ochre Boy and other boys from Xeste 3, and Fisherboys from the West house are also depicted with flaccid penises, Chapin 2009: 177–178; Chapin 2012: 299. None of them seem to be circumcised. Nevertheless, we have to be careful because both the enemies and the boys belong to specific social groups and Thera is in Cyclades so cultural difference cannot be neglected. On the other hand, chronologically closer Aegean depictions of nude males are not particularly helpful because although there are several where penises are visible, only two can be used to determine if the foreskin is depicted or not. Depiction of a man with exposed flaccid phallus appears on the LH IIIA Mycenaean Krater found on Cyprus, Vermeule and Karageorghis 1982: 30, 198, no. IV.18. Clay rhyton in the shape of a man found at Tiryns, which probably dates to the end of LH IIIB period, also has clear representations of a penis, Weilhartner and Vetters 2017: 41–49. However, in both cases, although foreskin is not visible, it cannot be said that the figures were circumcised as the foreskin could be missing because it is pulled up. 200 KRI V, 14.16–15. 1. 201 See the discussion and table in O’Connor 1990: 50–51. 202 Compare the distinguishable circle on the penis sheath not found among the piles of uncircumcised phalli, Nelson 1932: Pls. 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 111, 113, 114, 120, 121. 203 David O’Connor pointed out that some of the enemies and only in battle scenes are depicted with exposed genitals, and sometimes even with indicated scrotum and shaft, O’Connor 1990: 52–53. 204 Nelson 1930: Pl. 18. Contrary to the opinion of O’Connor that the depicted enemies with exposed genitals are clearly dead, O’Connor 1990: 53. 205 Nelson 1930: Pl. 19.

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indeed uncircumcised phalli or phalli sheaths. However, one should not forget that the scrota of the enemies are also depicted protruding. The papyrus from Amarna now kept in the British Museum (EA 74100) depicts among other things two Libyan soldiers beating an Egyptian who is kneeling on the ground in a rocky landscape. 206 Traces of a third Libyan figure on the right are also present. The two better preserved Libyans are dressed like the Libyan enemies with robes and protruding phalli on the reliefs of Medinet Habu. On the Amarna papyrus they are also depicted with their phalli clearly visible. The phalli shafts are attached to the scrotum like on the Medinet Habu battle reliefs, however on the Amarna papyrus, unlike on the Medinet Habu battle reliefs, the colours are excellently preserved. The phalli of the Libyans on the Amarna papyrus are outlined in red colour and filled in with yellowish colour. The same fill is used for the rest of their bodies and the same red colour is used for the outlines of their body parts. Their robes are coloured white. Whether the Libyans dressed like this and fought with their phalli exposed is a different issue. The colour of their phalli on the Amarna papyrus also matches the colour of cut off phalli labelled as q rn . t on the Medinet Habu reliefs (Doc. 54). Collided with the Amarna papyrus depictions of the Libyans in long robes and exposed phalli, the Libyan enemies on the battle reliefs of Medinet Habu wearing the same type of robes can be said to have their phalli exposed too. Indeed this is the same iconographic type of the Libyan enemy. Consequently, their phalli were also not placed in phallus sheaths and therefore the cut off and piled phallus shafts in the registers depicting the presentation of spoils of war, once belonged to them. These phallus shafts are as we have seen followed with inscriptions listing their total number and referring to an individual cut off phallus shaft as q rn . t. Thus, q rn . t is undoubtedly a cut off shaft of a phallus. Bearing in mind that these cut off phalli are depicted without showing the penile glans and that the q rn . t is most probably a Semitic loan word meaning foreskin or phallus with foreskin, one can argue that the traditional understanding of the word as foreskin or phallus with foreskin (uncircumcised) is indeed correct. These uncircumcised phallus shafts were, according to the sources known so far, cut off only from Libyan enemies. Discussion Various explanations were given for the cutting of phalli from Libyan enemies. It has been suggested that the phalli were cut off so that enemies could not procreate in the afterlife. 207 This does not explain the fact that in the New Kingdom, phalli were cut off only during the reigns of Merenptah and Ramesses III and only from Libyans. 206 Parkinson and Schofield 1993: 35. 207 Serving as both symbolic and actual destruction of the enemy, Belova 2003: 117; Galina A. Belova even interprets a deposit of unworked stones (supposedly resembling phalli), from Tell Ibrahim al-Awad in the northeastern Delta, as a votive offering giving thanks for a military victory or its anticipation, relating this to the Medinet Habu evidence. According to Kathlyn M. Cooney the hands and phalli were cut as a method of counting of the dead but also “as means to ensure that these individuals could not bring themselves back into existence in the afterlife in the manner of regenerative gods, such as Atum, and visit their killers” Cooney 2008: 2. Similar allusions to denial

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The New Kingdom elite paid much attention to the way they were represented in the visual arts. Since the Old Kingdom there was a decorum, which ordered compositional dominance and gender hierarchy in Egyptian art placing men in privileged positions visà-vis women. The hierarchical iconographical pattern of representation, such as the forward position in depictions of men, accompanied by identity of women in inscriptions expressed through their relation to men, continues into the New Kingdom. 208 Whereas elements of female nudity are often found, such as pubic area indicated under transparent clothes, evoking female sexuality, male nudity was avoided. 209 The exceptions are found in “informal” art and texts produced by general populace, such as ostraca or papyri with erotic scenes or the official state sponsored representations of ithyphallic deities such as Min or Amun. 210 Considering that only ithyphallic deities are depicted with erect phalli and that the only exceptions to this come from “informal” ostraca or papyri with erotic depictions, one is tempted to argue that depicting an elite male with an erect phallus in an official context, such as his tomb, was against the rules of decorum. As Richard B. Parkinson argued, in most Egyptian contexts an erect phallus is not only a manifestation of sexual arousal and desire but stands for associations with male power, resurrection, creation and fertility. 211 The lack of a phallus was on the other hand the lack of power. Phallus was essential for New Kingdom Egyptian elite masculine identity. Losing a phallus meant losing masculinity. We have evidence for this notion of loss and its consequences in the “Tale of Two Brothers” preserved on the Papyrus D’Orbeney. In the story from this papyrus two brothers Anpu and Bata live together. Anpu, the older brother is married and Bata the younger brother lives with Anpu and his wife. The wife of Anpu tries to seduce Bata who refuses her. She then goes to Anpu and says that Bata tried to seduce her. Enraged Anpu tracks his brother and Bata cuts off his phallus (Hn n .w) 212 after which the brothers are estranged. Later in the story the god Khnum fashions a woman for Bata and Bata tells his wife that she should not go outside in order not to be taken by the Sea. He also states that he could not defend her in that event, saying, “because I am a woman like you” (pA-wn t w=j s. t-Hm . t mj-qd=t). 213 Losing a phallus in this way would emasculate a man and make him weak. Bata does not identify himself with a third gender, but rather states that he is a woman. 214

208 209 210 211 212 213 214

of sexual identity and afterlife are given by Lynn Meskell in comparison with the depictions of the damned dead, Meskell and Joyce 2003: 150; cf. Ritner 2008: 307. Robins 1994, 35. What may have been a usual sight for the workmen or young children at home could have been unthinkable for the members of the elite, Asher-Greve and Sweeney 2006: 117. For a considerable number of such representation see Manniche 1987. Parkinson 2008, 121. Papyrus D’Orbiney (British Museum 10183, Recto), line 7,9, Gardiner 1932: 17.2; Wolfgang Wettengel saw in the self-castration of Bata traces of later myths from other cultures and related this act of Bata to Osiris, Wettengel 2003: 101–104. Papyrus D’Orbiney (British Museum 10183, Recto), line 10, 2, Gardiner 1932: 19. 15. Terry Wilfong saw this as evidence for the existence of a third gender category in New Kingdom Egypt, Wilfong 2010: 167. Hower, this attestation actually more confirms the binary gender sy-

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Therefore, we can argue that cutting the penis meant phallic castration and feminisation, a gender inversion through mutilation. 215 It is possible that cut off phalli were not considered to be the same as what Egyptians understood as a phallus. The cut off phalli of enemies are never referred to as aba 216, bAH 217, mTA 218, n fr 219, Hm s 220or D. t 221 but always as Hn nw (Doc. 38), Hn n .w m q rn . t (Doc. 41) or q rn . t (Docs. 45, 47, 48 and 54). The lexeme q rn . t is a word of foreign origin and has a feminine ending t. 222 Cut off phalli are always depicted without scrotum when cut off, except in one depiction (Doc. 47). When attached to the scrotum and to the bodies of the living Libyan enemies the phalli are not depicted erect. Enemies and prisoners of war in the New Kingdom are usually not depicted nude. 223 It is possible that phalli of enemies were considered to be “lesser phalli” than the phalli of Egyptian soldiers. These phalli would be less male, non-erect, weak, passive, and more female than male. 224 This suggestion can be strengthened through the lexical gender of the word used for cut off phalli. The problem is that although written with a feminine ending t, the attestations discussed here date to the reigns of Ramesses III and Merenptah. The lexical gender of the noun q rn . t could be confirmed only in the occurrence of pronoun or a definite article. However, none of the attestations have this and Middle and Late Egyptian words for body parts are both male and female. The argument that phalli were cut from enemies in order to feminise them does not answer the question why phalli were cut only from Libyans and not the other enemies

215

216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224

stem than it undermines it. We cannot assume the existence of a socially acknowledged third gender on its account, Matić 2016b: 175–177. “The symbolic position that marks a sex as masculine is one through which the masculine sex is said to ‘have’ the phallus; it is one that compels through the threat of punishment, that is, the threat of feminization’’ Butler 1993: 101. The site of absence of a penis is thus here the site of “phalluslessness’’ turning into a non-male, Yates 1990: 178. Castration of enemy soldiers is a violent act of feminization in many different cultures, Goldstein 2001, 357–358. This practice is attested in many societies and conflicts such as the one in First World War (when a phrase D.S.O-dick shot off was coined), Rwanda, Yugoslavia, Janjaweed militas in western Sudanese region Darfur, Misra 2015: 8–35; in pre-colonial Rwanda in a ritual Inzira yo Kwambika Ingoma “the path of adorning the drum” the genitals of the important slain enemies would be ritually prepared and placed in containers in order to be hung upon Karinga which was the most important royal drum, Taylor 1999: 126. Wb 1, 178.1. Wb 1, 419.14–16. Wb 2, 175.5 Wb 2, 261. 8 Wb 3, 99.8 Wb 5. 506, 13–17 Hoch 1994: 302. Contra Goelet 1993: 20. There are social contexts in which other body parts than genitals can be gendered. In male homoeroticism the anus of a passive partner can be termed “boy-pussy” or “man-cunt”, Kemp 2013: 4. A flaccid penis, like the penis of the Libyan enemy, also does not signify desire, Lehman 2007: 257. In the western world at least, a flaccid penis is a harbinger of weakness and effeminacy, as the erect penis is connected to power, control and immortality, Baglia 2005: 17. As was argued above, the same associations to an erect penis are found in ancient Egypt.

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too. The texts inform us that phalli with foreskin were cut off. Such bodily differences could be interpreted in a variety of ways. 225 There is no evidence that circumcision was crucial for the identity of ancient Egyptians. One could argue for the reduction of the Libyan enemy to his uncircumcised penis parallels with the reduction by the white/nonblack of the Fanonian black male/negro to his penis and the reduction by Hindus of the Muslim man to his circumcised penis. 226 Jose Maria Galán suggested that cutting off the phalli of Libyans can be related to the destruction of their pr. t “seed”. 227 Enforced sterilisation comprising castration and other forms of sexual mutilation are well reported in wars. 228 The message behind castration of enemies is that a man’s identity is linked to his genitalia, cut them off and he is reduced to nothingness. 229 As Deleuze and Guattari would say, a full body without its reproductive organ is an organism of antiproduction. 230 The problem with this interpretation is that the shaft was cut off and not the scrotum. Also, a connection between cutting the shafts of phalli off and the destruction of the enemy seed is not found in Egyptian texts. It is plausible but not definite. The phalli are cut off only from Libyans and seed is attested as being destroyed for all enemies. Based on the attempted intercourse of Seth with Horus, as reported in the Contending of Horus and Seth, Amalendu Misra suggested that Egyptian soldiers freely sexually preyed upon their male captives after victory. 231 However, Seth neither actually rapes Horus in the contending, nor is there evidence in the written or visual record for raping of male captives by Egyptian soldiers. It has also been suggested that the uncircumcised phalli were cut off because they were considered unclean. 232 Cutting off phalli with foreskin could in this case be related to the symbolic removal of dirt. 233 There is a later attestation stating that the ama was not considered to be clean (wab). 234 This has led some, who interpret ama as “uncircumcised”, to relate this to the cutting of the uncircumcised phalli of enemies. 235 The meaning of the lexeme ama is not quite clear and it was also suggested that it refers to a “sexually active 225 In Hindu-Muslim riots Muslim victims were made to present their circumcised phalli after which they would be cut off, Misra 2015: 118. 226 Fanon 1967: 170–177; Misra 2015: 118. 227 Galán 2002: 450. “As to those who approached my border, their seed is not” (nA s p r t tAS=j n p rt=s n), KRI V, 40. 15. 228 Sivakumaran 2007: 265. 229 Misra 2015: 36. 230 Deleuze and Guattari 1983: 8. 231 Misra 2015: 4. 232 Most recently argued by Robert K. Ritner, Ritner 2008, 307. For circumcision in ancient Egypt see Filer 2001:135. For a more cautious and less generalising view, Meskell 2002: 87–88; Szpakowska 2008: 209. For the most recent and detailed study including a survey of available textual and iconographic evidence see Quack 2012. 233 Dirt is always categorised as against order, Douglas 1966: 2–4. 234 Apparently because of that and the eating of fish the princes of Lower Egypt were not allowed to enter the palace of Piye, as attested in his Triumphal Stela, Schäfer 1905: 54, 151–152; Grimal 1981: 176; Ritner 2008: 306–307. 235 Bailey 1996: 23; Ritner 2008, 307.

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persona” 236. The phalli with foreskin could have been perceived as not dangerous and unrelated to dirt. 237 One has to agree that there is no evidence for a particular hostility towards the uncircumcised. 238 Egyptian scribes are depicted handling the cut off uncircumcised phalli shafts in the Medinet Habu war reliefs suggesting that at least during the process of counting, the touching of phalli was not considered a problem, or at least not for the scribes (Docs. 48 and 54). They are not depicted handling circumcised phalli with scrotum. Instead the scribe counting body parts from this pile of mixed cut off hands and phalli holds hands (Doc. 49). The fact that the hands of Shardana, Shekelesh and Aqaywasha were cut off because they did not have a q rn . t “phallus with foreskin” (Doc. 41) informs us that there was an insistance on cutting only uncircumcised phalli. This can be related to distinguishing the number of different enemies defeated on the battlefield, e.g. it was important to know how many Libyan and how many other enemies were killed. Earlier confrontations were either with Asiatic or with Nubian enemies. During the reigns of Merenptah and Ramesses III the Egyptian army for the first time confronted various enemies as Sea Peoples fought both on the side of Egypt and as enemies. The reason for cutting off uncircumcised phalli could simply be practical. Knowing the exact number of fallen enemies on different sides can be logistically and strategically informative. The process of cutting the phalli off in battle is never depicted. 239 This indicates that phalli were cut off after battle, unlike hands which we know were cut off during battle. 240 Therefore phalli were most likely cut from the dead enemies only. It is highly unlikely that male prisoners of war would survive without their phalli shafts. If the Egyptian soldiers wanted to make them infertile, they would have castrated them. This is a different practice than the one we are dealing with, in the case of phalli cutting which targets only the shafts. Bearing in mind that phalli were cut off after battle and from dead enemies, one wonders if they were cut by Egyptian soldiers at all or another class of the army. After the battle the phalli were collected and put on donkeys (Doc. 41). As was argued in the case of cut off hands, the cut off phalli were counted outside after the battle and not in a temple or palace. The number of cut phalli and the number of cut hands is the same when listed together (Docs. 47, 48 and 54). 241 It was suggested that the body parts belong to the same

236 Quack 2012, 589–595. 237 For the relative status of substances in ancient Egypt, we consider dirt see von Lieven, 2011: 287–300. 238 Quack 2012: 628. 239 Contrary to the opinion of Eyre who writes “clear depictions of the harvesting of phalli from the enemy only appear in the Ramesside period, as visual display parallel to the heaping up of hands collected-and accounted-as trophies and display after battle.” Eyre 2017: 107. There are no known depictions of the very cutting and collecting of the cut of phalli. We only see them depicted as cut of phalli in the piles as they are counted by scribes. 240 See Chapter Mutilation. Hand cutting. 241 The assumption that hands were not cut off from those enemies from which phalli were cut off can thus not be sustained, Morris 2018: 133.

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people because their number is the same. 242 There is no attestation of any soldier being rewarded for the cutting and brining of phalli in comparison to the gold of valour received for severed hands. 243

Hanging upside-down The attestations for enemies hung upside-down are not numerous. We find them in three texts (Docs. 3 and 11), two of which are versions of the same text attested on two monuments, namely the Amada and Elephantine stelae of Amenhotep II (Doc. 11). It was previously shown that the talatat block of Tutankhamun (Doc. 26, Block No. 38) cannot be taken as evidence for visual attestation of this practice. Instead, walking sticks and a chariot yoke of Tutankhamun (Docs. 18–24), will be discussed in this work as depictions of enemies hung upside-down. Before the discussion on hanging enemies upside-down, parallels in punishment of the criminals in the New Kingdom will be provided and the lexeme sxd will be discussed first. Fastening upside-down as punishment The only thus far known case of punishment through TA(r).w sxd “fastening upside-down” in a juridical context, can be found in the biography of the vizier Rekhmire in his tomb TT 100 in Sheikh Abd el-Qurna. He states that he caused the “liars”-grgy.w to be punished like this. 244 It is not clear if torture, mutilation or execution is meant. It is however clear that those punished were alive, unlike the enemies treated in this manner who were already dead whey they were hanged upside-down. Lexeme sxd in texts describing the ancient Egyptian Underworld The lexeme sxd “to be upside-down“ is well attested in texts describing the ancient Egyptian Underworld. It is determined with the sign A29 depicting a man with stretched arms bent at the elbows and oriented head-down. 245 The Pyramid Texts contain spells preventing the deceased from seeing the ones who are upside-down: PT Spell 260 n mAA=f sxd .w “He will not see the ones who are upside-down” 246; PT Spell 694B n sxd xd .w Ppy Nfr-kA-raw “Pepi Neferkare will not be upside-down”. 247 Coffin Texts also contain attestations of the wish not to go upside-down, now for the first time in relation to the wish not to eat excrements or drink urine. 248 The 242 Quack 2012: 627. 243 See the Chapter Mutilation. Hand cutting. 244 Davies 1943a: 81. See 23rd row, Urk. IV, 1078, 16; Davies 1943b: Pl. XII. This attestation is not very familiar to Egyptologists and only Karola Zibelius mentions it in relation to the problem of the treatment of enemies and the damned, Zibelius 1984: 87. 245 Wb 4, 265.8–266.10. 246 PT Spell 260, 323b, Sethe 1908: 174; Piankoff 1968: 37; Allen 2005: 47. 247 PT Spell 694B, 2155b, Sethe 1910: 523. 248 CT III, 47c–51e, Kadish 1978–1979: 205; also Grapow 1910: 100–111.

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Book of the Dead also has attestations for hanging upside-down. In Chapter 53 we find the statement “I go without being upside-down” (Smj=j n n sxd=j) and “I will not go upside-down” (n n Smj=j sxd xd). 249 In Chapter 99B we read: “tie the rope to me in order to come forth from it, this painful land, in which the backs fall upside-down on their faces” (ts n=j aqA r prj. t j m=f tA pn q sn x r sxd .w sA.w j m=f Hr Hr.w=sn). 250 In Chapter 101 it is stated: “O Re, in every name of yours Re, if you pass by those who are there upside-down, then you should set NN on his feet” (j Ra.w m rn=k pwy n Ra.w jr swA=k Hr n . tj.w-j m m sxd kA=k saHa=k NN Hr rd .y=fj). 251 In Chapter 149 it is stated: “these who are upside-down, crew, let my fear to be upon sanctuaries” (nw sxd js. t jw rDj n rw=j Hrj.w x m .w). 252 In Chapter 169 it is written “you should not go upside-down” (n n jrj=k Sm . t m sxd). 253 In Chapter 189 we find an “utterance not to allow that a man is made to go upside-down and not to eat excrement” (r n t m rDj. t jrj.y s Smj. t sxd .w t m wn m Hs). 254 Book of the Dead Chapter 175 mentions the souls upside-down with heads turned backwards. 255 A very important attestation is found in the lower register of the 13th scene of the Third Hour of the Book of the Gates. Here Atum speaks to Apophis and says: “You are upside-down, so that you cannot rise” (sxd .w=k jwty aHa=k). 256 The Eleventh Hour of the Book of Amduat contains the words of the god Horus against his enemies among which are those who are upside-down. 257 sxd .w are also attested in the The Book of Caverns where we also find their representations in the form of bound captives turned upside-down, similar to the sign A29. Here they are also described as nTT. yw “bound”, sn f.yw “bloody” and x n tj.w-Ht m .yt “robbed of hearts”. 258 They are the enemies of Re and their state is the consequence of them not seeing the rays of Re and not hearing his words. They are in darkness, their souls do not go forth from the earth and

249 Papyrus British Museum 10793, Col. 20, line 23, from Deir el-Bahari dated to the reign of Siamun, Munro 1996: Tf. 26 250 Papyrus of Maiherperi, Cairo CG 24095, line 213, from KV 36 and dating to the reign of Amenhotep II, Munro 1994: Tf. 123. 251 Papyrus Cairo CG 51189 (Papyrus Juja), line 413, from KV 46 dated to the reign of Amenhotep III, Munro 1994: Tf. 57. 252 Papyrus Cairo CG 24095, Line 324–325, Munro 1994: Tf. 126. 253 Papyrus Louvre 3092+Frgm. Montpellier (Papyrus Neferubenef), line 552, from Thebes dated to the reign of Thutmose IV, Ratié 1968: Pl. XV. 254 Papyrus of Nu (Papyrus London BM 10477), col. 1–2, Lapp 1997: Pl. 54. 255 Schott 1956: 187. 256 Hornung 2014: 83; Darnell and Manassa 2018: 268–269. 257 Hornung 1963: 181; Darnell and Manassa 2018: 232. sxd .w are also depicted in the third register of the eleventh division of the The Book of what is in the Netherworld in the tomb of Ramesses VI, Piankoff and Rambova 1954: Fig. 86, 309–310. 258 Second Cavern, Fifth Register, Scene XXIV in the tombs of Ramesses IV, Ramesses VI, Ramesses VII, and Ramesses IX, Guilmant 1907: PL. LIX, LX; Piankoff 1946: Pl. X; Piankoff and Rambova 1954: 54–55, 64; Hornung 1990: Tf. 49; Werning 2011: 100–101, 532; Darnell and Manassa 2018: 366.

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their shadows do not rest on their corpses. Re causes them suffering after he passes near them. They are also the enemies of Osiris. 259 In the Pyramid Texts the sxd .w are mentioned in funerary rites of the pharaoh, whereas in the Coffin Texts and the Book of the Dead we find them in the funerary rites of commoners. Therefore, the existence of sxd .w should not be excluded from the belief of commoners. 260 Although the “ones who are upside-down” sxd .w are already known in the Pyramid Texts, the connection between being m sxd or “upside-down” and eating excrement (Hs) occurs for the first time in the Coffin Texts and is later attested in the Book of the Dead where we find spells used to prevent going upside-down and eating excrement. 261 Dieter Mueller suggested that the rejection of excrement as food can be related to the door-keeper of one of the gates in the Book of the Gates. This door-keeper is equipped with a corn-measurer and measures excrement and Mueller proposes to relate him to reversed state in the Underworld where the corn-measurer measures excrement and offers them to the deceased. 262 Being turned upside-down is related to the prevention of the normal use of the body. Bodies turned upside-down are condemned to reverse functions of their body parts and body subsistence. Eating excrement and drinking urine is related to going upside-down and the deceased tries to avoid it. 263 Excrement stands as a danger to identity, society threatened by its outside, life threatened by death. 264 It can belong to the world of the Other. 265 Following Julia Kristeva, the effort to prevent the body from going upside-down, eating excrement and drinking urine is clearly related to abjection. Abjection is a universal phenomenon encountered as soon as the symbolic and/or social dimension of men is constituted, assuming different codings according to various symbolic systems. 266 Abjection 259 Third Cavern, Lower Register, First and Second Scene in the tombs of Ramesses VI and Ramesses IX, Piankoff and Rambova 1954: 73–74; Hornung 1972: 351–356; Werning 2011: 144–153. 260 cf. Chegodaev 1998: 71, f. 11. 261 According to Matthieu Heerma van Voss one should include here other excrement and filth and not only the excrement of the deceased himself. He states that one reminds himself of the filthy streets of villages in contemporary Egypt, Heerma van Voss 2003, 195. This analogy has nothing to do with the texts. The garbage disposal system in contemporary Egypt cannot be compared to the ancient one because we are not dealing with the same population density, settlement patterns and type of disposed commodities. 262 Mueller 1972: 117–121. 263 Kees 1956: 199; Frandsen 1985: 137–138. Jan Zandee related this to the Egyptian Underworld as mirror of the world of the living. The dead walk upside-down and the spells are used to restore normal body functions, Zandee 1960: 75–78. Although his connection between going upside-down, eating excrement and drinking urine is based on the texts, his generalisation that all dead walk upside-down cannot be accepted. It seems that this was the state reserved for wrong doers, not the blessed dead, Kadish 1978–1979: 210–211. According to Erik Hornung this upside-down world is directly related to early Christian and later Dantean representations of hell, Hornung 1968: 15–16. On excrement in different contexts in ancient Egypt see von Lieven 2011: 291–296. 264 Kristeva 1982: 71. 265 Žižek 2006: 317. 266 Kristeva 1982: 68.

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turns the rules aside, it appears as a rite of defilement and pollution. 267 One should not forget that the enemies are attested with the epithet “repulsion of God” (bw. t nTr) 268 or “repulsion of Re” (bw. t Raw). 269 Discussion Hanging enemies upside-down is staged violence, and it has to be distinguished in context from the violence on the battlefield. 270 Textual attestations for enemies hung upside-down are often interpreted as evidence for the drowning of enemies. 271 This is not based on the surviving evidence. The texts do not give any hint that enemies were in contact with water. They cannot be used to interpret the depiction of the bound prisoner in the cage on the back of the ship depicted on the talatat of Tutankhamun (Doc. 26). The lexeme sxd is determined with sign A29 and the enemy in the cage is not depicted “upside-down”, nor is he on the prow of the ship. It is semantically more appropriate to relate the enemies hung upside-down to sxd .w “those who are upside-down”. The actor to whom the hanging of enemies upside-down can be, at least indirectly, assigned is the king. In the case of the dead being hung upside-down in the Underworld the actor behind this action is unknown. Enemies are used to create a “living” object/mimetic icon 272 and materially stand for the sxd .w. 273 Their hanging upside-down can be interpreted as staged setting for the sake of semblance to the object-sxd .w. Their placement on the prow of the ship of the victorious king enhances the focus on them, as they are visible to all. 274 In this way the “virtual” Underworld gains reality and is exposed to the gaze of the king’s subjects. The stelae from Elephantine and Amada give us the reason for the actions of Amenhotep II. It was the wish of the king to illustrate his success visually (Doc. 11). His actions were mutually related to creating a complex narrative. Amenhotep II brought altogether seven Asiatic princes back to Egypt. He piled up six of these princes in front of the wall

267 268 269 270 271 272

Kristeva 1982: 17. Tombos inscription of Thutmose I, Urk. IV, 83, 6. Annals of Thutmose III, First Campaign in Year 22–23, Urk. IV, 651, 10. See Chapter Bodies as media of violence. See Chapter Torture. Caging. The visual icon can reproduce an object by representing a fairly close imitation of the object producing a literal or mimetic icon, that is to say reproducing only certain schematic traces of the referred object, see de Toro and Hubbard 1995: 78. The object is so to say “living” because the actual body of flesh and blood is used as a mimetic icon although we can be sure, at least for the enemies hanged by Amenhotep II, that they were slain before being hanged. 273 In semiotics a “living” object/mimetic icon is a sign with representative characteristics similar to the ones of the object. The so-called iconic sign can have same properties as its object, can be similar to it, analogous to it or motivated by the object, Eco 1979: 191. Mimetic icon presupposes a relationship between images and previously culturalised contents, Eco 1979: 204. 274 The connection between enemies, delinquents and the damned turned upside-down was already suggested in relation to the idea that the enemy should share the destiny of the damned in the afterlife, Zibelius 1984: 87.

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of Thebes and one in front of the wall of Gebel Barkal. 275 Spalinger suggested that the return of Amenhotep II from Syria to Egypt should be viewed as coming back to Egypt by means of the coastal highway and then by ship somewhere west from Sile/Tjaru but also perhaps from Tell el-Dabca. 276 As we know that Amenhotep II had slain the enemies before hanging them, we can assume that the bodies were kept until the king and his army reached Egypt. Exactly at which point these enemies were hanged on the prow of his ship cannot be discerned from the texts. We can suppose that this must have happened at a point when the enemies were visible to a greater number of subjects before reaching Karnak and Napata as the final destinations. As the king is returning victorious after completing a campaign as prophesised by the temple, the choice of the number of captives is symbolical. 277 Number seven stood for effectiveness and completeness and thus the seven princes brought back to Egypt symbolically hinted at the completed campaign. 278 There is no reason to doubt the historicity

275 At Gebel Barkal a fortress called smA xAs.wt “Slaughter of the Foreigners” already existed before Thutmose III, as he mentions building a chapel for Amun-Re in his Gebel Barkal stela. However, this fortress remains archaeologically unidentified, Wenig 1977: 435; Klug 2002: 195; Török 2009: 165, 186; Haynes and Santini-Ritt 2012: 286; Müller 2013: 6, 298. The surroundings of Gebel Barkal were also inhabited, as the fortress and the shrine of Amun were part of the governmental program, Török 2009: 191; Haynes and Santini-Ritt 2012: 286. A unique sphinx of Amenhotep II was found fragmented in Gebel Barkal. The sphinx is rearing up with at least three Nubian prisoners under its paws, Lacovara 2010: 217–220. Although there were close ties between Amun-Re of Luxor and Amun-Re of Napata there are until now no traces of Thutmose III’s Napatan shrine which would shed light on the identity of the deities worshiped there, Török 2009: 227. 276 Spalinger 2013b: 99; the suggestion that the army could have loaded the ships in Tell el-Dabca is based on the assumption that there was a New Kingdom harbour there which can be identified with Pr.w-n f r, Bietak 2004: 13–17; Bietak 2007a: 288; Bietak 2007b: 432; Bietak 2009: 15–17; Bietak 2010a: 11–24; Gundacker 2017. However, Pr.w-n f r is usually located in Memphis, Jeffreys 2006: 36–37. Newest archaeological research of the main harbor basin in Tell el-Dabca, identified through magnetometry and geological drillings, showed a complex stratigraphy, dating back to at least the 13th dynasty and until the Ramesside period, with a distinctive hiatus during the 18th dynasty, Forstner-Müller 2014a: 34–35; Forstner-Müller 2014b: 41; Matić 2016a; Forstner-Müller, Hassler, Matić and Rose 2015. Therefore, until now the archaeological record does not favour the identification of Pr.w-n f r as Tell el-Dabca, and one should therefore, at least at this point, adhere to the location of Pr.w-n f r in Memphis. 277 One couldn’t agree more here with the idea that numbers play an important role in building up levels of meanings, see Schulz 2000: 251. The numbers served as playing fields for Egyptian thought and composition, Morenz 2013: 128. Number seven has complex symbolic and different meaning levels, Rochholz 2002: 251. 278 The occurrences of the number seven for groups of divinities, souls, heavens, sacred boats, sacred halls, utterances, knots etc. are collected and summarised in several works, Dawson 1927: 97–107; Pamminger 1992, 133, f. 248. On the number seven and the god Osiris see, Mojsov 2007: 150–152. For the most comprehensive study of number seven see Rochholz 2002. Peter Pamminger suggested the connection between seven (s f x) enemies and s f x as “lösen, trennen” - “loose, separate”, as a word game suggesting separating good and bad, Pamminger 1992: 134, f. 248. This suggestion is based on the Christian theological background of our contemporary Western sayings.

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of the acts of Amenhotep II just because seven enemies are mentioned. 279 Six of these were piled up in front of the wall of Thebes while the seventh and last was placed in front of Gebel Barkal (Doc. 11). That both places were major centres of Amun is well known. 280 The voyage of Amenhotep II is completed only after presenting the defeated enemies both to the Amun of Karnak and the Amun of Gebel Barkal. Gebel Barkal was considered to be the birthplace of Amun 281 and therefore the choice of this place for the hanging of the seventh Asiatic prince and the completion of the king’s campaign is by no means accidental. If the method of summing up numbers to reach further meaning levels is correct and we understand number six as royal dualism in various aspects and number one as the singularity of creation 282, then the actions of Amenhotep II can be related to the dual form of the creator god Amun (Karnak and Gebel Barkal). 283 Additionally, his actions could be related to his double kingdom, namely the rule over both Egypt and Kush. Peter Pamminger already suggested that the actions of Amenhotep II should be seen in the context of the ruler as a manifestation of the sun god (Amun-) Re. 284 This fact is important as the sxd .w, as was argued earlier, are enemies of Re, and therefore also the enemies of the king. The staging of the return with slain enemies hung upside-down thus not only materialises sxd .w in the slain enemies, but also materialises the god in the king. According to Pamminger the texts from the Amada and Elephantine stelae should be understood less as real and more as religio-political, an illustration of ancient Egyptian Underworld transferred into the world of the living. He based this on the “numinous character” of the number of seven slain enemies and the night journey of the sun god in his barque through the Underworld where everything is in disorder (e.g. upside-down). 285 Pamminger devoided the texts of historicity because they describe treatments of enemies with analogies in religious texts. That the event was staged according to religious ideas and the Egyptian royal ideology embedded in these ideas, does not mean that it did not happen. On the contrary, some authors see this event as real. This formed the basis for their judgment on the mental state and heroism in battle of Amenhotep II. 286 We cannot go so far in reading the texts as to judge on the mental condition of Egyptian kings. Yet, we should also be careful in dismissing the reality behind the events the texts describe 279 Contra Rochholz 2002: 244. 280 Spalinger 2005: 78. 281 Kendall 2013: 213–215. This is interpretation is based on the depiction of Amun inside the hill of Gebel Barkal found on the south wall of the great hall of the southern tempel at Abu Simbel. 282 cf. Schulz 2000: 251. The idea that number one stands for singularity of creation fits well with the idea that Gebel Barkal was considered to be the birthplace of Amun. 283 The Amun temple at Gebel Barkal although of Napatan date was considered to be the residence of a southern form of this deity and it hat the same name as the temple in Karnak Jp t swt . However, the oldest parts of this temple are of New Kingdom date, Wenig 1977, 437. Timothy Kendall suggests that although it is nowhere explicitly written the two temples could have been viewed as each other’s kA, Kendall 2013, 213–215, f. 4. 284 Pamminger 1992, 112. 285 Pamminger 1992: 112. 286 Zibelius 1984: 86.

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because of the use of religious allegories and metaphors. 287 The iconic representation of sxd .w materialised as enemies hung upside-down, can be a real experience as people look at things through iconic convention. 288 Pascal Vernus and Spalinger use the term sacralisation to label the repetition of archetypes within a historical milieu. 289 The corpus of visual attestations of enemies hung upside-down presents an interesting parallel. Namely, in both the case of the walking sticks (Docs. 18–23) and the chariot yoke (Doc. 24) of Tutankhamun the enemies are hung upside-down and integrated into the function of the object they are decorating. Some authors see magical practice behind such imagery. 290Surely, by hoilding the enemies upside-down, the king is like Re defeating the sxd .w.

287 See Chapter Bodies as media of violence. 288 cf. Eco 1979: 205. This is what Žižek terms “reality of the virtual”, Žižek 2004: 3. 289 Spalinger 2011b: 6. For sacralisation as utilised by Pascal Vernus see Vernus 1990: 41–43; Vernus 1993: 92. A historical event can be transferred into the mythical dimension in order to secure dealing with a critical situation as divine intervention, Schulz 2004: 70. 290 Ritner 1993: 120. On manipulation of enemies’ representations in magical practice see also Pinch 1994: 91–95.

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Execution According to Foucault, a successful public execution justified justice and published the truth of the crime in the body of the executed. 1 It has a juridico-political function, being a ceremony in which injured sovereignty could be reconstituted. 2 The sovereign power to take life had to be witnessed in the double sense of being seen and acknowledged. 3 The spectacle of execution aims to show what would become of the masses if they transgressed. 4 In ancient Egypt it also aimed to show what happens to enemies of gods and cosmic order. However, not all of the treatments classified in this work as execution can be related to the king. Strangling is attested only in private contexts. Decapitation was a royal prerogative, but with questionable historicity. Impaling and burning are attested in only a few documents. In both cases it can not be argued that the audience was so large that the acts were conducted to reconstitute “injured sovereignty”. Foucault’s arguments cannot be recognised in New Kingdom Egypt and each of the treatments classified as execution has to be approached contextually.

Strangling Strangling is only attested in the tombs of Djehuty, TT 11 and Montuhirkhepeshef, TT 20 (Doc. 4). Judging on the evidence from these tombs two Nubian men were each strangled by two Egyptian men. Above the heads of the Nubians is a sign for a fort and inside it is written q sq s or q s.wy, a Nubian toponym or as most recently suggested simply a designation for bones. 5 In the tomb of Djehuty the oval field on the right has additional much damaged signs which can not be read. Above each of the Nubians it is also written Jwn . tj tA-s tj “Nomad of Nubia”. There are no analogies for this practice in punishment of criminals and treatments of the damned dead in the Underworld. The suggested interpretation of the t k nw figure in these tombs, as a sacrificial victim related to the strangling of Nubians cannot be accepted. Both appear in the same context, but it is erroneous to assume that the t k nw was also killed, just because it is depicted in the same context with strangling of two Nubians. 6 If the t k nw figure was also killed in

1 2 3 4 5 6

Foucault 1995: 44. Foucault 1995: 48. Kahn 2008: 22. Crossley 2006: 40. Espinel 2019. Griffiths 1958: 110–115; Volokhine 2013b: 50; contra Muhlestein 2011: 36.

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this ritual, why is this not depicted in any tombs from the Old Kingdom to the Late Period? If the t k nw figure had been killed he would be lying and not crouching on the sledge. 7 Muhlestein argued that the Nubians were sacrificed in relation to the defeat of the towns or areas from which they came and whose names are written in the fields above their heads. He added that their strangling was an execration-like ritual for the tomb, assuring protection from disorder. According to Muhlestein they were chosen either because they were available to the tomb owner or because he participated in military action against the town or area from which the Nubians came. 8 However, Djehuty and Montuhirkhepeshef did not have any military titles which would indicate their participation in war. If the Nubians were killed in relation to the defeat of their towns, we would expect this to be done by the king and not for a private person in the context of his funeral. Torgny Säve-Söderbergh suggested that these Nubians were considered by the Egyptians to be good enough for the ritual slaughtering in connection with the burial, like cattle. 9 This is contradicted by Egyptian private people’s attitudes regarding the use of aw. t Sps. t “noble cattle” (humans) for this purpose, as stated in the Papyrus Westcar of the Second Intermediate Period. In this story the king desires that the decapitation and reattaching of the head to the body are conducted on a prisoner (x n rj). The magician Djedi argues that this is forbidden, so a duck, a goose and an ox are used instead. 10 The strangling of Nubians in the tombs of Djehuty and Montuherkhepeshef also cannot be related to the Middle Kingdom Mirgissa deposit 11, because this context is not contemporary and comparable. Most of the elements present in the Mirgissa deposit are entirely lacking in the depictions from these tombs. Relating these contexts to each other because Nubians are depicted being strangled in the tombs of is erroneous. It is based on the questionable anthropological attribution of the skull from the Mirgissa deposit to a Nubian. 12 7 Griffiths 1958: 115. Griffiths does not consider the “aspect by aspect” (Aspektive) way of representation according to which the figure on the sledge in the first register of the strangling scene in the tombs of Djehuty and Montuhirkhepeshef would indeed be laying on the sledge in crouched position. Nevertheless, his arguments are valid as there are other ways of depicting t k n w where it is clear that the figure is sitting on the sledge so he could not be dead. Additionally, the one in the tombs of Djehuty and Montuhirkhepeshef is depicted first standing to the right of the sledge and then on it. 8 Muhlestein 2011: 35. 9 Säve-Söderbergh 1941: 235. 10 Papyrus Westcar 8.17; Blackman 1988: 10. 15; Lichtheim 1973: 219. For a new translation and edition of the text see, Lepper 2008: 44–45. Knowing how to “knot” together a cut-off head is one of three talents of Djedi which are grouped in a climax. This particular talent is first given, after which come knowing how to cause a lion to walk behind him while the leash is on the ground and ultimately knowing the numbers of the j p.w t chambers of Thoth, Lepper 2007: 1129. 11 Contra Muhlestein 2011: 35. For the execration ritual at Mirgissa with all associated finds see Vila 1963; Vila 1973. Fort he problems with interpretation of skeletal remains see Matić 2019b. 12 The skull found in the Mirgissa execration deposit is described as Nubian based on the “experience” of the publisher. He claimed to have worked on few hundreds of skulls on Nubian excavations, Vila 1973: 637. However, apart from that single statement he did not provide any other anthropological arguments for his claim. Nevertheless, the information that there are remains of a Nubian in the

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The context of the strangling is clearly a funerary ritual. It is possible that we are not dealing with execration but with a retainer sacrifice. 13 Retainer sacrifice should be understood as killing of the people who are supposed to accompany the king in the afterlife 14, but the practice was not reserved for rulers only. Such sacrifices are known particularly in the Early Dynastic period in Egypt when they are associated with royal burials 15, but retainer sacrifices accompanied burials of non royal individuals in Egypt, such as in Second Intermediate Period Tell el-Dabca. Burials of young female individuals are found outside of the burial chamber but still within the burial pit, exclusively during Stratum F (13th Dynasty) at Tell el-Dabca. 16 Retainer sacrifices are also known from Middle to Late Bronze Age Kerma 17, but also later from Meroe in Nubia 18 and Qustul and Ballana of the X-group or Ballana culture. 19 There is evidence that the victims were killed by strangu-

13 14 15

16 17

18

19

Mirgissa deposit is found even in most recent publications, Eyre 2017: 106. For the problems related to ethnic identification of the skeletal remains and the arguments provided against the interpretation of these remains as belonging to a person executed as part of the ritual see Matić 2019b. Similar arguments were recently given by Espinel 2019. Van Dijk 2007: 136. For a summary of these burials from Abydos, Saqqara and Abu Rawash with the earliest being from the reign of King Aha and the latest from king Qaa see Van Dijk 2007: 138–141. In the upper part of the cemetery at Adaima three double burials of adults dated to Naqada IIa-c were found in each of which one of the individuals had traces indicating that the throat was cut followed in one case by decapitation, Midant-Reynes, Crubézy and Janin 1996: 15. Béatrix Midant-Reynes interpreted decapitated individuals from Adaima as self-sacrifice seeing this as the beginning of the retainer sacrifice, see Midant-Reynes 2000: 54. However as Jacobus Van Dijk stressed, caution is necessary because we do not know the status of these individuals, Van Dijk 2007: 137. Evidence for violent death does not necessarily mean evidence for retainer sacrifice. Ellen F. Morris argued that in some cases of retainer sacrifices one can notice an elaborate “choreography”, namely organisation of the attendants in death according to their status, with the more elaborate burials representing those of retainers who made the biggest sacrifice. She argued this on the basis of the Macramallah’s rectangle in the Saqqara cemetery and in Abydos, Morris 2014: 77–78. For the organisation of burials of the Macramallah’s rectangle in Saqqara see Kaiser 1985: 47–59. Such burials are as a rule found at the tomb entrance in a stretched position. In two cases it seems that the hands of the young women were bound and in two cases they were buried during the tomb’s construction, Forstner-Müller 2008: 44. The evidence comes from the large tumuli of the kings of Kerma and it is thought that the retainers were buried alive. One of the largest of these tumuli contained 322 retainers, many of these being female. Unlike in Early Dynastic Egypt, retainer sacrifices in Kerma were not restricted to the burials of rulers, Van Dijk 2007: 145. At least 16 royal tombs dating from the 1st century BC onwards contained additional retainer burials with maximum of 7 in one tomb, Van Dijk 2007: 146. One should be careful in interpreting all the evidence from Begarawiya South as retainer sacrifices because the 3 skeletons found in tomb I may date to the period of the reuse of the tomb. The same problem is encountered in tombs 13 and 59 at Nuri. One should also be careful with the multiple burials from the West Cemetery at Meroe. It is also interesting to note that ushabtis appear to go out of use before the first evidence of retainer sacrifice, Trigger 1969: 122–123, f. 4. Retainers were executed either by cutting their throat or by strangulation, Emery 1938: 26. There are also cases in which the postures of victims indicated that they died from suffocation, Dann 2007: 189. In tomb 14 at Qustul a well-preserved female was found with a wound on the left side of

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lation in both Early Dynastic retainer burials and much later ones from Qustul. 20 This is another possible indication that strangled Nubians in the tombs of Djehuty and Montuherkhepeshef were part of retainer sacrifices. 21 If the identification of these individuals as retainers is correct, then they cannot be related to treatments of enemies and prisoners of war. In summary, not much can be said about strangling except that it is attested in only two cases thus far (Doc. 4), and that it appears in a private context and targets Nubians in the setting of a funerary ritual. Whether or not these Nubians were enemies or prisoners of war cannot be said on the basis of the evidence, but their labelling as “Nomads of Nubia” could indicate this. According to the most recent study of the related scenes it is also not entirely clear if the Nubians in question are alive at all, or their bones were used in the ritual. 22 Recently, similar arguments were given for the Mirgissa deposit and its skeletal remains. 23

Decapitation Numerous New Kingdom attestations for decapitation (15 documents) are mostly rhetorical (12 documents). Decapitation is attested in texts in which gods address the king and state that he cuts off the heads of the enemies (Docs. 2, 29, 42, 43 and 44). In the direct speech of the gods to the king they present the king with a x pS sword so that he can decapitate the enemies (Docs. 29, 42 and 43). There are also texts which state that the uraeus cuts off the heads of the enemies (Doc. 6). Decapitation is also found in the epithets of the king (Docs. 7, 8, 9, 10, 28). There is also one unique example in which the king addresses the gods to help his heir and place his weapons on the heads of Asiatics (Doc. 40).

20

21 22 23

the neck, formed by a cut that was so deep that it reached the fourth cervical vertrebra. The vertebra and the edges of the wound had remains of barley, seeds and sand adhering to them and as barley and husks were also present in her stomach it can be concluded that she vomited during the execution, Dann 2007: 190. The retainer burials were found in the tomb and the ramp outside it. The number of individual retainers does not exceed 17, including men, women and children. There seems to be no correlation between the sex of the deceased and his followers. There is no safe evidence for this practice in Lower Nubia, Trigger 1969: 122–123; Van Dijk 2007:147. For the body centered research on the acts of human sacrifice in X-group tombs at Qustul and Balana see Dann 2009: 37–40. For early dynastic retainer burials associated with Hor-Aha the evidence is anthropological and is based on re-examination of the victims’ teeth which showed a pinkish tinge that may be indicative of strangulation, Galvin 2005: 120. Nancy Lovell also analysed some skeletons from subsidiary burials at Abydos and argued that their teeth show evidence of death by strangulation, Bard 2000: 72. For the Qustul retainer burials the evidence is based on the remains of ropes around the necks of two individuals found in a heap of 8 young males in the tomb 2, Batrawi 1935: 139 Van Dijk 2007: 138, f. 14. Espinel 2019. Matić 2019b.

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The verbs used to express the action of beheading are: snj “to loosen” 24 (Doc. 2), d n “to cut off, to kill” 25 (Doc. 6), Hsq “to cut off” 26 (Docs. 10, 28, 29, 42, 43), d mA “to bind together” 27 and then decapitate (Docs. 8, 9 and 44). The direct speech of the gods in which they present the king with a x pS sword is often followed by the depiction of the god presenting the king with a x pS sword. None of these attestations has any historical reference even when they are found in the context of a text or a representation with a historical background. The victims are not closely specified. They are a generic group of people, such as enemy soldiers (Doc. 2), Asiatics (Docs. 6, 42 and 43), Nine Bows (Doc. 9), rebels (Docs. 10, 28), all enemies (Doc. 8 and 44) and rulers of vile Kush (Doc. 29). In all known textual attestations, the actor is the king. Decapitation in the written record of New Kingdom Egypt was a royal prerogative. This is reflected both in the textual and visual attestations. Apart from the emblematic taking of the sword from a god or smiting of the enemy, there are no representations of decapitation. In those cases where an Egyptian soldier or a foreign soldier fighting for Egyptians are targeting the neck or head of an enemy, we cannot be certain that there was an intention to represent decapitation (Docs. 34, 49, 53, 55). The visual attestations related to decapitation, such as representations of beheaded bodies or severed heads (Docs. 25, 49 and 50), are not particularly informative. The beheaded bodies and the cut off heads in New Kingdom battle scenes are integrated into these scenes as part of the reality of war. We only see the end result, as the very process of decapitation is not depicted. A parallel for this is found in the masked blow of the smiting of the enemy motif 28 and the cutting of the phalli. Decapitation occurred but was not related to soldiers in New Kingdom decorum. It seems to have been restricted to the king. As decapitated bodies and cut off heads are represented on the battlefield, they are the result of the activity of the soldiers. However, from the point of view of decorum, it is important that soldiers are not depicted in the process of decapitation. Unlike cut off hands, heads are never depicted being carried as trophies, nor are they depicted piled and counted as cut off hands and phalli. No private person boasts of cutting off the head of the enemy. The x pS sword as an instrument of decapitation is attested in three documents. The earliest attestation is under Seti I (Doc. 29) and the later two are under Ramesses III (Doc. 42 and 43). This weapon is given to the king by gods such as Amun (Doc. 29 and 43) and Amun-Re-Horakhty (Doc. 42). This does not surprise, as in the New Kingdom Amun was the “imperial god”. 29 The x pS sword is identified as the sickle-shaped sword. 30 It was

24 25 26 27 28 29 30

Wb 4, 156.5. Wb 5, 463.7–11. Wb 3, 168.14–169.2. Wb 5, 451.13–20. Davis 1992. Guermeur 2005: 1; see Chapter Frames of war in New Kingdom Egypt. Religion. The name of this weapon in literature, namely sickle-shaped sword, does not refer to its function as the cutting edge lies on the outer rim, Vogel 2013: 71; Schulz 2014: 97.

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introduced to Egypt in the Second Intermediate Period 31 and replaced the mace in the smiting scenes. 32 The scene in which the god presents the king with a sword is found on both royal and private stelae of the New Kingdom and it illustrates two concepts, the commissioning of the king to go to war and his triumphal outcome in a formula Schulman described as “I give that you may give”. 33 However, none of these private stelae have textual attestations for decapitation. Decapitation in the Underworld Decapitation is used to destroy enemies who threaten the deceased. 34 Missing a head made an afterlife impossible. 35 In the Pyramid Texts we have an attestation suggesting that Unas is to take the cut off heads of the followers of Seth “Osiris Unas accept for yourself the heads of the followers of Seth” ((w) sjr wn is m n=k t p.w (j) m (j).w-x t StX ). 36 In another spell it is stated: “the head of the great bull is cut off” (Hsq t p kA wr). 37 There is also an attestation for the vervets (long tailed monkeys) who severe heads: “O apes who sever heads, Unas will pass by you in peace” (g(j) f.wt snj. (w) t t p.w swA wnjs Hr=Tn m Ht p). 38 Re is supposed to cut off the head of a snake with his knife: “He cuts off his head with his knife” (j.Sa=f t p =k m d s pn). 39 Thoth also seizes the opponent and beheads him together with his retinue sparing none: “Thoth has seized for you your enemy, decapitated together with his followers” (nDrj. n n=k [ΔHwtj xft.j=k Hsq (.w)] Hna j m (.j).w-x t=f). 40 It is also stated that the head cut off by the hand of king Teti cannot be attached again: “The one it (the hand) strikes, his head cannot be tied back on” (sx .y=s n T(A) s t p =f). 41 Simultaneously the head of Teti is to be protected so that he does not lose it: “Care for the head of Teti so that it will not pass away” (nD jr=T t p n t tj j mj=f sSj.w). 42 The Pyramid Texts also mention “the day of the cutting off the head of speckled snakes” (h rw pw n snj. t t p.w sAb.wt). 43 Horus is mentioned too, as the one who is supposed “to remove their heads” (j. d r t p.w=sn) referring to the followers of Seth. 44 Pepi “cuts

31 Forstner-Müller 2008: 50. The sickle sword is known in the Near East from the 3rd millennium BC. There it represented a divine or a royal attribute, Schulz 2014: 106. 32 Schulz 2014: 106; Spalinger 2013a: 477. 33 For variants of representation of the sword being given by the god to the king see Schulman 1994: 267–268. 34 Eyre 2002: 95. 35 Picardo 2007: 222; Muhlestein 2011: 18. 36 PT 136, 84c Sethe 1908: 48; Allen 2005: 25. 37 PT 227, 227a, Sethe 1908: 130; Allen 2005: 17. 38 PT 254, 286b–c, Sethe 1908: 154; Allen 2005: 44. 39 PT 298, 442c, Sethe 1908: 229; Allen 2005: 54. 40 PT 367, 635c–635d, Sethe 1908: 344–355; Allen 2005: 82. 41 PT 384, 672c, Sethe 1908: 367; Allen 2005: 89. 42 PT 415, 739a, Sethe 1908: 405; Allen 2005: 85. 43 PT 519, 1211c, Sethe 1908: 179.; Allen 2005: 160. 44 PT 535, 1286a, Sethe 1908: 221; Allen 2005: 102.

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off the head” (Sa. n (=j) t p =f) of the enemy of Osiris as of a bull 45, a possible parallel for previously cited decapitation of the bull in PT 227. There is a spell referring to a snake and saying that its “both heads are cut off to both sides of the path” (snj t p.y n gs.y wA. t). 46 The Coffin Texts also contain numerous attestations for decapitation. There is an interesting attestation for “the execution block of Khnum” (ma{D}f 47 n Xn m .w). 48 The deceased asks the “Mistress of brow and neck” (Hn . t HA. t anan) to save him from “the fishers of Osiris who cut off heads and sever necks” (wHa.w wsj r Hsq .w t p.w sn . n nw anan .w). 49 The Akd .w spirits should seize and aSm .w spirits should “devour any decapitator” (jr Hsq n b) who is against the deceased. 50 The Coffin Texts like the Pyramid Texts state regarding snakes that their “heads are cut off and vertebra are broken” (Sa t p.w=sn sn Ts.w=sn). 51 A demon is mentioned who “cuts the heads off and severs the throats of these enemies of Osiris” (Sa t p (.w) jn nHb.wt n j pw xft.jw n .w wsjr). 52 There is also an attestation affecting the deceased soul, stating regarding the kA-souls that “their heads are damaged” (t p.w=sn HDy). 53 One spell states: “The decapitator will not have power over me!” (n n sx m Hsq-t pj {m}=j). 54 The deceased also states: “N will cut of the heads of those who oppose his path” (Hsq N pn t p.w=Tn DAj.w wA. t=f). 55 In another: “The head of kA-snake is repeatedly broken by Horus” ({n}sD t p kA wHm Hr=k). 56 Decapitation is also attested in the Book of the Dead. Chapter 19, attested since the Third Intermediate Period, states regarding enemies that their “heads are cut off” (Hsq (.w) t p.w). 57 Chapter 39 deals with treatments of Apophis and states that “his head is cut off” (snj t p =k). 58 In Chapter 43 entitled “Spell not to allow that one cuts off the head of a man in the hereafter” (ra n t m Dj (. t) Sad=t w t p n s m Xr. t-nTr) the deceased expresses that “the head of Osiris will not be taken from him” (n n nHm=t w t p n Wsj ir m-a=f) and states: “My head will not be taken from me!” (n n nHm=t w t p =j m-a=j). 59 Chapter 71 mentions seven wise ones “who cut off the heads and necks” (s mA t p.w r nHb. t). 60 Chapter 90 mentions an entity which “cuts off the heads and necks” (Hsq t p.w snj wsr.wt). 61 Chapter 98 mentions rods of the ladder which let the unwearying-ones 45 PT 580, 1545c, Sethe 1908: 330; Allen 2005: 185. 46 PT 722, Jéquier 1933: Pl. XXVII, column 722 47 See maf “execution block” Wb 2, 47.4; Sign I10 is written instead of I9. 48 CT 146, de Buck 1938: 146a, 205; Faulkner 1973: 124. 49 CT 229, de Buck 1947: 229h–229a, 265–296; Faulkner 1973: 182. 50 CT 317, de Buck 1951: 317d, 126; Faulkner 1973: 242. 51 CT 378, de Buck 1954: 378b, 42; Faulkner 1977, 12. 52 CT 436, de Buck 1954: 436c, 287; Faulkner 1977: 75. 53 CT 586, de Buck 1956: 586q, 206; Faulkner 1977: 188. 54 CT 644, de Buck 1956: 644q, 264; Faulkner 1977: 220. 55 CT 660, de Buck 1956: 660n, 280; Faulkner 1977: 230. 56 CT 885, de Buck 1961: 885e, 95; Faulkner 1978: 48. 57 Lepsius 1842: XIII, 19. 13. 58 Lepsius 1842: XVIII, 39. 8; Hornung 1979: 109. 59 Lepsius 1842: XX, 43; Hornung 1979: 119. 60 Lepsius 1842: XXVII, 71. 11–12; Hornung 1979: 150; Lapp 2011: 362–363. 61 Lepsius 1842: XXXIII, 90. 1; Hornung 1979: 180–181.

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climb far from decapitation (rm n .wj mAq . t s (j)ar. t jx m .w-wrD.w m Hrj (. t) r Hsq). 62 Chapter 134 mentions Horus who cut off the heads of the enemies of Osiris in their attack on the sun barque (Sad Hr.w t p.w=sn). 63 Chapter 149 mentions a mound with a snake seventy cubits long on it, “he lives from cutting off the heads of the blessed and the dead in the hereafter” (an x=f m Hsq Ax .w m .wt m Xr. t-nTr). 64 The Book of Gates has also several attestations for decapitation of enemies. Thus, Atum addresses his enemies saying that their corpses are committed for beheading (XA. wt=sn n Hsq). 65 The Ennead of Re drives Apophis away saying: “Your head is cut off Apophis, cut off are the coils” (snjt (.w) t p =k aApp snjt (.w) qAb.w). 66 Atum addresses the enemies tied to poles saying that they are condemned to be beheaded (j xft.jw sj p t w=Tn (n) Hsq). 67 Horus also addresses the enemies saying that they are fettered from behind and beheaded and that they cease to exist (nTT=Tn m HAw=Tn Dwyw Hsq=Tn n wn=Tn). 68 The Book of Caverns has numerous attestations for decapitation of enemies. In the second scene of the fifth register of the first cavern the enemies of Osiris are described as “decapitated ones” (jww.w d p.w) and are depicted as prisoners with their arms bound behind their backs and without heads in two groups of four. 69 In the fifth register of the second cavern the enemies are called “decapitated without heads living in the caverns” (Hsq .yw jwtj.w d p =sn x n tj.w-Ht m .yt) and are depicted as a group of beheaded prisoners with arms bound behind their backs. In front of this group four decapitated heads are depicted. In front of the heads to the left there are four demon decapitators with knives. 70 In the second scene of the lowest register of the third cavern four figures of decapitated enemies are turned upside-down and described as “decapitated without head” (Hsq .y jwtj d p =f) or just “without heads” (jwtj.w d p =sn). 71 In the second scene of the lowest register of the first part of the fifth cavern there is an oven with four heads in the form of sign D1 and four hearts in the form of F34 sign. The accompanying text states that the heads of the enemies and their hearts (d p.w-xf tj.w HAtj.w=sn) are assigned to this oven. 72 A similar oven is depicted in the third scene, however here it is filled with four figures of prisoners with their arms bound behind their backs. They are decapitated and turned upside-down. The accompanying text describes them as “enemies of Re” (xf tj.w Raw). 73 In the fourteenth great litany in the lowest register of the first part of the fifth cavern there is a call to a demon to heat the ovens which contain the “heads of enemies of 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73

Lepsius 1842: XXXV, 98. 3–4; Hornung 1979: 188; Lüscher 2009: 4–5. Lepsius 1842: LV, 134. 3; Hornung 1979: 259. Lepsius 1842: LXXI, 149d.14; Hornung 1979: 304; Lüscher 2010: 58–59. Second Hour, Lower Register, 8th Scene, Hornung 2014: 48. Third Hour, Lower Register, 13th Scene, Hornung 2014: 84; Darnell and Manassa 2018: 269. Secenth Hour, Middle Register, 45th Scene, Hornung 2014: 254. Ninth Hour, Lower Register, 59th Scene, Hornung 2014: 324. Werning 2011: 38–39; Darnell and Manassa 2018: 353. Werning 2011: 100–101. Werning 2011: 150–152. Werning 2011: 258–259. Werning 2011: 262–263.

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Osiris and hearts of the enemies of Underworld” (d p.w xf tj.w (W)sr HAt (j).w xftj.w dwAt.j). 74 In the fourth and the fifth scene of the uppermost register of the sixth cavern there is a depiction of a prisoner lying in a pit. His arms are bound behind his back and he is decapitated. Above him is a demon with a wAs sceptre. 75 In the fifth scene of the middle register of the sixth cavern there are four sarcophagi containing decapitated figures. 76 In the first scene of the lowest register of the sixth cavern there are two demons, female and male, each with two figures of decapitated prisoners with their arms bound behind their back and their heads in front of them. The enemies are depicted in front of the demons who have knives in their hands. 77 The third scene of the lowest register of the sixth cavern has four kneeling and decapitated prisoners with their arms bound behind their backs. Their heads are next to their necks. They are depicted between a male and a female demon. 78 Papyrus Bremner-Rhind (Apophis Book) of Ptolemaic date mentions cutting off the head of Apophis. 79 Papyrus Jumilhac also of Ptolemaic date bears an attestation of Horus fighting Seth and his followers by beheading them. 80 The core of the threat of decapitation to the deceased in the Underworld is the consequent denial of his transition in the hereafter through beheading. Nicholas S. Picardo related this to the role of bA, whose most integral anatomical part in its fully developed image in the New Kingdom is the head. Thus, losing the head could have been perceived as denial of the potential the bA has in recognising the deceased. 81 Therefore, it ought to come as no surprise that it is the king who decapitates the enemies, as he is well attested as the destroyer of enemy bA-souls. 82 He decapitates the enemies and destroys their bA-souls at the same time.

74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81

Werning 2011: 320–321. Werning 2011: 390–391. Werning 2011: 414–415. Werning 2011: 418–419. Werning 2011: 428–429. Faulkner 1933: 63.10, 83. 6, 92.11; lines 27/15, 31/11, 33/6; Faulkner 1937: 173. XXII, 9–11, Vandier 1961: Pl. XXII. Picardo 2007: 247. For the development of the image of the bA in ancient Egyptian iconography and the appearance of the human-headed bA in the mid-18th dynasty, about the time of Amenhotep II see Casini 2018: 218. 82 First Libyan War of Ramesses III, The king in battle with the Libyans, line 5, KRI V, 16. 10; First Libyan War of Ramesses III, The King seated in a chariot receives trophies of victory, line 5, KRI V, 17. 11; Campaign against the Sea Peoples, Sea Battle Victory of Ramesses III, Medinet Habu, line 15, KRI V, 32.9; Great Inscription of Year 8, Sea Peoples Campaign of Ramesses III, Medinet Habu, line 23, KRI V, 40. 15; Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, King´s Speech, Medinet Habu, line 10, KRI V, 48. 4–5; Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Prologue Text, Medinet Habu, line 10, KRI V, 57.11; Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Great Inscription of Year 11, Medinet Habu, line 22. KRI V, 61. 10.

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Decapitation in the Near East Decapitation is well attested in the Near East. The earliest representations can be found on seal impressions from Uruk and date to Uruk IVa (c. 3200–3100 BC). They depict kneeling figures with bound arms behind their backs and figures behind them binding them. In front of the kneeling figures are poles which have broad tops. 83 These are interpreted by some authors as execution blocks. 84 However, one should stress that although decapitation is indicated, it is not depicted. Besides these early attestations there are also those on the “Ebla Victory Standard” dated to the mid. 3rd millennium BC. The limestone inlays which were originally on wood were found reused in Palace G at Ebla. Among the soldiers of Ebla depicted in victory over their enemies, are those carrying and displaying severed heads. One soldier is carrying two heads (TM.88.G.300) and one has a single head in his bag on his back (TM.88.G.165). 85 This is an early attestation for taking cut off heads as trophies in the Near East, later a common practice in the Neo-Assyrian period. Decapitation is also attested in some administrative tablets from the time of Arrukum, vizier of Irkab-Damu (c. 2340 BC). In order to achieve respect from his overlord, one ruler cuts off the heads of two lesser rulers (Armium and Zamarum). They were the enemies of his overlord and he sends him the heads as a gift. 86 There is also evidence that under vizier Ibbi-Zikir (23rd century BC), the head of Ilba-Išar was placed on the gate of the king and was decorated. 87 As will be mentioned shortly, Neo-Assyrian sources state that cut off heads were piled in front of the gates of besieged cities. However, in the case of Ebla we are clearly dealing with curating of a body part as a trophy of war. There are also slightly later attestations coming from the Mari archives of the 18th century BC. Some of the tablets report the decapitation of Išme-Addu, king of Ašnakkum, a city in the upper basin of the Habur river. Apparently Zimri-Lim the king of Mari was not satisfied with the troubles Išme-Addu made among the Ida-Maraṣ tribes. 88 From the “Long Wall of Sculpture” at Carchemish dated to the reigns of Suhi II and Katuwa (10th-early 9th century BC), come representations of soldiers carrying the severed heads of their enemies by grasping them by the hair. 89 The remains of stelae and reliefs from Tell Ahmar (Tell Barsip), dated to the reign of Katuwa, also show soldiers carrying severed heads. 90 In the Neo-Assyrian residence at Tell Barsip the wall paintings show soldiers carrying severed heads and showing them to the authorities. Numerous cut off heads are depicted here. 91 They are comparable to the numerous hand and phalli cut from enemies in New Kingdom Egypt. 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91

Boehmer 1999: Abb 65A, 65C. Dolce 2014: 241, footnote 8. Archi 1998: 395; Dolce 2004: 124–125, Fig. 6; Matthiae 1989: 35, Pl. IVc. TM.75.G.10219 obv. I 1–13, Archi 1998: 388–389. TM.75.G.2429 obv. XVIII 6–14, Archi 1998: 391. ARMT XXV 447, 1–7, Charpin 1993; Archi 1998: 388. Woolley 1952: Pl. B. 46a. Thureau-Dangin et Dunand 1936: Pl. X. 9–10. Thureau-Dangin et Dunand 1936: Pl. LII.

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Tiglath-Pileser I (1114–1076 BC) boasts of cutting off the heads of the warriors of the land of Katmuḫu 92 and the city of Ḫunusu like lambs. 93Ashurbelkala (1074–1056 BC) also boasts of cutting off the heads of his enemies. 94 Later Assyrian rulers boast extensively of cutting off the heads of enemies and piling them in front of their cities, making a tower out of them or hanging the heads on trees of the mountains close to the cities. We find this in many documents of Ashurnasirpal II (883–859 BC). 95 He is reputedly the first Neo-Assyrian ruler to introduce the motif of beheaded corpses of enemies, of severed heads being counted and of a specific head being carried off by a vulture. 96 Shalmaneser III (859–824 BC) claimed the same in his documents as his father Ashurnasirpal II. 97 Unlike his father, Shalmaneser III did not have beheaded corpses and severed heads in his visual programme. 98 Tiglath-Pileser III (745–727 BC) included the motif of severed heads in the visual programme of his reliefs. In the central palace at Nimrud we find numerous 92 93 94 95

A.0.87.1, col i, 78, Grayson 1991: 14. A.0.87.1, col ii, 4; col iii, 7, Grayson 1991: 24. A.0.89.2, col ii, 2; Annals on clay tablets from Assur, Grayson 1991: 92. For the city of Ništun see A.0.101.1, col i, 63–64, Annals of Ashurnasirpal II from the Ninurta temple at Calah, Grayson 1991: 197–198. For Tēla see A.0.101.1, col i, 115–116, Annals of Ashurnasirpal II from the Ninurta temple at Calah, Grayson 1991: 201. For Išpilipria see A.0.101.1, col ii, 18, Annals of Ashurnasirpal II from the Ninurta temple at Calah, Grayson 1991: 203. For Larbusa see A.0.101.1, col ii, 43, Annals of Ashurnasirpal II from the Ninurta temple at Calah, Grayson 1991: 204. For the combat troops of Ameka before the city of Parsindu see A.0.101.1, col ii, 70, Annals of Ashurnasirpal II from the Ninurta temple at Calah, Grayson 1991: 207. For the city of Pitura see the attestations on three monuments: A.0.101.1, col ii, 107–109, Annals of Ashurnasirpal II from the Ninurta temple at Calah, Grayson 1991: 210; A.0.101.17, col iv, 76–77; Nimrud Monolith, stone stela at the entrance to the Ninurta temple at Calah, Grayson 1991: 250 and A.0.101.19, 74–76; Kurkh Monolith, stone stela from Kurkh, Grayson 1991: 260. For the city of Ilānu see A.0.101.1, col iii, 103–104; Annals of Ashurnasirpal II from the Ninurta temple at Calah, Grayson 1991: 220. For Ništun see A.0.101.17, col i, 84; Nimrud Monolith, stone stela at the entrance to the Ninurta temple at Calah, Grayson 1991: 242. For Išpilipria see A.0.101.17, col ii, 60–62; Nimrud Monolith, stone stela at the entrance to the Ninurta temple at Calah, Grayson 1991: 244. For Larbusa see A.0.101.17, col iii, 11; Nimrud Monolith, stone stela at the entrance to the Ninurta temple at Calah, Grayson 1991: 245. 96 Dolce 2004: 121. From the reliefs of the throne room in the North-West Palace at Nimrud. Like in earlier New Kingdom Egyptian representations beheaded bodies are depicted lying on the ground (Room B-4, B-9). Assyrian soldiers are depicted decapitating enemies (Room B-8, B-3), taking heads as trophies and showing them to officials who register them (Room B-6), Meuszyński 1981: Tf. 2 97 For the city of Aridu see two documents: A.0.102.1, 16, Slab from fort Shalmaneser, Grayson 1996: 8 and A.0.102.2, col i, 16, Large stone stela from Kurkh, Grayson 1996: 14. For the city of Sugunia see two documents: A.0.102.1, 30–31; slab from fort Shalmaneser, Grayson 1996: 9 and A.0.102.2, col i, 24, Large stone stela from Kurkh, Grayson 1996: 9. For the city of Lutibu see A.0.102.1, 61; slab from fort Shalmaneser, Grayson 1996: 10. For the city Burmar’ina see A.0.102.2, col i, 34, Large stone stela from Kurkh, Grayson 1996: 15. For Ḫaiiānu see A.0.102.2, col i, 46, Large stone stela from Kurkh, Grayson 1996: 16. For Arṣašku see A.0.102.2, col ii, 52, Large stone stela from Kurkh, Grayson 1996: 20. For the cutting off the heads of the warriors of Aḫunu see A.0.102.2, col ii, 72, Large stone stela from Kurkh, Grayson 1996: 22. 98 Dolce 2004: 121.

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depictions of beheaded bodies of enemies. 99 From the same palace comes a representation of a eunuch counting the slain and approached by two Assyrian soldiers presenting him with two cut off heads each. 100 Equally, cut off heads are brought together with prisoners of war by the Assyrian soldiers to the king sitting on his throne. 101 With the introduction of the motif of the beheading of the enemy, Tiglath-Pileser III redefined the theme of decapitation completely, as it had only previously been employed as single motifs depicting phases of a single event. 102 Some authors suggest that the purpose of decapitation under Tiglath-Pileser III was as estimation of the number of killed enemies. 103 Carly L. Crouch argued that, unlike in later reliefs, the small number of heads in the reliefs of Tiglath-Pileser III suggests that we are dealing with the heads of leaders. She also argued that heads appear only in the post battle scenes indicating that decapitation was not a battlefield experience. 104 Whether or not the small number of heads indicates the special status of those individuals, it cannot be said that decapitation was not a battlefield experience. Both beheaded bodies and decapitation of enemies are depicted in the central palace at Nimrud, and Assyrian soldiers are also depicted handling severed heads. Under Sargon II (722–705 BC) heads cannot be identified as belonging to leaders, but are rather evidence for general decapitation. There are two representations of beheading of an enemy from Niniveh. 105 During the reign of Senacherib (705–681 BC) attestations for decapitation also include presentation and counting of the cut off heads, as depicted on the walls of his palace in Niniveh. 106 The frequency of decapitated heads under Senacherib 99 Barnett and Falkner 1962: Pl. XVII; “Defeat of the Arabs”, Barnett and Falkner 1962: Pl. XXXIII–XXXIV; “Siege of a City” in the king’s Babylonian campaign; “Assault of Upa” in his eastern campaign where an Assyrian soldier is also depicted decapitating the enemy, Barnett and Falkner 1962: Pl. XXXVII–XXXVIII, Pl. XXXIX–XL. In the representation of the same campaign a chariot on the battlefield has a beheaded body under the horses, Barnett and Falkner 1962: Pl. XLIII–XLIV. Beheading of an enemy is again depicted in a scene in which an Assyrian soldier slays Urartian enemies, Barnett and Falkner 1962: Pl. LVIII. 100 Barnett and Falkner 1962: Pl. XLVIII–XLIX 101 Barnett and Falkner 1962: Pl. LIX. 102 Dolce 2004: 123–124. It was also suggested that he re-introduced these motifs from northern Syria as beheading is known on a victory stela of Akkadian period from Girsu, Dolce 2004: 127–129. 103 Curtis and Reade 1995: 61. 104 Crouch 2010: 43. 105 Botta 1972: Pls. 90, 145. Some soldiers engaged in the acts of decapitation can even be interpreted as members of auxiliary troops and Crouch suggested that at this stage decapitation was not a practice of the Assyrian soldiers who started engaging in it later, Crouch 2010: 55. This view is problematic because decapitation as an activity of Assyrian soldiers is already attested under Tiglath-Pileser III. 106 Bringing of the prisoners of war and two registers with Assyrian soldiers bringing cut off heads to eunuchs who count them are found in a scene from court VI, Paterson 1915: Pls. 17–18. In another scene in court XIX of the same palace there is a representation of Assyrian soldiers piling cut off heads in front of them. The pile has 11 heads and a soldier on the right of the pile lowers one more cut off head, Paterson 1915: Pl. 43. The same is found in a scene in room XXVIII, Paterson 1915: Pl. 52. In another scene from this room there is one more depiction of soldiers with heads next to them on the ground, Paterson 1915: Pls. 53–54. The counting of heads is also depicted in a scene in room XXXII, Paterson 1915: Pls. 60–61. In room XXXIII there is an elaborate battle scene which

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indicates that decapitation was not restricted to leaders, and representations of counting of the cut off heads do indicate accounting purposes. 107 Under Esarhaddon (681–669 BC) we find the earliest evidence for individually named heads. 108 A decapitated head is central to the triumph of Ashurbanipal (668–627 BC) against Teumman of Elam. The best documented triumph of this king is depicted on wall reliefs from room XXXIII of the southwest palace and from room 1 of the north palace at Niniveh. The central motif of this representation is the cut off head of king Teumman and its treatment. 109 According to the text the head of Teumman was cut off by the soldiers of the king’s army by the power of Ashur, Sin, Shamash, Bel Nabu, Ishtar of Niniveh, Ishtar of Arbela, Ninurta and Nergal and was brought in front of his gate and cast down before his chariot-wheels. He then cut the sinews off Teummann’s face and spat on it. According to Bahrani the war between Assyria and Elam is depicted as real and historical, but it is the head of Teumman that firmly fixes the narrative of the specific battle across the relief. 110Although at face value the three panels seem to depict a mass of human bodies moving in all directions, horses, asses and chariots, and one has no sense of perspective, it seems that it is the head of Teumman which is the primary focus. The head indeed re-appears across the relief. 111 This is entirely missing from New Kingdom battle representations where cut off heads are depicted in the battlefield (Docs. 11, 23). The death of an enemy king is exceptional, and therefore Bahrani recognised the concept of homo sacer here. 112 According to Crouch decapitation falls under the category of what might be considered militarily unnecessary. 113 This is contrasted by the long tradition of decapitation in the

107 108 109

110 111 112

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includes motifs such as beheaded bodies and counting of cut off heads, Paterson 1915: Pls. 62–64. In room LXX there is a scene in which beheaded bodies of enemies are depicted in the water, Paterson: Pl. 93; the counting is depicted in additional rooms, Paterson: Pls. 94–95, 98 Crouch 2010: 121. Bonatz 2004: 93. The narrative starts with the battle at the river Ulai in room XXXIII of the southwest palace at Niniveh. Here the flight and death of Teumman, recognisable through his feathered cap, and his son Tammaritu are depicted. The text following the relief states that Ashurbanipal killed them with the help of Ashur and Ishtar and cut off their heads in front of each other. According to Dominik Bonatz the paradox is that although Ashurbanipal did not participate in the campaign against Elam, he still puts himself in the role of decapitator, Bonatz 2004: 93–94. In the continuation of the visual narrative the head of Teumman was taken by a soldier after which it appears twice in the upper register of slab 1 and is identified among others piled up in a tent and then carried off by a soldier in an Elamite cart. The text following this depiction states that a common soldier cut off the head of Teumman and not Ashurbanipal to whom the head was sent and who boasts about it. The continuation of the narrative is only textually attested. It could be that the corresponding reliefs were never executed, Bonatz 2004: 94. Bahrani 2008: 24. Bahrani 2008: 25–32. Bahrani 2008: 35. However, she offered no elaborate explanation besides referring to the work of Giorgio Agamben. The applicability of the work of Agamben and his concept of homo sacer for the studies of enemies and prisoners of war in New Kingdom Egypt will be discussed in Chapter Bodies as objects of violence. Human sacrifice. Crouch 2010: 43.

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Near East and its later context within accounting. From very early heads of enemies were taken as trophies by soldiers and this practice was later integrated into the ideology of kingship in the Near East with decapitation becoming a practice ascribed not only to soldiers but also to the king. The use of cut off heads for accounting in the Near East from early periods indicates that this practice was not a royal prerogative like in New Kingdom Egypt. Cross-cultural attestations of decapitation Numerous cross-cultural attestations of decapitation indicate that this was a common war practice and an execution method in both premodern and modern societies. This treatment of the victim’s body acquired various meanings and was integrated differently in the religious thinking and royal ideology of different societies. Iron Age communities across Britain practiced removal, curation and display of human heads. 114 The motif of the severed head is also found in the art of the Etruscans. 115 According to Herodotus the practice of taking heads as trophies and drinking from enemy skulls was attested among the Scythians. 116 In Republican Rome during the consulships of Cinna and Marius in 87 BC equites and senators were killed and the senators were decapitated. Octavian is reported to have abused the corpse of Brutus by decapitation. 117 Decapitation in Imperial Rome was one of the manners for a systematic abuse of the corpse aiming at damnatio memoriae. 118 Being quick, decapitation at the edge of the town was also the most discreet form of execution, even a privilege for a citizen of status. 119 There is also some evidence for decapitation in Meroe. 120 Decapitation is also known from the Old Testament. Judith decapitates Holofernes (Judith 14), David removes the head of Goliath and presents it to Saul (1 Sam 17: 41–57), the head of the Saulide heir, Eshbaal is presented to David (2 Sam 4: 7–8), the head of the rebel leader Sheba is used as evidence of his death (2 Sam 20: 21–22) and Jehu piled the heads of Omride heirs for the same purpose (2 Kgs 10: 6–11). 121 Finally the New Testament contains the famous attestation of the head of John the Baptist being cut off on the wish of Herodia’s daughter who amazed Herod with her dancing (Mark 6: 24–28). 122 Cut off heads can acquire different functions as well. Reputedly in 880 AD prince Krum of Bulgaria ordered that the skull of his rival Byzantine emperor Nicephoros II was to be made into a drinking cup. 123 In the wars between the English and Welsh from the 11th to 13th century both sides were taking the heads of their enemies in battle. 124 Also, in 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124

Armit 2012: 8. Bonfante 1984: 535. Herodotus, History, IV, 65, Chacon and Dye 2007: 9–10. Kyle 1998, 132. Kyle 1998: 220. Kyle 1998: 53. For the most recent discussion with accompanying bibliography see Matić 2014c: 117–134. Lemos 2006: 236. Chacon and Dye 2007: 11. Chacon and Dye 2007: 12–13. Harrison 2012: 22.

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1305 Scottish noble William Wallace was first hung, then drawn and quartered. Finally, his head was placed on a spike on London Bridge and his severed limbs were displayed in different parts of England. The practice of head exhibition on London Bridge continued during the reign of Queen Elizabeth I (1558–1603) and until King Charles II (1630–1685). English military officers publically displayed severed heads to subdue the Irish. 125 The first decapitations of the French Revolution were in 1789. 126 In the First Ashanti War in 1824 the head of the British governor Sir Charles McCarthy was taken and his skull was made into a drinking bowl for the Ashanti king. 127 The taking of African heads and skulls by British military was predominantly done by members of the officer class who chose high ranking Africans as victims. 128 During the Anglo-Zulu war in 1879 there are attestations of decapitations of Zulu warriors and taking of the heads to Europe as medical specimens for early anthropological studies of skull differences and simultaneously developing racial discourse. 129 American soldiers took heads of Japanese soldiers as trophies in the Pacific war. 130 Perhaps the most controversial in the media of the time was the photo of a young woman from Phoenix, Arizona, showing her sitting at a desk with pencil in her hand gazing at a skull sent to her from the war by her Navy boyfriend. The caption of the photo published in “Life” magazine (ironically) from May 22, 1944 states that she is writing him a “thank you” note. 131 Decapitation was also a common practice in the New World. It was one of the primary methods of execution among the prehispanic Maya where it was related to the rituals linked to the ballgame, which ended with the sacrifice of the captive. 132 The head for the Maya was the residence of the fully embodied and animating soul, and was an essential manifestation of the body with power of regeneration. 133 At the Maya site of Colha, twen125 126 127 128 129 130

Chacon and Dye 2007: 13. Janes 1991: 21, 24 Harrison 2008: 290. Harrison 2008: 293–294. Harrison 2012: 78. Harrison 2006: 818. There is a racial background for taking of the enemy heads in the Pacific war as the Japanese soldier were seen as less human than other enemies (e.g. Germans) and were often referred to as monkeys, rats, cockroaches, lice, vermin, reptiles and so forth, Weingartner 1992: 54–57; Harrison 2006: 818–822. 131 Weingartner 1992: 58. 132 At some Maya sites the ball is depicted in the form of a human skull or the head of the captive, Foster 2002: 148. This is known from stories like Popol Vuh, but also from depictions on Classic period pottery and carved monuments. In the Popol Vuh two principal characters are decapitated in the ballgame contest against the lords of the Underworld. This gave mythical character to the game and the losers could expect to be decapitated. This is depicted in various Classical period contexts, as for example on the ball court panels from Chichén Itzá, Vail and Hernández 2007: 126. Classical period reliefs from the Gulf Coast (Aparicio), Southern Guatemala (Escuintla Teotihuacan-influenced vases) and Chichén Itzá have depictions of beheaded ball players with snakes coming out of their necks, Graulich 1988: 402. 133 Duncan 2011: 565.

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ty adults and ten children were decapitated and flayed, and their skulls interred in a shallow pit adjacent to the stairway of an elite structure in the ceremonial centre. 134 Skeletal remains with traces of perimortem trauma suggesting slashing of the throat or decapitation were found on several Maya sites such as Calakmul, Campeche (fill of Structure II); Palenque (juvenile companion of the “Red Queen”), Colhá, Belize (Skull pit), Motmot Tomb at Copán (several skulls and neck vertebras among the offerings), and post-classical sites of Topoxté and Iximché in Guatemala. 135 Decapitation rituals in Maya codices also occurred in the context of period-ending rituals and involved activities such as burning incense and playing musical instruments. 136 Sacrificial scenes depicting decapitation were associated with the south, whereas those with heart extraction with the north. 137 Skulltrophy-masks were also known among the Maya. 138 Decapitation was also practiced by the Aztecs, sometimes followed by heart extraction. 139 It was related to fame and honouring the gods. The blood of both decapitated humans and animals was used to sprinkle the images of deities e.g. Huitzilopochtli and Camaxtli. 170 skulls perforated in order to be placed on poles, are known from the site of Tlatelolco. In the offering caches of the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan skulls were found too. There is also a drawing of the main pyramid of Huitzilopochtli and Tlaloc attributed to Ixtlilxochitl showing that the upper part of Huitzilopochtli’s shrine was decorated with skulls. 140 In sacrificial ceremonies the ixiptla or impersonators of the gods were the victims and in two festivals the impersonators of major goddesses were decapitated (festivals of Ochpaniztli-“The Sweeping of the Roads” and Uey tecuilhuitl-“The great feast of

134 135 136 137

Harrison-Buck, McAnany, Storey 2007: 84 Tiesler 2007: 24–25. Vail and Hernández 2007: 133. Vail and Hernández 2007:149. First the heart was extracted and the head was cut at the top of the pyramid or even possibly at the bottom where the body had been thrown. Throwing of the body down was symmetrical to the extraction of the heart and its elevation to the sun, Graulich 1988: 402. 138 These were masks made of skulls of executed enemies and were often carved with decorative patterns. They were worn by elite warriors. Such skulls were found among the grave offerings in the burial in Pakal Na, burials from Copán in Honduras and the terminal classic Maya site Xochicalco in the central Mexican highlands, Harrison-Buck, McAnany, Storey 2007: 90–91. 139 Graulich 2000: 353. 140 Baquedano and Graulich 1993: 163–164.

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the lords”). 141The Cupisnique people (ca. 1500–500 BC) of the Peruvian north coast also practiced decapitation judging by their visual representation. 142 Decapitation is also attested among the Nasca (1–750 AD) and the heads were taken as trophies, preferably from men. 143 Heads dating to earlier in the Nasca culture belong to men, women, and children, while later more young men are represented in the sample. There is also an increase in the number of trophy-heads in the Middle and Late Nasca Period. 144 During earlier Nasca and Moche times, severed heads were depicted in iconography with supernatural figures holding a blade in one hand and a severed head in the other. 145 Nasca culture has the largest number of documented trophy-heads among pre-hispanic cultures, but only few examples have been found of decapitated bodies (altogether eight headless bodies whose heads were decapitated and not simply removed after the burial), among them a burial from the site of La Tiza (near the modern town of Nasca) is the first documented decapitated burial that dates to the Middle Nasca. 146 Strontium analysis possibly indicates that the decapitated man was not from the local area. 147At Amato, an early intermediate period site in the Acari Valley of south Peru several dozen decapitated individuals were discovered in a rectangular structure. 148 Decapitation is also well attested in the pre-Hispanic Andes and the Wari Empire (600–1000 AD). 149 Under the T’ang code created in 624 AD with modifications in 627 AD and 637 AD in T’ang dynasty China (618–907 AD) there were two death penalties, strangulation and decapitation. 150 In 1831 the Chinese emperor ordered the replacement of death by slicing

141 A woman impersonating the goddess Toçi (“Our Grandmother”) in the case of Ochpaniztli or goddess of young maze Xilonen would be laid upon the back of the priest whilst her head was severed. This violence was gender related but not gender specific as the sacrificed women stood for specific goddesses whose decapitation had to be re-enacted in order to preserve cosmic order, Dodds 2007: 49, 55–59. These rituals re-enacted the creation of the earth at the beginning of time, when the act of tearing Tlalteotl into pieces gave birth to the plants, or according to other variants, when an Earth Goddess called Xochiquetzal or Itzpapalotl had intercourse for the first time and gave birth to Cinteotl, Baquedano and Graulich 1993: 171. 142 The decapitators are usually a spider, a bird of prey, a monster, a fish and a human, and although Cupisnique visual representations seem to include a wide range of animals it appears that decapitation was depicted as an action related only to some of them, Cordy-Collins 2001: 21–22. 143 The trophy-heads are found in highly ritualised contexts and were symbols of regeneration. Strontium analysis indicates that trophy heads derived from local individuals among the Nasca, however this does not necessarily indicate that they were made from ancestors or taken in ritual battles between neighbouring communities. As Nasca were not expansive isotope ratios are not expected to show trophies derived far from their sphere. However, their iconography thus far shows warriors decapitating individuals in battles, Arkush and Tung 2013: 327. 144 Conlee 2007: 439. 145 Toyne 2011: 519. 146 Conlee 2007: 438–440. 147 Conlee 2007: 443 148 Valdez 2009: 389–401. 149 Tung and Knudson 2008: 915–917. 150 Moore 2001: 752.

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with immediate decapitation. 151 The Japanese samurai who followed the Bushido military code dictating utmost respect for one’s worthy opponent, also practiced collecting the heads of enemies. 152 Taking of enemy heads as trophies is mentioned in many anthropological reports for the Arctic and Subartic with the archaeological record confirming decapitation as a common war practice among groups, such as e.g. Eskimos. 153 It is also attested on the Northwest Coast of America, as reported in the 18th and 19th century, where, at least among Kwakiutl, it was believed that taking an enemy’s head meant taking his personhood. 154 Discussion There are no attestations for decapitation as a capital punishment in New Kingdom Egypt, but there are numerous attestations for decapitation of the damned dead and enemies of gods and kings in the Underworld since as early as the Pyramid Texts. This can be related to ritualisation of decapitation and its placement in a religious, cosmological and ideological framework. 155 The restriction of decapitation to the royal sphere of violent action is reflected in Papyrus Westcar. 156 Decapitation was a royal prerogative and was associated with sovereign power and its exercising. There are numerous attestations for decapitation of the damned dead in the Underworld since the Pyramid Texts and especially during the New Kingdom. The suggestion that decapitation was simultaneously denying the potential the bA has in recognising the body and that beheading thus turns one into “damned” 157 may be cautiously taken further. There are authors who consider decapitation to be perhaps the most brutal act against the human body, as the head is the basis of individuality and the body part that most defines who we are. 158 Death is not always immediate after decapitation, as the head is capable of movement such as grinding of teeth, convulsion, movements of lips and eyes, suggesting that this could be interpreted as continued presence of something within the head. 159 However, although there is something appealing in the idea that the head is the body part that most defines us, we cannot argue for this cross-culturally without reservation. For the ancient Egyptians head was clearly not the seat of the soul but the heart. 160 As a royal prerogative, decapitation of enemies was simultaneously transforming them into the “damned”, the ones who are beheaded and without bA. The king is the only being apart from gods and demons who can do this. Dead enemies could be transformed into

151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160

Moore 2001: 753. Chacon and Dye 2007: 16. Maschner and Reedy-Maschner 2007: 34–38. Lovisek 2007: 54. Armit 2012: 15. Already discussed in Chapter Execution. Strangling. Picardo 2007: 251. Picardo 2007: 47. Jordanova 1989: 40. Brunner 1977: 1158–1168. For heart as island of the felt body see Nyord 2009: 68–73.

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sxd .w “the ones who are upside down” and this was also a violent treatment of enemies reserved to the king. 161 Unlike in the Near East and especially Assyria, but also the New World, there is no evidence for taking of cut off heads of enemies as trophies of war. None of the documents suggest that the heads were taken back to Egypt, let alone curased or displayed. The cut off heads were not counted and registered as in Assyria. They were not used in any rituals.

Impalement Impalement is a well attested form of capital punishment in New Kingdom Egypt 162 but there are until now only two known attestations for impalement of enemies and both of them are from written sources. 163 Before the evidence for impalement of enemies is discussed, parallels in punishment of criminals by impalement in New Kingdom Egypt and impalement of enemies in the Near East will be provided first. Impalement as punishment The death penalty in New Kingdom Egypt was in most cases done by impalement. 164 The earliest attestation in Ostracon Cairo 25237 dates to the reign of Ramesses II. Here an oath given by the workman Baki, states that if it would be found that a maidservant had done work for him, he should be cast down and impaled (sx r.w dj.w=t w Hr t p x t). 165 The Nauri decree of Seti I punishes with impalement anyone who sells any animal belonging to the temple or offers them to another god than Osiris. It also states that the king stopped someone from being impaled (dj.w Hr t p x t). 166 On a New Kingdom stela fragment from Hermopolis, probably dating between Seti I and Merenptah, impalement beside the temple is attested as punishment for stealing from the temple (dj.w Hr t p x t r-gs tA Hw. t-nTr). 167 Papyrus Abbott (BM 10221), from the reign of Ramesses IX, men161 See Chapter Mutilation. Hanging upside-down. 162 Müller-Wollermann 2004: 197–198. 163 There is a granite block from Kom el-Akhmar (Hierakonpolis) of Early Dynastic date, shaped as a lying prisoner with elbows tied behind the back and serving as a socket for a temple or palace door, Quibell 1900: 6, Pl. III. Michael H. Zach suggested that it can be interpreted as impaled because of the drilled hole in his torso, Zach 2007: 201; Zach 2010: 547; Zach’s suggestion is based on Meroitic parallels; however, the chronological difference is less problematic in comparison to the problems with contextual difference. Namely, the Meroitic evidence allows the interpretation of statues of kneeling prisoners with holes in torsos as impaled because there are depictions of enemies impaled in the same manner on Meroitic temple reliefs. We lack such evidence for Egyptian material, especially in early Dynastic period. 164 David Lorton even suggests that this is the only form of death penalty known from ancient Egypt, Lorton 1977, 51. Also see Müller-Wollermann 2004: 197. 165 KRI III. 530, 3–4. 166 See Row 77–78, Pl. XLII and Row 108, Pl. XLIII, Griffith 1927: 203–204; II.B.3a-b; Chap. V, II. 107–109, Edgerton 1947: 224–225, 226; KRI I. 55, 14–56, 1; KRI I. 57, 107–108. 167 Second row, Brunner 1939: 162.

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tions a coppersmith who swore an oath that if he testified falsely he is to be punished by impalement (dj.w Hr t p x t). 168 It also mentions impalement (dj.w Hr m nj) as a penalty for major offences. 169 Papyrus BM 10052 recto, from the reign of Ramesses XI, mentions a slave of one called Mutemhab, singer of the Temple of Mut, who swore an oath that if he speaks falsehood he should be mutilated and impaled (jw=f xSb dj.w=t w t p x t). 170 The same oath was taken by a foreigner belonging to the garrison of Kush (jw=f xSb dj.w t w=f r t p x t) 171 and by a labourer Pekhuru the younger, son of Amenemhab of the Temple of Khons and Amun of Opet (jw=f xSb dj.w=t w t p x t). 172 The same oath was sworn by Isis, wife of the labourer Karo (jw=s t xSb =t w dj.w=t w t p x t) 173; an agent of the Domain of Amun, Pairsekheru (jw=f xSb dj.w t p x t) 174; Pawonesh, priest of the Temple of Mut (jw=t w xSb dj.w=t w t p x t) 175 and Khonsmose son of Payinudjem, a sailor of the Domain of Amun. 176 That impalement is not only mentioned in an oath but was indeed an executed punishment is clear from Papyrus Mayer A. This papyrus from the reign of Ramesses XI states that seven thieves were impaled (dj.w Hr t p x t). 177 Impalement in the Near East Impalement was a well-known punishment in the Near East. The early attestations (Amorite period) are found in the archive of Mari, c. 1750 BC, where impalement is a punishment for run-aways 178 and in the Codex of Hammurabi ( c.1810–1750 BC) where impalement is found as a punishment for a wife who has her husband killed on account of a relationship with another man. 179 Many more attestations are found in the Neo-Assyrian period. The Annals of Ashurnasirpal II (883–859 BC) describe treatment of enemies with impalement after retaking of

168 KRI VI. 475, 5–7. 169 KRI VI, 478, 8–9. Note that instead of dj.w Hr t p x t the phrase here has m nj instead of t p x t . As m nj here is written with branch determinative M3 also used to write x t and that it takes the position of t p x t in the phrase, preceded by a preposition Hr “on” it has to be understood as its synonym or a variant, cf. Peet 1930: 27; contra Müller-Wollermann 2004: 197–198. For the meaning of m nj see Wb 2, 73.13–74.10; Lesko 1982: 217. Lesko’s translation of m nj in Papyrus Abbot as “to suppress” can therefore not be accepted. Nathalie Beaux did an extensive survey of the motif of column with an enemy tied up to it, which is in texts attested as m nj. t . Indeed, m nj. t is always a column or a pillar to which an enemy is bound, however one should note that in these cases it is not preceded by the preposition Hr, Beaux 1991. 170 KRI VI. 783, 15–16. 171 KRI VI. 788, 1–2. 172 KRI VI. 788, 15–16. 173 KRI VI. 789, 13–15. 174 KRI VI. 791,16–792, 1. 175 KRI VI, 792, 5–6. 176 KRI VI, 792, 10–11. 177 KRI VI, 827. 5 178 XIII: 108:14–15, Sasson 1977: 94, 109. 179 Kaiser et al. 1982, 61; L153, Roth 1995: 110.

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the city of Sūru. 180 He impaled 700 soldiers before the gate of the city Pitura 181 and living soldiers before the cities of the land Luhutu. 182 The king conquered the city of Damdammusa and the city Udu and impaled living enemy soldiers around both. 183 In another text he boasts of having impaled five soldiers before the gate of Pitura. 184 The same is found in another text only the number of the impaled is 700 185. It is possible that this high number is a consequence of miscopying of the number of troops mentioned in another line of the text, suggesting five as the intended number of impaled soldiers. 186 Ashurnasirpal II also boasts in one text of being the son of Tukulti-Ninurta II who impaled the corpses of his enemies. 187 In another he boasts about impalement again. 188 The phrase ana zaqīpi zaqāpu “to impale on a stake” is used both for impaling of alive and dead enemies. 189 From the reign of Sargon II (721–705 BC) comes a letter with impalement attested as a punishment for “knights” for coming late to the king. 190 Another letter from the reign of Sargon II contains evidence for impalement as a punishment delivered by priests. 191 One letter belonging to the corpus of Assyrian prophecies contains impalement as punishment for rebellious court and palace personal. 192 From the reign of Sennacherib (705–680 BC), son of Sargon II, comes a letter with impalement attested as a punishment for building on the king’s road. 193 Several visual attestations are quite late in comparison to the first attested written attestations. The earliest are found on the bands of the Balawat Gate (ancient Imgur-Enlil) of Shalmaneser III (859–824 BC) 194. On band IV one finds six figures impaled on stakes which are set in the ground of a mound outside an enemy city 195. All of the bodies are depicted nude with stakes running between their legs and disappearing into their bodies. The other end of the impalement stakes is not depicted. The impaled figures have their 180 Ninurta temple at Calah. Annals of Ashurnasirpal-First campaign, A.0.101.1, Col. I, 88, Grayson 1991: 199. 181 A.0.101.1, Co. II, 108, Grayson 1991: 210. 182 A.0.101.1, Col. III, 83, Grayson 1991: 218. 183 A.0.101.1, Col. III, 105–112, Grayson 1991: 220. 184 Stone stele, the so-called Nimrud Monolith or Grand Monolith, First campaign, A.0.101.117, Col. IV, 80–81, Grayson 1991: 250. 185 Stone stele, the so-called Kurkh Monolith, Fifth campaign, A.0.101.19, 76, Grayson 1991: 260. 186 Radner 2015: 106. 187 Stone stele fragments from Babil, a village in south eastern Turkey near Syrian border, A.0.101.20, 35, Grayson 1991: 264. 188 Two clay tablets from Assur, A.0.101.21, 15, Grayson 1991: 266. 189 Radner 2015: 105–106. 190 Rm 2, 10: 7–12; CT 53 136, Parpola 1987: 22. Andreas Fuchs sees here the Assyrian version of the famous quote of Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachov “He who comes too late is punished by life” and states that the king was probably just trying to frighten the men, Fuchs 2009: 82–83. 191 ABL 262: r 4f; ABL 967: 7–9, Parpola 1993: 286. 192 3.5 Word of Ishtar of Arbela, IV, 25–30, Parpola 1997: 27. 193 T. 64: 24–27, Frahm 1997:138. 194 Hertel 2004: 299–300. 195 King 1915: Pl. XXI; Barnett und Forman 1959: 163.

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faces turned both left and right. They are all men. Two on the left have their impalement stakes longer than four on the right. These two are also different because they are impaled on the slope of the mound. However, although their impalement stakes are longer their height is the same as the rest. It could be that the artist lengthened the stakes because if the stakes were shown at the same size the two figures would appear lower. However, it is also possible that the depiction is very realistic and that in practice impalement stakes of those impaled on sloping ground were longer so that the overall height could be the same. On band II we see three figures impaled in the same way 196. These figures are impaled either on the walls of a fort or within its walls 197. On band X we see only one figure impaled in the same way, the difference is the figure has its hands and feet cut off. The act of cutting of the hands and feet by an Assyrian soldier is depicted just to the left of the impaled figure. This figure is also male. 198 The wooden stake in these representations can be identified as zaqīpu as attested in Assyrian textual sources. 199 On a relief from the central palace of Tiglath-Pileser III (745–726 BC) in Nimrud there is a depiction of a city under siege by the Assyrian army with three impaled nude male figures. 200 The impalement stake goes through their upper abdomen or possibly under their chins. The shape of the base of the impalement stake is semi-circular as though the stake was set in a small artificially made mound, or soil was stumped abutting the base forming a mound in this way. On a relief from the palace of Sargon II in Khorsabad in the lowest part of the relief, fourteen impaled male bodies are depicted outside the city. They are all nude, looking towards left or right and with an impalement stake going through just under their chins. Like in the case of impaled figures on the relief from the palace in Nimrud they are impaled outside of the city. The main difference is the shape of the base of the impalement stake which is here not semi-circular but just set in the ground. 201 On a relief from the south-west palace of Sennacherib in Niniveh three impaled figures are depicted outside the city besieged by Assyrian army. They are all nude male figures. The man in the middle is slightly higher than the rest and has different head gear or hair cut to the others. 202 The one on the right is in the act of being impaled, as there are two Assyrian soldiers holding the impalement stake with both of their hands. There were two, possibly even three, forms of impalement in the Near East, which can be distinguished based on the visual evidence. The earliest form is impalement through the body with the impalement stake depicted without a base. There is also impalement through the upper abdomen with the impalement stake with or without a semi-circular base. Finally, it is possible that the third form was impalement through the chin for which 196 197 198 199 200 201 202

King 1915: Pl. VII–VIII; Barnett und Forman 1959: 167. Jacobs 2009: 135. King 1915: Pl. LVI. Radner 2015: 104. Barnett und Forman 1959: 40. Botta et Flandin 1849: Pl. 55. David Ussishkin identifies it with plume of a helmet with, a decoration consisting of feathers or horsehair, and the figure as military governor/commander of Lachish, Ussishkin 2003: 213–214.

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a possible textual parallel is found in one of the letters belonging to the corpus of Neo-Assyrian prophecies. 203 Bahrani saw impalement as physical torture and “the art of maintaining life in death” quoting the work of Foucault. 204 He actually does not refer to “maintaining life in death” but to death-torture as “the art of maintaining life in pain” explaining torture as carefully quantified and regulated delivery of pain dependent on the gravity of the crime, the status of the criminal and the rank of the victim 205. Phrase dj.w Hr t p x t “laid on top of the stake” Early scholars who dealt with the phrase dj.w Hr t p x t “laid on top of the stake”, were unsure about its meaning. Griffith understood the phrase as “placing on the end of a stake” and interpreted it as impalement. 206 Hellmut Brunner suggested “an den Pfahl gebunden” - “bound to a stake” referring to the scene from the tomb of Mereruka where a nude man is tied to a column. 207 William Edgerton, although not accepting the translation of Brunner and insisting that one is “placed on” or “placed on top” of the stake, left the question open. He also suggested that it could be just a metaphor for execution, as in the use of “send a man to the chair” for electrocution in USA. 208 Thomas Eric Peet also suggested that the phrase means impalement. 209 The phrase “laid on top of the stake”, as written in the Amada inscription dedicated to Merenptah (Doc. 39) is particularly important because of the writing of the lexeme x t “wood, tree, stick”. 210 The lexeme x t is written with a peculiar determinative in this inscription. It has already attracted the attention of scholars as an argument for understanding the phrase “laid on top of the stake” as impalement. 211 The lexeme rdj from which the pseudo participle dj.w is built means “give, laid, placed, put”. 212 In the context of the phrase it can really be understood as “laid, placed, put” as the man depicted in the determinative really “lays” on a stake. 213 The preposition Hr t p indicates placement “vertically on” or “above”. 214 Previous epigraphic work done on the Amada temple, although copying the inscription dedicated to Merenptah, did not pay particular attention to the actual shape of this determinative. This is best seen in the fact that there are only several published photos of 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213

3.5 Word of Ishtar of Arbela, IV, 25–30, Parpola 1997: 27. Bahrani 2008: 155. Foucault 1995: 33. Griffith 1927: 203–204. Brunner 1939: 162, f. 2. For the scene from the tomb of Mereruka see Duell 1938: Pl. 36–38. Edgerton 1947: 224–225, f. 46. Peet 1930: 27. Wb 3, 339.10–341.11 Boochs 1983: 7; Lorton 1977: 26; Partridge 2002: 117; O’Connor 2003: 157; Muhlestein 2011: 54. Wb, 2, 464.1–468.15. The verb rdj with preposition Hr indicates placement of an animate or inanimate object “on” a mostly inanimate place, Stauder-Porchet 2009: 193–197. 214 Werning 2012: 309.

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the inscription and they are of very poor quality. 215 There are also several different transcriptions of the inscription and therefore of the determinative. The earliest was published by Henri Gauthier who did not recognise a body placed on top of the stake. Instead he proposed kA like arms turned down and in between them a tall narrow sign consisting of two angled lines at the base out of which a vertical line comes towards the arms 216. Ahmad Abd-El-Hamid Youssef proposed a straight vertical line on top of which a human figure is placed with abdomen above the top of the stake and called it “determinative for crucification”. 217 The later transcriptions of the determinative do not differ particularly from the one proposed by Youssef and are altogether far from the original suggestion of Gauthier. 218 The alternative transcription was published by Muhlestein and has a slightly broader base forming a stake with a pointy end in the direction of the abdomen of the enemy who is supposed to be placed on it. 219 It is clear that the proper understanding of the phrase “laid on top of the stake” depends on the proper and accurate transcription of the determinative. I conducted a closer inspection of the inscriptions at the Amada temple in February 2015. It showed that, although the sandstone inscription is severely weathered and somewhat damaged, it is nevertheless possible to reject some of the proposed shapes of the determinative and to slightly correct others. 220 All published transcriptions, except the original one by Gauthier, agree in the shape of the human body pierced by a stake through the abdomen. The body is slightly bent with arms and legs hanging down in mid-air. The problem is encountered with the shape of the impalement stake. Is it depicted as a straight line as most authors suggest or wide at the bottom as Gauthier originally suggested? The revision showed a widened base, probably consisting of three smaller lines, the middle one being the line of the impalement stake itself, and two additional lines, one left, one right, probably depicting the construction of the base. This is only slightly different in comparison to the original transcription of Gauthier to which a third line, in between the angled lines, should be added. As Gauthier was able to view the inscription before it was later weathered one should take into account at least some of the elements of his transcription. They are indeed in concordance with recent observations. The impalement stake has the same base as the sign U39 “post of balance”. However, the impalement determinative is not U39, as it is missing the curved side of the pole or hook. Similar depictions of impalement are found in Neo-Assyrian art where three types of impalement, concerning the place of entry of the stake into the body, can be distinguished. The first type depicts impalement as going in between the legs of the victim and is found only on the Balawat Gate. In some cases the hands and feet of the victim are cut 215 216 217 218 219 220

Barguet et Dewachter 1967: Pl. VI. Gauthier 1913: 188. Youssef 1964: 274. Aly, Abdel-Hamid et Dewachter1967: B8; Hannig 1995: 929. Muhlestein 2011: 54, Figure 7. 1. The inspection was done by Uroš Matić, Vera Michel (ÖAI) and Axel Krause (freelance photographer).

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off in what some authors interpreted as a sign that the victim is dead. 221 However, that the hands and feet were cut off is not unequivocally a sign of a dead victim on a stake, as this is a process which a victim could have survived, as we know from Egyptian representations of mutilated enemies. 222 The second type of impalement is through the abdomen of the victim and is known from the relief of the palace of Sargon II in Khorsabad and perhaps on a relief from the palace of Sennacherib in Niniveh 223, where it is questionable whether the stake goes through the abdomen or the throat of the victim. In all of the cases where impalement is depicted in such a manner, the heads of the victims are fallen down which was interpreted by some authors as a secure sign that they are dead. 224 The third type of impalement goes through the throat of the victim as attested on a relief from the central palace of Tiglath-Pileser III in Nimrud and perhaps on the relief of the palace of Sargon II in Khorsabad. The stake itself is depicted in two ways. The first is a simple straight stake set into the ground and it is found on the Balawat Gate, the relief from the central palace of Tiglath-Pileser III in Nimrud and on a relief from the south-western palace of Sennacherib in Niniveh. The second has a mound shaped base which could be piled soil abutting the base where the stake goes into the ground and it is found on a relief from the palace of Sargon II in Khorsabad. If the original transcription of the Amada impalement determinative by Gauthier is at least partially accurate concerning the shape of the stake, this would mean that the method of impalement resembled one of the Assyrian methods. As we have seen one Assyrian method of impalement consisted of placing the stake with a small mound as the base. 225 John Coleman Darnell and Colleen Manassa argued that the evidence we have for impalement in Egypt is not sufficient to indicate whether or not the victims were already dead before impalement. 226 As we have seen in the attestations for impalement as a capital punishment, the victims were impaled and it is not stated that they were executed before that. The impalement through the abdomen, as in the case of the Amada impalement determinative and some Neo-Assyrian representations, is interpreted as torture, namely, the victims are meant to be dying slowly on the stake and not to die in the process of impalement. 227 The body of the victim would gradually slide down the stake. 228 Michael Zach has pointed out that the stake in question does not seem to be pointed, as this would have penetrated the body and made it sink to the ground at once. 229 221 Ussishkin 2003: 210. 222 See Chapter Mutilation. Hand cutting. 223 A parallel between the Egyptian impaling practices of Merenptah and the relief of Senacherib from Niniveh was already suggested, Morkot 2000: 280. 224 Ussishkin 2003: 210. 225 One has to note that when the base of the stake is depicted in Neo-Assyrian art the victim is dead. 226 Darnell and Manassa 2007: 119. 227 Jacobs 2009: 138. 228 Robert B. Partridge discussed the effects of impaling arguing that if the stake pierced a major organ death would be quick, but if not, death would be slow and agonising, Partridge 2002: 117. 229 Zach 2007: 201; Zach 2010: 547.

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Based only on one determinative in the Amada temple we cannot be sure if the intention of the Egyptian impalement was for the victims to die slowly on the stake and therefore that it was necessary for the victims to survive the process of impalement, but we can be sure that they were alive when they were impaled. Location of impalement The Amada stela of Merenptah (Doc. 39) points to the location of the impalement south of Memphis (rs.j Mn-n fr). A stela fragment found north from the temple of Seti II in Hermopolis informs that the impaling was done beside the temple dj.w Hr t p x t r-gs tA Hw. t-nTr “laid on the stake at the side of the temple”. 230 These are the only thus far known texts which give a more precise location of the impalement. 231 Whether the Amada inscription dedicated to Merenptah is actually referring to the temple of Memphis may not be argued with certainty. The location of impalement beside the temple cannot be understood as a rule, although it does suggest public exposure for the impaled victims. The composite preposition r-gs could suggest impalement at the outer wall sides of the temple as the preposition r is argued to have the basic meaning “outside of an entity with interior space”  232 or rather just “close to; attached; and to”. 233 This still does not indicate any ritual or religious background for impalement. In the Near East impalement was done outside of the city, at least in the Neo-Assyrian period. Discussion It was suggested that the reason for impalement was to intimidate and discourage future incursions and rebellions 234 or to give a sobering object lesson. 235 This is demonstrated by the impalement of Nubian enemies from the land of Akuyuti in the Buhen inscription and comes as a reaction to and as a punishment for their rebellion (Doc. 17). There are those who interpret impalement as a regular feature of the punishment of enemies, their humiliation and as a public spectacle for the Egyptians 236, but also those who interpret it as psychological warfare 237 or as performed in a ritual context. 238 However, impalement is thus far only attested in two inscriptions dated respectively to Akhenaten (Doc. 17) and Merenptah (Doc. 39). Therefore, it cannot be claimed that it was a widespread practice. 239 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239

Second row, Brunner 1939: 162. Already Brunner noted that we do not know a lot about execution sites, Brunner 1939: 163, f. 2. Zamacona 2010: 226. Werning 2012: 306. f. 15. Muhlestein 2011: 55; Müller 2011: 245; Janzen 2013: 256. The actions against the people from the land of Akayutu are also seen as successful “aggressive policy” as there are later references (Ramesses II) for Egyptian activity there, however without further conflict, O’Connor 1987: 127. Redford 2004: 40. Schulman 1988: 92. Wilkinson 2010: 321. Muhlestein 2011: 48. The same conclusion about the rarity of impalement as treatment of enemies in, Darnell and Manassa 2007: 119.

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Nothing in these texts points towards performance in ritual context or to a spectacle. This does not exclude high visibility punishment and deterrant comparable to Assyria. 240 The fact that the enemies were probably impaled close to the temple walls indicates that they were visible, but we do not know if the process of impaling was intended to be seen and by how many observers. The chest as the place where the body and the bA are to be unified is attested since the reign of Amenhotep III. 241 Wolfgang Boochs argued that ideas about the hereafter played a role in development of impalement as punishment in the New Kingdom. According to him the integrity of the body and the possibility for the bA and the shadow to be mobile were crucial for the ancient Egyptian idea of the afterlife. Egyptians probably saw impalement as simultaneous impalement of the body, the bA and the shadow. Through impalement the body, but also the bA and the shadow are stuck to the ground e.g. this world and lose the possibility to move. This is why impalement did not only cause death in this world, but complete destruction of identity through destruction of the bA and the shadow. 242 The idea of Boochs cannot be confirmed by any particular text. However, it is interesting that, as we know that impalement was done outside, the stake would pierce the body and the shadow, because it would cast the shadow of both the stake and the pierced body. This is how the shadow would be visibly, visually and materially killed. 243 We know from funerary texts that shadows could be cut and that this was dangerous for the deceased. However, the shadows in funerary texts are never impaled. 244 This is probably because they were separated from the body in the Underworld. 245 Impalement as a form of capital punishment or treatment of enemies is found in many different cultures. Proper impalement was rare in Rome. 246 Few attestations are known from Meroitic temples. On the back wall of each pylon of the Naqa Apedemak temple from the reign of Natakamani (middle of the 1st century AD), there is a representation of a kneeling male enemy pulled back by a rope and impaled on a standard depicting Apedemak on the top. 247 There is also a sandstone sculpture depicting the same motif from the temple of Amun in Tabo. A hole in the chest indicates that a pole, or a standard like in Naqa, of organic material (most probably wood) was driven through the body. The statue is on iconographic grounds attributed to the period of the construction of the 240 Radner 2015. 241 Assmann 2001a: 117. For a discussion on the image of the bA on the chest of the deceased and its history with related references see Wüthrich und Stöhr 2013: 49. 242 Boochs 1983: 8–9. Zach referred to the idea of Wolfgang Boochs, however instead of the bA he mentions the destruction of the kA, Zach 2010: 547. On the close connection between the bA and the shadow with the body see George 1970: 93. 243 For the mobility of the shadow see, George 1970: 73. For the necessity for the shadow to be mobile which is in Chapter 191 of the Book of the Dead and accomplished through an appeal to an entity called Hs q Sw.w t - “Shadow-cutter” see Wüthrich und Stöhr 2013: 43, 48–49. 244 George 1970: 42–48. 245 Wüthrich und Stöhr 2013. 246 Cook 2014: 3. 247 Gamer-Wallert 1983a: 28–29; Gamer-Wallert 1983b: Tafel 15, 16; TAVO B48/3. Bl.48a, 48b.

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Meroitic kiosk in the reign of Natakamani. 248 Zach suggested that four bronze plaques in the form of bound prisoners lying on their bellies, found in the debris in several locations at the Gebel Barkal Amun temple B500 belong to the same corpus. 249 According to Zach representations of impalement in Meroitic art are a local peculiarity and not the adoption of Egyptian patterns, as impalement as a motif is unknown in Egyptian temple iconography. 250 According to Youssef the treatments of enemies attested in the Amada stela of Merenptah are mentioned in the Quran and attributed to the pharaoh as the first one who followed such measures. 251 The idea of impalement as oriental practice par excellence was formed in the European encounter with the Ottoman Empire. Ottoman authorities used impalement as an example and to send a warning to others. Impaling provoked fear and anxiety in witnesses at the sight of the victim because of its long and tortuous death. The executioner would drive a metal-tipped stake into the body of the victim passing through the torso without touching any of the most vital organs in an attempt to leave the victim alive and impaled in order to die slowly. If done correctly the victim would die slowly over a period of two to three days 252. Execution by impalement was also common in Ottoman Cairo 253.

Burning Burning of enemies and prisoners of war in the New Kingdom is thus far only attested in the Memphis stela of Amenhotep II (Doc. 10) and the Amada temple inscription dedicated to Merenptah (Doc. 39).  254 Burning of the enemies by Amenhotep II is related to his offensive military action in Syria (Doc. 10) and burning of the enemies by Merenptah is a response to a rebellion in Lower Nubia (Doc. 39). This rebellion is described on several other monuments (Amada, Amarah West, Wadi es-Sebua, Aksha). 255 Before the evidence 248 249 250 251 252 253 254

Maystre 1967–1968: 197; Pl. XXVIIb; Maystre 1969: 11, Pl. IVb. See finds: 19–2-30, 19–2-71, 20–2-90, 20–3-142, Dunham 1970: 44–59; Zach 2010: 545. Zach 2007: 201; Zach 2010: 547. Youssef 1964: 276. Reid 2000: 440–442. Winter 1992: 227. The earliest evidence for burning of enemies in ancient Egypt is argued to be the Tod temple inscription of presumably Senusret I, Muhlestein 2011: 38. The text contains numerous Late Egyptian elements which has led some authors to suggest either a later date or a later restoration, Buchberger 2006: 20–21. The text deals with punishment by placing on the brazier (dj.w m ax) of those who allegedly had cast fire at the temple. However, we cannot be sure that these offenders were foreigners. For the transliteration and translation of the text see Helck 1985: 48; Redford 1987: 42, 51; Barbotin et Clère 1991: 10; Quack 1992: 128–130. The claim that the text contains an attestation for burning of Nubians and Asiatics is based on a very poorly preserved line of the text where, at the end, after two strokes as remnants of the plural, comes the preserved part of the text: Hr wbd aA[m .w] (“while burning here As[iatics]?”), Barbotin et Clère 1991: 25; Muhlestein 2011: 38. The continuation of the text is damaged, Redford 1987: Fig. 2, line 35. 255 KRI IV, 1. 8–2.7.

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for burning of enemies is discussed, several other related themes have to be addressed. These are attestations of fiery powers of the king, burning of enemies in the Near East, burning as punishment of criminals, burning of the damned dead and the enemies of king and gods, lake of fire and burning of representation of enemies. Fiery powers of the king The statements about the fiery powers of the king claim that these powers are coming either from his uraeus or from his own body. Thus, the king is mighty over the limbs of Hittite like fire: “He is mighty over his limbs like fire” (sx m=f m Ha.w=f mj x . t). 256 “His uraeus is repelling his enemies” (n sr. t=f d r. t xf tj.w=f) 257 and is behind his enemies “with fire against their faces” (m sD. t r Hr.w=sn). 258 Referring to enemies, it is stated about the king’s uraeus that: “Its heat burns them all with its fire” (Am=s Imj.w-n b. w=sn m n sw. t=s) 259, “his uraeus in front spits fire at the top of the heads, destroys their flesh, devours their bodies” (bSj Hr. t Ax . t=f r wp.wt sk m=w Ha.w=sn j mj=s Ha.w=sn). 260 “His name skewers with his flame the plains and foreign lands” (m xA rn=f n rj=f tA.w xAs.wt). 261 Pronouncing his name can also lead to burning up. 262 The king can also be compared to a god in relation to his and particular god’s fiery powers. The king states “my uraeus overthrew for me my enemies and it gave forth its fiery blast in a flame in the face of my enemies” (Ax . t=j Hr sx r n=j xft.j.w=j dj=s hh=s m n sr. t m Hr n x rw.yw=j). He says “I am like Re when he rises at dawn and his rays burn for me the flesh of rebels” (t w=j mj Ra m xa=f t p s bAy. t s t.w wbn .w=f wbd n=j Ha.w n s bj.w). 263 “His blast of fire is against their bodies like Sekhmet when she is angry” (hh=f m x . t r Ha.w=sn mj sx m . t xf. t q n d=s). 264 “Great fire-blast of Sekhmet took hold in the hearts of enemies so that their bones burned up inside their bodies” (pA

256 The Battle against Dapur, Ramesseum, Hypostyle Hall, Eastern Wall, south half, BARE III, 360; KRI II, 173. 12; BARE III. 360. 257 Gebel Barkal stela of Thutmose III, Urk. IV, 1230, 3–4. 258 Gebel Barkal stela of Thutmose III, Urk. IV, 1238, 18. 259 Poetic Stela of Thutmose III, Urk. IV, 613, 17; BARE II, 657; a parallel can be found in Coffin Texts Spell 284 where the uraeus on the forehead of Re burns his enemies, CT 284, de Buck 1951: 34h; Faulkner 1973: 213. 260 Stela British Museum EA 138. 8 of Amenhotep son of Hapu; BARE II, 925; Varille 1968: 71. 261 The First Libyan War: Great Inscription of Year 5 of Ramesses III, Medinet Habu, KRI V. 22.11. 262 Sea Peoples campaign of Ramesses III, Great Inscription of Year 8, Medinet Habu, KRI V. 41. 4. 263 The Poem of the Battle of Qadesh of Ramesses II, Luxor, Court of Ramesses II, East Wall, south half, KRI II, 86. 8–87. 1. 264 Second Libyan War: Prologue Text, Medinet Habu, KRI V, 57. 7. Here it must be stressed that Sekhmet is described in Chapter 164 of the Book of the Dead as consuming fire (wn m .y t), the great fire blast of s q n q . t on the prow of the barque of her father (s rq .w aA{. t} n . t s q n q . t m HA. t wjA n j t i =T), Hoenes 1975: 87. The attestation of Sekhmet in the Book of the Dead is seen by some authors as transference of a solar protection in funerary ritual domain, Germond 1981: 352. It is also argued that Sekhmet is not attested with fiery powers before the time of Amenhotep III, Hoenes 1975: 70. For the solar aspect of Sekhmet see most recently, Wüthrich 2015a: 126.

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hh aA n sx m . t Abx . t m jb =sn mHA nAy=sn q s.w m Xnw X. t=sn). 265 The fiery blast of Sekhmet blazed as a torch against the bodies of king’s enemies and “their bones baked and burned up within their bodies (q s.w=w psj (.w) wbd (.w) m Xnw Ha.wt=sn). 266 King’s powers are also granted by gods such as Amun who says: “Your Majesty is like a thunderbolt which scatters its fire in flames and emits scent” (Hm=k mj sSd s t bs=f m x . t dj=f jAd . t). 267 When the king is compared to fire or flame, he either destroys the enemies or their towns. “His bA.w power is among them (enemies) like fire when he destroys their towns” (bA.w=f j m=sn mj x . t sk=f d mj.w=sn) 268. “The king is ruthless like a flame at its time of devouring” (wn n sw. t Hw-n .y -r-Hr mj x . t m t r=s n j mj. t). 269 “His fiery blast is against them like fire” (hh=f r=s m sD. t). 270 “Every district before him burns up. He burned up every foreign country with his blast, while his two eyes were glaring (?) when he saw them, and his bA.w power blazed like fire against them” (ww=f n b Hr rkH wbd . n=f xAs.wt n b.wt m hh=f j r.wj Hsj Dr mAA=f s t bA.w=f Hr n bjt mj x . t r sn). 271 “Their towns burn up because of my fiery blast” (Afr n hh=j d mj.wt=sn). 272 “His fiery blast burns their bodies like fire” (wbd hh=f Ha.w=sn mj x t) 273; “burns inside their bodies” (wbd m x nw Ha.w=sn 274). “The king himself took possession of the road of his army, strong in front of him like the flame of fire” (n swt Ds=f Ss p =f wA. t mSa=f q n r HA. t=f mj hh n x-t). 275 “He enters among them (enemies) like a flame of the fire reducing them to non-existence” (aq (.w) j m=sn mj n sr n x . t jr=sn m t wn). 276 “His bA.w power among them (enemies) is like fire when he destroys their towns” (bA.w=f j m=sn mj x . t skj=f d mj=sn). He causes the Asiatics to wonder who he is and claim that he is “like a fire as it comes forth and water cannot be brought” (mj x . t m pr. t n n jn mw). 277 The 265 Second Libyan War: Great War Inscription of Year 11 of Ramesses III, Medinet Habu, BARE IV, 90; KRI V, 62. 12–13. 266 Second Libyan War, Poem of Year 11 of Ramesses III, main text, Medinet Habu, BARE IV, 94; KRI V, 69. 9–10. 267 Karnak, Triumph-Scene and Topographical List of Seti I, East Side, Triumphal Welcoming Speech of Amun, BARE III, 117; KRI I, 27. 6–7. 268 Karnak War Scenes of Sethi I, West Side, lowest register, BARE III. 147; KRI I, 18. 13–14. 269 The Poem of the Battle of Qadesh of Ramesses II, Luxor, Pylon, North face, KRI II, 7. 8. 270 Gebel Barkal stela of Thutmose III, Urk. IV, 1230, 1. 271 Battle of Qadesh of Ramsses II, Bulletin, KRI II, 120. 10–14. 272 First Libyan War of Ramesses III: Medinet Habu Scenes, Second Series (iii), King´s Speech, BARE IV, 54; KRI V, 17.12. 273 Campaign of Ramesses III against the Sea Peoples: Medinet Habu, Land Battle scene (c), Rhetorical text before king in chariot, KRI V, 30. 12. 274 Second Libyan War of Ramesses III: Triumphal Poem of Year 11, main text, Medinet Habu, KRI V, 69. 10. 275 Inscription of 23rd regnal year of Thutmose III on a column in the Temple of Wadi Halfa, Urk. IV, 808, 15–17; BARE II, 413. 276 Karnak War Scenes of Sethi I, West Side, lowest register, KRI I, 18. 2. 277 Karnak, Campaign against the Libyans, West Side, middle register, BARE III, 139; KRI III, 23. 8–9.

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king is “like flame in shooting forth, unchecked by water” (mj x . t m pr. t n n jn mw). 278 The king is “strong of heart in the hour of combat like fire at its time of consuming” (sx m HAty m wnwt Hw-ny -r-Hr mj x t m t r=s n wn m). 279 “Your heat [consumes?] their bodies like fire of an oven” (tA=k […] Ha.w=sn mj x . t [m n] m q r). 280 “Respect of him is like fire behind them (enemies)” (Sf.wt=f mj x . t m sA=sn). 281 According to Michael G. Hasel the references to the fiery powers of the king could have had some historical validity as an Egyptian military tactic. Nevertheless, he argued that it is more likely that this is stereotypical rhetoric. 282 We do not have any evidence in the visual record that the king burned enemy settlements, although written records refer to the burning of settlements, villages and towns. 283 Burning of enemies in the Near East Burning is a well-known punishment in the Near East. 284 The Codex Hamurabi punishes with burning a priestess who does not reside within the cloister if she opens a tavern or enters a tavern for some beer 285 and a man who lies with his mother after his father’s death. 286 Assyrian kings boasted about their fiery powers. Shalmaneser I’s (1274–1245 BC) aggressive battle flashes like a flame. 287 Ashurnasirpal II (883–859 BC) boasts of burning many captives from the city of Tēla including adolescent boys and girls. 288 He also boasts of burning adolescent boys and girls in Išpilipria 289, Larbusa and eight cities in its envi-

278 Karnak War Scenes of Sethi I, West Side, middle register, presentation of prisoners and spoil to Amun, Mut and Khonsu, (ii) Text above upper file of prisoners, KRI I, 23. 9. 279 The “Poem” of the Battle of Qadesh of Ramesses II, KRI II, 7–10. 280 Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Great Inscription of Year 11, Medinet Habu, KRI V. 65.10. 281 Rhetorical stela Tanis II of Ramesses II, BARE III, 489; KRI II, 289. 10. 282 Hasel 1998: 85. 283 For the destruction of enemy landscape see Meurer 2001; Aufrère 2005; Phelps 2009; Matić 2017d. 284 For one of the early summaries of evidence see Jelitto 1913: 26–27. Also see Hays 2011: 228–229; Roth 2011: 5. 285 Driver and Miles 1956: 206, 320; L110, Roth 1995: 101. 286 Driver and Miles 1956: 206, 320; L157, Roth 1995: 111; VerSteeg 2000: 119; Neumann und Paulus 2012: 201. 287 A.0.77.1, 13–13, Grayson 1987: 182–183. 288 Inscription on stone relief of walls and floors of the Ninurta temple at Calah. Annals of Ashurnasirpal-First campaign, A.0.101.1, Col. I, 112–118, Grayson 1991: 201. 289 Inscription on Ninurta temple at Calah. Annals of Ashurnasirpal-First campaign, A.0.101.1, Col. ii, 15b-19a, Grayson 1991: 203. Stone stela, the so-called Nimrud Monolith or Grand Monolith, First campaign, A.0.101.117, Col. ii, 48b-63a, Grayson 1991: 244.

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rons 290, Ḫudun 291, and in Pitura where he also burned soldiers. 292 Ashurnasirpal II also boasts of burning adolescent boys as an offering after conquering the city of Pitura. 293 This should not be confused with the so-called “burning of children” in Neo-Assyrian cult related documents. 294 Shalmaneser III (859–824 BC) also boasts of burning adolescent boys and girls from Aridu. 295 There is also an ostracon from Assur, with an Assyrian letter written in Aramaic, in which an Assyrian military general considers the fate of defectors and comments that the practice of past kings was to burn them. 296 In the Near East burning was the worst fate of all because the ghost of the one who burns to death goes up in smoke and has no place in the Underworld. 297 Burning as punishment The stela of Neferhotep from Abydos 298, dated to the First Intermediate Period or the Middle Kingdom, contains an attestation for burning as a capital punishment. 299 Although some suggested “branding” for the translation of the verb wbd in this text 300 it is well attested that wbd means “to burn”. 301 There is a possible attestation for burning in a juridical context in the Temple of Kanais of Seti I. 302 He warns that every future king who would destroy his plans and say that the lands support him and belong to him, like they did to Seti I, will answer in Heliopolis. The ones who are brought to the court “are going to answer for their things, they are going to be red like burned on fire, these who burn their bodies, not listening to me” (jr=sn wSb Hr jx .wt DSr=sn mj bsj n sD. t n{s}w HA. t=sn Hna=sn t m sDm n=j). 303 The text

290 Inscription on Ninurta temple at Calah. Annals of Ashurnasirpal-First campaign, A.0.101.1, Col. ii, 39–43, Grayson 1991: 204; Nimrud Monolith, First campaign, A.0.101.117, Col. iiI 2–14, Grayson 1991: 245. 291 Inscription on Ninurta temple at Calah. Annals of Ashurnasirpal-First campaign, A.0.101.1, Col. ii, 56–60b, Grayson 1991: 206; Nimrud Monolith, First campaign, A.0.101.117, Col. iii, 46–50, Grayson 1991: 246. 292 Inscription on Ninurta temple at Calah. Annals of Ashurnasirpal-First campaign, A.0.101.1, Col. II, 103b-110a, Grayson 1991: 210; Nimrud Monolith, First campaign, A.0.101.117, Col. iv, 64–83a, Grayson 1991: 250. 293 Stone stela, the so-called Kurkh Monolith, Fifth campaign, A.0.101.19, 70–77a, Grayson 1991: 260. 294 Arguments against this practice, Weinfeld 1972: 144–146. Arguments for, Smith 1975: 479. 295 Annals of Shalmaneser III from a large stone stele at Kurkh, A.0.102.2, Col. i, 14b-18a, Grayson 1996: 14. 296 Holm 2008: 90. 297 For an overview of sources indicating this see Holm 2008: 91; Hays 2011: 228. 298 Randall-MacIver and Griffith 1902: XXIX, line 6. The stela is now lost. 299 Leahy 1984: 199; Willems 1990: 40. 300 Lorton 1977: 18; Quirke 2015: 157. 301 Wb I, 297.1–6 302 Schott 1961: 154, Tf. 19, C. 12–13. 303 Schott 1961: 154, Tf. 19, C. 12–13.

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states that any official who by way of bad advice encourages the king to remove personnel in order to place him instead “will be given to fire” (jw=f n n sr. t). 304 One should also mention Ostracon Nash 2 (BM 65956) from the reign of Seti II where a dispute over the ownership of a chisel is attested. 305 Nebnefer son of Nahi claims that the chisel is the king’s ownership and that if anyone in the future shows that it is not the ownership of the king he should be thrown in m ny. t (fire?). 306 Some authors interpret this as an oath stating that if Nebnefer is proved wrong he should be sentenced to forced labour. 307 However, this part of the text is not particularly clear as it states jw=sn gAS m m ny. t rr=s t 308 “we should be thrown in m ny. t because of it”. According to Schafik Allam a parallel can be found in Ostracon JE 72465. 309 However, this ostracon does not illuminate the interpretation of m ny. t. The first signs of the lexeme Allam saw as a parallel are written as m nj and not m ny, but the last signs, including the potential brazier sign Q7, are not recognisable. 310 The hieratic writing of Q7 as determinative for m ny. t in Ostracon Nash 2 cannot be questioned. This does not allow a straightforward interpretation of m ny. t as fire for punishment, as understood by previous scholars. 311 It is possible to relate this lexeme to the lexeme m nj used for impalement. 312 Papyrus Vandier=Papyrus Lille 139 (Recto, 5, 7–12) and Papyrus BM 10252 (3, 21) mention burning on the brazier of Mut (ax n Mw. t) in Heliopolis which led some authors to argue that humans were sacrificed through burning for Mut. 313 However, one has to bear in mind the context of such attestations. In the case of Papyrus Vandier, we are dealing with a story in which the burning of the magicians on the brazier of Mut is an act of vengeance by the magician Merire to whom other magicians did wrong. 314 In the case of Papyrus BM 10252 the ones who are burned are the enemies of Re. Burning as a punishment for Theban rebels is attested in the narrative of prince Osorkon where it is written that each man is to be burned in the place of his crime. 315 In the “Instruction of Ankhsheshonq” it is written that the pharaoh had an altar of earth 304 KRI I, 69. 10; see also Paksi 2015: 182. Erik Hornung related this to the fire lake in the Underworld, Hornung 1968: 22. 305 1 Verso, 7–8, see Černý and Gardiner 1957: Pls. XLVII, XLVIIa; Ostracon Nash 2, verso, 6–9, Allam 1973b: 218. 306 The lexeme m ny. tj determined with a man with a hoe sign A78 is translated as “cultivator”, but in Ostracon Nash 2 it is suggested it means corvée labor, Wb. II, 77. 6–7. In Ostracon Nash 2 it is determined with the brazier sign Q7. Some authors therefore translate it as fire, cf. Allam 1973b: 218–219, f. 16. 307 cf. Lorton 1977: 44. 308 The r before the suffix is doubled, see Allam 1973b: 218, f. 5. 309 Allam 1973b: 70. 310 O. Cairo JE 72465, recto 9, Allam 1973a: 32. 311 Leahy 1984: 199. 312 Papyrus Abbott (BM 10221), KRI VI, 478, 8–9. 313 Yoyotte 1980–1981: 81‒82; Willems 1990: 49. This is accepted as evidence for human sacrifice even in more recent publications, Eyre 2017: 89. 314 Hoffmann und Quack 2007: 158‒159. 315 Chronicle of Prince Osorkon, Columns 35–36, Caminos 1958: 48; Ritner 2009: 352, 355–356.

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built at the door of the palace and the ones who schemed against him suffered the fate of being placed on the brazier of copper (pA ax Hm t). 316 In a demotic papyrus from Saqqara a similar episode is found mentioning burning of a prophet of Horus, lord of Letopolis, together with his family and associates on the brazier. It is however not clear what the crime commited was and if the punishment was ever carried out. 317 We also find a reference to burning in Manetho who gives an account of burning of Bochoris alive by Shabako. 318 The Book of the Temple also mentions punishment of those who trespass into the Osirian part of the temple with execution by placing on the fire altar. 319 According to Anthony Leahy punishment by fire is a response to the most heinous of crimes which he considered to be consistent with the mythological background of Egyptian politics. 320 Müller-Wollermann pointed out that the brazier argued by Leahy 321 to have been used to burn the offenders was too small for this. 322 She based this on the interpretation of ax “brazier” 323 as small metallic fireplace as argued by Serge Sauneron. 324 According to Muhlestein burning as a punishment mimicked burning sacrifices, because burning represents a total destruction in both the mortal and post-mortal realms. 325 Burning of the damned dead and the enemies of king and gods in the Underworld Already in the Pyramid Texts we find expressions suggesting that the deceased had fears of burning, as it is said about the king: “Unas is not to be given to the flame of gods” (n n rDj.w wnjs n n sr=Tn nTr.w ). 326 Demons called the “Great Ones in the North of the sky” (aA(.w) mH. tj.w p. t) are also attested in the Pyramid Texts as “those who lay fire for him (the king) to the cauldron” (wd .w n=f sD. t r wHA.wt). 327 In the Coffin Texts the deceased states “I did not burn” (n n nwX=j) 328 and “I will not be burned by the finders of the Great One” (n n n s wj gm m .w wr) 329 and that Atum should save him from a demon described as “He who is ward of the windings of the Lake of Fire” (jrj QAb pw n S n sDt). 330 316 Papyrus BM 10508, Column 4. 4–5, Glanville 1955: 12–13; Lichtheim 1980: 163. 317 Smith and Tait 1983: 8, 40; Leahy 1984: 200. 318 Manetho, Fr. 66 from Syncellus, according to Africanus, see Waddell 1964: 166–167; Hornung 1968: 27; Leahy 1984: 200–201. Also see the latest discussion in Volokhine 2009: 225. 319 Quack 2013: 119. 320 Leahy 1984: 202. 321 Leahy 1984. 322 Müller-Wollermann 2004: 197; for additional arguments in her favor see Matić 2019a. 323 Wb 1, 223.13–16 324 Sauneron 1958: 276g. 325 Muhlestein 2015b: 246. 326 PT 260, 323d, Sethe 1908: 174; Allen 2005: 47. 327 PT 274, 405a–b, Sethe 1908: 211–212; Allen 2005: 51. 328 CT 359, De Buck 1954: 12d; Faulkner 1977: 3 329 CT 246, De Buck 1947: 337f; Faulkner 1973: 192. 330 CT 335, De Buck 1935: 313d–314a; Faulkner 1973: 261.

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The Book of the Dead also contains attestations of fire being benevolent for the deceased and enemies of kings and gods. In Chapter 17 a fire snake is mentioned which burns the bA-souls of the enemies of Osiris “This flame, devouring flame of Osiris, burns up the bA-souls of his enemies” (n sr. t pw j mj. t x . t wsjr Hr sAm bA.w n xftj.w=f) 331. The same chapter mentions the “Lake of Fire” (S n sr. t) which “devours corpses, steals hearts and causes wounds without being seen” (am XA. t m x n p HAtj.w wdj XA.wt n n mAA. n . t w=f). 332 The title of Chapter 63 is “Spell to drink water and not to be parched in fire” (ra n sjw mw t m awgA m sD. t) and the deceased states “I will not be parched” (n n awgA=j) and “I will not be burned” (n n snwx=j). 333 Chapter 63B mentions the “Lake of Fire” (S n sr. t). 334 In Chapter 71 the deceased expresses that he knows the seven wise ones who are on the “Island of fire” (jw n sr. t) 335 and in Chapter 86 he claims to have spent the day on the “Island of flame”. 336 The same island is also mentioned in Chapter 110. 337 In Chapter 98 the deceased states “I came from the Island of flame, from the Island of heat” (jj. n=j m jw n n sr. t m jw n Am .w). 338 Chapter 136B bears the title “Spell for the journey in the Great Barque of Re in order to go over the Court of Flame” (ra n sqd .wt m wjA aA n ra.w r swA Hr Sn .yt x . t). 339 Chapter 144 mentions a demon called “Burner” (As b) who reports to the guardian of the second gate. 340 Chapter 146 mentions “Fire, mistress of magic” (x . t n b. t HkA.w) as the guardian of the Fifth Gate of the House of Osiris in the Field of Reeds 341 and “Flame-glowing one, fire-scorching one, hot of heat, with fast hand, who kills without questioning, the one next to whom a man does not go from the fear of her pain” (rkH. t bs.w ax m . t DAf s p d . t paw xAx . t Dr. t s mA. t n n nDnD jw. t (j). t swA Hr =s n snD j{n}h .w =s) as the guardian of the Eighth Gate. 342 Chapter 149 mentions the third places of the Blessed Dead “whose flame is from burning fire” (n sr=s m x . t bs), the ninth places “whose openings are of fire” (wn=s m x . t), twelfth places “whose blast is of fire” (hh=s m x . t), thirteenth places whose “water is of fire” (mw=s m x . t) and “brand is of fire” (wA.w=s m x . t), “whose blast is of the flame of branding” (hh=s m x . t n bs). 343 In Chapter 167Pleyte a bull is attested that is “the lord of flame, with strong flame, mighty one and who bursts the rock with his fiery blast” (n b n bj naS n sr. t sx m DaDa jn r m

331 332 333 334 335 336 337 338 339 340 341 342 343

Hornung 1979: 67; e.g Lapp 2006: 158–159. Hornung 1979: 72; e.g Lapp 2006: 252–255. Naville 1886: Pl. LXXIII, line 3. Hornung 1979: 134. Hornung 1979: 150; e.g Lapp 2011: 360–365. Hornung 1979: 175. Hornung 1979: 212. Hornung 1979: 188–189; Lüscher 2009: 5–6. Hornung 1979: 263; e.g Papyrus BM EA 10477 (Nu), see Lapp 1997: Pl. 81. Hornung 1979: 276; e.g Papyrus BM EA 10477 (Nu), BD 144, 6, see Lapp 1997: Pl. 74. e. g Papyrus Cairo CG 24095 (Maiherperi), 146, 493, see Munro 1994: Tf. 132. e. g Papyrus Cairo CG 24095 (Maiherperi), 146, 502–505, Munro 1994: Tf. 132. Hornung 1979: 303, 309–314; Lüscher 2010: 44, 136, 194–195, 208–210.

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hh=f) 344 and this same bull is described as the one with “great flame against his enemies” (wr n bj. t r xft.jw=f). 345 The Book of Amduat describes Re as “the one who burns and boils enemies at sunrise” (jn nsm=f ps{s}(j) xftj.w Ra.w m nh p). 346 We also find representations of punishment with burning in the Fifth Hour of the night and representations of six pits filled with fire in the lowest register of the Eleventh Hour. The first pit is flanked by a snake and a lion headed female demon with a knife in her hand. They both spit into the pit and thus heat it up. The pit contains three enemies in the form of a sign A14, a man with blood streaming from his head. The second pit has a female headed demon with a knife in her hand depicted on the right side. This pit also contains three enemies in the form of sign A14. The third pit also has a female headed demon with a knife in her hand again depicted on the right. This pit contains three bA birds. The fourth pit also has a female headed demon with a knife in her hand and on the right side. This pit contains three sunshade signs S35, standing here for shadows. The fifth pit also has a female headed demon with a knife in her hand and on the right. This pit has three heads of enemies in the form of sign D1. The sixth pit has no female demon on its right side. It contains four enemies upside-down in the form of sign A29, a man upside-down. Between them is written sxd .w “those who are upside-down”. 347 The following text describes how the body parts, shadows and heads of sinners should be cut, that they go upside-down and that they fall in their pits. The fire of the snake called “Burner of Millions” (st. t HH) is against them together with the flames of the one named “The one on their pits” (st. t Hr.wt=sn). 348 The texts from the Book of Amduat from the tombs of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II mention “enemies of Khepri who are to burn” (Am= tn xfty.w ≈prj). 349 They also mention Ankh-jrw 350, a demon who is burning the enemies of Osiris “Ankh-jrw is against them, he burns them” (anx-jr.w r=sn Am=f sn). 351 Along with this demon, these texts mention those who punish the dead in the Underworld and “burn their dead corpses with a blast from their mouth” (sAm . t Xa.wt m t m hh n r=sn) 352, the “ones who light the fire to slay the enemies of Re” (n tsn rkX wAwA. t r smA. t xfty.w nw Ra) 353, the “cutting one who burns the dead” (ds sAm m ty.w) 354, and the names of the uraei “those that burn for Osiris, who is Foremost of the Duat” (stty.w Wsr 344 e.g Papyrus Louvre N3248, X, 48–52, transliteration and translation based on the transcription published by Wüthrich 2015b: 173. 345 e.g Papyrus Louvre N3248, XIII, 71, Wüthrich 2015b: 174. 346 The Twelfth Hour from the Tomb of Thutmose III, Bucher 1932: 82, line 98; Hornung 1994: 838–839. 347 The Eleventh Hour from the tomb of Thutmose III, Hornung 1968: 23; Hornung, Loeben and Wiese 2005. 348 Hornung 1968: 23–24; Hornung 1994: 784. 349 The Sixth Hour from the Tomb of Thutmose III, Bucher 1932: 45 line 216. 350 LGG II, 137a. 351 Bucher 1932: 47, line 22–23. 352 Bucher 1932: 32, line 63. 353 Bucher 1932: 12, line 192–194. 354 Bucher 1932: 60, line 226.

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Xn ty dwA. t). 355 In the tomb of Thutmose III the Eleventh Hour of the Book of Amduat depicts in the third register enemies, bA-souls, shadows, heads of enemies, and enemies upside-down (sxd .w) these are depicted each in their pits being burned by female demons holding knives and spitting fire or emitting fiery blasts into the pits. 356 The Book of Caverns mentions Iarty 357 “destroyer of the enemies, Foremost of the Duat, who ignites them, destroyer of enemies of the king” (Ht m xft.w x n ty dwAt Iarwty rkH=f sn Ht m xft.w n n sw). 358 In the Fifth Cavern (second scene of the lowest register of the first part) there is a representation of a cauldron held by two arms and inside it there are four heads and four hearts. The cauldron is described as having great fire and containing heads and hearts of the enemies. 359 In the third scene we find another cauldron flanked with two cobras that spit underneath it in order to heat it up. Inside the cauldron are four bound and decapitated captives turned upside-down. The cobras are described in the text as uraei of Re who set fire to the cauldron and the captives as his enemies. 360 The lowest register of the second part of the Fifth Cavern has a cauldron flanked by two kneeling figures. Two brazier signs Q7 are depicted underneath the cauldron, each at one of the arms holding the cauldron. Inside the cauldron are fans, a bA bird and body parts from top to bottom. The figures are described as ss.yt “burner” and n swt. t “flame fanner” whereas the content of the cauldron is described as bA-souls, body parts and shadows of the enemies of Re. 361 The first two representations are followed by the 14th Great Litany in which the masters of the cauldrons are called upon to set fire to their cauldrons and cook the enemies of the domains of the Underworld. 362 The third representation is followed by the 20th Great Litany in which the masters of the cauldrons are also called upon to lay fire under their cauldrons. 363 In the Book of Gates there are representations of big fire kilns in which sinners were punished by burning. 364 The same text mentions “burning them in the Benben house” (Am m=sn m Hw. t bn bn). 365 In the Third Hour of the Book of the Gates, the Ennead of Re says that the fiery blast of Shetait 366 is against Apophis “fiery blast goes forth against him from Shetait” (prj hh r=k n StAy. t). 367 Re says to the uraei who guard one of the lakes: “your flame is a fiery blast against my enemies” (n sw=Tn hh m xfty.w=j) and

355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362 363 364 365 366 367

Bucher 1932: 65, line 100. Hornung 2005: 31–32. LGG I, 146b. Piankoff 1945: 15, Pl. XCIX-line 23a. Werning 2011: 258–259. Werning 2011: 262–263. Werning 2011: 276–277. Werning 2011: 321–323. Werning 2011: 364–365. Book of Gates I 212–217; II, 34, Hornung 1968: 24. Sixth Hour, middle register, 38th Scene, Hornung 2014: 213. LGG VII, 140a–141c. Third Hour, lower register, 13th Scene, Hornung 2014: 85.

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“your fire burns in those who have done evil against me” (sDt=Tn m (jrj.w) Dw. t r=j). 368 He also speaks to the guardians of the fiery pit and says: “your blast of fire, your flame is against bA-souls who mount up Osiris” (jw n sr. t hh=Tn n s bw=Tn r bA.w ar=sn r hy Wsjr). 369 When speaking to the guardians of the Lake of Fire (S-Xb. t) Re says: “His fiery blast is not against their bodies” (jwty hh=f r Xa.wt=Tn). 370 There is also a depiction of a circular pit with a cobra in it and flanked by two mummiform guardians. They are named “he with burning face” (n bj-Hr) 371 and “he with fiery face” (s tj-Hr) 372 and they are around “this fiery pit” (XAs. t t n). 373 In the Book of Gates we also find the speech of Horus to a Giant Snake called “the fiery one” (Xty) depicted multi-coiled and spitting fire from its mouth against the enemies. Horus asks her “open your mouth and unlock your jaws, that you put flames into the enemies of my father. May you burn their corpses and cook their bA-souls (wn rA=k sn artj. kj n sr=k m xftj.w jt=j wbd=k XAwt=sn snws (=k) bA.w=sn). 374 He also adds “whoever makes an offering to those who are upon this snake his bA-soul will not be in fire” (jw wd nw n Hry.w HfA.w pn m jwty bA=f m s (D). t). 375 The Wall Texts of the Sarcophagus Hall I in the tomb of Ramesses VI depict in the fourth register two furnaces. Each of them is held by two arms and each contains two cut off heads and two cut off body parts. Under each of them is a head emitting fire to heat the furnaces and next to each of them is a figure with a knife. 376 The so called Book of the Night in the tomb of Ramesses VI in the description of the Fifth Gate and its sixth hour mentions the burned ones in the third register in relation to the representation of three braziers each of which has a depiction of a bound prisoner inside. 377 The Book of Nut mentions “Igniter of the flames, she who destroys by searing, she who is triangular of flames” (rkX(. t) bsw aXm . t dAf. t s p d t paw). 378 Lake of Fire Coffin Texts spells CT 1054 379 and CT 1166 380 mention for the first time the “Lake of Fire”. 381 This “Lake of Fire” or “Lake of Flame” (S n sr. t) is, as we have seen, also mentioned in the Book of the Dead chapters 17, 63b and 168. The motif of the lake is for the 368 369 370 371 372 373 374 375 376 377 378 379 380 381

Fourth Hour, upper register, 17th Scene, Hornung 2014: 112. Sixth Hour, lower register, 41st Scene, Hornung 2014: 226–227. Third Hour, upper register, 10th Scene, Hornung 2014: 71. LGG IV, 194b–c. LGG VI, 684c–685a. Sixth Hour, lower register, 41st Scene, Hornung 2014: 224–225. Book of Gates II, 216–219, Hornung 1968: 26; Ninth Hour, lower register, 60th Scene, Hornung 2014: 326–328. Ninth Hour, lower register, 60th Scene, Hornung 2014: 329. Piankoff 1954: 373. Piankoff 1954; 417–418. Piankoff 1942: 39. CT 1054, de Buck 1961: 30b; Faulkner 1978: 138. CT 1166, de Buck 1961: 508; Faulkner 1978: 184. For a most recent study on the Lake of Fire see Abbas 2011.

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first time depicted in the Book of the Dead Chapter 126 as a pool flanked by braziers (Q7) or baboons in the New Kingdom. 382 This motif is later set within Chapter 125. 383 In the funerary papyri of Bakenmut 384 and Nestanebtawy 385 dated to the 21st dynasty, black outstretched figures are depicted inside the lake representing the burned damned dead or the enemies of the gods and king. The “Lake of Fire” is punishment only for the damned as Osiris and the blessed dead experience cooling and fresh nourishments. 386 Burning of the representations of enemies There are depictions of the ritual burning of enemy representations, attested on blocks 37 and 147 of the inner side of the north wall of “Chapelle Rouge” of Hatshepsut. 387 The burning of the enemy representations was conducted in the temple forecourt. Firstly, the God’s Father (jt-nTr) would meet the God’s Wife and God’s Hand (Hm t-nTr Drt-nTr) and with his torch light her torch. Then, the God’s Wife and God’s Hand would hold the torch down to light the brazier on fire. Because the scene is damaged here the image of the brazier is degraded and it is not clear if it is a brazier at all or a furnace. After that a fan with a representation of a kneeling enemy with hands tied behind his back would be presented by the God’s Father to the God’s Wife and God’s Hand and she would burn the fan on the brazier. 388 Papyrus Bremner-Rhind (Apophis Book) of Ptolemaic date mentions “Apophis (figure) of wax placed on fire so that he may burn, the enemy of Re” (app m m nH x . t rdjt jw sD. t Am m=f xft.j Ra.w) 389 and “placing on the fire in the furnace of the coppersmith” (rdj. t Hr x . t m m n . t n . t Hm ty.w). 390 There is a scene from Edfu showing the king piercing with his spear a rectangular basin with four bound prisoners depicted inside, two on either side of a brazier (Q7) which is in the middle. On each corner of the basin is a sign resembling flame. 391 Some authors interpret it as a “box” 392, but the rectangular shape, the signs on the corners and the brazier in the centre, resembles the “Lake of Fire” in earlier 382 383 384 385 386 387 388 389 390

391 392

Hornung 1968: 233, 246. Hornung 1968: 23; Seeber 1976: 185. Louvre Museum (N. 3297), Niwiński 1989: 361. Papyrus was found in tomb Bab el-Gusus at Deir el-Bahari and is currently in the Egyptian Museum (Cairo S. R. VII. 10651), Daressy 1903: 152–153; Hornung 1968: 22, f. 7; Niwiński 1989: 290. Erik Hornung pointed out to a similar ambivalence of the goddess Tefnut in Papyrus Salt 825, 7, 10 because she is on one side “flame of the earth against the rebels” and on the other she is “cooling north wind against the nose of her son Osiris”, Hornung 1968: 23. Burgos et Larché 2006: 213. Grimm 1988: 209–212; Ayad 2009: 91–92. Faulkner 1933: 46, 6–8; line 23/6–7; Faulkner 1937: 168. Faulkner 1933: 56, 10–11; line 26/4. Five unbroken clay crucibles were found in Mirgissa deposit and it is proposed that they were meant to be used for burning of enemy figurines, Ritner 1993: 157; Raven 2012: 70. Emily Teeter mentioned four crucibles in the Mirgissa deposit, Teeter 2011: 178. Ritner identified them as “furnaces of the coppersmiths” (m n . t n . t Hm ty.w, var. wAwA) mentioned in the Apophis Book, Ritner 1993: 158. Chassinat 1928: Pl. LXXXII. Leahy 1984: 202.

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texts such as the Book of the Dead. Four bound enemies are depicted in a fire basin in a scene from the Philae temple. 393 Papyrus Salt 825 depicts two prisoners bound back to back (one with a head of an Asiatic, the other with a head of god Seth) in a vignette of the section “Burning of the four braziers” (tA 4 ax .w). The prisoners are in a container similar to the one from Edfu, here with four braziers (Q7) on the top, two on each side. 394 This can perhaps be related to the gods who place the bA of Seth on the great brazier of the rebellious (ax aA n s bj.w), as attested in the Late Period-Ptolemaic Papyrus of Imuthes (Papyrus New York 35.9.21). 395 The same text refers to a spell to be recited over a red wax figurine of Seth. 396 Papyrus Brooklyn 47.218.84 mentions burning of the breath of flame (hh) in the description of a burial. Dimitri Meeks related this to the burning of torches for Osiris, as attested in the Chapter 126 of the Book of the Dead, and the protection against nocturnal demons. 397 Porphyrius (250 AD) records a statement of Manetho that a certain Amosis abrogated in Heliopolis in Egypt the law of human sacrifice and ordered waxen equivalents to be offered instead. 398 Discussion Most authors agree that the prisoners were burned by Amenhotep II (Doc. 10). 399 Goedicke doubted this because he argued for Egyptian reluctance towards violence. 400 This is not a valid argument as this study shows throughout. For the burning of enemies in ditches that is attested in the Memphis stela of Amenhotep II (Doc. 10) there are later parallels in the Eleventh Hour of the Book of Amduat where enemies are burned in pits filled with fire. 401 This parallel is based on a formal analogy between the ditches and the pits, as there is no lexical similarity. The lexeme used in the Memphis stela is Sdy “ditch” and in the Eleventh

393 Cauville 2012: 229 394 Derchain 1965: 23. 395 Papyrus New York 35.9.21, Col. 31, line 4, Goyon 1975: 391, 226. 3–4; cf. Leahy 1984: 201; Goyon 1999: Pl. XXX, XXXA. 396 Goyon 1999: 81, Pl. XXXIV, XXXIVA. 397 Papyrus Brooklyn 47.218.84, II, 3, Meeks 2006: 5, 172. 398 Griffiths 1948: 420. On the problems with human sacrifice in ancient Egypt as attested by Graeco-Roman authors see Matić 2019a. 399 For example Spalinger 1983: 92; Spalinger 2005: 141 400 He also states that there is no supporting evidence for annihilation of human beings by fire, Goedicke 1992: 147, f. 54. However, as it was argued in the chapter on burning of enemies, there is a more secure attestation under Merenptah and possible attestations of burning as punishment for criminals under Seti I and later kings of the 19th Dynasty. See Chapter Execution. Burning. 401 The Eleventh Hour from the Tomb of Thutmose III, Bucher 1932: 82, line 98; Hornung 1994: 838–839.

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Hour of the Book of Amduat Hr. t “pit”. 402 The Book of Amduat is found in the tomb of both Thutmose III and Amenhotep II 403 and was already known under Thutmose I. 404 The burning of enemies by Amenhotep II could be related to the presence of Reshep in the text. The text states that the king crossed the Orontes over the waters like Reshep. 405 This god is also attested in an inscription attributed to Amenhotep II from the island of Sai in Sudan. On the inscription of Amenhotep II from Sai the god Reshep is attested in context of the burning of the enemies: mAA Xr.w (?) 406 [...] n t b sw Sn .w bw RSp 407 “When an enemy (?)...is seen, he burns him, when a place is encircled, Reshep...”. 408 The fiery aspects of this god are also alluded to in the Great Inscription of Year 5 of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu where it is said about the chariot warriors that they are sx m tj.w mj rSp.w “powerful like lightning”. 409 The name of this foreign god is itself etymologically connected to fire 410 and he is attested with fiery powers. 411 However, the text of the Memphis stela does not allude to this aspect of Reshep in connection to the supposed deed of Amenhotep II. The main reason behind the inclusion of the god Reshep in the text was probably his associations with war. 412 With Amenhotep II the worship of Reshep was officially introduced in Egypt as he becomes a royal patron, often in connection with Montu. 413 According to Shmuel Yeivin the burning of enemies attested in the Memphis stela of Amenhotep II (Doc. 10), is a description of the Canaanite practice of ḥerem which he describes as a dedication to the deity through burning. 414 He saw this in connection to the 402 Derives from the word for the tomb, Wb III, 143. 13–19. 403 Hornung, Loeben and Wiese 2005: 23–33. 404 Hornung 1974: 66. This was also recently argued on the basis of the fragments assigned to the tomb of Thutmose I (KV 38), Abdel Ghany 2016: 5–21. 405 Namely, DAj. n Hm=f Jrn t w Hr m w m h s m q mj rSp “His Majesty crossed the Orontes over water storming like Reshep”, Urk. IV, 1302, 7. 406 It is not clear if we should read this as n f r.w as transcribed by Jean Vercoutter which would suggest possibly “troops”, or as Xr.w which would suggest enemies, Vercoutter 1958: 156. 407 Vercoutter 1958: 156, Pl. XLVa; Stadelmann 1967: 57; Fulco 1971: 18–20. 408 Other translations suggesting that Reshep burns the enemy can be found in Cornelius 1994: 85; Lipiński 2009: 173; Münnich 2013: 82–83; 111. 409 KRI V, 22. 10. 410 In the Bible the word resheph occurs in Deuteronomy, Job, the Psalms and Habakkuk, where it means lightning, flame, fire, or heat, Simpson 1951–1952: 183. 411 Lipiński 1999: 255–257. 412 Zivie-Coche 2011: 6. For the iconography of Reshef see, Kang 1989: 79; Cornelius 1994; Grande 2003: 390–394. 413 Lipiński 2009: 168–169. 414 Ḥerem was the sacrifice of spoils of war, including human and animal captives, to the god of the victors. The Mesha stele from Moab (c. 850 BC) describes herem as the ritual slaughter of enemies in the two cities he captured, as dedication to the god Chemosh, Routledge 2000: 237. It also occurs in the Bible. In the Book of Joshua (Chapters 1–11) it was applied from the first battle to the siege of Jericho. We find it also in Judges, Walzer 1992: 217–219. In Deuteronomy 20 herem is described as necessary in conflicts with Hittites, Amorites, Canaanites, Perizzites, Hivites and Jebusites, Dolansky 2013: 64. There is possibly a reference to ḥerem in a Sabaean text (RES 3945)

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dream of the king mentioned in the text of the stela in which Amun-Re appears.  415 According to Yeivin the burning was done in fulfilment of a vow. 416 However, nothing in the dream indicates that Amun-Re demands the king to commit such an act. There is no direct connection between this dream and either the preceding or the following events. 417Additionally, ḥerem is related to the Iron Age II and its Biblical accounts were composed long after the events they portray, revealing more about the ideological interests of the authors and editors of the Book of Deuteronomy than about real events in Israel’s history. 418 It is also questionable that the pharaoh would perform a Canaanite ritual for the benefit of Amun-Re. 419 It does not surprise that Amun is not attested as burning enemies in the Underworld because Amun does not play a significant role in the texts describing the Egyptian Underworld during the New Kingdom. 420 Re is related to the burning of the enemies of the gods. According to the Memphis stela (Doc. 10) Amenhotep II was in watch until dawn over the ditches in which the prisoners were burned. A parallel for this is found in later statements of Ramesses II: “I am like Re when he rises at dawn and his rays burn for me the flesh of rebels” (t w=j mj Ra m xa=f t p s bAy. t s t.w wbn .w=f wbd n=j Ha.w n s bj.w). 421 The Book of Amduat describes Re as “the one who burns and boils enemies at sunrise” (jn n s m=f ps{s}(j) xftj.w Ra.w m n h p). 422 The deeds of Amenhotep II correspond to the effects of Re upon his enemies at dawn. Parallels for the hot blast (pA hAhA) from the mouth of the king (Merenptah) mentioned in the Amada stela (Doc. 39) can be found in the fiery blast of the king against foreign countries, enemy towns and bodies. His fiery blast (hh) in Coffin Texts Spells 148 423 and 336 424 burns the corpses of the dead. The fiery blast (hh) is attested as the effect of the places of the Blessed Dead in the Book of the Dead Chapter 149. 425 Demons in the Book of Amduat, uraei, fire-spitting snakes and the guardians of the fiery pits in the Book of the Gates also have it. 426

415 416 417 418 419 420 421 422 423 424 425 426

of mukarrib Karib-Ilu who reigned during an early period in the Kingdom of Saba. He allegedly destroyed the city of NŠN, Monroe 2007: 326–335. Urk. IV, 1306, 12–1307, 2. Yeivin 1967: 127. Der Manuelian 1987: 71. Monroe 2007: 320–321. cf. Der Manuelian 1987: 73. This however changes in the Third Intermediate Period when Amun is also attested in a funerary context, see Wüthrich 2010: 143–144. The Poem of the Battle of Qadesh of Ramesses II, Luxor, Court of Ramesses II, East Wall, south half, KRI II, 86. 8–87. 1. The Twelfth Hour from the Tomb of Thutmose III, Bucher 1932: 82, line 98; Hornung 1994: 838–839. CT 148, de Buck 1938: 225c–d; Faulkner 1935: 125. CT 336, de Buck 1951: 329k; Faulkner 1935: 270. Hornung 1979: 303, 309–314; Lüscher 2010: 44, 136, 194–195, 208–210. For a summary see Zandee 1960: 137–138; Abbas 2011: 18–19.

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Fire meant total destruction. 427 It also destroyed bA-souls and shadows. In the Shipwrecked Sailor the snake says “I will cause you (the sailor) to know yourself as ashes, causing you to become as you were never seen (rdj=j rx=k tw jw=k m ss x prty m n ty n mAA. tw=f). 428 Burning of enemies and prisoners of war is not a practice known only to ancient Egypt. According to Erik Hornung punishment with fire belongs to the archetypical ideas of humanity. 429 While, the closest Near Eastern parallels were already mentioned, burning is also attested as a capital punishment in the Old Testament. In Gen. 38: 24 Tamar is burned because of presumed adultery, in Lev. 20: 14 burning is a punishment for a man who marries a mother and a daughter together and in Lev. 21: 9 for a daughter of a priest who prostitutes herself. All of these crimes can be grouped under offences against a hierarchical superior (Tamar against husband, man against god, daughter against father). 430 According to Diodorus Siculus Celts constructed enormous pyres and burned prisoners together with the first fruits in order to honour gods. 431 The Romans applied flaming torches to the flesh, but also burned with boiling pitch and red-hot metal plates. 432 Burning as method of execution is a well-known image from late Medieval western Europe. It was a method of execution for heretics, witches and women who committed crimes, such as murdering their husbands. The victims would usually be burned on a stake in a public event. This practice continued until the beginning of the 19th century. It is estimated that the Inquisition burned under the jurisdiction of Dominican father Thomas de Torquemada (the First Grand inquisitor) 10,000 heretics in seventeen years with 2000 being burned alive in the Seville district in only one year. In Spain no less than 32,382 people were burned from 1481 to 1808. 433 During the Second Afghan war there are reports of wounded Afghans being burned alive by troops of the United Kingdom. 434 During the Soviet-Afghan war there is a report of Padkhwab-e-Shana massacre in Logar province where 105 Afghan civilians were asphyxiated and burned alive in an irrigation tunnel by Soviet troops. 435 The number of attestations for burning of enemies in the New Kingdom is only two and, in both cases, it is related to the actions of the king. It cannot be argued that this was the standard treatment of the enemies.

427 Bedell 1973: 166; Hoenes 1975: 71; Leahy 1984: 202; Zandee 1960: 133. 428 de Buck 1948: 101. 15–16. For the expression “they were made into ashes” referring to enemies see Goedicke 2001. 429 Hornung 1968: 21. 430 Holm 2008: 86. 431 Diodorus Siculus, Library of History, V, 32, see Oldfather 1939: 183. 432 Kousser 2006: 226–227. 433 Abbott 1994: 55–62. 434 Hensmann 2008: 144–145 435 Girardet 2011: 127.

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Skeletal evidence Finding skeletal evidence for violence conducted on a very specific group of people has an equally specific set of research problems. The enemies and prisoners of war are usually assumed to be of foreign origin and more often than not they are. This leads us to a discussion on archaeological research on ethnicity which was ever an important archaeological theme, but has only been addressed critically since the early 1990s. 1 Egyptology and archaeology of Egypt more specifically, have largely neglected these discussions in archaeological theory in the 1990s and their impact is only visible in some works. 2 Most of the community still addresses these problems “traditionally”, not excepting that the way they interpret archaeological data is embedded in another heavily criticised archaeological paradigm, culture-historical archaeology. Several archaeological contexts in Egypt are argued to be direct evidence for some of the treatments discussed in previous chapters of this work. 3 The interpretations of these contexts by their excavators and publishers have also received little objection and criticism in scholarly community. Violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war attested in written and visual sources during the New Kingdom are not unequivocally attested in the skeletal evidence. Archaeology should not be used to provide illustrations for the conclusions driven from the analysis of visual and written sources.

“Execration pits” from Tell el-Dabca The excavations of the Austrian archaeological institute (Cairo branch) in areas H/I and H/III in cEzbet Helmi of Tell el-Dabca showed the existence of a cemetery which precedes the building of the Thutmoside palace complex 4 built itself on the place of the earlier palace of the Second Intermediate Period. The burials of this cemetery consist of simple pits in which bodies of the deceased were laid out in a stretched position. 5 There are 28 graves, mostly of adult individuals, however some of the graves included more than one indi1 Olsen and Kobylińki 1991: 5–27; Jones 1996: 62–80; Jones 1997; Lucy 2005: 86–109. 2 Smith 2003: 10–16, 31–33; Schiestl 2009: 200; Liszka 2012: 42–65; Matić 2012: 235–239; Riggs and Baines 2012: 1–2; Matić 2014a; Matić 2014b; Matić 2015a; Matić 2015b: 216–217, 226–229; Matić 2018b; Matić 2018c; Schneider 2018. 3 See Chapters Mutilation. Hand cutting, Execution. Decapitation and Execution. Burning. 4 The Thutmoside date of the palace has been questioned in the meanwhile, Höflmayer 2018: 162. 5 These are burials in an oval or rectangular pit in which the deceased would be wrapped in a mat and placed in a pit which would then be filled with soil or mud-brick debris. Individuals of both sexes and different age groups are found in these burials. The burials can also contain offerings. This is Type 2 burial in Tell el-Dabca according to the typology of Irene Forstner-Müller established for

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vidual, and some of these individuals are clearly children (e.g Tomb 3=L1116 and Tomb 6=L1119, both west of the wall M1013, outside of the fortification wall). 6 According to the preliminary reports published by the excavators the burials belong to the second intermediary phase which is placed between the earlier and the later palace. This second intermediary phase is dated to the early Stratum D1 (D/1.1) which is associated by Bietak and his associates to the early New Kingdom in historical chronology. 7 The burials of this cemetery are themselves not contemporary. It was noticed that the later graves cut into the older graves and that later offering pits also cut into some of these burials. 8 Among the burials of this cemetery two pits particularly attracted the attention. The small pit L1055, 40–50cm wide and 15–20cm deep, was dug into wall M1028 and pavement M1029 of the late Second Intermediate Period and contained human skeletal remains and some pottery shards (fragments of two drop jars and a cooking pot probably used for filling material). It was found under the wall of a storage building of the early 18th Dynasty (Stratum e/1.2). The skeletal remains included three skulls and nine fingers belonging to three right hands. Two skulls belonged to male individuals of age adultus (Skull 1 and Skull 3) and one skull belonged to an individual of age maturus (Skull 2). Skull 1 lay on its left side looking south-east. Skull 2 was found on its back and Skull 3 on its face. Five fingers were found beside Skull 1, two beside Skull 2 and two beside Skull 3. One skull has a hole on the right side above the ear which according to the publishers indicates a blow which probably damaged his temple. 9 The revision of the skeletal material from this pit done by physical-anthropologist Julia Gresky of the German archaeological institute confirmed the initial report of nine fingers belonging to three individuals. It could also have been the case that more material was lost during the excavation and that the original context indeed included three hands. According to the unpublished report of anthropologist Karl Großschmidt, the skulls belonged to three different males, two of whom have “negroid” features and could be identified as Nubians. 10 The revision of the material by Gresky indicated that the skulls could indeed belong to male individuals of age adultus and maturus, however their state of preservation is so bad that it does not allow any more

6

7 8 9 10

area A/II, Forstner-Müller 2008: 26. According to the typology of Robert Schiestl established for burials from area F/I in Tell el-Dabca this is type 1, Schiestl 2009: 39. The number is assessed based on the excavation plan of Stratum D/1.1=e/1.1 as the actual number of the burials found here was not published, see Fuscaldo 2010. The presence of children, although undoubtedly clear from the published excavation plan showing them buried with adult individuals in these graves, is never mentioned in the interpretations of this cemetery. Bietak, Dorner und Jánosi 2001: 34–35. See the introduction and stratigraphic position of the deposits by Manfred Bietak in Fuscaldo 2010: 10–11. Bietak, Dorner and Jánosi 2001: 35. Note that in the excavation report it is written that Skull nr. 3 was severely damaged through the construction process, Bietak, Dorner and Jánosi 2001: 60; Fuscaldo 2003: 186. See the introduction and stratigraphic position of the deposits by Bietak, Fuscaldo 2010: 10, 23. Fuscaldo 2010: 10, 23. In their recent contribution to the question of Nubian presence in Tell elDabca David Aston and Bietak refer to the work of Großschmidt stating that according to him at least one of the individuals had strong prognathic features and that the facial features of the other individuals were not sufficiently preserved for diagnosis, Aston and Bietak 2017: 503.

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information to be extracted. The skulls were pressed down hard by the fill of the pits and were heavily affected by the soil conditions in the Delta. Gresky’s assessment also pointed out that the hole, interpreted as evidence of inflicted blow to the head, is questionable. One of the reasons is the poor preservation state of the material and the high possibility that the hole on the skull is recent. The remains of the hands from this pit were interpreted by some authors as archaeological evidence for the hand cutting custom. 11 Another, larger and nearly circular pit, L1016, 2.20 x 1.90 m wide and 0.45 m deep at the edges and 1.10 m in the middle, was dug into a layer of ash and humus of the courtyard surface south-west of the late Second Intermediate Period Hyksos palace. The pit contained fragments of c. 300 vessels 12, a small fragment of limestone relief, part of a limestone senet board-game, a silex blade, a large amount of limestone fragments, sandstone chips, two fragments of quartzite, a silex fragment, some river pebbles, a bright dark-brown hard stone, the fragment of a mudbrick, some animal bones and the skeletal remains of two individuals at the bottom. These were found lying on the stomach and facing south. Skeleton 1 on the west side of the pit was an early adultus c. 1.68 cm tall with the right arm and hand raised. He was lacking the head and the left arm. Skeleton 2, lying parallel to the first one, was complete with the arms extended along the body and the face looking east. This belonged to a mature male, who was 1.70 m tall. No injuries were observed on either skeleton. 13 These pits were interpreted as evidence for execration rituals conducted on the site after Avaris was taken by the Egyptians, in order to celebrate the conquest by Ahmose and the construction of new buildings over the previous Hyksos citadel. Fuscaldo states that the only possibility for the sacrifice of actual enemies instead of substitute figurines was because “the Egyptians were particularly angry at them and wanted to express their strong displeasure in this graphic manner”. 14 According to the authors who suggested this interpretation the bodies buried in the necropolis in this area belonged to Nubian archers, either in the service of a Hyksos king or Ahmose. 15 The arguments provided for this interpretation are: 1. The skeletal material from small pit L1055 consisted of body parts, namely three skulls and nine fingers belonging to three hands. According to the excavator the position of

11 Janzen 2013: 315. The hands from this pit were related to 14 cut off hands later found in area F/II, Bietak, Math, Müller and Jurman 2012/2013: 32. Archaeological evidence for hand cutting will be discussed in detail below. 12 In the excavation report and the introduction written by Bietak in the final publication of the pits it is stated that there are around 300 fragmented vessels, Bietak, Dorner and Jánosi 2001: 67; Fuscaldo 2010: 10. In another publication of Perla Fuscaldo and her text of the final publication it is stated that there are around 380 fragmented vessels, Fuscaldo 2003: 186; Fuscaldo 2010: 23. 13 Fuscaldo 2010: 23. 14 Fuscaldo 2003: 187; Fuscaldo 2010: 29. 15 The additional problem or indeed an inconsistency is that in the first excavation report the publishers claim the burials cannot be related to Ahmose’s fighting in Avaris, Bietak, Dorner and Jánosi 2001: 71.

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the skeletons in large pit L1016 indicates that Skeleton No. 1 was thrown bound into the pit. 16 2. The larger pit L1016 contained fragments of around 300 or 380 pots, among them some indicating 18th Dynasty date of the pit. These were interpreted as remains of deliberate breakage, parallel to sD dSr.wt - “breaking of the red pots”. 17 3. Two of the individuals from small pit L1055 supposedly have “negroid” features and could be identified as Nubians according to the unpublished anthropological study of Großschmidt. 18 4. Nubian pottery was found in areas H/III and H/VI. It was used to argue that Nubian soldiers were employed by the Thebans. Also, Nubian pottery dated to Stratum D/2 of the late Hyksos period was used to argue that Nubian mercenaries, probably archers, were used by the Hyksos against the Thebans. However, the publisher is not certain if they belonged to Kerma culture or the Pan Grave culture. 19 The same interpretation, namely Nubian pottery as evidence for the presence of Nubians as mercenaries, palace guards or special troops, was proposed for Nubian pottery of 15th Dynasty date from the palace complex in area F/II. 20 5. Nubian arrowheads were found in area H/I and interpreted as Kerma arrowheads belonging to Nubian archers. 21 6. Ahmose had a campaign in Nubia. 22 7. Mirgissa deposit was provided as an analogy for the small and the large pit. 23 The interpretation of the two pits as remains of an execration ritual was accepted by other scholars. 24 Discussion There are several problems with the interpretation of these pits as remains of an execration ritual: 1. That individuals were placed differently in their pits in comparison with other burials in this area, does not, on its own, suggest execration ritual. There is no evidence that these individuals died from violence.

16 Bietak 2007c: 19; Fuscaldo 2010: 10–23. 17 Fuscaldo 2010: 28. 18 Introduction written on stratigraphic position of the deposits by Bietak in Fuscaldo 2010: 10. The report of the anthropologist Großschmidt has not been published to date. The same interpretation was given for the so-called soldier burials in this area, Bietak 2007c: 19. 19 Bietak 2007c: 19. 20 Bietak, Math, Müller and Jurman 2012/2013: 24. 21 Introduction written on stratigraphic position of the deposits by Bietak in Fuscaldo 2010: 10, Footnote 10; Bietak 2007c:19. 22 Fuscaldo 2010: 29; cf. Bietak 1997: 115–116; Bietak, Dorner and Jánosi 2001: 71. 23 Fuscaldo 2003: 187; Fuscaldo 2010: 27–28. 24 Muhlestein 2011: 48; Janzen 2013: 314–315.

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2. Not all of the pots deposited in the pit L1016 were smashed, as is indicated by the field drawings. 25 The pottery assemblage from this pit also shows a variety of forms. 26 3. The skeletal material is argued to have “negroid” features, but it was only later stated what features these might be. Identifying bodies as “negroid” based on the skeletal material falls under the methodology of anthropologists working in Tell el-Dabca from 1960s to 1980s. 27 Under “Rassendiagnose” - “Racial diagnosis” they understood analysis of combinations of race specific formal features of the body e.g skeleton, but they admitted that this does not have to meet the features of the soft tissue in detail. 28 Population in northern Africa, like that of modern North America, shows highs level of phenotypic variability maintained by migration and gene flow. Applying racial typologies here is futile. It would make no sense to classify the people of North Africa into racial categories based on epidermal pigmentation, hair texture, or nose, lip and eyelid shape. 29 Anthropologists working in Tell el-Dabca from 1960s to 1980s stressed that some male europeid individuals in Tell el-Dabca show especially negroid facial features and that there was a constant mixture of europeids and negroids in Egyptian history. 30 The level of intergeographic variation in human craniofacial form is low relative to intrageographic variation. Contemporary physical anthropology does tend to classify crania into a particular “race” but to delineate first and foremost the intra-sample variation and then to compare this with global cranial data set in order to establish the degree of similarity to other cranial samples. Such an approach does not consider cranial forms to be fixed racial morphs, but assumes that variation occurs in a mostly clinical morphological manner. As a result, it is argued that anthroposcopic “race” estimation methods are completely inappropriate. 31 When determining ancestry, one concentrates on the variety of the morphological traits and not solely on cranial morphology. The contemporary bioarchaeology of Egypt distanced itself from the concept of race and early anthropological research presuming the existence of fixed “racial types”. Fluidity in morphology is acknowledged instead. 32 4. Nubian pottery found in areas of cEzbet Helmi (H/I-H/VI), F/II and cEzbet Rushdi (R/III) amount alltogether to less than 200 published fragments 33 and dates from the 25 Fuscaldo 2010: Fig. 7 and Fig. 8. 26 The same argument was given against the pottery from Tutankhamun’s embalming cache being the remains of a breaking of red pots ritual, Allen 2003: 28. 27 Interestingly the survey of anthropological literature of this period showed that most anthropologists studying human variation did not use the concept of race in gathering and analyzing their data, with only a minority doing so, Cartmill 1999: 655. 28 Winkler und Wilfing 1991: 18. 29 Cartmill 1999: 653 30 Cartmill 1999: 653. 31 Zakrzewski 2011: 195–196. 32 Zakrzewski 2015: 159–160. 33 Hein 2001: 202–208; Fuscaldo 2002: 167–186; Fuscaldo 2004: 111–119; Fusclado 2008: 107–127; Aston 2012: 159–166; Forstner-Müller and Rose 2012: 181–184, 201–210. There are also still unpublished sherds from contexts other than pit complex L81 in palace complex F/II and from R/III currently worked on by Irene Forstner-Müller, Pam Rose and Vera Michel. Preliminary information on

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beginning of the 15th Dynasty (Stratum E/1, settlement context in R/III; Stratum D/2, 15th Dynasty contexts from H/VI) to the Thutmoside period (Stratum C/3 to Stratum C/1 in H/III and H/VI). None of these fragments is found in association with any of the burials in areas H/I and H/III, nor with the so-called execration pits. More recent studies of the Nubian pottery from Tell el-Dabca suggested various other interpretations including trade and/or gift-giving 34, the role of local production, importation and repair of Nubian ware, emphasising the fact that Nubian pottery was not found in funerary contexts in Tell el-Dabca. 35 If one takes into account that 82 sherds come from a single context dated to the 15th Dynasty (early or late depending on the dating of pit complex L81) and the rest mostly dates from the early 18th Dynasty to Thutmoside period, it is clear that most of the published pottery dates to the 15th Dynasty and the rest is distributed chronologically over a long time period. Also, the pottery is found in different areas of Tell el-Dabca. Therefore, Nubian pottery from the site does not indicate the presence of Nubian soldiers. Even if this pottery was found in the burials from the cemetery in areas H/I and H/III, which is not the case, this would still not mean that the buried individuals are Nubians. 5. Flint arrowheads found in area H/I consist alltogether of five pieces. They were interpreted as Nubian on the basis of an analogy with the flint arrowheads from the New Kingdom cemetery at Soleb II in Sudan. 36 However, the ones from Soleb come from tomb 17 which has the reign of Thutmose III as terminus post quem, since 3 scarabs were found in the tomb inscribed with the prenomen of this king. 37 The arrowheads from Soleb are of different type than the ones from Tell el-Dabca. 38 Bifacial arrowheads are known from Soleb II but they are, unlike the Delta arrowheads, without tang (only 1 exception of 11 known from the cemetery). Indeed, the flint arrowheads from H/I are identical to the ones from Qantir dated to New Kingdom and studied by Andreas Tillmann. He postulated that the arrowheads from Qantir could have belonged to Nubian soldiers stationed there, because chalcedony, from which the arrowheads are made, is not found in the Delta. 39 Chalcedony as raw material is present at least in Qantir 40 and thus the arrowheads could have been produced locally. The presence of the raw material does not however exclude that it was imported. These arrowheads are identified by Thomas Hikade as “el-Kurru” arrowheads because of the analogy with the royal necropolis at el-Kurru (850–650 B.C). Hikade stressed that, although Tillmann’s connection of the finds from Qantir to Nubian soldiers is based on the typological analogy and

34 35 36 37 38 39 40

the presence of Nubian pottery in R/III can be found in one of the site’s reports, Forstner-Müller, Jeuthe, Michel und Prell 2015: 28–29. Aston 2012: 163–164. Forstner-Müller and Rose 2012: 200; cf. Matić 2014a. Tillmann 1994: 108. Giorgini 1971: 199. Giorgini 1971: 194. Tillmann 1992: 87–91; cf. Tillmann 1994: 108. Personal communication with Silvia Prell, to whom I would like to express my gratitude for sharing this information.

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the raw material, the problem is with the lack of contemporary analogies. 41 Therefore, the idea that the arrowheads from H/I belonged to “Nubian” archers is based on the same interpretation of typologically similar arrowheads from Qantir. The typological identification was thus immediately taken as a hint for the same scenario. It was later published that the arrowheads were found in a higher stratum and thus dated to the Thutmoside period. 42 Therefore, they cannot be related to the coming of Ahmose to Avaris as originally proposed by several authors 43 even from the stratigraphic point of view. It is also not clear why Bietak refers to these arrowheads as Kerma arrowheads. Most probably this classification of the arrowheads is based on his connection of these finds with the Nubian pottery in Tell el-Dabca which he interprets as either Kerma or Pan Grave culture. When the date of the finds was changed, the reference to Ahmose was changed to a reference to the campaigns of Thutmose III 44 and Amenhotep II. 45 This indicates that the same culture-historical interpretative background was retained behind the ethnic attribution of archaeological material, with the historical settings for the unchanged interpretation shifting with the changes in the date. 46 It is interesting that by the time Perla Fuscaldo published the pottery from the execration pits, the dating of the palaces at cEzbet Helmi had been revised several times with the latest date being Thutmoside. It is therefore not at all clear why Fuscaldo interprets the execrations pits as related to the building activities of Ahmose if the palaces originally attributed to the late Hyksos kings or Ahmose were re-dated. 6. The reference to the campaign of Ahmose in Nubia cannot be used as an argument for the presence of Nubian soldiers in Tell el-Dabca for several reasons. First and foremost, the authors argue that the burials, pottery and arrowheads previously discussed, can be related to silos in area H/III, seen as evidence of a military camp for Ahmose’s campaign in Palestine in which the king supposedly took Nubian soldiers. They refer to the Autobiography of Ahmose son of Ebana as a textual attestation for this. 47 The text they refer to places the Nubian campaign after the campaign in Canaan was over. Therefore, at least on the basis of the text, the king could not have taken Nubians with him to Avaris as he went to Nubia after he went to Avaris. The possibility is that there were already Nubians in the troops of Ahmose, however this is not epigraphically confirmed and can only be argued on the basis of the presence of Nubian pottery (Deir el-Ballas) and Kerma burials in Upper Egypt. 48 However, even if we accept this as evidence for Nubians living in Upper Egypt we cannot be sure they were employed as soldiers, let alone as mercenaries. One should stress that the silos are older than the burials 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48

Hikade 2001: 123. Bietak 2010b: 165. Bietak 1997: 115–116; Bietak, Dorner and Jánosi 2001: 71. Fuscaldo 2008: 110. Bietak 2010b: 165. For the same issue with Minoan frescoes and their interpretation see Cline 1998; Matić 2015a. Bietak 1997: 115–116; Bietak, Dorner and Jánosi 2001: 71. Bourriau 1991: 131.

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attributed to the Nubian soldiers 49 placing doubt on the direct relationship proposed by the publishers. The camp argued to be represented with ash-pits in the same place where the burials are found, is said to be of the same date as the burials. Both intermediary phases together (D /1.2 and D/1.1) are, according to the publishers, to be understood as at least 20 years duration or even more. 50 This complicates the connection to activities of Ahmose. One more additional problem in regard to the execration pits is that if the Nubians were indeed brought by Ahmose, why would he then later kill them in a ritual act aimed at the Hyksos as Fuscaldo suggests? It was recently pointed out that breaking of red pots related to a burial ritual, results from the activities of private individuals, whereas the ritual destruction of enemies (including breaking of the red pots) was of state interest, although these two aspects can be compatible. 51 If we follow the interpretation that the execration pits at Tell el-Dabca are related to Ahmose himself and his taking of Avaris, then we are dealing with state interest. Whether we would expect this to be conducted in this particular place, namely a minor cemetery without any peculiarities, is another question. It is quite clear that the culture-historical paradigm lurks behind the interpretation of the bodies as Nubian and behind the whole narrative of the presence of Nubian archers in Avaris . 52 The bodies are interpreted as Nubian on the basis of the anthropological identification of bodies as negroid. The pottery which was not found in these burials and execration pits was related to them because it was interpreted as originally produced in Nubia and then imported to the site. This pottery was interpreted as actual evidence for Nubian presence on the basis of culture-historical archaeology’s “pottery equals people” premise. The same can be said for five silex arrowheads which were not found in the burials and the execration pits, and are themselves actually later than the pits. It is clear that the main arguments behind the interpretation of the skeletal remains from the two supposedly execration pits are based on a complex set of erroneous assumptions on the relation between body, material culture and ethnicity. The foreignness of these skeletal remains was for Fuscaldo crucial for the interpretation of the pits as execration pits. Until scientific analyses are done on this material it cannot be unequivocally claimed that the bodies belong to the foreigners, let alone to Nubians. Additionally, we have seen that execration texts can also target the internal enemies of Egypt, thus it is not necessary for the bodies in the pits to belong to foreigners in order to be targets of an execration ritual. The bodies of local enemies could stand for an entire group of malevolent forces. 7. The Mirgissa deposit was given as an analogy for Tell el-Dabca because of the presence of skeletal remains, interpreted as belonging to a Nubian (based on skull morphology), and broken pottery. However, although predating the Tell el-Dabca evidence by at least 49 50 51 52

See the introduction and explanation of stratigraphic position by Bietak in Fuscaldo 2010: 9–12. Bietak, Dorner und Jánosi 2001: 35–36. Theis 2014: 66. Matić 2014a: 707–708; Matić 2018b.

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around 430 years if not more, the Mirgissa deposit is a problematic analogy because it is not located in a cemetery as are the pits in Tell el-Dabca. It was already suggested that one of the crucial elements of the Mirgissa deposit is its location in the liminal space between the cemetery and the settlement. 53 This is not the case in Tell el-Dabca, as the so called execration pits are found in the context of a minor cemetery, like in the case of Old and Middle kingdom execration deposits. The pits in Tell el-Dabca also lack several crucial elements which the Mirgissa deposit has, such as traces of wax colored with red ochre, probably belonging to a figurine used in the ritual, a collection of clay figurines and pottery inscribed with execration texts. Additionally, a distinction must be made between the breaking of red pots following a ritual and breaking of the red pots as component of the ritual. 54 In the case of Tell elDabca it is not easy to argue archaeologically if the breaking of pots occurred after or during the deposition of the bodies. It is debatable whether the pots were deliberately broken at all. Finally, one can conclude that there are not a lot of elements that can be interpreted as evidence for execration ritual in Tell el-Dabca. First and foremost, the individuals placed in the large pit do not show traces of trauma and their ethnic identification as foreigners (Nubians) is not secure. That there are traces of ritual breaking of pottery can also not be argued with certainty, as the fragmented pots are found on the surface of the pit as is the usual archaeological situation. The rest of the material in the pit also does not indicate ritual character. Also, as we have seen, the Old Kingdom execration ritual does not only target foreigners, but also malevolent Egyptians, 55 so even if the pits in question were used in execration ritual the individuals in them do not necessarily have to be foreigners. The Mirgissa deposit analogy is quite weak if one considers that there is no substantial evidence for trauma on skeletons from both pits in Tell el-Dabca, but also that the elements which helped in proper interpretation of Mirgissa deposit (melted wax, clay figurines, crucibles, broken pottery inscribed with execration texts) are not present. Both pits therefore have to be interpreted in the context of the cemetery in which they were found, together with the pit burials containing remains of adult individuals and children. As the anthropological analysis and thorough publication of all the graves is still not concluded not a lot can be said about them. One thing is certain, there is no inconclusive evidence that these are burials of soldiers, let alone Nubian soldiers. Re-deposition of skeletal material is a well-known phenomenon in Tell el-Dabca as tombs and burials are quite often looted with already decomposed bodies being fragmented and re-deposited. Such a situation is known from area R/IV. 56

53 54 55 56

Seiler 2005: 179. Seiler 2005: 178. cf. Theis 2014: 69. The burials from this area of Tell el-Dabca are currently being studied by the author. There are clear cases of robberies where the remains from the looted tombs were re-deposited.

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The assertion of Mark D. Janzen, that dismissing the data from Tell el-Dabca as anything else than a human execration ritual is disingenuous 57, is indeed anything but careful reading of the well published, but problematically interpreted archaeological context. If anything, at first glance, the context from Tell el-Dabca at this point looks unique. However, one should bear in mind that the two pits interpreted as execration pits are entirely different. One contains two bodies and a fill rich in archaeological material, the other only body parts. No ritual objects were found in any of them. The two men in the large pit seem to have been deposited with the lack of particular care one would expect in a burial context. This is however not enough to interpret the deposition as ritual in character. Considering the well-known practice of tomb robbery in Tell el-Dabca one is tempted to think of a secondary deposition of both skeletal and archaeological material from robbed tombs.

Execution or execration in the case of Karnak temple In January 2011 the John Hopkins University’s mission in the precinct of Mut in Karnak, in area VIII G-East 9 Lv. 9, south of the Isheru Lake, excavated a pedestal between columns. Between and just below the level of two sandstone bases for wooden columns placed at the beginning of the 18th Dynasty, more precisely south of one of the columns (on right when viewed from the west), a heavily burned area with pottery was found. Cleaning of the area showed the existence of a skeleton of a man (age 20–25) with hands and feet tied together behind his back. The neck of the individual shows a break at the 3rd cervical vertibra with other vertebrae being intact. This is probably the result of a severe twist of the neck. Just above and around the skeleton pottery shards where found including late Second Intermediate Period forms and Nubian incised ware. Some of the shards were placed around the skull. Under the head of this individual a stone was found. There are other human remains found in neighboring squares, including a fragment of a human cranium. The publishers cannot discern if the execution was due to warfare or criminal behavior. 58 The stone under the skull of the executed individual is according to the excavators related to the execution and the skull was lying on the stone. It is possible that we are dealing here with a d px “execution block”. The determinative A14 “man with a bleeding head” written in word d px indicates a blow to the head. 59 William Ayres Ward related the noun d px to the Syrian root ṭpḥ which originally had the sense of “cut the throat” of an animal or “slaughter”. 60 It is also possible that the word originates from the Egyptian word t p “head”. Papyrus Berlin 10496 from the reign of Ramesses III mentions an oath that if someone opens a tomb again, his nose and ears will be cut off and he will be given

57 Janzen 2013: 315. 58 Summary of several lectures held by Betsy M. Bryan, Roxy Walker and Salima Ikram. The latest held on The 11th International Congress of Egyptologists, Florence, Italy, 23–30 August 2015. 59 Wb 5, 448.1 60 Ward 1963: 434; Hoch 1994: 376–377.

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to the execution block (dj.w Hr d px). 61 However, the excavators indicate that the neck of the individual in Karnak was severely twisted and not cut off. In the same area where the executed man was found, behind the lake, a Second Intermediate Period cemetery was found with the latest burials being of similar date to the burial of the executed man. 62 Unlike in the case of Tell el-Dabca, it is clear that we are dealing here with a proper execution and an individual who was bound as a proper prisoner. Whether or not he was a foreigner, an enemy brought and executed in Egypt, cannot be answered before isotope analysis is done.

Hand cutting in Tell el-Dabca Skeletal evidence for hand cutting of enemies is thus far argued to be found only in Tell el-Dabca. Other evidence for amputation of body parts is well known in Egypt. 63 The amputated hands were found in area F/II within a Second Intermediate Period palatial compound. 64 This palace is dated to mid-15th Dynasty (Stratum E/1-late and D/3). 65 It has a squat plan and was oriented northeast-southwest. The complex measured 112m x 95m according to the geomagnetic map. Agricultural levelling took away large parts of the original floors. 66 The publishers interpreted the palace as the palace of the Hyksos king Khayan because seal impressions with his name were found there. 67 This identification of the palace has been criticised as it is not possible to link any strata or phases to the reigns of kings by means of epigraphy, and the fact is that the seal impressions with the name Khayan were found in contexts which are not directly connected to this building. Even if they were found in such contexts this would not provide a secure date and identifi61 P Berlin 10496. Verso, 4, Allam 1973a: 83; Allam 1973b: 278; KRI V. 477, 13–15; Erman 1910: 334. d px is understood by Thomas Eric Peet as a shortened writing of the compound t p -x t , see Peet 1930: 27. However, the writing of the determinative in hieratic is clearly the sign Z6 which is used for the writing of the determinative A14. Therefore, this cannot be understood as a shortened writing of t p -x t . 62 Summary of several lectures held by Betsy M. Bryan, Roxy Walker and Salima Ikram. The latest held on The 11th International Congress of Egyptologists, Florence, Italy, 23–30 August 2015. 63 Four cases of amputation dating to the Old Kingdom, First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom are known from Dayr al-Barsha. In all cases amputation was part of a medical treatment, Dupras et al. 2010: 405–423. One should draw attention to a find of cow bones bound with a rope together with two intentionally cut off human hands found in the north-east corner just beneath the floor of the third court of the tomb of Ibi (TT 36). Ibi was a high official during the reign of Psammetichus I during the 26th Dynasty, Derchain 1975a: 16–17. However, as I have shown there are no written or visual attestations for hand cutting as a treatment of enemies and prisoners of war after Ramesses III, see Chapter Mutilation. Hand cutting. 64 The palace was first identified through a magnetometer survey in 2002, see Bietak und ForstnerMüller 2009: 91 65 Bietak und Forstner-Müller 2009: 93. 66 Bietak, Math, Müller and Jurman 2012/2013: 19. 67 Bietak und Forstner-Müller 2009: 93.

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cation of the palace owner as royal sealings are often found in later periods and contexts. 68 Sealings of Hyksos kings were also found in 18th Dynasty contexts in Tell el-Dabca and Khayan sealings were found in the late Second Intermediate Period contexts in R/III. 69 Khayan could be one of the many owners of this palace. 70 Two phases of this Second Intermediate Period palace were distinguished. First phase (Relative stratum c/2=Stratum E/1) is characterised by a larger extent of the palace. 71 The second phase (Relative stratum c/1=Stratum D/2–3) is characterised by several changes in the layout of the complex. 72 Publishers of the cut of hands from the palace in F/II stated that two pits (one of them being L1777) containing one right hand each were found under the four-columned building, a “broad-room” suggested to be a temple. These pits were found outside the palace at the front of the enclosure wall close to what was interpreted as a severely destroyed throne room of the earlier phase (Stratum E/1) of the palace. In the later phase of the palace these two supposed pits were covered by a building added to the outside of the façade serving as an annex to a four columned broad-room temple (?) north-east of the palace. 73 However, the hand from L1777 on the field photos seems to be in layer L1805 abutting wall M510 of the four columned broad-room temple. This is clear also from the drawing of control sections to M510. When one also looks at the unpublished drawing of this locus it is clear that it was not drawn as a pit, but as a muddy layer-L1805, abutting the surrounding walls. Also, no outline of the pit is drawn on the field drawing of this locus nor is the pit visible on the photo. This would thus mean that L1777 is a deposit belonging to the four columned broad-room temple and that the cut off hand was inside this. 74 The deposit and thus the hands in it are contemporary to the use of this temple. Two more pits (L1542 and L1543) were found beyond the broad-room temple in the forecourt of the palace. These pits contained in total 14 amputated hands and belong to the later phase of the forecourt. The earlier phase saw the use of round grain-silos. 75 Pit L1542 was c. 63–62 cm in diameter and had 2 complete and the rest of a 3rd hand. Pit L1543 was c. 115x95 cm large and contained at least 8 hands with the rest of 3 more hands. The excavators noted that the hands seem to show their dorsal sides and the field drawings show presence of pottery shards in the fill. Animal bone fragments are also mentioned in the excavation protocols. 76 Although the thus far published reports do not provide much detail 68 Forstner-Müller and Rose 2012: 184. 69 Forstner-Müller and Rose 2012: 184. 70 Fort he most recent works on king Khayan see a collection of papers in Forstner-Müller and Moeller 2018. 71 Bietak und Forstner-Müller 2009: 93–100. 72 Bietak und Forstner-Müller 2009: 101. A parallel was found in Palace Q at Ebla, Bietak, Math, Müller and Jurman 2012/2013: 21. 73 It is not stated on the basis of which finds or architectural features this room is interpreted as cultic, see Bietak, Math and Müller 2012/2013: 30–32. 74 Personal communication of Irene Forstner-Müller of the Austrian Archaeological Institute, Cairo. 75 Bietak, Math, Müller and Jurman 2012/2013: 31–32. 76 Personal communication of Irene Forstner-Müller of the Austrian Archaeological Institute, Cairo.

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on the physical anthropology for the hands it is clear that the hands were cut off cleanly, in a sense that there are no visible cuts on the bones of the wrists. It seems that after being cut off the hands were prepared for placement in these pits. 77 The way these were placed in the pits indicates that the fingers were carefully separated from each other so that space was left between them and the hand appeared stretched out. Such a placement of the hand resembles the writing of the sign D46 in the word Dr. t referring to cut off hands in the autobiography of Ahmose son of Ebana (Doc. 3). According to the excavators and the publishers the amputated hands found in area F/II can be interpreted as evidence for the custom of the hand cutting of enemies. This interpretation is based on the analogy with texts and depictions of New Kingdom date. 78 There are several problems with the identification of the hand cutting custom in these archaeological contexts. Firstly, the authors refer to the autobiography of Ahmose son of Ebana as the text describes the taking of Avaris by king Ahmose and cutting of the hands by general Ahmose (Doc. 3). They claim that according to this tomb inscription the custom of taking hands as trophies was known from the late 17th/early 18th Dynasty onwards. 79 Bearing in mind that the autobiography of Ahmose son of Ebana is not contemporary to the reign of Ahmose it is more appropriate to mention the evidence contemporary to Ahmose, namely the block with the depiction of a pile of cut off hands from Abydos (Doc. 1). The publishers of the cut off hands from Tell el-Dabca also state that one may think of a ceremony in which “gold of valour” was given to successful soldiers in front of the palace. 80 Most recently Bill Petty completely misunderstood the archaeological context of the hands from Tell el-Dabca and interpreted it as the camp of king Ahmose and the cut off hands as the hands cut by Egyptians from their enemies in the siege of Avaris. 81 Visual attestations of the New Kingdom indicate that the presentation and counting of hands has in some cases been done before the king outside of en Egyptian fortress and not inside a temple or a palace. The finds of amputated hands do not unequivocally correlate with the written and visual evidence of the New Kingdom. The field protocol, drawings and photos of L1777 suggest that in this part of the site hands were found in deposits belonging to the four columned broad-room temple. They were not found in the throne room. If the two pits with 14 cut off hands found in the forecourt date to a later phase of the palace, as they were found on top of a former extra-mural silo courtyard of the early phase (Stratum E/1), their connection to the throne room is in this later phase closed by the four-column-building with the two pits (one of them being L1777) with one hand each. As the two pits (L1542 and L1543) with 14 hands belong to the later phase of the forecourt they are quite far from 77 I would like to thank Gresky for this information as she examined the cut off hands and informed me on the site that whoever cut these hands took care of them later, removed damaged bones and presented them with care. 78 Bietak 2012: 42; Bietak, Math, Müller and Jurman 2012/2013: 32. This interpretation of the amputated hands from the site was accepted by other scholars too, Eyre 2017: 107. 79 Bietak, Math, Müller and Jurman 2012/2013: 32. 80 Bietak, Math, Müller and Jurman 2012/2013: 32. 81 Petty 2014: 95.

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the throne room and are nonetheless still outside it in the forecourt. 82 If one looks at the position of the pits with the hands, they do not seem to be in a prominent place in the forecourt, neither are they somehow marked, but are rather dug next to the palace walls. One has to point out that the pits in the forecourt with the hands were found in Planum 1 and as the upper levels of the palace are not preserved we do not know from which level the pits actually cut into. They could be slightly later than the layers cut by them and associated with the palace, however they could also be significantly later, thus disassociating them from the palace and the throne room. This is however not so likely, as some of the hands were (L1777) found in a layer abutting the walls of the structure (four columned broad-room temple) of the later phase of the palace. The publishers of the amputated hands from Tell el-Dabca do not refer to the practice of hand cutting as punishment in juridical contexts which is attested both in New Kingdom Egypt but is also well attested in the Near East. 83 The number of New Kingdom attestations of hand cutting as punishment of criminals is very small, namely only one, Papyrus Salt 124. 84 Nevertheless, it can be claimed that in regards to the analogies in written evidence of the New Kingdom we have the case of interpretative equifinality at Tell el-Dabca. Namely, hands cut off from local criminals and hands cut off from soldiers can theoretically leave the same archaeological trace. We do not know what was done with hands cut from local criminals, but we do know that at least according to written and visual evidence, hands were not counted in temples or palaces. Therefore, we can only assume that they were disposed of after the count, which would indeed be a good decision from the sanitary point of view. Last, but not the least, the interpretation of the hands belonging to enemies is based on the anthropological observation that they are large and robust, and therefore that they must have belonged to males. 85 Although quite plausible, this interpretation is not without problems. That the hands are large and robust possibly indicates that they belonged to men, but it does not necessarily indicate that these men were soldiers, let alone enemy soldiers. The suggestion that the custom of cutting off the hands of enemies was practiced and possibly introduced to Egypt by the Hyksos 86, had already been made before the hands were found in Tell el-Dabca. 87It was also suggested that hand cutting among the Hyksos was adopted from Egyptians whom the Hyksos fought earlier, before they fought Ahmose. 88 It is clear that 17th Dynasty sources, such as e.g the Second Stela of Kamose do not 82 See the plan of the palace with location of the throne room and the pits with cut off hands Bietak, Math, Müller and Jurman 2012/2013: Fig. 10. 83 See Chapter Mutilation. Hand cutting. 84 Černý 1929: 245. 85 Bietak 2012: 43. 86 Although the publishers state that this remains unclear, Bietak, Math, Müller and Jurman 2012/2013: 32. 87 “Is this practice something, which Hyksos brought with them and left for the Egyptians?”, Stefanović 2003: 165. 88 Bietak 2012: 43.

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refer to hand cutting as a treatment of enemies. Most recently the suggestion was made that the custom of hand cutting could have been introduced by Nubians. This was argued on the basis of the interpretation of Nubian pottery as evidence for the employment of Nubian mercenaries. 89 Such interpretations of Nubian pottery in Tell el-Dabca are, as we have seen, not without their own problems. It is interesting that some of the amputated hands from Tell el-Dabca were found in layers which abut the walls of some of the palace rooms. If we assume that part of the Hyksos court culture had western Asiatic background, and if we bear in mind that hand cutting in the Near East is a practice usually associated with rulers and not soldiers, then the amputated hands could be a reflection of this practice, and not the one later attested in Egypt.

Burning of enemies at Amman There is one site at which Muhlestein recognised weak and unlikely evidence for burning of enemies. 90 During a salvage excavation in the area of the airport of Amman (Jebel al-Qa’ala) in Jordan in 1955, a square building with walls c. 15 m long was found. To the north of the building some 6–7 m from its entrance, on the north side, a 4 x 2m structure interpreted as an incinerator and built of unhewn stones was found in 1966. 91 According to the publishers there is no evidence of roofing construction suggesting that the building was open air. 92 The building had three stages and was in use for a short period. 93 Mycenean LH IIIB 1 shards, as well as the local pottery found associated with the earliest phase, place the building in the 13th century BC. 94 Among numerous local and imported ceramics, a bronze axe, numerous arrowheads, golden jewellery, a bronze needle, ivory and bone objects, scarabs and cylinder seals, there were also several thousands of small bone fragments. These belonged to at least 6 individuals. As 96% of the bones were human and showed traces of calcination, it suggests that the place was used for cremation. That the bones are white indicates that there was not much blood in the bodies during the burning, as otherwise they would be black. This excludes the possibility of a sacrifice. 95 Human bone fragments were also found in foundation deposits of the structure beneath the floors. This indicates that the burned human bones cannot be associated with a single,

89 Bietak, Math, Müller and Jurman 2012/2013: 33; Bietak 2012: 43. Accepted without criticism by Janzen 2013: 316–317. 90 Muhlestein 2011: 57. 91 Hennessy 1966: 157; Hennessy 1985: 85. 92 Hennessy 1966: 159; Hennessy 1985: 90; Herr 1997: 102–103. 93 For a detailed report on stratigraphy including three building stages and six usage phases see Herr 1981: 11–31. For a reassessment and more detailed divisions see Mumford 2015: 91–98. 94 Hennessy 1985: 92. 95 Zwickel 1994: 77–78; contra Hennessy 1985: 99–100. John Basil Hennessy does not only see this building as a temple of human sacrifice, but also as a temple of fire cult, Hennessy 1966: 162.

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let alone final phase, and therefore the structure cannot be interpreted as a place where people were burned by the Egyptians. 96

96 The imported objects are typical of a Late Bronze Age burial assemblage suggesting relation to mortuary activities, including cremation. Various interpretations have been suggested, including a tribal league center serving a semi-nomadic population, a fire temple, a temple of human sacrifice, a Hittite mortuary complex with cremation burials, a cultic installation, a military watchtower, a governor’s residency or a more complex fortified trading post. For a summary with references see Mumford 2015: 90. It was recently suggested that in comparison to contemporary Late Bronze Age buildings Amman Airport structure shows little in common with temples and shrines, and it contains components which are both ritual and secular. The suggestion put forward recently is that this structure was used as a fortified way-station or a fort tower, Mumford 2015: 120.

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Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt

Hunt The connection between war and hunt is observed cross-culturally, 1 because hunting is dangerous and it often served as training for war. 2 There is a close connection between war and hunt in Late Bronze Age royal ideology. 3 Hunting activities are one of the main activities which show the powers of the king in ancient Egypt. 4 They are described in texts which deal with king’s military campaigns and as a motif that served to further emphasise his exceptional powers. Thutmose I’s hunting of wild elephants in the region of Niy is described in a very fragmentary text from Deir el-Bahari. 5 Amenemhab called Mahu states in his autobiography that Thutmose III killed 120 elephants in the region of Niy. Supposedly Amenhotep killed the largest elephant close to the king and even cut of it’s Dr. t “hand” (here to be understood as trunk) as the elephant was still alive. 6 This action itself suggests the trophy nature of hand cutting. The Armant stela similarly describes a hunt of Thutmose III in northern Syria where he reputedly killed 7 lions with one stroke, 12 wild bulls in one hour and 120 elephants in the region of Niy. 7 Hunting activities are attested on numerous commemorative scarabs 1 Betzig 2008: 270–289; Harrison 2012. For example, in South-East Asia in stories of war and terror refugees are debased subhuman creatures treated like animals in captivity, Langford 2013: 224. 2 Strootman 2014: 199. For the same argument for ancient Egypt see Spalinger 2005: 108. Some claim that modern war is far from the hunt, Deleuze and Guattari 1983: 396–397; but there is enough evidence against this claim, Harrison 2012. 3 Feldman 2006: 67, 124. Hunt expressed masculine prowess and predatory power in different eastern Mediterranean Late Bronze Age cultures, Morgan 2010: 295; Hughes 2013: 129. This connection is observable in Neo-Assyrian discourse of warfare in representations of dying and dead bodies of lions, bulls and humans beneath the wheels of Ashurnasirpal’s chariot on reliefs of the throne room of his northwest palace at Nimrud. We also see it in numerous metaphors that connect animals with warfare in Assyrian texts, Bahrani 2008: 50; Collins 2014: 629. 4 Altenmüller 1977: 223; Kessler 2014: 259. 5 Urk. IV, 104, 1–3. 6 Urk. IV, 893, 14–894, 1. 7 Urk. IV, 1245, 14–18. Note that the choice of numbers is symbolic, 7 lions, indicating the completeness of victory over chaos, 12 (3 times 4) wild bulls, indicating totality and eternity of the victory and dominion over the whole world, and 120 elephants being a strengthened symbol of dominion through multiplication by 10, possibly even because of the strength of the hunted animal, as there seems to be a gradation here. For the meanings of specific numbers in ancient Egypt on which I base this interpretation see Goyon 1987: 57–70; Schulz 2000: 251. Based on the archaeological and

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of Amenhotep III. 8 The hunt of the wild bulls and lions is one of the most common motifs found on these. Texts commemorating this king’s hunts are also attested on pendant shaped ceramic plates. 9 More explicit connections between war and the hunt also exist. 10 The same word HAq . t “booty” is used both for the spoils of war and the prey of lions in the Carnarvon Tablet 1 and the First Stela of king Kamose of the 17th Dynasty. 11 Spoils are to war as prey is to hunt. Thutmose II is described in the text of his Tombos Stela “like a young panther on the dormant herd” (mj Abj rn py m jd r x ny). 12 The enemies are to the king as a dormant herd is to a panther. The Annals of Thutmose III state that during the 8th campaign in the 33rd regnal year, when the king was fighting on the Euphrates river, “none of them (enemies) looked behind his head (him), but were all fleeing stretched out like a herd of desert animals” (n n nwA. n wa HA t p =f wpw-Hr j fd m dwn mj hAr. t n . t aw. t xAs.wt). 13 In Papyrus Anastasi II the enemies of Ramesses II are described as animals when the text states that “they have become herds of cattle through the fear of him (the king)” (s t x pr.w jAw. t n Hr.yt=f). 14 There are visual counterparts to this in the representation and the composition of the battle scenes. The enemies are depicted running away from the king and his soldiers, as animals flee from hunters. 15 On the painted box of Tutankhamun the slaughter of Asiatics is parallel to the desert hunt and the slaughter of Nubians is parallel .

8

9 10 11 12 13 14 15

textual sources from the Near East it can be argued that elephant hunting was a royal activity related to kingship ideology and status from the Middle Bronze Age. Egyptian kings were not alone in this endeavor. For the most extensive work on elephant hunting in the Bronze Age Near East see Pfälzner 2013: 114–126. Majority were found in Thebes but there are those found outside Egypt. The owners of these scarabs were court elite, high officials and military officers, who could have used the power of the king attested on the scarabs as personal protection, as these scarabs were also found in tombs. It must be stressed that they are only provisionary termed “commemorative” as they do not commemorate a single event, rather, the events described on them are to be seen as cultic repetition, Kessler 2014: 258. They were studied in detail by C. Blankenberg-van Delden. Especially numerous are those with the lion hunt motif and especially rare are those with the wild bull hunt motif. They are all dated in the first 11 years of Amenhotep III’s reign, Blankenberg-van Delden 1969. An updated list can be found in Demarée 2011: 26–28. The lion hunt scarab of Amenhotep III was found also on an altar platform in a shrine of the upper level temple founded by Amenhotep III at Lachish, Goldwasser 2002: 193; one lion hunt scarab of Amenhotep III was also found in the gray brick of Stratum IVA wall in Jaffa, dated to the late 13th and middle 12th century BC, Sweeney 2003: 54. Valentín 1996: 111–113. For the overview of visual attestations in which war and hunt are contextually related in the sense that both motifs are found on the same monument or an object see, Keel 1990: 29–36. The text states mSa mj wn n mAj.w gr HAq . t=s n gr m ry. t=s n “as lions are with their prey, so was my army with their servants” Carnarvorn Tablet 1, line 15, Helck 1975b: 90; Habachi 1972: 48; Smith and Smith 1976: 60. Urk. IV, 85, 5. For the king as a panther in New Kingdom texts see Hsu 2013: 9–10. Urk. IV, 697, 13–15. Papyrus Anastasi II, 3.2, Gardiner 1937: 13.11. Compare the representation of private persons and kings in hunt with those of king in the battle, Decker und Herb 1994b: Tf. CXLIX–CLXXXV; a close connection between war and hunt scenes was recognised for the periods before the New Kingdom too, Schulz 2002: 41.

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to the lion hunt. 16 The connection between war and hunt is also indicated by the presence of hunting dogs in battle scenes. 17 Dogs are often following the hunters in the Late Bronze Age iconography 18 and there are also examples for this motif in ancient Egypt. 19 There are representations in which a lion is following the king in the hunt instead of the dog. 20 Lions are often depicted next to the king in the battle scenes 21 or in smiting of the enemy scenes. 22 They can be depicted grabbing the heads of enemies with their frontal claws or devouring their heads. 23 Above the lion in the smiting of an enemy scene in Derr 16 See Doc. 25 and the accompanying references. For the lion hunt and related sources for it in ancient Egypt see, Strawn 2005: 161–162. 17 Feldman 2006: 206. Hunting dogs are depicted in the battle scene on the painted box of Tutankhamun directly engaging with both Asiatic and Nubian enemies, Heinz 2001: I.1., I.2, 237; a dog is depicted biting an enemy by his tie while Ramesses II smites him at Beit el-Wali/North, Heinz 2001: V. 1., 259. 18 Immerwahr 1990: 137; Marinatos and Morgan 2005: 119–122. 19 Dogs are depicted engaging wild game in the 5th Dynasty tomb of Ptahhotep, Davies 1900: Pl. XXI; a dog is depicted chasing ostriches on Tutankhamun’s fan (JE 62001, Carter No. 242), Decker und Herb 1994b: Tf. CLXXVIII; For the role of dogs in hunting since the Old Kingdom see Decker und Herb 1994a: 269. 20 Naos of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 61481) where a lion is depicted next to the king seated on a stool and shooting an arrow at geese in the marshes to which his royal wife is pointing. This is one of several depictions of Tutankhamun shooting an arrow while seated and so far, there are no earlier representations of a king in this position, Keel 1990: 153–160, Abb. 18. A lion next to the king’s throne is also known from Beit el-Wali/North depicted next to Ramesses II, Heinz 2001: V. 5, 260. For the representation of the lion in a domestic context, namely next to the king, either in hunt or battle representations see Van Essche 1991: 34–42. 21 In the representation of the return from battle by Ramesses II at Abu Simbel/South we find the king’s lion under the horses of his chariot, Heinz 2001: I.3., 252. The same representation is found in Abydos/South, Heinz 2001: II.8., 254. A lion follows Ramesses III in his march against the Sea Peoples on the north wall of Medinet Habu, Heinz 2001: I.15., 306. We find a lion in the same context in the Second Libyan War of Ramesses III in the first court of Medinet Habu, Heinz 2001: I. 28, 311. Just as a lion follows the king on his return from the battle in the case of Ramesses II, so we find him in two scenes of Ramesses III, namely Second Libyan War in Medinet Habu on a north wall between the First and the Second Pylon, Heinz 2001: I. 24, I. 26., 310–311. The lion further follows Ramesses III in his return from the Asiatic campaign also on the north wall between the First and the Second Pylon of Medinet Habu, Heinz 2001: I. 35, and on his return from an Asiatic campaign in the first court of Medinet Habu , Heinz 2001: I. 39., 317. For all the representations of a pet lion of the pharaoh in their context with a description of their activity see Spalinger 2011b: 71. 22 See examples on scarabs dating from the reign of Thutmose III and later dated to the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses IV, Hall 1986: Figs. 4, 72, 76–78. Also see the reliefs at the temple of Derr of Ramesses II, one of which depicts a lion biting into the tie of a kneeling enemy who the king strikes, Blackman 1913: Pl. VII. 1. 23 Like in the case of a wooden statue of a lion with an enemy from the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York (Inv. Nr. 31.4.4) dated to the Middle Kingdom or a wooden whip handle from the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden in Leiden (Inv. Nr. AH 40) dated to the 18th Dynasty, Petschel und von Falck 2004: 31–32. Devouring the heads of enemies consequently means devouring their chiefs because of the meaning horizon of the Egyptian word t p “head”. For more on the lion and kings as devourers of enemies see David 2011: 91–92.

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temple it is written “lion, follower of His Majesty, slayer of [his enemies]” (mAj Sm s.w Hm=f s mA.w x[ ft.jw=f]). 24. However we interpret such representations 25, it cannot be excluded that there were attempts to semi-domesticate lions in ancient Egypt. 26 Semi-domesticated lions were shown in the king’s presence, but it is doubtful that they were used as weapons of war. 27 The costs of catching and rearing these animals in captivity were high and also there was the danger of exposing them to enemies in the battle. 28 There are several cases where lions are depicted in place of an enemy. Amenhotep II is depicted smiting a lion as though he is smiting an enemy on a green jasper ring from the Louvre (E.6256). 29 Tutankhamun is also depicted smiting a lion as though smiting an enemy on his ceremonial shield. 30 The lion is in both cases turned with his back to the king, as an enemy usually is in such a scene, and then looks back towards the king. The war and hunt connection is also explicit in the decorative program of the Medinet Habu temple. Here a lion hunt is depicted on the seventh scene from the west on the outer north wall 31 and the desert animal hunt, with a bull hunt below, is depicted on the west face of the south wing of the front pylon. 32 It has been suggested that the Sea Peoples are to be equated with lions, Levantines with wild bulls and Libyans with desert animals. 33 In both, the scenes on the painted box of Tutankhamun and the Medinet Habu temple of Ramesses III, there is an association between enemies and hunted animals. The lions are in Medinet Habu associated with Sea Peoples which led Spalinger to suggest that lions are associated with a stronger enemy. 34 However, lions are associated with Nubians on the painted box of Tutankhamun and Nubians are enemies which are in New Kingdom decorum framed as cowardly, weak and feminine more than any other enemy group. 35

24 Hamza 1930: 49, Fig. 7. Janzen transliterated the word lion erroneously as Ajw because he ignored the sign U1 with sound value mA, Janzen 2013: 84. 25 Janzen sees them as evidence for the use of real lion-pets, Janzen 2013: 84. 26 This is indicated already in the Early Dynastic period by the burial of 7 young lions from the burial complex of Aha at Um el-Qaab of the 1st Dynasty. These lions definitely grow up in captivity, with the question of whether they were also born in captivity remaining open, Dreyer, Boessneck, von den Driesch und Klug 1990: 87. 27 cf. Spalinger 2011b: 70, f. 9. He argued that it is doubtful that any would argue that the lion was allowed to roam free and points to the presence of an enclosed lion on the reliefs of the Battle of Qadesh. Thus, clearly lions were also taken to war. I am nevertheless also reluctant to support the idea of the use of lions as weapons of war. 28 A lion kept in captivity was also found at the second level of Maia’s tomb in Saqqara and was dated to the Ptolemaic or Roman period. The male adult lion of at least 9 years old lived in poor conditions, particularly in terms of food. He also had bone fractures, Callou et al. 2011: 63–84. 29 Green jasper ring inscribed for Amenhotep II (Louvre E.6256), Desroches Noblecourt 1950: 38; Hall 1986: Fig. 2. 30 Ceremonial shield of Tutankhamun (Cairo, JE 61576), Hall 1986: Fig. 42. 31 Nelson 1930: Pl. 35. 32 Nelson 1932: Pl. 116–117; Spalinger 2011b: 72. 33 O’Connor 2000: 95. 34 Spalinger 2011b: 37. 35 See Chapter Frames of war in New Kingdom Egypt. Gender.

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Enemies are often described as animals in ancient Egyptian texts. 36 During the New Kingdom enemies are among other things referred to as dogs 37 and grasshoppers. 38 They are also referred to as sparrows which the king hunts as a falcon. 39 The horses of the king are also described as falcons when they see sparrows 40, implying that enemies are identified with sparrows too. This connection is even more explicit in descriptions of horses as falcons amidst the sparrows before the Nine Bows. 41 Enemies are to the king as game is to the hunter, as prey is to the predator. There are numerous amulets, scarabs, plaques and cylinder seals on which enemies and animals are at the same time depicted as targets of the king. 42 Eric Van Essche proposed a structural diagram in which there is an opposition between the king and the enemies just as there is an opposition between a lion and the other animals. In this diagram the king is therefore assimilated with the lion and the enemies with other animals. 43 Some authors suggest that the reason behind the descriptions of the king as a wild animal, such as a lion, panther or a falcon is because their actions of hunting and domination over other animals symbolise the maintenance of order. 44 The 36 The assimilation of enemies with wild animals was already emphasised in Egyptology, Leclant, 1956, 144–145; Leclant 1969: 226; Van Essche 1989: 10–12; Van Essche 1992: 225. For the most recent study of animal metaphors used to describe enemies and foreigners, especially during the New Kingdom see Abo el Magd 2016. 37 On a fragmented inscription from Deir el-Bahari, attributed to Hatshepsut, it is stated that foreigners come in fear of her Ts m .w mj j rj Ts m .w “They are like dogs, doing what dogs do”, Urk. IV, 321, 11; inscription of 23rd regnal year of Thutmose III from Wadi Halfa states the same, Urk. IV, 809, 10. 38 Libyan war inscription of Merenptah from Karnak states dj=k x p r=s n mj s nHm .w mj wA. t n b(. t) x n r(. ty) m nAy =s n “You made them like grasshoppers, every road being littered with their (corpses?)”, KRI IV, 11. 9–10. For representations of grasshoppers in place of enemies and of bound prisoners in postures resembling grasshoppers see Hsu 2017: 85‒86. Grasshoppers are a known topos of a pest in the Near East because of their ability to bring disaster and destroy crops, Borowski 2001: 303; Hoffmeier 1997: 148; Rivnay 1962: 19. Grasshoppers can be categorised as existing outside of human control, they are animals injurious to person or property. Vermin is an anomalous category which crosses established boundaries, “matter out of place” in the terminology of Mary Douglas. Their dirtiness manifests itself in their role as disease carriers, Savage 2006: 29. 39 Medinet Habu, First Libyan War Scenes, Second Series, King´s Speech, KRI V, 17. 7–9; Medinet Habu, Campaign against the Sea Peoples, Sea Battle and Victory, King’s Speech, KRI V, 33. 7–8; Medinet Habu, Second Libyan War, First Series, Rhetorical text over king, KRI V, 44. 8–9; Medinet Habu, Second Libyan War, Great Inscription of Year 11, KRI V, 60. 13–14; Medinet Habu Pylon, Southern Triumphal Scene and Topographical List, Triumphal welcoming Speech of Amun, KRI V, 93. 13–14; Medinet Habu, The King Hunts Wild Bulls, rhetorical text, KRI V, 113. 10–11; Elephantine stela of year 2 of Setnakht, KRI V, 672. 5. For the king as a falcon in its predatory aspect from the Middle Kingdom to the New Kingdom see Hsu 2013: 9. Indigenous Australians were also characterised as sparrows, pests and threat to crops, as where the Jews in Ernst Hiemer’s children’s book titled “Poodlepugdachshundpinscher”, Savage 2006: 34–35. 40 Medinet Habu, First Libyan War, Great Inscription of Year 5, KRI V, 22. 9. 41 Medinet Habu, Campaign against the Sea Peoples, Land Battle, text over soldiers at base of scene, KRI V, 30. 5. 42 For these objects see Keel 1990: 36–41. 43 Van Essche 1991: 47. 44 Hsu 2013: 14.

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royal hunt in ancient Egypt was conceptualised as the destruction of chaos and establishment of order. 45 Although hunting was clearly one of the frames of war in New Kingdom Egypt, only some treatments of enemies and prisoners of war can be related to it. The general context in which some of these treatments are found is in some cases quite explicitly related to hunt as a frame of war. This is seen both on objects carrying battle representations, such as the painted box of Tutankhamun, and on monumental temple walls such is the case of Medinet Habu. There we find cutting of hands, enemies missing hands, cut off hands and heads. The only possible relation to hunt among the treatments classified as torture can perhaps be seen in the caging of an enemy attested in the memorial temple for Tutankhamun in Karnak (Doc. 26). The enemy is caged and brought as symbolical prey back from the war. 46 Other treatments grouped under torture (sun exposure; beating and harassment) cannot be related to hunt as a frame of war. A closer manifestation of hunt as a frame of war is to be found in some of the treatments classified as mutilation. Hand cutting understood as trophy taking is conceptually related to hunt. Hands cut from enemies were a proof of skill and a way to establish a relation with the king through the exchange of the cut off hands for the gold of valour. Trophies taken in hunt are also taken as a proof of hunting skills and the success of the individual hunter. Related to this is the cutting of a Dr. t “hand” of an elephant in the autobiography of Amenemhab called Mahu. 47 This action has to be understood as cutting of an elephant’s trunk. Elephants use their trunks as humans use their hands. Thus, the choice of the word Dr. t “hand” is not surprising. That the trunk of an elephant was cut off as a “hand” suggests a connection with the practice of hand cutting attested in the same source (Doc. 8). There is a possible metaphorical connection between marking of enemies and prisoners of war and branding of animals (Doc. 40). However, the metaphorical connection is between marking of people and branding of cattle, 48 not of game. None of the treatments classified as execution are related to hunting as a frame of war. This is not surprising as the hunt does not involve killing as execution.

45 Hornung 1957: 128. Hornung saw hunt and war as primary mythologems, Hornung 1966: 12; Altenmüller 1967: 24; Decker und Herb 1994a: 268. The scenes of hunt on temple walls are semantically related to the scenes of smiting of enemies, Moers 2004: 25. The same connection was suggested for the lion hunt motif on the commemorative scarabs of Amenhotep III, Gundlach 2002: 39. 46 A panther and a lion are depicted in cages on a sledge pulled by four figures on the east wall of the Old Kingdom tomb of Ptahhotep in Saqqara, Davies 1900: Pl. XXI. Four bound prisoners are depicted together with hunted animals in a net pulled by the gods and the king on a relief of the temple of Horus at Edfu, Chassinat 1960: 2, Pl. CL; Kurth 1994: 42. For further attestations from Edfu for identification of enemies with marsh birds the king hunts see, Cauville 2012: 230–231. This representation is followed by a text describing a ritual involving four figurines of enemies whose names are written on their chest with fresh ink, Alliot 1946: 66–70 47 Urk. IV, 893, 14–894, 1. 48 The slaughter of cattle as animal sacrifice is symbolically related to the killing of enemies, Leclant 1956: 145; Spalinger 2011b: 183.

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Gender Gender can be most broadly defined as the socio-cultural interpretation of sexual difference. Anthropologists and archaeologists showed that genders can be defined and experienced differently depending on their socio-cultural background, arguing for cultural diversity of gender systems. 49 Gender relations offer a way of thinking about other social phenomena, such as violence, because gender can be an instrument or means to frame other social relations. 50 Where there is violence, sex is not far away, and where there is sex, there is gender. 51 Although studied extensively in other humanistic disciplines, 52 gender in relation to violence has received only occasional attention from archaeologists 53 and Egyptologists. 54 It is difficult to conceive violence without addressing its gender contours as gender often operates throughout all forms of violence. 55 One should also think of gender as a frame of war, reflecting the position of different genders and assigning places for different genders in a society. 56 These normative aspects of gender have the violence of gender ideals in their background. 57 Foreign women and children were of course encountered by Egyptian soldiers in war and were brought back to Egypt as war prisoners. 58 However, there is almost a complete absence of foreign women and children as victims of violence in written sources and a complete absence violence against them in visual sources from the New Kingdom.

49 For the key and the most influential reference on this distinction in gender studies see Rubin 1997. This division of sex and gender comes from second wave feminist theory and was as such introduced both in anthropology and archaeology, Díaz-Andreu 2005: 14–15; Gilchrist 1999: 9; Sørensen 2000: 18. Third wave feminist theory and queer theory questioned this superiority of sex over gender arguing first and foremost that under sex quite usually genital sex is understood. Sexual differences are however not limited to genital difference, but also include hormonal and chromosomal difference. What we argue to be sex is always already gender because materiality is bound up with signification from the start, Butler 1993: 30. 50 Strathern 2016. 51 Taylor 1999: 153. 52 Butler 1990; Renzetti 2004: 131–143. 53 The number of such studies is very low and they are found dispersed in different areas, e.g Vandkilde 2006: 515–528. The most recent summary with related problems, Jensen and Matić 2017. 54 For example O’Connor 2005; Hue-Arcé 2017; Matić 2017a; Matić 2018d. 55 Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois 2004: 22; Jensen and Matić 2017. 56 The same arguments are followed by Amélie Kurth in her study on women and war, Kurth 2001: 2. 57 Butler 1990: xx. 58 For this study it is important that this practice is already known at the beginning of the 18th Dynasty as Ahmose son of Ebana states in his autobiography that he received two women as servants as reward for his actions (Doc. 3). For taking of women and children as prisoners of war in the New Kingdom see Matić 2015c; Matić 2017b.

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Foreign women and children in New Kingdom battle scenes Foreign women and children are found in scenes of battles in Asia and Nubia, and even the conflict with the Sea Peoples. They are depicted unharmed and themselves not violently active. Asiatic women and children are depicted either inside or outside of forts that are under siege. When depicted inside forts under siege Asiatic women have their arms in a position of praise oriented towards the incoming Egyptian king and his army (Abu Simbel/ South 59, Beit el-Wali/North 60, Medinet Habu, First Pylon 61). They are also kneeling below Asiatic men who raise their arms in praise towards the incoming pharaoh (Karnak, Temple of Amun-Re). 62 The praising posture (dwA 63) can be related to text of the Karnak stela of Amenhotep II at the Eighth Pylon. Here it is stated that both men and women of an Asiatic city are praising His Majesty: jsT nA n ‚Ttj.w n d mj pn TAj.w mj Hm .wt t p s b. tj=sn Hr dwA Hm=f [Hr.w=sn Ss p. n 64 gg].w Hr nTr n fr “Now, these Asiatics of this city, men and women likewise, are on top of their walls and praise His Majesty. Their faces receive (him) amazed by the good god”. 65 When depicted outside of the forts under siege, women are together with children behind Asiatic men (Karnak, Temple of Amun-

59 Ramesses II’s Asiatic campaign, First Hall, south wall, lower register, first scene from the east, Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 183; Heinz 2001: I.2, 252. In the scene a woman is depicted at the top inside the fort praising the pharaoh with one hand. A child with longer hair is behind her and in front of her a man with brazier raises his arm in praise towards the pharaoh. 60 Ramesses II’s Asiatic campaign, Forecourt, north wall, second scene from the east, Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 163; Heinz 2001: V.3, 259. In the scene a child with a side lock is being lowered down by a woman who holds the child by its arm. The child is lowered down at the entrance where no Egyptian soldiers are depicted. Women are presenting offerings towards the pharaoh. 61 Ramesses III’s campaign against one unpreserved region or an enemy and Arzawa, First Pylon, north tower, west wall, outside, upper register, Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 87; Heinz 2001: I. 33, 314. In the scene there are two nude children being lowered down in front of the fort, no Egyptians are depicted at the entrance. The one on the right may be male. One woman with arms raised high above her head is turned to the right, other women are turned to the left praising the king. On the right on top of the fort there is a man with a brazier. 62 Merenptah’s campaign against Ashkelon, Cachette Court, west wall, outside, south of the Hittite contract, lower register, first scene from the north, Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 58, 58a; Heinz 2001: I. 1, 294. In the scene one clothed child is being lowered down on the left side of the fort, one nude child is being lowered down on the right side. In front, at the entrance, is an Egyptian soldier. On the top of the fort on the right a man with a brazier raises his arm in praise towards the pharaoh. 63 Wb 5, 426.6–428.7. 64 In the same line from the Memphis stela of Amenhotep II the sign n is written with plural strokes and s is omitted, Urk. IV, 1303, 7. The text of the Karnak stela is damaged in this part. The omitted subjects are the faces of the Asiatics. 65 Urk. IV, 1312, 4–5; Feucht 1990: 33; Klug 2002: 261; Beylage 2002a: 111.

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Re). 66 There are also cases in which Asiatic men are lowering the children down from the forts (Medinet Habu, North wall, between First and Second Pylon 67). Asiatic children are depicted both inside and outside the forts. When depicted inside the forts, we find them behind the women (Abu Simbel/South). When they are depicted outside the fort, they are either lowered down or in the battlefield. 68 Asiatic children are depicted both dressed and nude, either next to adult figures or being lowered down by the adult male and female figures holding them by their hands or ankles. 69 They are sometimes lowered down in front of the fort, identified easily by the entrance gate (Beit el-WaliNorth 70, Medinet Habu, north wall, between First and Second Pylon 71, Medinet Habu, First Pylon 72). In such cases Egyptian soldiers are not present at the entrance. Both nude and dressed children are depicted being lowered down on the side of a fort from the point of view of the observer (Karnak/South/West, Luxor/East, Karnak, Temple of Amun-Re, lower register; Karnak, Temple of Amun-Re, upper register). Bearing in mind the “aspect by aspect” (Aspektive) way of representation it is possible that behind the fort is intended. Children are also depicted being lowered down on the right side of three carts in the Land Battle against the Sea Peoples in the reliefs of Medinet Habu, north wall. 73 It is logical to assume that it was meant that they were lowered down on the back of these carts. Nubian women and children are depicted in a landscape under siege by the Egyptian army and although it is clear that these scenes place them in their domestic habitat, they are not preserved enough to offer us more information about it. On the eastern half of the south wall of the forecourt of the temple Beit el-Wali/South, we see Nubian soldiers flee-

66 Seti I’s campaign against the Shasu, Hypostyle Hall, north wall, outside, eastern back side, lower register, Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 34, 39; Heinz 2001: I.3, 243. In the scene a woman is depicted outside of the fort and in front of her child with raised hands. 67 Ramesses III’s Asiatic campaign, North Wall, between First and Second Pylon, outside, upper register, second scene from the east, Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 153, 153a; Heinz 2001: I. 31, 313. In this scene one nude child is being lowered down by a man in front of the fort, although the scene is damaged nothing indicates Egyptian presence there. A man with a brazier is depicted on the top of the fort on the right. 68 Next to the representation of Seti I’s campaign against the Shasu one should also mention Ramsses III’s Sea Peoples campaign-land battle, north wall, outside, sixth scene from the west, Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 113, 114; Heinz 2001: I.16, 306. In this scene three women are lowering children down on the right side of the cart. One is being killed by a Sea People soldier. 69 In the New Kingdom foreigners’ procession scenes dressed Asiatic children can be identified as boys wearing the same clothes as the adult Asiatic princes (wr.w) who lead them. These boys are always labeled as j n .w - “tribute, gift?” in contrast to those who are depicted nude and labeled as HAq . t – “war booty” (e.g. Rekhmire TT 100), Matić 2015c: 376–381. The dressed boys can be identified as either sons or brothers/relatives (s n .w) of the Asiatic rulers sent to the Egyptian court and who would replace the rulers in Asiatic cities after their death, Urk. IV, 690, 2–5. 70 Wreszinski 1935, Tf. 163; Heinz 2001: V.3, 259. 71 Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 153, 153a; Heinz 2001: I.31, 313. 72 Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 87; Heinz 2001: I. 33, 314. 73 Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 113, 114; Heinz 2001: I.16, 306.

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ing from the pharaoh towards the left. 74 One of them enters a landscape with tall trees and the other is in front of him being carried by two companions. He is resting with his arms on their shoulders and walking along together with his companions towards a male child who is touching one of the companions on his leg and with left hand on his head. Behind the child is a woman, possibly coming out of a hut whose entrance is behind her, with her arms clearly stretched towards the incoming Nubian soldiers. 75 Behind this woman is a male child running past a tree towards another woman who is crouching with her back turned to the child. On the upper register of the scene with a Nubian campaign of Ramesses II on the temple of Derr, we see Nubian soldiers fleeing from the pharaoh towards the left. Two soldiers are carrying probably an injured third soldier. Between them and under the body of the injured soldier is a male child running in the same direction towards the left. The child has his right hand on his head. In front of this group is a Nubian bowman and in front of him a woman with one of her hands in front of her face. Behind her there are two more women, one kneeling and the other standing, both welcoming the injured soldiers. Behind them are herds of cattle and a tree. On the far left a man is standing leaning on his walking stick and turned towards the right and the incoming soldiers. Behind him is a Nubian soldier turned towards the left and being brought to a woman by a child. The child is holding the soldier by his leg with its left hand and is pointing towards the woman with his right hand. 76 The woman is kneeling and is turned to the right towards them. She has a basket on her back with a child inside. 77 In both Beit el-Wali/South and Derr, a child who first sees the injured soldier holds his head with its right hand. This gesture is known from the mourning scenes and is clearly expressing grief. 78 Although usually associated with Egyptian women and children in funeral scenes 79 it is here transferred into another context. It seems that the standard posture of mourning for men was with the head on the knees. 80 The fact that it is the Nubian boys who are depicted in a mourning gesture and that the Nubian soldiers are fleeing home to their wives and children injured, only emphasises the defeat and the stereotypical representation of Nubians as cowards. This topos of Nubians as cowards is most explic74 Ramesses II’s campaign against Nubia, Forecourt, south wall, eastern half, Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 165, 166; Heinz 2001: V.6, 261. Spalinger has noticed that in this scene the Nubians are not even hit by arrows, including those of the king, so he interprets this as a visual sign of their cowardliness as the pharaoh’s presence alone is enough to ensure their flight, Spalinger 2011b: 34. 75 Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 165, 166; Heinz 2001: V.6, 261; See Doc. 36. 76 Ramesses II’s campaign against Nubia, first columned hall, west wall, lower register, first scene from the south, Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 168a; Heinz 2001: VI.7, 263. 77 Nubian women with children in baskets on their backs are a common motif of New Kingdom foreigners’ procession scenes, see Matić 2015c: 378. 78 Millward 2012: 142–143. 79 Children are depicted in New Kingdom mourning scenes together with adolescents and adults. Usually female adolescents and most probably female children are depicted as mourners, Harrington 2007: 56. 80 Volokhine 2008: 173–174.

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itly found in the Semna and Uronarti stelae of Senusret III. There it is written that they show their back when attacked and that they attack when one shows his back. 81 In the representations of the Nubian campaign of Ramesses II at Beit el-Wali/South and Derr we are dealing with transference of a motif of grief which was in New Kingdom iconography associated with women, as men are rarely displaying in grief, although there are exceptions. 82 In a text describing the Nubian campaign of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu it is said about Ramesses III: mAA=f pD. tj.w mj Hm .wt “He is looking at bowmen like women”. 83 Child sacrifice Philippe Derchain argued that depictions of Asiatic children lowered down by the adult figures from the enemy forts in New Kingdom battle representations are evidence for sacrificial offerings to the pharaoh. 84 Derchain’s interpretation cannot be accepted. There are cases where Asiatic children are lowered down from the sides of a fort, opposite to the place of the king and the direction of his attack. Spalinger argued that Asiatic children are not lowered down or carried up to the citadel but thrown down. 85 Instead, the children seem to be lowered down with the help of the adult figures. The scene of Merenptah’s siege of Ashkelon is followed by an inscription in which the city of Ashkelon addresses the king saying: j-wAH jwa. t=s 86 Dd=sn A. t=k n xAs. (t) n b. (t) x m . t “leave her inheritance so that we can speak of your strength in every ignorant foreign land”. 87 Spalinger’s assertion that the children depicted in the siege of Ashkelon (Jsk rnA), Qode (Kdj) and Asiatic cities of Asiatic campaigns at Medinet Habu are depicted dead 88 cannot be confirmed. In the case of Ashkelon both children are being held by their hands as they look up towards the ones who lower them down. 89 In the case of Medinet Habu nothing indicates that the children are dead. 90 Spalinger’s connection between Asiatic children, which he interprets as dead 91, and the braziers held by Asiatic men in some of the battle scenes as evidence of a Canaanite sacrificial ritual dedicated to Baal or Ishtar has several problems. 92 The children are not dead, and in some accompanying texts the pharaoh is asked to preserve the Asiatic inheritance (jwa. t), 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92

Janssen 1953: 54; Loprieno 1988: 25. Harrington 2007: 56; Millward 2012: 145. KRI V, 8. 7. Derchain 1970: 351. Spalinger 1977–1978: 50. Wb I, 51. 1. This lexeme is related to jwa.w “heir”, Wb I, 50. 11–16 written with seated man determinative A1. The suffix pronoun - s is used here referring to the city of Ashkelon which is anthropomorphised and speaks to the king. For cities anthropomorphised as women see Kahl 2010. KRI II, 166. 3. Spalinger 1977–1978: 50. Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 58, 58a; Heinz 2001: I. 1, 294. Ramesses III’s campaign against Arzawa, Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 87; Heinz 2001: 33, 314. Indeed, in some cases he does state that the children are not dead, Spalinger 1977–1978: 51. Spalinger 1977–1978: 52–53; Spalinger 2011b: 105.

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which can be interpreted as reference to the Asiatic heirs (jwa.w). 93 Sometimes a child lowered down on the side of the fort is depicted like the sign A17 (Luxor/East) which is used to depict Asiatic children brought by Asiatic emmisaries as jn .w to Egypt. 94 The children are not depicted in each of the scenes which have the motif of the offering with a brazier and the brazier is also not depicted in each of the scenes where children are depicted. 95 Spalinger’s assertion that Asiatics on the top of their forts are raising hands in praise towards the sky cannot be confirmed for every scene. The depiction of Asiatics in dwA gesture can be related to the text of the Karnak stela of Amenhotep II. They are not praising their gods but the incoming Egyptian king. In one of the scenes a child is depicted outside of the fort (Karnak, Temple of Amun-Re, Hypostyle Hall) and in Medinet Habu women are depicted lowering children from the back of their carts, indicating that they are saving them from death. Children are never depicted lowered down on the side of the fort where the Egyptian soldiers are immediately present or at the entrance when the Egyptian soldiers are depicted sieging it. When they are depicted lowered down at the entrance side of a fort the Egyptian soldiers are not in the immediate vicinity. This can be interpreted in relation to the attempt to get the children away from the besieged city. A parallel is to be seen in lowering children down from the back of the carts in Medinet Habu. 96 As the children lowered down from the forts are most likely children of the Asiatic elite or rulers (wr.w) there is no wonder they attempted to save them. Their high status is indicated by the dress of one of them depicted in the siege of Ashkelon (Karnak, Temple of Amun-Re, lower register) which has parallel in the dress of high status Asiatic children brought as jn .w to the Egyptian court. 97 Foreign women as victims of violence The only cases when foreign women are depicted as victims of violence in the New Kingdom is when they are depicted as bound, trampled or smitten prisoners. The ones who trample or smite them are queens Tiye or Nefertiti. On the throne of queen Tiye depicted in the tomb of Kheruef, Asiatic and a Nubian woman are represented as trampled by the queen in her sphinx form and bound to a s mA tA.wy sign underneath the queen’s throne. 98 Nefertiti is more often depicted in such scenes. We find her on several talatat blocks smiting female enemies or in a sphinx form trampling them. 99 When Akhenaten is depicted smiting in the same scene, he always smites male enemies and there are otherwise until now no known representations of a New Kingdom pharaoh smiting a female enemy.

93 Wb 1, 50.11–16. For the taking of jwa.w “heirs” to Egypt, see Doc. 39. cf. Matić 2015c. 94 Matić 2015c: 377–378. The taking of the children of foreign rulers to the Egyptian court is a practice attested since the Old Kingdom with the number of both visual and written attestations being especially large during the New Kingdom. 95 For a detailed catalogue of the New Kingdom battle scenes consult Heinz 2001. 96 For possible representations of escape on earlier battle scenes see Mourad 2011. 97 Matić 2015c: 380. 98 Nims, Habachi, Wente, Larkin 1980: Pl. 47, 49. 99 Cooney 1965: Fig. 51α; Tawfik 1975: 163.

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There is no queen depicted smiting or trampling male enemies except Hatshepsut in the temple of Deir el-Bahari, but in that case she is depicted as a man not as a woman. 100 This suggests a strong social regulation of representations of violence whose legitimisation was gendered. We can deduce that decorum regulates and legitimises violence done by men to men and violence done by women to women. 101 Tiye is depicted treating foreign women violently without Amenhotep III being part of the scene doing the same to male enemies, like in the case of Nefertiti and Akhenaten. If it did not matter which gender hurts which gender, we would find Tiye and Nefertiti smiting male enemies in scenes where their husbands are not depicted, as in such scenes their smiting of males would not affect the status of their husbands. Also, if it did not matter which gender hurts which gender, we would find Hatshepsut depicted as a man smiting female enemies. Depictions of opposite genders in acts of violence against each other were not part of the New Kingdom decorum. The evidence of the New Kingdom completely contrasts a rather unique scene of the Egyptian siege of the town of Sati depicted in the 5th Dynasty tomb of Inti in Deshasha, where we see both foreign women and children handling weapons and women fighting with Egyptian soldiers in the fort. Interestingly, even here none of the Egyptian soldiers is depicted hurting these women and children. 102 There is no Old Kingdom depiction of Egyptian women as violent. This fact is perhaps suggesting that the aim of the representation in the tomb of Inti is to depict foreign women as different, especially when compared to Egyptian women. Such a contrasting image of foreign women is also found in other cultures where it often serves to legitimise the local gender system. 103 Women are not depicted hurt by the Egyptian soldiers in the battle scene from the tomb of Kaiemheset of the second half of the 5th Dynasty where a siege of an Asiatic fort is depicted. 104 The New Kingdom evidence is contrasted by the scene of a siege in the 11th Dynasty tomb of Intef in Thebes. There, Egyptians are depicted in violent acts against foreign women, pulling their heads down by holding them by their hair. The foreign women are not depicted as taking defensive actions or being violent in any sense. 105 This indicates that at least during the First Intermediate Period Egyptian soldiers could have been depicted violent towards foreign women and that there was no problem in representing this. When foreign women are depicted hurt in New Kingdom battle scenes, then the ones who attack them are not Egyptians, but the Sea Peoples. 106 100 Naville 1908: Pl. CLX; Pawlicki 1997: 50. Meroitic evidence should be excluded as it comes from an entirely different cultural context. 101 Matić 2017a. 102 Petrie 1898: Pl. IV; Kanawati and McFarlane 1993: 15–35; Pls. 26, 27. 103 McCoskey 2005: 61–68. 104 For the discussion and interpretation of the inhabitants of the fort as Asiatics see Mourad 2011: 136. 105 Jaroš-Deckert 1984: Tf. 17. Due to the technical errors in the production of the text in one of my recent articles this tomb is erroneously referred to in text as the 9th dynasty tomb of Ankhtifi from Moala. However, the provided illustration is correct, Matić 2018d: 254–255. 106 Medinet Habu temple, Sea Peoples campaign of Ramesses III, Land Battle, Nelson 1930: Pl. 32; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 114; Heinz 2001: I. 16., 306.

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Emasculation of foreign men Foreign men are often compared to women. A stela of viceroy Usertatet with the praise to Amenhotep II addresses the king in the following way: pA [n b Hm . t] m ‚ngr sDm . taS m Kbn m sw. t Srj. t n . t Irrx jA(y). t n . t Irpx 107 “The lord of a female servant from Babylon, a female servant from Byblos, a little girl from Alalakh and an old woman from Arrapkhra”. These lines were also translated and understood as though the king is raping these women 108 or as if the women in question are symbolically standing in for the defeated kings of these places who are then metaphorically raped. 109 However, there is a lacuna after pA which ends with a seated woman determinative B1. 110 As feminine singulars are assigned to different toponyms, it can safely be excluded that the missing word is a verb and that it could be translated as rape. 111 The text does speak about the dominion of the pharaoh over the foreign lands but nothing indicates that the women in question are being raped. Although the words sDm . t-aS, m sw. t Srj. t and jA(y). t are written with the feminine ending –t, the scribe did not add a B1 determinative next to masculine determinatives A2, A17 and A19. This could be a subtle hint that the women in question are metaphorically standing in for the men from Byblos, Alalakh and Arrapkhra. Emasculation of Nubian men and boys has been discussed previously. Libyans are described in the 11th year of Ramesses III during the Second Libyan War as being made limp, jry.w Hdy 112, however word Hdy “to become limp” 113 is here determined with a woman in childbirth sign B3. 114 Similarly in the same text the Libyan leader Meshesher is described as spread out on the ground, pq{pgA} Hr tA 115, with the word pgA “to open up” 116 here written with a woman in childbirth sign B3 as its determinative, like in the case of Hdy. In relation to such gender transformations, O’Connor suggested a sexual background behind the decorative program of the Eastern High Gate in Medinet Habu. 117 He claimed that the interior depicts the king in conjugal interaction with young women of high status whom O’Connor identifies as n fr.wt “beautiful women”, although they are not described like this in any following inscription. The exterior is decorated with scenes depicting the king in violent actions which he interpreted as sexually charged and as a 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117

Boston Museum of Fine Arts No. 25.632, lines 6–8, Helck 1955: Pl. II. Redford 1992: 230. O’Connor 2003: 156. Helck and Darnell reconstruct the text in the lacuna as n b Hm . t . The word before m ‚ngr can be expected to be only a feminine word in singular based on what comes next, namely different feminine words in singular assigned to different toponyms, Helck 1955: 27; Darnell 2014: 252. Wb does not give rape as translation for any verbs implicating copulation. The only form for which rape was suggested as translation is dAj m Hw t f “copulate with robbing” (?), cf. Meeks 2006: 114. There is no place in the lacuna for dAj m Hw t f. KRI V, 63. 5–6. Wb III, 205. 7. First discussed in the context of symbolical gender reversal by O’Connor 2005: 451. KRI V, 61. 11–12. Wb 1, 562, 1–7. O’Connor 2005.

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metaphor for violent homosexual intercourse through which the enemies are feminised. Thus, the interior shows the king’s effectual, conjugal and fertile sexual aspects, while the exterior shows violent infertile sexuality parallel to that of the god Seth. 118 However, O’Connor’s interpretation of these scenes is based on too many assumptions. Masking gender violence According to Butler’s discussion on frames of war, we cannot understand the “field of representability” simply by examining its explicit contents. It is constituted by what is left out and maintained outside of the frame within which representations appear. 119 Prior to the events and actions represented within the frame of war, there is an active delimitation of the field itself and of the set of contents and perspectives that are never shown and are impermissible to show. 120 Women and children are in many societies considered to be illegitimate targets in war although there are instances of violence against them. 121 There are known examples from other cultures where the situation is exactly the opposite. Assyrian kings boast of burning the children of their enemies. 122 What is important here is not the reality behind such expressions, but the fact that in Assyria violence against enemy women and children could be part of the decorum of war. Independently from Butler’s work, Sheila Dillon dealt with women on the Roman columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. 123 She showed that although there are Roman sources informing us on the violence committed to foreign women in war, including rape, such acts are not depicted on the column of Trajan. Yet, they are depicted on the column of Marcus Aurelius. According to Dillon this does not mean that we can observe a change in behaviour of soldiers, as we cannot mistake representation for reality. Rather, it should be stressed that column reliefs figure in a male-centred discourse and an explicitly male centred sphere of action-war. Violence against women may have been deliberately excluded from the narrative of the column of Trajan in order to reassure the inhabitants of Rome, who were its primary audience, that their distrust of the Roman army was unfounded and that Roman soldiers did not engage in looting and pillaging or indiscriminate killing. 124 Dillon’s research can prove to be a useful inspiration in interpreting the absence of violence against foreign women and children in New Kingdom decorum of war. There is almost complete lack of evidence for violence against women and children in the New Kingdom representations of war. Even when foreign male prisoners are depicted as being beaten and harassed by the Egyptians, like in the tomb of Horemhab, the women and children accompanying them are not hurt (Doc. 27). One could suggest violence against women and children was not practiced in the New Kingdom. But there is evidence 118 The feminisation of a passive partner in same-sex intercourse is well attested in Egyptian sources, Schukraft 2007: 297–331. 119 Butler 2009: 73. 120 Butler 2009: 73. 121 Misra 2015: 147. 122 See Chapter Execution. Burning. 123 Dillon 2006: 244–271. 124 Dillon 2006: 260.

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which contradicts this. In the Second Stela of Kamose, although of Second Intermediate Period date, we read that the Egyptian king boasts: n n jwr Hm .wt Hw. t-wr. t n n sn jb =sn m Xnw Xt=sn sDm . t (w) h m h m t n t pAy=j mSa “the women of Avaris will not conceive, for their hearts will not open within their bodies when the battle cry of my army is heard”. 125 There are rare more explicit attestations of violence against women and children. Amenhotep II’s burning of the enemy prisoners during his campaign in the Jezreel Valley, and among them women and children, is described in his Memphis Stela (Doc. 10). Explicit evidence for violence against foreign women is rare, but as we have seen some of the sources frame violence against men as violence against women. One can assume that foreign women were hurt in wars and that they were victims of violence, possibly even victims of sexual violence. Foreign women are hurt only by foreign men in war scenes (Sea Peoples on Medinet Habu temple reliefs) and by Egyptian queens (Tiye and Nefertiti). The gendered frame of war in New Kingdom Egypt, in which there is no place for representations of violence against foreign women and children, has to be seen in the context of a general advice for restriction against violence. We find it in the Instructions of Merikare. They advise for restriction from killing and suggest using beating as a punishment instead. 126 Like this instruction, the battle scenes of the New Kingdom are centered on the king. Ramesses II is described in his Beth Shan stela from his 18th regnal year as hAy n xAr. t nD. tj Hr n mH.w wSb(.w) n gA.w mjnj.w q n m san x n t m .w “a husband for the widow, a protector for the orphan, who answers the needy, strong herdsman in sustaining of mankind”. 127 Gender is constructed through social technologies and institutionalised discourses. The representations can at the same time be the constructions of gender relations. 128 They can also become modes of military conduct. 129 The exclusion of violence towards foreign women and children in Egyptian decorum is perhaps related to the construction of normative masculinity, first the one of the king and then consequently of his male subjects. Not much work has been done on masculinity in ancient Egypt, and we still lack a comprehensive study of masculinity in military contexts. 130 It is first necessary to know who had access to these images. 131 They were accessible and visible at least on some occasions

125 Habachi 1972: 32–33. 126 Quack 1992: 32–33, 42–47. 127 KRI II, 151, 6–7. Half of the New Kingdom battle scenes with women and children date to the reign of Ramesses II. The description of the pharaoh as husband to a widow and protector of the orphan can be traced back to the Middle Kingdom, e.g. in the first petition in the The Story of the Eloquent Peasant, Lichtheim 1973: 172. Regarding the figure of the sovereign Foucault already emphasised that “all the dimensions of terror and of force or fearful violence, all these disturbing powers that make men tremble before the power of kings and gods, disappear in the case of the shepherd (pasteur), whether it is the king-shepherd or the god-shepherd.” Foucault 2009: 128. 128 de Lauretis 1987: 2–5. 129 Butler 2009: 29. 130 Sudies of masculinity in Egyptology are rather rare, cf. Parkinson 2008: 115–142. 131 For this see the Chapter Bodies as media of violence.

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and they depict a masculine sphere of life-war. Absence of violence against foreign women and children could suggest construction of an image of normative masculinity. Gender and treatments of enemies and prisoners of war The gendered frame of war in New Kingdom Egypt reflects the New Kingdom Egyptian gender system. The bodies of enemies are described as women-like, weak, vulnerable, cowardly and passive. The feminisation of the male enemy is at the same time diminishing his status because as we have seen, foreign women are not depicted as being hurt by Egyptian soldiers. Only certain violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war can be related to this frame. Some authors indicated this for cutting of the hands. 132 However, this was disputed previously in this work. Phalli cutting is most explicitly embedded in gender as a frame of war. Yet, this treatment is not all encompassing, as it is targeting only the Libyans. One has to take into account that the scribal elite looked down upon foot-soldiers and possibly other lower ranked military personelle, which is especially evident in the Ramesside period. 133 However, phalli cut from the enemies are not depicted being handled by the soldiers. There are also no depictions of soldiers cutting the phalli off. It is interesting to consider the possibility that depictions of scribes handling cut off phalli could have been ridiculed by some of the observers. 134 Without any substantial evidence this is a mere speculation, but it is interesting to consider that these depictions had different observers who could have had different relations to them.

Religion Religion causes war as much as it restrains it. 135 Its primary effect is constitutive and not causal. It can shape the identities of the actors and how they conceive war and its meaning and context. This can in turn affect how the participants justify conflict. 136 There are cases in which society’s military ethic and its dominant religious mythology constitute a single structure of meaning. 137 Where religious mythology and military ethic do not con132 See Chapter Frames of war in New Kingdom Egypt. Gender. 133 For scribe-soldier antagonism in the Ramesside period see the most comprehensive study to date, Spalinger 2006. Spalinger pointed out how the scribal miscellanies purposely ignore factors such as heroic deeds on the battlefield, man-to-man solidarity in war, the rush of adrenalin, canalisation of masculine hormones into fighting and violence, trophies of war, and the entire ethos of fighting, Spalinger 2006: 31–33. 134 That antagonism between different social classes can be also related to gender and different ideas of masculinity is nicely illustrated by the antagonism between high positioned eunuchs and the Jerusalem priests and wealthy unblemished men, Lemos 2011: 58. 135 Much depends on the conflict in question, the historical situation, the people and the beliefs involved, Hartwell and Syse 2014: 1. 136 Hassner and Horowitz 2010: 206. 137 Aho 1981: 3.

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stitute a single meaning structure, religious identities and ritual practices may be called upon in cases of violence. 138 One of the principal concerns of contemporary studies of violence is in which way religious experience can be related to extreme forms of violence. 139 Under which conditions and how can religious meanings, actions and organisations become involved with violence? 140 The vast majority of battle representations in the New Kingdom are found in temple contexts. According to New Kingdom visual representations of war, military campaigns start with the appointment of the king to go to war by receiving the weapon from his father Amun in the temple (“oracle”). 141 After this ceremony the king leaves the temple and what follows is the distribution of weapons, departure for war, march to the battlefield, king in “one on one” fight with the largest enemy figure or even an entire fort, the battle itself, hunt, reception of tribute, binding of prisoners of war, celebration of triumph, departure from war, return and the presentation of spoils of war to Amun and other gods. 142 The campaigns start and end with the king’s visit to the temple, the house of his father Amun, first to receive the oracle of victory and a weapon, and after the war to express gratitude through bringing the spoils of war to him. 143 Religion in New Kingdom Egypt was an element of the “war machine”. 144 It is the gods who give n x t “strength” to the king, his arm, his weapon and his troops. 145 The role of the king as the fighter against chaos and the motif of the weapon being given to him by Amun in the form of an oracle correspond to the anthropological concept of the “holy war”. 146 It is necessarily to assess which of the violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war during the New Kingdom have a religious background. We have to distinguish between the two levels on which this can be explored. The first level would be the religious background of the act itself. It has to be assessed if the act itself is in some manner related to the gods, temples or the sacred in general terms. The second level is the context of the sources in question, namely if the written or visual attestation is found on a temple wall 138 139 140 141 142 143

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Stewart and Strathern 2006: 382. cf. Weisbrod 2007: 64. Hall 2013: 364–365. For some attestations in which this act is related to decapitation of enemies see Chapter Execution. Decapitation. Clearly this is an ideal sequence not present in all New Kingdom temples, Heinz 2001: 21; Heinz 2002: 44–45; cf. Müller 2009b: 227; Spalinger 2011b: 85. This is slightly different than in Assyria where the gods legitimise the acts of kings but they do not give instructions to flay or impale, Fuchs 2009: 81. This is why it cannot be said that a comparison of ancient Egypt with other cultures of the Near East shows that they coincide in their war rhetoric, legitimation, and monopoly of violence, contra Gnirs 2009a: 78. Differences have been illustrated throughout this work, especially when treatments of enemies and prisoners of war are concerned. In New Kingdom Egypt only certain acts against enemies and prisoners of war are instructed by the gods to the king. Of all the treatments studied here this can be said only for decapitation. Deleuze and Guattari 1987: 383. Galán 1995: 52–53. Aho 1981: 22, 35.

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or on a stela dedicated to a god, or if it is located within a temple or another sacred place. 147 The involvement of “gods and goddesses of war” such as Montu, Seth, Baal or Sekhmet 148 can be examined too. 149 However, the gods and goddesses are not themselves actors in any of the violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war studied here. They appear in some scenes in which battles and violent treatments are depicted, e.g the representation of Montu in the chariot together with Thutmose IV (Doc. 12). 150 Of the treatments classified as torture, only caging has an explicit religious background. Its religious background of the first level is clear through the fact that the king brings the enemy to the gods, presumably the Amun-Mut-Khonsu triad (Doc. 26). On the second level this is indicated by the fact that the prisoner depicted in the cage on the back of the ship is part of a larger scene on a temple wall belonging to the memorial temple built for Tutankhamun. Although there are authors who see the religious zealotry of Akhenaten behind the supposed sun exposure, there are no strong arguments which would support this interpretation of the text in question (Doc. 16). 151 On the second level there is also a lack of religious background because the text is found on an Amarna clay tablet. When beating and harassment is concerned, only the beating and torture of enemy spies in the Battle of Qadesh representation (Docs. 31–35) have a religious background of second level because of the context on the temple walls. Mutilation does not indicate a strong religious background either, except in the case of hanging upside down. Neither hand nor phalli cutting indicate a first level religious background. On the second level the religious background for these treatments is indicated by the context of their written or visual attestations on the temple walls or on stelae located in temples. The same can be said in the case of ear cutting and removal of the eyes of the enemies, but also of branding.

147 One should bear in mind that landscape itself can be turned into a document and that places are made sacred and ritually potent in this process, Thum 2016: 75–76 148 For the war related aspects of these deities see von Falck 2004: 14–15. 149 The presence of deities on the battlefield who fight in the name of human beings is encountered in many Near Eastern cultures of the second and first millennium BC, von Falck 2004: 262–262. In different cultures deities such as Poseidon, Ares, Athena, Ishtar, Ashur, and Yahweh lead troops into battle. Angels fought alongside Muslims in early battles and one angel even led Israelites through enemy lands into Canaan. Christ and the Virgin Mary marched with the first crusaders into Syria, Kitts 2013: 415. 150 Thus, the opinion of Spalinger that there is no explicit interconnection between pharaoh and god within a battle itself (excluding preparation for war and triumphal return) is probably valid only for temple reliefs, Spalinger 2011b: 11, 95. As we have seen on the chariot of Thutmose IV this relation is most explicit. It is possible that the reason for infrequent appearance of gods on the battlefield together with the king is because the king himself was considered to be Horus on the battlefield, Müller 2013: 15–18. We should also mention that he is often described as a god, e.g Baal in the case of Ramesses II and Ramesses III, Assmann 1985: 202; see especially, Kang 1989: 78. For the king as a sole fighter see Edel 1953: 160–161. 151 See Chapter Torture. Sun exposure.

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Where hanging upside-down is concerned the situation is very different. This treatment has a strong first level religious background. Dead enemies are hung upside-down on the prow of the king’s falcon ship. They are transported in this state on the Nile to the temple of Karnak in one attestation (Doc. 3), and to both Karnak and Napata in the other (Doc. 11). In one of the attestations the number of enemies plays a significant role, as there were seven enemies, six of which were placed in Karnak, and one in Napata (Doc. 11). Both temples are dedicated to Amun. The choice of these numbers (six + one) is not random. It is related to the meaning of these two temples and as a total (seven) to the victory of the king granted by Amun. The bringing of enemies to the temple is an expression of gratitude for victory. The parallels for this treatment are numerous in texts describing the Underworld since the Pyramid Texts. 152 The enemies are presented as sxd .w “those who are upside-down” of the Underworld, and king as the god Re in his solar barque. 153 When one thinks of enemies on the prow of the ship the fight against Apophis also comes to mind. He attempts to destroy the barque when the sun god crosses the sky in the hours of midday. The connection is explicit in the lower register of the 13th scene of the Third Hour of the Book of the Gates. Here Atum speaks to Apophis and says: “You are upside-down, so that you cannot rise” (sxd .w=k jwty aHa=k). 154 The victory over Apophis is a manifestation of Maat. 155 The setting and the choice of symbolism (six+one as total of seven enemies; dead enemies hung upside down) indicates that hanging upside-down was inspired by the treatment of the damned dead and the enemies of Re. 156 In Chapter 101 of the Book of the Dead it is even stated: “O Re, in every name of yours Re, if you pass by those who are there upside-down, then you should set NN on his feet” (j Ra.w m rn=k pwy n Ra.w jr swA=k Hr n . tj.w-j m m sxd kA=k saHa=k NN Hr rd .y=fj). 157 There is a suggestion that the event described in the Amada and Elephantine stelae is related to the coronation of Amenhotep II and the celebration of his first successful campaign. 158 In this way a historical event is transferred into the mythical dimension in 152 See Chapter Mutilation. Hanging upside-down. 153 This is in agreement with the idea of Jan Assmann that when a society is threatened from outside the cultural image of the enemy as Other is developed and he becomes the embodiment of Chaos, Assmann 1995b: 61; Assmann 2000: 79. With this argument I adhere to the idea of Christopher C. Taylor that we need to include specific religious imagery involving culturally specific cosmological and ontological notions in order to understand some violent practices, Taylor 2013: 269. 154 Hornung 2014: 83 155 Assmann 1995a: 51–53. Maat is the all-pervasive order, the meaning of creation, and Isfet is the lack of it which manifests itself in suffering, scarcity, injustice, crime, rebellion, war etc. It was entrusted to the king to realize Maat, Assmann 1990; Assmann 2001b: 3–4. 156 We should not forget that there is a specific ambiguity when mythical enemies of gods and earhthly enemies of king are concerned, Hornung 1966: 28; see also Omar 2008: 281. 157 Papyrus Cairo CG 51189 (Juja), line 413, from KV 46, dated to the reign of Amenhotep III, Munro 1994: Tf. 57. 158 Green 1973: 251; Muhlestein 2011, 48; Muhlestein 2015a: 8. Certainly the explanation for such an elaborate staging of the triumphs of both Thutmose I and Amenhotep II cannot in this case at least be explained with the idea of Spalinger that “the more dangerous the enemy was, the more

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order to secure dealing with a critical situation as divine intervention. 159 According to Mircea Eliade, from the point of view of eternal repetition, such transference of a historical event to a category allows it to gain ontological order. 160 The entire performance of hanging enemies upside-down on the prow of a ship can be identified as a “cosmic war”. It reflects both a real physical struggle in this and in the other world, a ritual drama in which participants act out on earth a battle which is taking place in the heavens or in the Underworld. 161 War was part of the cyclical time of iterativity and of fighting the forces of chaos “again and again”. 162 We are not so much dealing with the fight of the gods with supernatural enemies and chaos on one side and the fight of the king with the earthly enemies on the other 163 in as much we are dealing with the merging of these two realms into one. According to Hornung’s definition of “history as celebration” the world is found in a battle one part of which the gods themselves rage in heaven and the other part is actualised by humankind on the earth as cult, festival and history. 164 The king defeated the enemies and hung them on the prow of his ship as sxd .w and in this way showed how he defeated evil defined as reversal. 165 Such a form of violence matches well with Walter Benjamin’s divine violence defined as “pure power over all life for the sake of the living”. 166 The ability of a god to enter his images such as a statue or the body of the king 167, becomes quite useful indeed. Viceroy Usertatet says to Amenhotep II “You are Re on the top of the Ennead” (n t k Ra Hr-t p psD. t). 168 In the case of burning there are indications of a religious background of the first level. In one case (Doc. 10) a possible religious connotation is indicated by the mentioning of the god Reshep in the same text, but not in the context of the act of burning itself as we

159 160 161 162

163 164 165 166 167

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impressive had to be the victory. Hence, the greater need to emphasize pharaoh’s might”, Spalinger 2011b: 35. This is because nothing indicates high importance and exceptionality of the conflicts in question at least not when compared to other attested conflicts. Schulz 2004: 70. For similar arguments for the Israel stela of Merenptah see Von der Way 1992: 63–65. Eliade 1959: 123. Coronation could be as equally critical as war and thus divine intervention would be welcomed. The king was after all the son of the sun god Re and his representative on earth, Goebs 2007: 284. Aslan 2013: 260. Assmann 1996: 278. Anthropologists also emphasise that most important for the legitimation of war is historicity, where the symbolic meaning of prior war is re-enacted and reinterpeted in the present, whereas the present generates symbolic value to be employed in the future, Schröder and Schmidt 2001: 9. Müller 2009b: 227. Hornung 1966: 29. The reversed world is the evil world implying eating excrement instead of food, drinking urine instead of water, being upside-down, Frandsen 2000: 13. Benjamin 1986: 297. Interestingly the king is attested as an image (mj t t or tj t) of the god (Re, Amun, Horus) and is described as the living image of the gods, even as living statue (Xn tj) of Amun on earth, Hornung 1957: 130. Also see Hornung 1982b: 135–142. We should not forget that under Amenhotep III and Ramesses II a cult image of the king received the cult of a god, Hornung 1982a: 501. Caminos 1968: 70, pl. 28, line 9l; cf. Hornung 1982a: 508.

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would expect if there was an intention to relate the act to the fiery aspects of this deity. There is a possibility that the ditches in which prisoners were burned were conceptualised as pits in which demons of the Underworld burn the enemies of king and gods as attested in the Eleventh Hour of the Book of Amduat. 169 However, different lexemes are used in both cases. The dream in which Amun appears to the king in the Memphis stela is not related to his later actions and the god is not asking him to commit them. 170 A second level religious background is indicated by the Memphis stela that was placed in the temple. Regarding the second attestation for burning from the Amada temple stela for Mereptah (Doc. 39), the religious background on the first level is indicated through the fact that the act is related to the fiery powers of the king, namely his fiery blast which is as we have seen also the power of gods and Underworld demons. There are numerous attestations for the fiery powers of the king, and his fiery blast is also attested among certain goddesses, such as Sekhmet. This does not surprise bearing in mind the role of Hathor/Sekhmet as a fiery goddess sent by Re to punish the rebels against him. 171 The second level religious background is indicated by the fact that the text is inscribed on a stela on a temple wall. Some authors associate burning as a punishment with a religious background because of the purifying aspects of fire and the attestations for burning as a punishment in the Underworld. 172 The two attestations for impaling (Docs. 17 and 39) also do not show any strong religious connotations on the first level, unless we accept that impaling was simultaneously the destruction of bA-souls of the enemies. One parallel indicates that impaling was conducted at the side of the temple (stela of Seti II from Hermopolis temple). On the second level the religious background for impaling is provided by a text being inscribed as part of a stela or a temple wall (Docs. 17 and 39). Strangling has strong first level religious connotations as it is attested in the context of a funerary ritual to which its relation unfortunately remains unclear. As we have seen the strangled Nubians cannot be identified as the t k nw figure attested in the same scene in the tombs of Djehuty (TT 11) of Montuherkhepeshef (TT 20). However, the religious background of this act is not related to the religious backgrounds of those acts committed by the king. On the second level the religious background for strangling is of lesser degree than in the case of other treatments because it is attested on the wall of a private person’s tomb (Doc.4). Finally, execution through decapitation has the strongest religious background. This is because in some written attestations (Docs. 29, 40, 42, 43) it is conducted with a x pS, sickle-shaped sword given by the gods to the king so that he can decapitate his enemies. This is the only violent treatment of enemies and prisoners of war which is directly supported by 169 The Eleventh Hour from the tomb of Thutmose III, Bucher 1932: 82, line 98; Hornung 1994: 838–839. 170 Beylage 2002a: 134–135; Klug 2002: 248. 171 Hornung 1982a: 482–483. 172 Boochs 1991: 63. According to Muhlestein burning was a punishment that often mimicked the burning of sacrifices and the ability to totally destroy a person in both the mortal and post-mortal realms, which overlaps in purpose with ritual, Muhlestein 2015b: 246.

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the gods. 173 On the second level almost all attestations for decapitation are found in texts inscribed on temple walls. However, almost all of these attestations are rhetorical which means that we cannot argue for a historical background for them. 174 The violence committed by the king, although not necessarily conducted by the king himself but certainly ascribed to him, is “sacralised” in contrast to the violence committed by soldiers or officials. 175 A parallel for this can be found in Neo-Assyrian discourses of war in which the king appears as a divine warrior and eventually leaves the scene, becoming an observant of the actions conducted by the soldiers which are framed mythologically. 176 However, the main difference is that the actions of Egyptian soldiers are never directly sacralised or mythologically framed as in Assyria. The reason for this should be sought in specifically ancient Egyptian ontological difference between the king and soldiers. The acts of men in Egypt simply cannot resemble those of kings and gods. It therefore does not surprise that violent treatments of enemies conducted by the king, such as burning, as a total destruction of enemies, decapitation, with potential destruction of bA-souls of the enemies, impalement, with potential destruction of the bA-souls and shadows of the enemies and hanging enemies upside-down as turning them into sxd .w, have a parallel in a religious texts in which they all appear together as treatments of enemies of the king and gods in the Underworld. In the Book of Amduat in the representation of the Eleventh Hour of the night six pits are depicted altogether. 177 The first pit contains three enemies in the form of a sign A14man with blood streaming from his head. The second contains three enemies in the form of a sign A14. The third contains three bA birds. The fourth contains three sunshade signs S35 clearly standing here for shadows. The fifth pit contains three heads of the enemies in the form of sign D1. The sixth pit contains four enemies upside-down in the form of sign A29-man upside-down. Between them it is written sxd .w “those who are upside (head-) down”. 178 The following text describes how the body parts, shadows and heads of the sinners should be cut, that they go upside (head-) down and that they fall in their pits. In the Book of the Caverns, in the Fifth Cavern there are representations of cauldrons in which heads and hearts 179, bound and decapitated captives turned upside-down 180, fans representing shadows, bA-souls and body parts of the enemies of Re 181 are being burned. 173 Hornung saw in this the role of the pharaoh as a priest, Hornung 1982a: 492. We can clearly relate this treatment of enemies to the divine violence of Walter Benjamin among other things because of its exclusive sovereign background, Benjamin 1986: 300. 174 See Execution. Decapitation. 175 For sacralisation and desacralisation see Assmann 2001b: 2. 176 Collins 2014: 622–627. 177 The Eleventh Hour from the tomb of Thutmose III, Bucher 1932: 82, line 98; Hornung 1994: 838–839. 178 The Eleventh Hour from the tomb of Thutmose III, Hornung 1968: 23; Hornung, Loeben and Wiese 2005. 179 Werning 2011: 258–259. 180 Werning 2011: 262–263. 181 Werning 2011: 276–277.

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Everything done to the enemies of king and gods in the Underworld, where aspects of their bodies and personalities are fragmented and treated separately, is what the king actually does to his enemies by decapitating, impaling, burning and turning them upside-down in reality. Finally, where general religious background of violence against enemies and prisoners of war is concerned one should bear in mind that out of 60 documents with attestations for violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war 43 are located on temple walls or on stelae located in temples. This makes more than two thirds of the entire corpus and it can therefore be said that temples are the main disseminators of both written and visual representations of violent acts committed to enemies and prisoners of war. 182 One should not forget that New Kingdom Egyptian palaces were also decorated with representations of violence against enemies. 183 However, access to the palace was restricted to the Egyptian court, elite and foreign emissaries. This is directly opposite to e.g the Neo-Assyrian case where the role of disseminator is played by the palace and not the temple. The audience in that case was more restricted and included solely the local Assyrian elite and possibly foreign elite emissaries. 184 The situation was different in New Kingdom Egypt where, because of the presence of representations of violence in non-palatial context, the audience also included others than elite, at least on some occasions. 185 This calls for acknowledging that, as it was indeed emphasised elsewhere, the recourse to violence does not come from a violence a particular religion contains but from the religious meaning some forms of violence may contain. 186 “The Maat hypothesis” According to Jan Assmann the “turning point” which brought evil into the world of ancient Egyptians was the rebellion of humankind against the sun god, as attested in the “Book of the Heavenly Cow”. 187 The structure of the part of the text in which Re summons the gods and goddesses to his palace, in order to ask them for their council regarding the deeds of humankind, resembles the structure of the Königsnovelle. The gods

182 cf. Heinz 2001: 21; Heinz 2002: 43; Moers 2004: 25; Müller 2009b: 237; Spalinger 2011b: 76. 183 Although not numerous the evidence for images of violence in palace decoration program is extant. We find representations of bound prisoners and the Nine Bows on palace floors or on the “Window of Appearance”, O’Connor 2003: 182. One should however be careful in interpreting the representations of foreigners on the throne dais from the King’s House at Amarna as “bound”, as suggested by O’Connor, O’Connor 2003. The foreigners are kneeling and with their arms in praising posture, Weatherhead 1995: 102, Fig. 4. 184 However, as was argued recently, even for them it would be difficult to fully be affected by small scale figures without the aid of lamps and braziers in a dark interior space of the palace, Collins 2014: 621. 185 For the question of audience see Chapter Bodies as media of violence. 186 Weisbrod 2007: 67. 187 Assmann 1995b: 67. Also see Hornung 1982a: 481–482; Assmann 2000: 83; here is also a reference to the Ax . t eye of Re which burned the evil ones and the rebels in Papyrus Leiden I 344, Verso, III, 1. 2, Zandee 1992: 150.

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and goddesses are described as his followers. 188 This is where we can observe a structural relationship, as humankind rebelling against the sun god corresponds to enemies rebelling against the king. As evil is not associated with creation, but came at a later stage 189, it is something which can and must be fought against on different levels, including war against enemies as rebels. One New Kingdom hymn is explicit regarding the role of the king in destroying Isfet and realising Maat, stating also that the king is placed in the land of the living by Re himself. 190 Already in the “Instruction of Ptahhotep” it is stated that Maat has not been disturbed since the time of Osiris and that one punishes the one who transgresses against the laws. 191 The fight for the realisation of Maat has almost all elements of the “cosmic war”. What is at stake is the survival of the entire universe; the conflict is believed to be a participatory drama controlled by a deity; acts of violence are ritualised, symbols and metaphors providing meaning and purpose to the conflict are derived from mythological conflicts, the opponents are dehumanised, the ultimate goal is not to defeat an earthly force but to vanquish evil itself. 192 War, understood as protection of the ordered world through the actions of the king and humankind supported by the gods, is also attested in Neo-Assyria. 193 On ideological level this is a fight of gods and kings. Soldiers serve as means to a necessarily cosmic end. However, neither in Egypt nor in the rest of the Near East do the gods usually fight the enemies themselves. 194 The assumption that war in ancient Egypt is to be interpreted as destruction of Isfet and the preservation of Maat and that violent treatments of enemies correspond to this can be summarised under the term “Maat hypothesis”. Supposedly, Maat was the prevailing principle behind the actions of the king including war, in which case his enemies would be perceived as representatives of chaos. However, this is not explicitly stated in any of the documents examined in this work neither are any of their treatments explicitly said to be Maat related. They do not explicitly state that it is an action of Maat to encage enemies and prisoners of war, beat and harass them, brand and mark them, cut their ears off, gouge out their eyes, hang their dead bodies upside-down, cut their hands off, cut phalli off, impale, burn or decapitate them. It is possible that it was not necessary to state their Maat background at all, as it was self-evident. The diversity of treatments, actors and victims, indicates the diversity of meanings behind the violent treatments and that there is more to them than simple preservation of Maat.

188 For a summary on Königsnovelle and military documents see Spalinger 1982, 101–102. For the Königsnovelle background of the destruction of mankind in the “Book of the Heavenly Cow” see Spalinger 2000: 258 189 For a detailed survey showing that evil is not present in the creation process see Kemboly 2010: 188. 190 Attested in many solar shrines from 18th-20th Dynasty, Assmann 1990: 206; Assmann 1999: 98. 191 “Maat is great and its keenness is enduring. It has not been overturned since the time of Osiris. The one who overlooks Maat is punished” (wr mAat wAH s p d t n Xn n . t (w). s Dr rk wsj r jw x s f. t w n swA Hr h pw), Papyrus Prisse III, Column 6, line 5, Jéquier 1911: Pl. III; Lichtheim 1973: 64. 192 Aslan 2013: 261. 193 Bahrani 2008: 158; Collins 2014: 635–636. 194 For exceptions see Werner 1986; Matić 2019c.

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Muhlestein attempted to show that violence was necessary for preservation of Maat. He argued to have examined the violent destruction of Isfet and that “victims who represented Isfet were killed as a part of a rite”. 195 Maat cannot be used as an umbrella term or concept behind all of the violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war. The pharaoh does not fight the symbol of Apophis. The image of the enemy, although iconic was nonetheless real. 196 Soldiers engaged with enemies as well in battle. However, their engagements with them are differently framed in Egyptian decorum. Egyptologists have overused the Maat-Isfet binary opposition to explain the inscriptions and pictorial representations of the orderly ruler combatting his chaotic enemies. 197 Use of religious texts in framing of violence against enemies and prisoners of war Sometimes religious texts can been reinterpreted or taken out of their literary and historical context by both religious and secular authorities in order to exercise control over populations or to provide religious justification for political ends, such as military expansion or conquest. 198 Often the available documents, although representing formal religious discourse and mythology, do not necessarily reflect the beliefs of commoners. 199 It is interesting to see if such use of religious texts can be argued for New Kingdom Egypt. One way of examining this is to see whether certain treatments of enemies and prisoners of war are first attested as treatment of the damned dead and enemies of the king and gods in the Underworld. There are no parallels for any of the treatments classified as torture in the treatment of the damned dead and enemies of king and gods. The only treatment classified as mutilation in which parallels are explicit is hanging upside-down. As this is the state of the damned in the Underworld since the Pyramid Texts, it can be postulated that this idea was used as inspiration. The hanging upside-down and the state of being upside-down are known in religious contexts long before we find them in the context of war, or more precisely its aftermath. Texts in which the sxd .w “those who are upside-down” are attested, exist under Thutmose I and Amenotep II and are thus to be considered as part of the contemporary religious discourse of their time 200 at least where elites are concerned. The treatments classified as execution and having a strong religious background are decapitation and burning. Like in the case with hanging upside-down there are numerous parallels in treatment of the damned dead and the enemies of king and gods in the Underworld. The earliest are from the Pyramid Texts and are also present in texts which are con-

195 Muhlestein 2011: 6. 196 Spalinger 2011b: 102. 197 Spalinger 2011b: 8, 179. Spalinger argued that scholarly insistence on renewal of order is a necessary but not sufficient criterion of interpretation. This is something I will show through other ways war can be framed by religion in New Kingdom Egypt, but also through other frames of war, such as gender and hunt. 198 Hartwell and Syse 2014: 3. 199 Aho 1981: 7. 200 The Book of Amduat is attested in royal tombs since Thutmose I/Hatshepsut, Abitz 1995: 213.

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temporary with the New Kingdom attestations for decapitation and burning. 201 However, one must be cautious here in claiming that decapitation of enemies is inspired by a corpus of religious texts. This treatment has a long tradition 202 and some of its attestations even predate the Pyramid Texts as the earliest corpus of religious texts in which decapitation is attested. Whether or not these early cases of decapitation had a more explicit religious background, e.g in mythology or a religious discourse of the time, cannot be confirmed on the basis of the current state of research and the sources at our disposal. The books describing the Underworld were primarily composed for royal tombs (Book of Gates, Book of Amduat, Book of Caverns). 203 Therefore, the contents of these books and the description of the Underworld they contain can be interpreted as a form of restricted knowledge. 204 Not everyone could inform himself or herself on the entities from these books. The religious knowledge of such entities was not widespread in its full form at least, rather the contrary, it was restricted to the small circle of the king and some “initiates”. 205 We can imagine that the knowledge of them could also be disseminated to commoners through the river procession with enemies hung upside-down on the royal ship’s prow. This is especially important if we consider that enemies were hung on the prow upside-down, looking as, and indeed being sxd .w of the Underworld. Baines argued there is no evidence that restricted knowledge was exploited by kings to political ends. 206 However, some of the treatments of enemies and prisoners of war illustrate this exploitation. 207 They also illustrate that violence in war as physical violence and state violence as symbolical or even structural violence, in the sense Žižek used these terms, cannot be easily separated.

201 The Book of the Dead is attested in royal tombs since Thutmose III, The Book of Gates since Horemhab, and the Book of the Caverns since Merenptah, Abitz 1995: 213. 202 For Early Dynastic to Middle Kingdom evidence see Müller 2008; Bestock 2018. 203 Abitz 1995: 213. 204 Baines 1990: 12–13. 205 Baines 1990: 13. 206 Baines 1990: 13. 207 One should ask when and why do states manufacture victims by labelling them with fictive identities (e.g. in our case enemies as s xd .w) and accusing the of nonexistent crimes (e.g in our case chaos)? It is argued that this labelling and manufactured deviance is most suggestive of social control, see Fein 2002: 80.

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Bodies as objects of violence

Human sacrifice There are authors who claim that prisoners of war could be sacrificed in honour of the gods at certain times. 1 However, there is a difference between “retainer sacrifice” and “human sacrifice” to the gods. 2 “Retainer sacrifices” could have had a religious background and could have been ritual killings 3, but they are not offerings presented to deities. 4 The word sacrifice originates from the Latin word sacrificum (sacer “holy”, facere “to make”) and designates the act of killing of an animal as an offering to a deity. 5 Egyptologists understand offering as a ritual handing over a gift to the cult recipient. 6 This offer is quite often in the form of a representation. 7 “Human sacrifice” is in this work understood as the killing of a human offered to a deity. Even if we do accept that “there would be at times terrible massacres of prisoners during or immediately after a campaign” 8, this still does not mean that they were human sacrifices. Contrary to massacres in war, sacrifices are a more durable and powerful means of killing, a form of communication with a deity. 9 The patterns necessary for an act to be considered to be human sacrifice are 10: forceful setting apart of a valued object, liminal space in which supernatural and human meet, performance of cosmic significance 11, sym-

1 For example Green 1973; Goebs 2007: 290. Youri Volokhine argues that before dealing with the problem of human sacrifice, one first has to redefine the notion of sacrifice in ancient Egypt, Volokhine 2013b: 40. 2 See Chapter Execution. Strangling. 3 For the discussion of the ancient Egyptian and Nubian evidence for ritual killing see the data collected and examined in Green 1973. Modern executions are also undeniably ritual killings, but they are not human sacrifices, Smith 2000: 4. 4 Eeckhout and Owens 2008: 380. These two concepts are not closely differentiated by scholars dealing with the Near East, cf. el-Nadoury 1968: 5. 5 Carrasco 2013: 210. This definition is encountered in many different works, Forbes 1996: 61; Eeckhout and Owens 2008: 380. 6 Barta 1982: 579. 7 Frankfurter 2011: 77. 8 Green 1973, 243. 9 Carrasco 2013: 211; cf. Sales 1957: 112. 10 Carrasco 2013: 211 11 Often human sacrifices are qualified by an imitatio dei ritual in which the human actors appropriate for themselves the power over life and death, Smith 2000: 5. In Aztec mythology the cosmic

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bolic of physical injury or destruction of a creature presenting “life force” 12, sustaining or rejuvenating what is valued as greater life force or bringing benefit to the community in need from supernatural powers. 13 There are rules according to which certain acts must be done in a specific manner in order for the act to be recognised as a sacrifice. 14 Legitimate human sacrifice is often associated with religious practitioners who have central role in communal religious activities (e.g priests). 15 Sacrificial victims must bear a sharp resemblance to the human categories excluded from the ranks of the “sacrificeable”, while still maintaining a degree of difference that avoids confusion. 16 They have to be both insiders and outsiders, within society and yet still outside it. 17 Death by sacrifice is an exception and not a rule. 18 In Lacanian terms human sacrifice occurs when the society is “so impaired in its structure that it takes steps to exclude its ills in the form of a scapegoat”. 19 Only those treatments classified as execution are of importance for this discussion. In order to be classified as human sacrifices, they need a religious frame. 20 Their victims also have to be offered to the gods. The hanging upside-down of enemies on the prow of the king’s ship attested in two documents (Docs. 3 and 11) is not evidence for ritual killing or human sacrifice.  21 Nothing indicates that these enemies were killed in Egypt. On the contrary the Amada and Elephantine stelae are quite explicit in their statement that the enemies were killed before they were brought to Egypt and hung upside-down (Doc. 11). Nothing indicates human sacrifice in the case of burning and impaling. These executions do not correspond to any of the above listed patterns of human sacrifice. When strangling is concerned, we could be dealing with a ritual killing in a liminal space, but all the other patterns are missing and the act was not dedicated to a deity. 22 The fact that the strangled Nubians are foreigners does not mean that they were enemies or prisoners of

12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

significance of human sacrifice is manifested through the assertion that the sun was created and set in motion through acts of sacrifice, Ingham 1984: 383. This is attested in ancient Egypt; however, the sacrificed creature is an animal, cf. Barta 1982: 580. Human sacrifice is a religious activity but it is also related to other social conditions, Winkelman 1998: 294 For example, the correct way for human sacrifice in ancient Greece was with the face down, Vermeule and Chapman 1971: 291. Winkelman 1998: 289. Girard 1977: 12. Smith 2000: 12. Eeckhout and Owens 2008: 381. Lacan 2006: 104. It is not enough that there is a religious element behind a war in order to interpret such a war as a variety of human sacrifice, contra Forbes 1996: 62. There are many historically attested wars with religious elements (e.g. Crusades) which did not mean the practice of human sacrifice. Contra Green 1973: 250; Zibelius 1984: 85; Muhlestein 2011: 21; Muhlestein 2015a: 8. There are cases in which humans are ritually killed in funeral sacrifices, such as in West Africa, however these victims are offered to deceased humans rather than gods, as they served to advertise wealth and authority, Law 1985: 86–87.

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war. In this specific context they could have been assigned the status of an “enemy”, but this remains an assumption. Alberto Green asked “if the captive is representative of a subdued or conquered enemy being sacrificed by the god-king, could not the analogy be carried further, that every enemy killed by the king’s men during a battle conducted at the order of the king is likewise a sacrifice offered to the god or gods?” 23 There is no evidence that enemies were sacrificed by the kings to the gods in New Kingdom Egypt. 24 The presence of the god in the smiting of the enemy scene indicates that he is either providing the king with the weapon, or that he is overseeing the act, but nothing indicates that the smitten or decapitated enemy was an offering to the god, even if we would argue for historicity behind such representations. Enemies are never attested as offerings, neither in textual nor in visual sources. The second aspect raised by the above stated question is if we understand the king as a god, do we then understand the enemies killed by king’s soldiers as sacrifices to this god-king? The suggestion that every killed enemy is to be seen as a sacrifice to the king being a god is problematic. Soldiers are not attested killing enemies for the king in a ritual setting. They do not offer the enemies they kill to the king. The battle representations more often show enemies already being hit by the arrows of the king and then being finished off by soldiers, than they show soldiers fully engaging in the fight with the enemies. We should not lose sight that these representations have the king and his actions as the focus and not the actions of the soldiers. Human sacrifice is attested in many societies, however this fact alone is not enough to assume the existence of human sacrifice in New Kingdom Egypt. 25 The later evidence, mainly written sources authored by Greek and Roman writers, have been collected and discussed elsewhere. 26 Finally, one should note that according to our current knowledge of the Book of the Temple, human sacrifice was not mentioned among the temple activities or the duties of priests. 27 Quack who is currently working on the Book of the Temple in one of his latest works refers to a punishment for those who trespass into the Osirian part of the temple, with execution and placing on the fire altar. This was because few ritual specialists had access there, as there was a high risk of abuse of the figurines deposited in Osirian areas, which had considerable power being made of god’s substance. 28 Even this attestation cannot be interpreted as human sacrifice because we are clearly dealing with a punishment for trespassing and not a life a god demands to be offered to him. The offerings presented to the gods during the New Kingdom either in the daily ritual program or 23 Green 1973: 245. 24 el-Nadoury 1968: 5. 25 In the words of John Laurence Gee “any universal anthropological theory that fails to accommodate Egyptian evidence is simply not universal no matter how valid it may be for the culture or cultures from which it was developed”, Gee 1998: 5. 26 Griffiths 1948: 409–423. For the most recent discussion see Matić 2019a. 27 Quack 2000: 1–20. During the Graeco-Roman period animals were incinerated to please the gods with aromas but also to ward off chaos through ritual destruction of cosmic enemies embodied in the incinerated flesh, Junker 1910: 72–73; Frankfurter 2011: 78–79. 28 Quack 2013: 119.

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during specific festivals such as those of Amun, the Sixth-Day festival, First-Day festival, New Year’s festival or the Festival of Mut, do not including humans. 29 The last stage of the return to Egypt after a successful campaign included bringing of captives and the presentation of cultic objects such as milk vessels. 30 The fact that we lack evidence for human sacrifice and that enemies and prisoners of war were executed on certain occasions calls for other possibilities of interpretation. Enemy and prisoner of war as homo sacer Homo sacer was in Roman law a person who had lost the status of a citizen, being excluded from society through committing a crime and thus opening the possibility that they could be killed by anyone, but at the same time it was forbidden to ritually sacrifice this person in any religious context. Here sacer does not imply protection on the account of being sacred, but that the person did not belong to the realm of men anymore. According to the philosophical work of Giorgio Agamben homo sacer is the individual who has been forcibly reduced to bare life (zoe) loosing his political life (bios). 31 One should understand homo sacer in Agamben’s work not as empirical, historical fact, but as a heuristic guide. 32According to him the sovereign has a status which establishes the rules, however with the sovereign himself being exception to the rule. The sovereign has the prerogative of killing and sacrificing at the same time. 33 He is simultaneously outside and inside legal order. 34 Therefore, a duality emerges in which “the sovereign is the one with respect to whom all men are potentially homines sacri, and homo sacer is the one with respect to whom all men act as sovereigns.” 35 Following Agamben the existence of homo sacer is associated to biopower of high modernity, but there are other times and places outside Europe where some people are not only deprived of their rights as humans, but are also conceptualised as not being human at all. Enemies can be conceptualised as prey and more generally as animals, therefore non-human. Some of the treatments of enemies and prisoners of war are practices in which hunt as a frame of war manifested itself directly on their bodies. Enemies were in New Kingdom Egypt, like Agamben’s homo sacer, something different, something Other than human. Just as homo sacer is stripped of bios and reduced to zoe, so is the enemy in New Kingdom Egypt reduced to disposable bare life. This reduction opens up the possibility for a variety of violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war. As the treatments of enemies and prisoners of war done by Egyptian soldiers (beating, hand cutting, phalli cutting) do not have any religious background and the treatments done by the king (caging, hanging upside-down, impaling, burning and decapitation) 29 The offerings rather consist of burned incense and fat, roasted meat, but also handing over of white bread, cake, beer, wine, milk etc, Tacke 2013: 2–6. 30 Vernus 1995: 164. 31 Agamben 1998: 103. 32 Fiskesjö 2012: 164. On the problem of Agamben’s use of ancient sources see Fitzpatrick 2005: 51–56. 33 Agamben 1998: 53. 34 Agamben 1998: 17. 35 Agamben 1998: 53.

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are rather the contrary and to different degree, we can discuss the violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war in New Kingdom Egypt through the perspective of homo sacer. The enemy in New Kingdom Egypt war is homo sacer as for killing him there is no retaliatory punishment from the king, rather Egyptian soldiers who could prove their kills by cutting off the hands of enemies were rewarded by the king at least until the reign of Thutmose III. Enemies killed by Egyptian soldiers are close to the concept of homo sacer, as their deaths are “banal” and without the aura of sacrifice. 36 However, the New Kingdom Egyptian sovereign cannot be understood as Agamben’s sovereign. According to Agamben “The sovereign sphere is the sphere in which it is permitted to kill without committing homicide and without celebrating a sacrifice, and sacred life – that is, life that may be killed but not sacrificed – is the life that has been captured in this sphere”. 37 In the New Kingdom Egypt context the life taken by the sovereign always has to be taken in a contextual relation with the sacred. This is especially seen in those treatments of enemies and prisoners of war classified as executions, such as decapitation. It is still debated what Agamben actually meant when he stated that homo sacer could not be sacrificed, but it is clear that this is not a reference to the historical practice of human sacrifice, but rather the contrary an injunction not to invent it anew. 38 The enemy in New Kingdom Egypt is closer to the concept of homo sacer than to a sacrificial victim. No one sacrifices him to the gods, not even the king. Nevertheless, the enemy in New Kingdom Egypt is not exactly like Agamben’s homo sacer. The king can execute him in a religious setting.

Body parts of enemies as commodities The broad anthropological concept of body commodification encompasses economic relations between humans in which human bodies are the token of economic exchanges often masked as something else. 39 Body parts are transformed into objects and commodities through material manipulation of the bodies so that people can become objects because their bodies are material. 40 One interesting practice attested in several different cultures is commodification of body and its parts in war. 41 Some enemy body parts were commodified in New Kingdom Egypt. The practice of hand cutting was, at least at the beginning, commodifying enemy hands. The cut off hand was not only proof of battle skills and strength of soldiers. It was at the same time a valuable commodity which could be exchanged for gold of valour. The cut36 37 38 39 40 41

For the death of homo sacer as a banal death see Gonzáles-Ruibal 2009: 125. Agamben 1998: 53. Fiskesjö 2012: 169. Scheper-Hughes 2002: 2. Sofaer 2006: 64. For a most comprehensive anthropological study of this phenomenon see Harrison 2012. For taking human and animal body parts as trophies, but also the mutual relations and shifting borders between human and animal through such practices see Perera 2014: 1–26.

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ting of the hand would mean defeating an enemy for the king. Receiving the gold of valour for this would be the recognition of such an act as welcomed by the king. In such a process the disputable use value of a cut off human hand becomes totally abstracted. 42 The presenting of the hand to the king and receiving a reward for it takes the form of gift exchange attested in many cultures 43 as well as in ancient Egypt. 44 The hands were exchanged for the gold of valour and the ones who boast of being rewarded were high positioned men. This indicates the establishment of social ties between the king and at least some of his subjects. The establishment of social ties through exchange is quite common in gift exchange. 45 Cut off hands assume the form of things when they get exchanged for gold of valour. However, we do not know if there was a stable value one would receive as a reward for a cut off hand. Bearing in mind that hands were also cut off in order to count the incapacitated or dead enemies, the hand-cutting was a service, and a service can be a commodity, just as things can be gifts. 46 We are clearly dealing with both here as the cutting of the hand is a service but it is also means to acquire the proof of this service and a thing to be exchanged. What differentiates the exchange of hands for gold of valour from gift exchange in its most typical form is that these hands are not attested as circulating. One additional gift-exchange element missing in exchange of hands for gold of valour is time. Giving time is essential for gift exchange. Clearly not all enemy body parts were commodified. Eyes and ears were taken from victims in only one case (Doc. 39). Phalli cut from the enemies were also not commodified. 47 The same applies to cut off heads, although in the case of decapitation it must be stressed that this is to be expected, as decapitation was a royal prerogative. 48

42 This is exactly what Karl Marx writes about the exchange of commodities, as use-values commodities are of different qualities, but as exchange-values they are merely different quantities, Marx 1999: 15. 43 According to Marcel Mauss’s seminal work on the gift, the exchange in so called “primitive societies” is based on gift exchange rather than on economic transaction. The gift is a “total social fact” meaning that gift exchange is at the same time a social and religious event, magical and economical, utilitarian and sentimental, Mauss 1990. Gift exchange including body parts of enemies taken as trophies is also attested, e.g North American Indians exchanged body parts with English colonists who understood these gifts as tribute, Harrison 2012: 40. 44 Janssen 1982: 254. For the most comprehensive study see Bleiberg 1996. 45 Mauss 1990: 76. 46 Gregory 1997: 80. 47 See Chapter Mutilation. Phalli cutting. 48 See Chapter Execution. Decapitation.

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Bodies as media of violence

Difference between the king and soldiers in treatments of enemies and prisoners of war The difference between king and soldiers, but also other private individuals, when violence towards enemies and prisoners of war is concerned can be recognised on two levels. As we are experiencing war during the New Kingdom Egypt through decorum and the frames of war, we have to start with the level of written and visual representation of this difference. We were not present in the past to experience the second level e.g. the practice of violence in reality. The underlying question is: Can we get closer to this second level of difference by examining the differences in representation? Does decorum reflect reality? In order to answer this question we have to examine the difference between the treatments of enemies and prisoners of war conducted or attributed to the king or those conducted by soldiers in both written and visual representations. Spalinger argued that war reliefs and most of the written and visual representations of violence centre on the king. He also argued that “worthy actions of a soldier play no role simply because these depictions are records of the pharaoh and not of individual soldiers”. 1 This assertion is partly true. The actions of soldiers come through the decorum in various degrees. Certain actions are conducted solely by soldiers or officials and never by the king (e.g beating and harassment, hand cutting, phalli cutting) and some were most probably conducted by soldiers, although they are attributed to the king (e.g branding, hanging upside-down, eye gouging and ear cutting, impaling, burning). Quack asked whether the king is treated in a way that is so special that it suggests that he had an ontological status different to human beings, not only representing an office, but also as a person? 2 In order to contribute to this problem the differences in violent acts against enemies and prisoners of war committed by king and soldiers will be discussed, paying attention to the degree of the corporeal contact between actors and victims in different treatments. 3 1 Spalinger 2011b: 23. However, although soldiers and officials took violent action too, both in reality and representation, Spalinger has rightfully pointed out that non-royal participation is rarely recorded by name and in these rare cases the ones who are named are either king’s sons or individuals such as Menna, charioteer of Ramesses II, or Mehy the official of Seti I on the reliefs of Seti I. 2 Quack 2010: 1. 3 This is related to the philosophical question “Who is able to touch the full body of the sovereign?”, Deleuze and Guattari 1983: 199.

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The actors in only one of the treatments classified here as torture are soldiers. This is in the case of beating and harassment. In the Battle of Qadesh reliefs (Docs. 31–35), the audience who saw these representations included commoners, and in the case of the Memphite tomb of Horemhab (Doc. 27) the audience could have included at least the priests and the family of the deceased, if not others too. In both examples, the actors are soldiers or Egyptian officials and the audience, as the acts were commited, consisted either of the king and other soldiers as in the Battle of Qadesh, or just soldiers and officials as in the beating of the prisoners in the tomb of Horemhab. In both cases the soldiers are close to the bodies of the enemies and prisoners of war they are torturing. Concerning the other two treatments grouped as torture it is clear that the actor behind them is the king, no matter that he physically did not have to do anything himself. In the case of the supposed sun exposure attested in Amarna letter EA 16 (Doc. 16), the act of violence, in the form of denial of access to the court, was an action conducted by the king. The king is directly responsible as he himself made the decision not to receive the Assyrian emissaries. The audience in reality was a narrow circle of the king’s closest associates, court officials, possibly family members, but also other foreign emissaries. All of these people were the elite of highest status in New Kingdom Egypt and if we also include the foreign emissaries as potential audience, then also the elite of high status in the entire Late Bronze Age court world, including eastern Mediterranean and the Near East. Everything indicates high spatial proximity to the victims of violence but simultaneously to the audience too. There is no religious background or symbolicity, nor a metaphor or a reference to the treatment of enemies of the king and gods in the Underworld. In the of case caging of an enemy attested on a talatat from the memorial temple built for Tutankhamun at Karnak we are again dealing with the king as the actor behind the caging, as the king is depicted as presenting the caged prisoner of war to the Theban triad. Again, the king is not himself putting the enemy in the cage, but he is the one to whom this act is related and attributed. The audience were in reality also the commoner people, as we know that they could have witnessed the river processions of kings from the banks of the Nile. 4 After the procession, or more precisely in its culmination, the audience is very restricted, namely it consists only of the Theban triad. In this case a religious background is observable first and foremost in the context of the representation, the wall of a temple structure. Secondly, a religious background is observable in the context within 4 The most explicit attestation for the audience on the riverbank is found on the Second Stela of Kamose. After the successful campaign the king returns upstream to Thebes in the Inundation season and it is written: jw Hr n b HD(.w) tA m rs f m ry. t abab. tj wAs. t m HAb Hm .w t TAy.w jwj r mA. n=j s. t n b. t Hp t=s s n .wj=s n n Hr x r rmy. t “Every face was cheerful, the land was in disarray, the river bank was excited and Thebes was in festival. Women and men came to see me, every woman embraced her companion and there was no face in tears”, see Habachi 1972: 42, 50, Fig. 27. Another is found on the Restoration Stela of Tutankhamun (Cairo, CG 34183) where after the lines on slaves, singers, dancers and other subjects of the palace and the treasury, it is written that among others such as gods and sanctuaries, jd b.w m hy h n .w “riverbanks were in joy and jubilation”, see Legrain 1907: 166; Lacau 1909: Pl. LXX, line 24. For other translations see Bennett 1939: 10. For the riverine journey to Thebes and its place in New Kingdom Egyptian triumph see Spalinger 2013b: 95–96.

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the scene, presentation of spoils of war to the Theban triad as gratitude for a successful campaign. If this really ever happened is less important for this discussion and its aim. When torture is concerned, the acts of soldiers show closer proximity to the bodies of enemies and prisoners of war. They actively engage with their bodies. Soldiers did not have a religious background behind their actions. The religious background behind their acts is in representations restricted to placement, the fact that beating of spies in the Battle of Qadesh is found depicted on temple walls. In the case of the king this is exactly the opposite. The king had a religious background to his actions both in reality and in representations. It seems that the religious background emerges only when the audience in question is distanced from the king both spatially and in status. Spatial and status separation probably went hand in hand both here, but also in other situations in ancient Egypt. 5 In the case of mutilation, we are dealing with treatments which can be attributed either to soldiers or to the king himself. In the case of ear cutting and eye removal, attested only on the Amada stela dedicated to Merenptah (Doc. 39), we are dealing with an act which was in reality probably not done by the king. However, it was attributed to him. The actual audience was the soldiers and officials who witnessed the act, but the text would also like us to believe that other witnesses and perhaps even the most desired witnesses are the Nubians and Nubian Egyptians in their towns in Kush where these body parts were piled for everyone to see. Again, like in the cases of torture, although the act of violence is physical, the king does not himself actively take part in it. There is also no other religious background than the context of this text in the Amada temple. In the case of hand cutting, the act itself can in almost all the cases be attributed to soldiers. 6 We never find the king cutting off the hands of enemies. It is the soldiers who do this, both Egyptian and foreign soldiers fighting for Egyptians. They engage most closely with the bodies of enemies. Again, the proximity to the bodies of enemies is evidently the highest. The audience for the act of hand-cutting itself was in reality: Egyptian soldiers, foreign soldiers fighting on the Egyptian side (e.g Shardana) and enemy soldiers. The audience for the parading of cut off hands and their presentation and count consisted of both enemy and foreign soldiers, officials and the king himself. Again, except the fact that some of the documents in which hand cutting is attested are stelae originally located in temples or on temple walls, and that representations of hand cutting, cut off hands, and enemies missing hands are depicted on temple walls, there is no other religious background for this treatment. In the case of phalli cutting the situation is very similar. Namely, the actors are again the soldiers or possibly other men in the army, although the act of cutting of a phallus is itself never depicted. We are again dealing with highest proximity to the bodies of the enemies and direct engagement in the physical act of violence. The audience witnessing the acts itself in reality was both Egyptian and foreign soldiers fighting for the Egyptians. It is questionable if enemies could have seen it. If we assume that the phalli were cut from dead enemies, as I argued in the chapter 5 Baines 1990: 19. 6 There are only two documents which are an exception to this and in both cases, we are dealing with written attestations for hand cutting (Docs. 10 and 14). The king is otherwise never depicted in the act of hand cutting.

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on phalli cutting, then the only enemies who could witness this were defeated ones who became prisoners of war. The counting of the phalli was in reality seen by both Egyptian soldiers and foreign soldiers fighting for Egyptians, but also by the officials and the king. Again, except the fact that some of the documents in which phalli cutting is attested have stelae or temple walls as their context, nothing else indicates a religious background for this treatment. In the case of branding, a religious background is lacking and in reality this act could have been seen by officials and scribes. The acts of branding and marking were conducted by scribes. In the case of hanging upside-down we are dealing with a mutilation act committed to the dead bodies of enemies and attributed solely to the king. The king does not actively engage with these bodies, but stages the mutilation in accordance with the image of himself he constructs, and that is not only the image of victorious king, but also the image of a victorious god, Re in his barque with sxd .w on its prow. The audience in reality was also commoners, as we have already seen that they could witness such Nilotic processions from the riverbanks. The Amada and Elephantine stelae of Amenhotep II (Doc. 11) also indicate that the audience was also the Nubians in Napata (Gebel el Barkal) and the texts explicitly state that at the culmination of this violent act these people were the desired audience. This time the religious background is more explicit. The documents with attestations for this act are found on temple walls like in Amada, or on a stela which was placed in the temple, like the Elephantine stela. However, the religious background is also achieved though complex use of religious symbolicity, expressed in the position of the enemies m sxd, thus turning them into sxd .w, but also in the use of the number of seven enemies in the case of the Amada and Elephantine stelae. This number is then also further symbolically divided into six and one and contextualised in the two temples of Amun where the enemies were placed, Karnak (six) and Napata (one). After reviewing mutilation, not much has changed regarding what was observed in the case of torture. Violent acts committed by soldiers still have closer proximity to the enemies and prisoners of war and they meant active engagement with the bodies of enemies. This active engagement is lacking in those treatments attributed to the king. Again, a religious background except the one of context, is reserved for the king only and he actively uses religious symbolism for the construction of his image into a god and the transformation of enemies into sxd .w, enemies of both king and gods. The acts of the king such as this one also have a broader audience including commoners who are distant both in space and in status. Here a pattern emerges in relation to what was observed regarding differences in treatments of enemies and prisoners of war done by the king and the soldiers. This can be argued for both torture and mutilation. Namely, the king draws on a religious background for his acts in those acts of violence which include non-elite members of society as the audience and in this case these people are distant both spatially and in their rank (caging, hanging upside-down). When the audience consisted of high elite or a circle of people closer to the king, such as his soldiers and officials, then this audience was close to the king both spatially and in rank. In such cases a religious background is missing (sun exposure). In the following lines I will examine whether these trends observed in the case of torture and mutilation can be observed in the case of execution.

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Executions can be, in all cases except one, attributed to the king. Strangling is an act known only from the tombs of Djehuty and Montuhirkhepeshef (Doc. 4). The actors are Egyptians and the audience was in reality people who were engaged within the t k nw ritual and possibly even other funerary rituals related to the tomb. The audience who could witness the representation of the act could include other people. The act itself like other acts not committed by the king involves close proximity to the body of the victim and direct physical engagement. The religious background is in this case provided by the possible, but not entirely clear, connection with the t k nw or other funerary rituals. Other executions are related only to the king as the actor. In the case of impaling, again although the act itself was not done by the king it is nevertheless attributed to the king. The audience in reality could have been commoners. As we have seen impaling was done close to the temple. The religious background is not only provided by the context of one of the documents on the wall of the Amada temple (Doc. 39) but also because of the information we have on the temple setting for impalement as a capital punishment. Furthermore, impaling could have targeted both the body and its shadow as the impaled body on a stake would cast a shadow reflecting this action. Burning is also an act which is attributed solely to the king although he is not committing it himself, but the act was done for him and attributed to him. The audience is, in the case of the Memphis stela, rather unclear because the king states that he spent the night alone watching over the burning, with no one at his side except his servants (Doc. 10). The religious background is possibly provided by the reputed location of this stela in a temple. However, a more explicit religious background is found in numerous attestations for burning of enemies of king and gods in the Underworld and possibly by the mention of the god Reshep, a deity often associated with fire. In the case of the Amada stela the attestation indicates that the audience was broader, namely that it included not only Egyptian soldiers but also the locals in Nubia. The religious background is not only the location of the document in the Amada temple, but the use of rhetorical phrases such as fiery blast attested in numerous texts describing the actions of the king, gods and demons against enemies of king and gods in the Underworld. Finally, the act of decapitation is attributed exclusively to the king. It is a royal prerogative par excellence and it dates back to the Early Dynastic period. We have seen that the attestations are highly rhetoric and that their visual counterpart is the emblematic smiting of the enemy scene. No historicity can be argued for any of the documents which have attestations for decapitation. However, that does not mean that it never happened in reality, but it also does not mean that we can use these attestations as reports of events, shrouded in ideology or symbolicity or not. Also, the audience in reality is not clear even if this reality is assumed. No text states or indicates the audience. However, the audience which could witness the representation was the broadest possible and also included commoners. The religious background is explicit not only in the context of the majority of the documents on the walls of temples or on stelae placed in temples. There are also numerous attestations for decapitation of enemies of king and gods in the Underworld. Interestingly, this is the only violent act of the king in which his proximity to the enemies is high and in which he himself is in direct physical engagement with their bodies killing them with his sickle shaped

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sword given to him by his father Amun and even then almost exclusively by holding them by their hair. 7 Hair is in many cultures considered to have the power of affecting either its original owner or the person who obtains it. 8 Hairiness is a cultural sign of wild men in many societies 9 and is one of the traits ascribed to foreigners as Others. 10 A lock of hair is used as a determinative in writing of the epithet SnTj “rebellious”  11 and used for Seth in the temple of Denderah. 12 Furthermore, short hair is usually also connected with masculinity, hardness, discipline whereas long hair with femininity and softness. 13 Edmund R. Leach considers hair in psychoanalytic terms as semen coming out of the head that is seen as a phallus, and thus he interprets hair cutting as castration and long hair as unrestrained sexuality. 14 On the contrary Christopher R. Hallpike associates long hair with being outside society and the cutting of the hair as re-entering society or establishing social control. 15 The king in smiting of the enemy scenes only holds the enemy by his hair and does not cut off the hair, but smites or decapitates the head as argued by accompanying textual attestations for decapitation. Although, he does not cut off the hair the fact that he holds the enemies by it indicates control. The suggestions of Leach and Hallpike are not contradictory when applied to the New Kingdom Egyptian material. We have already seen that gender is a frame of war in New Kingdom Egypt in which enemies are feminised. 16 The fact that the king holds enemies by their hair indicates their framing as women, as weak and as subjected to the control of the king. 17 Similarly, in Neo-Assyria moustaches and beards of enemies were cut off in the reign of Senacherib. 18 Facial hair was a sign of masculinity so Senacherib takes it away. However, a New Kingdom Egyptian holding enemies by their hair indicates control of their femininity. perhaps the reasons for this out of ordinary proximity of the king to the enemy can be explained by the exclusivity of the act itself and its close related 7 For an overview see the thus far known smiting of the enemy scenes from various periods. The cases in which the king does not hold the enemies by their hair are rare and later, Schoske 1982. There are few representations in which the king grabs the bodies of enemies, see Heinz 2001. 8 Naguib 1990: 9. 9 For example, in the Near East one of the characteristics of wild men is hairiness, such as in the case of Enkidu or laḫmu, Mobley 1997: 220. 10 Naguib 1990: 11. An example is found in the The Story of Sinuhe who after returning to Egypt was restored not only by his acceptance by the king and his family in the palace but also through the care of his body which included hair removal and combing, Allen 2015: 148. 11 Wb. IV, 520. 3–5. 12 Cauville 2001: Pl. VII. 13 Naguib 1990: 11. Elite women of the New Kingdom wore either their own long hair or a wig, whereas men kept their hair short or shaven, Robins 1999: 56. Women’s hair is attested in the New Kingdom as a sign of sexual attraction and alluring weapon in love poetry, Derchain 1975b: 55–56; Meskell and Joyce 2003: 56. Head hair is a symbol of femininity in many cultures, Synnott 1987: 383. 14 Leach 1958: 147–164. 15 Hallpike 1969: 260–263. 16 See Chapter Frames of war in New Kingdom Egypt. Gender. 17 One should only think of the Biblical parallel of Samson’s strength which is in his hair and his seven locks which Delilah cuts off with the aid of a servant (Jud. 16: 17–19), Margalith 1986: 229; Mobley 1997: 229. 18 A beard was a sign of masculinity in Assyria, Karlsson 2016: 236.

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ness solely to the king. It is a royal prerogative and this is the case in which the king is, so to say, stepping outside his bounded zone and takes matters into his own hands in order to secure the defeat of chaos and establish order. In such a context he received special divine support from Amun who grants him a weapon to do this. We have seen in the chapter on decapitation that the head is one of the focal components of the bA soul in New Kingdom Egypt. Decapitation of enemies could thus be simultaneously the destruction of their bA souls. In such a context it is not surprising that this act is restricted to the king in decorum and that he receives the sword from Amun himself in order to achieve this. Even in the cases of execution the king draws on religious background of his acts when non-elite members of the society were the audience, and in this case these people are distant both spatially and, in their rank (impaling, burning, and decapitation). Bodies, violence, purity and danger The differences between the king and soldiers are more than explicit and they come through all of the treatments no matter their class, namely torture, mutilation and execution. Several patterns can be distinguished. Whereas the acts of soldiers imply direct physical engagement with the bodies of enemies and prisoners of war, the acts of the king imply distance and indirect engagement. Conceptions of violence and power are often inseparable from conceptions of body and its control, as also shown in Near Eastern representations of war. 19 The distance of the king and exceptionality of his contact with the bodies of enemies through holding them by their hair, can be explained by the notion of purity and danger. According to Mary Douglas ideas of dirt express symbolical systems and dirt is matter out of place, so that “where there is dirt there is a system”. 20 Purity lies at the intersection between the individual body, the social body and the cosmos as a whole. It exceeds notions of cleanliness or hygiene by far. It plays a critical role in the construction of religious worldviews, ritual practices and social boundaries. 21 John Gee adopts the definition of purity as “those things required to enter sacred space” 22 which would imply that a person or a thing had to be pure in order to enter sacred space in ancient Egypt. 23 The king’s personal space was sacred space and one needed to be pure to approach him. 24 There were even consequences for unauthorised touching of the king’s sceptre. 25 19 20 21 22 23 24

Bahrani 2008: 15. Douglas 1966: 36. Urban 2016: 609. Gee 1998: 5. Quack 2013. This is exemplified by the story of “The Shipwrecked Sailor” where the sailor advises the prince to go and wash himself, to pour water over his fingers, so that he could answer all the king’s questions, Gal 1998, 243. For the purity and purification of the king and the necessity for purity in order to access the king see Quack 2013: 128–138. 25 Tomb inscription of Rawer of the 5th Dynasty (Cairo JE 66682) Urk. I, 232, 5–16. Rawer accidentally touched the sceptre and the king had to immediately proclaim that Rawer should be sound. This is to be seen in the context of the danger of the divine punishment for disrupting the ceremony and the king’s intervention as intermediary between men and gods, Allen 1992: 18.

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Simultaneously, enemies can be considered to be impure. 26 This explains the distance maintained between the body of the king and the bodies of enemies. The only exception to this is decapitation, probably because of the exceptionality of this act and its royal character. One should also consider the fact that when decapitating the enemies the king is holding them by their hair and not by other parts of their bodies. 27 The same gesture is known from the representation of battle and the battle aftermath where we find the king dragging the defeated enemies by their hair. 28 This can be related to gender as a frame of war, as hair is considered by New Kingdom Egyptians to be a feminine trait, and also to the notion of control. Thus, only in the act of decapitation do we notice the king’s direct contact with the bodies of enemies, however quite often, as we have seen, neither the time nor the space is indicated in attestations for decapitation. Perhaps the restriction of the king’s contact with the enemy’s body is related to the notion of the ritual purity the king re-established after his triumphal return to the temple where he received the oracle from his father. 29 Thus, by holding the enemy by his hair the king is in the liminal zone which allows him to violently act without losing his ritual purity, established after the victory and return to Egypt. This is because hair is physical and extremely personal on one side, and public rather than private on the other. It grows from the body but it survives death. 30 Holding an enemy by his hair meant having power and control over him. 31 This exceptionality of the king 32 when treatments of enemies are concerned can be interpreted in the context of the power of the sovereign which is beyond every rule of conduct. Sovereignty is able to resort to a boundless state of exception that displaces the legal order. 33 The sovereign exists outside the moral and political order. 34 In this context the figure of the king and the figure of the enemy correspond to brute power and absolute lack of power. 35

26 They are referred to as b w. t “repulsion” or “abomination”, Wb 1, 453.7–454.7. See for example Tombos inscription of Thutmose I, Urk. IV, 83, 6; Annals of Thutmose III, First Campaign in Year 22–23, Urk. IV, 651, 10. 27 Schoske 1982; Hall 1986. 28 Representation of Thutmose IV in a chariot holding an axe in his right hand and grabbing bow and two enemies by their hair with his left, Carter and Newberry 1904: Pl. XI; Asiatic campaign of Ramesses II against the towns Ined and Dibon, Luxor-East, Heinz 2001: 272. 29 Spalinger 2011b: 180. 30 Synnott 1987: 381, 404. 31 As Foucault remarked, nothing is more material, physical, and corporal than the exercise of power, Foucault 1980: 57–58. 32 The king is generally unique (wa) no matter in which context we find him, cult, festival or battle, Hornung 1957: 127. 33 Fitzpatrick 2005: 49 34 Derrida 2009: 39, 60. 35 Agamben 1998: 109–111.

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“Divine violence”, ontology and ideology There are two opposing views on the divine status of the king in ancient Egypt. One group of authors attributes the king with a specific divinity 36, whereas another does not. 37 It has also been suggested that the divinity of the king comes forth only in rituals and that he should not be seen as a god, but as god-like. 38 A more nuanced approach sees the institution but not the individual king as being divine. 39 Most recently it was suggested that the divinity of the pharaoh is primarily an ontological problem and that, being part of a different ontology than our own, it is hard for us to comprehend it. 40 Others would rather argue that the essential purpose of the king from a cosmic perspective is not so much to be an actual god but to act as a mediator between the gods and people. 41 Therefore, some have described him as “a man of and for the gods”. 42 An “ontological turn” 43 in anthropology implies the abandoning of the representational approach in which there is one nature or world (reality) and many worldviews (cultures), as argued by culture constructivism. Instead, the ontological approach acknowledges the existence of many different ontologies and thus many different worlds, and it undermines the possibility of using western ontological categories to explore those of a non-western setting. The proponents of the ontological approach argue that ontology is not to be misunderstood as another word for culture. 44 Instead, it must be stressed that, 36 Acording to Hornung, the king has a specific divinity, but he is not divine from birth, as he needs to acquire his divinity through rituals of accession to the throne. He further states quite explicitly however that “The king is not a god, but so long as there remained anything of the original reality of Egyptian kingship, he was a token of the efficacious power of the creator god in this world”, Hornung 1982b: 142. Friedrich Abitz argues that the books describing the Underworld which can be found in royal tombs had among others the function of divinisation of the king, Abitz 1995: 215. 37 Goedicke 1960; Posener 1960; Grimal 1986. 38 Barta 1975: 136. 39 O’Connor and Silverman 1995: xxv. This view resembles the idea of a “king’s two bodies” in Medieval Europe according to which the king’s natural body has physical attributes, suffers, and dies, but the king’s other body, the spiritual one, transcends the earthly realm and serves as a symbol of his office with the divine right to rule. The notion of the two bodies allowed for the continuity of monarchy even when the monarch died, Kantorowitz 1957. 40 “Doesn’t it smack too much like making the Ancient Egyptian civilisation palatable to a modern public by demolishing such a thing as the real divinity of a living human being which is so hard to swallow for modern minds? After all, the Egyptians themselves explicitly said about the king “he is not a man” (Edfou VI 301, 13)”, Quack 2010: 1. 41 Hill, Jones and Morales 2013: 7. 42 Morris 2013: 60. 43 Latour rightly stressed that it is not entirely right to term what is going on as a turn, as ontology was always there and was essential for the modernist project, Latour 2014: 302. 44 Alberti, Fowles, Holbraad, Marshall and Witmore 2011: 896–912. David Graeber remarked that when proponents of the ontological approach use the word “ontology” they mean something very different from what philosophers have traditionally meant by the term. Namely, for these anthropologists, ontology is “way of being” and in philosophy it is a discourse about the nature of being, Graeber 2015: 14.

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they imply that each different nature can only exist in relation to a specific group of human beings who share the same ontology. 45 Thus, as Žižek wrote, there is no final reality only the interplay of multiple appearances. 46 Bruno Latour argued that “we may benefit from an ontological pluralism that will allow us to populate the cosmos in a somewhat richer way, and thus allow us to begin to compare worlds, to weigh them, on a more equitable basis” and “enter into contact with types of entities that no longer had a place in theory and for which a suitable language will have to be found in each case”. 47 The ontological approach is a theoretical orientation that consists of describing and comparing beings, presences, individuals, and existences in their constantly changing, various and diverse situations. 48 As Marilyn Strathern remarked “The problem begins when we begin to produce descriptions of the world”. 49 We must be aware of the fact that what others think, the concepts they deploy, the “descriptions” they produce and the worlds they describe with these concepts are very different to ours. 50 Anthropologists advocating ontological approach call for producing novel concepts coming out of the ethnographic encounter. 51 This is because often the people we study do things which appear to us as wrong, but instead this indicates that we have reached the limits of our conceptual repertoire. 52 In the words of Latour we should “follow the natives, no matter which metaphysical imbroglios they lead us into”. 53 Therefore, the issue for the historian is not whether the belief that there are devils in the mountains amounts to knowledge, but the role it plays in an agent’s deliberation to act. 54 In the context of this work it is clear that gods and other entities such as sxd .w, bA-souls and shadows of enemies all play important roles in distinguishing the acts and possibilities of action of king and soldiers. If we suppose that within the zone of ancient Egyptian ontology the king was god or god-like, the patterns concerning the difference in treatment of enemies and prisoners of war between him and soldiers do not come as a surprise. The king is god-like or a god, so his actions have a religious background 55, whereas the actions of soldiers do not, as they are another kind of beings. Additionally, as we have seen, the king uses powers such as 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52

Graeber 2015: 20. Žižek 2003: 78. Latour 2013: 21 Piette 2015: 35. Strathern, Fausto and Viveiros de Castro 1999: 172. Viveiros de Castro 2015: 8. Henare, Holbraad and Wastell 2007: 8. Martin Holbraad’s argument in the debate on ontology in anthropology, Carrithers, Candea, Sykes, Holbraad and Venkatesan 2010: 184. 53 Latour 2005: 62 54 d’Oro 2009: 146. 55 The dependency on ritual context for the emergence of the king’s divinity was already stressed, Barta 1975: 136. However, it was recently shown that there are elements of a king’s divinity even in those sources describing him as a person and not as an institution, Quack 2010. Gerald Moers stressed that, although the king is described as one of the rmT.w in a hymn to Senusret III, his activities in the Battle of Qadesh are described as not of a rmT but of the gods Seth and Baal. He explains this difference with the context, namely the representation of the solution of the Hittite problem, Moers 2005: 231–232.

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fiery breath that soldiers do not use, as they do not have it. He defeats enemies and places them on the prow of his ship m sxd, so that he is (like) Re and they are (like) sxd .w “those who are upside-down”. The king decapitates the enemies and thus also possibly destroys their bA-souls, something soldiers cannot do. Thus, we have to populate New Kingdom Egypt with gods, inhabitants of the Underworld, kings as gods on Earth, among others, and discuss violence considering these actors too. However, one aspect which the ontological approach to these patterns in treatments of enemies and prisoners of war misses is the difference in the status of the audience in those treatments where the actions of the king have a religious background and, in those treatments, where they do not. The audience exposed to the violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war enacted by the king, and having religious background, is composed of people of varying status, including those who are most distant from the king and the small elite circle around him. Namely, if the audience were to be the same this argument would not be raised, as in that case we could really go with the ontological approach in arguing that ontologies are not simply systems of classification and representation. 56 But bearing in mind that this difference is so explicit regarding oppositions, such as religious background - lack of religious background, distance-proximity and commoners-elite, one cannot but wonder if the ontological approach misses something a Marxist approach would immediately grasp. 57 Namely, isn’t this difference far too similar to what is often referred to as religion being the “opium for the masses” 58 and ideology being a superstructure 59 with class position structuring and limiting the mind? 60 What needs to be stressed is the use of violence in creating social difference, both between the king and soldiers, and the king and his subjects. 61 War and violence do not only create inter-group difference between “us” and “them” 62 they also create intra-group difference. The difference in the presence or absence of a religious background for violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war committed by the king depends on the status of the audience. This is important because ruling classes legitimate their position among other things through hierarchical conceptions of the supernatural which explain the hierarchical nature of society. 63 Taylor argued that when a state implements a campaign of 56 Henare, Holbraad and Wastell 2007: 12. 57 Most of the advocates of ontological approach in anthropology do not examine issues of class in the societies they study, for example see Viveiros de Castro 2015. This is possibly because the societies in question are less hierarchical than for example early states. 58 Marx 1982: 131 59 Many archaeologists embrace a Marxist definition of ideology as a socially necessary illusion serving as an instrument for domination and as a locus of power, McGuire 2002: xii. 60 McGuire 2002: 34. 61 The argument of Anthony Giddens that class division rests less on control of allocative than of authoritative resources, backed by the potential or actual use of violence, and that it is based on the control of the means of violence can be further developed. What we are observing in the pattern discussed above, is the control of forms of violence and their representations by the ruling classes, cf. Giddens 1981: 112. 62 Armstrong 2016: 1. 63 Pearson 1984: 61

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violence it often tries to legitimise this using local cultural codes, exploiting ideologies that justify violent acts in maintenance of collective being. 64 If we see ideology as a system of beliefs and ideas people accept without being able to state why, and as a system serving to legitimate or extend the ability of one group in a society to rule over another 65, then the patterns discussed regarding violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war correspond to this system. Ideological forms of manipulation serve to justify social order 66 and while people may be controlled by the use of direct force the most effective forms of political control are ideological. 67 Clearly it is not necessary for the king to rely on the religious background when he commits acts of violence in front of an audience of the highest status and highest proximity to him. The fact that the king needs a religious background in order to conduct violence in front of commoners makes him “symbolically castrated”. This is because “symbolic castration” is seen as utilising something outside someone’s nature, introducing a gap between what we are and our function. 68 One wonders if this is because, in respect to the ontological approach discussed above, exactly these people close to the king, namely his family, court elites, officials and soldiers who accompanied him, know that the king is not actually breathing fire. It is also the question how far the elite and non-elite shared the same ideology. 69 If the king can indeed breathe out fire or be Re on the barque, and if the enemies are sxd .w ultimately depends on whom we ask. It is exactly this space of uncertainty which is in my opinion an arena for creation of difference between classes and is ultimately related to what Baines termed restricted knowledge. Is there a way to reconcile the ontological approach in anthropology and archaeology with the problems raised by Marxism? Actually, both the ontological approach and new Marxist approaches to ideology argue against “representationalism”. Ideology has nothing to do with “illusion”, a mistaken, distorted representation of its social content 70, just as much ontology in anthropology has nothing to with the idea that there is one world and many worldviews among which some are wrong. 71 Reality itself is to be conceived as ideological 72 and ontologies are performed in practice. This is what Žižek termed the reality of the virtual. 73 The fundamental level of ideology is that of a fantasy structuring the social reality itself. 74 It is in the performances of violence against enemies and prisoners of war where we can indeed see the ontological difference between king and soldiers in New 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74

Taylor 2013: 270. McGuire 2002: 36. Tilley 1982: 36. Pearson 1984: 61. Žižek 2004: 87. Baines 1990: 1. Žižek 1994: 7. Viveiros de Castro 2015: 210–211. Žižek 1989: 15. The paradox is that “mere ideology” is more real than reality itself, Žižek 1994: 30. Žižek 2002: 11; Žižek 2003: 96. Žižek 1989: 30. Also see the writings of Lacan who argued that reality is encountered in what we consider to be active interventions, however he added that it would be erroneous to limit its definition solely to this, Lacan 2006: 255.

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Kingdom Egypt. It is not our job to decide instead from the ones we study what groups are making up the world and which agencies are making them act. Rather we ought to build a story, a narrative and an account where the diversity of the other world is deployed to the full. 75 At the same time this is where ideology may lurk at its “zero level” which consists of (mis)perceiving a discursive formation as an extra-discursive fact. 76 This process of (misperceiving) can be seen as simulation which threatens the difference between the true and the false, the real and the imaginary. 77

Violence as performance Performance was an important aspect of the violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war in New Kingdom Egypt. Egyptologists mostly concentrated on religious festivals and related performances. 78 Baines asked if the central elite enacted performances in order to address only small number of people or wider sections of the community. 79 Performances and theatrical events form a process and arena of political and ideological negotiation, competition and collaboration 80. They are important for the creation of community identity, but also for the maintenance and subversion of asymmetrical power relations. 81 There was a difference between the violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war conducted by the king and those conducted by soldiers. Such a difference created asymmetrical power relations of different social classes where violence is concerned. The religious background of those treatments committed by the king involved commoners as the audience as well, and simultaneously their larger spatial and status-related distance from the king. Audiences can have multiple roles as observers, evaluators and participants. The human body has a central role in performances because it causes reactions and emotions. 82 Performance is a bodily engagement and a mode of communication. 83 For example, through spectatorship in a performance of violence we can experience fear, suffering and the death of others. We can either identify with the struggle or feel superior to the victim and in this way explore our own mortality. 84 According to Foucault it is crucial in performances of violence not only that the people must know that there is violence. They must see with their own eyes, must be made afraid, witness and take part in the spectacle of violence. 85 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82

Latour 2005: 184. Žižek 1994: 10. Baudrillard 1994: 3. For an overviee see Gillam 2005. Baines 2006: 262. Coben and Inomata 2006: 5. Inomata and Coben 2006: 12. Inomata and Coben 2006: 15. That the audience is crucial in performance of punishment was also argued by Foucault 1995: 57. cf. Misra 2015: 6. 83 Pearson and Shanks 2001: 15 84 Pizzato 2005. 85 Foucault 1995: 58.

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Performance and violent treatments of enemies and prisoners In all three treatments classified as torture (caging; sun exposure; beating and harassment) there was an audience. However, there is a difference in size and identity of the audience in all three cases. In the case of caging we are clearly dealing with a representation of a ship procession on the Nile. This procession ends in Karnak and culminates in presentation of spoils of war in front of the Theban triad Amun-Mut-Khonsu. As such this procession would be visible to various members of Egyptian society and was not of restricted access. We know this already from the Second Stela of Kamose, as the text informs us that the triumphal return of the king was observed by the people on the riverbank. 86 This exposes the caged Asiatic enemy to the gaze of many, although ultimately access to him is restricted in the sense that he is represented caged on a ship and thus physically away from the spectators. The Asiatic enemy would go through different stages of exposure, first to the king and his army, then to the people of Egypt and finally to the gods. It is not known how exactly this last stage was conceptualised. The procession on the Nile with a caged Asiatic prisoner of war would materialise king’s victory, but simultaneously the victory of a god and domination over the northern enemies of Egypt. Through this staged act of violence, the audience becomes part of this domination and victory, and the invincibility of the king becomes real. 87 The case of sun exposure with regard to performance is different. The access to the king’s court was restricted to the members of the royal family, the members of court society and foreign emissaries. 88 The staged processions of foreigners at the Egyptian court were physical enactments of the rules of decorum in which the Egyptian king has the prominent role and Egypt itself prevails over other lands. 89 Whether aware of this or not, foreigners coming to the Egyptian court would find themselves in a performative arena. Forced to respect rules of conduct at the Egyptian court, foreign emissaries embodied their own and their state’s status as lower in comparison to Egypt. 90 Making Assyrian emissaries wait for reception outside was not necessarily a physical form of violence comparable to other treatments. It is questionable that there was a physical effect of this denied reception and obligation to wait for reception. There are authors who see sun exposure in itself as a physical effect, which could possibly lead to death. But this is rather a symbolical statement of the Egyptian king which, in the context of what we know of

86 Habachi 1972: 42, 50, Fig. 27. For later evidence see Legrain 1907: 166; Lacau 1909: Pl. LXX, line 24. 87 Spalinger related this to rising nationalism as a consequence of the “Hyksos” experience, Spalinger 2005: 73. Contrary to him Eyre sees this as inherent in the acting out and demonstration of power itself, Eyre 2017: 115. 88 For court society in ancient Egypt, especially during the Amarna period see Spence 2007: 280–283. 89 For New Kingdom foreigners’ procession scenes see Hallmann 2006. For decorum as practice see Matić 2015a: 151. 90 As attested in Amarna Letter EA 1, Akhenaten placed chariots of Kadashman-Enlil with those sent by Akhenaten’s vassals. As Babylon was not under Egyptian control Kadashman-Enlil saw this as a misrepresentation of his and his country’s status at the Egyptian court, Moran 1992: 1–3.

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foreigners’ processions, indicates shaming of the Assyrian emissaries in the presence of Egyptian court society and possibly even other foreign emissaries. Beating and harassment also had a different and more restricted audience, however of lower status than in the case of sun exposure. Those who could witness these treatments of enemies and prisoners of war during the Battle of Qadesh were the king and his closest military personnel. In this particular case we are dealing with the torture of the Hittite spies through beating. The setting indicates the performance of torture. The beating of Nubian prisoners of war depicted in the Memphite tomb of Horemhab does not seem to have any character of performance behind it. Instead, what we see here are probably representations of what could actually happen spontaneously in situations such as the bringing and registration of prisoners of war. Egyptian soldiers and officials were according to this representation harassing prisoners of war. Poking Nubian prisoners in their eyes could also carry the meaning of making fun of or degrading some cultural traits ascribed to the Nubians. The ones who could witness this are other Egyptian soldiers and officials who did not participate in beating and harassment but also other prisoners of war, including foreign women and children. These latter were often depicted in foreigners’ procession scenes on the walls of New Kingdom private tombs and temples. 91 They were surely affected by seeing these acts on their countrymen, if not relatives, perhaps even close family members. However, the Egyptian sources do not indicate kinship relations between women and children in these scenes, let alone their relations to the imprisoned men. Aspects of performance can be noticed in those treatments grouped under mutilation. Hand-cutting implied taking of an enemy’s hand through cutting it at the joint with the arm. That the hands were carried on spears (Doc. 26) or on ropes in bundles (Doc. 32) indicates they served as trophies, they were shown to others, and they were being bragged about. As the hands were cut off on the battlefield during the battle itself and not after, casts doubt upon the performance background of the cutting. Their carrying and presentation, as was shown, clearly has performance aspects as it constitutes the status and valour of the Egyptian soldier. Regarding phalli cutting the setting would be the same as in the case of hand-cutting. The crucial difference is the absence of the act of cutting in the decorum. If this is because of a taboo, then we cannot argue that phalli cutting had performance aspects. Indeed, there is no representation of an Egyptian soldier carrying and presenting cut off phalli, and therefore we lack evidence that they bragged about this practice. The practice is also attested only during the reigns of Merenptah and Ramesses III, and as was suggested earlier, it is to be seen as a solution to a new accounting problem. It was necessary to make a more precise count of the injured, defeated or dead enemies according to their ethnicity as observed by the Egyptians. 92 Additionally, such an act of violence is related to gender as a frame of war and to gendering of the enemies as less masculine than the Egyptians.

91 For the most recent study on women and children in New Kingdom foreigners’ procession scenes see Matić 2015c. 92 See Chapter Mutilation. Phalli cutting.

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Eye and ear removal are attested in only one document. The fact that the text states that eyes and ears were taken all the way to Kush and made into heaps in the towns of the enemies indicates that there was an audience present after the act was already committed. This audience certainly included commoners, but it is an interesting question who these commoners could have been in the time of Merenptah in Kushite towns. Namely, we know that, since the reign of Thutmose III, Nubia was firmly politically integrated into the Egyptian state’s domain, and, as was argued in the chapter on hanging enemies upside-down, since Amenhotep II if not even slightly earlier, also in the sacred landscape of this state. The establishment of Egyptian towns whose inhabitants were also the locals of different identity and status began in the early New Kingdom. 93 Seti I started building temple towns at Aksha (Serra West) c. 15 km south of Faras in Wawat and Amara West some 50 km north of Soleb in Kush. During the reign of Ramesses III, the seat of the deputy of Kush was in Amara West. 94 The inhabitants of Kushite towns during the time of Merenptah were thus clearly also Egyptians and not only Nubians. Therefore, we should be careful in reading Egyptian royal texts which tend to polarise the rebellion in a way that they associate the enemy with another ethnic groups, excluding Egyptians. It is equally possible that some Nubian Egyptians took part in the revolt. However, if following Robert Morkot part of Kush at 4th and 5th cataract was not in the hands of Egyptians 95 and this display of victory occurred there, then it is possible that the audience consisted mostly of Nubians. Where branding and marking is concerned the audience consisted of officials and soldiers, and nothing indicates a performative act. Instead, one should see this as a routine of accounting similar to counting of hands and phalli. Hanging enemies upside-down was witnessed by a large audience as the dead enemies were placed upside-down on the prow of the king’s ship and paraded to Karnak and even to Napata (Docs. 3 and 11). In this last case this violent act was also exposed to the gaze of the local population under Egyptian rule in Nubia. Otherwise the act could be witnessed by commoners on the riverbanks who were, as mentioned before, both spatially and status-related distant from the act. As I argued in the chapter on hanging upside-down these Nilotic ship processions and their setting had the role to transform enemies into sxd .w “those who are upside-down” and to turn the king into Re. In one case (Amada and Elephantine stelae of Amenhotep II, Doc. 11) this was done also in order to integrate Nubia into the sacred landscape of Egypt, as by the time of Amenhotep II the land was firmly under Egyptian control. 96 After all, events create spaces. 97 The king in his ship was distant from the audience which included people of different status. The placement of the enemy upside-down on the king’s ship prow and its symbolical connotations together with the setting in a ship procession on the Nile with destination in Karnak and Napata indicates a carefully staged performance. Its role was to mythologise history, to merge the then 93 94 95 96 97

Budka 2015: 63–82. Török 2009: 191. Morkot 2013: 914. Matić 2017c. Pearson and Shanks 2001: 21

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and the now, demons and enemies, king and god. For the audience on the Nile bank this performance must have had a great effect and it certainly played a role in the creation of their image of the ruler as a god on earth. This image is the image he performed for them and violent treatment of the bodies of dead enemies had a crucial role in the creation of this image of the king. The performative aspects of this act are also indicated in its repetitive pattern, as it is known from the reigns of Thutmose I and Amenhotep II. It could very well be that other kings committed the same acts, but we still do not have evidence for that. 98 Staged acts of violence against enemies and prisoners of war in the New Kingdom, such as hanging enemies upside-down have a melodramatic character in the sense that they project evil upon certain vilified types (enemies), split good (king) versus evil characters (enemies), demonise and alienate enemies. 99 Ellen F. Morris showed how this “careful choreography and stagecraft drew upon scent, pose, metaphor, abject foils, and numerous other ploys to naturalise a political order that had nothing natural about it” already during the Early Dynastic period. 100 Clearly this continued into the New Kingdom when kings used religious background and staging of violent acts against enemies and prisoners of war while distancing themselves both spatially and in status from the audience of such acts. Different methods of execution also had performance and performative aspects. Again, as in the case with torture we have evidence for a different audience witnessing these violent acts. Strangling was witnessed by those who participated in the funerary rituals related to the burials of Montuherkhepeshef and Djehuty add the other tomb. Therefore, we can argue that the audience was small. The event clearly had a private and not a royal character. Not much else can be said about it as we have seen in the chapter on strangling. Impaling is a treatment which was probably at least in some attestations witnessed by larger audience. This is because, as we have seen, there is evidence suggesting that impalement was done close to temple walls. Thus, the audience could have included commoners. However, little here indicates performativity, although the acts could have had elements of performance, as it must have included the impaling pole, those who impaled the enemies and the enemies themselves as victims, space and audience. Burning is a treatment which had a considerably smaller audience. In both attestations the audience was different. The possible burning of enemies by Amenhotep II was witnessed by only a few people. This is because the text states that the king did this alone, as the army was not with him, only his servants. The same is the case of the burning of enemies by Merenptah, the only difference is the locals who witnessed this were Nubians, as the text states that the “great ones” (local chiefs) were burned in the presence of their companions. Considering that these acts of burning are not related and that their setting is completely different, 98 Contra Muhlestein 2011: 22. As repeatedly argued in this work we cannot understand the Gebel Sheikh Suleiman representation of the prisoner, the talatat with a caged prisoner on the back of the ship, Amarna and Ramesside period smiting of the enemy on the boats and the hanging of the dead enemies upside down by Thutmose I and Amenhotep II as the same practice. 99 Pizzato 2005: 4, 39. 100 Morris 2013: 33.

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there is little to relate them in order to argue that burning was a repetitive act of violence. This is why we cannot argue for performativity behind these acts. Decapitation was a royal prerogative, but the attestations for it in the New Kingdom do not indicate an audience. Indeed, the textual attestations are rhetorical and correlate with the smiting of the enemy motif in ancient Egyptian decorum. Nothing indicates that these attestations refer to historical events. The second aspect to bear in mind is the fact that the texts in which head cutting is attested are found on monumental temple walls accompanied by the smiting of the enemy scene. Where performance of triumph is concerned, Spalinger excellently pointed out that in the triumphal returns of the king from his campaign it is the king who arrives behind his soldiers and thus there is an element of anticipation through which the expectations of the crowds were heightened and the intense feeling of jubilation and cohesiveness was even more prominent. 101 This is certainly related to the argument of this study that religious background of the king’s acts against enemies and prisoners of war is directly related to the status of the audience and its proximity to the king and the event itself. This difference in the presence and absence of religious background, depending on the audience, its spatial and status related proximity to the king, and the acts of violence committed by him or the soldiers, nicely illustrate “the necessity of performative self-transcendence through violence as mythical experience, not just by the deed itself, but also by association” and violent act itself as that “which is the holy performance and symbolises religious meaning”. 102 Many New Kingdom pharaohs boast of suppressing a rebellion at the very beginning of their reign 103 and this cyclical nature of time is related to their re-establishment of Maat while the rebellion is framed as disturbance of order. The question is how historical these rebellions then really are. With this the possibility that historical rebellions did occur should not be excluded, but it can be assumed that these events were nevertheless framed in the same way. Such a frame can be understood as performative, as it invokes “nonhistorical” and guarantees a presocial ontology. By defeating rebellious enemies, the king performs the acts of Re against the rebellious humanity attested in the “Book of Heavenly Cow” 104 over and over again. According to the evidence we have for the actual violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war, it cannot be claimed that they have a high degree of repetition which would allow a performative production of identity for the actors behind them. However, their setting in a broader context of acts against rebellious forces of chaos materialised in earthly enemies, relates them to the performative nature of the establishment of order. This performativity of “violence in the service of order” 105 can be related to the concept of “history as celebration” 106 and religion as a frame of war.

101 102 103 104 105 106

Spalinger 2011b: 182. Weisbrod 2007: 69. Gnirs 1999: 73. See Chapter Frames of war in New Kingdom Egypt. Religion. Sensu Muhlestein 2011. Hornung 1966: 29.

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“Propaganda” and the social production and control of fear Cultures of fear In understanding the emotional valences of the states we cannot forget anxiety and fear. 107 The word fear in the phrase “rule by fear” refers to the fear of being punished for disobeying authorities. 108 Cultures of fear are regimes of terror which are discursively, strategically, and experientially imposed on people entrapped in contact zones between political systems, militarised communities and administrative apparatuses. The negative emotions, such as fear or terror, can be produced and sustained to govern populations. Cultures of fear are an effective tool for population management and are deployed by military, political and administrative actors. 109 They are the assemblage of discourses, institutions and technologies that shape the social dimensions of fear and can achieve a degree of stability and coherence over time. 110 One should ask who constructs the images of war that are intended to be seen, and what are they trying to do to those who see them, what are they trying to make them feel? 111 Fear is closely linked to the various social hierarchies which qualify it as a basic mode of social and political control. 112 The ruling classes secure fear in order to keep their privileged position in society. 113 The power in which people find refuge is the power from which they fear, which is also found in ancient Egypt in the power of the king. 114 This is seen for example in the role of the king as vanquisher of the forces of chaos on the one side, and as a shepherd on the other. 115 There are multiple ways in which regimes of fear and terror are manufactured and performed in the daily lives of ordinary people. 116 Optical and perceptual encounters with militarised violence can be consumed by ordinary citizens to reinforce politics of fear, because people move in medialised spaces. 117 It is a paradox of our world that, although we are in position to control potential dangers more than we were before, we still expose ourselves to fear from signs, images and information. This also shows how a culture defines its fear, how it mediates them and spreads them. 118 A comparable situation can be found 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115

Fleisher and Norman 2016: 12. Kavka 1983: 603. Linke and Smith 2009a: 4–5; Skoll 2010: 99. Barker 2009: 270. Butler 2015: 101. Robin 2004: 19. Skoll 2010: 34. Morenz 1969: 118; Verbovsek 2009: 432. Namely he is hAy n xAr. t nD. tj Hr n mH.w wSb ngA.w mj nj.w q n m s an x n t m .w “a husband for the widow, a protector for the orphan, who answers the needy, strong herdsman in sustaining of mankind”, Beth-Shan stela of Ramesses II, Year 18, KRI II, 151, 6–7. 116 Linke and Smith 2009a: 14. 117 Linke and Smith 2009b: 285. These mediatised spaces are arenas for the establishment of “societies of control”, Deleuze 1992: 4. 118 Verbovsek 2009: 423.

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in New Kingdom Egypt, most of whose people did not go to war and did not have war experience except those potentially mediated to them in words and images at home. In the context of violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war and their representations in written and visual sources, it is appropriate to examine exactly “the regulation of the senses as a political matter”. 119 Fear and the violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war It has to be examined whether violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war produced fear in reality during these treatments. More precisely, to see if these treatments could intimidate others during their enactment. Also, it has to be examined whether the written and visual representations for these treatments contain elements which were understood as representations of fear by the New Kingdom Egyptians. Only if we can show that both existed, namely fear in reality and in its representation, then the possibility can be raised for thinking about the use of representations of violence and fear for further production and social control of fear. 120 A similar approach was used in studying Neo-Assyrian representations of war and violence where it was assumed that one of the many assignments of these representations was to evoke emotions, especially fear. Bahrani argued that the parallels between the living bodies, corpses of the defeated enemies and portrait-statues were used as a terror tactic and a form of magical violence, blurring the boundaries between bodies and representations. 121 Elisabeth Wagner-Durand used the emblems of Paul Ekman 122 and traced them in Neo-Assyrian representations after which she discussed their cultural specificity and comprehenisibility in order to explore the potential for provoking fear in the recipients. 123 What is experienced as frightening is historically contingent as much as the very existence of certain emotions is communicated in different ways. 124 Egyptian texts since the hymns of the Middle Kingdom inform us that the n rw “terror”, snD “dread” and Sat “horror” of the king kill his enemies. 125 Violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war classified as torture here have elements which suggest that they could produce fear. Starting with the supposed sun exposure, it is clear that the con119 For example it was argued for contemporary images of war that there are certain images of injury or destruction of bodies in war which we are often forbidden to see because of the fear that these images will make the body feel something of what those other bodies underwent and that as such this body will not remain enclosed, monadic and individual, Butler 2015: 149. However, the main difference is that New Kingdom representations of war in which we find violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war were meant to be seen. 120 Similar argument was raised by Eyre who claims that the point of torture, defacement and execution in ancient Egypt lies in display and the creation of fear, Eyre 2017: 110. 121 Bahrani 2008: 174; Matić 2014c. 122 Ekman 2004: 46. 123 Wagner-Durand 2016: 123–124. 124 For the most recent lexical investigation of the ancient Egyptian words we translate as fear and found in the Book of the Dead see Eicke 2015: 151–166. For the most recent discussion on the contingency issue when dealing with feelings in ancient Egypt see Moers 2015: 61–70. 125 Morenz 1969: 114.

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text in which the Assyrian emissaries found themselves was a foreigners’ procession in which we can be sure that at least the court officials felt insecure. Several Ramesside papyri inform us that the official responsible for the organisation of the foreigners’ procession and presentation of the jn .w had to pass beneath the “Window of Appearance” where the officials were standing in two rows in front of the king and foreigners. 126 The official was frightened (snD. t w) 127 and stunned (t n bX. t w), his hands were weak (gn n) and he did not know whether death or life lies before him. He called on his gods and asked them to rescue him. 128 This event was emotionally loaded and frightening for officials because they did not know if the jn .w will meet the expectations of the king. 129 In such a context even the foreign emissaries could experience fear of the pharaoh if their jn .w did not meet the expectations of the king. We can imagine the anxiety of the Assyrian emissaries who were waiting “in the open” (i-na ṣe-ti) (Doc. 16). The very possibility of punishment and death of messengers 130, functions as a strong form of psychological violence. Where caging is concerned nothing in the depiction from the memorial temple for Tutankhamun indicates that the caged prisoner is showing any expression of fear. We can only assume that being caged was a frightening experience. Clearly, where beating and harassment is concerned the torture of the captured enemy spies in the representations of the Battle of Qadesh surely produced fear for their lives. It also produced fear for the destiny of their own side in the outcome of the war, all depending on the effect their confessions in the process of torture could produce. We can also assume the fear of betrayal. The way these figures are represented could also indicate fear, if we assume that this is meant with the motif of covering bodies in protection by raising arms (Docs. 31–35). The beating and harassment of Nubian prisoners of war in the Memphite tomb of Horemhab (Doc. 27) can be interpreted in a similar manner. Fear could also be triggered in those who were not physically harmed, namely women and children. Where mutilation is concerned it has already been suggested by some authors that one of the purposes of hand cutting was the production of fear. 131 We can safely assume that enemies knew of this Egyptian custom. The knowledge of this custom alone could produce fear, not to mention that the very cutting off the hands and its visibility on the battlefield could cause fear in both those whose hands are being cut off and in those whose hands are still attached to their bodies. There are depictions of enemies missing their hands, depicted holding their arms with missing hands and looking at the arm missing the hand. In this case we can only assume the gaze of terror of what is missing and of what this means, namely handicap, loss and possible eventual death. From the Memphis stela of Amenhotep II, we know that he placed twenty cut off hands on the foreheads of his horses (Doc. 10). It 126 Papyrus Koller 3,4–5,4; Papyrus Anastasi III; Papyrus Anastasti IV (recto), 13,8–17,9; Gardiner 1964: 45.13–48. 7. 127 Following Sven Eicke, one could understand s nD. t w as “terrorised”, Eicke 2015: 162 128 Papyrus Koller 5, 4, Gardiner 1964: 48. 6–7. 129 Gnirs 2009b: 29. 130 Vita 2007. 131 Stefanović 2003: 165.

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is possible that this was done not simply in order to display trophies but also to intimidate the viewers. The decoration of the foreheads of horses in battle is attested in the New Kingdom in the form of lion masks depicted on two horses pulling the chariots of Ramesses II in the Asiatic campaign in the Luxor temple. 132 The lion masks do not cover the entire face of each horse, but rather start from the forehead and end before the end of the muzzle. The lion’s jaw is clearly visible with sharp canines. The bridle goes over the head of the mask indicating again that we are dealing with part of the equipment. In the discussion of hunt as a frame of war a detailed account on the use of lion symbolic when treatments of enemies are concerned was given. These include the lion as the hunter and devourer of enemies. Lions are depicted following the king in battles, triumphal returns, presentations of spoils of war and smiting of the enemies. 133 Decorating the horses’ heads with masks in the form of lion heads must have had a great effect on the battlefield, both on the Egyptian soldiers and their enemies. The king’s appearance in war is always framed differently than the appearance of soldiers. We know that ears were cut off and eyes gouged out and then sent to the Kushite towns and piled in heaps in order to be seen. This was done to frighten the locals and eradicate the ideas of future rebellions by setting an example to all. Hanging enemies upside-down on the prow of ships could cause fear only among the locals. The Amada and Elephantine stelae of Amenhotep II explicitly state that piling one of the enemies in Napata was done in order “to cause the victory of His Majesty to be seen forever in all lands and all foreign lands of Nubia” (Doc. 11). An image of the falcon ship with king as Re in it and enemies as sxd .w on its prow would be known to them only from retold stories and myths, or the religious texts just few of them could read or their accompanying visual elements only few of them could see. In this manner such an image was reenacted before their very eyes, on earth, close to them, indeed dangerously close. 134 We are well informed about the frightening entities in the Underworld from the Coffin Texts, especially through their epithets and the use of fear by the deceased in order to repel them. 135 Seeing these entities defeated, but nevertheless materialised, must have had a frightening effect. In the previous section it was mentioned that the army went before the king in New Kingdom triumphal returns which caused anticipation through which the expectations of the crowds were heightened and the intense feeling of jubilation and cohesiveness was even more prominent. 136 Bearing this in mind, the appearance of the king as Re with the enemies hung upside-down as sxd .w, something of which commoners probably had only heard, if at all, could have caused a high degree of anxiety among them. This goes in line with the idea of Foucault that spectators of public acts of violence should experience physical fear and collective horror, and that 132 The second scene from the south of the uppermost register on the outer west wall north of the entrance of the first court, Wreszinski 1935: 77. A detailed photo can be found on the cover of Spalinger’s Icons of Power (2011b). The masks could have been made from lion’s skin and jaw parts. 133 See the Chapter Frames of war in New Kingdom Egypt. Hunt. 134 Whether it occurs verbally or not, discourse can serve to organise and make intelligible fears that are latent, masked or unconscious, Barker 2009: 268. 135 For fear in Coffin Texts see Bickel 1998: 17–25. 136 Spalinger 2011b: 182. For the role of music in such contexts see Matić 2018a.

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images of violence must be engraved in their memory. 137 We can say that in the eyes of the commoners it is not the reality that entered into the image of sxd .w, it is the image of sxd .w which entered reality. 138 Where executions are concerned clearly impalement could cause fear of death for the victim, but as there are attestations suggesting that it was done close to temples it is also possible that it was there to set an example to the local subjects and thus cause fear. 139 The fact that the dying was set up high above ground and in an exposed place in the temple’s vicinity meant high visibility for the intended audience. 140 Strangling could also clearly cause fear of death for the victims, but we simply do not know if it could produce fear in others who witnessed it. The audience of this event was not large. Burning of enemies clearly caused fear for life for the victims, but as the audience who witnessed this event was small (servants of the king in the case of Amenhotep II and companions of the “great ones” in the case of Merenptah), we cannot argue that the fear producing outreach was large in reality. On the second level, namely the stories which could have circlulated of this event, fear could be caused both in enemies and the subjects of the king. Decapitation also caused fear for their life in the victims, but the fact that most of the attestations are rhetorical and lack a space and time component means that we cannot really argue a lot about the audience. In many cases representations followed by the textual attestations for decapitation are the smiting of the enemy scenes on small objects or monumental temple walls. Whether the ones who could see these felt fear too is a complicated question. Enemies are depicted running away in fear in battle scenes. Male Nubian children and Nubian women are depicted waiting for the injured and fleeing Nubian soldiers with boys depicted as if they are mourning. 141 Asiatic women are depicted suspending the children down from the Asiatic forts under siege in order to rescue them. The horror coming from the king, as one of his attributes 142 comes to mind. The fear of the Egyptian army could have bodily effects. The Second Stela of Kamose mentions that as a consequence of hearing the Egyptian army the women of Avaris could not get pregnant: n n jwr Hm .wt Hw. t-war. t n n sn jb =sn m-Xnw X. t=sn sDm . t (w) h m h m . t n . t pAy=j mSa “the women of Avaris will not conceive, for their hearts will not open in their bodies when the battle cry of my army will be heard”. 143 There are numerous attestations from the New Kingdom of the battle cries of the king and his army 144, but the Second Stela of Kamose indicates that fear in war is felt also by those who are not physically taking part in it.

137 Foucault 1995: 110. 138 According to Žižek this is what we can call the reality of the virtual, Žižek 2002: 11. 139 The aim was to make everyone aware of the presence of the sovereign through the body of the criminal or in our case the enemy, Foucault 1995, 49. 140 For the same argument in the Neo-Assyrian corpus see Radner 2015: 104. 141 See Chapter Frames of war in New Kingdom Egypt. 142 Morenz 1969: 115. 143 Habachi 1972: 32–33. 144 Matić 2018a.

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Fear and media Thus far it has not been made clear whether written and visual representations of violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war contain elements which were by the New Kingdom Egyptians themselves understood as representations of fear. 145 We must not forget that fear, although embedded in the oldest part of our brain is still a cultural experience. 146 Before we engage in analysing written and visual representations of the violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war for elements of fear that may have been recognisable to the Egyptians, it is first necessary to see if the Egyptians considered fear as something which can be represented at all. 147 There is a problem in identifying fear in the past using facial expressions of fear as a pattern, as people frequently confuse expressions of fear with those of anger, amazement and suspicion. 148 In the text of the stela of master craftsman, scribe and sculptor Irtisen of the 11th Dynasty, the owner boasts of his many abilities. Among them he says that he knows: k s n sq r wa. t w dgg jr. t n (. t) sn-nw. t=s ssnD Hr rs.wt “the bending of a single prisoner, look of one eye at its other (eye), fear in the face of a prisoner”. 149 This indicates not only that fear could be represented, but that being able to do this was one of the special skills of a craftsman. It has also been suggested that k s n sq r wa. tj “bending of a single prisoner” refers to a specific position of an enemy in the smiting of the enemy scene, and that the following two descriptions are modal sentences related to it. 150 The question is in what manner are these related. Certainly, if one follows Winfried Barta in his assertion that dgg jr. t n (. t) sn-nw. t=s ssnD Hr rs.wt refers to the enemy being smitten 151 the problem is with the phrasing dgg jr. t n (. t) sn-nw. t=s which does not indicate two eyes each belonging to a different figure, as he would prefer. Rather the opposite applies, the eyes are related to each other, they are of the same face. Most probably this is the frightened face of the prisoner mentioned immediately afterwards in the text. This is also in accordance with the boasting of the craftsman, as he would probably not boast of knowing how to depict two faces in profile (king and enemy). Supposedly, for the Egyptians drawing frontal faces was especially difficult and this 145 This was also suggested by Jan Assmann, but he did not follow this suggestion further and did not provide a more comprehensive analysis, Assmann 1975: 315. According to Spalinger, although he himself left fear and loathing out of his analysis, he states that they must have existed, cf. Spalinger 2011b: 3. He later added in the same work that there is no evidence for either fear or loathing, and that if they underlie the integrative theme of a military scene this would have to be among the enemies, Spalinger 2011b: 105. 146 For a summary see Verbovsek 2009: 421–422. 147 It is an entirely different question how often and when emotions, including fear, are represented in ancient Egypt, Verbovsek 2009: 425 148 Bourke 2005: 6. Contrary to the work of Elizabeth Wagner-Durand utilising the ideas of Paul Ekman. 149 Louvre C14, line 10, Landgráfová 2011: 82. For the sacred character of Irtisen’s knowledge and parallel expressions in Coffin Texts see Fischer-Elfert 2002: 27–35. 150 Barta 1970: 113. The word k s is a hapax determined with sign F3, the head of hippopotamus. 151 Barta 1970: 114. This suggestion was also accepted by others, Franke 2005: 93, f. 11.

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is argued on the basis of a large number of ostraca on which writing of the signs G17 with the face of an owl depicted frontally and sign D2 Hr human face depicted frontally. 152 If one considers that in a frontally oriented face both eyes are depicted “looking at each other” then it is possible that dgg jr. t n (. t) sn-nw. t=s ssnD Hr rs. t designates a frontal frightened face of an enemy. 153 As the word k s is as far as I know still attested only on this stela, it is equally possible that it designates the peculiar posture of an enemy in which his face is depicted frontally. The frontally depicted faces within scenes dominated by lateral orientation suggest a break in the idea of movement, a break caused by the intrusion of a face that turns to face the viewer. Facing a viewer carries a dramatic intensity and attention. 154 Youri Volokhine interprets this aspect of frontality as frightening, indicating that a depicted character occupies a liminal position close to death. 155 Most of the treatments of enemies and prisoners of war in New Kingdom Egypt could cause fear in enemies and prisoners of war and those who witnessed these acts. Written and visual representations in New Kingdom Egypt contained elements which were recognised by the local observers as representations of fear. These treatments could under certain conditions cause fear in the local population, as in the case of hanging upside down and impaling. They could also cause fear in newly conquered territories or rebellious territories, as in the case of ear cutting and gouging eyes out or hanging enemies upside-down. An entirely different question is whether the written and visual representations of these violent acts could cause fear in the eyes of the observers. Most of the small objects and papyri were not accessible to a broader population, but solely to the elites. 156 Stelae and monumental temple walls on which we find the attestations for violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war were more accessible and their audience was considerably larger. This is especially the case with battle representations on temple walls, because such representations are found either on interior or exterior walls of less secluded areas of the temple. 157 We know that worshipers had access to the wbA “open court” 158 even if the

152 Volokhine 2013a: 60–61. 153 The stela of Irtisen was quoted in connection with the description of the frightened face and the frontally depicted face of an enemy, Volokhine 2000: 41–42. However, the description of one eye looking at the other attested on the stela was, as far as I am aware, not previously suggested to be a precise indication of frontality. 154 Volokhine 2013a: 60–61. 155 Volokhine 2013a: 62. 156 One most also bear in mind that the estimation of the size of the audience is dependent on the estimation of the population and the percentage of literate population which itself also depends on the very defintion of literacy. Additionally, next to the small literate population of the Nile Valley, the audience could also include those who accessed the texts in question through oral recitation, Manassa 2013: 27. 157 According to Heinz at least from the Ramesside period the audience also included the ordinary people, Heinz 2001: 20. According to her the principal audience of these battle scenes were the gods with the people only in as much as they could see the scenes on the outer temple walls and the outer courts which were accessible to commoners at least during festivals, Heinz 2002: 43. 158 Wb 1, 291.10–14.

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temple itself was closed off to all but the wab “pure”. 159 We should also bear in mind that there is a difference in the fear which was experienced by those who observed the acts of violence, be they enemies or locals, and the fear which could be experienced by observers of the representations of these acts. This fear, as a response to representations unlike real-life experience of violence, can be a “positive emotion”. 160 It is problematic to use the results of modern studies of mass media and violence simply because a television news program has the capacity to deliver more images of violence, suffering and death in a half hour than most people would normally see or experience in a lifetime. 161 Nevertheless, such studies have shown that memory functions best for images evoking anger, and that the memory of stories with images evoking fear is the next. Finally, memory retention is worst for stories with images that evoke disgust. 162 Those who could see the images of violence in New Kingdom Egypt would leave having these images and motifs ingrained in their memory. The same can be assumed for those who could access the textual attestations, read and understand them. Propaganda Some Egyptologists interpreted the representations of violence against enemies and prisoners of war as propaganda. 163 William Kelly Simpson 164 argued that the scenes of warfare, the delivery and dedication of captives to the god and the royal hunt, are placed on the outer walls and pylons not only for the apotropaic reasons, but because they also reached a wider audience in this context and served to impress the viewer with royal might. 165 He further stated that dynastic, religious and national propaganda were intermixed. 166 Simpson did not discuss which messages were precisely dispersed in this way, and who made 159 This term also designates the lowest grade of priests and thus is a general term for them, Gee 1998: 31–32. 160 Familiarisation with the objects of fear, whether through actual contact in a safe context or through guided imagining, has long been regarded by cognitive psychologists as a means to overcome fears and phobias, Bantinaki 2012: 387–390. 161 Newhagen 1998: 267. This is why some authors call our age the “the age of violence” as we live in time when we are overwhelmed with talk, writing and especially images of violence, Bernstein 2013: viii. This is where a major difference between our and ancient experience of violence must be sought. 162 Bernstein 2013: 273. 163 William Kelly Simpson used the term propaganda as “a message, communication, or statement addressed by its author on behalf of an individual or group (a god, king, official, class) or ideology (cult, kingship, personal ambition, special interest group) to a specific or general audience”, Simpson 1982: 266. Müller-Wollermann simply uses the term propaganda without a definition or discussion, Müller-Wollermann 2009: 54. Recently representations of war were taken to be evidence for original “propaganda in performance”, Morris 2013: 35. 164 Simpson 1982: 266‒270. 165 That the outer temple walls are appropriate context for battle representations, as metaphors for the fight of the king with forces of chaos, is strongly embedded in Egyptology, Arnold 1962: 3, 109; Heinz 2001: 19; Heinz 2002: 44; Moers 2004: 25; Müller-Wollermann 2009: 51. 166 Simpson 1982: 270.

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up the wider audience, but also if and what could have been achieved by this propaganda. Nicolas-Christophe Grimal analysed textual sources from the 19th Dynasty to the Graeco-Roman period and used the term propaganda to signify simple affirmative expressions which are there in order to persuade. 167 The questions not asked by Simpson are asked and answered by Bleiberg. Who initiates the message and what is its content and with what intentions? Bleiberg argued that the so-called historical texts of the New Kingdom were part of the propaganda campaign, and intended to establish the legitimacy of the reigning king in the minds of the government, temple functionaries and the common people. 168 Baines on the other hand was reluctant to the use of propaganda concept. As the principal problem he saw the limited public access to the restricted works. 169 Pascal Vernus criticised the notion of propaganda because the texts in question were written in hieroglyphics for and by the literate elite. The same texts are in some periods written in a traditional language which can be so different to the vernacular to the extent that it needed translation. Such texts are located in parts of the temple with limited access (e.g Annals of Thutmose III) and sometimes they are engraved in positions making their reading impossible. Only the scribes could have been aware of the message. 170 The inscriptions would still address a class of Egyptians which the king had interest in persuading. Texts from some of the stelae could have been read to a wide audience. 171 According to Spalinger the concept of propaganda holds ground although being amorphous. 172 The fact that some people knew the placement and possibly even the content of the texts rather than the texts themselves would be sufficient to sustain their special status. 173 However, Spalinger broadened the argument of Vernus on inaccessibility of the written record to the general inaccessibility of both pictorial and written records of war. 174 Martin Fitzenreiter also dealt with intentionally inaccessible media. Such media do not necessarily have to be invisible. Some texts and images can be visible, but still inaccessible, as they could not be read or envisaged. Others could be read and envisaged, but could not be understood. 175 The above stated criticism can be summarised with the concept of restricted knowledge as defined by Baines. He saw knowledge as the instrument of power, integral to socialisation, and a resource which can be controlled. According to Baines, we should expect a restriction of religious knowledge in ancient Egypt, because religious practices themselves were restricted (cult, temple access, approaches to gods). Experience played a large role as people who could not enter the temples knew that there were others who could and that they had experiences not shared by everyone. 176 The use of propaganda 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176

Grimal 1986: 3. Bleiberg 1985/1986: 5. Baines 1994: 81, 85; cf. Baines 2007: 73. Vernus 1995: 164. Eyre 1996: 433. Spalinger 2011b: 104. Baines 1996: 348. Spalinger 2011b: 113. Fitzenreiter 2015: 179. Baines 1990: 6.

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would be less problematic for Egyptologists if it could be argued that the audience was large. The representations of violence on small objects could have served as mass media for dissemination of fear from the pharaoh in Egypt and other lands. 177 It is interesting to consider who could have accessed the textual representations of war. The audience was most probably a very small circle of priests and elite. Even if we assume that others could have accessed these texts as well, we still have to ask the question who these people were. We would also have to ask what was the previous knowledge of not only the language but also of the entire discourse these people had to have in order to understand the messages these text intended to send. 178 In her seminal work on the visual representations of the war campaigns Susanna Constanze Heinz richly illustrated the context of the visual representations of war by pointing to their locations. The representations of war could be found both on inner and outer walls of entrances, halls (usually first hall when there are more) and hypostyle halls; and on outer temple walls. 179 The outer walls of Egyptian temples were certainly accessible to the general populace as indicated by numerous graffiti. 180 According to Dieter Arnold’s analysis of the function of the temple rooms, at least some people were let into the “hall of appearance” (wsx . t xaj. t), in which the statue of the god would be presented or the enthronement of the king rituals would be conducted. According to Arnold they could have also accessed the “festival hall” (wsx . t mSa) which formed the frontal parts of temples. In both areas rx .yt “commoners, subjects” could enter. 181 The representations of war were visible to the rx .yt on the inner walls of the “festival hall”. 182 Spalinger argued that the audience would have to live or work near the great temples of Egypt in order to see representations of war, unless they visited temples for specific purposes. For most of the war scenes to be seen, one would have to access the outer court, but Spalinger added that some would never have been able to enter the temple. 183 According to the Book of the Temple, there were those who could not enter because of the reason of ritual impurity, e.g those who suffer from god’s anger or leprosy, those who are wearing sheep’s wool, craftspersons, those wearing the hairstyle of grief etc. 184 Spalinger stressed that the 18th Dynasty war records are unlike those of the Ramesside period and were placed inside and not outside of the temple walls. This led him to argue that they would not be available to many. The war scenes of Ahmose come from a stone 177 Moers 2004: 25; Müller-Wollermann 2009: 51–52. On the mass communication aspect of objects with representations of war and violence, such as stone vessels, palettes, knives, scarabs, applications, furniture, jewellery and seals since the Early Dynastic period also see Müller 2009b: 235. 178 Fitzenreiter 2015: 185–186, 197–198. 179 Heinz 2001: 24–28. Also see Spalinger 2011b: 104, who argued that walls, especially external ones provided “public” visual remembrances of pharaoh’s military successes. 180 Baines argued that this cannot be taken as evidence for access because the graffiti are of later date, Baines 1996: 349, f. 26. New studies conducted in this direction have proved that Baines’s argument is not valid, Brand 2007: 64. 181 Arnold 1962: 94–95, 107; Bell 1997: 135; cf. Müller-Wollermann 2009: 53. 182 Bell 1997: 109–110; contra Baines 1996: 349–350. 183 Spalinger 2011b: 112. 184 Quack 2013, 119–120. Most of the evidence Quack discussed comes from later sources.

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construction within the central area of the temple in Abydos. The war scenes of Tutankhamun also appear to have been carved in the more restricted area of the memorial temple for him in Karnak. 185 Peter J. Brand also argued that the exteriors of 18th Dynasty monuments were largely devoid of decoration and that those reliefs we see now were often added decades or centuries after the monument was built. 186 These are very strong arguments that, at least during the 18th Dynasty, the audience of the visual representations coincided with the audiences of the textual representations, namely the priests and elites. This changed in the Ramesside period, although Ramesside battle representations have antecedents in 18th Dynasty temples. 187 Visual representations are in the Ramesside period found in more accessible areas, at least during certain events. Maybe the change in the context, from inside to outside, corresponds with the change in decorum. The greater presence of those motifs related solely to the violent activities of soldiers (hand cutting and phalli cutting) could reflect the growing power of the military, as in the stronger role of the military meant more men had war experiences. 188 Spalinger speculated whether it is possible that this is related to the increased interest in visual military narratives, conditioned by strengthened and more hostile conceptions of alterity mirroring the imperialistic dreams of the pharaohs. 189 However, there is evidence for cutting, piling and counting of hands of enemies already during the reigns of Ahmose, Thutmose IV and Tutankhamun/Ay. 190 The Ramesside period did not bring a considerable increase in motifs of violence. 191 Spalinger stressed that New Kingdom Egypt was not a warrior society. Although there was cohesion of the military class and it was tightly organised, the rank of soldiers 185 Johnson 1992, 193. Fig. 23; Spalinger 2011b, 110; Gabolde 2015: 413. Similarly, Laurel Bestock has argued that representations of violence from Early Dynastic period until the end of the Middle Kingdom also had more restricted access, Bestock 2018: 7–8. 186 Brand 2007: 51. 187 Spalinger 2011b: 100. 188 cf. Müller 2009b: 238. 189 Spalinger 2011b: 110. 190 The block from Abydos with the representation of a pile of cut off hands indicates that the motif of piling and counting hands, an activity exclusively related to soldiers and officials, is known long before the Ramesside period. Thus, certainly we cannot interpret the changes in the Ramesside period as a consequence of the change of thought in this epoch as suggested by Rudolf Anthes, Anthes 1939: 273–277. The reason this opinion does not hold ground is the fact that there are 18th dynasty antecendents to Ramesside war reliefs, Spalinger 2011b: 100. The memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak includes almost all the motifs related to hand cutting, such as enemies missing hands, the act of cutting hands, bringing hands by soldiers as trophies (in this case pierced on spears). According to W. Raymond Johnson who analysed the blocks belonging to this temple the representations of war were on the inside walls, Johnson 1992: 193. Fig. 23. 191 The Ramesside war scenes introduced the motif of bringing hands on ropes in bundles and the motif of an enemy holding the arm which misses the hand; however all other elements were already known. The question is whether this is related to the increased dramatisation of the relief images during the Ramesside period as noticed by Jan Assman, Assmann 1975: 315. Phalli cutting is found solely in the decorative program of the war scenes of Ramesses III. Other activities of soldiers, such as beating of the enemies, are already known from the reign of Tutankhamun in the Memphite tomb of Horemhab. In the Ramesside period beating of enemies is depicted on the temple walls.

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remained connected to civilian society. 192 The existence of a military career in the 18th Dynasty was not sharply differentiated from the civilian professions. In the second half of this period and increasingly during the Amarna period the chariot sector became enclosed. After that came the attacks upon the military by the scribal class in the 19th Dynasty, a time when the state had to answer the Hittite threat and the war machine became more important continuing into the 20th Dynasty. 193 Regarding this, Spalinger asked whether the Ramesside kings felt the need to associate themselves with campaigns against enemies justifying their role as pharaohs to their father god with a greater emphasis upon their virile deeds abroad moreso than previously. Was this related to their weakness vis-à-vis the clergy of Karnak and elsewhere? 194 Surely, the might of Amun and his priests reached their zenith after the Ramesside period 195, and we know that these priests had enough economic and administrative power that Theban temple estates could be potential rivals to government authority. 196 In the discussion on the audience of representations of violence, be they in text or in image, many authors concentrated on access to these texts and images, and simultaneously to the social status of the audience. This produces a dichotomy between elites and nonelites which masks another more important and certainly basic difference, between those who were and those who were not involved in war. According to Spalinger the soldier: civilian ratio in the 18th Dynasty was 1:1000 excluding military men who had non-combat duties. 197 If this is correct only slightly more than 0.1 % of the entire population of 18th Dynasty Egypt had war experience. This percentage could have been higher as population estimations are tricky. A lot of people in Egypt never went to war and their experience of war was mediated through what they could have heard from those who had been in war. Depending on their status, they could also gain experience through texts and images with representations of war. Following Baudrillard, when war is turned into information it stops being realistic and it becomes virtual. 198 This virtual war can still greatly intensify and magnify the perception of the involved events. 199 The representations of war in New Kingdom Egypt contained elements which could have been frightening for the observers. In this context fear can be seen as a positive emotion. For those who did not have war experience these representations could not only have been frightening, but could also have caused the feeling of respect and gratitude to the heroic king and his army. The Egyptian state of the New Kingdom used violence and its representations for the social production 192 193 194 195

196 197 198 199

Spalinger 2005: 272. Spalinger 2005: 272–273. For the change in the Ramesside period, cf. Grimal 1986: 10–11. Spalinger 2011b: 218. This weakness was also the original assertion of Helck 1986b: 62–68. It is generally accepted that during the 21st Dynasty the goverment of Egypt envisaged supreme political authority in the god Amun himself. His name was written in a cartouche indicating that he is the superior god and that pharaohs were merely temporal rulers receiving oracular consultations, Taylor 2000: 331–332. Haring 2013: 635. Spalinger 2005: 150. Baudrillard 1995: 41. Strathern and Stewart 2006: 2.

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of fear both as negative emotion targeting the enemies and prisoners of war, and as a positive emotion targeting the local population. Finally, the question of the restricted knowledge must also be addressed. Namely, some violent acts against enemies and prisoners of war could have also been witnessed by commoners, whereas others could not. It is interesting to see if the transformation of an event into a text or an image, or both, also means transformation of access. Is the access more restricted or more open when a violent act becomes medialised? Where keeping emmisaries outside and denying them access to the court is concerned it is clear that originally highly restricted access was even more restricted after the event was written down and placed in an archive. The “event” and its story would then be accessed only by the scribes of the palace and the members of the royal court. The knowledge of this event was restricted to the elites. Among them only those who could read and understand Akkadian could have had direct access to the letter. Caging on the other hand can be argued to have been transformed from a highly visible event to a representation of restricted access in the memorial temple for Tutankhamun. When transformed into a representation the event in question is depicted including elements such as representation of the enemy before the Theban triad. This could not be seen by commoners, so it could not be seen even as a representation. We can relate this to restricted knowledge of a religious background. 200 Beating and harassment shows something different. The acts of violence previously visible to soldiers and officials now became visible to those who visited the temples with the representations of the Battle of Qadesh on certain occasions or to those who visited the Memphite tomb of Horemhab. The audience for these representations was considerably larger and the knowledge of the event was less restricted than the original event itself. Where mutilation is concerned, hand cutting and phalli cutting were more accessible in representations, primarily visual, than the events themselves. The events occurred on the battlefield and were witnessed by the soldiers and officials who were there, whereas the images could have been seen by those who on certain occasions visited the temples. Gouging out the eyes of the enemies or cutting off their ears could have originally be seen by the affected when the acts were done and later by commoners when the body parts were heaped in the Kushite towns. When transformed into texts these events were restricted. The attestation for these acts of violence is restricted to a text of a stela found in the Amada temple entrance. It could have been accessed by those who could read it. The audience would in this case be different, as the event originally related to Kush now found its way to the Amada temple located in Lower Nubia. Branding and marking were not visible to many as those who conducted it were officials. When these became representation, as in the case of marking of Sea Peoples as prisoners of war, they became more accessible, at least on certain occasions. Hanging enemies upside-down was visible to many as an event, but it was restricted to literate elites who could read the texts from the Autobiography of Ahmose son of Ebana located in his tomb or from the Amada and Elephantine stelae

200 Baines 1990: 6; Baines 2007: 16.

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of Amenhotep II. We have to bear in mind that the location of the Amada stela in the Amada temple definitely indicates very restricted access to the monument itself (Doc. 39). Where burning of enemies is concerned, an originally very restricted event stayed equally restricted. It was transformed in the texts of two stelae which could be accessed by the literate elites. The knowledge of the event was dispersed in a small elite circle, but it was at the same time restricted. Impaling was originally an event visible to many, but once being transformed into part of the texts from the reign of Akhenaten and Merenptah it became more restricted. Strangling was related to a funerary ritual and it cannot be said that it was a particularly restricted event. When transformed into an image it became accessible to those who did not witness it. Finally, decapitation does not allow us to argue historicity behind the action, however we can argue that its representations were highly visible and not restricted. Acts of violence conducted by soldiers become transformed into media with less restricted access and higher visibility than when originally enacted. On the contrary, acts committed by the king or ascribed to him become more restricted than when enacted, no matter whether they had a religious background or not. The exception to this is decapitation for which we nonetheless cannot argue historicity. 201

201 A similar twist in visibility was also observed for Neo-Assyrian sources where processions with gifts entering the palace could be viewed by anyone approaching the royal residency, whereas representations of triumph with motifs of violence against enemies and prisoners of war were restricted to those who could enter the palace, Nadali 2013: 94.

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Conclusion This study dealt with attestations for violence against enemies and prisoners of war in New Kingdom Egypt by concentrating on the actors as subjects of violence and on the bodies of the victims as objects and media of violence. The treatments attested in the documents presented in the catalogue were classified into three broad groups: torture, mutilation and execution. Different treatments were assigned to each of these groups, namely sun exposure, caging, beating and harassment under torture; branding and marking, ear and eye removal, hand cutting, phalli cutting and hanging upside-down under mutilation; strangling, decapitation, impalement and burning were classified under execution. Skeletal evidence was treated separately. Ahmose the first king of the 18th Dynasty is at the same time the first king of the New Kingdom under whose rule we have attestations for violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war. Under Ahmose there are thus far no attested treatments classified as torture. Regarding mutilation there is iconographic evidence from Abydos that hand cutting was already practiced during his reign (Doc. 1), and this is also confirmed by later textual sources (Autobiography of Ahmose son of Ebana, Doc. 3). The Abydos relief block fragment with a pile of cut off hands must have belonged to a larger scene of presenting of the spoils of war to the king, more precisely it must have been part of the scene of counting of the cut off hands of enemies. There are no contemporary written attestations for hand cutting under Ahmose. The practice is attested in later sources describing the military campaigns of his reign and in the contemporary iconographic program of his temple in Abydos. Considering the bad state of preservation of his monuments and, compared to other 18th Dynasty kings, the proportionally smaller number of inscriptions known from his reign, it does not surprise that we do not have numerous attestations for violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war during his reign. This does not reflect reality, as he was militarily active both in the Levant and in Nubia. There are so far no attestations for the violent treatments of the enemies and prisoners of war contemporary to the rule of Amenhotep I. However, later documents such as autobiographies of Ahmose son of Ebana and Ahmose-Pennekhbet (Docs. 3 and 13) inform us on the existence of hand cutting as an act of mutilation of enemies in his reign too. Again, as in the case of Ahmose the bad state of preservation of his monuments and proportionally small number of inscriptions known from his reign would lead one to think that the enemies and prisoners of war were treated less violently. Thutmose I is the first king under whose reign there is evidence for mutilation of enemies by hanging them upside-down on the prow of a ship. We are informed about this from the autobiography of Ahmose son of Ebana (Doc. 3). The autobiography of Ahmose-Pennekhbet also informs us of the existence of hand cutting during his reign (Doc. 13). However, there are no contemporary attestations for hand cutting, as the autobiogra-

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phy of Ahmose-Pennekhbet was written later. Again, the small number of attestations for violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war cannot be mistaken for reality, at least because of the bad preservation of his monuments. There are no attestations for the violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war studied in this work under Thutmose II. Under Hatshepsut only decapitation is attested, however only in a rhetorical context (Doc. 2). In both cases this can be explained by the small number of military campaigns conducted by these two rulers. During the reign of Thutmose III, we have textual attestations for hand cutting, both in private autobiographies (Amenemhab called Mahu, Doc. 8) and the annals of the king (Doc. 5). Attestations for decapitation are also known during the reign of Thutmose III (Doc. 8). However, there are thus far no known visual attestations for hand cutting under Thutmose III and this can be explained by the poor state of preservation of the material associated with the temples built by this king. During the reign of Thutmose III strangling is also attested, however in a private context and it is questionable if the victims are prisoners of war (Doc. 4). With Amenhotep II we have attestations for new violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war. Hand cutting is, according to the current state of knowledge, attested only from textual sources during his reign (Docs. 10 and 11). The lack of visual attestations can be related to the poor preservation of the monuments, as in the case of Thutmose III and early 18th Dynasty rulers. Amenhotep II is the second king under whom we have an attestation for mutilation of enemies in the form of hanging upside-down on the prow of the ship. We have seen that based on the text from his Amada and Elephantine stelae (Doc. 11), seven enemies from Tachsi were killed before being hanged upside-down on the prow of the ship. This treatment is related to the presentation of the enemies as sxd .w “those who are upside-down” and the presentation of the king as Re in his solar barque. This performance was visible to commoners on the riverbanks and was related to the triumphal return of the king from war and his visit to the two forms of his father Amun in Karnak and Napata. The number of seven enemies, six of which were piled in Karnak and one in Napata, results from the use of symbolic meanings of these numbers. Under Amenhotep II we have the first New Kingdom attestation for burning of enemies and prisoners of war as a method of execution as attested in his Memphis stela (Doc. 10). During the reign of Amenhotep II decapitation is also attested (Docs. 9 and 10), however in rhetorical contexts. When compared to other rulers before him, the number of textual sources for his reign is not low. Amenhotep II does not significantly differ to his predecessor where treatments of the enemies and prisoners of war are concerned. The only new treatment we find during his reign is burning. Thutmose IV is the first New Kingdom ruler under whose reign we have visual attestations for cutting of the hands of the enemies in the form of the figures of enemies missing their hands (Doc. 12). Already here we find evidence that the hands were cut from enemies who were still alive, as they are in some cases depicted missing one hand and holding a weapon or a shield in the other. The lack of numerous attestations for violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war during his reign can be explained by the small number of military campaigns he conducted.

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Amenhotep III was also not known for numerous military campaigns, only some violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war such as hand cutting (Docs. 14 and 15) are attested during his reign. Akhenaten is the only king of the New Kingdom under whose rule we supposedly find an attestation for sun exposure as a possible method of torture of emissaries, as documented in Amarna letter EA 16 (Doc. 16). However, as it was shown, nothing in this text indicates exposure to sun, rather we are dealing with denied access to the court, rethorically expressed as complain for leaving emmisaries outside. Impaling of enemies under his reign is attested on the Buhen stela (Doc. 17). The small number of attestations for violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war during his reign does reflect the reality of his reign. He had control of the Levant through his vassals and the Egyptians had been present in Nubia at least since Amenhotep I. Indeed, the only attested campaigns are to be related to minor rebellions in Nubia. Tutankhamun is the first king under whose rule we find visual attestations for beating and harassment of prisoners of war, as attested in the Memphite tomb of Horemhab (Doc. 27). Under Tutankhamun we also find the first and only known attestation for caging of enemies on the memorial temple built for him by Ay in Karnak (Doc. 26). On the walls of the same temple we find an attestation for cut off hands of enemies being brought on spears by soldiers. We also have attestations for enemy figures missing hands and for the act of cutting of the hands of living enemies. It was previously argued that later Ramesside battle reliefs were based on those from the memorial temple built for Tutankhamun, but as this study shows, some of the motifs such as hand cutting existed in their full iconographic form already during Ahmose’s reign. Hanging upside-down is also attested under Tutankhamun, as indicated by the motif of enemies turned upside-down on handles of his walking sticks (Docs. 18–23) or on his chariot yoke (Doc. 24). There are also attestations for decapitation as representation of the reality of the battle (Doc. 25). The number of attestations for violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war is indeed not large, neither is the number of military campaigns which can be attributed to Tutankhamun. The campaigns in the north were led by general Horemhab and there are no attested campaigns in Nubia. The documents associated to Tutankhamun were not built by the king himself and the choice of motifs was following an already existing pattern. There are no attestations for the treatments studied in this work which could be related to the reigns of Neferneferuaten, Ay and Horemhab. In the case of the first ruler this can be explained with the lack of military campaigns during his reign. Where Horemhab is concerned we know that he was military active before assuming the role of the pharaoh and upon the enthronement his military activities become scarce. Ay is responsible for the finishing of the memorial temple for Tutankhamun where both caging and hand cutting are attested. Seti I’s reign again brought Egypt into more direct conflicts and under this king violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war, such as hand cutting (Doc. 28) or decapitation are attested (Doc. 28 and 29). In the case of the decapitation attested during his reign we are dealing with rhetorical attestations.

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Under Ramesses II we have further evidence for beating and harassment of enemies and prisoners of war, as attested on the Battle of Qadesh reliefs from several temples (Docs. 31–35). He is the first king under whose rule we have visual attestations for cut off hands being carried on ropes in bundles (Doc. 32). In the case of the decapitations attested during his reign we are dealing with two possible visual attestations (Docs. 31 and 34). Merenptah is the first New Kingdom king under whom we find textual attestations for eye and ear removal (Doc. 39) and phalli cutting (Doc. 38). The second known attestations for both impaling and burning also date from the reign of Merenptah (Doc. 39). Interestingly there is currently no evidence for decapitation under Merenptah. There are no attestations of the various treatments studied in this work during the reigns of Seti II, Amenmese, Tausret, Siptah and Setnakht. This can be explained with the lack of major known military activities during their reigns. Ramesses III is the first New Kingdom king under whom we find evidence for marking of prisoners of war (Docs. 30, 45 and 52), which is not to be confused with branding. He is also the first under whose rule we find visual attestations for phalli cutting in the form of piled cut off phalli counted and registered by Egyptian officials (Docs. 47, 48 and 54). One text informs us that the phalli were not cut from Shekelesh, Tursha, Shardana and Aqaywasha because they did not have a q rn . t “phallus with foreskin” (Doc. 41). The representation of the actual process of cutting phalli as in the case of cutting of the hands of enemies is thus far unknown. This can be related to the fact that phalli were not cut off from living enemies and thus that it was not necessary for soldiers to cut them off. Whether cut by soldiers or by some other group phalli cutting was related to gender as a frame of war. Hand cutting is also attested under Ramesses III where we find examples of the motif of living enemies missing their hands (Docs. 46, 49, 50 and 53). Decapitation is also known under Ramesses III (Docs. 40, 42, 43, 44 and 49). After Ramesses III there are no attestations for any of the treatments studied in this work. The first aim of this study was to investigate whether certain treatments are related to specific actors and victims and why. There is a clear division between those treatments committed by the soldiers and those treatments ascribed to the king, but not necessarily committed by him in reality. The treatments committed and ascribed to soldiers are beating and harassment, eye and ear removal, hand cutting, phalli cutting, and strangling; whereas those ascribed to the king are sun exposure, caging, hanging upside-down, burning, impaling and decapitation. This difference in decorum is observable in both the written and visual documents. As a component of this, the question was posed whether it is possible to outline culturally specific forms of treatments of enemies and prisoners of war which are related to New Kingdom Egyptian notions of the body, being and personhood. The main difference was not only in the treatments conducted by soldiers and those ascribed to the king but also in the degree of their religious background. Religion is one of the frames of war encountered in varying degrees in those treatments ascribed to the king, such as hanging-upside down, burning, impaling and decapitation. The acts of the king against enemies are based on the treatments of the damned dead and of entities of the Underworld. Very often in these treatments the king comes out as other than human. He is performing the acts that are performed by the god Re. There is an inverse propor-

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tional connection between the degree of religious background and the status and proximity of the audience to the king in such acts of violence. The larger the proximity and the higher the status of the audience the less religious background and contrary, the larger the distance and lower the status of the audience the more religious background is found behind the violent act. This can be explained with the ontological difference between the king and the soldier in which the violent acts of the king are framed as divine and those of the soldiers as human. Thus, “other possible” bodies, to use the words of Agamben, can emerge out of violent acts. Through this distinction in proximity, status and religious background, violence was used for ideological purposes. It was performed and served for the social production of fear both in war and back at home. Within the first aim of this study it was also postulated whether the status, age, gender and ethnicity of actors and victims played a significant role. The higher the status of the victim the stronger was the religious background of the violent treatment. The enemies of the highest status were tortured, mutilated or executed by the king with these actions being religiously framed. The question of whether political and social institutions help to establish a particular level of sensitivity towards violence can be answered affirmatively. New Kingdom decorum eliminated representations of violence against foreign women and children simultaneously presenting a model of normative masculinity embodied in the king as the shepherd and protector. At the same time, within gender as the frame of war, enemy men were framed as lesser men than Egyptian soldiers. They were feminised both in written and visual attestations of violence. This frame also provided a background for some of the violent treatments of enemies, such as phalli cutting. Where ethnicity of the victims is concerned, this study did not demonstrate any significant difference in the choice of the treatments and the framing of the enemy’s body. The only clear exception is with the Libyans, as phalli cutting was conducted solely on them. The second aim was to explore the mediality of these treatments, concentrating on access, visibility and restricted knowledge. Most of the documents studied in this work could have been accessed in one way or another. There are of course those who had very restricted audience, but the treatments attested in those contexts are nevertheless also attested in more widely accessible documents. An interesting pattern can be observed where those acts of violence which were conducted by soldiers become transformed into media with less restricted access and higher visibility than when originally enacted. Whereas, on the contrary, those acts committed by the king or ascribed to him become much restricted than when enacted, no matter if they had a religious background or not. The exception to this is decapitation, but as repeatedly argued, we cannot argue for its historicity for most of the documents, although we would not be correct in excluding it from existence, as there are documents indicating that it was an existing treatment. The third aim was to examine if there are parallels in violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war in violent treatments of criminals in New Kingdom Egypt and the damned dead in the Underworld. Parallels for beating and harassment are found in juridical documents of the New Kingdom, as beating was one of the standard punishments for criminals. Where mutilation is concerned, numerous parallels were provided for cutting of the ears of enemies in juridical documents of the New Kingdom as cutting of ears and

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noses was one of the often-delivered punishments, especially well attested in the Ramesside period. For hand cutting there is only one juridical parallel. The parallels for the hanging of enemies upside-down are found in ancient Egyptian religious texts starting from the Pyramid Texts. There we encounter sxd .w “the ones who are upside-down” for the first time and they continue to appear in religious texts throughout the New Kingdom. The most numerous parallels for executions such as burning and decapitation are also found in ancient Egyptian religious texts since the Pyramid Texts. Some of the New Kingdom violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war such as hanging upside-down and burning could have been most directly inspired by the religious texts. This is shown not only by the formal analogies in treatments, but also by the lexical choices in the composition of the texts and the general setting of the treatments. Impaling has parallels in capital punishment of criminals in New Kingdom Egypt and these parallels are especially numerous in the Ramesside period, although impaling is first attested as a treatment of enemies under Akhenaten. The fourth aim of this study, to investigate forms of objective violence (symbolic and systemic) starting from the primary evidence of subjective violence (treatments of enemies and prisoners of war) produced some interesting results. It was shown that there are three main frames of war which can be related to objective violence. Religion, hunt and gender are the New Kingdom Egyptian frames of war which in the form of symbolic violence frame the enemies as damned dead, animals and women. As such they provide the basis for the enactments of certain violent acts from the very beginning of the New Kingdom. The fifth and final aim of this study was to examine the use of written and visual attestations of violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war in interpreting skeletal evidence of violence. The skeletal evidence from Tell el-Dabca, Karnak and Amman cannot be identified as the result of the treatments attested in written and visual evidence. In the case of the Tell el-Dabca this is, first of all, because of the problematic ethnic attribution of the skeletal remains and the lack of clear parallels to more explicit evidence of execration acts, such as the Middle Kingdom Mirgissa deposit. In the case of the execution at Karnak we still have to wait for the final publication of this context. In the case of Amman, the evidence indicates remains of cremations and not burning as a violent act. Where the amputated hands from Tell el-Dabca are concerned, we have the problem of context, dating and equifinality. A decorum-based approach to the written and visual representations of violence illuminates the attestations of violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war in the New Kingdom by providing us with three frames which functioned as the background of these treatments. Religion as a frame of war presents us with enemies of the king as damned dead-enemies of kings and gods in the Underworld. As such the violent acts conducted on them have parallels in the violent acts conducted on the damned dead. It is only the king who can commit such acts and in this he has the support of the gods and among them especially from Amun. When the violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war conducted by the king have a religious background the audience includes commoners too. Thus, religion as a frame of war disperses the discourse of violence against enemies as a

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cosmological imperative. 1 It also creates the ontological differences between the king and the rest of humanity. Religion as a frame of war enables the existence of “other possible” bodies, to use the words of Agamben. It dehumanises both the king and the enemies. It divinises the king and demonises the enemies. This is best seen in those treatments such as hanging upside-down, impaling, burning and decapitation. Such treatments allow the king to destroy different aspects of the identity of the enemies, such as their bodies (impaling, burning, decapitation), their shadows (impaling) and their bA-souls (burning, decapitation). Based on the extant attestations, it is possible to speak about these simultaneous destructions of different aspects of identity as only starting from the reign of Akhenaten, because our earliest attestation for impaling thus far, comes from his reign. The other two treatments, decapitation and burning were already known, the former since Thutmose I and the latter since Amenhotep II. Nevertheless, it seems that this discourse with strong religious parallels culminates later, as under Merenptah we find attestations for all of the mentioned treatments. I also strongly stress that although there are violent treatments of enemies and prisoners of war conducted by the king and with a religious background, they are not to be interpreted as human sacrifice. The king does not make an offer in the form of life-taking or of dead enemies to the gods. He does not kill them in a ritual context in the sense that the gods consume their dead bodies and that the setting is a sacral space, such as a temple. Indeed, not one of the treatments in this study indicates this. Instead, it seems that only the king has the privilege of killing an enemy with the act having a religious background. This brings the enemy close to the theoretical concept of homo sacer developed by Agamben. He is to be killed by everyone (soldiers), but sacrificed by none (except the sovereign). The difference between the Agamben’s homo sacer and the enemy in New Kingdom Egyptian decorum is that not even the sovereign sacrifices him, but he certainly treats him violently and with a religious background to his acts. Hunt as a frame of war revolves around the king and soldiers as hunters and their enemies as prey. It enables treatments of enemies such as caging to be seen within the framework of the bringing of the spoils of war as prey is brought from the hunt, and it enables taking of body parts as trophies. Acts of mutilation such as hand cutting, with hunt as their frame, elevate the soldier to successful hunter and give him prestige and reward from the king. In such a system cut off hands become valuable commodities for which it can be said that they are close to a gift. The body parts, such as hands and phalli, taken as spoils are then integrated into the administrative account of the scribes as “organs without bodies”. These organs stand for the bodies of the victims and the incapacitated. Finally, like religion, hunt as a frame of war dehumanises enemies and frames them as animals. Gender as a frame of war functions as symbolic violence par excellence. It eliminates the acts of violence against foreign women and children from visual decorum, although there are indications that such acts were indeed practiced. On the other side it feminises enemies, sexualises their bodies in order to present them as weaker and subordinate to 1 cf. Muhlestein 2011.

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Egyptian soldiers and the pharaoh. This is especially prominent in the Ramesside period documents. Such a frame is a reproduction of the ancient Egyptian gender system as a form of symbolic violence which privileges the male and passivises the female. All three frames work together in producing “other possible” bodies, namely, the bodies of the enemy men were like bodies of the damned dead of the Underworld when they are hanged upside-down (sxd .w), burned, impaled or decapitated; bodies of the enemy men were as hunting prey when they are mutilated; and lastly the bodies of the enemy men are framed as women who are understood as weak and passive and can be easily hurt. Ultimately, through violent acts on the bodies of enemies a rupture between the body of the king and the bodies of the soldiers emerges, a rupture coming from the fact that the king has the body of a god on earth. This body of the king can be violent in more ways than the body of the soldier.

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Documents

Doc. 1: Ahmose relief block from Abydos Archaeological context: Foundations of a building (approx. 28 x 19 m) of unclear function. Only a portion of the outer room and doorway was excavated. Bricks stamped with Ahmose-Nefertari’s name were found together with fragments of private stelae depicting her in a vulture headdress. The building could have been a shrine dedicated to Ahmose-Nefertari. 1 State: Badly preserved. Considerably damaged on all sides. Colour partly preserved. Date: Ahmose Hand cutting: Cut off hands depicted in a pile. Description 2 (Pl. Ia): On a badly preserved raised relief one can recognise c. 6 cut off hands in a pile. The hands were originally painted in light red. To the right of the pile there is an empty space and traces of white coloured raised relief. This could have originally been part of the hem of the long garment of a scribe counting or registering the number of hands, as on later Ramesside reliefs (Docs. 31, 32, 33, 47, 48, 49, 52, 54, 57, 60). Discussion: Stephen P. Harvey suggested that the block might have belonged to the “Hyksos” battle narrative 3 and that it may bear the earliest known representation of a heap of cut off enemies’ hands. 4 The block belonged to the scene with presentation and counting of cut off hands after the battle. It was found in the foundation of a building associated with Ahmose-Nefertari, but no more is known of its original context. If it belonged to the “Hyksos” battle narrative as suggested, then the block must have belonged to the pyramid temple of Ahmose. Other blocks depicting battles with Asiatics and Nubians are known from this temple. 5 Its stone walls were already dismantled in antiquity and 1 Harvey 2003: 7–8; Harvey 2004: 4. 2 Based on Harvey 2003: 10, Fig. 8, and an unpublished photo and a line drawing of the block kindly sent to me for the purpose of this study by the site’s excavator Stephen P. Harvey, to whom I am very grateful. 3 Harvey 2003: 10. 4 Harvey 2003. For skeletal evidence for amputation of hands see Chapter Skeletal evidence. 5 Bourriau 2000: 201; Spalinger 2005: 19–23.

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the blocks are rarely entirely preserved. Harvey suggested that the battle scenes were part of the decoration of the stone construction of the central pillared court or portico of the temple. 6 Among these blocks are two depictions of bridled horse pairs standing or walking towards the viewer’s right. If these depictions were part of the battle aftermath with presentation of the spoils of war to the king, like in later temples 7, then the block with the cut off hands could have belonged to this scene.

Doc. 2: The Coronation of Queen Hatshepsut, Deir el-Bahari temple Archaeological context: Middle colonnade of the temple of Hatshepsut in Deir el-Bahari, northern wall. 8 State: In situ. Good. Date: Hatshepsut. Most scholars agree that the coronation occurred before the last month of 7th regnal year of Thutmose III. 9 Decapitation: Attested in the address of the gods to Hatshepsut. Text 10: Transliteration11 snj=T t p.w n .w mSa

Translation12 “May you cut off the heads of the army”.

Discussion: The text describes Hatshepsut’s journey with her father Thutmose I to all sanctuaries of Egypt. 13 It is a continuation of the legend of her divine birth. 14 The context of decapitation is clearly rhetorical, as the text does not refer to any specific military action.

6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Harvey 1998: 228, 350. Also see, Harvey 1994: 5; Harvey 2004: 4. Harvey 1998: 318–319. PM II, 347. Lansing and Hayes 1937: 20; Gabolde 2005: 151. Transcription after, Naville 1898: Pl. LVII, column 10; Urk. IV, 248, 5. For other transliterations see, Naville 1898: 3. For other translations see, Naville 1898: 3; BARE II, 225. Naville 1898: 3. Troy 2003: 130–131.

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Doc. 3: Autobiography of Ahmose son of Ebana Archaeological context: El Kab 5, tomb of Ahmose son of Ebana, interior, east wall. 15 State: Good. In situ. Date: The text refers to the events under several different kings of the 18th dynasty, namely Ahmose, Amenhotep I and Thutmose I. It is not contemporary with the events it describes as it dates earliest to the reign of Thutmose II, if not later, probably during the reign of Thutmose III. The autobiography is not typical for its time with regard to the verbal system. 16 The form aHa. n=f + stative can otherwise be found in the Gebel Barkal stela of Thutmose III, dating later into his reign (regnal year 47). 17 The text of the autobiography was written in retrograde columns aligned to the addressee on the right and with a representation of the speaker to the left, next to the text. A similar orientation can be found in the time of Thutmose III. 18 The tomb can be dated on stylistic and other grounds to the reign of Thutmose III. 19 Paheri, Ahmose’s grandson, was the second owner of the tomb and he was responsible for its decoration. 20 The tomb of Paheri (El Kab 3) is estimated to have been decorated at the beginning of the reign of Thutmose III. 21 Based on the verbal system of Ahmose’s autobiography and the dating of the decoration of the tomb of Paheri (El Kab 3), it is probable that both tombs were decorated during the early reign of Thutmose III. 22 Hand cutting 1: First attested in the report of the second battle of Avaris under king Ahmose.

15 16 17 18 19 20 21

PM V, 182. Ritter 1995a: 113 Popko 2006: 205. For example see Karnak, Festival Hall of Thutmose III, Gardiner 1952: 8, Plate III-IX. Davies 2009: 141. Popko 2006: 205–206. Manniche 1988: 86; Whale 1989: 283, f. 62. Paheri was the tutor of one of Thutmose III’s sons, possibly prince Wadjmose, Roehrig 1990: 85. 22 Stylistic similarities were already noticed between the two tombs, Vandersleyen 1971: 226–227.

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Text 23:

Transliteration24 wn .jn=t w Hr aHA Hr mw m pA Dd k w25 n Hw. t-war. t aHa. n xf a. n=j jnj=j Dr. t 1 s mj. t n wHm-n sw. t wn .jn=t w Hr rd . t n=j n bw n qn.t

Translation26 “One fought (there was fighting) on the water in the canal (?) of Avaris. Then I seized27 and brought a hand, which was reported to the king’s herald, the gold of/for28 valour was given to me”.

Hand cutting 2: Attested for the second time in the report of the third battle of Avaris under Ahmose.

23 Transcription after, Urk. IV, 3, 10–15. 24 For other transliterations see, Schulz 1995: 322; Popko 2006: 190. 25 Most authors understand this word as a canal or body of water, see Wb 5, 635.15. This is based on the determinatives, but the word is a hapax legomenon. Hans Goedicke stressed that a body of water would have N36 as determinative but not a double N35a+N36 determinative. This is why he read the word as part of a compound designation m p (m w) Dd k w m w n Hw. t-war. t “in that (water) called the other water of/to Avaris”, Goedicke 1974: 39. Manfred Bietak identified the northern water frontier as the harbour of Avaris and referred to it as Dd k w of Avaris where the ships of Ahmose fought the Hyksos, Bietak 1975: 30. His identification is followed by Lutz Popko, Popko 2006: 191. However, the text states that the fight was south of the city. New results from Tell el-Dabca indicate that there was only one major water basin which functioned as the harbor and was located in the middle of the city and not to the north, Herbich and Forstner-Müller 2013: 257–272; Forstner-Müller 2014a: 32–35; Forstner-Müller 2014b: 79–81; Forstner-Müller, Hassler, Matić und Rose 2015: 73–78. 26 For other translations see, BARE II, 9; Schulz 1995: 322; Popko 2006: 191; Petty 2014: 183–185. 27 James Henry Breasted translates this as “hand to hand”, BARE II, 9. 28 There is no distinction between the writing of the indirect genitive and the preposition n. Therefore, n here could also be a preposition, cf. von Deines 1954: 86; Binder 2008: 185.

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Text 29:

Transliteration30 aHa. n wHm (.w) aHA m s. t t n wn .jn=j Hr wHm xf a j m jnj=j Dr. t 1 wn .jn=t w Hr rd . t n=j n bw n q n . t m-wHm-a

Translation31 “The fighting in this place was repeated and I repeated the seizing here and I took a hand, the gold of valour was given to me again”.

Hand cutting 3: Attested for the third time in the text in the siege of Sharuhen under the king Ahmose. Text 32:

29 30 31 32

Transcription after, Urk. IV, 3,16–4,2. For other transliterations see, Schulz 1995: 322; Popko 2006: 190; Petty 2014: 186–188. For other translations see, BARE II, 10; Schulz 1995: 322; Popko 2006: 191; Petty 2014: 186–188. Transcription after, Urk. IV, 4,14–5,2.

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Transliteration33

Translation35

wn .jn=tw Hr Hm s. t Hr SrHn m rn p.wt 3 wn .jn Hm=f Hr HAq=s aha=n jn . n=j HAq .wt 34 j m s. t-Hm . t 2 Dr. t 1 wn .jn=t w Hr rd . t (w) n=j n bw n q n . t m=k rd . t (w) n=j HAq .wt r Hm .w

“Then there was the besieging of Sharuhen for 3 years. His Majesty plundered it. I brought as booty from the place there two women and a hand. The gold of valour was given to me. Behold the booty was given to me as servants”.

Hand cutting 4: Attested for the fourth time in the text in the report of the campaign in Nubia under Ahmose. Text 36:

33 For other transliterations see, Schulz 1995: 324; Popko 2006: 192; Petty 2014: 198–201. 34 According to Magda A. Abdalla the three strokes written with HAq are there because two women and one hand were taken as spoils, Abdalla 2005: 26. As the word HAq (Wb 3, 33.6–13) is a collective noun the correlation between the plural strokes and the number of spoils could be a coincidence. 35 For other translations see, BARE II, 13; Schulz 1995: 324; Popko 2006: 193; Petty 2014: 198–201. 36 Transcription after, Urk. IV, 5, 4–5,11.

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Transliteration37 x r-m-x t s mA. n x m=f Mn tj.w ‚T. t wn .jn= f Hr x n tj. t r ≈n t-Hn-n fr r s k s k Jwn . tj-PD. tj.w wn .jn Hm=f Hr j r. t XA. t aA. t j m=sn aHa. n jn . n=j HAq . t j m s an x 2 Dr. t 3 wn .jn=t w Hr jwa=j m n bw Hr-sn . nw. sj m=k rd . t (w) n=j Hm . t 2

Translation38 “After His Majesty had slain the Mn tj.w Asiatics, he sailed upstream to Khenethennefer to destroy the Nubian Bowmen. His Majesty made a great slaughter among them, I brought as booty here, two living men and three hands. the gold was presented to me in double measure. Behold I was given two female servants”.

Hand cutting 5: Attested for the fifth time in the report of the Nubian campaign of Amenhotep I. Text 39:

Transliteration40 js t wj m t p n mSa=n jw aHA. n=j r wn-mAa mAA. n Hm=f q n . t=j jnj=j Dr. t 2 m s (. t) n Hm=f

Translation41 “I was in the front of our army. I fought correctly, and His Majesty had seen my valour. Since I had brought two hands, which were taken to His Majesty”.

37 For other transliterations see, Schulz 1995: 328; Popko 2006: 192; Brose 2008: 11; Petty 2014: 202–206. 38 For other translations see, BARE II, 14; Schulz 1995: 329; Popko 2006: 193; Brose 2008: 12; Petty 2014: 202–206. 39 Transcription after, Urk. IV, 7. 7–11. 40 For other transliterations see, Schulz 1995: 335; Popko 2006: 196; Petty 2014: 229–230. 41 For other translations see, BARE II, 39; Schulz 1995: 336; Popko 2006: 197; Petty 2014: 229–230.

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Hanging upside down: Attested in the description of the return of Thutmose I from his Nubian campaign. Text 42 :

Transliteration43 na. t m xdj jn Hm=f xAs.wt n b. (w) t m Am m . t=f Jwn . tj-PD. tj p f Xs (.w) m sxd m HA. t bjk n Hm=f dj.w r tA m Jp. t-s.wt

Translation44 “His Majesty was travelling downstream. All foreign lands were in his grasp. That wretched Nubian (was) upside down on the prow of the ship of His Majesty, which landed (lit. was placed) at the ground in Karnak”.

Discussion: Dating the autobiography to the early reign of Thutmose III brings its attestation of hanging upside-down closer to other securely dated examples. These are the Amada and Elephantine stelae of Amenhotep II (Doc. 11) and the “Duties of the Vizier” in the tomb of Rekhmire, where hanging upside-down is a punishment for criminals. 45 However, in this case the criminals are living as they are punished. The part of the autobiography in which hanging upside-down is attested describes the campaign of Thutmose I in Nubia. Some authors suggested that the enemy was first slain and then hanged upside-down. 46 It is not written in the text that the enemy was killed, only that he was upside-down on the prow of the ship. The enemies hanged on the prow by Amenhotep II were first slain and then hanged (Doc. 11). Therefore, it may be the same case for the enemy hung on the ship’s prow by Thutmose I. 47 The way the sign D46 “hand” is written in word Dr. t to refer to severed hands is interesting. Usually the sign D46 is written with the thumb and the four fingers aligned next 42 Transcription after Urk. IV, 9, 3–6. 43 For other transliterations see, Schulz 1995: 340; Popko 2006: 198; Brose 2008: 9; Petty 2014: 249–250. 44 For other translations see, BARE II, 80; Schulz 1995: 340; Popko 2006: 199; Brose 2008: 9–111; Petty 2014: 249–250. 45 See the Chapter Mutilation. Hand cutting. 46 Zibelius 1984: 85; Muhlestein 2011: 21. 47 Karola Zibelius-Chen suggested that the Nubian hanged by Thutmose I must be the prince of Nubia mentioned in the Tombos inscription of Thutmose I, Zibelius 1984: 85. The king states that he overthrew the Nubian ruler and left none in his place, Urk. IV, 83, 17–84,5.

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to each other. In the autobiography of Ahmose son of Ebana the sign D46 is written as a stretched hand with space between individual fingers. 48 Additionally, the word is written with the determinative for flesh F51. There is a similarity between this way of representing D46 and the deposition of amputated hands in Tell el-Dabca. 49

Doc. 4: Tombs of Djehuty (TT 11) and Montuherkhepeshef (TT 20) Archaeological context: Inner shrine of the tomb of Djehuty in Dra Abu el-Naga. 50 Scene 3 on the south wall of the inner room of the tomb of Montuhirkhepeshef in Dra Abu el-Naga 51 which is located only fifthy meters from the tomb of Djehuty. 52 State: The same scene in the tomb of Djehuty is much better preserved but still not fully published. 53 The scene depicting the strangling of two Nubians in the tomb of Montuhirkhepeshef is badly damaged. Date: The tomb of Djehuty is dated to the reign of Hatshepsut. 54 The tomb of Montuherkhepeshef is dated to the reign of Hatshepsut/Thutmose III 55, Thutmose III/Amenhotep II 56 or sole reign of Thutmose III. 57 However, considering that the scenes in both tombs are almost identical it is possible that the tomb of Montuherkhepeshef does not date much later than the one of Djehuty which inspired it. 58 Description 59: 1. Tomb of Montuherkhepeshef (Pl. Ib). The scene of interest is Scene 3 on the south wall of the inner room of the tomb. It consists of three registers. In the first register the tomb owner is depicted with his mother on the right side, inspecting the dragging of a t k nw figure in the form of a man kneeling on a sledge and looking at the palm of his hand. It is possible that the figure on the sledge is actually depicted “aspect 48 This was already observed by Orly Goldwasser. Manfred Bietak stated the sign shows “an unusual realism”, Bietak 2012: 42. 49 See Chapter Skeletal evidence. 50 Delgado 2011: 160. 51 PM I. 34. 52 Espinel 2019. 53 cf. Galán 2014. The scene of strangling of the Nubians is currently being studied by Andrés Diego Espinel. Preliminary study and discussion of related scenes is found in Espinel 2019. 54 He probably did not outlive Hatshepsut and his tomb was finished in the last years of her reign, Galán 2014: 248. 55 Galán 2014: 253. 56 Kampp 1996: 201. 57 Espinel 2019. 58 Espinel 2019. 59 For the tomb of Montuherkhepeshef (TT 20) based on Davies 1913: Pl. VIII. For the tomb of Djehuty (TT 11) based on a photo kindly provided by the excavator José Maria Galán and Andrés Diego Espinel who is studying the scene.

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by aspect” (Aspektive), showing the t k nw as viewed from above. In this case the figure would be lying on the sledge in a crouched position. 60 Behind the sledge is a standing man who can be interpreted as the figure before he laid or crouched on the sledge. 61 Indeed, this figure and the one on the sledge look the same and differ from other figures in this and other registers, except from the figures in the middle of the third register (see below). Above this figure is an inscription pr(. t) HA(. t) jn t k nw “the coming forth of t k nw”. The sledge is then drawn by four men and a fifth is depicted in front of them on the far left handling an object which might be interpreted as the shroud from the t k nw. Above the four figures is the text which can be read as HA(. t) t k nw “coming down of the t k nw”. The fifth figure, according to the parallel and better preserved scene from the tomb of Djehuty (TT 11), is to be interpreted as sA srq t a figure of a priest with a special connection with t k nw ritual. 62 In the tomb of Montuherkhepeshef, above this figure and the shroud he is holding, there is a badly preserved text which can be read as m skA “hide” 63. In the second register there are three men on the right, the first is leading the other two. They are holding each other’s hands and looking towards the left from where a second group of similar men is coming to meet them next to an object which is badly preserved. The base of the object indicates that it can be reconstructed as sign O28, a column with tenon at top. However, it must be noted that this object has four bands and O28 has three. The object is placed in the middle of these two groups of men. In the far left of the register two figures are slaughtering bulls. The one on the right is holding a bull which seems to be tied up. The one on the left is cutting off the head of a bull with a knife. Actually, the head is depicted as already decapitated from the bull’s body so the action of cutting is finished. Above this figure there seems to be another bull that is also already decapitated. The text above the bulls states: Sa t p.w “cutting of the heads”. These could be the bulls who are shown pulling the sledge with the sarcophagus in another scene in the tomb. In the third register we find two men on the right side carrying a sledge without the t k nw figure on it and two men in front of them. Above them is the caption jTjt r xb[t] “taking to the place of xbt”. 64 In front of these four men is a circular pit with a sledge inside. On top of the depiction of this sledge is a severely damaged text. Below the sledge in the pit is the text very difficult to read. 65 It was most recently suggested that it reads q (r) s pH(.w) xbt “burying/placing inside the xbt”. 66 In the middle of the third register there seem to be two prostrated figures on plates. They are depicted fully clothed with their heads being the only visible body part. Their heads are the same as the head of the t k nw figure in the first register. On top of each of these figures is an inscription Jwn . tj †A-s tj “Nomad of 60 Kerry Muhlestein considered it to be clearly crouching on the sledge, Muhlestein 2011: 35. However, this is not so clear from the point of view of Egyptian manner of representation. 61 Delgado 2011: 160. 62 Delgado 2011: 160. 63 Wb 2, 150.3–5 64 Espinel 2019. 65 Wb 5, 68.2–69.4. 66 Espinel 2019.

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Nubia”. Beneath these two figures is an inscription which can be read as (w)d (.w) Hr gs “placed on the side”. 67 In front of the two prostrated figures, in the left part of the register, two Nubian men are being strangled, each by two Egyptian men named sx m “powerfull one” or x rp “director, controller”. 68 The strangling is done with the use of a rope which is in both cases held by the Egyptian men. The kneeling Nubian is depicted between two men each of whom is holding and presumably pulling the rope to strangle the victim. Above each of the Nubians is an oval form of a sign O29 “wall” flanked by kneeling male figures resembling the Nubians who are being strangled below. Inside each of these O29 signs are two T19 signs q s “harpoon-head of bone”. 69 Their placement in the O29 sign field indicates that they are to be understood as toponyms q sq s or q s.wy. J. Gwyn Griffiths compared this to q sAwA. t, a region in Upper Nubia according to Henri Gauthier. 70 Andrés Diego Espinel follows the original reading of Gaston Maspero as q s.wy “bones”. 71 Above the scene of strangling there is an inscription jwn . tj tA-s tj “Nomad of Nubia” flanked with two sx m S42 signs above each strangled figure. Unlike in the depiction of the bulls slaughtering here the text Sa t p.w “cutting of the heads” is not written. 2. Tomb of Djehuty. This scene is much better preserved but not entirely published. It is analogous to the one from the tomb of Montuherkhepeshef. Nevertheless, there are some details that are different. For example, in the oval ring above the head of the Nubian slaughtered on the right, there are two more signs above the q sq s or q s.wy. They are severely eroded and the one on the left could be with great caution identified as t p. 72 It is interesting that they were not written in the oval ring on the left. Furthermore, from the scene from Djehuty’s tomb we know that the strangled Nubians are not depicted with curly hair. However, the colour of their skin is light brown whereas the colour of those who strangle them is red. Discussion: Montuherkhepeshef was the mayor of the tenth Upper Egyptian nome with its center in Tjebu, perhaps Qaw el Kebir. He was also a fanbearer but little else is known of him. 73 Considering that one of the victims of strangling was depicted with curly hair in the tomb of Montuherkhepeshef and that the inscription above them states their land of origin, they were interpreted as Nubians. This is why the supposed toponym that should be read as q sq s or q s.wy is interpreted as a Nubian toponym. However, it is not attested among the Nubian toponyms in execration texts 74 and the suggestion Griffiths made is not particularly phonetically close. q sq s can also be a verb meaning “to whisper” and is 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74

This could indicate that they are already dead, Espinel 2019. Espinel 2019. Davies 1913: Pl. VIII. Gauthier 1928: 178; Griffiths 1958: 108. Espinel 2019. Also see the discussion in Espinel 2019. Bryan 2006: 100. Theis 2014: 816–817. The toponym is also not attested among other Nubian toponyms beginning with q , Zibelius 1972: 158–160.

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attested as the Coptic kaskes 75. q s. tj is also a word for a sculptor 76, however the context of the word in the sign O29 does not seem to allow its understanding as a title of these individuals. Bearing in mind that in the evidence from the tomb of Djehuty the supposed toponym written in the right oval ring was definitely read differently. Several scholars related the scene of strangling of Nubians with the t k nw figure depicted in the same register arguing that the t k nw was also killed as a sacrificial victim. 77 The t k nw is known from 1 Old Kingdom, 2 Middle Kingdom, 43 New Kingdom and 2 Late Period tombs. 78 The figure can be variously depicted (shrouded pear-shaped or anthropomorphic) but almost all depictions show it on a sledge. 79 The texts accompanying scenes in various tombs in which t k nw appears indicate that first the t k nw is dragged to the cemetery. The people who drag the t k nw sledge are related to the north and the places such as Pe, Dep (Buto), Behbet el-Haggara and Hut (wer)-kaw. 80 The t k nw is variously interpreted as: 1. Remnant of human sacrifice with Sethian significance. 81 2. Sacrifice symbolising the new life wished for the deceased. 82 3. Ceremonial revival of the ancient custom of burial in a crouching position with the role of the t k nw taken usually by a sem priest. 83 4. Figure carrying bull’s hide and playing the role of Anubis performing a similar rite for Osiris-becoming a bull through contact with the bull’s hide. 84 5. Scapegoat intended to attract the malign powers that control the deceased in death - an embodiment of harmful substances removed in the embalming process. 85 6. Sem priest assuming the role of Horus and carrying the skin of a lion. 86 7. Representation of the bull of the sun-god. 87 8. Container for spare body parts gathered after the mummification in order to be buried. 88 9. Priest of Heket with the shroud of the figure being representation of frog’s skin. 89 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89

Černý 1976: 64; Vycichl 1983: 88–89. Wb 2, 145 Maspero 1891: 435–468; Muhlestein 2011: 36–37. For the latest works with a catalogue of known and published tombs with t k n w figure see, Theis 2011: 263‒265; Katerina 2012: 20–35 For typology of t k n w representations see Metawi 2008: 181–183. Metawi 2008: 186–187. Maspero 1891: 435–468. Lefébure 1900: 129–164. Davies 1913: 10; Helck 1986a: 308–309. Thomas 1923: 3–8. Kees 1956: 251. Griffiths 1958: 120. Myśliwiec 1985: 25. Hornung 1992: 169. The problem with this interpretation is that there are depictions in which t k n w is clearly a fully articulated alive human body. Bárta 1999: 116.

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10. Sem priest asleep under a cover. 90 11. Sem priest who like a shaman undergoes a trance like dream state. 91 12. Equivalent to the fetus that will develop into the new life after carrying out the proper rituals. 92 13. Swollen object on the top of one of the divine standards that often precede kings in processions and is interpreted as placenta- a cover for the stillborn twin of the deceased, explaining the association of t k nw with Horus. 93 However, no actual remains of t k nw have been found 94 and the meaning of this figure is not clear. The strangled figures cannot be interpreted as t k nw with absolute certainty. The two individuals depicted on plates to the right of strangled Nubians are also in the form of t k nw figures. In the tomb of Montuherkhepeshef they do not resemble the strangled Nubians, as their heads are like the head of the t k nw figure in the first register and not shown with curly hair. However, their heads look the same in the tomb of Djehuty! Muhlestein interpreted them as prostrate Nubians awaiting the same fate. 95 This is also clear from the inscription above these figures identifying them as Nubians. However, they are not the same as the t k nw figure in the first register. This is indicated by the fact that by this stage the sledge of the t k nw is already in the pit. Additionally, thus far there is no evidence that the role of the t k nw was played by foreigners.

Doc. 5: The Annals of Thutmose III in Temple of Amun at Karnak Archaeological context: The south wall of the north block of Hatshepsut’s rooms and in the sole reign of Thutmose III the side wall of the northern ambulatory around the barque shrine. 96 State: In situ. Parts of the text are considerably damaged. 97 90 91 92 93

94 95 96 97

Willems 1996: 111. Reeder 1994: 53–59. Troy 2003: 164. It is depicted on the palette and the mace-head of Narmer, on a relief panel found under the step pyramid of Djoser and on two panels found under his southern mastaba, but also in a scene from Abu Gurab showing washing of the foot of Niuserre on his way to the dressing chamber or palace of the sed festival. Among the objects found in the Theban tomb of Horemhab are two blocks of sycamore wood 21–23x10cm rounded on all sides and having pegs underneath for fixing the stands, interpreted as wooden replicas of this object which is itself interpreted as a placenta, Metawi 2008: 192–193. Teeter 2011: 138. Muhlestein 2011: 34. Redford 2003: 3. Redford 2003: 5.

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Date: Cut off hands as spoils of war are attested after the Battle of Megiddo in the first campaign of the king in his 23rd regnal year, first month of Smw, day 21 98 and in the campaign Qadesh in the 42nd regnal year. 99 Hand cutting 1: Attested in the form of cut off hands of enemies mentioned among the spoils of war from the first campaign during the 23rd regnal year after the Battle of Megiddo. Text 100:

Transliteration

Translation101

wn .jn=sn Hr m s HAq jn . n=sn m Dr.wt m s q r.w-an x m ss m .wt wrry.wt n . t n bw Hr HD m naa.w

“Then they brought booty, what they had taken, consisting of hands, of living prisoners, of horses, of chariots, of gold and silver, of smoothed clothes”.

Hand cutting 2: Attested again in the list of spoils of war taken after the Battle of Megiddo. Here only the part of text concerning hands and prisoners of war will be presented. Text 102:

98 99 100 101 102

Urk. IV, 657, 2. Urk. IV, 729, 3–730, 16. Transcription after, Urk. IV, 659, 14–660, 1; Part I, Column 89, Redford 2003: Fig. 4. For other translations see Redford 2003: 31. Transcription after Urk. IV, 663, 5–7; Part I, Column 96, Redford 2003: Fig. 4.

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Transliteration

Translation103

[rx . t k f a jn n .w n Hm=f m d mj n M]k tj s q r.w-an x 340 Dr.wt 83

“List of booty taken for His Majesty from the town of Megiddo Prisoners 340 Hand(s) 83”.

Hand cutting 3: Attested again in the form of cut off hands of enemies taken as spoils of war during the 42nd regnal year and the campaign at Qadesh. Only the part of text concerning hands and prisoners of war will be presented. Text 104 :

Transliteration t p s s. t 691 Dr.wt 29

Translation105 “Heads of men and women 691 Hands 29”.

Discussion: The Annals of Thutmose III were written as entries in a daybook of the king’s house rather than the army’s daybook. Therefore, they focus on the movements of the king. Two additional sources for the annals are mentioned, an unspecified ledger tallying foodstuffs and kept in the treasury and a leather roll placed in the temple and listing in detail the military operations of the first campaign. 106 There is a possibility that the author of the Karnak texts is Tjanuny, as he states in his autobiography that he wrote up the king’s victories but it is doubtful that he was old enough to be present on Thutmose III’s early campaigns. 107 Donald B. Redford noticed that there is an anomaly regarding the intended audience. Only the upper grade of priests could have accessed the texts in the ambulatory around the barque shrine and those in rooms VI-VII. Thus, the text would not have been read or recited orally to a larger population, at least not from the walls. These texts were for Amun and his senior priests and could be considered archival. 108 The number of cut off

103 104 105 106 107 108

For another translation see, Redford 2003: 34. Urk. IV, 731, 1–2; Part II, Column 12, Redford 2003: Fig. 10. For another translation see, Redford 2003: 95. Redford 1986: 98–99, 122–123; Redford 2003: 4–5. Redford 1986: 123; Redford 2003: 6. Redford 2003: 7.

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hands listed as the total, more or less matches the number of hands represented in piles in later documents (Docs. 31, 32, 33, 47, 48, 52, 54, 57, 60). 109

Doc. 6: Poetic stela of Thutmose III from Karnak (Cairo CG 34010; JE3425) Granite stela with sunken relief. Dimensions: H: 1.80 m W: 1.03 m Archaeological context: Found broken in two parts in northern forecourt of the temple of Amun in Karnak between the Sixth Pylon and the valley temple of Thutmose III. 110 State: Broken in two parts with the break passing diagonally through. Parts of the surface are also damaged. The stela was probably restored during the Ramesside period. 111 Date: Thutmose III Decapitation: The attestation for decapitation is found in the speech of the god Amun to the king. Text 112:

109 It must be stressed that the number of cut off body parts, either hands or phalli shafts, does not have to be the same as the one given in the accompanying text as total. 110 PM II, 94; see also, Beylage 2002a: 329. 111 Klug 2002: 223. 112 Urk. IV, 613, 15–614,3.

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Transliteration113 Ax . t=j j m . t t p =k sswn=s s t j r(j) =s HAq m n bD.w-qd 114 Am=s j m (j).w-n b.w=sn m n sw. t=s d n=s t p.w aAm .w n n n h .w=sn x r(.w) m ss (.w) n sx m .w=s

Translation115 “My uraeus, which is found on your head, she punishes them, She makes booty of the “enemies of Egypt”, She burns the island dwellers with her flame, She cuts off the heads of the Asiatics, without exception, who are fallen and have stumbled because of her might”.

Discussion: The text of the stela was adopted by three later kings, Amenhotep III, Seti I and Ramesses III. 116 The act of decapitation in this case is the action of the king’s uraeus. 117 Decapitation is part of a rhetorical text.

Doc. 7: Gebel Barkal stela of Thutmose III (Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 23.733) Grey granite stela with sunken relief. Dimensions: H. 1.73 m W: 0.97 m. Archaeological context: Northern half of the outer (first) court of the Temple of Amun B 500 from the time of Piye. The stela was found in a secondary context in debris in front (west side) of the second column of the second row from the east. It had been leaning on the column during the last Meroitic occupation of the temple. The original context of the stela was Temple B 300 according to George Andrew Reisner and Mary B. Reisner. 118 State: The lower right part of the stela is missing. Date: Year 47, 3rd month of Ax . t, Day 10. 119 113 For other transliterations see, Beylage 2002a: 334; Klug 2002: 114. 114 n bD.w qd, “those of evil character, enemies of Egypt”, Wb 2, 247.5. On n bD-qd “the one with the evil character” see LGG IV, 199a. 115 For other translations see, BARE II, 657; Lichtheim 1976: 36; Beylage 2002a: 335; Klug 2002: 114. 116 Lichtheim 1976: 35. Shlomit Israeli noticed that an identical sentence to the one from this stela is found later on the 2nd pylon of Medinet Habu in a presentation scene of Ramesses III related to the Sea Peoples campaign, see Israeli 2015: 92. 117 For burning of enemies and prisoners of war see Chapter Execution. Burning. 118 Reisner and Reisner 1933: 24. 119 Urk. IV, 1228, 6.

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Decapitation: Attested in the rhetorical part of the text with the epithets of the king. Text 120:

Transliteration121 nTr n fr jTj m x pS=f Hwj Rsj.w Hs q MH. tjw [ssH t p.w n bDw-qd]

Translation122 “Good god, who seizes with his x pS strength who strikes the Southerners who cuts the Northerners [and cuts off the heads of the enemies of Egypt”].

Discussion: The text describes what the king did for his father Amun-Re as his memorial and mentions the fortress (m n nw) “Smiting of the Foreigners” (s mA xAs tj.w) and a shrine he built there. 123 Although the stela was found in a secondary context, some authors justifiably suggested that it was originally located in the shrine the king built there. 124 There is evidence suggesting that the fortress existed at Gebel Barkal before the reign of Thutmose III. 125 At the time Thutmose III erected the stela this fortress was already there, but it cannot be said whether the fortress was built by Thutmose III or an earlier king. So far there is no archaeological evidence for the fortress and the shrine of Thutmose III’s date at Gebel Barkal. 126 The attestation for decapitation does not seem to have any historical background and is set in a rhetorical context.

120 Transcription after, Urk. IV, 1228, 18–20. 121 For other transliterations see, Reisner and Reisner 1933: 26; Beylage 2002a: 178; Klug 2002: 195. 122 For other translations see, Reisner and Reisner 1933: 26; Beylage 2002a: 179; Klug 2002: 195; Redford 2003: 104. 123 Urk. IV, 1228, 12. 124 Török 2009: 186. 125 A cartouche of Thutmose II, Morris 2005: 76. 126 Morkot 1991: 294; Török 2009: 186, footnote 233.

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225

Doc. 8: Autobiography of Amenemhab called Mahu (TT 85) Archaeological context: Tomb of Amenemhab called Mahu (TT 85) in Sheikh Abd el-Qurna, west bank of Thebes. 127 The autobiography is written on the northern back wall of the transverse hall. 128 State: In situ. Good. Date: The tomb mentions both Thutmose III and Amenhotep II, but the parts of the autobiography with which this study is concerned refer to the campaigns of Thutmose III. 129 Hand cutting: The part of the text mentioning hand cutting is related to the reign of Thutmose III and his northern campaigns. Text 130:

127 128 129 130

PM I, 170; Eisermann 1995: 65. PM I, 172; Hallmann 2006: 43–44. PM I, 170; Eisermann 1995: 65. Transcription after, Urk. IV, 891,16–892,5.

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Transliteration131 jw mAA. n=j n x t.w n sw. t bj. tj Mn-x prRa dj an x Hr xAs. t ‚n-n-DAr j r. n=f xA.y t aA. t j m=sn k f a. n=j m-bAH n sw. t jn . n (=j) Dr. t j m rDj. n=f n=j n bw n Hs.wt rx . t j r.j […] HD: jwaw 2

Translation132 “Now, I saw the victory of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Men-kheper-Ra, given life, over the country of Sennedjer. He made a large heap of corpses among them. I made a capture in the presence of the king. I brought a hand there. He gave me the gold of honour. List thereof: […], silver: 2 rings”.

Decapitation: The part of the text mentioning decapitation is related to the ascension to the throne by Amenhotep II and the defeat of QA. t people. Text 133:

Transliteration d mA. n=f t p.w wr.w=sn

Translation134 “He cut the heads of their rulers”

Discussion: Amenemhab called Mahu carried several important military titles such as jd nw “adjutant”, jd nw mSa “adjutant of the army”, waw “captain”, waw m Jm n wsr-HAt “captain of the ship Amen mighty of brow”, HAty jry rd .wy n n b tA.wy “first companion to the Lord of Two Lands”, Hry pD. t “troop commander”, Hry -t p n j myw x t=f “foremost of those in his following”. 135 He was in service under Thutmose III and Amenhotep II and died early in the reign of Amenhotep II. It is unclear how this autobiography is organised and it does not allow a straightforward association of certain parts of the text with particular campaigns of Thutmose III. 136 The autobiography does not describe the 8th campaign entirely and is not ordered chronologically. The order is thematic. 137 Redford assigned the part of the text with hand cutting to “episode D” which he understands as conceivably the 8th campaign but also suggested that the 13th campaign is another distinct possibility. 138 This is the only text where the information on what was given as gold of honour for cutting off the hand is 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138

For another transliteration see, Ritter 1995b: 151. For other translations see, Ritter 1995b: 151; Redford 2003: 168; Hutterer 2012: 9. Transcription after, Urk. IV, 896, 12. For other translations see, BARE II, 808; Hutterer 2012: 11. Der Manuelian 1987: 120–121. Morris 2005: 126, F. 41. Redford 2006: 333. Redford 2003: 172.

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partly preserved. Namely, for cutting off a hand Amenemhab was rewarded among else with 2 silver rings by the king.

Doc. 9: Great Sphinx Stele Amenhotep II in Giza Limestone stela with sunken relief. Dimensions: H: 4.25 m W: 2.53 m 139 Archaeological context: The back wall of the inner hall of the Hauron-Horemakhet temple in Giza. 140 State: Upper part heavy weathered, however the text of the stela is completely preserved. 141 Date: Not written. The text principally deals with the period after ascension to the throne. 142 Decapitation: Possible reference to decapitation is attested in the rhetorical part of the text with epithets of the king. Text 143:

Transliteration144 d mA. n=f t p.w pD. t 9 tA.wj m a.w=f

Translation145 “He binds the heads of the Nine Bows, the Two Lands are in his hand”.

Comment: Regarding the verb d mA “to bind together” 146, written with sign bundle of flax M38 as determinative, it must be remarked that there is an attestation where the verb refers to heads and is then written with the knife sign T30 as determinative. 147 Some authors take this as an indication that d mA can be understood as decapitation in certain contexts 148 which is confirmed by the use of the sign T30 as determinative in the verb d m 139 140 141 142 143 144 145

Beylage 2002a: 43; Klug 2002: 223. PM III. 1, 39; Beylage 2002a: 43; Klug 2002: 223. Klug 2002: 223. Urk. IV, 1279, 8–10; cf. Shirun-Grumach 1993: 139. Transcription after, Urk. IV, 1277, 5. For other transliterations see, Defossez 1985: 27; Beylage 2002a: 48; Klug 2002: 225. For other translations see, Hassan 1937: 131; Varille 1942: 32; Zivie 1976: 70; Lichtheim 1976: 40; Der Manuelian 1987: 182; Beylage 2002a: 49; Klug 2002: 225. 146 Wb V, 451. 13–20. 147 Biography of Amenemhab, Urk. IV, 896, 12. 148 Defossez 1985: 28–29; Der Manuelian 1987: 182, f. 48.

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“to sharpen”. 149 In fact, enemies smitten by the king are often depicted as a group which the king grabs for the hair as for a bundle of flax. Discussion: It is hard to claim whether the use of the verb d mA here indicates decapitation. Nevertheless, that the binding of the heads is targeting the Nine Bows indicates a rhetorical background.

Doc. 10: Memphis stela of Amenhotep II (Egyptian Museum in Cairo, JE 86763) Quartzite stela, Dimensions: H: 2.85 m W: 1.43 m 150 Archaelogical context: Found in a secondary context as the covering stone of the burial chamber of prince Sheshonk, a high priest and son of Osorkon II in Mît Rahîna. 151 State: Located in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo. It was restored in antiquity and the restoration causes reading difficulties. 152 Date: The text deals with two campaigns of Amenhotep II in Syria-Palestine. The first campaign is dated in the 7th regnal year of the king, 1st month of Sm .w, day 25. 153 The text of the stela contains examples of decapitation, hand cutting and burning. Decapitation: Attested in a rhetoric introduction to the events of the first campaign and cannot be related to any enemy city or people. Text 154:

149 150 151 152 153 154

Wb V, 448. 7–9. Klug 2002: 249. Badawi 1943: 1. Fazekas 2006: 60. Urk. IV, 1301, 3. Transcription after, Urk. IV, 1301, 11–13; Badawi 1943: Pl. I.

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Transliteration155 jTt m n x t (.w) m wsr.w mj MnT.w DbA(.w) m xa.w=f Ht p jb =f mAA. n=f sn156 Hs q . n=f t p.w XAk .w-jb

Translation157 “(It is he), who conquers with strength and power, like Montu, equipped with his weapons. His heart is pleased when he sees blood, after he has cut the heads of the rebels”.

Hand cutting 1: Hand cutting is attested for the first time in the list of booty the king took in ≈Sb during his first campaign. Text 158:

155 For other transliterations see, Edel 1953: 114; Beylage 2002a: 124; Klug 2002: 244. Elmar Edel recognises Hr j after ws r.w based on the first published transcription of the stela by Aḥmad M. Badawi, Badawi 1943: Pl. I. 156 Although the determinative D26 “liquid issuing from lips” is missing and the plural strokes are written, I am tempted to read this as s n f “blood” Wb 3, 459.2–14 and interpret it as an error of the scribe. There is a parallel in the text describing the northern wars of Seti I, more precisely his campaign in Year 1 in Pa-Canaan. There it is written of the king: Ht p j b =f mAA s n f Hs q t p.w n XAk-j b.w “His heart is pleased when he sees the blood after cutting of the heads of the rebels”, KRI I, 9. 6–7. Such an understanding also seems logical in relation to the following clause in the text of the Memphis stela, namely “after he had cut the heads of the rebels”. 157 For other translations see, Badawi 1943: 4; Edel 1953: 126; Beylage 2002a: 125; Klug 2002: 244. 158 Transcription after, Urk. IV, 1304, 10–15; Badawi 1943: Pl. I.

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Transliteration159 wDA Hm= f Hr Ht r r ≈ASAbw wa.w n n w (n). t sn . nw=f jj. n=f j m m A. t Srj. t jnj. n=f m ryn an x 16 Hr Dr.wj n wrr. t=f Dr. t160 20 r d h n . t n ss m .wt=f kA 60 m x rpj.wt r HA. t=f

Translation161 “Proceeding of his Majesty on steeds to Hashabu, alone, so that there was no second one with him. He came there after short time. He brought: 16 living maryannu on both ends of his chariot 20 hands on the forehead of his horses 60 bulls as levies before him

Hand cutting 2:Attested for the second time in the list of booty the king took in the cities of Jt wrn and Mk tjr-yn t during his second campaign. Text 162:

159 For another transliteration see, Edel 1953: 119; Beylage 2002a: 132; Klug 2002: 247. 160 Hans Goedicke is reluctant about interpreting these and other hands in the lists of booty as evidence for the cutting of the hands. He argued that this is a reference to servants and that when understood as servants, the number of 372 in one of the lists in this text becomes consistent, Goedicke 1992: 142–143. 161 For other translations see, Badawi 1943: 14; Edel 1953: 131; Beylage 2002a: 133; Klug 2002: 247. 162 Transcription after Urk. IV, 1307, 4–9; Badawi 1943: Pl. I.

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Transliteration163

Translation167

pr(j). t Hm=f164 Hr Ht rj t p dwAy. t165 r d mj n Jt wrn Hna Mk tj r-yn t aHa. n sx m (. n) Hm=f an x(.w) wDA(.w) sn b(.w) mj sx m (. n) ‚x m . t mj MnT.w Hr WAs. t jn (j). n=f wr.w=sn 34 m ryn 166 57 sT. tj an x 231 Dr. t 372 ss m . t 54 wrry. t 54 r m n xa.w n b n aHA n x t (.w) -a.w n b(.w) nw RTn .w Xrd . w=sn Hm .wt=sn jx .wt=sn n b(.wt)

“Coming forth of His Majesty on steeds in the early morning against the city of Jt wrn together with Mk tj r-yn t. His Majesty, life, prosperity, health, was strong like Sekhmet is strong, like Montu over Thebes. He brought 34 of their rulers, 57 Maryannu, 231 living Asiatics, 372 hands, 54 horses, 54 chariots168, and all their fighting equipment, all the captives of Retjenu, their children, their women and all their belongings”.

Burning: Attested in the continuation of the text describing the booty taken in the cities of Jt wrn and Mk tjr-yn t on the second campaign of His Majesty. Text 169:

163 For other transliterations see Edel 1953: 122; Beylage 2002a: 136; Klug 2002: 249. 164 Narrative infinitive, Allen 2010: 190. 165 The word d wA.y t “(early) morning” is actually written with N5 sun determinative and not the town determinative O49 as in this stela, cf. Wb V, 424.7–425.9. 166 The plural strokes are not written on the end of the word as usual but before the last sign. 167 For other translations see, Badawi 1943: 19; Edel 1953: 134; Beylage 2002a: 137; Klug 2002: 249. 168 Note that the number of horses and chariots is the same. 169 Transcription after, Urk. IV, 1307, 10–13; Badawi 1943: Pl. I.

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Transliteration170 m-x t mA(A). n 171 Hm=f pA HAq 172 aSA wr. t jw=t w Hr j r(. t) se173 m s q r-an x jw=t w Hr j r. t Sdy174 2 m qd=sn 175 n b

Translation176 “After His Majesty had seen the177 numerous and great spoil, One made it as living prisoners.

170 For other transliterations see, Edel 1953: 122; Beylage 2002a: 136; Klug 2002: 249. 171 Peter Beylage recognised a combination of the preposition m -x t with subjunctive, Beylage 2002a: 136, f. 439. For this construction see also Junge 1999: 107. The appearance of sDm . n=f form indicates that although there are certain Late Egyptian elements, this text still has Middle Egyptian forms and cannot be taken as pure Late Egyptian. It should be interpreted as “égyptien de tradition”, Vernus 1991. 172 Although the noun is written in plural it is determined by a demonstrative pronoun pA in singular and followed by adjectives in singular. This is why the plural ending -w is either an error or the word is to be understood as a collective noun. This is not unusual in Late Egyptian whose elements are found in this text. 173 Late Egyptian dependent pronoun se, see Neveu 2015: 20. 174 The word Sdy “ditch” Wb 4, 567.7 is attested in the Annals of Thutmose III in the text describing the siege of Megiddo during his first campaign, Urk. IV, 15. See also Redford 2003: 31. 175 That the plural strokes are not written is not problematic. Hans Goedicke considered this to be the use of s n as dual, Goedicke 1992: 148, f. 62. 176 For other translations see, Badawi 1943: 19; Edel 1953: 134; Yeivin 1967: 127; Spalinger 1983: 92; Lalouette 1984: 107; der Manuelian 1987: 225–226; Bresciani 1999: 265; Beylage 2002a: 137; Klug 2002: 249; Lundh 2002: 128; Fazekas 2006: 60. 177 Here pA should be understood as demonstrative pronoun which relates to the list of spoils mentioned in previous lines of the text, Urk. IV, 1307, 7–9.

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Transliteration m k 178 mH s t179 m x . t180 jw Hm=f m rs.w Hr=s r HD tA jw pAy =f jqH.w Hr wn mj=f wa(.w) n n wa n b Hna=f jsT pA mSa wA(j.w) r=f Hr.w sDm .w-aS-n-pr.w-aA181

Translation One made two ditches as all their form182 while filling those (ditches) with fire. His Majesty was in watch over it (fire) until dawn. His battle axe was in his right hand. (being) alone183, without anyone with him. because the army was away from him except the servants of the great house (Pharaoh)”.

Hand cutting 3: Attested for the third time in the list of booty the king took in his plundering of Jn x rt on the festival day of his coronation, during his second campaign. According to the text this happened on the day after the cities of Jt wrn and Mk tj r-yn t were taken and the prisoners were burned.

178 According to Peter Beylage the jw=tw construction continues here and relates to the m k mH s t m x . t. He understood m k mH m x . t as a construction m k + infinitive in the place of Hr + infinitive, Beylage 2002a: 136, f. 440. For the construction m k + infinitive in the place of Hr + infinitive see, Wb II, 159. 14; Gardiner 1957: 179, 248; if one understands this part of the text as Beylage does than we are dealing with an expression of a concomitant action, an action that goes on at the same time as that of a preceding clause. The verb is then translated with -ing form, Allen 2010: 166; this does indicate an even stronger connection between fire and the ditches from the previous clause. 179 For infinitive followed by a dependent pronoun see, Allen 2010: 167; According to Vladimir Vikentiev the pronoun s t refers to the prisoners who were set on fire, Vikentiev 1949: 299. 180 For other transliterations see, Beylage 2002a: 136; Klug 2002: 249; Fazekas 2006: 60. 181 For a parallel expression see, KRI II, 132. 14. 182 The word qd is written with nw vessel determinative W24 and not with walking legs determinative D55. Therefore, the word cannot be translated as “circumference”, “surrounding”, Wb 5, 78.9-10; some authors understood this as “surroundings”, Edel 1953: 134; Beylage 2002a: 137. Wolfgang Helck saw this as a fire wall (Feuerwand), Helck 1971: 161. It is possible that Edel and Beylage understood the change from D55 to W24 as substitution, cf. Vikentiev 1949: 297. According to Peter der Manuelian the writing of the book roll determinative in qd indicates that prisoners ended up in the ditches and not that they were built “all around them”. According to him the book roll determinative indicates that the prisoners were burned together with their belongings, der Manuelian 1987: 73, 226, f. 17. Hans Goedicke correctly emphasised that in the case of qd we are dealing with “nature”, “form”, “character”, Wb. 75.3-77.1, Goedicke 1992: 148, f. 61. One should also take into account that this part of the text was damaged in the Amarna Period and restored during the Ramesside Period, Lundh 2002: 128–129. 183 Erman Edel drew a parallel with the sole actions of Thutmose III (Battle of Megiddo) and Ramesses II (Battle of Qadesh), Edel 1953: 160–162.

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Text 184:

Transliteration185

Translation187

j r m-x t tA HD n sn .wj h r.w pr(j). t Hm=f Hr Ht r t p dwAy. t186 sab.w sx m Xk r.w Mn t.w h r.w n Hb xa.w n swt n Hm=f jw=t w Hr HAq Jjnjwx rtj rx . t k f aw. n Hm=f wa(.w) n h rw pn m rynA an x 17 m sw wr 6 sT. tj an x 68 Dr. t 123 Ht rj 7 wrry. t n HD n b.w 7 r m n xa.w=sn n b n aHA kA 443 jd . t 370 m n m n . t n b(. t) n n Dr a.w=sn wn .jn mSa r Dr=f Hr m sj HAq . t aSA(. t) wr. t n n Dr a.w=sn

“It is after the land became bright on the second day, that His Majesty moved to the steeds in the early morning, equipped with the insignia of power and the adornment of Montu. (On) the festival day of the coronation of His Majesty, one plundered Jjnjwx rtj. List of what His Majesty plundered alone on that day: 17 living Maryannu, 6 children of the rulers, 68 living Asiatics, 123 hands, 7 steeds, 7 silver and gold chariots, together with all their weapons, 443 bulls, 370 cows and all herds without their end. Now, the entire army also brought numerous and great spoils without their end.”.

184 Transcription after, Urk. 1308, 2–10; Badawi 1943: Pl. I. 185 For other transliterations see, Edel 1953: 123; Beylage 2002a: 136; Klug 2002: 250. 186 The word d wA.y t “(early) morning” is actually written with N5 sun determinative, cf. Wb V, 424.7–425.9. Here, however we find the sign Aa1 instead. 187 For other translations see, Edel 1953: 134–135; Beylage 2002a: 137; Klug 2002: 250.

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Discussion: Spalinger understood the two jw. t w Hr jr. t phrases referring to burning as two jw. t w Hr sDm phrases. He interpreted them as narrative phrases possibly derived from infinitive constructions. 188 For Goedicke these are two parallel pseudo-verbal clauses, jw. t w Hr jr. t X m Y. This implies transformation of one thing into another and should be recognised as a part of chiastic arrangement allowing the division of the text into two units consisting of two sentences. According to Goedicke this rules out the idea that two ditches were dug out to be filled with fire in order to burn people. 189 Supposedly, X of the first pseudo-verbal clause is HAq, introduced with third person plural pronoun s t, and Y would be sq r(.w) -an x. 190 The second pseudo-verbal clause has Sdy 2 as X and qd=sn n b as Y. Goedicke added that a pseudo-verbal clause would express a continued action which would exclude excavating the ditches to be filled with fire. 191 He does not explain the use of the first pseudo-verbal as a continued action. Goedicke also suggested that Sdy is to be translated as “stockade” and not as a ditch, and argued that the two vertical strokes, usually understood as writing the number 2, are the outcome of a restoration. They should be understood as left-over from the original plural strokes as indicated by Helck. 192 This could not be confirmed upon examination of the stela. Nothing indicates restoration of the word Sdy from plural to dual. Restoration is possible in the case of the sign Sd where through inscribing a lower longer line a phallus sign was made out of Sd. This is why the supposed sign Sd at first sight gives the impression of a phallus sign similar to other phalli on the stela. According to Goedicke the two Sdy should be identified with two cities mentioned in the text before burning. 193 He argued that the pronoun sn can refer only to Sdy 2 and not to the sq r(.w) -an x. 194 However, the number of ditches complies well with the use of the suffix pronoun -sn attached to the word qd. It means that this pronoun refers to the word Sdy and not to sq r(.w) -an x. Simultaneously, the pronoun s t would then also refer to the word Sdy. In that case the following translation could be suggested: “After His Majesty had seen the numerous and great spoil one made it as living prisoners. One made two ditches as all their form while filling those (ditches) with fire”. Spalinger argued that burning of enemies originates from the repertoire of the so called “Deeds of the Pharaoh”. It was inserted in the prosaic narrative of a minor campaign as “literary padding” by the authors of the stela. 195 According to Spalinger’s analysis of military documents, the Memphis stela of Amenhotep II contains more daybook reports than its counterpart in Karnak. The scribes who composed this stela had at their disposal the complete daybook which they could enrich with any literary account they

188 Spalinger 1982: 143. 189 Goedicke 1992: 143. 190 That prisoners of war are brought to Egypt as HAq is attested in tomb of Rekhmire (TT 100), Davies 1943a: 23; Davies 1943b: Pls. XI, XII, XIII. 191 Goedicke 1992: 147. 192 Helck as reported by Goedicke 1992: 147; cf. Fazekas 2006: 60. 193 Goedicke 1992: 148. 194 Goedicke 1992: 148, f. 58. 195 Spalinger 1983: 92.

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wanted. 196 It was also suggested that the text emphasises irrelevant incidents in order to highlight the personal courage of the Pharaoh while neglecting important events of the main campaign. 197 Peter Beylage classifies the text of the stela as “annalistic text” (“annalistischer Text”) and except for defining what this means in grammatical sense he provides little discussion on the interpretation of the text itself. 198 Patrik Lundh classifies the same text as an “expedition record” 199 which describes the king’s maneuvers on an expedition as a manifestation of his power. Such a record excludes other actors than the king from the narrative, as the king is the main actor in the prelude, the expedition and in its conclusion.

Doc. 11: Amada inscription and Elephantine stela of Amenhotep II (Wien ÄS 5909-upper part; Kairo CG 34019, JE 28585-lower part) Archaeological context: The Elephantine stela was originally placed in the temple of Khnum on Elephantine and later moved to Armant. 200 The Amada temple stela is found on the back (east) wall of the temple of Amun-Re and Re-Horakhty in Amada. 201 State: The Amada temple was relocated during the UNESCO campaign and now stands 2.6 km inland and 60 m higher than its original location. 202 The Elephantine stela is fragmented in two parts. The upper part is kept in the Egyptian collection of the Vienna Museum of Art History and the lower is in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo. 203 Date: Amenhotep II. The date on both texts is 3rd regnal year, 3rd month of Sm .w, day 15. 204 Hanging upside down and hand cutting: Both treatments are attested in description of the triumphal return of the king from his campaign in Syria-Palestine. As differences in texts on the monuments are not significant, transcription, transliteration and translation are given for the Amada temple stela with comments on places where the text differs from the Elephantine stela.

196 Spalinger 1982: 148. 197 Aharoni 1960: 181; cf. Helck 1971: 161; Lundh 2002: 176–177. 198 They are distinguished by the use of the date before an infinitive construction which describes a basic act or state; following actions are introduced with the use of jw =t w sentences; the use of the sentences with ending verbal forms is rare, as is the use of aHa. n and wn . j n and sentences introduced with a particle jsT , Beylage 2002b: 620. 199 Lundh 2002: 178. 200 PM V, 229. 201 PM VII, 70. 202 el Achiery, Barguet and Dewachter 1967: II-III; Morkot 2012: 374. 203 Klug 2002: 278. 204 Urk IV, 1289, 1–2.

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Text 205:

Transliteration206

Translation210

jj. n Hm=f m Aw. t-ib n jtj=f Im n s mA. n=f pA wr.w 7 m HD=f Ds=f wn .w m w n †x sj 207 Dj.w m sxd m HA. t bjk n Hm=f n tj rn=f m Dd aA-x pr(.w) -Raw s m n tA.wj wn .jn=t w Hr ax . t pA s 6 m n n 208 x r.w m xf t-Hr s btj n WAs. t nA n Dr.wt r mj. tjt 209 aHa. n sx n=t w pA ky x r.w r †A s tj

“Then His Majesty came (back) in joy of his father Amun, (after) he slew the seven princes with his own mace, who were in the region of Tachsi and placed upside down on the prow of the ship of His Majesty, whose name is spoken ‘Aakheperure, who unites Two Lands’ One piled up211 six men of these enemies in in front of the wall of Thebes, their hands too. One took the other enemy southwards

205 Transcription after Urk. IV, 1297, 1–1298,3. 206 For other transliterations of the text see, Beylage 2002a: 278; Klug 2002: 283, 290. 207 The region between Mittani and Sangar in which Qadesh is located, Helck 1971: 270–271; Edel und Görg 2005: 74–75. 208 Elephantine stela text has an n of preposition before x r.w, Urk. IV, 1297, 10. 209 Usually found as m - mj. tj t, see Wb. II. 40.17–41.5. 210 For other translations see, Beylage 2002a: 279; Klug 2002: 290. 211 Several authors translate this part as “hanged”, Beylage 2002a: 279; Klug 2002: 290; Spalinger 2013: 99. However, the meaning of the word ax . t is some sort of accumulation, see Wb I. 224. 8. Previous scholars probably translated it with “hanged” because the previous sentence mentions placing 7 enemies upside-down on the prow of the ship. The next sentence mentions 6 of these enemies in front of the wall of Thebes. It can be presumed that they were taken off from the ship and piled up (from “accumulated”, “built up”) in front of the wall of Thebes. A similar situation is found in the Amada inscription of Merenptah which mentions piling up of eyes and ears of enemies in Kush, see Doc. 39.

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Transliteration

Translation

ax .w n pA s btj n Np (y) t 212 r rD. t mAA=t (w) n x t.w Hm=f r nHH Hna D. t 213 m tA.w n b.w xAs.wt [n b(.wt)]214 n .w tA nHsj

to Nubia, who was displayed215 on the wall of Napata, to cause the victory of His Majesty to be seen forever and ever in all lands and all foreign lands of Nubia”.

Discussion: Some authors claimed that the seven princes were kept alive, brought back hanged upside-down and ritually killed in Egypt. 216 It was also mentioned that the head of the enemy was displayed on the walls of Napata. 217 None of these interpretations are based on the text. It is interesting that the hands of the six enemies were cut off and piled together with them in front of the walls of Thebes and the same is not the case with the seventh enemy who was displayed n the wall of Napata.

Doc. 12: Chariot of Thutmose IV from his tomb (Egyptian Museum in Cairo, CG 46097) Archaeological context: Tomb of Thutmose IV. As the chariot has been partially destroyed by the ancient robbers of the tomb its exact context in the tomb is not known. 218 State: The wheels and several other parts of the chariot are missing. 219 Date: Thutmose IV. Right side of the chariot (exterior). Description 220 (Pl. IIa): The enemies of interest here will be numbered from top to bottom and left to right. Only those figures missing body parts 212 This is the first known written mention of the town of Napata, Haynes and Santini-Ritt 2012: 286. 213 The eternity duration is strengthened by the use of both words. 214 Reconstructed on the basis of the Elephantine stela which has the two words in singular, Urk. IV, 1298, 3. 215 The verb “to pile” infers multiple objects in a heap. As in this case we are dealing with one prisoner unlike the previous six, another English verb is used although the meaning is the same. 216 Muhlestein 2011: 47. 217 Bianchi 2004: 152. 218 Carter and Newberry 1904: 24. Of eleven known chariots all except one come from royal (Amenhotep II, Thutmose IV, Amenhotep III, Tutankhamun) or pararoyal tombs (Yuaa and Tuaa) in the Valley of the Kings. This is not surprising bearing in mind that they were considered to be an element of supremacy. They are closely related to the king not only because of their use in warfare and hunt but because of their presence in almost exclusively royal tombs, Feldman and Sauvage 2010: 84–86. 219 Carter and Newberry 1904: 24. 220 Based on plates from, Carter and Newberry 1904: Pl. X; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 1; Heinz 2001: I. 1, 236.

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such as head or a hand will be discussed. Figure 1 is an enemy looking towards the right and holding a knife or a dagger in his right hand. He is missing his left hand. The fact that he is still holding a knife indicates that he is still alive and that he must have been alive when the hand was cut off. Figure 2 is holding his shield with the left hand and missing his right hand. He is looking towards the left. The fact that he is still holding a shield with his left hand means that he is alive. Figure 3 is lying on the ground and looking towards the left. He is missing his right hand. Considering that he is pierced by an arrow and lying prone he can be interpreted as already dead. Figure 4 is a kneeling enemy looking towards the left and missing his right hand. He seems to be still alive. Figure 5 is lying on the ground looking towards the right and missing his left hand. He seems to be either dying or is already dead. Left side of the chariot (exterior). Description 221 (Pl. IIb): The enemies of interest here will be numbered from top to bottom and from left to right. The numbering will be continued from the right side of the chariot. Only those figures missing body parts will be discussed. Figure 6 is an enemy lying on the ground under the wheel of the pharaoh’s chariot. He is holding his shield in his left hand and his right hand is missing. Figure 7 is depicted as if he is falling down. He is holding a short sword or a dagger in his right hand and his left hand is missing. Discussion: Five enemy figures are depicted without their right hands on the right side of the chariot. The hands have been cut off, however the act of cutting is not depicted here and it should be noted that Egyptian soldiers are also not shown. Figure 1 is alive holding a knife in his right hand. Figure 2 with missing hand is definitely alive, as he is holding a shield with his healthy hand. Figure 4 with missing hand seems to be alive but we cannot be entirely sure. Two enemies missing hands are probably dead, one is pierced by an arrow and lying prone (Figure 3) and the other is lying down (Figure 5). Two figures are depicted without their hands on the left side of the chariot. However, as on the right side of the chariot, the very act of cutting is not depicted. Egyptian soldiers are also not present. Both of these enemies are clearly alive. Figure 6 is holding a short sword or a dagger in his right hand like Figure 1 on the right side of the chariot. Figure 7 is holding a shield in his left hand like Figure 2 on the right of the chariot. The fact that on both sides there are enemies whose hands were cut off when they were still alive is not an indication that these scenes foreshadow events. 222If some of them are still alive this means that their hands were cut off while they were living and not when they died.

221 Based on plates from, Carter and Newberry 1904, Pl. XI; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 2; Heinz 2001: I. 2, 236. 222 Contra Calvert 2013: 67–68.

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The depiction of god Montu on the left of the king, riding with him in the chariot, as on the right side of the chariot, is very interesting. There is a textual reference to the king coming forth as Montu in all of his forms on the Konosso stela of Thutmose IV. 223

Doc. 13: Autobiography of Ahmose-Pennekhbet Archaeological context: El-Kab (No. 2), tomb of Ahmose-Pennekhbet at El-Kab, entrance 224; Statue bases F (Royal Museum in Edinburgh Inv. Nr. 1948.486) 225 and L (Louvre, Inv. Nr. C 49) 226 of unknown provenance, possibly El-Kab. 227 State: Good. In situ in the tomb of Ahmose-Pennekhbet at El-Kab. The statue bases are kept in museums in Edinburgh and Louvre. Date: The text describes the events under several kings of the 18th dynasty, namely Ahmose, Amenhotep I, Thutmose I and Thutmose III. However, the tomb in which we find the text is dated in the transitional period between Amenhotep II and Thutmose IV. The parallels for the decoration of this tomb are those of Nakht (TT 52) and Menna (TT 69) 228 which date to Thutmose IV. 229 Based on the writing of the name of Ahmose the statue bases F and L are, according to Claude Vandersleyen, carrying slightly earlier versions of the autobiography. The texts were supposedly copied on the walls of the tomb and the names were written with a “modernisation”. 230 As Ahmose-Pennekhbet mentions Thutmose III in all three texts, the statues cannot be earlier than Thutmose III. How they chronologically relate to the text from the tomb is of little importance for this work. The tomb of Ahmose-Pennekhbet had two owners. It also belonged to Ahmose-Pennekhbet’s brother (in an extended sense) named Amenhotep-Hapu who was responsible for its decoration. The decoration includes the cartouche of Amenhotep II providing the terminus post quem. The date of the tomb based on stylistic grounds is even later, suggesting the transitional period between Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III, more probably into the reign of the latter. 231 223 He is p r. t j n nTr n f r mj MnTw m x p r.w =f n b.w “Coming forth of the good god like Montu in all his forms”, Urk. IV, 1547, 6. For king on the battlefield as a manifestation of Montu see Matić 2019c. 224 PM V, 177. 225 Urk. IV, 35, 4. 226 Urk. IV, 35, 7. 227 Royal Museum in Edinburgh Inv. Nr. 1948.486, http://www.nms.ac.uk/explore/collectionsearch-results/?item_id=300613, visited on 04. 07. 2016. 228 This is particularly evident in the style for the sign for the moon, Vandersleyen 1971: 224; Popko 2006: 219. 229 For the tomb of Nakht (TT 52) see, PM I, 99. For the tomb of Menna (TT 69) see PM I, 134. 230 Vandersleyen 1971: 227. One should also be cautious because the texts have different compositions, Popko 2006: 220. 231 Davies 2014: 399.

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Ahmose-Pennekhbet was dead before the end of the reign of Thutmose III. He was about sixty years old in the first regnal year of Thutmose III and if he lived to that king’s sole reign, he must have been around 80 at death. 232 Hand cutting 1: Attested in the text for the first time in the report of the Syrian campaign of Ahmose. Text 233:

Transliteration234 jw Sm s. n (=j) n sw. t-bj. tj Nb -pHtj-Ra mAa-x rw k f a=j n=f Hr Dhy an x Dr. t

Translation235 “I followed the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Neb-peheti-re (Ahmose), justified. I captured for him in Djahy: 1 prisoner, 1 hand”.

Hand cutting 2: Attested for the second time in the report from the Syrian campaign of king Amenhotep I. Text 236:

Transliteration237 wHm j r. n (=j) n n sw. t-bj. tj Dsr-kA-Ra mAa-x rw k f a=j n=f Hr mH. tj JAmw-khk: Dr. t 3

Translation238 “To repeat, I served to the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Djeser-ka-ra (Amenhotep I), justified. I captured for him to the north of Jamu-kehek: 3 hands”.

Hand cutting 3: Attested for the third time in the report of the campaign in Naharin (Mitanni) of the king Thutmose I. 232 233 234 235 236 237 238

Davies 2014: 399. Transcription after, Urk. IV, 35, 16–17. For other transliterations see, Popko 2006: 212. For other translations see, BARE II, 20; Popko 2006: 213. Transcription after, Urk. IV, 36, 3–4. For other transliterations see, Popko 2006: 212. For other translations see, BARE II, 42; Popko 2006: 213.

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Text 239:

Transliteration240

Translation241

wHm j r. n (=j) n n sw. t-bj. tj aA-x pr-kARa mAa-x rw k f a=j n=f Hr xAs. t n . t NAh ryn: Dr. t 21 ss m . t 1 wrry. t 1

“To repeat, I served to the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Aa-kheper-ka-ra (Thutmose I), justified. I captured for him in the country of Naharin: 21 hands, 1 horse, 1 chariot”.

Discussion: Ahmose bore the titles j my -r x t m . t “overseer of what is sealed”, jt-nTr m r(y) -nTr “god’s father beloved of the god” and wHmw-n swt t py “first royal herald”. 242 Unlike in the case of the autobiography of Ahmose son of Ebana the sign D46 is written in the standard way for the word hand in the context of cut off hands. 243

Doc. 14: Stela of Amenhotep III between Aswan and Philae Pink granite stela. Dimensions: H: ca. 139 cm, W: ca. 82 cm 244 Archaeological context: Between Aswan and Philae on the east side of the old street. 245 State: Good. Traces of paint in the line divisions. Date: Year 5, 3rd month of Ax . t, Day 2, of Amenhotep III. 246 239 240 241 242 243

Transcription after, Urk. IV, 36, 9–10. For other transliterations see, Popko 2006: 212. For other translations see, BARE II, 85; Popko 2006: 213. Davies 2014: 387. This is clear from the photo and drawing of Joseph John Tylor’s expedition, see Davies 2014: Figs. 16.13 and 16.14; The same can be said for the statue bases from the Royal Museum in Edinburgh (Inv. Nr. 1948.486) and Louvre Museum (Inv. Nr. C 49), Prisse d’Avennes 1847, Pl. IV. 2, 3; Davies 2014: Figs. 16. 25, 16. 26, 16. 30, 16. 31, 16. 32, 16. 33. 244 Klug 2002: 422. 245 PM V, 245; Klug 2002: 422. 246 Urk. IV, 1665, 15.

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Doc. 15

Hand cutting: Attested in a rhetorical part of the text describing the actions of the pharaoh as in response to a rebellion in Nubia (Kush). Text 247:

Transliteration248 sx m-jb sw Hr d n d n Hr s mA Hr Sad Dr.wt s 30000 m s q r(.w) -an x

Translation249 “He was brave in killing, slaying and cutting off hands, 30000 men were (taken) as prisoners”.

Discussion: This is the only attestation for hand cutting related to the actions of the king aside from the reference to the cut off hands Amenhotep II brought on the foreheads of his horses as attested on his Memphis stela (Doc. 10). According to Arielle Kozloff, based on this document, the Egyptian soldiers picked up as many severed hands as they could and attached them to their belts. 250 This cannot be confirmed as the cutting of the hands is in this text mentioned as the deed of the king and not of the soldiers. We can infer that the soldiers did this as indicated by other attestations. O’Connor suggested that the number of the prisoners however read (30000 or many thousands) implies that a very large Egyptian force was involved. 251 This cannot be claimed, as the number is clearly a deliberate exaggeration in order to represent the king as powerful, namely 3 times 10000 as a notion of infinity.

Doc. 15: Amenhotep III Semnah stela (British Museum EA 138 (657)) Archaeological context: East Semnah. 252 State: Fragmented, only its lower part is preserved.

247 248 249 250 251 252

Transcription after, Urk. IV, 1666, 9–11. For other transliterations see, Beylage 2002a: 154; Klug 2002: 424. For another translation see, Beylage 2002a: 155; Klug 2002: 424. Kozloff 2012: 77. O’Connor 1998: 264. PM VII, 155.

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Date: Amenhotep III. The exact date is lost but the text deals with one of his campaigns in Nubia, namely in response to a rebellion in Ibhet. It was suggested that this campaign is to be dated to the 5th regnal year of the king. 253 Hand cutting: Attested as the number of cut off hands in the list of war booty taken in Ibhet. Text 254:

Transliteration

Translation255

rx t HAq jn n (.w) Hm=f Hr xAs. t Jbh . t Xs. t

“List of booty His Majesty took in the wretched land of Ibhet256

nHs.y an x mgA nHs.y t sDm-aS n nHsy.w

Living Nubians Young soldiers Nubian women Servants of the Nubians

253 254 255 256

tp tp tp tp

150 110 250 55

Head(s) Head(s) Head(s) Head(s)

Topozada 1988: 164. Transcription after, Urk. IV, 1660, 11–19. For other translations see, BARE II, 854. For the location of Ibhet see, O’Connor 1998: 269.

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150 110 250 55

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Doc. 16

Transliteration XrD.w=sn d mD Dr.wt j r.j s mA t p an x m

tp t p an x

Translation 175 740 312 1052

Their children Total Hands belonging to them With sum total of living head(s)

Head(s) living head(s)

175 740 312 1052”.

Discussion: In this stela Merimose 257, the viceroy of Kush, describes the suppression of the rebellion in Ibhet. 258 According to O’Connor, considering the predominance of women and children among the prisoners and the presence of young soldiers and servants, this could be evidence for an elite group of Nubians being imprisoned. As no ruler is mentioned, it could be that the prisoners are his close relatives or a high-status group whose capture provided valuable hostages. 259 The hands listed here are indeed cut off hands. This is because although counted in the sum total of the list together with living heads at the end (1052), they are separated from the count of the total living heads (740).

Doc. 16: Letter of the Assyrian king Ashuruballit to Akhenaten (EA 16) Archaeological context: Amarna. State: Good Date: Akhenaten Transliteration260 [DU]MU.MEŠ ši-ip-ri i-na ṣe-ti am-mi-ni-i ul-ta-na-za-zu-ma i-na ṣe-ti i-ma-at-tu4

Translation261 “As for the [am]bassadors, why are they continually standing outside so that they will die outside? If their standing outside is

257 For more information on Merimose, viceroy of Nubia under Amenhotep III, see Müller 2013: 114–116. 258 Topozada 1988: 154, 164. 259 O’Connor 1998: 270. 260 Transcription after, Schniedewind 2015: 132. 261 Translation after, Schniedewind 2015: 133.

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Transliteration šum-ma i-na ṣe-ti i-zu-uz-zu a-na LUGAL né-me-lu i-ba-aš-ši ù li-zi-iz-ma i-na ṣe-t [i-ma]a li-mu-ut a-na LUGAL-ma lu né-me-lu ù ia-a-nu-[um-m]a-a am-mi-ni-[i] [i-na ṣ]e-ti [i]-ma-at-tu DU[MU.M]EŠ ši-i[p-r]i ša ni-il-[ta-na-ap-pa-ru] ù 2šu DUMU.MEŠ ši-ip[-r]i ú-bal-[l]a-ṭù-ú [i-n]a ṣ[e-ti] uš-ma-at-tu4

Translation profitable to the king, than let them stand outside. Outside, let them die! Profit for the king or no[t], why should they die [outs]ide? As for the envoys that we [continually] se[nd], then doubly, they should keep the envoys alive. [Ou]ts[ide] they are killing (them)”.

Discussion: The phrase i-na ṣe-ti repeated six times in this passage of the letter is variously translated. A proper understanding of this phrase is crucial for the interpretation. William L. Moran translated the phrase as “in the sun” 262, Mario Liverani as “outside” 263, Pinḥas Arzti as “sun exposure” or “sunstroke” 264, Betina I. Faist as “Hitze” (“heat”) 265, Stefan Jakob as “Entbehrung” or “Auszehrung” (“deprivation” or “inanition”). 266 However, the word sun or heat is not mentioned in this context and we have to bear in mind that the interpretations which indicate sun-exposure are not philologically corroborated. i-na ṣe-ti simply means outside. 267

Doc. 17: Stela of Akhenaten from the temple of Buhen, Museum of the University of Pennsylvania (Phil. E16022 A and B) Sandstone. 52 cm high, 28 cm wide, 22 cm thick Archaeological context: Eight fragments of the stela were found reused in a modern brick pillar supporting the protective roof to the South Temple at Buhen. Two fragments belonging to the same stela were found by Leonard C. Woolley and David Randall MacIver in 1909 in a sand deposit in the northern part of the forecourt of the North Temple of Buhen, east of Pillar 7. This is why it is assumed that this was the original location of the

262 263 264 265 266 267

Moran 1992: 39. Liverani 2004: 119. Arzti 1997: 323–324. Faust 2001: 14. Jakob 2003: 297 Jakob 2003: 124–125.

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stela. 268 The forecourt of the temple measured 8.78 m from east to west and 11.45 m across and contained the remains of ten Hathoric pillars made of sandstone. On the east side of the forecourt two deep niches had been cut into the inner face of the pylon wall, one on each side of the entrance. 269 It is plausible that the stela was originally placed in one of these niches. However, as the stela was broken up and the pieces were scattered, with their find-spots having little contextual significance, it is not possible to claim this with certainty. 270 State: The stela is fragmentary and consists of eight fragments currently held in The Oriental Museum in Durham (formerly the Gulbenkian Museum of Oriental Art) and in the University Museum of Pennsylvania. 271 Date: The date of the military action is the 10th -12th regnal year of Akhenaten. 272 Text 273:

Transliteration DmD t p an x 145 n . ty Hr x t (w…)

Translation “total of living heads 145; those on the stakes (impaled) …”.

Discussion: The text relates to a report of a rebellion in Akuyuti 274 and Akhenaten’s military intervention in his 12th regnal year. 275 The intervention was entrusted to the viceroy Djehutimose. 276 We are informed about the treatment of the enemies and provided with the list of slain and captives, among them a number of those who were impaled (Phil. E16022 B). 277 Akuyuti was perceived by Egyptians as being difficult to access because of 268 Emery 1964: 45–46. The Stela of Akhenaten from Buhen has a duplicate in the stela from Amada JE 41806, Helck 1980: 117, for the reconstructed text see 122. 269 Caminos 1974b: 105. 270 Smith 1976: 125. 271 Smith 1976: 124. 272 Smith 1976: 126. 273 Transcription after, Smith 1976: Pl. XXIX, Phil. 10622B, Pl. LXXV, 4. 274 This toponym is attested for the first time in the time of Amenhotep III (Statue Louvre A 18, Urk. IV, 1742, 14) and is located in Wadi Allaqi, which begins in Sudan below Halayeb Triangle and its mouth is south of Aswan on the eastern shore of lake Naser, see Emery 1965: 193; Helck 1967: 141; Helck 1980: 124; cf. Zibelius 1972: 95–96. For geographical information on Wadi Allaqi, its extreme aridity, receiving less than 5mm precipitation anually, and temperatures in summer reaching 45–50 0C and falling below freezing in winter, see Roe 2012: 386–387. 275 The traces do not allow secure restoration of the year, but it was suggested that the inscription must be from the 9th regnal year or later, with years 10, 11 and 12 being most likely, and with 12th regnal year fitting available space and traces best, Smith 1976: 126. 276 On Djehutimose see Müller 2013: 290–291. 277 Smith 1976: Pl. XXIX, Phil. 10622B, Pl. LXXV, 4.

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the lack of water along the route, as evidenced in a text dated to the 3rd regnal year of Ramesses II mentioning the difficulties on the road and that gold was not brought from this country because of the lack of water. 278 This is the only military action of Akhenaten that is textually attested. As the action was conducted by the viceroy Djehutimose, it has been suggested that Akhenaten evaded the established model according to which every king led an expedition, often fictional, at the beginning of his reign in order to fulfil the role of the victorious ruler. 279 It is questionable if this allows us to interpret the text as historical. Akhenaten did not distance himself from being represented in violent actions as we do find him depicted smiting enemies. 280 However, that he is depicted smiting enemies does not allow us to draw historical conclusions on his military actions. The fact is that Wadi Allaqi was one of the most abundant gold mines. Traces of one of the routes (450 km long) to the mines that probably started at Buhen and entered Wadi Allaqi reaching Berenice Panchrysos, have been archaeologically identified. 281 The possibility that there were parties interested in its resources must be acknowledged, which would also mean that it is possible that rebellions happened here which had to be punished severely to avoid future ones. Jacobus van Dijk suggested that the ceremony of presenting “tribute” which took place in the 12th regnal year of Akhenaten may be connected with the military intervention in Nubia. 282 Van Dijk does not quote them but he probably refers to the representation of court processions from the tombs of Huya (Amarna Tomb 1) and Merire II (Amarna Tomb 2). Both tombs have representations of the procession which is accompanied by an inscription stating that the king and queen are receiving jn .w from ḪAr.w (Syria), KAS (Kush), east and west, all the foreign lands together at the same time and jw.w Hrj.w-jb wAD wr (“the islands in the middle of Great Green”) on the eighth day of the second month of pr. t in the 12th year of king Akhenaten. 283 Van Dijk however does not specify why these two events should be related. He does not acknowledge that the 12th year is not a definite date, although it is one of the most probable dates for the military intervention in Nubia. There are not many dated events from the Amarna period. The above-mentioned procession scenes in the tombs of Huya and Merire II are equally related to the rise in power of royal women and the officials dependent on them. 284 The inscriptions mention only Kush and not Lower Nubian regions of the Eastern Desert and therefore they cannot be even indirectly related to the military action of Akhenaten. Based on the stela from Buhen, there is no doubt that impalement was a known treatment of enemies during the reign of Akhenaten. The exact number of the impaled is not 278 279 280 281 282 283

KRI II. 355, 4–7; Berg 1987: 8, f. 11, 12; Helck 1980: 124; Säve-Söderbergh 1941: 188. Barta 1975: 103–104; Hornung 1995: 115. Hall 1986: 24–26; Schoske 1982: 43. Castiglioni, Castiglioni and Negro 1999: 501–504; Klemm and Klemm 2013: 294–295. van Dijk 2000: 278. Urk. IV, 2006, 11–20; Urk. IV, 2003, 5–10; Davies: 1905b, 9; Davies 1905a: 38; Hallmann 2006: 92–97. 284 Fitzenreiter 2009: 75.

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known as the text of the lines 12 and 13 of the stela is not preserved. 285 Muhlestein reads 225 impaled. 286 The end of the row where the word for “stake” is attested and the beginning of the next row where the word for “total” and the number 25 are attested, are not preserved. A lacuna of significant length is between them. Donald B. Redford gives the number of 80 impaled. 287 However, an exact number cannot be argued as the text is not preserved. He either confused the number of the impaled with the number of 80 living captive Nubians mentioned in line 11 of the stela or even more likely he deduced the number by subtracting the number of 145 living captives from the total number of 225, attested in line 13 before the number of 361 animals. 288 The number of 80 impaled deduced through subtraction was also suggested by Henry S. Smith. 289 When explained through subtraction 80 is most likely the appropriate number and not 225. Stela JE 41806 from Amada bears the same text as the one from Buhen, however the part of the text with attestation for impalement is not preserved. 290 Nevertheless, we can safely assume that this part of the text was originally there, which is important because the only other attestation for impalement of enemies comes from the reign of Merenptah and is found on his Amada temple stela (Doc. 39).

Doc. 18: Walking stick of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 61737; Carter no. 048a) Length: 106.5 cm Diameter: 2 cm Archaeological context: KV 62, Antechamber. The stick was found together with three more sticks laid crisscross on the bed Carter no. 047 in the tomb of Tutankhamun. The stick was loosely fastened together with two more sticks (Carter no. 048b and Carter no. 048c) near the lower end by a strip of cloth c. 1.5 cm wide and wound around several times. 291 They were laid on the bed with their crooked ends on the end of the bed opposite to the footboard. 292 State: Conserved after discovery. 285 Wolfgang Helck rightfully does not give the number of the impaled leaving a lacuna, Helck 1980: 121; see also Murnane 1995: 102. 286 Muhlestein 2011: 48. 287 Redford 2004: 40. 288 Smith 1976: 125. 289 Smith 1976: 129. 290 Schulman 1982: 302–303. 291 Card/Transcription No. 048–1, http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/perl/gi-ca-qmakedeta.pl?sid=128. 176.12.238–1430922113&qno=1&dfnam=048a-c048–1 (entry from 6. May 2015). 292 This is clear on the photo after the discovery of the Tutankhamun’s tomb showing the royal bedstead with walking sticks on it, Burton photograph p0021, JE 62017AB, Carter No. 80, http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/perl/gi-ca-qmakedeta.pl?sid=128.176.12.238–1430922113&qno=1&dfnam=048ap0021; for the bed itself see, Killen 1980: 31–32.

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Date: Tutankhamun. Description 293: The crook of the stick is shaped like a Nubian prisoner with arms bound behind the back at elbows. His head, neck and arms are made of ebony. He has curly hair covering the upper part of the head only. The feet of the prisoner are not projecting out but are flat in the center of the stick. Discussion: Most authors understand the position of the bound prisoner motif as being on the handles (crooks) of the sticks. 294 Some argue that this is the base of the sticks 295. It can be safely claimed that the sticks were oriented with the depiction of the bound prisoners serving as a handle considering that the form of the sticks with bound prisoners highly resembles other curved sticks such as aw. t, m s. t, or HqA. t 296, which are oriented like this. The closest parallels are found in the context where the curved part of the stick is placed next to the head of the deceased. 297 Furthermore, the crooked ends of the sticks of Tutankhamun were found opposite to the footboard which could be another indication that the curved ends were used as handles as their orientation follows that of the body. That the sticks were used as walking sticks is suggested by their length ranging from 93.5 cm to 115 cm. Additionally, according to Zahi Hawass and his associates some of the sticks (JE 61729) show traces of wear which he and his associates interpret as evidence for their use during the king’s lifetime. They relate the use of the sticks to the king’s condition, namely juvenile aseptic bone necrosis (Köhler disease II, Freiberg-Köhler syndrome) and the representations of the king in seated position in activities in which he would be expected to be standing. 298 However, one has to be careful with this interpretation because we do not have another contemporary tomb preserved in the same manner 299 and sticks were also found in the tombs of Amenhotep II (KV 35), Kha and Merit (TT 8) and Sennedjem (TT 1). 300 One has to point out that the sticks were not found concentrated next to the mummy of the king but dispersed in the tomb instead. 301 Traces of wear were not visible on the walking sticks with bound prisoners after a visit to the Egyptian Museum in Cairo in order to assess their visibility. This can be explained by the fact that the objects were made for the burial specifically or that the king never managed to use them. 293 Card/Transcription 048a-2, http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/perl/gi-ca-qmakedeta.pl?sid=128.176. 12.238–1430922113&qno=1&dfnam=048a-c048a-2 (entry from 6. May 2015). 294 Hassan 1976: 131; Ritner 1993: 120; Shaw 2000: 320; Moers 2010: 179; Darnell and Manassa 2007: 120; Hawass 2013: 78. 295 Desroches Noblecourt 1989: 298; Smith 2003: 184; Smith 2007: 224. 296 Hassan 1976: 6–8. 297 The tombs of Sesenebef in Lisht; Ita, daughter of king Amenemhat II in Dahshur; Henemyt in Dahshur; king Horus Awybre in Dahshur, see Hassan 1976: 84–88. 298 Hawass, Gad and Ismail 2010: 644–645. This interpretation of a seated Tutankhamun has been disputed as the posture and the use of the bow are related to prestige and status, Eaton-Krauss 2016: 103‒118. 299 Kurth 2010: 85. 300 For the walking sticks from the tomb of Sennedjem see Abd el-Qader 2011. 301 Kurth 2010.

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As the sticks are oriented with the bound prisoners on crooks of the sticks serving as handles, it is clear that their bodies are hanging upside-down. Holding the stick by the handle was the equivalent of holding the representation of a bound prisoner hanging upside-down.

Doc. 19: Walking stick of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 61735; Carter no. 048b) Dimensions: L: 102 cm D: 1.7 cm at bottom, 2 at top. 302 Archaeological context 303: Same as for Doc. 18 State: Conserved after discovery. Date: Tutankhamun Description: The crook of the stick is shaped like a Nubian prisoner with arms bound behind the back at the elbows. His head, neck and arms are made of ebony. He has curly hair covering the upper part of the head only. The feet project over the side of the stick. Binding at the back is represented by incised lines. The figure has details of an incised garment and bracelets on his wrists. 304 The name of the king is written in a cartouche on the bottom of the stick.

Doc. 20: Walking stick of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 61736; Carter no. 048c) Dimensions: L: 115 cm D: 2 cm at top, 2.3 cm at bottom. 305 Archaeological context: Same as Doc. 18 State: Conserved after discovery. 302 Howard Carter gives 2 for bottom and 1.7 for top bearing in mind that he orients the stick differently in his documentation, Card/Transcription no. 048b-1, http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/perl/ gi-ca-qmakedeta.pl?sid=128.176.12.238–1430922113&qno=1&dfnam=048b-c048b-1 (entry from 6. May 2015). 303 Kurth 2010: 68. 304 Card/Transcription no. 048b-2, http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/perl/gi-ca-qmakedeta.pl?sid=128. 176.12.238–1430922113&qno=1&dfnam=048b-c048b-2 (entry from 6. May 2015). 305 Howard Carter gives 2 for bottom and 2,3 for top being that he orients the stick differently in his documentation, Card/Transcription no. 048c-1, http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/perl/gi-ca-qmakedeta.pl?sid=128.176.12.238–1430922113&qno=1&dfnam=048c-c048c-1 (entry from 6. May 2015).

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Description 306: The crook of the stick is shaped like a Nubian prisoner with arms bound behind the back at the elbows. His head, neck and arms are made of ebony. He has curly hair covering the upper part of the head only. His feet project out, over the side of the stick. Binding is represented by a raised bar. The prisoner wears ring shaped ear-rings. Details of the garment are incised.

Doc. 21: Walking stick of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 61733; Carter 048d) Dimensions: L: 93.5 cm D: 2.2 cm 307 Archaeological context: Same as Doc. 18 only this stick was not bound with the other three. State: Conserved after discovery. Date: Tutankhamun Description 308: The crook of the stick is in the shape of a Syrian and a Nubian prisoner bound back to back. The Syrian has head and hands made of ivory, hair and beard painted black, eye details in black and white and body completely covered by a flowing robe. His feet are not visible. The Nubian was made from a separate piece of wood (ebony). He has a full curly wig covering the ears, eyes in black and white, binding around neck with three flap pendants in gold. The upper part of the body is bare. He has a kilt reaching his knees made of gold. One foot is flat on top of the stick and the other is projecting slightly from the bottom.

Doc. 22: Walking stick of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 61732; Carter no: 050uu) Dimensions: L: 104 cm D: c. 2 cm Archaeological context: Not indicated explicitly by Howard Carter.

306 Card/Transcription no. 048c-2, http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/perl/gi-ca-qmakedeta.pl?sid=128. 176.12.238–1430922113&qno=1&dfnam=048c-c048c-2 (entry from 6. May 2015). 307 Card/Transcription no. 048d-2, http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/perl/gi-ca-qmakedeta.pl?sid=128. 176.12.238–1430922113&qno=1&dfnam=048d-c048d-1 (entry from 6. May 2015) 308 Card/Transcription no. 048d-2, http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/perl/gi-ca-qmakedeta.pl?sid=128. 176.12.238–1430922113&qno=1&dfnam=048d-c048d-2 (entry from 6. May 2015).

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State: Right hand of the Syrian prisoner on the stick missing and left arm of the Nubian prisoner is loose. Conserved after discovery. Date: Tutankhamun Description 309: The crook of the stick is in the shape of a Syrian and Nubian prisoner who are depicted tied together at their feet so that the body of the Syrian is between the legs of the Nubian and vice versa. Their heads are on the same relative height to one another. The stick is made of light wood, covered with gesso and overlaid with gold. The Syrian has his face, hands and feet made in ivory and of yellow color. The Nubian has his head, arms and feet made of ebony. Garments of both prisoners were patterned with small pieces of possibly glass inlay.

Doc. 23: Walking stick of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 61734; Carter no. 100a) Dimensions: L: 109.5 cm D: c. 2.2 cm State: One foot missing, the other loose. Conserved after discovery. Date: Tutankhamun Archaeological context: On the left bed in the tomb of Tutankhamun, not shown on the photos. 310 Description 311: The crook of the stick is in the shape of a Syrian prisoner whose head, hands and feet were painted white. His eyes and brows were painted black. The stick was made of wood with gesso and gold. On the bottom of the stick there is a cartouche of the king incised in a gold leaf, as a separate piece pasted on.

309 Card/Transcription no. 050uu, http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/perl/gi-ca-qmakesumm.pl?sid=128. 176.12.238–1430922113&qno=1&curr=050uu (entry from 6. May 2015). 310 Card/Transcription no. 100a, http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/perl/gi-ca-qmakedeta.pl?sid=128. 176.12.238–1430922113&qno=1&dfnam=100a-c100ab (entry from 6. May 2015). 311 Card/Transcription no. 100a, http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/perl/gi-ca-qmakedeta.pl?sid=128. 176.12.238–1430922113&qno=1&dfnam=100a-c100ab (entry from 6. May 2015).

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Doc. 24: Chariot yoke of Tutankhamun (Carter no. 159=120d) Archaeological context: Tomb of Tutankhamun. State: Good. Date: Tutankhamun. Description 312: The yoke was found in south-east corner of the antechamber behind the wheels of the chariot. The washer of the yoke is a block of wood slightly concave above and flat below. The peg is still present with a pin through a transverse hole at the lower end below the pole. The hooked ends are carved into figures of Syrian and Nubian captives. The Syrian has details of clothing inlaid in coloured glass or faience, and has a calcite finial on his head. The latter has a strip of cloth and a gold circlet over his hair with the finial missing from this end. Discussion: It was suggested that depiction of foreigners on the yoke results in ritual subjugation of the enemies of Egypt with the king as active participant who through his actions (i.e stepping into the chariot) ritually defeats the enemies. 313 However, this suggestion must be modified. The yoke is placed on the horse’s pommel (shoulder), the reins run across it, through the loop made by the prisoners. The figures would appear suspended on either side of horse’s shoulder and tied to the king by the reins.

Doc. 25: Painted box of Tutankhamun (Cairo JE 61467; Carter no. 021) Dimensions: H: 44.5 cm; L: 61 cm; B: 43 cm. Archaeological context: Tomb of Tutankhamun. Date: Tutankhamun. Possibly later in his reign. 314 State: Good. Only the lid is somewhat bent. The stucco layers show several cracks and the colours were little altered in the initial restoration. 315 Description: The box consists of a rectangular case. The top is formed by a vaulted lid 12 cm in height at its centre. The box is supported on four square legs that are 6 cm high. 312 313 314 315

Based on Littauer and Crouwel 1985: 23. Calvert 2013: 60. Schulz 2000: 266. Schulz 2000: 249.

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The box itself is 26.5 cm high. Including the legs and lid the height is 44.5 cm. It is made of wood covered with a stucco layer and painted. At the front end of the lid there is a flattened knob corresponding to another knob on the shorter end of the case. They were connected by a rope upon which a seal could have been placed. 316 The entire exterior was painted over a thin layer of stucco. There are six main panels. The long walls are decorated with battle scenes, one with the slaughter of Syrians and the opposite side with the slaughter of Nubians. Hunting scenes occupy the two halves of the lid on top. The desert-hunt scene corresponds to the slaughter of the Syrians as it is oriented in the same direction, whereas the lion-hunt corresponds to the slaughter of the Nubians. The end walls depict the king in the form of a sphinx trampling Syrians and Nubians. All the scenes are framed with a complex sequence of patterns. 317 The box contained a garment with elaborate beading, a wooden headrest and a number of sandals. Below these items was a mass of cloth, mixed with more sandals, a glove, two necklaces, some slippers, and caps or bags of tiny bead-work. 318 However, considering that the ancient tomb robbers created a lot of disturbance and that the officials of the necropolis rearranged the objects extensively we cannot be sure about the original position and the content of the box. 319 Slaughter of the Syrians 320(Pl. IIIa). The enemies and Egyptian soldiers of interest here will be numbered from top to bottom and from left to right. Only those figures missing body parts, such as head or a hand, will be discussed. The soldiers are either depicted piercing the enemies or their horses with their spears or cutting off hands. Unlike the enemies, the soldiers are depicted active in battle finishing off those enemies struck by the arrows of the king, and cutting off their hands. The King’s dogs are depicted under his horses biting enemies by their heads. Figure 1 is a prone enemy. His head and one hand are missing and in their place a burst of blood infers that they were cut off. The position of the body does not allow us to determine if the missing hand is the left or right. Figure 2 lies with face oriented towards the left. An arrow pierces his abdomen and his right arm is depicted without a hand. At the place where the hand is missing there is a burst of blood. His eyes are closed possibly suggesting that he is already dead. To the left of Figure 2 is a decapitated head with eyes closed. It cannot be attributed to any of the bodies in the vicinity. Figure 3 is depicted crushed under the chariot wheel. The chariot can be interpreted as an enemy chariot as the horses are shown falling with their heads down in defeat. This figure is looking towards the right and at the soldier next to him. The soldier is cutting off the right hand of Figure 3 by holding it with his left hand. He is cutting the hand with a dagger or a short sword. 321 Figure 3 has his eyes open and looking at the soldier who is cut316 Davies 1962: 9–10. 317 Davies 1962: 11. For the most comprehensive study of the iconographical program of this object see, Schulz 2000: 247–266. 318 Davies 1962: 13. 319 Schulz 2000: 249. 320 Description based on the coloured plates by Nina M. Davies in, Davies 1962: Pl. I. 321 It is hard to identify the weapons exactly as daggers or short swords bearing in mind that in order to make such a detailed identification, we would have to have a realistic representation of the weapon in question in scale so that we could measure the handle and the entire length. This is because in order to identify this weapon as a short sword its handle should be ¼ or 1/3 of the entire length of

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ting his hand suggesting clearly that he was alive in the process. Figure 4 lies with his face oriented towards the left. Under him is a soldier depicted cutting off probably the right hand of Figure 4 by holding it with his left hand. He is cutting the hand with a dagger or a short sword. Figure 5 is upside down as though falling. The right arm is without a hand. At the place where the hand is missing a burst of blood is depicted. The head of Figure 5 is also missing and at the place where the head is missing there is a burst of blood. The head is probably shown to his right with its beard on the foot of the soldier who is cutting off the hand of Figure 3. The eyes of the cut off head are closed because Figure 5 is dead which is one more confirmation that closed eyes of enemies indicates that they are dead. To the left of Figure 5 is a decapitated head with a burst of blood at the neck, however with eyes open and looking towards the left. As it is not so near to Figure 5 as the other head, it cannot be interpreted as belonging to it, but it is also not clear to which figure it belongs. Figure 6 is depicted upside down as though falling. His eyes are closed possibly suggesting that he is already dead. His head faces frontally. 322 His left arm is without a hand. At the place where the hand is missing a burst of blood is depicted. To his right there is a severed head that faces frontally with eyes closed, and it is not clear to which body this head belongs. Figure 7 is lying on the ground with his eyes closed indicating that he is already dead. His head is depicted frontally. His left hand is missing and, in its place, there is a burst of blood where the hand was cut off. Figure 8 is lying on his stomach with his eyes depicted open looking upwards or to the right. This indicates that he is still living. His right hand is missing and, in its place, there is a burst of blood. Figure 9 is lying or falling down. His eyes are open and he is looking towards the left. His left hand is missing and, in its place, there is a burst of blood. Figure 10 is falling down from his chariot. His eyes are half-closed suggesting that he is dying but still alive. To his right is a soldier who is cutting off the right hand of the enemy by holding enemy’s arm under the palm with the left hand. He is cutting the hand off with a short sword or a dagger in the right hand. Figure 11 is lying on his back with his eyes closed indicating he is already dead. His head is depicted frontally. His right hand is missing and, in its place, there is a burst of blood where the hand was cut off. Under this figure there are two horses of the chariot which was driven by Figure 10. To the left of the horses’ heads is a severed hand. Slaughter of the Nubians. 323 (Pl. IIIb) The scene of Nubian slaughter mirrors the scene of Syrian slaughter. Figure 1 is an enemy looking towards the right and at the figure of an Egyptian soldier. The soldier is holding the enemy’s left arm under the palm with his left hand. He is cutting it off under the shoulder with a short sword or a dagger in his right hand. As Figure 1 is depicted with eyes open, he is alive in the process. Figure 2 is sitting on the ground and looking upwards in the direction of the soldier to his right. The soldier is holding the right arm of the enemy under the palm using his left hand and he is cutting the weapon. For this issue of definition, but also the most recent and most complete work on Late Bronze Age metal weapons in Syria-Palestine, including also references to Egyptian material see, Schulz 2014: 27. 322 According to Nina M. Davies this helps us in distinguishing the dead, the dying and merely terrified, Davies 1962: 17. 323 Description based on the coloured plates by Nina M. Davies, Davies 1962: Pl. II.

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off the arm at the elbow with a short sword or a dagger in his right hand. Figure 3 is lying on the ground with his head missing. To his right there is a decapitated head with blood burst at the neck. The eyes of the head seem to be open. Considering that no other figure in the vicinity misses a head it can be attributed to Figure 3. Figure 4 is an enemy falling back. His head is missing and under him there is a decapitated head looking towards the right and with eyes opened. As no other figure in the vicinity misses a head, it can be attributed to Figure 4. Discussion: The slaughter of Syrians depicts both the cutting of the hands, where both left and right hands are being cut off, and enemy bodies missing a hand, again left or right. The slaughter of the Nubians however depicts only cutting of the hands, namely more precisely cutting of the arms, as the cut is aiming at the point just below the shoulder or at the joint between upper and lower arm (elbow). No Nubians are depicted missing a hand and, there are no cut off hands filling the space between the figures as in the case of the slaughter of Syrians. This suggests that we are not dealing with cutting of the hands custom in the slaughter of Nubians, at least not in an established iconographic sense. As several of the figures from which the hands are being cut are depicted with opened eyes and looking at the Egyptian soldier who cuts their hand, it can be also said that at least some of the enemies are depicted alive in the process. Also, some of the figures from which the hands have been cut are depicted with eyes half-opened suggesting that they are not yet dead. The Nubians whose arms are being cut off under the shoulder or at the joint between upper and lower are also depicted with open eyes. One of them is pierced by an arrow so it cannot be claimed that he is still alive. However, another (Figure 2) is not pierced by an arrow and he is looking at the soldier cutting his arm. This also suggests that at least some of the figures were depicted alive as their arms were being cut off. Interestingly, the slaughter of the Syrians depicts one hand being left next to the body from which it was cut, an unexpected motif considering that hands were collected by the soldiers. Regarding decapitation it must be noted that, although decapitated bodies and cut off heads are depicted in both the Syrian and Nubian slaughter, the motif of the cutting of the head is missing. Namely, none of the Egyptian soldiers is depicted in this activity. Regine Shulz emphasised the important roles of numbers of figures of Egyptians, Egyptian horses, enemies and hunted animals. She argued that, based on the number of the figures, a complex symbolical background can be noticed. It is suggesting order behind Egyptians and chaos behind enemies and hunted animals, with the king’s control over the enemies and animals. 324

324 For the symbolic meaning of different numbers in her work see, Schulz 2000: 251, 254–255, 257– 258, 259–261, 263–264.

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Doc. 26: Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak Archaeological context: There are alltogether c. 200 blocks from Karnak and Luxor which belong to a temple structure erected and decorated either by Tutankhamun or finished and decorated by Ay for him at Karnak, re-using talatat blocks from Amarna. 325 The structure itself is identified as “Mansion of Nebkheperure at Thebes” and “Mansion of Million Years” according to inscriptions on some of the blocks. 326 According to W. Raymond Johnson this temple was originally located on the west bank at Thebes. 327 Date: Tutankhamun/Ay. 328 State: Various talatat blocks were reused in antiquity as filling for pylons of the temple in Karnak (Second, Third, Ninth) and were in more modern times found on the occupation mounds around Karnak and Luxor temples. 329 Cage display: Among the scenes on the wall reliefs are wars in Syria and Nubia. The block with the cage belonged to the war in Syria. Block No. 38. (70 x 150cm) Description 330 (Pl. IVa, Vc): The sandstone block with raised relief depicting a prisoner in a cage on a ship was found by Georges Legrain and associated by Henri Chevrier to the fill of Pylon 2 at Karnak. 331 The block is damaged but one can recognize a large ship with a cabin. The first compartment on the right contains a parapet with a curved top. The same parapet with a round top can be seen behind a kiosk in which Akhenaten is shown smiting an enemy on a boat. This boat scene is on a talatat relief block originally from Hermopolis. 332 The parapet with a round top can also be seen behind the kiosk in which Rameses III is smiting an enemy, also on a boat. 333 John D. Cooney suggested that it is possible that the round top represents a pillow. 334 However, 325 One part of these blocks is extensively studied in the dissertation of W. Raymond Johnson, Johnson 1992. The other part of the blocks is simultaniously studied by Marc Gabolde. 326 Schaden 1977: 153–185; Schaden 1984: 44–51; Schaden 1987: 10–11; Eaton-Krauss 1988: 4–7; Gabolde et Gabolde 1989: 140–144; Ullmann 2002: 185–193; Eaton-Krauss 2016: 96‒102. 327 Johnson 1992: 44–45. 328 The date of the relief to the reign of Amenhotep II offered by Abdul-Ḳadel Mohammad can now be dismissed, Mohammad 1959: 132. The temple construction probably started under Tutankhamun and was finished by Ay, with the temple in its final form being a Memorial temple to Tutankhamun, Johnson 1992: 43. Marc Gabolde attributed its construction solely to Ay as a memorial to Tutankhamun, Gabolde 2015: 409–410. 329 Bell 1987: 6–8; Johnson 1992: 1–4. 330 Johnson 1992: 164. 331 Legrain 1904; Chevrier 1956: 11. Pylon 2 at Karnak was constructed by Horemhab with reused monuments of his predecessors, Eaton-Krauss 1988: 5. 332 Cooney 1965: 80 Pl. 50. Also see, Hall 1986: 26, Fig. 40; Ertman 2007: 61. 333 Ertman 2007: 64; Also see, Schott and Seele 1936: Pl. 86; Hall 1986: 36 Fig. 66. 334 Cooney 1965: 80

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the object in question can only be interpreted as a parapet with a cushion belonging to the “Window of Appearance”. 335 To the right of an official holding two sticks on the far right there are two large oars with bands on the upper left. They are clearly oriented towards the right. 336 The orientation of the oars and the rowers below is of great importance for the orientation of the scene which is itself oriented leftward. 337 This is especially clear if one bears in mind the orientation of the paddles, but is further confirmed by the orientation of the adjoining lower talatat block with soldiers moving towards the left and the accompanying inscription oriented to the left. 338 The cage is to the right of the compartment with a parapet, suspended from above by what seem to be two thick ropes; however this is where the upper part of the scene is damaged. It has two additional bars, with the lower one in the area of the knees of the figure in the cage and the upper in the area of the elbows. The orientation of the scene and thus also the boat towards the left suggests that the cage is not on the prow of the ship but suspended from the back. The figure depicted in a cage wears a long gown with three flounces which identifies him as Syrian. The face is damaged, but one can recognise that it has short hair. The figure is actually looking towards the left, the direction opposite to the one in which the Egyptian rowers are looking. The area of the torso is slightly damaged in the middle, but one can recognise that the arms are folded and bound with a manacle. Apparently, there is one more temple wall decorated with a ship procession scene currently being worked on by Marc Gabolde. Unlike the one reconstructed by Johnson, the one reconstructed by Gabolde deals with the presentation of Nubian spoils of war to the Theban triad. 339 According to his reconstruction there is no Nubian captive in a cage on the back of the ship as a parallel to the Syrian captive. Hand cutting: Hand cutting is attested on seven blocks. They are numbered as in the dissertation of Johnson. Block No. 18. (20 x 47.5 x ? cm) Description 340 (Pl. IVb): On the left side of the block there are two preserved signs belonging to a text which went vertically down the edge. The first sign from above is the hill country determinative N25 and under it is F32 which could belong to an epithet Xs “weak, vile”. To the right of these signs there is a depiction of a bent over Egyptian soldier with a shield and next to him is an enemy with his head de335 Vomberg 2004. 336 This position of the oars is opposite to the one known from several Amarna boat depictions in which Akhenaten and Nefertiti smite the enemies in their kiosks. The small oars used by rowers are on Amarna talatat blocks oriented the same as the large oars. The rowers themselves are looking towards the left, Cooney 1965: 82. 337 Eaton-Krauss 1988: 7. 338 Block 39, Johnson 1992: 164; Gabolde 2015: 417, Fig. 183, see also various other parallel New Kingdom boat procession representations following the same pattern of paddle orientation in relation to the scene orientation, Gabolde 2015: 157–167. 339 Gabolde 2015: 419, Fig. 186. 340 Johnson 1992: 158.

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picted frontally. Although the soldier’s hands are not preserved his arms are shown in a motion that resembles the one of cutting off the hand of an enemy like on Block No. 44. According to the reconstruction by Johnson this block is to be located on the far left of the “Episode One: The Battle Proper”. 341 Block No. 20. (22.5 x 42 x ? cm) Description 342 (Pl. IVc, VI): Four soldiers 343 are depicted oriented towards the left. Only their upper bodies and heads are visible. The first three from the left are holding shields and spears. There are three red hands on each spear under the spear head. This is suggesting that the hands were pierced with spears but it also infers that they are still fresh. 344 Traces of a shield are visible carried by the fourth figure and it can only be assumed that he is also carrying a spear with hands. Block No. 21. (20 x 22.5 x ?cm) Description 345 (Pl. IVd, VI): This badly preserved block depicts a kneeling Egyptian soldier carrying a shield. He is in the praising position and in front of him is his bow and his spear with at least three cut off hands on it. According to Johnson the block depicts the scene of the battle aftermath. 346 Block No. 29. (21.5 x 26 x ? cm) Description 347 (Pl. IVe, VI): There are two registers which can be distinguished on this fragmented talatat. They are divided by a horizontal band of text. The upper part of the lower register is partly preserved and shows the heads of two soldiers turned towards the left. Each is holding a spear and, on each spear, there are cut off hands. The first on the left has at least two hands under the spear head and the exact number cannot be established as the lower part of the talatat is missing. The second has three hands on his spear and they are only partly visible as the talatat is damaged on the right. The inscription in the band dividing the register reads […]Hn .w Ht r “ […]Hn .w wages” with the vertical book roll determinative Y1 belonging to Ht r being barely recognisable. Block No. 35. (21.5 x 52.5 x ? cm) Description 348 (Pl. IVf, VI): On the right there is a badly preserved depiction of an Egyptian soldier holding a spear with traces of another figure behind him. In front of him on the left there are two registers divided by a line. The upper 341 Johnson 1992: 187–188, Figs. 17, 18. 342 The first author who brought attention to this block in relation to hand cutting custom was Wolfgang Helck, Helck 1975: 24; Johnson 1992: 158. 343 According to Magda A. Abdalla these are Nubian soldiers in the service of Akhenaten, Abdalla 2005: 29. This is not supported either by the date or by the iconography. Nubians are otherwise not attested cutting off the hands of enemies nor carrying or presenting the cut off hands as trophies. When attested as an activity of foreign soldiers these are then the Shardana. 344 The hands in the pile on the Ahmose block from Abydos are also depicted with red color indicating blood and that they are fresh (Doc. 1). 345 Johnson 1992: 160. 346 Johnson 1992: 159. 347 Johnson 1992: 160. 348 Johnson 1992: 162.

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register has an Egyptian soldier on his knees with his spear next to him, on the spear we see what is left of at least three cut off hands. The register under this has a barely preserved upper part of a soldier from whom only his shield is visible. The shield was clearly on his back. According to the reconstruction made by Johnson Blocks No. 20, 21, 29 and 35 belong to the “Episode Two: The Battle Aftermath” depicting presentation of spoils to the king. He reconstructed the scene using other blocks and suggests a scene parallel to the later Ramesside scenes of presentation and counting of hands. He places the king in the middle of the scene in one of the registers. The king is leaning on a parapet with a cushion on top belonging to the “Window of Appearance” and behind him is his chariot to which he has turned his back. In front of him are registers of soldiers bringing cut off hands on spears, kneeling before him and lowering down their weapons and hands. 349 Block No. 44. Description 350 (Pl. Va): The block consists of two registers. The upper has a depiction of a large chariot wheel on the right that surely belongs to the chariot of the king. This is also indicated by the fact that there is a Nubian soldier 351 being crushed under the wheel. To the left there are seven Egyptian soldiers who are oriented towards the right. One of them is cutting off the left hand of the crushed Nubian soldier. He is leaning forward towards the fallen and crushed enemy. With his left hand he holds the left hand of the enemy and with a dagger or a short sword in his right he cuts it off. The enemy has his right hand lifted in the air probably indicating that he is still alive. The upper register and the lower register are divided by a band of text. The lower depicts Egyptian soldiers marching towards the right. Block No. 50. Description 352 (Pl. Vb): The block depicts a chariot on the right in which there are two Egyptian soldiers. One of them is shooting from a bow. To the left a Syrian enemy is depicted upright with his head facing frontally. His right hand is missing. Discussion: According to Spalinger the “Episode Two: The Battle Aftermath” depicting presentation of spoils to the king has a far greater number of registers (all together six) than usually encountered. He suggested that such a composition indicates the frozen nature of the event with the placement of the figures resulting in snapshot of extreme rigidity. He found parallels in the representations of the Battle of Qadesh. 353 Hand cutting is attested on the talatat blocks of Tutankhamun in both Asiatic and Nubian campaign. This is the earliest monument with both the representation of the act of cutting an enemy hand and carrying of cut off hands as trophies, and of their presentation to the king. 349 Johnson 1992: 189–190, Figs. 19, 20. 350 Johnson 1992: 166. 351 José M. Galán identified him as a “Nubian chieftain” probably because of his size, Galán 2002: 442; enemy chiefs and rulers are often depicted larger than the other enemies in a battle scene, Heinz 2001. 352 Johnson 1992: 170. 353 Spalinger 2011b: 25.

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Judging by the representations on the block, both left and right hands were cut off. In the case of Block No.44 it is possible that the Nubian soldier whose left hand is being cut off is still alive in this process. This should not surprise as hands were cut from enemies who are still alive on the chariot of Thutmose IV (Doc. 12).

Doc. 27: Memphite tomb of Horemhab Archaeological context: Saqqara necropolis. 354 State: Good. Date: Tutankhamun. Description 355: The depictions of beating of prisoners of war come from a wall relief that was once on the south side of the east wall of the second courtyard of the tomb. The third register to the left of the large figure of Horemhab depicts the incoming Nubian prisoners. The register shows an Egyptian official punching a male Nubian with his fist. The official has a stick in his left hand and punches the Nubian just beneath the lower jaw. The fourth register has an official poking one of the male Nubians in the eye 356 with his right-hand finger while holding a stick in his left (Pl. VII). This Nubian together with some other Nubians in the register has lines on the forehead which were interpreted as wrinkles and thus as the sign of senior status. 357 Surely these lines are not wrinkles but scarification. 358 These registers belong to a damaged relief and we find one more punching scene in a register just below the figure of Horemhab. Here an Egyptian official drags a Nubian with his left hand holding the left arm of the Nubian and a stick. With his right fist he punches the Nubian just below the lower jaw (Pl. VIIIa). 359 Belonging to the same relief are blocks with three registers of foreigners, two of which show a group of imprisoned Nubians sitting on the ground while Egyptian officials above them are registering them (Pl. VIIIb). The second register has nine seated male Nubians. There are four Egyptian officials in this register. One on the left is standing next to the 354 PM III. 2, 655–661. 355 Based on, Martin 2016: Pls. 33, 36, 37. 356 The much later reference to Nubian archers by Al-Baladhuri comes to mind. He reports that a Nubian asked an Arab where would he like the Nubian to put his arrow in him and an Arab replied in such a place that the Nubian would miss. One day the Nubians came aganst the Arabs and shot them in their eyes, Shinnie 1995: 123. Al Baladhuri described the attack of Arabs in Nubia in 641 stating that many Arab soldiers returned wounded and with blinded eyes so the Nubians were called “the pupil smiters”, Shinnie 1979: 564. 357 Shinnie 1979: 81. 358 Kendall 1989: 676; Gilroy 2002: 37; Lohwasser 2012: 545. For an overview of evidence for scarification in Nubia see, Lohwasser 2012: 544–545. 359 Martin 2016: Pl. 36.

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seated prisoners and holding a stick in his right hand. His left-hand gestures towards the first Egyptian officials to his right. The man on the right is depicted among the prisoners who cover his lower body in the composition. With his right hand he is waving his stick in the air in a striking blow directed towards the prisoners. The two remaining officials are also depicted among the Nubian prisoners, one being a scribe registering them and the other on the far right holding a stick in his right hand and with his left hand touching his own chin. The third register has seventeen male Nubians sitting on the ground. Standing above them are four Egyptian officials, three of them directly among the Nubians who cover their lower parts in the composition. The fourth is on the left and has only the head preserved. The three officials on the right have sticks in their hands. The one on the far right is waving his stick in the air in a smiting blow directed towards the Nubian prisoners. 360 Discussion: What immediately draws attention is the relative scale of the figures and the fact that Egyptian officials are depicted smaller than the foreigners. Nubian prisoners are almost of double size or exactly of double size. Bearing in mind the concept of hierarchic scaling in Egyptian imagery (Bedeutungsmaßstab) 361, these figures could be interpreted as of higher status than the Egyptian officials. Such an interpretation cannot be accepted. There were suggestions that this reflects the actual height of the Nubian prisoners. 362 Other scholars suggested the comparison with modern Nilotic population to explain the height difference. 363 Martin also suggested that the difference indicates the Egyptian soldiers are young soldiers, as Horemhab also bore the title sS n fr.w (“scribe of the recruits”). 364 Thomas D. Gilroy suggested that the height difference is an expression of mockery and humour, in that even though younger, smaller and less experienced, these soldiers and officials manage to master their foes. 365 Interestingly, although foreign women and children are also depicted in this tomb they are not being beaten. Furthermore, of all the foreigners only Nubian men are treated like this. The size of the figures definitely cannot be interpreted as indication of scale as all the foreigners in the tomb are depicted as taller than Egyptians. Whether this difference in size was based on reality or not does not change the fact that we are observing its cultural interpretation.

360 361 362 363 364

Martin 2016: Pl. 37. On the concept itself and different scales in one picture see, Schäfer 1930: 241–245. Geoffrey T. Martin argued for a real physical difference between them, Martin 1989: 81. Kendall 1989: 675; Lohwasser 2012: 545. Martin 1989: 81. This is problematic because most recruits in reality if not in art would be fully grown although being relatively young, Gilroy 2002: 41. For the New Kingdom bearers of the title sS n f r.w “scribe of the recruits” see, Chevereau 1994: 216–219. 365 Gilroy 2002: 41. For role reversals and satiric narratives in Egyptian imagery see, Flores 2004: 233–255.

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Doc. 28: Karnak, Northern Wars of Seti I, Campaign from Sile to Pa-Canaan, Year 1 Archaeological context: For the inscription mentioning decapitation: East Side, Lower Register. For the battle scene: Lowest register of the eastern front side of the north wall (outside) of the hypostyle hall. 366 Date: The campaign is dated to the first regnal year of the king. 367 State: In situ. Parts of the scene are missing. Decapitation Decapitation is attested among the epithets of the king in a rhetorical text describing his triumphal return to Egypt. 368 Text 369:

Transliteration Hs q{t}370 =f t p.w n XAk .w-jb

Translation371 “He cut off the heads of the rebels”

Hand cutting: Attested in the form of an enemy missing a hand in the battle scene in the lowest register of the eastern front side of the north wall (outside) of the hypostyle hall. Description 372 (Pl. IX): The enemies are depicted with short beards and wearing peculiar mushroom shaped haircuts or headgear. 373 On the far left the enemy fortress is depicted. The scene is partly damaged so some of the enemy figures cannot be studied in detail. Therefore, it is hard to assess precisely the number of those missing a hand. This can be argued with certainty in only one case. Figure 1 is an enemy depicted at the far left of the scene. He is sitting with his left arm above his head and it seems that he is holding his head 366 PM II, 35. 367 KRI I, 8. 7–8. 368 KRITA I, 7. 369 Transcription after, KRI I, 9. 7. 370 The t sign is most probably erroneous as in order to have sDm . t=f construction one would need a negation or prepositions r and Dr before the verb, Allen 2010: 300. Instead, the above quoted phrase is a subordinate clause coming after three subordinate clauses. 371 For other translations see BARE 3, 101; KRITA I, 8. 372 Based on plates from, Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 34, 39; Nelson 1954: Pl. 2; Heinz 2001: I. 3, 243. 373 On these as features of Asiatics see Schiestl 2009: 86–89; Mourad 2015: 202; Saretta 2016: 90–92.

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with his left hand. The hand on the right arm is missing. He is approached by another enemy. Considering that this enemy is holding his head and is approached by another suggests that he is alive. Such a motif certainly belongs to the corpus of motifs which have a “tale” behind them, like in the case of the figure in a tree attacked by a bear in the campaign against Satuna of Ramesses II in Luxor. 374 Discussion: The rhetorical text above the king in which decapitation is attested follows after a text describing victory over the Shasu from Sile to Pa-Canaan in the first regnal year of the king. The text accompanying the scene identifies the sieged place as PA-kAnan. 375 The reference to decapitation is not indicating historicity in itself whichever way the text is interpreted, as historical or not. 376

Doc. 29: Kanais, temple of Seti I Archaeological context: Rock shrine carved into a mountain at Kanais in Wadi Abad, 55km east of the Nile from Edfu. 377 Triumph Scene and the Nubian list in the vestibule of the temple. State: In situ. Good. Date: Seti I Decapitation: Decapitation is attested in the Speech of Amun to the king instructing him to take the sword and behead the rulers of Kush. Text 378:

374 Spalinger 2011a: 487; Spalinger 2011b: 61. A textual parallel can be found in Papyrus Anastasi I (23, 6‒7) in the description of Qedjerdy, the chief of Asiru, who was found by female bear in a tree. Another parallel is found in Papyrus Turin, Posener 1944: 194‒195. For the transcription of Papyrus Anastasti I attestation see, Fischer-Elfert 1992: 138‒139. For the discussion on bear in this context see, Bohms 2013: 45. 375 KRI I, 8. 16; KRITA I, 6. 376 On the historicity of Seti I’s war record see, Brand 2000; 372. 377 Brand 2000: 279. 378 Transcription after, KRI I, 35. 8–9.

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Transliteration

Translation379

Ss p n=k x pS n swt n x t Îr.w wsr pD.wt r sx r wr.w nw KAS Xs t r Hs q t p (.w) =sn

“Take for yourself a sword victorious king, Horus, mighty of troops, to overthrow the rulers of vile Kush and cut off their heads”.

Discussion:The text follows a scene in which Amun, leading ten bound prisoners, extends the x pS sword to Seti I who smites a group of Nubians before him. 380 The context of the inscription within a scene with smiting of the enemy motif indicates a rhetorical text.

Doc. 30: Decree of Blessing of Ptah Archaeological context: The Decree of Blessing of Ptah upon Ramesses II and Ramesses III is attested on a stela carved on blocks between the two westernmost pillars in the main hall of the Great Temple at Abu Simbel, south façade of the west wing of the Ninth Pylon at Karnak, eastern side of the south wall of the outer court before the temple at Amarah West, façade of the south wing of the pylon at Aksha and façade of the south wing of the First Pylon of the Great Temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu. 381 In the text Ptah addresses Ramesses II and Ramesses III in later versions. Date: Ramesses II and Ramesses III. State: Good. Branding: The end of the King’s Speech begins with the lines suggesting branding as a treatment of local subjects and foreigners. Text 382:

379 380 381 382

For other translations see, BARE III, 164; KRITA I, 28. BARE III, 164. KRI II, 258. Transcription after, KRI II, 280. 13–280.16.

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Doc. 31

Transliteration j rj=j n=k Ab.w=j rmT pD. t tA r Dr=f Hr rn=k wn=sn n kA=k nHH

Translation383 “I will do this for you, I will brand the people and the Nine Bows, the entire land (literally the land until its border) in your name, so they may be at your will eternally”.

Discussion: This is clearly a metaphorical statement in which the king dominates the known world including his subjects and the Nine Bows. “Branding” in the name of god is referred to in the context of domination and control.

Doc. 31: Abydos, Battle of Qadesh Archaeological context: Temple of Abydos, outer west wall and west half of the outer north wall. 384 Date: Ramesses II State: In situ. Badly preserved. Reconstructed. Beating, hand cutting and decapitation: All these treatments are attested on the exterior west wall of the temple. Description: West Wall (Pls. Xa and Xb) 385 Exterior west wall of the temple bears depictions which are of interest to this study. The beating of enemy spies attested in the representations of the Battle of Qadesh in the temples in Abu Simbel, Luxor, Ramesseum and Karnak can be also found in the temple of Abydos of Ramesses II (Pl. Xa). However here the scene is not preserved as well as in the other temples. One can recognise two Egyptian officials on the right and a kneeling figure of a prisoner on the left. The left hand of the prisoner is turned towards the official on the right. He is kneeling on the ground with both knees touching the ground. The left figure of the two officials is hitting the prisoner with his stick. The other official is holding his stick in a smiting pose. 386

383 384 385 386

For other translations see, BARE III, 414; Brugsch 1876: 36; KRI II, 109; Lohwasser 2012: 533. PM VI, 39ff Based on, Iskander and Goelet 2015: 18, 34–35, 36–37 Kuentz 1928: Pl. XXII, 2; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 19.

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The far-left lower part of the scene, just below the beating of the enemy spies 387, depicts a Shardana 388 soldier cutting off the left hand of an enemy who is lying on the ground with the other arm stretched out towards the left (Pl. Xb). Judging by his posture the enemy is either dying or already dead. The Shardana soldier severs his hand with a dagger or a knife which he holds in his right hand whereas he grabs the palm of the enemy’ with his left. The first Shardana soldier on his right is possibly also depicted in the action of cutting off the hand of a kneeling enemy in that he holds the right arm with his left hand just below the hand whereas his right arm is raised up probably holding a weapon. However, the upper part is not preserved. The kneeling enemy is holding the soldier with his left arm embracing him around the waist. If this man is indeed depicted in the act of cutting off a hand then this would be an act of cutting off a hand of an enemy who is still alive. The second Shardana soldier on his right is depicted slicing the throat of a kneeling enemy who is holding the soldier with his left hand by his left arm. Here it is clear that the enemy is still alive. North Wall 389 (Pl. XI) There are four registers depicting bringing of the prisoners of war and cut off hands by Egyptian soldiers and counting of the cut off hands. This part of the scene is oriented towards the left where each of the registers ends with two Egyptian officials counting a pile of hands. The first register from the top is damaged so that the upper parts of the figures are not visible and therefore it cannot be said if any of the Egyptian soldiers bringing in the prisoners of war are also carrying cut off hands. Nevertheless, the two officials counting hands can be recognised and a pile of cut off hands to the left in front of them numbers at least 22 hands. The second register depicts bringing of the prisoners of war by Egyptian soldiers and counting of cut off hands, however none of the soldiers carries a cut off hand with him. The counting is depicted on the left at the end of the register. Two Egyptian officials can be recognised in this procedure. The one on the right is writing down the count while the one on the left is counting the cut off hands piled to the left in front of him. He holds a cut off hand by its thumb in each of his hands. The pile amounts to around 46 hands. 390 To the left of the pile there is a text mentioning the hands depicted in the register: Text 391:

387 Iskander and Goelet 2015: 18. 388 He is distinguishable on the basis of his horned helmet with a disc between the horns. For the most recent works on Shardana representations in Ramesside Egypt and related problems see, Cavillier 2005; Emanuel 2013; it must also be noted that the battle of Qadesh representations from Abu Simbel, Luxor, Karnak and Abydos have earliest so far known depictions of the Shardana warriors, Emanuel 2013: 16. 389 Based on Iskander and Goelet 2015: 40–41. 390 Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 16–25; Heinz 2001: 283–284. 391 Transcription after, Iskander and Goelet 2015: 62. For other transcriptions see KRI II, 142.5.

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Transliteration sHw n n xAs.wt s bj.wt s mA. n Hm=f jw=f wa.w Dr. t Hr XA. t ss m .wt Hr wrry. t jwn .wt pD.wt x pS.w xa.w n b nw ra--x t

Translation392 “Summary of these rebellious foreign lands which His Majesty slayed on his own. Hands and corpses, horses and chariots, bows, swords, and all combat equipment”.

The same depictions are found in the third and the fourth register. In the third register there are at least 38 cut off hands in the pile. None of the Egyptian soldiers bringing prisoners of war in this register brings cut off hands. At the end of the register is a text mentioning the prisoners of war from Hatti and Mittani and the rulers of all the foreign lands who came with Hatti and the fallen one of Hatti. However, while hands are depicted, the text does not refer to them. 393 In the fourth register there are at least 57 hands in the pile. None of the Egyptian soldiers bringing prisoners of war in this register brings cut off hands. At the end of the register is a text mentioning the prisoners of war and rulers of all the foreign lands who came with Hatti and who were captured as king’s personal booty when he was alone in the land of Hatti. 394 Comment: Considering that the Shardana soldiers fighting for Egyptians are shown cutting off the hands of enemies in this scene, it is possible that we have here an Egyptian influence on military behaviour of foreigners. 395 It is also possible that they are depicted like this because it was important to show that they are in Egyptian service. Discussion: There are possible indications that the hands are being cut from enemies who are still alive in the scene depicting Shardana soldiers cutting the hands of enemies. It is also important to stress that there are no Egyptian soldiers depicted in this activity and that foreign soldiers too were engaged in cutting off the hands of the enemies when they fought on the Egyptian side. In the scene of the counting of the hands we find a written attestation for the cut off and collected hands only in the text accompanying the second register. The first register’s text is damaged so we cannot be sure if it originally mentioned the hands or not. The texts accompanying the third and the fourth registers with piles of hands do not mention the hands.

392 393 394 395

For other translations see, KRITA II, 23. KRITA II, 23. KRITA II, 23. The degree of Egyptian influence on Shardana is also one of the main research themes of the “Progetto Shardana”, a multidisciplinary project on Shardana at the Centre of Study “J. F. Champolion” in Genoa. For recent studies on Shardana and this project see, Cavillier 2015: 631.

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Doc. 32: Karnak, Battle of Qadesh Archaeological context: Court between 8th and 9th Pylon, west wall, outside. 396 Date: Ramesses II. State: The upper part of the wall is not preserved so we have only lower parts of the scenes. 397 Beating: Beating is attested in the “Conference Scene” of the Battle of Qadesh. Description 398 (Pl. XIIa): The Karnak temple depiction of the beating of the Hittite spies is much damaged and one can only recognise parts of the two Egyptian officials on the left, the lower part of at least one prisoner figure in the middle and one Egyptian official on the right. Hand cutting: Attested in the form of presentation and counting of cut off hands in the scene depicting the presentation of the spoils of war. Description 399 (Pl. XIIb): The scene is oriented towards the right. In the first preserved register we can recognise only the lower part of the scene which probably parallels the one in the second register. Nevertheless, it is possible to recognise that there are Egyptian soldiers approaching a group of Egyptian officials and in front of them are officials who are counting cut off hands. Like in the second register two are doing the counting. The one on the left is probably writing this down as does the parallel figure in the same place in the second register. In front of him to the right are the cut off hands, all together c. 15 are visible, with the upper part of the pile not preserved. To the right of this pile is the lower part of another official who is counting the hands and he can be interpreted as the one who actually handles and counts the hands like the parallel figure in the second register. There are two piles on his right. The tops of both piles are not preserved, both preserved parts of the piles count c. 11 hands each. Both left and right hands are depicted. To the right of the counting of the hands we can recognise the lower section of a large chariot wheel and large hooves. These definitely belong to the chariot of the king. In the second register, after a contingent of chariots and foot soldiers come three Egyptian soldiers each with a kneeling prisoner of war to his right. The second soldier from the left cuts off the right hand of a kneeling enemy. He is cutting off the hand with a dagger or a knife in his right hand while holding the palm of the enemy’s hand with his left. Then there follows a figure of a soldier who is grabbing a kneeling enemy by his head and then a 396 397 398 399

PM II, 179. Gaballa 1976: 114 Based on Kuentz 1928 : Pl. XXVI. Based on the plates from, Kuentz 1928: Pl. XXXI; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 70; Heinz 2001: III. 3, 286.

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series of five chariots, horses and enemy prisoners being led forward by soldiers. Some of the soldiers carry cut off hands attached to a rope forming a circular bundle. The first of these has six cut off hands on his bundle which he holds in his left hand while he raises his right hand in praise. This bundle is an extension of a rope which is tied to one of the prisoners of war which he drags behind him. The rope bundle consists of at least three coils of rope. Of six cut off hands on the bundle only one is a left and five are right hands. The second man pulls an enemy prisoner by his hair with his right hand while raising his left hand in praise. On his left arm where the upper arm meets the lower arm there is a bundle with four cut off hands. All are left hands. The third pulls two enemies by their hair at the same time with his right hand while he raises his left hand in praise. On his left arm where the upper arm meets the lower arm there is a bundle with four cut off hands. Three of these hands are right and one is a left hand. The fourth man raises his right hand in praise while holding a bundle with seven cut off hands in his left hand. All are right hands. The fifth figure is turned towards the left. His right hand is in front of the face of a bound prisoner to his left as though he is slapping his face. He is holding a bundle of five cut off hands in his left hand and leaning on the right side of a horse. All five are right hands. The register continues with prisoners being brought forward and several figures of Egyptian officials in front of them and the soldier who brings them. At the very end two officials are depicted counting the cut off hands piled in front of them. The first on the left is better preserved and he seems to be writing although his arms are damaged so this cannot be said with certainty. In front of him to his right is a pile numbering c. 30 cut off hands. The second official counting the hands is more damaged. He is kneeling lower and he holds a cut off hand by its palm in each of his hands. There is a pile to his right in front of him numbering c. 30 cut off hands. Both left and right hands are depicted in the piles. There is a damaged inscription above this official. Text 400:

Transliteration Dr.wt Hr XA. t d mD ss m . t wrry. t

Translation “… hands and corpses, total of horses and chariots.”

Comment: Scenes of the battle of Qadesh once occupied the outside south wall of the great Hypostyle Hall to the west of the “Cour de la Cachette” at Karnak. However, these scenes were erased and the wall was re-engraved with other war scenes (Syrian campaigns). The remains of the scene in which the king presents prisoners of war to Amun after his re-

400 Transcription after, Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 70.

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turn from Qadesh are preserved on the same wall to the east of the “Cour de la Cachette” over the Poem. 401 Discussion: The scene can be interpreted as a presentation of prisoners of war and cut off hands. These are being counted and registered by the Egyptian officials in front of the king who is sitting backwards in his chariot and thus turned towards the incoming soldiers. 402 There are two piles of cut off hands, one in front of each official in both registers. The official on the left is probably only recording and the one on the right is handling the hands. This suggests that the one on the right is counting and piling hands he finished next to the official who is writing the count. Therefore, the pile on the left contains counted and recorded hands and the pile on the right is the pile with hands that still have to be counted and registered. As we have seen from the hands carried by the soldiers and the hands in the piles, both left and right hands were cut off, piled and counted, although judging by those carried by the soldiers right hands are more numerous.

Doc. 33: Luxor, Battle of Qadesh Archaeological context: West part of the north wall (outside) of the second court, east of the entrance. 403 Date: Ramesses II. State: Most of the scene with the presentation of the prisoners of war and cut off hands to the king is not preserved. Beating: Attested in the “Conference Scene” of the Battle of Qadesh . Description 404 (Pl. XIIIa): The Luxor temple depiction of the beating of Hittite spies is located on the outer wall of the west tower of the First Pylon and shows only one official on the left with both prisoners being oriented towards the right and having one hand raised in defense in each direction. Of the two officials on the right the frontal one is standing with stick raised in a smiting blow, and the rear man is bent forward and hitting one of the two prisoners. The prisoners are both kneeling on the ground touching it with only one knee. 401 Gaballa 1976: 114. 402 A parallel can be found in other documents (Docs. 33 and 47). That this scene and its accompanying text served as a template for the one of Ramesses III was already emphasised, Anthes 1930: 26–28. 403 PM II, 334. 404 Kuentz 1928: Pl. XXXII; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 81, 82; Kitchen 1982: 55; Heinz 2001: 287.

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Hand cutting: Attested in the presentation and counting of cut off hands in the scene depicting the presentation of the spoils of war. Description 405 (Pl. XIIIb): The pile of cut off hands is situated between two rows of figures. The figures on the left are prisoners of war being led forward by an Egyptian soldier. The figures on the right are Egyptian soldiers who are leaning slightly forward. The upper part of the register is damaged so it cannot be said if there are any cut off hands on the spears of the soldiers as there are certainly none in their hands or as bundles on their arms. The pile amounts to c. 25 cut off hands. Both left and right hands are depicted. Discussion: The scene can be interpreted as a scene of presentation of prisoners of war and cut off hands to the king. Although this element is not preserved in Luxor it can be safely assumed that the king was depicted sitting in his chariot as in the same scene of the Battle of Qadesh at Karnak. 406

Doc. 34: Ramesseum, Battle of Qadesh and the Taking of Dapur under Ramesses II Archaeological context: For the representation of beating: The Ramesseum temple depiction of the Battle of Qadesh is found on the west wall of the north tower of the First Pylon. 407 For the representation of decapitation and hand cutting: East wall of the hypostyle hall, south of the main entrance, lower register. 408 Date: Ramesses II State: In situ. Weathered. Beating: Attested in the “Conference Scene” of the Battle of Qadesh. Description 409 (Pl. XIVa): The scene depicts two prisoners with their legs bent at the knees but not kneeling or touching the ground with either of the knees. The left prisoner is turned towards the left with right hand raised in defence and the left hand almost touching the arm of the official who beats him with a stick. The right is turned towards the right and has both hands in the air above his head and is being beaten on his chest by one of the officials on the right. 405 406 407 408 409

Based on plates from, Kuentz 1928: Pl. XXXVIII; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 64; Heinz 2001: IV. 1, 290. See Docs. 32 and 47. Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 95. PM II, 438. Kuentz 1928: Pl. XXXIX; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 92, 95. Heinz 2001: 291.

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Hand cutting and decapitation: Attested in the scene depicting the taking of the city of Dapur. Description (Pl. XIVb) 410: The enemies are depicted with long hair and without beards, wearing long robes. They are upright, kneeling or laying on the ground, oriented left or right, and reversed as though they are falling down. The enemies of interest here will be numbered from top to bottom and from left to right. Only those figures missing body parts such as head or a hand will be discussed together with those figures whose bodily parts are being cut off by Egyptian soldiers. Figure 1 is an enemy under a horse. He is standing and looking towards the left. His right hand is missing. An interesting detail might have been observed when the relief was investigated in situ. Of the right arm that is missing a hand a small square is visible. Bearing in mind that the enemies are not wearing sleeves this could be a depiction of the bone after the hand was cut off. His posture indicates that he is still alive. Figure 2 is kneeling on the ground. Next to him is one of the sons of Rameses II, identified in the text next to him as sA n swt m ry=f n X. t=f xa-m-wAs.t “Bodily and beloved king’s son, Khaemwaset” 411 who is depicted stabbing a kneeling enemy with his dagger directly in the neck. The depiction suggests piercing rather than cutting so we cannot be sure that decapitation is intended. Rather, it seems that piercing the neck just below the beard suggests the choice of a vulnerable point. The right hand of the enemy is missing. The enemy is hugging the left leg of Khaemwaset with his right arm. Considering this and the fact that he is looking upwards towards Khaemwaset piercing his neck, it seems that his hand was cut off while he was still alive. Figure 3 is a poorly visible figure of an enemy. One of his hands is missing but it is not clear if this is the right or left hand. Figure 4 is looking towards the left. His right hand is missing. Figure 5 is kneeling down, looking up and missing his right hand. Discussion: The enemies whose hands are missing in this scene were clearly alive when their hands were cut off. Both figures of enemies here are missing their right hands. Figure 2 is depicted being killed by Khaemwaset but we cannot be sure that it is the prince who cut off his hand because the right hand is already cut off when the prince kills him. Regarding decapitation it should be noted that although it is not actually depicted, the piercing of the enemy’s neck by Khaemwaset is the closest example to decapitation. In this case we are not dealing with an ordinary soldier.

410 Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 107, 109; Heinz 2001: IX. 1., 278. Some of the details are not visible on the drawings or are erroneously drawn. The inspection of the relief showed that there are two more figures missing a hand (Figures 4 and 5), that Figure 1 has an interesting detail depicted on right arm missing the hand and that Figure 2 is hugging the left leg of prince Khaemwaset with his right arm missing hand. 411 KRI II, 174.5, KRITA II, 47.

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Doc. 35: Abu Simbel, Battle of Qadesh Archaeological context: North wall of the first pillared hall of the Great Temple of Abu Simbel. 412 State: Slightly damaged. Date: Ramesses II. Beating Beating is attested in the “Conference Scene” of the Battle of Qadesh. Description 413 (Pl. XVa): The scene depicts the beating of the prisoners in the last register just under the enthroned Ramesses II. There are four Egyptian officials shown beating two prisoners. Two officials on the left have beating sticks and hold them with both hands, with the right one of these bent forward and hitting the prisoner on his left arm and shoulder, and the left raising his stick in the air in a smiting blow. The left of the prisoners is kneeling with his left leg, touching the ground with the left knee and having his right foot touching the ground with the toes. He looks in the direction of the two officials on the left. He has both of his arms raised in a defensive pose. The two officials on the right are depicted in the same manner as those on the left, the only difference being that they have bands tied around their foreheads. The left official hits the righthand figure of a prisoner on his left arm and chest. The official on the right has the stick raised in the smiting blow. The right prisoner is kneeling on the ground with stretched legs which touch the ground with both knees. He also looks in the direction of the two officials on the left. His left arm is raised in the air towards the two officials on the right in a defensive pose. What immediately attracts attention is the relative scale of figures in this depiction as in the tomb of Horemhab. Enemies are much larger than the Egyptian officials who beat them like in the case of Nubian prisoners of war in the Memphite tomb of Horemhab. The scene is followed by an inscription: Text 414:

412 PM VII, 104. 413 Based on, Kuentz 1928: Pl. XLII; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 169, 170, 176; Desroches Noblecourt, Donadoni and Edel 1971: Pl. IIIc, IV, XIII, XVII; Heinz 2001: 281. 414 KRI II, 130. 1–10. The differences in texts from Abu Simbel, Luxor, Ramasseum and Abydos are slight. One can notice the use of the determinative Gardiner A13 in the text version from Luxor and Abydos in the writing of the word for scout. Thus, the scribes clearly indicated the prisoner status of the scouts by writing the determinative of a bound prisoner, Hasel 2011: 73.

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Transliteration pA jy. t j rj n pA HAp tyw n pr-aA anH wDA sn b jw jnj. n=f HAp tyw 2 n pA x r.w n ≈tA m-bAH pr-aA anH wDA sn b jw=t w Hr q n q n=sn m-bAH r- dj. t Dd=sn pA n . ty pA Hr.w n ≈tA

Translation415 “The arrival of the scout of the king, life, prosperity and health, who brought 2 scouts of the fallen one of Hatti in the presence of the Pharaoh, life, prosperity and health. They are beaten in the (royal) presence in order to make them tell the (place) of the fallen one of Hatti”.

Doc. 36: Beit el-Wali/South temple, Nubian campaign Archaeological context: Temple forecourt, eastern half of the south wall. 416 Date: Ramesses II State: Most of the scene is preserved. Description 417 (Pl. XVb): On the far left we see enemies in their own environs. Women and children are welcoming back the wounded fleeing soldiers. The scene is partly damaged so some of the enemy figures cannot be studied in detail. Therefore, it is difficult to precisely assess the number of those missing a hand. This can be argued with certainty in only one case. Figure 1 is an enemy kneeling on the ground to the left of the king. He is missing his right hand. The enemy is either dying or is already dead. Discussion: The temple of Beit el-Wali is the northernmost and one of the earliest of Nubian temples dating to the beginning of the sole reign of Ramesses II or to the end of his co-regency with Seti I. According to Heather Lee McCarthy the temple appears to have been built as a commemoration of a Nubian campaign that took place during the 8th or 30th regnal year of Seti I. 418 However, the Nubian campaign here is attributed to Ramesses II. No specific date or circumstances are given in the text. Spalinger argued that the dating is not clear but that it is possible that the carving was done in the transitional period starting with the death of Seti I and going into the first years of Ramesses II as sole ruler. This is also suggested by the youthful appearance of the king’s figure in a scene in which he offers Maat to Amun-Re. 419 Spalinger suggested that 415 For other translations see, Gardiner 1960: 36; KRITA II, 19; it remains unclear if these are the same as the Shasu spies mentioned in the Bulletin, Hasel 2011: 73. 416 PM VII, 23. 417 Based on plates from, Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 166; Roeder 1938: Tf. 26–27; Ricke, Hughes and Wente 1967: 10–11, Pl. 8; Heinz 2001: V. 6, 261. 418 McCarthy 2003: 61. 419 Spalinger 2011b: 32.

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this campaign occurred under Seti I, but as the aged king could not personally participate it was led by Ramesses II. 420 The fact that the Beit el-Wali temple relates Ramesses II to three or possibly four wars, all of which associated with his father Seti I, does not mean that these temple representations are ahistorical. They were used to stress the participation of Ramesses II in those wars. 421 The importance of the Nubian campaign is emphasised by its placement on the entire south wall of the first hall whereas battles with three different groups of northern enemies are shown on the north wall. 422 This is to be seen in the location of the temple and the targeted audience in Lower Nubia.

Doc. 37: Papyrus Anastasi II (BM EA 10243) L. 3.3 m H. 21 cm Archaeological context: Currently kept in the British Museum in London and probably originally from the Saqqara necropolis. It was not found there but was bought by Giovanni Anastasi, Swedish consul in Egypt, in 1839. 423 Date: Merenptah. The date of the writing is at least after his Syro-Palestinian campaign. 424 State: Good. Hand cutting: Attested in the praise of Merenptah. Text 425:

Transliteration nDm wsy pAy =k Sm r wAs. t {n x t. tj} jw tAy =k wrry. t hAn n . tj m Dr.wt

420 421 422 423 424 425 426

Translation426 “How pleasing is your traverse to Thebes with your chariot bent (from the weight?) of hands”.

Spalinger 1980: 89. Spalinger 1980: 90. McCarthy 2003: 67. Gardiner 1937: XIII. Spalinger 2003: 123. Papyrus Anastasi II (recto). 5, 3, transcription after, Gardiner 1937: 15. 2–3. For other translations see, Lauth 1867: 666; Caminos 1954: 45.

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Discussion: The manuscript belonged to a high-ranking member of the scribal class. 427 If the reference to hands is understood as a reference to cut off hands of enemies, then this is one of rare attestations that, in some occasions, hands are taken back to Egypt (see Doc. 11). The text states that the king goes to Thebes and that his chariots are bending from (the weight of?) hands. The hands could have also been counted and registered before returning to Egypt and this could simply be a rhetorical statement indicating the greatness of the king’s victory. 428 If we accept this as proof that the cut off hands were transported to Thebes, then we have to accept that this is an exception and not a rule, at least based on other known attestations. Another exception is the case of Amada and Elephantine stelae of Amenhotep II where six hands are brought to Egypt together with dead enemies hanged upside-down on the prow of the ship (Doc. 11). The sign F51 “flesh” is not written as the determinative for Dr.wt in the Papyrus Anastasi II. Therefore, we should also consider the possibility that we are not dealing with cut off hands at all, although there are cases where the determinative is missing and there is no doubt that the hands are meant (Docs. 8, 10–11, 14, 32, 37, 39 and 47). The word Dr.wt in this context can refer to a part of the chariot body or to people, namely prisoners of war. 429 The Memphis stela of Amenhotep II mentions 16 living maryannu on Dr.wj of the king’s chariot (m rjn an x 16 Hr Dr.wj nj wrr. t=f) and that he brought an emissary of Naharin as a prisoner of war on Dr.wj of his chariot (jnj. n=f sw m sq r-an x Hr Dr.wj nj wrry. t=f). 430 The lexeme Drw.w “side of the body, flank” 431 is also attested. That prisoners of war can be placed on the sides of a chariot is confirmed by the relief of Amenhotep II where two prisoners of war seem to flank the chariot. 432 One could therefore cautiously suggest that wrry. t hAn n . tj m Dr.wt attested in the Papyrus Anastasi II means “chariot bent of sides”. However, bearing other evidence in mind and the fact that plural (Dr.wt) is used rather than dual (Dr.wy), we should consider that hands are meant indeed.

Doc. 38: Athribis stela of Merenptah, Kom el-Ahmar, Menuf (Cairo JE 50568) Archaeological context: The granite stela from Athribis in the southern Delta, now in Cairo, is inscribed on both sides and contains an account of Merenptah’s Libyan campaign.

427 Spalinger 2003: 124. 428 Spalinger 2003: 127. 429 For example j n .w t p.w Dr.w t “income of heads and hands”, Royal favours to the high priest Amenhotep in year 10 of Ramesses IX, Karnak, south approach, BARE IV, 497; KRI VI, 46.10; KRITA VI, 351. 430 Urk. IV, 1304, 12–19. 431 Wb 5, 602.1–20. 432 Two of the prisoners are next to the king, each on a side of the chariot, one is laying on a pole, and three are sitting on the horse, Zayed 1985: Pls. I and II.

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State: Damaged. Date: Merenptah. Hand cutting and phalli cutting: The text ends with the list of the killed, the captured and the spoil. 433 Here only parts of the inscription relevant for hand cutting and phalli cutting will be presented. Text 434:

Transliteration

Translation436

Xrd .w nA wr Xsy x r Rbw [///Rest lost///] 6s m s.w wr.w sn .w n pA wr Xsy x r Rbw Xd b.w jnj.w [m] pA [///Rest lost///] [Ab.w.]t [rbw Xd b.w] jnj.w nAy =sn Hn n .w s 6200 (?) [///Rest lost///]y.w n ma Ab.w. t Rbw Xd b.w jnj.w nAy =sn Hn n .w s [///Rest lost///] [Rb]w (?) 200 s Jq wS.w [nA]y j m jn n .w pA wr Xsy [///Rest lost///] k p.w435 s 1213 ∑klS s 200 †rS s 722 [///Rest lost///]

“Children of the wretched, fallen chief of Libu [///Rest lost///] 6 Men Children of chiefs and brothers of wretched, fallen chief of Libu, slain, brought [from] the [///Rest lost///] [Familie]s [of Libu, slain], whose phalli were brought 6200 (?) Men [///Rest lost///] from families of the Libu, slain, whose phalli were brought [///Rest lost///] Men Libu (?) 200 Men. Aqaywasha of the sea, brought by the wretched chief [///Rest lost///] hands 1200 men, Shekelesh 200 men, Teresh 722 men” [///Rest lost///].

Discussion: It is interesting that the word q rn . t is not used in the text of the Athribis stela for the cut off phalli of enemies. The phalli are simply referred to as Hn n .w.

433 BARE III, 596. 434 Transcription after, KRI IV, 22. 4–22. 9. 435 Wb 5, 118. 11–12. This is a well attested Semitic word with the meaning “palm of the hand” or “sole of the foot”. It is also attested as Demotic gp, Hoch 1994: 317–318. 436 For other translations see, BARE III, 601; KRITA IV, 18–19; Cline and O’Connor 2012: 201.

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Doc. 39: Amada temple stela-inscription dedicated to Merenptah Sandstone 1.03 m x 0.97 m Archaeological context: The stela-form inscription is located in the Amada temple constructed by Thutmose III and dedicated to Amun and Re-Horakhty. The decoration was continued by Amenhotep II. Thutmose IV placed a roof over the courtyard turning it into a hypostyle hall. The names of Amun were erased during the Amarna period, but were later restored by Seti I. Minor restorations were carried out by Seti I, Ramesses II, Merenptah and Siptah. 437 The stela-form inscription dedicated to Merenptah occupies the vacant area at the bottom of the left-hand side of the interior of the main gateway of the temple. 438 State: The Amada temple was relocated during the UNESCO campaign and now stands 2.6 km inland and 60 m higher than its original location. 439 The inscription is heavily weathered. Date: Year 5, 3rd month of Smw, 1st day, under king Merenptah. 440 Text (Impaling) 441:

437 Barguet and Dewachter 1967: 1–3; PM VII, 67–73; Morkot 2012: 374–377. For details on the architecture of the temple with associated plans see, el Achiery, Barguet and Dewachter 1967: 1–9. For a summary on the architectural development of the Amada temple see, van Siclen 1987: 53–60. 438 Barguet and Dewachter 1967: 3, Pl. VI; Dodson 1997: 42–43; Gauthier 1913: 186–187, Pl. XLI B; Morkot 2012, 375. 439 el Achiery, Barguet and Dewachter 1967: II-III; Morkot 2012: 374. 440 KRI IV. 1–11; Davies 1997: 191. 441 Transcription after, KRI. IV. 1, 12–13; part of the text is damaged and it is very hard to reconstruct the missing signs even after the revision in February 2015.

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Transliteration (Impaling)442

Translation (Impaling)444

n n-s p wAH=s t rmT n b n Rb.w[… r.w…] w n b m tA=sn s 443105[…] SgAn .w m Hfn .w Dba.w nA s py.w dj.w Hr t p x t Hr rs.j Mn-n fr

„They did not leave anyone of all the people of Libu ….all in their land … in hundreds of thousands and tens of thousands, the rest laid ‘on top of the stake’ to the south of Memphis“.

Text (Burning)  445:

Transliteration (Burning)446

Translation (Burning)

pA hAhA n r=f r tA n WAwA. t xf a(.w) =s t m s p (wa) n jwa=s t jnj (.w) r Km t m-a[b] xAa x . t r nAy =sn aAy.w m-bAH j r.w 447 =s t

“The hot blast from his mouth was against the land of Wawat. They were seized with one blow. They have no heirs, as they were taken to Egypt together. Fire is thrown upon their great ones in the presence of their companions”.448

Text (Hand cutting; Ears and eyes cutting)  449:

442 Transliteration after, KRI. IV. 1, 12–13. For other transliterations see, Youssef 1964: 274; Davies 1997: 190. 443 After this sign the text is badly damaged and the transcription and transliteration are not certain. 444 For other translations see, KRITA IV. 1, 12–13; Muhlestein 2011: 54; Schulman 1988: 91; Youssef 1964: 276; Davies 1997: 191. 445 Transcription after, KRI. IV. 1, 15–16. 446 For other transliterations see, Davies 1997: 190. 447 Kenneth A. Kitchen reads “relatives”, KRITA IV. 1, 15. However, as the text is damaged and only the first sign j can be read for certain, with the other two signs probably being r and w, it is maybe better to understand the word as j r. j “fellow, companion”, Wb 1, 105. 5–8. 448 For other translations see, Säve-Söderbergh 1991, 6; KRITA IV. 1, 15; Davies 1997: 191. Some authors erroneously refer to these Nubians as Medjai, see Hornung 1968: 27; Muhlestein 2011: 54. 449 Transciption after KRI IV, 1. 16–2. 1.

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Transliteration (Hand cutting; Ears and eyes cutting)

Translation (Hand cutting; Ears and eyes cutting)452

tA s py (. t) Sad (.w) Dr. tj.w 450 Hr nAy =sn btA.w k tx .w 451 nHm an x .wy {r} j r. ty jTA(.w) r KS s t j rj.w m m r.w m nAy =s t na.wt

“The rest, (their) both hands were cut off because of their crimes; both ears and both eyes were taken and carried off to Kush. They were made into heaps in their towns”.

Discussion: Left of the stela is a depiction of a kneeling male figure. He is wearing a collar, with a fillet tied at the rear and a Ramesside flowing gown. The figure is holding his insignia in one hand and raises his other hand in praise. 453 There are two suggested identifications of this man. Most authors identify him as Messuy, the viceroy of Kush, even though the name is erased and only a trace of m s is preserved. 454 There are those who rather suggest Khaemtitry (Chaemturo) 455 for the identification because the names of Messuy are not erased or damaged in Amada where they are identified, whereas the name of Khaemtitry is known to be erased at Buhen. 456 The Amada inscription is the best preserved of the four inscriptions (Amada, Amarah West, Wadi es-Sebua and Aksha) set up to commemorate Merenptah’s victory over the rebels in Wawat. 457 It was suggested that the text relates to the “invasion” of Egypt by the Libyan tribes and that Libyans and Nubians planned a joint attack on Egypt which failed because the Egyptians learned about it and were able to defeat the Nubians first. 458 While it is hard to argue for an “invasion”, the possibility of a close contact between the Libyans and Nubians and a planned joint attack on Egypt cannot be excluded as a similar situation is found in the Second Intermediate Period. 459 However, one has to bear in mind that 450 The word “hands” is written as plural of the dual of the noun “hand” as the scribe wanted to indicate that both hands of more enemies were cut off, cf. Davies 1997: 192. 451 For this word see, Wb 5. 114.8–115.12; originaly ky. t-jx . t “other things” changed to one-word k t x which precedes its noun of reference, see Junge 1999: 370. 452 Kitchen 1977: 276; Davies 1997: 191‒193. 453 Gauthier 1913: Pl. XLI; Aly, Abdel-Hamid and Dewachter 1967: B8; Dodson 1997: 44. 454 Gauthier 1913: 185–189, Pl. 41; Černý 1967: I–III; Kitchen 1977: 222; KRI IV, 1, 37, 96; Dodson 2010: 24. 455 For summary on current state of knowledge on this viceroy see, Müller 2013: 138–139. 456 Caminos 1974b, 17, f. 4; Habachi 1980: 634; Hopper 2010: 592. 457 Davies 1997: 189. 458 Davies 1997: 189; Morkot 2012: 375. 459 This comparison was already suggested by Kenneth A. Kitchen who pointed out the Libyan emissaries traveled through deserts and oases and plotted with local Nubian chiefs just as the Hyksos ruler was in contact with the ruler of Kush, see Kitchen 1977: 223–224. The contact between the king of Avaris in the north with the king of Kush in the south is attested in the Second stela of Kamose where the Theban king boasts of having intercepted a message south of an oasis written by Apophis, king of the Hyksos, to the son of the ruler of Kush, who had probably risen to power without informing Apophis. Apophis suggests to the ruler of Kush to attack Egypt from the south as its king is away, Habachi 1972: 39; Ryholt 1997: 326–327; Redford 1997: 14. This indicates that although Egyptians were dominating large parts of the Nile valley, it was possible for the message

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the rebellion occurred in Wawat and not in Kush. The only possibility of Libyan involvement would be in the case that the rebellion in Wawat was instigated by the Kushites.

Doc. 40: Papyrus Harris I (British Museum EA 9999), Ramesses III’ concluding prayer to Amun Length: 40.5 m Height: 42.5 cm Archaeological context: Unknown. The papyrus was found in 1855 in the vicinity of the mortuary temple of Ramesses III in Medinet Habu and was purchased by Anthony Charles Harris. Date: Ramesses III State: Good. Branding: Attested in the context of the settling of the Sea Peoples in Egypt. Text 460:

from the north to reach the south probably via desert roads and the oasis. Exactly during the Second Intermediate Period the Oasis Road from the northern Bahria and Dakhla Oases southward saw heavier traffic, Darnell and Darnell 1997: 10–15. The Hyksos style pottery and seals found at Kerma, bearing the names of early and middle Hyksos rulers, and Egyptian objects, looted from the Egyptian tombs, were interpreted as evidence of an already existing alliance, before the conflict in which Apophis tried to involve the ruler of Kush, as attested in the Second stela of Kamose, Yurco 2004: 446; that the contacts were maintained through the use of oasis routes was also argued on the basis of imported eastern Delta and Upper Egyptian pottery found on Nubian sites, Bourriau 1999: 46–47. Peter Lacovara interprets the decline in imported material, mainly pottery, as a consequence of Upper Egyptian conflicts with the Hyksos kingdom in the north and Kushite kingdom in the south, Lacovara 1997: 80. At the beginning of Kerma Classique there is no decline of imports from Lower Egypt. By the end of this period, at least based on the material from Beit es Sheitan, all imports are from Upper Egypt, see Bourriau 2004: 12. That there was stable contact between the north and the south is also evidenced by the sealing practices attested in Kerma using both imported (larger number) and locally produced seals, Gratien 2004: 81. One should also mention the presence of Nubian pottery in Tell el-Dabca (Avaris) found in several areas on the site and dating from the earlier 15th Dynasty to Thutmoside period, Aston 2012: 159–179; Forstner-Müller and Rose 2012: 181–212. 460 Papyrus Harris I, 77. 5–6, Grandet 1994: Pl. 78. Transcription after, Erichsen 1933: 94.

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Transliteration Ab.w j rj.w m Hm .w m nSy.w Hr rn=j Hm .wt=sn Xrdw=sn j rj.w m-mjt t m s=j nAy =sn jAwt r pr Jm n j rj.w n=f m m n m nwt (r-)SA (-r) nHH

Translation461 “(They) being branded like ‘slaves’ 462 and stamped with my name 463, their wives and their children likewise. I presented their herds to the house of Amun, being made for him as cattle eternally”.

Decapitation: Attested in the concluding prayer of Ramesses III to Amun in which he pleads the god to do well by his son and heir. Text 464:

Transliteration j mj x pS=f HD=f Hr t p ‚Ttj.w xAb =w n Sfj. t=f (m) -mjt t Bal

Translation “Put his sword and his war-mace on the head of the Asiatics. May they bend down in fear of him like (from) Baal.”465

Discussion: The symbolical connection between foreign captives and cattle is explicit in this text where the people are presented as herds to the temple of Amun after being “branded”. Parallel can be found in the tomb of Neferhotep where the enrolling of the cattle and “slaves” from Syria-Palestine is depicted. Here the upper register depicts beating, dragging and registering the “slaves” on the left, apparently unloaded from the ship on the right. The lower register depicts parallel treatment of cattle being unloaded and tied with ropes on the left and the ship on the right. 466 Therefore, there is a symbolical as461 For other translations see, Spiegelberg 1906: 158; Altägyptischen Wörterbuch, Zettel DZA 20.041.610; BARE IV, 405; Bakir 1952 : 110; Schulman 1964: 123; Grandet 1994b: 337; Kemp 2006: 29; Kitchen 2012: 17; Lohwasser 2012 : 533. Interestingly Antonio Loprieno translates m nSy.w as tattooing, Loprieno 1997: 205. 462 “Slave” as a modern Western term does not have to correspond to dependence in Egypt. Our and their definitions may have the same referent, but not necessarily the same meaning, Poole 1998: 895; Loprieno 2012. 463 Branding tools for cattle are known to have the top in the shape of the cartouche with the king’s name written inside, however this cannot be evidence for actual branding of the people, Davies 1930: Pl. XXVII. 464 Papyrus Harris I, 22. 8, Grandet 1994a: Pl. 22. Transcription after, Erichsen 1933: 26. 465 For other translations see, BARE IV, 246; Grandet 1994a: 253 466 Norman de Garis Davies argued that the cattle are being branded, which is not easy to recognise. If, however the cattle are being branded, this is the only process which has no parallel in the upper register showing the analoguous treatments of slaves, Davies 1933: 34, Pl. XLIII.

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sociation of brought “slaves” in the upper register and brought cattle in the lower register. The lexeme Ab in Papyrus Harris I probably does not refer to actual branding as with the cattle, but some sort of demarcation and registration. The lexeme Ab is used with an extended meaning which does not exclude metaphorical associations of captives with cattle. This is the only attestation in which a king pleads Amun to allow his heir to decapitate the enemies.

Doc. 41: Karnak, Great Libyan War Inscription of Ramesses III Archaeological context: Inside (west) of the eastern wall connecting the main Karnak temple with Pylon VII, the northernmost of the southern pylons. 467 State: In situ. There are many lacunas in the part of the text of interest for this work. Date: Ramesses III. The inscription deals with the Libyan war of Merenptah which took place at the beginning of the third month of Sm .w in Year 5 of his reign. 468 Phalli cutting and hand cutting 1: Triumphal return Text 469:

467 BARE III, 572. 468 Kitchen 1990: 19. 469 Transcription after, KRI IV, 7. 10–7. 14.

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Transliteration

Translation470

[jj m n t].w pDty.w m n fA. t n . t-Ht rj.w jAwty.w n b n mSa wn .w m Narn .w Xr k f a.w [///17. groups lost///] [a]A.w Xr-HA. t=sn At p (.w) m Hn n .w m q rn . t n xAs. t Rbw Hna k p.w n xAs. t [n b] wn .w Hna=w m XAr.w Hr m s tj.w x r.wt [///17. groups lost///] x rw.yw n tA=sn

“[(Then) they returned], the archers, infantry, chariotry, all the officers of the army who had been mercenaries, with captives [///17. groups lost///] donkeys before them, laden with phalli (with) foreskin of the land of Libu together with the hands of all the foreign lands which had come with them, like fish by the basket, and the products [///17. groups lost///] enemies of their land”.

Phalli cutting and hand cutting 2: List of captives and slain/Reckoning the spoils of victory. Text 471:

470 For other translations see, BARE III, 587; KRITA IV, 6. 471 Transcription after, KRI IV, 8. 4–16.

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Transliteration472

Translation473

[///20. groups lost///] [H]n n .w m q rn . t s 6 m s.w wr.w sn .w n pA wr n Rbw Xd b(.w) jny =t w nAy =sn Hn n[.w] [///18. other groups lost///] [wr.w] Rbw Xd b(.w) jny =t w nAy =sn Hn n .w m q rn t 6359 d mD m s.w wr.w aA [///c. 20 groups lost///] [∑]rd n .w ∑k rS.w Jq wS.w n nA xAsw. t n pA y m n . tj b n n=w q[rn t] [///16. other groups lost///] [q rn t] ∑k rS.w s 222 j r. n Dr. t 250 ™rS.w s 742 j r. n Dr. t 790 ∑rd n .w [///c. 20. groups lost///] [Jq]wS.w n . tj m n m- dj=w q rn t Xd b.w jnj=t (w) nAj=sn k p.w m n m- dj=w [///c. 20. groups lost///] [m] r.w jny =t (w) nAj=sn Hn n .w m q rn t r pA n . tj t w=t w j m s 6111 j r. n Hn n .w m q r[n t] [///17. groups lost///] nAy =sn k p.w s 2362

“[///20. groups lost///] [p]halli with foreskin 6 men Children of the chiefs and brothers of the chief of Libu, slain, whose phalli were brought [///18. other groups lost///] [Chiefs] of Libu, slain, whose phalli with foreskin were brought, total 6359 Children of the great chiefs of [///c. 20 groups lost///] [Sh]erden, Shekelesh, Aqaywasha, of the foreign countries of the sea, who had no f[oreskin] [///16. other groups lost///] [foreskin] Shekelesh 222 men, making 250 hands Tursha 742 men, making 790 hands Shardana [///c. 20. groups lost///] Aqaywasha, who had no foreskin, slain, whose hands were brought, [because they had no foreskin?] [c. 20. groups lost///] pyramids (piles), their phalli with foreskin were brought to the place where One (the king) was: 6111 men, making phalli with fore[skin] [///17. groups lost///] whose hands [were carried off]: 2362 men”.

Discussion: The text of the triumphal return informs us that among the spoils of war were captives and before them donkeys laden with phalli with foreskins of Libu together with the cut off hands of enemies from all the foreign lands who were on their side. Thus, the text is clear in stating that the phalli with foreskins were cut from Libyans and that the hands were cut from other enemies. This division is further confirmed in the text of the list of captives and slain in which it is stated that Shardana, Shekelesh and Aqaywasha, of the foreign countries of the sea, had no phalli with foreskins, and therefore they were circumcised. In continuation the text informs us that their hands were brought because they lacked something and then we have a lacuna which we can safely reconstruct as “because they had no foreskin” based on the previous description. This would indicate that when enemies were circumcised their hands were cut off and not their phalli which probably helped in differentiation between the number of fallen enemies of different groups. Thus, the phalli with foreskins were cut only from the Libyans. The cut off body parts 472 For other transliterations see, Müller 2009, 127. 473 For other translations see, BARE III, 588; KRITA IV, 7; Manassa 2003: 56; Müller 2009: 123; Cline and O’Connor 2012: 200.

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are brought to the place where the king was, however we are not informed more closely on the location of this place.

Doc. 42: Medinet Habu, East High Gate, North Tower, Façade Archaeological context: Medinet Habu, East High Gate, North Tower, Façade, East Face, Upper Scene. 474 State: In situ. Weathered. Date: Ramesses III Decapitation: The attestation is in the text of the speech of Amun-Re-Horakhty to the king. Text 475:

Transliteration jj. t m Ht p HAq . n=k pH t w s mA=k th(.w) tAS=k x pS=j Hna=k Hr d x n=k tA.w Hs q=k t p.w aAm .w

Translation476 “Welcome in peace! You captured the attacker, and you slew the transgressor of your border. My sword is with you, overthrowing for you the lands. Cut off the heads of Asiatics!”

Discussion: The text is integrated in an emblematic smiting of the enemy scene. The king is depicted smiting enemies on the right and Amun-Re is depicted presenting him with a sword on the left. The text mentioning decapitation is identical to the one in Speech of Amun to Ramesses III in the Presentation Scene on Pylon II (Campaign against Sea Peoples) of Medinet Habu (Doc. 43).

474 PM II, 483; KRI V, 104. 2; Nims et al. 1970: Pl. 599. 475 KRI V, 104. 5–6; Nims et al. 1970: Pl. 599, columns 1–2. 476 For other translations see, Nims et al. 1970: 5.

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Doc. 43

Doc. 43: Medinet Habu, Speech of Amun to Ramesses III in Presentation Scene on Pylon II (Campaign against Sea Peoples) Archaeological context: Pylon II. 477 State: In situ. Weathered. Date: Campaign against the Sea Peoples of Ramesses III Decapitation: The attestation is found in the speech of Amun to the king. Text 478:

Transliteration479 jj. t m Ht p HAq . n=k pH t w s mA=k th .w tAS=k x pS=j Hna=k Hr d x n=k tA.w Hs q=k t p.w aAm .w

Translation480 “Welcome in peace! You captured the attacker, and you slew the transgressor of your border. My sword is with you, overthrowing for you the lands. Cut off the heads of Asiatics!”

Doc. 44: Medinet Habu First Pylon, South Triumph Scene Archaeological context: Medinet Habu, Exterior, First Pylon, South tower. 481 State: In situ. Weathered. Date: Ramesses III. Decapitation: The attestation is found in the text of the Speech of Amun to the king.

477 478 479 480 481

Nelson 1930, Pl. 44; PM II, 496. Nelson 1930: Pl. 44, column 3; KRI V, 35. 11–12. For other transliterations see, Israeli 2015: 91. For other translations see, BARE IV, 80; KRITA V; Israeli 2015: 91. PM II, 489; Nelson 1932: Pl. 101.

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Text 482:

Transliteration483

Translation484

a.wy =k d mA(.w) m t p x rw.y =k dj. n=j t w m Hry t p.w=sn

“Your hands bind together the heads of your enemies, as I have placed you as overseer of their heads”

Discussion: The scene depicts the king smiting enemies on the right and Amun presenting him with a sickle-sword on the right.

Doc. 45: Medinet Habu, Great Inscription of Year 5 of Ramesses III Archaeological context: South wall of the second court, behind the columns of the southern colonnade. 485 Date: Ramesses III, 5th regnal year. 486 State: In situ. Good Branding and marking: There is a possible textual reference here to the depicted process of demarcation of prisoners in Medinet Habu (Doc. 52). The text refers to the Libyans (†m h .w) and not the Sea Peoples. Text 487:

Transliteration nAy =w HAwty.w j rj.w m-a m h wt m n x t.w m nS.w Hr rn wr Hm=f

482 483 484 485 486 487

Translation “Their leaders were assigned together with families in strongholds (and) stamped with the great name of His Majesty”.

Nelson 1932: Pl. 101, column 8–9; KRI, V. 93. 1–2; Nelson 1932: Pl. 101, column 8–9. For other transliterations see, Israeli 2015: 96. For other translations see, BARE IV, 130; Israeli 2015: 96. BARE IV, 36; KRI V, 20. 12. KRI V, 20. 14. KRI V, 24. 2–3.

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Doc. 46

Hand and phalli cutting Text 488:

Transliteration s p n b jn . (w) m HAq[.w] r Km . t k p.w q rn . t n n r-a=sn m s(.w) m HAk .w d nH Xr pA sSd

Translation489 “Every remainder was brought as booty to Egypt, hands and phalli with foreskins, without number. They were presented as bound captives under the window”.

Discussion: It is possible that the choice of the date of the first campaign of Ramesses III in his 5th regnal year corresponds to the beginning of the “successful” conquests of Ramesses II as he considered the battle of Qadesh as the most relevant. 490 The text clearly states that prisoners were brought to Egypt and presented “under the window” (Xr pA sSd) which is clearly a reference to the “Window of Appearance”. 491

Doc. 46: Medinet Habu, First Libyan war of Ramesses III, Battle with the Libyans Archaeological context: Lowest register of the first scene from the south on the east wall of the second court. 492 Date: Ramesses III. State: Parts of the scene are damaged so the details cannot be recognised any more.

488 489 490 491

Transcription based on KRI V, 23. 12–13. For other translations see, BARE IV, 42; Edgerton and Wilson 1936: 27; KRITA V, 21. Cavillier 2013: 27. Another mentioning of the “Window of Appearance” most probably also in the context of the presentation of the spoils of war, but without a closer information on the location of this presentation, is found in Papyrus Anastasi II (verso) 1, see Gardiner 1937: 20, 2. Spalinger suggested that the location is Pi-Ramesse, Spalinger 2003: 133. For the “Window of Appeareance” as part of the palace architecture under Merenptah, predecessor of Ramesses III see, O’Connor 1991: 176–179. 492 PM II, 498.

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Description 493 (Pl. XVI): The enemies are depicted in their long robes and page haircuts with a side lock and can be identified as Libyans. They are upright, kneeling, lying on the ground, falling down or running away. Some of them are hit by the arrows of the king. The enemies of interest here will be numbered from top to bottom and from left to right. Only those figures missing body parts such as head or a hand will be discussed. Figure 1 is an upright enemy who is looking towards the left and missing his right hand. Figure 2 is also upright looking towards the left and missing his right hand. However, he is pierced by an arrow and it can be assumed that he is dead. Figure 3 is seated looking towards the left and missing his right hand. Figure 4 is lying on his stomach and looking towards the right. His left hand is missing. It can be assumed that he is dead from his posture. Figure 5 is upright looking towards the right and missing his right hand. Figure 6 is upright looking towards the right and missing his right hand. Judging by the position of his other arm lifted up in the air it can be assumed that he is alive. Figure 7 is lying on the ground on his stomach and missing his right hand. He is holding the elbow of his right arm with his left hand indicating that he is still alive and that he was alive when his hand was cut off. Figure 8 is also lying down. He is missing his left hand and he holds the elbow of his left hand with his right hand indicating that he is still alive. Figure 9 cannot be clearly identified due to the overlaying position of the bodies of several enemies. However, it is clear that he is missing one hand. Figure 10 is in a sitting position looking towards the right and missing his left hand. He is holding the elbow of his left hand with his right hand which indicates that he is still alive. Figure 11 is also in a sitting position looking toward his cut off left hand. He is holding his left arm by the elbow with his right hand. This indicates that he is still alive. Figure 12 is lying on his back and looking towards the left. His right hand is missing and he is holding the elbow of his right hand with his left hand. This indicates that he is still alive. Figure 13 is in a sitting position looking towards the left. His right hand is missing and he is holding the elbow of his right hand with his left hand. Figure 14 is lying on his back and looking upwards. He is missing his left hand. Figure 15 is turned upside down and missing his left hand. Figure 16 is lying on the ground and looking down. His right hand is missing. Figure 17 is also lying on the ground, looking down and missing his left hand. Figure 18 is lying on the ground, looking down and missing his right hand. Figure 19 is kneeling forward towards the left, looking down and missing his right hand. Figure 20 is sitting or kneeling, looking towards the right. On his right is a standing figure of a Sea People’s soldier depicted holding him by the hair with his left hand and slicing his neck with the long sword in his right hand. Figure 21 is kneeling looking towards the left and at a Sea People’s soldier who is holding his right arm high in the air just below his wrist. It is possible that the actual cutting of the hand of Figure 21 is depicted here however in this place the scene is damaged so the details cannot be recognised. Figure 22 is a seated enemy looking towards the left. His right hand is missing and his left arm is crossed over the elbow of his right arm. Figure 23 is upside down with his head depicted frontally and his right hand missing. Figure 24 is looking towards the right and missing his left hand. Figure 25 is lying on his back and looking down. His right hand 493 Based on plates from, Nelson 1930: Pl. 19; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 122; Heinz 2001: I. 10., 303.

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is missing. Figure 26 is not entirely visible. Only his arm missing a hand can be recognised. Figure 27 is upside down and missing his right hand. Figure 28 is looking towards the right with his arm stretched towards the right and missing a hand. This could indicate that he is still alive. Figure 29 is an enemy leaning towards the right and looking down. His right hand is missing. Figure 30 is lying on the ground and looking down. His right hand is missing. Figure 31 is lying on the ground on his back and missing his left hand. Figure 32 is kneeling and looking down towards his missing left hand. He is holding the elbow of his left arm with his right hand. Figure 33 is an enemy missing a hand. Figure 34 is also missing a hand. However, the figure cannot be entirely recognised. Figure 35 is looking towards the left and is missing his left hand. A Sea People’s soldier on his left is piercing his face with his knife. This indicates that the enemy is still alive. Figure 36 cannot be recognised, but it is visible that his arm is missing a hand. Discussion: It is clear from the depictions of Figures 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 17, 22, 28, 32 and 35 that hands were also cut from enemies who were alive and that they could survive this. All of these except Figure 6 are depicted physically active although one of their hands is missing. This is especially clear when one looks at those enemies who are holding their handless arm with their other hand. Both left (Figures 4, 8, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 17, 24, 31, 35) and right (Figures 1, 2. 3, 5, 6, 7, 13, 16, 18, 19, 22, 23, 25, 27, 29, 30) hands were cut off. In some cases, it is not clear which hand has been cut off. The number of left and right severed hands does not show any major differences although the number of right hands is slightly higher.

Doc. 47: Medinet Habu, First Libyan War, Presentations of spoils of war to the king Archaeological context: Lowest register of the first scene from the east on the south wall of the second court. 494 Date: Ramesses III. State: Parts of the scene are damaged, particularly the lowest, fourth register. Hand cutting and phalli cutting: Attested in the form of cut off hands and phalli brought as spoils of war together with prisoners in front of the king. Description 495 (Pl. XVII): The scene depicts the presentation of spoils of war before the king. On the right of the scene the king is sitting in his chariot backwards. He is looking 494 PM II, 498. 495 Based on plates from, Nelson 1930: Pl. 23; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 124; Heinz 2001: I. 11, 304.

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to the left, towards four registers of approaching soldiers who bring prisoners of war. The chariot of the king has two horses and they are being tended by several figures. Next to the figures on the right who take care of the horses there are three fanbearers providing shade for the king. 496 There are four registers oriented towards the right and the king. In each register we see Egyptian soldiers bringing prisoners of war. The soldiers in the first two registers, placed immediately behind the officials who count the cut off hands, can be identified as princes from the texts next to them. 497 The enemies are depicted with page haircuts, side locks and long robes, and they can be identified as Libyans. To the right of the soldiers and closer to the king there are two officials counting the cut off body parts in each register. The one on the left is holding a papyrus roll and writes the count whereas the one on the right handles and counts the severed body parts. He is holding one hand by its thumb in each of his hands. None of the soldiers is depicted carrying the cut off body parts although these are piled on the very end of the register before the seated king. On the far right of the first register from above there is a pile of c. 56 cut off hands. The red colour is well preserved. The hands are both left and right. On the far right of the second register from above there is a pile of c. 31 hands. The red colour is only partly preserved. On the far right of the third register there is a pile of c. 46 hands. The colour is not preserved. On the far right of the fourth register there is a pile of both cut off hands and phalli together. 498 There are 2 cut off hands visible in the pile and c. 16 phalli. The hands are both left and right. The phalli are depicted with scrotum and without foreskin. They resemble the sign for phallus D52. Every register is followed by the same inscription: Text 499:

496 The chariot seems to be a substitute for both the throne and the “Window of Appearance”. Therefore, the counting and presentation of cut off body parts was clearly done outside in the scenes where the king is depicted sitting in his chariot. For the motif of the king sitting backward in his chariot in the aftermath of the battle see, Sabbahy 2016. 497 KRI V, 17. 15–16; KRITA V, 16. 498 The phalli here are labelled in text as q rn t but they do not have foreskin, KRI V, 17. 15–16; KRITA V, 16. 499 Transcription after, KRI V, 18.8–18. 15.

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Transliteration m s HAq .w m-bAH Hm=f m nA x rw.w Rbw j r. n 1000 s j r. n 3000 k p j r. n 3000 q rn . t

Translation500 „Bringing the booty in the presence of his Majesty, namely the fallen of Libu501 making 1000 men making 3000 hands making 3000 phalli with foreskin”.

Comment: The sign D46 “hand” is written different to the standard orthography for the words such as Dr. t or k p. It is depicted as a hand, resembling the cut off hands piled in the register. Similar attention to details was already noted in the autobiography of Ahmose son of Ebana (Doc. 3) in the writing of the word Dr. t. 502 The phalli with cut off hands in the pile of the fourth register are depicted as sign D52. According to Jürgen Osing this depiction of circumcised cut off phalli is the evidence that Seped were circumcised. However, the accompanying inscription clearly states that the cut off phalli are of Libu. 503 The only way it can refer to Seped is if Libu is a generic term which could include Seped. O’Connor argued that here the circumcised phalli are meant to represent the uncircumcised phalli, however the designer of the scene took the Egyptian hieroglyph for penis (circumcised) and turned it into pictorial element. 504 This suggestion is interesting if one bears in mind that the designer of the scene did the opposite with the sign D46. According to Quack the fact that the phalli are depicted circumcised in this case might be evidence that circumcised enemies were also defeated. 505 However, the enemies to whom the body parts belong are labelled as Libu in the text. Phalli of Libu are in other attestations uncircumcised. O’Connor’s argument has strength because the phalli are in this case not only circumcised, but are also depicted with scrotum which is not known in any other example.

500 For other translations see, BARE IV, 54; Edgerton and Wilson 1936: 15; KRITA V, 16–17. 501 According to David O’Connor here we have a clue that Libu was possibly a term with extended usage and expansive potentiality, as prisoners are taken after the defeat of Libu, Meshwesh and Seped., O’Connor 1990: 39. However, here only the Libu are described. 502 There are cases where particular attention was given to those details in texts which are related to the occupation of the owner of the Book of the Dead. Some examples for this are listed by Florence Albert. Papyrus BM EA 9940 of one Neferrenepet of the 19th dynasty who was Hr. j j r.w n b.w pAq “supervisor of gold foil manufacturers”, has an adoration scene in which gold was used to decorate the necklaces and diadems where usually yellow color was used. Blue color was used for the writing of the owner’s titles in Papyrus Krakow MNK XI-752/1, 2, 3, 4 of one Ptahmes of the 19th dynasty who was Hr. j j rw x s bD n n b tA.wj “supervisor of the lapis lazuli manufacturers of the Lord of the Two Lands”. On the mummy band Princeton, Pharaonic Rolls No. 8 of Saite period particular attention was given to the details in representations of ships. The owner Hekaemsaef was j mj -rA aHa.w -n sw. t “overseer of the royal fleet”, Albert 2012: 10–12. 503 Osing 1980: 1030 504 O’Connor 1990: 53 505 Quack 2012: 627.

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Doc. 48: Medinet Habu, First Libyan war of Ramesses III, Presentation of spoils of war to the king Archaeological context: Third scene from the west on the north wall (outer side). 506 Date: Ramesses III. State: Parts of the scene are damaged. Description 507 (Pl. XVIII): The scene depicts the presentation of the spoils of war before the king. The king is shown leaning on a parapet with a cushion on top, the main element of the “Window of Appearance”. Behind the king is his chariot to which he turns his back. The chariot with two horses is tended by several figures. Above the chariot is a fortress identified in the text as “Usimare Meriamun repels the Libyans (Temehu)” in front of which prisoners of war are presented. This indicates that the scene does not depict an event in a temple or a palace even if the “Window of Appearance” is present. 508 The king is reaching out to the half scale figures of soldiers to his right (in front of him) who are slightly bowed down before him and reaching out towards him with their hands. Behind them at the right of the scene there are five registers of the approaching soldiers bringing prisoners of war and before them, closer to the king, officials counting the cut hands and the phalli. The defeated enemies attested here are: TmH s p d maSwS 509 “Temeh, Seped and Meshwesh”. In each of the five registers Egyptian soldiers are bringing prisoners of war towards the left. On the left each register ends with two officials counting body parts, namely cut off hands or phalli. The official on the right is writing the count in a papyrus roll and the one on the left is counting the hands. He is leaning down and holding a hand by its thumb in each of his hands or holding a shaft of a phallus in each of his hands. On his right there are either piled cut off hands or phalli. In the last, fifth register, the figures on the right of the pile of hands are met by the figures on the left of the pile, who are depicted in the same register directly underneath the king. On the far left of the first register there is a pile with 54 cut off phalli shafts with foreskin. The scene is followed by an inscription:

506 507 508 509

PM II, 517. Based on plates from, Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 133; Nelson 1930: Pl. 22; Heinz 2001: I. 9, 303. Contra Stadelmann 1973: 228–229. KRI V, 14. 16–15. 1; KRITA V, 14.

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d mD q rn . t 12535 „total phalli with foreskin 12535“. 511 On the far left of the second register there is a pile with c. 30 cut off hands. Both left and right hands are visible. The scene is followed by inscription:  512

d mD k p 12535 „total hands 12535“. 513 On the far left of the third register there is a pile with 49 cut off phalli shafts with foreskin. The scene is followed by an inscription:  514

d mD q rn . t 12860 „total phalli with foreskin 12860“. 515 On the far left of the fourth register there is a pile with c. 36 cut off hands. Both left and right hands are shown. The scene is followed by inscription:  516

d mD k p 12535 „total hands 12535“ 517 On the far left of the fifth register there is a pile with c. 32 cut off hands. Both left and right hands are shown. To the left of the pile the register continues towards the left under 510 Transcription after, KRI V, 15. 13–14. 511 Kenneth A. Kitchen gives the number of 22535, KRITA V, 14. Other authors give the number of 12535, BARE IV, 52; Edgerton and Wilson 1936: 14; Redford 2015: 6. 512 Transcription after, KRI V, 15. 13. 513 Kitchen gives the number of 22535, KRITA V, 14. Other authors give the number of 12535, BARE IV, 52; Edgerton and Wilson 1936: 14; Redford 2018: 6. 514 Transcription after KRI V, 15. 13. 515 Kitchen gives the number of 22860, KRITA V, 14. Alexander V. Safronov gives the same number 12535, as for the previously described register, Safronov 2010: 109. Other authors give 12860, BARE IV, 52; Edgerton and Wilson 1936: 14; Donald B. Redford gives 12859, Redford 2018: 6. 516 Transcription after, KRI V, 15. 12–13. 517 Kitchen gives the number of 22532 and corrects it to 22535, KRITA V, 14. Other authors give 12535, BARE IV, 52; Edgerton and Wilson 1936: 14; Redford 2018: 6.

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the king and his chariot and has Egyptian soldiers approachingt. The pile of hands is followed by an inscription:  518

d mD k p 12660 „total hands 12660“ 519 Discussion: Clearly the number of cut off hands and phalli shafts in the piles does not correlate to the total given in the texts. Only in the first and the second register is the number of the cut off phalli and hands the same. Donald B. Redford suggested that the discrepancy in the numbers can be explained with similarity in hieratic between the signs for 500 and 800. 520 If this is true then it would also mean that the basic report was written in hieratic and thus probably in a document such as a daybook of the army. In that case the numbers provided deserve more attention. The total of cut off hands and phalli is by far the largest attested and does not have a parallel. It was already suggested by Martin Noth that we have to differentiate between the military texts and the plunder lists and that the latter are not to be seen as a continuation of the narrative but as a different textual genre. 521

Doc. 49: Medinet Habu, First Libyan War of Ramesses III, Battle with the Libyans Archaeological context: North Wall, outside, second scene from the West. 522 State: In situ. Weathered. Date: Ramesses III Description 523 (Pl. XIX): The enemies are depicted in their long robes and page haircuts with a side lock and can be identified as Libyans. They are upright, kneeling, lying on the ground, falling down or running away. Some are hit by the arrows of the king or the arrows of Egyptian soldiers depicted shooting from their chariots. The enemies of interest here will be numbered from top to bottom and from left to right. Only those figures miss518 Transcription after, KRI V, 15. 12. 519 Kitchen gives the number of 22659/60 or 22839/40, KRITA V, 14. Other authors give 12660, BARE IV, 52; Edgerton and Wilson 1936: 14; Donald B. Redford read 12839, Redford 2018: 6. 520 Redford 2018: 6. 521 Noth 1943: 157. 522 Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 129f. 523 Based on the plates from, Nelson 1930: Pl. 18; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 129f.

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ing body parts such as a head or hand will be discussed together with those figures whose bodies parts are depicted being cut off by Egyptian soldiers. Figure 1 is an enemy depicted looking upwards to an Egyptian soldier who is cutting his throat with a short sword or a dagger. Figure 2 is a badly preserved enemy missing one, most probably the right hand. Figure 3 is kneeling and looking down as a soldier on his right is piercing his neck with a short sword or a dagger. The enemy is holding the blade of the sword with his right hand. The soldier is holding him by his hair with the left hand using the right hand to hold his weapon. The fact that the enemy is depicted grasping the blade which is stabbing him indicates that he is alive. Figure 4 is falling down with his left hand missing. Figure 5 is also falling down and missing his left hand. His head is depicted frontally. Figure 6 is lying down on his side with his right hand missing. His robe is slightly open and one can discern his uncircumcised phallus with a shaft identical to the cut off shafts piled and counted by scribes in other scenes from the temple. Figure 7 is leaning towards the left. His right hand is missing and his head is depicted frontally. Figure 8 is also shown leaning towards the left and is missing his right hand. He is also depicted with his robe slightly open and one can discern his uncircumcised phallus attached to the scrotum. Figure 9 is entirely bent towards the left and looking down. One of his hands is missing. Figure 10 is lying down with his head on the right. His left hand is missing. Figure 11 is upright with his right hand missing. Figure 12 is also upright. His left hand is missing and with his right hand he is grabbing the arm missing the hand and looking at it. This indicates that he is alive. Figure 13 is depicted falling down. His right hand is missing and his head is facing frontally. Figure 14 is lying with his head on the right. His right hand is missing and his robe is slightly open and one can discern his uncircumcised phallus attached to the scrotum. Figure 15 is under Figure 14 and depicted as if lying on his back with his head to the left. His right hand is missing. Figure 16 is upright with his right hand missing and his robe is slightly open and one can discern his uncircumcised phallus attached to the scrotum. Figure 17 is under Figure 16 and lies on his back with his head to the right and his right hand missing. Figure 18 is an enemy depicted upright. His left hand is missing and with his right hand he is grabbing the arm missing the hand and looking at it. This indicates that he is alive. His robe is slightly open and one can discern his uncircumcised phallus attached to the scrotum. Figure 19 is badly preserved and missing one of his hands. Figure 20 is lying on his back with his head on the right and his right hand missing. Figure 21 is entirely bent towards the right with one of his hands missing. Figure 22 is falling down and his left hand is missing. Figure 23 is entirely bent towards the left. A foreign soldier on his left is piercing his neck with a short sword or a dagger. Figure 23 is probably missing his left hand. Figure 24 is lying on the ground with his decapitated head on the left. The point of beheading was clearly at the end of the neck shown just to the left of the beheaded body. Figure 25 is falling down almost above Figure 24 and missing his right hand. His head is facing frontally. Figure 26 is kneeling on the ground with his entire body bent forward to the left and his left hand missing. Figure 27 is lying down on his back with his head on the left and one hand missing. Figure 28 is under Figure 27 lying on the ground with his head on the left and his right hand missing. Figure 29 is an enemy depicted entirely bent to the left with his right hand missing.

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Discussion: Several remarks can be made based on this scene. The actual process of hand cutting is not depicted, but only the enemies missing one of their hands. In eight cases the missing hand is the left hand (Figures 4, 5, 10, 12, 18, 22, 23, 26) whereas in 15 the missing hand is the right (Figures 2, 6, 7, 8, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 25, 28, 29). No enemy lacks both hands. This indicates that both left and right hands are being cut off with right hands being more numerous. The hands were cut from enemies who were also alive during this process and who survived, as indicated by Figures 12 and 18 who are grabbing with their right hand the arm on which the left hand is missing and looking in its direction. Interestingly some of the enemy figures are depicted with their robes slightly open showing their uncircumcised phalli with shafts attached to the scrotum, looking exactly as those shafts piled and counted by the officials in the other scene from the temple. 524 Regarding evidence for decapitation it must be remarked that it is unquestionably attested in the case of Figure 24 whose decapitated head is depicted just next to the body. The actor is thus unknown. If in the case of Figures 1 and 23 we are dealing with decapitation or not is not easy to say. The Egyptian soldier who attacks Figure 1 and the foreign soldier who attacks Figure 23 are both piercing them with their weapons, but if this was done in order to decapitate them cannot be stated with certainty.

Doc. 50: Medinet Habu , Sea Peoples campaign of Ramesses III, Land Battle Archaeological context: Sixth scene from the west on the outer north wall. 525 Date: Ramesses III State: Parts of the scene are damaged and some blocks are missing. Description 526 (Pl. XX): The enemies are depicted wearing their peculiar Sea People’s hair styles or headgear and kilts. They are armed with spears, long swords and round shields. They are shown upright, kneeling or lying on the ground, oriented left or right, and reversed as though they are falling down. The enemies of interest will be numbered from top to bottom and from left to right. Only those figures missing body parts such as head or a hand will be discussed. Figure 1 is a prone enemy missing his right hand. Judging from his position he seems to be dead. Figure 2 is also prone and is missing his left hand. Judging from his position he seems to be dead. Figure 3 is depicted as though sitting. He is holding his left arm at the elbow with his right hand and looking at it. His left hand is missing. This indicates that he is still alive. Figure 4 is a prone enemy who is missing his 524 See the Chapter Mutilation. Phalli cutting. 525 PM II, 518. 526 Based on plates from, Nelson 1930: Pl. 32; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 114; Heinz 2001: I. 16., 306.

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left hand. Judging from his position he seems to be dead. Figure 5 seems to be sitting. He is missing his right hand. Figure 6 can hardly be identified, but to this figure belongs an arm with a missing hand. Figure 7 is standing and holding a spear with his left hand whereas he points toward a Shardana soldier with his right arm. The soldier on his right cuts his hand off with a sword. Thus, clearly Figure 7 is alive in the process. Figure 8 is depicted sitting down and missing one of his hands. Figure 9 is holding his right arm with his left hand. His right hand is missing and he is holding his right arm where the hand was cut off and looking at it. Thus, he is still alive. Figures 10 and 11 are both missing the right hand. Figure 12 is lying on the ground on his back. He is looking up towards a Shardana soldier on his left who is holding his right hand by its palm with the left hand and cutting it off with a short sword or a dagger in the right. He is holding the left hand of the Shardana. This suggests that the enemy is still alive in the process of hand cutting. Figure 13 is lying on the ground looking down and missing one of his hands. He seems to be dead. Figure 14 is next to Figure 13. His right hand is missing. Figure 15 is depicted as though he is sitting and looking down. His right hand is missing. Figure 16 is missing his left hand. He seems to be dead and there is a short sword or a dagger piercing his torso . Figure 17 is a badly preserved enemy missing his right hand. Discussion: There are seventeen figures depicted either missing their hands or having their hands cut off, both left and right. Also, hands are missing from both living and dead enemies. This is indicated by those figures who are either active while their hands are cut off or by those figures who are active after their hands have been cut off. There are also those enemies missing hands and who seem to be already dead, but we cannot be sure if they were dead when the hands were cut off. Interestingly, Egyptian soldiers are not depicted cutting off the hands of enemies, only the Shardana.

Doc. 51: Medinet Habu, Sea Peoples campaign of Ramesses III, River mouth battle Archaeological context: Eighth scene from the west on the outside north wall. 527 Date: Ramesses III. State: Good. In some areas the scene is slightly damaged. Description 528 (Pl. XXI): The enemies are depicted with their peculiar Sea People’s feathered haircuts or headgear. The Shardana among them are shown with typical horned helmets. They are wearing body armour and kilts and are upright, kneeling or laying on the 527 PM II, 518. 528 Based on plates from, Nelson 1930: Pl. 37; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 116; Heinz 2001: I. 18, 307.

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ground, oriented left or right, and reversed as though they are falling down. Figure 1 is an enemy with a Sea People’s feathered haircut or headgear depicted falling down from the middle ship of the third register. His right hand is missing. Although this is not entirely clear, it can be assumed that he is already dead.

Doc. 52: Medinet Habu, Sea Peoples campaign of Ramesses III, Presentation of spoils of war to the king Archaeological context: Outer north wall, ninth scene from the west. 529 Date: Ramesses III. State: In situ. Good. Description 530 (Pl. XXII): The scene on the exterior of the north wall of the Medinet Habu temple consists of three registers. In the first register from above the king is depicted more or less in the centre next to the parapet with a cushion of the “Window of Appearance”. Behind him to the left are two fanbearers and behind them there is an official holding a bow. To the left of this official is the king’s chariot pulled by two horses and oriented towards the left. The horses are tended by several men on the left with two situated under the horses. Above the chariot is a fortress. This a migdol of Ramesses III. The king and his army are therefore outside. To the right of the king Egyptian soldiers are shown approaching him and bringing bound prisoners of the Sea Peoples with them. They reach out to the king who is depicted in a gesture of rewarding. The second register starts with Egyptian soldiers on the left who are oriented towards the right and approach a pile of cut off hands almost at the end of the register to the right. Immediately left of the pile with c. 50 hands there is an Egyptian official leaning forward and writing down on a papyrus roll. It must be stressed that the scene is partly damaged here so the exact number of hands cannot be claimed with certainty. Both left and right hands are depicted. Just to the right of the pile there is an Egyptian official leaning down and holding the cut off hands which he counts. To the right of this official there is another pile of c. 15 visible cut off hands and to its right several figures of officials. Again, it must be stressed that the scene is partly damaged so the exact number of hands cannot be claimed with certainty. Both left and right hands are depicted. Two of the officials, depicted sitting to the right of this second pile, are writing down the count. Four of the officials are standing and leaning slightly forward and one of them holds a papyrus roll. Behind these officials on the far right of the register an Egyptian soldier is depicted pulling bound prisoners of the Sea Peoples. 529 PM II, 518. 530 Based on a plate from, Nelson 1930: Pl. 42; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 119; Heinz 2001: I. 19, 308.

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The third register depicts two groups of seated prisoners of war of the Sea Peoples depicted one above the other. Each group has three subgroups. In front of these prisoners there are two who are standing and they are being held by their arms by Egyptian officials who bring them to the two seated officials depicted one above the other. These two officials are writing on papyrus rolls. To the right there are several boxes and to the right of the boxes four Egyptian officials being approached from the right by two groups of officials bringing prisoners of the Sea Peoples. Each group has two officials and two prisoners of war. Behind the second group to the right there are four officials oriented towards the right, depicted writing down on their papyrus rolls. To the right of them is an official who holds one of the Sea Peoples prisoners with his left hand by the right upper arm and marks him with a writing tool in his right hand. Just to the right of this prisoner is another Egyptian official marking in the same manner one of the four Sea Peoples prisoners approaching him. On the ground between these officials and the four prisoners is a vessel with some sort of colour. 531 Discussion: Regarding the marking of prisoners of war it can be said that the skin of the captive is marked with a visible sign of authority, whatever the mark actually was. Many authors interpreted this scene as an act of branding of the prisoners. 532 However, as tools being used in the process do not resemble branding tools 533, which are themselves too heavy to be held in the manner they are held by Egyptian officials here, the process cannot be interpreted as branding. 534 This marking does not have to be permanent. We should rather see the demarcation as part of the registration process. Supposedly, different marks 531 Some authors noticed that the process is closer to tattooing than branding, Poole 1997: 242; Lohwasser 2012: 531. 532 Eggebrecht 1975: 851; Edgerton and Wilson 1936: 42. John C. Darnell and Colleen Manassa even suggested that the registration of the prisoners by writing their names brings them magically into an ordered world, however they do not offer arguments for this statement, Darnell and Manassa 2007: 68; Antonio Loprieno erroneusly quotes Federico Poole (1998) who on the contrary does not argue for branding in the Medinet Habu scene, Loprieno 2012: 9. Also see, O’Connor 2000: 100; Müller 2009: 231. Richard Bussmann argued that marking is depicted, however he does not exclude branding, Bussmann 2014: 60. That enemies are branded is erroneously also argued in most recent works, Eyre 2017: 103. 533 Compare with the tools used for branding of cattle in the tombs of Nebamun (TT 90) and Huy (TT 40) and the analoguous tools in the tomb of Kenamun. The branding of cattle in the tomb of Nebamun also has a brazier. A male figure left of the brazier is holding the handle of the branding tool, while the top of the tool is being heated by the brazier. The branding of cattle scene in the tomb of Huy shows the use of the same type of a tool with its top in the shape of a cartouche with king’s name, here also leaning on the brazier. The analoguous tools are depicted in the tomb of Kenamun, one of them ending in the cartouche with the name of the king. Davies and Davies 1923: Pl. XXXI, XXXII; Davies 1930: Pl. XXVII; Davies and Davies 1926: Pl. VIII, XL. 534 Abd el-Mohsen Bakir interpreted the Medinet Habu scene as stamping analogous to slave-marks in late Babylonia. Slaves in Babylon were tattooed on the ear and one hand with the mark being owner’s name or signs such as the pick and the stylus, emblems of Marduk and Nebo, Bakir 1952: 110; Federico Poole interprets the tool being used as a stylus and argues that the marking was painless and on the same spot where statues of Egyptian officials bear the name of the king, Poole 1998: 896–897.

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were applied for different places where the prisoners should be sent for work or administered to. 535 Everything indicates that this happened shortly after the battle. We can assume that prisoners were sent off fairly soon after being registered and assigned to different cities or temples in Egypt.

Doc. 53: Medinet Habu, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Battle with the Libyans Archaeological context: East wall of the first court, north of the entrance. 536 Date: Ramesses III. State: In situ. Partly weathered. Description 537 (Pl. XXIII): The enemies are depicted in their long robes and page haircuts with a side lock and can be identified as Libyans. They are upright, kneeling, lying on the ground, falling down or running away. Some are hit by the arrows of the king or the arrows of Egyptian soldiers shooting from their chariots. The enemies of interest here will be numbered from top to bottom and from left to right. Only those figures missing body parts such as head or a hand will be discussed together with those whose body parts are shown being cut off by soldiers. Figure 1 is an enemy lying on the ground and looking down. Above and to his left is a Shardana soldier who is cutting his right hand off by holding it with the left hand and cutting it with a short sword or a dagger in the right. Figure 2 is prone. A Shardana soldier to his left is piercing his head with a long sword. Figure 3 seems to be kneeling and looking towards the left at a Sea People’s soldier who is piercing his neck with a short sword or a dagger. Figure 4 is a kneeling enemy looking towards left. His right hand is missing. Discussion: The enemies are identified in the text as coming from the land of Meshwesh. Among them is their ruler Meshesher, son of Keper. 538 Based on the depictions of hand cutting in this scene it cannot be said if the Figure 1 is dying or dead while the Shardana soldier cuts off his hand. Only in the case of Figure 4 is clear which hand was cut off, namely the right. Interestingly, in this scene no Egyptian soldier is depicted cutting off the hands of the enemies. Decapitation cannot be argued in the cases of Figure 2 and Figure 3 as the soldiers who are killing these two figures are piercing their head or neck and not cutting the heads off. 535 536 537 538

Lohwasser 2012: 531. PM II, 492; Heinz 2001: I. 29., 312. Based on the plates from, Nelson 1932: Pl. 72; Wreszinski 1935: 137. KRI V, 50. 1–3; KRITA V, 40.

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Doc. 54: Medinet Habu, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Presentation of spoils of war to the king Archaeological context: East wall of the first court, north of the entrance. 539 Date: Ramesses III. State: In situ. Uppermost register of the scene is completely missing and the lower two remaining registers are damaged towards the right. Description 540 (Pl. XXIV): The scene consists of three registers. To the far left the king is depicted leaning on a parapet with a cushion at the “Window of Appearance”. The parapet is decorated with bound prisoners of war oriented towards the right. Two of those visible can be identified as a Libyan and a Nubian. Behind the king on the left are two fanbearers. The king and the fanbearers occupy the left part of the first two registers. The first and uppermost register of the scene is missing and it can be only assumed that it contained similar depiction. The second register depicts one Egyptian soldier to the right of the king reaching out to him with his hand. Behind him to the right are two more Egyptian soldiers and to the right of them is a pile of c. 70 cut off hands. The scene is partly damaged so the exact number of hands cannot be claimed with certainty. The pile contains both left and right hands. To the right of the pile is an Egyptian official leaning towards the left and holding the hands which he counts. Immediately to his right is another official who writes down on a papyrus roll. The scene is followed by an inscription:  541

d mD k p 2175 “total hands 2175”. 542 To the right of the official with the papyrus roll, the second register continues with Egyptian soldiers bringing Libyan prisoners of war. Part of the register is damaged, but it can be discerned that it continues to the right with soldiers, horses and a Libyan prisoner of war carrying a chariot. The enemies being brought are identified in the accompanying inscription as Mšwš 543.

539 540 541 542 543

PM II, 492. Based on the plates from, Nelson 1932: Pl. 75; Heinz 2001: I. 30, 312. Transcription after, KRI V, 53. 2. The same number given in, KRITA V, 42. KRI V, 53, 3.

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The third register depicts six Egyptian soldiers to the left just beneath the king. They are oriented towards the right and are approaching a pile of c. 92 cut off phalli shafts. Traces of red color are poorly preserved. To the right of the pile is an Egyptian official leaning forward towards the pile and holding one phallus shaft in each of his hands. There is another official to his right depicted writing on his papyrus roll. The scene is followed by an inscription:  544

d mD q rn . t 2175 “total phalli with foreskin 2175“. 545 The register continues to the right with Egyptian officials bringing Libyan prisoners of war. Part of the register is damaged, but, as is the case with the second register, it can be discerned that it continues to the right with soldiers, horses and a Libyan prisoner of war carrying a chariot.

Doc. 55: Medinet Habu, Siege of Tunip by Ramesses III Archaeological context: First scene from the east in the uppermost register on the outer north wall between 1st and 2nd Pylon. 546 State: In situ. Partly weathered. Date: Ramesses III Description 547 (Pl. XXV): The enemies are depicted with long hair, beards, and wearing long robes. They are upright, kneeling or lying on the ground, oriented left or right, and reversed as though they are falling down. There is only one enemy of interest here. Figure 1 is kneeling in front of an Egyptian soldier who is piercing his neck with a short sword or a dagger in the right hand and holding the right arm of the enemy with his left. However, it cannot be argued that decapitation is depicted as the soldier pierces the neck of the opponent with his sword and does not cut the head off.

544 545 546 547

Transcription after KRI V, 53. 14. The same number given by, KRITA V, 43. PM II, 520; Heinz 2001: I. 32., 313. Based on the plates from, Nelson 1932: Pl. 88; Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 151;

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Doc. 56: Medinet Habu, Nubian campaign of Ramesses III Archaeological context: First scene from the south on the outer west wall. 548 Date: Ramesses III. State: The scene is quite damaged so details of most of the figures are no longer visible. Description 549 (Pl. XXVI): The enemies of interest here will be numbered from top to bottom and from left to right. Only those figures missing body parts such as head or a hand will be discussed. Figure 1 is an enemy depicted falling down with his head oriented towards the left and missing his right hand. Figure 2 is probably kneeling and being held by one of his hands by an Egyptian soldier on his right. We cannot be sure because the scene is damaged, but it is possible that the soldier is in the act of cutting the hand of the enemy. Discussion: The text accompanying the scene states about the king that “He is looking at Bowmen like women” (mAA=f pD. tj.w mj Hm .wt). 550 The scene is quite damaged, but it is clear that hand cutting is attested in at least one example. Figure 1 is missing his right hand and it can be assumed, judging from his position, that he is already dead. It is not entirely clear if in the case of Figure 2 the process of hand cutting is indicated, as an Egyptian soldier is holding Figure 2 by one of his hands.

Doc. 57: Karnak, Amun precinct, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Battle with the Libyans Archaeological context: Lowest register of the third scene from the north on the outer west wall. 551 Date: Ramesses III. State: In situ. Only part of the scene is preserved. Description 552 (Pl. XXVII): The scene consists of three registers and a representation of the king on the right which can be discerned only through the presence of his hand, a vulture and a cartouche above him. There are three registers to the left of the king. Of 548 549 550 551 552

PM II, 522. Based on plates from, Nelson 1930: Pl. 9; Heinz 2001: I. 1, 298. KRI V, 8. 7; See also the Chapter Frames of war in New Kingdom Egypt. PM II, 34. Based on the plate from, Heinz 2001: II. 3, 319.

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the registers only parts close to the figure of the king are preserved. The first from above depicts an Egyptian soldier bringing in prisoners of war. The second register has a depiction of a pile of c. 21 cut off hands at the far right. It must be stressed that the scene is partly damaged so the exact number of hands cannot be claimed with certainty. The pile contains both left and right hands. To its left is a damaged depiction of an Egyptian official slightly leaning forward and holding in each of his hands a cut off hand by its thumb. He is clearly counting the hands and behind him to the left is another official writing down the count on a papyrus roll. The third register ends with the same depiction except that c. 20 cut off hands can be seen in the pile. It must be stressed that the scene is partly damaged, so the exact number of hands cannot be claimed with certainty. The pile contains both left and right hands.

Doc. 58: Karnak, Amun precinct, Asiatic campaign of Ramesses III Archaeological context: Uppermost register of the first scene from the north on the outer west wall. 553 Date: Ramesses III. State: In situ. Parts of the scene are damaged. Description 554 (Pl. XXVIII): The enemies are depicted more than half smaller in scale in comparison to the king. Behind the king are fanbearers and soldiers. The enemies are depicted with short hair, beards and wearing long robes. The enemies of interest will be numbered from top to bottom and from left to right. Only those figures missing body parts such as head or a hand will be discussed. Figure 1 is an enemy depicted as though lying down and he is missing one hand. Figure 2 is prone, facing downwards and missing his right hand. Figure 3 is lying down and looking towards the right. He is missing his left hand.

553 PM II, 34. 554 Based on the plate from, Heinz 2001: II. 4, 319.

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Doc. 59: Karnak, Mut precinct, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III Archaeological context: Fifth scene from the south on the west outer wall. 555 Date: Ramesses III. State: In situ. Upper part of the scene is entirely missing. Description 556 (Pl. XXIXa): The enemies can be identified as Libyans on the basis of their long robes, page haircuts, side-locks and phalli sheaths. The enemies of interest will be numbered from top to bottom and from left to right. Only those figures missing body parts such as head or a hand will be discussed. Figure 1 is an enemy depicted as if he is lying down with his head looking down and his right hand missing. Figure 2 is leaning down towards the right and missing his presumably right hand. Figure 3 is depicted as though he is lying down with his head to the right and looking downwards. His hand, presumably the right, is missing. Figure 4 appears to be falling towards the left. He is looking up and his right hand is missing.

Doc. 60: Karnak, Mut precinct, Asiatic campaign of Ramesses III Archaeological context: Second scene from the north on the outer west wall. 557 Date: Ramesses III. State: In situ. The entire upper part of the scene is missing. Description 558 (Pl. XXIXb): There are two surviving registers of this scene and the upper of the two is damaged. One can discern the king’s chariot on the right of the upper register, which is being tended by several men. Two fanbearers can be recognised as well and we can therefore assume that originally the king was shown sitting in his chariot and overseeing the bringing of the spoils of war. The upper of the two preserved registers depicts Egyptian soldiers bringing bound Libyan prisoners of war. To their right, there are two Egyptian scribes counting and registering cut off hands in a pile. Both of them are represented to the right of the pile which consists of c. 20 hands. It must be stressed that the scene is quite damaged so the exact number of hands cannot be claimed with certainty. The pile contains both left and right 555 556 557 558

PM II, 274. Based on plates from, Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 62b; Heinz 2001: III. 1, 320. PM II, 274. Wreszinski 1935: Tf. 62a; Heinz 2001: III. 8, 322.

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hands. The official on the left is writing on his papyrus roll and the man on the right and closer to the pile is depicted leaning forward and holding cut off hands by their thumbs in each of his hands. On the left side of the lower of the registers Egyptian soldiers are depicted bringing bound Libyan prisoners of war. To the right there is an Egyptian official writing on his papyrus roll. To his right is a small pile of c. 10 hands. The scene is partly damaged so the exact number of hands cannot be claimed with certainty. The pile contains both left and right hands. To the right of this pile is another Egyptian official and to his right another pile off c. 20 hands. Again, the scene is partly damaged so the exact number of hands cannot be claimed with certainty. The pile contains both left and right hands. The official next to this pile is leaning forward towards the pile on his right. He holds a cut off hand in each of his hands. The hands in the pile on his right are those being counted and the ones on his left and between him and the other official are those already counted.

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Indexes

Terms and themes abdomen 94, 96, 97, 255 abjection 67 access 4, 5, 21, 22, 52, 148, 156, 164, 168, 173, 180, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 201, 247 — restricted 180, 195, 197, 198, 203 actors 1, 3, 4, 5, 17, 149, 151, 157, 167, 168, 169, 171, 177, 185, 199, 202, 203 amputation 31, 127, 207 “aspect by aspect” (Aspektive) 74, 141 archive(s) 9, 20, 82, 92, 197 arrowheads 122, 123, 124, 131 autobiography 24, 43, 45, 52, 123, 129, 133, 138, 139, 197, 199, 209, 214, 214, 221, 225, 226, 240, 242, 295 Balawat Gate 47, 93, 96, 97 barque 70, 80, 101, 107, 152, 170, 178, 200, 219, 221 battle(s) 7, 11, 13, 14, 15, 41, 42, 43, 44, 50, 51, 53, 55, 59, 60, 64, 70, 77, 81, 84, 85, 89, 101, 102, 103, 113, 134, 135, 136, 138, 140, 141, 148, 150, 151, 153, 158, 163, 165, 174, 181, 188, 189, 191, 192, 195, 201, 207, 208, 209, 210, 255, 260, 264, 277, 291, 298, 300, 304, 307 — aftermath 35, 174, 260 — cry 148, 189 — of Megiddo 220, 233 — of Qadesh 25, 27, 28, 29, 45, 51, 101, 102, 103, 114, 151, 168, 169, 176, 181, 187, 197, 202, 260, 267, 268, 270, 271, 272, 273, 275, 291 battlefield 35, 39, 53, 64, 68, 77, 84, 86, 141, 143, 144, 145, 149, 150, 151, 181, 188, 197, 233, 240

beating and harassment 1, 20, 25, 29, 138, 151, 167, 168, 180, 181, 187, 197, 199, 201, 202, 203 Bedeutungsmaßstab 263 blast 101, 102, 107, 108, 109, 110, 114, 154, 171, 281 blood 3, 15, 17, 42, 66, 68, 88, 108, 131, 155, 229, 230, 256, 257, 260 blows 25, 26, 27, 29, 33, 35 body — commodification (commodification of body) 165 — count 51, 52 — parts 2, 3, 31, 38, 39, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 62, 64, 67, 108, 109, 110, 119, 126, 127, 155, 165, 166, 169, 197, 205, 218, 222, 238, 239, 255, 274, 287, 292, 294, 295, 296, 299, 300, 304, 307, 308, 309 bodies — as media 3, 4, 7, 8, 68, 71, 148, 156 — beheaded 77, 83, 84, 85 — without organs 3 booty 134, 141, 212, 213, 220, 221, 223, 229, 230, 231, 233, 244, 269, 291, 295 bowmen (Nubian) 143, 213, 307 brand 34, 107, 157 brand-mark 31 branding and marking 31, 170, 182, 197, 199, 290 branding-iron 34 brandings 33 brazier(s) 31, 100, 105, 106, 109, 110, , 111, 112, 140, 141, 143, 144, 156, 303 — of Mut 105 breaking of the red pots 120, 124, 125

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376

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bull(s) 46, 78, 79, 107, 108, 133, 134, 136, 137, 216, 217, 218, 230, 234 bundles 49, 50, 181, , 195, 202, 273 burning 1, 2, 7, 13, 33, 73, 88, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 117, 131, 147, 148, 153, 154, 155, 156, 158, 159, 162, 164, 167, 171, 173, 183, 184, 189, 198, 199, 200, 202, 204, 205, 223, 228, 231, 235, 281 cage 23, 24, 25, 68, 151, 168, 258, 259 caging 1, 19, 20, 23, 68, 138, 151, 164, 168, 170, , 180, 187, 197, 199, 201, 202, 205 campaign 9, 11, 14, 41, 43, 44, 46, 48, 53, 68, 69, 70, 81, 84, 85, 93, 101, 102, 103, 104, 120, 123, 133, 134, 135, 137, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145, 148, 150, 152, 164, 168, 169, 174, 177, 184, 188, 193, 194, 196, 199, 200, 201, 212, 213, 214, 220, 221, 223, 225, 226, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 235, 236, 241, 244, 261, 264, 265, 271, 276, 277, 278, 280, 288, 289, 291, 300, 301, 302, 307, 308, 309 canal 210 capital punishment 29, 34, 51, 52, 90, 91, 97, 99, 104, 115, 171, 204 castration 61, 62, 63, 172, 178 cauldron 106, 109, 155 cemetery 75, 117, 118, 122, 124, 125, 127, 218 ceremony 12, 43, 73, 129, 150, 173, 248 chalcedony 122 chariot — of the king 261, 270, 294 — of Thutmose IV 151, 238, 262, — yoke 65, 71, 201, 254 Chapelle Rouge 111 child 11, 38, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144 children 20, 32, 61, 76, 88, 89, 104, 118, 125, 137, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 147, 148, 149, 181, 187, 189, 203, 205, 231, 234, 245, 263, 276, 279, 284, 287 chin 94, 263 comical 28

commoners 12, 67, 158, 159, 168, 170, 171, 177, 178, 179, 182, 183, 188, 189, 191, 194, 197, 200, 204 “Conference scene” 25, 28, 29, 270, 272, 273, 275 coronation 152, 153, 208, 233, 234 “Cosmetic treatment” of the real war 8 court (royal) 20, 21, 93, 131, 134, 141, 144, 156, 168, 178, 180, 181, 187, 197, 201, 248 criminals 5, 25, 26, 27, 29, 31, 33, 35, 47, 52, 65, 73, 91, 101, 112, 130, 203, 204, 214 cultures of fear 185 damned dead 5, 31, 38, 61, 73, 90, 101, 106, 111, 152, 158, 202, 203, 204, 206 daybook 221, 235, 298 dawn 101, 114, 233 death 1, 6, 21, 23, 36, 38, 53, 67, 75, 76, 85, 86, 89, 90, 91, 95, 97, 99, 100, 103, 104, 141, 144, 161, 162, 165, 174, 179, 180, 187, 189, 191, 192, 218, 241, 276 decapitation 1, 54, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 117, 150, 154, 155, 158, 159, 164, 165, 166, 171, 172, 173, 174, 184, 189, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 208, 222, 223, 224, 226, 227, 228, 257, 264, 265, 267, 273, 274, 284, 288, 289, 300, 304, 306 deceased 34, 37, 65, 76, 78, 79, 81, 99, 106, 107, 117, 162, 168, 188, 218, 219, 250 decomposing 3, 43 decorum 5, 7, 8, 9, 20, 42, 44, 45, 46, 50, 53, 61, 77, 136, 145, 147, 148, 158, 167, 173, 180, 181, 184, 195, 202, 203, 204, 205 Deeds of the Pharaoh 114, 156, 235 dehumanisation 2, 29 deity 157, 161, 162, 171 deposition 48, 125, 126, 215 Desert Altars 22 ditch(es) 112, 114, 154, 232, 233, 235 divine 1, 12, 71, 78, 153, 155, 173, 175, , 203, 208, 219, donkey(s) 64, 286, 287 dread 186

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Terms and themes

drowning 24, 68 Duties of the vizier 163, 214, Dynasty — 1st 136 — 5th 46, 135, 145, 173 — 9th 145 — 10th 27 — 11th 145, 190 — 13th 69, 75 — 15th 48, 53, 120, 122, 127, 283 — 17th 54, 129, 130, 134 — 18th 27, 41, 43, 44, 46, 53, 54, 69, 81, 118, 120, 126, 128, 129, 135, 139, 157, 194, 195, 196 — 19th 44, 46, 51, 112, 157, 193, 199, 200, 209, 240, 295 — 20th 39, 111, 157, 196 — 21th 196 — 26th 127 ear(s) 1, 36, 118 — cutting 38, 151, 167, 191 — removal 31, 35, 169, 199, 202 — stelae 12 Ebla Victory Standard 82 elephant(s) 52, 133, 134, 138 embodiment 4, 152, 218 enemy 1, 8, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 19, 24, 27, 29, 40, 41, 45, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 60, 62, 63, 64, 68, 77, 78, 79, 81, 84, 85, 86, 87, 90, 92, 93, 96, 99, 103, 111, 113, 114, 127, 130, 135, 136, 138, 140, 143, 144, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 158, 163, 164, 165, 166, 168, 169, 171, 172, 174, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 187, 189, 190, 191, 195, 197, 201, 203, 205, 206, 214, 228, 2378, 238, 239, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 270, 271, 274, 276, 288, 292, 293, 299, 300, 301, 302, 304, 306, 307, 308, 309 ethnicity 5, 14, 117, 124, 181, 203 excrement(s) 3, 66, 67, 153 execration 7, 14, 74, 75, 117, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 204 execration texts 124, 125, 217

377

execution 7, 12, 14, 17, 20, 54, 65, 73, 76, 86, 87, 95, 98, 100, 106, 115, 126, 127, 138, 154, 158, 161, 162, 163, 165, 170, 171, 173, 183, 186, 189, 199, 200, 204 execution block 36, 79, 82, 126, 127 eye(s) 35, 38, 54, 156, 158, 169, 182, 190, 191, 252, 262 eye and ear removal 1, 31, 35, 182, 202 father 22, 23, 83, 101, 110, 111, 115, 150, 172, 174, 196, 200, 208, 224, 237, 242, 277 fear 2, 3, 11, 51, 52, 66, 100, 107, 134, 137, 179, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 196, 197, 203, 284 finger(s) 25, 48, 118, 119, 129, 173, 214, 215, 262 fire 32, 34, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 131, 132, 154, 163, 171, 178, 233, 235, 281 First Intermediate Period 29, 52, 104, 127, 145 flame(s) 31, 101, 102, 103, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 223 flesh 17, 43, 57, 58, 68, 101, 114, 115, 163, 215, 278 frames of war 1, 2, 6, 138, 147, 167, 202, 204, 307 foreskin(s) 49, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 63, 64, 202, 286, 287, 294, 295, 296, 297, 306 fortress 43, 53, 69, 129, 224, 264, 296, 302 furnace(s) 110, 111 gender 3, 5, 61, 89, 139, 145, 146, 148, 149, 158, 172, 174, 181, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206 — inversion 62 gods 8, 13, 19, 37, 38, 51, 53, 60, 73, 76, 77, 88, 90, 101, 102, 106, 107, 111, 112, 114, 115, 138, 144, 148, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 161, 162, 163, 165, 168, 170, 171, 173, 175, 176, 177, 180, 187, 191, 193, 204, 205, 208, gold of valour 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 53, 65, 129, 138, 165, 166, 210, 211, 212, 226 graffiti 194

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378

Indexes

grave(s) 8, 117, 118 hair 53, 82, 94, 121, 140, 145, 172, 173, 174, 217, 219, 228, 250, 251, 252, 254, 259, 271, 274, 292, 299, 300, 306, 308 hand(s) — carrying 41, 45, 50, 53, 58, 82, 138, 142, 181, 260, 261, 268, 294 — counting 41, 42, 44, 45, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 60, 129, 182, 195, 199, 207, 261, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 296, 308, 309 — cutting off 41, 42, 47, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 130, 165, 169, 187, 226, 227, 243, 255, 256, 260, 261, 268, 269, 270, 301, 304 — piling 41, 195, 272 — working 42 hanging upside-down 1, 13, 24, 31, 65, 66, 68, 151, 152, 158, 162, 164, 167, 170, 182, 191, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204, 205, 214, 236, 251, “Hall of Foreign Tribute”, 23 harbour 69, 210 head(s) 15, 29, 34, 42, 45, 49, 54, 55, 65, 66, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 94, 97, 101, 108, 109, 110, 112, 119, 126, 134, 135, 138, 140, 142, 145, 155, 166, 172, 173, 184, 187, 188, 190, 208, 216, 217, 219, 221, 223, 224, 226, 227, 228, 229, 238, 239, 244, 245, 247, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 259, 260, 261, 263, 264, 265, 266, 270, 273, 274, 275, 284, 288, 289, 290, 292, 299, 300, 304, 306, 307, 308, 309, heap of corpses 39, 76, 226 ḥerem 113, 114 hero(es) 17, 53, 70 holy war 150 homo sacer 85, 164, 165, 205 horror 186, 188, 189 horse (horses) 32, 44, 45, 49, 52, 84, 85, 135, 137, 187, 188, 208, 220, 230, 231, 242, 243, 255, 256, 257, 269, 271, 274, 278, 294, 296, 302, 305, 306 human sacrifice 17, 76, 85, 105, 112, 131, 132, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 205, 218

ideology 6, 20, 70, 86, 134, 171, 175, 178, 179, 192 idiom 42 impalement 1, 48, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 105, 155, 171, 183, 189, 199, 248, 249 — stake 93, 94, 96, impaling 2, 5, 17, 73, 93, 97, 98, 99, 100, 154, 156, 162, 164, 171, 173, 183, 191, 198, 201, 202, 204, 205, 280, 281, Königsnovelle 156, 157 labelling 33, 34, 76, 159 Late Period 36, 74, 112, 218 leopard 34, 35 liars 65 liminal space 125, 161, 162 lion(s) 74, 108, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 188, 218, 255 — masks 188 list(s) of spoils of war 41, 45, 220, 232 “living” object/mimetic icon 68 Macramallah’s rectangle 75 Mansion of Million Years 258 Mansion of Nebkheperure at Thebes 258 masked blow 8, 12, 77 maryannu 230, 231, 234, 278 masturbation 52 media of violence 4, 87, 199 Middle Kingdom 1, 5, 8, 74, 104, 125, 127, 135, 137, 148, 159, 186, 195, 204, 218 military 11, 15, 16, 17, 28, 39, 41, 43, 44, 46, 48, 54, 57, 60, 74, 87, 90, 94, 100, 103, 104, 123, 132, 133, 134, 148, 149, 150, 157, 158, 181, 185, 190, 194, 195, 196, 199, 200, 201, 202, 208, 221, 226, 235, 247, 248, 269, 298 — rank 11, 46 motifs with a “tale” behind them 25, 28 mutilation 19, 20, 31, 36, 38, 54, 62, 63, 65, 138, 151, 158, 169, 170, 173, 181, 187, 197, 199, 200, 203, 205 narrative(s) 2, 13, 17, 28, 68, 85, 105, 124, 147, 149, 195, 207, 231, 236, 263, 298 — background 12, 28, 29 — phrases 235

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Terms and themes

— snapshot(s) 25, 29 “negroid” 118, 120, 121, 124 Neo-Assyrian 16, 37, 48, 82, 83, 92, 95, 96, 97, 98, 104, 133, 155, 156, 157, 172, 186, 189, 198 noble cattle 74 nomad 21, 73, 76, 132, 216, 217 nose cutting 35 number — one , 68, 69, 70, 152, 170, 200, 237, 238 — seven 68, 69, 70, 79, 152, 170, 200, 237, 238 — six 68, 69, 70, 152, 170, 200, 237, 238 objects of violence 3 Old Kingdom 24, 29, 61, 74, 125, 127, 135, 144, 145 ontological difference 155, 178, 203, 205 ontology 1, 175, 176, 178, 184 oracle 150, 174 organs without bodies 3, 205 oven 80, 103 pain 6, 17, 19, 28, 31, 95, 107 Painted box of Tutankhamun 7, 134, 135, 136, 138, 254 palace(s) 22, 43, 47, 48, 53, 63, 64, 82, 83, 84, 85, 91, 93, 94, 97, 106, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 133, 156, 168, 172, 197, 198, 219, 291, 296, performance 19, 99, 153, 161, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 192, 200 phalli 39, 44, 50, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 77, 82, 149, 166, 170, 181, 202, 205, 235, 279, 286, 287, 291, 293, 294, 296, 297, 306 — cutting 2, 13, 31, 50, 55, 57, 151, 164, 168, 169, 170, 181, 182, 195, 197, 199, 202, 203, 279, 286, 291, 293 — shafts 50, 51, 55, 58, 59, 60, 63, 64, 222, 296, 297, 298, 300, 306 phallus sheath(s) 56, 58, 59, 60, 309 physical anthropology 4, 6, 118, 121, 129, 174 pit(s) 75, 81, 88, 108, 110, 113, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 125, 126, 128, 155, 216, 219

379

population 5, 33, 46, 57, 67, 121, 132, 182, 185, 191, 192, 196, 197, 221, 263 praising posture 140, 156, 260 procession(s) 20, 21, 22, 59, 141, 142, 159, 168, 170, 180, 181, 182, 187, 198, 219, 248, 259 propaganda 192, 193, prow (ship) 24, 43, 68, 69, 101, 152, 153, 159, 162, 170, 177, 182, 188, 199, 200, 214, 237, 259, 278 Ramesside 9, 20, 27, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 48, 51, 64, 69, 149, 183, 187, 191, 194, 195, 196, 201, 204, 206, 207, 222, 261, 282, raping 2, 63, 146 rays 23, 66, 101, 114 rebel(s) 38, 39, 42, 54, 77, 101, 105, 111, 114, 154, 156, 157, 229, 264, 282 rebellion(s) 39, 51, 98, 100, 152, 156, 182, 184, 188, 201, 243, 244, 245, 247, 248, 283, “regimes of truth” 8, 185 religion 2, 20, 149, 150, 156, 158, 177, 202, 204 religious background 13, 98, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 156, 158, 159, 161, 164, 168, 169, 170, 171, 173, 176, 177, 178, 179, 183, 184, 197, 198, 203, 204, 205, “repulsion of Re”, 68 restricted — audience 181, 203 — knowledge 5, 159, 178, 193, 197, 203 retainer sacrifice 75, 76, 161 rhetorical 14, 45, 53, 76, 102, 103, 137, 155, 171, 184, 189, 200, 201, 208, 223, 224, 227, 228, 243, 264, 265, 266, 278 ritual(s) — execration (see execration) — of war 17 riverbanks 35, 168, 170, 180, 182, 200 ropes 49, 50, 52, 76, 181, 195, 202, 259, 284 royal prerogative 13, 21, 48, 73, 77, 86, 90, 166, 171, 173, 184 scout(s) 28, 275, 276

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Indexes

scribe(s) 9, 32, 33, 36, 47, 48, 55, 64, 146, 149, 170, 190, 193, 197, 205, 207, 229, 235, 263, 275, 282, 299, , 309, scrotum 50, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 294, 295, 299, 300 Second Intermediate Period 74, 75, 78, 117, 118, 119, 126, 127, 128, 148, 282, 283 seed 63 shadow 99, 171 ship(s) 24, 25, 43, 59, 68, 69, 151, 153, 162, 177, 180, 182, 183, 199, 200, 214, 226, 237, 258, 259, 278, 284, 302 — falcon 152, 188 Shipwrecked sailor 115, 173 sickle-shaped sword 47, 77, 78, 154, 171, 290 skeletal (remains) 3, 29, 74, 75, 76, 88, 118, 119, 124, 204 skull(s) 74, 86, 87, 88, 118, 119, 124, 126, slaughter 2, 42, 69, 113, 126, 134, 138, 213, 255, 256, 257 sledge 74, 138, 215, 218, 219 smiting of the enemy 8, 12, 13, 14, 77, 135, 138, 145, 163, 171, 172, 183, 184, 188, 189, 190, 224, 266, 288 spears spectacle 16, 19, 20, 73, 98, 99, 179 speech of Amun 102, 137, 222, 265, 288, 289 spies 28, 29, 151, 169, 181, 187, 267, 268, 270, 272, 276 status 5, 20, 21, 32, 45, 64, 75, 84, 86, 95, 134, 144, 145, 146, 149, 163, 164, 167, 168, 169, 170, 175, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 193, 196, 203, 245, 250, 262, 263, 275 strangling 1, 28, 73, 74, 75, 76, 154, 163, 171, 183, 189, 198, 199, 200, 202, 215, 217, 218 stylus 34, 303 subjects of violence 3, 199 substance(s) 17, 64, 163, 218 sun exposure 138, 151, 168, 170, 180, 181, 186, 199, 201, 202, 246 sun-god 70, 152, 153, 156, 157, 218

talatat 23, 24, 65, 68, 144, 168, 183, 258, 259, 260, 261 Tale of two brothers 61 terror 6, 39, 133, 148, 185, 186, 187 Third Dynasty of Ur 37 Third Intermediate Period 79, 114 “those who are upside down” 19, 63, 66, 68, 100, 108, 110, 141, 152, 155, 158, 177, 182, 189, 191, 194, 200 thumbs 49, 310 to become limb 146 to open up 146 torch(es) 102, 111, 112, 115 torture 65, 68, 95, 97, 138, 151, 158, 168, 169, 170, 173, 180, 181, 183, 186, 187, 199, 201 transverse hall 225 trauma 7, 29, 31, 88, 125 triumph 16, 19, 85, 102, 150, 168, 184, 198, 265, 289 trophies 38, 39, 51, 52, 64, 77, 81, 82, 83, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 129, 138, 149, 165, 166, 181, 188, 195, 205, 260, 261 trophy taking 51, 53, 138 trunk 52, 133, 138 uncircumcised 56, 59, 60, 63, 64, 295, 299, 300 Underworld 5, 13, 31, 34, 37, 38, 52, 65, 67, 68, 70, 73, 78, 81, 87, 90, 99, 104, 105, 106, 108, 109, 114, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 158, 159, 168, 171, 175, 177, 188, 202, 203, 204, 206 uraeus 76, 101, 223 urine 2, 3, 65, 67, 111, 112, 119, 125, 138, 153, 163 Uruk IV 82 viceroy 39, 146, 153, 245, 247, 248, 282 victims 1, 3, 4, 5, 8, 14, 16, 17, 19, 32, 54, 63, 75, 76, 77, 87, 88, 97, 98, 115, 139, 144, 148, 157, 158, 159, 162, 166, 167, 168, 183, 189, 199, 200, 202, 203, 205, 217 violence — against women 15, 147, 148 — divine 153, 155 — gender 11, 15, 147

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381

Sites

— objective 5, 6, 204 — staged 68 — subjective 3, 5, 204 — symbolic 5, 6, 11, 204, 205, 206 — systemic 5 violent treatments 1, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11, 12, 13, 14, 20, 31, 38, 91, 117, 149, 150, 151, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 164, 165, 177, 178, 179, 180, 183, 185, 186, 190, 191, 199, 200, 201, 203, 204, 205 visibility 5, 9, 99, 187, 189, 198, 203, 250 vulture(s) 35, 83, 207, 307 walking stick(s) 7, 65, 71, 142, 201, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253

water 24, 34, 42, 68, 85, 102, 103, 107, 113, 153, 173, 210, 248 Window of Appearance 22, 43, 44, 156, 187, 259, 261, 291, 294, 296, 302, 305 woman(en) 15, 35, 36, 61, 75, 76, 87, 89, 115, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 168, 172, 181, 187, 189, 203, 204, 205, 206, 212, 221, 231, 244, 245, 248, 263, 276, 307 wound(s) 75, 76, 107, 115, 249 — bleeding 33 — piercing 33 X-group 75, 76

Sites Abu Simbel 25, 28, 70, 135, 140, 141, 266, 267, 268, 275 Abu Rawash 75 Abydos 25, 28, 33, 35, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 50, 75, 76, 104, 129, 135, 195, 199, 207, 260, 267, 268, 275 Adaima 75 Aksha 100, 182, 266, 282 Amada 24, 35, 38, 39, 49, 65, 68, 70, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100, 114, 152, 154, 162, 169, 170, 171, 182, 188, 197, 198, 200, 214, 236, 237, 247, 249, 278, 280, 282, Amara West 182 Amarna 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 60, 151, 156, 168, 180, 183, 196, 201, 233, 245, 248, 258, 259, 280, Amman 7, 131, 132, 204 Ashkelon 140, 143, 144 Aswan 41, 242, 247 Ballana 75 Begrawiya South 75 Behbet el-Haggara 218 Beit el-Wali 135, 140, 141, 142, 143, 276, 277 Beth Shan 148, 185 Buhen 98, 201, 246, 247, 248, 249, 282 Buto 218

Carchemish 82 Dra Abu el-Naga 215 Deir el-Bahari 41, 66, 111, 123, 133, 137, 145, 208 Derr 135, 142, 143 Ebla 82, 128 El Kab 48, 209, 240 El-Kurru 122 Elephantine 24, 29, 65, 68, 70, 137, 152, 162, 170, 182, 188, 197, 200, 214, 236, 237, 238, 278 Gebel Barkal 69, 70, 100, 101, 102, 209, 223, 224 Gebel Sheikh Suleiman 24, 183 Giza 24, 49, 227 Hermopolis 91, 98, 154, 258 Kanais 104, 265 Karnak 7, 23, 24, 25, 28, 42, 44, 45, 57, 58, 59, 69, 70, 102, 103, 126, 127, 137, 138, 140, 141, 144, 152, 168, 170, 180, 182, 195, 196, 200, 201, 204, 209, 214, 219, 221, 222, 235, 258, 264, 266, 267, 268, 270, 271, 273, 278, 285, 307, 308, 309 Kerma 75, 120, 123, 283

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382

Indexes

Luxor 25, 28, 41, 69, 101, 102, 114, 141, 144, 174, 188, 258, 265, 267, 268, 272, 273, 275, Mari 21, 47, 82, 92 Medinet Habu 9, 34, 44, 56, 57, 59, 60, 64, 81, 101, 102, 113, 135, 136, 137, 138, 140, 141, 143, 144, 145, 146, 148, 223, 266, 283, 288, 289, 290, 291, 291, 296, 298, 300, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307 Megiddo 220, 221, 232, 233 Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak 23, 25, 44, 46, 50, 52, 138, 151, 168, 187, 195, 197, 201, 258, Memphis 25, 69, 98, 281 Memphite tomb of Horemhab 25, 27, 28, 168, 187, 195, 197, 201, 262, 275 Meroe 39, 75, 86 Mirgissa 14, 74, 75, 76, 111, 120, 124, 125, 204 Mit Rahina 228 Napata 69, 70, 152, 170, 182, 188, 200, 238 Nimrud 83, 84, 93, 94, 97, 103, 104, 133 Niniveh 48, 84, 85, 94, 97 Nuri 75

Qadesh 101, 102, 103, 114, 136, 151, 168, 169, 176, 181, 187, 197, 202, 220, 221, 233, 237, 261, 267, 268, 270, 271, 272, 273, 275, 291, Qantir 122, 123 Qaw el Kebir 217 Qustul 75, 76 Ramesseum 25, 28, 101, 267, 273 Saqqara 24, 36, 40, 75, 106, 136, 138, 262, 277 Sehel 9 Sheikh Abd el-Qurna 65, 225 Shellal 41, 42 Sile 264, 265 Soleb 122, 182 Tell el-Dabca (Avaris) 7, 14, 41, 48, 53, 54, 69, 75, 117, 118, 119, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 204, 210, 215, 283 Tell Ibrahim al-Awad 60 Thebes 69, 70, 134, 145, 168, 225, 231, 237, 238, 258, 277, 278 Uruk 82 Wadi Abad 265 Wadi Allaqi 247, 248 Wadi es-Sebua 100, 282

Geographic areas Ahhiyawa 58 Akuyuti 98, 247 Alashiya 21 Assyria 21, 35, 85, 91, 99, 147, 150, 155, 157, 172 Babylon 21, 47, 84, 146, 180, 303 Canaan 9, 113, 114, 123, 143, 151, 229, 264, 265, Dapur 101, 273, 274, Dep 218 Djahy 241 Hashabu 230 Hatti 21, 28, 269, 276 Hut (wer)-kaw 218 Ibhet 244, 245

Islands in the middle of Great Green 248 Jamu-kehek 241 Khenethennefer 213 Kush 36, 39, 70, 77, 89, 92, 169, 182, 188, 197, 237, 243, 245, 248, 265, 266, 282, 283, Mittani 237, 269 Niy 52, 133 Nubia 39, 73, 75, 76, 120, 123, 124, 140, 142, 171, 182, 188, 199, 201, 212, 214, 217, 238, 243, 244, 245, 248, 258, 262 — Lower Nubia 39, 76, 100, 197, 248, 277 — Upper Nubia 39, 217 Orontes 113 Pe 218

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Persons

Qode 143 Sennedjer 226 Sharuhen 211, 212 Sile 69, 264, 265, Syria 21, 32, 69, 84, 100, 133, 151, 228, 236, 248, 256, 258, 284

383

Tachsi 200, 217 Tjebu 217 Triakontaschoinos 39 Wawat 38, 39, 182, 281, 282, 283

Persons Foreign groups Achaeans 58 Aqaywasha 49, 58, 59, 64, 202, 279, 287 Asiatics 49, 50, 76, 77, 100, 102, 134, 140, 144, 145, 207, 213, 223, 231, 234, 264, 284, 288, 289, Assyrians 12 Hyksos 48, 53, 54, 119, 120, 123, 124, 127, 128, 130, 131, 180, 207, 210, 282, 283 Meshwesh 295, 296, 304

Nubians 182, 183, 207, 215, 217, 218, 219, 244, 245, 249, 255, 256, 257, 260, 262, 263, 266, 281, 282 Seped 295, 296 Shardana 40, 49, 50, 53, 59, 64, 169, 202, 260, 268, 269, 287, 301, 304 Shasu 29, 141, 265, 276 Shekelesh 49, 59, 64, 202, 279, 287 Suteans 21 Temeh 296 Tursha 49, 202, 287,

Egyptian kings and great royal wives (queens) Aha 31, 75, 76, 136 Ahmose 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 49, 50, 119, 120, 123, 124, 129, 130, 194, 195, 199, 201, 207, 209, 210, 211, 212, 240, 241, 242, 260 Ahmose-Nefertari 207 Akhenaten 20, 21, 22, 23, 98, 114, 145, 151, 180, 198, 201, 204, 205, 245, 246, 247, 248, 258, 259, 260 Amenhotep I 40, 41, 43, 199, 201, 209, 213, 240, 241, Amenhotep II 9, 23, 40, 42, 44, 45, 46, 49, 52, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 81, 100, 108, 112, 113, 114, 123, 136, 140, 144, 146, 148, 152, 153, 170, 182, 183, 187, 188, 189, 198, 200, 205, 214, 215, 225, 226, 227, 228, 235, 236, 238, 240, 242, 243, 250, 258, 278, 280 Amenhotep III 9, 39, 66, 99, 101, 134, 138, 145, 152, 153, 201, 223, 243, 244, 245, 247

Ay 23, 50, 195, 201, 258 Djoser 219 Hatshepsut 40, 41, 111, 137, 145, 158, 200, 208, 215 Horemhab 25, 27, 28, 29, 147, 159, 168, 181, 187, 195, 197, 201, 219, 258, 262, 263, 275 Kamose 54, 130, 134, 148, 168, 180, 189, 282, 283 Khafre 24 Merikare 27, 148 Narmer 55, 219 Nefertiti 144, 145, 148, 259 Niuserre 219 Osorkon II 228 Piye 63, 223 Psammethicus I 127 Psammethicus II 41, 42 Qaa 75

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384

Indexes

Ramesses II 50, 53, 91, 98, 101, 102, 103, 114, 134, 135, 140, 142, 143, 148, 151, 153, 167, 174, 185, 188, 202, 248, 265, 266, 267, 270, 272, 273, 275, 276, 277, 280, Ramesses III 9, 12, 28, 33, 36, 40, 41, 42, 46, 48, 50, 53, 55, 57, 60, 62, 64, 77, 81, 101, 102, 103, 110, 126, 127, 136, 140, 141, 143, 145, 146, 151, 181, 182, 195, 202, 223, 233, 266, 272, 283, 284, 285, 288, 289, 290, 291, 293, 296, 298, 300, 301, 302, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 309 Ramesses IV 26, 66, 135 Ramesses V 26 Ramesses VI 26, 66, 67, 110 Ramesses VII 26, 66 Ramesses IX 27, 42, 66, 67, 91, 278 Ramesses XI 92 Sahure 46 Seti I 9, 32, 44, 77, 91, 102, 104, 112, 141, 167, 182, 223, 229, 264, 265, 266, 276, 277, 280,

Seti II 26, 35, 36, 39, 98, 105, 154, 201, 202 Sheshonk 228 Thutmose I 40, 41, 68, 113, 133, 155, 158, 174, 183, 199, 205, 208, 209, 214, 240, 241, 242 Thutmose II 9, 40, 41, 134, 200, 209 Thutmose III 9, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 52, 53, 69, 101, 102, 108, 112, 113, 114, 122, 123, 133, 134, 135, 137, 154, 155, 159, 165, 174, 182, 193, 200, 208, 209, 214, 215, 219, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 232, 233, 240, 241, 280 Thutmose IV 9, 12, 26, 40, 49, 50, 66, 68, 151, 152, 174, 195, 200, 238, 240, 262, 280 Tiye 144, 145, 148 Tutankhamun 23, 25, 44, 45, 46, 50, 52, 65, 68, 71, 134, 135, 136, 138, 151, 168, 187, 195, 197, 201, 238, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 258, 261, 262 Unas 25, 78, 106

Foreign kings Aitakama 25 Ashurbanipal 85 Ashurbelkala 83 Ashurnasirpal II 37, 47, 83, 92, 93, 103, 104 Ashuruballit 20, 21, 23, 245 Esarhaddon 35, 85 Hatušili 21 Kadashman-Enlil 21, 180 Katuwa 82

Muwatalli 21 Sargon II 84, 93, 94, 97 Sennacherib 84, 97, 172 Shalmaneser I 37, 103 Shalmaneser III 47, 83, 93, 104 Suhi II 82 Teumman 85 Tiglath-Pileser I 83 Tiglath-Pileser III 48, 84, 94, 97

Private persona Aelius Gallus, 39 Ahmose-Pennekhbet, 40, 45, 199, 200, 240, 241 Ahmose son of Ebana, 24, 40, 43, 45, 48, 123, 129, 139, 197, 199, 209, 215, 242, 295,

Amenemhab called Mahu, 43, 44, 52, 133, 138, 200, 225, 226 Amenhotep-Hapu, 240 Amennakht, 46 Anpu, 61 Baki, 91 Bata, 61

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Persons

Beksetyt, 36 Diodorus Siculus, 47, 115 Djehuty, 28, 73, 74, 76, 154, 171, 183, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219 Djedi, 74 Hat, 32 Hay, 35, 36 Herodotus, 86 Huya, 22, 23, 248 Ibi, 127 Irtisen, 190, 191 Isis, 92 Kha, 250 Khaemtitry, 39, 282 Khaemwaset, 274 Mai-Seth, 32 Menna, 167, 240 Mereruka, 95 Meresankh III, 24 Merimes, 39 Merire II, 248 Merit, 250 Mesmen, 36

385

Messuy, 39, 282 Montuhirkhepeshef, 28, 73, 74, 76, 171, 183, 215, 216, 217, 219 Mose, 36 Moses, 47 Mutemhab, 92 Nakht, 240 Nebnefer, 33, 105 Neferrenepet, 295 Paheri, 209 Panehesy, 22, 39 Papa, 36 Paser, 32, 33 Pekhuru, 92 Peneb, 46 Ptahemhab, 32 Ptahmes, 295 Rekhmire, 65, 141, 214, 235 Sekhatuemnefer, 36 Sennedjem, 250 Ti, 24 Tjanuny, 221

Egyptian deities and entities Amun 9, 61, 69, 70, 77, 92, 99, 100, 102, 114, 137, 150, 152, 153, 154, 164, 170, 172, 173, 196, 200, 204, 219, 221, 222, 223, 237, 265, 266, 271, 280, 288, 289, 290, 307, 308 Amun-Mut-Khonsu 23, 151, 180 Amun-Re, 69, 70, 114, 140, 141, 144, 224, 236, 276, 288 Amun-Re-Horakhty, 77, 288 Anubis, 34, 218 Apophis, 37, 38, 66, 79, 81, 109, 111, 152, 158, 282, 283 Aten, 22, 23 Atum, 51, 52, 60, 66, 80, 106, 152 Baal, 143, 151, 176, 284 Geb, 34 Hauron-Horemakhet, 227 Heket, 218 Horus, 38, 63, 66, 78, 79, 80, 81, 106, 110, 138, 151, 153, 218, 219, 250, 266

Khepri, 108 Khnum, 61, 79, 236 Montu, 113, 151, 229, 231, 234, , 240 Mut, 92, 103, 105, 126, 164, 309 Osiris, 34, 61, 67, 69, 78, 79, 80, 81, 91, 107, 108, 110, 111, 112, 157, 218 Ptah, 36, 266 Re, 66, 67, 68, 70, 71, 78, 80, 101, 105, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 114, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 170, 177, 178, 182, 184, 188, 200, 202 Re-Horakhty, 236, 280, 283, 284, 285 Reshep, 113, 153, 171 Seth, 32, 34, 35, 37, 38, 63, 78, 81, 112, 147, 151, 172, 176 Sekhmet, 101, 102, 151, 154, 231 Shu, 52 Tefnut 52, 111 Thoth 32, 33, 74, 78

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386

Indexes

Sources Documents Doc. 1 ▷ 7, 40, 42, 43, 44, 45, 49, 50, 129, 199, 207, 260 Doc. 2 ▷ 7, 48, 76, 77, 200, 208 Doc. 3 ▷ 7, 24, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 48, 65, 129, 139, 152, 162, 182, 199, 209, 295 Doc. 4 ▷ 7, 28, 73, 76, 154, 200, 215 Doc. 5 ▷ 7, 40, 48, 200, 219 Doc. 6 ▷ 7, 9, 76, 77, 222 Doc. 7 ▷ 7, 40, 76, 223 Doc. 8 ▷ 7, 40, 41, 42, 43, 48, 76, 77, 138, 200, 225, 278 Doc. 9 ▷ 7, 76, 77, 200, 227 Doc. 10 ▷ 7, 9, 40, 41, 45, 47, 48, 49, 53, 76, 77, 100, 112, 113, 114, 148, 153, 169, 171, 187, 200, 228, 243, 278 Doc. 11 ▷ 7, 24, 40, 43, 48, 55, 65, 68, 70, 85, 152, 162, 170, 182, 188, 200, 214, 236, 278 Doc. 12 ▷ 7, 40, 49, 50, 51, 151, 200, 238, 262 Doc. 13 ▷ 7, 40, 41, 45, 48, 199, 240 Doc. 14 ▷ 7, 41, 47, 48, 53, 169, 201, 242, 278 Doc. 15 ▷ 7, 41, 48, 201, 243 Doc. 16 ▷ 7, , 20, 21, 151, 168, 187, 201, 245 Doc. 17 ▷ 7, 98, 154, 201, 246 Doc. 18 ▷ 7, 65, 71, 201, 249, 251, 252 Doc. 19 ▷ 7, 65, 71, 201, 251 Doc. 20 ▷ 7, 65, 71, 201, 251 Doc. 21 ▷ 7, 65, 71, 201, 252 Doc. 22 ▷ 7, 65, 71, 201, 252 Doc. 23 ▷ 7, 65, 71, 85, 201, 253 Doc. 24 ▷ 7, 65, 71, 201, 254 Doc. 25 ▷ 7, 51, 52, 135, 201, 254 Doc. 26 ▷ 7, 23, 24, 25, 44, 45, 49, 50, 65, 68, 138, 151, 181, 201, 258 Doc. 27 ▷ 7, 25, 27, 28, 147, 168, 187, 201, 262 Doc. 28 ▷ 7, 29, 49, 76, 77, 201, 264 Doc. 29 ▷ 7, 76, 77, 154, 201, 265 Doc. 30 ▷ 7, 31, 34, 266

Doc. 31 ▷ 7, 25, 41, 45, 51, 151, 168, 187, 202, 207, 222, 267 Doc. 32 ▷ 7, 25, 41, 44, 45, 49, 50, 52, 151, 168, 181, 187, 202, 207, 222, 270, 273, 278 Doc. 33 ▷ 7, 25, 44, 45, 49, 151, 168, 187, 202, 207, 222, 272 Doc. 34 ▷ 7, 25, 77, 151, 168, 187, 202, 272 Doc. 35 ▷ 7, 25, 151, 168, 187, 202, 275 Doc. 36 ▷ 7, 51, 142, 276 Doc. 37 ▷ 7, 237, 277, 278 Doc. 38 ▷ 7, 50, 62, 202, 278 Doc. 39 ▷ 37, 5, 38, 39, 49, 95, 98, 100, 114, 144, 154, 166, 169, 171, 198, 202, 249, 278, 280 Doc. 40 ▷ 31, 34, 76, 138, 154, 202, 283 Doc. 41 ▷ 7, 41, 48, 49, 56, 57, 58, 59, 62, 64, 202, 285 Doc. 42 ▷ 7, 76, 77, 154, 202, 288 Doc. 43 ▷ 7, 76, 77, 154, 202, 288, 289 Doc. 44 ▷ 7, 76, 77, 202, 289 Doc. 45 ▷ 7, 48, 56, 62, 202, 290 Doc. 46 ▷ 7, 49, 50, 52, 202, 291 Doc. 47 ▷ 7, 41, 44, 45, 48, 49, 50, 56, 57, 62, 64, 202, 207, 222, 272, 273, 278, 293 Doc. 48 ▷ 7, 41, 43, 45, 48, 49, 55, 56, 57, 59, 62, 64, 202, 207, 222, 296 Doc. 49 ▷ 7, 59, 64, 77, 202, 207, 298 Doc. 50 ▷ 7, 49, 50, 52, 77, 202, 300 Doc. 51 ▷ 7, 50, 301 Doc. 52 ▷ 7, 34, 45, 49, 59, 202, 207, 222, 290, 302, 303 Doc. 53 ▷ 7, 52, 77, 202, 304 Doc. 54 ▷ 7, 41, 45, 48, 49, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 64, 202, 207, 222, 305 Doc. 55 ▷ 7, 77, 306 Doc. 56 ▷ 7, 307 Doc. 57 ▷ 7, 45, 49, 207, 222, 307 Doc. 58 ▷ 7, 308 Doc. 59 ▷ 7, 309 Doc. 60 ▷ 7, 44, 45, 49, 207, 222, 309

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Sources

387

List of sources Amada inscription of Amenhotep II ▷ 24, 65, 68, 95, 152, 162, 170, 171, 182, 188, 197, 200, 214, 236, 278 Annals of Thutmose III ▷ 134, 174, 193, 200, 219, 221, 232 Battlefield palette (Vulture palette) ▷ 35 Book of Amduat ▷ 66, 108, 109, 112, 113, 114, 154, 155, 158, 159 Book of Caverns ▷ 66, 80, 109, 159 Book of Nut ▷ 110 Book of the Dead — Chapter 17 ▷ 107 — Chapter 19 ▷ 79 — Chapter 39 ▷ 79 — Chapter 43 ▷ 79 — Chapter 53 ▷ 66 — Chapter 63 ▷ 107 — Chapter 63B ▷ 107 — Chapter 71 ▷ 79, 107 — Chapter 86 ▷ 107 — Chapter 90 ▷ 79 — Chapter 98 ▷ 79, 107 — Chapter 99B ▷ 66 — Chapter 101 ▷ 66, 152 — Chapter 110 ▷ 107 — Chapter 125 ▷ 111 — Chapter 126 ▷ 111, 112 — Chapter 134 ▷ 80 — Chapter 136B ▷ 107 — Chapter 144 ▷ 107 — Chapter 146 ▷ 34, 107 — Chapter 149 ▷ 66, 80, 107, 114 — Chapter 153A ▷ 34 — Chapter 154 ▷ 37 — Chapter 167Pleyte ▷ 107 — Chapter 168 ▷ 110 — Chapter 169 ▷ 66 — Chapter 175 ▷ 66 — Chapter 189 ▷ 66 Book of the Gates ▷ 66, 67, 109, 114, 152 Book of the Night ▷ 110 Book of the Temple ▷ 106, 163, 194 Carnarvon tablet ▷ 134

Codex of Hammurabi ▷ 38, 92 Coffin Texts (CT) — CT 146 ▷ 79 — CT 148 ▷ 114 — CT 226 ▷ 37 — CT 229 ▷ 79 — CT 246 ▷ 106 — CT 317 ▷ 79 — CT 335 ▷ 106 — CT 336 ▷ 114 — CT 359 ▷ 106 — CT 378 ▷ 79 — CT 407 ▷ 37 — CT 436 ▷ 79 — CT 455 ▷ 37 — CT 586 ▷ 79 — CT 644 ▷ 79 — CT 660 ▷ 79 — CT 885 ▷ 79 — CT 1054 ▷ 110 — CT 1166 ▷ 110 Decree of Blessing of Ptah ▷ 266 — Nauri decree ▷ 35, 91 Diodorus Siculus, Library of History ▷ 47, 115 Ostracon Berlin 12654 ▷ 26, 33 Ostracon Cairo 25237 ▷ 91 Ostracon Cairo 25556 ▷ 35 Ostracon JE 72465 ▷ 105 Ostracon Nash 2 (BM 65956) ▷ 26, 105 Papyrus Abbot (BM 10221) ▷ 27, 91 Papyrus Anastasi I ▷ 29, 265 Papyrus Anastasi II ▷ 134, 277, 278, 291 Papyrus Anastasi III, 187 Papyrus Anastasi IIIA ▷ 20 Papyrus Anastasi IV ▷ 20 Papyrus Anastasi V ▷ 32, 34 Papyrus Berlin 10496 ▷ 33, 36, 126, 127 Papyrus BM 9940 (Neferrenepet) ▷ 295 Papyrus BM 10052 ▷ 27, 92 Papyrus BM 10054 ▷ 27 Papyrus BM 10252 ▷ 105 Papyrus BM 10403 ▷ 27

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388

Indexes

Papyrus BM 10793 ▷ 66 Papyrus Bologna 1094 ▷ 32, 34 Papyrus Bremner Rhind IV (Apophis Book) ▷ 37, 81, 111 Papyrus Brooklyn 47.218.84 ▷ 112 Papyrus Cairo CG 24095 ▷ 66, 107 Papyrus Cairo 58054 ▷ 32, 34 Papyrus Deir el-Medinah 26A ▷ 33 Papyrus Deir el-Medinah 27 ▷ 36 Papyrus D’Orbeney ▷ 61 Papyrus Harris I ▷ 283, 284, 285 Papyrus Juja, Cairo CG 51189 ▷ 66, 152 Papyrus Jumilhac ▷ 34, 81 Papyrus Koller ▷ 20, 187 Papyrus Leopold III-Amherst ▷ 27 Papyrus Louvre 3092, Frgm. Montpellier (Papyrus Neferubenef) ▷ 66 Papyrus Maiherperi, Cairo CG 24095 ▷ 66, 107 Papyrus Mayer A ▷ 92 Papyrus Metropolitan Museum of Art 35.9.21 (papyrus of Imouthes) ▷ 37 Papyrus of Nu (Papyrus London BM 10477) ▷ 34, 37, 66, 107 Papyrus Salt 124 ▷ 46, 47, 130 Papyrus Salt 825 ▷ 111, 112 Papyrus Turin 1887 ▷ 36 Papyrus Vandier = Papyrus Lille 139 ▷ 105 Papyrus Westcar ▷ 74, 90 Pyramid Texts (Spell) — PT 136 ▷ 78 — PT 227 ▷ 78, 79 — PT 254 ▷ 78 — PT 260 ▷ 65, 106 — PT 274 ▷ 106 — PT 298 ▷ 78 — PT 367 ▷ 78 — PT 384 ▷ 78 — PT 385 ▷ 34 — PT 397 ▷ 24

— PT 415 ▷ 78 — PT 519 ▷ 78 — PT 527 ▷ 52 — PT 535 ▷ 78 — PT 580 ▷ 79 — PT 666 ▷ 24 — PT 694B ▷ 65 — PT 700 ▷ 24 — PT 722 ▷ 79 Stelae — Amada stela dedicated to Merenptah ▷ 35, 38, 39, 49, 70, 98, 114, 154, 169, 171, 197, 198, 237, 280, 282 — Armant stela ▷ 133 — Athribis stela of Merenptah ▷ 278, 279 — Elephantine stela of Amenhotep II (see Amada inscription of Amenhotep II) — First stela of king Kamose ▷ 134 — Gebel Barkal stela of Thutmose III ▷ 69, 101, 102, 209, 223, — Great sphinx stela of Amenhotep III in Giza ▷ 49, 227 — Konosso stela of Thutmose IV ▷ 9, 240 — Memphis stela of Amenhotep II ▷ 9, 49, 100, 112, 113, 114, 140, 148, 154, 171, 187, 200, 228, 229, 235, 243, 278 — Poetic stela of Thutmose III from Karnak ▷ 9, 101, 222 — Second stela of Kamose ▷ 54, 130, 148, 168, 180, 189, 282, 283 — Semnah stela of Amenhotep III ▷ 243 — Stela of Akhenaten from the temple of Buhen ▷ 98, 201, 246, 247, 248 — Stela of Amenhotep III between Aswan and Philae ▷ 242 — Stela of Neferhotep ▷ 104 — Tombos stela ▷ 68, 134, 174, 214 Old Testament ▷ 54, 56, 86, 115 Quran ▷ 47, 100

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Middle Egyptian and Late Egyptian words

389

Middle Egyptian and Late Egyptian words Ab  31, 33, 34, 35, 285 Abj  35, 134 Ab.w 32, 34, 267, 279, 284 Ab. t  34 Am  101, 107, 108, 223 Ax . t 22, 101, 156, 223, 237, 242 jAmw-khk  241 jw.w Hrj.w-jb wAD wr 248 jwn . tj-pD. tj.w  213, 214 jwn . tj-tA-s tj  73, 216, 217 Jp. t-s.wt  214 jnj  210, 211, 213, 230, 276, 278, 279, 281, 287 jq wS.w  279 jd b.w  168 aAy.w  281 aAm .w  223, 288, 289 aw. t Sps. t  74 app  111 ama  63 an x .wy  37, 282 wab  63, 192 wbd  33, 100, 101, 102, 104, 110, 114 wn x  42 wr  234, 248, 290 wr.w 226, 231, 237, 266, 279, 287 bAH  62 bjk  214, 237 bw. t Raw  68 pr. t  63, 102, 103, 240, 248 pgA 146 pD. t 227, 267 fn d  35, 36 mAj  136 man  47 maSwS  59, 296 m nj 92, 105 m nS  31 m nS.w 290 m nSy.w  284 m n tj.w  213 m nT.w 229, 231 m rj.w  32

m ry  32 m ry.w 32, 34 m sDr.wy  35, 36, 37 mSa  102, 134, 148, 189, 194, 208, 213, 226, 233, 234, 286 mgA  244 mTA  62 m HA. t  214, 237 m sxd 66, 67, 152, 177, 214, 237 n bw n q n . t  210, 211, 212 n bD.w-qd  223, 224 n fr  62 n rw  186 nHsy.w  244 nHs.y t  244 n sw. t 101, 102, 210, 223, 226, 295 rmT  176, 267, 281 hAhA  114, 281 HAp tyw  276 HAq  212, 213, 220, 223, 234, 235, 236, 244, 288, 289, 295 HAq .w 295 HAq .wt  212, 291 HAq . t  134, 141, 213, 234 Hwj  224 Hw. t-war. t 148, 189, 210 Hwt-nTr  91, 98 Hm=f  79, 102, 113, 136, 140, 212, 213, 214, 221, 231, 232, 233, 234, 237, 238, 244, 269, 290, 295 Hm s 62 Hm . t  61, 146, 213 Hn n .w 61, 62, 279, 286, 287 Hn n .w m q rn . t  62, 286, 287 Hr t p  91, 95 Hs  66, 67 Hs q  77, 79, 80, 224, 229, 264, 288, 289 Hdy  79, 146 HD tA  233 xAr.w  248 xAs tj.w  224 x pS 76, 77, 154, 224, 266, 284, 288, 289 xf a 210, 211, 281

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390

Indexes

x n rj  74 x n t-Hn-n fr 213 x t  91, 92, 95, 127, 247, 281 XA.y t 39, 226 XAk .w-jb  42, 229, 264 XA. tjw 39 s mA  69, 79, 224, 237, 243, 245, 269, 288, 289 snj 77, 78, 79, 80, 208 s n f 42, 229 snD 186 sx t 26, 27, 33 ssH  224 s q r.w-an x 220, 221, 232, 235, 243, 278 s. t-Hm . t 61, 212 sT. tj  234 sD dSr.wt  120 sDm-aS  244 Sa  216, 217 Sat  186 Sp d  59, 296 Sm s.w  34, 136, 241 SrHn 212 Sk rS Sdy  112, 232, 235 qAs  47 q f a  226 q n q n  27, 276 q rn . t  49, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 64, 202, 279, 286, 287, 291 q s.wy  73, 217

q s q s  73, 217, 218 grgy.w 65 kAS 36, 248, 266 k p  48, 295 k p.w 286, 287, 291 t p  34, 78, 79, 80, 91, 92, 96, 126, 127, 134, 135, 213, 217, 223, 244, 390 t p.w  34, 42, 79, 80, 208, 216, 217, 223, 224, 226, 227, 229, 264, 266, 278, 288, 289, 290 tx sj 237 t k nw  73, 74, 154, 171, 215, 216, 218, 219 TmH  59, 296 Tr  42 dwA  140, 144 dj.w h r t p x t 36, 91, 92, 95, 98, 127, 281 d px  36, 126, 127 d mA 226, 227, 228, 290 d mD  297, 298, 305, 306, 245, 247, 271, 287 d n  77, 223 Dr.wt  41, 42, 220, 221, 237, 243, 245, 271, 277, 278 Dr. t 42, 48, 52, 107, 129, 133, 138, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 226, 230, 231, 234, 241, 242, 269, 282, 287, 295 Dhy  241 Dsj  34 D. t  62 Dd k w  210

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Plates

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

Plate I

(a) Ahmose block from Abydos with the depiction of piled cut off hands, drawing.

(b) Tomb of Montuhirkhepeshef (TT 20), Scene 3 on the south wall of the inner room, drawing.

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Plate II

1

2

5 4

3 3

a

7 6

b The chariot of Thutmose IV from his tomb (Egyptian Museum in Cairo, CG 46097): (a) right side (exterior), drawing; (b) left side (exterior), drawing.

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2

1

3

77

4

88

99

1

10 10

55

33

22

11 11

66

44

a

Painted box of Tutankhamun (Egyptian Museum Cairo JE 61467), facsimiles: (a)Slaughter of the Syrians; (b) Slaughter of the Nubians.

b

Plate III

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Plate IV

(a) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 38, drawing.

b

c

(b) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 18, drawing; (c) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 20, drawing; (d) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 21, drawing

(e) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 29, drawing.

(f) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 35, drawing.

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d

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

(b) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 50, drawing.

(c) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, presentation of the spoils of war to the Theban triad, reconstruction, drawing.

(a) Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, Block No. 44, drawing.

1

Plate V

Memorial temple for Tutankhamun at Karnak, reconstruction, presentation of the spoils of war to the king, drawing.

Plate VI

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Plate VII

The south side of the east wall of the second courtyard of the Memphite tomb of Horemhab, third and fourth registers, drawing.

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Plate VIII

a

b The south side of the east wall of the second courtyard of the Memphite tomb of Horemhab: (a) register below the large scale figure of Horemhab, drawing; (b) two registers of imprisoned Nubian figures sitting on the ground, drawing.

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1

Karnak, Northern Wars of Seti I, Campaign from Sile to Pa-Canaan, Year 1. Lowest register of the eastern front side of the north wall (outside) of the hypostile hall, drawing

Plate IX

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(b) Temple of Abydos of Ramesses II, outer west wall; Battle of Qadesh, drawing.

(a) Beating of the Hittite spies, the “Conference Scene” of the Battle of Qadesh, Ramesses II temple of Abydos, drawing.

Plate X

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Temple of Abydos of Ramesses II, west half of the outer north wall; Battle of Qadesh, drawing

Plate XI

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The Battle of Qadesh, temple of Karnak, court between 8th and 9th pylon, west wall, outside, representation of the spoils of war, drawing

Plate XII

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

(b) Beating of the Hittite spies, the “Conference Scene” of the Battle of Qadesh, west part of the north wall (outside) of the second court, east of the entrance of the temple of Luxor, drawing.

(a) Beating of the Hittite spies, the “Conference Scene” of the Battle of Qadesh, the outer wall of the west tower of the First pylon of the Luxor temple, drawing.

Plate XIII

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© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4 2

3

▼ (b) Ramesseum, East wall of the hypostile hall, south of the main entrance, lower register, Taking of Dapur, drawing.

the Battle of Qadesh, the west wall of the north tower of the First pylon of the Ramesseum, drawing.

◄ (a) Beating of the Hittite spies, the “Conference Scene” of

Plate XIV

(b) Beit el-Wali/South temple, Nubian campaign of Ramesses II, drawing.

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(a) Beating of the Hittite spies, the “Conference Scene“ of the Battle of Qadesh, temple of Abydos, drawing.

Plate XV

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© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4 32

24 26

18 25

16 17

27

19

28

20

3

29

4

33

21

34

30

1

14

10

5

11

2

22

12

35

8

13

6 9

7

31 36

15

Medinet Habu, First Libyan war of Ramesses III, battle with the Libyans, lowest register of the first scene from the south on the east wall of the second court.

Plate XVI

Medinet Habu temple, First Libyan War of Ramesses III, Presentations of spoils of war to the king, Lowest register of the first scene from the east on the south wall of the second court.

Plate XVII

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

Medinet Habu, First Libyan war of Ramseses III, Presentation of spoils of war to the king, third scene from the west on the north wall (outer side).

Plate XVIII

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4 23

11

3

24

12

13

25

5 15

14

4

26

17

16

20

6

7

10

27

18

9

8

28

29

19

Medinet Habu, First Libyan War of Ramesses III, Battle with the Libyans, North Wall, outside, second scene from the West.

21

22

1

2

Plate XIX

12

14

2

3

7 8

4

9

5

15

17

16

10 11

Medinet Habu temple, Sea Peoples campaign of Ramesses III, the Land battle, Sixth scene from the west on the outer north wall.

13

6

1

Plate XX

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

Medinet Habu temple, Sea Peoples campaign of Ramesses III, the River mouth battle, Eighth scene from the west on the outside north wall.

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Plate XXI

Medinet Habu temple, Sea Peoples campaign of Ramesses III, Presentation of spoils of war to the king, Outer north wall, ninth scene from the west.

Plate XXII

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

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2 3

4

Medinet Habu, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Battle with the Libyans, East wall of the first court, north of the entrance.

Plate XXIII

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

Medinet Habu temple, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Presentation of the spoils of war to the king, East wall of the first court, north of the entrance.

Plate XXIV

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

Medinet Habu temple, Siege of Tunip by Ramesses III, First scene from the east in the upper most register on the outer north wall between first and second pylon

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Plate XXV

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

Medinet Habu temple, Nubian campaign of Ramesses III, First scene from the south on the outer west wall.

2

1

Plate XXVI

Plate XXVII

Karnak, Amun precinct, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Battle with the Libyans, lowest register of the third scene from the north on the outer west wall.

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

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Karnak, Amun precinct, Asiatic campaign of Ramesses III, Upper most register of the first scene from the north on the outer west wall.

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Plate XXVIII

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4

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3

(a) Karnak, Mut precinct, Second Libyan War of Ramesses III, Fifth scene from the south on the west outer wall.

4

(b) Karnak, Mut precinct, Asiatic campaign of Ramesses III, Second scene from the north on the outer west wall.

1

Plate XXIX

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11302-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19925-4