Bio-social change among the Karens of Andaman Island (Tribal studies of India series) 8121003504, 9788121003506

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TRIBAL STUDIES OF INDIA SERIES T 176

BIO-SOCIAL CHANGE AMONG THE

KARENS OF ANDAMAN ISLAND

by

S.B. ROY

INI EK-IN DIA PUBLICATIONS (QUALITY PRINTERS, PUBLISHERS AND BOOKSELLERS) D-17, RAJA GARDEN, NEW DELHM10015 (INDIA) PHONES : (Oil) 5441120, 5467082 ? -i

Cataloging in Publication Data—DK Roy, S.B. (Shree Bhagwan), 1945Bio-sodal change among the Karens of Andaman Island. (Tribal studies of India series ; T 176). Includes bibliographical references (p. Includes index.

).

1. Karen (Southeast Arian people)— India—Andaman and Nicobar Islands— Social conditions. I. Titie II. Series: Tribal studies of India series ; T 176

ISBN 81-210-0350-4 First Published in India, 1995 © S.B. Roy, 1995

Library University of Wisconsin- - Maensoyi 728 State Street ™

Madisor w; ^.'1706-1494

Printed and Published in India by : M.C. MITTAL , INTER-INDIA- PUBLICATION5 (QUALITY PRINTERS, PUBLISHERS AND BOOKSELLERS)

D-17, RAJA GARDEN, NEW DELHI-il0015 (INDIA) PHONES : 5441120, 5467082

V5

PREFACE

THE bio-sodal aspect of human society has always been influenced by its environment and human interactions. The objective of this study has been to understand both how a migrated population like the Karens have adapted to a particular ecosystem and how people's activities cause bio-social change in their own society. The present write-up based on an intensive field-work under difficult conditions, brings empirical data on the fundamental issues, debated by social scientists concerned with a view to the study of human population dynamics, the environment and its relationship with human behaviour. It also examines and agrees to the prinicple of Thomas Malthus and Ester Boserup who argued that increase in food production inevitably results in increased population size. Here it can be otherwise also. The increase in population size of the Karens could be adjusted with increased food production, because the Karen people exploited the natural resources both from land and the sea. Although there are many issues unresolved but one thing has been very clear in the study viz. how the increasing population of the Karens has intensified agricultural operation and adapted socially, biologically in the new environment, the Andaman Islands. Shree Bhagwan Roy

acknowledgements

IT is my pleasant duty to express my sincere appreciation to all those who encouraged me in writing the book. I am grateful to Prof. N.K. Shukla of Bhagalpur University for his valuable guidance and overall supervision. He has been a great source of inspiration in my work I express my sincere gratitude to Prof. S.N. Rath of Sambalpur University for his kind perusal of my manuscript and givmg me constant encouragement. I am indebted to him for his cooperation and prompt response. My grateful thanks are due to Dr. K.S. Smgh, Director General, Anthropological Survey of India, for his generous response in extending necessary help and allowing me to use all materials on Karens available with the Anthropological Survey of India for the purpose of writing this book. I in extremely thankful to Dr. T.S. Vasulu for gomg through the Chapter on Physical Anthropology and his assistance in the analysis of data. I am also, thankful to Messrs S. Banerjee, Raktima Mukherjee, Saswati Ghosh, Parnika Sen of IBRAD, Mes^s Madhurima Sen and Susmita Rakshit for going through the manuscript and lending necessary support I will be failing in my duty if I do no tha^ Mr. S.K. Bera of IBRAD for his cooperation in computerising and printing work done for my research. Finally, I would like to thank aU my Karen friends and those whom I might have missed to acknowledge by name and who might have directly or indirectly assisted me in completing my study. S.B. Roy

CONTENTS

Page

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

PREFACE ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS LIST OF TABLES

5 7 H

LIST OF FIGURES

13

Introduction Methodology Population Structure Social Change Conclusion

15 43 48 93 105

GLOSSARY BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEX

111 112 118

LIST OF TABLES

3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 ^5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9 3.10

-3.11

3.12 313 3.14 3.15 3.16 3.17 3.18 3.19 3.20 3.21 3.22

Population Distribution by Age and Sex Marital Status of the Karens Different Sub-groups of the Kareris Demographic Studies of Karen Tribe ^ge Structure and Sex Ratio of Major Age Group Educational Status of the Karens Domicile Size Ethnicity of the Couple in Wedlock Pregnancy Record per Mother (All Mothers) Distribution of Mothers According to the Number of Surviving Children (All mothers) Number of Surviving and Everbom Children per Mother Age at Marriage Number of Live-birth/Still-birth/Miscarriage Occurrence of Miscarriage at Different Months Incidence of Premature Death X2-Value between Male and Female of Karens by Birth order (Live-birth) Percentage Frequency Distribution of Morbid Conditions among the Karens of both Sexes Age at First Birth Crude Birth Rate Child Woman Ratio Net Reproductive Index Completed Fertility : Frequency of Women aged 45 and above

Page 50 51 52 53 53 54 55 56 56

57 58 59 59 60 61

61 62 63 64 65 65 66

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island

3.23 3.24 3.25

3.26

3.27 3.28 3.29

3.30 3.31 3.32

3.33 3.34 3.35

3.36 3.37 3.38

3.38a 3.39

3.40 3.41

Distribution of Mortality according to the Age at Death among the Karens Admixttire Rate Among the Karens Selection Intensity in Six Population Groups of India Percentage Distribution of Finger Pattern lypes on the Fingers of Male Karens (Sgaw) Percentage Distribution of Finger Pattern types on the fingers of Female Karen (Sgaw) Percentage Distribution of Finger Pattern Types on the Fingers of the Karens (Mixed) Males Percentage Distribution of Finger Pattern Types on the Fingers of the Karens (Mixed) Females .. Indices on Whorl, Loop and Arch of the Karens (Both Sexes) Statistical Constants of Various Dermatoglyphics Characters Test of Significance for various Dermatoglyphic Characters between the Right and Left hands of both Sexes of Sgaw and Mixed Karen samples Test of Significance for various Dermatoglyphic Characters, Sexes and Populations of Karens ABO Phenotypic Frequencies of the Karens ABO Blood group—Karen Population as a Whole Distribution of P.T.C. Taste Threshold Distribution of P.T.C. Taste Threshold Tasters and Non-Tasters according to Age groups Value of X2 Incidence of Mid-Phalangeal Hair : Karen Males (Finger and Sidewise) Incidence of Mid-Phalangeal Hair : Karen Famales (Finger and Sidewise) Value of

57 69 7q 71

71 72

72 74

75

gj 85 86 88 89

qn

91 91 m

LIST OF FIGURES

3.1a Age Distribution among Male Karens 3.1b Age Distribution among Female Karens 3.2 Sex-ratio by Birth Order among the Karens Distribution of Number of surviving 3.3 Children per Mother 3.4a Miscarriage among Karens (Month-wise) 3.4b Premature Death among Karens (Year-wise) 3.5a Percentage Distribution of Whorls and Ulnar Loops among Sgaw Karens 3.5b Percentage Distribution of Whorls and Ulnar Loops among Mixed Karens 3.6a Percentage Distribution of Radial Loops and Arches among Sgaw Karens 3.6b Percentage Distribution of Radial Loops and Arches among Mixed Karens 3.7 Mean Pattern Intensity Index among Karen (Sgaw and Mixed) Groups 3.8 Variation in Mean Main Line Index among Karens (Sgaw and Mixed) 3.9 Variation in a-b Ridge Count for Right and Left Hand among Karens (Sgaw and Mixed) 3.10 Variation in Total Finger Ridge Count for Right and Left hand among Karens (Sgaw and Mixed) 3.11 ABO Percentage in Three Generations among Karens 3.12 Frequency distribution of Non-tasters among Karens

51 51 54

64 68 68 73 73 76 76 77 78

80 83 87 90

1

INTRODUCTION

Objective, Background and Scope of the Study Studies on bio-social changes in human population, island population in particular, have always been interesting and exciting to both social scientists and biologists. There has been a constant quest among the concerned scientists to find out the elements of social and biological change in human society. These changes must have influenced human evolution and even now in the dimension of micro evolution through the process of adaptation. Shifts .in biological aspects, especially in genetic structure and make-up require several generations. Transformations of such nature are not possible if changes in the environment are merely temporary. It becomes convenient to study a population in the ntilieu of permanent change of environment. The population of the Karens of the Andaman Islands, brought by the Britishers during the period of 1924-25 as a group of mere 200-250 individuals, have swelled to more than 800 within a span of 55-60 years. This group has undergone certain bio-sodal changes in the new situation. Since the population is cut off completely from its cultural matrix and has settled in a new environment (both physical and social), it is expected that there will be a number of biorsodal changes within the temporal coverage of last 60 years. This population has been studied through a number of parameters which gave rise to changes with the indusion of sodal behaviour,

16

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island

physiology and genetic/demography (Bateson, 1963; Slobodkin, 1968; Slobodkin and Rapoport, 1974). "Each level includes several adaptive domains. Rapid adjustments to sudden changes in the environment take place at the behavioural level" (Hardesty, 1941). The Karen population is expanding in the Andaman Islands whereas many other groups of die same Islands are facing the threat of extinction. The study on selection intensity of the Karen (Roy, 1976) has shown that the population has been better adjusted in the new situation, compared to other small populations. Reproductive survival is a measure of how well individuals have ultimately coped with the basic problems of life. This is practically a system of general well-being of the population. "A number of biologists and social scientists has suggested that the concept be expanded to include any beneficial response to the environment, only one of which is reproductive success (e.g., Hamburg, Coelho, and Adams, 1974; Slobodkin, 1968; Mazess, 1975; R. Thomas, 1975). Distinct measures of adaptation must be used for each kind of beneficial adjustment. Thus, in discussing human biological responses to high altitude Mazess (1975) has proposed several different 'domains' of adaptive regions in which adaptation takes place. The assessment of adaptation in each domain involves the evaluation of (a) relative benefit or (b) degree of necessity, relative to an environmental stress (1975 p. 170)." The objective of this study is to highlight how the social aspects which include factors for acculturation (in the new environmental set-up of Andaman) with the corroboration of psychological pressure, survival needs, desire for social elevation etc., can'influence in shaping the social system and framing social structure. The social factors influence the biological elements and are reflected in demographic pattern, genetical parameters as dermatoglyphics, physiological parameters as blood group. Adaptation to each domain is measured in different ways. Further adaptation to a new environment and the change thereof may be observed from three kinds of cultural behaviour: (1) technological Use by humans in the quest for food, protection, reproduction etc., (2) organisational, is .the

Intrpduction

17

network for social status and roles relating individual in a group such as kinship, social rank, stratification, politics etc., and (3) ideological, "values, norms, knowledge, themes, philosophies, religious beliefs, sentiments, principles, world views, ethos and the like" (Kaplan and Manners, 1972: 112). In the studies of the Karens, the disquisition has examined how they are using the technologies as part of their meterial culture in the new set-up. It has examined what kind of technology is used for hunting, fishing, agriculture, house building etc. Attention has also been paid to the organisational behaviour while studying their mating system, village politics, social stratification etc. Inclusion has been made on the reflection of Karen's norms, knowledge, values, beliefs in dealing with social change. Further, the kind of cultural adaptation which was needed by the Karei)s to cope with new environmental changes they faced as a result of. the migration from Burma to the Andaman Islands has ^so been talin care of. - , The followers of Thomas Malthus believed that growth in agricultural productivity inevitably resulted in increase, in population size whereas Ester Boserup suggests ,vice-versa, (Gomes, 1982). Whatever factors played an important role,' the relationship between population and ecological adaptation cannot be overruled. "A large number of social scientists believe strongly that the desire for children reflects economic attributes (see Demeny 1970, 1972; Leibenstein 1957; Becker 1960; Namboodiri 1972; Easterlin 1969; Schultz 1971; Nag 1972; Tarver 1956; Espenshade 1977; and White 1975). The general contention of these scholars is that couples desire many children so that they can make significant contributions to the household production and income. Some other scholars, however, feel that the perceptions of parents on children play an important part in the birth decision­ making process (Fawcett 1970, 1972; Arnold et al 1975; Hoffman and Hoffman 1973; and Pope 1972.) Concomitant to this, other studies have indicated the importance of the role of women on fertility motivation (Lee 1972, Kolata 1974, Friedl 1975)."

18

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island

Biological changes lead to biological evolution which may ultiiriately cause permanent genetic change mostly brought about by natural selection (Hardesty, 1941), whereas cultural change takes place to facilitate adaptation. "From this perspective, explaining the evolution of cultural behaviour falls logically into Darwinian theory. If adaptation is what causes cultural change, then perhaps a process analogous to natural selection is what causes adaptation" (Hardesty, 1941). Sincere efforts have been made to study the Karen population from the point of view of bio-social change in which adaptation i§ explained through different biological as well as social parameters. The study of the people of the Andamans is very interesting due to great diversities in the types of population, the islands remained as an abode of the aborigins, the negritoes, but at the end of the 18th century, with the attempt of the formation^ of settlements and later on, of the penal settlement, there began an influx of foreign people, from the different parts of the mainland of India. In addition, after the attainrpent of the Independence the settlement of the East Bengal refugees and of some people from South India is taking place in the Andamans. BACKGROUND ; PLACE AND PEOPLE

Andaman and Nicobar Islands' Location The Andamans The Andamans consist of a chain of 204 large and small islands. These islands are situated in the Bay of Bengal at a distance of 944 Km. from the Hooghly's mouth, between 10° and 14“ NL and 92“ and 95“ of EL. The main part of the Andaman group is a band of five chief islands viz.. North Andaman, Middle Andaman B^atang, South Andaman and Rutland island. These islands are also known as Great Andaman. The length and breadth of all the islands of Andaman group are 350 Km. and 51 Km. respectively, covering a land area of 6,420 sq. Km. Instead of rivers there are a very few perennial water streams in these islands. The coasts of Andamans have creeks.

19

Introduction

but with safe harbours. The beautiful Port Blair, one of the most perfect harbours of the world, is located here. The Nicobars The Nicobars, on the other hand comprise seven large islands and twelve small islands lying 128 Km. south of Andamans group and 145 Km. from Sumatra..The six large islands of Nicobar are" Teressa, Bompoka, Camorota, Nancowry, Little Nicobar and Great Nicobar. Some of the islands-of Nicobar are devoid of human settlement The length of the space occupied by these" islands is 268 Km. and the width 58 Km. with an aggregate area of 1016 Km. Water supply, in Andamans, is plentiful as fresh water swamps and perennial streams are found in almost all' the islands. The coasts of Nicobars have a large number of creeks and Bays Nancowry is the finest harbour among the whole of the Andaman and Nicobar group.

Area of the Islands in square Kilometres ISLANDS

AREA

North Andamans Middle Andaman Baratang Island South Andaman Rutland Little Andaman Other Group of Islands

1254.91 1436.16 920.35 189.08 30.36 742.14 1103-.28

Physical set-up (Topography) The Andaman and Nicobar islands form a part of the jCpntinuQUS ridge which runs from the cape pf Negrans of Burma through the Preparis and Coco Islands, to the Andamans and continues further to the Nicobars and Sumatra. The ridge is primarily of Eocene formation ai\d forms a part of the Great Alpine-Himalaya system. In the north and part of the Middle Andamans the prevailing rock is conglomerate while in the South Andaman it is Landstone.

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island

20

The Andamans can be divided into the following physiographic regions:

(1)

(2) (3) (4) (5) (6)

The Cholunga range in South Andaman and its continuation through the -mountain ranges along the West coast of Middle Andaman to Ranger Island. The Mount Harriet range along the east of the South Andaman continues through the Baratang xange to the hill range of North Andaman. The West Coast range. The West Coast range of the North Andaman runs down towards the south of the East Coast ranges of Middle Andaman. Intervening lowlands in between these longitudinal mountain ranges. Coastal lowlands.

Soil The soils of the Andamans can be broadly classified under:

(a) (b)

(c)

Soil of the hilly region, where organic matter content is low in the soil, strongly leached, rich in clay and more or less yellow in colour. Soil of the valley region is rich in silica, structurally of platy type, grayish or blackish in colour. Soil of the coastal region is highly saline in character.

Climate The climate of Andaman and Nicobar islands can be described as normal for tropical islands of similar latitude—always warm with heavy rains and violent weather throughout the year. These islands lie within the full sweep of both South West and North East monsoons with the result that some of the southern islands of Nicobar group have rain throughout the year. Due to excessive rains the mass of the hills enclosing narrow valleys in these islands are covered with dense tropical jungles. Ihe Andamans enjoy quite heavy rainfall of

21

Introduction

about 330.2 cm. The islands are frequently disturbed by tropical storms and cydones in specific months. The annual mean maximum temperature varies from 29.44“ to 30.56“C, whereas mean minimum temperature varies from 26.11“ to 27.78’C. The relative humidity is also very high and the average is 80 per cent. The weather is always warm and very sultry but is tempered to some extent by the pleasant sea breeze. The Andamans are very rich in timber. If proper facilities are provided, the produce can be increased to a great extent. Nicobars too have a luxuriant growth of forests. In Nicobars large quantities of coconut grow as soil is very suitable for its cultivation. It is believed that these islands contain rich deposits- of minerals and other products like coal, iron, gas and- precious stones.

Natural Vegetation "The Andamans present much variety in soil formation and there is accordingly a corresponding diversity of the vegetation", as reported by Karz S. The whole of die islands is covered by tropical forests. It has been cleared a little extent after refugees from East Bengal and some people from South India settled there. The trees in the forest are Dinochala, Tjangkorreh, Entada, Purshaeta, Calamus and Dischidia nimmulia. The height of the trees varies from 80 feet to 100 feet. Both Etudam and the Nicobar Islands are rich in timber. Depending upon the nature of topography, along with the soil and the availability of water, the following three types of forests are found in the Andaman islands: (1) (2) (3)

The evergreen Forest The deciduous Forest The mangrove Forest

Mineral Resources Many travellers and historians have mentioned about the richness of the Andaman islands and they have gone to the extent of describing these islands as the "Islan4'Of Gold" but

22

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island

unfortunately no gold has been discovered so far. However, various minerals like chromium, copper, iron and sulphur have been discovered in neighbourhood of Port Blair. A few traces of lignite, limestones and bronzite have been found near Rutland. Some quantity of haematite have also been noticed in the south of Port Blair. The important ores found here are tin, iron, lead, copper, antimony. Poor quality of coal is found to be present, albeit none of the minerals are economically viable. The People of Andaman

The Aboriginal Population The aboriginal population belongs to the Negrito stock. They are the purest Negrito group in the world and as such the study of the aborigines of the Andaman is very interesting. And some attribute to the origin of these aborigines slaveswho had survived by coming to these- islands after a ship­ wreck. However, this idea is totally untenable. On the other hand there are sufficient grounds to believe that these aborigines came down from the lower region of Burma. On their arrival at the islands, they moved to the different parts 'of the islands and have developed different social and economic traits and the ways of earning their livelihood according to their immediate environment. A broad two-fold -division of the aboriginal population can be made: (1)

’ (2)

Aborigines of the Great Andaman groups All the aborigines of the Great Andamans with the exception of the Jarawas, living in the south western part of the Andamans. Aborigines of the Little Andaman groups The Onges of the Little Andaman, the Jarawas of the South Andaman and the Sentinelese of the North Sentinel Island.

As to how these two groups canie into being and their areas of distribution, various foeories have been put forward. BVI Eickstedt had been of the opinion that the aborigines of the Andamans entered into the Great Andamans in two

Introduction

23

groups—the earlier group comprises the Onges, Jarawas and Sentinelese while the later group belongs to the ancestors of the Great Andaman group. The aboriginal population of the Andamans is ra3t declining in number. The causes of decay of the aboriginal population may be summed up as being the following: (1) (2) (3)

Diseases Murder of the aborigines by the later settlers. Little productive capacity of the aboriginal women.

The Later Settlers: Since the formation of the penal colony convicts on political and criminal grounds were brought to the islands. Majority of the convicts had ultimately settled in the islands and at present they have got mixed up irrespective of the caste, creed and religion. They are known as Andaman Indians. The settlements of these people have grown up excessively in the south .Andaman and more appropriately only in Port Blair. Besides the Andaman Indians very few people volunteered to settie in the islands except a si^ll group of people in service from the mainland of India. The groups of Karens and Burmese constitute a very small percentage of Burmese population in the islands who foster their indigenous tradition. Beside this after Independence there came East Bengal refugees and some people of SouA India. The great variety of the later settlers can be divided as follows: (1)

(2) (3)

(4)

The Andaman Indians, the Mapillas and Bhantus. The Mapillas were brought to the Andamans as prisoners of the Mapill rebellion of 1921 in Malabar. The Bhantus belong to the Manal tribe of Central India. The Burmese settlers—Karens and Burmese. People from the mainland mostly for service with a small community of Anglo-Indians. Refugees from East Bengal and some people ffom South India.

24

Bio-Social Change among the Karens of Andaman Island

^tconomy There are different facets of economic activities of the people .living in the Andaman islands. The diversities may be accounted for traditional and modern outlook and so also the product of culture diffusion. Agriculture Andamanese changed their occupation to agriculture from primitive hunting till the end of the 18th century. Though P?44y'ocwpied the predominent positioft, the production of the plantation crops attracted considerable attention. Next to paddy the most important commodity is coconut. With the rehabilitation of the refugees of East Bengal, there has been considerable improvement in agricultural production. Rainfall and ’Soil conditions in the Andamans are ideal for the productioh of paddy.

Animal Husbandry Andamanese possess livestock far below their requirement. Accotding to 1931 census, there were 10,630 acres of grazing grounds with 10,278 Cattle.

Portly Fanning It is very popular and at the same time large scale operation is seldom met with. ’ Fishing T^e fish fauna of the Andamans is very important. The richness of fauna extends to the Andaman sea. AS many as 490 species of fish have been collected from the coastal sea and they are not only numerous in variety but also in quantity. A catch of 200 tonnes of fish in a day has been ■ recorded.

Industry The industrial prosperity of a country is dependent on her raw materials, mineral resources, power supply and market. The -Andamans lack those privileges. The main raw materials of the islands are forest-woods, coconuts and sea treasures. With little mineral resource and no

Introduction

25

indigenous source of power, the islands have no other alternative but to develop cottage industries where men and women provide the necessary manpower. (a)

(b)

(c)

(d)

Industries are mainly based on forest products like timber. There are saw-mills, match factories and other workshop for production of wooden articles like toys, furniture, luxury goods, walking sticks etc. Industries based on coconut e.g. coir, yarn, coconut oil, oilcakes, broomsticks etc. Industries based on sea products with catching, collecting, drying processing, packing of fish. A variety of sea shells are also found in the sea of the Andamans. Beautiful corals are also collected in large quantities. Indigenous salt is manu­ factured by boiling sea-water for their own consumption. Lime burning is also done. Lately fruit industries have grown up. Industries based on plantation e.g. coffee, tea, rubber were tried, but it is dying out.

Occupation The Andamanese are collectors of food and have no occupation except those connected with the procuring the preparation of food which is available to them in plenty from nature. The food consists of fish, pork, turtle, turtle eggs, wild cat, shell fish, and great variety of fruits seeds, root and honey. The sea and the forests provide them with even more than what they consider necessities for their life. Due to availability of sufficient food required by them in an easy manner it was found extremely difficult to introduce cultivation about which they were quite ignorant. The Andamanese never starve, although they are heavy eaters. Pood is always cooked and usually eaten very hot. They are experts as cooks and can prepare delicious'dishes from parts of animals and fish. It is the duty of the bachelors and spinsters to go in search for food. Out of the 625 earning heads, the following are the occupational types, according to the 1931 census:

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island Agriculture Rural crafts Fishing Trade Government jobs

40.0% 2.9% 0.7% 4.6% 53.8%

The census of 1951 showed a further decline as indicated: Labour 33% Agriculture & Plantation 29% Office works, Trade & Commerce 38% Towns and villages of the Andamans The distribution of the towns and villages is confined to south Andaman and particularly in Port Blair and the neighbouring areas. Port Blair, the headquarter of the Andaman and Nicobar Administration and the centre’of economic activities of the whole of the Andamans was previously not given the status of 'urban'. It is only in the 1951 census that Port Blair has been treated as an urban centre. The other townships that have grown up in other parts of the islands are the Karen Settlements in the north of the Middle Andaman and also a few small townships in different parts. Port Blair is located in the south-eastern part of the Andamans which is 1248 Km. from Calcutta, 1184 Km. from Madras, 624 Km. from Rangoon and 192 Km. from Car Nicobar.

Administration teqre the Independence of India from British rule, these strategically placed islands in the Bay of Bengal, were known as a place of 'Kala Pani' being a place far away from India. With the Independence of India in 1947, the people of the Andaman and Nicobar islands, along with other people of India, took their proper place in the political, social and economic fields. The Government of India realised their position and gave them due respect. During the British rule they were neglected but now careful attention is being paid by the administration to develop the vast resources of these two groups of islands.

Introduction

27

The islands are administered directly by the Central Government since 1947. In the Constitution of India the lands were given-the status of a Part 'D\state. In 1952 the administration of the islands was placed directly under the President of India. On the reorganisation of the States, these parts of the country, were constituted into a Union Territory from 1st November, 1956. From this date these islands are administered bj the Central Govermental through a,Chief Commissioner. Till March, 1960, the Chief Commissioner advised in legislative and policy matters was nominated by the Central Government. From the above date the Advisory Committee was reconstituted with a view to getting it intimately associated with the Ministry of Home Affairs on policy matters. The reconstituted Comrpittee consists of Chief Commissioner, the elected member of the Parliament representing these territories, the Senior Vice-Chairman of the Port Blair Municipal Committee\and other Non-official members are nominated by the Central Government. Now the head of the administration is Lt. Governor.

Problems of Aboriginals The aboriginal population is decaying. It gives a gloomy picture. From 268 groups of aboriginals it has come down to 67 groups, now surviving, and the rest have been wiped out. The causes of such a decline have been attributed to the incorporation of vices and social evils, such as, alcohol, opium, attack of venereal diseases, quick adoption of foreign customs and modes of life which are not conducive to their environment and also 'gradual' loss of interest in life, resulting in high degree of mortality rate. The Jarawas, in spite of their isolation, have been undergoing considerable decay. The Onges are also suffering from stagnation and decay. They are also addicted to tobacco, alcohol etc. The cause of decay of the aboriginal population of the Andamans may be summarised as due to: (1) (2)

Diseases Murder of the aborigines by the later settlers specially the bombardment by the Japanese in the

28

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island

(3)

Jarawa infested areas. Little productive capacity of the aboriginal women.

There has not been much attempt on the part of the administration to provide material comforts to the aborigines. Aborigines have been struggling hard for their life. They find no time to-develop their thinking which can improve their social, cultural and material life.

Problems of the Later Settlers These problems have arisen out of the social structure of the new people, their village economy, efficiency of the people -and superimposition of culture of these people on the existing (a)

(b)

(^)

(d)

The social structure of the settlers is completely unbalanced. In the Andamans, the villages of the new settlers consist of only agriculturists and there are no fishermen, no barbers, no priests and few educated people from a balanced social structure. So the solution would lie in encouraging necessary number of fishermen, barbers, priests and middle class educated people to form a stable social structure. The villages in the Andamans are being developed in the midst of cleared lands which are to be cultivated. The people are first being settled and then all the requirements of the village people are being met up. The new settlers—East Bengal refugees—r mostly peasants, are illiterate. They have been given considerable amount of loan by the Government to construct houses. Instead df utilising these loans from the Government, they have become addicted to all sorts of vices and corruption. The land given to, each family is actually greater than whaf is necessary for the sustenance of the family only.

29

Introduction

Population Census Andamans Year

Total

Male

1881 1891 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951

14628 15609 18938 17641 17814 19223 21316 18961

12940 13375 15158 14737. 15551 14258 14872 12734

Female 1988 2234 2980 2904 2263 2965 6444 5227

.

Population: (Andaman & Nicobar groups in 1952) 18,000 10,000 2,000 30,000

Andamans Nicobar Nancolonie Total

Agriculture (Census Report, 1931) Paddy Sugarcane Turmeric Maize Pulses Melon

Acres 4123 97 14 4 118 21

Vegetables & other Fruits Coffee Tea Coconut Rubber Total cleared area:

367 95 163 3786 276 19694

The Aboriginal Population TRIBE Kero Tabo Yeve

1858

500 200 700

1885

1901

1911

1921

1931

96 48 218

71 62 180

48 18 101

24 6 46

1941

1951

Con Id...

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island

30

The Aboriginal Population : (Contd.) TRIBE

1858

500 300 100 300 500 300 700 600

Kede Juwai Koj Bojigyab Bea Belawa Onge Jarawa

1885 2000

1250

1901

1911

1921

1931

59 48 11 50 37 19 672 585

34 9 2 36 19 15 631 231

6 .5 0 9 1 4' 346 231

2 0 0 1 0 2 350 170

1941

1951

23

600 350

(The figures require to be verified from authentic sources)

Andaman & Nicobar Islands: (1991 Census) i

Area—8249 Km^ 1. 2. 3. 4.

Male

Total

Total population (1991 census) Urban population (1991 census) Urban pop. as percentage of tptal pop. Rural population

Female

2,79,111 74,810 26.80 2,04,301

Population and Literates in Andaman & Nicobar Islands by Residence and Sex, 1991 Population Persons

Literate

Males Females

Persons

Males

Females

A & N Is. Total Rural Urban

2,79,111 2»04,301 74,810

1,53,323 1,11,051 42,727

1,25,788 93,250 32,538

1,71,095 1,17,956 53,139

1,03,278 70,923 32,355

67,817 47,033 20,784

Andamans Total Rural Urban

2,40,089 1,65,279 74,810

1,32,193 89,921 42,272

1,07,896 75,358 3^538

1,50,243 97,104 53,139

90,638 58,283 32,355

59,605 38,821 20,784

39,022 39,022

21,130 21,130

17,892 17,892

20,852 20,852

12,640 12,640

8,212 8,212

Nicobars Total Rural Urban

Source : Census of India 1991 Provisional Population Totals—^Rural-Urban Distribution, Series : 1, Paper-2.

Ihtrdduction

31

Percentage of Urban Population, Decennial Growth Rate, Sex Ratio by Residence and Density Urban pop. as percentage of total population

A & N Is. Anda­ mans Nicobars

Decennial growth rate of pop. (%) 1981-91

Sex Ratio, 1991 (females per 1000 males)

Density (popu­ lation per sq. Km.

Urban

Total Rural Ur­ ban

46.87

50.72

820

840

770

34

51.68

52.12

50.72

816

836

770

37

28.13

28.13

—

847

847

—

21

1981

1991

Total Rural

26.30

26.80

47.88

31.36 !•

31.16 —

Source : Census of India 1991 Provisional Population Totals—Rural-Urban Distribution, Series : 1, Paper-2.

A Brief History of Karen Settlement The Karens of die Andaman Islands are settlers, brought here from different parts of Burma, chiefly Maulmin, Hanzada, and Bassin, to work as labourers for different sections of the islands" Forest Department. The Indian Government, in the days of the "British Raj", had been facing acute shortage of labourers in Mayabunder. Around this time, Reverend Marshall, an American missionary, happened to pay a visit to his cousin Mr. Farrar, lhe then Chief Commissioner of the Andamans. Mr. Farrar told his guest the predicament of the Government. Probably following this conversation, the forest administration of the Government of India sent a letter through Mr. M.C.C. Bonington, a forest officer of the North Andaman Construction Division, to Rev. Marshall, Head of the American Baptist Mission in Burma, requesting him to find a selfcontained group of people to settle in the Andamans and work as cultivators and labourers. This was in 1924. The same year, the Reverend, accompained by a Karen preacher, Thra Sam Ba, came to the Andaman Islands in

32

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island

response to Mr. Bonigton's invitation. Their aim was to look over the land and examine the terms being offered to the prospective settlers. Both the parties were keen to start the premier colony in North Andaman. The terms of settlement having been found mutually satisfactory, arrangements were made to receive the first batch of 250 members in 1925. The condition of the Karens in Burma was rather an unhappy one owing to the political unrest of the period. Rev. Lugyi, a Karen priest, was convinced of the need for some new territory and some fresh pastures for his people. Under his leadership, the first group of Karens soon made their way to the Andamans. In this context, it may be mentioned that Burma was then a part of India under the British rule. A . regular influx of settlers from Burma to the Andaman Islands started in 1925, and these to and fro communications continued till 1947, the year of Indian Independence. Only the Christian Karens were brought to the Andaman Islands. Those with other religious affiliations were not considered for settlement. The Karens settled in well. They became finally rooted in their new soil. The attributes of their migration are worth considering here. Migration, when it involves human beings, implies a shifting of human resources from its area of least productivity to areas where such manpower would be most fruitfully and productively employed. In effect, it is an important process for meeting the requirements for manpower in different areas and locations. Several factors, however, need to contribute effectively to make it a profitable proposition. These include the geographical or locational conditions of the immigrant group, its economic motivations, ecological and existential considerations, and other external and internal influences. For the Karens, poverty-stricken and faced with an uncertain future in their own land, this opportunity to move on could not be ignored. The British Government was in dire need of human labour and so their services were really in demand. Briefly the Karens needed money and a place to live, the British needed toilers: and so each could fulfil others' wants. It was a fair enough exchange, under the economics of demand and supply. The concomitant economic propects of the shift were thus clear enough to help the Karens to make

. a.

Introduction

33

up their minds. Added to that were the persuasions of the primary agency facilitating this transfer—the Christian missionaries with their deep influence on the Christian Karens. Besides^ the similarity in the ecosystems of their old and new terrains promised easy adaptability. Geographically and ecologically conditions were favourable, and to cap them all, there was another factor that played a decisive role in getting the Karens to the Andamans and settling them in with comparative ease, and &at was their instinct for survival. To survive, to continue, they had to grab the chances when they came to them; and if a total break with the past was necessary then that had to be allowed to happen. Changes had to be accepted and they had to adapt themselves to the best of their livelihood, a temporary sojourn—this was their future; "and for this they had to begin afresh, leaving some of the bld customs behind and establishing new conventions to suit theii new situations. " In Burma, these people are divided into sub-groups. The three major.sub-groups are the Sgaws, the Pwos, and Bwes settled in different zones and form endogamous groups with diverse dialects. In Andamans, they were all clubbed together and commonly identified as Karens only by outsiders. much so, the younger generation of the Karens is ignorant ‘ of affiliations. Interestingly, the Sgaws play the pivotal and dominating role in their social organization, since they outnumber the rest of the sub-groups. The leader who was responsible for getting them to the Andaman Islands also belonged to 'the Sgaw sub-gfoUp. The head of their church is from this group, the pioneers of the villages are members of this group. Naturally, the Sgaws enjoy better social and economic status ‘ compared to 'other sub-groups. This batch of settlers came chiefly from the forest areas of Bassein and Henzada in Upper Burma. They had some previous acquaintance with forest work. Those early labourers were paid the contract rates for felling and logging timber, and they earned upto one hundred rupees per pair per mensem. They put in plenty of hard work for the money earned. Contract rates were actually special concessions since some of them had large families to support. The average wage

34

Bio-Social Change among the Karens of Andaman Island

paid to mission labour from India was Rs. 10+2. No land allotments were made to the Karens until die forest camps moved out of the area. By 1926, each family had its own holding, and as camps moved on, land became av^Iable for immediate settlement. The Karens were extended every facility to establish colonies. They were first given, land at Webi, of Mayabunder Tehsil, in Middle Andaman. There were hardly twenty houses in Webi village^ to begin with, during 1925-28. Each family,built its hut on its own land'. The. area, these huts coyered, took on the shape and name of a village. The number of houses increased subsequently, with the population explosipn as pointed out in Demographic tables. Though.these villages were meant for the.Karens only, lately some huts of other settlers too have appear,ed, since the Government started allotting the vacant, plots tjo, other people who have come here from Ranchi, Kerala and Madras. Besides Webi yillage, the Karens, have spread to the adjacent villages of Base Camp,, Burmaders, Panighat,, Karmatang No. 9 and Karmatang No. 10. The houses ip these villages are scattered, each family having its house jn its own. area of cultivation. A pucca road enters the village about one kilometre from the main road of Mayabunder and Ranaghat. Village Webi has three churches. The first community undertaking of the Karen settlers was the erection of a place of worship, where prayers are offered to the almighty God, eyeiy day .after work, TJiis custom is no longer in practice. Siu\daysvare still .reserved for prayer.services at the churcii. Thq first working Pastor; to attend to this group was Thra Lugyi, who, tended .his folk with the help of his family. Even todfiy .there is a merpber of that Lugyi family, a married lady, who looks after the welfare of the original church .and the community. By religion, the Karens are America Baptists and strictly follow the ritual of attending the church every Sunday. They have been taught simple music by the missionaries and are .adept at part-singing, i.e., singing in parts, viz., treble, alto, tenor, bass. It is n,ot as if those who take part in this church ritu^ are essentially literate. They have committed to memory these devotional songs which they have been singing all their lives. That apart, younger

Introduction

35

members of this tribe are only -now beginning to read and write, and that too in Hindi and English. The staple diet of the Karens consists of fish-paste/ or prawn-paste, vegetable soup, and rice. They obtain milk from their own cattle. Excess, if any, is sold. Many Karens still, live ' in thatched huts fashioned out of bamboos, poles and thatching leaves. Some have, however, switched over to semi-permanent dwellings^ which are made of timber and roofed by C.I. sheets. The urge to improve their houses is * obvious even in the new jungle huts now in use. Though ’a little dark inside, these are spacious and comfortable to live in. Like all farmers, die Karens too have their cattle sheds' and poultry-pens alongside their houses. When in Burma, it was customary for the married daught^i< to live .with her parents and her husband in conformity With the matrilocal rules of residence. In India, the -settlefS' continued with the custom in an abridged fdnrif the bridalpair living with the’ bride's parents for -a’ yearl or’-so’ anticipating that the Indian'government would pfobabfy-glve' them another plot of land close by for the entire ‘family to” cohabit comfortably. Once the additional land was-acqilireij,’' the second pair would then move over and cultivate ^their separate landholding, independent of the filial obli^atfohfe: Now, even this form of'the ancient tradition is becbittirigobsolete, with the young husband of today already having his own land to think of, rather than to spend energy on that^ of his parents-in-law's. The erosion of such long established^' practices and traditions are' pointers to the changing times. The Karens have travelled a great distance sihCe 'they ’ first came to the Andamans as a hill tribe from isolated fiarts of Burma. With time, they have blossomed into a comni'uftify-^ with diverse occupations and interests and have -been aTjIe" to come out of their cocoons to fight and survive in'tfi'^ newenvirons, no longer shying away from the contact with tKbSe" not belonging to their own tribe. It has been a ‘significant’■' development, a notable behavioural * adaptation. . . "I > Absence of Socio-Economic Stratification among '* the Karens of Andamans ! -- * The Karens are Burmese immigrants, settifed in the Andamans'

36

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island

during the British Raj at a time when they had been fadng suppression and stark poverty due to political uncertainties in their homeland. Soon after they came to their new settlement, Japanese attacks jeopardized the entire adnxinistration, adversely affecting all living in the Andamans. V^^th the need for survival uppermost in their minds, the stratified social system they had followed in Burma could no longer be feasible and an egalitarian structure began to emerge. Migration snapped such bonds with the past as those were no longer practicable in the new surroundings. Fellow-tribesmen'being their sole supports in an alien land, the Karens buried any of the stray notions of hierarchical class-consciousness they might otherwise have entertained, and clung to each other as blood brothers and next of kin. In Burma, they had been classified into separate, endogenous sub-groups: the Sgaws, the Pwos, the Bwes, and others. In India, the premier Karen colony at Mayabunder became a melting pot for different Karen sub-cultures and with frequent inter-group marriages, the languages/dialects too converged, thus creating a unicultural, unilinguistic entity which was identitied as Karen only. Their uprooting and subsequent settlement, unified these Karen sub-groups. The altered circumstances also brought about closer ties with another group, the Talayans. Younger Karens hardly know the sub-group they originated from. In fact, on several occasions, the author, while tabulating the genelogic^ data of the Karens, was enquired about the original sect or group of some Karen by members of the tribe the^iselves. .Another reason for this indifference towards hierarchy or caste considerations lies with the religion they practise. The Karens here are Christians (American Baptists, to be specific). Their- adherence to Christianity has enabled them to maintain a sort of social homogeneity and ritual equality. They stress upon the dignity of labour. Each man can be a barber to himself and his family, or a carpenter, or blacksmith, a farmer, a hunter, or a fisherman, as the case may be. Men need not be categorised according to the professions they follow. Even the clergymen of the tribe may come from any family; service under tiie church is not the monopoly of any particular family

Introduction

37

or group of families. Any Karen can go through the course of Biblical studies and qualify to work as a priest in the church. In the absence of such qualified priests among their own tribal people, they had invited two priests from the mainland, through the Christian missionaries, to come and attend to their church. These two non-Karen priests are now residents of the Karen village. Among the two. Reverend David hailed from Kerala and Reverend Moses came from Maharashtra. In the village, besides preaching from house to house, they perform some social services as well. They are also entrusted with the supervision and management of the Karens' external relations. One other vital factor that has helped towards maintaining an egalitarian social structure among the Karens can be traced to the policy of the local administrators, which has resulted in periodic allocation of equal amounts of land to the people from this tribe, for settlement and cultivation, under the rules of settlement. Such an even distribution of landholdings has benefited the Karens, by keeping possessional jealousies, and the consequent conflcts, at bay. On these plots, the Karens grow paddy, for their own use mostly, though the surplus crop is sold to get money for other household purposes. But that is not their only occupation and they do not sit idle in the off season. They have diversified their occupation since their migration to these islands. Each person seems to enjoy a variety of interests, which often serve the purpose of providing them with alternate means of livelihood when it is not the season to farm. This absence of specialization has had another felicitous effect. Without group or family-based job specialization, there could be no categorization of people along occupational lines; and the casfe-system, which developed elsewhere in the country from these very germs, could not take root among the Karens. There could be cases where an individual is considered a better carpenter or an expert diver than the rest. Such talents bring respect to the individual but are not used to mark ofi his family as superior.^Anyone could work at anything, even at different things, according to the situational demands without falling under a particular caste or class.

38

Bio-Social Change among the Karens of Andaman Island

Having been brought up to respect the virtues of. self-help, the Karens are ad6pt at a variety of chores. They usually stitch their own garments: Almost every household possesses a sewing machine, make good use of their carpenter's tools and sigils to construct their own houses, agricultural implements, hunting implements, fishing nets and baskets, canoes, etc., and are even at home with a pair of scissors and razors to .manage quite competent hair cuts. Though lately some of them have started using tailor-made clothes, they have not yet discarded their healthy and open attitude to labour. , Indeed, it is refreshing to find the young Karens, some of •them with school and college education, so frank and feeling unashamed of the work they do to help their families. The " ^.uthor met a young lady who had recently completed a teacher's training course from Port Blair Government School, who requested him to finish her recording of statement as she had to go to the jungle to cut bamboo for the. fencing of her. paddy-field. Other young men and women, employed as teachers, nurses, or compounders in Government organizations, did not feel shy or in any way demeaned to work on their own lands during cultivation or help in the construction of their houses. Mr. Diamond and Mr. Daniel, school teachers did not demur from-going to file jungle to chop woo.d and clear sites to build their own .houses. Whatever be their economic or educational status, they are happy ,to do their own work; 'they never employ labourers against payment to do their physically tiring jobs for them, never try to pose that they are better off than the rest and can afford serva^its. Almost all of them go for fishing, hunting, and shell collection. Boys like Columbus, Horizon, Wilson, Thay-thi and others, despite the education that could get thepi well-paid white collar jobs, prefer to be shell,collectors rather than jserve as cleric. ’ ZU. .VVifii their skill at water sports and will to work hard, shell -’.collection ensures them of heavy profits in the agricultural ofr season. Irrespective of group or division, they seek employment with government contractors for shell fishing. A group of 6-7 persons sails a canoe, moving from place to place in the coastal zones of thq Andamans, riding the waves, diving deep into the sea to get the shells which are then sold

Introduction

39

to the contractors as per the rate fixed by the Government. What is si^ificant here is the way these groups are composed. Mefi from different Karen villages join to form a group, the sole criterion being the efficiency of the individual at his work. Provisions and equipments for daily use'are jointly purchased, 'and the arrlount earned is distributed equally among the colleagues. Even non-Karens are sometimes engaged if their services are fouhd to be useful to the success of the enterprise: During agricultural operations too} there are no labourers and cultivators as separate classes of people. As-a rule; they till' their own land and do nOt employ paid labour, as already 'mentioned; if the need arises, a Karen can, and’ does w6?k on a fellow-tribesman's lands in exchange of services or something in kind, but not for payment in cash against his work as a day-labourer. In fact, it is very difficult'to find servants among the Karens. Semi-formal cooperative units'at th^ village help each other in such situations. Among th^ B6do in Assam it is called Husari. Among the Kandha (Orissa) it is called Rida, etc. The Karens who were brought to Mayabunder had not perhaps -enjoyed equal status in their land of origin. In their country of adoption, however, the sodal highs and lows, the group-wise division of privileges; the traces of hierarchical classification, somehow faded into insignificance. In their attempt to re-establish themselves and recreate their identity according to the altered circumstances, all disparities got evened out and their entity as one united tribe was based on equality, regardless of their educational or economic conditions. Consequently, though some of them are now quite rich while the others are comparatively less 'Well-off, it neither makes any difference in their social behaviour nor creates friction in their social interaction. -This is particularly noteworthy with regard to the Karen weddings. It has befen observed that in case of marriages and selection of mates, the onus lies with the boys and girls theihselyes—they rely on their own likes and dislikes, affd the heart rules over every other consideration. Romantic attachments decide marriage parmers, not the family status. The author studied the case of the daughter of i very wealthy lady, a member of one of

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island

40

the pioneer farnmes and well educated too, who was going to marry a boy from a poor family; the pair had been in love for quite sometime, had been close for the last two to three years, and had declared their intention to marry * This did not bring them face to face with any objectiohs or obstructions. The affluence of the girl and the indigence.of the boy were no barriers to their love and marriage. It was further observed that at the time of their community feasts on various occasions, each Karen family shared the work load, performing such duties as carrying water, fetching food, bringing meat from hunts in the forest, cutting wood, cooking, etc. pxere was never the feeling that a richer person should not toil alongside the others but contribute an amount - instead. Everyone served, they did not sit and wait for others to serve them. The clergymen set the example by personally prat^sing what they preached: the priest, Bualah, himself carried water to l|is house from the well which was at a distance of one and a half kilometres from his place. Equality of all fellow-tribesmen was a matter of earnest practice for one and all. , The basic reasons, so far highlighted, for such a pattern of interaction in the Karen society, may be due to their: — — — —

tribal background, distance from the caste-ridden mainland, Christian ideology, absence of occupational specialization, etc.

Ghange-in Transition WitH the changing times, some changes are observed in the life-style of ttie Karens. The influence of the world at large could not be avoided for ever. With the Karen, opening up more and more towards, people outside, ideas of hierarchy are gradually taking root. The Karens are now becoming aware of the caste system. Our data on landholding, annual income, number of individuals employed in better-status jobs in a family, etc., reveal signs of inequality in this society. The case of the Lugyi family may be cited here. Lugyi was a priest and a teacher at the time of the communit/s advent into the Andamans. He is a much respected person, approached by

Introduction

41

fellow-lribesmen to solve problems relating to Government affairs or social matters. His special position in this society was, obviously,'owing to their appreciation of his wisdom and good sense. Reverend Lugyi's daughter, Mrs. KhuleLugyi, succeeded him as the next .priest and teacher. Data collected point to the fact that more educated Karens have come from this family than from any other, and also that they have enjoyed greater opportunities in finding teaching assignments as well. Mrs. I^ule-Lugyi was able to send her niece to study at Calcutta, for college education. Her daughter has recently been employed in a Government school as a teacher, and her son has been chosen to go to Bangalore for Biblical education, so that he can be a priest after the completion of his studies. Fissures in this one time egalitarian system have appeared elsewhere too. There have been reports that some Karens in the village are unable to find any type of employment or get opportunities for higher education because of the manipulations by other groups from the same community. The families of Daniel and Joshua, who have more land, costlier clothes, and a better house than others among their tribe, are the subjects of envy for other families. The sons of Thabadua, being excellent divers, have made a good deal of money from shell selling and live in a very big house over a largd patch of land. On the other hand, Joseph and Tanio lead miserable lives in penury since their-large families have caused their patch of land to be divided to such an extent that there is nothing left for the old couple now. With such differences on the rise, feelings of discontentment are naturally generated and this foreshadows further dismantling of the older social structure so carefully built up since their settlement in the Andamans. Many among the older folk lead sad lives, at the mercy of their sons, though there are still many who own land, are capable of working in the field, and are, therefore, more Comfortable. But with more and more of the younger generation of Karens opting for secure Government jobs and other such services, there is a sorry plight of elderly man like Mr. Solaphy who is too old to till his own land, have no family members willing to work in the farm, and have no

-42

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman-Island

option but to lease out'the'plots for cultivation oij share basis to other Karens. Some "of these young men and Women are entitled to'government'accommodation and would soon be moving out, leaving’ Mayabunder and the old parents and ‘grandparents behind. The traditional family system and the familial ties »are fast breaking up, -and the day seems near when the Karens would give Up completely their age-old tradition Of agricultural’'’cultivation.> -Government service seems far more attractive these days. 'With this kind of heterogeneity, some soft of specialization and subsequent casteist feelings are'sure to creep'in. Already Messrs Pho-Sein, Marn-Iint,. etc., have ^diversified into shell business, setting a precedent by acting as commission agents for shell contractors: so long, the Karens had only There are 129 households of-the Kerens-from all the villages and the number of Karen souls comes to 815. The project was aimed to cover the 'entire population. The date of birth was further verified in several cases through the register of the church. The same'method was used for verifying the data of marriage also.

Genetic Demography Admixture Rate, Selective Intensity {Crow 1958) were applied to the data on marriage pattern, fertility and mortality. The admixture rate was calculated by taking the proportion of husbands and/or wives who belonged to other group or

44

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island

community through marriage especially among the Karens and from non-Karens. The opportunity for selection is calculated by the following formula: i.l

Ps

if.Ld Ps

where If=completed fertility; Pd=proportion of deaths less than 15 years; Ps=propor.tion of survival up to marriage age. Dermatoglyphics The subjects were requested to wash their hands thoroughly and precautions were taken so as to obtain clear prints. Although great difficulties were faced in explaining the people to give their prints for research work but finally it was with great success to convince the whole community which prompted volunteers for giving their prints. Finger ball patterns have been classified following an usual scheme, suggested by Cummins and Midlo (1943). Lateral pockets, twin loops, central pockets and accid/ntals are counted as whorls; radial and ulnar loops are counted both separately and jointly. Apart from plain and tended arches, other form of arches which give an appearance of diminutive loops or much reduced form of whorls, but are distinguished by lack of ridge count are treated as arches. Precisely any pattern having more than one triradii was considered as whorls, any pattern with one triradius having at least "one" ridge count is loop and when there is no triradius or having triradius with zero ridge count have been considered as plain ych and tended arch respectively. Subtypes of true patterns have been avoided. Ridge count on finger balls was made from triradial point to the point of core. AU counts were made along a straight Ime and since the count extends in many instances along a ’ considerable distance, actual guiding line was provided A ^e needle was used in counting the ridges by passing it from one ridge to the next along the line of count except nascent ridges and every ridge crossing the Une is counted. A ndge which terminates short of touching the line is not

45

Methodology

included. A true whorl and composites have two lines of count instead of one as Jn case of loops. Whorls and composites have therefore two counts. Indices Two principal indices, Pattern Intensity Index (Cummins and Stpggerds 1935), Arch/Whorl Index (Dankmeijer 1934, 1938) and Whorl/Loop Index (Furuhata 1927) have been worked out. Pattern Intensity Index The index of finger pattern intensity is a good indicator- of the proportion of highly expressed patterns, namely whorlsto essentially no patterns at dl, as for example arches. The. pattern intensity index is the mean number of triradii found on fingers per individual. This yalue is estimated for any sample from the frequencies of whorl and loops in the sample (individualwise), bearing in mind that each whorl has two triradii and each loop, has one triradius. Arches has no triradius at all, whereas the tended arch has one triradius. Dankmeijer Index There exists a reciprocal relationship between the frequencies of whorl and arches, a rise in the frequency of one generally being accompanied by a fall in the frequency of other type. Dankmeijer therefore used:

The total frequency of arches The total frequency of whorls

as an index for population comparisons. Furuhata Index Furuhata (1927) proposed for the population comparison an index which gives relative occurrence of whorls and loops. Thus the index value in a population is: t

The total frequency of. whorls The total frequency of loops

46

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island

Main Line Index (MU)' The main line fonnulae serves to describe generalized direction of ridges on the palm, but out of the four main lines D and A lines are adequate to depict the general ridge direction, in all palms. A record of the terminations of lines D and A,' a^ combined'in individual palms, is the Main Line Index, a useful and simple device for recording the most significant features of the total main line fonnulae. this index is in a sense an expression of the direction of neutral line, its inclination being determined by the course of line A and D. ’ The index is not a proportion blit a summation of values describing the course’ of these two main lines. The pattern h^s been followed after Cummins and Midlo (1943). For line A the original numerical symbols of the ulnar and proximal \ borders are adopted as values, with the single exception that value 6 is assigned to position 5. It will be apparent that the series I through 6 stand for a- progressive shift from ■ longitudinal to transverse alignment of line A. Line D terminations are evaluated' so that slants in the distal palm receive values which are essentially equal to those given corresponding slants of line A. Thus, values I through 8 are substituted'respectively fdr position 6 through 13 in the scheme of formulation. The main line' index is computed from independent termination of line A and D, for statistical purpose each palm is rated separately. i

Anthropological Parameter

Blood group Blood samples of 517 individuals (64.5 per cent) of total Karen, population were tested for ABO system whereas 515 .were tested for Rh (D) system using anti-D sera only in the year 1979. Blood samples were collected from Tinger tips according to the methods suggested by Wiener (1943), Race and Sanger (1954). Known blood included in every blood group system was taken for 'Microtube' technique, using equal volume of blood with antiserum by means of pipette. Positive and negative controls for each series of tests were used with

Methodology

47

known positives and all negatives were repeated for confirmation.

PTC Taste Threshqld Distribution Haris and Kalmus's (1949) serial dilution technique was used for this test. A stock dilution of 0.13 per cent of PTC salt was prepared in local tap water. Additional 14 solutions were prepared by serial dilution No. 2 (solution was 0.065 per cent) and No. 3 (solution was 0.325 per cent) and so on. Prior to investigations the persons included for this test were asked to wash their mouth with plain, water. Both the sexes were taken for the t^f.° '' -

Middle Phalangeal Hair (MPH) The data on MPH were collected from both the sexes ranging from 18 years to 79 years of age. All the fingers of both the’ hands sex-wise were examined by hand . lens. Hand was of course properly cleaned before examination. Mal§s (106) and females (184) were examift^d tqr this study. Only the presence ot absence * of the hair were recorded. Analysis . '5r The data were analysed' sex-wise,” generation-wise, so as to investigate difference ^d pattern of temporal variations between two groups'of Karens. In cas'e qfde^atoglyphics fingef-Wise and hand-wise' ^aiysis is' attempted to look into individual variation, bilateral differences ih both qualitative and quantitative characters. ‘Parameters and non-parametric statistical test of significance of'X^ test, t-test, rank correlation were used to interpret the strength of the results obtained against chance events.

3 POPULATION STRUCTURE

Summary

Demography Karens show a typical conical shape of population pyramid with a large base of an expanding population. — There are more male bifths (392) than females (369) .^th sex ratio 1.062. About 64.8 per cent of marriages are among Sgaw Karens. Admixture rate between the Karens is. 19.0 per cent and with non-Karens 2.46 per cent. A greater proportion of still-births is observed in male (16) than female (9). Miscarriages are 7.42 per cent. There is a greater percentage (69.1 per cent) of infant deaths below 1 year. — The net reproductive index for Burma bom mothers was 3.0 as against Indian bom 3.6. — The opportunity of selection intensity (Index) is 0.428, which is less intensive when compared to other small populations.

Dermatoglyphics — Between two sections of the Karen there are differences in pattern types: the Mixed Karens (both male and female) show higher frequency of loops

Population Structure

49

and a lower frequency, of whorls than Sgaw Karen group, whereas in a-b ridge count, TFRC values they show more or less similar patterns.

Blood Group Frequency — Rh negative blood group frequency among the Karens is 1.02 per cent. —. There is an.equal percentage of A (28.8) and O (28.6) and a high frequency of AB (30.51 per cent) in the age group of 45 years. But the younger age group below 45 years' show a higher frequency of A (38.10 per cent), lower frequency of O (8.7 per cent) and AB (22.2). Taste Sensitivity — Between the two age groups among males’ and females there is a significant difference in the PTC taste sensitivity, whereas the total sample shows an equal proportion of tasters among males •and females.

In this chapter is described an account of the changes .in anthropological dimension of the population structure arnong the two sections of the Karen tribe. Hie demographic information which forms the base for'both' biological and social variations was taken into account in th6‘’first section. It describes changes in age-sex distribution, fertility,'mortality, marriage patterns and genetic demographic 'iih’plicatfons between the Sgaw and mixed Karens. The later section of the chapter .describes anthfopological variation Tn dermatoglyphics, blood group frequency, taste sensitivity and middle phalangeal hair pattern. Both demographic and anthropometric parameters attempted here describe the biological variation and its implications among the Karen’s. Demography ' Age iihd Sex Structure ‘ Table 3.1 shoWs the general populatidri^istribution of th'e entire population in different age. grdtips—4 years interval. Hdwever, the' children legs than 'one’ year of ‘age were

50

Bio-Social Change among the Karens of Andaman Island

separately dassified under less than one (30

YEARS

MALE

TOTAL

YEARS

RSS53

female

Fig. 3.12 : Frequency Distribution of Non-Tasters among Karens The total sample of Karens show equal percent frequency of non-tasters, whereas between younger and older age group males and females show wide differences in the non-taster frequency.

91

Population Structure

TABLE 3.38a : Value of Between Male and Female (30 years and above Male and Female (below 30 years) Below 30 years and 30 years & above (male) Below 30 years and 30 years & above (Famale)

Value of 1.985 1.609 1.802 1.844

D.F. 1 1 1 1

Middle Phalangeal Hair (MPH) The number of persons examined and incidence of occurrence are shown in the Tables 3.39 and 3.40). TABLE 3.39 : Incidence of Mid-Phalangeal Hair: Karen Males (Finger and Sidewise) Hand

Total number of Hands examined (N=212)

Finger No.

Hand Right Left

2 9 9

3 32 29

4 39 38

5 17 12

Total

18

61

77

29

Table 3.4O : incidence of Mid-Phalangeal Hair: Karen Females (Finger and Sidewise) Hand

Hand Right Left Total

Total number of Hands examined (N = 208)

Finger No.

2 6 5

3 30 27

4 41 31

5 11 12

11

57

72

23

Data on MPH have been analysed in the following way. A test for the occurrence of MPH between male and female (right hand) shows the value of 1.566 (d.f.3), and between male and female (left hand) value comes to 0.893 (d.f.3). for right hand and left hand of male is calculated

92

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island

to be 0.586 (d.f.3) whereas for right hand and left hand (female) is calculated 0.648 (d.f.3). In the same way, significant test of having been calculated between the fingers, no significant difference is found (Table 3.41).

TABLE 3.41: Value of Between Fingers of

Male and Female (Right hand) Male and Female (Left hand) Right hand and left hand (Male) Right hand & Left hand (Female) ■ Between fingers

2 2 2 3 3 4

and and and and and and

3 4 5 4 5 5

Value of

d.f.

1.566 0.893 0.586 0.648

3 3 3 3

Value of

d.£.

Male

Female

0.034 0.002 0.334 0.045 0.301 0.537

0.014 0.022 0.134 0.239 0.151 0.585

1 1 1 1 1 1

4

SOCIAL CHANGE

Anthropologists define culture as being representative of the beliefs, customs, morals and arts and skills acquired by an individual as a member of society. The evolution of this body of social norms is related to the ecological arid geographical context, apart from the particular needs of the community. ' Study of material culture in the proper perspective would reveal changes iri technology and also how local skills and resources can be put to the best possible use. Any culture has its set of material manifestations, which again are influenced by the development of technology. However, the changes wrought through an encounter wi^ another culture are of a difierent kind if the instinct and urge for cultural survival and preservation are not strong enough to resist the forces of acculturation, or if they are based on needs qr on a desire for sanskritisation. The factors for acculturation could be many—^psycho­ logical pressure, survival needs, desire for social elevation, etc. But facile generalisations run the risk of oversimplification while individual case studies throw up interesting variations and fresh stimulants. The study of the Karens does not disturb this premise. In the village Webi, the author found three different types of houses the Oraon type with mud walls, the Rural Bengal type With its four "Chalas" or roofs, and the piled dwelling

94

Bio-Social Change among the Karnes of Andaman Island

of the Karen. The typical Karen house, constructed over a raised platform, constitutes about 70 per cent of the communit/s dwellings. The author asked one of his informants, Mr. Horizon (a government school teacher), the reason of this. After Horizen overcame his suspicion about the author being a government official and who wanted to demolish the houses of the Karens for the sake of uniformity in the village, he clarified that the piled dwellings resembled the Karen houses built in their native Burma. Horizon, born in the Andaman and educated by the Indian teachers from the mainland, could not initially understand why his forefathers built their houses in this fashion. His village elders had explained that in Burma, the Karens inhabited a low-lying area which was often inundated. So, the houses were built on platforms to protect them from floods, and the bamboo abundantly available was used to frame the walls and roofs. In continuation of their customary house building tradition, most of the Karens in Andaman shunned timber and tin (supplied free of cost by the government to settlers), and favoured bamboo. In fact, the author has known many well-to-do Karens ignoring non-Karens' advice on house construction and implements for cultivation even while some of their brethren chose the shift to change. A Karen lady used to call the author her son, and so was treated also a friend and a relative for most other Karens, who maintain a strong network of kinship. Thus, the author had the privilege of access to the interiors of Karen houses. One Sunday morning, the author was invited to the house of Aung-Thein, a Sgaw Karen who lived near Mulle church. A bamboo ladder led to the entrance of the house and the main hall. The floor of the house resembled a platform with all the sides covered by bamboo mats. One or two vertical partitions strategically placed, divided the house into chambers. Kitchen meant a little covered space, located on the outer side of the same platform. There were no cots or any objects to sit on. A girl of about 18 years was noticed sewing on a new Usha machine in one comer of the house. Almost every household possesses one such machine.

Social Change

95

However, the Karen youths prefer tailored garments of fashion available in the local market. The author sat on a mat made from cane leaves and chatted with the children who sometimes accompained the author during his walks through the village. When the host was enquired why he had not designed his house like the neighbouring Bengali one, which seemed both useful and durable; he remained silent. Only when the author explained his interest as a researcher, he did open up his mind and told (as Horizon had replied to a similar query) that his family and he felt more comfortable in a house of this type. They felt it was cheaper and more suited to their needs. The author wanted to make a survey of the kitchen and the other chambers, but the moment he stood up and started to move, the whole house began to rattle. The measured and careful steps must have appeared funny to the family members, for some of them started laughing and commented "Saheb dartha hai”. The fireplace in the kitchen attracted the author's attention. It was on a 5x3 ft wooden platform, which was 2 feet high. Its surface was covered with tin, which again was thickly layered with clay. The hearth was made of three or four bricks. Some horizontal iron rods placed between bricks served as a support for utensils over fire. Even though the fireplace was typical of the Karen households, a few were using kerosene stoves, which again was an evidence of the change that was creeping in slowly. Some earthen pots were seen hanging in nets from the ceiling and could be traced a rotten smell emanating from them. It was told that Aung-Thein's father had brought these pots all the way from Burma some 50 years back. Since pots of this type were not available in Andaman, they had been preserved carefully and were used to store "nappy"—a fermented paste made from a sea fish and eaten with rice. (About 1kg. of fish pounded with one kg. of common salt is eaten by a family of 10-12 members for a month or two). In one comer of the house hung a bamboo box decorated with cane leaves—a traditional and coveted item used for

I I

J

96

Bio-Social Change among the Kames ofAndaman Island

keeping match boxes. The salt pot was made from a piece of split Burmase bamboo, a special type of bamboo with a diameter of 6-7 inches which the family had brought from Burma as they had brought the wooden spoon called "Na-Na-Kwa", the ladies' comb and utensils. The other rqonj of Aung-Thein's house was used as a bedroom by his newly-wed daughter and her husband. It was really a small chamber with clothes hanging from a cane string and a tin box bbught from the local market. The big hall, apart from being the drawing room, also served as the h^edroom for Aung-Thein, his wife and their other six children. The ground floor was used for threshing paddy during harvest time and for drying half-boiled paddy at other times. During a visit to Aung-Thung's home, the author observed his wife husking paddy on the ground floor. She was using a paddy-threshing wheel made of timber, quite like the "Janta" used in North India and West Bengal. Aung-Thung said the wheel was traditional in pattern and had been made by him. , Unlike many other Indian women, who sit on the floor and operate the wheel, Karen women work standing at a distance of 2 metres. Two horizontal beams are connected to the top of the grinder, whose other end is held by the operator. While she pushes one beam away, she draws the other in, thus making the wheel rotate. The grain or paddy is poured in the wheel's hopper intermittently by another person. The two beams are ^supported by two cords hanging from the ceiling. At Aung-Thung's place also was noticed the big, red earthen pot used for keeping 'nappy' and water. The pot called "Tepa-hakhow" is handmade, of terracotta and is precious because the Andaman clay is not suitable for its manufacture. The bamboo basket used by the Karens is another traditional artefact. The 1 ft. high basket, used for carrying paddy, has a square base with a circular rim. The winnowing fan "Kd-leh", used by the Karens, is different from the one used by neighbouring settlers of Mayabunder. It is made of bamboo and cane and is circular

Social Change

97

in shape, with a 20-30 inch diameter. A vertical rim around the plate made of bamboo gives better support and holds the grain. Karens also use plates of bamboo to dust grains. The sickle;, plough, bow and arrows are also of a particular type. Some of the paddy seeds used by the Karens in Mayabunder are carried from Burma. The four such varieties of seeds, popularly known in Mayabunder as ''Karen Chawal", are "Chocyechi-manayeh", "Yont-Ayent", "Pye-jce" and "Paywah". These are all Burmese varieties. Another black type of Burma chawal eaten by the Karens and some other local people is sweet in taste, and when cooked, appears grayish black. Rice, tied in banana leaves and enclosed within a basket of green leaves and steamed, is eaten with pork or deer meat. The Karens also consume non-Burmese varieties of rice. The traditional Karen dress is the lungi (nee), and shirt (achi). Students, however, wear uniforms and male teachers wear shirts and trousers. Karens in Andaman can be seen in their typical costumes. Earlier, apart from nurses for whom the sari was a part of their uniform, no lady could be seen in a sari. Now, school teachers and other, younger women too are opting for saris instead of nee and achi. The Karens’ continue with their traditional hunting on the eve of Christmas, New Year and Easter Saturday, when they need large amounts of meat. Although the village has 3 or 4 churches, it has been noticed that people were attending their own church service on these occasions and participating in the community feast. The life-cycle rituals, i.e. birth, marriage and death etc. are performed according to Christian religious norms. They celebrate all the major. Christian religious festivals like New Year's Day, Good Pri'^ay/.Easter Saturday, Christmas Day etc. * ’ Once the author had participated in the festival of Faster Saturday. The Karens had divided themselves into 2 or 3 groups and gatiiered before the church to chalk out the festival programme. f

98

Bio-Social Change among the Kames ofAndaman Island

Some youngmen, who were fond of hunting, were assigned the job of- catching or hunting deer from the jungle. Kelvin, a lower division clerk in the PWD of Andaman, was one of them. Columbus, Horizon, Thunchai, Bandulah and Myathon had set off for hunting 2 days prior to the celebration of festival, armed with guns. They returned on the eve of Easter Saturday and deposited their game in front of the, church. Some girls were noticed busy in decorating the church with coloured streamers, leaves and wild flowers gathered from nearby hills. Some men were chopping wood, fetching water, dressing the meat and cutting vegetables, all in preparation for‘the festival next day. The author eager to see the whole festival, and Khule-ugui, an old woman of the community, told him that the festival programme would be long and hectic. Some people would staft^Cookjng for the feast on the eve itself. Others would attend to the old men and women whose infirmities would not permit them to join in the festivities. At the stroke of midnight, groups of Karens would come from different corner^ of/the village and shout "Hoole-Luiya", "HooleLuiya"—"jesus has risen from this grave". .Jhe Ka,rens do not easily or freely like to talk about their lives, and the presence and activities of a stranger evoke apprehension and suspicion in .thehi. It took the-author a lot of patience and effort to gain tlieir confidence and trust. But once this was accomplished, they became sincere and faithful friends and expected the same reciprocity of feeling. The members in this community are scared of'government officials and'afraid of being sent back to Burma. It appeared from their talk, behaviour, and their letters to relatives in Burma diat they were quite happy to stay in Andaman. Those who are not yet Indian citizens have applied for citizenship. Like Reverend Marshal, priest and anthropologist, who had worked in Burma, the author too feels that * the Karens have a sense of humour. They enjoy practical jokes and are a carefree lot; If they have enough to eat today, they would prefer not to worhy'of tomorrow.

Social Change

99

Degree of Change Recent studies among Indian tribes have exposed the fallacy, of the myth of the timeless and changeless tribal. The changes, however, are not uniform, nor do they follow a set pattern.. The difference in change may not be only a difference in degree; sometimes, it may also be a difference in kind- Even in the most remote areas as well as among such- tribal communities which are in the hunting and food gathering stage, simmering of change is visibly. This is on account Of various factors both traditidrial and modem. Traditions change as a result of changes in modes of' production. Traditions persist partly by adjustment. The capacity of peristence through adjustment is a sign of the' strength of the tradition. Most of the Karens have taken to 'modem' items of material culture. They wear shirts, trousers^ skirts and blouses, use tooth brushes and crockery. Guns instead of bows * and arrows are used for hunting. Rev. Marshal has even’found them sending their children to schools, joining goverpment services and attending public meetings. Also significant is the change in marital norms. Rev. Marshal's work indicates that earlier marriages were arranged by mediators and decided by parents. In extreme * cases, the, bride and groom did not even know about their marriage. . Rev. Marshal cites examples where the matrimonial, p^ct was finalised by parents even before the birth of their. children. The Karens have both denotative and classificatory Idns.hip , terms. .But the number of classificatory kinship terms surpass those of the denotative ones, wh^e most of the terms are classificatory type among these people, only a few ones are denotative in nature. The classificatory terms are spread oyer in ^11 generations but the denotative ones are restricted only to a few generations. Among the Karens as among most other societies of the world, all the kinsmen of an individual do not bear equal closeness, intimacy and status. To him while some of the relatives, ate 'close' or 'near', some others are distant, still others.are 'remote'-. The ties with the 'near' or 'close' relatives are strong and intimate. On all socio-religious occasions these 'near'Relatives are always invited. It is a must /■

too

Bio-Social Change among the Kames ofAndaman Island

to invite them as it is the social norm (Raha and Coomar, 1989). Unlike the Karens of Burma these people of Andamans use Wea or Ah Wea pho for elder brother (ms and ws). But for elder sister (ms and ws) they use Wea po mu. For yoBr (ms and ws) the Karens of Andamans use the term De pho while for yoSi (ms and ws) they use the term Pu po mu. The Karens of Burma on the other hand, use Hou hpo hkwa for younger brother (Raha and Coomar, 1989). However, things are very different now. One knows of weddings fixed with the bride and groom's consent. Most of the young persons find marriage without love and courtship unthinkable. Some courageous Karens have even married outside theif community, especially the educated women. Of course, for the sake of its social approval, the consent of the villagers and the duties pertaining to the parents are essential. But none of these can stop a marital union where there is the call of love. As in Rev. Marshal's days, however, even the bridegroom never stayed in his father-in-law's house for some days before setting-up an independent establishment. The Kwens are Christians and have a lot of respect for the Church and die preachers. The elites and respected members act as spokesmen of the community and it is they who contact the government officials. They also communicate the government policies to the people. It is interesting and educative to observe how people in a particular social group pass their leisure hours. Leisure time activities are an index of social change. They may not always be purely recreational but could be undertaken with a particular goal in mind. In tribal villages people used to drink, flirt, carry on sexual affairs, sing and dance and tell each other folk stories and riddles, visit their neighbours and gossip about their kith and kin; and men, women and children had their own specific roles to play in all such activities. With progress, however, the industrial towns have witnessed a change in the kind of pastimes people enjoy in their free hours: the earlier activities have been replaced by newer pleasures such as going for matches or to the cinema or theatre. And the only purpose

Social Change

101

that leisure-time activities have now is to provide entertainment. The impact of industrialization is of especial significance in the context of tribal areas and tribal groups. Many of the values that have gained prominence with industrial advancement are in stark contrast to the traditional tribal ethos. For long, the tribals had led- a life of comparative isolation within what was a more or less closed society. Their economic, social and political relationships were concentrated within a limited area and their exposure too, was restricted. But with times, the concept of space has undergone a drastic transformation. And the new image of wider bounds and greater global closeness is obviously in conflict with the traditional identity based on spatial isulation. Improved communication facilities have also contributed to the image of a closer world with increased and wider mobility. This has made a great difference to customary tribal life. In the past, time was not a value with tribals. The tribal man would spend hours in the jungle chasing game which he probably would not catch; he would e>q?end time and energy, journeying to and from the weekly market, often without making any transaction. With industrialization, apart from the other changes consistent with progress, the realisation of the worth of time has also dawned upon him. He must be punctual or lose his job, that is his realisation. Differences in their food habits have been seen. While Rev. Marshal had observed the use of tender branches of bamboo, maize, and different kinds of roots in Karen food, the author however, found them living- mainly on rice, fish, pork and venison. Pork is their favourite meat and is served as a special dish during the feasts. Milk is their favourite drink Previously, tea liquor was taken with sugar or salt, but now it is taken prepared in the modern way. Although Karens still do not smoke bidi or cigarette, they are very fond of tobacco and betel. One can, therefore, correctly and more appropriately say that the Karens, owing to their contact with other communities of settiers and a different environment, have undergone changes in their attitude, behaviour, customs and food habits.

Bio-Social Change among the Kames ofAndaman Island

tO2

Occupational Mobility and Social Change . One of the important factors leading to occupational mobility is social mobility. While occupational mobility can be measured at least in terms of ^shifts of occupation, social mobility cannot be measured by any sure means. A man, when ; considered for raising his status in the society, is a matter for • the society to decide. The Karens when brought from Burma, had to choose some occupations which were readily available to them and which would suit their tradition, to support their income iid make their social statu?. They had the following options:

1.

To exploit virgin natural resources which included:

(a) ’Land (b) Sea J4

2.

:

Forest and agricultural field for exploiting marine resources such as fishing, shell fishing etc.

To get employed as a labourer or in any other suitable job in the government departments or to start some trade.

The nature and quantum of their occupational mobility depended on the nature of the habits and traditions which they had held in Burma. Interestingly' the Karens were more enterprising and adventurous than many other settlers who remained complacent and contended with the fixed occupations. Karens ejqjlpited all the natural resources available to them and got themselves engaged in government departments also. This implied that they became good agriculturists and foresf dwellers and also exploited marine resources. Contrary to the various caste groups in Hindu community, where occupational mobility is very slow because the traditional people could not change over to fishing, the Karens were- mudi more successful because they were more adaptable. ”So far as mobility is concerned, the size of an occupational group is also an important factor. This signifies that the

Social Change

Karens, being a smaller group, were more flexible to adoj>t the changes inherent in a new situation. Usually, occupations which are held in high esteem are highly rewarded. The Karen considered rewarding all occupations, which included agriculture, hunting, fishing, government job. So, fairly enough flexibility was also pbserved in social mobility. This has helped the population to be adaptive to the new situation. The factors which have contributed to the change are many and varied. Scope for communication and interaction is good due to proper transport facilities like state buses plying between the village Webi and the tahsil Mayabunder. Other city dwellers also come to Mayabunder. Another important ' related factor is that the Karens are in touch with other immigrant settlers like ^Ranchiwalas * and Bengalis from East Bengal whose Durga Puja festival attracts the Karens. Economic development leads to structural change in many ways. There is a change in economic roles and relations, including the economic role of the women. The incompatibility between tribal norms and industrial and commercial ethics provides a clue to change. Planned deforestation by the government has exposed the isolated villages. Open paddy fields are a familiar sight. Changes in occupation have led to changes in social and cultural values. For example, from the earlier matrilineal system, the focus is shifting to the patrilineal one. No less significant is the political element. MPs and the local councillors approach them, keeping them informed of global changes and happenings around them, thus helping them to keep in step with the changing times. Besides, the government is offering free plots of homestead land for new couples. As a result, the joint family is splitting into small units. Most of the social relations are primarily concerned with economic values. Economics is concerned with the making of choices. The choices cannot be made without reference to certain values. Choices are not discreet and unrelated, they form a system and have continuity. Each one is' related to others which succeed it behaviourally not only in time sequence but also in action sequence.

104

Bio-Social Change among the Kames ofAndaman Island

Incentives are also being given for jobs like teaching nursing, driving steam boats and working as foresters, thus promoting free interaction with other professionals. Karens go to school and visit market, and thus in the process, enrich their experience and world view. '

5

CONCLUSION

The present study is based on a Bio-Sodal study on the Karens, a migrated population brought from Burma in the year 1924-25 for settlement in the Middle Andaman. A group of individuals, numbering 200-250, originally brought over from different parts of Burma, now forms an endogamous population in Middle Andaman, completely cut off from the Burmese mainland. This population group constitutes an important subject of bio-sodal study for the purpose of measuring and assessing the biological and sodal changes which have occurred over the last 50-60 years and which have had a significant influence on the Karens in helping them to adapt, and finally, to evolve into what they, are today. A small population like that of the Karens of the Andamans provides opportunities of an exceptional kind for their genes to stand trial in fresh' genetic combinations. Fluctuations'in gene frequency in any population on between populations are of great importance. This process * does not merely concern the fall or rise in the population but also allows micro-evolution to take place more rapidly than it could do otherwise. The Karens have, furthermore, ’undergone many sodal changes during five decades and more, as part .of the antithetical processes of acculturation and cultuiJal adaptation. i It has been observed ttiat the Karens who had'migrated

106

Bio-Social Change among the Karens of Andaman Island

to the -Andaman Islands have been able to get well-settled in their adopted homeland; they have adapted themselves to the new ecological situation, expanded numerically, from 200 to the present 815, accepted some of the new cultural dimensions in the Indian situation, and, at the same time, endeavoured to retain some of their own cultural traits. Some major changes have taken place from the cultural point of view as well. They could be enumerated as below;

The Karens of India are more educated as compared to their Burmese counterparts. 2. One of the major benefits of exposure to other cultures and interaction with other communities can be seen in die occupational changes. From mere forest dwellers, with the forest providing their only source of employment in Burma, the Karens have now moved on to various fields. Many of them are paddy cultivators and several members of the tribe have secured good government jobs as teachers, nurses, police personnel, foresters, compounders etc. 3. .-They have achieved technical and material advancement as well. Earlier, the Karens used to live in piled houses only. Some pepple; ,&till continue to use the old type of dwellings, Interaction with the Bengali and Ranchiwallahs has influenced the Karens to build houses on the ground. They have also learnt the Indian way. of ploughing and the ploughs that the Andamanese Karens use are different from those used in Burma. The Karens have acquired new tastes in dress too. They have taken to weaming shirts, trousers, skirts and blouses, unlike the Karens who had come over from Burma. 4. In India, all the Karens are now Christians, while in Burma, only a part of the tribe belonged to the Christian faith. 5. With other changes the changes in food habits have also been noticed. From tender branches of !•

•

Conclusion

107

bamboo, maize and different kinds of roots, their tastes in food have shifted to rice, fish, pdrk and deer; pork being their favourite meat. jHbilgh milk is the drink they favour the most,*! tea continues to be taken as well, but unlike the old habit of drinking it with salt or sugar, they now prefer it with milk and sugar. 6. A very significant shift observed is from a predominantly ntatrilineal society towards a more patrilineal system. Traditionally, the Karens used to take the mother's name and follow her clan, since the mother was the head of the family. And after marriage, wonfen would be the heads of family and men would go to live with their wives' parents. Through times a good deal of change has taken place. Men now prefer to live in their own new houses, built on land acquired from the government. And consequently, the old joint family system is no longer preponderant and thereby families are splitting up into small separate units. 7. Not only the family structure but even the very institution of marriage has undergone through transformation. Earlier, marriages used to be negotiated between families, i.e., arranged by mediators and decided by parents. But now, weddings are fixed with the bride and groom's consent. In fact, marriages without love and courtship among the young couples is virtually unthinkable. Some Karens, mostly women, have actually married outside their community in a complete breakaway from the convention. 8. It is also worth noting that the Karens are no^ becoming politically conscious as well, although they are not yet actively involved in .pdlitics. MPs and the loc^ councillors approach them, making ' them more\ conversant and aware with global changes. % There have been noticeable changes in biological attributes

108

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island

of the Karens. The population figures of the Karens form a typical pyramid with a broad base. A large and increasing number of children, as compared to other age-groups, indicate an expanding population. The sex-ratio is 1.062, with more male births (392) than female (369). Marriage trends show that among the Sgaw Karens, 64.8 per cent has married within their group, 19.0 per cent has married Karens outside the Sgaw group, and 2.46 per cent has married non-Karens. A higher number of male still-births (16) has been recorded over female still-births (9). Percentage of miscarriage is 7.42 and that of infant death below one year is 69.1. The net reproductive index for Burma-born mothers was less (3.0) than those of India-born mothers (3.6). The index of opportunity of selective intensity is 0.428, which •is less than that.of other small populations These data are indicative of the fact that the Karen population is expanding. A comparison of the dermatoglyphic patterns of the Mixed Karen and the Sgaw Karen groups shows a higher frequency of loops and a lower frequency of whorls among the former (both male and female) than the latter. Both groups, however^ show a similarity in the pattern of MLI, a-b ridge count in palmar study and on finger the TFRC values. The studies of the dermatoglyphic characters of the migrated Karens of Andaman'reveal that the population has a clear indication of different identity, when compared with its own group that had gone for hybridization with neighbouring populations. Although bimanual variation has not been so significant, sexual variation and population variation. have been significant for pattern type, pattern intensity index and total finger ridge count. The findings of a-b ridge count and of the Main Line Index are not So much significant. Ihe distribution of ABO blood groups indicates that Karens are characterised by high frequency of A (34.34 per cent) .and moderate frequency of B (27.85 per cent) and O (25.’53 per cent). AB (12.38 per cent) is comparatively low. •Frequencies of p and q gene are calculated 0.2692 and €.2267, respectively. The age-wise distribution reveals that phenotype A shows

Conclusion

109

the highest frequency, followed by B and then O, in all the age groups except group 1 (Parental Generation), where the order is different, being O, A, B and AB. AB group is found with the lowest frequency in the present series but it is higher when compared to other populations. The p gene frequency is high in comparison to q, in the present study. As e>q>ected, no trend is visible in die distribution of ABO blood groups in different age-groups. The ABO blood group system fails to indicate any meaningful difference in the three age-groups representing three generations. These observations are further supported by test (0.63, d.f.=6). Rh distribution reveals low incidence of Rh (-), 1.02 per cent. With regard to PTC taste sensitivity, there is no marked difference among males and females when the total sample is taken into account. But on dividing the sample into age-groups, PTC taste sensitivity shows a significant difference, even between males and females.

General Summing-up Different sub-groups of the Karens (Sgaw, Pow, Talayan etc.), who were altogether different endogamous populations in Burma were brought to the Andaman Islands to settle in the Middle Andaman, during 1924-25, by the Britishep through Christian Missionaries. In course of time, all the members of different sub-groups, although the Sgaws form the majority, chose to shed their original identity and form a single endogamous group through inevitable economic interaction, intermarriages, cross-fertilisation of customs and conventions and creation of common ethos for their survival in an island. The study thus has revealed, in addition to the observation of cultural survival, the fact that the population has also expanded biologically. This may be considered as an adaptive measure, explaining the evolution of cultural behaviour, which logically supports the Darwinian theory of struggle for existence and survival of the fittest. The biological characters concerned with demographic studies, blood group, PTC and dermatoglyphics, have further established the fact that observed diversity in the

110

Bio-Social Change among the Karens ofAndaman Island

founder-population, which ultimately was formed into a single population, has helped in adaptation through natural selection as a driving force. On the contrary, other aboriginal endogamous populations in the same region, the Andaman Islands, are dwindling because they have different founder

GLOSSARY

Achi : Chalas : Hoole-luiya: Karen chawal : Kd-leh : Na-na-kwa Nee : Pucca Rida, husari: Saheb dartha hai: Tepa-hakhow :

shirt roofs Jesus has risen from this grave variety of paddy seeds winnowing fan wooden spoon lungi metalled semi-formal cooperative unitSir is afraid red earthen pot used for storing water

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INDEX

ABO frequencies, 86 a-b ridge count, 74, 79, 80, 32, 84 aboriginals, see Andaman and Nicobar Adams, 16 Analysis of data, 47 Andaman and Nicobar, aborigi­ nal population, 22, 23, 27, 28, 29 adnunistration, 26 agriculture, 24, 29 climate, 20 economic activity, 24-26 lat^r settlers, 23, 28 location, 18, 19 mineral resources, 22 occupations, 25 population, 22, 23, 29-31 soil, 20 topography, 19 towns and villages, 26 vegetation, 21 Anthropological parameters, 46 Arnold et al., 17

Basu, A., 58, 69 Bateson, G., 16 Becker, G.S., 17 Blood group, 46, 49, 86, 108 Bonnington, M.C.C., 31, 32 Boserup, Ester, 17 Coelho, G.V, 16 Crow, J.F., 43, 69

Cummins and Staggards, 45 Cummins, H., and Midlow, C., 44, 46

Dankmeijer Index, 45, 77 Dankmeijer, J., 45 David, Rev., 37 Demeny, P., 17 Demography, 43, 48, 49-70 Dermatoglyphics, 44, 48, 70-85

Espanshade, T.J., 17 Esterline, 17 Farrar, 31 Fawcett, 17 Fried, M., 17 Furuhata Index, 45 Ghose, A.K., 63, 69 Gomes, Alberto G., 17 Hamburg, D.A., 16 Hardesty, D.L., 16, 18 Haris,'H. and Kalmus, H., 47 Hoffman and Hoffman, 17 Housing pattern, 93-95 Industrialisation, impact of, 101

Kaplan, D. and Manners, R., 17 Karens, absense of socio- econo­ mic stratification among, 35-39 acculturation, 93

119

Index admixture rate, 69 age and sex structure, 49, 51, 53 age of women at first issue, 62 agricultural implements and practices, 96, 97 change in transition, 40-42 crude birth rate, 64 domicile size, 55 dress pattern, 97 education, 54 fertility and mortality trends, 59-69 festivals, 97 food habits, 35, 97, 101 history of settlement, 15, 31-34 housing pattern, 95-95 impact of industrialisation, 101 marital status, 50, 51 marriage system, 56-59, 100 occupations, 10^104 recreations, 100, 101 religion, 34, 36, 38 sex ratio, 52 social change, 93 Kolata, 17 Lee, 17 Leibenstein, H., 17 Lorimar, F., 55 Lugyi, Rev. Thra, 32, 34

Main Line Index, 46, 70, 77-79, 82, 84, 86 Malthus, Thomas, 17

Marshal, Rev., 31,98, 99,100,101 Mazess, R.B., 16 Middle Phalangeal Hair, 47, 86, 91 Moses, Rev., 37 Mukherjee, D.P., 65, 67

Nag, M.K., 17, 67 Namboodiri, N., 17

Pattern Intensity Index, 45, 74, 79, S2, 84, 86 Pattern types, 70-74, 79 Pope, 17 Population variation, 79 PTC Taste Sensitivity, 47, 49, 87-90 Race and Sanger, 46 Raha, M.K. and Loomar, P.C., 100

Sanghvi, 67 Sex difference, 74 Shultz, P.T., 17 Slobodkin and Rapport, 16 Slobodkin, L.B., 16 Social drange, 93-104 .Tarver, J.D., 17 Tests of Significance, 82-85 Thomas, R., 16 Thrasam, Ba, 31 Total Finger Ridge Count, 74,79, 82, 84

Weiner, 46 White, L.A., 17