Bangkhuad. A community study in Thailand

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BANGKHUAD A Community Study in Thailand

MONOGRAPHS QF THE ASSOCIATION F O R ASIAN S T U D I E S

X

HOWARD

KEVA KAUFMAN

BANGKHUAD A Community Study in Thailand

Published for the Association for Asian Studies by J. J. A U G U S T I N I N C O R P O R A T E D P U B L I S H E R LOCUST VALLEY, N E W Y O R K

ALL BIGHTS BESEEVED F E I N T E D I N GEBMANY B Y J. J. A U G U S T I N G L U C K S T A D T 1960

CONTENTS

Page I. General Orientation 1 II. Bangkhuad: Community Structure 14 III. Subsistence and Economy .................................................. 41 IV. Government and Law ........................................................ 68 V. Education 84 VI. The Wat: Its Structure, Economy, and Function 96 VII. The Wat Hierarchy 116 VIII. Life Cycle 140 IX. Daily Life 163 X. Religious Constructs and Manifestations 18.3 XI. Bangkhuad: Present and Future '210 Appendix ...................................................................................... 218 Glossary ........................................................................................ 227 Bibliography .................................................................................. 231 Index ............................................................................................... 232

V

PREFACE

FTIhe research for this dissertation was made possible by a pre-I- doctoral grant received in 1953. The purpose of this research was threefold: 1) to add to the fund of information concerning rural life in Southeast Asia; 2) to present a community which may be compared with that studied by the Cornell Research Center at Bangchan; and 3) to make a study of the function of the wat (the Buddhist church) in a small rural, village. The author spent a total of 200 days and seven nights in the village, distributed over a period of twelve months. After the fourth month in the field, an interpreter was hired from Bangkok, since the author’s knowledge of Bangkok Thai, though adequate, did not enable him to catch subtle nuances and innuendoes which can be so important. In addition to aiding in the establishment of rapport, the use of the interpreter proved felicitous in revealing aspects of the culture which educated Thai wished to keep from the investigator. This emerged from the intentional distortions of the interpreter, for the apprehension of which the author was sufficiently fluent. Inasmuch as very little is known concerning the total picture of Thai village life, the camera approach has been used. It is anticipated that this monograph will serve as resource material for comparative studies at a later date. This has necessitated using greater detail than would normally be the case. The Haas phonemicization has been used. (Haas, Mary, Spoken Thai, New York: Henry Holt, 1945.) The orthography used in the text Stops voiced b voiceless unaspirated P voiceless aspirated ph Spitants s m Nasals Liquids 1 Semi-vowels front j w back

is : d t th h n r

(only in final position) g c k ch kh n

g as y in toy

vii

viii Vowels front high front mid front low Vowels central high central mid central low back high back mid back low

PREFACE

i e ae y oe a n o an

as in u in hurt as in u un upper

The five tonal markers have been omitted. Geographic terms are spelled as they appear in the general literature on Thailand. The reader will notice the terms very poor, poor,average,well-to-do, wealthy. These are all relative terms and should not be interpreted outside of the context of the village proper. These terms are used in relation to the size of the farms being plowed. Size of the family was also taken into consideration as well as the number of raj (2/5 of an acre) rented to or from others. However, in general very poor refers to those families who neither own nor rent land and are forced to “hire out.” Poor refers to those households which do not own land but rent from five to 20 raj. Average refers to those who rent 20 to 40 raj or who own 20 or less and rent approximately the same. Wellto-do refers to those who own 50 to 80 raj. Wealthy is equivalent to those who own 80 raj and over. However, most villagers consider themselves poor, because they compare themselves with the wealthy people of Bangkok. A list of the most common measures used in the text follows : 1' baht (gold) - 15 grams 100 satang - 1 baht (currency) 1 baht (currency) — .05 cents 1 tang - 20 liters ■100 tang - 1 kwian 1 raj - 2/5 acre

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Tam indebted to the Fulbright Committee in both the United J- States and in Thailand, as well as to the screening board and faculty at the University of Indiana, for having made this field trip possible. I should like to express my indebtedness to Dr. Lauriston Sharp for having placed at my disposal the facilities of the Cornell Research Project in Bangkok, and for having saved me several months’ time in locating an appropriate village for my research. I should like to thank Dr. Lucien Hanks for his frequent counsel and assistance during the many trying times, and for his advice concerning problems which arose while in the field. Also, I should like to thank Mr. Samang Brahmachinda, the wat artist, and my wife for the illustrations which appear in the appendix. I am especially grateful to Dr. David Bidney for his patience and guidance as director of the original dissertation. Many thanks are due to Mr. Robert Textor for his suggestions during the revision of this text, and to Mrs. Martha N. Fried and Mr. Henry James Forman for assistance in the editing and preparation of the manuscript. June, 1958

Howard k. kademan Seoul, Korea

CHAPTER I GENERAL ORIENTATION Geography FTIhailand, a country of 20.4 million persons (December, 1955) and A 200,000 square miles, lies from 6° to 21° north, and is bound on the west and northwest by Burma, on the east and northeast by Laos, on the south by Cambodia, and on the peninsular south by Malaya. Nevertheless, Thailand has a coastline of some 1450-odd miles and maintains a major port. For economic as well as geographic reasons, Thailand is divided into four large areas: North, Northeast, Central, and South. The North (60,000 square miles), an eroded continuation of the Shan Plateau of Burma, is characterized by extensive, high, predominantly hardwood forests from which come one of Thailand’s main exports, teak. The important rivers in the area are the Ping, the Wang, the Nan, and the Yom. All four empty into the Chao Phraya River. In the west, the Salween River forms a natural boundary between Burma and Thailand for a distance of one hundred miles. The soil is quite sandy, requiring a great deal of water for growing rice and other produce. Despite a modicum of rain, many farmers, by means of extensive irrigation systems, manage to raise two props a year, one crop being rice of the glutinous variety, planted at the beginning of the rainy season, and the second is glutinpus rice, tobacco, or corn, planted during the dry season. The Northern areashares with the Northeast and Central sections of Thailand three seasonal changes throughout the year - a rainy season, which lasts from May through October, a cooler season, from November through January, and a hot season, lasting from February through April. Transportation is predominantly by boat, when the waters permit, and by ox-cart. The Northeast (70,000 square miles) is dominated by a large plateau whose eastern and southern scarps are tilted eastward and whose drainage flows into the river Mekong. This large river forms a natural boundry between Thailand and Laos. In the plateau area itself, the two important rivers, both for transportation and irrigation, are the Mun and the Chi. The soil, more sandy in this area than in the North, produces only one annual crop of glutinous rice. However, in certain more fortunate sections of the Northeast, patches of corn, cotton, tobacco, betel, and pineapple are grown during the rainy season. This is in part due to the better irrigation systems of those i

1

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BANGKHUAD A COMMUNITY STUDY IN THAILAND

regions and their geographic proximity to the Chi and Mun Rivers. It is in this plateau area of Thailand that one encounters the greatest amount of poverty, a natural effect of the meager crop output and the scarcity of water. Exports from this area are negligible. As in the North, transportation is mainly by bullock cart, and by water during the wet season. The Southern area (20,000 square miles), often referred to as Peninsular Siam, .begins with Pechaburi, 60 miles south of Bangkok, and extends southward to the Malayan border. This area, although it produces a large percentage of Thailand’s fruits, as well as a moderate quantity of rice, is better known for its coconuts, rubber, and tin. These are its main cash and export commodities; tobacco, corn, and fruit are supplementary sources of income. It is also in this region that commercial fishing has expanded greatly during the past two decades. The two rivers of significance are the Khong Kha and the Ta Pi. Transportation here is chiefly by ox-cart, with boats used along the coastal regions. The Central or Menam valley (50,000 square miles) is a large depression floored by highly eroded sedimentaries. which have been reduced to levels of 300 feet or less. The Central valley is divided into two geographic sections, lower and middle. It is with this lower section that we shall be mainly concerned, since it is here that the village of Bangkhuad is located. The largest river is the Menam Chao Phraya and, commercially speaking, the most important. It was the most important means of communication between Bangkok and the North until the construction of the Bangkok-Chiengmai railroad in fairly recent times. Rising in the Northern mountains, it is fed by a number of large tributaries until in the plains it becomes a river of considerable volume. Nearing the sea, it forks out into numerous deltaic branches and finally flows out into the gulf. The plains area consists of flat, deltaic, alluvial soils, covered with a dry, deciduous monsoon forest in which bamboos predominate. During the flood season, rich alluvial muds are brought down from the North and deposited throughout the delta region. It is this annual flooding which results in the extreme fertility of the Menam valley, known as “the cradle of the finest rice in the world.” Transportation is mainly by river and canal, and occasionally by water-buffalo cart. With the advent of a large number of motor cars and buses, the buffalo cart is rapidly becoming obsolete, especially within a large radius of most major urban areas throughout Thailand. Thailand lies within the tropical monsoon belt. The irregularity and inadequacy of rainfall, however, present major problems in the delta area. Although not so acute as in the North and Northeast, these

GENERAL ORIENTATION

3

problems are nevertheless a constant source of frustration and anxiety to the farmer. The Menam valley is relatively dry, receiving' rains only when the Southwest monsoons move into the area in late May. Otherwise, the valley is sheltered by the western mountains, a chain stretching from Burma in the north to Malaya in the south. Thus, between December and May, there is only one inch of rainfall per month. In May, however, the rains set in with the same suddenness that one finds in Burma and India. Bangkok and environs receive approximately 50 inches per year. The irregularity of the'! rains becomes apparent only when surveyed over a period of years. Tor example, in 1954 the rains did not arrive until late July. Dobby 1 shows that adjacent years may differ by as much as 60 in their total of rain days. This is crucial, for the quality of the matured rice is determined not by the total amount of water received, but by the distribution of rain at the various stages of its development. «

Ethnohistory There have been at least four major ethnic movements into the present area of Thailand. The first and least known of these was the influx of a Negrito-like people who have since been absorbed by the later waves of immigrants. The second group of people to immigrate to this area were the Khmer who, with the added stimulus of Hinduderived traits at some indefinite period in the past, produced an elaborate and highly specialized culture, the remains of which rest in such ruins as Pimai, Khaw Phra Wihan, and Angkor Wat. Many Khmer-speaking peoples are still found in the southern fringes of the Khorad plateau at Surin, Nang Bong, and in adjacent areas. A third group, comprised mostly of Tibeto-Burman stock, settled in the higher regions of the Northwest and are now known in Thailand as the Miao, Yao, and Lahu. These latter groups raise “dry” rice, poppies (for the opium trade), and peppers, and subsist mainly on a diet of rice, salt, peppers, and beetles. The fourth and last group of migrants to enter Thailand were the Thai themselves, racial descendants of the Proto-Mongoloid peoples and later, admixtures of the southern Sinid, early Negrito, and early Veddoid peoples of Caucasoid affiliations. According to most sources, the original home of the Thai was in what is now the province of Yunnan. Some Thai scholars believe that they may have come from Sinkiang province, but the burden of proof still rests with them. Nevertheless, there is evidence to show that a strong group of Thai were united under one 1

Dobby, p. 267. 1*

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BANGKHUAD

A COMMUNITY STUDY IN THAILAND

emperor in 859 A.D., with their capital at Nan Chao in Yunnan province. Small groups of these peoples began to trickle into Thailand but were absorbed into the already established, more elaborate Khmer culture 1 . It was not until the advent of Kublai Khan that the Thai made a mass exodus from their capital at Nan Chao, pushing southward and picking up ties with their fellow Thai predecessors wherever they were encountered. It was not long before the impact of Khmer culture reached a point of saturation. The Khmer people by this time had been gradually pushed south into Cambodia by the Thai, and soon their culture which one might call “Thai-Khmer,” evolved into what is today called “Thai” or “Lao-Thai.” The Lao-Thai, who represent the great bulk of the population in the North and Northeast, as well as in the political boundary of Laos, were part of this early Thai immigration. While many Thai moved southward into the Central valley, many stayed in the North and intermarried with Burmese and Shan peoples. The term “Lao” today is resented by these Northern peoples, who consider themselves purer Thai than their Southern brothers. The first Thai capital to be set up in Thailand was at Sukothai. in 1280, under the kingship of Rama Kamheng. By this time, the old Mahayana form of Buddhism once practised by the Thai in China had given way and was supplanted by the more disciplined and austere Hinayana Buddhism (imbued with Brahmanism) practiced by their Khmer predecessors. The capital was moved to Ayuthia in jjl5£k and remained there until it was sacked and burned by the Burmese in J.76.7. It was then moved to Tonburi, where it remained for only 15 years. In .1783 it was once again moved, this time to the area' now known as Bangkok where it still stands, 20 miles north of the bight of Bangkok on the left bank of the Chao Phraya River. Today, Bangkok (population 1,400,000) is a thriving, modern metropolis with a pseudo-Western flavor. Its disrupting influence on the culture patterns and values of the people of Bangkhuad has been considerable and will be discussed later. The Foreign Community “By the late 1930’s, then, the ethnic division of labor with regard to Thailand’s four major products was a follows : The Thai produced virtually all the paddy, provided a small part of the labor in tin mines, engaged (together with Malays) in some rubber planting and tapping, and (together with Burmese! arid certain hill peoples in 1

Thompson, p. 15.

1

GENERAL ORIENTATION

5

North Siam) provided the forest-working labor. Western capital and entrepreneurial skill were most important in teak, where Western firms held .over four-fifths of all forest concessions and owned most of the big sawmills, and in tin, where they held mining concessions producing well over half of the total production. Chinese capital and entrepreneurial skill, however, were overwhelmingly dominant in the transport, processing, retailing,, and export of rice, and in the production, processing, and export of rubber, and were important in the processing, retailing, and export of timber and in the production and export of tin. Chinese also supplied the overwhelming majority of labor for tin mining and rubber production, for the processing of rice, timber, and rubber, and for the handling of all four products at the wharves for export.i Today, the Europeans are rapidly losing control of all their holdings. The Chinese, on the other hand, still control well over 70 per- cent of the ecomony. They are the middlemen, the financiers, the exporters; and though the cultivation, of rice remains in Thai hands, the preponderance of rice mills continues to be Chinese owned and operated. 2 In recent years, the government has made several efforts to appropriate the mills in an attempt to wrest control from the hands of the Chinese. It hopes also to eliminate the Chinese middlemen, thus enabling the farmer to receive more for his produce. As of 1957, however, the Chinese were still acting as middlemen, with only a handful of mills under government control. In the expanding fishing industry, the Chinese are still the exporters and buyers. The Westerners in Thailand, for the most part, are importers of mechanical and technological articles. The range of their imports extends from watches to airplanes. Since 1946, they have also been acting as technical advisors, representing such agencies as World Health Organization, International Cooperation Administration, etc. The East Indians are primarily cloth merchants, or watchmen, the latter profession being entirely in the hands of the Sikhs. Agriculture The cultivation of rice has been the main occupation of the Thai people for as far back as there are records. In most of Thailand, rice is no longer only a means of subsistence: it is a commercial undertaking as well. Approximately 90 per cent of the arable land in Thailand is used for rice cultivation, and 70 per cent of Thailand’s 1 2

Skinner, pp. 216-17. Ibid., p. 345.

6

BANGKHUAD A COMMUNITY STUDY IN THAILAND

export is rice. Inasmuch as Thailand has never had a feudal system of land tenure, itjsmoh surprisingjto find that .quite a large number of farmers mthe delta, area own and operate their own farms. However, wKeffier a farmer owns his farm, rents it, or iiTmerely aThired laborer in the fields, rice is the primary concern of nearly every member of the community. It enters into practically every village function, and is the cause of several minor religious festivals throughout the year. Three types of rice cultivation are practised: 1) dry or upland, using a dibble, 2) paddy land, sown by means of broadcasting, and 3) paddy land, with transplantation. Of these methods, the third is the most complex and demands the greatest effort. The quantity of the yield, however, together with the uniform quality of the grain and endosperm, makes it superior. Every part of the rice plant is utilized. The kernel furnishes the basic food of the country and is also used in making cakes, candy, and liquor. One accumulates merit by giving gifts of rice to the monks and to the wat. The sheaves are used as fodder for the buffalo, for the cultivation of mushrooms, and for making rope. Even the chaff is not wasted, but is used as feed for ducks, chickens, and pigs. The annual rice cycle in the delta area follows a rather definite schedule. It can be divided into seven different phases, although it must be borne in mind that there are always overlappings and deviations according to local geographic and climatic conditions. 1. May-late May: preparation for the rice season. 2. Early June (provided that the monsoon rains have started) : first plowing' ritual; ritual of the sowing of the first seed beds; actual sowing of the first seed beds; irrigation of the field, if necessary; and hartowing. 3. Late June-July: caring for seed beds; continuation of harrowing and plowing; weeding. 4. Late July-August: transplanting ritual; transplanting of seed beds. 5. August-October: guarding fields against pests; respects and thanks offered to the Goddess of Rice. 6. November- January : harvesting, thrashing, winnowing; guarding fields against thieves. 7. January-May: rice-bin ritual; selling of paddy (the wealthy sell in later months also) ; leisure time and rice gifts to the wat. Government Thailand has had a constitutional monarchy since June 22, 1932, when a bloodless coup d’etat overthrew the absolute monarchy. The constitution,, combining elements of both the French and the United

GENERAL ORIENTATION

7

States constitutions, includes such features as a unicameral legislature, separation of powers, and indirect election. In 1949, the constitution was modified. By virtue of the new constitution, the supreme power rests with the. “nation,” and the King at its head exercises the legislative power by and with the consent of Parliament. The executive power acts through the courts. The Thai Parliament consists of a House of Representatives, which is comprised of two categories of members, equal in number. Members in the first category are elected by direct secret ballot and remain in office for a period of four years. Members in the second category are appointed in theory by the King, but in actuality, they are appointed by the Prime Minister and his cabinet. The system of indirect voting, similar to the practice-in the United States, was provided for by the electoral law of 1932. Qualified voters of a tambon (commune) choose the representatives of the commune, and these various representatives throughout the province meet to elect the people’s representative to Parliament for the province. Thailand is divided into 71 provinces, each with a governor at its head. The province, in turn, is divided into a number of districts called ampoe, of which there are 407, each with a district head (naj ampoe). These districts are sub-divided into communes which are, in turn, divided into hamlets (muban). Each hamlet has a headman, elected for life by secret ballot in the hamlet. All single persons over 20, and all married persons over 18 are qualified to vote. All must be Thai citizens. Education Government-sponsored education in Thailand officially began in 1892, when King Chulalongkorn (Rama V) established a Ministry of Education, based on British methods. In 1921, King Wajirawud (Rama VI) promulgated the Primary Education Act, requiring all children seven years of age and over to attend school until the age of 14, or until such time as they had finished their primary education. A revision Was made in 1933, changing the age limits to eight and 15, respectively. These laws were immediately put into effect in the urban areas, but in the rural areas there was a noticeable lag in their observance. Until the late 1930’s, the monks had served the nation as its only teachers, 'instructing the young in reading, writing, arithmetic, and Buddhist law, functions which have been increasingly taken over, by secular organs. According to Landon 1 , there are four types of schools listed by 1 Landon, p. 97.

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BANGKHUAD

A COMMUNITY STUDY

IN THAILAND

the government today : 1. the government schools, which are entirely supported and controlled by the Ministry of Public Instruction and are intended to be models of progressive education; 2. the local schools, which are created by a village or commune under the jurisdiction and surveillance of the government. Most of these schools are situated on the wat compound and provide only a four-year elementary program: 3. the private schools, which are run by various qualified individuals on a profit basis. Most of these are night schools, offering special subjects such as English, Japanese, typing, etc., or a primary education; and 4. the municipal schools, which are primary schools run by the municipal governments. Primary education includes the first four years of school, known as the fpratom, grades. Secondary education includes the following six years and is known as the, matayom grades. In 1952 there were over 20,000 primary schools and 1400 secondary schools in Thailand, with enrollments of 3,000,000 and 150,000 respectively. There are three government-sponsored universities in Thailand, all in Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University, the University of Moral and Political Science, and the Agricultural College in the suburbs at Bangkhen. In addition, there are numerous government-sponsored vocational schools. In order to enter one of the universities, a student must take two additional years of study at one of the government university preparatory schools in Bangkok. There has been, in the past, a strong tendency to emphasize boys’ education at the expense of that of the girls. From the Buddhist point of view, this is logical and consistent with the placing of women on an inferior level, a view which persists in rural communities despite a reverse trend in recent times. However, in 1954, there were ten times as many women as men in the teachers’ training schools throughout Thailand, and in Bangkok women student-teachers are similarly preponderant. This preponderance can be explained in terms of the very low salaries paid to teachers. Sufficient for a single person living alone or with his parents, these salaries are rarely large enough to support a family. Teachers’ monthly pay in Bangkok (1954) averaged 700 baht (about 38 dollars) for secondary school teaching, less for primary school teaching. Religion In the thirteenth century, when the Thai moved into what is now Thailand, they brought with them a form of religion which is commonly known as Mahayana Buddhism. Through generations of contact with the Maun and Khmer peoples who were inhabiting the

GENERAL ORIENTATION

9

area at the time of the mass immigration, the Thai gradually adopted the more austere Hinayana form of Buddhism being practised by their neighbors. The Hinayana sect claimed to possess the only complete text of the Buddha’s teachings, called Theravadin (school of the elders), which' was brought to Ceylon about 300 B.C., whence it spread to Burma and then to Thailand. Today, there are several obvious differences between the two schools of Buddhism. The Mahayana school, now found in China, Japan, Korea, and parts of Indo-China, employs Sanskrit, in contrast to the Pali texts of the Hinayana school found in Burma, Ceylon, Cambodia, Laos, and Thailand. The Hinayana school believes that salvation can be attained in this world and that its achievement rests in the hands of the individual. In contrast, the Mahayana Buddhists believe that Buddha-hood, or Nirvana, cannot be attained in this life and that the individual needs the assistance of the clergy and ritual in the struggle along the path to Nirvana. In actual practice, however, the differences are more of degree than of kind. The canon of the Hinayana school consists primarily of the Tripitaka (the three baskets) with its three sections : the Vinayapitaka, or 227 rules of discipline, that every monk who wishes to attain Nirvana must follow; the Suttapitaka, or doctrines attributed to the Buddha, which include poems, legends, dialogues, and commentaries ; and the Abhidhamma, which deals with the higher, more complex doctrines of Buddhism —ethics with their ramifications, and metaphysics. The Formal Institution

of Buddhism

in Thailand

The organization of the Sangkha, or order of Buddhist monks, in Thailand parallels that of the constitutional government of the country. The King is the protector of all religion within his domain. He must be a Buddhist and is committed to upholding the faith. All Buddhist festivals and anniversaries are formally recognized by the government and are officially decreed as public holidays. There are nine orders in the administrative church hierarchy. From the Supreme Patriarch at the top, they extend through the Supreme Council, and down to the abbots in the local wats. The Supreme Patriarch {Sangkharaca) with his assistant {Sangkha Najok) are the functional heads of the Ecclesiastical Ministerial Council. The patriarch is appointed by the King. The Council consists of ten members, including the Sangkha Najok and four ministers, who are the heads of the four ecclesiastical boards, i.e., the Board of Ecclesiastical Administration, the Board of Ecclesiastical Education, the Board of Ecclesiastical Propagation, and the Board of Ecclesiastical

10

BANGKHUAD A COMMUNITY STUDY IN THAILAND

Public Works and Maintenance. In addition, there is a consultative assembly of 45 members in advisory capacities who may be regarded, in effect, as analogous to the members of the House of Representatives in the regular political government. In line with the political divisions of Thailand, the hierarchy of the church has been set up in such a way as to place church officials in positions analogous to their political counterparts. Thus, there is a clergyman in charge of a province, another in charge of a district, and another in charge of a commune. However, there is no clergyman at the head of a hamlet. Instead, the abbot (phra acan)* of each wat is virtually responsible for an area which may include three or four hamlets, although he controls only one wat. Under the Ministry of Culture, the Department of Religious Affairs is charged with the promotion of religious projects. It also operates a large printing press and an office for the publication of books on Buddhism for the general public, as well as printing textbooks for the monks. Each year a substantial appropriation is allocated by the government for the upkeep of wats as well as for the support of the monks. These funds only rarely reach the rural areas, which must depend on their own initiative for obtaining funds. The government has given monetary assistance to the Buddhist Association of Thailand, a private organization dedicated to the encouragement of wider interest and training in Buddhism. The government provides also for a regular sermon to be broadcast throughout the nation on all holy days (wanphra). The government makes certain that the basic tenets of Buddhism, as well as the methods of worship, are taught to school children throughout the nation. In addition, it has appointed a committee for public moral instruction. It is the responsibility of this committee to educate all male government officials in the moral aspects of Buddhist doctrine as well as to encourage them to adopt and practice the Buddhist way of life. All these employees are given 120 days leave of absence should they desire to be ordained and spend one Lenten period (phansa) in the wat. In addition to fostering the spread of Buddhism, the government protects the wats, exempts them from taxes, grants such special privileges to the monks as free travel on public conveyances and reservations and compartments on trains. * Though the Pali-Thai term for these members of the Buddhist church is phra, from which our word priest is derived, I have nevertheless chosen to call them monks throughout the text since their functions more closely resemble our Western connotations of the term, in that they lead an ascetic and celibate life.

GENERAL ORIENTATION

11

For the ambitious monks, well-integrated and well-organized schools of religious training have been established. One institution, started by private donations and supported by government funds, is the Monk Training Institute of Bangkok. Its function is the training of monks in modern methods of administration, education, and dissemination of the Buddhist faith. In addition to this institute, there are two government-supported centers of higher Buddhist learning for the clergy. One is the Royal Maha Makat Academy and the other is the Royal Maha Chulalongkorn Academy. In 1951, both government and private funds were used to build a new, modern hospital for the exclusive use of ailing monks. Contrasted with the situations in Italy and Argentina, for example, there is no competition between church and state for national political power. Although high dignitaries of the church take part in all state ceremonies and festivals, the church recognizes its role in the Thai cultural pattern and seems content to ignore as much as possible the mundane problems of the nation. Buddhist Sects Before the sacking of Ayuthia by the Burmese in 1767, there existed but one Hinayana sect in Thailand. After the destruction of the town and its splendid library, the King tried to revise the Buddhist literature and employed all the educated monks in the rather arduous task of writing down all that they could recall from memory. During this time, the King’s brother, Mpngkut, who had been living a celibate life in one of the wats and had become revolted by the slovenliness and laxity which had existed in the monastic order, began making small but significant revisions. When he came across the passage in his readings which stated that Buddha had made a journey into the territory of the Maun (Burma), he concluded that the form of Buddhism practised by these people must resemble most closely that which the Buddha had preached. He later discovered that these differences, though minor, were significant enough to be incorporated into a new sect which he called Thamayudnikaya, as opposed to the already extant Mqhanikaya sect. These two sects, though they differ slightly on policy, agree in doctrine. Their differences today are primarily disciplinary, concerning the direction in which the monks’ garments should be folded and involving a stricter adherence to the teachings and laws of the Buddha. The Thamayud must learn, recite, and practise most of the 227 regulations, in contrast to the Mahanikaya sect,' which memorizes only a fair proportion of them and practises .even fewer. During the Lenten

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BANGKHTTAD A COMMUNITY STUDY IN THAILAND

period, the Mahanikaya monks make only a generalized confession for all sins of the day, whereas the Thamayud confess their sins individually. In contrast to the Mahanikaya, the Thamayud are not permitted to handle money. If need he, purchases are made by the dekwat (house-boys to the monks). In addition, the sema (boundary markers of the temple) for the Thamayud are set into the temple walls proper. For the Mahanikaya, they are set up about three feet outside the walls. Today, if an ecclesiastical department minister belongs to one sect, his deputy must represent the other. This, to some degree; balances the power of the two sects, although the Mahanikaya monks throughout Thailand out-number the Thamayud monks by a ratio of 35 to one. There are today three major Buddhist factions in Thailand: 1) the traditional Buddhists, represented by the farmers and the great majority of monks, both rural and urban. This group often does not distinguish between Brahman and Buddhist rites. They believe that merit of others can bring merit on one’s self (and vice versa). They wear amulets, pray to their deities, believe in the power of spoken sacred words to ward off misfortune, and employ fireworks and Chinese dragons at some of their festivals; 2) the intellectual Buddhists, found among the intelligentsia. These people regard Buddhism as a philosophy, not a religion. They look upon Buddhism as a science which not only predates modern science, but is in harmony with it. They regard all Brahmanistic practices as superstition; 3) the third group is composed of the educated, liberal-thinking Buddhists, who wish to reform and modernize the church. These pragmatic reformers argue that, were Buddha alive today, he would agree that monks should have a third meal during the day in order to have enough energy to study the voluminous religious literature that has been gathered since Buddha’s time. They argue that with proselytizing to the fore, monks should be able to travel to various countries. To do so requires learning a foreign language, such as Hindi or English. To proselytize in northern climates also requires the use of warm clothing. Buddhist law says that no other than the prescribed three garments may be worn by the monks. The reformists resent the fact the those monks who have acquired a good education —those who have reached the higher levels of barien eight and nine —are offered, good jobs with the government, resulting in their resignation from the church so that only the “halfeducated” monks remain to assume the responsibilities of religious leadership. The reform Buddhists urge that monks be required to reach the scholastic level of matayom three (third year of secondary

GENERAL ORIENTATION

13

school) before being permitted, to teach. In addition, they advocate that the monks perform some physical labor during a part of each day in order to help build up the nation. They regard the relative idleness of the clergy as a waste of potential man hours. The Wats and the Clergy Buddhist wats are numerous in every locality. The small city of Chiengmai boasts over 200. An official estimate made by the Department of Religion revealed that Thailand in 1954 had 16,000 wats, each administered by a chief monk and his assistants. Every Buddhist male is expected to serve at least three months as a monk in a temple soon after he has reached the age of 20. This is for theological edification, as well as for his future secular life —the discipline imposed during this brief ascetic sojourn is considered by all to be beneficial in molding the ideal male personality. Women may also enter a temple upon the same voluntary principle, but this practice is the exception rather than the rule. With the preceding as our backdrop, we shall now investigate the community of Bangkhuad under several rubrics. With a few exceptions, as noted, the picture presented refers to 1953-54.

CHAPTER II BANGKHUAD Orientation ince most of the villages in the delta rice area bear a very close )O resemblance to Bangkhuad, this village may be considered representative of the area as a whole. There were many additional reasons for the final selection of this community for study. Bangkhuad is somewhat isolated from the urban area, yet close enough to be influenced by it. It presented a splendid opportunity to study the function of the Buddhist wat in a small rural community. Bangkhuad is small enough to be studied by a single field worker in the relatively short period (11 months) alloted under the Fulbright grant. Finally, Bangkhuad is only 14 kilometres from Bangchan, and both villages have similar economies. Since the latter village is being studied by the Cornell Research Center, the data on Bangkhuad offer a potentially valuable source of comparison. The author spent two months in the village before establishing good working rapport. During the next five months, 75 informants were used. Ultimately two of these proved exceptionally well informed, and the writer enjoyed excellent rapport in dealing with them. During the last four months of the field experience, interviews with these two informants dominated the research. Local History and Background The districts of Minburi and Bangkapi (in which Bangkhuad is located), are interesting in Eat'fliey share the distinction of being a part of the relatively recent “new frontier” settlements established within the past 80 years. In the 1870’s, the monarchy, in an endeavor to encourage development in this jungle area, offered the free land to anyone willing to clear and cultivate it. Many farmers from the district of Tonburi (located on the right bank of the Chao Phraya River, just south of Bangkok), whose plots were too small to support their expanding families, either sold what little land they had to relatives, or left it under the care of their parents and moved to this new location. A few of the settlers, who lived in sections of Bangkok where the first Thai railroad was being constructed, were forced by the government to sell their land for virtually nothing, or were only partially compensated by the government for their dislocation by being given land in this underdeveloped area. Bangkhuad 14

BANGKHUAD : COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

15

is one of these new frontier settlements, having been populated only since 1875. The migratory pattern, in general, was as follows : The husband, wife, and older children would try out the new land for a year or two, and if successful; would send for the rest of their family. In those situations where the old property was first sold, the younger children and elderly members of the family stayed with relatives. -The dense jungle foliage was cleared away by the slash-and-burn method and the rice then planted by broadcast sowing. Great hardships were suffered during the first years. Between 20 and 30 per cent died from dysentery and malaria alone. Mosquitoes were so numerous that meals had to be eaten under a net. Floods wreaked havoc in the fields; elephants occasionally trampled the crops; and Weaver birds ate up great quantities of the maturing rice. Many a year, the yield was not sufficient to sustain the family until the next harvest. Several families abandoned hope and went back to their previous homes for several years, only to return and try again. Inasmuch as there was no registration of property at this time, the returning farmers in many instances found the land which they had cleared now occupied by others. There remained but two alternatives : clear a new plot or return once again to their Tonburi homes. For those who had sold their original farms, there was no alternative. By the year 1881, there were only six families in the area. At that time, the nearest wat was at Bangtoej, five kilometres to the south. Since it required a hazardous trek through the jungle to reach it, the people visited Wat Bangtoej only during Songkran (New Year), one of the most important social functions of the year, or when a son or nephew was to be ordained. Regular holy day services were rarely attended. In 1905 a new decree was issued, compelling all farmers to register their property and pay an initial fee of one baht per raj. Many wealthy Bangkok merchants seized this opportunity to buy up and register large tracts of land, which they then sold at two baht per raj to the farmers. The same land today is valued from 3000 to 15,000 baht per raj, though now in the hands of the farmers. By 1905, the number of families had increased to 54. At this time a wat, consisting of one large sola and cubicles (khuti) for eight monks, was built by the villagers on the: east bank of the canal. There were only three monks, but as far as the populace was concerned, the community was now complete. Before the wat was constructed, disgruntled wives who wanted to leave the area would say, “The place isn’t civilized; it has no wat.”\ Despite the proximity of the new wat at Bangkhuad to the rest of

16

BANGKHUAD

A COMMUNITY STUDY IN THAILAND

the community, attendance was relatively small. Though at the, time the wat was the only source of education, very few of the young men could afford the time needed even for elementary study. Meanwhile, education of women was ignored. The houses of the inhabitants were low-slung bamboo structures with walls and roofing made of thatch. Teak platforms were raised about two feet off the ground and placed along the inside edge of the hut. Mats were placed on the platforms for sleeping. The bare ground was used as a floor. Lighting came from a small, chimneyless kerosene lamp. Several houses of this type, called rong, are still used in Bangkhuad. The cooperation of all members of the family was more vital in these early years than it is now. The children had to work much harder than they do today. A child was put to work as soon as he was “strong enough to lift a stick.” As one rice crop was maturing, another area would be cleared as quickly as possible and a new crop planted. Inasmuch as help was very scarce, relatives from other villages were often brought in to help at harvest time. This involved payment in rice or exchange labor (awraeng), a system still practised today. Every few months, the household head, normally the father, would make a trip to Bangkok and return with needed tools and clothing. Whenever financially possible, he would bring back meat, fruits, and vegetables to supplement the daily diet of rice, fish, and salt. Bish sold for two 7 satang apiece. “It took a strong man to carry four baht worth of food,” complained one old lady. “Nowadays, you can carry 20 baht worth in one hand.” The mode of exchange, however, was predominantly barter, and the medium of exchange was rice. Large quantities of rice were taken to Bangkok by cart, not by boat, for the canal was as yet too shallow for the large rice boats. The farmer received sixteen baht for 100 tang of rice. Today old farmers believe that the sixteen baht of old was better than the 800 baht one would receive today. Actually they have greater purchasing power now. The trip to Bangkok was on foot as far as Bangkhen, from which place a narrow gauge railroad ran to the city. The afternoon train did not arrive at Bangkhen until 4 : 30 p.m. During the months that the canals were high (October-December), Bangkok could be reached by small boat, although the trip was extremely exhausting, requiring 12 hours each way. The passage also required the service of an extra person to help with the paddling and to guard the boat while in the city. By 1920, Bangkhuad had 90 families. Many young boys were now able to spend a few months at the wat each year in order to study, but there were still no educational opportunities for women.

BANGKHUAD : COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

17

The Present-Day Community The village of Bangkhuad, comprising three undemarcated hamlets (10, 11, and 12), is located in the commune of Khlaungkhum, in the district of Bangkapi, in the province of Phranakaun, approximately 25 kilometres by road northeast from the heart of Bangkok. The Minburi Road built in 1946, was macadamized only in 1954. The village of Bangchan under study by the Cornell group lies fourteen kilometres further east along the road. Bangkhuad occupies an area of 3900 raj (1560 acres) exclusive of home sites. There is a break of several hundred yards between the southernmost house of hamlet 10 and the nearest home in hamlet 9 of Bangtoej village. There is a distance of one kilometre between its northernmost house (hamlet 12) and the nearest house of the next hamlet in the adjacent commune. Bangkhuad is a linear village, with, houses and compounds constructed along the canal. There are no obvious boundaries or markers to demarcate the various hamlets. The Minburi Road forms the northern boundary of the village and the convergence of Canal Khlaungkhum and Canal Bangtoej marks the southern boundary. The three stores in Bangkhuad are located in a cluster on the east bank of hamlet 12. The wat and school are on the west bank, directly across from the stores. Hamlet 12, because of its strategic position, is the social center of the community. Not only does it contain the wat and the school, but all visitors coming from the Minburi Road must pass through hamlet 12 on their way to the wat, the school, hamlets 11 and 10, the village of Bangtoej, and the Thai-Islamic village located two kilometres to the southwest. The village today totals 147 families (744 persons). Pre-school children (ages 0-7) make up 21 per cent of the total population. Children of school age (8-14) make up 18 per cent; children between post-school, pre-ordination, and premarital level (15-20), 16 per cent. Elders, 55 and older, non-productive —like the pre-school age group, make up 11 per cent. Monks constitute a varying 1.3 per cent. Thirty-three per cent of the village population is between 21 and 55 years of age. Hamlet 12, the largest of the three in population, is also the poorest. Its 52 households include 303 individuals, an average of 5.8 per household. They own only 501 raj, or an average of 9.6 per household. Hamlet 11 has 55 households, a total of 255 persons, or an average of 4.6 per household. They own 2040 raj, an average of 37.0 per household. Hamlet 10 comprises 40 families, 186 persons, or 4.7 per household. They own 970 raj, or 24.2 per household. 2

18

BANGKHUAD

A COMMUNITY STUDY IN THAILAND

Ego Orientation The farmer of Bangkhuad looks upon himself primarily as Thai ; secondly, as part of a family, the members of which may or may not be living in contiguous areas ; thirdly, as a member of the Bangkhuad community, which is to a large degree symbolized by the wat. Fourthly, he is a member of a particular household which acts as the basic subsistence unit; and, finally, he is a Buddhist. Unlike other surrounding villages which have small, integrated Islamic populations, Bangkhuad_is-.almost solely Buddhist- Two members of the Bangkhuad community have Moslem wives who have since renounced their old religious ties. There are two Thai families in Bangkhuad who practise the faith of Islam. Though villagers maintain that no prejudice exists between ThaiBuddhist and Thai-Islamic peoples, there appears to be mutual suspicion and a lack of intimacy between the two as well as certain misunderstandings based on religious and cultural differences. However, they live in complete isolation from the rest of the community and, therefore, have been ignored in this study. For those members of the community who live in the southern area of hamlet 10, it is just as convenient to attend Wat Bangtoej as it is to attend Wat Bangkhuad. Although centrally located between the two wats, their social affiliations are marginal to Bangkhuad. The feeling of association that the farmers in this area hold for Bangkhuad stem from their affinal and consanguineal ties with other members of that community. Their children attend the school at Bangkhuad. The parents attend both Wat Bangkhuad and JFaf ' Bangtoej. Thus, in contrast to Bangchan, where the community can be defined by wat attendance, Bangkhuad is in part an isolate within which the members feel and act as a unit, predominantly through family ties and extensions, and secondarily through wat affiliations. Communications Communication within the village depends on the canal, which serves as a main street running north-south along the entire length of the community. The canal is used for transporting goods, for floating-markets, and for bringing children who live in hamlets 10 and 11 to school. During the several months that the canal is dry (March-May), travel is on foot along the paddy field ridges. The canal is rarely used as a means of reaching Bangkok, for the distance is great and the journey arduous. During the important wat festivals throughout the year, however, a large number of people come to

BANGKHUAD : COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

19

Bangkhuad from the surrounding communes via the canal. On these occasions they nearly always hire a small motor boat which pulls several other boats. It is interesting to note that the canal leads into Bangkok where it provides access to the entire canal system of the delta area. Since the construction of the Minburi Road in 1946, it has become very convenient to take a bus to Bangkok, or to the district seat at Bangapi, where the village headmen meet once a month with the district head. The increased facility of travel brought about by the Minburi road has led to many kinds of changes which are discussed in a later chapter. The nearest post office, telegraph, and telephone are at the district office; however, the members of the community have little occasion to use these facilities. Seven per cent of the households have battery radios which serve as a source of news as well as musical entertainment. Perhaps twentyfive individuals in the entire community are active readers and news is passed around by word of mouth. Other sources of information include newspapers from Bangkok, brought back by farmers who occasionally visit the city, and the district office which dispenses news and propaganda sent by the government. The House and Compound The socio-economic unit in the community is the household, which averages five individuals. The houses are rectangular and rest on "piles. The floors, made predominantly of teak or a species of mahogany, are elevated on these piles from three to ten feet above the ground. A ladder is used to gain access to the living quarters in the higher constructions. At night the ladder is sometimes drawn up as a safeguard against thieves. There is no correlation between the height of the house and the wealth of the owner, On the other hand, size of construction is a criterion of wealth. Walls of the larger homes are made of paneled wood. Other houses use nipah thatch, made from the dried leaves of the nipah palm found at the mouth of the Chao Phraya Biver. The gabled roof is also made from nipah thatch for most of the houses. Wealthier people use corrugated iron. In the larger homes, windows appear on two sides, but are mere openings in the wall from which a wooden shutter may be attached. One side of the structure is always open. The floor often extends beyond one wall to form a veranda and is supported by two or more bamboo posts. (See illustration, Appendix.) The smaller, low-slung houses are actually survivals of the older rong 2*

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BANGKHUAD

A COMMUNITY STUDY

IN THAILAND

house and consist of one large or several small rooms raised about two and one-half feet off the ground. The smaller houses do not have windows, as a rule, but a wide opening is maintained by constructing the walls several feet lower than the overhanging roof. The roofs are thatch and the joist walls are made bf split, plaited bamboo, or nipah thatch. One room may be partitioned off into a kitchen, although cooking is frequently done on the ground level during the dry season. Several wealthier families have a separate shed in which they cook. The stoves are of three types. One, made of mud, and tempered with straw and buffalo dung, is eight inches in height and semicircular in shape. A grate is placed over the top. The second type is bought at the larger markets and resembles an enlarged and thickened Western flower pot with a crenelated rim and a door cut out in the bottom wall. A fire is made within the pot, and the large cooking vessels are placed on top. The third type is an improvised stove made from a five gallon oil can. The top is cut out and a door is placed at the bottom. (See illustration, Appendix.) Buffalo and chickens are kept under the house whenever possible; Boats, machines, farming tools, and other miscellaneous items, as well as paddy rice, are stored under the -house or in the shed. The separate shed is built in those cases where the floor is too low, as in the rang house. The area of most compounds tends to be about 80 by 80 feet, and larger compounds average about 120 by 120 feet. The compound contains the house, the shed (one or two), a threshing floor (twenty feet square of packed, dried mud mixed with buffalo dung), a small garden, several banana and other fruit trees, sugar cane plants, peppers, etc. It is frequently surrounded by a small canal (khu) leading into the main canal. The khu serves as a general household water supply, as a private source of fish, as a protection against thieves, and as a means of keeping the neighbors’ buffalo out and one’s own buffalo in. The mud obtained when digging the khu is used as the house foundation. Subsequently, all mud acquired while deepening the khu is used to build up the level of the compound. The single plank or bamboo post bridge which spans the khu is pulled in at night. In addition to the khu, the compound may also contain a bau. In contrast to the khu, i>he.\bau does not lead into the canal. It is a large artificial pond used for’ drinking water and for raising fish. In recent years it has been used exclusively for the raising of telapia fish (see Chapter III). Many compounds grow a row of closely planted thorny bamboo along the khu and the canals. This serves not only as protection against thieves but offers a certain degree of privacy as well.

BANGKHUAD : COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

2i

Community Social Structure In Bangkhuad three kinds of family groups can be distinguished , depending upon context: 1. the household, representing the nuclear family with various, usually temporary additions; 2. the spatially extended family, which includes all members who grew up together in the same household, plus the affinal relatives of these members; and 3. the remotely extended family, which includes a wide circle of relatives going beyond the range of first cousin and including many who serve no immediate function in the community. There is also a fourth category, the fictional family, consisting of those members to whom various individuals of the community claim to be related, although quite often these alleged kinship ties do not exist. The Household The household is the basic socio-economic unit in the village and includes all members of a family who live together in one or several houses in one compound. The members consist of a man, his wife, and their children. Frequently, one of the children will have his wife and children living in the same house or occasionally in an adjacent house in the compound. One may find a husband and wife with no children, or a widowed mother and her son, and/or an adopted child. The point to keep in mind is that the household unit usually includes, aside from the children, only those nuclear members who are working as an economic unit, either on the tract of land which they may own or rent, or as hired help for someone else. Households which work small farms of five to fifteen raj are nearly always self-sufficient with regard to labor. Though buffalo may have to be hired for the spring plowing, the mother, father, and older children can usually take care of all the farm tasks. Help is hired only in the event that the members of the household are too few or too old. Households with farms larger than twenty raj must, unless there are many children, hire or borrow some help for the plowing and harvesting. Households with over fifty raj are compelled to hire and/or borrow help for almost every aspect of rice cultivation. Although there is an accepted pattern for the division of labor, it is by no means rigid. In general, the smaller children feed the chickens, take care of the buffalo and help to grind the rice. The mother cooks, cleans the house and compound, and looks after the children. The husband takes care of the tools and repairs the house. Actually, the husband may, on occasion, perform the mother’s household chores. Children, an aunt, or a grandmother may share the

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IN THAILAND

responsibility of cooking. Aged members of the family who can no longer carry on the arduous farming tasks, will do the cooking, cleaning up, and take care of the children during the parents’ absence. A grandparent is often delegated to stay at home and guard the house against thieves. Although it is the mother who, for all practical purposes, raises and disciplines the children and runs the household, the father is the putative head of the family. He pays for his daughter’s wedding and supplies the bride-price for his son. The mother is consulted on all matters, but the final consent of the father must be obtained before the son buys property, gets married, or becomes ordained. The daughter must also obtain her father’s permission before embarking on any major projects. When refused, however, children may decide to take matters into their own hands, especially as to marriage, in which cases, elopement is common. Inasmuch as the father controls the inheritance of property (the mother taking control in the event of the father’s death), the children usually are especially obedient until they see which way the wind blows. Although inheritance theoretically is bilateral and all children receive an equal share, there is nothing to prevent a parent from withholding a child’s share for many years. Since the wealth or property of the bride is quite often not given to her until many years after her marriage, the parents excercise some control over her choice of a husband and his subsequent behavior. The rule of inheritance, in theory, is quite simple in Bangkhuad. Each child receives an equal share of the land, and the youngest son or daughter receives in addition, the house and equipment. Since ultimogeniture is practised with respect to the house, one quite often encounters an aging couple living with their youngest son who cares for them and their land after the other children have married and moved away. Sometimes one of the older brothers who has brought his family to the house will be compelled to move out as soon as the youngest son has married, for it is considered unlucky for two children of the same household to have their families under one roof. There are several examples of two families in one compound but these live in separate houses. Step-parents are resented and are a source of considerable friction within the household when the children have reached school age. A widowed or deserted woman with children in most cases does not remarry. When she does, the new father finds it difficult to assume the role of authority. In cases where there are no children and the woman is young, she is encouraged to remarry. A poor widow or widower often becomes a servant in the home of a well-to-do, or wealthy, farmer.

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23

Some scholars have commented that the Thai have very little sense of family responsibility; but in Bangkhuad, responsibility toward one’s family is by no means lacking. The putative family head (the elder son if there is no father, or the mother if there is no elder son) exhibits a certain though perhaps limited sense of responsibility. The son will not let the family name be slandered. The woman will consider the welfare of her children before remarrying, and the husband will not enter monkhood on a permanent basis, however much he would like to, until his children are groove and married, and all other family responsibilities have been met. Family responsibility is also manifested in the household’s behavior toward the monks. Each morning the mother, if she has the means, will give food to the monks who pass by on their daily begging route (see Chapter VII), to bring merit to her household as well as to herself. The following instance is indicative of a certain amount of cohesiveness within the family in-group, exemplifying the responsibility and loyalty felt toward one’s family. One candidate for village headman, who had recently been released from two years in prison, received only four votes out of a total of eighty-six : his two sisters’, his wife’s, and his own. Spatially Extended Family The term, spatially extended family, refers to those members of a family who shared a common household during their youth and who have now moved away because of marriage or employment and are living in widely separated households, perhaps in different communities. These persons, nevertheless, function as one household during the Various rites of passage which take place within any one of these scattered households. The practical limits of this spatially extended family cohesion go only as far as the first cousin and involve, as mentioned before, primarily those members who were in the same household when younger. The spatially extended family works as a cohesive unit when any kind of disruption faces the household unit. Households with too many children may either promise the next child to a married sister with no children, or they may ask an unmarried or widowed sister to ■come to stay with them, and to care for the child in exchange for room, board, and perhaps some spending money; or they may let her adopt the child, at which time she becomes its social mother. Adoptions are, in almost all cases, made via the female member of the family.

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BANGKHUAD

A COMMUNITY STUDY

IN THAILAND

Illegitimate children are raised by the entire household and shown just as much affection as the other children. This takes the burden of responsibility from the mother and enables her to have enough leisure time to find a spouse. Once married, she mayor may not assume full responsibility for the child. This will be determined by the place of residence of the newly-married couple. If the wife moves to the husband’s household, she will leave the child behind. If they take up residence within her own household, she will keep the child. Illegitimate children, although not common, do appear from time to time, and although some stigma is attached to the mother, there is little, if any, attached to the child. It is the father who is thought to be of poor character for not having married the girl. Among wealthier families with consequent higher status, the girl may be ostracized and compelled to move to another village. On the other hand, a wealthy girl can afford to, and usually does, have the child, aborted in Bangkok. An aged, widowed mother may live with her various children in rotation, spending several months of the year with each. For example, a grandmother, known to the anthropologist, had four sons, one of whom lived in Bangkok. The mother did not like the city and never stayed with him. She refused to stay with another son because of her antipathy toward his wife. She spent six months with each of the two remaining sons, yet the other sons made periodic contributions of rice and fruit to the family with wh'om she was staying. Money, in these cases, is rarely given. Thus, the spatially extended family, living in different households, furnishes its component units some degree of mutual economic aid. The widowed mother may still hold on to her property, thereby strengthening her position within the household and directly guaranteeing her support by the other members. Households with no grandparents may ask an unmarried sister to live with the family temporarily and perform various tasks about the house and help in the fields. For these services she receives food and perhaps a little cash. Quite often a sister volunteers to help out for a short period of time, especially if the wife is about to have a. child, or is bedridden. The spatially extended family functions in financial crises. A household member (usually the parent) will borrow money from a wealthier sister or brother. The household may also rent land at a. much more reasonable rate of interest from a sister or brother. A. young man, in turn, may borrow from an aunt or uncle. Interaction and cohesion between households within the spatially extended family can best be seen during two major cultural functions,

BANGKHUAD : COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

25

the New Year’s festival and the cremation ceremony. It is usually at New Year’s that the entire spatially extended family will come together at the wat. The same is true during the pre-cremation ceremonies as well as at the actual cremation. New Year’s, however, is more or less a social gathering and involves gift-giving and the paying of respects to elder relatives. Such respects are normally confined to kindred within the second degree of collaterality. At the death of a parent, the spatially extended family is called together in consultation. Cremations are extremely expensive and the financial cooperation of every member of the family is both needed and expected. Contributions come from uncles and aunts, but the great bulk of the cost is defrayed by the surviving spouse and children. However, attendance at the services always includes distant relatives and friends of the deceased, who are counted upon to make small contributions. The spatially extended family will sometimes be asked to attend and help defray the cost of a wedding. Its members are inevitably counted on to supply food to the young monk after his ordination. Close relatives are invited to the head-shaving and the top-knot cutting ceremonies. Members of the spatially extended family in other communities make contact with family members whenever there is need for paid labor in their own community. Thus the members of the household have contacts in various communities, through which they may receive extra income. This is particularly true for persons with carpentry skills, or those who can work at road building.The spatially extended family also functions when children from rural areas go to urban schools, for example, in Bangkok. Such students will live with an available and responsible relative. The Remotely Extended Family In general, this category includes cousins of various degrees removed who function to link persons living in separate communities. These distant relatives are taken into consideration, for example, when one visits a new area. An effort is made to establish contact with someone within the larger extended family framework. A wife will not accompany her husband to a new area if there are no relatives with whom she can stay. This is particularly true of regions in the Peninsula, where communications are much more disorganized and travel is dangerous. Members of the remotely extended family are rarely, however, with the exception of cremations, called upon to contribute to the household or participate in family functions.

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BANGKHUAD

A COMMUNITY STUDY IN THAILAND

The Fictional Family In a very vague way, a villager will tell you that nearly the community is related to him, though remotely, either consanguineal or affinal ties. Functionally speaking, this has only in that it reinforces the sense of group unity fostering feeling in the larger structure. From a practical, behavioral view, it has no consequences.

one-half through meaning in-group point of

Kinship Terminology Mo Fa OlBr OlSi YrBr YrSi MoYrSi FaYrSi MoYrBr FaYrBr MoMo MoFa FaFa FaMo

mae. phau phi phi naung naung a nufi . a W

phi phi phi phi

MoOlSi FaOlSi MoOlBr FaOlBr

pa pa lung lung

MoOlSiDa FaOlSiDa MoOlBrDa FaOlBrDa

SiDa BrDa SiSo BrSo Son Da

lan lan lan lan lug chaj lug saw

MoYrSiDa naung FaYrSiDa naung MoYrBrDa naung FaYrBrDa naung Grand-child lan (m, f) Great Grandlen (m, f ) child

pu ta

The older siblings of the parents are differentiated according to the sex of the siblings, whereas the younger siblings of the parents are differentiated according to the sex of the parent. Each of the four grandparents is differentiated. The children of the parents’ older siblings are classed with the ego’s older siblings, and those of the parent’s younger siblings with the ego’s younger siblings. All nephews and nieces are classed under one kinship term. Thai vs. Chinese Concept of Family It is interesting to compare Banghuad family structure and family cohesion with that of the Chinese, who live at Kilopaed, a distance of two kilometres. Differences are quite noticeable. For example, wealthy Thai farmers look upon less fortunate relatives with indifference, resentment, and sometimes shame. Cousins dislike asking their wealthier relatives for loans for fear of being turned down or

BANGKHUAD : COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

27

causing discomfort to the lender. (This feeling is expressed, in Thai as krengcaj, a term that defies translation but, roughly speaking, has the meaning of being overly considerate ; ill at ease and embarrassed, because of concern for the other person’s feelings.) Wealthy people feel they cannot or should not charge poorer relatives interest. Thus, money is not borrowed from distant, wealthy relatives but from sisters and brothers who have married into moderate wealth; from the Chinese; and, on a few occasions, from the mat. Chinese, on the other hand, imbued with the idea that family includes the extended family, consider it a privilege and duty to help less fortunate cousins. This example corroborates an earlier statement that family ties and obligations in Bangkhuad include primarily the immediate family, the household, in which the farmer was born. Even at such crises as cremations, it is only the children and siblings of the deceased who assume the role of active participants. Another difference to be noted is that, in contrast to the Chinese clan system where one household may wield considerable influence over the other members of the clan, each Bangkhuad household enjoys its autonomy. The Bangkhuad farmer is neither a leader nor a follower but enjoys independence. Marriage and its Relationship to the Household If a young man who wishes to marry has a particular girl in mind, he discusses it with his father and mother who in turn, if they are in agreement, ask a go-between (thawkae) to make the necessary arrangements. The go-between is someone on good terms with both families. Although it has been the usual custom in the past for the parents to choose the spouse, often without consulting the wishes of the son or daughter, the technique of courting is becoming more and more established. The great bulk of the wedding cost is paid by the father, with wealthy members of the spatially extended family helping to defray the expenses. First-cousin marriage, although frowned upon, is not prohibited. Only two examples exist in Bangkhuad, and these are in well-to-do families where the close marriages have served to keep wealth intact. Incest taboos forbid sexual relations between parent and child, and between siblings. Economic Determinants of Endogamy and Exogamy Rigid selection of mates based upon the criterion of comparable wealth exists only to a limited extent in Bangkhuad and cases of

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A COMMUNITY STUDY

IN THAILAND

economic endogamy seem to be declining in frequency. It is still felt, however, that there should not be too great a discrepancy between the wealth of the bride’s family and that of the groom’s. One attractive woman of 45 has never married. Her family owns five hundred raj, and the wealthiest man in the village owns only one hundred and eighty. Not only would the bride price have been beyond the means of any man in the village, but her superior wealth would have given her a power over her husband, depriving him of his self respect. A hamlet headman at Kilopaed has three unmarried daughters in their late 20’s and early 30’s. Only two men have dared to ask to marry them, and both were turned down by the father as being too irresponsible to be trusted with his property. “They gambled too much.” Both the men were moderately well off, each owning about the same amount of land as would be left to each daughter. Several members in Bangkhuad with thirty raj or less are known to have married women with one hundred or more. One man, a servant in the house, married the widow for whom he was working. He owned no land, and she had eighty-five raj. Marriages of this'sort take place most commonly between younger men and older women. Several men who had married into well-to-do families said they were always made to feel humble, asserting that their wives ruled their households. When an argument arose, the husband was always reminded by his wife or his in-laws that he came into the family with very little, and that if he were to leave, there would be no loss. In Bangkhuad, about one-half of the marriages are locally exogamous. Only twenty per cent of the women in these cases bring in their husbands, whereas seventy-five per cent are exogamous marriages in which the man is from Bangkhuad, the wife coming from another village. Polyandry is non-existent, and although polygyny is permitted, there are only three men in Bangkhuad who have ever prasticed it. Two are wealthy and in both cases, polygyny was of the sororal type. The only extant case of polygyny in the village concerns a farmer working as a truck driver in Bangkok. In addition to a wife in Bangkok, he is married to one of the school teachers in Bangkhuad. The latter wife has no objection to this marriage, but rather, approves it, for her husband now has a home in the city during the four days he is there. One farmer hired the services of a promiscuous girl, offering her cash and food in exchange for helping with the cultivation of mushrooms. The wife, being fully aware of the situation, had no objection at first, but when the girl became increasingly lazy, had her husband dismiss her.

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29

There are frequent elopements in cases where the parents have either disapproved of the marriage or have been unable to meet the bride-price. In nearly every case recorded for Bangkhuad, the sonin-law returned within the year, paid a token bride-price, asked for and received forgiveness. Residence Residence is in general matrilocal for the first year or more and then becomes patrilocal. Because of the scarcity of available land, the newlyweds must be content to share the parents’ land. In the “old days,” when land was still available for clearing, the newly married couple would spend a year with the bride’s household and then clear a plot near the groom’s household, construct a house, and raise their family. Today, with the ever-increasing shortage of available land and the change in economy from small subsistence farming to large-scale market farming, the husband, more often than not, spends two or three years with his wife’s family and works their land. During his stay with his wife’s parents, he is obligated to them over and above the obligations to his own parents. If the parents’ house is large, the couple will be given a room. If not, they will construct a small house in the compound. Residence is permanently matrilocal in those cases where there is only one daughter, or there are only daughters in the family. Residence is semi-permanently matrilocal if husband and wife have fields of equal size but there are fewer members in the girl’s family. In those cases where the girl’s family is much wealthier than the husband’s, the residence is also permanently matrilocal; they may construct a house of their own, but it will be in or near the compound of the bride’s family. When the husband’s family is much the wealthier, the period of matrilocal residence is shortened or even eliminated. Mixed Marriages Marriages between two persons of different religion waives the normal period of matrilocal residence and the woman goes over completely to her husband’s side. In Bangkhuad there were three mixed marriages. In two of them the wives were Moslem and both have since adopted Buddhism. The third involves a Thai girl married to a Chinese. While her husband continued to work in Bangkok, she operated the small store he had purchased in Bangkhuad, and although she had no time to devote to the wat, the girl did not adopt her husband’s religious practices . Nor did he adopt the customs of Bangkhuad.

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Intermarriage with Chinese raises certain problems. A Thai male who marries a Chinese is looked down upon. It is said that he could not find a Thai girl willing to become his wife. In similar circumstances, Thai girls are accused of premarital promiscuity. Because of their immoral behavior, it is said, no self-respecting Thai men would marry them. The prime motivation behind a Thai woman’s marriage to a Chinese is financial. In most cases he is a shopkeeper, offering more wealth and security than a Thai farmer. The Thai bride of a Chinese frequently leaves her village at marriage. The Household and its Relationship to the Village The household, although for the most part a self-sufficient economic unit, is not a self-sufficient socio-cultural entity. It constantly requires outside help of various kinds, and at certain times throughout the year is particularly dependent. For example, the household usually consults an astrologer {maudu) or the abbot (who, in Bangkhuad, also serves as astrologer) to have him determine the propitious time for many of the various household functions, such as top-knot cutting, marriage, etc. (see Chapter VIII). Households are dependent on the storekeeper for various foods and household necessities. They sometimes must ask their neighbors for assistance in the fields, and always need their help in constructing a new house. They are dependent on the wat for their spiritual salvation and for much of their entertainment. Although the hiring of labor is becoming more and more common, two other systems of obtaining help predominate. These are known as awraeng and khauraeng. Khauraeng, literally translated, means asking for strength, or a helping hand, and in this context usually involves large numbers of people who give their services free. The latter is restricted to wealthy households when it is used in connection with rice cultivation. The patron is expected to furnish the workers with some food and rice-wine. Large land owners first khauraengtenants and debtors. The latter are obliged to comply, for the patron can refuse to lend money or rent property to them the following year. Khauraeng is also used when constructing a new home. In contrast to the first example, which is regarded as a duty, an obligation, and a burden, this latter type is practised by poor and rich alike, involves more intimate friends and relatives, and is done with good feeling all around. Khauraeng is also practiced at the head-shaving ceremony and for other small tasks requiring outside help. Awraeng is literally translated to take one’s strength and means a

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borrowing or a reciprocal exchange of labor. One goes about soliciting help and promising to return the favor at a future date. The important point to be made here is that, outside of the immediate household, there are no prescribed consanguineal obligations concerning various aspects of the household economy. When aid is needed in any phase of the rice cultivation, solicitation of help, whether by means of khauraeng, awraeng, or hiring, is first done in the neighborhood of the rice farm irrespective of family ties. As often happens, closely related families occupy contiguous areas and are the first to be asked, not because of family affinity, but merely because of proximity. This further bears out what has been stated earlier : the modern Bangkhuad household does not depend upon the extended family in agricultural matters and the extended family does not form the economic unit. This was not the case thirty years ago. There was then a definite relation between kinship affinity and degrees of obligation. However, the farms were smaller, and it was more important for both social and economic reasons that the family remain a cohesive unit. Status Relationships in the.Village In the village of Bangkhuad there is a series of reciprocal behavior patterns practised between various individuals encountered throughout the day. Perhaps the relationship of “older-younger” (phi-naung) can be considered the most important determinant of social behavior in the community. From the time that a child is old enough to comprehend, he learns to distinguish (after sex) between all those individuals in the community who are older and younger than he. He soon learns that certain phi individuals require a wag or ceremonial greeting upon first encounter. When adults meet for the first time, the woman will wag first to the man unless she is quite elderly, in which case the man will wag first, and she perhaps will only nod. The phi-naung relationships play an important role in the community. One lady of 30, when asked why she didn’t reprimand another lady of 45 for having been negligent with her boat, replied, “I cannot ; she is my elder.” With members of the community with whom one has daily contact, however, a joking relationship often exists and the phi-naung barrier is dropped. Thus phi-naung functions only in the more formal daily relationships. In the wat no elder-younger distinction is made. The wat differentiation of monks is made on the basis of seniority of tenure and not relative age, though there is usually a correlation between age and

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seniority. Seniority of participation arrangements at all wat functions.

IN THAILAND

is manifest in the seating

Role of the Elders A part of the New Year’s festival of Songkran is devoted to giving small gifts to the elders. At this time the younger members of the community pay respects and receive the blessings of the elders. At weddings, the elders of the family pour holy water over the newlyweds before younger members or more distant relatives take their turn. At the head-shaving ceremony, it is primarily the elders of the family who are invited to participate. Only the elders know (or knew) the old ritual incantations used during the various rites of passage. Regardless of biological relationship, older members of the community may be addressed as grandfather and grandmother (on the father’s side), and middle-aged members as uncle and aunt (also on the father’s side). But age alone is no guarantee of respect. An 'older member of the community, in order to maintain respect, must continue to behave in a manner befitting him. In old age especially, sobriety and rectitude are qualities demanded by the villagers. Hinayana Buddhism dictates that these are pre-requisite qualities for attaining Nirvana, and older members of the community nearly always try to conform. Lauriston Sharp has observed that in Bangchan - it is the middle-aged members of the laity who form the policies and are the active members of the community. 1 This is confirmed in Bangkhuad, where it is also the middle-aged persons who are on the wat committee .- Nevertheless, two of the three village headmen are in their early 30’s, although the younger man maintained that he did not enjoy being headman, inasmuch as he had always to behave as a much older man in order to hold the. respect of his hamlet. The abbot, on the other hand, is an elderly man. He determines nearly all the policies in the wat and in most cases dictates to the wat committee. Age as a criterion of status must also be accompanied by certain prescribed patterns of behavior in order to command respect. Thus, donning of the robe gives no assurance that the community will ignore a monk’s behavior. On the contrary, he is more closely watched, and more severely criticized than the layman. Wisdom is considered a by-product of age and experience. There is also a slight tendency for older members of the village to have more land than younger 1

Sharp, p. 85.

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members. In addition, it must be remembered that it 'is primarily the older members of the community who attend the wat on holy days. An aura of sanctity, wealth, wisdom, and good Buddhist behavior combines to bring the aged members of the community a great deal of status and respect. On the other hand, a certain young man of twenty was held in such high esteem that he was encouraged to run for village headman. He gained his reputation by helping others', working hard, never spending time with girls, never drinking, smoking, or chewing betel. However, the youth turned down the invitation to run because he felt that he would be ridiculed and his requests would go unheeded because of his age in relation to the ages of the other headmen in the district. As a result of this decision he gained more respect. Status Terminology and Status-Respect Relationships A series of special terms is used to designate various reciprocal relationships within the community, and though most of these have age as a common denominator, some do not. Laymen call monks younger than themselves or of the same age luangphi, monks older than themselves luangna. Laymen and other monks are addressed by the monks as hhun, a polite term of respect. Younger monks address older monks as luangna. In the village, persons will use the prefix thid- before the name of someone of their own age who has served as a monk. Children are given pet names such as “mouse”, “fatty”, etc., prefixed with aj- for boys and i- for girls. These prefixes, if applied to one’s social equals, would be derogatory. Other status-respect relationships are: 1. abbot - monk; 2. monk layman; 2a. monk - laywoman;' 3. village headman - farmer; 4. district officer - villagers; 5. district officer - village headman; 6. commune headman - village headmen; 7. teacher - pupil; 8. teacher - villager; 9. head school teacher - teacher; 10. storekeeper - customer; 11. dekwat - lay children; 12. doctor - laity. 1. The abbot is in charge of the wat. He is the administrator and, "to a limited extent, the legislator. The monks treat him with great respect and regard themselves as his pupils (lugsid). There exists a .series of formal behavior patterns which further distinguish the status-relationships of abbot - monk (see Chapter VII). 2. Monks are regarded by the people as living in, yet detached from, the world. The layman, regardless of his opinions of another layman, must exhibit respect the moment the latter has accepted the vows and donned the yellow robes. Whenever monks are invited to the home, they are given a special place to sit (a small dais), since the 3

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laity must sit on a level always lower than that of the monks. Intimacy cannot be manifested, between monk and layman. The former should be always detached and should be treated with extreme reverence; the latter should always be subservient. Though laymen must always waj to monks, monks never return the salutation. 2a. Laywomen are more overtly reverential to monks than are men. It is they who fill the monks’ bowls every morning and prepare the food for wat ceremonies; and it is they who constitute the majority of wat attendance. Unlike the layman, they may have no physical contact with the monk; all personal donations by them have to be put on a cloth. 3. The hamlet headman, when encountered, usually receives a waj from the villagers, even though he may be the younger. He returns the waj. This is an example of the “big man - little man” or phujaj phunauj relationship. The village headman is the big man in the village. Farmers are dependent on him to carry their complaints to the district head; they may borrow tools from him; and they feel free to ask him small favors. He, in turn, must know all the demographic details of his hamlet and so has the right to ask personal and detailed questions. He is often asked to- settle inter-household disputes. 4. The district head [najampoe) is regarded with trepidation and distrust, yet treated as a king when he makes his annual tour of the village. The gold stripes on his uniform represent the power to help or impede, and usually connote the latter. People avoid him whenever possible. He, on the other hand, regards the farmers as his intellectual and social inferiors. 5. The relations of the village headmen to the district head can best be understood by attending the monthly meetings. The village representatives behave abjectly and humbly. Meetings are one-sided, with village headmen seldom if ever taking the opportunity to raise questions or discuss their problems. The district officer’s relationship to the village headmen is definitely of the phujaj - phunauj type. 6. The commune head (kamnan), a village headman himself but with more territorial responsibility, is actually an expendable part of the structure. His status in theory commands more respect than that of village headman, and though he is highly respected by the farmers, the headmen seem not to manifest the same deference. Indeed, he was seen in Bangkhuad only once in 1953, and approached by the village headman only twice, being by-passed most of the time. 7-8. Teacher - pupil, teacher - villager. The teacher (khru) in Bangkhuad, as well as in Bangkok, is highly respected; and all through life the pupil remains the “pupil” in social relationships. As

BANGKHUAD : COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

35

pointed put before, the same is true for pupils of the monks. A special day is set aside each year, at which time all the pupils come to the school to pay homage to their teachers, to all teachers in general and to the tutelary deity of teachers. The head teacher, in general, demands more respect than other teachers, but in Buangkhuad, this is not so. 9. The head school teacher is respected by the other teachers for his superior position and because of his role as one of the village doctors. Very little, if any, friendship exists between teacher and head teacher; formality is the rule. 10. The shopkeeper —customer relationship is one of informal conviviality. People congregate at the stores on their way to or from the wat, or when passing through the village. The shopkeeper is respected because of the symbolic transference or association the farmer makes between the shopkeeper and his accumulation of desired goods. 11. There are two distinct, status groups among children aged eight to fifteen, those who serve the wat as dekwat, and those who do not. This is not an economic division, since wealthy and poor alike may send a child to the temple to serve as dekwat for periods of one to five years. There exists a definite esprit de corps in this in-group, and they play with each other rather exclusively. Only during the school recreation periods do they play with other children. 12. Doctors, of whom there are various types, represent a status group within the village. The -geographic dispersion and diversity of practices is such that there is no in-group feeling among the people who practise healing. Besides, they are farmers first and doctors only secondarily, and represent all economic levels. They are respected by the villagers for their knowledge of the occult art, although they may be disliked as individuals. Each specializes in one aspect of healing and they do not actually compete with each other. They do not constitute a hierarchy of efficiency in the minds of the people. When ill, one goes to a doctor who specializes in that particular illness. If he fails, the patient may try another or even a third. Failure to cure is never blamed on the doctor, but on the nature of the disease correlated with the over-all Karma of the individual. Symbols of status differentiation are minor. Teachers can be recognized by their khakhi pants and white shirts ; student girls by their white blouses and blue skirts; student boys by their khakhi shorts, wide, long leather belts and white shirts; monks by their yellow robes ; women by their dress ; wealthy persons by the number of gasoline engines used or size of area under cultivation and, to a limited extent, by the size of their houses. Wealth plays an important, though at times, subtle role in the 3*

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community. A farmer with money is in a position to exert pressure on many other farmers. He is the phujaj in the phujaj - phunauj relationship. It is to him that others must often turn in order to borrow and to rent tools, to obtain cash loans, and land to farm. Once the transaction is made, the debtor is obligated in many small ways throughout the year. However, wealth without the proper behavior results in contempt and malicious gossip, and receives only token respect during the poor farmer’s moment of need. At the other extreme are the landless farmers. These individuals feel constantly the economic pressure of being landless and at the mercy, each year, of the large land owners. Their status in the community is actually not so low as they feel it to be. The feeling of insecurity and inferiority which they exhibit is only partially due to the attitude of others, and is primarily based on their feelings of guilt for not being able to contribute to the temple. Many of them do not attend wat services because they cannot afford a baht for the collection bowl. Relationships of Avoidance There are several social relationships within the community which are frowned upon, but which do occur at times. A monk should not have intimate conversation with women. A married man should not be seen alone with the wife of another man. The head school teacher is not supposed to be friendly with the janitor of the school..Although these two live across from each other, it is not sanctioned by the Ministry of Education for them to drink together. However, the janitor and the regular school teachers are friends and do drink together, though this is frowned upon by most of the villagers. Village Adjustment It is a lengthy task for a newcomer to establish himself as a part of the community. The degree of difficulty involved is dependent primarily upon the integrity, ability, and subsequent role of the newcomer in the community. One teacher asserted that he still did not feel accepted in the community even after having been there three years. Because he did no farming, he was resented by the rest of the community, which regarded him as an intruding representative of the government in Bangkok. He was an outsider and one to be wary of. It was not until his marriage to one of- the' village girls (supplemented by his help to her family with the farming) that he began to be accepted as an integral part of the community, and his status began to improve.

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: COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

37

The abbot, although chosen by .the community, was on trial until his third year. Inasmuch as he is supposed to epitomize good Buddhist behavior and is in complete charge of all wat festivities, he is rigidly observed by all members. There are many individuals in the community who still have not completely accepted him. With the exception of the abbot, a newcomer in the wat does not face this awkward feeling of having to prove himself, for he is not so conspicuous. The monks live apart and spend most of their time meditating and studying; therefore friendships rarely arise between them and the laity. The newly arrived wife of a farmer must prove herself proficient as a cook, housecleaner, rice-field worker, and mother. Only then does word get around that she is a good woman, and acceptance begins. Since her role in the community is fairly innocuous, she finds it easier to make the adjustment and become accepted than inmarrying males, whose presence in the community presents a greater threat to the status quo. The extra-village husband who has moved in with the wife’s family is rarely accepted if the matrilocal residence is temporary, and in those cases where the residence is permanent, the husband faces a difficult situation. Although he may be a good worker as well as a good husband, he always bears the stigma of having come into the community with less property than he is receiving from his wife. If the husband has close relatives in the community, this greatly expedites his early acceptance as a member of the ingroups, although perhaps only as a marginal member, depending on his consanguineal distance from the relatives. A newcomer, if he or she possesses some skill such as being’a midwife, a cook, a carpenter, will find that this skill greatly accelerates his or her acceptance. A carpenter who married into hamlet 1.1 was accepted within a period of a year. He helped in the construction of the sala, and by his labor not only brought merit to the community, but made many friends. It must be added that the degree to which the newcomer conforms to the existing ideal behavior patterns (cleanliness, industriousness, etc.) determines to a great extent the rapidity with which he will be accepted. Cliques There also exist in Bangkhuad certain groups which resemble cliques, insofar as they include the same members' more often than not, possess a definite esprit de corps, and meet casually with only occasional pre-arrangement. There are four kinds of cliques: the drinking companions, the card gambling companions, the wat

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A COMMUNITY STUDY IN THAILAND

discussion groups, and the dekwat. Bangkhuad friendships, in general, are of a casual nature. However, the drinking friendship is considered by the farmers to be the only type of deep friendship extant in the village. One villager commented that he drank only with people in Bangkok, and thus had no real friends in Bangkhuad. The janitor and the headman of hamlet 12. were said by various individuals to be very good friends, since they frequently went off to drink together. The size of drinking groups is small, perhaps as a result of the custom of rotating payment for successive rounds of drinks. An unwary farmer can be brought almost to bankruptcy by participation, under the pressure of keeping pace with his associates. The correlation between this custom and number of friends may be seen in the gossip about the head school teacher. It is said that he has only one friend, since it is only when with this man that he pays for drinks. Card players form another clique. Certain persons, are instigators of games and always notify other individuals who they know like to gamble, while trustworthy' young persons (always the same ones) are chosen to look out fbr the police. The card group in hamlet 12 has been caught twice and its members have spent as many nights in jail together, so that there is a special sense of cameraderie. Drinking always accompanies the game and is conducive to creating closer emotional ties between the members of the group. Other members of the community are not welcome to join the clique, but are allowed to fill brief vacancies in a card game. Interesting is the fact that the card clique is composed of both sexes. There are two groups of middle-aged farmers (four or five in each group) who gather informally from time to. time in front of one of the monk’s cubicles and engage in lengthy conversation. Although these gatherings are not pre-arranged, they usually occur in the latter part of the afternoon when farm duties are completed. Each of the groups has its particular members. Outsiders may also gather here at this time but rarely join in the discussions. As mentioned before, there are two distinct status groups among children eight to fifteen years of age ; those who serve in the temples as dekwat and those who do not. The dekwat form a definite clique and play together rather exclusively; only on occasion do they play with other children. With the exception of the family, the only genuine in-group is that of the monks. In. the wat there is a formal and patterned behavior for all members at all times, and the spectacle of the yellow robe as the symbol of this institution is a constant reinforcement of in-group feeling.

BANGKIIUAD : COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

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7?oZe and Status of Women in the Community The culturally determined, inhibitions of women (also those of men, though not so extensively) are an important factor in their social behavioral patterns. It is perhaps because of these that they never have truly intimate friendships. Thai culture does not condone women’s drinking, therefore, unlike the men, they have no culturally patterned outlet for losing their inhibitions. Also, women seldom work in one another’s proximity; their duties bind them to their immediate families. Women are not apt to form cliques, and though they do gather in small groups, these are of a casual nature. The idea that children should be seen and not heard is instilled from infancy. Aggressiveness, loudness of speech, and boasting are all condemned. Young women are expected to be docile, subservient, and modest. Wit is appreciated but tends to be confined to courtship repartee. Younger women are extremely shy and coy in the presence of men, a shyness which diminishes as they grow older. After the menopause, they assume more and more the respect and license of men, tell bawdy stories and are freer in their actions. It is paradoxical that as older women approach death, they frequent the wat more, yet practise with greater freedom some of the minor Buddhist prohibitions, e.g., using crude language and relating obscene jokes. In the social context, women enjoy a rather wide freedom and independence. They are free to leave the village to market in large urban areas such as Minburi and Bangkok, or to visit other households whenever they desire. In the home itself, the mother is always consulted on important matters such as marriage and the purchase and sale of property. Many of the older women pointed out that when they were young, their role vis-a-vis their husbands was more subservient than the same role their daughters play today. The role of women in the community is interesting in that sex differentiation in social life as well as in the daily chores is reduced to a minimum. For example, if one looks at the chart in the Appendix, he will see that, of the forty-odd village chores listed, women are excluded from only a half dozen or so. Women do not perform duties that are considered dangerous, such as basket fishing at night or being village headmen, which in the past involved the carrying of firearms and establishing of law and order. Nor do they perform duties which involve excessive strength, such as piling the bundles of paddy stacked on the threshing ground. Women do not perform the relatively easy task of beating mud from the rice sprouts prior to transplanting, inasmuch as it is considered unbecoming for a woman to raise her leg in the necessary

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A COMMUNITY STUDY

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position. Modesty may also explain why women do not build houses, although the reason quite frequently given is that because of their inferior status, women may not be at a level higher than men. Indications are that within the next generation even these few sexdiflerentiated jobs will disappear, with the exception of those related to socio-religious practices. In the practice of Buddhism, women are permitted to enter the bod, only on very special occasions; they may not come into physical contact with monks; and from the farmers’ metaphysical outlook, women must always remain on a lower path than men on the road to Nirvana. However, universal education has been an important influence in the raising of women’s status in the community. It has enabled them to assume the role of teachers, a practice which only two decades ago was solely in the hands of the clergy.

CHAPTEBTU. SUBSISTENCE AND ECONOMY OE BANGKHUAD Part I: Subsistence PglHE focus of agriculture in Thailand is upon rice. This is especially J- true in Bangkhuad where rice cultivation and its various ramifications determine the farmers’ actions for nine months of the year and occupy his thoughts for twelve. Bice cultivation is no longer merely a means of simple subsistence; it has become a commercial undertaking as well. Kinds of Rice There are three types of white rice grown in Bangkhuad —light (baw), medium (khlang), and heavy (nak). Light rice matures in approximately 90 days, medium rice in 120 days, and heavy rice in 150 days. It is extremely important that the rice be harvested as soon as possible after maturation. With the scarcity of available help, it is necessary to stagger the time of maturation so that groups of households will have -time to help each other at harvest. This practice is followed mainly by those .households which cultivate twenty or less raj. Wealthier farmers plant only medium and heavy rice, as they can afford to hire help from outside the village. It must be realized that the yield of light rice per raj averages 20 to 30 tang as compared with 30 to 40, and 40 to 50 for medium and heavy rice respectively (with fertilizer in every case). The ■exigencies of terrain, however, also dictate the type of rice to be used. High land, which gets less water, requires a faster maturing rice. By the same token, low land requires a slower maturing rice. In addition to these three types of rice, most households cultivating 10 or more raj, set aside from one to five fbr glutinous rice. One raj is for household consumption (for cakes and candy), and the rest is sold on special occasions. Despite erratic rainfall, the annual rice cycle in the Bangkhuad. area follows a fairly well defined schedule. May : Sometime in May all equipment that will be needed for the ensuing months is cleaned, repaired, and sharpened. Fertilizer, new tools and seeds are purchased at this time. Small amounts of money are often borrowed during this month to defray the cost of these items. Early June-. The First Plowing ceremony must be performed before any of the regular plowing can be done (see p . 201). 41

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A COMMUNITY STUDY IN THAILAND

For plowing, the buffalo is indispensable and the majority of households own at least one animal; many own two or more, but only one household owns as many as eight. Other equipment used for plowing are the yoke, lead rein, and metal plow-share. In Bangkhuad two methods of plowing are employed, the spiral and the criss-cross. The more popular is the spiral method, and if buffaloes are available, two or more people usually plow at one time. Before harrowing begins, it is necessary that the fields be flooded, since rainfall throughout the rice season is insufficient, and the soil is such that harrowing would be difficult otherwise. Irrigation is the sine qua non of rice cultivation in Bangkhuad. The canal at Bangkhuad is not sufficiently deep to allow for an adequate water supply during the crucial months of June and July. The farmers have requested for several consecutive years to have the canal deepened. The government offers to dredge only larger canals, insisting that the farmers dig subsidiary and lateral canals themselves. This has resulted in wasteful delivery of water in some areas and a paucity of water in others, as a result of insufficient planning. Flooding is not by independent canals, but from field to field. When the farmer wishes to irrigate his fields, he must obtain permission from all those households whose fields lie between the canal and his own. In the event that the neighbor’s field is not flooded, and he does not wish it to be, a narrow six inch ditch is cut along the base of the bund, via which the water runs into the next field. If the neighbor’s field is already flooded, the farmer first measures the depth with a stick. Breaking a small hole in the bund, he allows the water to flow into his own fields. At the end of this process, the hole is plugged and the farmer makes sure to pump back into his neighbor’s plot no more and no less water than was originally there. Many bitter arguments have arisen over differences of opinion concerning the original water level. In both methods, the water is pumped from the canal with a dragonbone pump (rahad). Twenty raj can be irrigated in one day. Only one in two households owns these pumps (90 per cent of households working over 25 raj own them), and only a very few households own the engines to operate them. Both are rented. The owner supplies lubricating oil and labor. The renter supplies kerosene: Rental is 50 baht a day plus 30 baht for fuel. Farmers whose fields are in contiguous areas often rent and irrigate on a cooperative basis. In former times windmills for irrigation were owned by every household with over ten raj. With the influx of engines -in the postwar years, however, the windmill gradually disappeared. The last one was disassembled, in 1950.

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After plowing and before harrowing, farmers who plan to use fertilizer sprinkle ammonium sulphate (five kilograms per raj) or buffalo dung over the field. The use of fertilizer is becoming more popular each year.. In 1951, only a small per cent of farmers used it — the village headman and some wealthier members of the community. In 1952, the number had doubled. In 1953, one in every three households was using it; and in 1954, 60 per cent were using it. Others held that though the yield was larger, the size of the kernel was smaller. They insisted that the salt content of the fertilizer killed some of the fish in the fields, and that it would eventually have the same effect on fish in the canal. Late June - early July : When the plowing and harrowing are under way, preparation of the seedlings begins. A square frame of four boards is placed on the ground or on some boards near the house. Banana leaves are spread over the area within the framework. The paddy, which has been allowed to soak thoroughly in water for 24 hours, is poured into the construction until it reaches a depth of about four inches. The top is leveled off and straw is placed over the seeds to protect them. The straw is changed and the seeds are watered every day. In three days the seeds sprout. Three tang of_rice„seed are required to plant four„raj. The water is drained from one raj, a banana tree trunk is tied to the harrow to give it added weight, and, the field is gone over once more. After the fields are harrowed, it is the children’s task to pick out the grass and weeds. The seedlings are dispersed over the entire raj, and left for four to six weeks to take root. The broadcast method of sowing was last employed in 1941. The reasons for changing from broadcast to transplanting in Bangkhuad were: 1) The influx of gasoline engines in the late forties and the facilitation of irrigation. This resulted in. the softening of hard, dry, clay soil, permitting plowing and the transplantation of the rice. 2) The broadcast method is associated with lower yields, returning but 15-20 tang per raj in contrast to the 30-35 tang per raj returned by irrigation. The farmers, moreover, were forced to realize a higher level of productivity, due to the gradual decrease in the size of household farms, thus requiring that more persons be fed from the yield of smaller areas. Mid-July to early August: When the rice is approximately fifteen inches in height, it is pulled out in large bunches, and with a wide, arc-like motion, skillfully smacked against the shin or calf of the upraised leg, dislodging the mud. This is called taunkr.a, and is one of_the.few jobs which women do not perform. The bunches are evened off by tapping the ends on a one-legged table (phari) which has been

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stuck into the mud. The tops of the plants are sliced off in the belief that the seedlings will grow more rapidly. Prior to transplanting, the ritual of Raegtogkla is performed (seep. 205). The following day, the farmer will awraeng or khauraeng friends and relatives for the transplanting, one of the most arduous tasks in the cycle of rice cultivation. The workers line up across the field, each holding a bundle under his left arm with the roots hanging downward. A small handful is plucked from the center and placed into the mud. The thumb makes an opening into which the plant is .inserted while the second and third fingers cover up the hole, all with split-second movements. Planting is from left to right, with each person covering a territory of some five or six feet in width; the workers move backwards, as each row is finished. Sometimes one group races against another. A skilled worker may work a plot by himself and is paid by area, regardless of the length of time involved. I Transplanting is one of the few times that young men and women I have an opportunity of gathering together to chit-chat and exchange [ repartee. Young men from Bangkhuad sometimes hire out in other villages especially to meet young girls. There they work on a time basis, sunrise to sunset. An overabundance of rain at any time during the early months of transplanting is disastrous, since the transplanted rice is unable to keep pace with the abruptly rising water level. In the event of such rains, the fields can sometimes be drained. This is only possible with high or middle land, i.e., land higher than the canal level. I August to October- After an area has been transplanted, it is the < children’s duty to keep the fields free of weeds and pests. In Bangkhuad, the most prevalent pests are birds, mice, crabs, cutworms, and stemborers in the fields; cockroaches, weevils, and rodents in the storage bins. If a particular field is ravaged by crabs at the transplanting stage, water is drained off, the seedlings allowed to harden, and the field is again flooded. At this last stage, the seedlings are no longer susceptible to the crabs’ attack. Rats are dug from their holes and clubbed. Inasmuch as this seemingly simple task requires skill and strength, children never participate. In the house, cats or commercial spring-type mousetraps are used. October to November: When the rice has almost reachedfullmaturity, the farmer performs the ritual of Chalew (see p. 206). In mid-October 1 the light rice is ready for harvest. When the rice turns yellow-grey, it is time to begin rounding up workers. Operators of very small farms do their own harvesting and then hire themselves out. The head of a household operating a medium-sized farm will go from door to door soliciting workers, either by hiring or using the method

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of awraeng. Farms of 20 or more raj are inevitably forced to hire help in addition to using awraeng, for it .requires, -founfarmers_one half-day to ha,rvest_one.jrffly. The very large farms have a head coolie to do the soliciting, and usually employ in addition the method of khauraeng. December to January. The real task of harvesting begins when the heavy rice has reached its full maturity. The same methods apply here as for the “light” and “middle” rice, but with all work being •done on a much larger scale. During the harvest season work begins at 6 : 00 or 7 : 00 a.m., and stops when the wat bell rings at 11:00 a.m. The workers return to their respective households or, if the distance is too great, eat at the house of a nearby friend or relative. In those cases where khauraeng is used, it is the obligation of the host to supply the workers with food and rice wine. At 1:00 p.m, they return to the fields and work until 5:00 or 6:00. When there is a full moon, the hot afternoon harvest is omitted and the group works in the evening. For harvesting, each farmer supplies his own sickle. The head of the host household supplies the lengthy bamboo post pushed against the rows of rice, bending them and making them easier to harvest. In contrast with the northern and northeastern regions of Thailand, where the rice is cut with a considerable portion of the culms attached, the people of Bangkhuad cut away just below the panicles, leaving a long stubble. The sheaves are then tied up and put into piles to be brought in at a later time. During the harvest season, it is necessary to keep a guard in the field at night, for theft of newly cut rice is common. A small shelter is erected in the field and a man armed with a rifle or a knife will spend the night guarding not only his own fields but his neighbors’ as well. This job is rotated. Moving the gleaned rice from the field to the threshing floor is another large task and is done by groups of workers. One such group was solicited by a wealthy farmer to carry in the harvested rice from his 82 acres. On the appointed day, 40 people came to work. Many of them were persons from other villages who were indebted to the host farmer. Two ten-gallon jugs filled with ice and water were set on the edge of the threshing floor. There was also a jug filled with rice wine to be used only by the “stackers.” Women of the household were busy preparing the evening meal to be fed to the workers. The appointed time was 2:00 p.m. By 2: 30 all had arrived and the whole group (each member carrying a shoulder-pole) went in single file to the field farthest from the household. Ten hired men had already gathered the harvested rice into 3500 one-tang bundles. The

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bamboo shoulder-pole, pointed at both ends, is jabbed into a shock of rice, flipped up, and the other end jabbed into another shock. The pole is then balanced on the shoulder, and the jogging walk back begins. The shocks are dumped in the center of the threshing ground, and the worker rests five minutes, drinking water and chatting, before starting back. Cigarette paper, tobacco, and betel are passed out at frequent intervals by the host. On one side of the threshing floor (previously cleaned and hardened with water and buffalo dung), five strong men have been hired especially for the arduous task of stacking the bundles. Four of the men pile, while one walks along the top, keeping the side of the pile even by beating the ends of the shocks with a wide board. On. most farms, the shocks are broken as they arrive from the fields, and the buffalo begin to thresh immediately. Threshing is done by spreading the bundles on the threshing ground so as to cover a 25 foot circle. Two, three, or four buffalo are led around and around, trampling the grain underfoot. This is painful for the animals, since the sharp stalks cut deeply into their hocks. When the pile of rice has been sufficiently trampled, the stalks are removed and the rice kernels are swept up. and poured into large baskets. The straw is stacked around a tall post in one corner of the compound. Straw from ten raj of paddy will make one stack; two stacks will feed three buffalo from June until December. Since threshing removes neither dirt not chaff, the rice must be winnowed. Every household which works ten raj or more owns its own hand-operated winnowing machine. These can be rented for five baht a day. A group of three persons winnows. One person pours in the paddy, one turns the handle, and one collects the winnowed rice. Farms with five or less raj also winnow by hand, i.e., by tossing the grain up in the air and letting the wind carry off the chaff and dirt. This is often done by young girls. Rice is stored either in a rectangular plank bin or, more usually, in a comer of the underpart of the house. The wall of the mat bin is merely a series of woven mats held together by short bamboo staves woven into both pieces of matting. Some farmers coat the inside of the matting with mud. A thatch cover is placed over the grain, which is thus stored until the farmer has occasion to use it. Prior to storing, or removing new rice from the bins, a ritual is always performed (see p. 204). The final step in rice production is milling. Rice for home consumption is generally milled by the farmer. Nearly every home owns a simple home mill which works on a swivel push-pull basis (see illustration, Appendix). All farmers use a large wooden mortar and

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pestle for pounding glutinous rice, and although it is slow and laborious, some use it also for home milling. Until 1950, everyone milled his own rice and used the exchange labor method (awraeng). With the increase in wage labor, it. became more and more difficult to obtain help, and about the year 1950, the use of awraeng in rice milling disappeared. Farmers who do their own milling look upon those who have their rice commercially milled as being lazy. For every ten tang of paddy sent to be milled, four tang of raw rice are returned. On the other hand, if the farmer mills his own paddy, his original ten tang net him 5.5 tang of polished rice, 36 per cent more than he receives from the mill. There is an ever increasing number of farmers, however, who send their paddy to one of the nearby mills to be polished for better flavor and appearance. In late November, the Chinese middleman appears on the scene. His visit is usually friendly and. social, not devoted to business. When the threshing is completed, he returns, tests the farmers’ rice, carefully inspecting the kernels as to color, quantity of oil, consistency, and size, and offers his price. As a rule, poor farmers are either desperate for money or so indebted to the middleman that they must accept his price. Otherwise, it is sometimes possible to get a better price by waiting for competitive bids from other middlemen. The difference may be as much as 50 baht per kwian. A new middleman who comes to buy for the first time will inevitably give a better price. This does not mean that the farmer can always accept it, since he may be obligated to one of the other middlemen because of financial indebtedness or bonds of friendship. In most cases of this sort, he sells a portion of rice at the higher price and reserves a portion for his friend. Wealthy farmers, however, usually sell only half of their rice in January and keep the rest until the period June to October, at which time they are offered a much better price. Another advantage of waiting until October is that the farmer can judge his crop for that year and determine whether or not he must save an extra amount for family consumption, should the new crop be a poor one. When a price agreement is. reached, the middleman returns within 24 hours bringing an assistant. A tongr-sized basket is filled with rice, leveled off with a stick, dumped into a large basket, and a counting stick is handed to the farmer. Every 20 tang, the sticks are returned to the middleman and a handful of rice is poured into a pile on the ground. At the end of the transaction, the rice piles and the number of remaining sticks are counted. The farmer is paid, or promised payment at a later date, and the transaction is closed.

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Mushrooms In 1952, an enterprising young villager, Mr. X, returned to hamlet 12, after two years in prison. He wanted to prove to the people that he could be a capable and diligent member of the community, and since he owned no rice fields, he began to raise mushrooms, among other things. He had learned the technique from a relative at the Agricultural School at Bangkhen. He was quite successful, and in 1953, nine other poor households in hamlet 12 who began to raise mushrooms also met with moderate financial success. In 1954, 25 households in the village were raising mushrooms, and the idea was spreading to other villages as well. As a result, the market price dropped so much that year that the profit made was hardly worth the effort. Only a few of these households were planning to try again. Since the seeds must first be distilled in a mixture of water, lotus .seed, manure, and other ingredients too complex for the farmer to bother with, he buys them bottled and almost ready for planting. Every mushroom bed requires 50 bundles (over two raj) of hay, and until 1953, stubble left in the field after harvest was free to anyone. However, due to the sudden popularity of mushroom cultivation, a price of ten baht per 100 bundles is now charged by ,the owners. Raising mushrooms is very difficult and delicate work, but in only three weeks time the mushrooms ripen. Each pile continues to yield three pounds daily over a short period of six days. After a pile produces its capacity, it is burned and another is started in its place. The advantage in mushroom cultivation is that little outlay of •capital is required as compared with rice cultivation, and it can be done during the slack season. Mushrooms are strictly a cash crop. They are rarely eaten by the villagers, but are sold to the Chinese in Bangkok and other areas. Garden Produce The majority of farmers raise various fruits and vegetables for household consumption. Some wealthy farmers raise these as cash ■crops, but sell only to local inhabitants. All of these fruits and vegetables (with the exception of mushrooms) are raised with a minimum of attention. The range of fruits and vegetables grown and the number of plants of each is determined by the wealth and size of the compound. One household with 200 raj of rice, for example, raises 200 coconut trees, 20 betel trees, 500 pineapple plants, 20 jackfruit trees, 50 mango,

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20 tangerine, 20 farang, and 50 banana trees. Every household raises a few vegetables for its own use, but not enough to satisfy their needs; so they must supplement their own produce with vegetables bought at the local' markets and at Kilopaed. Almost every household raises bananas, coconuts, and bamboo. These trees and fruits are exploited to every possible advantage. Banana Bananas are cut when the sharp outline of the banana begins to disappear, and are eaten two days later. The banana tree itself is put to many uses. The trunk is used as a weight in harrowing. It is used as a base on which to stick the dolls during the nangthdlung performance described later (Chapter IX). It serves as the base for both the cremation fire and the post-natal heat treatment fire. It is sliced transversely and used as the base for the Lojkratong boats. The bark is used for decorating the crematory structure. It is also dried, cut up, and twisted into string. The leaves are used for decorating the bajsi used at the pre-ordination ritual; decorating the Lojkratong boats (see p. 195) ; covering raw rice before transplanting ; and as a wrapping for many foods purchased in the market. When dry, it is used for cigarette paper. The flower is eaten a*s a vegetable and the outer pith is chopped up and given as fodder to ducks, while the inner pith is used to make soup. Bamboo The thorny bamboo, which grows wild, is planted around the edges of the compound and especially along the canal side as a partial protection against thieves. It is used as roofing; for strings to hold the roofing together; for buffalo reins; for house beams, housewalls, bellows, water containers, rice trays, rice bins, baskets, fish traps, bird cages, handles, boat roofs, partitioning walls, and chicken houses. Coconut The coconut tree, too, is a versatile plant in the hands of the Bangkhuad farmer. The fruit is made into various types of dishes, the milk is drunk and is also used as an emetic when mixed with menthol. The shell is used as a ladle ; or it is sometimes cut in half, filled with water, and placed under cabinet legs, thus serving as an ant trap. The shell is also used as casing for parachute firecrackers at cremations; it is used as a rice measure; punctured and used as a sieve. Oil from the coconut is used as fuel for lamps, and for frying bananas. 4

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Kapok Some households raise kapok. Since its growth is rapid, it is grown by many as a source of firewood rather than for its cotton-filled pods. Fishing Next to the cultivation of rice, the main occupation of the farmer is fishing. Fish is the most important supplement to his diet, supplying him with the great bulk of his protein and vitamin intake. Since the fish found in the canals and in the fields are not enough for yearly consumption, additional quantities must be bought. During the leisure season, February, March, and April, when the harvest is over and the many ceremonial functions are taking place, the demand for fish reaches its peak. This is the time of weddings, cremations, and numerous wat festivals, all requiring special foods, as well as an abundant supply of meat and fish. There are three major sources of obtaining fish in Bangkhuad: 1) buying them dried at the market, 2) catching them in the canals and fields, and 3) raising one’s own. There are 'several ways to catch fish. Pole-fishing is done by men who use poles of various lengths and varying degrees of flexibility, depending on the species of fish sought. The various ways to pole fish are classified by the type of hook used; these are called: bedthaung (see illustration, Appendix), bedtog, bedlau, and bedthum. Basket fishing: This is another method of catching fish, usually done in a group, of which sumda, described below, is most common. In March, April, and May, when the waters of the canal are receding, and in the fields after the harvesting, the farmers fish by means of a sum —a conical-shaped basket-like contraption made from the outer bark or the bamboo (see illustration, Appendix). Fishing by this method is done in a group of four or five persons, each with a basket, wading in a line through the water. The baskets are thrust simultaneously into the mud. If the water churns within the basket, or if the fish can be heard slapping inside, the basket is buried a little deeper into the mud and the fisher thrusts his hand through the opening in the top, seizes the fish, and tosses it into the kacha (small basket carried on the hip, supported by a shoulder strap). Sumrau, a variation on the above, consists of setting up a closely woven bamboo fence across the- canal. Twenty-five feet away, another fence is stuck into the canal, but only half way across. The group of four or five persons starts about 100 feet up the canal using the sumda method, and at .the same time, driving the fish toward the

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trap. When they reach the half-fence, the other half is quickly put in place, and the sumda is continued inside the corral. Sumau is done at night, and from a boat, for the purpose of catching serpentheads and siluridae and this is also a group endeavor. The basket is about three feet in diameter, reinforced laterally with wire, and has a net around the inside. When someone espies bubbles in the water, the men jump out, place their baskets over the bubbled area and pull the string that closes the net. Women and children are not permitted to participate inasmuch as it is considered dangerous because of the cobras and kraits which also hunt these fish at night. However, if a snake is near, the bubbles suddenly disperse and come together, again and again, warning the fishermen of their competitors. Net fishing: Nets used for fishing are of four types. The first we have already seen in conjunction with sumau. The second is the dipnet {sawing) used in the rice fields and in the pool. The third type is gau (see illustration, Appendix). These large nets, eight by eight feet, are so balanced that youngsters can and often do operate them. The process involves simply lowering and raising the net at frequent intervals. To attract the fish, rice mash is thrown in the areas after the net is lowered. A bamboo fence may be placed in the water to detour the fish in the direction of the net. The fourth type is actually a toy used by children. The catch is shrimp. This net is raised every 15 minutes. A rice mash mixed with mud to make it cohesive is used as bait. Shrimp are caught only during the month of February. Trap Fishing : Still another method used is trapping. Here a series of traps is used, employing the same principle as the “eel-pot” used for eels (see illustration, Appendix). When used in the rice fields they are placed in the Watergate between two fields. As the water drains out, the fish follow it and swim into the trap. A simplified variation consists of digging small holes at various intervals. As the water in the field recedes, the holes remain filled for a much longer period of time, forcing the fish to accumulate there. Laubdagpladakkung is a combination of eel-pot and bedtliaung, i.e., it uses both principles and both techniques. The “eel-pots” are attached to bamboo poles used as buoys, and are submerged just below the surface of the water. This is done to enable boats to pass over. The bow hits the bamboo buoys and submerges them and the trap as well. Bamboo sticks, placed on opposite banks, and attached to the trap by means of a string, flex back into position as soon as the boat has passed, raising the “eel-pots” to the surface. (See illustration, Appendix.) The turn is a large basket trap of Lao origin, and personifies Woman. 4*

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It is placed near the bank of the river under water, and the mud is so arranged at the base as to simulate a pair of legs. The aperture is shaped in a narrow vertical lozenge. Weeds are placed over the trap to disguise it, and a special grass is placed at the opening to simulate the female genitalia. Bait —popcorn mixed with buffalo dung —is placed inside. The fish, in this context, represent the phallus. The i-chu, smaller, but like the turn,is also used for trapping eels. The hole is circular, however, and is this case no personification is implied. Spear Fishing: At the beginning of the rainy season, when the fields are flooded, several farmers go into the fields at night. One holds the kerosene pressure lamp, and since the water is only a few inches, deep, the others can easily see any ripples made by the fish. They use either a two-or three-pronged spear, or a knife with a 20 inch blade. There are two other sources of fish in the village, and both are found in the compound proper : 1) the pond, which has no connection with the canal and which is used for drinking water as well as a source of semi-domestic telapia fish; and 2) the- pool which is a narrow trench-like extension of the canal. Raising of telapia fish is a fairly recent innovation and has been given a great deal of publicity and encouragement by the Agricultural Department. The fish are very economical to raise and mature rapidly. They are bought when they are quite young, and at the end of four months, they reproduce. By six months, they are large enough to eat. They are fed a white meal mash (ram) which is first cooked to make it sticky. The farmer’s only concern is making certain that no other fish are present in the telapia pond, and that the pond is kept fairly clean. Sometime during the months of February through April, the small inlet leading to the pool is plugged and the pool is drained. A, rabati and engine are used (rented, if the farmer does not own them), and the help of friends, neighbors, and relatives is solicited by either khauraeng or awraeng. In many cases, farmers are hired. As the water recedes, one or two individuals wade about catching the fish with their dip nets. After the pool is completely drained, the group digs about in the mud for fish, as well as for turtles. The fish are given to the owner, but the turtles are divided among the helpers. The average fish catch totals 100 pounds. Miscellaneous Fighting fish were once raised, but this practice is now prohibited in the Bangkapi district, because of the nag ampoe’s desire to curb gambling in his district.

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In addition to fish, the farmers catch and consume frogs, crabs, and birds. Frogs are usually hunted in the evenings and during the rainy season. A long bamboo pole with an iron hook attached is thrust into the hole and the frog is dragged out and thrown into a covered basket. If they are seen in the fields during the day, they are clubbed on the head. Crabs are caught either with a sum or by hand, and usually by children and women during planting time or right after harvest. Pets, Poultry, and Livestock In Bangkhuad nearly every compound possesses one or two mangy, mongrel dogs. Puppies are sometimes given a name, but it is soon dropped. Older dogs are unfriendly animals and for this reason are used as watch dogs. When one visits another compound, he usually stops at the gate and asks the host to call off the dogs. These animals are fed scraps and garbage —no money is spent on them. Two farms use geese as watch animals; they also have the advantage of chasing snakes. About 20 per cent of the households own cats. Two households have One gibbon each. Birds are hunted sporadially. Many are killed to protect the rice crops ; other are hunted for food ; and some are kept as pets. Trapping of birds is limited to pigeons and the rice-eating nogkrajang. One species of pigeon is raised and eaten, another is raised as pets. Both species are hunted in the same manner. The hunters first discover the tree where the birds sleep, and go there on the following night. On the end of a long bamboo pole is placed a mud ball into which two bamboo strips are stuck in a “V” position, and the inside surfaces of these strips are coated thickly with mucilage. One of the hunters spots the bird with a flashlight, while the other cautiously raises the pole and envelopes the bird with the “V” strips. As the bird tries to escape, more and more mucilage from the strips covers it, until, unable to use its wings, it tumbles to the ground. Another method of trapping is used for the nogkrajang, and employs a rather intricate spring-trap. A fish is placed in a bowl in the field. A large flexible bamboo stick is inserted in the ground a foot or two away. To the end is attached a string which is made into a noose and placed around the bowl. The bamboo strip is bent and held in position by another string attached to a trap cross-bar releasemechanism. A hook string is attached to this and released as soon as the bird touches it. The noose traps the bird around the neck. One household, that of Mr. X, raises cooing pigeons. Before the

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war, the raising of these pigeons was quite popular, and contests were held weekly to determine whose bird could coo the longest and fastest. They are fed a special diet of cucumber and rice seeds. The rattan-bamboo cages, which require a great deal of skill to construct, are made by Mr. X. (See illustration, Appendix.) Eleven households raise pigeons for eating; Occasionally, they are purchased by other members of the community for 10 baht a pair. Nearly 90per centof allhouseholds in the community raise chickens. Poorer households own about five chickens, and wealthier households own from 20 to 50. The chickens are hardy though small, and the egg yield averages only 80 per chicken per year. Most of these are sold. The majority of farmers spend nothing on feed, letting the chickens fend for themselves. Others use about 20 baht worth of paddy a year for food. Ducks are raised by approximately 15 per cent of the community but usually in small numbers of three to six. Well-to-do households may keep as many as 15. The eggs are not sold, but are consumed by the household. Mr. X is the only member of the community who raises ducks commercially. He buys the ducklings in October intending to sell them to the Chinese for their New Year’s festival.The most important animal in the life of the Bangkhuad farmer is the buffalo. It is an indispensable part of the rice cycle, used in plowing, harrowing, and threshing, and is not likely to be replaced by the tractor. All rice fields in the community are partitioned into small plots surrounded by bunds, making it impossible for a tractor to maneuver; nor can tractors perform the task of threshing, which the buffalo do so well. So much are these animals revered and valued by the Thai farmers that they are given names, these referring to coloration or personality. When a farmer purchases a new buffalo or has a new-born calf, he must register it with the district officer. In addition to the five baht registration fee, the farmer must give some identifying feature that distinguishes his animal from any other, such as age, coloring, etc. In June, the buffalo are brought from the Northeast to the Kilopaed area in large numbers. It is at this time that the farmer buys his buffalo. The majority of households own at least one. Many own two and some three and four. Three families own six, and one family owns eight. Although the correlation of wealth with the number of buffalo owned is very high, it is not absolute. Severalpoor households own buffalo and several wealthy households -have none. The explanation is simply that some wealthy families have very small households and their members are too old to take care of the animals; it is much more convenient for them to rent them during the plowing

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and threshing seasons. Some*poorer families earn additional income by renting out their buffalo, or renting out their services as plowers. When a buffalo dies, someone from the Moslem village is traditionally called in to butcher it. The owner when questioned as to why he, himself, does not butcher the animal, makes no reference to Buddhist regulations, but merely answers that Moslems are more — ? skilled at this kind of work. The meat is given to the monks for food. The owner of the buffalo will not eat it because he is indebted to the ■animal for its many services and he avers that the buffalo will be grateful to the monks if they can get nourishment from its body. The > bones are buried. The skin will be used for making rope and a part of it will be sold to some musician to be made into a drum-head. The horns will be sold to Chinese to be made into combs or will be used by the farmer himself as coat hooks. Income Although there is substantial variation in the wealth controlled by different households —a variation that is represented by the fact that some households have no land to cultivate while others have 200 raj or more; that 22 per cent of all households plow no land while 18.5 per cent plow over fifty raj —it can be stated that the Bangkhuad farmer never lacks food or other basic needs. There are no beggars in the community. No other source of income rivals rice, which is the mainspring of Bangkhuad economy. There are several other means of obtaining income, however, though few of these exist as independent specialties. In other words, sources of cash aside from the rice cycle tend to be supplementary and, in some cases, sporadic. The activities from which such income is derived can be listed; it will be noted that the first four categories deal with individual undertakings while the last is a household venture. 1. Professions-, a) janitor, b) school teacher, c) village headman, ■d) miscellaneous (extra-village). 2. Skilled Trades: a) artist, b) barber, c) carpenter, d) cook, ■e) doctor, f) musician, g) seamstress, h) undertaker, i) animal ■emasculator, j) miscellaneous (extra- village). 3. Unskilled Trades: a) storekeeper, b) prepared-food seller, •c) cloth seller, d) lottery ticket seller, e) village middle man, f) hiring •out, g) renter of equipment, h) money lender. 4. Sales of Animal and Garden Produce: a) poultry and eggs, b) fish, ■c) fruits.

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A COMMUNITY STUDY IN THAILAND

5. Income. Derived from Rice Cycle Activities: a) renting of equipment, b) hiring out, c) selling and renting of fields, d) sale of paddy. 1. Professions. In this category are included all those individuals who receive monthly salaries, either from the government or from professional employment outside the village. a) The school has one janitor who is hired by the government. His salary is 336 baht per month. He and his wife also operate a five raj farm, and he receives a small income from selling cloth in his spare time. b) In Bangkhuad, there are five persons employed as school teachers. Their monthly salaries, determined by length of time in service, range from 550 baht to the 700 baht received by the head school teacher. All operate rice farms, two receive additional income from the sale of cultivated mushrooms, and one teacher owns a store, which his wife manages. c) The village headmen are usually wealthy persons who are elected because of their financial status and their willingness to help the other farmers. Their salary (86 baht a month) is barely enough to defray travel expenses. d) One young man is a professional soldier stationed in Bangkok. His salary is 900 baht per month, of which he sends his wife (living with his father in Bangkhuad) 100 baht per month. In addition, there are several unmarried young men who have left Bangkhuad to join the police force in Bangkok. None of them sends money to his parents but all retain village contacts, for they return to help their parents with transplanting and harvesting. 2. Skilled Trades. There are many individuals in the community who supplement their rice income by performing special, skilled services for other members of the community, or for members of other communities. Payment, in most cases, is very meager in thiscapacity (with the exception of 2-j); the actual incentive is prestige. a) One individual derives extra income from his artistic ability. Ho lives at the wat and thus his room is free. He receives the bulk of hisfood from the abbot, in return for which he draws sacred Pali letterson pieces of cloth, and also makes various decorations for the many wat ceremonies. In addition, he receives commissions from membersof the community as well as from persons of other villages. Some of the things he does, and the payment he receives, are as follows: watercolor paintings of local scenes - 50 baht; goodluck pennantswith Pali letters and magic zodiacal animals - 20 baht; charcoal portraits - 60 baht; posters for store advertisements - 50 baht. For tattooing, he receives the six baht wajkhru fee plus 10 baht. For a backdrop used at like plays - 600 baht. For banana trunk decorations-

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used on the posts of the crematory - 30 baht. When hired out as a musician, he receives 30 baht. A modest estimate of his yearly income, made by himself, was 6000 baht. b) There is only one barber in Bangkhuad. He charges three baht per haircut. His tools, such as scissors and clippers, cost him 150 baht. c) Six members are carpenters. They hire out their services to the village people who may need aid in the construction of a large house, and to the Bangkhuad and other community wats for building a new sola or repairing a deteriorating wat building. Two of them manufacture household implements, such as coconut scrapers, axe handles, wooden shovels, etc. One carpenter gains additional income by making chopsticks which he sells to the Chinese. Another specializes in making Siamese violins {sau u and sau duang). Mr. X has constructed two small boats {ryabinthabad'). He sold one for 200 baht in 1951 and uses the other himself. Another carpenter was elected to be on the wat committee because of his knowledge of carpentry and the advice he could proffer concerning the large new sola to be constructed. Included in the six is one monk who makes coffins, kites, and mango pickers. Until a few years ago, the carpenters’ main trade came from the construction of plows. The plows today are bought rough-hewn in Bangkok, and the carpenter merely finishes the rough edges. One carpenter’s income can be broken down as follows : coconut scrapers - 10 to 15 baht ; mango catchers - 10 baht-,chopsticks - 25 baht per hundred; plow repair - 10 to 15 baht-,services by the day — 30 baht-, violins - 75 to 100 baht (only one violin was made in the past four years). His average yearly income from this trade is 900 baht. d) Two members of the community are reputed for their culinary talents. Bor weddings and large housewarmings, they are hired to help with the cooking, and for this they receive 10 baht plus food. All cooking is done at the home of the host. For large wat ceremonies, they donate their services, as does everyone else. e) Perhaps the most important of the skilled trades, and the one most respected, is that of the doctor. I have subdivided this heading into five parts and have stated only the average yearly income. For other details, see Medicine. 1) Old-fashioned doctor {mauboran): There are two old-fashioned doctors in Bangkhuad. Both are males (one is the head teacher), and both charge from two to eight baht for services. Yearly income is 350 baht. 2) Shaman: There is only one shaman in the village. She is a very wealthy woman and charges only three to five baht. Her annual income for services is 250 baht. 3) The abbot, who cures by throwing holy water on the patient (rodnammon):

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BANGKHUAD A COMMUNITY STUDY IN THAILAND

His income from this practice is 1800 baht. 4) Midwife: There are four midwives in the community and although they are all women, one man had practised midwifery several years ago but had given it up because of his health. He taught the trade to his wife, who is now practising. The general charge for services is 50 baht for the three-day period. Annual income is roughly 500 baht a year. 5) Masseuse : There is only one masseuse. She charges from one to six baht, depending on the amount of massage necessary. Yearly income averages 450 baht. f) Three members of the community hire out as musicians for cremations, weddings, like, etc. One of these three acts as the leader of the group. It is he who is delegated to collect the other musicians from nearby villages, since five or six persons are needed to complete the orchestra. Musicians receive 30 baht each per engagement. If hired for a wedding, they also receive food and rice wine. For a funeral they receive only wine. Average yearly, per capita, income is 450 baht. g) Six households own sewing machines. Three of these earn money by sewing shirts, blouses, shirts, pants, and pillow covers. In hamlet 11, a wealthy hamlet, the price of sewing a shirt is 8 baht, skirt 7 baht, blouse 6 baht, pillow case 1.50 baht. In hamlet 12, each of these articles was one baht cheaper. Each customer supplies his own materials. One seamstress claimed a monthly average income of 250 baht-,another 130 baht-, the third 400 baht. Two of the three spent three months and 400 baht learning to sew at a small Bangkok trade school. The others learned to sew from relatives in other villages. Three households own sewing machines, primarily for prestige. h) There are two undertakers in the community. They receive 20 baht for preparing a body. Their yearly income is about 100 baht. i) In 1951, there was one Moslem member of the community who castrated unruly buffalo (10 baht) and was hired by the Thai farmers to kill the old buffalo (5 baht). He has since moved away. Today, whenever someone needs either operation done, he calls a member of the Islamic village two kilometres away. Mr. X, however, does castrate roosters and injects them with fat producing hormones. Although there are not too many who raise roosters for market, he nevertheless earns 120-144 baht a year for his services. The charge is 12 baht per rooster. j. Four members of the community have jobs in Bangkok and return toBangkhuad every night or every few days, as the case may be. Three of the four families own and operate rice farms. The jobs

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these five men have are: 1) head coolie for a dirt moving company, salary - 1500 baht per month. His wife runs one of the small stores in Bangkhuad. He gives her 500 baht per month. They do no farming. 2) streetcar conductor, salary - 600 baht per month. This family works five raj. 3) gasoline station attendant, salary - 400 baht per month. Family works ten raj. 4) truck driver, salary - 800 baht. His wife is a school teacher and lives with her family, which operates a 50 raj farm. 3. Unskilled Trades. The number of persons who derive income from either the sale of goods or from unskilled labor, or both, is considerably larger than the preceding category, the actual ratio being about five to one. a) There are four stores in the community located at the entrance of the village, next to the wat, and also serving as small social centers. All are adjacent and sell somewhat the same merchandise. The clientele of each is comprised primarily of friends and relatives of the owners. Two of the stores are rim by mother and daughter, respectively. Inasmuch as these stores primarily carry hardware products and drinks, with a small quantity of edibles, the greater quantity of food is bought at the market in Kilopaed. Hardware: soap, needles and thread, cloth, candles, joss-sticks, matches, hair oil, taj (made of -oil and sawdust, used for starting fires), pencils, erasers, and exercise writing tablets for school children, harvesting hats (in November and December), rope, fish hooks, powder (mixed into a paste and smeared or daubed on the face to keep one cool),, rubber bands. Drinks: Coca-cola, Pepsi-cola, sweet waters (cherry syrup and water), soda pop, two of the cheapest brands of rice whisky (government produced). Foods : chili peppers, eggs, onions, betel nut, areca palm leaves and lime, garlic, coconut, sugar, shrimp paste, fish sauce, several types of dried, salted fish; cucumbers and several other vegetables; condensed canned milk, two types of tobacco —one type used for cigarettes and one type used with betel, cigarettes (Thai Moon Brand), —several types of medicines for relief from headaches, fever, etc., various small Chinese cakes and candies. Such are the stocks in trade. These stores are also the homes of their owners. The front room serves as the store and at night is used for sleeping. Store A is run by the wife of a school teacher who sells, among other things, approximately 175 bottles of soft drink and 60 bottles of hard drink per month. The store shows a net profit of roughly 150 baht per month. Store B carries only candy, eggs, and some hardware. The operator,

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A COMMUNITY STUDY IN THAILAND

he widowed mother of the owner of store G, cannot read or write, and does not keep track of accounts. She lives alone and never has had anyone to help her because she “does not trust anyone.” Her daughter told us that her profit each month is about 200 baht. Store G sells all the articles in the above list, with the exception of eggs and cloth. Net income was estimated by the owner as 200 baht per month, gross income about 600 baht. Store D sells the same articles as store C and in addition does machine sewing. This store, excluding funds gained from sewing, was netting approximately 250 baht monthly. b) In addition to the stores, there are about eight individuals representing eight households, who earn supplementary incomes from selling special foods prepared at home. They represent households which own no land and hire out. Average monthly net income from food sales is 80 baht. Seven of them sell to school children during the lunch hour, setting up their wares in or next to the small sola near the school. The students are given by their parents from 50 satang to one baht for lunch money. Often, in lieu of money, they are given two eggs, which they sell to the lady at store B for 60 satang. Many households set up stands and sell food during wat festivities, since there are sometimes as many as a thousand people in attendance. A two baht fee is exacted by the abbot in these cases. Throughout the day, one of the vendors sells shaved ice with cherry syrup poured over it. Her husband keeps an account book, and customers are allowed to eat and drink on credit. The combined profits from the drink and food sales bring 140 baht a month to this household. One woman, after the harvesting is finished, sells Chinese food three times a week. She travels 25 kilometres to Pratunam and brings back her dishes already prepared. She merely mixes them according to the ingredients specified by the customer, heats, and serves. For the four month period from February to May, she nets 400 baht. One man (owning five raj and renting another five) set up a small coffee stand under the monks’ living quarters during the leisure season, January to May. His profit is 1000 baht for the season, of which he donates roughly five per cent to the wat in appreciation of special permission from the abbot to set the stand up in such proximity to the monks’ Ichuti. In most villages throughout Thailand, there is usually a small coffee shop, —a social center where farmers may sit down to rest and drink on their way to and from work. Bangkhuad has no coffee shop; the farmers are always lamenting this fact, but no one has done

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anything about it. Because of the layout of the village, the shop would have to be located in the general vicinity of the wat, for this is the cross-roads section of the community, the area most frequented. But the people living here are the poorest and cannot afford the initial expense of erecting the shop, buying the tables, etc. None of the existing stores has sufficient space for an undertaking of this kind. Some residents of Bangkhuad lose no opportunity for increasing their incomes. For example, Mr. X, who goes frequently to Bangkok where he sells mushrooms, decided to turn a profit at both ends of his route. Accordingly, he takes part of the money from the sale of the mushrooms and invests it in small foodstuffs for quick resale in Bangkhuad. During the brief mushroom season, he makes over 250 baht from these sales. One farmer (who neither owns nor rents land) makes illegal rice wine by fermenting glutinous rice in yeast and sugar. This wine is sold to farmers and is used primarily to serve khauraeng workers during the harvesting and transplanting seasons. During these two short seasons, he nets 400 baht. c) The school janitor, in addition to his salary and the income from his five raj, derives further money from the sale of black cloth (used for working clothes). He sells this cloth to the older members of the community who rarely visit Bangkok. Yearly income is only about 200 baht, but, as he said, “It gives me something to do and an ■excuse to visit with people in the community.” d) Every five days there is a drawing of the National Lottery. One lady who neither rents nor owns land sells tickets for a Chinese in Kilopaed, and receives a commission of 40 satang per ticket (one ticket costs 10 baht). The tickets are divided into two parts, so that an individual may buy one-half for five baht if he wishes. Every six days she is given another twenty tickets. She asserts that all the tickets are always sold, thereby earning her a yearly income of 430 baht. Villagers are avid followers of the lottery, but many of them, seeking special numbers, purchase tickets in Minburi, Kilopaed, and Bangkok. When she sells a winning ticket, the purchaser gives her a commission. e) This same lady also acts as middleman for the wat. She goes from house to house between the months of February and April, soliciting donations of rice. For each one-tang bag, she receives one baht commission. Her income for the three month period is only 100 baht, but she enjoys visiting at the various homes. Mr. X is a middleman in connection with mushroom marketing. He was the first to cultivate mushrooms and therefore the first to ■establish outlets for his produce in Bangkok. New arrivals on the mushroom scene found it much easier to let Mr. X sell their produce

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than to make the long trip and try to find their own buyers. For this service, Mr. X receives two baht a kilo. His average haul to Bangkok for the other farmers is 20 kilo, for which he receives 40 baht (trips are on alternate days). A wealthy farmer in the community serves as representative for the Ipinshaw Chemical Company which sells fertilizer. No record of his income was available. He accepts deferred payment in rice, but is said to demand high interest. f) Another source of income from unskilled labor is hiring-out. These services include, among other things, pond and pool digging and cleaning. Wages for pool digging, etc., are based on cubic area worked, and average out to approximately three baht an hour. Two young men are hired and placed at the two strategic approaches to the village during the illegal card games. They are paid 15 baht each for the five to seven hour stint. With each hand played, the winner puts one baht into the “kitty” to defray the cost of the lookouts. Other young men have found temporary work in Bangkok as service station attendants. Though the wages are barely enough for subsistence, the two or three months in the city are very exciting for the Bangkhuad boys. Individuals from very poor homes will, from time to time, work for their more well-to-do relatives, performing various tasks about the house and compound. In exchange for these services, they receive payment in fish, fruit, and rice. g) The only equipment rented out, other than that connected with rice cultivation, is that of engines and rahad which are used for draining the pool and pond. The owners always operate the machines. The renter supplies the kerosene and pays the owner 50 baht a day for his services and equipment. h) The final source of income to be described here is derived from interest on loans. Money is lent out at various times of the year to farmers of moderate income, as well as to poor farmers. Loans of small amounts are made without a witness. Loans of 1000 baht or more are usually made with a witness (a hamlet headman or the head teacher) ; loans of 2000 baht or more are made in secrecy, and the witness is, in most cases, a trusted and respected relative. The fear of being robbed is always connected with large loans and the money is conveyed clandestinely, as in the case of sales of large quantities of paddy. Large loans draw interest ranging from 1.25 per cent per month (the legal rate) to three percent, depending on the relationship between lender and borrower. Rates for smaller loans are higher —five to 10 per cent per month. Since the poor have no collateral, they are never able to borrow a very large amount. Interest is so high on the small amounts they borrow, and their

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meagre land holdings yield so little, it is hardly surprising that they are perennially in dept. The method of lending which poorer farmers are forced to follow is called togkhaw. Freely translated, this means putting money on the hook and catching rice, since the poor have no alternative but to pay in rice. The extremely poor farmers must pay in labor, since they do not even have rice. This is known as togkiu, or baiting the hook with money to catch harvesters. As mentioned earlier, farmers also borrow from the Chinese middlemen. 4. a) A few of the wealthy farmers add slightly to their incomes with the proceeds from the sale of poultry and eggs. Only one farmer raises ducks for sale. t b) Two farmers rent their fish ponds to relatives, and each receives about 700.baht rent a year. Fish caught in the canals and fields are used only for household consumption, never sold. Telapia fish, on the other hand, are raised commercially by a number of farmers. The fish, bought at the Agricultural College after they have hatched, cost 100 baht per 2000; it costs 100 baht to feed them for six months; and at the end of this period they are sold for two baht each, or a potential profit of 3800 baht. Since many of the fish die, actual profit never exceeds 2000. c) During the slack season (January-May), the two farmers previously mentioned go to Tonburi where they raise fruit as a cash crop. During this five-month period, each earns approximately 1000 baht. In addition, one farmer brings back a boatload of coconuts which he sells in the village. Wealthy farmers in Bangkhuad, who raise a variety of fruits, sell the surplus, after household consumption, within the village. Each realizes approximately a 3000 baht profit. d) Many families raise and sell sugar cane. The stalks are cut into bite-size pieces, and sold to school children during lunch break and after school. 5. The last section is devoted to income derived from the various aspects of rice cultivation. a) Many farmers, particularly wealthy ones, derive added income from the rental of farm equipment. ,A farmer who owns neither engine nor rahad is obliged to rent them if he wishes to irrigate his fields. Rental costs are 50 baht per day plus kerosene - 30 baht. If he owns no buffalo, he must rent them if he expects to get his fields plowed and harrowed and his paddy threshed. Buffalo are rented out for 50 tang of rice per year (May through January). Winnowing machines rent for five baht a day and -can winnow roughly eight hundred tang in this time.

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A COMMUNITY STUDY IN THAILAND

b) An ever increasing method of deriving income in Bangkhuad is to hire oneself out for wages. This is possible because of the yearly increase in the discrepancy between the number of wealthy and poor farmers. Each year, several households sell or cease renting their small farms. Through the system of partitioned inheritance in which all children receive an equal part of the land, the acreage per capita is dwindling into plots so small in size that certain members of the household have little alternative but to sell. Meanwhile there is a trend toward primogeniture as several families have left what little land they had to the oldest son. This, coupled with the increasing facility of reaching Bangkok, resulting in more frequent visitations by the younger members of the community, is increasing the number of those giving up farming and turning to wage-income jobs in Bang-,, kok. As one farmer (10 raj) claimed, “If my five children get jobs in Bangkok at 300baht a month, they could bring home almost 18,000baht a year. That is more than we could make on our farm in ten years.” In Bangkhuad (1954) there were 30 households which neither owned nor rented rice fields, so they depended on hiring out, and on the sales of foods to earn their daily rice. A total of 130 individuals out of 740 were dependent on wage income. That is 17.5 per cent as compared to 14 per cent in 1952, or an increase of over 3.5 per cent in two years. In hiring out, the farmer is solicited a week in advance. If someone else offers him a better price, he goes to the first man and tells him. If the latter needs the farmer, he will up his wage to meet the other’s price; if not, he finds someone else. Since the wages are discussed by the workers involved and the hirers as well, there is little chance for cheating in either direction. Wages received for hiring out for the various rice cycle jobs are shown in Table I.

BAHT DPM* Plowing, per raj (supplying plow and buffalo) Plowing, per raj (without buffalo and plow) Harrowing, per raj (supplying buffalo and harrow) Harrowing, per raj (without buffalo and harrow) Gathering rice for transplanting, per raj Transferring crop, per 100 bundles Transplanting, per raj Harvesting, per raj (depending on amount of water in the field) Gathering the harvest, per 100 bundles (distance of one-half kilometre) *Days required Per Man. TABLE I

60 16 35 10 30 15 25-30

1 1 i i 2

30-50

4

25

2

.2

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All farms of 20 raj or more find it necessary to hire some help at the above wages. However, use of khauraeng and awraeng benefits everyone except those with no property. These are the methods which are still employed for over 70 per cent of the various cultivation tasks. Awraeng is the most widely used of the two methods; it guarantees the various individuals who participate that they will also get the work •done on their own farms. Awraeng is used for harvesting, transplanting, and pool digging. It works in this manner. A promises to work 10 raj ior B , i i B will work 10 raj for A when his fields are ready. If B ■can only work eight raj, he will send over another person, G, who •owes B two raj, to make up B’s dept to A . If A is hiring on a cash basis, then B sends G and G must give B the wages for the two raj. B, in this case, must return the money to A. If a farmer shirks his •end of the bargain, word gets about and next year he will have difficulty getting people to awraeng with him. In such a case, he' will have “to promise to work four raj for three, or if on a wage basis, for less wages than the others. | Khauraeng is used by all families for housebuilding, and occasionally for pool and pond digging. It is exclusively used by the well-to-do ■for transplanting and harvesting. Here they ask an indebted relative to round up all other debtors and persons for whom the wealthy •farmer has rendered small services during the year. He thus gets his fields done practically free. However, he may, if so inclined, allow this work to be deducted from the debt. With khauraeng, in contrast to awraeng, there is no feeling of reciprocation. The host must supply wine and food to all the workers and that is all. A chicken or two may be killed and served with the food. j It is becoming increasingly difficult for the great majority of •farmers to obtain part-time hired help, as the poor farmers who hire out are always working for the wealthy farmers to whom they are Indebted. This has resulted in a number of farmers having to hire help from other villages. ‘ | Hour households, all with over 80 raj, hire farmers by; the year. ‘Three of these households hire two people and the fourth, jonly one.. Help of this type is always from another village, and usually from .another province. Two of the four households hire two young men from the northeast for a nine-month period — May to February. ‘They live with the family, eat with them, and are given two suits ■of working clothes (black shirt and black trousers), cigarettes and , betel. Their salary is paid at the end of the year. During the year, they may borrow money which is deducted from their final wage. They may draw up to 500 baht but must first have worked -5

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six months. Women are paid 900 baht for the nine months, and men 1200. These workers are sometimes treated as members of the family, but not always. For example, one farmer had hired two boys from Khorad. Two months before their stint was up, he made life so miserable for them that they left without their pay, which was as the farmer had intended. J c) A great many farms derive income from the rental of land. Of a total of 3891 raj plowed. 1390 (35.7-per-cent-kare rented. And of the 3511 raj owned, 1651 (47 per cent) are rented out. Of a total of 135 households, 32 (23.7 per cent) neither own nor rent rice fields; 46 (34 per cent) rent, but do not own rice fields ; 14 (10.3 per cent) own, but must also rent rice fields; 25 (18.5 per cent) own rice fields and do not rent; 17 (12.5 per cent) own and rent out land. Absentee landlordism exists only in hamlet 12. Here the poorer farmers rent a total of 362 raj from the village headman at Kilopaed. Rental costs of land range from three baht a raj to 90 baht a raj, depending in general on the quality of the land, and the relationship of the owner to the renter. The standard price for land rental is eight tang per raj, or 60 baht . Of the sixty households who rent land, forty-two of them claimed to pay eight tang per raj-, eight paid 60 baht, and the other ten paid varying amounts. Small plots of land (five raj or less) are occasionally rented in exchange for labor, i.e., pne farmer offers another farmer five raj to cultivate if the latter promises to plow ten of his raj. One farmer rents 20 raj to his sister at three baht a raj. Another rents 15 raj to his son at five baht a raj. One poor farmer pays 800 baht for 10 raj of very inferior land which produces a yield of only 20 tang a raj. Thus, for all his labor, he receives only 800 baht profit. d) The last and greatest source of income comes from the sale of rice itself. The quality of Bangkhuad rice is fairly homogenous. The difference in price offered to one farmer whose land is considered poor, as compared with the best price offered to a farmer with good land was only 90 satang a tang, or 90 baht a kwian. The price of rice fluctuates from year to year, and is determined by the national export market. In 1952, the farmer received 840 baht a kwian. In 1953, he received only 780 baht. These figures are based on the price offered by the middleman during the months of January and February. For the wealthier farmers, who could wait until June or July, a higher price was offered at that time.

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The Role of the Chinese Middleman A final word must be devoted to the important role of the Chinese middleman before leaving this section on village economy. As mentioned in the opening chapter, Chinese control key roles in the economy of Thailand. If one listens only to a Bangkok Thai on the subject of the Chinese, one will have a quite distorted picture of the actual role of the Chinese in rural Thai culture, Bor in Bangkhuad" as well as in other rural areas, the Chinese are liked, respected, and seldom slighted or looked upon with the contempt found in the urban areas. The role of the Chinese in the urban areas is not the same as( it is in the rural areas. Nor is the middleman the only Chinese thai> the Bangkhuad farmer encounters in his daily life. At the larger markets frequented by the farmers (Bangbua, Minburi, Kilopaed, and Bangkok), they trade with them consistently, by necessity. (Thej0hinese_pwn oyer 80 per .cent of shops in Thailand.) The middleman is not merely a stranger who enters the village once, does his business, and leaves. He is a friend, welcomed into the house. He is friendly with all the members of the household and especially with the children. He knows that the best way to the farmers’ heart is through the children, and makes every effort to ingratiate himself. In addition, he is usually a better conversationalist than the farmer, and always comes with news, gossip, and amusing stories from other villages. There is always a joking relationship between the Chinese middleman and the Bangkhuad farmer. Various households form strong attachments to one particular middleman, and freguently they trust him with two or three human of paddy on only his promise to return with the money within the week. The Chinese middleman to whom the Bangkhuad farmer sells his rice represents not only the farmer’s greatest source of income, but also, for many, someone from whom money can be borrowed “without interest,” or at very low rates of interest. The term “without interest” actually conceals an exploitative situation from which the farmer suffers perennially. It is true that no monetary interest is exacted on loans made to him, but the repayment is promised in terms of so many tang at the next harvest, theoretically equivalent to the value of the loan, and determined by the price of a tang during the last harvest season. Diming the past ten years (with the exception of 1953), the price of rice has risen slightly each year. In addition, the middleman is always in a position to offer his debtor less for the rest of his rice than he would ordinarily, and thus indirectly obtains what would be more than the normal rate of interest. In most cases, the farmer is obligated to sell to him, for he knows that he will, no doubt, have to borrow again that year. 6*

CHAPTER IV GOVERNMENT AND LAW

FTIhere abe three institutional complexes in Bangkhuad which -L have major affiliations with the regime in Bangkok: government, education, and formal religion. The Bangkhuad farmer’s concept of the larger aspects of Thai government is extremely limited and superficial. The King is regarded as the Father of the country, and is greatly revered. His power is still believed to be as great as it has ever been. The Field Marshal is regarded as a big brother. Without the influence of the father, the big brother would be an unruly person. Though over two decades have elapsed since the cmp d’etat, the change in government has had little effect on the political consciousness of the Bangkhuad farmer. Field Marshal Phibun is known primarily through two laws that he inaugurated in the early post-war years, and which have since been revoked —the requirement that shoes and hats be worn by men and women when visiting the district seat, and the prohibition on the selling and chewing of betel. It is often quite difficult to classify a form of behavior as being a part of government rather than, let us say, a part of social organization. By the same token, it is difficult to describe power structure within the village as being a part of government rather than a part of any other institution in the village, for it is certainly not a part of any one formal structure. Thus, the term “Government” in the heading of this chapter is used to indicate all those aspects of village culture which are recognized by the villagers to be affiliated directly with the village headman and, directly or indirectly, with , the district headman. The intra-village hierarchy has been treated in Chapter II under Social Structure. Power N on-Structure in Bangkhuad Since Bangkhuad consists of three separate hamlets each with its its own headman, the only unifying factor in the village is the wat. Although its abbot is the most influential member of the community, it would be a travesty to say that he is the- most powerful. Nor can one say-that the headmen, as such, are the most powerful. They are chosen as much for their generosity as for their wealth, and therefore do not represent a threat to any of the villagers. The extent to which 68 c'

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they exert power lies in obtaining free help from their debtors, but this type of power is also possessed by other wealthy farmers. The abbot, who can and does actually wield influence to his own advantage within a limited range, is checked by his inability to become thoroughly engrossed in mundane affairs. Thus, there comes into play an informal series of checks and balances which militates against any one person obtaining too large a sphere of influence. Large land owners are potentially in a position of great power. They can buy out poorer farmers, refuse to lend them money with which to buy necessary articles for cultivation, and can refuse to rent needed land and equipment to them. The rich land owners do not exploit this power unduly since the prerequisites of wealth are fairly simple. More wealth means more gold chains and gold belts, and a more elaborate funeral. Tractors, cars, and an elaborate house are neither necessary nor desired. Great wealth might enable the farmer to establish himself in Bangkok, but here again, fear and illiteracy are strong impediments against a move to the compleXj competitive existence of the urban area. Thus there is no major incentive for power as a means to wealth. The village farmer is not interested in power for its own sake; it exists as a prestige factor, but within limitations. One cannot hope to rise higher than the level of kamnan without the proper education, but with education, the farmer tends to sever his ties with the village and move to the urban areas. In short, there is neither incentive nor outlet. The Buddhistic values which emphasize non-agressiveness, honesty, and indifference to fortune and misfortune militate against strong drives for leadership and power. Another factor to consider is that each household enjoys its autonomy. In contrast to the Chinese clan system where one- household may wield considerable influence over the other members of the clan, the Bangkhuad farmers are neither leaders nor followers. They are too busy and too concerned with their day-to-day subsistence, and when the harvesting is over, their interest turns from toil to sanug (pleasure). In Chapter I the general formal government in Thailand was described. Suffice it to say here that the villager has no contact with any officials higher than the district officer, and very few persons actually have any contact with him. With this in mind, we shall begin with a description of the district office and work down to the hamlet.

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The District Office The district office is a small, two-storied wooden structure with offices on both floors. It is located on Saensaeb Canal, one of the main arteries leading to Bangkok (a two-hour trip by motor-boat). In 1954, a road was completed, joining the district seat with Bangkok (a one-hour trip by bus). It is eight miles via canal from Bangkhuad and a three-hour trip by boat. With the two new roads —the Minburi and the Bangkapi (district seat) —the farmer can arrive there in one and a half hours by bus. The district office is the lowest level in the central government hierarchy, which is staffed with civil servants. It is also the smallest administrative unit that has its own budget. Departments represented here are: 1) the Ministry of Interior, with seven persons; 2) the Ministry of Education, with five persons; 3) the Department of Health, with two persons ; 4) the Department of Taxes, four persons ; 5) Ministry of Agriculture, one person; 6) Ministry of Defense, one person. The district officer has three assistants and three clerks to help him in the management of the other five offices and the entire district, comprised of ten communes, each with its commune head. These ten communes are further divided into 107 hamlets, each with its hamlet head. Of interest to us is commune Khlaungkhum, comprised of four villages which are made up of thirteen hamlets. Bangkhuad includes hamlets 10, 11, and 12. A village can be defined as a group of hamlets with the majority of the residents affiliating themselves with the wat which bears the name of the village. The village and wat affiliations are usually one and the same. The supervisor and his assistants are in charge of various aspects of education, such as the setting of examination dates, dates for the opening and closing of school, issuance of bulletins from the Ministry of Education, teachers’ salaries, etc. In the Department of Health, one finds a midwife and a licensed doctor (one who has had a few years experience administering first aid, treating minor wounds, giving innoculations, etc.). Only three of the farmers have ever gone to the district doctor; distance is the main deterrent. The representatives of the treasury are responsible for the collection of land taxes, fish taxes, and store taxes. Only the first of these concerns the people of Bangkhuad. A fish tax should be levied. The catch of the Bangkhuad farmer is so small, however, that it' is neglected. Stores that gross less than 80 baht per day are not taxed, and so there are no store taxes in Bangkhuad.

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The representative from the Ministry of Agriculture advises farmers on matters pertaining to irrigation, plant rotation, rice pests, animal diseases, etc. It is also the duty of this official to try to improve the yearly output of rice and other agricultural products. No one in the village ever claimed to have used these services personally, nor had any one ever seen the official in the village. Indirectly, through the village headman, they have been advised to raise a second Crop after the winter harvest and to use fertilizer. The Military Department is in charge of registering all men of eighteen years of age, and drafting the needed number designated by the upper echelons in Bangkok. The district head is, in most cases, a graduate of the School of Political and Moral Sciences in Bangkok. His rank is Officer Second Class (chantho). His salary is 1500 baht per month. His subordinates are Officers Third Class (chantri). Below them are the petty officers (chanchatawa), who are clerks. The length of appointments ranges from two to ten years, with the usual term around four. The present district officer (39 years of age) has been in office four years. His duties are: supervising; issuing certificates of birth, marriage, divorce, and death; registering aliens, buffalo, all men of draft age (18 years), all children of school age (eight years) ; arbitrating matters concerning wills, sale and transfer of property; administering elections of the village headman; choosing the commune headman; and collecting rice and fish taxes. Not all the above-listed duties, however, concern the Bangkhuad farmer. In addition to the monthly provincial meetings of district heads held on the seventh of each month in Bangkok, the district head must call a monthly meeting of the village and commune heads. It is at these meetings that all news and demands from the top echelons are passed on to the headmen, who in turn relay them to the farmers, thus completing the chain. These meetings are held on the tenth of each month. The commune and village heads all gather at 11 a.m. at the village seat.. The commune heads sit facing the district head and his assistants. Behind the commune heads sit the village headmen, as many as there are chairs. The last to arrive stand along the edges. The commune heads are conspicuous by their khaki uniforms and their three thin gold stripes. The headmen are conspicuous by their lack of uniform. The district head is the last to arrive. At his arrival, all stand up until he is seated. He reads the messages which the various ministries have passed down to him. As he reads, several of the commune heads may take notes. The village headmen rarely do so. At the end of each message, one of the commune heads may ask a question, though more often they do not. The

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following in eludes items which may be found on the agenda at one meeting : 1. All Moslems who paid for boat passage to Mecca are asked to turn in their names and get their money back at the government office. (The boat company went bankrupt.) 2. The Department of Religion has announced that the Trajpidok (a collection of Buddhist texts) has already been printed in 4000 baht and 2000 baht editions with cabinet. All those who are interested in having one of these for their wat may make contributions to the abbot. (One village headman remarked under his breath that it could be bought cheaper elsewhere.) 3. The Government wants people to lend it money and asks farmers to buy bonds. (Rate of interest was not stated.) Ask the people to give their money to the district head and he will give them a receipt. The bonds will be forwarded. (This was aimed at the wealthier members.) 4. A warning to the people that aerial pictures will be taken and that they should not be alarmed by planes flying low over the area. 5. All must renew licenses for selling medicine by January first, or face a 100 baht fine. 6. “How much did they get for their paddy” ? Various people were asked, and the replies varied from 720 to 760 baht. The district officer advised that, since 900 was the price last year, it would be better to wait, since many foreign factors were coming to Thailand to buy rice. When one commune head said he had debts to pay and had to sell at 720, he was advised to delay paying the debt and wait for a better price. 7. The farmers were advised where to buy fertilizer. The district officer asked them whether they used it and what were the results. They were also told whom to see about details concerning cheap fertilizer. He advised them to come to the district head to get more information. “How about irrigation engines?” “We don’t have enough,” was one reply. Another said that the present ones were too big, that a two-horsepower engine was sufficient, and that there was no need for a four-horsepower engine, which required too much gasoline, as well as four men to carry it. The district officer informed them of an American firm selling good engines which could be paid for in installments. 8. The hamlet headmen were asked to get new statistics cm farmers who had recently bought land and not reported it. The hamlet headmen will get two per cent of tax income for their services. 9. The hamlet headmen and commune headmen were asked to urge the villagers to raise telapia fish. “But you must set the example; I’ll give you all the information.” 10. The district officer told headmen to urge the farmers to plant green peas after the harvest. They themselves must set the example and must plant two ngan, and report the results to him. It was ex-

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plained that the government was trying to help the farmer; that, after the war, all countries were in need of food and had started to raise their own rice. If Thailand finds no rice market, the farmers will have to depend on other crops. 11. “Beware of certificates from fake doctors who sell them at 2000 to 4000 baht, and letters of certification that state that your son is mentally unsuited to become a soldier.” This was a letter read by the district head from the Ministry of Interior. He asked if any cases of this kind had turned up in their communes. One said, “No, because we are too near Bangkok. This is an up-country practice.” 12. The district officer warned about defecating and urinating in the rice fields, etc. “If cholera comes, all will die.” Thus he urged them to induce the villagers to set up outhouse latrines at 60 baht per household. “If the villagers don’t do it on their own, the government will make a law in 2500 (1957) forcing all farmers to have them.” He explained how flies carry the disease from the faeces to the house, and ended by saying, “Every human eats properly and sleeps properly ; therefore, he should also defecate properly.” 13. The district officer asked the headmen to report on the number of boats the villagers could muster should the soldiers need them in an emergency. 14. There will be a New Year’s festival and dinner on the first of January; the cost is 20 baht per person. “You don’t have to come, but your presence is requested to help defray the expense.” After the last message is read, the district officer stands up, the others rise, and he departs. There are no questions asked of the headmen, or by the headmen. The attitude of the district head is that if the headmen have any problems, they should not trouble him, but should take them up with their respective commune heads. On one occasion, a village headman was asked if all was well with his hamlet. He smiled sheepishly and merely nodded his head in the affirmative. This unilateral exchange of information results in a continuous neglect of basic village problems. Direct contact between the village headmen and the district officer is difficult. The relationship between the two is anything but one of mutual respect or compatibility. The headman fears and mistrusts the naj ampoe, and the naj ampoe looks askance at the meek and illiterate farmer. The attitude of the farmers concerning these monthly meetings is that they are a big joke. This is a tragedy, for the potential good that could result from them is considerable. In practice, however, these meetings are merely a formality in which the headmen play only a passive role. Democracy of this nature is not a relatively new concept for the .farmer, for he understands fully its implications. This understanding has resulted in frustration, as he sees that he has little actual say in the policies made and no power to effect the

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needed improvements. He sees that it is not really democracy as he practises it in his village, and at the same time, he does not feel that it should be. Why should he, a poor farmer, have a voice concerning matters that are far above him. It is the general consensus in the village that district officers are all corrupt, and that money allocated to the village never leaves the district seat. The villagers reason that they pay four baht tax on every raj owned between six and 500. (For all raj over 500, the farmer pays eight baht. For plots of five raj or less, there are no taxes.) This money is sent to Bangkok where 25 per cent of it is then returned to the district seat. Income from commune Khlaungkhum, with its 18,000 raj, is over 200,000 baht (according to the district officer); and a quarter of this amount, the farmers reason, belongs to them. The working political unit, however, is the district and not the commune; so the farmer errs in assuming that his commune is entitled to 50,000 baht each year. The allocation of these funds is left to the discretion of the district head. Nevertheless, the idea that there is some corruption at the district level is not without reason. During the war, the villagers were asked to contribute money at various times for such things as a small rice mill, canal dredging, a machine gun, a dam, all of which were promised to be for the benefit of the villagers. None of these things materialized, nor was the money returned. Another and more cogent example of the farmers’ frustration concerns the deepening of the canal. In 1949, several requests were made by the village headmen to the district officer for funds with which to hire the needed help. Action was promised for 1950. In 1950, the headmen were told that no funds had arrived but that surely in 1951 they would be able to start work. In 1951, the district head was transferred and the newly-appointed head claimed complete ignorance of the matter but promised that he would see what could be done. When in 1953 still no funds were in the offing, a special visit was made by the hamnan to the district seat. There he was told that the 25 per cent share of the tax funds had already been allocated to another commune that year because the urgency in this locale was greater than elsewhere—a subsidiary canal had to be extended. The district head promised to obtain the necessary funds (20,000 baht) in April, the month in which funds are allocated to the district seat. The headmen were skeptical and decided that they would try to get donations from the villagers. They received 5000 baht, hired twenty men, and began work in February. The canal was dug along

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one side only, in order to make certain that the farmers on the other side would dig on the return trek (for one-half the width was not enough to permit boats to pass one another). The money was promised by the district head in May. On the first of June, the money had not yet arrived. Since the rains that year had not yet begun, the farmers could have continued digging, but having misgivings as to the materialization of funds, they abandoned the project one by one, refusing to work on credit. The district officer, however, is not entirely to blame. Each village feels that its needs are more important than those of the next village. Furthermore, the villagers cherish the illusion that there are sufficient funds at the district office to satisfy all of their requests. They are unaware of actual procedures and the red tape involved at all levels above that of the district office. The farmers’ nearest contact with the Thai government is the district head. He is- a convenient scapegoat; all ignored requests are attributed to corruption at the district level. The Commune Head The commune head also serves as a hamlet headman, one who has been living in the commune for a long period of time and who is well acquainted with the people and the area. There is a strong tendency for the district head to choose the same kamnan that served the last district head, as a matter of expediency. The kamnan has at his service a messenger who receives 40 baht a month. The kamnan of Khlaungkhum commune is not highly respected by the other hamlet headmen because “he can neither read nor write,” although the actual resentment may well derive from the fact that he is a Moslem. His salary is 120 baht per month (for travel expenses). .In theory, the village headmen report to him all cases of sickness and death, all problems concerning agriculture, and any other problems that may arise in the village. In matters of great urgency, the kamnan may be circumvented. In practice, as previously mentioned, •he is always by-passed. The Hamlet Headman The hamlet headman is elected by popular vote by the members of his hamlet. (All persons over 21, or 18 and married, are eligible to vote.) Though in theory, elections should be held every five years, headmen tend to remain in office, until they resign (usually at 60) or die. One hamlet headman resigned at 60, but took it upon himself to

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substitute his son. The villagers could have ousted him with a marjority vote; no one, however, took the trouble to complain and no action followed. In the event of death or resignation, new elections are held. The procedure is as follows : The district head posts a notice in the village wat, stating the time and place of the elections and advising all potential candidates to turn their names in to the district office. Any male in the village who is 21 or older is eligible for the position of headman. According to the villagers, an ideal hamlet headman should be married, for .he then commands greater respect; he should not drink in excess or be promiscuous; he should neither gamble nor indulge in narcotics. If young, he should try to act old and dignified. He should attend the wat on all important occasions and on some holy days. The length of time he has been a monk is not important,, but he must have served at least three months —one Lenten period. Several days before the election is to take place, the headmen from the other hamlets go about from house to house notifying the various households of the time and date of the elections, urging everyone who is eligible, to vote. Campaigning is done by the candidate himself. He may go aboutfrom house to house telling people what he will try to do for the hamlet, should he be elected. He may give a big feast at his house. He may try to buy votes and may even try to bribe the districtofficer to miscount the votes in his favor. The farmers will discusa casually the various candidates among themselves, speaking of such merits as character, wealth, and willingness to help others. The abbot, may be questioned as to his choice. Although he never commits himself, and always avers that he knows very little about such mundane matters, he does, nevertheless, discuss the candidates in terms of their wat attendance. An election witnessed by the author was held in August, 1953. (The headman of hamlet 12 had died the previous June.) At 10:30 a.m., the district officer, accompanied by two of his assistants, arrived via motor boat. The headmen of hamlets 10 and 11 were there to meet him. A table and several chairs had been set up under the shade of a tree on the wat compound. Though there had just been an election in hamlet 11 the previous year, it was the first election, which had been held in the village since 1936. Many of the villagers(mostly children), representing all three hamlets, had gathered toobserve this phenomenon. Prior to the voting, the district head made a short speech describing the qualities that a village headman should have: “You are all honored today to be able to choose a man to lead and to help

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you. The man you choose will be the one who will look after the welfare of his fellow villagers, report all births, contagious diseases, and deaths that may occur. He should be able to read and write. He should be conscientious in his duties, honest, and unselfish. He should report all illegal activities, such as the making of rice whiskey, gambling, and the raising of khatom (a substitute for opium)., He should collect taxes. He should try to rid the community of bad influences and try to bring peace and happiness to all its members. He should go about and pass on to the villagers all the information that is given to him at the district meetings.” (There are no bulletin boards in front of the headman’s house such as exist in other areas ; all notices are glued to a post of the main wat sala or the small sala at the entrance to the village. Villagers who can read pass this information on to their neighbors. Two of the headmen have a bamboo gong which is beaten whenever emergency announcements are to be made. In former days, it was sounded every month to aimounce that there was news and everyone should assemble to hear it.) Following the speech, the villagers lined up, and one by one wrote their choice on a slip of paper, signed their names, folded the paper and dropped it into the box. For those who could not write, the district head wrote their choice and signed their names. (On certificates, titles, and other documents, those who cannot write must place their thumbprint.) At 2:00 p.m., the assistants counted the votes and announced the name of the new headman. No emotions were expressed by the voters in order not to offend those who did not win. The small delegation from the district office left immediately. ' There were four candidates, A, B, C, and D. The votes received were 47, 17, 11, and 4, respectively. When the losers were questioned as to why they thought they had lost, the following replies were received: B (26 years old) asserted that the district officer was corrupt and wrote in his own choice on all the ballots of voters who were not able to write. B received 14 votes from family and relatives, two from friends, and his own vote. Those questioned as to why they did not vote for candidate B gave these reasons : his father is not a good man; his father is selfish; since the son must obey the father, the latter would actually be the village headman; he would take advantage of his position to khauraeng farmers to do his heavy work; he is dishonest and used bribes to gain votes; has only four years of education; was never ordained and never attends the wat on holy days ; he is too young to understand the problems of the farmers. The reason given by candidate O (50 years old) for having lost the

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election was : he didn’t have enough relatives. (Actually, he has more relatives than candidate A.) He received eight votes from his family and relatives, one from a friend, and his own. Reasons for not voting for O. were as follows : he didn’t have enough wealth and thus could not help others; he tends to be lazy; he has not shown much interest in the welfare of the hamlet in the past; he is too old. Candidate D (32 years old) gave no reason for having lost. Others said that he was too quick-tempered; he had just served a prison sentence; he is a good man but must prove himself for a few more years. This candidate’s four votes came from his wife, two sisters, and himself. Everyone was very glad that candidate A (32 years old) was to be the new headman. Reasons for voting for him were: he is kind and generous; always helps his neighbors and friends; attends the wat and is on the wat committee. Of the 128 eligible voters in hamlet 12, only 79 voted (61 per cent). The others were “busy,” or “guarding the house.” Many did not vote for fear of offending the candidates for whom they would not have voted. Indifference and apathy toward the elections come from the farmers’ years of experience with government procedure as manifested at the district office, coupled with the completely impotent position of the village headman in cases where requests have been made and continually shunted or ignored. As they themselves say, “How can we fish in deep water when our arm is only so long"?” Women are barred from acting as headmen because of the alleged potential and actual danger involved, i.e., trying to round up or give chase to thieves. Each headman is expected to have a gun and be able to use it, if necessary; “women know nothing about firearms.” Some males in the village expressed their reluctance to become headmen because of the responsibility and trouble entailed with so little remuneration —60 baht per month. Other villagers say, however, that since bus service on the two new roads has cut to one-half the travel time necessary for each monthly meeting, the prestige accrued by being headman is worth the inconveniences. Police. Discipline is maintained only through social pressure, inasmuch as there are no police stationed in the village. The nearest police box is in Khanajaw, a distance of seven kilometres. Thus in the event of a murder, knifing, or robbery, it is always at least half a day before the police arrive.

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During large Wat festivals, two or three policemen will be sent to the village at the request of the abbot. The police, on these occasions, are welcomed by the villagers. In-group feeling is strong among villagers, and in large gatherings of this kind, where hundreds of visitors from other villages attend, occasional flare-ups occur. This happens particularly when groups of visiting young men make derogatory remarks to the youths of Bangkhuad. Sometimes, too, groups of young soldiers from other areas bully the young men or annoy the young women of the village. From time to time, the police (one or two) will pay a visit to the village to see that all is well, and to check up on illegal practices such as rice-whiskey production, growing of khatom plants, and gambling. On one occasion, two policemen disguised as farmers, walked by the lookout and surprised a group of seven farmers engaged in a card game being played, as always, for illegal stakes. Since these games occur only periodically, it was thought that the police had been forewarned. The players were taken to the Khanajaw station and kept there subject to bail. In hamlet 12 (the poorest), there are 28 persons on record with the police for offenses ranging from gambling to knifing. In hamlet 11 there are two ; and in hamlet 10, none. The fine for a second offense is double the first. If three years elapse between offenses, however, the first is no longer considered. Robberies are relatively frequent and are often accompanied by violence. The loot sought ranges from rice to gold, in the form of belts and neck-chains. In the event of a robbery, there is a great deal of talk, but little action is taken towards recovering the stolen articles. The reason for this are: 1) dislike on the part of the Bangkhuad farmer for creating a scene; 2) distrust of the police, who are believed to be in cahoots with the robbers. More often than not, the robbers, if caught, are released within a matter of weeks, which only confirms the farmers’ skepticism and suspicion of collaboration between police and culprit. 3) Most farmers cannot afford to pay an inducement fee to the police to take action. A very wealthy family may, however, pay a small sum to the police or offer a reward for the recovered property. But even here, the results are not always satisfactory. 4) Finally, there is a prevalent belief that all that occurs in life is a result of personal Karma. In one household a man was murdered and the gun was identified as belonging to Z, who denied the. shooting and had an alibi. Nevertheless, he was jailed for the crime, and sentenced to fourteen years of hard labor. Several months later, the father of Z confessed the murder to some friends. No action, however, was taken. The wife of

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the falsely accused talked the matter over with her husband, and both decided (a) that they should not defy that which had been planned for them in this life, (b) that this suffering was the will of Buddha, and (c) that since it was the father who was guilty, it would be wrong for the son to take such action against him. Whenever a farmer leaves the village alone to visit another village, he takes along on his person a small axe, a metal rod, or a large knife wrapped in a piece of newspaper. (It is forbidden by law to carry exposed weapons.) Weapons are carried not so much for protection against robbers (who usually carry guns), but as a gesture of humbleness and weakness, paradoxical as it may sound. Should anyone enter another village without a weapon, the villagers assume that the visitor is so proud and sure of himself that he needs no weapon, and that perhaps he thinks himself superior and invulnerable. It quite often happens that the visitor will be asked by a slightly inebriated villager to produce his weapon; if he is unable to do so, he may be attacked by one or several of the villagers just to prove to their own satisfaction that he is as vulnerable as the next man. An informant related several examples of this type of behavior, though the last incident occured in 1951. The hamlet headmen must possess firearms. They are given gun permits, but must supply their own guns and ammunition. In addition to the headmen, there are only five families in Bangkhuad who own guns-. The requirements for possessing a gun are 10,000 baht worth of property (about five raj) and a certificate of ownership. The district officer will then furnish the owner with a permit. During the past few years, permits have been difficult to obtain. Property and Law All exchange, presentation, and sale of property must be made through the district office. Each owner has a deed for all his land which marks its boundaries. The sale of real property is an involved undertaking requiring the presence of both hamlet and district headmen. In the event that only a portion of the land described on the deed is sold, the difficulties of the transaction mount geometrically. One well-to-do farmer (80 raj) wanted to purchase 30 raj from another farmer. The 30 raj were in contiguous areas. However, the desired area was registered in three separate deeds of 50, 48, and 20 raj each. This would have involved issuing four new deeds, a process that would have taken eight months, and repeated visits to the district office. The farmer decided to buy the 20 raj only. It was five months before the paper were arranged, and involved no less than four trips to the district seat.

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The problems that arise in Bangkhuad concerning property derive in part from the farmers’ ignorance of legal procedure, and mainly from the discrepancies which exist between custom and codified law, especially since the laws have been changed several times during the past fifty years. Inheritance In general, it can be said that land is evenly divided among the offspring, regardless of a child’s marital status or 'size of.family. An adopted son inherits from his real parents, as well as from his foster parents. A step-father, on the other hand, will in most cases give his property to the children of his first wife. Wills may be drawn up in cases where the parents have no children, are very wealthy, or have remarried. Well-to-do parents, if they are very sick or aging, are requested by their children to make a will. This is done in order to avoid feuds and quarrels which might lead to auctioning of the property by the government. When this occurs, the proceeds of the auction are divided equally among the offspring. If there are no children, and no will has been made, the property is evenly shared by the brothers and sisters. There is no specified time for the division of land. If a farmer with 50 raj and four children has a son who is about to marry, he may turn over 10 raj to him if the deed is for that amount. If not, he will let the son work the 10 raj and the property is kept in the father’s name. This occurs quite frequently. The parents, instead of transferring the property, give the tract of land to the son or daughter to work. Thus keeping land in the parents’ name avoids the onerous task of partitioning it. It also affords the parents an opportunity of seeing whether or not the spouse is a diligent worker and responsible. The law states that with all contested property (cases where there is no will), the property goes first to the legal wife of the deceased. If there is no spouse, the children are next in line and will each inherit a similar amount. If there are no children, the land is evenly divided among the siblings. In the event that none of the above, .conditions exists, the government may claim the property. In this situation, the property is auctioned off and the proceeds turned over to the government. The law also states that in those cases where a will exists, and it can be proved to have been written in a moment of insanity, the will can be disputed. Otherwise, in theory, a will is not contested. When a person dies testate, the district officer is notified. He and the hamlet headman meet with all parties mentioned in the will. 6

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New deeds are drawn up for the various persons designated, and their names are inserted in the titular head of the new deed. The hamlet headman has already obtained the necessary information, and has inspected the property with the members of the family together with the owners of the adjacent lands, in order to avoid later disputes. The house and compound and an equal share of the land are inherited by the youngest son. The reason for this is a very practical one. The youngest son remains with the parents and provides for them in their old age. As mentioned earlier, the practice of ultimogeniture with regard to the house guarantees that the older members of the household will not be neglected when they can no longer till the soil. In households where there are no sons, the youngest daughter inherits the house and compound. The youngest son or daughter, as the case may be, will always bring his or her spouse to reside in the house. In the event that the youngest son has moved away (this has happened only once in Bangkhuad), the house will be left to the child who remains and cares for the parents. A favorite nephew may be given a tract of land if he has shown kindness and has been considerate of the uncle during the latter’s illness and old age. This happened twice according to the data given me and involved tracts of land equal to 20 per cent of the total property. In cases of remarriage, the children of the first wife receive a larger share of the property than the children of the second wife. (There are no examples in Bangkhuad of polygyny involving more than two wives.) In one instance which occurred in a wealthy family (300 raj), the three children of the first wife were given 60 raj each. The two children of the second wife each received 40 raj. The father also owned four houses. One was given to his first son, another was offered to his thirty-year old daughter on the condition that she marry. She refused, and the house was turned over to his second wife. A third house was sold to his second son. A widow, even if she remarries, is entitled to her share of her late husband’s property. There was an interesting case in 1954 involving a widow who was suing her mother-in-law for 50 raj which had been promised to the son, and which the daughter-in-law and son had been working together prior to his death. When the widow remarried, the land was delegated to another son. This was done because the motherin-law disliked the second husband of her daughter-in-law, and feared he would gamble away the property. Since the deed was still in her name, she felt justified. So bitter was the antagonism which arose over this case that the daughter-in-law refused to attend the cremation of her father-in-law, much to the stupefaction of the entire village.

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Another case occurred in 1950, and involved a farmer who had lived with a woman for 12 years. (At that time, a marriage license was not required, but divorce papers were necessary.) He remarried, but failed to get a divorce from his first wife. After 15 years of marriage, he died. There were no children, and no will was left. Thirty of his fifty raj were in his mother’s name. His brothers claimed rights to part of the 30 raj left in the mother’s name, but the second wife refused. The case was taken to court by the brothers. The first court gave the land to the brothers. The wife appealed to a higher court. At this point, the first wife put in a claim for the property, accusing the second wife of being only a mistress (nangbamry). The judge' decided to auction the property and to split the money among all the parties concerned. (Auctioning is the usual procedure in cases of this nature.) A third and very interesting contestation arose in 1953 concerning a former division (1948) of property among the children of a wealthy farmer. The will stated that each of the three sons and two daughters was to receive 20 raj. The sons managed to take the best land and left the higher land to the sisters. When the Minburi road was macadamized, this high land nearly quadrupled in value, being adjacent to the road. The sons asserted that, according to the will, all the property should have been evenly divided and that thus they were entitled to a part of the higher property. The case was brought to court in 1953, but it was still pending in 1954. One of the favorite topics of conversation concerns problems (current or past) involving property, its distribution, and the many concurrent ramifications. Wat-Secular Political Ties The wat committee (see p. 112 et seq.), comprised of four laymen and three monks, acts as an advisory board for issues concerning village and wat. It also establishes policy and details concerning wat functions, wat repair, etc. Political ties between the wat and the district seat exist only insofar as 1) official government notices are posted on the wat pillars ; 2) a list of monks residing at the wat must be sent each year to the district officer; and 3) all property donated to the wat must be handled through the district officer with the members of the wat committee present.

6*

CHAPTER V EDUCATION

TT DrrcATiON is the second of three institutional complexes in luBangkhuad which have major affiliations with Bangkok. It was not until 1934 that an elementary school was built in Bangkhuad. Prior to that time, education had been handled in the wat with the monks instructing. At the age of seven or eight, children whose families had relatives or good friends in the wat were sent there to serve as dekwat (wat houseboys) for these monks. In exchange, the children received a modicum of education. They were taught some reading and writing, the teachings of Buddha and Buddhist law. This education tended to be predominantly a preparation for the monkhood and was held in high esteem by all the villagers. Pupils often remained in the wat school until 17 or 18 years of age. Those living near the wat came by day, but many of the others roomed and boarded there. The students were taught to recite in Pali and to read and write in both Thai and Khmer, since most of the monks were Cambodian and used their own books. Students attended classes six days a week and on holy-day (wanphra) as well. The abbot held that, since the students were so often absent because of duties in the rice fields, holy-day would have to be a school day. Punishment for laziness was meted out by the abbot and consisted of washing out the eating bowls, sweeping the sala, cleaning the compound, and cutting the grass. Students were never beaten, for in the words of the abbot, “It would do absolutely no good.” Vocational training was left primarily in the hands of the household, and operated on an apprentice basis. This is still the practice today, though with the tremendous increase in manufactured goods, handicraft arts are virtually dead. There were exceptions to apprenticeship. A musician was hired from Bangkok by the abbot to teach the children to play various percussion instruments. Five young pupils attended weekly classes. They paid several baht a month for the teacher and for the use of the instruments which belonged to the abbot. As the educational program expanded, the government gradually increased the number of its teachers, and the role of the monk as educator gradually diminished. However, until school houses could be built, classes were still held in the wats. 84

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The Bangkhuad school, a one-storied wooden building raised On concrete piles, was erected in the wat compound. Begun in 1933, it was completed the following year. There are five classrooms and one office-reading room for the teachers. Each classroom is equipped with simple rectangular tables and benches, and one wooden blackboard mounted on an easel. In front of the school is a large grass field where calisthenics are practised and games played. The area under the building is used for recitation and study. To the north of the building are two small -outhouses; directly in front of the school is the flagpole. The school curriculum is under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education. The representatives for the district are located at the Bangkapi district office. These officials are responsible for the distribution of the annual funds allocated to the district by the Ministry —funds including salaries of teachers and janitors, maintenance, and other school needs. School books, pencils, and paper are supposed to be given free to needy children. Selection of needy ones is left to the head teacher. In addition to allocating funds, the district education officials supervise the school curriculum (determined by the upper echelons in Bangkok), set dates of vacations and examinations, and are supposed to make yearly visits to the schools —a duty more honored in the breach than in the observance. Every year, a notice is posted on a pillar of the sala announcing that all children who have reached their seventh birthday, or who were born in such and such a year, must be registered at the district office within the next month. Ih this way, an accurate, estimate is made of the size of enrollment, as well as making it easier to check truancy. Each household must supply its children with the proper uniform: khaki shorts, leather belt, and white shirt for boys; blue skirt and white blouse for girls. (No shoes and no underwear are worn.) Teachers wear khaki trousers .and khaki shirts. Erom 1934 to ’38, six grades of elementary (pratom) school were compulsory. Since secular education was not very popular at that time, and boys were still attending school at the ages of 17 and 18 (not having applied themselves well enough to pass), the last two levels were dropped. In accordance with the national education. plan, the elementary education program now covers a period of four years of study divided into pratom 1, 2, 3, and 4. The breakdown of enrollment in Bangkhuad is as follows: pratom one-53 ; pratom two-60 (this is divided into 2a and 2b) ; pratom three39; pn-atom four-29. No grade higher than pratom four is taught in Bangkhuad. Enrollment includes students from the four villages

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■within the commune: Bangkhuad 82, Carakebua 45, Ladpraw 45, Khanajaw 9, totaling 181. The number of school days per week is six, with a minimum of annual class days set at 200. Twenty-eight hours of class per week are recommended, with no more than five per day, and no class hour longer than forty-five minutes. There are two recesses of 15 minutes and 60 minutes, respectively. Classes begin at 8:30 a.m. and end at 3 : 00 p.m. Since the exact distribution of hours is left to the discretion of the head school teacher, there is a large discrepancy between the proposed ideal and the actual number of hours that the children of Bangkhuad attend classes. Absenteeism during the dry season averages 10 pupils per day, or roughly six per cent. During the rainy season, there is a sharp increase to 30 pupils per day, or 18 per cent. The reasons for school absence vary, but in general can be attributed to bad communications, and duties around the house. All children interviewed .expressed a genuine liking for school and regretted the days they could not attend. Table II shows the suggested distribution of class hours. This table and the subsequent list of subjects were published by the Department of Elementary Education in the Ministry of Education. The goals suggested for these courses are those of the Department. SUGGESTED HOURS OF STUDY

Hours of Study per Week per Grade first third fourth second

Subjects

Morality Elementary Civics Thai Language : reading handwriting dictation composition Arithmetic Geography and History Nature Study Health Education Drawing Singing, Handicraft and Manual Work Physical Education, Boy Scouting, or Junior Bed Cross work TOTAL

1 1

1 1

I 1

1 1

4 2 2 3 3 2 2 1 1

4 2 2 3 3 2 2 1 1

3 1.5 1.5 3 4 2 3 1 1

3 1.5 1.5 3 4 2 3 1 1

3

3

3

3

3 28

3 28

3 28

3 28

TABLE H.

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JUorality. To develop faith in Buddhism and to bring about an awareness of religious functions. To develop good manners, character, and habits. To put public interest before personal interest. In addition to the regular secular classes, religious classes are held twice a Week. The life and teachings of the Buddha are presented in the simplest terminology. Once a month, one of the local monks comes and lectures for an hour to the entire student body. The sermon deals with some differences between merit and demerit (bun and bab). There is never a question and answer period. Civics. To develop a consciousness in the student of his duty to school, family, community, nation, King, and constitution. Thai. Literacy, increase of knowledge through reading; ability to express oneself, to carry on everyday business. Aritlvmetic. To promote concentration, orderly thinking; solve simple problems concerning trade, etc. Geography. To know about one’s own nation and the surrounding nations. To learn to appreciate the value of crops and national resources of Thailand. History. To learn about the great people in Thai history so that they may be emulated; to inculcate love of motherland. Nature Study. To train the student to exercise his sensory organs; to appreciate what men have learned from nature; to promote interest in the natural resources of Thailand. Health. To form health habits that will prevent disease. To teach first aid. Drawing. To improve the student’s sense of observation; to appreciate beauty through color; to develop habits of neatness and orderliness. Singing. To develop in the student a sense of rhythm and melody; to develop group participation. Handicrafts. To teach children to use their leisure time constructively. Here, they are taught animal husbandry, gardening, sewing, elementary carpentry, and how to care for household equipment. (In Bangkhuad, however, except for one class in sewing, handicrafts are neglected.) Physical Education. To inculcate respect for rules and regulations ; to develop sporting spirit. Boy Scout Training (Tiger Cub) or Junior Red Cross Work. To supplement home, temple, and school guidance. To promote high standards of citizenship, to strengthen national ideals and foster national spirit. To be merciful and aid others in distress. (This aspect of training is also neglected in Bangkhuad.) All subjects are taught by rote, with a minimum of writing prac-

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tised. The apathetic way in which the classes are conducted results in the accomplishment of very few of the previously outlined aims. The teaching method employed is for the teacher first to give the fact. The students then recite the fact. If a short story is told, a pupil will be asked to repeat it. Another, yet similar technique, is to have one of the pupils ask the class in sing-song fashion where or what a particular place or thing is, and to have the students reply in sing-song fashion ensemble. Home work is at a minimum. Examinations are held once a year in May and last for three or four days. They are conducted by the local teachers, though the questions are picked up at the district office. Twenty-five per cent of the students take five years to graduate. Fifteen per cent take six, and two per cent take seven years. The remaining 58 percent graduate in the expected four years’ time. The following table applied to Bangkhuad during the academic year 1953--54: 1st term 2nd term 3rd term

1st term

2nd term 3rd term

Months June-Sept. Oct.-Jan. Feb.-May

Vacation July 15-Aug. 15 Dec. 15-Jan. 15 April 1-May 1

Occasion Rice Planting Rice Harvesting Hot Weather

Official Holidays

Date

Wajkhru - ceremony of paying respect to teachers National Day Khawphansa — first day of Lent Constitution Day Makhabucha (Buddhist) Ghakri Day (National) Songkran (New Year) First Fruits (Animist) Wisakhabucha (Buddhist) Closing Day Ceremony tablein.

1st Thursday in June

No. of Days one

June 24

one

July 10 Dec. 10 Feb. 12 April 6 April 13-15 May 10 May 12 May 28

one one one one three one one one

The school year begins in early June and consists of three terms, each of three months’ duration. With the total number of holidays and vacations deducted, however, the actual number of school days seldom exceeds 200 during the year. Total number of potential school days in the year is 313 (no school on Sunday); there are 11 official holidays, nine pay days, and 90 days of vacation. This leaves a re-

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mainder of 203 class days. In addition to the legal holidays and vacations, the head teacher, if he has business elsewhere, ends the school day at noon. Although in theory salaries are collected once a month by the head teacher, more often than not, he sends one of the other teachers. On occasion, several of the teachers may go to collect the salaries-. In any event, classes are cancelled on those days. Wajkhru Ritual Wajkhru serves functionally a double role. Primarily it represents a reverence paid to the abstractions —“the teacher and learning,” — to the spirit of teaching and knowledge; to all the teachers in the scholastic fields, as well as to one’s particular teacher. Secondly, it functions in a sense as “opening day.” For until the ceremony is held, the teacher is theoretically not permitted to divulge any information that he has learned from another teacher. Wajkhru Day is always on a Thursday, usually the first one in June. In many schools, the ritual is preceded by a prayer chanted by a group of monks who have been invited to bless the school and the students. In Bangkhuad, this part of the ceremony is neglected. At nine A.M. the children assemble in the reading-office room of the school. Each child brings joss-sticks, candle, eggplant flower, pop-rice,> and grass. The last item symbolizes wisdom, which, it is hoped, will grow as easily and as rapidly. A student who has been the leader in the pratom four recitations is designated to act as leader in the ceremony. He gathers a large bunch of flowers, joss-sticks, and candles from various students. This is called the khryang bucha. These are placed, upon a special altar erected for this purpose. The altar consists of a simple school table upon which a cloth is laid. A small Buddha is placed on the cloth with two jars on his left for joss-sticks and two on his right for flowers. According to regulations, there should be a small orchestra- to accompany the ceremony, but the head teacher asserts that the school cannot afford it. The leader of each class carries up a set of books used by the class and places it on the altar. The students sit on the floor in waj position, with the- youngest students in front and the oldest students in back. The teachers sit on chairs on both sides of the altar, facing the students. The head teacher stands up, lights the joss-sticks and candles on the table, and. begins to recite the Arahangsama. This, in rough translation, is as follows: “I pay respect to the teachings of the Lord Buddha. I pay respect to the monks, the followers of Buddha...” The head teacher then blows out the candles, picks up a set of the books from the altar,

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and makes the three magic dots on a book {cymnangsy) with one of the candles. The purpose is to bestow upon the students a greater power for absorbing knowledge. The candle is then dipped into a special perfumed powder (paengkacae) and the sign of the unalom is made on the book. This is repeated with the represented books from the other three classes. Any student who so desires may also have the unalom sign or the cym (three dots) painted on his forehead by the head teacher. The cym is made by dipping the thumb, index, and middle fingers in the paste and applying it to the forehead. The only other school ceremony is the Closing Day Ritual which takes place on the next-to-last or third-to-last day of school. Each student brings food for the monks who have been invited to give a prayer of blessing {suadmon). Following the blessing, the monks eat. When they have finished, the students eat the remaining food. One of the monks relates a short story about the Buddha, and the ritual ends. Discipline in the school is rigid but not severe. The children enjoy receiving an education and the opportunity to be in a large social context with other children their own age. Among the teachers, however, morale is low. Classes are over-crowded; there is a paucity of necessary equipment such as chalk, maps, books, etc. What books there are are poorly written and dull for both the teacher and the pupil. Male teachers may not converse with women teachers except on school matters. All the teachers are aware of the new ECAFE experimental teaching project at Chachingsaw and look to the results of this project as the panacea for all these problems. The Ministry of Education has led them to believe that it will revolutionize all teaching methods throughout the nation. Another reason for low morale, perhaps the most important, concerns the lack of rapport between the head teacher and the other four teachers. The head teacher is of Lao origin which has caused his subordinates to look upon him with slight suspicion. The relationship between the head teacher and the abbot is anything but amicable —a situation which does not add to the head teacher’s popularity among the villagers. In 1950, the head teacher asked all pupils to have their parents contribute one tang of rice to the school in order to construct a playground (the rice would be sold with the proceeds being used to pay the laborers). About 80 tang (worth about 650 baht) were donated and later sold by the head teacher. Work on the field was postponed, however, because of harvesting, several cremations, and a six-week

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illness of the head teacher. By this time, the rains had set in and the project was postponed indefinitely. The head teacher insisted that the money meanwhile had been stolen, but others in the village asserted that he spent it. As a result, he now receives only minimal support when donations are needed. Here is a brief sketch of each of the five teachers and the janitor. The head school teacher is 50 years old. Married, he has three children but no rice fields. He serves both as teacher and administrator, though the latter duties are at a minimum. He was born and educated in Khorad (northeast Thailand), where he completed the first year of secondary school. He then joined the monkhood, where he remained for thirteen years. His clerical rank was nagthamtho (ecclesiastical examination level two), the equivalent of secondary education level three. He came to Bangkhuad in 1934, when the school was officially opened, and immediately assumed the responsibility of head teacher . In addition to his daily duties, the head teacher also teaches the monks in the evening. As a matter of prestige only, he would like to take the paupau examination, which qualifies one for secondary school teaching, but is afraid that he would lose too much face should he not pass. He now dislikes the responsibility of being head teacher. He dislikes supervising the other teachers and pupils as well as attending the monthly meetings at the district office. He is opposed to the idea of building a secondary school, inasmuch as this would entail even more responsibility on his part. In addition to teaching, he practices medisine of the “old-fashioned” type (mauboran). He is one of the few who raises mushrooms. He sends his three daughters to school in Bangkok. His wife earns 600 baht a month as a seamstress; his own salary is 700 baht per month. Teacher A , born in Bangkhuad, is 36 years old, married, has one child, and lives with his parents who own 100 raj. He has had three years of secondary education in Bangkok. He was offered a teaching job at Bangkhuad, interrupted his education to accept it, and considers it too late now to return to school. A subscribes to a magazine on fowl-breeding and a Bangkok newspaper. After school, he helps his parents with household duties, works in their fields during the plowing, planting, harvesting, etc. His salary is 550 baht. Teacher B. born in Tonburi, is 30 years old, married, has two children, owns a store and five raj. He learned of the job through a cousin in Bangkok. He has had four years of secondary school education. He attended teachers’ training school but found commuting too tiring; then took a correspondence course through the auspices of the YMCA, but mail was frequently lost. His monthly salary is 575, his rent is ten, and his food 300 baht. Teacher G, 23 years old, was born at Khalasin. At the time of his transfer to Bangkhuad in 1952 he was not married. Subsequently,

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he was forced by social pressure to marry his neighbor’s daughter in order to remain in the community. He has had six years of secondary school, and worked for a construction company for several years but left when his overseer tried to get him to take the blame for some alleged corruption. He was offered his present teaching position by a relative and accepted with the intention of leaving after a year or two. He is now preparing for the paupau examination. His salary is 550 baht per month. Teacher D, 32 years old, is the only woman teacher in the community. She was born in Bangkhuad, is married and has two children. Her husband drives a truck and commutes from Bangkok, where he has another wife. Teacher D lives with her parents three kilometres from the school and paddles with her daughter to and from school (one hour each way). She completed pratom six and wanted to study in Bangkok, but women were not permitted to travel alone and education for them, was discouraged. She had not planned to teach, but the head teacher insisted because of the teacher shortage. She practice-taught for one term under the guidance of the head teacher; at 15, she took the teaching examination at the district office, passed with a score of 98 per cent, and was given a salary of 12 baht. (Other women in the district were getting 10.) Today, she teaches singing and sewing to all classes, in addition to her regular teaching of class 2a; she commutes to Bangkok once a week, where she studies singing at the Sinlapakaun School of Music and Dance; in her spare time, she studies in the hope of passing the paupau examination next year. Her salary would then be automatically increased 25 per cent. Her present salary is 525 baht per month. The janitor, 30 years old, is married and has one child. He rents five raj and helps his wife to work them. He received the job of janitor at the school through the head school teacher. His salary is 4020 baht a year. He sells cloth in his spare time and also hires out at 10 baht a day during the school vacations. All the members of the community feel that education is a .means and not an end. With an education- one can leave the arduous task of farming and receive respectable employment in Bangkok —an office job with monthly income. As one farmer stated, “People who can read and write can’t be cheated. They can manipulate figures and write wills; they can get non-farming jobs.” For these reasons, secular education is an accepted and highly respected institution. The head teacher maintained that if a secondary school were built, there would be an 80 per cent potential enrollment from Bangkhuad alone. In the commune there are over 400 potential students. As mentioned before, the Ministry of Education promised to build a secondary school in 1957, but the school had not. even been started by December, 1957, and the like-

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lihood of this promise materializing in the near future is very slight. Most farmers want their children to have a secondary education, but cannot afford to send them away to school. However, a relatively large number of families do send their children to secondary school in either Minburi or Bangkok, where they have relatives with whom their children can stay. The cost of sending a child to school in Bangkok is 300 baht per year. If the child commutes, there is an additional 300 for carfare. In those cases where the child stays with relatives, the host is given rice for his entire family; this averages about 50 tang a year. It is of interest to note that the wealthy families in Bangkhuad do not send their children to secondary school, considering that they have enough money as it is. Thus, it must be reiterated that, in Bangkhuad, education is not so much a source of prestige as a means to a more remunerative and easier existence than can be offered by farming. Extra-Village Schooling There are five pratom-aged students (representing five households, all of which own 50-80 rag} who are sent to school in Bangkok and who live with relatives. One of the five is only seven years old and must attend a private school, since the free government-sponsored education begins only for children eight years of age. Of the present pratom-iova class of 29 students, eight (or 28 per cent) will attend secondary schools next year. In 1954, there was a total of 37 students (representing only 15 households) attending secondary schools. Table IV gives a breakdown of secondary classes being attended. Level eight is the highest and is roughly the equivalent of our senior year in high school. Level 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Totals

Boys 4 0 4 0 3 3 7 5 26 TABLE IV.

Girls 2 3 3 0 0 1 0 2 11

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The tendency to emphasize the education of the hoys is obvious. Of the 11 girls, seven are now studying nursing, others are undecided. Of the 26 boys, five are studying to be clerks, two are in architecture, six will go to vocational training school to learn carpentry; the other 13 are undecided. All 15 households represented own 25 or more raj with the exception of that of the head school teacher. In addition, each of these families (with the same exception) has four or more children. Several smaller families (three children and fewer) indicated that they were financially able to send their children to secondary school but that they were needed to help out with the farming. Wat vs. School In Thai theory, the school and the wat should work hand in hand. The Ministry of Education, which is responsible for supplying the necessary funds for all repairs and equipment, has realized that the wat is a most expedient instrument for fund raising, and so has delegated all head teachers to coordinate their efforts with those of the local abbots. People give much more willingly to the wat than to the school, inasmuch as they gain much more merit in this way. But this arrangement has had repercussions throughout the nation, as well as in Bangkhuad. As mentioned earlier, the school in Bangkhuad, like many others, is built on wat property but pays no rent to the wat. Permission is requested of the Department of Religion, and seems always to be granted. This places the school under certain obligations to the wat, however, and many an abbot takes advantage of the situation. In schools in larger urban areas, where enrollment is limited, the abbot, in many cases, will insist that the children of friends and relatives be given priority. In Bangkhuad, the abbot wanted his nephew to have the position of school janitor. The head teacher gave it to his own friend. A covert feud now exists between the two, the result being that the head teacher attends the wat services only once a month and refuses to help the abbot on any of the ceremonial occasions. Conversely, the abbot, who is in a position to raise funds for the school, has been quite lax in his efforts to do so. At the school closing-day ceremony, he sent four subordinates, but did not attend himself. This passive hostility is resented by all members of the village; and since the children are permitted to listen in on all household conversations, pupils, too, are aware of this situation, and with undoubtedly harmful effects. For here, two institutions, which are held in highest esteem by young and old, are acting in disharmony.

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On the other hand, pupil-teacher rapport is quite good, establishing a relationship which continues throughout life. A teacher will refer to so and so as his pupil (lugsid), or a man. will refer to himself as having once been the lugsid of so and so. Teachers are highly respected by the community because of their reputed wisdom and their status in the Thai government, their uniforms and monthly salary being symbols of their affiliations with the extra-village hierarchy. It must be noted, however, that as individuals in the small, intimate community, they may be looked upon by many with both disdain and respect, so that an ambivalent attitude towards a teacher is not a rare phenomenon.

CHAPTER VI THE WAT: ITS STRUCTURE, ECONOMY, AND FUNCTION

T) elision is the third institutional complex which has important .-Lvties with Bangkok. In Bangkhuad, as in most Thai villages, it is represented by the wat. The wat is the religious and social center of the community. Its influence is omnipresent in the life of the Bangkhuad farmer. Through his contact with the wat, he derives religious beliefs and orientation to government, agriculture, and all fortune or misfortune which he encounters in his day to day existence. It has been the source of his stories and his art. His calendar year is reckoned from the death of Buddha, though his daily calendar is a Brahman one. The term “wat” refers to more than the aggregate of buildings on the compound, the small body of monks, and the various rituals which they perform;. It implies a way of thinking, feeling, and acting, and has myriad connotations and ramifications in the minds of the Bangkhuad farmers. • Wat Nuanchan, commonly known as Wat Bangkhuad (the former name is that of the family who contributed the land and a large part 'of the money for its construction), was originally located on the east 'bank of the canal and consisted of one small wihan (sanctuary for sermons and meditation) and four cubicles (khuti) for the monks’ residence. Before permission could be obtained from the government to construct this rural wat, two requirements had first to be met. One, there could be no other wat within a four kilometre radius; two, there had to be at least 200 persons in the area who would patronize the wat. Bangkhuad met these requirements, and in 1893, construction was begun. Two years after the construction of the wihan and cubicles, a- larger site (six raj) was donated by the same family, and the wat was moved the same year. To build the bod (convocation hall), permission from the King had to be granted, and it was not until 1911 that the cornerstone (actually one of the boundary markers) was- laid. Thus it was not until 1911 that the wat was officially certified, designating the area as church property and therefore under church jurisdiction for all time. This also rendered the area of the bod consecrated land, upon which no other construction could be erected without a special ritual being performed by monks to nullify the sanctity of the area. 96

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An architect was called in from Bangkok to design the wihan and the bod. Since the greatest amount of merit is gained by donating one’s money and labor to the construction of a wat, the entire village cooperated and donated as much of their services and funds as they could afford. The abbot frequently went from house to house collecting funds and securing services of the farmers. Construction of the wooden wihan required only one year. Construction of the bod took much, longer. Cost of the bod, exclusive of labor, was over 20,000 baht. It was not completed until 1927. For the materials used in the construction of the Buddha image in the bod,scrap metal was collected by the villagers over a period of several months and the rest was bought in Bangkok. A specialist was hired from Bangkok to doi the casting, and a special ceremony was held upon its completion. In addition to the considerable contribution made by the Nuanchan family, there had been a large contribution of 3500 baht made by three households. These households, having had bad crops in 1895, had vowed to the Goddess of Rice (Maephosdb) that if they were given good crops the following two years, they would contribute this sum toward the new bod. Another farmer, for similar reasons, vowed that he would build a cement walk around the bod so that the villagers and monks need not muddy their feet during the various ceremonies. Former pupils of the abbot, some even from distant villages, also made contributions. The Wat Compound Today There are various types of wats in Thailand, depending upon whether they are government or church owned, with or without a bod. Wat Bangkhuad is church owned, possesses a bod, and is known as a watrad or “capital” wat. The compound contains, in addition to the bod and the wihan, seven small sala, one hauchan (wat kitchen), 16 khuti, one saladin, one thikebsob (morgue), one bo tree, and the school. There is also a haurakhang (bell tower), four chedi (stupa), one water tower ; the new sala site is also in this area. (See appendix for ground plan of wat Bangkhuad, 1954.) Bod or Convocation Hall: The bod is, historically and from the monks’ point of view, the most important and revered edifice on the oompound. It is here that the layman becomes a monk; it is here that all important services are held. Except on special occasions, women are prohibited from entering the bod. The bod, which faces east and west, as do most of the wat buildings, is a rectangular, plaster-covered brick building with an accentuated sloping roof covered with glazed orange tiles. At either end

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are two doors opening on to stone porches; in the center of each porch is a sema, or boundary marker. On the lateral sides, about three feet from the building, are six more sema, three on either side. The sema mark the boundaries of the bod, and the property of the church —hallowed ground. Sema are indispensable to the bod since Buddhist law requires that all resolutions concerning sacred transactions be carried by an unanimous vote on the part of all monks within the bod boundaries. In the center of the bod is a raised dais of teakwood upon which the monks sit during their services. Laymen are forbidden to sit there. At the western end of the dais sits a large bronze Buddha on a raised pedestal. Over the Buddha hangs the five-tiered parasol, symbol of kings and angels. In front of the Buddha is a small altar. There are no paintings or other furnishings in the bod. It is kept locked when not in use “because of thieves who would remove gold leaf from the image.” Wihan: The wihan is the most used and the largest construction in the compound. It is the building with the most intimate associations for the villagers. The wihan is the building in which the Buddha was alleged to have had residence. It has many of the architectural characteristics of the bod, but is raised on piles and is constructed entirely of wood—mostly teak, and is open on all four sides. At the west end is a large gilt-covered wooden image of Buddha sitting in the katsamad position (see illustration, Appendix). To the left of the Buddha is kept the elaborately decorated book case (liauphratrajpidok). To the right of the Buddha is the throne upon which the monk sits when delivering special sermons. The wihan also serves as a repository for the various Buddha images donated by the laity. The rest of the building is bare. Outside, on either side of the steps, is a large Shanghai jar which is kept filled with water and used by visitors to wash mud from their feet before entering the wihan. Sala thanam : These sala are small resting places on the river banks for villagers and monks. It is here that boats land; monks wash their clothes; food is sold to the school children at noon; and people gather daily for chit-chat. In Bangkhuad, there are seven such sala. The monks bathe at the less conspicuous sala on the south side of the khuti. Several of the sala are ornamented on the upper facade beneath the gable, with a figure (in relief) of one of the heroes from the Ramayana epic. On the under side of the roof in one sala are two erotic paintings of Hanuman, the monkey-king. Hauchan: This is a small pile-raised structure just behind the wihan which is used in Bangkhuad as the wat kitchen. It is especially

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busy during festivals. The women of the village bring their gifts of food here and a few remain to prepare and serve it to the. monks. Here also are found the large cupboards in which such foods as dried meat and fish, rice, etc., are stored. Also kept in one corner is the thaentangsob,or set of tiered tables on which the coffin is placed during the pre-cremation services; In the rafters are stored the long, flagdraped poles placed at the northeast corner of the bod to announce special wat festivities. In the hauchan hangs the large double-headed drum (khlong) which is beaten at 11 : 00 a.m. to announce the monks’ mealtime. The khlong also serves as a clock for many of the villagers since it can be heard for a distance of one kilometre. Khuti : The khuti are the cubicles where the monks live. They are also used by itinerant monks, or laymen who are visiting and are in need of lodging. These small teak-floored, wooden structures, raised on piles, are partitioned in the center, allowing a private room and entrance for each monk. If the wat is overcrowded, two monks will share a room. This is rare, however, for there are sixteen khuti, and usually not more than 30 monks at any one time. The dekwats sleep outside of the cubicles on the porch {rabiang), or sometimes at their own homes, The khuti is a small bare room with no furniture. There is a small altar thing bucha) for the image of Buddha, for joss-stick and candle containers, and several bajsi (flower arrangement, resembling the lotus blossom in shape). The monks bring their own paraphernalia. Two or three buffalo horns may jut out from the walls upon which the monk hangs his bag, alms bowl, and umbrella. In one corner is a rolled-up sleeping mat and pillow. In another corner is a suitcase containing extra clothing, etc; there are also some notebooks and* pencils, and a kerosene lamp. On the walls may be a calendar, a picture of the monk in his saffron robes, and a picture of the King. Against the wall on another side is perhaps a small cupboard for keeping food and the pinto (a segmented tiered aluminum food container. (See illustration, Appendix). Across the room stretches a bamboo pole upon which clothes’ are hung to dry. Outside each khuti are two large Shanghai jars in which rain water is stored for. drinking and washing. A mosquito net is placed over the mouth of the jar. The water is collected. by means of'a split bamboo gutter-like tube. One end is flush with the roof gutter, and the other, end is placed in the jar. Saladin: This “dirt-floored” sala with no walls has a large gabled, thatched roof supported by 16 wooden pillars. It is in the saladin that the tiered tables and coffin are placed during the several days prior to the pre-cremation ceremony. At one end is a small stage 7*

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where the visiting like Or lamtad troupes put on their performances. (Seepp. 170-1) Thikebsob: This small corrugated-iron structure is where the corpses are kept until the time of the.pre-cremation ceremony. There are no windows, and the door,.is kept locked at all times.. It is said by the farmers that in the old days, people' would try to steal the corpse, for the law stated that whoever possessed the body inherited the property. jBo Tree: To the east of the'fiod is a sacred. bo tree, claimed to be a descendant of the actual tree beneath which Buddha attained enlightenment. School: Although the school...rests, on wat property, the activities in the school building are not integrated with those of the wat. Haurakhang: The bell tower Is just outside the wihan. On holy days during the Lenten period, the bell is rung at 9;,00 a.m. and at 4 : 00 p.m. to call the monks to the bodGhedi: This is a pagoda-like structure of which there are four in the wat compound. In theory, a chedi (see illustration, Appendix) contains some relic of the Buddha, either his ashes, books, or clothing. The chedi at Bangkhuad, however, contain none of these. Four local families built them as memorials to their- deceased fathers, placing cremated bone fragments withim Water Tower: The water tower was. a gift of the sponsor of the 1951 Thaudkathin (see Chapter X), It.is in, the wat compound primarily for the monks’ use, but villager may, with, permission of the abbot, also use it. • New Sala Site : A large, new .sala' was scheduled for construction in the area just west of the saladin. The estimated cost was 250,000 baht. Building progressed as funds were collected, and the sala was completed in January of 1957. Now laymen hear sermons and make offerings here, for this is the true function of the sala. Wat Population In 1954, there were 165,000 monks (phra) and 70,000 novices (nen) living in over 20,000 wats throughout Thailand. This makes the average number of inhabitants of a wat about eleven: eight monks and three novices. This is misleading, however, -.since many wa ts have only one or two monks, while others have over 100. Many wats have no novices. The explanation for the tremendous number of wats in Thailand is that more merit can bn acquired by helping in the construction of a new wihan or bod than can be attained by repairing an old wat structure. In recent years, the government has been trying to reverse this attitude as a matter of economic expediency.

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In the province of Phranakaun, of which Bangkhuad, as well as Bangkok, is a part, there are 180 wats, as compared with on over-all average of 290 per province. There are over 5000 monks and 1100 novices. This implies an average of 30 monks and six novices to a wat ; however, one finds that the predominance of monks and novices is found in the Bangkok wats. In the rural areas of the province, the number of monks per wat averages about 14 and the novices about 2.5. In Bangkhuad, there are 10 monks and no novices. The size of the body ' of permanent clergy in most villages in the delta area and in Bangkhuad is determined by 1) the population of the surrounding communities, 2) the wealth of the local households, 3) the wealth of the wat, and 4) the personality and reputation of the abbot. The first point seems obvious but has certain complexities. Since permanent monks wish to dissociate themselves from mundane affairs, they prefer not to reside in the wat of their own village. In selecting a wat they look, however, for one nearby or seek to join friends who have already become monks in that wat. Second, there appears to be a tendency for the younger permanent monks to come from average and above average households rather than from poor or wealthy households. Members of well-to-do households enjoy theii 1 wealth and relative freedom and are loath to lead the austere life of a monk, The poor, on the other hand, are too burdened with economic responsibility and debt ever to feel free enough to resign from the mundane treadmill. Moderately well-to-do households are neither too bound to subsistence responsibilities nor too complacent with the pleasures which the workaday world has to offer them. Third, a shabby, deteriorating wat is indicative Of poor morale in the wat itself as well as in its containing village. There is little incentive to take Up residence in such a wat. On the other hand, a wellkept wat goes hand in hand with high morale among the clergy and an interested and contributing laity. Fourth, an abbot can “make or break” a wat. If he has a dynamic, extravert personality, he will find it easier to influence his followers. They in turn will contribute to the wat, and both will profit. If, on the other hand, the abbot is overly reticent, morale will drop steadily. One finds that in cases where morale is low due to extreme ineffectiveness (even senility) of the abbot, the farmers will lament the situation among themselves but are loath to take any action to oust the abbot. This is in part due to the reverence felt toward those ,who have donned the robe, and in- part due to a fear of possibly acquiring demerit by such an action. The abbot at Bangkhuad has been

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criticized by some-for his reticence. He has, however, established a reputation for being a good healer and for possessing great spiritual insight (wipadsana), not to mention his recent skill in predicting winning lottery numbers. So he still maintains the respect of the large majority of the .community. As mentioned above, there are ten permanent monks in Wat Bangkhuad, including the abbot. Table V gives the ages and the number of years that they have been at this wat. For simplicity, I have given neither their real names nor their monastic names. Monk

Age

Total No. years in monkhood

No. years in Wat Bangkhuad

Abbot

„ , Grade Commune where ordained* Khlaungkhum Khlaungkhum Carakebua Carakebua Khlaungkhum Khlaungkhum Carakebua Khlaungkhum Khlaungkhum Khlaungkhum

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 TABLE V.

There is a tendency to spend a year or two at the wat where one is ordained and then to transfer. Monks 4 and 8 have resided in two wats other than Bangkhuad. All monks who enter the wat should have a sufficient knowledge of reading and writing to enable them to study for the lowest examination of Nagthamtri—Ecclesiastical Examination, Third Class. As Table V indicates, all have passed this examination with the exception of monk 7 who, because of his age, has not been, required to do so. The ecclesiastical government makes allowances for elders who enter the monkhood late in life, most of whom have had no opportunity to learn to read or write. The abbot and monks 2 and 8 have passed the next highest level of Nagthamtho—Ecclesiastical Examination, Second Class. Wat Finances and Wat Support Probably the information which the author found most difficult to obtain concerned wat finances, including all donations to the wat * Though all are from Bangkapi District, none is from Bangkhuad.

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or to individual monks in any form—money, food, gifts. An average of 65,000 donations are made each year. These vary from a one baht to 20,000 baht contribution, and from a single scoop of rice to trays containing ten varieties of food. In addition, there are a multitude of gifts and donations given by people who are not members of the community. It is next to impossible for a farmer to estimate how much he has contributed to the wat during one year. Donations are rarely thought of cumulatively or in terms of monetary value. They are often; however, thought of as a fractional ratio of the total capital on hand at the moment. Each donation is an entity unto itself, evaluated only in terms of its immediate context. If the farmer feels so inclined at a particular moment, he will give more than he can afford. At another time, he may give much less. Since all donations are intimately tied up with the relative amount of merit received, the amount given will also be affected by the amount of merit desired at that particular moment. Thus, a poor man who has been ill may give twice as much as his wealthier neighbor, who is enjoying fine health. Another difficulty in obtaining this information arose from the fact that individual wat attendance is not consistent. Some farmers attend once a month, others every holy day; some attend only major ceremonies. Some interesting generalizations can be made concerning donations, however. 1. Poor households tended to underestimate the total amount of their donations. 2. Well-to-do families tended to exaggerate their own donations. 3. Donations of money were more easily remembered than those of rice or other commodities. 4. The poor overestimated the amount of the donations made by the wealthy. 5. The wealthy underestimated the amount of the donations made by the poor. 6. All households greatly underestimated the total income of the wat. 7. The size of a donation was thought of, by poor and wealthy, in relation to the size of the donation of their neighbors and occasionally in terms of its proportions to their own income. The poor have ambivalent feelings concerning donations. They are self-conscious and ashamed of their small contributions and wish that they could give much more, and they often do not give at all because they need what little they have for their own subsistence. Many a household attends the holy day ceremonies only once every two months because they have nothing to contribute to the lecture fund. Consequently, guilt feelings are built up, resulting in their giving much more than they can afford on other occasions. When this happens, feelings of guilt arise concerning their neglect of the household. These latter feelings are apparently more easily suppressed.

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The author was repeatedly presented with estimates which ran well below the actual contributions. This was carefully checked by attending important wat functions, observing the donations, and frankly checking with the abbot. The wealthy tend to be penurious, as is evidenced by their ‘food expenditures and exploitation of the khauraeng system. Their contributions in proportion to their wealth are much smaller than those of their less fortunate neighbors. They seem to realize this for they consistently overstate their contributions, perhaps speaking of the amounts they feel should have been given rather than those actually donated. Surplus cash is a relatively new item in the life of a Bangkhuad farmer. He would much rather part with 10 tang of paddy (worth 80 baht) than with SO baht cash. The wat is apparently aware of this and therefore encourages donations of rice rather than cash. Though the farmer will rarely regard, let us say, ten tang of rice as being less than twb per cent of his stock, he will on occasion, regard 50 baht as representing ten per cent of his present cash outlay. The poor frequently make statements to the effect that they wish they were wealthier so that they might give more to the wat and thus gain more merit. Or, they modify their estimate of the amount given with, “Of course, if I were wealthier, I would have given much more.” Thus, there prevails among the poor the idea that the wealthy give a great deal to the wat, whereas, in truth, the wealthy give proportionately much less than theipoor. The wealthy, on the other hand, are more frequently asked to give donations for the wat but feel that these requests are justified. They reason that the poor are not asked because they could give little or nothing, and thus underestimate the donations of the poor. The wealthy also reason that since they give less than is expected of them, this must surely hold even more truly for the poor. Farmers can figure how much rice 12 raj will produce at 30 tang to the raj, but cannot deal with the host of variables involved in the. total wat income. The subject is one with which the farmer does not concern himself, nor does the wat ever make public these figures. The only general financial information that emanates from the wat is that it is poor and funds are needed. Underestimations of the wat yearly income ranged from 20 per cent to 80 per cent. Donations are usually compared without reference to the total wealth of the donors: “Farmer X gave three tang of rice and Farmer Z gave only one.” One never hears that Farmer X, who owns 50 raj and has only one child gave three tang of rice, while Farmer Z, who owns only 15 raj and has three children, gave one tang.

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Donations are closely tied up with merit, and once made, are not supposed to be reflected upon, either negatively or positively, for fear that the merit will be nullified. The reluctance on the part of the farmers to discuss donations is thus quite understandable. The figures in Table VI were obtained by interviewing five families in each of the indicated, arbitrarily chosen divisions in Column I. They represent the yearly average range for these five families. It must be mentioned that it is the older women in the family who make the bulk of the contributions. Column E merely states frequency of rice donations to mendicant monks. Column C represents gifts expressed in baht value. These figures are rough approximations and a more thorough study is desirable. I No. of raj owned 0-5 6-10

A For sermons on holy days 15 15-30

B Money for Thaud Kathin 5-10 5-15

C Other gifts 5-10 5-15

D Paddy rice for the wat % tang 1 tang

11-30 30-40 2 tang 20-30 20-25 31-50 30-40 35-40 40-60 2-3 tang 51-100 40-70 60-80 40-50 4 tang The figures in colums A, B, and C represent baht.

E Daily food for monks rarely occasionally during Lent during Lent every day every day

TABLE VI.

It appears from the table that a family gives to the wat roughly one tang of paddy for every 200 that it harvests. Total cash is five baht for every raj harvested. Some give much more than shown;, others less. The table does not include special ceremonies, such as weddings, cremations, housewarmings, etc., which do not occur every year in any one family. The wealthy spend generously for their own household functions, which always involve the monks, and their fee is fairly standard. Wat Income The difficulties in obtaining information on the income of the wat and its monks are similar to those in obtaining the same information from the laity. Though the wat keeps an account book listing incoming money, gifts, and rice, this record, once obtained, was of little use, inasmuch as few entries had been made and these in an

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illegible scrawl. Each time that the wat accountant was to’ be questioned, he was busy, ill, or away. The abbot reluctantly allowed a brief perusal of an abbreviated account book of his own. Here again, entries were sporadic and not dated. Expenditures seemed exaggerated. Nevertheless, some data could be gleaned which, after verifying with the wat committee, were found to be relatively accurate. The following is a list of various sources of income of the wat for the year 1953-1954. Baht

cash :

Rent from one house-compound (land belongs to wat) at 10 baht per month Rent from three compounds at six baht per month Rent from two house-compounds at four baht per month Sale of gold leaf for the Buddha Footprint ritual Donations from Thaud Kathin festival (from villages and visitors) Donations from Thaud Kathin festival (from sponsoring British firm) Rent from stalls set up by villagers during the various festivals Rent of the saladin for like performances at 80 baht per day Rental of equipment to laymen (dishes, pots, etc., for weddings, cremations, etc.) Personal contribution of the abbot total

4,000 20,000 210 960 300 4,000 30,032 Tang

bice :

Raw rice given during the Lenten season for monks’ consumption Paddy rice given in lieu of money (sold by wat at 8b. a tang) Glutinous rice (three raj given to wat to cultivate) total matebial

120 216 96 130

180 310 80 570 Baht

goods:

Tools, pencils, books, etc. Special donations by patients of the abbot from various communes (cigarettes, soap, etc.) TOTAL GBAND TOTAL

800 4,880 5,680 38,192

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income of abbot: From sermons From pre-cremation ceremony and cremation ritual From marriage ritual From house blessing ritual From top-knot rituals From ordinations From rental of musical instruments From rodnammon (holy water treatment) From phapa (cloth-giving ritual) From making special flags with magical formulae From renting out buffalo Bice given for rental of four buffalo (120 tang) Gifts of tea, cigarettes, coconuts, betel, coffee (for abbot’s personal use) approximately : GRAND TOTAL

income of permanent monks (average per monk) : From sermons (there are only three monks who give sermons) From pre-cremation and cremation rituals From marriage rituals From house blessing rituals From top-knot cutting ritual From ordinations From phapa (gift-giving ritual) Gifts of tea, coffee, cloth, cigarettes, etc. total

107 Baht 285 115 45 40 45 450 800 1,800 120 300 800 960 2,200 7,200 Baht 115 110 40 45 25 300 40 550 1,225

special: One monk earns extra money by making coffins, kites, and mango catchers

Baht

INCOME OF TEMPORARY MONKS

Baht

(average per capita during Lent only) : From household blessings Goods, cigarettes, coffee, tea, sugar, etc. total

260

150 75 225

The chief income of the abbot is derived from his holy water treatment (rodnammon). He stated that his total income in 1952 (including coffee, cigarettes, etc.) came to almost 4000 baht. Comparing this total with that in the table of 7200 baht, we may safely assume that his reputation as a healer is spreading.

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The abbot puts aside about 2000 of his yearly income for times of illness and for old age so that he can be independent should he so desire. This amount he hides in his room. In another special hiding place he keeps 1000 baht for everyday use, trips to Bangkok, donations, and loans to people who are badly in need. The rest he contributes toward the repair of the wat, toward the ordinations of those who cannot afford the expense; toward books and clothing for the poorer dekwat; meals for the other monks when they go together to Bangkok; batteries for his radio. He spends 150 baht' a month on cigarettes and 50 baht on kerosene for his pressure lamp. In July of 1954, he donated 10,000 baht for the new sala. Many of the farmers commented that this must be his life savings. The abbot commented that if the wat were permitted to lend money at the legal rate of fifteen per cent annual interest, it would have enough to pay for the hew sala. However, he added that this practice would soon create resentment on the part of many of the villagers, who would soon stop donating. Others would reason that the wat was making enough without their small contributions. The abbot does lend money, but interest free, unlike other abbots who sometimes ask interest. The farmer usually donates a few packages of tea, cigarettes, or some rice when the loan is returned. ■At the end of the Lenten period, a Chinese merchant comes to the wat to buy any equipment that the departing monks might wantto sell, such as clothing, sandals, books, razors, etc. In theory, all this property belongs to the wat and should be turned over to the abbot. Most of the departing monks sell this -equipment, however, for their personal profit. In addition to the.above listed sources of wat income are pledges from wealthy members of the community for emergencies. In 1952, these farmers paid half the cost of installing a water tank (500 gallon capacity) which was badly needed. A wealthy farmer from another village donated 100 baht for the repair of several monk cubicles. In 1954, the same farmer contributed 2000 baht towards the new sala. The 20,000 given by the sponsors of the Kathin, as well as the special donations mentioned under wat income, were out of the ordinary and were also given toward the new sala. In 1952 the wat received only a total of 6200. baht during the Kathin festival. In January of 1954, 1000 sacks (2 - tang size) were sent out to various villages in the district to collect rice contributions for the new sala. This is oneof the usual procedures by which a wat obtains money. During the year of 1954, the farmers of Bangkhuad and surrounding areas contributed over 100,000 baht toward the new sala—82,000 in rice and. 18,000 in cash. Other wats in the commune will, from time to time,

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send empty sacks to the farmers in Bangkhuad for similar projects. However, it is usually the wealthier farmers who make contributions to other communities. On occasion, a few households, owning 20 raj or less, will contribute together a small amount of rice in order to fill a sack or two. In theory, the wat should be subsidized by the Department of Religion. Each wat desiring financial aid from the Department must send in a detailed written report stating the amount needed and its purposes. In principle, funds are allocated if 1) a wat needs repair; 2) a wat has been started and needs funds for its completion; and 3) construction of a new wat is desired. In. the last example, the people must show the district officer that they can advance two-thirds of the total amount needed. They must be able to complete the building with the stated amount and are not allowed more. The plans must be approved by the wat committee and the district officer before being submitted for approval, to the Department of Religion. However, the Department of Religion has made a stipulation concerning funds which virtually eliminates the poorer wats from ever procuring more than a mere pittance. It has stated that the amount of funds allocated to anywai shall be determined by the ratio of'moriks which it qualifies at the yearly examinations to the number of monks which' it maintains. Thus a vicious cycle is set into motion. Since the reputation and physical attractiveness of the wat determines to a large extent the number of monks who choose to live there, and since the educated monks choose to live in the urban wats rather than, have to remain in a small rural wat with uneducated monks, the rural wats get very few members outside their immediate district. The rural communities, which are .relatively poor as compared with urban centers, cannot afford to renovate, landscape, etc. in order to attract the more capable monks, thereby causing the cycle to continue. Thus the potential funds from the Department of Religion, being contingent upon the number of regular monks who pass the yearly examinations, rarely reach the rural wats. The Role of the Laity in the Wat The role of the laity in perpetuating the function of the wat cannot be overemphasized. Obviously, without the farmers’ acceptance of the important spiritual, emotional, and social role played by the wat in his daily life, the wat could no longer exist in the style to which it has become accustomed. Every morning, the laity supplies the monks with their quotidien subsistence. At frequent intervals throughout the year, the laity presents them with gifts of

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cigarettes, matches, tea, coffee, clothing, money, and other small luxuries and needs. The laity builds the wat, donates the funds for wat maintainance, and does the actual carpentry work. It is the laity which provides the wat with its monks, its food, and its income. On holy days, the laity is an intrinsic part of the ceremony. It is the- laity who formally asks the monks for the eight laws (khausiri) and recites the antiphonal responses ; it is the laity who asks formally for the sermon. (Monks must never volunteer their services; they must always be asked.) The laity makes monetary contributions after each sermon. Through the major rituals held in the home during the various life-crises periods, as well as through the minor household rituals, the monks are enabled to earn additional money with which to buy small luxuries for themselves and sometimes for their dekwat. Gift-giving is a means of gaining merit, and gifts are bestowed upon the clergy at every opportunity. Non-social visits to the wat usually involve gifts, such as cigarettes or soap. All favors asked of the monks or abbots are accompanied by a small gift—always something useful. Each time a farmer was asked the question, “What would you do if you won 50,000 baht in the lottery ?” the first answer given was that he would donate some to the wat (quantities ranged from 10,000 to 25,000 baht). The important thing here, however, is not how much, but the almost automatic response of .donate to the wat." In Bangkhuad, there are 19 members of the laity who are in the employment of the wat. Two women are employed by the abbot to take care of the several rice.fields loaned to the wat each year. Another woman collects the donations of rice given to the wat. One elderly farmer is hired to take care of the abbot’s four buffalo, in exchange for which he receives room and board and a few baht now and then.. An artist who does all of the wat art work, making decorations for the various festivals, doing special calligraphic work for the abbot, etc., receives in exchange, room and board and several hundred baht a month. In addition, there are the ten dekwat, serving the wat as houseboys. They are of lay status, but constitute an integral part of the wat hierarchy. In addition, there are five laymen on the wat committee who can be considered as also serving in the wat hierarchy. They represent the villagers and the wat in serving as liaison personnel between the two. In theory, the head school teacher should be an active member of the wat in order to establish a close-knit rapport between the elementary school and the wat. As mentioned in Chapter V, when funds

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are needed for the school, it is much more expedient to raise them under the aegis of the wat than through the school, because of the merit received by the donor. Existing friction between the abbot and the head school teacher, however, has made this impossible. Sustenance The most important contribution of laity to the wat, as mentioned earlier, is food. Monks are never in want of food. Every morning they know that there will be enough rice put into their alms bowls to meet their needs for the day. Food is sought by the monks every day except' holy days. On holy days, food is brought to the wat by women of the community, which gives them an opportunity of gaining merit. Surplus food is stored in wai-bins located in the hauchan. Because of the additional 20 monks during the Lenten period, the waf-bins are tapped when the daily donated food at this time is not sufficient. Food which has been on hand for a day or more is usually cooked before being eaten. One monk is assigned to cook the food for the other monks. Rice which is left over from the monks’ individual dishes is gathered by the dekwat and spread out on a buffalo skin to dry for several days. Once every ten days, a Chinese merchant comes to the wat and purchases this rice at five baht a tang. Payments are made in tea and cigarettes, and always to the abbot. This rice is used by the Chinese to feed their pigs and ducks. The abbot each year asks a few wealthy farmers (for whom he has performed special services) to donate one raj each to the wat for one year. He then hires several poor farmers to cultivate glutious rice in these raj so that the monks may enjoy a change of diet from time to time, since the rice may be used for making various cakes and confections. On holy days, particularly on the 14th and 15th days of the waxing and waning moon (bannarasa), the villagers bring an abundant food supply, consisting of the regular rice and curries, and in addition some curried meats, and various sweet desserts. On some occasions, the food is simply divided and distributed; on other occasions, each tray is given a number at random with the name of the donor written on a slip of paper. Each monk likewise is given a number. The tray with the corresponding number is assigned to that monk. During the year, there are rituals at which special food gifts are made to the wat, such as the First-Fruits Ceremony, etc. (see Chapter X). There are also the numerous donations of paddy rice, which the wat sells, using the money for its maintainance. ■

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Wat Committee The wat committee, referred to earlier, is a relatively recent innovation, having been organized by the Department of Religion only in 1950. The committee consists of the abbot, his assistant, the wat- accountant, and five male laymen chosen by the villagers. Their appointment is for life. The laymen are not necessarily from Bangkhuad; they may be from nearby villages. They are all well-to-do, respected farmers who have -in the past taken an active interest in Wat Bangkhuad. Because of their wealth, it is- reasoned that not only are they less likely to steal, but that they are likely to make larger contributions. The laymen on the committee are two village headmen (of hamlets 11 and 12), two wealthy farmers (from hamlets 10 and 11), and a wealthy farmer from a nearby village. In communities where' the government school is in the sala or wihan, the head, school teacher must also serve on the committee. The duties of the committee are: to coordinate wat and village functions by stirring up interest among the villagers for all wat activities; to establish closer cooperation and rapport between the farmers and the monks ; to take an active interest in the up-keep of the wat; and to assist in collecting donations -from the people. This helps avoid charges of corruption in the wat, and allays frictionbetween the clergy and the laity. The committee is in charge of all money and contributions made to the wat, and makes all decisions on wat expenditures. The committee has had the effect of reducing still further the authority of the abbot (the shift from ecclesiastical to secular education being the first). Should the .abbot suddenly decide to leave the monkhood, the villagers are protected; knowing he will not he able to leave with all the wat funds. Each time that money is given to the wat, the committee is supposed to issue a receipt to the donor. In addition, through sheer habit, donations are still predominantly made directly to the abbot. All large donations are deposited immediately in a bank in Bangkok. One monk and two laymen on the wat committee, besides the abbot, must sign all checks. Meetings are normally held once a month, although with the interest in the new sala, they have been held on ah average of once every three -weeks. All issues are discussed by the members and then voted upon. The abbot is the chairman 'and also votes. Because of his status in the village, it is often difficult for the laymen and monk members to argue with him. Consequently, he more often than not makes the decisions, thereby rendering the committee slightly

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impotent. The primary purpose of the committee, however, is to act as a planning group, and, as mentioned earlier, as liaison between the religious and secular components of the community. The. Varied Analogic Functions of the Wat in the Community Aside from its religious function in the community, the Bangkhuad wat has served also in the following capacities : Community center: This is perhaps the most important social function. All forms of entertainment take place on the wat compound in connection with the various religious functions and especially the cremations. Like, lamtad, nangtalung, dueling, boat racing, movies, and ramwong dancing all appear during these various wat or family sponsored functions. It. is also during these festivals that adolescent boys and girls have a socially sanctioned opportunity to' meet. J During such large gatherings, farmers from out-lying villages attend and exchange news and gossip with local inhabitants. Every day, small groups of farmers gather on the porch of one of the khuti. There they participate in the universal chatter as well as discuss specific problems connected with farming. It is at these impromptu gatherings that a great deal of the covert patterns of Bangkhuad behavior may be observed. On holy days, members from all three hamlets gather in the wat compound to converse before and after the sermon. Counseling Agency : Another important function of the wat is that of offering counsel..Every day farmers gather in the wihan to discuss their problems with the abbot and to seek his advice (though two of the other monks are also sought out for advice from time to time). Matters pertaining to farming, loans, domestic troubles, and salvation are discussed. However, the bulk of advice sought pertains to auspicious days for business ventures and social functions. Hospital: Villagers with various illnesses come to the abbot to be cured by the holy water treatment. Many who come from distant villages remain at the wat for as long as the illness persists. School: Until 1935, the wat was the only source of education for the farmer. Today, secular education being provided by the government, the wat is the main source of religious training for the local clergy, and to a limited extent, for the dekwat. Community Chest : Musical instruments, lamps, kitchen ware, and the like, may be rented from the wat by farmers for home festivals, celebrations, and diverse other occasions. Payment is made in the form of commodities such as soap, cigarettes, foods, or some of the farmer’s own kitchenware may be added. 8

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One of the khuti is used as the wat storeroom. Besides several thousand plates and bowls, it contains a proportionate number of other necessary kitchen equipment. Also, there is a quantity of kerosene pressure lamps, mats, special carpets, and several sets of table-altars. Free hotel: Visitors and merchants from distant communities, and other transients may spend a night at the wat. Sometimes farmers seeking medical care may stay overnight. They are often invited to partake of the monks’ food. News agency : All notices sent from the district office are posted on a pillar in the wihan or in one of the smaller sala. Since the abbot is the only one in hamlet 12 who owns a radio, it is to him. the farmers go to inquire about the news. It must be said that for the most part, however, the farmers are apathetic to national and international news. Charity employment: Now and then the abbot gives part-time employment to three or four very poor farmers. This work consists of helping to collect rice for the wat, helping in the rice fields belonging to the wat, and doing miscellaneous jobs about the compound. Bank: Wealthy farmers, after a large sale of paddy rice or land, may deposit the money in the wat for a short period of time, i.e., until they have the opportunity to go to Bangkok and either deposit it or invest it in a gold belt or chain. Poor farmers sometimes borrow small amounts of money from the wat, interest free. Usually, however, a small amount of tea, cigarettes, or rice is donated when the money is returned. Clock: The drum in the wihan is beaten regularly at 11:00 a.m. every day to call the monks to their last meal of the day. In hamlet 12, time is judged by whether or not the drum has been beaten. During the Lenten period, the bell in the haurakhang is rung at 9 : 00 a.m. and at 4:00 p.m. to call the monks to the bod. This bell can be heard by hamlets 12 and 11 and thus serves as a time-piece. Sports center: The playground, located in the wat compound, is the only area in the village of adequate size for organized games; and the villagers watch dueling and boxing matches there. (The latter, due to better communications with Bangkok, is becoming quite popular in the village.) Morgue: If a family must wait several months, or even years, to cremate their dead, the corpse is embalmed and placed in the wat morgue. There is no charge for this. Poorhouse: One farmer, having lost his land, and having no family obligations, joined the monkhood in order to escape from the competitive, mundane existence to which he had been bound. A very poor family may send a young son to serve as dekwat, thus assuring

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him of his daily food, and reducing the number of dependents within the family. Landlord,: Six households in the village rent their compound, home, or both from the wat, and make very low monthly payments to the monk-accountant. Home for the aged: Elderly male members who are no longer capable of carrying on the arduous task of farming may join the monkhood during their waning years in order to acquire merit, purge themselves of their sins, and at the same time, be assured of a daily supply of food. Reservoir: With the new 500-gallon water tank, the wat has become a reliable source of drinking water during the dry season (Eebruary-May ). Asylum for the ‘psychotic: The abbot has taken in a psychotic member of the community whose family asked that the abbot care for him and try to cure him. The patient takes care of the abbot’s buffalo, in exchange for room and board. Music School: Until 1949, the abbot employed a musician from Bangkok twice a month to instruct anyone desiring to learn to play any of the six piphat (percussion) instruments owned by the abbot. The instruments were lent and the instruction fee was minimal. Refuge for criminals : Before a ruling was put into effect requiring all monks to carry identification books, a man being sought by the police would sometimes don the yellow robes and find asylum for several weeks or months in the wat. This is no longer possible.

8*

CHAPTER VII THE WAT HIERARCHY

T T aving described the more formal .structural aspects of the wat, TJLand indicated its more general functions in the community, we turn now to a more detailed analysis of the various functions of the clergy within their immediate setting. We shall pay special attention to the ordination ceremony and present a picture' of the monks’ daily routine. Eirst, because of its central importance, it is necessary to describe the socio-political structure of the wat. There are, in the wat hierarchy throughput Thailand, seven categories of personnel: 1) the abbot, 2) the. permanent clergy, 3) the temporary clergy, 4) the novices (nen), 5) the temporary novices, 6) the nuns, 7) and the dekwat. Abbot: The abbot, whose official title is. Caw Attikan or “head of the wat,” has complete authority over the wat personnel and, to a large extent, wat policy. He is responsible only to his commune superior, the Caw Khanamuad, whom he. visits every few months to discuss problems concerning the wat, and to receive any change of policy or news that has been handed down from the higher echelons; Minor matters of discipline are handled by ‘the abbot, and he punishes minor infractions' of the Buddhist law by assigning chores about the wat, such as cleaning the outhouse, sweeping the various buildings, or washing the dishes. Major infractions of Buddhist law are referred to the Caw Khanamuad. Though the abbot is in some ways the political counterpart of the hamlet headman, he has a geographically wider area of control than a headman who is responsible for only one hamlet. It is the duty of the abbot to determine the routes taken each morning by the monks in quest of their daily food. It is his duty to lead the services in the bod during the Lenten period. He must report to the political district head the names of all who enter and leave the monkhood. He is responsible for the upkeep of the wat, for the education of its monks, and for the religious edification of all the laymen in his community. As abbot, he must have passed the third level examination and, according to local tradition, rather than formal law,- “must be able to read a blueprint;” for, as one monk commented, “If he cannot, then the new sala might look like an outhouse.” Other requisites, as stated by various members of the community who were asked what they expected of an abbot, were 116

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these: he' must set a good example for the rest of the monks and for the laymen as well; he must teach the people to follow the laws of the Buddha so that they may reach Nirvana sooner; he must not be so strict that he limits the freedom of the laymen by insisting that they follow too many of the Buddhist laws; he must be strong in mind and kind of heart. The abbot himself gave the following duties for his office: “I must set a good example, and so I eat only one meal a day. I try to encourage the other monks to do so, but I do not force them. Qne must never force anyone. ‘If you squeeze a mango too hard, it will jump out of your hand.’ If the people respect me, they will give generously to the wat. They will bring others-to the wat, and it will prosper. I must teach the people not to drink to excess, not to gamble, and not to commit adultery. I must teach -them not to over-indulge in pleasures. At the same time, I must always remind myself that people are living a worldly existence and that I cannot ask them to give up too many of their earthly habits. I can s however, teach them not to lament when they lose, break, or give up a material object. It is easier to gain the- respect of the educated, so I must work harder with the uneducated who are always very suspicious of new things and ideas.” He commented upon the fact in his sixty years, he has never had sexual relations with a woman, nor has he had any desire .to do so. Instead, he studies Buddhist texts and devotes several hours a day to books dealing with astrology., The abbot said that his first three years at the wat were very discouraging and that several times he had considered resigning and becoming an ordinary monk again. (Unlike ordinary monks, who can transfer from one. wat to another, an abbot can do this only if he is willing to be demoted to the rank of ordinary monk.) “But now,” he said, “I feel that the people are behind me.” The people had asked for him, he stated, not because he was really so good, but because he was the best they knew at the time. In general, the abbot is not chosen from among the community’s own monks but comes from within the district. The choice of an abbot is made by the more influential and respected members of the community, who visit the various wots and gather information from other villagers as to possible candidates. Their findings are passed on to the other members of the community and the pros and cons are discussed. The choice is usually between two distinct types : the verbose, glib monk, or the more, reticent monk whose forte is control of the body, meditation, concentration. The people of Bangkhuad chose the latter type.

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The Socio- Psychological Role of the Abbot in the Bangkhuad Community The abbot is undoubtedly the most influential, the most respected, and thus the most important individual in the community. It is true that he is the butt of some adverse criticism, but this criticism always comes from the same people —persons who seek utopian salvation from the wat and who, when disappointed with the reality of the environment, blame the leader. These persons, however, represent only about five per cent of the population. In general, the farmer has a tremendous respect for the abbot, a respect constantly reinforced by frequent visits from strangers from other villages and urban areas coming to him for counsel (both wordly and astrological), cures, holy water treatment and other services. People have come to seek his help from villages as distant as Khorad, 200 miles away. Nearly every day, and often several times in one day, farmers, business men, wives, and draftees —people in need of good fortune or good health —come to the abbot to receive the rodnammon. He is the only one in Wat Bangkhuad able to perform this ritual (see Chapter X, p. 180). An individual who has had a series of misfortunes in business, family life, or in his rice fields, may, in addition to the rodnammon, ask the abbot to have some magic Pali symbols painted onto a piece of cloth or banner, which he has brought along. This banner will be hung in the doorway of his home or place of business. One of the more important functions of the abbot is counseling. Every day a number of farmers come to the wat to discuss their problems and seek his advice on matters of loans, domestic troubles, and moral problems. The abbot has another duty, though one which is rarely performed. In the event of a sudden, severe illness, he is called to the home immediately to make a diagnosis. He consults his astrology book, determines the cause, and offers the cure. In nearly every case, the illness, he says, has been caused by an evil spirit or an offended household spirit. The erne is always to apologize and present the spirit with a small gift on an auspicious day. Most important, regardless of how many farmers actually come to the abbot for treatment or counsel, they are always aware of his presence in the community in case they have need of him. I am convinced that the relative serenity of Bangkhuad farmers can in part be attributed to this awareness. They are proud and elated whenever they learn that a stranger has come from a distant village to seek the services of their abbot. It would appear by implication that in Wat Bangkhuad only the abbot is important. However, there are two other monks who are highly respected, and whose advice is sought from time to time.

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Brief Biography of the Abbot The abbot was born in 1893 of a family of poor truck gardeners in a small hamlet near Bangtoe j. He was the third of six children. At seven, he was sent to serve as a dekwat ior his uncle and remained in the wat until his 18th year, at which time he became disillusioned. He left the wat and joined the police force. After serving for two years, he returned to his home in order to help his parents with the farming. At 21 he entered the monkhood and was ordained at the request of his mother, spending one Lenten period in the wat. By this time, his family was netting a moderately good income from their land. He was obsessed, however, with the fear that spending would lead to hell. This, plus having had a bitter argument with his brother over some property, caused him a great deal of anguish, resulting in his decision to give up earthly things and devote his energies and time to the monkhood. After serving three years as a monk in Bangtoej, he was invited to Bangkhuad to serve as abbot. There were already, in Wat Bangkhuad, other monks older and with seniority, but who evidently were not respected highly enough by the villagers to be invited to serve as abbot. Permanent Clergy: In theory, principal duties of members of the permanent clergy are to learn 'the Buddhist teachings, convey these teachings to the people on holy days, and perform various other socio-religious services for the laity. In Wat Bangkhuad, the abbot has assigned additional minor roles to a few of the monks. Monk 2 (see Table V, p. 102) is in charge of all the hardware, kitchen ware, and other items which the wat lends out on special occasions. Monk 3 is accountant for the wat. It is his duty to keep a record of all incoming money for, and all expenditures of, the wat, as well as to keep a record of the distribution of all paraphernalia donated to the wat for the use of the monks. Monk 4 is delegated to keep a roster of all incoming and out-going monks and to turn this record over to the abbot in July (the beginning of Lent) and in October (the end of Lent). Status of Clergy Special terms of respect and a special vocabulary (though limited) are used by the laymen when addressing the clergy. In the mind of the farmer, the examination level which a monk has passed is only one criterion of his functional role and status within the wat. A monk’s special gifts are also important criteria. For example, a monk in a nearby wat was held in higher esteem than his colleagues because of his ability to cure boils and other skin diseases.

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Status is determined primarily by seniority. However, the monk who has spent the most number of consecutive years in the wat ranks above the others with the exception of. the abbot who outranks all other monks. It is necessary that a monk spend the full Lenten period in the wat to be able to claim a year of service, i.e.,, a monk who leaves before the Lenten period, or is sick and absent from the wat for more than seven days during the Lenten period, is not eligible to receive the Khatin, and is therefore disqualified from being on the roster of monks who served for that year. In this event, he must also ask permission of the abbot each time that he leaves the wat compound during the ensuing year. Temporary Monks : In addition to the regular monks, there are the temporary monks, individuals who have entered the clergy for several days or a week because of a death in the family (see p. 162), or have joined just prior to the Lenten period and intend to leave at its termination, serving perhaps 90 days. These monks are usually in the same age group, 21-26 years, and tend to form small cliques of their own, based upon prior friendships. They are- given no responsible duties and’ are regarded by the permanent clergy as temporary monks serving their term more as a result of outside pressure than from their own volition. Since it happens quite frequently that the new monk lacks a definite plan and is not certain how long he will stay, perhaps the only valid way to use the term “temporary” is in retrospect. Permanent Novices: Boys between the ages of 12 (though in theory,, seven) and 20 who join the wat with the intention of remaining until they have reached the age when they can become monks, have beep, designated here as “permanent novices.” They go through a shortened ordination ceremony, are permitted to wear all the monk robes- except the sangkhathi (see Glossary), and must follow only ten of the227 regulations. There have been no novices of this type in' Wat Bangkhuad since 1934. Temporary Novices: It is customary among many families to have a young son, grandson, or nephew spend from three to fifteen daysas a novice in the event of the death of an elder member of the family. One to seven days before the cremation is to take -place, the boy joins the wat as a novice and remains from two to ten days after the cremation. By doing this, the deceased, as well as the family, obtainsa goodly amount of merit. Since the relatively austere life in the wat is not agreeable to these youths, especially the prohibition of eating after the noon hour, more frequently the novice spends only the minimum of tAree or four days and then returns home. Nuns: Any female above 15 years of age who wishes to leave th&

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wordly'life may join the order of -nuns and live in special cubicles set off from the regular monk quarters. Nuns are respected, but are considered the lowest level of robed persons in the wat hierarchy. In contrast to the monks, they may spend the night either at home or at the wat-, they do not make the morning begging rounds, but must buy their food or have it brought to them; they may sit next to persons of the opposite sex (see p. 136). Their vestment is white and. consists of a phanung, undergarment, and ciwaun. Nuns follow only eight of the 227 regulations. According to the Bangkhuad farmer, when a woman becomes a nun, merit is bestowed only upon herself — no other members of the family profit from it. The explanation given for this is that Buddha encouraged young men to becomemonks, but there is no mention in the texts of merit-extension, resulting from a woman becoming a nun. The ; nun with the longest tenure acts as abbess. Her duties are cleaning the wat and washing the dishes for the monks. In Bangkhuad, there are only two persons who have served asnuns. Inasmuch as Wat Bangkhuad has no provision for nuns, they both lived at a wat in Bangkok. One had an unhappy marriage and no children, and after being deserted by her husband, became a nun. The second became a nun at the age of 55, following the death of her husband. She joined in order to gain merit for herself and to wash herself of all her sins, in the hope that she would be reborn into, higher form of life—a man. Dekwat: The dekwat are boys between the ages of 10 and 16 whoserve as houseboys to the monks. They wear ordinary clothing and follow only five of the 227 regulations. Some monks may 7 have onedekwat, some two, and others may have none. Dekwat are sent to thewat to serve either a special monk, the abbot, or any monk. In the first case, a younger brother or a nephew of a monk will be asked by his parents, or by the monk himself, to serve as his. dekwat. In the second instance, a family will ask the abbot to take their son as his dekwat. In the third case, the boy is taken to theabbot, who is asked to assign him to one of the other monks.- The, abbot, in this case, gives the boy his choice of whom he would like to serve. The three major motivations of a household for sending a youngboy to serve in the wat are: 1) they cannot afford to feed him at home, 2) they wish to receive merit, and 3) they want their boy to liye in a “proper” environment. A monk who has no relatives in the village and who has no dekwat assigned to him (this is usually true only during the Lenten period) will occasionally ask to borrow another monk’s dekwat. The dekwat

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must be handled with care, however, for he is likely to leave if overworked or mistreated. Duties of the dekwat are as follows : in the morning, he goes with the monk on his begging route, carrying the pinto into which donations of any wet foods such as curry, soup, etc., are put. Upon returning to the wat, the dekwat serves the monk, eats part of the remaining food, then washes the dishes. At 11:00 a.m., he again serves food (usually eaten cold), eats, and washes the dishes. This time remaining food is thrown away. Left-over rice is put into large containers in the wat cupboard to be dried later and sold to the Chinese. It is the duty of the dekwat to beat the drum in the hauchan at 11 :00 a.m. each day, announcing the lunch hour. It is also his duty to ring the bell in the bell tower at 9 :00 a.m. and 4 :00 p.m. during the Lenten period to announce the meeting of the monks in the bod. This, rather than being an onerous duty, is one for which dekwat eagerly compete. In their leisure time between 9:00 and 11:00 a.m. and 3:00 and 5:00 p.m., they swim, fish, and play games. Twice a week for one half hour, the monks (on a rotation basis) are assigned to teach the dekwat Pali words used in the basic chants. Whenever a monk goes visiting or goes to town, the dekwat follows several yards behind, carrying whatever paraphernalia the monk may take along or bring back with him. During the day, the abbot may occasionally ask one of the dekwat to run an errand for him. The dekwat prepares his own evening meal, and if he lives nearby, goes home to sleep. Otherwise, he sleeps on the porch of the khuti. In former times, when the only education was that offered by the wat, it was more common for families to send their children to serve as dekwat. Furthermore, monks then practised many skills, such as carpentry, weaving, and curing. The dekwat who served a monk was taught the trade of his master. Some families even reasoned that the abbot would pay the expenses of their son’s ordination if the boy served him for several years, a strategy still sometimes attempted. The trend today has shifted. Education of the monks is emphasized and that of the dekwat is neglected. This is the result of the nationalization of education and the recent and concomitant tendency of the Department of Religion to emphasize schooling for the clergy. In addition to his duties at the wat, the dekwat today must attend the government school. The monk who needs his dekwat during school hours asks the head school teacher to excuse the boy for the necessary length of time. In the old days, some dekwat disliked their role. Others preferred

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it to working on the farm. Today all say that they enjoy the life, stating that they have more leisure, their work is much easier, and the food is more plentiful than at home. With this brief summary of the basic functional roles of the various members of the wat, let us return to the monks, first describing their motives for joining the clergy. Every young man, once he has attained the age of 20 is encouraged, though not coerced, to join the clergy for at least one Lenten period. Many of the younger, unmarried villagers who become monks do so with the goal of accumulating merit. Should they find the life agreeable, they stay on until they are no longer interested, or are needed at home. This practice was quite prevalent in the old days, when access to Bangkok was difficult, movies were unknown, and exchange was primarily on the basis of barter. Today, it is very tempting and easy to run off to Bangkok with some cash and “sanug” (have a good time). Still, some young men join for one Lenten period in order to bring merit to their respective households and especially to their mothers, who feel the greatest urge to piety. Others join merely because of social pressure. Some join in order to accumulate much merit before serving in the army. Others going into the army hope that by first becoming a monk they, will later lead a charmed life and be neither wounded nor killed. The nine regular monks at Wat Bangkhuad joined the clergy for the following reasons : three wanted to gain merit in order to reach Nirvana as soon as possible; two were bored and exasperated with mundane responsibility; one had gambled away his property, and having no family,, had no incentive to work. Another had been forced to sell his property and could not find work. Still another, whose wife had died and whose children were all married, decided to retire. One monk had vowed that if he were cured of his illness, he would spend at least one year in the wat.. Ordination Preparation for ordination, or buadnag, begins between three days and three weeks prior to the actual ceremony. It is customary and highly practical for the would-be monk (nag) to enter the wat a week prior to his ordination ceremony. In this way, he becomes acquainted with the routine, but more important, it gives him the opportunity of studying the necessary Pali responses that he must make during the ordination ceremony. The duller young men often come to the wat as much as three weeks in advance. By staying at

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the wat, they are not distracted by household chores. The abbot, assigns to each one a cubicle which is his during his entire stay. The wat gives them three meals a day, in addition to which their own households may bring them some fruit and other food. One of the permanent monks is assigned by the abbot to instruct and test the nags from time to time. The nag is briefed on what he should expect in the wat, and what will be expected of, him. He istaught always to walk with his eyes lowered,, to gaze only at the. ground. He is reminded to respect older monks, and to respect the yellow robes and the individuals who wear them ; and he is taught how to wear his robes in the prescribed manner. He is also taught the various behavior patterns which he must follow on specified occasions, e.g., in the bod, the wihan, the farmhouse. Although theoretically one may join the monkhood at any time between the end of one Lenten period and the beginning of the next, it is customary to join just prior to Lent —early July. (No one may join once Lent has begun.) Joining after the Lenten period means that the monk must remain in the wat until the end of the following Lent if he wishes to gain the proper merit and status. When a monk or layman is asked how long he has been in the clergy, the question is phrased, “How many Lenten periods have you served ?” The parent or uncle, or whoever happens be the boy’s sponsor, approaches the abbot a few weeks in advance and asks him to arrange for the U pacha (see p. 125) to appear at his convenience. He is asked to arrange for the two tutor-monks (khusuad') and the 20 monk witnesses (though according to Buddhist law only two witnesses are necessary). The abbot in turn, informally questions the sponsor as to whether the boy is 21 years of age and a male, and whether he is free from boils, leprosy, tuberculosis, ringworm, epilepsy, debts, and marital responsibility. Since 1934, forms have had to be filled out by the would-be monk stating such pertinent information as age, name, and village. In addition, there are a series of questions concerning debts, family responsibility, police record, permission of wife or parents, diseases, etc., as mentioned above. Besides the sponsor, it is necessary to have a respected but unrelated person guarantee the character of the would-be monk. A certificate from the head school teacher must also be given to the abbot, stating that the candidate has passed pratom three, or that he can read and write. A married man may be ordained, if permission is given by his wife to the abbot. However, should she at any time request his release, he usually will doff the yellow robes and return to his family responsibilities.

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It is because of proximity, expediency, and acquaintance with the U pacha that one is usually ordained in the wat of his own village or in a nearby village regardless of his personal feelings concerning the quality of the monks in that particular wat. Farmers who have moved to other districts usually return to their native villages to be ordained. The U pacha is an abbot who, having met certain requirements, is permitted and certified by the Department of Religion to ordain. The prerequisites he must meet are eight: 1) he must have passed the ecclesiastical examination of first class (nagthameg); 2) he must have served ten years or more as a monk; 3) he must be a popular abbot and respected by persons in other villages as well as his own; 4) he must show administrative ability in the care of his own wat, and be able to look after his own people; .5) he must possess good health in both body and mind —he cannot be paralyzed, have leprosy, or be ■emotionally unstable ; 6) he must be able 'to instruct other monks, i.e., he must know the 227 regulations; and 8) he must know how to ordain in the proper manner. On the eve of the ordination, relatives and friends of the nag steal ■quietly up to the wat and two or more go inside to fetch him. Outside with the nag they are joined by a percussion orchestra which plays a rhythmical tattoo asjthey wander about the village in a procession announcing to all the villagers that they are escorting a nag. After, an hour or so, they return to the home of the sponsor —usually the nag's own household —where he spends his last night as a layman. If the family is moderately well-to-do,' there will be an all evening' ritual called Thamkhwannag (see p..202). On the following morning,as many regular monks as the household can afford (20 is the traditional ideal) are invited to bless the household, and are given an elaborate breakfast. They also are given food to take to the wat for "their noon meal. Two families having a member ordained at the same time can share the expenses of the monks’ breakfasts and of "the Thamkhwannag ritual as well as. the ordination. This is more common during the last week before Lent, when there are many ■nags and a limited time in which to hold the ceremonies. There is no ceremony involving the shaving of the nag's head. Shaving off the hair, beard, if any, and eyebrows may be done in his .home prior to the Thamkhwannag ritual or anytime during his preparatory stay at the wat, and must be done by a man. or an elderly woman. An hour before the ordination is to take place, the orchestra-led procession again starts out. This time the destination is thebod. Drum beating is interspersed, with festive “Ao-ing”—a Tarzan-like yodel..

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When the party arrives at the bod, they stop at the front sernd. The nag is now picked up and carried on the shoulders of one of the stronger young men. Amidst drumming and “Ao-ing,” the procession, led by the orchestra, continues three times around the bod— once around to think about the Buddha, once to think about his teachings, and once to think about his disciples. Behind the orchestra are several young girls, who carry gifts for the U pacha. One of these gifts is called the tauntian —a glass or tin can filled with paper flowers and decorated on the outside to resemble a candle. This is placed on a tray along with candles, joss-sticks, and betel. On another tray, money is tied to an upright stick simulating a miniature flagpole. Joss-sticks are lit and placed about the stick. The amount of money per tray averages 40 baht. There are two other trays of a similar nature, each with 20 baht for the khusuad. The sponsor of the nag is next in the procession. Then comes the mother who carries across her arms the monk’s robes. The alms bowl is carried by the father. Then come relatives and friends and finally, the nag. The nag and sponsors each carry lighted joss-sticks, candles, and a lotus bud. Others in the procession carry small trays of money for the 20 monk witnesses —10 baht each. If any one has any objection to the nag's ordination —if any girl has been made pregnant by him, or if thereus anyone to whom he owes money, —the party must state the objection while the procession is touring the bod. If they do not, there is no recourse later. At the end of the third tour, the nag is set upon the ground. He goes to the s&ma and makes apologies in Pali, saying in effect that he is about to step into the bod with his body, his heart, and his soul. He asks forgiveness for entering such a holy edifice, with garments dirty as he is wearing. He says that he is entering the clergy because he wants to reach Nirvana, and that he is grateful to the Buddha for showing him the way. Turning to the group, he begs their pardon for any offensive things he, may have spoken or committed against them during his life as a layman. The nag is then grasped by as many of the group as can get hold of him, and is thrust into the bod. This is done in. the belief that anyone aiding a man in becoming a monk gains a great deal of merit. Sometimes the musicians will bar the entrance so that the parents will be forced to pay them a bribe to let their son enter. Because of an old animistic belief that the soul or spirit of the bod resides in the door sill, the nag must be certain to step over the sill so as not to offend or disturb this spirit. Meanwhile, the monks have entered via the back door, krab-ed. three times (reverent bowing—see Glossary) in front of the Buddha,

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and have taken their places on the dais with their backs to the Buddha. Mats have already been spread; cigarettes, betel, Coca-cola, and a spitoon (all furnished by the sponsors) have been put at each place by the dekwat. Throughout the ceremony, the monks drink, smoke, and chew betel. Officially, there must be at least five monks present at an ordination —the Upacha, two witnesses, and two tutors. The tutors aid the would-be monk should he forget the proper Pali responses. In. Bangkhuad, there have never been fewer than .20 witnesses. This necessitates borrowing monks from nearby wats. The ceremony proceeds as follows : the novice walks along the side of the dais (for no one other than the monks may sit or stand there during a ceremony such as this), approaches the Buddha, krabs, and repeats the apology made to the sema. He then goes to his father and picks up the three robes (phatraj). With them across his forearms, he approaches the Upacha, krabs, and presents him with the robes, which are placed on the Upacha’s lap by one of the khusuad. The nag sits before the Upacha, who proceeds to tell him how fortunate he is to be a disciple of the Buddha and that, henceforth, he will have to learn the laws and ways of the Buddha, that he will have to throw away all mundane habits such as drinking, consorting with women, gambling, etc. ; negate all temptations, and realize that such things as hair, teeth, and skin are nothing and in death disintegrate. One of the 1 tutor monks then has him remove his shirt, and the Upacha places the sangkhati across his shoulder. He is then sent behind the Buddha, where he removes the rest of his clothing and puts on the sabong. He is again helped by the tutor monk. He returns and again krabs before the Upacha, who then places the alms bowl over his shoulder. The Upacha tells the others that the nag now has his essential paraphernalia —the bowl and two garments. The belt is not mentioned, although it is worn. (Because of the scarcity of cloth in the days of the Buddha, no belt was used by novices.) The Upacha announces that the nag is ready to be ordained. The nag stands up with hands in waj position and asks the Upacha to give him the regulations which he must follow in order to be a novice. (Before one can become a monk, he must first have been a nen. In the old days, and still in north Thailand, one would become a nen for several months or years before becoming a monk.) The Upacha recites the ten regulations in Pali; the nag repeats after each one. He is then told that he must be sure to follow them inasmuch as he is now a full-fledged novice. Then he is asked to step outside. The two tutors announce to the Upacha that there is a novice by such and such name wishing to join the order of monks. They request the Upacha to

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permit them to be his representative in questioning the novice concerning the latter’s integrity and justification in wanting to become a monk. Permission is granted. They question the novice as to whether .he has had tuberculosis, boils, leprosy, ringworm ; is he an epileptic, is he human, is he male, is he free (not a convict), is he free from debt, is he< of age, does he have permission of his parents, does he have his bowl, his robes ? One monk asks the’ questions and both act as witnesses. This part of the ceremony is carried on in mumbled voices at the front of the bod. To each question, the nen replies amabhante—true, or natibhante—not true. The witnesses then return to the dais, inform the group that the questions have been asked, that the novice has passed, and is fit to become one of them. The Upacha calls the novice who kneels and wajs. Then the Upacha announces that the novice has been questioned and is fit to become one of them, and he requests any monks who have objections to express them now. He repeats this request three times. The monks then chant a blessing concerning the glories of being a monk, and thanking -the people for having brought this man into the order of monks. The Upacha and monks are next presented with gifts from’ the relatives of the new monk. The monks all depart, followed by the Upacha. Friends and relatives finally bestow gifts upon the new monk. Gifts given bjr women are placed on a handkerchief, since Buddhist law- forbids their coming into direct contact with a member of the clergy. Gifts are all of a practical nature —matches, soap, cigarettes; joss-sticks, candles, tea, medicine, and if the monk is a carpenter, some tools. Unlike the term “ordination” in the Catholic sense, Buddhistordination is an act of self-dedication to a rather ascetic way of life and does not confer any sacerdotal powers. It does, however, confer prestige and bring merit to the monk as well as to his family. As a monk, he can depend on food and other essentials from the laity, but he must prove himself worthy of their respect in order that the laity may continue its generosity. Nor is the Buddhist monk a priest in the Western sense. Like the monk of early Catholicism, his enterprise is primarily personal : he seeks his own salvation. But there are important differences : he does not pray as Christians understand the term, for Buddha is considered to have been a great prophet and not a God. He makes no vows to the Lord Buddha; may join and leave as he pleases; and tries to follow the 227 rules of conduct prescribed for the monks.

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Novice Ceremony The novice who plans to stay several months or years goes through a ceremony similar to the first half of the monks’ ordination. However, since in Bangkhuad the only novices are those who spend from three to ten days at the time of cremation of a relative, no formal ceremony is required. The would-be novice merely has his head shaved, brings the two robes (they are not permitted to wear the shoulder robe) with joss-sticks and candles to the abbot and asks permission to join his wat. The abbot takes a bowl of holy water and, as he slowly pours it out, relates the glories of being a novice and tells of the merit which will accrue to the family of the deceased as well as to the deceased himself through the service of the novice. He reminds the novice that he will also receive merit for his gesture. Cost of Ordination The pre-ordination and ordination ceremonies combined ordinarily •cost from 2000 to 5000 baht, depending on the wealth of the household. If the household is extremely poor, however, they may ask the abbot to help defray the cost (which he has done on many occasions). They will give him several hundred baht and ask him to make the necessary arrangements. There will be no pre-ordination ceremony and no orchestra. Only a few monks will be invited to breakfast. But most of the monks will be present at the ceremony as a courtesy to the abbot. Following is the minimum number of items needed by all monks. The first eight articles are known as attabaurikanpaed, or the eight 'essential articles which all monks must have. At one time, they were the only articles which the monks were permitted to possess.* 1-3. one set of phatraj, the three cloths worn by all monks. 4. one alms bowl (bintha) 5. one hone and razor 6. umbrella 7. special drinking cup with filter 8. one pair leather sandals (open-toed) 9. one belt of yellow cloth (rattakod) 10. needle and thread 11. one bathing cloth (pha ab) 12. one monk fan 13. one yellow silk shopping bag * The eight articles were suggested, by several of the monks. The other monks were “not sure.” However, according to Wells, K. E. (Thai Buddhism, ■p.150), numbers nine and ten above should be in place of six and eight.

a

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14. one pinto 15. one kerosene lamp 16. one pillow 17. one mat 18. one mosquito net 19. one blanket 20. one small yellow cloth for receiving gifts 21. five packages joss-sticks 22. five packages candles 23. soap 24. two yellow towels 25. two tea-cups 26. one teapot 27. one cooking pot’ 28. two plates 29. two porcelain bowls 30. spoons The clothing worn by the monks consists of a bathing cloth, skirt-like affair (pha ab); a ceremonial belt (rattakod)-, a folded blanket-like robe worn over one shoulder (sangkhati); an upper garment worn over the body as a large shawl (ciwaun); and a skirt (sabong). The ciwaun, a shawl-like garment, is a large rectangular cloth made up of 15 pieces with the sections visibly displayed by large stitching. According to one monk, it is a symbolic survival of the days when cloth was very scarce and the monks were forced to piece together various and sundry rags to be used as garments. In addition, they wear open-toed sandals when leaving the temple grounds. During all ceremonial functions, the three garments —sangkhati, ciwaun, and sabong—must be worn. When leaving the wat, only two are worn —the ciwaun and sabong. Around the wat, it is permissible to wear only the pha ab and an angsa (tight-fitting undershirt). The special drinking cup with filter is not used for hygienic purposes, but rather as a preventive against drinking (and thus killing) any small animalcula that might have fallen into the water. In practice, it is rarely used. The fan serves two functions. During the long chants, it is held by the monk in such a way as to obstruct the view of the laity and so aid in concentrating upon the chant. Secondly, it keeps eyes away from the women. The bright green or yellow shoulder bag is carried by all monks when going to town or to another village. The combined items in the previous list cost well over 800 baht. The eight essential items cost roughly 300 baht. Food for the monks, friends, and relatives costs about 1500 baht. If ordination announcement cards have been sent, this is another 60 baht. The .prescribed

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fee for monk witnesses including the khusuad comes to 300 baht. This does not include the cost of gifts to the U pacha and others. A very poor sponsor will try to borrow as many items as possible from the wat, such as the kerosene lamp, alms bowl, dishes, pots, etc. Relatives and friends may contribute many of these things, however, for in so doing, they acquire merit. The permanent monks will, of course, possess even more of these articles. For example, one monk may own, in addition to the above listed items, several sets of clothing, several suitcases, a charcoal iron, a clay stove, saws, hammers, knives, pillows, books, and several figures of Buddha. In Bangkhuad, 14 per cent of the male inhabitants between the ages of 25 and 55 who can read and write have not yet been ordained. Nearly all of these men are from poor families. There seems to be a tendency for men who do not buad before they are 25 to join the monkhood only after they are men of 55 or more. Marriage and subsequent domestic-economic responsibilities make monkhood impossible at intermediate ages. The percentage of men over 55 who have not been ordained is 39 per cent. About one half of these can neither read nor write, so, according to a recent regulation, will not be permitted to serve as monks. The remaining half learned to write while serving as dekwat. Eighteen per cent of this latter one half were planning to be ordained within the next year or two. Daily Life of the Monks The monks’ day begins at 5:00 a.m. On a rotation basis, one monk is assigned each week to awaken the others. He uses an alarm clock lent by the abbot, and goes from khuti to khuti striking the wooden doors with a stick. The monk sleeps on a straw mat wearing only a waist cloth and a shoulder cloth. Upon awakening, he performs his ablutions, then returns to his room. There he krabs before the altar and recites a Buddhist prayer in Pali, in which he thanks the Buddha for showing him the way to Nirvana and reminds himself that his nails, skin, teeth, and hair are all- material things which have no significance and which in death turn to dust. At 5 :30 he starts out on his route in quest of food. His dekwat may accompany him carrying the pinto, but the monk carries his own alms bowl. If he goes by boat, he will go alone. If there is a heavy rain, he remains in the wat and partakes of food stored in the wat cupboard. As the monk walks along with his bowl under his arm, he keeps his eyes on the ground. When he arrives at the gate of one of the houses on his route, he holds out his bowl, eyes still on the ground. 9*

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’ donor by accepting her food. He does offer a . short, silent blessing known as the jathaphacajang. After he has called on all the households on his route, he returns to the wat and awaits the other monks. When the last monk has returned, all the food is pooled and redistributed. The monks eat only two meals a day, and both are consumed before the noon hour. Very pious monks eat only once a day. One reason for this semi-fasting is based on the notion that with less food, there is less energy, and therefore, less sex drive. Another, and obviously more important reason is tied in with the Buddhistic aim of leading a life as completely independent of the material things of this world as possible. The route traveled has been determined by the abbot and usually remains the same for several weeks. It is quite common for monks to travel in groups of three and four, but. always in single file. If a monk has relatives, he may ask to take the route which passes their house. Each monk visits from 15 to 20 houses. The younger monks take the longer routes, the older monks the shorter. The range is from one kilometre to four kilometres round trip. Those traveling by boat may paddle as many as six kilometres in all. Since the families at the southern end of the village live too far 1 away to be included in the morning route, they compensate by making larger donations than other households on holy days. After the meal, the monks gather in the wihan and chant a tenminute blessing-prayer (jathasaphi) for those who gave them the food, wishing them long life and prosperity. Then they return to their rooms. At 9 :00 they gather again in the wihan and suadmonchaw (morning blessing chant) for one hour. Erom 10:00 to 11:00, they study or sit about. It is at this time that they.may work at hobbies. Only three of the regular monks have hobbies —one is a carpenter and makes coffins, kites, and mango-pickers. One raises orchids, jackfruit, limes, and other plants.. Another makes candles. Many of the monks raise medicinal plants such as baura/phed used for headaches and fevers and sinhamora, boiled in wine and used for hemorrhoids. At 11:00, the drum is beaten' and the monks partake of the second and last meal of. the day, eaten on the porch of the khuti. The abbot and three other elderly monks eat alone. Two of the remaining six live on the south side of the wat and eat together. The other four monks form a second eating group. The elder monks do not enjoy eating with the younger monks —they like to take their time, and there is a mutual feeling of embarrassment when the younger monks are kept waiting. The noon meal is usually not heated, though most of the monks possess smallclay stoves. However, water is boiled during the day for tea.. .Liquids are not considered

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food, and may be consumed at any time of the day. Tea is most popular. After the meal, the monks, in their small groups, chant a short blessing for those who gave them food. On holy days, when special foods, such as curries and sweets, are brought to the wat, the monks eat at the wihan, and a special, more lengthy blessingchant is offered. From 11:30 until 1:00, the monks rest. However, on holy days and the day preceding holy days (especially during the Lentenperiod), they shave one another and sit around plucking their eyebrows and sparse beards, chatting and drinking tea. The monks are taught daily from 1 :00 to 4:00 p.m., with a ten-minute recess at 2:00 and again at 3 :00. Since the abbot is not a very good teacher of Buddhist law, and since he is “too absorbed in administrative duties,” he often requests the service of his nephew, a young monk-teacher from Wat Ladpraw. .In Wat Bangkhuad in 1953 .'(during Lent), there was a total of 26 monks. Twelve were preparing for the Nagthamtri examination, five for the Nagthamtho, and two for the Nagthameg. The remaining seven monks were either too ill or too old (50 and over), and thus exempt from classes. The teacher was.not given a salary. He was doing a favor for his uncle and gaining merit at the same time. The abbot furnished him, periodically, with cigarettes and spending money. He brought his own dekwat, which was no inconvenience, since to have given him one at the wat would have meant depriving someone else. The Nagthamtri. class is taught Thai composition, arithmetic, Buddhist law, and the story of the life of the Buddha. Composition class consists of interpretations and explanations of simple Buddhist concepts. The Nagthamtho and Nagthameg classes are taught the same subjects, but with progressively more detail. Each week, the classes are given a one-hour written .examination on the material covered during the week. (See Yearly Examinations p. 139.) At 4:00, the monks bathe, wash clothes, and rest. Clothes are washed every four or five days and re-dyed every three or four months. At. 7 :00 p.m., each monk retires to his room, puts on the three required garments, jfcrads before the Buddha, and after placing the khryangbucha on the altar, recites various chants half an hour. When he forgets a line, he may apologize to the Buddha for his memory lapse, and then look it up in his book. When the recitation is finished, he again krabs and removes the shoulder garment. At this time, he may chat with his friends, or read. The abbot receives all the religious literature sent out by the Department of Religion and other Buddhist organizations, and this literature is lent to any member of the clergy who desires to read it. In theory, monks may read

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anything they choose, with the exception of books or magazines dealing with erotic material. It is not uncommon to find a monk reading a pulp magazine brought to him by one of the farmers. The monks retire between 8 :00 and 9 :00 p.m. During the non-Lenten season, the life of the monk differs qualitatively and quantitatively. Ceremonies in the bod are held only occasionally, and the monks perform many more ceremonies for the laity, either at their homes or in the wat. This is especially true during the post-harvest season. The most important difference is that the monks are free to leave the wat for periods of time much longer than the sunrise-sunset restriction enforced during the Lenten period. Thudong A case in point concerns the Thudong monks who may begin their peripatetic life only during the non-Lenten season. Monk number 5 (see Table V, p. 102) is the only monk from Wat Bangkhuad to have been a Thudong. A Thudong regulation prohibits their staying in any one place more than three days. These wandering monks lead a very ascetic life, eating only one meal a day, and following the other 12 Thudong regulations. 1 A monk usually becomes a peripatetic monk by being invited by a friend who plans to become, or has already been a Thudong. Initiation for a Thudong takes place at a wat in Chachingsao sometime during the two months following the harvest. At least four monks must perform the ceremony and act as witnesses, one of whom must have served as a monk for at least ten consecutive Lenten periods. The ceremony after the initiation is known as the Pariwadkam ceremony, which takes place over a period of ten days. For five days it is performed in an open field at least one kilometre from the nearest wat. On the eighth and ninth days it is repeated in the krod (the small portable tent in which the Thudong lives). On the first, seventh, and tenth days, the ceremony is held in the bod. Since the purpose of these walking pilgrimages is to pay respect to all the well-known Buddhist shrines in Thailand, the first part of their journey is fixed. Their first destination is the sacred bo tree at Phrachingburi, a distance of 100 kilometres. Next is the Buddha footprint at Saraburi, and from there, they go where they wish. They live in their portable habitation, which is a large tentmosquito-net combination. They carry with them only a large 1

Childers, p. 123.

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umbrella, a mat, an alms bowl, and a pinto. The Thudongs are reputed by laymen all over Thailand to possess special knowledge, and wherever they pitch their tent, farmers gather immediately seeking cures, blessings, and advice. Wat Government A quorum of five monks is needed to practise Buddhist law within the bod, and to punish, make decisions, and conduct most of the services. Wats with four monks or fewer, must borrow monks on these occasions in order to make up the quorum. The Regulations There are 227 regulations by which all monks are supposed to abide. Many of these are almost impossible, such as sleeping only on one side or eating without making a sound. As a practical solution to the problem, the regulations have been broken down into several categories. The first category is called Parachik. These are the first four regulations that one learns. Any infraction of these regulations on the part of a monk results in his expulsion from the monkhood. 1) Do not kill any human creature; 2) Do not steal; 3) Refrain from all sexual activities ; 4) Do not tell lies. In category two, there are 13 regulations known as Sangkhatised, infractions which were once considered flagrant, though not worthy of expulsion. These are no longer considered flagrant ; some monks do not even consider them sins. These regulations prohibit such things as eating a second meal; eating on holy days; eating food other than that collected in the alms bowl; owning more than the eight articles (the three cloths, alms bowl, etc.). No monks in Bangkhuad follow these regulations. These sins are confessed to each and every monk at a specified time (once a year, usually in January). Category three contains a group of 32 minor sins called Nidphaciti, which includes such things as swearing, slander, petty lies, etc., and which must be confessed on holy day in front of the sema. Category four comprises the remaining 160 regulations which are considered too minor to require confession other than the general confession made at the sema after the opening Lenten day ceremony. Cases of Expulsion in Bangkhuad Offenses concerning infractions of the Parachik regulations are tried by an ecclesiastical board. In 1931, a monk was caught by the

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Bangkok police smoking opium ■without a license. The police brought him back to the wat and the abbot, after hearing both sides of the story, asked the monk to remove his robes. The police have no authority to arrest a monk, but once the vestments are removed, he is under the jurisdiction of civil law. In 1939, a monk who had had sexual relations with one of the dekwat was taken to the higher ecclesiastical board in Bangkok, found guilty, and expelled. Until 1934, monks would occasionally travel from wat to wat, posing as abbots of fictitious wats, and try to obtain donations. This was considered a violation of Parachik regulation number four and would result in their expulsion. Since 1934, however, monks have had to carry identification books on their persons whenever they leave the wat-, this book contains such information as a picture of the monk, his thumbprint, the number of years he has served as a monk, where he was ordained, his rank, etc., plus the official seal of the Department of Religion. No doubt there is some homosexual activity, at least during the Lenten period, when so many young men are suddenly thrown into celibacy. Two men in the village informed me of such occurrences during their stay in the wat. In the event that a monk is caught, or confesses to, masturbation, he is compelled to leave’ the wat for six days and nights, remaining out in an open field within one kilometre radius of the wat, with only an umbrella to protect him from the elements. Shpuld another monk pass by, the sin must be confessed to him. The other monks are forbidden to communicate with him during this time. Food is brought by one of the dekwat. At the termination of the six days, a special meeting is held in the bod, in which not less than 20 monks must participate. The guilty monk must stand and confess his sin to the entire group, after which the abbot tells the group that this monk has done his penance, that he has suffered enough, and should be allowed to rejoin the group. Women may visit with the monks in front of their rooms but may not enter. Only if a monk is very ill may his mother or sister enter his khuti, to care for him. Monks may not have physical contact with women, nor may they sit directly next to them. Nevertheless, should a monk meet a women in a desperate situation (such as drowning), he may try to save her. The Practical Regulations The dekwat are not forced to follow any of the 227 regulations, though as laymen they should follow the common five, which apply

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to all the laity. These are: 1) do not kill, 2) do not steal, 3) do not commit adultery, 4) do not lie, and 5) do not drink intoxicating beverages. On holy days, the laymen are asked to pay particular attention to the fifth regulation and also follow the next three: 6) do not eat at improper times (after the noon meal), 7) do not indulge in amusement —movies, dancing, like, etc., 8) do not use any sweet-smelling perfumes or oils. The nuns must follow nine regulations in addition to the above, adding (9) do not sleep in. a high or wide bed. The novice must follow ten, adding (10) do not handle silver or gold (it is common to see monks and novices handling paper money —the rationale being that paper is neither silver nor gold), and the monks, of course, must follow these ten regulations plus the remaining 217. The Lenten Period The Lenten period, commonly known as Phansa, begins on the 15th day of the waxing moon of the eighth lunar month (usually 'July), and lasts through the 15th day of the waxing moon of the eleventh month (usually October). On the first day of the Lenten period (a holy day), there is a special meeting in the bod at 4 :00 p.m. After the regular preliminary ceremony has taken place (see later), the abbot extols the merits, of being a monk, explains to the monks their duties, urges them not to argue or fight with one another, and informs them of the wat regulations and the wat boundaries. The monks then file out (the abbot last) and ask forgiveness at the sema for all the mistakes that they may make while wearing the sacred yellow cloth (these “mistakes” refer in general, to many of the 227 regulations to which strict adherence is virtually impossible). A Pali name, determined by the date of birth, is then given to all the new monks by the abbot. Special astrological books are used which indicate the letters auspicious for that day, month, and year. During the remainder of the Lenten period, the monks congregate in the bod on holy days at 9:00 in the morning and at 4:00 in the afternoon. Though the monks in the bod have left the doors open, none of the laity is permitted to enter at these times. The abbot enters first and leaves last. All krab in front of the Buddha before taking their places. It is at this time that the pattimok, or 227 regulations, are rehearsed. At the end of the morning session, some of the monks may remain in the bod to meditate. Prior to the afternoon session, confessions are made. Outside the bod, in front of the sema, a junior monk confesses to the senior monk all his transgressions of

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the past two weeks. The sins are combined thus : “I have done many had things these past days ; I want to confess to you all these mistakes, both small and large, so that you may be a witness to my errors.” The senior monk replies that it is proper to have confessed and that one must be certain not to commit these sins again. The senior monk then confesses in like fashion to his junior. If the monks have quarreled during the past interval, they must apologize to one another following the confession. One monk conducts services in the wihan for the laity. These services, held at 9:00 a.m. and at 7:30 p.m., consist of readings from the Trajpidok, dealing primarily with the attainment of merit and demerit. These sermons which last about one hour, are written on palmleaf and are known as sermon books or nangsythed. The monk is free to choose his own story. Following the reading, the monk counts the money given by the laity for the reading and announces the amount publicly. Sometimes during the first two weeks of Lent (always on a Thursday), the monks who were ordained by the same Upacha during the year will pay their respects to him at his own wat, in a ritual similar in meaning to the wafkhru. Each group of monks is escorted by its abbot, on a day chosen by the Upacha, so that all the monks whom he has ordained that year may come at the same time. Each monk carries a khryangbucha. When they arrive at the wihan, the candles and joss-sticks are lit and held in the waj position as the monks chant an apology to the Upacha for all the sins and mistakes which they may make during the ensuing Lenten period. The Upacha forgives them and encourages them not to make mistakes. He then recites for them a lesson from the Buddhist scriptures, and the ceremony ends. The last day of the Lenten period is referred to as Wanaugphansa or “day of leaving the Phansa.” It is not necessary to leave on that particular day, and temporary monks sometimes stay a week or so longer. Though the particular day upon which the novice enters the monkhood, i. e., the day of ordination, is determined by the availability of the Upacha, the day upon which he leaves the monkhood must be an auspicious day. The abbot, consulted in advance, advises the proper date. Resigning from the Monkhood When a monk feels that he has had enough of wat life (modwatsana}, he removes his monk clothing and puts on the dress of the laity. He tells the Buddha that he is sorry to be leaving and that he may return someday. There is no ceremony. Nevertheless, he must remain at the

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wat for three more days, during which time he performs various tasks about the wat, such as cleaning the outhouse, the various wat buildings and compound. He is allowed to eat a light supper in the evening. On the third day, his family comes to collect his things, leaving behind only those articles which were of use to him as a monk. These may be stored by the abbot, to be borrowed later by a poor monk, or the monk may sell them to a Chinese merchant, who will resell them to poor families in Bangkok. Yearly Examinations In December, the Ministry of Religion sponsors the yearly examinations which are given at one of the larger wats in each district . Monks are encouraged to take these three-hour examinations. If they fail, they may take them over as many times as they wish. Each monk supplies his own pen, ink, and paper. The abbots from all the wats in the district act as supervisors and proctors. In 1953, 160 monks took the examinations given at Wat Ladpraw. Only one monk from Bangkhuad appeared. He was trying for Nagthamtho and passed. The three Nagtham examinations include arithmetic, Thai grammar, Dharma (the teachings of Buddha), the Windy (rules of conduct for the monks), civil law, history of Buddhism in Thailand, history of Buddhism in foreign countries, Pali grammar, and essay writing on the interpretation of meaning of Buddhist teachings. Once a monk has passed the third level (Nagthameg) examination, he is eligible to continue his studies for the barien level examinations of which there are seven (Jjarien 3—9).

CHAPTER VIII LIFE CYCLE

"VF early every member of the community, during the course of JL n his life, is involved directly in no less than six, and often seven, ritualisticjites .of .passage .which represent definite stepping stones in the bio-social spheres of village culture. For men, these are: 1) third-day post-natal ritual; 2) head-shaving ritual at one month; 3) school at eight years; 4) top-knot cutting at nine, eleven, or thirteen years of age; 5) ordination at 20 to 25 years of age; 6) marriage at 22 to 30; 7) cremation. The rituals for women are: 1) thirdday post-natal ritual; 2) head-shaving ritual at one moiith ; 3) school at eight years of age ; 4) top-knot cutting at nine, eleven, or thirteen years; 5) marriage at 18 to 25; 6]jufaj, symbolizing motherhood; 7) cremation. One may raise objections to the inclusion of the school (no. 3). In the mind of the child, and parent too, however, it represents a definite period in the child’s life and does involve the yearly ritual of uajkhru. Rites three, four, five, and six are actively participated in by the protagonists. The chronology of five and six applying to males may sometimes be reversed. The jufaj ceremony for women (no. 6) has been included even though only a part of the ritual is directed toward motherhood as such. It was felt to pertain to this section because of the psychological as well as the cultural role which it plays in the life of the woman. On the other hand, the army draft call has been only mentioned, inasmuch as there is no ritual and only a small percentage of the male population is involved. Since the life cycle begins with birth, motherhood and the jufaj ceremony will begin this section. Many women work in the fields until the day of parturition. When the expectant mother feels the first pangs of labor, the midwife is notified and remains on the alert until the second notice, indicating that the childis expected within the next hour or two. At this time, she goes to the house of the expectant mother, but takes no equipment with her. Prior to the arrival of the midwife, firewood which has been gathered during previous weeks is neatly piled on the ground or floor inside the house. A bamboo cradle has either been made by the mother or bought in Bangkok. These cradles use a thin kapok mattress or a folded blanket, and a mosquito net, though, more frequent140

141 LIFE CYCLE v ly, the cradle is placed under the parents’ net. Later the cradle will be suspended from the ceiling beam. Special medicine (jakablyad) has been bought from a Chinese herb specialist at either Kilopaed or Minburi. Black, sooty cobwebs are gathered from the walls and ceiling above the stove and are mixed into the medicine. The entire mixture is then put into a large container half -filled with rice wine. The mother will drink this at various intervals throughout the day. A special fireplace (thijufaj) has been constructed several days in advance and consists of four logs cut from the banana tree, each approximately two feet in length and placed so as to form a square on the floor. A sheet of zinc or earth is placed within the square against the floor boards. Banana peels are spread over the base in order to absorb some of the heat. Piled on top of the peelings, within the frame, is a mound of dirt about eight inches deep. On this the fire is made, using mostly wood, and some charcoal. .A special bed for the mother, consisting of boards nailed to two logs, is placed within _ten .inches of the fire. With the arrival of the midwife, the fire is lighted. The expectant mother holds joss-sticks and flowers in waj position while reciting three times the “Nammothasa . . . ” (see Glossary). She then, asks the Goddess of Tire (Maefaj) ta protect her from all sickness during and after the birth. The joss-sticks are then placed in the four corners of the hearth and the flowers are placed in any one of the four corners en masse. ' The midwife is given the usual wajkhru fee of six or 12 baht, depending on the wealth of the family. This is not the fee of the midwife, but a ritual fee which she gives to the wat when she pays her yearly respects to the teacher of midwifery (see wajkhru, Glossary). The ritual fee is placed in a small bowl along with a half bowl of raw rice. Seven leaves of betel nut, one bunch of bananas, three fresh flowers, four joss-sticks, one candle, and an unopened coconut are neatly placed beside the fire by a member of the family. The midwife lights the joss-sticks and places them in the bowl along with the flowers. She raises the bowl and rotates it three times clockwise in a wide circle over her head. The candle is then lit and stuck into the edge of the bowl which is then placed on the hingbucha (Buddhist altar found in all homes). At the time of birth, anyone may be present. It is only during the short ceremony involving the initial approach to the fire, that all persons must leave the house, with the exception of the grandmother, the midwife, and the husband. In the absence of the husband, the expectant mother’s sister may be present.

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The midwife tries to straighten the position of the child in the womb so that it will come out head first. In case of breech birth, the midwife does not attempt to aid birth. But in a normal birth, after the head is out, she will compress the uterus, in order to hasten delivery.. Birth takes place with the mother in a sitting position with legs drawn up. From the ceiling beam a rope is suspended on which she tugs from time to time to help her in labor. No anesthetics are given, and her cries and moans, may become quite intense. When the child is bom, the midwife milks the cord three times in the direction of the mother in order to express the blood. The cord is tied with six-ply thread four inches from the child’s stomach, then cut with a special knife made from bark of the bamboo tree. As she cuts, she recites three times the “Nammothasa, . . .”,_An. •herbal disinfectant, phlaj, is smeared around the base of the cord. Severing the cord is an old and traditional custom focused about the most crucial moment in the life cycle, and the same type of. crude bamboo knife is always used. One objection the farmer has to the Bangkok hospitals is that the doctors do not use this knife. The umbilicus is wrapped in a thin new cloth, on which powder has been sprinkled. The cloth is tied about the child’s stomach. The infant then is placed in the cradle and covered with a blanket. The afterbirth is placed in an earthen pot, covered with salt, and the pot and its contents are placed in front of the fire for the dm ration of the fire treatment. The mother is helped to her special bed beside the fire and the period of jufaj, or fire treatment, begins. The mother krabs and asks the fire not to burn too much, to quickly give her back her strength, and to keep the baby healthy and strong. She then lies on the bed on her side and is given a small “g”-string-like garment to wear over her lower abdominal region. This is her only covering. The midwife now performs her ritual. She takes a glass of the special medicine, holds it in two hands, takes a sip and spits it into the fire, saying, “May this offering keep the poisons of the fire’s heat from harming the mother.” The medicine is spat three times on the fire and three times on the mother. Phlaj, > the same pasty medication used on the baby’s umbilicus, is mixed ■"with ginger, lime paste (phuri), and a little wine, and smeared on the mother’s stomach and small of the back. The mother rests on / her side, rotating every 15 or 20 minutes, exposing first her back and then her stomach. She tries not to sleep on her back during the next 15 days. At two to three hour intervals throughout the day and night, the mother takes a few swallows of the medicinal drink which is reputed to stem the bleeding by burning and drying out the stomach.

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She eats small quantities of her usual daily diet, and leaves the bed only for elimination. The cradle is placed on the side of the bed away from the fire. The baby is fed as soon as it cries. During the first days, when only the colostrum is present, a wet-nurse will be asked (khauraeng) to feed the child. If none is available, however, the mother feeds the baby a mash of premasticated rice and water with her finger. If later the mother’s milk proves insufficient, canned milk may be supplemented, or a wet-nurse used, if available. The following morning, the midwife returns and sponge bathes both mother and child with a solution of tamarind leaf, phlaj, and warm water. This is believed to help the circulation of the blood, and is repeated for two more days. The midwife’s fee is a standard 50 baht, paid at the end of the three-day period for which her services are needed. The mother must remain at the fire for an odd total number of days, i. e., fifteen days for the first child, nine for the second child, and nine or seven for all children thereafter. At the termination of the jufaj period, a ritual is performed by the mother. A bowl of holy water is brought in by a member of the family. The mother drapes a shawl (phasabajciang) over her breasts and shoulders; then, after placing candles and flowers in the four comers of the hearth, she holds four joss-sticks in waj position while again reciting the “Nammothasa . . .” She tells the Goddess of Fire that she is leaving it at this time and asks that strength, health, and wealth ■be given to both herself and her baby. She then sprinkles holy water on the fire. The remainder of the holy water is poured into a“shanghai” jar. With this mixture of holy water and ordinary water, she bathes herself and then dresses in everyday attire. She and her husband then bury the afterbirth in the edge of the field. The pot is placed in the hole mouth up if the. baby is a girl, and mouth down if it is a boy. The explanation given for. ■this act is only that it is traditional; there is no doubt a Freudian significance. When returning to the house, neither parent must look back for fear that the child, once grown, will either run away from home or will respond to all requests with “wait a moment.”.A variation occurring in the disposal of the afterbirth is to bury it at the base of the ladder in the home. This guarantees that the boy will not run away when he grows up. Upon returning to the house, mother and father immediately begin cleaning the house, sharpening tools, etc., for about one hour, in the belief that the child will inherit these diligent qualities and perform the same tasks with pleasure when he, or she, grows up.

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Not everyone in the village uses the jufaj ; some mothers who hear their young during the busy harvest season, have no one to tend the fire, and may use only medicine. However, medicine is very expensive and therefore rarely used. And only after labor in the village has been unsuccessful will a woman go to a Bangkok hospital. The jufaj method is believed to toughen the mother sufficiently to enable her to return to the fields soon after the delivery, but most mothers wait at least one month. Light work about the house is done the day after she leaves the fire. If she leaves the house for any length of time, the baby is slung over the hip and carried in this fashion. When the child is three days old, the midwife ties a holy string (sajsin) around the baby’s wrists. This string is intended to keep the child’s spirit from flying away. It is believed that death is the result of the spirit’s leaving the body, usually via the extremities. The midwife holds the bowl' of holy water over her head and calls the child’s spirit [riagkhwan). She blesses the child and asks the spirit to keep it strong and healthy. No candles or joss-sticks are used. The string is never removed but is allowed to wear off. following the wrist-binding, an adult of either sex who has a reputation for good behavior places the baby in the suspended cradle and rocks it. As he does so, he recites: “On the third day the child still belongs to the spirit. On the fourth day it will belong to a person. Who shall claim it?” Some one in the group volunteers. A book is then placed next to the cradle, where it is allowed to remain until the termination of the jufaj. From this, the child will grow to be wellbehaved and wise. This third-day ceremony is gradually dying out. Within the next few days, the child is given a name by either the parents, a grandparent if one is living in the household, or a wealthy relative. There is no ritual involved. Through the ignorance •of the parents, it is quite common for girls to be given boys’ names * .and vice versa. The astrologer determines the appropriate initial phonetic sounds that should be used for a person born on a particular day at a particular hour. The year and the month are not important. Should the child at a later date suffer from a serious illness, the name is assumed to be a cause and a new one is immediately sought. A wealthy villager may be asked (khauraeng) to come to the house and give the child a new name, in exchange for which he will be made the godfather, a purely honorary role. When the parents register the child with the district officer, they may; see fit to change the name if the sexes are reversed. Names beginning with the same phonetic sound will be suggested, and the parents •choose another name at that time.

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In addition to these names, all children between the ages of two and 15 are addressed by certain terms of affection by friends, relatives, and strangers alike. Such names as mouse, dog, .fatty, red, etc. are used. These will often be used with masculine or feminine prefixes.: i- for girls and aj- for boys. Thus, a young child will be called ajma (dog) or idaeng (red). The use of such names is associated with the old idea that the evil spirits who liked to eat children would be fooled into believing that the child did not exist, that it was only a mouse or dog which the mother was calling. For those children who are wearing the top-knot, the terms ichug and ajke are used for girls and boys, respectively. If the child is a girl, she will have her ears pierced when she is about a week old. A sewing needle (unsterilized) is used. The lobe of the ear is first massaged, then an herb, phlaj again, is pressed against the other side of the lobe, and as the needle punctures the herb and is withdrawn through the lobe, the wound is disinfected. This is an intentional method of antisepsis. Black thread is inserted and left in the hole if silver or gold cannot be bought at that time. The next ritual in the child’s life occurs at one month of age and is called konphomfaj, or head-shaving ritual. It is believed that the hair with which all children are born (one-half to one inch long) has been contaminated by fluids at birth. Once shaven, the child is purified and can begin life with 'a fresh start. Anyone, exept the parents, is eligible to do the shaving. An astrologer chooses the auspicious day and hour for the ceremony. One, three, or five monks are invited, to recite the chajamonkonkhatha blessing on the eve of the auspicious day. On the following morning, the monks are invited for an early breakfast. After the shaving, relatives may present ■the parents with small gifts of money, cloth, and bracelets. A bracelet is put on the child’s wrist. For the poor, no gifts are given, and in lieu of the bracelet, a holy string is used. Another holy string is attached from the wrist or bracelet to the Buddha on the altar. The monks hold the. string and recite a chant which blesses the child and wishes it good health and prosperity. In the event that the child is- ill at the time of the headshaving ’-ritual, a tuft of hair is left (in the back for boys, and in front for girls). The parents promise that if the child recovers, they will leave the top-knot un-eut for so many years, seven, nine, 11, or 13, depending upon the seriousness of the illness. It is a common practice for a household to have a sister or other close relative come to serve as a. nurse (philiang) at the house and care for the child for several months. The mother is sometimes too weak to. care for the child, or she may be. overly cautious and io

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too concerned, with its welfare. This latter is considered psychologically unhealthy for the child. Children are loved, spoiled, and well cared for. The child is watched by either the mother or an older sibling during all of its waking hours. Sometimes an aunt or grandmother will come to the house to care for the child for a few days or weeks. The. child is never without companionship ncLlove. During the first year or so, the biggest chore for the parent is rocking the infant to sleep, a task which takes from five to 30 minutes several times a day. If the child does not go to sleep with the cradle-rocking and accompanying lullaby, it is picked up and rocked in the arms for several minutes before being replaced in the cradle. During the early years, a boy is disciplined by his mother who scolds more than she whips. She tells him to do as his father does, to follow his father’s example; the daughter is taught to emulate the mother. As the child grows older, the father’s role as disciplinarian enlarges. The wife always refers serious matters of discipline to the father, “. . for he has had more experience with the outside world.” A switch is used in all cases of disobedience between the ages of three and 14 or 15. At about the age of 10, beatings are especially reserved for these offenses — neglect of duty, climbing trees, and destroying property. Children who cannot swim are spanked severely by either parent for falling into the canal. A father will spank his child for crying, if he feels that there is no valid reason. Punishment by deprivation of food is never practised. Beatings are quite often severe and are administered on the legs or buttocks. It is rare for a child to offend twice in the same way. Small children are threatened with such statements as, “If you don’t go to bed, the gecko will eat your liver;” or, “If you don’t obey, the cat will eat you up;” or, “If you play outside after dark, an evil spirit will carry you away.” Children never strike their own parents. Only in families where the mother or father has remarried, and the child feels resentment toward the step-parent, have I recorded instances of a child striking a parent. Preference as to sex of the child varies from one household to another. Small families usually prefer boys, they can help in the fields; but those with large families prefer girls, since they are easier to raise and involve less expenditure at time of marriage. Boys are preferred by women because they bring merit especially to the mother when ordained. Fathers, on the whole, prefer boys. They keep the family name and preserve the household from slander. As one father put it: “Boys can do no harm; girls can do no good.

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Boys Ji.ay_e_everythingto.gain;, girls,.everythingtolose,” Whether the child be male or female, healthy or crippled, first bom or last bom, however, the. parents display the same amount of affection toward it as they do toward any other child in the household. The next important phase of the child’s life comes at the age of eight when he begins his schooling, thereby changing his status within the community. The older generatiori reckons their children’s birthdays from the first of April to April first a year later — the Thai New Year. At the district office, however, the official Western calendar is used, and all children who were born during the stated official calendar year must be registered. The child will be registered by the parents at the district office and must enter an elementary school the following term. The normal course of required education is four years, although some take much longer to complete their schooling. During the school session, home duties are minimized. At nine, eleven, or 13 years of age (always an uneven year), depending on the parents’ decision, the child, if he has the topknot, will undergo the top-knot cutting ritual. The purpose of the ritual is to ask the child’s guardian spirit (kJiwan) to remain with him. There are numerous variations, but the following is said to be the most common form. As in the head-shaving ritual, one, three, or five monks are invited the evening before to give the evening blessing (suadmonjen). If the family is wealthy, a like and an orchestra will be hired. On that evening, one of the village elders will invite the thewadar (angel) to come and witness the ceremony. During his visit, the thewada will reside in the bajsi which has been especially prepared for him. The next morning the invited monks chant the suadmonchaw and chajantho. It is during the chajantho that the top-knot is shaved off by one of the elders, usually a male The holy string is tied around the child’s wrists and attached to the Buddhist altar. The monks continue chanting as the lock of hair is being buried under the nearest large tree. At an auspicious moment, determined in advance by the astrologer, the young child is seated opposite the person who will recite the rabkhwan which lasts about half an hour. The recitation will likely be by an elder, since none of the young people of the village are interested in the “old ways,” and have not bothered to learn this ritual. The child is urged always to obey his father, to help his parents, and to be well-mannered. After the ritual, a modest feast is given for all the relatives and monks. The top-knot cutting ritual is rapidly vanishing, especially from poorer households. It is costly, and younger members of the com10*

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munity, as mentioned before, are not interested in learning the ritual. Puberty is treated casually and without ceremony. Boys reach puberty between 15 and 17 years of age. The first obvious indication is change of voice, which brings teasing from men and older women. Menstruation is said to begin, among Thai women at an average age of 15. However, of 30 young' women between 20 and 35 years of age who were questioned as to age at onset of first menses, five claimed not to remember, one claimed 18 years of age, two 17, five 16, five 14, three 13, and the other nine said 15. The older members of the community reported that during their generation, it was more common than not to begin menstruation about the 17 th or 18th years. During menstruation, heavy cotton underpants and several skirts are worn. There are no taboos and no rites concerned with menstruation. A man, however, risks misfortune if he comes into contact with menstrual blood. At 18, every male member of the community must register with 'the district officer for the army, and at this time, he selects a chip. Should he pick a red chip, he will have to serve two years when called. If he picks a black chip, he is exempt from service. In Bangkhuad, four men have volunteered. Two others joined the police force, thereby exempting themselves from army duty. Whether there is a going-away party or not, these men will be given parcels of food by various relatives and friends as going-away gifts. The next transition in the life cycle is ordination for men and marriage for women. Spiritually, emotionally, and socially, ordination is the most important event in a man’s life, and, as discussed in Chapter VII, the event into which goes the most energy and preparation. It marks the passage from boyhood to manhood and is the sine qua non of adult status. Men who have not been ordained are called “raw” persons. Those who have, are referred to as “ripe.” Some delay the experience because of family problems, such as inability to pay the expense involved, or pressing need of their labor at home. A few procrastinate, fearing the rigors of an ascetic life for so prolonged a period. Over 80 per cent of young men between the ages of 21 and 30, however, join the monkhood for at least- one Lenten period. Marriage and its connotations form the next, and for women, most important factor in the life cycle. The Bangkhuad child is exposed to sex at a very early age. Sleeping in the same room with his parents, as is so often the case, he cannot avoid noticing their actions from time to time. As soon as a girl is old enough to sit up, she is given a silver pubic apron

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(taping) which she wears until she is old enough to wear skirts. Mothers quite often, when feeding or playing with their young sons, will tickle them in the area of. their genetalia. Young children up to the age of five or six run around nude, so that sex differentiation is something of which all children are aware. Children witness births and constantly overhear jokes and references to sex made by older children and adults. It is interesting to note that children are never asked to leave the room, regardless of the topic of conservation. Yet never do they enter the conversation, or make any remarks whatsoever. Sharp 1 has pointed out that the adage “Children should be seen and not heard,” is carried to an extreme in Thai culture. Codes of morality have changed. The last generation thought nothing of bathing in the nude or walking around bare-breasted, regardless of age. Today, children are taught in elementary school to be modest about their bodies and bodily functions. The women of this generation always wear a blouse, never expose their breasts and are self-conscious when nursing their young in the presence of a stranger. Hips are the visually stimulating zone for the male farmer. Firm legs and arms are considered attractive. The breasts are gradually becoming a focus of attraction due to introduction of the blouse, publicity for the perennial bathing-beauty contests held in Bangkok, and the influence of Western movies. Premarital sex relationship for women is at a minimum. If a girl shows a preference for one of her suitors, she may slip away with him during one of the crowded festivities. More common, although practised by only a few because of the danger of detection, is for the girl to allow her favored suitor to come into her mosquito net after her parents are asleep. The young man leaves before, the elders have arisen. This is also hazardous because of the watch dogs kept by most households. During the rice-planting season, the young men say they are too tired to devote their energies to clandestine meetings. During the post-harvest season (February to May), clandestine meetings do occur, though infrequently. The more common sexual outlets are through spinster women in Bangkhuad and other villages, young women in other villages, prostitutes in Bangkok, and masturbation. Cavorting with prostitutes (found only in larger urban areas) is becoming more and more the pattern (though fear of venereal disease is still a strong deterrent) due to two recent innovations: 1) good transportation service to the city, and 2) the development of a cash economy. -1 Sharp, p. 86.

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Of 30 unmarried males between the ages of 20 and 30 who were interviewed, 20 admitted masturbation; 11 spoke of sexual relations only with girls from other villages; eight admitted having had relations with prostitutes in Bangkok; six related that they had had relations with prostitutes and older Bangkhuad women; eight insisted that they never had had any sexual relations. In case of premarital pregnancy, the suitor often marries the girl. If not, a girl who comes from a well-to-do family will be sent away to stay with relatives until the child is born, or she may have the child aborted in Bangkok. With poor families, home-style abortion is sometimes attempted, though seldom successfully. The child is usually brought up by a sister or an aunt. Cases of marriage resulting from illegitimate pregnancies have occurred in Bangkhuad more as a result of mild social pressure, than of coercion on the part of the girl’s family. Though illegitimacy stigmatizes the mother, the child is raised like any other, shown as much love, and is never teased about his bastardy. It is the girl who has acted illegitimately. In Bangkhuad, according to the village headmen, there have been nine such children in the past fifteen years. Marriage for a young girl is the big occasion in her life, prior to which, she has had very little status in the community. At the age of 18 or 19, a girl considers herself eligible for marriage and her behavior changes. She takes more care with her dress and appearance when she wanders about the village. She may use lipstick, and will definitely use sweet-smelling hair oil. She spends long periods of time combing her hair, and may even go to Bangkok for a permanent wave. Her whole demeanor changes whenever she encounters a potential suitor. The young man begins to consider marriage between the ages of 21 and 25. He spends more and more time at the home of the young woman who has caught his fancy. He will pretend that he has come to visit a male friend or to chat with the old folks about some aspect of farming. He offers to help the parents do various small jobs about the household. The best opportunity for the eligible young men and women to meet and talk occurs during transplanting, and particularly during the harvesting season, when large groups of people are employed in communal work. Other opportunities are afforded by the many wat functions throughout the year, where large crowds of people gather, not only from Bangkhuad, but from neighboring villages as well. Here, however, the girls are closely watched and it is difficult for a young man to be alone with a girl for any length of time. In addition, both the young men and young women are extremely shy of, one another.

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In the village, five types of marriages are known, although today only three are practised. The first and most common involves the marriage ritual at the bride’s home (Wiwaha). The second is Awaha and refers to a marriage taking place in the groom’s house. The third type is Phahamongkhon and is equivalent to elopement. The fourth is Khunthuphawiwaha—living with a woman without any marriage ritual; the fifth, marriage by bride-capture (Asurawiwaha). The last two types are no longer practised.. Until very recent times, the majority of marriages were arranged by the parents, with the young couple often seeing each other for the first time on their wedding day. Elopement was frequent ; and bridecapture was reported in two instances, both occurring about 30 years ago. In one case, a girl was transplanting rice in the early evening. A man approached her with a knife and threatened to kill her if she screamed. He took her to his village five kilometres away. After several years, he returned to Bangkhuad with their children and asked forgiveness of his in-laws. By this time, his wife loved him very much, and the family forgave him. Marriages arranged by parents without consultation with the children have occurred only twice in the past ten years ; in both cases, it was the bride who had not been consulted. Incidentally, both families were well-to-do. Today, the parents discuss the prospective husband with their daughter, who in nearly every case already knows her suitor. It is always the boy’s side of the family who makes the first overtures of marriage. When a young man decides to get married, he approaches his parents. If they do not think the marriage feasible at the time, disapprove of the girl, or feel that they cannot afford -a bride-price, the son may postpone his plans. Should he be impatient or decide to defy his parents, and if the girl is willing, they elope. Elopements occur in 20 per cent of village unions. The young people will usually stay with relatives in another village. The husband returns in six months or a year, asks forgiveness of his in-laws, and offers a token bride-price equivalent to roughly 20 or 30 per cent of the originally-asked or assumed price. In nearly every .case, he is forgiven and the token price accepted. Engagements occur in about five per cent of all village marriages and only among the wealthy. An engagement requires payment in advance of one-half the bride-price. In the event that the prospective groom fails to consummate the marriage, this sum is forfeited. Engagements in all cases are of short duration —from one to three months. If the young man’s parents agree to his marrying, they hire the

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services of a go-between (thawkae), a respected member of the community who is acquaintedwitiiboth families. He pays a casual visit to the girl’s family and subtly directs the conversation to the subject of the boy’s family. He mentions the good qualities and virtues of the son and then suggests that the latter will make an excellent son-inlaw. The girl’s family tells him that they will think it over and give him an answer in a few days. H, when the thawkae returns, they say that they are not interested, the thawkae endeavors to persuade them. If the daughter is not interested in the young man, her parents procrastinate by asking the astrologer to set the date of the wedding as far off as possible, in the hope that the daughter will change her mind, or that the young man will find another wife in the interim. It is usually the case, in present-day tactics, for the boy to have sounded out the girl beforehand to make sure that she is in agreement. This saves later embarrassment in those cases where negotiations between the two families might reach an impasse, and also explains why so many elopements are possible.If, on the other hand, the family shows an interest, the bride-price is discussed. The bride’s family asks a higher price than they expect to receive. The thawkae tells them the price the boy’s family can afford. He builds up the boy, while the girl’s family extols the beauty, wealth, and abilities of its daughter. The mediator returns to the boy’s family and informs them that they will have to offer a higher sum. In the end, a compromise is reached, and plans for the wedding begin. An astrologer consulted by the boy’s family compares the boy’s hour, day, month, and year of birth with that of the girl, consults his astrology book, and then determines the auspicious hour, day, and month for the wedding. Indeed, in recent years, the exact minute for the wedding has become theoretically essential, and the announcements (if there are any) state the time as 4:36, 5:07, etc., although in practice, weddings seldom are strictly on schedule. Weddings take place in even months, during the interval between one year’s harvest and the next year’s plowing-—January, March, and May, and always on_,a..Eriday (wansuk} which translates as “pure day” or “goocl day.” On the eve of l the wedding, friends, relatives, and an expert cook are asked (khauraeng) to come to the bride’s house to prepare the special foods to be served to the monks and guests on the morrow. The helpers work late into the night and are fed by the bride’s family. An orchestra is hired and plays until midnight. The musicians may play anything they wish except tunes associated with evil demons in the classical dramas, or with death. They are given food, cigarettes,

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rice wine, and 30 baht each. Guests and friends drop in to drink and chit-chat. The helpers return home to sleep, but the orchestra members, since some of them are from another village, are provided with sleeping mats and remain in the house. Several hours before the wedding, the various accoutrements to be used in the procession {kanmag) are assembled in the house from which the kanmag will begin. These include the bride-price —money and'gold in the form of a necklace or belt; the clothes for the bride’s parents : a panung for the mother to wear when she thambuns (gains merit by attending the wat services) and one phakhawma (man’s bathing skirt) and one pair of trousers for the father; two tall stalks of sugar cane wrapped with bands of colored paper; two bottles of wine; two pig’s heads, or cooked slabs of pork; two trays of haumok (a specially prepared fish dish wrapped in banana leaf) ; two trays of Chinese cakes and khanom thorn (cooked balls of flour with sugar in the center); two trays of bananas; two trays of young coconuts; two trays of betel leaves and betel nuts {mag); and one tray of betel nuts smeared with lime paste {phuri) and arranged in the shape of a lotus flower. Little paper flags are placed on all the trays. Prior to the arrival of the procession, the monks (five, seven, or nine in number) make their appearance. As they arrive at the top of the ladder, two previously appointed guests wipe the dust from their feet. They are then led to a special corner of the house where the Buddhist altar is kept. The monks chant a blessing, after which the prospective bride and groom kneel before them. With their right hands, they clasp together the ladle and serve boiled rice to the monks. Bollowing this, the guests also may serve the monks and thereby gain merit. After the monks have been served, the young couple sits in waj position and listens to the Chajamongkhonkhatha blessing. While the guests are eating, the bridegroom returns to his home or to a neighboring home and awaits the procession. As the auspicious moment approaches, the thawkae goes to the groom’s house and informs everyone there that the time is drawingnear. The thewada, a yoting man representing the angel who will inform the bride’s family of the kanmag’s approach, quickly plasters his face with rice paste, uses eyebrow pencil and rouge, equips, himself with an umbrella (the symbol of kings and angels), a Chinese gong (which will announce the auspicious moment), and a cloth sack (supposedly filled with money, symbolic of wealth). His function is largely to furnish comic relief. He rushes to the bride’s house, jumps, up and down, beats the gong, and shouts three times: “The kanmagis coming!” The bride’s family now sends an attractive young girl, with a tray of betel to the groom’s house. She is called the khon~

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choenkanmag, or the one who invites the kanmag to come to the house. The thawkae removes the betel, places a few baht on the tray, and the girl returns. Sometimes the thewada is sent to the kanmag with a tray of sweets which he offers to all the participants, especially to the young girls with whom he flirts. The thewada may lead the procession or may follow the thawkae. The order of procession varies in degree, but the general order is as follows : tawkae, sugar cane stalks, betel trays, Chinese cakes, bottles of wine wrapped in phakhawma,,specially prepared fish, money and gold (carried by a member of the groom’s family). The above (called kanmageg) are essential items for the procession. Additional items of food and gifts may be used in the procession according to the wish of the sponsor, and are referred to as kanmagraung. These follow the kanmageg. In contrast to the latter, which are usually carried by married couples, the kanmagraung are carried by specially chosen attractive young girls, permitted by their parents to wear cosmetics for the occasion. As the procession members walk along in pairs, the thewada begins “Ao-ing.” Many young children form toll bridges along the way. The thawkae asks, “Why do you make a bridge ?” and they reply with laughter, “We are the watchers of the holy gate of Phra-in, so you must pay us to let you pass. If you don’t, the key will melt.” A slightly inebriated individual may join the children and respond, “The gate is rusty and will not open. Give me some wine to oil the bolts.” If time permits, bargaining may occur at these road blocks. Excellent opportunity is offered here for double entendre. The thawkae sees to it, however, that the procession reaches the bride’s house at the auspicious time. The kanmag procession may approach from any direction, with one exception. It must never pass through the wat compound, for fear that misfortune will plague the bride and groom: “The wat is for cremations and not for weddings.” Once at the house, the sugar cane stalks are placed at the base of the ladder. The various trays, in order, are passed up the ladder and placed on the floor in two rows. The kanmageg must be carried up by an older married couple dressed in extraordinary clothing to represent non-earthly people. Their title is phurabkanmag (elders who receive the kanmag). The thawkae checks the contents of the trays to see that all is in order. A village elder who knows how to call the spirit of the ancestors (phipujatajaj), or the thawkae if he knows the formula, sits crosslegged in the center of the two rows, dressed in white, a phakhawma across his shoulders. He prepares a bowl of holy water (see nammon,

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Glossary), which the phurabkanmag, using a betel leaf as a dipper, sprinkles over all the trays, the house, and the ground. The thawkae, or village elder, then takes a sample from each tray (with the exception of the money) and places it on an empty tray in front of him. He opens a young coconut, and placing it on the tray, begins recitation of, the Thamkhwantaengngan: “Today is a fine day for the wedding and an auspicious one. I have brought an honest, healthy, kind, and hard-working son-in-law into your house; you will find him all these things.” Then the recitation continues with advice to the girl concerning her future duties : being a good mother, a good wife, being patient and understanding, being a complement to her husband. If he is heat, she must be a cooling wind; if he is fire she must be water to extinguish it. He tells the groom that he must be a good husband and take care of his children and wife. The second part is called Ghumnumthewada. The angels and the spirits of all the deceased relatives of the young couple are invited to come and witness the wedding and participate in the meal which has been prepared for them. He mentions each item of food that they will find. He ends with the hagpaun blessing of health and wealth for the young couple. The parents of both parties are now invited to sit together in order to present and receive, as well as to count, the bride-price. The father of the groom counts the money and passes it to the bride’s father or mother, who also counts it. It is then wrapped in a phakhawma and taken by the bride’s father to his room. The bride and groom then bring the articles of clothing to the bride’s parents, &ra6-ing before presenting them. After receiving the clothing, the parents bestow the hajpaun blessing on the couple. The monks then begin the suadmon, which is followed by the chajamongkhonkhatha. The bride and groom kneel on a special cushion, hands in waj position and heads bowed. The special sacred thread (mongkhonfaed),supplied by the bride’s family, is placed upon their heads. A large bowl of holy water and a conch-shell ladle are to one side. The best-man and bridesmaid (sometimes there are two of each) stand behind the couple and act as witnesses. (The witnesses must always be married persons.) The thawkae fills the conch shell and the abbot pours the first water over the heads of the couple while wishing them long life, health, prosperity, etc. He is followed by the other monks according to seniority, the parents, the elders of the bride’s family, the elders of the groom’s family, and finally the other guests. There is no definitely patterned order for guests, and there is always a great deal of polite disputing as to who should go first. Should any special guest or important government official be present, however, he would immediately follow the monks. Elders have the privilege of pouring

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the "water over the heads of the couple. The others must pour only over the hands while offering good wishes. The orchestra plays during this time, the monks chant “The Seven Lessons” (Cedthamnan), and the large gong brought by the thewada is beaten in time to the chanting. After all the guests have had an opportunity to pour the holy water, the thawkae gives a signal, and the bride and groom race to see which of them will be the first to throw off the sacred thread. It is said (though not really believed) that the loser will be the subservient member in the family. The wedding is over and the guests leave. Only -close relatives remain. The couple now goes from relative to relative offering betel, and receiving in turn, a short sacred thread tied around their wrists as a wish for good health, good fortune, and many children. The parents, meanwhile, present each monk as he departs, with a tray upon which money, tea, cigarettes, and matches have been placed. Relatives, at this time, also place contributions on the trays. Modesty forbids women to undress completely in front of any man, including the husband. All village women wear their yanung to bed. Even when bathing, the long skirt is raised and worn sarong-style. Most villagers will not have sexual intercourse during the daylight hours for fear that the spirit of the house as well as the spirit of the ancestors may be watching. Even if an animal is present, they do not indulge. Sexual intercourse between husband and wife is done only in the standard prone position. Love play is practised only during the first year of marriage and consists of tickling each other and kissing with the noses. Breasts are fondled and kissed except when the woman is lactating. Digital intercourse is rarely practised. The women were almost unanimous in saying that sex was mostly for man’s enjoyment. Some men, before having intercourse, remove the small Buddha image from around their necks. They may also cover the image with -a cloth to hide its eyes. Post-marital sex taboos are these: a man must not sleep with another man’s wife; no sexual intercourse for three days after the wedding; no sexual intercourse after the seventh month of pregnancy or prior to one month after thejufaj ; no sexual intercourse until after the body of a deceased friend or relative has been placed in the wat. One abstains from sexual intercourse on holy day and the day preceding, and it is said that intercourse on one’s birthday shortens life. Women reach menopause at about 45 years of age, after which time they are very reluctant to have intercourse. Cremation is the last rite of passage. Although it may seem paradoxical, cremation is the most important ritual in the life cycle of

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the Thai farmer. The primary anxiety of all -individuals concerning ■death is that their soul or spirit have an appropriate send-off to the next life. So important is it to, them that as many as four or five years may elapse between the time of death and the actual cremation. It is not only a matter, important as that may be, of. sending the spirit off in the proper fashion. The ceremony also involves the prestige of the sponsor and his family. A household is remembered for an elaborate cremation it may have sponsored, and every new •cremation is compared with previously-held cremations. Thus, if a family feels that there are insufficient funds for the type of funeral they desire, they may wait several years until they have saved enough, or until a relative donates an amount sufficient to make up the ■difference. The reason often given for this delay, however, is a separate reason in itself: the practice of waiting until all the flesh has decayed from the body. Not all cremations are long delayed. A relatively rapid and modest cremation is given female members of a family and children. In the event of violent death, or death resulting from unnatural causes such as auto accident, gun shot, drowning, etc., the body is disposed of as soon as possible in the belief that the evil spirits responsible for the accident (the phitajhong) hover around the body, and unless ■quickly disposed of, may do further harm. This is also true for a woman who dies during pregnancy or during labor. In the first case, the child is removed by Caesarian section and buried with the mother. Immediate cremation under any of the above circumstances is always the rule. In the event of death caused by disease or old age, the undertaker is notified, who in turn notifies the village headman and makes all preliminary arrangements for the temporary disposal of the corpse. He, or one of the monks who is a carpenter, may be asked to. build a •coffin. The wealthy often purchase coffins in Bangkok. The undertaker comes to the house and, with the aid of one or two relatives of the deceased, begins to prepare the corpse. The clothing is removed and thrown away. The body is washed and perfumed and a new suit of clothing is placed on it. The face is heavily powdered with rice flour. The hands are placed in waj position and the wrists are tied together with holy string which is then brought around the neck,. the elbows, the waist, and then tied around the ankles. The purpose of the string about the neck is to remind the living of. their duties to their families; the string on the wrists is to remind them of their property and the work that must, be done to preserve it. The ankle string is to remind them to be faithful to their families and not to iun away from responsibilities.

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A flower (preferably a lotus), joss-sticks, and a candle are placed in the hands. The body is then wrapped in a white cloth. Another holy string is tied around the cloth and a two-foot length is allowed to hang loosely. When the body is eventually placed in the coffin, this end piece of string will be passed out of the coffin and left hanging. It is to this end that the monks will attach their holy string during the special chant (suadcaeng). A special hour is set aside the first evening when all friends and relatives may come to simulate bathing the corpse and to beg his forgiveness for past wrongs. Everyone at this time exhibits sadness and solemnity. The body is placed in a wooden coffin, and leaves of the guava tree are wrapped around the bodyl These leaves absorb the body fluids and, to some extent, the odor. Ashes or sawdust may be added to the guava leaf covering. Sometimes a hole is made in the coffin through which a bamboo tube is inserted. At the other end of the tube is placed a large clay pot which is buried in the ground and into which the body fluids are drained. A ladder with four rungs is placed in the coffin to allow the spirit to leave. The four rungs symbolize birth, suffering, old age, and death. Thus, the ladder also serves as a reminder to the living that they should not lament the dead, since he is freed from these four stages of existence. The coffin is then nailed shut and on the following day, if there is no room in the house, it is placed in the wat morgue. In the case of a wealthier household where there may be an extra room, the coffin is placed in the comer until termination of the first series of pre-eremation rituals. The elaborateness of the pre-cremation rituals and the number of times the monks perform during this time are. determined by the wealth of the family. In all cases, four monks are invited to the house to suadcaeng the night of the death. If the family is well-to-do, this will be repeated for six consecutive nights ; otherwise, the monks do not return until the seventh night. They arrive at about 7 :00 p.m. and chant all evening. Between chants they are served Coca-cola, betel, and cigarettes. When the monks are chanting in the home, the corpse is placed in another room, or, if there is only one large room, it is placed in a far comer away from the monks. A longer length of holy string is added to that left hanging from the coffin, and it is this length which the monks hold during the chanting of the suadcaeng. After the chant, the string is rolled into a ball by one of the monks and placed on top of the coffin. The monks next chant the phrathamcedkhampi, which describes the ephemeral nature of life, how death is inevitable and comes to all living things.

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The first night, only a tiny bit of boiled rice arid wine is served the guests. Some of the male relatives and guests play Thai chess. Others sit about talking in low voices. The atmosphere is one of informal solemnity. Although the guests return home about midnight, the ritual continues through the night with the immediate family and the monks in attendance. At seven in the morning, the monks breakfast and return to the wat; if the ritual is to be repeated the following five evenings, relatives and close friends and neighbors will attend on alternate nights. At the end of the seven days, the coffin is brought to the wat and kept in a special building called the thikebsob. On the 50th day, it is brought back to the home and the monks are again invited to suadcaeng in the evening. Breakfast is served them the next morning before they return to the wat. The following morning, the coffin is again returned to the morgue. On the 100th day, the ritual is repeated, and the coffin is then stored in the morgue until the time of cremation. On the seventh, 50th, and 100th days, before the monks have begun their chanting, a little food is given to the spirit of the deceased at meal times. Since the spirit leaves the body at the time of death, it must be formally recalled. The wife knocks three times on the coffin and invites the spirit (using the name of her dead husband) to partake of the meal which she is about to consume. The first suad, or blessing, must take place no more than seven days after the death. Poorer families invite the monks for one or two nights only and then store the body in the morgue until they can afford the cremation. There are no 50th and 100th day rituals. Women may be given a ritual similar to that given for poor families, but unmarried children (though this policy is determined by the particular family) will be kept in the morgue until the day of cremation. That is, there will be no seventh, 50th, and 100th day rituals. In Bangkhuad, cremations are always held during the slack season (February to May). The paddy has been sold, and relatively large sums of money are on hand at this time. An astrologer is asked to choose the auspicious time; this will always be an uneven-numbered day, but never a Friday. The family chooses the approximate date of the cremation, but the astrologer selects the particular day and hour. The monks are notified one or two months in advance so that they will be free at that time. Well-to-do families send formal invitations to friends and relatives. The invitation gives the name of the sponsor and the time and place of the cremation according to both the solar and luriar calendars; the time at which the coffin will be placed in the sdla; the food to be offered to the monks; the title of the sermon; the time of the mock burning (which does not occur in Bangkhuad,

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though it is not uncommon elsewhere); and the time of the real burning. It is customary for those who receive one of these cards to make a small monetary contribution of perhaps 10 to 15 baht. ■ Several days prior to the cremation, the coffin is placed inside a very ornately decorated false coffin. This in turn is placed on top of the tiered tables (men) which are decorated with intricately patterned colored paper. Flowers are placed on the various tiers. A large framed picture of the deceased may be set up on an easel next to the coffin. The men at this time is placed in the saladin. On the afternoon of the cremation, the monks come into the sala and krab before the image of Buddha before taking their places on the mats, their backs to the Buddha. The abbot sits in front on his elaborate gilt chair. At the actual funeral service, all the monks in the wat are present. They are presented with cigarettes, Coca-cola, bottles of water, betel, spitoons, joss-sticks, candles, and flowers, and an envelope containing ten baht. Three new yellow robes, neatly folded, are presented to the abbot on a special tray (phari). The abbot writes a few Pali words on the cloth stating that the cloth is plain, uncomely and therefore fit to be worn by a monk lowly as himself. He puts on one of the garments, leaving the others on the tray. At this point, one of the dekwat strikes the gong announcing that the sermon (thed) will begin. Several of the village elders and relatives of the deceased kneel before the abbot and ask him (in Pali) to recite a sermon befitting the occasion. During the sermon, some of the guests sit in waj position and join in the choruses. Others are chatting, joking, eating; the monks smoke, drink Coca-cola, and chew betel. The women wear black skirts and white blouses, but the men may wear any somber-colored trousers and shirts. Both men and women wear a phakhawma across one shoulder as a sign of respect. Children are colorfully dressed in their best clothes. To help defray the cost of the cremation, various relatives bring money to the widow during the ceremony. Following the sermon’, the abbot presents a brief biography of the deceased, eulogizing his merits and virtues. Another sermon may follow the eulogy. At the end of the second sermon, the orchestra, which is always hired for such occasions, begins to play, and continues throughout the ritual. The dekwat carry out the ornately carved banana trunks and, with the help of an elder, tie them against the pillars of the crematory pavilion. The musicians lead the procession from the wat to the cremation grounds. They are followed by the abbot and 'Other monks. Then comes the widow, the next of kin, and the coffin borne by four or six men (sons or brothers of the deceased). Friends and other relatives

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join the procession as it circles three times counter-clockwise around 'the crematory. Several fires from which people light their joss-stick-candle-flower offering are started on the ground near the crematory. The crude coffin has been removed from its beautiful false cover (which will be used at another cremation) and is placed on the unlit pyre. The milk from three fresh coconuts is poured over the face of the corpse to wash away all the dead man’s sins. Sacred folded cloths which the monks are carrying about with them are momentarily rented for one, two, or three baht by various friends and relatives. The renter places the cloth on the coffin for a few seconds as a token offering to the monk who blesses the cloth, briefly, and removes it from the coffin; others are then free to rent it. (This particular aspect of the ritual derives from an old custom in which the monks were given the clothing from the dead person’s body. These clothes were then dyed and used for their own robes.) The money given for the rental of the cloth is considered by the farmer as thambun or merit-gaining. Since monks are not supposed to handle money, a practice rarely honored, special assistants collect it for them in a large bowl. The abbot then lights the fire, and all the relatives, friends, and villagers, in this order, respectfully add their small joss-stick-candleflower offerings to the flame. Handfuls of small coins are then thrown into the air by the sponsoring family for the village children to scramble after. This also is considered a means of gaining merit. A Chinese innovation, which has become quite popular during the cremation ritual, is fireworks. Some gun-powder is dropped into a wide bamboo tube. A coconut shell which has been halved, cleaned, and has a fuse attached to the bottom is filled with a parachute to which small paper animals and tiny bags of money are attached. The fuse is lighted, and the coconut shell is dropped into the tube. As it soars into the air, the parachute falls out, and the children run after it in order to capture the prizes. Since Thai royalty has always had cannons shot off at their funerals, this might be the poor man’s cannon. After cremation, the ashes are collected. Some bone fragments are placed in a special urn (£od) owned by the survivors. The remainder of the ashes are placed in a white sack and tossed into the canal. A very wealthy family may erect a pagoda (chedi) into which the ashes would be placed. This happens infrequently, however, the last pagoda having been erected in 1938. The urn will be kept in the widow’s home. At New Year’s, all the households in the village bring their urns to the wat, at which time the monks recite the bangsakun chant in which the spirits of the dead are recalled and asked to bless the living. n

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As mentioned in Chapter VII, it is customary' on the occasion of a cremation to have a grandson, son, or nephew become a novice for a period of three to 10 days. This is done as a gesture of reverence to the deceased. The boy will enter the wat several days prior to the cremation and leave several days after. Thus ends the life cycle of the body. The soul, still extant, wanders about temporarily and eventually finds its abode in another form higher or lower in the scale of life,, determined by the Karma of the deceased individual.

CHAPTER IX DAILY LIFE Daily Routine* “Detween 5:00 and 5:30 a. m., the mother arises and makes afire -Din the small clay stove, washes in the khlaung, and then prepares breakfast. At 6:00 the children, and usually the father, get up. During the plowing and harvesting season, the family rises at 5:00 and starts to work in the fields as soon as possible. An older child stays home to care for the younger children and to look after the house. The children’s first job is to feed the chickens and then take out the buffalo and give them hay. At 6:00, the mother squats at the entrance of the compound and awaits the monk who calls for his daily rice. Upon their return, the children wash their faces and hands and brush their teeth.** They use no soap, and all share the same toothbrush. While awaiting breakfast, the father putters about the house, checking his fishing rod, sharpening a tool, or perhaps taking a quick look at some rice in a nearby field. Breakfast is at 7 :00 or 7:30, and the family eats together. After breakfast, children play about until 8 : 30 and then are off to school by foot or boat. The mother washes the dishes and pots, puts up the mosquito nets and rolls the sleeping mats out of the way, then sweeps the house and compound. About 9:00 the farmer may go to Bangbua or Kilopaed to do the shopping. If the father is hiring out or busy in the fields, the mother and/or an older daughter does the shopping. At 11 : 00 or 12 : 00 they eat again, usually unheated leftovers from breakfast, or perhaps only some fruit. During school, children are fed three times a day, but at other times, there are only two meals, the evening meal being taken at 4 : 00 p. m. After the noon meal, the entire family naps unless there is urgent work to be done. Small children are forced to take a nap for an •hour or two every afternoon. Mid-morning and mid-afternoon are the usual times for visitors to call and, of course, in the early evening after the work is done. If a visitor arrives, tea is offered as well as betel or cigarette paper and tobacco. * The composite which follows is based on observation of an affluent household in hamlet 12. ** Though brushing teeth has been customary for only 15 years, cleaning of the teeth is an ancient Thai custom. 163 11»

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Sometime during the day, the parents work in the small chili or sugar cane garden, and some of the younger children may help. General duties are divided among children according to their age. From the age of six, they look after the chickens, help with various household tasks, and do a large share of the home-milling. At 12, they care for the buffalo. Then at 15 or 16, they begin to help with field tasks requiring relatively little strength, such as weeding. If a ■child at this age is particularly strong, however, he may help with plowing, planting, and harvesting. A child who neglects his household duties -is reprimanded; for laxness in caring for the. animals, a child is severely punished. In the late morning and late afternoon, people gather at the stores, or sit in the small sala and chit-chat. To a much more limited degree this also occurs on their way to and from work. After school is out at 3:00, children fish and play. Between 4:00 and 6:00 nearly everyone bathes in the khlaung, this time using an abundance of soap. At 5:00, the shopper returns from the urban market. By 6:00, all members of the household will have returned to the compound. The buffalo are fed and brought back to the underhouse. Supper, similar in content to breakfast, is cooked and eaten at 7:00 p.in. After dark, a kerosene or newer pressure lamp is lit and chit-chat between neighbors may continue until 9 :00 p.m., at which time the family retires for the night. At 2:00 or 3:00 a.m. during the postharvest season, the father and/or older boys may go fishing, but aside from this nocturnal fishing, there is no obvious activity in the village between 10 :00 p.m. and 5 :00 a.m. With the increasing size of the market at Kilopaed, only two kilometres away, trips to Bangkhen or Minburifor purchasing everyday items are becoming fewer. Tools and cloth are still purchased in Bangkok. If there is a celebration in the village, the entire household attends. .Only a grandparent or an elderly aunt will stay home to guard the house and look after the smaller children, though it is not uncommon to see small children at these nocturnal ceremonies. Many of the farmers, particularly the older ones, pray a few minutes every night in front of the home altar before going to sleep. In these prayers they pay respect to the Buddha; promise to obey his laws; thank him for showing them the proper way to Nirvana by teaching them that life is illusion and sorrow, and that kindness should be shown to all living things.

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Dress Female, everyday dress consists of skirt and under-blouse for young women and panung (dhoti) and vest for the older women. When leaving the village, an outer blouse is also worn. When working in the fields, women wear a long black skirt, long-sleeved black blouse and a large straw hat. School girls wear blue skirts and white blouses. Old women wear their hair in “crew-cut” fashion; younger women part their hair on the left and comb it back; young girls part it on the left and comb it down. Make-up is very rarely used. Simple gold, or brass earrings for pierced ears, gold and silver link-belts, and gold chains for Buddha pendants are worn by girls and women. Bracelets and ankle-bracelets are worn by infant girls who may also wear silver pubic-aprons. At funerals, a black skirt and white or black blouse are worn, plus a phakhawma over the. shoulder. Nuns always wear white robes. For men, basic daily garb is a phakhawma (wrap-around skirt) above which the body is bare. When leaving the village, pants, shirt, and usually shoes' are worn. Farmers wear short black pants and a straw hat in the fields. If harvesting, they wear longsleeved black shirts. School boys wear khaki shorts and white shirts; school teachers wear khaki pants and khaki shirts. The monks, of course, are conspicuous by their yellow robes. Diet During the plowing, transplanting, and harvesting seasons, the farmers of Bangkhuad eat three meals a day, at approximately 8 :30 and. 11:30 a.m., and 6:30 p.m. At other times of the year only two meals a day are eaten, —at 7:00 a.m. and at 4:00 p.m. However, fruits are eaten between meals and constitute an important part of the diet. The three meals show very little variety, consisting of boiled rice with one or two boiled vegetables, fish, some fish sauce, curry, chili pepper, a bit of garlic, sometimes an egg, and a small portion of fruit. Meat (pork) is bought once a week, averaging two and one-half pounds for a family of five. Rice consumption per capita per day is about 1.2 pounds, or roughly seven tang per month per family. Contrary to expectation, the wealthy eat no better than do the poor. They eat no more than the poor at mealtime and purchase no more meat than the poorer families, although very poor households may eat meat only once a month. It is only between meals that the wealthy eat better. The reason for this is that many grow their own. fruits and do not have to purchase them .

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Average caloric intake per individual in Bangkhuad is judged to be between 2200 and 3200 calories per day. In addition, sweets are given to children at various times during the day. An average of 75 satang is spent on sweets per day per child by those households living near the stores. Other households spend approximately 50 satang per child per day. Special foods are prepared for such occasions as holy days, housewarmings, and weddings. On these occasions, sugar cane, haumok, coconut, Chinese cakes, and pig’s head are used. The farmers enjoy four categories of taste: sweet, sour, salt, and pepper. These ingredients appear especially in the various foods prepared for these special occasions. At regular meals, only the salty and peppery curries are used. The sweet and sour ‘categories are found in fruits eaten between meals. Foods most often served to school children are: fried bananas plain, or mixed with glutinous rice; yambean; fried potatoes; sugar cane; rose apple; rice served with coconut and sugar; jujube fruit, and a flat pancake made from rice, sesame seeds, and coconut. Drinks are syrup and ice (snow cup), sugar cane juice, and taro juice. Women do most of the cooking, though older men sometimes cook if the women are working in the fields. Drinks Tea is the most popular drink and is always served to guests. The average male farmer consumes well over fifteen small cups per day; women much less. Coca-cola, Pepsi-cola, lime, orange, cherry soda, soda water, syrup-ice drinks, and whiskey can be bought at the local stores. Rice wine is made locally from, boiled ground rice, yeast, and sugar. Rice whiskey is made of fermented wine. During the hot season (March-May), many households put a few ounces of a pink solution into a large jar of water which they place in front of the house. Anyone passing by is free to help himself. This drink is called namjauthaj, and in addition to its refreshing qualities, is believed to cure prickly heat. Ovaltine is a popular beverage for invalids. Betel Chewing All women in the village over 40, and some younger, possess a betel tray with its several tin boxes containing the leaf, the betel, red lime paste, tabacco, and grease (biyhyng') for chapped lips resulting from the lime. In addition, there is the taban—a small

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tapered, hollow brass tube, —a screw-driver-like brasher with wooden knob-handle, and a wooden plug to be inserted into the distal end of the tube. These implements are used when traveling because they are small and light; but at home a regular mortar and pestle are used to grind the contents into a fine paste, which is then scooped out with a spoon. The process for making a “chew” of betel is this: the lime paste is smeared on one leaf (amount according to taste) ; the leaf is folded and put into the tube; a quarter of a fresh betel nut is added. This is pounded with the brasher and the ground-up contents are emptied into the hand. A tuft of tobacco is placed in the mouth, along with the ground mixture. Tobacco is also rubbed on the teeth in order to make the betel stick. Grease is then smeared on the lips. Most of the older generation feel that black teeth resulting from excessive betel chewing are more attractive than white. Many of the older women said they would prefer giving up one meal a day rather than giving up betel chewing. An average of 25 baht per month is spent on betel and its necessary accompaniments. Smoking Older men smoke, and chew betel. Young men smoke, occasionally, but do not chew betel; boys as young as six smoke whenever they find a butt or are given a cigarette. Young men buy their cigarettes at the local store, but the older men more frequently roll their own, using very poor quality tobacco, and dried banana leaf for paper. Entertainment Entertainment for the farmers in Bangkhuad, in its broader aspects, can be divided into six categories: gossip and conversation; games, including gambling; wat festivities and life crises festivities; radio ; and extra- village entertainments. Chatting and gossiping probably occupy the greater part of the villagers’ leisure time. Trips to the market at Kilopaed and elsewhere are always of a semi-social nature. Topics of conversation, according to amount of time spent, rank as follows: rice and its related problems, gardens and fish, illness, wat activities, hiring out and other jobs, war and national news, property disputes, education of children in and out of the community; and for the younger members popular subjects rank as follows: sex and boys —sex and girls, hiring out, and jobs in Bangkok. This age group also spends a great deal of time listening to conversations of the elders.

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Toys for infants include brightly colored mobiles which are hung over the cradle and tinkle in the wind. Slightly older children are given balloons and papier-mache, animals. In some households birds, fish, flowers, etc. are made from strips of green banana leaf and are fastened to the end of a flexible reed to simulate realistic movement. Early play patterns show no differentiation from household to household. Once the child is old enough to imitate, he tries to copy the activities of his peers when motor skills permit. At about five years of age, children play at fishing, farming, and selling. After this age, games are played involving higher motor skills such as jacks, tag, and hopskotch. Exclusion of the opposite sex in play starts at about this time. Boys from the ages of 12 to 18 play with home-made slingshots using small mud pellets. Adult games such as cards and Thai chess may be played by post-adolescent young men. Games Games played in school include soccer, hide-and-seek, tree-tag, ring-around-the-rosy, jump-rope (mainly by girls, but boys up to 10 years of age participate), and team racing. Other popular games in the village are learned from one’s peers, such as : Hop-sketch,-. This is similar to Western hop-skotch, and is played by girls six to 15 years of age. Itag: This game, a variation of jacks, using 20 tamarind or custard-apple seeds and a small rectangular piece of paper for scooping them up, is played primarily by boys and girls between the ages of eight and 15. Magkeb: This is a variation of jacks played with five small mudballs, and is played by girls aged seven to 15. Phawnang- This game is a variation on marbles played by girls aged six to 15. It is played with rubber bands which are blown across a wooden floor. Nangwong-. Played outdoors by not fewer than two nor more than five boys, aged from eight to 16 years; this is similar to phawnang, except that the rubber bands are shot off the fingers instead of being blown. Lautauk-. Four to eight boys aged 10 to 18 play this game. It is the favorite game of the dekwat, and is similar to our game of tossing pennies. In former times, before the roads to Bangkok were built, before movies were available, and before cultivation of rice became a large commercial undertaking, adults would participate in mixed trancedancing-singing games during the early evening hours. The. older

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members of the community also recall that in their youth, planting and harvesting were both times when repartee singing was practised. With the more rapid pace of performing these agricultural functions, coupled with the advent of and easy access to movies and radio, the incentive and energy for self-entertainment has rapidly declined. Until twenty years ago, adults in mixed groups played a game at New Year’s similar to drop-the-handkerchief. The players sat around in a circle, alternating men and women. A phakhawma was used with a large knot tied in one end. It was usually dropped behind a member of the opposite sex. The object of the game was to pick up the phakhawma, catch up with the opponent, and swat him (or her) as frequently and as hard as possible on the buttocks as he circled the ring twice before returning to his original place. Another form of entertainment participated in by adults at New Year’s was khawphisongphi, a form of spirit possession. The men and women sat in a circle, and one member, who was believed to be more emotional than the others, was selected to sit in the center. If the spirit Maesi was to be called, a woman was chosen, but if the Linglom (wind monkey) was to be called, a man was chosen. The game began with the singing of several rhythmical songs. The girl sat on a mat keeping her hands in wag position. She did not sing with the others but closed her eyes and concentrated on being possessed by the spirit. Once possessed, she began to tremble, stood up, and started dancing to the singing accompaniment. Soon the singers varied the style and the woman changed her dancing to fit the new style. When she became quite fatigued, someone in the group slapped her to bring her out of the trance. When the Linglom was used, a rope was tied around the man’s waist and a strong man used as the keeper. The same songs were sung as with the Maesi. When possessed with the monkey spirit, he began to behave like a monkey. The people teased him and tried to rouse his anger; sometimes he would bite some member of the group. When they had had enough, the keeper would slap the man to awaken him from his trance. Today, the only games played by the adults are cards, checkers, and Thai chess Imagruk). These last two games are restricted to men. It is usually at the coffee shops that ,one encounters men engaged in a game of chess, and since Bangkhuad has no coffee shop, and since only four sets are owned in the village (two by the wat) it is rare to see people playing. Of course, at all pre-cremation ceremonies, chess is played by the men to help while away the time during the long evenings. Card playing is interpreted by the local police as gambling, and in fact, is always just that. Card games are invariably

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played semi-clandestinely. The various gambling cliques invite their own members, though an outsider is free to sit in on a few hands. In addition to cards, other forms of gambling are dice games and the national lottery. Several of the farmers dissipated their entire wealth in gambling. Two of them moved to Bangkok to stay with relatives, one is now hiring out. Another had a large store which he was forced to sell. A gambling license must be obtained from the district officer, and involves a great deal of expense (60 baht) as well as red tape, and is valid only from 6 :00 p.m. to midnight. Cock-fighting and fish-fighting were very popular forms of entertainment until 1948 when they were outlawed in the Bangkapi district. Betting always accompanied the fights. A cremation, as well as the Buddhist festival of Thavd Kathin, nearly always includes a performance by one or several troupes such as like, lamtad, and nangthalung. The like is a dance-drama which uses a troupe of about seven individuals. They arrive in the morning and spend several hours preparing the stage, sewing costumes, and getting dressed for the performance. The wat provides the stage, orchestra, and banana leaf “wall” to keep out non-payers. These are rented by the troupe for 200 baht an evening. Admission is 1.50 baht for adults and one baht tor children. Local villagers and others obtain permission from the wat to set up food stalls on the wat compound, and for this they pay the wat three baht rent. The like itself is Thai classic dance-drama, dealing usually with some aspect of Thai history but employing a great deal of slapstick for the benefit of the farmers. A performance lasts from three to four hours. The young people of the village enjoy watching the performers putting on their elaborate costumes. This often takes as long as three quarters of an hour, and usually involves sewing the costume on the performer. Village young men look on curiously at the young girls of the troupe who are usually chosen for their pulchritude rather than for acting or dancing ability. Shady repartee between performers and young onlookers on these occasions is licensed, since these girls are not natives of the village. Certain like troupes are composed only of males, in which case, female roles and dress are assumed by the men. The only article of furniture on the stage is a low, rectangular bench upon which the king and queen, or other protagonists, sit. A single backdrop is used for all scenes. A wealthier troupe may possess two backdrops, but ordinarily, change of setting is left to

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the imagination of the audience. During the performance everyone sits on the ground or stands around the edges. There is constant talking and milling about. A second type of entertainment, enjoyed mostly by adults, is the lamtad which has its origin in northeast Thailand. Lamtad performers are highly paid, receiving 250 baht per person per performance which usually lasts from 8:00 p.m. to 5:00 a.m. Lamtad is a series of repartee episodes between two men and two women to the accompaniment of a flute, cymbals, and two small drums. The two men stand up, and using each other as foils, improvise on a verbal theme, using innuendo and juxtaposition of initial and final phonemes in order to disguise the risque word intended. They make fun of the lowly position and uselessness of women in life. When they have finished, they sit down and the women, in turn, stand and try their skill at extolling their own virtues, reminding the men of all they have to offer them. As the evening wears on and the performers, aided by rice wine, become less inhibited, they begin making strong, but always clever, derogatory innuendoes about their opponents. The latter reply in turn, one singer beginning the verse and the other finishing it. The words are changed, double entendre and obtuse imagery are used, and the rhyme and rhythm remain constant. A third type of entertainment, best liked by the younger members of the community, is the nangthalung, or shadow-play. It has its origin in peninsular Thailand and its performers are all from the south, and usually from the district of Pathalung, hence the name. The flat, leather dolls are manipulated behind a suspended sheet with a pressure lamp hung behind and above (both these items are rented from the wat). The manipulator sits cross-legged, slightly lower and behind the sheet, and is hidden from the audience. The orchestra is also hidden. A half-hour before the show is to begin, the orchestra, begins the repetitious fanfare tattoo announcing the performance which will soon begin. The stories presented by the nangthalung use classic tales as well as stories extracted from modern novels and movies. The stories are invariably interspersed with risque jokes and slapstick comedy. The troupe is comprised of five persons. The leader narrates the story and takes the role of all the characters : women, children, kings, giants, demons, etc., holding one doll-puppet in each hand. His assistant hands him the dolls and relieves him for brief periods of time so that he may rest his voice. The other three members of the “troupe are apprentices and play the drum, cymbals, and Javanese •oboe. The troupe provides its own instruments and dolls. The 100 ■or more opaque dolls are made from sting-ray skin, deer and

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buffalo hide. The leather is tanned, thinned, and cut out with manyperforations. Various bright colors' are then applied to represent dress, jewelry, and flesh tones. The shadow-plays (usually a group of three or four in an evening) begin about 8:30 and continue until midnight. Other types of entertainment which often accompany cremations or other important festivities are the phlaun and fandab. They are similar to our fencing, except that in the first example, one long stick is used and held in both hands. In the second example, a long and a short wooden sword are used. Not only experts perform, but villagers are also encouraged to participate. In the village are two. men, each in his late sixties, who perennially put on a show for the amusement of the onlookers. This consists of slapstick burlesque on the skill of fencing and involves hitting each other on the head and buttocks, and performing other antics. Newsreels and various informative films borrowed from the United States Information Service have in recent years, become a very popular form of entertainment. Of interest during these festivities is that two or three forms of entertainment (each using a public address system, and each requiring an attentive audience) are being held simultaneously within 50 feet of one another. Villagers interpret this cacophony as a sign of action and excitement, in contrast to the diurnal pervasive quiet of the village. They enjoy it thoroughly. Radios, restricted to the wealthy, are owned by eight households.. They serve as entertainment in the evening for approximately 25 households, who profit by the excessive volume to which they are tuned. They tune to one station and seldom change it, regardless of the program. Radios are flashlight battery-run, and bum out as many as 30 batteries a month. Trips to Bangkok, primarily for amusement, are made several times a year by men 20 to 45 years of age, and always in groups of three or more. Entertainment in Bangkok consists of a Chinese dinner, drinking, and perhaps a movie. Seventy per cent of the informants said that they prefer cowboy movies, 15 per cent preferred war movies, and 15 per cent Thai movies. (It should be mentioned here that a very small per centage of the villagers ever see commercial movies.) Most trips to Bangkok are for business purposes. One of the children may accompany the parent. The shopping trips made by women also serve as entertainment, but only to a limited extent. One never hears a woman say that she is going to Bangkok to see a movie or to sanug. A girl of 18 who accompanies her mother to the

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larger urban areas may get a permanent-wave, and she always enjoys “window-shopping.’ ’ Entertainment also includes socio-religious functions attended in surrounding villages, as well as trips to sacred shrines in adjacent areas. f Health The health and diet of the average Thai farmer are relatively good .compared with the rest of the Orient. This is especially true in the delta area of Thailand in which Bangkhuad is located. No one dies of .starvation, and anxiety concerning lack of food is rarely expressed in Bangkhuad. It is true that there are certain ritualistic practices devoted to the assurance of, or petitioning for, a good rice crop. It is .also true that huge quantities of food are given to the wat throughout the year, but contrary to the findings reported in Siamese Rice Village,1 this is not to be interpreted as a manifestation of food anxiety. On the contrary, this ritualistic demonstration is merely a precautionary method which lets the rice goddess know that the farmers are aware of their dependence on her. If there were deep-seated anxieties, there would be many more rituals and many more farmers would participate in them. As it is, these rituals occur only two or three times a year and are practised by no more than 70 per cent of the population. This 70 per cent includes rich as well as poor. Of these, many said they participated merely through force of habit, not really believing in the efficacy of the ritual, but following it, nonetheless, as a security measure. They were uneasy if they did not do it. (This is similar to our Western habit of knocking on wood). Many ceremonies culminate with a large consumption of specially prepared foods much of which is wasted. No farmer was able to state, without first giving it considerable thought, how many tang of rice his household consumed nor how much he spent on food per week, 'month, or year. The giving of food to the monks, as well as to the wat, is tied in with the merit accrued, . rather than with a food anxiety motivation. Therefore, one can assume that food anxieties are definitely not manifested at the conscious level of behavior, and that there are no indications that they exist even at the deeper levels. The most common chronic diseases to be found in Bangkhuad are, in order of frequency: 1) intestinal disorders, dysentery (90%), 2) hemorrhoids (70%), especially common among women, 3) skin infections, 4) malaria, 5) tuberculosis, 6) trachoma, (reported by Dr. Piehit Ditsakhun, who accompanied me to the village on several occasions.) 1

Sharp, et al. p. 248.

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Knowledge of Sanitation and Attitudes Concerning Food and Health The villagers have been, told by the village headmen, the school children by the head school teacher, that all water should be boiled, all food covered when not being eaten, and that tdefecation should be done in a special pit. The wat artist made a series of nine pictures for the school teacher illustrating the following rules: 1. Serve your parents when they are ill. 2. Do not leave the lamp burning when you go to sleep or it will pollute the air. 3. Dry yourself after a bath. 4. Exercise to be strong. 5. Boil your drinking water. 6. Wash plates before using, and hands before eating. 7. Do not drink canal water. 8. Use a latrine for defecation and urination. 9. Go to the seashore for fresh air. Thus, athough the villagers are aware of these sanitary precautions, they do not practise them. The main deterrents are the trouble involved and the fact that traditional habit patterns are very strong. Defecation is done in the canals and in the fields. Some farmers may use a crude platform toilet on the compound during the day, but at night they use the open fields. They do not use the platform toilet at night because of fear of snakes, as well as spirits, which are said to be lurking inside the structure. Men will be seen urinating anywhere outdoors from time to time, but women never. Teeth are brushed, and dishes and glasses rinsed, in the canals. Pond water is sometimes used for drinking water, and the rainwater jugs are seldom, if ever, covered. A certain amount of immunity to the water is naturally built up, as is evident from the experiences of farmers when visiting other areas. A Bangkhuad farmer who drinks the water in Lopburi, for example, inevitably returns with an intestinal disorder. The farmers have expressed many general beliefs as to the beneficent and maleficent qualities of foods and medicines: 1. Pregnant women must eat something sour once a day. 2. Pregnant women must eat three times a day. 3. The fire treatment is healthier for women than the Chinese herbs taken in lieu of the fire treatment. 4. Pregnant women should not eat meat, because it will make the baby restless during its lifetime. 5. Pregnant women should not eat highly spiced foods because they will burn the baby, who will be born with sores, and will become bald at a very young age. 6. Babies should be washed daily in warm water. 7. Namtaw (gourd) leaf is ground up and mixed with hot water and given to children whenever they complain of a stomach ache.

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8. Canned milk is more healthful than mother’s milk, but too expensive. (Ten households in the community feed their two to six year old children canned, evaporated milk.) 9. If the top-knot is not buried beneath a large tree, the child will always be sick. 10. Perfumed water is a good cure for prickly heat (namjauthaj). 11. A mixture of tamarind leaf and lime applied to the skin is good for the circulation. 12. Aspirin is good for almost every minor -ailment. 13. Ovaltine is good for all illnesses, especially those of the stomach. 14. Eucalyptus juice daubed on a cigarette and smoked will cure a cold. 15. Cigarette smoking is not harmful. 16. Betel chewing prevents decay and is good for the digestion. (This is believed by the older members of the community and by some of the younger ones; however, the younger ones do not chew.) 17. Short hair is healthful (no lice). (If a young child has a great deal of lice, they shave its head.) 18. An evil or angered spirit (phi) is the cause of disease and sickness. It enters the body and rests in the region where the pain is felt. The spirit can be exhorted by a) going to a doctor, or b) appealing to the spirit and offering food or making promises of donations to the wat. 19. The concept of infection is known and special herbs are used to prevent it. Eor example, the herb phlaj should be applied to the navel and umbilical region of the mother and baby respectively, and should be used to sterilize the needle when ears are pierced. 20. The digested food found in the stomach of a dead buffalo is very healthful. But anyone who cuts open the animal will contract a skin disease and die. Moslems are hired to do the job and it is believed that they always take shots to ward off the disease. In addition to the above list, one of the village doctors offered the following advice which he learned as a monk and which he passes on to his patients. 1. Do not give a feverish person meat. It is too difficult to digest. 2. All illness is due to bad food, or change of water, or climate, i.e., from cool shade to hot sun or vice versa. 3. Sugar is unhealthful because it causes gases in the body. 4. Soft foods, i.e., foods fried in fat or other oils, are very healthful and should always be eaten. 5. Pepsi Cola and Coca-cola are good for stomach ailments because of the soda content. 6. Menstruating women who have cramps have them because of the bad food they eat. The food eventually goes to their head in the form of gas and gives them a headache.

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7. Men have pains when micturating either because of contact with prostitutes or because of bad food which they have eaten. 8. Those who feat evil spirits {phi) will be tormented by them and become ill. 9. Most illnesses are caused by failure on the part of the patient •to feed the ancestral spirit daily. Narcotics In Banghkuad there are three types of narcotics in which a very few of the inhabitants indulge: 1) opium, 2) Indian hemp, 3) khatom. Two members of the village are addicted to opium, a habit learned from the Japanese during the war. The opium monopoly is in the hands of the Thai government and one must have a license legally to enter one of the dens. The two mentioned persons make periodic, but clandestine, trips to a den six kilometres away. There are four persons who use Indian hemp {kancha) and do so openly and with very little stigma attached. Kancha has a much more pernicious effect on the body than opium. The growing of khatom has been outlawed. As with kancha, this stimulant provides prolonged energy and allows one to endure intense heat. The drug is used as a substitute for opium; it is cheaper and does not have as strong an addictive reaction. Several of the older male farmers use kancha during the rice season. Preventive Medicine There are several manifestations of preventive medicine in the broad sense of the term. There are certain institutions on which the individual relies to ward off sickness : I) The leaving of the top-knot on the child. 2) The offerings made to the Goddess of the Fire at the time of childbirth. 3) The offerings of food or promises to the i Buddha image in the house; 4) Refraining from sexual intercourse i after so many months of pregnancy. 5) Abstinence on the part of ( the mother from spiced foods during the same period. 6) Tattooing. t Four and five are believed to prevent the baby from being deformed I or ill at birth. Although very few members of the present generation have been tattooed, nearly all men of the previous generation have been. The belief behind tattooing is that wherever the holy sign appears, the bearer will be immune to knife, gun, or snake-bite wounds. During the Korean war, it was not uncommon for young soldiers to have themselves tattooed. This is done anywhere on the body with the exception of the soles of the feet, the palms of the hands, the face, and the genetalia. The designs vary, but are always of a religious

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context and are usually in the form of old Khmer script. Application is simple. A dark blue Chinese ink is smeared on the skin, and a large needle is used to puncture the design into the flesh. The fee is 12 baht, of which six will be used for the wajkhru fee. In Bangkhuad there are five categories of doctors. The term is used here in its broadest sense, and includes anyone who claims to be able to cure sickness in any form — mental or physical, imaginary or real. Mauboran: There are two old-fashioned doctors (mauboran) in the village. One is in hamlet 11 and one is in hamlet 12. Both are men. The one in hamlet 11 has very few patients. The other, in hamlet 12, specializes in children’s illnesses and the majority of households in the village bring their children to him. Prior to his arrival in the village in 1934, children were taken to the mauboran in hamlet 11, or to the shaman doctor also in hamlet 11. The reputation of the doctor in hamlet 12 is, no doubt, correlated with his having learned his medical secrets from an aged monk. This monk taught him to read the Tamraboran, a book describing various sicknesses and their cures. Since this book was in manuscript form and could not be bought, he memorized as much of it as he could, and later wrote it down. The monk would often send him out to take care of patients suffering from minor illnesses, first explaining to him the symptoms and the medicine to use. The doctor believes that the ancestral spirits (yhipujatajaj) must be fed every day, lest they become offended and angry and cause illness to the negligent party. He relates the story of a young neighbor who became very ill. He was called to the house and learned that the young girl was ill because, as she herself maintained, her mother would not give her enough to eat. He recognized at once the symptoms and knew that it was not the girl who was speaking, but the ancestral spirits. Instead of giving her any medicine, he advised the mother to present the spirits with food and to apologize to them. “The girl was well again in two days.” The first thing he asks his young patient is “What have you eaten during the past three days 1” The usual cure is a simple one. The doctor spits several mouthfuls of holy water over the child. This is preceded and followed by a short Pali incantation. The process may be repeated several times. Only in cases of persistent illness is medicine prescribed. In this event, the medicine, which has been boiled and cooled by fanning, is placed first in his own mouth and then transferred orally to the mouth of the child. If the prescribed remedy fails, the patient is given a neutralizing medicine (jathaun) and then another is tried. 12

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In general, his method for diagnosing an illness of adult farmers is as follows: a small bowl of holy water is placed on the floor. Candles and joss-sticks are lighted and placed in a special receptacle. He then gazes into the bowl for a period of not less than five minutes, while reciting various chants in Pali. As soon as the spirit of the patient appears in the water, he stops chanting. If the spirit image appears in toto, the doctor agrees to cure the patient. If it appears only in part, he will first make an attempt “to piece the various members back together,” i. e., a hand or a leg may be off in one comer. These he tries to attach to the body. If they fail to remain in place, he knows he cannot cure the patient, and advises him to go to another doctor. If the image appears in full, he considers two alternative cures. He takes one of the candles and lets a drop or two of wax fall into the bowl. If the wax travels twice around the bowl, he decides on the first of the two possible cures. If the wax travels less than that, he uses the second. He does not -exact a fee for this service, inasmuch as the monk from whom he learned the technique asked him not to. For any other type of diagnosis and treatment, however, his fees range from three to nine baht. He, like most of the villagers, believes that death is caused by an evil spirit which travels on the wind and enters the victim while he is sleeping. Since the spirit has come from the body of someone already dead, it tries to duplicate its old habitat and so causes the body to die. (This paraphrases the doctor’s own words). Masseuse : One old woman in the village gives massages to farmers (men and women) suffering from sprains, stomach cramps, headache, and arthritis. She claims to have learned her vocation in a dream in which a bearded old man, carrying a crooked stick, and wearing a white, odd-shaped hat, approached her. He took from his bag the veins and skeleton of a dead man and, instructing her where to apply pressure, told her that since she had been bom on a Thursday, she could earn a nice income from his instractions. The following week a villager complained of an ache in his leg. She tried out her technique, and the following day the man brought her a bowl of rice and three baht, asserting that he was cured. Thus her reputation began and spread rapidly throughout the village. The patient is treated fully dressed. He lies down and first discusses the pain with the doctor; then they gossip about various subjects during the massage to “ help him forget the pain.” The old woman maintained that if the patient does not pay her, she herself gets the pain. She used to practice midwifery, but had to give it up because she “could not tolerate the smell of blood.” When she is

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massaging a patient with menstrual cramps, she “must retire and vomit.” Often when only minor aches are involved, younger members of a househould massage older members, or wives husbands, and husbands wives. Midwives: Three of the four midwives in the village are women. The husband of one of them also practises, but plans to stop soon. All four have licenses which were issued to them for three baht at the district office after they had passed a short oral test and had been briefed on hygienic procedure. All believe that the fire treatment is the best method for a healthy, post-natal recovery. Shaman: There is one woman in the village I shall call a shaman, for want of a better term.* People come to her to be cured of boils, skin diseases, high fevers, and serious illnesses. She proceeds by falling into a trance and making contact with the spirit-cause. When she is possessed, the spirit speaks through her. On one occasion, the daughter .of school teacher B was brought to her. The father brought joss-sticks, flowers, and candles, and 12 baht for wajkhru. These he laid on the Buddhist altar. The shaman then put on an orange ‘panung and a silk phakhawma with green and red stripes. (These are extraordinary color combinations, and had never before been seen by the author in Thailand.) She lighted the joss-sticks and candles and put them into a special receptacle {kratangthub). The flowers and money she placed on a small tray. The shaman then sat in the katsamad position. After five minutes, her head lowered, she began to tremble and to speak at ordinary speed but with the voice of a man. She began to ask questions: “Who are you?” The father answered. “Why have you come ?” The father explained that at night, ants by the hundreds crawled over his daughter’s face and that she hiccupped and breathed very heavily. He asked the spirit if it could cure his daughter. “Your daughter is white-skinned, you are dark-skinned, and therefore of a lower class. She is unhappy with the lower class and wants to die.” The teacher said that he wasn’t sure of this diagnosis and wanted to try to save his child. He asked for some medicine; the spirit agreed; but warned that the results would not be good. It prescribed a medicine of betel, coconut, and tontan bark. On wajkhru day the teacher paid the shaman another 12 baht. The medicine was ineffective and the child died. Here is illustrated the common belief of asajkoed which holds that children who die before one year of age have been bom into the wrong family and must die to be reborn into the proper household. * The term medium was considered, but inasmuch as her becoming possessed is primarily for the purpose of curing, the term shaman was preferred. 12*

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There was a case of a young man with a skin disease known as ngusawad in which blisters form on the lumbar region of the back and spread around to the abdomen. The patient went to the shaman, who went into a trance. The spirit asked him many questions and finally told him to get the leaf of the namtaw gourd, grind it up with cow dung, and place it over the wound. He applied this four days but with no results. After going to an old-fashioned doctor, also with no results he returned to the shaman, who again went into a trance. The spirit, this time, told him to mix another kind of medicine with some perfume and apply it to the wound. This he did and immediate improvement was noticed. Holy-water Treatment (rodnammon): The abbot is called upon, primarily by adults, for illnesses which have affected the mind, and in cases when an evil spirit has caused misfortune. The abbot is .•sometimes called upon to cure pains in definitely known areas believed to have been caused by evil spirits. At times, he may blow on the sore spot. But, in general, he uses the rodnammon method. The patient brings him joss-sticks, candles, flowers, and six baht (wajkhru fee), and some food, fruit, or money. He relates his troubles to the abbot and then sits or kneels in front of him. The abbot takes a bowl of holy water and throws it in small amounts over the shoulders and head of the patient, while mumbling Pali incantations. When the bowl is empty, it is refilled and sprinkled again until the incantation is finished. The efficacy of the rodnammon treatment is determined by the type of malady, coupled with the degree of the patient’s susceptibility to this psychosomatic cure. Cabjam-. The abbot is also called in cases of sudden illness. He comes to the house, finds out as many details as he can, such as when the illness was first noticed and the symptoms. He then consults his astrology book to determine the cause. This is called cabjam, or “catching the right time.” He must also know the birthdate and hour, and the time the sickness was reported to him; also the manner in which the case was presented, i. e., calmly, excitedly, politely; and whether the reporter was seated or standing. In the case of one villager, the abbot told the household that the patient had urinated too near the spirit-house and that the spirits were angered. In such cases, the cure is usually the same. That evening, the daughter put flowers, candles, and joss-sticks in the spirit-house and asked forgiveness. The patient recovered. If the abbot is unsuccessful in his treatment, the villager will try another type of doctor, or may try a monk at another wat. Children who have been excessively ill are brought to the abbot

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to have him give them a new name, since there is belief that a name may be offensive to one of the spirits. Several of the monks grow boraped plants, of which the leaves are used to cure fever. They also grow singhamora, which is used for hemorrhoids. In addition, the wat has a medicine chest with various ointments, mercurochrome, band-aids, etc. However, th'ese supplies are generally restricted to the use of the monks. It must be pointed out that a doctor is never blamed for his inability to cure a patient; it is the inadequacy of the medicine against so strong a spirit which is to blame, and the farmer accepts this as his fate. It must also be understood that not all people have faith in the same doctor. Many in the village never go to the abbot. Others never go to the shaman. Some have their special doctor in another village. For example, four households always go to a monk at Wat Samkha, three kilometres away. He is a specialist in curing boils and children with bloated stomachs, and uses “sympathetic” magic. His method is first to make an image of the person in mud while reciting a Pali incantation. He gives the doll the name of the patient, then pricks or applies fire to the doll in the corresponding place of the pain in the patient. The doll is then allowed to rest for three days. On the patient’s wound, the doctor then puts lime paste and utters another Pali incantation. He tells the patient to come back in three days. If the patient is better, he throws the doll into the canal; if not, he again applies fire to the doll and waits another three-day period. Miscellaneous Many households make their own medicines for minor ailments. In a few households the sick go to Kilopaed and describe their symtoms to the druggist, who makes out his own prescription. If this fails, they may go to one of the doctors in Bangkhuad. A farmer, if he becomes seriously ill, may in addition to using the doctor’s prescribed cure, make a vow before the home altar promising to buad for so many months if the Buddha cures him. He may offer to give so many tang of rice to the viat. Usually he keeps his promise in part only, explaining that he cannot keep it in full and apologizes to the Buddha and asks his forgiveness. Abortion is attempted either by wearing a very tight belt and imbibing peppery, hot foods, or by getting injections from a Chinese doctor in Bangkok for 25 baht. A drug, phutsa, is taken orally after the third month by some of the poorer women. This last is quite dangerous, causing violent reactions, and is seldom successful.

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Black Magic Although the practise of black magic is virtually non-existent, references are made occasionally by some to others, who are alleged to be able to practise it. One woman of 60 who is married to a young man of 30 is suspected by some members of the village of having used special medicinal charms to win her husband. On one occasion the mother of a young girl from Bangtoej complained to the abbot that her daughter was under the spell of a young man who had tried unsuccessfully to court her, and who had stolen her undershirt while it was hanging out to dry. When later he returned it, the daughter put it on and fell in love with him. The mother asked the abbot to break the spell, which he did by using a special incantation. Two members, of the village each asserted that one of their children had been killed by black magic.

CHAPTER X RELIGIOUS

CONSTRUCTS AND MANIFESTATIONS

f Mhis chapter deals’ with those ceremonies and rituals which are J- wat-laity oriented, including some with a more Brahmans Animist orientation, as well as miscellaneous spirit beliefs and superstitions. Inasmuch as many of the ceremonies and rituals involve some form of giving, however, which in turn, is tied up with the concept of merit and demerit, we shall begin with a short discussion of this concept as it applies to the Bangkhuad farmer. The Concept,of Bun and Bab, or Merit and Demerit Merit-making is the modus operavdi of Hinayana Buddhism and is basic to the establishment of over 20,000 temples and the maintainence of 200,000 monks and novices in Thailand alone. In general, bun, or merit, is any act done in accordance with the