Asia in the making of Europe, Vol. 2, Book 1 9780226467306, 9780226467504, 9780226467108

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IN THE MAKING OF EUROPE

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IN THE MAKING OF EUROPE DONALD F. LACH

VOLUME , Il A

Century of Wonder BOOK ONE: THE VISUAL ARTS

EN f IV Ss RE.

=A THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO AND LONDON

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS, CHICAGO 60637

The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London © 1970 by The University of Chicago All rights reserved. Published 1970 Paperback edition 1994 Printed in the United States of America

9897969594 5432 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Lach, Donald Frederick, 1917—

Asia in the making of Europe. Includes bibliographies.

CONTENTS: v. 1. The century of discovery. 2 v.— v. 2. A century of wonder. Book 1. The visual arts. Book 2. The literary arts. Book 3. The scholarly disciplines. 3 v. 1. Asia—Discovery and exploration. 2. Europe—

Civilization—Oriental influences. I. Title.

DS5.95.L3 901.93 64-19848 ISBN 0-226-46730-9 (v. 2. bk. 1) ISBN 0-226-46733-3 (v. 2. bk. 2) ISBN 0-226-46734-1 (v. 2. bk. 3)

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984.

To my mother and

to the memory of my father

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Contents

BOOK ONE

List of Illustrations ix

Preface Xiii Acknowledgments xvii

Introduction 3 Chapter I: COLLECTIONS OF CURIOSITIES 7

1. Portugal and Spain 10 2. Antwerp and the Low Countries 16 3. Germany and Austria 22 4. France and England 30

5. Italy 35

Appendix: Sample Asian Items Collected in Europe 46

Chapter II: Tue Inpivipuat Arts 56 1. Manueline Architecture and Sculpture 57 [ vii ]

2. Painting 64. 3. Woodcuts and Engravings 78 Contents

5. Ceramics 104

4. Textiles, Tapestries, and Costumes 95 6. Woods, Furniture, and Lacquerware 109 7. Precious Metals, Gems, and Jewelry 113 Chapter III: THs IconocrapHy oF AsIAN ANIMALS 123

1.A. Antiquity The Elephant 124 and the Middle Ages 125

B. African Elephants of the Quattrocento 131

C. The Elephant of Rome 135 D. Raphael and his School 140

E. The Vienna Elephant of 1552 144

F. Fin de siécle 150 2. The Rhinoceros 158 3. The Tiger 172 4. The Simians 175 5. The Birds 178 Chapter IV: Epttocue: NATURALISM, SYMBOLISM, AND

ORNAMENT 186 BIBLIOGRAPHY 200

ReferenceWorks 200 Source Materials 204

Books 213 Articles 226 Catalogues 235 INDEX 237 [vii

Illustrations

FOLLOWING PAGE 236

1. Engraving of Catharine de’ Medici 2. Engraving of Archduke Ferdinand of Tyrol 3. Archduke Ferdinand in a Triumph 4. Chinese studio painting from Ambras 5. Chinese studio painting from Ambras 6. East Asian objets d’art from Ambras 7. Seashells in settings from Ambras 8. Bezoar stones from Ambras 9. Rock crystal elephant 10. Woodcut of treasury of Emperor Maximilian I 11. Cabinet of curiosities at Gottorp

12. Sinhalese ivory comb with reliefs | 13. Ivory chest from Ceylon 14. Bezoar cup of Emperor Rudolf II 15. Engraved portrait of Charles de L’écluse 16. Painting of the collection of Ortelius 17. Tower of Belém, Lisbon 18. Archway of the “Capelas imperfeitas,” Batalha 19. Manueline window at Tomar 20. Portal of the church of Matriz Golega, Portugal 21. Portal of the Casado Capitulo, Portugal 22. Interior of the Cathedral of Guarda, Portugal 23. Stalls of Santa Cruz, Coimbra 24. Watercolor of Vishnu, Siva, Brahma [ ix ]

Illustrations 25. Sacrifice and pagode in India 26. Kanarese harvesting rice

27. Nayar marriage 28. Kanarese washing clothes 29. Two fantastic columns, drawing by Diirer 30. Adoration of the Magi by Vasco Fernandes 31. Adoration of the Magi by Gregorio Lopes 32. Adoration of the Magi, Cathedral of Evora 33. Adoration of the Magi by Francisco Henriques 34. Triumph of Asia by Pauwels Franck 35. The Japanese envoys to Europe 36. Painting of the plant Datura stramonium 37. Mountainous landscape, painting by Nicolas Manuel Deutsch

38. Detail from “The Return of the Herd,” by Brueghel the Elder 39. Grotesque head with elephant, by Arcimboldo 40. “The Admiral (?),” after Arcimboldo 41. Composite elephant, Mughul school, ca. 1590 42. Composite elephants in combat 43. Composite elephant formed of female musicians and driven by Krishna 44. “People of Calicut,” by Hans Burgkmair 45. Engraving of sago bread 46. Engraving of banyan tree 47. “Hunting for Wild Ducks in China” 48. “Magellan’s Discovery of the Straits,” by Stradanus 49. Portuguese triumphal arch at Antwerp, 1593 50. Tower of Azuchi Castle, by Philips van Winghe 51. Gate of Azuchi Castle, by Philips van Winghe 52. People of Java, by Hans Sibmacher 53. Tapestry of the India series, Tournai 54. Tapestry of the India series, Oudenarde 55. The Camel Caravan,” tapestry 56. “The Magi,” tapestry ca. 1550 57. “Landing at Calicut,” sixteenth-century tapestry

58. Gujarati bedspread, sixteenth century | 59. Title page of A. de Bruyn, Omnium pene... 1581 60. Costumes of Africans, Asians, and Americans

61. Chinese matron, Vecellio , 62. Indian woman of moderate quality, Vecellio 63. Indian of quality, Vecellio 64. Chinese nobleman, Vecellio 65. Lady of the Moluccas, Vecellio 66. Chinese noblewoman, Vecellio 67. Chinese of moderate quality, Vecellio 68. East Indian woman of quality, Vecellio

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Illustrations

69. Japanese youth, Vecellio 70. Chinese export porcelain, 1557 71. Vase of Medici porcelain 72. Flask of Medici porcelain 73. Flagon of Medici porcelain 74. Ewer of Medici porcelain 75. Chinese porcelain bowl in silver mounting 76. Pitcher from “Cups and Jugs’ (1548), by Cornelis Floris 77. Turtle and shell from “Cups and Jugs” (1548), by Cornelis Floris 78. Lid design on exotic chest, Milan, 1560 79. Mughul-type chest ca. 1580 80. Studiolo of Francesco de’ Medici

81. Indian chair with ivory inlays, ca. 1580 | 82. Silver tankard, Antwerp, ca. 1525 83. Coconut cup of Emperor Charles V, ca. 1530 84. Lid ornament of Rappoltstein goblet, ca. 1543 85. Coconut cup in silver setting, 1590 86. “Flight from Egypt,” the Book of Hours (1517) of King Manuel 87. “Elephant and People of Calicut,” by Hans Burgkmair 88. Elephant title page, 1514 89. Elephant in Maximilian’s Prayer Book 90. Francisco d’Ollanda’s copy of Raphael’s elephant 91. Hanno, after Raphael 92. Hanno in stucco, by Giovanni da Udine 93. Intarsia of Baraballo on Hanno 94. Hanno in Fanti’s Triompho di Fortuna (1526) 95. Elephant fountain, by M. van Heemskerck 96. Elephant in “Marriage Feast of Cupid and Psyche,” by Giulio Romano 97. Flemish tapestry of elephant hunt, 1535-40 98. Sinhalese ivory chest, end relief 99. Sinhalese ivory chest, end relief 100. Flugblatt elephant of 1552 tor. Elephant medal of 1554 102. Elephant and dragon of Bomarzo 103. Elephant of Bomarzo 104. Elephant hunt, engraving by Stradanus 105. “The Triumph of Saturn,” by Philippe Galle 106. Elephants in Speculum of Lafreri 107. “Noah's Ark,” 1570, by Simone de Myle 108. “Night Festival with the Carrousel Elephant,” by Antoine Caron 109. “Triumph of Séméle,” by Antoine Caron 110. “Elephant with Three Sheep,”’ by Hans Sibmacher 111. Ape on back of elephant, by Roelant Savery 112. Elephant hunt, Tunja, Colombia

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Illustrations

113. Detail from Ortelius’ map of China, 1584 114. Woodcut of elephant, by Melchior Lorck, 1580 115. Antwerp elephant 116. Bronze elephant of Christoph Jamnitzer, ca. 1600

117. Caryatid of elephant and dragon ,

118. Sugarwork elephant | | 119. Diirer’s drawing of rhinoceros, 1515 120. Burgkmair’s drawing of rhinoceros, 1515 121. Rhinoceros of Naples 122. Rhinoceros from Maximilian’s Prayer Book 123. Detail from “Triumphal Arch of Maximilian,” by Diirer 124. Rhinoceros with obelisk 125. Grotto in garden of Castello 126. Combat between elephant and rhinoceros 127. Rhinoceros in Tunja, Colombia 128. Caryatid of rhinoceros and elephant 129. Rhinoceros and bear, by Hans Sibmacher 130. Bacchus and Ariadne with tiger, by Giulio Romano 131. “Triumph of Bacchus and Ariadne,” by Annibale Carracci 132. Tiger, from Juan de Arphe 133. “The Story of the First Human Pair,” sixteenth-century tapestry 134. “The Ape Laocoén,” by Titian 135. “Young Man with a Parrot,” by Niccold dell’ Abbate 136. “Madonna and Child with Parrot” 137. German woman with a parrot 138. Musk deer, by Hans Sibmacher 139. Bird of paradise, by Hans Sibmacher

140. Emu, the wonderful bird, by Hans Sibmacher : 141. Crowned bird of Catigan, by Hans Sibmacher 142. Dodos, by Roelant Savery 143. “Orpheus with the Animals,” by Roelant Savery 144. “Garden of Eden,” by Roelant Savery 145. “Asia,” in Ripa, Iconologia (1611) 146. Title page of J. T. and J. I. de Bry, India orientalis (1601)

147. Products of Asia, from De Bry 148. Temples and gods of India, from De Bry 149. Ornamental panel from the loggia of the Vatican, by Giovanni da Udine 150. Detail of elephant on panel 151. Decorative panel by the Doetechum brothers(?), after Vredeman de Vries

[ xii ]

Preface

In the first volume of my projected series Asia in the Making of Europe, I discussed

Europe's outward thrust toward Asia and examined the sources of information on the East as well as the channels through which it flowed into sixteenthcentury Europe. The materials examined there are mainly the literary sources: state documents, travel books, missionary letters and reports, histories, memoirs, and maps. In addition to an analysis of the written records, Volume I also contains an account of spices and other Asian commodities sent to Europe. I purposely did not attempt in Volume I a systematic study of the responses within _ Europe to the vast new body of information about Asia, a massive and complicated undertaking in itself. That task with all its complexities was left for this

volume. |

The present volume, A Century of Wonder, refers to the most general response of sixteenth-century Europe to the revelation of the East. This particular book,

The Visual Arts, is a study of the impact of what I have termed the “‘silent sources” —art objects, artifacts, flora, fauna, and crafts—upon the arts of Europe

from the period of the High Renaissance to the Baroque. This book helps to fill the gap that exists between the Middle Ages and the seventeenth century in our understanding of the influences exerted by Asia upon European art. But the topics included here constitute only one aspect of Asia’s total influence upon Europe. In the second book of this volume, I will discuss the impact of Asia upon the letters, ideas, and institutions of sixteenth-century Europe. As readers will see in the details set forth in the following chapters, it is possible to assert that Asia had distinct appeal and influence despite Europe's traditional hostility to alien infiltration. Artists experimented with Asian products and design ideas quite deliberately and incorporated them into their own works. The ways in which the Europeans of the sixteenth century used Asia

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Preface

artistically are not always obvious at first glance, probably because we do not see with the eyes of contemporaries. What looked like a symbol of Asia to the sixteenth-century connoisseur might well look to us like a meaningless portrait or even a decadent Manneristic aberration. That we have continued to believe for a long time that Asia exercised no noteworthy influence on modern European art until the eighteenth century is attributable, in my estimation, to a lack of serious research on earlier periods and to our inability to comprehend what it was about Asia that appealed to European artists and craftsmen of the late

Renaissance. It is hoped that this book will, among other things, stimulate specialists in the visual arts to examine more closely the interchanges between Europe and Asia and will encourage general students of diffusion to look for concrete evidence of influence instead of relying exclusively upon stylistic similarities or making unsubstantiated assertions about common attributes and spiritual affinities. In undertaking the preparation of this book on the visual arts, I was well aware that I would be engaging in an enterprise that had never before been investigated thoroughly. I also knew that my own background and credentials for embarking on such a pioneering effort were hardly adequate to the task. As a consequence,

I set out blithely, as amateurs incline to do, to prepare myself as best I could to undertake this study. In the process, I have received such warm and hearty support from others that I finally became pleased with my own brashness. I have received unstinting cooperation from the art historians of the Uni-

versity of Chicago. On the street, at lunch, and in the corridors they have patiently answered my naive questions. They have even shared my excitement of discovery. Reverend Harrie van der Stappen, S.V.D., a specialist in East Asian art, was particularly helpful in aiding me to identify Philips van Winghe’s drawings of Azuchi Castle. Edward A. Maser, who has been working for a number of years on the Habsburg art collections, lent me every possible aid, including a reading of my chapter on collections. Bertha H. Wiles, now retired, gave me the benefit of her vast knowledge in the graphic arts. Pramod Chandra

kindly talked with me about Indian art, informed me about the history of Kutiihala (composite paintings), and obtained a copy of one of them for me from the National Museum of India in New Delhi. Herbert L. Kessler, who has one

foot in Byzantium and the other in sixteenth-century Europe, read the entire manuscript and gave me hours of informal instruction in art history. Francis H. Dowley, who has unselfishly shared my enthusiasms for more.years than we both like to think about, also read and improved the manuscript. As if this were not enough, I received helpful tips from Professors Phyllis Bober of New York University and Charles Mitchell of Bryn Mawr. My education was also advanced significantly by the Rockefeller Foundation. In the academic year 1967-68 its officers presented me with an opportunity to

teach at the University of Delhi. Their generosity in permitting me, in the course of performing this assignment, to travel in India from the Himalayas to Cape Comorin, to visit Ceylon, and to make a leisurely trip around the world

[xiv]

Preface

gave me the opportunity to renew my acquaintance with both Asia and Europe

and to become deeply involved for the first time in the rich and puzzling civilization of India.

When I decided to publish a section from this book as a “trial balloon,” Professor Denis Sinor of the University of Indiana freely opened to me the pages

of the Journal of Asian History, which he edits. Consequently, the section of chapter iii dealing with the elephant first appeared in the JAH in 1967 (Vol. I, No. 2, pp. 133-76) under the title “Asian Elephants in Renaissance Europe.” Because Professor Sinor generously published sixteen plates along with my article, I have been able to omit some from the collection published in this work.

By substituting others, I have had the opportunity to extend my pictorial documentation of the elephant. Nor can I forgo mentioning that Mrs. Irene Sinor shared her husband’s enthusiasm for my elephants, tracked down a rhinoceros for me in Naples, and drew to my attention the charming story of Wenzel Hollar and his elephant by Johannes Urzidel. Librarians and museum experts likewise lightened my task. Always at hand were the vast resources of the University of Chicago libraries, the Art Institute

of Chicago, and the Newberry Library. Robert Rosenthal, chief of the University of Chicago’s Department of Special Collections, regularly called to my attention items from his rare books. Helen Smith, as she has for many years, assiduously filled my orders for interlibrary exchange requests. Mrs Emma B. Pitcher helped me to identify birds and other fauna in my illustrations. From research funds granted me by the Social Science Research Committee, the Committee on Far Eastern Studies, and the Committee on South Asia (all of the University of Chicago) I was able to hire graduate students in history

to assist me. Amy Gordon, Kathleen Stark, Eric Stevens, and Sara Bobroft helped me during the stages of research and writing. Sister Michaela Zahner, C.S.J., labored long and hard as we saw the book through the press together. For the past five years my wife has acted as my personal photographer. Our joint venture in scholarship began in 1965 on a three-month tour of Italy where we hunted artistic elephants and other exotica with her cameras. In India, and in all the other countries we visited on our world tour, she had more enthusiasm for shooting pictures for my project than I did myself. At home she spent countless hours taking and retaking the photographs which illustrate this book. While her photographic skills made this extensive illustration program possible, it was her verve and devotion which made the preparation of the book a delight. Admittedly my venture into what might be called art history is a tour de force. For mistakes of fact and interpretation I take personal responsibility. But I do ask forbearance and compassion from those whose professional competence far exceeds my slight attainments in this complicated field.

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Acknowledgments

Permissions to reproduce photographs were courteously granted to us by the following copyright holders: Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna (2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 38, 135, 137); Editions Gallimard, Paris (47); André de Rache, Brussels (11, 40); Alfieri, Edizione d’arte, Venice (34, 100); Gabinetto disegni e stampe degli Uffizi, Florence (36); R. Geigy (ed.), Acta tropica, Basel (126); Musée du Louvre, Paris (72); Department of Prints and Drawings, The Royal Museum of Fine Arts, Copenhagen (114); A. L. van Gendt and Co., Amsterdam (15, 105); S. Schéle, Stockholm (76, 77); Victoria and Albert Museum, London (70, 85); Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague (16). Authorizations were also obtained from The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (75); Jean Ehrmann, Paris (108); F. Bruckmann K. G. Bildarchiv, Munich (12, 13, 37, 81, 83, 109, 111, 142); The Albertina, Vienna (120, 123); Georges Alran, Mazamet (Tarn), France (107); Constable Publishers, London (23); Mrs. M. Fischel, Berlin, and Routledge and Kegan Paul, Ltd., London(g95); Monumenti musei e gallerie pontificie, Vatican (92); Eva Bollert, Karlsruhe (78, 82, 84); Museumsabteilung der bayerischen Verwaltung der staatlichen Schlés-

ser, Garten und Seen, Munich (99); Academia nacional Belas Artes, Lisbon — (17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22); Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen der Stiftung preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin (91).

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BOOK ONE

The Visual Arts

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Introduction 6

In the century of the great overseas discoveries Europeans were struck by wonder at the extent and variety of the world that was rapidly being opened to full view. Writers of the sixteenth century described the curiosities and singularities of the

outside world as beguiling, perplexing, and stupefying. Artists as well as collectors of oddities were awestruck by the alien works of nature and man that

appeared to be fearfully and wonderfully made. Fear, strange as it now seems, | struggled with admiration and curiosity in the perception and comprehension of marvels that were inexplicable in traditional European terms. Only the boldest spirits were prepared to admit their own perplexity and uncertainty about the meaning of the revelation of America and the East for European civilization. Others who were inclined to look to the supernatural for the explanation of baffling problems surely sighed with the Psalmist: “Thou art the God that doest wonders: thou hast declared thy strength among the people” (Psalm 77:14). Stupefaction, bewilderment, and anxiety arrested reactions for a time. A pause was required for a more complete assessment of the revelations and for contemplation of their ultimate implications. But while wonder mixed with fear produced hesitation, it did not beget apathy or inertia. Men in all walks of life from the humble potter to eminent divines and philosophers were inspired with a desire to learn in more detail about the high civilizations of Asia and their spiritual and material works. Those aspects which could be comprehended most readily by Europeans both in Asia and Europe were naturally the surface and concrete manifestations of Asian civilization. The doctrines of Asia’s great religious and philosophical systems were obviously beyond the abilities of the merchant in the field to understand. The missionaries with their strong Christian bias were initially determined to dismiss Asian beliefs and material works as heathen superstitions and vanities. In Europe the Humanists were inclined to

, [3]

Introduction

regard as barbarous all that was not classical and European. Some artists of the Renaissance were likewise disposed to belittle what they saw of Asian arts by categorizing them as works of talented craftsmen. But, despite the convinced ethnocentrism of Europe’s artists and intellectuals, the reality of Asia could not forever be ignored or dismissed disparagingly. In the course of the sixteenth century, artists, writers, and scholars were required to make room in their works and thoughts for the encroaching civilizations of the East. The accommodation of Europe to the actuality and permanence of Asia as a part of its own world came slowly and falteringly. Asia, unlike America, had had interchanges with Europe that stretched back in time before the beginnings of recorded history. In Antiquity and the Middle Ages, flora, fauna, and portable goods from Asia were brought into Europe at irregular intervals. Such imports were generally associated with a vague outer world of barbarians and enemies of civilization. Periodic invasions of the Christian West by infidel Muslims, pagan Mongols, and terrible Turks contributed to Europe’s fear of and antipathy to the East. Alexandria, known in the eighth and ninth centuries as “the market of the two worlds,” was the place where most of the business of Eurasia was

transacted in the Middle Ages. But even here there was no firm knowledge about the exact places from which the products of Asia came, for pepper and other spices were vaguely called “grains of paradisé” until the sixteenth century. The Crusades had the effect of opening the Near East to Europeans, as, in its commercial relations with the Levant, Europe moved from a debtor to a cred-

itor status during the twelfth century. The returning Crusaders also brought goods and stories from Asia to the hinterlands of Europe where such things had only rarely been known before. In the era of the Mongol peace (1240-1350) relations between Europe and China by the overland route were closer than they had ever been. China was brought psychologically nearer than India, which remained fabulous to Europe until the era of the great discoveries. From the middle of the fourteenth century to about 1500 the European view of Asia was again cut off by lack of intercourse, and just at a time when Europe itself was recovering its own classical past and becoming more convinced than ever before of the supreme value of Western civilization. Europe's preoccupation with itself continued well into the sixteenth century,

its energies consumed by international wars, the development of national states, and religious divisions. The discovery of America also diverted Europe’s

attention from Asia, for the New World had been totally unknown and its products were initially of greater novelty. In contrast to Asia, America was easily

penetrated by European arms, religion, and civilization. America posed no threat, real or imaginary, as Asia did to Europe. So, at first, there was greater receptivity to and interest in America, perhaps promoted by the fact that Charles

V, who ruled the Spanish conquests in the New World, was also the Holy Roman Emperor, the most powerful of Europe’s kings and its protector against the Turkish incursions from the east. The “policy of secrecy” (see Vol. I, pp. 151-54) followed by Portugal about its progress in the East also had the

[4]

Introduction

effect until the middle of the sixteenth century of keeping solid information about Asia from circulating freely in Europe. But despite all such obstacles, knowledge of the discoveries in the East increased and the boundaries of European civilization had periodically to be stretched and adjusted to make room for Asia’s products, arts, and ideas.

Not all the information about Asia was to be found in official declarations, travel accounts, or missionary letters and histories. The steady influx into sixteenth-century Europe of the spices, flora, fauna, and portable arts and crafts of Asia brought concrete examples, in quantities and varieties not known before, to the attention of Europeans in all walks of life. Even in the Middle Ages, the

Chinese had been recognized as gifted craftsmen. With the opening of direct maritime access to India, its artisans and artists were likewise acknowledged ever more frequently to be skilled, versatile, and sophisticated. The Europeans who lived and worked in the East reported admiringly on the architectural and sculptural monuments of tropical Asia, esteemed its cities to be greater and wealthier than many of Europe’s proudest urban centers, and relayed to the folks back home, either orally or in writing, a few of the traditions and legends they heard in the Orient. The Jesuits in the field were to conclude by the last generation of the sixteenth century that Europe had much to learn from the high civilizations of Asia. Since the publication of Volume I of Asia in the Making of Europe (1965), I

have been struggling with the methodological problem of how best to study and present the impact of Asia upon Europe in the sixteenth century. Some of the reviewers of Volume I rightly predicted that I would have difficulty in showing concretely how the revelation of the East moved Westerners to begin “self-consciously to question their own cultural premises... and to initiate fundamental revisions in their own views of the world, man, and the future” (p. 835). In what follows I shall try to relate how I am attacking, for this volume, what is admittedly a complex and crucial problem. Tracers of influence must carefully judge and determine which paths to follow to their goals. Pioneers in this kind of intellectual exploration find that certain trails are cold, that others are overly circuitous or complex, and that but few give direct and easy access. In most instances some false starts may be made before

the explorer finds marks or remains which encourage him to take one path rather than the other or to follow a trail that others have assured him leads nowhere. Even after the searcher surveys a few vistas of the past which others have not seen from his peculiar angle, he must contemplate the entire perspective to determine whether his own view is a mirage, distortion, or delusion. Once satisfied about the reality of his perception, the observer.of influence must rule out other possible sources, evaluate his own perspective in relation to others, and ask himself whether a causal relationship is possible on the basis of the known facts. And, even after exercising all such precautions, he and his reader must fully realize that the vision is partial, the inferences biased, and the demon-

strations hazardous. But the undertaking is justified even though it provides

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Introduction

nothing more than a new angle from which to look upon an old scene or a new series of partial explanations of what spurred men on to do what they did. In choosing trails I started, somewhat naively perhaps, to follow one that was most obvious and clearly marked. Of the many strange products, objects, and devices imported into Europe from Asia, I asked myself: What were they? Who received them? What questions did they provoke? How did artisans and artists in Europe see them? Were the more numerous objects of greater influence than those which were known only. as samples? It was through asking myself such a series of simple questions that I decided to commence my study of the impact of Asia upon Europe with the visual arts. Other considerations also entered into this decision. First, I suffered from a sense of guilt that, in Volume I, I had relied, as conventional historians usually do, too heavily on literary sources. From references in the literary sources I was

certain that oral reports had constituted a vital source of information and inspiration. I was likewise convinced that objects imported from Asia had made a significant impression upon Europeans. These “silent sources’ —art objects, artifacts, flora, fauna, and crafts—obviously needed investigation. Although they were much harder to exploit and control than the literary sources, they might

provide answers to a number of vital questions not dealt with in the literary sources. It is perfectly clear that literary luminaries such as Rabelais, Montaigne,

and Bodin were moved intellectually by the import and meaning of the discoveries. Natural scientists, geographers, and churchmen were likewise forced to respond, either negatively or positively, to the revelation of Eastern products, places, peoples, and religions. But what evidence, for example, was there of how

the populace at large reacted to the strange new items from Asia? And what about their influence, if any, on artists and artisans? In this context, sixteenthcentury European art works were clearly an unknown quantity to me and to others. The adoption of motifs from Asia by European craftsmen has a long and re-

vered history. Medieval architects and illuminators of manuscript books had been influenced in their designs by the exotic flora and fauna of the East. Later artists, especially in the eighteenth century, were fascinated by China and produced a vast number of chinoiseries in all facets of art. But what about the great artistic masters of the late Renaissance? Were they so imbued with the artistic prototypes of Antiquity and their own spectacular achievements that they were totally oblivious to the opening of the overseas world? I was seriously assured by many whom I talked to, or whose books I read, that this was indeed true of the

artists. Rationally I found this conclusion hard to accept and so I began a few preliminary investigations. At first there were many false starts and the path was rocky and the trail unclear. But gradually as I pushed aside the tangled underbrush I began to see a clearing in the distance. Whether the clearing that I found

is a mirage, distortion, or delusion will be decided by others. |

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CHAPTER I

Collections of Curiosities In the long centuries before the opening of the direct passage to India, learned men certainly looked studiously and wonderingly at the isolated specimens of Asia’s arts and crafts which found their way to Europe. And they were generally left to infer for themselves whatever they could about the peoples and civilizations which produced these strange items. During the sixteenth century the steady influx in quantity of exotica from Asia stimulated a more generalized and deeper curiosity about what were indiscriminately called “Indian products.” No longer

content merely to observe in puzzlement what came to them from afar, European intellectuals and creative artists began self-consciously and systematically to seek solid information about the East and its products. At first the insights to be obtained through men who had been in the field

were disappointingly few and generally unsatisfying to trained and inquisitive , minds. Humanists, scientists, and artists often reproached the itinerant merchant or returned navigator with having failed to make the most of an opportunity to

observe the strange physical and cultural features of the Asian scene. Pierre Belon (1517-64), the French naturalist, specifically complained: Those persons who undertake a distant voyage in foreign parts for a particular purpose are usually inclined to seek out those things necessary to bring about a resolution of their own affairs, rather than to use their time making other observations for which they have no understanding: as so clearly appears in the dealings of a merchant who, no matter how often he has traveled to India and the newly found lands, has nonetheless no other object than to get his money’s worth by buying goods and is not concerned to become acquainted with the countless singularities that a curious man [un homme curieux|] would readily be able to observe.! 1 Les observations de plusieurs singularitez et choses mémorables, trouvées en Gréce, Asie, Indée, Egypte,

Arabie et autres pays estrangés (Paris, 1554), p. iv. For a detailed survey of the word “curiosity’”’ in various European languages see D. Murray, Museums: Their History and Their Use (Glasgow, 1904), I, 187, n. I.

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Collections of Curiosities

Men of curiosity in all walks of life, as they became increasingly impatient with and distrustful of the superficial observations of travelers and merchants, urged the people in the field to send back specimens of the things that were to be found in Asia. Even though every fleet that returned to Lisbon carried new items to stimulate the imagination of the learned and artistic, the demand for more “curiosities” intensified as the century wore on. Along with requests for

rare objects there went entreaties for more acute observation of the Asian environment itself and of the way life was lived there. To help provide the curious with reliable information, amateur artists sent back drawings or paintings of what they saw on their daily rounds of the marts of Asia.3 Learned Jesuits wrote about and speculated on the meaning and symbolism of the religious statues and temples of Hinduism and Buddhism. Cartographers in Asia and Europe prepared routiers, artistic maps, and terrestrial globes which helped both amateurs and scholars to associate products with places, to gain a sense of the magnitude of Asia, and to acquire an elementary appreciation of the great diversity of its peoples and their achievements. Cosmographers and travel writers gathered details about the jewels, textiles, flora, and fauna of the East which opened new business and intellectual vistas. And, even as the hunger of the curious was being appeased by new products and information, the appetite for collecting the wonders of the outside world constantly grew. Royal connoisseurs, wealthy merchant princes, bourgeois businessmen, and eminent scholars competed to acquire samples of Eastern natural products, arts, and crafts. Agents were hired and friends badgered as the collectors began to acquire a taste for assembling cabinets or chambers of curiosities. The representatives of the great commercial houses sent curiosities as gifts to their employers, friends, business acquaintances, and rulers with a passion for collecting. Gerhard Mercator (1512-94) and Abraham Ortelius (1529-98), the cartographers, exchanged geographical information and books. Charles de L’écluse (1526-

1609) the famous botanist, received botanical specimens from his Spanish colleague, Benito Arias Montano (1527-98). The rulers of Europe, like Oriental potentates, sent gifts of exotic animals, jewels, porcelains, and trinkets to one another. Collectors frequently complained that the Portuguese insisted upon keeping information on Asia to themselves and were sometimes deliberately misleading in what they did report.5 The collectors’ spirit was not born in the sixteenth century, but it did receive a new stimulus and a change of emphasis as a result of the overseas discoveries.® 2 F, de Sousa Viterbo, “O orientalismo portugues no século XVI,” Boletim da Sociedade de geographia de Lisboa, XII (1892-93), Nos. 7-8, p. 317.

3 See below, pp. 64-67 and pls. 24-28. .

4 On the collection and interest in globes as concrete models of the earth see F. de Dainville, “Les amateurs de globes,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, LX XI (1968), 51-64. 5 For example, see the letter of Guillaume Postel to Abraham Ortelius (April 9, 1567) as reproduced in J. H. Hessels (ed.), Abrahami Ortelii (geographi Antwerpiensis) et virorum eruditorum ad eundum et ad

Jacobum Colium Ortelianum. ... Epistulae .. . (1524-1628) (Cambridge, 1887), pp. 43-44. Vol. I of Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum.

6 For a general history of collecting and collections see Murray, op. cit. (n. 1); and F. H. Taylor, The Taste of Angels: A History of Art Collecting from Rameses to Napoleon (Boston, 1948).

[8]

Collections of Curiosities King Solomon and the rulers of ancient Babylon had collected precious objects

from Asia for their treasure houses. The patricians of Greece, Rome, and Byzantium prided themselves on their collections of animals and objets d’art from distant places. In medieval Europe the treasury of the cathedral and the strong room of the castle housed precious and curious objects ranging from Chinese textiles to ostrich eggs. Oddities were stored in medieval treasuries for their material and talismanic values and were not ordinarily on display.7 The doges of Venice were among the first to exhibit in public the exotic objects which they received as gifts from the princes of the Levant or acquired by pillage or purchase in the Near East. Beginning in the middle of the fifteenth

century a “fever” broke out in Rome and its environs for uncovering and collecting ancient works of art, inscriptions, cameos, and coins.? Finally, the sixteenth century saw the appearance of the cabinet or chamber of wonders (Wunderkammer) in which collections of ethnographical specimens, minerals, flora, and fauna were placed on display side by side with some of the best examples of cinquecento European painting or artistic craftsmanship. What made the collections of the Wunderkammer distinctive was the emphasis they placed upon the systematic assembling of contemporary rather than ancient arts and crafts, of unusual specimens from the world of natural history, and of curiosities from the newly found lands.1° But what do we know about the availability in Europe of Asian items that were potentially of interest to artists, scientists, and collectors? Even a cursory survey of the cargoes, custom records, ambassadorial reports, company papers, diaries, and personal correspondence of those involved in overseas trade with Asia readily yields information about the many kinds of Asian imports which actually found their way through Lisbon and Venice to the other marts of Europe (see Appendix, p. 55). But not all the imports can be found listed in the extant

cargo tallies or in the reports of the customhouses, It must be assumed that many items, particularly small and valuable commodities like jewels and personal curios, were brought or sent back by individual sailors as part of their own share

of the cargo or were smuggled into the country. Other items were sent as gifts to the rulers of Europe by native kings in the east or by Portuguese officials in the field who were trying to keep their fences mended at home. Individuals also brought home gifts for families and friends, as well as souvenirs for themselves and the collectors of curiosa. 7 A. Lhotsky, Die Geschichte der Sammlungen, Vol. Il, Pts. 1 and 2 of Festschrift zur Feier des fiinfzigjahrigen Bestandes, edited by the director of the Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum (Vienna, 1941—45),

pp. 1-4. For a survey of medieval attitudes toward the natural world and Eastern art see F. Denis, Le monde enchanté: Cosmographie et histoire naturelle fantastiques du moyen age (Paris, 1843).

8 On the relations between commerce and art in Venice see J. Alazard, La Venise de la Renaissance (Paris, 1956), chap. vii.

[9] |

9 For the history of private collecting in Italy see J. Burckhardt, “Die Sammler,” in Beitrdge zur Kunstgeschichte von Italien (2d ed.; Stuttgart, 1911), pp. 341-$73. 10 See J. von Schlosser, Die Kunst- und Wunderkammern der Spdtrenaissance (Leipzig, 1908), pp. 10-18; also G. Klemm, Zur Geschichte der Sammlungen fiir Wissenschaft und Kunst in Deutschland (Zerbst, 1837),

PP. 44-45.

Collections of Curiosities I

PORTUGAL AND SPAIN

The city of Lisbon itself was a vast and splendid emporium where the products of Oriental industry and art were on display throughout the sixteenth century. Gifts of porcelains and textiles were brought back to King Manuel I and other highly placed persons in Lisbon by the leaders of the first expeditions.!! The king of Melinde on Africa’s east coast presented Vasco da Gama on his second

voyage in 1502 with “a bedstead of Cambay [India] wrought with gold and mother of pearl.” !2 Albuquerque and his aides in India had brocaded coats and a sedan chair made for the king as tokens of native craftsmanship. A sword and a crown of gold, armor, wrought arm bands and bracelets, and jewels were sent to Lisbon in 1512 as tokens of Siam’s friendship and as examples of its industry. Silks, pearls, and porcelains were collected in Asia as gifts for the queen and the ladies of the court. Albuquerque sent jewels to the official chronicler, Ruy de Pina, to assure himself a favored place in the history of Portugal’s endeavor in the East.!3 Diogo Lopes de Sequeira, following Albuquerque’s example, sent gifts of two gold necklaces to Dom Manuel. Occasionally the king even paid for Oriental ceramics and textiles out of his own pocket.!4 Indian elephants and a rhinoceros from Cambay were on display in Lisbon by 1513-15. The Zamorin of Calicut sent a dispatch to Lisbon in 1513 engraved on a sheet of gold. Fernio Peres d’ Andrade, who was in China in 1516-17, returned to Portugal and showed King Manuel “several of their [Chinese] paintings and figures. 15 The emissaries from Ceylon in 1541 brought documents and presents to Lisbon in two ivory caskets (see pl. 13). One of the caskets contained gems

and a golden statue of the prospective king of Cotta (Kotte), and a jeweled crown.!6 King John III of Portugal crowned the effigy of the prince ina symbolic

investiture by which the Sinhalese tacitly acknowledged the suzerainty of Portugal. In the meantime Joao de Barros, according to numerous references in his Décadas da Asia, was collecting through the men in the East the Oriental books and manuscripts which he used in writing his history.?7 I Sousa Viterbo, loc. cit. (n. 2), pp. 319-20. 12 FH. J. Stanley (trans. and ed.), The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama... from the Lendas da India of Gaspar Correa (London, 1869), p. 306. 13 According to Jodo de Barros, as quoted in Sousa Viterbo, loc. cit. (n. 2), p. 319. Also see Dom Manuel’s letter to Pope Leo X as excerpted in R. B. Smith, The First Age of the Portuguese Embassies to

... Southeast Asia (Bethesda, Md., 1968), p. 13. 14 See the list of bills paid in 1514 in A. Braamcamp Freire (ed.), ““Cartas de quitacao del Rei D Manuel,”’ Archivo historico portuguez, 1(1903), 202.

15 From the translation of Os6rio’s De rebus (1571) in J. Gibb (trans.), The History of the Portuguese . .. (London, 1752), I, 249. For discussion of Osério see my Asia in the Making of Europe (hereafter cited as Asia), I(Chicago, 1965), 196. 16 J. de Castilho, A ribeira de Lisboa (2d ed.; Lisbon, 1941-48), II, 197-98. 17 Cf. Asia, I, 381, 402, 410, 437, 500.

[ 10]

Portugal and Spain

But infinitely more important at this early period for the future of Portugal

were the renovation of the city of Lisbon, the commencement of the great masterpieces of Manueline architecture, the establishment of the Casa da India as the center of the spice trade, and the elevation of the city to the position of Europe’s center for the distribution of Asian goods. As early as 1503, a French merchant wrote of Lisbon as the place where one can “view beautiful riches and other rarities brought... by Portuguese vessels plying to the East Indies.” 18 Only the spices were held as a monopoly of the Portuguese crown; consequently the Rua Nova dos Mercadores, the artery on which luxury wares from abroad

were sold, had become by midcentury one of the most elegant mercantile streets of Europe.!9 Under its covered galleries the prospective buyer could shop in all kinds of weather for porcelains, jewels, gold and silverware, exotic woods, and textiles from the East.2° By 1580 six shops in this street specialized in selling fine porcelains of various types,?! for the king had declared in 1522 that ships returning from India might carry porcelain as one-third of their total cargo.??

Porcelain was but one of the items sold commercially on the Rua Nova. Eight hundred cases of Asiatic goods passed through the Casa da India in 1552, and these did not include the precious stones, porcelains, high quality amber,

and bedspreads also imported.?3 Each year about two thousand ordinary gems and stones were imported, many of which were sold in the city.24 The cloth merchants of the Rua Nova stocked silks, velvets, damasks, and taffetas of

various kinds and prices,25 and every week they held a fair on the Rossio of Lisbon at which they sold remnants, including Indian textiles, at bargain prices.*° Iberian merchants also dealt in Eastern commodities that were thought to be more useful than decorative. Aside from the spices which were often employed as medicaments and incense, the pharmacists of Lisbon kept on their shelves jars of dried rhubarb, root of China,27 myrobalans, tamarinds, benzoin and camphor 18 As quoted in H. Belevitch-Stankevitch, Le gout chinois en France au temps de Louis XIV (Paris, 1910), p. XXX.

19 A painting of this bustling thoroughfare was made for King Manuel’s Book of Hours. 20 Jodo Brandao (d. 1562) gives the best contemporary description in his Estastica de Lisboa de 1552 as reproduced in Tratado da majestade, grandeza e abastanca da cidade de Lisboa na 2.* metade do século XVI (Lisbon, 1923), pp. 79-80; also see Damiao de Gois, Lisboa de quinhentos (Lisbon, 1937), p. 48. For a recent summary see A. Vieira da Silva, As muralhas da ribeira de Lisboa (Lisbon, 1940-41), I, 91-112.

21 See J. A. L. Hyde and R, R. Espirito Santo Silva, Chinese Porcelains for the European Market... (Lisbon, 1956), p. 49. But when Filippo Sassetti tried in 1583 to buy porcelain for Baccio Valori in Florence, he could not find anything in Lisbon fine enough to purchase. See E. Marcucci (ed.), Lettere ... di Filippo Sassetti (Florence, 1855), pp. 231, 237.

22 Hyde and Espirito Santo Silva, op. cit. (n. 21), p. 48. ,

23 Brandao, op. cit. (n. 20), p. 38. |

24 Ibid., p. 42. 25 Ibid., p. 48. 26 Ibid., p. 75. 27 Smilax China or Chinese Sarsaparilla. In India inferior, local roots were substituted frequently for the Chinese product. See C. Markham (trans.), Colloquies on the Simples and Drugs of India by Garcia

da Orta (London, 1913), p. 378, n. 1. Itis possibly for this reason that Nicholas Monardes, the eminent pharmacist of Seville, believes that the roots brought from America were fresher and better than those from Asia. See. N. Monardes, Joyfull News out of the Newe Founde Worlde (New York, 1925), I, 34-35.

[1]

Collections of Curiosities crystals for the treatment of common ailments. Bezoar stones, concretions found

in the intestines of some Asian animals, were highly prized in India as antidotes against poison; in Portugal the bezoar was imported for both its medicinal and its amulet qualities and was sought after by many of the crowned heads of Europe. The king of Cochin sent a bezoar stone as a gift to Dom Manuel shortly

after he first engaged in business with the Portuguese. Opium and bhang (Indian hemp or hashish), famed for their aphrodisiac, stimulatory, narcotic, and hallucinatory attributes, could be found in the apothecary shops of Seville.?8 Datura (thorn apple or strammony), a powerful intoxicant, entered the European pharmacopoeia in the sixteenth century and was a subject of serious interest to

botanists and to illustrators of botanical books (pl. 36). Both scientists and amateur collectors competed to obtain samples of the exotic drugs for their collections of curiosities. Bezoar stones and rhinoceros horns were frequently set in silver or gold mountings by European craftsmen and were highly prized as showpieces and as antidotes against poison (pl. 8).

It was not only the royal family of Portugal that collected mementos of Lusitania’s great exploits in the East. Vasco da Gama, who spent his last years in

Evora, had pictures of the trees and animals of India painted on his house.?9 Afonso de Albuquerque, the son of the conqueror, bought a country house at Bacalhoa near Setubal where he built a pavilion called Casa da India that was richly decorated with Indian hangings.3° Juan Sebastian del Cano, who brought Magellan’s ship back to Spain with a large cargo of spices, petitioned Charles V to allow him to have a coat of arms of two crossed sticks of cinnamon with three

nutmegs and two cloves rampant.3! Dom Joao de Castro, after his tenure as viceroy of India (1545-48), built an estate near Sintra where the royal menagerie

was located, which he called Pinha Verde. On the hill above his garden he planted an arboretum of rare trees and bushes brought back from India.32 One of those he reputedly brought was the Chinese orange, the first sweet orange tree in Europe.33 And though this is not certain, he may have had a stela in his garden with an Indian inscription carved on it.34 In the latter half of the sixteenth century other Portuguese noblemen stocked their parks with exotic animals and plants. In Spain a most extensive menagerie was maintained by Don Hurtado de Mendoza.35 In an inventory of a Spanish nobleman dated 1560, it is thought worthwhile to notice that his wife possessed a headdress of Indian silk with edgings of linen. The residence of Simon Ruiz, merchant of Medina del Campo, 28 Monardes (op. cit. [n. 27], 1, 89-90) tells of seeing Indian dockworkers buying opium in Seville (ca. 1560). Also see L. Lewin, Phantastica: Narcotic and Stimulating Drugs, Their Use and Abuse (New York, 1964), passim. 29 A. Franco, Evora ilustrado (Evora, 1948), p. 116. 30, W. C. Watson, Portuguese Architecture (London, 1908), pp. 26-27. 31 F, Guerra, “Drugs from the Indies... ,”” Analecta medico-historica, 1 (1966), 40. 32 R. S. Nichols, Spanish and Portuguese Gardens (New York, 1902), pp. 225-26. 33 Gallesio, Traité du citres (Pisa, 1917), II, 297. 34 Sousa Viterbo, loc. cit. (n. 2), p. 321. 35 P, Delaunay, La zodlogie au seizieme siecle (Paris, 1962), p. 146.

[ 12]

Portugal and Spain

boasted a bed and a carved and gilded table from the Portuguese Indies. 36 Martaban jars, huge earthenware pots utilized as water and oil casks aboard Asian and Portuguese ships, were evidently brought back in sizable numbers (as they were in the following century to Holland) for use in the homes and institutions of the Iberian peninsula. 37

The Habsburg rulers of Spain, like their German relatives, began to collect oddities at an early date. The great Charles V, even though he was not especially interested in the arts himself, possessed porcelains, golden items, and featherworks from the East.38 Philip II was much more of a collector and connoisseur of the arts than his father. Early in his career he bought Western books on Asia for the library at the Escorial, and later a number of Chinese books sent from the Philippines were added to this collection.39 In 1566 Queen Catharine of Portugal

sent presents from India to her daughter-in-law, a Spanish princess, which included a selection of the finest porcelains. Other relatives and friends at the

court of Lisbon likewise sent gifts of porcelain to Spain.4° Many of these porcelains were so highly prized that they were kept in the jewel room and treasury of Madrid. Portugal’s vital interest in Asian trade was vividly portrayed in the triumphal arches and pedestals erected in Lisbon when Philip of Spain made his formal entry there in 1581.4! Every major Portuguese conquest in the East was depicted as a statue presenting its products symbolically to the new king. Goa, represented as “Queen of the East,’ was given the central position in the display of cooperation erected by the merchants of Lisbon before the Ribeira Palace. The king responded positively to this overture of the merchants. He immediately ordered his servitors in the East to be on the watch in Asia for new items which might be of profit to the kingdom. The French ambassador wrote to his government on September 20, 1581, that the king himself had passed the previous day in

front of a window watching with great pleasure the unloading of the ships from India.4? Philip acquired porcelain services in Lisbon for his children and 36 See F. L. May, Hispanic Lace and Lace Making (New York, 1939), p. 12; also H. Lapeyre, Une famille de marchands: les Ruiz (Paris, 1955), p. 77. 37 A. C. Burnell and P. A. Tiele (eds.), The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies (London, 1885), I, 101. The Museum of Leeuwarden in Holland possesses a very complete collection of

Martaban jars, surpassed only by the assemblage of them at Djakarta. See M. Beurdeley, Porcelaine de la Compagnie des Indes (Fribourg, 1962), p. 40.

38 See the inventory of 1560 of the treasures of Charles V in Pedro de Madrazo, “Uber Kronungsinsignien und Staatsgewander Maximilian I. und Karl V. und ihr Schicksal im Spanien,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, IX (1889), 45-51. Charles V’s set of porcelain plates (now at Dresden) had been decorated in China with his cipher and badge. 39 At Antwerp in 1568 Benito Arias Montano had bought two Western books on Asia for his king.

R. Beer (ed.), ““Niederlandische Biicherewerbungen des Benito Arias Montano fiir den Eskurial im Auftrage K6nig Philip II von Spanien,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, XXV (1905), vi, x. Also see Asia, I, 693, 779 n., on Chinese books at the Escorial. 40 F. de Sousa Viterbo, “‘O theatro na corte de D. Filippe II,” Archivo historico portuguez, I (1903), 4. 41 See A, Guerreiro, Relagao das festas que se fizeram na entrada de el-rei D. Felipe, primeiro de Portugal,

reprint of the 1581 publication (Porto, 1950), pp. 49-80. 42 M. Gachard (ed.), Lettres de Philippe II a ses filles les infantes Isabella et Catherine écrites pendant son voyage en Portugal (1581-83) (Paris, 1884), p. 121, n. 5.

[33]

Collections of Curiosities certain other pieces of a type that he himself had never before seen.#3 In a letter to his family the king promised to send his young son a “desk from India” if he would persevere in learning to read and write.44 The following month he sent his daughters some rosaries made in India.45 When a lone ship arrived at Lagos in

July, 1582, the king wrote his daughters that it had aboard an elephant which was being sent from Goa as a gift from his appointee, Viceroy Francisco de Mascarenhas, to the young prince in Madrid. But perhaps most revealing of Philip’s self-conscious interest is a letter of October 25, 1582, in which he wrote to his daughters: Iam concerned to find other objects to carry back to Madrid with me; but it is difficult to find them, although they do say that they have many things on board one of their ships. Iam sending you some chunks of the wax that they have brought, because they [the chunks of wax] are not of the ordinary sort, as well as some pieces of white wax, a thing that Ihave never before seen. Seal some of your letters to me with this wax, so that I can see how it

works, although I guess that it will not be suitable.46 _ | Philip's curiosity about the East was titillated again when he was visited at Madrid in November, 1584, by the young emissaries from Japan (pl. 35). Among the gifts presented to the king on this occasion were folding screens (bydbus), two suits of Japanese armor, a bamboo desk with drawers in it given to the Jesuit Alessandro Valignano by Oda Nobunaga, a varnished wooden basin decorated with a gold border, a fancy basket crammed with trinkets, and a small lacquered pipe.47 In the Armeria of Madrid the legates themselves were shown many jewels from Asia and three Indian desks that belonged to the king.*8 Captured weapons, as well as those acquired by other means, were also sent to the king by his men in the field to acquaint him with Asian armaments and craftsmanship.+9 The Spanish governors and missionaries in the Philippines regularly sent books, maps, and other sources of information about China for the king to see. Archbishop Vicente de Fonseca, Philip’s appointee at Goa, sent his royal master a huge ivory crucifix that was so artistically carved in Ceylon that the figure of Christ “seemed to be alive.” 5° The king also displayed Asian animals in Madrid and added trees and shrubs from the Orient to his arboretum at Aranjuez. As a measure of the king’s interest in the Oriental trade there is the story

of how in 1585 he ordered that the keel of a huge carrack, built at Goa of

44 Ibid., p. 124. | | | 43 Ibid., pp. 205-6. 45 Ibid., p. 130.

46 Ibid., p. 186. . 47}. A. Abranches Pinto et al., La premiere ambassade du Japon en Europe (Tokyo, 1942), pp. 87va Ibid., p. 106. These items are still in the Armeria, as well as those presented by the Japanese. Also see M. Kiichi, “Armaduras japonesas en la Real Armeria de Madrid,” Monumenta Nipponica, XVI

(1960-61), 175-81. .

49 Burnell and Tiele, op. cit. (n. 37), I, 109-10. ,

50 Linschoten’s words in ibid., p. 81.

[14]

Portugal and Spain Indian teak twenty years before, should be transported to the Escorial once the ship was broken up at Lisbon.5! The inventory of Philip’s collection, prepared a number of years after his death for a sale of his belongings, lists around twenty thousand articles, including his porcelain collection of over three thousand pieces.5? It also includes paintings,

musical instruments, and lacquered boxes from China. For example, one entry reads: “Three canvases painted in distemper over a very fine canvas placed upon paper, of birds native to China.’ 53 Daggers, cutlasses, and knives of China and India also appear in the inventory.54 In a medal struck in Philip’s honor, the reverse bears the enigmatic inscription: “Reliquum. Datura. India.” 55 This is

probably a reference to the offerings of India to the king and his country. Philip’s personal involvement in collecting, which continued strong into the final year of his life, can be observed in a letter he wrote on May 10, 1598, to the viceroy of India, Dom Francisco da Gama. He ordered that there should be sent to himself “a good quantity of amber and chosen work [probably textiles], carpets, and a very few porcelains.”” And, commanded the king, “Whatever you do or send you will inform Miguel de Maura so that I may be apprised.’’5® Even though the precious metals of America and the products of the East flowed into (and through) Spain for most of the sixteenth century, the sumptuary laws imposed by the crown helped to prevent the subjects of Philip from indulging in ostentatious personal display or from spending large sums for collections of curiosa. A law of 1494, for example, prohibiting the importation and sale of textiles (except those for religious use) using gold or silver threads was reaffirmed and revised in 1534 by Charles V. While such restrictions were

generally relaxed under Philip, many prohibitions remained. A decree of 1563 permitted women to wear precious stones, pearls, and gold and silver jewelry but only on the condition that they be used on the head, bust, and sleeves and never on the skirt!57 Nonetheless, by the end of the century, the jewelry shops of Spain were selling gold jewelry, porcelains, silk fabrics, fancy headdresses, and gloves for milady’s hands.58 But a decree of 1593 sternly 51C, R. Boxer, “The Carreira da India (Ships, Men, Cargoes, Voyages),”” O Centro de estudos histéricos ultramarimos e as comemoragoes henriquinas (Lisbon, 1961), p. 40. A royal order of 1585 or-

dained that carracks for the India run should be built in India rather than in Europe because those built with teak in India were esteemed to be cheaper, stronger, and more durable (ibid., p. 37). 52 Inventories prepared in 1611-13. See R. Beer (ed.), ‘“‘Inventare aus dem Archivio del Palacio zu Madrid,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhochsten Kaiserhauses, XIV (1893), iv-v; XIX (1898), cxxv—cxli. For appropriate extracts from these and other royal inventories see J. C. Davillier, Les origines de la porcelaine en Europe (Paris, 1882), pp. 125-35.

53 Beer, loc. cit. (n. 52), XIX (1898), cxxix; for the musical instruments and boxes see ibid., pp. cxxxiv and clxiii. 54 Ibid., XIV (1893), Lxii—Lxiii.

58 A, Armand, Les médailleurs italiens ... (Paris, 1883), I, 239. Also see discussion of datura at Florence, the home of the artist Gianpaolo Toggini, who cast this medal (see below, p. 41). 56 As quoted by Hyde and Espirito Santo Silva, op. cit. (n. 21), p. $0. 57J. C. Davillier, Recherches sur lorfevrerie en Espagne au moyen age et a la Renaissance: Documents inédits tirés des archives (Paris, 1879), pp. 120-22. 58 Ibid., pp. 113-16.

[35]

Collections of Curiosities

forbade silversmiths and all other persons from buying, selling, or making tables, coffers, bureaus, or buffets decorated with silver.59 Spanish merchants, however, sold goods from America, including the costumes and headdresses of

the Indians, at the metropolitan and provincial fairs in the other countries of Europe.®° And the Spanish style in clothing was imitated by most of the other European courts (pl. 1). Information on the Iberian collections is limited and sketchy, perhaps because so many literary and artistic sources were destroyed in the Lisbon earthquake of 1755. A better estimate of the numbers and types of imports from Asia can be obtained from studying the reports of foreigners and the lists of gifts sent by the rulers of Portugal to the prelates and crowned heads of Europe.®! King Manuel sent to the pope many items which splendidly displayed the superb craftsmanship of Oriental artisans and artists. Gold and silver works, embroideries, brocaded clerical vestments, and rugs appear in the lists of his gifts, along with exotic animals and substantial quantities of spices and drugs.® Pius IV also received porcelain vessels and plates as gifts from Portugal.’ Throughout the century, the agents of the great commercial companies and the representatives of foreign governments kept their employers informed of arrivals at Lisbon and of the prices of Oriental jewels and pearls. Johann von Schuren, a Fugger factor, bought diamonds at midcentury in Lisbon for his friends in Augsburg and for the daughters of Anton Fugger.®+ Portuguese commercial agents in France and the

Low Countries, as well as students and priests in Paris and Rome, acted as informants and even agents for the collectors of curiosa in Italy and northern Europe. Through such devious routes much additional information might easily be obtained about the products of Asian provenance which arrived in Portugal, and something more could certainly be learned about the distribution of Asian curiosa among interested parties in the commercial centers outside of Iberia. 2

ANTWERP AND THE LOW COUNTRIES

From 1503 to 1553 the Portuguese and their agents in Antwerp delivered and sold almost everything that the buyer could find in Lisbon itself.65 But after the 59 Ibid., p. 122. 60 See E. Bonnaffé, Causeries sur l’art et la curiosité (Paris, 1878), pp. 94-95. 61 See J. A. Goris, Etude sur les colonies marchandes méridionales (portugais, espagnols, italiens) a Anvers

de 1488 a 1567 (Louvain, 1925), pp. 236-39, 254-55, 269-99. 62 Silver works, usually decorated with animals in relief, called bastides, are very numerous on the list of things sent to Rome with the ill-fated embassy of 1515 which ended in shipwreck off Genoa. See Ernesto de Campos de Andrada (ed.), Relagdes de Pero de Alcagova Carneiro, conde da Idanha

(Lisbon, 1937), pp. 198-99.

63 E. da Fonseca Brancante, O Brasil e a louga da India (Sio Paulo, 1950), p. 66. In 1554 the king presented to the papal legate in Portugal a blue-and-white porcelain bow] that is still preserved in the Museo Civico at Bologna. 64 N. Lieb, Die Fugger und die Kiinste im Zeitalter der Hohen Renaissance (Munich, 1958), p. 136.

65 For pertinent illustrations within this half of the century see Goris, op. cit. (n. 61), pp. 236-37, 254-55, 269-99. For a summary of the economic rise and decline of Antwerp see Asia, I, 119-31, and also the engraving of Antwerp at midcentury following p. 100.

[16]

Antwerp and the Low Countries closing of the Portuguese factory at Antwerp in 1549, the international trade of the Scheldt city began to decline seriously. Philip II’s efforts to force the Hispanicization of the Netherlands from 1567 to 1580 resulted in a series of wars

by which Antwerp lost whatever remained of its earlier status as the commercial heart of northwestern Europe. The emigration of the merchants to other cities brought a new order to affairs in the Netherlands by which Amster-

dam and other Dutch port cities quickly replaced Antwerp in international trade. The rapid rise of the Dutch state in the last two decades of the sixteenth century culminated in the first Dutch voyages to the East and the establishment of a direct and regular trade with its marts. Antwerp’s rise and decline as a commercial center and its replacement by the Dutch formed a pattern followed in many artistic, intellectual, and publishing activities as well. Albrecht Diirer, the great German artist, was one of Antwerp’s most eminent

visitors in the years of its greatest glory. He traveled in the Low Countries during 1520-21; his diary contains numerous references to his activities there and imparts a genuine sense of the personal exultation he felt in being a part of Antwerp’s rich and bustling life. Diirer met the Portuguese factors and became so friendly with them that he did a portrait drawing of Fernandez d’ Almada and gave him as a gift the famous painting called “‘St. Jerome in Meditation.” He also sold, bartered, and gave as presents an almost incredible number of woodcuts and engravings by himself and his fellow German artists. From his Portuguese and Flemish friends and acquaintances, Direr, fascinated as he always was with new ideas and objects, acquired a collection of curios. His diary, used as an inventory to his collection, reveals that he acquired more than

one dozen Indian coconuts, musk balls, Calicut cloths, a green jug filled with myrobalans, “two ivory saltcellars from Calicut ... and a very pretty piece of porcelain,” several pieces of sandalwood, “Calicut feathers,” several green parrots, and a wooden weapon and a fish-skin shield from Calicut, and “two gloves with which the natives there fight.’’67 Almost anything of exotic interest stimulated Diirer to engage in reflection.

On a visit to Brussels in the summer of 1520, he saw the royal collection of oddities from the New World which were on display for the imperial

to his diary: |

coronation. After viewing the gifts of Montezuma to Cortes, Diirer confided I saw the things which have been brought to the king [Charles V] from the new land of gold [Mexico], a sun all of gold a whole fathom broad, and a moon all of silver of the same size, also two rooms full of the armour of the people there, and all manner of wonderous weapons of theirs, harness and darts, very strange clothing, beds and all kinds of wonderful objects of human use much better worth seeing than prodigies. ... all the days of my life I have seen nothing that rejoiced my heart so much as these 66 BE. Panofsky, The Life and Art of Albrecht Diirer (Princeton, 1955), I, 206.

67 Compiled from W. M. Conway (trans.), The Writings of Albrecht Diirer (London, 1911), pp. 98, 100, 103, 104, 10S, 109, III, 113, I14, 115, 116, 123.

[17]

Collections of Curiosities things, for I saw among them wonderful works of art, and I marvelled at the subtle ingenia of people in distant lands. Indeed, I cannot express all that I thought there.6*

Others were likewise to marvel at the “subtle ingenia,” but few were to leave their reactions so sharply and clearly expressed. The feather headdresses which Diirer saw on display in Brussels were certainly products of Mexico, and consequently the featherworks known in Europe are often associated in the minds of modern students exclusively with America.® While feather creations were regularly imported from America, it should be recalled that even at this early date Diirer bought “‘Calicut feathers” in Antwerp.

Hans Burgkmair in his woodcut gave feather skirts and headdresses to the “people of Calicut” (pl. 44). The feather pictures listed in the collections are also often associated with Asia,7° and in numerous tapestries and paintings the

natives of Asia are shown in feather dress. Such an association is warranted inasmuch as feathers were used in China and Japan as early as the eighth century for decorating clothes. Feathers were also appliquéd on screens in the Far East to make colorful designs, portraits, and calligraphic inscriptions. Head ornaments

of feathers were as common in the islands of tropical Asia as they were in America. The sale of feathers from the kingfisher (Halcyon chloris) and from varicolored pheasants was a profitable export business in Cambodia, Borneo, and Japan.7! In 1585 the Japanese legates presented featherworks to Francesco Calceolari (Calzolari), apothecary of Verona, for his collection. And it should be remembered that plumages of the bird of paradise were brought back from the Moluccas, and from the marts of Asia where they were on sale, by many of the voyagers to the East.72 Their contemporaries in Europe, like Diirer himself, correctly associated colorful feathers, exotic plumages, featherworks, and feather headdresses with Asia as well as America. Shortly after Diirer returned to Augsburg, the Portuguese Humanist Damiao 68 Tbid., pp. 101-2. Also see Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Sonderausstellung Karl V (Vienna, 19$8), pp. 101-2. While he was in Brussels in 1520, Diirer also did a pen drawing of the royal gardens of Brussels with its plants and beasts from different places (reproduced in Panofsky, op. cit. [n. 66], II, no. 1409). He also did a pen drawing of Antwerp’s harbor in 1520 with its ships from far-off shores. Reproduced in ibid., no. 1408. 69 For example, see S. Schéle, Cornelis Bos: A Study of the Origins of the Netherland Grotesque

(Stockholm, 1965), pp. 79-80. | 70 Philip Hainhofer, a professional supplier of collectors, suggested in 1610 that the feathers of Turkish chickens and Indian cocks should be purchased in Amsterdam for use as colorful decorations at weddings and parties. He also lists in 1612 a Japanese feather portrait of St. Francis. See O. Doering (ed.), Des Augsburger Patriciers Philipp Hainhofer Beziehungen zum Herzog Philip II von Pommern Stettin: Correspondenzen aus den Jahren 1610-1619 (Vienna, 1896), pp. 53-54, 233. Also see the engraved

title page of B. L. Argensola, Conquista delas islas Malucas ... (Madrid, 1609), in which the woman who symbolizes the Moluccas wears a feather headdress. 71 §. Jenyns, “Feather Jacket (Jimbaori) of the Momoyama Period (1573-1638). Supposed to Have Belonged to Hideyoshi (1536-1598),” British Museum Quarterly, XXXII (1967), 48-52.

72 Cf. below, pp. 181-82. “Strange beasts” were also being sent from Spain to the animal park of Brussels as early as 1507. See P. Saintenoy, Les arts et les artistes a la cour de Bruxelles (Brussels, 1932), Pp. 73.

[18]

Antwerp and the Low Countries de Gois left Lisbon in 1523 for Flanders.73 He remained in the Netherlands for the next six years as notary at the Portuguese factory. He wasalso a regular visitor at the court of Archduchess Margaret, daughter of Emperor Maxmilian I and ruler of Flanders froni 1524 to her death in 1530. Margaret, one of the earliest royal collectors of Indian wares, probably knew the leading Portuguese merchants of Antwerp as well as Gois, as indicated by the fact that she had portraits of some of them among her possessions when she died.74 It was probably through them and Gois that she began, within the short span of her reign, to add to Charles’s collections of Americana and to begin serious collection of Asiatica in the Low

Countries. While she acquired a number of oddities and textiles from Asia, Margaret was evidently partial to Chinese porcelain. According to the inventory of her possessions she assembled for the period a sizable collection of porcelain

bowls, saltcellars, ewers, and plates. On her death in 1530 her collection was divided between Emperor Charles V and his brother Ferdinand.75 The “‘sinjoren,” as the men of wealth and position in Antwerp were called, competed with one another and with the leaders of the foreign merchant communities in constructing, decorating, and furnishing ostentatious dwellings. The patrician interiors of their showplace homes often boasted collections of statuary, tapestries, gems, coins, and exotic curiosities. Diego Duarte, a Portuguese jewel merchant, had a town house at the Place de Meu in which he brought together a beautiful collection of paintings, tapestries, and miscellaneous objects.7® Scholars like Abraham Ortelius and his publisher-friend, Christopher Plantin,

were part of this bourgeois society and shared its enthusiasm for collecting (pl. 16). As early as 1561 Ortelius wrote a note to remind himself to ascertain, presumably from his Portuguese correspondents, whether anything strange and

new from India had come to their attention.77 For his geographical work, Ortelius also searched far and wide in his personal travels and through his numerous correspondents in all parts of Europe for more and better books about and maps of Asia. Others wrote to Ortelius for the latest information on the East or asked his criticisms of their works on Asia.78 Merchants who traveled

73 M. Lemos, ““Damiao de Goes,” Revista de histéria, IX (1920), 208.

74 See “Inventaire des objects d’art et lingerie de luxe qui composaient le mobilier de Marguerite d’Autriche,” as reproduced in Le cabinet de l' amateur, I (1842), 223. 75 Cf. ibid., pp. 215—23, 271-75; also H. Zimmermann (ed.), ““Urkunden, Acten und Regesten aus dem K. und K. Haus-, Hof- und Staats-Archiv inWien.” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, III (1885), Pt. 2, ciii-cv. Also see the catalogue entitled Margareta van Oostenrijk en haar Hof (Mechelen, 1958).

76 Unfortunately only a very few written sources remain on the collections of the period before the “Spanish Fury” of 1576. See S. Speth-Hollterhoff, Les peintres flamands de cabinets d’amateurs au XVITI® siecle (Brussels, 1957), pp. 10, 23; also J. Denucé, De kunstkamers van Antwerpen in de 16° en 17°

eeuwen (The Hague, 1932); on the relationships between art collecting and commerce see H. Floerke, Studien zur niederlindischen Kunst- und Kulturgeschichte (Munich, 1905), pp. 163-73. 77 See Hessels, op. cit. (n. 5), p. 24. 78 For example, the Louvanian Jesuit Jacobus Nearchus wrote to Ortelius in 1570 asking his opinion

about a Jesuit letterbook and his own work on the Tartars. See ibid., p. 69; or see the letter of Gerhard Mercator from Duisburg of 1580, ibid., pp. 238-40.

[19 ]

Collections of Curiosities

regularly between Lisbon and Madrid were commissioned to acquire coins for his collection.79 From the botanists Joachim Camerarius in Germany and Benito Arias Montano in Spain, Ortelius got information about and samples of exotic plants and seeds for his own garden and for Charles de L’écluse (pl. 15), as well as drugs and books on drugs.8° Arias Montano also sent Ortelius a bezoar stone

and other gems from his own collection.8! Ortelius, meanwhile, helped Archduke Ernest at Brussels to augment his collections of jewelry and armor from all over the world.82

A younger contemporary of Ortelius, Bernard ten Broecke (1550-1633) (usually called “Paludanus’’), a learned physician of Enkhuizen, was simultaneously building a collection of curiosities. Enkhuizen was also the home of Jan Huygen van Linschoten, the famed traveler who worked for the Portuguese in India from 1583 to 1588, and of Dirck Gerritsz (called ““China”) who had spent many years in the East as a gunner with the Portuguese fleets.83 While Paludanus had never traveled to India and points east himself, he had made a journey to Italy and the Levant, where he acquired many curios for his collection. In Italy

he knew Damiiio de Gois and probably learned from him something of the distant East as the Portuguese knew it.84 At any rate, by the time Linschoten returned to Enkhuizen in 1592, the fame of Paludanus as a scholarly collector had been well established.

Ortelius did not yet know his neighbor Paludanus in 1592,85 but Duke Frederick I (ruled 1593-1608) of Wiirttemberg, having heard of the physician’s renowned Waunderkammer, made a special visit to Enkhuizen on September 17 of that year to see it.86 The Duke’s secretary, Jakob Rathgeb, took careful notes on the visit and eventually published an inventory of the collection in which he explained its organization and itemized its contents,87 sometimes rather roughly. It consisted of eighty-seven numbered cabinets and chests of marked and identified exhibits of earths, clays, sands, crystals, potteries, salts, nitrates, metals, jaspers, agates and carnelians, and precious stones; exotic woods, fruits, plants, roots, seeds, flowers, cereals, gums, and resins; strange animals or parts of animals, foreign birds (including three plumages of the bird of paradise), 79 Ibid., pp. 320-21. 80 Ibid., pp. 374-75, 429, 498-99.

81 Ibid., pp. 429, 684-85. The agents of the Rovellascas frequently acted as intermediaries between Ortelius and his Iberian correspondents. On the Rovellascas in the spice trade see Asia, I, 134-36, Mr See Coremans, “L’Archiduc Ernest, sa cour et ses dépenses, 1593-95,” Bulletin de la Commission royale d’ histoire (Brussels), XIII (1847), 140.

83 For the relations of Paludanus and Linschoten, see C. M. Parr, Jan van Linschoten: The Dutch Marco Polo (New York, 1964), pp. 190-98. 84H. de Vocht, History of the Foundation and Rise of the Collegium Trilingue Lovaniense, 1517-1550 (Louvain, 1951-55), III, 60. 85 He wrote to Emanuel Demetrius on August 18, 1592: “The Paludanus about whom you inquire is unknown to me”’ (Hessels, op. cit. [n. 5], p. 525). 86 See J. Rathgeb, Warhaffte Beschreibung zweyer Reisen .. . (Tiibingen, 1603), I, 44 n. 87 Index rerum omnium naturalium a B. Paludanus in ibid., following the introduction.

[ 20 ]

Antwerp and the Low Countries medicines, “things from the seas,” and two chests of all sorts of manufactured objects produced in India, China, and both Indies. Among the other Eastern commodities identified by Rathgeb were clay from which porcelain is made, jaspers and rubies, carnelians from India, and various samples of clothing from both Indies.

With the return of Linschoten in 1592, Paludanus helped to prepare the Itinerario of his compatriot for publication. He undoubtedly also added to his own collection the souvenirs of Eastern provenance brought back for him in Linschoten’s sea chest. We learn from Linschoten’s own testimony that he gave the doctor a penis bell, reeds and canes, palm-leaf paper, and samples of Chinese writing and paper.88 By 1596 Ortelius and Paludanus had come to know each other and were corresponding about the possibilities of a northern passage to China.89 Linschoten, who was privy to this correspondence, sent the geographer a parcel of pictures, probably prepared for the Itinerario, and sketches of the fruits

and trees that grow in India.9° In his covering letter, Paludanus volunteered to send Ortelius curious natural items from his own cabinet. With the death of Ortelius in 1598, Paludanus’ collection stood in a class by itself as a private collection of natural curiosities. Its fame spread far and wide and in the seventeenth century an English traveler on viewing the collection composed, allegedly extempore, the following epigram: In the old world or new, what wondrous thing Did art to light or nature lately bring, This Paludanus house doth show a rare Proof of the Owners sovereign wit and care.9!

Before his death in 1633, Paludanus gave a few objects from his collections to the museum of natural history that was then being assembled in “the Publick Theater and Anatomie Hall of the University of Leyden.”’92 But the bulk of his collection remained at Enkhuizen until it was sold in 1651 to Duke Frederick Il of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorp. Frederick’s agent was Adam Olearius, a celebrated Eastern traveler; in 1666 Olearius published a catalogue of the collection at Gottorp (pl. 11). In the eighteenth century most of Paludanus’ collection went to Tsar Peter III, a descendant of the duke of Gottorp, and was incorporated into the Russian imperial collection at St. Petersburg. The remainder of it was acquired for the royal cabinet of curiosities in Copenhagen.% 88 Burnell and Tiele, op. cit. (n. 37), I, $0, 96-97, 99-100, 142. 89 Hessels, op. cit. (n. 5), pp. 677-78.

9 Ibid., p. 705. For examples of the kind of pictures Linschoten probably sent to Ortelius see portraits of the inhabitants of southeast Asia in Asia, I, following p. 528. 9t As quoted and translated from Latin in [Thomas Powell], The History of Most Curious Manual Arts and Inventions . . . (3d ed.; London, 1675), pp. 187-88. 92 The catalogue of the Leyden collection was prepared by its buyer, Jakob Voorn, and published in 1691. See Murray, op. cit. (n. 1), I, 29-30. I have not seen the English original, but I have consulted the French translation of 1704 by Gerard Blancken. 93 Ibid., I, 95-96; also see M. Boyer, Japanese Export Lacquers . . . in the National Museum of Denmark

(Copenhagen, 1959), p. 45.

[2r]

Collections of Curiosities 3

GERMANY AND AUSTRIA

The close political ties of the Habsburgs to Spain and the Low Countries and the constant commercial intercourse between Antwerp (later also Amsterdam) and the Hanseatic and south German mercantile centers brought Germany at an early date into intimate touch with the discoveries and Asian trade. Agents of the Fuggers, Welsers, Prauns, and Herwarts kept information and products flowing into Augsburg and Nuremberg, two of the great artistic and printing centers of sixteenth-century Germany. Vienna and Prague, previously oriented commercially and intellectually toward Venice and Italy, came increasingly to feel the mercantile and artistic influence of the Low Countries during the sixteenth century, sometimes directly and sometimes through the mediation of the merchants and princes. Because of the widespread ramifications of their interests, the Habsburgs, the other German princes, and the great merchants were in a position to keep abreast of the latest developments in European and overseas commerce and to make artistic and scientific collections which were far richer and more comprehensive than those of their contemporaries in other

countries. The earliest German collectors, whether princes or commoners, tended, like Albrecht Diirer, to concentrate on natural curiosities from overseas and on Roman statuary, bronzes, coins, and inscriptions. Lucas Rem, a commercial agent of the Welsers assigned to Lisbon in the years between 1503 and 1506, bought “strange, new parrots, long-tailed monkeys, and other curious and delightful things.”°5 Konrad Peutinger and Willibald Pirckheimer, the Augsburg

Humanists, eagerly sought books and information on the East.9° In 1507 Peutinger, who kept in close touch with the Welsers, acquired a parrot, exotic

woods, a bow, seashells, and other things from India through the German merchants.97 Pirckheimer commissioned Diirer to buy pearls and precious stones for him in Venice. He was, however, informed by the artist that prices were so high at Venice that one could do better at Frankfurt, where the goods from Antwerp were merchandised.°8 Georg Agricola (1490?-1555), who needed fossils and minerals for his scientific studies, was anxious to get specimens from Africa and Asia to strengthen his collection.99 Albrecht Diirer, as we have 94 Taylor, op. cit. (n. 6), pp. 127, 167-68. 95 B. Greiff (ed.), ‘““Tagebuch des Lucas Rem...,” Jahresbericht des historischen Kreisvereins ...

von Schwaben und Neuburg (Augsburg, 1861), p. 43. 9 See E, Konig (ed.), Konrad Peutingers Briefwechsel (Munich, 1923), pp. 49-50, 56-58; and E. Reiche (ed.), Willibald Pirckheimers Briefwechsel (Jena, 1930), I, $17, $20.

97 Itemized in Peutinger’s letter to Sebastian Brant of April 7, 1507, in KSnig, op. cit. (n. 96), pp. —78.

78 See Reiche, op. cit. (n. 96), p. 520; also H. Estienne, La foire de Franckfort (Lisieux, 1875), p. 67. 99 See quotation from his De natura rerum fossilarum as given in Klemm, op. cit. (n. 10), pp. 242-43.

[ 22]

Germany and Austria already seen, was eager to acquire as many examples of the “subtle ingenia” of foreign craftsmen and artists as he could find. The Habsburgs of the prediscovery era were more interested in collecting native historical mementos than foreign curiosa or the antiquities of Greece and Rome. Each royal establishment in the first half or the sixteenth century had its own treasury. Maximilian I, the earliest Habsburg patron of the arts, had a stronger interest than his predecessors in the collection of curiosa and contem-

porary art. But his collecting activities remained essentially medieval and dynastic in their aims. He kept treasuries in most of his castles, concentrated on German and family interests, and used contemporary art for political propaganda (pl. 10). Upon his death Maximilian divided his treasuries among his grandsons, Charles V and Ferdinand I. The great Charles, even with his vast imperial interests, was interested in overseas arts only as they served the Catholic faith and the dynasty.!© So, strange as it seems in light of his interests in Iberia, Charles’s collections, like those of his grandfather, contained only miscellaneous curiosities from the East: bezoar stones, roots of China, and a double coconut

from the Seychelles Islands that was gilded and set in a silver mounting.!° Ferdinand I, who was king of Bohemia and Hungary and regent of Austria in the time of Charles V’s imperial reign, was much more intellectually curious than his older brother. He had been educated in the Netherlands, was tutored by Erasmus for a time, and was fascinated by Humanism and the contemporary

arts. One of the Venetian ambassadors described him as “‘a most searching investigator of nature, of the countries of this earth, and of animals.’’!? At Vienna he collected antiquities, books, armor, and contemporary paintings. Maximilian II, the eldest son of Ferdinand, inherited his father’s enthusiasm for art, science, collecting, and the patronizing of scholars and artists. He used his diplomatic emissaries, including those whom he sent to the Porte, to help in collecting oddities for his chamber of curiosities. He himself brought an Asian elephant from Iberia to Austria !°3 and was instrumental in founding the animal park at Ebersdorf. When he became emperor in 1564, Maximilian II set out to make Vienna the artistic as well as the administrative capital of the empire. He sponsored artists, botanists, and astronomers and brought to central Europe a more profound concern for contemporary intellectual and artistic affairs.1% Collections also began to be assembled in the middle and latter half of the

sixteenth century by the lesser princes and wealthy merchants of south and central Germany. The two great ministers of the Habsburgs, Nicholas Perrenot de Granvelle and his son Cardinal Antoine de Granvelle, brought together at 100 Lhotsky, op. cit. (n. 7), pp. 72-137.

tot For example, see above, p. 13, and in the 1527 inventory of the jewels at Pressburg in H. Zimmermann (ed.), ““Regesten aus dem K. und K. Reichs-Finanz-Archiv,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, III (1885), Pt. 2, lxxii. 102 See E. Albéri (ed.), Relazioni degli ambasciatori Veneti al Senato (Florence, 1839-63), 1st Ser., VI,

I§i.

“103 See below, pp. 144-46. | 104 Lhotsky, op. cit. (n. 7), pp. 157-73.

[23]

Collections of Curiosities their native Besangon (Franche-Comté) an artistic and ethnographic display that was one of the most sumptuous of the private collections.!°5 Elector Augustus of Saxony, who ruled from 1583 to 1586, undertook the first collection for what

was to become the great museum of Dresden. From the inventory of 1587 prepared by his son and successor, Elector Christian I (ruled 1586-91), it becomes clear that Augustus had a genuine predilection for Asian curiosities, a preoccupation that was certainly connected with his interest in the spice trade and with his ill-fated efforts to make Leipzig the staple of northern Europe.1° Aside from an assortment of seashells, strange plants and animals (for example, one griffon’s tongue), and Indian textiles, the list includes routiers and maps of India. Of particular interest are two pieces of “Indian” lacquered furniture presented to Elector Christian of Saxony (probably around 1586) by the grand duke of Tuscany, Francesco I (ruled 1574-87).1°7 The first piece was a desk with two small drawers that was covered with leather on which golden heathen pictures were painted. The other piece was a folding “Indian” table overlaid with black

leather decorated with paintings of assorted birds and animals.!°8 In 1591 another grand duke of Tuscany, Ferdinand I (ruled 1587-1609), sent to the Saxon Elector John George I (ruled 1591-1656) an “Indian” strongbox decorated with gold and fabulous work, as well as a porcelain cup.!°9 From these descriptions it seems clear that some of these pieces were lacquerware from China or Japan. The Saxons in their turn probably gave Oriental rarities to Christian IV (ruled 1588-1648) of Denmark for his cabinet of curiosities.1!° While the Lutheran Saxons learned of Asia primarily through the spice traders, the Catholic Bavarians maintained ties through the Jesuits as well as the merchants. And like the Saxons, the Bavarian Dukes Albert V (ruled 1552-79) and William V (ruled 1579-97) also had numerous contacts with the grand dukes of

Florence and other patrons of the arts and sciences. Albert, who was a great patron of letters as well as arts, encouraged the Jesuits to move into the university

of Ingolstadt to help in halting the spread of Protestantism in his dominions. In 1559 the first Jesuits settled at Munich and soon won for themselves an 105 Taylor, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 164.

106 For the creation of the Thuringian Company and his relations with Konrad Rott see Asia, I, 134. On his efforts to employ Hans Ulrich Krafft, who had traveled in the Levant from 1573 to 1577, see K. D. Haszler (ed.), Reisen und Gefangenschaft Hans Ulrich Kraffts (Stuttgart, 1861), pp. 368-69. 107 For the interests of Francesco in the spice trade and in India see Asia, I, 133, 476. It is probable that these pieces were sent to Europe by Filippo Sassetti, the Rovellasca factor at Cochin. In 1629, the Augsburg collector Philip Hainhofer visited Dresden and described the tables and desks he saw there as being of “‘Indianischem lakwerk.” See O. Doering (ed.), Des Augsburger Patriciers Philipp Hainhofer Reisen nach Innsbruck und Dresden (Vienna, 1901), p. 223.

108 Extracted from the summary of the unpublished inventory in Klemm, op. cit. (n. 10), pp. 168, 172, 175, 177. Also see J. L. Sponsel, Das Griine Gewolbe zu Dresden (Leipzig, 1925-32), I, 3-6. 109 Q. Miinsterberg, “Bayern und Asien,” Zeitschrift des Miinchener Alterthumsvereins, N.S., VI (1894), 15-16.

110 When Prince Christian of Anhalt visited Rosenborg Palace near Copenhagen in 1623, he described its collection of Oriental rarities. He reported seeing Japanese swords, knives, paintings, and pictures in the king’s chamber. He also commented on an “Indian carrier . . . built like a bed in which they carry their queen about.” See G. Krause, Tagebuch Christians des Jiingeren, Fiirst zu Anhalt

... (Leipzig, 1858), pp. 94-96.

[24]

Germany and Austria important place at the court. Though the Jesuits clearly stimulated an interest at Munich in their Asian missions, they were more important as purveyors of news and information than of Asian arts and products. Indeed, it is striking that in the first inventory of Albert’s treasures made in 1565, only one art object, an ivory elephant with a tower on its back set with rubies, diamonds, and pearls,t!! can

be clearly distinguished as of Indian provenance. In Samuel Quickeberg’s description of the Bavarian art treasures in his Inscriptiones ... (1565), he lists only garments of the Indians, Arabs, and Turks made of parrot feathers and strange fabrics and tissues.1!2 The Jesuits, it may be assumed, were much more concerned to funnel whatever Bavarian money they could into the support of the Society and its activities than they were to help the duke squander his funds on “heathen vanities.” Such a conclusion is supported by the fact that the Jesuits dedicated one of their letterbooks published at Munich in 1570 to young Duke William as part of their propaganda campaign.'!3 In the final analysis the Wittelsbach dukes had to obtain their ethnographical and artistic curiosa from the East through their commercial agents in Iberia and the agents they employed in Italy. In 1555, for example, the agents of Mark Fugger in Lisbon obtained two ivory caskets for Duke Albert, several ivory combs, and a collection of jewelry (pls. 12 and 13). The caskets and combs were of Sinhalese origin and the caskets were possibly those which the Cotta emissaries

brought to Lisbon in 1541 with the golden effigy of their prince.!!4 That these caskets ultimately arrived safely in Munich is attested by the fact that they are described in the manuscript inventory of the Wittelsbach treasures prepared in 1598 by J. B. Fickler (1533-1610), the scholarly curator of the Bavarian collections.1!5 He also indicates that on a table in the Kunstkammer reposed a display of Indian ceramics, crystals, textiles, coconuts in their natural and embellished states, costumes, and weapons. Oriental coins, exotic chests (see pl. 78), seashells, and textiles also appeared within other parts of the Bavarian collection. Charles of Spain, the son of Philip II, presented Duke Albert with a rectangular table covered with mother-of-pearl inlaid with roses and foliages.!1 The enthusiasm of the Habsburgs for collecting became a mania in the latter

half of the sixteenth century. At Graz, Archduke Charles II, spurred on by his 111M. Zimmermann, Die bildenden Kiinste am Hof Herzog Albrechts V. von Bayern (Strassburg, 1895), p. 65.

Po ako see Quickeberg’s, Musaeum theatrum (Munich, 1567); and J. Stockbauer, Die Kunst-

bestrebungen am bayerischen Hofe ... (Vienna, 1874), p. 106. 113 The book is entitled: Epistolae Indicae et Japonicae etc. tertia editio . . . Illustrissimo Principi. Domino D. Guilielmo Bavariae dicatae 1570.

114 Cf, above, p. 10. This connection was first made by V. Slomann, “Elfenbeinreliefs auf zwei singhalesischen Schreinen des 16. Jahrhunderts,” Pantheon, XX (1937), 357-60; XXI (1938), 12-19. Also see H. Thoma and H. Brunner, Schatzkammer der Residenz Miinchen: Katalog (Munich, 1964), . 363-66. me as have not actually seen this exceedingly precious work. It is discussed in Klemm, op. cit. (n. 10),

pp. 195-96. The reference to the manuscript is “Kunstkammer-Inventar, Miinchen 1598 von Joh. Bapt. Fickler,”” Cod. germ. 2133, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich: 116 For these details from the inventory see Stockbauer, op. cit. (n. 112), pp. 14-17; and J. Irwin, “Reflections on Indo-Portuguese Art,”’ Burlington Magazine, XCVII (1955), 387.

[25]

Collections of Curiosities

wife Maria who took an almost childish delight in collecting costly and curious objects, began assembling a mélange of oddities in the 1570’s.1!7 Through Hans Christoph Khevenhiiller, the Austrian diplomatic representative in Spain, the court at Graz purchased silks, embroideries, pearl necklaces, and other costly goods. According to the inventory of 1590 the archduke left no fewer than 127

tapestries as well as a collection of Tartar and Indian weapons.1!8 Archduke

Ernst, the contemporary regent of the Netherlands, owned exotic Asian weapons, pearls, and a cross of Oriental ebony.1!9 Emperor Maximilian’s younger brother, Archduke Ferdinand (1520-95), was the most systematic of the Habsburg collectors (pls. 2 and 3).12° While acting as regent in Prague from 1547 to 1563, he began to put together what came to be the nucleus of his great collection. It was also during his Prague days that he married Philippine Welser, of the great German commercial family. Ferdinand’s commoner wife continued her family’s interest in overseas activities by collecting books and other materials on the discoveries,!2! When Ferdinand was trans-

ferred to Innsbruck, he bestowed the nearby castle of Ambras upon his wife. After Philippine died in 1580, Ferdinand removed to Ambras his extensive collections of armor, portraits of great men, and ethnographic and artistic rarities. Here he organized his heterogeneous collection into logical divisions and

subdivisions, and took great personal interest and pride in studying and displaying it. Ferdinand’s collection was particularly rich in examples of the arts and crafts

of Asia. The Innsbruck inventory of 1596, prepared shortly after the great collector’s death, is a document of first importance for the history of collecting.

From it one gains a sense of the number and variety of Asian objects it was possible for an alert, wealthy, and conscientious collector to acquire in Europe before 1600. In the large Kunstkammer at Ambras, eighteen huge, tall cabinets

housed the items most precious to Ferdinand. Cabinet no. 14 contained the porcelain and the pearl ornaments. On the first shelf stood forty-two small but deep porcelain bowls, all of one size and decorated with blue foliage; on the next shelf were sixty-six porcelain vases, a few of which were glazed with gold, all the rest being plain blue and white; on the third, thirty-eight flatter porcelain bowls; on the fourth, thirty-eight larger porcelain bowls; on the fifth, thirtyeight pieces in all, of which thirty were medium-deep bowls and eight were flat plates; on the sixth stood seven bowls of blue-and-white porcelain, one of which was decorated with strange animals; on the seventh stood six large, flat bowls, 117 Lhotsky, op. cit. (n. 7), pp. 206-8.

118 For inventoried items see H. Zimmermann (ed.), ““Urkunden, Acten und Regesten aus dem Archiv des K. K. Ministerium des Innerns,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, Ill (1885), Pt. 2, xxvili-xxix. 119 Lhotsky, op. cit. (n. 7), p. 215. 120 Ibid., pp. 179-83.

121 See Asia, I, 160, n. 40. In the portrait collection at Ambras was a portrait of Magellan and one of

Tamerlane, the ‘“Tartar terror.’” See F. Kenner, “Die Portratsammlung des Erzherzogs Ferdinand

25, 143-44.

von Tirol,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, XIX (1898), Pt. I,

[ 26 ]

Germany and Austria four of which were blue and white inside and outside and two blue on the inside and white on the outside; on the eighth stood six of the largest porcelain vessels, two of which were alike but without borders and decorated on the inside with heathen gods in blue, and four without decorations.!? Here, in this collection alone, were 241 pieces of Chinese porcelain, mostly of the Ming blue-and-white type. Such a figure for the Ambras collection makes it far easier to accept the idea

that Philip II contemporaneously had around 3,000 pieces in his collection. Philip, it seems, had a large number of figurines, whereas none is noted for Ambras. Naturally, it is not possible to be certain that all the porcelains listed

tions of originals. :

as such were genuine porcelain or that some of them were not European imita-

Other cabinets of the Kunstkammer at Ambras contained porcelain-like sea-

shells, and pearl ornaments from India stood on display alone or were set in silver or gold mountings; rock crystal elephants, horn goblets, coconuts, muscat nuts,

and bezoar stone amulets and cups were likewise given European mountings (pls. 7, 8, 9).123 Textiles, fancy work, and apparel from the East brightened other chests. Heart-shaped ceramic flasks, three plumages of the bird of paradise, native trumpets and horns, and decorated shields added to the ethnographical variety of the display.!24 But most striking of all were the three pieces in cabinet no. 17, the entries for each beginning in the inventory with the description: “an Indian fabric on which is painted ...[Ain Indianische tuech darauf ist gemalt . . .].” 145 These are references to three Chinese scroll paintings on silk, two of which are still preserved in the Kunsthistorisches Museum of Vienna (pls. 4 and 5).126 In the inventory the two extant paintings are described: the first is a picture of “‘a

great bird, similar to a swan, along with other birds and. a variety of painted plants’; the second shows “several Indian houses in which women are playing stringed instruments.” The painting of which no modern record exists is described as showing “Indian houses in which the Indians are sitting down together

while one of them, clad in a red coat, is writing.” In the eighteenth and last of the Ambras cabinets were housed the wooden art objects so dear to the hearts

of the Tirolese, and included therein were lacquerware and cloisonné, an enamel technique on metal.127 While the princelings of Hesse and Brandenburg aped the greater collector 122 From Innsbruck inventory of May 30, 1596, as reproduced in W. Boeheim (ed.), ‘“‘Urkunden und Regesten aus der K. K. Hofbibliothek,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, VII (1888), Pt. 2, ccc. For some of the porcelains from Ambras see pl. 6.

123 Art historians use the European mounting to date approximately the appearance in Europe of articles of foreign provenance. See W. Born, “Some Eastern Objects from the Hapsburg Collections,” Burlington Magazine, LXIX (1936), 269. At Frederiksborg Castle in Denmark a bezoar stone as large as a human head was kept in a silk wrapper in an Indian basket (Boyer, op. cit. [n. 93], p. 38). 124 For references to these items see Boeheim, loc. cit. (n. 122), pp. ccxxxvii, cclix—cclx, cclxxxii, CCXC1I~CCXCI1V, CCCi, CCCV1.

125 Jbid., p. cccvii.

126 According to my colleague Father Harrie Van der Stappen, these are both unsigned studio paintings of the late Ming period. 127 See Schlosser, op. cit. (n. 10), p. 68 and pl. 4.

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Collections of Curiosities

princes of Europe by assembling porcelains,'28 the wealthy private collectors of

Germany usually concentrated on the antiquities and contemporary arts of Europe. The Welsers, for all their overseas interests, collected European medals and coins and possessed a comprehensive run of Direr’s prints.!29 Paul von Praun (1548-1616) collected drawings and paintings in Italy for his collection in Nuremberg, as well as coins, bronzes, engraved gems, and a “number of rare curiosities."!3° The Imhofs and the Fuggers collected paintings and gems. The

Fuggers patronized Charles de L’écluse, but apparently showed little direct interest themselves in his collections of foreign plants. Konrad Gesner, Joachim

Camerarius, and Gerhard Mercator likewise received the support of the patricians in their efforts to acquire information on the East. But the merchant princes of Germany seemed content to make money for themselves from the spice trade, to acquire exotic items for others, and to turn their own money into less exotic, and presumably safer, artistic investments. The Fugger newsletters

are full of information and speculation on trade, islands of gold, and new discoveries of land but they contain almost nothing relating to the acquisition of Asian arts and crafts in Europe or Asia.13! The oldest and most varied of the private collections was that owned by Dr. Lorentz Hofmann of Halle. In 1625 a catalogue of it was published in Latin and

German.!32 In terms of. Asian objects, Hofmann’s collection was far more varied than most of the princely cabinets. While he possessed only four large porcelains, he lists one of them as being Japanese rather than Chinese. His collection also included Indian and Chinese weapons, Chinese coins, an “Indian painting,’ and various “Oriental books.” Like many others he refers to articles of apparel made of parrot feathers. The most avid of the Habsburg collectors was Rudolf II, the emperor from 1576 to 1612. During the last years of the sixteenth century he virtually turned his capital city of Prague into the Wunderkammer of Europe.?33 In his passion for

collecting, he had agents working all over Europe. Those who wanted to win the imperial favor knew that the quickest way to receive Rudolf’s attentions was to send him a new oddity or work of art for his collections. The emperor’s desire for accumulation knew no bounds, but the focus of his interest shifted 128 Cf. Beurdeley, op. cit. (n. 37), p. 113, and L. Reidemeister, China und Japan in der Kunstkammer der brandenburgischen Kurftirsten (Berlin, 1932), p. 5. For the names of other princely collectors see Klemm,

op. cit. (n. 10), pp. 201-2. 129 Taylor, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 135.

130 C, de Murr, Description du cabinet de... Praun (Nuremberg, 1797), p. viii. Stefan von Praun (1544-91), Paul’s uncle, traveled widely in the Levant and the Iberian peninsula (ibid., p. v). 131 An unusual example of the interested merchant is Konstantin von Lyskirchen (d. 1581), the burgomaster of Cologne, Fugger merchant, and collector and patron of the arts. From his Portuguese contacts, he supplied the sketches and descriptions of Asian cities for G. Braun and F, Hogenberg, Civitates orbis terrarum (Antwerp and Cologne, 1572), I, 54, 57. For his collecting activities see O. H. Forster, Kélner Kunstsammler vom Mittelalter bis zum Ende des biirgerlichen Zeitalters (Berlin, 1931), pp. 21, 26. For the Fugger newsletters see Asia, I, 92, n. 1. 132 Summary of the catalogue in Klemm, op. cit. (n. 10), pp. 214-18. 133 O, Schiirer, Prag: Kultur, Kunst, Geschichte (Vienna and Leipzig, 1930), pp. 132-34.

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Germany and Austria

with the passage of time from one field of collecting to another. In a sense the artists and scientists who were attracted to Prague by his patronage were in themselves a collection of talent. According to recent information it appears that

Rudolf had his collections of wonders divided into three large, organized sections: naturalia, artificialia, and scientifica. His was, contrary to the opinions expressed by many modern commentators, a systematic collection of the world

of nature, human creation, and general knowledge—in short, a universal museum.'34 The collections were usually locked, but it was customary for visitors to be shown them on request.!35 The sackings of Prague in the course of the Thirty Years’ War resulted in the dispersion of these collections. While it is not possible to reconstruct with precision what Rudolf’s collections contained, it is possible to show that they included extensive holdings of plants, animals, books, and art objects from Asia. From his correspondence and that of others, it is known that he actively sought to acquire precious stones and bezoars from Asia in the marts of Iberia and Italy.136 His agents bought giant coconuts in the Netherlands for his jewelers to set in ornate mountings.'37 Netherlandish artists and scientists brought overseas plants and animals to Prague to enliven the

imperial park on the Hradchin.!38 Khevenhiiller in Madrid acquired most of Granvelle’s collection of art and curiosities for Rudolf. His agents in the Levant and Russia were constantly watching for miniature paintings, an art form for which he had a special fondness, 39 Rudolf’s collection, which has been likened to an Oriental bazaar, included

examples of a vast array of Asian artistic and ethnographical items. The inventories prepared in 1619 and 1621 (see Appendix), partial as they are, are replete with references to “Indian objects,” no distinction being made between those of Chinese, American, or Japanese provenance. An entire section of the inventory of 1619 is given to listing the “Indianische Sachen.”’ Analysis of both

inventories reveals that Rudolf had “one case of assorted Indian paintings bound together,” several other Indian paintings on paper, ten miniature paintings

of which five were framed in ebony, and seven embroidered pictures some of which were featherworks. He also owned eight Indian books and “assorted printed and written [manuscript] books.” The ivory collection numbered about 134 See E. Neumann, “Das Inventar der rudolfinischen Kunstkammer von 1607/11,” in Swedish National Museum, Analecta reginensis (Stockholm, 1966). The earliest and most comprehensive of the

inventories of Rudolf’s collection still extant, the document of 1607-11, has not yet been published. This inventory, which is more accurately a catalogue of the objects in Rudolph’s collection, was compiled in all probability by Daniel Fréschl, the miniaturist, who took over supervision of the Prague collections in 1607 after the death of Ottavio da Strada. Neumann, the director of the Sammlung fiir Plastik und Kunstgewerbe of the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna, is planning to publish in the near future his edited version of the inventory of 1607-11 discovered recently in the library of Prince Liechtenstein at Vaduz. 135 For example, Hans Ulrich Krafft, the Levantine traveler, visited them in 1584 and was shown about by the painter Bartolomaus Springer. See Haszler, op. cit. (n. 106), pp. 388-90. 136 Lhotsky, op. cit. (n. 7), pp. 246-47. 137 Thid., p. 252.

138 K, Chytil, Die Kunst in Prag . . . (Prague, 1904), p. 15. 139 Ibid., p. 29.

[29]

Collections of Curiosities

one hundred and twenty wrought and unwrought pieces; the collection of brass and metal wares was also extensive and included representations of the gods and temples of India. The porcelains, which totaled over seven hundred pieces, were mostly kept together in cabinets following the organization of the Ambras collection. Among the other Indian oddities were chess sets and gaming

boards inlaid with mother-of-pearl, dozens of lacquered boxes and chests, numerous desks, inkstands and ink, Maldive coconuts and bezoar stones in silver settings (pl. 14), musical instruments, bedsteads and chairs, costumes and silken bed covers. Among the natural objects there were cases of seashells, dried and

stuffed birds and animals, large numbers of rhinoceros horns, one piece of rhinoceros hide, and five emu eggs. European paintings of Indian animals were also collected and displayed, including one of the elephant and another of the rhinoceros.!40

In Rudolf’s massive collection the Kunst- und Wunderkammer reached its

apogee. The word “wonder” no longer meant “mystery” or “miracle” to Rudolf and his fellow collectors. Rather it had come to mean that which evoked astonishment, stimulated reflection, and provided visual aids to the investigation of the physical world.!4! In the German collections attention was focused especially on the unusual and abnormal, on the resemblances of bizarre rock formations to animals, on the similarities between malformed men and beasts. To the collectors the world included a vast array of objects which tangibly illustrated the intricate relations between nature and man, and nature and art. And, because the natural products and human creations of Asia were so strange to sixteenth-century Europe, they figured prominently in most major collections as examples of rarities which did excite wonder, provoke discussion, and inspire thought. 4 FRANCE AND ENGLAND

Political emissaries, pilgrims, travelers, and merchants periodically brought objects of Oriental provenance into medieval France. Arles, at the beginning of the ninth century, was a principal market for gold and silver items, pearls, textiles, and ivories from the East.142 King Charles V of France (reigned 1364-80)

kept in his treasury a number of Oriental jewels.143 The dukes of Anjou and

Burgundy of the fourteenth century owned a variety of Oriental rarities. 140 Indian items extracted from H. Zimmermann (ed.), “Das Inventar der Prager Schatz- und Kunstkammer vom 6, Dezember, 1621,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhdchsten Kaiserhauses, XXV (1905), xx—xlvii; and the Czech inventory of 1619 in J. Moravek, Nové objeveny inventa? rudolfinskych sbirek na Hradé Prazském (Prague, 1937), pp. 24-27. See appendix to this chapter. 141 Lhotsky, op. cit. (n. 7), p. 212. 142], Ebersolt, Orient et Occident: Recherches sur les influences byzantines et orientales en France avant et pendant les croisades (2d ed.; Paris, 1954), p. 40. 143 E. T. Hamy, Les origines du musée d’ethnographie: Histoire et documents (Paris, 1890), p. 5.

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France and England A full century before the German princes became fascinated with the Wunderkammer, the duke of Berry, Jean de France, had assembled an extensive cabinet of curiosities. Scattered throughout his inventory are references to coconuts (both in mounts and in their natural state), to porcelain bowls, and to strange seashells and other maritime exotica.!44 But there is no indication in these pages that Jean had any interest in systematically acquiring curiosities from overseas—

no more than had the French princes of the fifteenth century who bought strange animals for their hunting preserves, gardens, and menageries.'45 It was not until the discovery of the direct overseas route to India that French collectors,

scientists, and artists sought self-consciously to learn something about Asia through collecting its flora, fauna, and crafts. And then, because of the political connections of France with Turkey and because France was not in control of the spice trade, interested Frenchmen usually sought information and commodities in Constantinople as well as in Lisbon and Antwerp. Francis I (reigned 1515-47), shortly after becoming king in his own right, began to take an interest in the East and in Portugal’s activities there. In January, 1516, he took the opportunity while in Marseilles to see the rhinoceros from

India that was being sent as a gift from Portugal to Pope Leo X.14° While Francis also introduced legislation to keep the spices coming through Antwerp from flooding the French market,!47 he continually sought to add exotic beasts from overseas to his personal menagerie at Amboise.!48 He even wrote to King Manuel of Portugal asking to buy “things which arrive regularly at Lisbon in great abundance from the Province of India.’’!49 Jean d’Ango, sponsor of the first French voyages to the East, made a collection of overseas curiosities at Dieppe. From this accumulation he presented to the king some coconuts, rare woods, and engraved stones.15° Florimond de Robertet, minister of Francis I, possessed, according to an inventory of 1532 prepared by his widow, some of the first porcelains “to be sent to France after the arrival of the Portuguese in China.” 151

About 1530 the king himself began to build a cabinet of foreign treasures at Fontainebleau which were gathered for him by agents in Italy, Portugal, and the Levant. In this collection were beautiful porcelain vases and bowls as well as “une infinité de petites gentillesses” 152 from the Indies, China, and Turkey. 144], Guiffrey (ed.), Inventaires de Jean, duc de Berry (Paris, 1894~96). Also see M. Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry (New York, 1967), Vol. I, chap. iii. 145 See G. Loisel, Historie des ménageries de l’antiquité 4 nos jours (Paris, 1912), I, 169.

146 See P. de Vaissiére (ed.), Journal de Jean Barrillon, secrétaire du Chancelier Duprat, 1515-1521 (Paris, 1897), I, 193. 147 Text of the ordinance in the Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris (pp. 50-53) as cited in ibid., I, 299. 148 Loisel, op. cit. (n. 145), I, 263-70.

149 As quoted in L. de Matos, ‘‘Natura intelletto e costumi dell’elefante,” Boletim internacional de bibliografia Luso-Brasileira, I (1960), 46.

180 For Ango’s support of the French voyages see Asia, I, 177-78. On his collection see Hamy, op. cit. (n. 143), p. 8.

151 Robertet had forty-two pieces of white porcelain decorated, according to the inventory, “with all kinds of small paintings.” As cited in Belevitch-Stankevitch, op. cit. (n. 18), p. Xxxili. 152 The words of Le Pére Dan in Le trésor des merveilles de . . . Fontainebleau (Paris, 1642), p. 84.

[34]

Collections of Curiosities

Natural curiosities and books were bought for the king’s collections in the Levant by Pierre Belon and Pierre Gilles (1490-1555). After five years in the Near East, Gilles met Guillaume Postel (1510-81) in Jerusalem during 1549, and the two collectors of Orientalia quarreled repeatedly as they competed in their book-buying enterprises—Gilles for the king and Postel for himself and the Venetian printer Bomberg.!53 The cosmographer André Thevet, who had traveled and collected in the Levant from 1549 to 1554, became guardian of the royal cabinet of curiosities at Fontainebleau in 1562 154 and evidently supervised

it until his death in 1592. When he took it over, the royal collection contained numerous jewels and precious items which are described as being decorated in the “fagon d’Inde.”’ 155 Jean Mocquet succeeded. Thevet in this post and under his

supervision the Fontainebleau collection came to be called the Cabinet des singularitez.15®

The successors to Francis I, as well as the “great names’ (the Montmorency, the Guise, and others) had collections of their own in their chateaux and urban residences. King Henry II (reigned 1547-59) continued to add to the collection begun under his predecessor. His queen, Catharine de’ Medici (pl. 1), who was the real ruler of France from 1559 to her death in 1589, assembled a collection of rare and precious objects including the usual coconuts and seashells, ebony and ivory chess sets, Chinese lacquered tables and boxes, Persian carpets, and porcelain, which she housed in her residence at Paris, the Hédtel de la Reine.157 But most striking was her collection of maps showing the voyages of discovery as well as special maps of the East Indies, eastern Asia, the Moluccas, Calicut, and the Persian Gulf, all of them “‘figurée 4 la main.”’ 158 Jean Nicot (1530-1600), who was sent to Lisbon in 1559 to arrange a marriage between Dom Sebastian and Margaret of Valois, regularly sent news and curios-

ities to the court of Paris over the next two years.159 Students and emissaries from Portugal who were studying or working in France also acted as intermediaries. The lawyer and friend of Rabelais, André Tiraqueau (1480-1558),

kept in his home near Fontenay-le-Comte (Vendée) a cabinet which held Oriental costumes and other souvenirs of the East. The inventory (1599) of Gabrielle d’Estrées (1573-99), favorite of King Henry IV, lists ‘“‘a canopy [pavillon] of taffetas from China on which all sorts of birds and animals are represented,” 16° Bernard Palissy (1510-90), a professional potter, put together 153 For evidence of their quarrels see Denis, op. cit. (n. 7), p. 337; also W. J. Bowsma, Concordia Mundi: The Career and Thought of Guillaume Postel (Cambridge, Mass., 1957), p. 16. 1547, Adhémar, Frére André Thevet, grand voyageur et cosmographe des rois de France au XVI siecle

(Paris, n.d.), pp. 51-58. 158 These are the descriptive words used repeatedly in the inventory of 1560. See Revue universel des arts, III (1855), 315-50; IV (1856), 445-56, 518-30. 156 Hamy, op. cit. (n. 143), p. 9. 187 E. Bonnaffé, Inventaire des meubles de Catherine de Médicis en 1589 (Paris, 1874), pp. 76, 80, 89,

90, 93, 164. 188 Tbid., pp. 65-66. 159 FE, Falgairolle (ed.), Nicot . . . correspondance (Paris, 1897), pp. 35, S0-$I, 147.

160 As quoted in Belevitch-Stankevitch, op. cit. (n. 18), p. xxxiii.

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France and England an extensive collection of fossils, minerals, and ceramics. Pierre de | ’Estoile tells

of a Parisian collector named Guitter who had a cabinet of curiosities which included porcelains of China and was famous enough to attract a visit from Queen Marie de’ Medici in 1601.16! The painter Etienne Monstier (1504-1603) maintained a collection which included rarities of the Indies, Canada, and China.

Claude de Peiresc (1580-1637), the great antiquarian of Aix-en-Provence, carried on the tradition of collecting Asian products with verve and enthusiasm well into the seventeenth century. And, in 1601, two merchants of Saint-Malo outfitted two vessels to sail for the East expressly “to enrich the public with curiosities from the Orient.”’ 162 Leopold von Wedel, a German traveler to England in 1584-85, remarked in his diary: ““Rare objects are not to be seen in England, but itis a very fertile country, producing all sorts of corn, but not wine.” 13 While such a statement was not absolutely true, it serves to indicate how far away and backward England seemed

to a person who had an acquaintance with the exuberant and thriving mercantile life of the Low Countries and Germany. Just a few Englishmen had acquired oddities from the East before the beginning of Queen Elizabeth’s reign (1558-1603). King Henry VIII owned but one piece of porcelain, as did Archbishop Warham and Sir Thomas Trenchard.'6+ But William Cecil (Lord Burghley after 1571), Elizabeth’s chief adviser, watched events closely in the Low Countries as the Netherlands increased its resistance to Philip II’s rule. He

also urged the Portuguese on more than one occasion to set up their spice staple in London,'®5 far away from the turbulence of the Low Countries. In 1579, the year of the foundation of the Dutch Republic, Burghley established a consulate in Constantinople as the English began to trade seriously with the Ottoman Empire. Burghley acquired in connection with his trading endeavors some exquisite blue-and-white porcelains which he had set in elaborate silvergilt mounts (pl. 75)—a clear sign of how valuable they were esteemed to be.16 Sir Francis Drake and other marauding seamen were responsible for acquiring,

either through piracy or trade, a number of curiosities for Elizabeth. On his return in 1580 from a voyage around the world, Drake brought home Javanese krises and samples of sago bread, the chief food of the Moluccans. Two pieces 161 Tbid., pp. xliii-xliv.

162 As quoted in ibid., p. xxxviii. But the French evidently continued to depend upon other European purveyors. In 1602 King Henry IV wrote to Secretary Cecil in London thanking him for the care that had been taken in dispatching to France some novelties from India and China destined for the king’s own use. See ibid., pp. xliii—xliv.

163 G, von Biilow (trans.), “Journey through England and Scotland Made by Leopold von Wedel in the Years 1584-1585,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, N.S., TX (1895), 268.

164 Henry’s is described as: ““A cup of Porcelaine glasse fation with two handles garnished with silver and guilt the Cover garnished with iij Camewe heddes and thre garnettes.”” As quoted in H. Honour, Chinoiserie: The Vision of Cathay (London, 1961), p. 37. Also see Belevitch-Stankevitch, op. cit. (n. 18), p. Xxxii.

165 See C. Read, Mr. Secretary Cecil and Queen Elizabeth (New York, 1955), pp. 428-29; and the same author’s Lord Burghley and Queen Elizabeth (New York, 1960), pp. 155~56. 166 T, Avery, “Chinese Porcelain in English Mounts,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, N.S., II (1943), 266.

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Collections of Curiosities of sago bread and information on the sago palm were relayed in 1581 to Charles de L’écluse by Dr. Hugh Morgan, the queen’s physician.'®7 In a book published in the following year, L’écluse gives the story of the sago palm as it was related

to him and includes in his work a print of sago bread (see pl. 45).168 When Thomas Cavendish returned home from the East in 1588 he brought with him a

map or a description of the provinces of China and remarked on his own about the “incomparable wealth” of China.169 But it was not until the capture in 1592 of the Portuguese carrack “Madre de Dios” that the English public was able to see for itself what wealth there was in the India trade. Dispatches to the Fuggers in Augsburg in 1592 tell how the English sailors, though forbidden to do so by royal command, stole as much as they could for themselves from the Portuguese vessel before it could be brought from the Azores to England.!7° In spite of the pillaging that took place, a rich cargo was finally disembarked at Dartmouth. Richard Hakluyt summarizes as follows the catalogue made of the prizes on September 15, 1592: Where upon good view it was found that the principall wares after the jewels (which were no doubt of great value, though they never came to light) consisted of spices, drugges, silkes, calicos, quilts, carpets, and colours, etc. The spices were pepper, cloves, maces, nutmegs, cinamom, greene ginger; the drugs were benjamin, frankincesce, galingale [a mixture of lime and linseed oil used to make mortars], mirabolans, aloes zocatrina [Socotrine], camphire; the silks, damasks, taffatas, sarcenets, altobassos, that is, counterfeit

cloth of gold, unwrought China silke, sleaved silk, white twisted silk, curled cypresse. The calicos were book-calicos, calico launes, broad white calicos, fine starched calicos, course white calicos, browne broad calicos, browne course calicos. There were also canopies, and course diaper towels, quilts of course sarcent and of calico, carpets like those of Turkey; whereunto are to be added the pearle, muske, civet and amber griece. The rest of the wares were many in number, but lesse in value; as elephants teeth, porcellan vessels of China, coco-nuts, hides, ebenwood as Blacke as jet, bedsteds of the same, cloth of the rindes of trees very strange for the matter, and artificiall [artistic] in workemanship.!7!

Some of the best items were added to the queen’s collections, while others were given to the participants in the capture and to the Merchant-Adventurers. Thomas Platter of Basel, who traveled in England during 1599, records seeing in the queen’s apartments at Whitehall “one Indian bed with Indian valence and an Indian table.’’!72 At the London residence of Mr. Walter Cope (d. 1614), 167 Henry R. Wagner, Sir Francis Drake’s Voyage around the World: Its Aims and Achievements (San

Francisco, 1926), p. 501. 168 Caroli Clusii... Aliquot notae in Garciae aromatum historiam...(Antwerp, 1582), pp. 24-25. 169 See the reports of Cavendish as they appear in the first edition of Hakluyt’s collection. D. B. Quinn and R. A. Skelton (eds.), The Principall Navigations Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation

.. . (facsimile of 1589 ed.; Cambridge, 1965), II, 808, 813-15. He also brought back two Japanese and a Filipino, whom Hakluyt interrogated. See E. G. R. Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts (London, 19335), I, 48.

170 V. von Klarwill (ed.), The Fugger News-Letters, Second Series (New York, 1926), pp. 240-43. 171 Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (Glasgow, 1903-5), VII, 116-17. Also see letter of Emanuel van Meteren to Ortelius in Hessels, op. cit. (n. §), p. $41. 172 C, Williams (trans. and ed.), Thomas Platter’s Travels in England, 1599 (London, 1937), p. 165.

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Italy

usher to Lord Burghley and a wealthy collector, Platter, accompanied by Mathias de L’Obel (Lobelius), the Flemish botanist and physician, was led into an

apartment “stuffed with queer foreign objects in every corner.”!73 Among the items included in Platter’s lengthy list are ornaments and costumes from China and Java, a box from China, Indian plumes and a madonna made of feathers,

a palm-leaf fan, earthen pitchers and porcelains from China, a “small bone implement used in India for scratching oneself,” an Indian chain of monkey’s teeth, and all sorts of “heathen coins.” !74 Other Londoners also collected curios,

but, in Platter’s estimation, Cope’s was “superior to them all for strange objects, because of the Indian [?] voyage he carried out with such zeal.” 175 Hakluyt in his “To the Reader’ in the first edition (1589) of The Principall Navigations confesses that he was “ravished in beholding all the premises gathered together with no small cost, and preserved with no little diligence, in the excellent cabinets of my very worshipfull and learned friends Mr. Richard

Garthe, one of the Clearkes of the pettie Bags and M. William [mistake for Walter] Cope.” 176 Hakluyt did not, however, make direct use of the specimens

in the Garth-Cope collections in writing up his notes. He refers to them in an effort, lame as it was, to explain to the reader why he did not feel compelled to illustrate his great work of compilation. 5

ITALY While the relations of England and France with the East were decidedly remote

and relatively recent, the story of Italy’s connections is complicated by its lengthy and intimate contacts with the Levant. The seaport towns along Italy’s

Adriatic coast (Venice, Ravenna, and Ancona) had long maintained direct connections with the Levant and the commerce of the East. Sicily became at a somewhat later date the Mediterranean meeting place where East and West most fully merged several centuries before the opening of the Cape route to India. From Byzantium, Damascus, Jaffa, and Beirut the lanes of maritime trade and

intercourse led to all the eastern ports of Italy from Venice in the north to Palermo in the south. The orientalized mosaics of Ravenna date back to the fifth century. The Church of St. Mark in Venice, a replica of the Church of the Holy Apostle in Constantinople, was consecrated in 1094. And these are, of course, only the most obvious of the artistic masterpieces that remain to document in tile and stone the depth and persistence of Italy’s medieval relations

with the Levant. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries Western artists who worked in the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem consciously imitated Byzantine 173 Ibid., p. 171. 174 Ibid., pp. 171-73. 178 Ibid., p. 173.

176 Quinn and Skelton, op. cit. (n. 169), I, xlvii.

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miniature paintings and icons in the works they did there.'77 It is not at all unlikely that these European artists relayed to Italy, directly or indirectly, a host of Byzantine artistic models and ideas, some of which themselves owed a debt to Indian, Chinese, Persian, Islamic, and Steppe art. The silk trade was especially vital to the commercial relations between Italy and Byzantium. The fine fabrics woven in the imperial workshops at Constantinople and Antioch were highly prized in Europe during the crusading era. With the political eclipse of Byzantium, the industry of silk weaving was taken over by the Norman rulers of Sicily. At Palermo captive Byzantine weavers

worked side by side with Arab weavers to provide silken fabrics for Latin Europe. From Sicily the silk industry quickly moved into the Italian peninsula, the Arte dé seta, or guild of silk workers, being founded at Florence in 1193.178 Lucca and Venice likewise became great centers of silk fabrication and trade as the demand for rich woven materials constantly increased. But even with the

growth in Italy, and then in the rest of southern Europe, of a thriving silk industry, the demand for Chinese and Persian silks persisted. Venice, the major importer of Oriental silks, continued to be the emporium to which merchants of quattrocento Europe were required to turn for practically all commodities imported from the East. The great commercial prosperity of Venice in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries led to a growth of interest there in collecting exotica from the East. The city’s patricians invested in precious stones, carpets, and Oriental antiquities. In many Venetian paintings of the fifteenth century Oriental rugs appear as part of the background or among the decorative furnishings.!79 Ceramics,

metal works, and jewelry from the workshops of the Levant were sold and collected in Venice in constantly increasing quantities. The treasury of St. Mark still has on display a Chinese porcelain vase reputedly brought back to Venice in 1295 by Marco Polo.!8° Wild beasts and exotic plants were imported from Constantinople via Venice for the menageries which came into vogue in Italy beginning in the thirteenth century.!8!

During the quattrocento the craze for collecting began in earnest in Italy. Although the remains of Roman antiquity were most highly cherished, certain individuals began quite self-consciously to collect foreign arts and crafts. Pope Nicholas V (ruled 1447-55) sent Cyriac of Ancona (1391-1452) to the Levant and Egypt for the purpose of making collections in those lands. The Malatesta rulers of Rimini were interested in foreign beasts, as is demonstrated by the

numerous uses to which they put their elephant insignia.!82 But it is worth 177 See H. Buchthal, Miniature Painting in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Oxford, 1957); and Kurt

Weitzmann, “Icon Painting in the Crusader Kindgom,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, No. XX (1966), Pee GA. B. Richards, Florentine Merchants in the Age of the Medicis (Cambridge, 1932), p. 44.

179 G, Bandmann, “Das Exotische in der europadischen Kunst,” in Der Mensch und die Kiinste: Festschrift Heinrich Liitzeler (Diisseldorf, 1962), p. 340. 180 See reproduction in Taylor, op. cit. (n. 6), facing p. 64. 181 Loisel, op. cit. (n. 145), I, 148. 182 See below p. 132.

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Italy

noting that very few ivories were collected in Italy.183 Most of the extant inventories of Italian families show that in the fifteenth century they were great amateur collectors of porcelain, especially the Este and the Medici. In 1487, the sultan of Egypt presented to Lorenzo the Magnificent some celadon vases from China.184 Wild beasts, especially lions, were sent to Florence as gifts from the rulers of the Levant as the menagerie came to be a necessary part of the entourage of the Renaissance prince. “It belongs to the position of the great,’’ asserted

Federico Matarazzo, “‘to keep horses, dogs, mules, falcons and other birds, court jesters, singers, and foreign animals.” 185 Nor is this combination of human

and animal curiosities a mere slip of the pen. It is well known that early in the sixteenth century the famous Cardinal Ippolito de’ Medici kept a human menagerie at his strange court, including Tartar bowmen and Indian divers.186 Most fascinating as an example of the growing interest in the East among Italian artists is the story of Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1519) as revealed in his Notebooks. From letters that he wrote it appears that Leonardo might have traveled in the Levant, possibly in 1498-99, or just at the time when Vasco da Gama made his voyage to India.187 Leonardo in these letters describes the topography of the Levant eastward to the boundaries of India, possibly from his own experiences in part and certainly with the aid of the nomenclature of Ptolemy.188 He also owned the books of Pliny, Strabo, and Sir John Mandeville, and was sufficiently impressed by the Asian customs he read about in these works to take notes on them.!89 From Mandeville he learned that people in certain parts of India (meaning China) cut up their wooden idols and ground the pieces into a fine powder that they sprinkled on their food and ate.!9° Long fingernails, he

noted, are venerated among the “Indians” (Chinese) as a sign of gentility, especially if they are perfumed and painted.!9! He collected maps of the world and even had a look at “a map of Elephanta in India, which belongs to Antonello

the merchant.”!92 On the basis of either a literary description or the object 183 See Burckhardt, loc. cit. (n. 9), p. 393. 184 Beurdeley, op. cit. (n. 37),.p. 118. 185 As quoted in J. Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy (London, 1898), II, 290. 186 Jbid., pp. 291-92. 187 E, McCurdy (trans. and ed.), The Notebooks of Leonardo da Vinci (New York, 1958), I, 18; II,

1133-36. The artist left Milan in 1498 and went to Venice, where he gave advice on how to fortify the city against the Turks. It may have been in connection with this assignment that he went to Armenia. For the history of this debated question see E. McCurdy, The Mind of Leonardo da Vinci (New York, 1939), pp. 230-55. 188 McCurdy, Notebooks, I, 359-60.

189 For the complete list of his personal books see ibid., II, 1164-68. Andrea Corsali in a letter sent from India to Giuliano de’ Medici compares Leonardo’s vegetarian habits to those of the Gujaratis. See McCurdy, The Mind, p. 78. 199 McCurdy, Notebooks, I, 85; for a reference to the feast of idols at the Grand Khan’s court see M. Letts (ed.), Mandeville’s Travels: Text and Translations (London, 1953), I, 161. 191 McCurdy, Notebooks, II, 1185; on the fingernails of the Grand Khan see Letts, op. cit. (n. 190),

I, 219-20.

192 McCurdy, Notebooks, I, 365. Elephanta is the island in the harbor of modern Bombay famous for its cave temple carved out of solid rock. Leonardo was interested in rock caves and this may account for his knowledge of Elephanta.

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itself, Leonardo drew and commented in his Notebooks upon an air tube that was used by pearl divers in the Indian Ocean.!% Finally, in his Prophecies, Leonardo gloomily predicted: “Shadows will come from the East which will tinge with much darkness the sky that covers Italy.’’ And then he goes on to assert that “‘all men will take refuge in Africa.”’ 194 His forebodings were probably based on the fear that was quite general in the early sixteenth century that the Turks were about to mount a new and devastating offensive in the eastern Mediterranean region.

The Venetians, because of their self-interest in Oriental trade through the Levant, tried hardest of the Italian states to keep informed about the commodities being brought by sea into Lisbon and Antwerp after 1500. While the reports of their agents deal primarily with the quantities and prices of the spices and drugs being imported, they also indicate, but in no great detail, that dyes, hides, wax, and woods were also important in the early cargoes and that their prices in Lisbon were far lower than those obtaining in Venice. Notes on the imports in quantity of pearls, precious stones, and textiles also appear with greater frequency in the Venetian reports beginning in 1506.!95 Speculation about

whether or not the Portuguese king would be financially able to continue sending out annual fleets was almost constant. The panic of the Venetians was not

unwarranted, for in the decade from 1505 to 1515 over four times the quantity of pepper imported by Venice entered Lisbon.!9° Andrea Navagero, the Venetian Humanist, nervously sent a dispatch from Seville to Venice in March, 1526, reporting that two Portuguese ships had but recently arrived from India richly laden with gold, spices, and precious stones.!97 Even after Venice had regained a substantial share of the spice trade in the latter half of the sixteenth century, its emissaries continued to report in detail on the size and wealth of Lisbon and even on the numbers of merchants, Jews, and slaves living within its confines. 198 Still, the Venetians led the way among the Italian collectors in assembling exotic

specimens from Asia. Early in the sixteenth century, Andrea Odoni had a collection of natural rarities and porcelains which was among the first assembled in Italy.199

While the Venetians were legally and effectively excluded from the Portuguese spice monopoly, the Florentines were especially welcomed as investors and as participants in the voyages from the beginning of the direct trade with India.2°° 193 Ibid., II, 791. 194 Ibid., p. 1118.

195 See for example, G. Scopoli (ed.), ““Relazione di Leonardo da Ca’Masser .. . ,”’ Archivio storico italiano, Ser. L, Appendix 2 (1845), p. 23.

196 Cf. Asia, I, 119.

197 As quoted in E. A. Cicogna, Della vita et delle opere di Andrea Navagero ...(Venice, 1855), _ 8 For example, see the report of 1572 by Matteo Zane as reproduced in V. Marchesi, “Le relazioni tra la repubblica Veneta e il Portogallo dall’ anno 1522 al 1797,” Archivio veneto, XXXII (1887), 25. 199 Burckhardt, loc. cit. (n. 9), p. 551. For Odoni’s porcelains see listing in M. Michiel, Notizia d’opere di disegno. . . (Bologna 1884), p. 159. 200 Cf. Asia, I, 103-4.

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Italy The Florentines, unlike the Germans in Lisbon, had continually good relations with the Portuguese, and their business and banking houses profited from this

harmony and cooperation. Interest in, and information about, Portugal’s progress in the East was consequently more genuine and current in Florence than in any other part of Italy. The Florentine merchants were also more influential at Antwerp than any other Italian group. Through its closer ties with Portugal and the Atlantic trading community, Florence began to challenge Venice as a purveyor of information and goods from the East. The Medici rulers of Florence, long-time patrons of the arts, and several of the leading patricians of Tuscany became collectors of Asian arts and crafts in the sixteenth century. In Tuscany the collecting impulse was not new; in a certain

sense it was merely the Renaissance form of the medieval spirit of encyclopedism and curiosity. In Florence and elsewhere the emphasis switched gradually,

however, from the collection of European antiquities to the acquisition of examples of contemporary art and activity. At the same time, a new vitality was infused into collecting by the growth of a spirit of scientific curiosity which sought to find cosmic relationships between the marvels of art and nature. The

“virtuosity” of the prince and the man of learning included disinterested curiosity in every aspect of culture, even in the bizarre and the fantastic as Saba Castiglione indicates in his Ricordi (1554). And here, as in most other aspects of Renaissance activity, the Tuscans led the way.2 Typical of the virtuosity of the sixteenth-century Tuscan was the collection of natural and artistic curiosities assembled by Bernardo Vecchietti in his villa named II Riposo near Florence. Raffaello Borghini in his famous book called

Il Riposo (1584) reported that Vecchietti’s scrittojo (chest for valuables) 2° located in the top room of his villa contained “vessels of porcelain and of moun-

tain crystal, seashells of many types, stone pyramids of great value, jewels, medals, masks, fruits and animals . . . and all the new and rare things that come from India and from Turkey which cause stupefaction to anyone who observes them.”’ 203 In another chest were more porcelains, oriental daggers, and objects of ivory, ebony, and mother-of-pearl.2°+ Ridolfo Sirigatto, another Florentine collector, assembled in the second of his five storage rooms rarities from the world of nature, such as seashells, animal horns, and hides.2°5 Cosimo I (duke of Florence, 1537-69, and grand duke of Tuscany, 1569-74), according to an inventory of his collection dated 1553, possessed 373 pieces of porcelain which he housed in the Palazzo Vecchio. The duke also received a book on the route from Lisbon to the Moluccas from Portugal and one on the West Indies from 201 S. Castiglione, Ricordi, overo anmaestramenti...(Venice, 1554), p. 14. For discussion see L. Salerno, ‘‘Arte, scienza e collezioni nel manierismo,” in Scritti di storia dell’arte in onore di Mario Salmi (Rome, 1963), pp. 194-97. 202 For discussion of this translation and for other Italian terms used in relation to collections see Burckhardt, loc. cit. (n. 9), pp. 537-44. 203 R. Borghini, I] Riposo (reprint, 3 vols. in one; Milan, 1607), I, 15.

204 Ibid., p. 16. |

205 Cf. Burckhardt, loc. cit. (n. 9), pp. 548-51.

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Spain. On the basis of these routiers Ignatio Danti (1536-86) drew a map of the

world in 1563 for Cosimo that was four yards in diameter.2°° The agents of Niccolé Gaddi (1537-91) ransacked the markets of Italy and the Low Countries to find curiosities for his collection.2°7 The Florentine botanist Matteo Caccini cultivated rare plants from all over the world in his garden, including what was then called the “orange of China.”’2°8 Notable also was the botanical collection of Pier Andrea Mattioli (1501-77) of Siena. It was Grand Duke Francesco I (ruled 1574-87) of Florence who most enthusiastically brought Asia within the field of vision of Italian Humanism.?°9 Several years before assuming his post as ruler of Tuscany, Francesco had ordered work begun on a studiolo (pl. 80), designed by Bernardo Buontalenti to be “‘a cabinet of things rare and precious, in terms of both costliness and art, such as jewels, medals, engraved gems, cut crystals, vases, ingenious devices, and similar objects that are not too large.”2!° The studiolo was lined with ebony and dec-

orated with precious stones and paintings. According to its program similar objects were to be displayed within it from both nature and art and their relationship symbolized in the decoration by a god from antiquity; Pluto, god of the nether regions, was to be shown with precious metals in their natural state and with metal works of art such as clocks, enamels, and medals.2!! Battista Naldini, Francesco Morandini (1544-97) called Poppi, and Jan van der Straet (1523-1605) called Stradanus, the “masters of the studiolo,” worked on the decorations and Alessandro Allori (1535-1607) painted his famous “Pearl Fishery” for the room in which it was housed. Ebony, pearls, and precious stones were, as we shall see, ordinarily associated in the cultivated mind of the sixteenth century with a resplendent East.2!2 Francesco I, as is indicated by the program of the studiolo, was an amateur of natural science. In the Boboli gardens he experimented with mulberries; 273 elsewhere in Tuscany he encouraged the cultivation of rice and bamboo.?!4 He 206 For the list of porcelains in Cosimo’s cabinets see R. W. Lightbown, “Oriental Art and the Orient in Late Renaissance and Baroque Italy,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXXII

(1969), 232-33. On the mappemonde of Cosimo see letter of Danti to Ortelius in Hessels, op. cit. (n. 5), p. 242. Also see George Kish, ““The Japan on the ‘Mural Atlas’ of the Palazzo Vecchio, Florence,” Imago mundi, VII (1951), 52-54. 207 See A. E. Popham, “On a Letter of Joris Hoefnagel,” Oud-Holland, LIII (1936), 146. 208 P. G. Conti (ed.), Lettere inedite di Charles de L’Escluse ... 4 Matteo Caccini .. . (Florence, 1939),

pp. 120-23. This orange was probably the citrus aurantium cortice eduli of Linnaeus. See A. TargioniTozzetti, Cenni storici sulla introduzione di varie piante nell’ agricoltura ed orticoltura (Florence, 1896), pp. 162-63.

209 For his relations to the Indian trade and Filippo Sassetti, see Asia, I, 475-77. 210 As quoted from V. Borghini in Salerno, loc. cit. (n. 201), p. 199.

>Og¢1. ait See ibid., pp. 199-200. The studiolo was restored in the Palazzo Vecchio in 1910 by G. 2 On the ebony furnishings of the studiolo see D. Heikamp, “‘Zur Geschichte der Uffizien-Tribuna und der Kunstschrinke in Florenz und Deutschland,” Zeitschrift fir Kunstgeschichte, XXVI (1963),

I.

IG. Masson, Italian Gardens (New York, 1961), p. 81. 2147. G. T. Malespini, Oratione de le lodi di Francesco I de’ Medici (Florence, 1587), p. 27.

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Italy collected specimens of plants, seeds, and fruits from the overseas world, corresponded with Ulisse Aldrovandi, (1522-1605), the great naturalist of Bologna, and assigned to Jacopo Ligozzi (1547-1626) the task of drawing and painting naturalistic representations of the strange plants and animals in his own and Aldrovandi’s collections (see pl. 36).2!5 In the meantime he was given various

examples of Japanese craftsmanship by the legates from Japan who visited Florence in March, 1585: ricepaper, cocoons, and stone razors.2!6 But it is in his interest in porcelain that we can best see the meeting of art and science in the virtuosity of the grand duke. He was determined to learn the secret of porcelain manufacture and to produce ceramics in Florence to rival the Chinese products in design, color, and quality.2!7 It was in the time of Giovanni de’ Medici, Pope Leo X (1513-21), that Rome first became acutely aware of the discoveries being made by the Portuguese in Asia. The mission of obedience sent to Rome by Dom Manuel in the spring of 1514 brought with it a cornucopia of exotic gifts: spices, porcelains, ecclesiastical vestments garnished with precious stones, a Chinese book, parrots, a

Persian horse, and an Indian elephant.2!8 The pope, it is reported, eagerly showed off the Chinese book to his friends.2!9 The poets and artists at Leo's court were likewise attracted by the curiosa of Asia, and in their creations they immortalized the elephant especially.22° A hospital for “Indians” was founded at Rome in 1525 along with a number of other special “national” hospitals.22 But these first contacts were not long followed up in the Eternal City. The sack of Rome in 1527 forced the emigration of the artists and literati and brought a temporary halt to the development of the papal court as an international center of culture. The popes of the Counter-Reformation were not prone to collect “heathen vanities.” The following story illustrates how far behind the other princes of Europe the successors of Leo were in their appreciation of Oriental goods. In 1562, Pope Pius IV (reigned 1559-65) invited to dinner the Archbishop of Braga

and the Portuguese ambassador to the Council of Trent, Bartolomeu dos Martires (1514-90). The Portuguese prelate was astounded to see the lavish display of silver tableware on which the dinner was served and expressed his indignation that the Church should squander its wealth on massive silver plate when it was surrounded on all sides by the poverty of the faithful. He informed the pope of his indignation and told him that “we have in Portugal . . . a type 215 See O. H. Giglioli, “Jacopo Ligozzi disegnatore e pittore di piante e di animali,” Dedalo, IV (1923-24), 556. 216 Cf. Asia, I, 694. 217 See below, pp. 107-8. 218 See below, pp. 136-38. 219 According to Guido Panciroli (1522-99) in his De rebus inventio et peditis...(Amberge, 1607). I have used only the English version, The History of Many Memorable Things Lost, Which were in Use among the Ancients (London, 1715), p. 342.

220 See below, pp. 138-39. 221 “Indians,” in this case, probably refers to all Asians, Africans, and Americans. See J. Delumeau, Vie économique et sociale de Rome .. . (Paris, 1957), p. 409.

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of baked earthenware which is far superior to silver in elegance and neatness.” The archbishop went on to explain that this earthenware was called porcelain and was made in China of clay so fine that it surpassed in luster both crystal

and alabaster, and that its relatively low price compensated for its fragility. In response to these remarks, the pope agreed that he would certainly prefer porcelain to silver and requested the archbishop on his return to Portugal to have a porcelain service sent to the Vatican.222 While the Council of Trent made permanent the secession of the Protestants, the new possibilities and horizons opened to the Church by overseas expansion

began to have their effects upon Rome even before the Council concluded its deliberations in 1563. The organization and growth of the Society-of Jesus with its direct responsibility to the pope quickly brought to the Vatican the realization that as the capital of Catholicism its future was linked to the world beyond as well as to Europe itself. In the period after Trent all the roads in Catholic Europe again led to Rome. The overland route from Madrid to Lyons to Rome was the busiest in Europe, and Portugal was added to it after Philip II became king in 1581. Pilgrims, couriers, and carters cluttered the highways to Rome. Embassies from all parts of the Catholic world, including the Congo, Japan, Persia, and

Muscovy, came to Rome as the various congregations of the Latin church realigned or aligned themselves for the first time with Rome. In 1585 the Japanese legates presented to Pope Gregory XIII two folding screens (bydbus) and an

ebony desk, which he added to the Vatican collections. The city itself grew rapidly in size and impressiveness as the Vatican building program was resumed

and as the Jesuits commenced building their mother church, the Gest. The mural in the room of the Vatican Library named for Sixtus V shows the Japanese legates in one of the Coronation processions of 1585.

Cosmographers, literati, artists, and printers again began to gravitate to: ward Rome as they had in the time of Leo X and Raphael. People meanwhile crowded into the city from all over the Lazio to work in the revivified metropolis. Domestic servants and slaves of all colors, conditions, and backgrounds were imported from the countries of the Mediterranean basin.223 While the last session of the Council of Trent was being held in 1563, the Loggia della Cosmographia was being completed in the Vatican.224 In 1571 avvisi (newsletters) on the overseas world printed in Portugal were sold on the streets of Rome.?25 In

1600 the Galleria delle Carte geografiche, completed in the pontificate of Gregory XIII (1572-85), a staunch supporter of the Jesuits, had on display a special depiction of the city of Quinsay, or Hangchow, in China.226 Michele 222 1. de Souza, Vida de Dom Fr. Bartolomeu dos Martires (Viana, 1619), pp. 60-62. Evidently the porcelains thereafter sent to the Vatican are no longer extant. See Beurdeley, op. cit. (n. 37), p. 119. 223 P. Pecchiai, Roma nel cinquecento (Bologna, 1948), pp. 371-72. 224 Ibid., p. 485. 225 Delumeau, op. cit. (n. 221), p. 29.

226 See A. Merens (ed.), “De reis van Jan Martensz. Merens ... anno 1600,” Mededeelung van het Nederlandsch Historisch Instituut te Rome, 2d ser. VII (1937), 139.

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Italy Mercati (1541-93), physician to Pope Gregory, organized a natural history collection that was housed in the Vatican.?27 As the first Jesuits returned from the East in the 1580's, Rome came to be a center of information that rivaled Lisbon and Venice. Ortelius, for example, began to receive cartographical data on the East from his correspondents in Rome.?28 But, despite all this activity, the extant

East.229 |

records of the Vatican collections, the treasury of the Gesu, and the inventories of individual Roman collectors do not indicate that systematic efforts

were made in Rome to assemble natural or artistic curiosities from the Venice and Florence were the greatest Italian centers of collection, but there were notable collections in many other Italian cities. Mattioli at Siena, Girolamo Cardano (1501-76) at Milan, Aldrovandi at Bologna, and Francesco Calceolari (1521-ca. 1600) at Verona had extensive collections of natural history in which were included botanical and geological specimens from the East as well as a mis-

cellany of other curiosities.23° At Naples the museum of Ferrante Imperato (1550-1631) was well stocked with rarities of nature,23! and at Padua the botanical gardens of the university contained growing specimens of Eastern trees and plants. The collections of the naturalists had a scientific objective, but they are important as well for the history of art. For, in the preparation of their books on natural science, the botanists worked with painters and engravers who prepared the illustrations for their massive works. And, as we shall see, other artists of the time copied these illustrations of plants, animals, and oddities and used them for their own purposes in other works of art.

Asia had different meanings for the various types of collectors. The patrician families in the major commercial cities of Lisbon, Venice, and Antwerp collected precious textiles, gems, and porcelains to satisfy a taste for splendid furnishings. Francesco Sansovino (1521-86) in his Venetia, citta nobilissima e singolare (1581) describes the opulence of Venetian life: There are innumerable houses the ceilings of whose apartments are worked in gold and all other colors and carved with paintings and excellent decoration. Nearly all of their interiors are covered with the very best tapestries, coverings of silk, gilded leathers and other materials according to the different seasons. And the chambers are for the most part adorned with bedspreads and chests decorated in gold, and paintings with frames also in gold. The silver services and other wares of porcelain, pewter, and inlaid copper and bronze are without end.?32 227 Delaunay, op. cit. (n. 35), p. 155. 228 Hessels, op. cit. (n. 5), pp. 444, $22, 754.

229 Cardinal Gaddi was the only private Roman collector who assembled natural rarities. See Burckhardt, loc. cit. (n. 9), p. 558. 230 Aldrovandi, for example, in his Musaeum mettalicum (Bologna, 1648), shows (pp. 156-58)

beautifully hafted examples of stone knives and axes used in India and a bowl of Ming porcelain - 231).

e mare engraving which shows his collection is included in his Historia naturale (Naples, 1599). 232 As quoted in Taylor, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 611.

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The princely collectors were not generally so hedonistic in their interests; they often collected Eastern products to increase the prosperity of their realms or to display their personal erudition, virtuosity, or glory.233 The learned collectors— geographers, naturalists, and artists—sought to acquaint themselves, in Diirer’s words, “with the subtle ingenia of people in distant lands” 234 and to acquire what

they could from study of them. The Renaissance virtuoso, as the heir of the Middle Ages, possessed a tradition of individualism in taste and an undifferentiated concern for nature, science, and art. No wonder then that the cabinets of curiosities contained a mélange of oddities and that the menageries sometimes included exotic human beings as well as animals. But with the sixteenth century a subtle change began to take place in the manner, meaning, and objectives of collecting. Oddities were no longer collected

exclusively as curiosities. The collection of antique remains was consciously supplemented by the addition of products from other civilizations. In a certain sense the remains of Antiquity themselves became exotic curiosities when displayed in company with rarities from overseas.?35 The homme curieux, as Pierre Belon said,236 was eager to become acquainted with “countless singular-

ities” from distant places, to compare them with those that he knew, and to integrate them into his own world view. His cabinet of curiosities was not a haphazard collection of odd objects but a systematic display which tried to transmit concretely the relations that were thought to obtain between the worlds of nature and art. Natural curiosities of all times and places were considered to be works of art

from the hands of the Creator and were objects of wonder to both the artist and the scientist. The artist, who had but recently become socially superior to an artisan, remained a close student of nature and the crafts. The exotic creations

of foreign craftsmen were equally fascinating to artists and scientists; the interest in porcelain and its manufacture provides an example of their common concern. Cartography, which invokes art, science, and discovery, was of abiding interest, and maps and globes figured prominently in many of the major collections. Geography had lost its traditional connection with astronomy (which had best been exhibited in the works of Ptolemy) and had become much more concerned with mapping and describing the new parts of the world that were being revealed at a bewildering rate. To geographers like Ortelius and Mercator, the collection of curiosities was a valuable visual aid to studies and a treasure-trove of illustrative material. And it was not coincidental that André Thevet, the cosmog-

rapher, was selected to be guardian and organizer of the royal collection of France, or that Hakluyt tells his readers to investigate the collections of curiosities to see illustrations of the things mentioned in his collection of travels. 233 See G. Handler, Fiirstliche Mazene und Sammler in Deutschland von 1500-1620 (Strassburg, 1933),

. 1-8.

7 Cf. above, p. 18. 235 See J. Seznec, ‘“‘Erudits et graveurs au XVI° siécle,” Mélanges d’histoire et d’archéologie, XLVII (1930), 136-37. 236 Cf. above, p. 7.

[44]

Italy The artist, likewise, whether or not he worked at illustrating the new books of cosmography or natural history, also had accessible for study the products of strange and sophisticated arts and crafts by men of his own time. While the artist often found these foreign ingenia uncongenial to his taste, they added to his growing uneasiness about the presuppositions and conventions of European classical art. His sense of being on the brink of momentous change was succinctly

expressed in 1575 by the Humanist physician Cardano in his autobiography: “The conviction grows that as a result of the [overseas] discoveries, the fine arts will be neglected and but lightly esteemed, and certainties will be exchanged for uncertainties.”’ 237 Virtuosity in the sixteenth century thus involved looking for a new certainty based on discovering the invisible ties which were assumed

to link science with art, antiquity with modernity, and Europe with the rest of the world. The collection of curiosities was conceived of as such a synthesis in miniature, a tangible cosmography, a universal mirror which reflected, even though vaguely, the relationships between discovery, whether of the past or present, and the transformation and expansion of the contemporary arts and sciences. 237 As translated from the Latin by Jean Stoner in The Book of My Life (De vita propria liber) (New York, 1929), p. 189.

[45]

APPENDIX

Sample Asian Items Collected in Europe

Excerpts from two inventories follow which were compiled in 1619 (No. 1) and 1621 (No. 2) respectively, as catalogues of the Prague Collections of Emperor Rudolf I. Notice that the “Indianische Sachen”’ listed may be of any provenance outside of Europe. Only occasionally do any of the European inventories distinguish individual objects more definitely, that is, as being from Asia, Africa, or America. They are relatively consistent, however, in identifying objects from Turkey, and occasionally even refer to some of them as coming from China or Japan. In most instances, however, the modern reader must determine or guess for himself the place of origin. For example, “Nine ‘Indian’ painted works rolled together” (p. 50) leads me to believe that this is a reference to nine Chinese scroll paintings. Other items are unfortunately not so readily identifiable. It is for this reason that I have compiled and added a list (No. 3) to this appendix of items

imported into Europe from Asia that is derived from a host of sources; cargo lists, travel books, and the inventories of other collections.

I

Inventory of 1619 (Prague Collection of Rudolf II)* INDIANISCHE SACHEN UNGESCHECZT

Ain indianisch gemaltes triihel, darinnen vierzehn kleine schwarze schalichen. Ain indianisch geflochtenes triithel mit zwei fachen, darin ein klein kastl, mit 4 geflochtenen pecherle, 3 duppelte schalen und 5 schiisslichen. * From J. Mordvek, Nové objeveny inventdr rudolfinskych sbirek na Hradé Prazském (Prague, 1937),

Pp. 24-7.

[46 ]

Inventory of 1619 Ain indianisch triithel gemalt, darinnen drei kleine kastl, in dem ainem ein schén vierekicht porczulan, in den andern zweien nichts, dabei aber 10 viereckichte schalichen. Ain indianisch gemaltes triihel, darinnen zwei runde skatlichen und zwei trinckschalichen. Ain indianisch gemaltes trithel, darinnen zwei in einander schwarze skatln und drei gelbe

geflochtene schalichen. ,

Ain indianisches gemaltes trithel, darinnen ein lenglichtes skatlichen und 2 runde duppelte und 1 einfaches skatlichen.

Ain indianisch gemaltes triihel, darinnen zwei schéne geschirl, mit gar klenien perln und coralen geziert, und dann zwei klaine schalichen.

Ain klaines indianisch gemaltes triihl, darinnen ein ander klaines triihl. Ain kleines indianisch gemaltes triihl, darinnen zwei andere klainere triihel. Ain indianisch gemaltes viereckichtes grosses castl, darinnen zwélf klaine und 1 mittelmessige schalen. Ain dergleichen grosses viereckichtes indianisch gemaltes trithel, darinnen 2 par indianische schuh, ain heubl von schilf, 12 schalichen. Ain lange indianisch gemalte skatl, darinnen 2 cistl, in einem etliche indianische schlechte halsgeheng, das ander ist verschlossen, dass man nicht aufmachen kénnen, ain schalen,

darinnen 6 schalichen. |

Ain viereckichte indianische skatl, darinnen vier geflochtene schalichen. Ain indianisch viereckichte niedrige skatl, darinnen nichts verhanden. Ain viereckichte etwas hohe rote indianische skatl, darinnen 5 schéne runde schalichen, in aim castl, und dann absonderlich zwei schalichen.

Ain viereckicht indianisch gemalte skatl, darin nichts verhanden. Ain runde indianische skatl, darinnen 7 indianisch kupferne gemalte schiisseln und dann vier kleinere geflochtene schiisseln. Ain indianisches hohes etwas durchbrochenes triihl, darinnen drei schwarze skatlichen und 3 kleine schalichen. Aine achteckichte indianisch geflochtene skatl, darinnen eine runde skatl, mit 5 kupfernen und einer geflochtenen schiissel.

Ain klaines viereckichtes indianisch skatlichen, darinnen 5 indianische gauckelminnel. Ain indianische messinge lenglichte achteckichte schalen, darinnen 11 schalichen, 6 weisse skatlichen, die deckl gemalt, 3 klaine neppel und ein klein rund skatlichen mit aim deck.

Ain indianische achteckichte vierfache skatl, darinnen eine runde durchbrochene skatl, in der wiederumb ein duppelte geflochtene, darinnen drei kleine schalichen, und iiber denselben vier schwarze schiisslichen.

Ain indianisch gemalte skatl, darinnen eine duppelte skatl mit 9 gelben schiisseln und tiber denselben drei schwarze schiisslichen. Ain indianische geflochtene skatl, darinnen ein gemaltes schwarzes und wieder darin ein schén rot mit gold gemalt skatlichen. Ain runde indianische skatl, darinnen zwei dergleichen geflochtene duppelte skatlichen. Ain runde schwarze indianische skatl, darin zwei duppelte geflochtene skatln.

Ain lenglichte indianische geflochtene skatl, darinnen ein indianischer kampfl, mit silber

eingefast, und drei schilichen. : [47]

Collections of Curiosities Ain lenglichte indianische geflochtene skatl, darinnen 3 schilichen, zwei mit deckeln. Ain klein viereckicht indianisches skatlichen. Ain messings indianisch trithel mit 2 fachen, im obern 16 schalichen und 4 skatlichen, im

untern 5 geflochtene schilichen, 4 runde und zwei viereckichte und gar ein kleines, 4 messinge, und 7 gar kleine messinge gemalte schilichen, zwei plechene indianische mans- und weibesbild oder géczen, ain indianisch schloss. Ain indianische runde grosse skatl, darinnen etliche messinge gemalte schiisseln.

Ain lange viereckichte indianisch geflochtene skatl, darinnen nichts zu finden. Ain lange viereckichte indianisch gemalte skatl, darinnen indianisch véglichen, so mehrerntheils verdorben. Ain lang viereckichte indianisch skatl, darinnen nichts zu finden. Ain lang viereckichte indianische skatl ohne deckl. Aine viereckichte indianisch gemalte skatl, darinnen 4 kleine schilichen. Ain viereckicht indianisch skatl, darinnen 5 schilichen. Ain lenglichtes viereckichtes trithel mit aim schloss, darinnen ein par indianische schuh.

Ain schwarz lenglicht zugespiczte indianische skatl, darinnen ein schwarz skatlichen, in welchem 2 klingende kugeln, neun schalichen und ein piichsel als ein pulverflasch. Sechs grosse geflochtene achteckichte schiisseln.

Aine grosse achteckichte geflochtene skatl, mit zweien fachen, im obern 3 schiisseln, im

untern eine schwarze mit gold gezierte runde schiissel. | Ain indianisch achteckichte geflochtene skatl, darinnen 3 runde messinge und drei geflochtene schalen.

Aine achteckichte indiansch geflochtene skatl, darinnen 9 geflochtene schilichen und 2 schwarze schiisslichen.

Ain runde geflochtene skatl, darinnen nichts zu finden. Ain dreifacher korb mit einer handhab, darinnen ein viereckicht skatlichen, aine schwarze kugel, so man nicht wissen kénnen was es sei, ain meercompass, ain schwarz rundes skatlichen und zwei runde geflochtene schilichen. Ain indianisch achteckicht hohe messinge skatl, darinnen aine runde geflochtene skatl mit 15 schilichen. Ain runde indianisch skatl, darinnen nichts zu finden. Ain indianische flaschen von messing, mit aim langen hals gemalt. Ain grosse runde indianische skatl, darin 2 kleine schilichen. Ain grosse runde indianische skatl, darinnen nichts zu finden. Ain lenglichte indianische skatl, darinnen nichts zu finden. Ain indianische orgel mit hiilzernen pfeifen. Drei indianische sonnenschirmen von fischhaut, die man zusammen legen kan.

Ain gross gebund mit indianischem rot und weissen papier. In etlichen skatln unterschieden allerlei indianisches samenwerk. Ain werck von alocs, schén geschnitten, wie paum oder laubwerck, darinnen etliche figuren.

[48 ]

Inventory of 1619 Ain indianisch geflochtener lenglichter korb, darinnen eine flasche von gelben horn in silber gefasst und mit silbern ketteln in aim futteral, item zwo in einander runde hohe schwarze skatln mit gold gemalt. Ain indianischer geflochtener lenglichter korb, darinnen zwei indianisch kastl von horn, mit silber beschlagen, in dem grossen seind zwei grosse und 3 kleinere schalen von horn,

item ein pulverflaschen von perlnmutter, in silber vergult eingefast, item ein indianischer schurcz von geferbten federn, item ein fucher von helfenbain schén durchbrochen, item ein piirstel, item sechs instrument von ebenholcz, mit silbern plech beschlagen. Ain indianisch geflochten lenglichter korb, darinnen zwei indianische géczen, dabei ein messingschalen und ain messigflaischl mit farben. Zwo runde ubereinander indianische schalen, in silber vergult eingefasst.

Ain indianische flasch von gelben horn mit silber beschlagen in aim futteral. Ain achteckichte schwarze mit gold gezierte skatl, darin nichts zu finden. Ain lenglichte viereckichte skatl, darinnen 8 schlechte schilichen. Ain achteckichte runde indianische skatl, darin ein ander viereckichte, sch6n mit gold geziert. Ain achteckichte runde indianische skatl, darinnen nichts zu finden.

Ain grosse runde indianische achteckichte skatl, darinnen nichts zu finden. Ain gross indianisch mit gold gemaltes kastl, darinnen ein ander schén cistl, welches ganz iiber mit kleinen perln und corallen gestickt, in welchem 12 kleine schalichen. Mehr ein indianisch castl mit gold geziert, darinnen ein ander castl ganz iiber mit kleinen perln und corallen gestickt, in welchem 12 indianische schilichen. Mehr ein indianisch cist] mit gold geziert, darinnen ein ander cistl ganz iiber mit kleinen perln und corallen gestickt, darinnen 10 schilichen. Ain lenglicht viereckicht niedriges schén gemaltes indianisch cist], darinnen ein sch6n indianisch, auf weissen taffet gemaltes kiisszichen, item zwo indianische biinden und 12

schalichen. ,

Ain dergleichen viereckichtes lenglichtes castl, darinnen 12 schalichen.

Ain viereckicht mit gold gemalte indianisch skatl, darinnen ein ander dergleichen achteckichte skatl. Ain indianisch gemalte kupferne flaschen in aim schén geflochtenen kérbel. Zwei grosse indianisch mit gold gezierte handbecken in aim rot ledernen futteral. Ain indianisch braiter hut von geschipten gefarbtem horn. Ain indianisch balbierbecken mit einer scharten.

Ain viereckicht schreibzeug mit weiss- und schwarzem helfenbain eingelegt. Ain par indianisch gemalte pantofeln. Allerlei zusammen gebundene stuck holzart, so in des Indiis wechst. Ain indianisch von stroh geflochtene klaine decken. Ain grosse tabackpfeifen. Ain klein indianisch keulichtes geschirl. Ain indianischer cranz von gefarbten gelben und roten federn. Ain indianische schwarze riistung mit gold geziert, in aim casten.

[49]

Collections of Curiosities Ain andern indianische sch6ne riistung in einem kasten.

Ain indianisch zimblich grosses trithel mit perlnmutter eingelegt, darinnen gemaltes plumwerck, in einem schlecht mit eisen beschlagenen futteral. In aim futteral ein schén cast] iiber und iiber mit perlnmutter eingelegt, welches der kénig in Persia durch seinen oratorem kaiser Rudolfo prisentieren lassen, dabei ein verzeichnis zu befinden, was darinnen gewesen; es hat sich aber im aufmachen nur zwei kleine porczulanichen, ain gefarbter orientalischer dupasi, ain stuck weiss dupasi, ain schwarz halbrunde kugl von dupasi, ain stuck weisslich amathist, ain klaines flaschl von weissem stain wie ein schnecken und ein ledernes flaschl mit eim gulden mundstuck befunden.

Ain indianisch kleines schreibtischl mit vergulten fachen. Ain schon persianisch schachtbrett, iiber und iiber mit perlnmutter eingelegt. Ain indianisch pretspiel mit inliegenden stainen von helfenbain und ebenholcz. Ain mit eisen beschlagenes schlechtes triihl mit rotem leder iiberzogen. Gar ein kleines trithel mit indianischen sachen, daraus man dinten soll machen kénnen. Neun stuck zusammengerultes indianisch malwerck. Ain lange viereckichte niedrige schwarze mit gold gemalte skatl, darinnen 15 viereckichte schalichen, und 1 viereckichtes trithel, darinnen zwei indianische stahlerne spigl. Ain dergleichen lenglicht viereckicht niedrige schwarze mit gold gezierte skatl, darinnen nichts zu finden.

Ain viereckichte schéne indianische niedrige skatl, mit perlnmutter eingelegt und mit gold gemalet.

lichen. ,

Ain viereckicht dergleichen indianische niedrige skatl, darin 5 runde geflochtene schiAin dergleichen viereckicht lenglicht indianische skatl, darinnen 8 viereckicht schalichen.

Ain indianisch viereckichte schiissel oder schalen. , Drei zusamben gebundene achteckichte indianische schalen mit handgriffeln.

Ain indianisch geflochtener korb mit aim deckl und handhab, darinnen 4 stuck zur indianischen dinten, item acht viereckichte schalichen, aine grosse und darin sieben geflochtene runde schalichen, und drei kleine runde hiilczerne schalichen. Ain dergleichen indianischer geflochtener korb mit aim deckl und handhab, darinnen 5 etwas hohe achteckichte und 3 runde geflochtene schalen. Ain rundes indianisches mit gold geziertes skatlichen. Viel schnabel von indianischen vogeln. Neun indianische lange schwarze gerade und krumpe gewundene hérner, zusammen gebunden, dabei zwei par klainere. Zwei indianisch thierle, armadillo gennant. Ain grosser langer schnabel von einem indianischen vogl, in aim blausammeten futteral. Ain gross indianische fledermaus. Vier indianische heydexen. Ain schwarz horn von einer indianischen ziegen. Mehr fiinf indianische jagerhérner von weissem bain. Ain schwarzes gewundenes horn von einem indianischen thier.

[so]

Inventory of 1619 Fiinf indianische giirtl, daran klingendes schellwerck, in eim kastl. Ain indianische helfenbeine biixen.

Allerlei indianisch gartengewechssamen. Ain zweig von eim indianischen baum, daran noch die frucht henget. Ain indiansch keulicht geschir wie ein tiefe schalen. Ain indianische grosse flaschen. Ain stuck indianische materia wie ein salben. Vier indianische schildkréten. Ain indianische armband von weissen bain, sch6n geschnitten. Ain gedreheter pecher mit eim deckl, von indianischem holz. Ain ander gedreheter pecher von indianischem holz. Ain indianisch pecherle von schildkrot. Ain runde skatl mit indianischen fliegen. Zwei kastl, darinnen indianische merkrebs. Elf grosse indianische nuss. Ain indianische schildkrot. DRECHSELWERK VON HELFENBAIN

drechselwerk von helfenbain. |

Ain hundert und achtzehn kastl, darinnen allerlei schénes gross und klein kunstreiches

SCHONE STUCK VON MARMELSTAIN

Fiinf grosse képf von marmelstain. Vier kleine képf von marmelstain. Sechzehn kleine bilder von marmelstain. Ain hundl von marmelstain. PORCZELLANEN

In zweien almarn, alle fach voll, iibereinander geseczte, gross und klaine porczellanengefass, darunter etliche in silber eingefast, ungeschiczt. Absonderlich siebenzehen grosse und kleine porczellanenkriieg auf einer almar in der vordern kunstcammer stehend, ungeschiczt. ZWENE SCHONE GROSSE KRUGE VON majolica, ungeschiczt. ALLERLEI GLASERNE TRINKGESCHIR, ungeschiczt. SCHON ERDENGESCHIR

In einer doppelten almar mit dreien fachen, florentinisch sch6n gemaltes erdengeschir, als gross und klaine kriige, flaschen, schalen, handbecken, schiisseln und leichter, ungeschiczt. FRANCZOSISCH GESCHIR

In einer mit eisern banden beschlagene truhen, schén franczésisch geschir von schiisseln, tellern und andern, so von kupfer mit glas iiberlaufen und schén gemalt, ungeschiczt.

[st]

Collections of Curiosities GESCHIR VON TERRA SIGILLATA

Allerlei geschir von terra sigillata, darunter ain schéne gisskandel in aim rotsammeten

futteral. a

Etliche kast] mit terra sigillata. GROSS UND KLEIN ERDENGESCHIRL, $O IN DER ERDEN GEFUNDEN WORDEN. NACKENDE BILDER

Fiinf grosse nackende bilder von weisser materia, deren eines in einer almar auf rot duppeltaffetern polstern und vorhengen ligt. ZWEI GROSSE WILDE SCHWEIN von materia als gibs.

AIN SCHWEINSKOPF, welchem ein bauer den hirnschadel eingeschlagen, und hat doch das schwein noch etlich jahr gelebet, in einem griinen kastl. DIE UNTERN KIENBACKEN VON EINEM WILDEN SCHWEIN, mit einem sehr selczamen wunderbahren krummen zahn, in einer skatl. AIN OBER UND UNTER KIENBACKEN VON ain wilden schwein mit ungewohnlichen krummen zahnen, in einer skatl. VIEL STUCK ALLERLEI SELCZAMES MERGEWECHS, welches etlichs zu stain worden.

In einer skatl absonderlich allerlei wunder mergewechs. MERMUSCHELN ODER MERSCHNECKEN

In vielen unterschiedenen almarn und skatlichen sehr viel allerlei mermuscheln und

schnecken klain und gross. | ETLICHE MERFISCHL

Ain wunder merfisch stella arborescens genannt.

Zwo lange zungen von merfischen. Vier schwertfischschnabel. Ain fischhaut so man zappen nennet. FUNF STRAUSSENAYER

FUNF AYER VON VOGEL EME [emu].

Allerlei merwunder und thierlein, in einer lenglichten skatl. Ain merkraben, in aim kistl.

Ain grosser merkrebs in einem langen triiel. Noch ein grosser merkrebs. Etwas kleiner merkrebs, beisammen in drei triiheln. DREI MERSCHLANGEN

NATERZUNGEN VON MALTA, DABEI AIN KROTENSTEIN, in einen runden skatlichen. ZWEI GROSSE NATTERBELGE. ARMADILIA

Zwei armadilia in einem triihel. Ain armadilia, dabei zwei solcher haut in einem lenglichten trithel. Ein grosse haut.

[ 52]

Inventory of 1621

2

Inventory of 1621 (Prague Collection of Rudolf II)* Inventarium aller derjenigen sachen, so nach der victori in ihrer majestit schaz- und

kunstcamer zue Praag seind gefunden und auf ihrer mayestit und ihrer fiirstlich gnaden von Lichtenstein bevelch seind den 6. decembris anno 1621 inventirt worden, wie volgt: NO. I. IN EINER ALMAR, IN OBERN THEIL:

1. Ein oberteil eines weibesbild von fleischfarben gips, auf einen fleischfarben und rothen daffenten polster liegend. In bemelter almar, im untern theil: 2. Etliche schachteln von allerlei indianischen geferbten federn und schlechten sachen. NO. 2. EIN ALMAR MIT 3 FACHEN:

Im obern fach: 3. Sch6ne gemachte indianische schalen und unterschiedliche geschirr, dreissig stuck. Im andern fach: 4. Eine schachtel mit allerlei tiirkischen servetlen. 5. Zwo boratschen mit silbern knépfen

6. Item 9 flaschen } indianisch. 7. Mehr 4 baukhen

8. Mehr eine runde schachtel mit etlichen kriiglen von terra sigillata. 9. § indianische schreibzeug, darunter einer mit perlemutter. 10. Mehr ein schachtel mit einem schachtspiel und roth geferbtem helfenbein. II. § indianisch trinkgeschirr. 12. 7 indianische taschlein und 2 sammacken. 13. I messinge runde schaal mit indianischer schrift. 14. 3 andere schlechte indianische stuck. Im dritten fach: 15. 18 stuck gross und klein erdene egyptische antiquen. 16. 1 khessel mit zwo messingen decken und ein indianische schellen sambt den pfeifen. NO. 3. IN DER ALMAR MIT NO. 3, HAT 3 FACH:

Im obern fach seind: 17. 28 stuck von stroh und holz indianische gemahlte geschirr, alle mit kleinen stiicklein mit dergleichen sorten gefiillt. Im andern oder mittlern fach:

18. Ein truhlen und 2 andere indianische stuck von geferbtem metall, darinnen viel kleine stiicklein von indianischen stroh und holz sambt einem kleinen kriiglein. * From H. Zimmermann, “Das Inventar der Prager Schatz- und Kunstkammer vom 6. Dezember 1621,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, XXV (1905), Pt. 2, p. Xx.

[53]

Collections of Curiosities 19. Mehr 22 stuck allerlei sorten an indianischen geschirr, darunter etliche leer und etliche mit kleinen stiicklein gefiillt. Im dritten fach: 20. Eine indianische orgell und unterschiedliche indianische saamen sambt dergleichen gar geringen sachen. NO. 4. IN DER ALMAR MIT NO. 4, HAT 2 FACH:

Im obern fach: 21. 3 truhlen von indianischem stroh, darinnen allerlei kleine sachen. 22. 12 stuck von indianischen holz, darunter 1 mit 2 indianischen truhlen und eins von perln. 23. Ein hélzerner berg geschnizt. 24. Zwei gross indianische becken. 25. 1 bar indianische pantoffel. 26. 1 doppelt indianisch trinkgeschirr von einer schildkrotten, mit silber und vergult eingefast. 27. 1 indianische flaschen von gelben agtstein im futteral. 28, 1 indianisch kriieg] in einem strohenem kérbel. 29. 8 indianische biicher. 30. 2 stuck indianische tinten.

31. I indianisch dacken. , Im untern fach: | 32. I indianische truhlen in einem futteral. 33. 1 schachtspiel, mit perlemutter eingelegt. 34. 2 pretspiel, mit helfenbein eingelegt. 35. 2 hélzerne truhlen, darinnen indianische riistungen. 36. 1 hélzern schreibzeugtruhlen. 37. 2 leere futteral. NO. $5. IN DER ALMAR MIT NO. 5, HAT 3 FACH:

Im obern fach: 38. 1 buschen zusambengebunden allerlei indianische gemiahl. 39. 21 schnibel von allerlei indianischen vigeln.

Im mittlern fach:

40. 6 schachtele gemalte, in 4 allerlei vogeleier, in der einen meergewechs und in der andern beinwerch. 4I. 2 indianische kérb, gefiillt mit kleinen stiicklein.

[54]

3

European Imports from Asia (Excluding Spices)*

Peoples of Asia silver (from Japan) rugs, primarily from

Indians, Chinese golden items; chests, Ormuz

Malays, Japanese, goblets, necklaces native costumes

Filipinos coins hangings se; eator cious and Semiprecious Drugs ones datura (thorn apple or prisoners diamonds slaves strammony) rubies rhubarb Fauna sapphires myrobalans (used also for parrots and lorys emeralds dye) birds of paradise spinels tamarins (plumages) carnelians root of China elephants bezoar stones | opium

rhinoceroses rocks (sometimes with bhang (Indian hemp or

emu inscriptions on them) hashish) monkeys and apes amber benzoin dodos cat s eyes camphor (wood, oil, and Flora: Dried and Fresh Ivory crystals)

coconuts wrought and unwrought rhinoceros horn

seeds Woods Miscellaneous

myrobalans ebony musical instruments oranges sandalwood buffalo horn

trees, plants, shrubs aloeswood wax

double coconuts teak resin

durians camphor of China, hides

Dyes Borneo, and Sumatra pearls and mother-of-

myrobalans bamboo pearl 4s . palm products indigo Furniture : lac i d bowls and caulking | acquered bowls an chess sets

vermilion cocopalm feathers and featherworks

Indian saffron boxes . jl folding screens (bydbus) alum desks d d

tables ;

Jansecan chairsmaps armorand andcharts swords Incense and Perfume

pepper bedstead manuscripts, books musk ‘ Steads native costumes and

civet chairs slippers Ceramics Textiles paintings, Chinese and

; silk, raw and processed Indian porcelain loths. primaril 1 appl; Martaban jars cotton cloths, primarily sexual appliances ~ from India reeds (Calumus rotang) , seashells bedspreads and quilts ambergris Precious Metals embroidery and needle- varnish (tung oil)

gold (from Sumatra) work parasols * For the spice trade see Asia, Vol. I, chap. iii.

CHAPTER II

The Individual Arts

The European artist, then as now, was likely to be more curious about the works produced by his opposite numbers in Asia than by exotic flora, fauna, and miscellaneous oddities. But the Asian artistic creations available, even in the

greatest of the collections, were not numerous. Access to the collections was not always easy for the artists to obtain, and very few artists had collections of their own. It was fairly simple for any interested artist to see and study Chinese porcelains or lacquerware, for they were widely diffused and readily available in most of the artistic centers of western Europe. Elaborately worked textiles and rugs were likewise widely dispersed as can be seen from the frequency of their appearance in European paintings. Oriental ceramics, lacquerware, and textiles were not new to the European scene in the sixteenth century, even though they were on hand in greater numbers and variety than ever before. They had long exercised their influence upon the minor arts of Europe, but

even when available in larger quantities were not of primary interest to practitioners in the major arts. The impact of Asia, and the speculations of modern students about it, will be examined in what follows in each of the individual arts where influences are discernible. In the major arts the effects of the discoveries and the revelations of the East were not profound and were limited to the introduction of decorative and symbolic elements, or to naturalistic subject matter derived from the collections and from the specimens of Asian exotica sold in the marketplace. The influence of Asia in the graphic arts was probably most apparent in the prints prepared as illustrations for books. In the related decorative arts of ceramics, woodworking, jewelry, and tapestry making, efforts were made to use Asian materials or to find adequate substitutes for them as artists and craftsmen in these fields tried to create products competitive with those being imported.

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Manueline Architecture and Sculpture

Although no European art form underwent basic transformation in response to the challenge of Asia’s arts and crafts, new dimensions were added to most of them in subject matter, ornament, and symbolism. And although no identifiable movement in the arts owed its inspiration directly to the overseas discoveries, the Mannerist artists were inclined to experiment with motifs derived from exotica. The very presence, in quantity, for the first time in history, of foreign arts and crafts of high quality helped to speed the unsettling of Renaissance preconceptions about the nature and possibilities of the arts. I MANUELINE ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE

The exuberance felt by King Manuel and his subjects over the successes of the Portuguese in India was given tangible expression at Lisbon and elsewhere in Portugal by the building and rehabilitation of national shrines. Between 1510 and 1514 the nave and a chapter room were added to the Convent of Christ at Tomar in recognition of the prominent role played by the Order of Christ in

the discoveries. Additions were also undertaken at the famous monastery of Batalha, the symbol of Portugal’s deliverance from the yoke of Castile begun in the late fourteenth century. The Tower of Belém, originally conceived of as a fortress on the Tagus to guard the port of Lisbon, was built on Manuel’s orders between 1514 and 1519 as a monument to the discoverers (pl. 17). Close by the tower on the river, the construction of the great monastery of the Jerénimos (Order of St. Jerome) went on from 1499 to the middle of the sixteenth century, partially financed by a royal grant of one-twentieth of the proceeds from over-

seas trade assigned to the support of the Jerénimos.! The new wealth of Portugal likewise went into the construction of numerous other less impressive public works and edifices. King Manuel before his death in 1521 paid for sixty-

two building projects. But many of those erected in Lisbon and its environs were destroyed or damaged beyond restoration by the earthquake of 1755. The architectural masterpieces undertaken in the time of Manuel (1495-1521) set the pattern for a national style called Manueline, though its influence long outlived the king himself and extended into the other arts as well. Historians of architecture have generally agreed that the Manueline style is a peculiar Portuguese form of flamboyant Gothic which acquired its individuality through lavish use of decorative motifs derived from various European and foreign prototypes.2 A great debate has ensued, however, for more than a century now, with reference to the sources of the multiple foreign influences behind this florid, polyglot style. Some authorities have argued that it is not a “true style” 1 J. de Sigiienza, Historia de la Orden de San Gerénimo (Madrid, 1907), II, 73. 2 Authoritative and judicious assessments may be found in G. Kubler and M. Soria, Art and Architecture in Spain and Portugal (Baltimore, 1958), pp. 101-3; and J. Barreira et al., Arte portugesa (Lisbon, 1948), IV, 77-78, 167-68.

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The Individual Arts at all, since it is not an architecture of new forms but an undigested assortment

of decorative motifs from a host of local and international sources.3 At the other extreme stand those who see it as an absolutely unique Portuguese style that is free from all foreign influences.* But most interesting in the context of this work are those historians who see the Manueline as a style of European architecture which draws heavily, both in form and decoration, from Indian edifices.

Even among those who agree that they discern Indian influence, wide divergences of opinion exist on how far it extends. Among the earliest to propose a relationship between Indian and Gothic architecture was the Romantic German philosopher, Friedrich W. J. von Schelling.5 Albrecht Haupt, while discounting Spanish or Italian influence, was the first to propound the theory that the peculiar features of the Manueline additions to Tomar and Batalha (pls. 18 and 19) could be accounted for as efforts to imitate details from the Jain temple of Ahmadabad.° The parallels drawn by Haupt between Portuguese and Indian details were soon challenged by W. C. Watson? and others. Haupt’s critics have generally averred that resemblances to the Manueline can be found in Gothic decorations and, if one must look to a distance, even in Mexican temples. But Haupt was

not without his followers, too. Ernst Diez in his essay “Oriental Gothic” claims that the pointed arch, along with the gesture of folding the hands in prayer, was borrowed from India.® Raul da Costa-Térres went much further than any other student of the subject

in his efforts to discern Asian influence in Portuguese architecture. For the architecture of the epoch of the discoveries he distinguished three periods: the Pre-Manueline, or the Gothic-Morgebrino (North African), 1415-95; the Manueline, or the Gothic-Hindu Baroque, 1495-1540; and the JoannineJesuit, or the Classic Chinese, 1540-80.9 On the basis of such associations, Costa-Térres, and more recently Eugenio d’Ors, have sought the origins of the Baroque in the Manueline style and, by extension, in the influence of Asia.!° Lees-Milne, on the other hand, sees the Manueline and Baroque styles as “‘a

sort of prolongation of the Romanesque,” and he discerns a relationship in spirit between the naturalistic fantasy of the Manueline and the playfulness of the Rococo." The architects responsible for creating the Manueline masterpieces were 3 For the most recent statement of this view see J. Lees-Milne, Baroque in Spain and Portugal... (London [1960]), pp. 145-46. 4R. dos Santos, O estilo manuelino (Lisbon, 1952).

5 Cf. quotations and discussion in P. Frankl, The Gothic: Literary Sources and Interpretations through Eight Centuries (Princeton, 1960), p. 458. © Die Baukunst der Renaissance in Portugal (Frankfurt am Main, 1890). 7 Portuguese Architecture (London, 1908).

8 As cited in Frankl, op. cit. (n. 5), p. 748. 9 A arquitectura dos descobrimentos (Braga, 1943).

10 For commentary of Ors’s view of the Tomar window as the synthesis of the “Barocchus Manuelinus,” see P. Dony, “Der Manuelstil in Portugal (1495-1521), Das Minster, XTX (1966), 229. tt Op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 142, 152.

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Manueline Architecture and Sculpture

Diogo Boytac (active 1490-1525 ?), Jodo de Castilho (active 1515-52), Diogo de Arruda (active 1508-31), Francisco de Arruda (active 1510-47), and Mateus Fernandes (active 1514-28). Practically all Manueline buildings are identifiable because they display the armillary sphere of the king, which symbolized the cosmos, or the cross of the Knights of Christ, which decorated the sails of the Portuguese ships. Early Manueline creations tend to be moribund Gothic with admixtures of Moorish or North African elements; the postdiscovery works tend to combine late Gothic with naturalistic, maritime elements and a flamboyant iconography, possibly inspired by Muslim and Indian art; in the declining phase Renaissance elements from Italy overlay the basically Gothic character of the Manueline constructions.!2 The greatest of the Manueline edifices belong to the middle period, and the features characteristic of this period have sometimes

been designated as the attributes of the “true Manueline” style. Particularly distinctive features are the rounded (almost never pointed) arches of door and window, the frequent appearance of arches made up of three or more convex curves,!3 and the generally undulatory rhythm of both the simplest and most elaborate archways. Also remarkable is the widespread use of nave piers (pl. 22) which look like twisted strands of rope, palm-tree columns, eight-sided capitals

ornamented with molded leaves or branches, and rounded moldings twined together to give a spiral effect. But perhaps most impressive and distinctive are

the ornate portals which appear as a central motif in practically all the great Manueline churches and monasteries (pls. 20 and 21).

While many of the distinctive features of Manueline architecture can be shown to have medieval or Gothic antecedents,'4 there can be no doubt that the style, seen as a totality, is utterly unique. Even when dismissed as eccentric,

or as little more than maritime decorative incrustations superimposed upon basically Gothic structures, the Manueline style has for the viewer a distinctly exotic character that is un-European and Oriental.!5 The predominance of the decorative over the architectonic elements gives the Manueline structures the appearance of gigantic sculptures. And in the best examples, such as the great portal to the Unfinished Chapels (“Capelas imperfeitas’’) at Batalha (pl. 18), the architects show respect for form and appear to be trying for a kind of planned

asymmetry in which sculpture and architecture find unity. The stylized lines and ornamentation of Gothic architecture are consciously replaced by sinuous and oscillating lines, eccentric planes, and bizarre ornaments of naturalistic 12 Here I have obviously departed radically from the periodization and characterization of CostaTérres as cited above (p. $8).

13 Costa-Térres (op. cit. [n. 9], pp. 182-83), argues that the rounded arch is of Oriental origin, that it was introduced to the Occident by the Manuelists, and that it is as much an identifying mark of the Manueline style as the armillary sphere or the cross of Christ. Watson (op. cit. [n. 7], p. 143) concedes that the arches which are made up of a series of convex curves ‘“‘probably derived from Moorish sources.” 14 Twisted columns can be found, for example, in the thirteenth-century cloister of St. John Lateran in Rome. See Lees-Milne, op. cit. (n. 3), p. 146. 15 For a similar opinion see J. Evans, Pattern (Oxford, 1931), Il, $9.

[59]

The Individual Arts inspiration. A list of the naturalistic ornaments includes, among other things, a

wide variety of exotic fruits, plants, and animals as well as maritime and nautical motifs.!6 The architectural sculptor seems in some instances, as in the

famous window of Tomar (pl. 19), to be arranging these into an abstract geometrical composition designed to catch in stone the exuberant and expansive spirit of Manuel’s Portugal. Speculation about the sources for Manueline decoration is so prevalent and diverse because the history of the architects and their monuments is notable for

its sparsity of documentation. Particularly conspicuous by their absence are concrete data to show that the architects had anything more than the vaguest impressions of Indian architecture derived from the amateurish drawings (pl. 148) and literary descriptions of men in the field. The first stone was laid for the church of the Jerénimos in 1502 and it was virtually completed by Manuel’s death in 1521. But almost nothing is known about Diogo Boytac, its first architect, about his successors, or about the details of its construction. And no literary evidence is available to show that its Orientalized features owe a direct debt to Indian or to any other Asian civilization. Traces of Indian influence have frequently been assigned to the Manueline additions to Tomar and Batalha and to the Tower of Belém. Diogo de Arruda, a military architect who had spent some time in North Africa, constructed the additions to Tomar and invented for them a nautical iconography to celebrate the maritime exploits of the Portuguese. Carvings in stone of billowing sails,

coral growths, and seaweed decorate the chapter room and the church. The famous capitular window (pl. 19) is set in a maze of coiled, snarled rope with cork floats threaded upon a cable.!7 While Tomar’s decorations clearly reflect the maritime interests of Portugal, no pictorial or literary evidence exists to support the view that Arruda’s naturalistic carvings owe a direct debt to specific Indian prototypes or even generally to the “aesthetic principles of Hindu art.’’!8 Mateus Fernandes, the creator of the magnificent portal to the Unfinished Chapels at Batalha, has left no records for posterity to consult other than his architectural triumphs. Scholars have sought repeatedly to link him to Tomas

Fernandes, the military architect in India, whom Albuquerque praised so lavishly in his letters, or to Diogo Fernandes of Beja, who went to Gujarat as a member ofan embassy in 1513.19 No definite connection has yet been established,

however, and so the commentators on Batalha must also refer vaguely to the similarity in design, technique, or spirit between its portals and those of Indian temples. Others who prefer to bring their conjecturing closer to home point out the resemblances between the portal of Batalha and the fourteenth-century doorway to the north porch of St. Mary Redcliffe at Bristol.2° Such remote 16 Costa-Térres (op. cit. [n. 9], p. 198) gives such a list.

17 Kubler and Soria (op. cit. [n. 2], p. 103) compare Diogo de Arruda’s creations to the modern works in Barcelona of Antonio Gaudi. 18 Phraseology of Costa-Térres, op. cit. (n. 9), p. 177. 19 See Watson, op. cit. (n. 7), p. 159, and Barreira et al., op. cit. (n. 2), IV, pp. 177-78. 20 Lees-Milne, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 147-48.

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Manueline Architecture and Sculpture

resemblances, whether in Europe or India, are not enough by themselves to support arguments for artistic influence. The third of the great Manueline monuments, the Tower of Belém (pl. 17), was the work of Francisco de Arruda, brother of Diogo, a military architect,

and one of the least-known artists of the sixteenth century. It has been conjectured that the tower, probably built between 1514 and 1519, was modeled on

coastal fortresses of North Africa or India. Resemblances have been noted between its balconies and ribbed cupolas and those of the palace of Udaipur in Rajasthan, or those of the temple of Politana in Gujarat. But such attributions to Indian influence have been roundly denied by Reynaldo dos Santos, the closest student of the Tower of Belém.?! He stresses, particularly with reference

to the cupolas and balconies, the greater importance of Islamic and North African prototypes and argues that the resemblances between the tower and the Indian structures merely show their common debt to Islam—the Mughul influence in India and the Moorish in Portugal. But such arguments, cogent as

they may be, have not silenced the proponents of Indian influence. CostaTérres argues that it is not in details or in the technique of decoration that the resemblances lie, but in the organic harmony of the perfectly finished structure

in which, as in Indian monumental art, the interior is subordinate to the exterior and the parts to the whole.??

Hundreds of art monuments in Portugal have been identified as having Manueline features.?3 But in no single instance is it possible to establish a clear link between them and Indian counterparts. Even the wooden stalls in the upper choir of the church of Santa Cruz in Coimbra (pl. 23), on which are carved scenes supposedly illustrating the voyages of Vasco da Gama and of Pedro Alvares Cabral, show that the carvers had no clear idea of the appearance of Indian towns or of the luxuriance of tropical vegetation.24 Although drawings of life in India

may have been available to the artists at home, they were probably all by Indians or by European amateurs. An extant painting (pl. 25), done in India by an amateur watercolorist before 1540, shows an Indian temple that looks more like a poor attempt at a European church than anything Indian. Filippo Sassetti wrote in 1585 to Lorenzo Canigiani in Florence describing the dwellings

of Cochin and comparing certain of them in their external projections to the sporti of Santa Croce in Florence.?5 Father Manuel Pinheiro, writing from

Ahmadabad in 1595 about the beautiful tombs of Sirkej, concludes that they are “a work of barbarians which is not at all barbarous.”’26 While a number 21 A Torre de Belém, 1514-20 (Coimbra, 1922). 22 Op. cit. (n. 9), pp. 211-12. 23 Ibid., pp. 215—16.

24 Lees-Milne (op. cit. [n. 3], pp. 146-47) asserts that they are “purely and simply late Gothic in style [and] repeat the familiar tracerial patterns to be found at this time all over Europe.” 25 E. Marcucci (ed.), Lettre... di Filippo Sassetti (Florence, 1855), pp. 295-96. 26 See my Asia in the, Making of Europe (hereafter cited as Asia), I (Chicago, 1965), p. 461. For additional suggestive detail see W. Varde-Valivlakar, “An Account of the Expedition to the Temples of Southern India Undertaken by Martin Alfonso de Souza, the 12th Governor [1542-45] of Portuguese India,” Indian Antiquary, XLI (1912), 238~48.

[or]

The Individual Arts of capable artists went to India in the second half of the sixteenth century, little is known of what they sent back home. And, irrespective of what they might have sent back, the decline of the Manueline style and the beginning of Italian influence in Portugal had taken place before they even left Europe. The carriers of Portuguese culture to the rest of Europe—the exiled Jews, merchants, seamen, students, and Jesuits—apparently did not spread abroad a

taste for the Manueline style. In Spain the Plateresque (“silversmith-like’’) style seems to have grown parallel to but independent of the Manueline. Both of these Iberian national styles owe far more to their common Moorish backgrounds than to each other, especially in their indebtedness to mudéjar, the folk

art of wall ornament. Similarities between the architecture of the French Renaissance and the Manueline likewise seem to be coincidental, or at least to have nothing more in common than their Gothic backgrounds. And, by midcentury, intrusions from Italy and the Low Countries brought an abrupt end to these national styles of architecture, as a common European style began to emerge which was to develop into the Baroque. Claims have been made, particularly by Costa-Térres, for the importance of

overseas influence in the development of the Baroque. Costa-Térres, who contends that unique particularities are not so important in assessing influence as are common aesthetic or spiritual principles, avers that Far Eastern art, which is fundamentally Chinese rather than Indian, has structural and organic affinities with Italian neoclassicism.27 Portuguese architects learned, he assumes, either

from direct observation or from study of Chinese structures depicted on porcelains, lacquerware, textiles, paintings, and books something of the style, line, and architectonic character of Chinese art. On the basis of these observations

they constructed pavilions, kiosks, balconies, and porches which showed distinctive Chinese features and were incorporated into the type of habitation commonly called antiga portuguesa. The pavilions and kiosks have disappeared from the gardens and squares which they once graced, but the houses have preserved the slanting roofs, extended eaves, and decorative features borrowed from China. The art style called “Jesuit,” sometimes used as a synonym for Baroque, departed, Costa-Térres argues, from the heavy lines of medieval architecture, borrowed decorative features from Hindu art, and adopted lighter architectonic qualities from Chinese art. The concave arch, the sinous lines, and the pillared fagade pierced with a window of Oriental architecture became features of the new Jesuit churches built in Portugal even before the Gest was begun in Rome.?8 Edifices constructed in Flanders and Germany in the later sixteenth century likewise are said to owe a debt to Portuguese architecture and to the East.29

The theory of Costa-Térres on the Portuguese-Oriental origin of the JesuitBaroque style has a certain elementary logic to support it, and little else. On the 27 Costa-Térres, op cit. (n. 9), pp. 257-60.

28 Ibid., pp. 264-68. | 29 Ibid., pp. 270-71.

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Manueline Architecture and Sculpture

surface it seems reasonable to assume that the Jesuits with their great interest in

Portugal and the East would have borrowed elements from the Manueline, and from the Far East directly, to add a missionary aspect to their architectural

creations. This seems particularly likely when it is recalled that the Jesuit letter-writers remarked in astonishment on the grandiose edifices of Asia and even described a number of them in detail.3° Unfortunately for this theory, not a scrap of concrete evidence exists, and Costa-Térres does not provide any, to show that Giacomo da Vignola or Giacomo della Porta, the planners of the Gest in Rome, knew anything about either Portuguese or Asian architecture. The Jesuits, in fact, had almost nothing to say about the construction of the

Gest. Their patron, Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, employed the architect Vignola and his own painters (in 1568) without consulting the Society or trying to ascertain its wishes in the matter. When Farnese died in 1589, the work on the Gest stopped and the Jesuits, limited by their lack of funds, were forced to abandon the work of decorating the interior of the central church for generations and to confine their activities to the side chapels.3! The building itself does not evoke reminiscences of the Orient or of the Society’s activities there. Indeed, it is remarkable to see in Macao and in Goa how European the remains of the Jesuit structures look in a totally Asian environment.

Nothing would give me greater satisfaction than to be able to document Costa-Térres’ rationale for the Asian origins of the Baroque. Certainly other theories of its origin have been equally unsatisfactory in terms of evidence and have likewise relied heavily on hypothetical resemblances. But study of the history of the Gest: shows, if anything, that its planners were not aware of either Asian or Portuguese architecture. The only bits of evidence of Asian influence

which I have turned up tend to prove that Asia was still too remote to be seriously considered in any search for architectonic models. In 1599, for example,

a portal made of wood from the Portuguese Indies was hung at one of the entrances to the Gest,3? but that is all that is known. Even the Jerénimos with their several congregations in Italy were national in their orientation and little interested in transmitting knowledge of Asia to Rome. And the international Jesuits, with their several houses in Portugal, seemed not to derive inspiration

from the Jeré6nomite monastery at Belém with its maritime, Manueline features.33 The Jesuit churches, other than the Gest, likewise reveal in the sixteenth century no direct debt either to the forms or the decorative motifs ordinarily associated with the East.34+ Until further artistic and literary evidence

can be produced to reinforce the case for an Oriental contribution to the 30 See Asia, I, esp. pp. 280, 684-65. 31 F, Haskell, Patrons and Painters: A Study in the Relations between Italian Art and Society in the Age of the Baroque (New York, 1963), pp. 65-66. 32 J. Delumeau, Vie économique et sociale de Rome... (Paris, 1957), pp. 120-21.

33 E. Male, L’art religieux apres le Concile de Trente (Paris, 1932), pp. 500-501. | 34 For notice of a few relics from the East preserved in the Gest: see P. Pecchiai, I! Gest di Roma (Rome, 1952), pp. 331, 345.

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Baroque, the more traditional explanations must remain in the forefront. It might be wise, however, for serious students to consider the possibility of a Manueline contribution to the origins and development of the enigmatic Baroque, especially in its decorative aspects. 2

PAINTING

The painting of the early Renaissance was certainly subject to Oriental influence.35 From the thirteenth century onward, the opening of the land route to China, the presence of European artists in the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, the increase in the number of Oriental slaves in Europe, and the dissemination of descriptions in travel accounts helped to make the peoples and products of Asia known to Europeans. Nor was the availability of Chinese art to European artists so limited as it had previously been. Traders brought Chinese paintings as well as illustrated books, porcelains, textiles, and lacquerware into Constantinople in the fifteenth century, and these presumably could have been seen and

studied in the Italian merchant colonies by Western artists as they were by Turkish miniaturists of the time.3° Study of the Renaissance paintings themselves shows frequent use of Oriental persons and products and the introduction of lesser typological and stylistic elements which are comprehensible only in

terms of borrowings from Chinese art.37 Oriental subjects and decorative detail thus enriched European painting and helped to accelerate its break with medieval forms even before the discoveries began.

The opening of maritime relations with southern Asia in the sixteenth century brought Europeans into direct touch with a new and fantastic world

that could have been best interpreted to Europe through the medium of sketches, drawings, and paintings. Oriental paintings were certainly brought to Europe at an early date, for Fernio Peres d’Andrade reportedly showed some

Chinese paintings to King Manuel in 1520.38 But European painters, like architects, seem not to have accompanied the early fleets sent out from Lisbon,

though by the end of the century Hakluyt lists a “paynter’” among those specialists required for the voyage to India.39 The earliest extant collection of paintings of Eastern life and peoples, probably 35 See Asia, I, 72-74; also see R. A. Jairazbhoy, Oriental Influences in Western Art (Bombay, 1965). 36 M. Loehr, “The Chinese Elements in the Istanbul Miniatures,” Ars orientalis, 1 (1954), 89.

37 H. Goetz, “Oriental Types and Scenes in Renaissance and Baroque Painting,” Burlington Magazine, LX XIII (1938), 55-56; Y. Yashiro, ‘The ‘Oriental’ Character in Italian Pre- and Quattrocento Paintings,” East and West, Ill (1952), 81-87. 38 See above, p. 10. Bernardino de Escalante in his book on China (see Asia, pp. 742-43) wrote

in 1577 that he had seen Chinese paintings of armored horsemen (chap. xvi in John Frampton’s translation). Mendoza (see Asia, pp. 770-71) used Chinese paintings and porcelains as sources for his discussion of Chinese sailing chariots. 39E. G. R. Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts (London, 1935), II, 482.

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Painting by a European, is the series of 141 colored drawings housed today in the Biblioteca Casanatense in Rome.4° The unknown painter was obviously an amateur artist of Portuguese or Luso-Indian origin*! who made his sketches from life in India, probably in Goa and Cambay. From internal evidence it may be deduced that the watercolors were executed between 1533 and 1546.4 It is possible that they were intended as illustrations for a book or routier, for they are arranged

in a geographical order similar to those followed in the great travel accounts and histories of the era. They depict peoples, costumes, and customs of each land known to the Portuguese from the Cape of Good Hope to China. The majority of the watercolors show scenes of India and its various peoples, but there are also pictures of the natives of Africa, Arabia, Persia, Indonesia, Indochina, Malacca, the Moluccas, and China. At the great marts of western

India the artist probably saw and sketched the foreign Asian merchants, usually in their native costumes. The Indian scenes are rich in ethnographical

detail and show people engaged in their common occupations: plowing, sowing, harvesting, driving oxen caravans, selling water, bathing, washing clothes, and hunting birds. Others of the paintings are of social and religious significance: sacrifices before the gods, marriages, pilgrimages, ritual suicide, and portraits of the trimurti (Shiva, Vishnu, and Brahma); others illustrate Indian military customs: Pathan warriors on horseback, war elephants, Nayar warriors on foot, naval engagements, and duels. In his portraits of people of various castes and of foreign origin the artist tries, within the limits of his capabilities, to depict faithfully their peculiarities of feature, hairdress, and costume. While the artist does not see his subjects with the keen eye of the skilled painter, his renditions are simple, literal, and free from the artistic conventions that a more-sophisticated artist might have brought to them. That these are faithful depictions of Asia and Asians of the early sixteenth century there can be no question, particularly when the watercolors are checked against the literary sources of the period or compared to Asian paintings. It is not clear, however, when and how the watercolors got to Europe, or if they were ever used as models by European artists. In the register of the Biblioteca Casanatense they are designated simply as “Album di disegni indiani” (MS. 1889). It seems that the colored drawings were given to the Jesuits of the College

of Goa and were then sent to Portugal and eventually to Rome.*3 It has been suggested that Fernio Mendes Pinto might have acquired and given them to the Jesuits. To support this contention we know that Pinto was a wealthy merchant in the East at midcentury, that he was for a period a member of the Society of 40 For a description see G. Schurhammer, ‘“‘Desenhos orientais do tempo de S. Francisco Xavier,” in Garcia da Orta, Special Number (Lisbon, 1956), pp. 247-56. For reproductions of a number of these,

see the plates in Asia, I, following p. 356, and, in this volume, plates 24-28. 41 The captions and explanations on the paintings are all in Portuguese. 42 Schurhammer, loc. cit. (n. 40), pp. 252-53. 43 At the Casanatense, the former library of the Dominican fathers in Rome, the librarians told me

in February, 1965, that they had no special information on the history of the collection. Also see ibid., pp. 247-48.

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The Individual Arts Jesus, and that he describes Indian rituals in his Peregrinations in a way reminiscent

of their depiction in the drawings.44 Whatever Pinto’s relations to the paintings may be, I have so far not seen any trace of their influence in sixteenth-century European art.

In the middle and latter half of the sixteenth century, other artists, both professional and amateur, European and native, drew, sketched, and painted scenes of life in the East and of the Portuguese activities there. Gaspar Corréa, the author of the famous Lendas de India, ““understood how to draw’’45 and so was ordered in 1547 by the governor D. Joao de Castro to paint the portraits of all the governors of India. He and a native artist of great skill painted on planks the portraits of the early governors on the basis of Corréa’s memory of them. They also directed their joint efforts to painting the Portuguese fortresses and armadas, and Corréa certainly copied some of the portraits into the Lendas.4® That the practice was continued throughout the sixteenth century of painting and hanging the portraits of the viceroys in the Great Hall of the Palace of Goa

is attested to by Linschoten, who also reports that pictures of the ships that arrived in India were hung in an anteroom of the palace.47 The gallery of the armadas no longer exists, but the portraits of the viceroys may still be seen in Goa at the Archaeological Museum.*® Those on display today are copies or have been extensively retouched by later artists.49 Other Indian artists painted portraits of the viceroys and ships of Portugal for

the Livro de Lizuarte de Abreu, 1558-64, and for the Livro das Armadas both preserved in the Academy of Sciences at Lisbon.5° In 1586 Sassetti wrote from Cochin to Grand Duke Francesco I of Tuscany that he knew of a local painter who could draw and color plants so well that he could depict clearly and in detail all the peculiarities of the many novel plants found in India.5! Linschoten brought sketches back from India which he published as engravings in 1596 in his Itinerario, and some of which he sent to Ortelius. These sketches are reminiscent of the Casanatense watercolors, particularly in their depiction of individuals, costumes, and decorative detail. It is distinctly possible that Linschoten’s collection of sketches was produced by collaborative efforts between European

amateurs and Indian professionals, even as were the portraits of the early viceroys. 44 Ibid., pp. 254-55. 45 As quoted in A. Cortesdo and A. Teixeira da Mota, Portugaliae monumenta cartographica (Lisbon, 1960-62), I, 168. 46 Ibid., p. 132. 47 A, C. Burnell and P. A. Tiele (eds.), The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies (London, 1885), I, 219.

48 The Archaeological Museum established bythe government of India is located in a modest building adjoining the cathedral in Old Goa. I viewed the 200 portraits on December 18, 1967, and found them to be in good condition. 49 Most of the portraits were sent to Lisbon in 1956-57 for retouching and cleaning. See Cortesao and Teixeira da Mota, op. cit. (n. 45), I, 168. 50 Ibid., p. 170; also see J. A. Frazdio de Vasconcellos, As pinturas das armadas da India .. . (Lisbon, 1941), Pp. 27-30. 5! Marcucci, op. cit. (n. 25), p. 374; cf. below, p. 83.

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The Jesuits, for all their avowed interest in art and in the architectural monuments of the East, did little to encourage the visual depiction of Asian life.

Father Emmanuel Alvares (1526-1606), a painter, was sent to India in 1560, but he evidently spent most of his time either painting or teaching natives to paint Christian religious subjects.52 The churches of Goa and its environs were designed, built, and decorated by Brother Aranha, a Portuguese Jesuit, and by

John Storey, the English painter who arrived at Goa in 1583 with Ralph Fitch.53 In 1583 Father Giovanni Nicolao, a Neapolitan painter, arrived in Japan and set to work teaching the young converts of the Jesuits to paint religious subjects.5+ That the Jesuits were eager to convert native artists is clear from their letters to Europe. But the missionaries appeared to be fearful of the religious side effects that might be expected if pagan subjects or art forms should be adopted or tolerated. Generally they insisted that the native artists should follow Christian designs as closely as possible, particularly when painting Christian subjects, constructing chapels and churches, or preparing sculptures of Christ and the saints.55 Still it is fascinating to see, as in the Cathedral of Goa itself, how “idols” like Rama and Sita finally managed to invade the sacrosanct precincts of Christian iconography and sculpture.

In Portugal the century of empire building coincided with, and perhaps stimulated, a period of independent development in painting that has not been rivaled there since.5® Close artistic relations with Flanders in the fifteenth century had helped to develop Portuguese artists of European significance, such as Nuno Gongalves (fl. 1450-71), and a tradition which would come to flower in the first half of the sixteenth century at Lisbon, Evora, Coimbra, and Viseu.

Painting in Portugal was placed under strict supervision by King Manuel, possibly as a part of his policy of royal control over information.57 In 1508, 52 Alvares also did a drawing in 1561 of a shipwreck off the coast of Sumatra, and it is preserved in the Jesuit Archives at Rome. As recently as 1941, the Armenian painter Sarkis Katchadourian bought a painting in Bombay which shows Vasco da Gama’s fleet rounding the Cape of Good Hope and which seems to have been painted in India around the end of the sixteenth century by a European artist (see W. Born, “An Indo-Portuguese Painting of the Late Sixteenth Century,” Gazette des BeauxArts, XXX [1946], 165-78). Might the unidentified painter be Father Alvares or one_of his pupils ? 53 On Fitch’s travels see Asia, I, 478-79; for other details see P. Brown, Indian Painting under the Mughals, A.D. 1550 to A.D. 1750 (Oxford, 1924), p. 169. 54 G. Schurhammer, “Die Jesuitenmissionare des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts und ihr Einfluss auf die japanische Malerei,” Jubildumsband 1933 der deutschen Gesellschaft fiir Natur- und Volkerkunde Ostasiens,

I, 118. For further details see Kenji Toda, “The Effect of the First Great Impact of Western Culture in Japan...,” Journal of World History, Il (1954), 435-36. 55 J. Irwin, “Reflections on Indo-Portuguese Art,” Burlington Magazine, XCVII (1955), 387. The Jesuits often sent religious portraits painted by their converts in Asia as gifts to their patrons in Europe.

For example, D. Leonor Mascarenhas in Portugal received in 1584 an “Ecce Homo” painted in Miyako by a Japanese convert. See J. A. Abranches Pinto et al., La premiére ambassade du Japon en Europe

(Tokyo, 1942), p. 94. 56 On the history of Portuguese painting see Barreira et al., op. cit. (n. 2), III, 229-75; R. dos Santos, Oito seculos de arte portuguesa: Historia e espirito (Lisbon, 1967), pp. 41-148; Kubler and Soria, op. cit. (n. 2), pp. 328-41; L’art portugais de P’époque des grandes découvertes au XX siécle (Paris, n.d.); G. Martin-Méry, L’Europe et la découverte du monde (Bordeaux, 1960). 57 Cf. Asia, I, 151-54.

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three years after the creation of the royal spice monopoly, the king named Jorge Afonso (d. 1551) as supervisor of painting. In 1529, Afonso was recon-

firmed in this office by King John III. In his will, prepared in 1540, Jorge Afonso bequeathed to posterity the details which have enabled scholars to reconstruct the system of royal supervision over painting which he was responsible for creating and administering until his death in 1551 or 1552. It is possible that this strict supervision over information had the effect of discouraging the Portuguese artists from choosing subjects too closely related to the discoveries. Jorge Afonso had a large atelier at Lisbon in which he trained a number of

the leading masters of the Manueline era. Associated with him were other great Manueline painters: Gregério Lopes, Crist6vio de Figueiredo, Garcia Fernandes, and Gaspar Vaz. Since most of the masters eventually set up their own workshops, attributions to individual artists are often difficult to make with certainty even when the painters possessed personal styles of distinction. Outside the workshops, cooperative works were commonly undertaken by two or more painters. This system of cooperation under general supervision helped to produce a national style of painting, comparable to Manueline architecture, which displayed a high degree of iconographic and stylistic unity and permitted only a token amount of individuality to develop. The pupil and son-in-law of Jorge Afonso, Gregério Lopes, had a career that spanned forty years (ca. 1510-50). Royal painter to the two kings who ruled during his lifetime, Lopes rubbed elbows with the royal servitors who had been to the East. His paintings, when compared to those of his contemporaries, show a preoccupation with the sea and the Orient not common in the western Europe of his day. His paintings, like those of many Venetian artists, are colorfully decorated with Oriental rugs and beturbaned persons clothed in rich brocades. His Adoration of the Magi (ca. 1520-30), like those of many of his contemporaries, shows a tawny Indian king wearing a rose-colored turban, pearl ear ornament, and a jacket and bodice fringed with pearls, who carries before him a large golden chalice as his gift to the Christ Child (pl. 31).58 A member of Lopes’ atelier seems also to have painted the portrait of Vasco da Gama around 1524, shortly before the admiral’s departure for his last voyage to India. In the years just before 1539 Lopes himself executed the paintings which were destined to decorate the Manueline rotunda of the Templar church at Tomar. The early paintings of Vasco Fernandes, a contemporary of Lopes and leader of the school of Viseu, are likewise reminiscent of Manueline architectural decoration in the serpentine undulations and rhythmic lines given to draperies and costumes. In Fernandes’ Adoration of the Magi (post 1530) one of the kings 58 Francisco Henriques (d. 1518), the Flemish painter who worked in Portugal, had painted a picture of the Magi for the Cathedral of Evora in which the dark king, negroid in his looks, wears an elaborate headdress with streamers and a heavy brocaded gown that makes him look much more affluent than the other two kings. In his hand he carries what could be a coconut in an elaborate silver mounting. See below, p. 75.

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Painting is a barefoot, spear-bearing Oriental with a circular feather headdress and neck piece, ear jewels, pearl necklace, and wrist and ankle bracelets. Feather costumes of this type seem to be associated in various other displays, as we have seen, with the natives of the insular regions of Asia. In his left hand the king is carrying as his gift what appear to be three lacquered bowls (pl. 30). Garcia Fernandes, a pupil of Jorge Afonso and an associate of Lopes, likewise

introduced Oriental elements into his paintings. He was considered by contemporaries to be the continuator of Francisco Henriques, the Flemish painter, whose daughter he married. In 1540 Fernandes stated that he had painted works

for India, probably his “St. Catherine,” which later hung in the Cathedral of Goa. His painting of the Annunciation now in the museum of Oporto includes a depiction of a Ming porcelain jar. In most of his later works, and in those of his followers, a tendency toward Manneristic experimentalism, a concern with complexity for its own sake, and a taste for the bizarre are displayed in the elongation of figures, in the treatment of space, and in the attention to still life. The individual most responsible for bringing to Portugal the artistic viewpoint of the Italian Renaissance was Francisco D’Ollanda (1517-84), architect,

miniaturist, and art theorist. With the aid of a grant from King John II, D’Ollanda spent the years 1537-41 in Italy studying art and sketching the antiquities of Rome. While there he claims to have had the good fortune to meet and discourse with Michelangelo and his circle. The record of his alleged conversations with the great Italian master are preserved in his book Da pintura antiqua, completed in 1548. Though this and his other writings were not pub-

lished until modern times, they were circulated in manuscript and certain portions of them translated into Spanish. His sketchbook, preserved in the Escorial, is one of the best sources extant on the antiquities of Rome, as his drawings were made before the rehabilitation of the city and the new constructions undertaken at the Vatican in the latter half of the sixteenth century.59

D’Ollanda, who while in Rome became much enamored of the great empires of the past, was disdainful of European painting outside Italy. Time after time in his writings he sighs for the day when Rome will be rebuilt and the true art of Antiquity universally revived.® It is from Antiquity, he asserts, that one best understands the relations of man to nature. Antiquity is not to be confused with the old or aged. The old are the decrepit and valueless paintings done in Spain and Portugal. Antiquity does not include only the classical age of Greece and Rome; it also includes the Renaissance of the Italians. Antiquity is worthy of emulation because it chose man, the most perfect being on earth, as its subject and combined his most perfect parts and forms into ideal pictures. Its canon of beauty therefore necessarily sets the standard for all peoples at all times. The plastic and architectonic remains of Antiquity, not only of Athens 59 For a reproduction see E. Tormo y Monzé6, Os desenhos das antigualhas que vio Francisco d’Ollanda,

pintor portugués (Madrid, 1940). . 60 See J. de Vasconcellos (ed.), Francisco de Hollanda: Vier Gesprache tiber die Malerei gefiihrt zu Rom 1538 (Vienna, 1899).

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and Rome but also of France, Catalonia, Spain, Portugal, and North Africa, were designed according to the same basic principles. Indeed, “All of Asia reeks

and smells of Antiquity.”6! Thus from D’Ollanda we learn that European artists of the mid-sixteenth century were concerned enough with the aesthetic implications of Asian art to try to find a place for it in the Antiquity idealized by Humanistic and artistic thought. An intellectual-artistic readjustment was likewise taking place contemporaneously among the Europeans in Asia. The Jesuit Humanists in the East, from Xavier to Valignano, admired the temples of India and Japan and sent back word pictures of some of them to Europe. Certain observers even attributed the magnificent ruins they saw in the East to Alexander the Great or the Romans.®?

To the century that had witnessed the rediscovery of the Laocoén and the Golden House of Nero, the artistic deeds of the Greeks and Romans certainly seemed beyond comparison. So to associate Asiatic art with the revered treasures of western Antiquity was to accord it the greatest possible deference. The state of knowledge in Europe about the civilizations of Asia, and the state of knowledge prevailing with respect to Europe’s relative position in the world, would not allow the art theorist of the sixteenth century to think in terms of inde-

pendent artistic traditions which might rival in sophistication the greatest artistic achievements of the West. But, separated as they were by great physical and intellectual distances from Asia, thoughtful art theorists of the sixteenth century nonetheless clearly tried, though hesitantly, to explain as well as they

could where Asia might be fitted into prevailing Humanistic and artistic canons. In Part II of Da pintura antiqua, D’Ollanda gives his rendition of the conversa-

tions which he says he had with Michelangelo in Rome in 1538. Like many another convert to a new dispensation, D’Ollanda shows himself to be more literal and conventional than the great master in his view of Antiquity. He is especially troubled by the tendency of the Italian painters of his day—unquestionably the early Mannerists—to include grotesqueries, specters, and strange beasts and men in their works. He seems not to have had any feeling for what the unearthing of the “grotte” or the ruins of the Golden House of Nero had done to revolutionize mural and miniature painting from the time of Raphael onward.®3 When queried by D’Ollanda about the fantasizing of his contemporaries, Michelangelo replied that such freedom of expression, unnatural and strange as it might seem, is both excusable and commendable if it liberates the mind and pleases the eye of the viewer.°+ _ Liberation of art, mind, and spirit from traditional restraints was one of the major revolutionary drives behind the Italian Mannerist movement (1520-1600) 61 Tbid., pp. Ixxx—Lxxxi.

62 Asia, I, 280, 562 n., 684. 63 For an excellent discussion of the influence of the Golden House on decoration and grotesqueries see A. von Salis, Antike und Renaissance (Zurich, 1947), pp. 39-4364 Vasconcellos, op. cit. (n. 60), pp. 101-2.

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in painting.®5 It began in Rome, Florence, and Venice and soon spread to the lesser Italian cities and to the artistic centers of France and northern Europe. In the artistic experiments of the early Mannerists the emphasis was upon creativity and originality as the artists, in the words of Benedetto Varchi, strove to produce in their works “‘an artificial imitation of nature.’’®* Michelangelo, like Leonardo and Raphael, was attracted by the bizarre, the grotesque, and the exotic as he sought to find the meaning behind the reality.67 But most of the Mannerist painters of Italy, like the Renaissance masters, remained sublimely unaware of the many ways in which they might have used the “subtle ingenia”’ of artists from another culture for their own creative purposes. | This is not to say that Italian painting completely escaped the impact of the discoveries. From the time of Giovanni da Udine, one of Raphael’s pupils, to the end of the century, Asian designs and motifs appeared in arabesque and grotesque decorations (pls. 149, 150). But of course the acanthus, the palm leaves, and fantastic birds and animals had long been an accepted part of the European

decorative vocabulary and but few new items were added to the painter's repertoire in the sixteenth century. The most favored plant decoration of the Mannerist was the moresque or arabesque, which was described by contemporaries as “heathen work” patterned after models of Levantine or Indian origin.©8 Later Mannerist painters, such as Jacopo Ligozzi (1547-1627) at Florence, were commissioned to paint pictures of the specimens of exotic plants

which were acquired by Grand Duke Francesco I and by his scientific correspondent, Aldrovandi (pl. 36).69 But Ligozzi’s realistic paintings of exotica had no particular influence upon Mannerist ornament, or upon the prints portraying European findings in the East. Nothing was more moving to the Jesuits and their artists in Europe than the

conquests of Xavier in Asia and the story of his tragic death off the coast of China. This Christian Alexander, who fought the good fight without an army, died alone, almost like Christ himself, within sight of his ultimate goal. Episodes

from the life and martyrdom of Xavier were painted on the walls of Jesuit chapels, houses, and colleges as reminders to the faithful of the efficacy of sacrifice in realizing the church triumphant. Erasmus Quellin (1607-78), for example, painted in the seventeenth century a continuous frieze in the Jesuit church of Malines which depicted Xavier preaching to the Asians, performing 65 For general discussion see F. Baumgart, Renaissance und Kunst des Manierismus (Cologne, 1963); C. H. Smyth, Mannerism and Maniera (Locust Valley, N.Y., 1963); F. Wiirtenberger, Der Manierismus (Vienna, 1962); G. Briganti, Italian Mannerism (London, 1962); J. Bousquet, La peinture manieriste (Neuchatel, 1964). 66 As quoted in J. Shearman, Mannerism (London, 1967), p. 18. 67 See M. Praz, Belleza e bizzarria (Milan, 1960), p. 256.

68 Based on a quotation from a sixteenth-century work on moresques in the Royal Library of Stockholm as given in E. Forssmann, Sdule und Ornament: Studien zum Problem des Manierismus in den nordischen Sdulenbiichern und Vorlageblatter des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts (Stockholm, 1956), p. 127.

69 O. H. Giglioli, “Jacopo Ligozzi disegnatore e pittore di piante e di animali,” Dedalo, IV (192324), 556; also see Galleria degli Uffizi, Mostra di disegni del Ligozzi (1547-1626) (Florence, 1924), pp. 13-22.

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miracles, and making conversions.7° In the recreation room of the novices at Saint-André-en-Quirinal in Rome the future apostles to the Indies had frescoes before them of the martyrdoms suffered by the Jesuits at Salsette in India in 1583 and at Nagasaki in Japan in 1597.7! But, even though these depictions all took place in Asia, the only traces of local color in the paintings are the feather and turban headdresses given to a number of the natives. The painters in Italy showed relatively little interest in the strange physical features of the Japanese emissaries who visited there from February to August, 1585.72 Although contemporaries remarked on their costumes, the artists seem not to have been interested in painting the envoys in native garb. The only commemorative portraits extant show the Japanese in the European garments given to them by Pope Gregory XIII (pl. 35).73 The great Tintoretto (1518-94) was ordered by the Venetian senate to paint the portraits of the envoys. He evidently finished one of Mancio Itd, but not of the others, and it hung for a period in the great hall of the senate. But no modern record exists of the portrait itself and the earlier writers make no more than a mere mention of it.74 It is possible that the Tintoretto portrait was taken back to Japan by the emissaries as an example of European painting, but nothing exists aside from circumstantial evidence to support this conclusion.75 From the evidence that does remain to us in other extant portraits, it is striking to see that the artists paint the legates almost as if they were Europeans (pl. 35). The Flemish painters, in their initial responses to the discoveries, restricted

their experiments with overseas oddities to book and border ornaments. Pieter Coecke van Alost, Cornelis Bos, Cornelis Floris, and Colijn de Nole produced title pages and colophons which lent a great impulse to the growth ofa Netherlandish ornament that was strikingly grotesque and exotic.76 Flowers,

fruits, animals, and plants from the Orient appear more frequently and more realistically in Netherlandish ornament than they do in painting elsewhere.77 Miniature paintings of insects and other small creatures reached a high level of realistic perfection in the latter half of the century in the work of Georg Hoefnagel (1542-1600). He collected drawings of oddities for Ortelius’ cabinet of curiosities? and painted rare flowers and animals for his patron, Emperor 70 Male, op. cit. (n. 33), p. 438.

71 Ibid., pp. 117-20. |

72 Cf. Asia, I, 692-701. 73 See ibid., plates following p. 656; also see Abranches Pinto et al., op. cit. (n. $5), pp. xxii, 162.

74 See especially C. Ridolfi, Vita di Giacopo Robusti detto il Tintoretto... (Venice, 1642), p. 89. See the print of the Japanese youth in Western costume in C. Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutte il mondo (2d ed.; Venice, 1598), facing p. 477. Is it possible that Vecellio has reproduced the Tintoretto portrait in this engraving ? 75 Cf. C. R. Boxer, “‘Portuguese Influence in Japanese Screens from 1590 to 1614,” Connoisseur, XCVII (1936), 80-81. 76 See G. Marlier, La renaissance flamande, Pierre Coeck d’Alost (Brussels, 1966), p. 385.

77 See M. L. Hairs, Les peintres flamands de fleurs au XVII® siecle (Brussels, 1955), pp. 7-8. Cf. especially the still life by Frans Snyders (fl. 1579) which shows a lobster on a Chinese porcelain plate along with a monkey and a parrot (National Museum, Stockholm, No. 637). 78 A. E. Popham, “On a Letter of Joris Hoefnagel,” Oud-Holland, LIII (1936), 147-49.

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Painting Rudolf II. The drawing and painting of exotic objects for the collectors helped to stimulate the growth of still life in the sixteenth century. Some of the still lifes produced then are themselves pictorial collections of rarities.79 As still-life and flower paintings became genres in themselves, the depiction of flowers, fruits, and plants was done with such accuracy and care that most species can be readily identified. The painters, especially the watercolorists,

evidently did not work from engravings of plants in scientific books; the flowers in their bouquets are all drawn from actual specimens.®° The porcelains

in their ‘still lifes and the seashells which decorate their flower paintings are likewise readily identifiable. The vases and ewers are almost always Chinese porcelains. The seashells so far studied by conchologists are never local varieties; they all come from distant places, especially Asia and America.®! The textiles

in early “breakfast pieces’ are so clearly drawn that in a number of cases their places of origin can be determined by studying the pattern of the weave. Landscape painting, like still lifes, became an end in itself in the sixteenth century, especially in the works of Pieter Brueghel the Elder (ca. 1525-69). In the Gothic landscape the enclosed garden (called “Paradise” in Persian) had been a piece of protected perfection outside of which there lay nothing but twisted, tortured rocks, forbiddingly dark forests, and brooding mountains.82 In the

painting of the fifteenth century the backgrounds were often spectacular, realistic landscapes. Bosch, Patinir, and Jean de Cock produced rocky and tortuous landscapes as grounds for the exotic plants, animals, and people with

which they crowded their paintings of a fantastic world.83 In 1551, when Brueghel went to Italy, the Mannerists there were already painting fantastic panoramas from an elevated viewpoint with distant prospects of craggy mountains, serpentine rivers, and jagged coast lines. Niccold dell’ Abbate (1505-71) in his mythological landscapes helped to turn the attention of Italian painters away from their preoccupation with the human figure to the portrayal of nature in which man is but a part rather than the center of the universe.°4

Brueghel, during his travels to Italy, painted atmospherically the sharp and lofty peaks and the deep ravines of the Alps.85

A number of art historians—Oskar Miinsterberg, Charles Sterling, Jorge BaltruSaitis, Jacques Bousquet—have recently pointed out the analogies in composition and spirit between these early Western panoramas and Chinese 791. Bergstrém, Dutch Still-Life Painting in the Seventeenth Century (London, 1956), p. 41. 80 Hairs, op. cit. (n. 77), pp. 14-15. $1 Bergstrom, op. cit. (n. 79), pp. 64-65; also see W. S. S. van Benthem-Jutting, “A Brief History of the Conchological Collections at the Zodlogical Museum of Amsterdam, with Some Reflections

on 18th Century Shell Cabinets and Their Proprieters ...,” Bijdragen tot de Dierkunde, XXVII (1939), 167-246. 82K. Clark, Landscape Painting (New York, 1950), pp. 4-10, 26-27. 83 For further discussion see P. Fierens, Le fantastique dans art flamand (Brussels, 1947), p. 58. As examples see pls. 37 and 38. 84 Bousquet, op. cit. (n. 65), pp. 270-75. 85 F. Grossmann, Bruegel: The Paintings (rev. ed.; London, 1966), p. 17.

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The Individual Arts landscape paintings.86 At Paris in 1960 an exposition was held at the Louvre on landscape painting in the Orient and the Occident from Antiquity to the present

century.87 The commentator on the exposition, Charles Sterling, sees the sixteenth-century European landscape as an idealization of nature. It stands as a symbol for the planet as the perfect courtier symbolizes the ideal man. Nature, which realizes its ideal beauty only when comprehended in its complete fullness, is presented by the landscape painters in both its savage and its civilized detail. Everywhere, as in the Chinese landscapes, the eye is on a level with each detail. The multiple perspective of the painting enables the eye to travel down every valley, to the top of every peak, and to the edge of each precipice. And often the landscape is in monochrome, a synthetic, artistic device which enables the Western panoramas to present something of the poetic unity demanded by the landscape ideal evolved in Sung China. But, while a similarity seems to exist

between the Chinese and Western conceptions of nature, the fundamental difference in viewpoint—palpable naturalism in the West and an abridged realism impregnated with spirit in the East—precluded any concrete similarities in painting except for sporadic borrowing of motifs. But from where might the motifs be borrowed? Most obviously they could have been copied from the pictorial motifs on the ceramics, lacquerware, and textiles that were available from the fourteenth century onward.88 They might also have been borrowed from illustrations in Chinese books or from the paint-

ings on Japanese screens that became increasingly numerous in sixteenthcentury Europe.8° The rugged rocky outgrowths and rolling banks of clouds, the dragons and phoenixes that appear in Renaissance paintings, look as if they might have been derived from such sources.9° A Florentine cassone of 1448,

now at Berlin, is studded with Oriental motifs, the clouds in it forming an easily discernible Chinese dragon. In the painting called “Sodom in Flames’ attributed to Lucas van Leyden (1494-1533) a Chinese phoenix, similar to those commonly found on lacquerware, descends from heaven. The buildings in the 86 ©. Miinsterberg, ‘Leonardo da Vinci und die chinesische Landschaftsmalerei,” Orientalisches Archiv, XII (1910), 92-100; C. Sterling, “Le paysage dans l’art européen...,” L’Amour de l'art, 1931, pp. 9-21, 101-12; J. BaltruSaitis, Le moyen-dge fantastique (Paris, 1955), p. 211; Bousquet, op. cit. (n. 65), p. 275. 87 Catalogue published under the direction of Germaine Cart is entitled Le paysage en Orient et en Occident (Paris, 1960). This exposition followed one held two years previously at the Musée Cernuschi. 88 Tbid., pp. 13-14.

89 For mention of some of the Chinese books in Europe see Asia, I, 738, 745, 747, 750n., 756n., 778-80, 803, 805n. Many of these books were illustrated. For example, see the pages reproduced from a sixteenth-century collection of Chinese plays and lyrics that is now in the library of the Escorial and that was probably brought to Spain before 1585. See J. J. Y. Liu, “The Féng-yiieh Chin-nang:

A Ming Collection of Yiian and Ming Plays and Lyrics Preserved in the Royal Library of San Lorenzo, Escorial, Spain,” Journal of Oriental Studies (Hongkong), IV (1957-58), pls. I-XI. But, since these illustrations show personages mainly, this particular work would certainly have little meaning

for landscape painting. It is introduced at this point merely to show that illustrated Chinese books were available and that some of them might well have contained depictions of landscapes as well as portraits of individuals. 90 For an illustration of how the Chinese cloud motif might have become a European tear motif see V. Slomann, Bizarre Designs in Silks (Copenhagen, 1953), p. 142.

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Painting paintings of Hieronymus Bosch (ca. 1460-1516), the master who most directly inspired Brueghel, seem likewise to owe a debt to Chinese and Indian motifs.

Diirer, in his drawings of fantastic pillars, apparently used Ming porcelain vases as models for some of his eccentric designs (pl. 29).9! And, finally, we know that Chinese paintings on silk were collected in Europe, because two of those collected at Ambras are still preserved in Vienna.°? Georg Hoefnagel, who was employed at Ambras from 1582 to 1590, painted more than one hundred pictures of its natural history collections,93 and could certainly have studied the Chinese studio paintings there—especially the one that is full of flowers (pl. 4). Several biblical and classical themes painted regularly in the sixteenth century have the Orient as their locale. In the literary traditions of the early Church the Magi were generally thought of as coming from Persia, and in the most ancient depictions of them it is clear that they were understood to be servants of Mithra, the ancient cultic god of Persia and India.%* In the Middle Ages the Magi were

fixed at three in number and were elevated in rank from Wise Men to Kings. They were also given the names of Melchior (Persia), Caspar (India-Ethiopia), and Balthazar (Arabia), and were declared in the thirteenth-century Golden Legend of Jacobus de Voragine to represent the three different generations of humanity: European, Asian, and African. Caspar, the youngest of the Three Kings, begins to be depicted by the beginning of the fifteenth century as a black king from Africa, while Balthazar shows up with increasing regularity as an Oriental of indeterminate origin. In the sixteenth century the gifts that both bear appear more frequently to be portraits of Oriental products available to the artists of Europe, and the youngest of the kings turns up occasionally as an Afro-Asian primitive with feather headdress, spear, and arm bracelets (pl. 30). The black kings in the triptychs of the Magi executed by the Netherlandish painters often carry a gift of rhinoceros horn set in and decorated with silver.95 Hieronymus Bosch, Jan Gossaert Mabuse, and Roger van der Weyden include swarthy kings in rich Oriental robes in their paintings of the Magi. The Flemish painters throughout the sixteenth century treat the Magi with a secularized extravagance and vigor which contrasts markedly with the quiet piety shown in the paintings of the kings by the masters of the fifteenth century.%

To Brueghel the Elder is attributed an Adoration of the Magi, now located in Brussels, in the background of which there stand numbers of Orientals as well as camels and elephants. In his Adoration of 1563, now in Vienna, the dark ®t For discussion see R. Schmidt, “China bei Diirer,” Zeitschrift des deutschen Vereins fiir Kunstwissenschaft, VI (1939), 103-6. 92 Cf. above, p. 27. 93 G. Handler, Fiirstliche Madzene und Sammler in Deutschland von 1500-1620 (Strassburg, 1933), pp. oO.

OH. Kehrer, Die ‘‘Heiligen Drei Kénige” in der Legende und in der deutschen bildenden Kunst bis Albrecht Diirer (Strassburg, 1904), passim; and H. Baudet, Paradise on Earth: Some Thoughts on European

Images of Non-European Man (New Haven, Conn., 1965), pp. 17-18. Also see above, p. 68. 95 See the numerous reproductions of Netherlandish triptychs in Marlier, op. cit. (n. 76), pp. 11763. Also cf. above, p. 7. 96 See Fierens, op. cit. (n. 83), p. 60.

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The Individual Arts king holds as his gift a silver sailing vessel that bears a beautiful nautilus shell and in the background stands a camel.97 Certain commentators, such as Jean Macer, seek to prove all three kings came from afar to the Holy Land, not merely from

the surrounding Levantine peoples. The three Magi should thus be shown, he contends, as coming from east of the Holy Land, specifically from “Therse,”’ Turkestan, and Cathay.9® When Caesar Baronius (1538-1607) in his Annales ecclesiastici . . . discusses the Magi, he does not concern himself with questioning

their names, ages, or colors, but is far more interested to know what parts of Asia they really came from.9%9

Italian painters from Raphael to Annibale Carracci (1560-1609) portray the mythological triumph of Bacchus in India. In his magnificent composition for the center of the ceiling of the Farnese Gallery in Rome, Carracci brings India into the upper left-hand corner of his painting by showing an elephant with rider and a beturbaned Oriental carrying a pitcher on his head (pl. 131). The Asian atmosphere is heightened by having Bacchus’ chariot pulled by two

tigers.!°° The problem of how to depict Asia and its people had also to be resolved in the allegorical paintings of the “four parts of the world.” Until the discovery of America, the pictorial maps showed only Asia, Africa, and Europe.

In the late sixteenth century the designers and painters began to produce paintings showing the triumph of Europe over the rest of the world. Hans Fugger in 1580 ordered a “Triumph of the Four Quarters of the World” for his new castle at Kirchheim to show allegorically the wealth and extent of the Fugger interests. The triumph of Asia painted for this series by Pauwels Franck (1540-96), a Flemish artist, is considered to be the best of the four portrayals (pl. 34).!°! But it shows no advance in realism over the Venetian triumphs of the fifteenth century or over the beturbaned Orientals of Martin Schongauer (ca. 1430-91).

The painters who worked at Prague in the court of Rudolf II climax the sixteenth-century interest in the bizarre and exotic. Georg Hoefnagel and Roelant Savery (ca. 1577-1639) brought to the imperial court the Flemish interest in the painting of exotic animals and flowers. The four volumes of animals painted by

Hoefnagel at Prague were evidently intended for use in wall decorations.!° The exotic animals and plants in Savery’s many paintings form a kind of artistic biological garden in themselves.1°3 Savery brings the birds and animals from all parts of the world into his naturalistic paintings. Orpheus is shown with 97 A. L. Romdahl, ‘Pieter Brueghel der Altere und sein Kunstschaffen,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, XXV (1905), 100 and pl. XIV. 98 J. Macer, Les trois livres de histoire des Indes (Paris, 1555), pp. 47-49. 99 As discussed in Male, op. cit. (n. 33), p. 249. 100 For complete reproduction see J. R. Martin, The Farnese Gallery (Princeton, N.J., 1965), pl. 69.

below, p. 192. .

101 See S. M. Rinaldi, ‘““Appunti per Paolo Fiammingo,” Arte veneta, XIX (1965), 99. Also see

102 HR. Kris, “Georg Hoefnagel und die wissenschaftliche Naturalismus,” Festschrift fiir Julius

Schlésser (Zurich, 1927), pp. 243-53. 103 For a general survey of his exotic works see J. Bialostocki, “Les bétes et les humaines de Roelant Savery,” Musées royaux des Beaux-Arts Bulletin (Brussels), No. 1 (March, 1958), pp. 69-97.

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animals from Asia that he could not possibly have known, a clear indication of Savery’s determination to depict the chronological and geographical unity of the world of nature (pls. 111, 143). Giuseppe Arcimboldo (1527-93), artist at the Habsburg court from 1560 to 1587, produced a large number of paintings now referred to as tétes composées. He arranged animals, fish, flowers, fruits, and vegetables into fantastic portraits of human heads and faces; he also arranged human figures into animal portraits (pls. 39, 40). Art historians have sought antecedents for these grotesque compositions in the sketches and remarks of Leonardo,’ in the bizarre paintings of Bosch, in the ornamental grotesques of Giovanni da Udine,'5 in the experiments of the Mannerists with masks, in the reflected human image in ancient depictions of Bacchus where the wine god is made of grapes and the vine, in the

satirical medals and caricatures of the Reformation where the pope is given the head of a donkey, and even in the murals designed for covered markets and inns to provide atmospheric backgrounds. !°© But the works which most closely

resemble in idea and execution the composite heads of Arcimboldo are the Mughul miniature paintings of fantastic animals!°7 which are mosaics of intertwined animal and human forms (pls. 41, 42, 43).1°8 In the Hindu tradition such paintings possibly represent the belief in the internal unity of all beings and illustrate the doctrine of the transmigration of souls through successive reincar-

nations. It is possible, though precise documentation does not exist, that Arcimboldo was stimulated to experiment with composite figures after seeing Indian miniature paintings on ivories or in books that belonged to the imperial collection of curiosities.1°9 In Arcimboldo’s works also, and in the calligraphic Indian portraits of animals, as well as in the interesting and provocative displays of the Wunderkammer, an effort was obviously made to stress the mystical and ambiguous relationship of man to the natural world. It is even possible that Arcimboldo, like the Indian painters, was trying to express a belief in metem-

psychosis, a popular doctrine of his day and one that almost certainly had appeal for his enigmatic imperial master. 104 In his Notebooks Leonardo tells how to make an imaginary animal appear real by making each part of it from a known beast (E. McCurdy [trans. and ed.], The Notebooks of Leonardo da Vinci [New York, 1958], I, 15); for some experiments along the line of Leonardo’s suggestion see B. Geiger, I dipinti ghiribizzosi di Giuseppe Arcimboldi .. . (Florence, 1954), pp. 36-40, 46-47. 105 P, Wescher, ““The ‘Idea’ in Giuseppe Arcimboldo’s Art,” Magazine of Art, XLII (1950), 3. 106 For details see F. C. Legrand and F, Sluys, Arcimboldo et les arcimboldesques (Brussels, 1955),

Pp. 71-75. 107 The artistic analogue between the “marvelous” miniatures of India and the composite heads of Arcimboldo was first pointed out in J. Strzygowski et al., Asiatische Miniaturenmalerei (Klagenfurth, 1933), p. 223. 108 See also ““The Combat of Elephants” reproduced in K. M. Ball, Decorative Motives of Oriental

Art (London, 1927), pp. 74-75. 109 Legrand and Sluys, op. cit. (n. 106), pp. 72-73; a specific denial of Asian influence on Arcimboldo’s art is made by R. Caillois, Au coeur du fantastique (Paris, 1965), p. 25. Such denials are based on the assertion that Arcimboldo painted composite heads in Milan before he even went to Prague. Ordinarily it is asserted that Rembrandt was the first of the European artists to be inspired by the Indian miniatures. See Brown, op. cit. (n. 53), pp. 24-25.

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3

WooDcutTs AND ENGRAVINGS

In China the art of printing with wood blocks on textiles and paper developed

as early as the eighth century a.D., and pictures printed from wood blocks began to appear shortly thereafter. In Europe textile printing was common throughout the Middle Ages, but the European technique seems not to have been influenced at this period by the Chinese method of textile printing. Woodcuts imprinted on paper and vellum were not produced in Europe until the late fourteenth century. The appearance of block books in Europe during the early fifteenth century preceded by a number of years the invention of typography. Chinese printed textiles, playing cards, and image prints which circulated in late medieval Europe certainly influenced the development of block printing there. To what extent the European technique of printing with movable type was indebted to the Chinese and Korean examples is a complicated problem that is still being debated by specialists.1!°

In the early blockbooks produced in fifteenth-century Europe the text and

the illustrations were cut upon the same block of wood. The blockbooks reached the height of their popularity in the Low Countries around the middle of the fifteenth century.!!! But with the invention of movable type about 1450, book illustrations had to be cut into separate blocks. In the sixteenth century many books appeared in which the illustrations were accorded far more space and prominence than the texts. The hieroglyphic books, for example, are today far more important for their woodcuts than for their texts. Woodcuts continued also to be issued independently and singly throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

Line engraving upon metal, an art closely related to the techniques of the gold- and silversmiths, was first experimented with in northern Europe in the

mid-fifteenth century.!!2 It proved, however, to be far less convenient for book illustration than the woodcut and was consequently not developed further

for this purpose until the sixteenth century. As time went on, the need for a finer technique, particularly for the reproduction of maps,™!3 stimulated 110 For the transmission of block printing westward see T. F. Carter and L. C. Goodrich, The Invention of Printing in China and Its Spread Westward (2d ed.; New York, 1955), pp. 201-8, 241-43; for a sixteenth-century acknowledgment of Europe’s debt to China see G. Panciroli, The History of Many Memorable Things Lost . . .(London, 1715), Pt. Il, p. 338; for the European history of woodcuts see C. Dodgson, Catalogue of Early German and Flemish Woodcuts (London, 1903), I, v—vi; and A. M. Hind, An Introduction to a History of Woodcut ... (Boston and New York, 1935), I, 64-96. 11 A, Stevenson, ‘““The Quincentennial of Netherlandish Blockbooks,” British Museum Quarterly, XXXI (1967), 83-84. 112 S. Colvin, Early Engraving and Engravers in England (London, 1905), p. 26.

113 See A. M. Hind, A History of Engraving and Etching ... (London, 1927), pp. 19-22, 105-10. On the revival and final triumph of copperplate engraving in cartography see R. A. Skelton, Decora-

tive Printed Maps of the 15th to 18th Centuries (London, 1952), pp. 42-50.

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Plantin, Mercator, Ortelius, and others to use engraved illustrations. Etching,

or the art of engraving with acid on metal plates and the making of prints therefrom, likewise developed in the sixteenth century and was widely used in book illustration. By the last generation of the sixteenth century prints derived

from plates began to replace the woodcut in a wide variety of scientific and technical books that required sharp and accurate illustrating. Maps, plants, animals, human portraits, and religious themes were among the subjects most commonly engraved or etched in Germany, the Netherlands, and Italy. The cities of south Germany, shortly to be followed by those of the Low

Countries, led the way in the development of printing and in the related arts of woodcuts and metal engraving. German, Flemish, and Dutch artists were called upon in the early sixteenth century to supply illustrations for the

expanding industry of book production. The preparation of single sheet prints and woodcut illustrations for books took up a large share of the creative

industry of Albrecht Diirer at Nuremberg, Hans Burgkmair at Augsburg, Lucas Cranach at Wittenberg, Hans Baldung at Strassburg, Lucas van Leyden

at Leyden, and of a great many others at Antwerp and Amsterdam. These cities, besides being centers of book production, were intimately involved in international commerce and in the financing of the discoveries. The book illustrations and the separate prints produced in the shops of these cities helped

from the beginning of the sixteenth century to diffuse knowledge of the overseas world. The superb quality of their woodcuts made the German books on the discoveries much more popular for general reading than the unillustrated or crudely illustrated books which were at first produced in southern Europe. Emperor Maximilian I (ruled 1493-1519) lent his moral and financial support

to the development of the print in Germany. Ever eager to glorify his own achievements, the emperor corralled the finest literary and artistic talents among

his subjects to prepare a series of allegorical “Triumphs” that would tell his story in verse and woodcut for the benefit of posterity. To this end he employed the vast talents of Diirer, Burgkmair, Hans Schiufelein (1480-1538), and a bevy

of lesser artists. His famous “Triumphal Arch,” first printed in 1517, was composed and executed by Diirer and his circle. In this symbolic and fanciful arch the memories of Maximilian’s reign that were dearest to his heart and best

for his public image are preserved in woodcuts of the emperor’s ancestors, battles, and key successes. To highlight the emperor’s claim to universal dominion, Diirer included three small woodcuts under the title ‘““The Isles of India and the Ocean” (pl. 123) which symbolically depict Maximilian’s control

over Africa (the elephant), over Asia (the rhinoceros), and over America (a seascape dotted with rocky islets). The “Triumph of Maximilian,” a sequence of 137 woodcuts depicting a procession of persons and events connected with the emperor’s reign, was uncompleted when Maximilian died in 1519. So great a series of woodcuts could not, however, be left unpublished. The first edition of the “Triumph,” as it appeared in 1526, included the famous three [79 ]

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sheets (nos. 129-31) executed by Burgkmair, possibly aided by Albrecht Altdorfer (1488-1578), and entitled “People of Calicut” (pls. 44 and 87).114 Among the verses attached to those woodcuts is one which boasts: The Emperor in his warlike pride, Conquering nations far and wide, Has brought beneath our Empire’s yoke The far-off Calicuttish folk.

Therefore we pledge him, with our oath Lasting obedience and troth.1'5

Direr, like Burgkmair and Altdorfer, also drew pictures of Oriental people. Most of Diirer’s Oriental subjects are from before 1500 and seem to be adaptations of the Turks and the Circassian slave girls drawn by Gentile Bellini.1* Both Direr and Burgkmair did droll drawings of Orientals and Asian scenes as marginal illustrations for the Prayer Book of Maximilian I. And Diirer: did drawings of two emblematic columns (pl. 29) which include fantastic vases that have been identified as Chinese porcelains. In 1515 Diirer possibly had a part in designing the terrestrial map of the Eastern Hemisphere which was published under the auspices of Johannes Stabius.!!7 Diirer also made singularly fine drawings of Asian animals, including the rhinoceros, parrots, and monkeys. Burgkmair, who was closely associated with the Welsers of Augsburg, pre-

pared in 1508 a series of five great woodcuts called the “King of Cochin” series. These were designed as illustrations for the book published in 1509 recounting Balthasar Springer’s experiences in India during 1505-6.!!8 The inscriptions on the woodcuts link them directly to the book and the subjects discussed in the text, such as the ceremonial processions of the king of Cochin, are depicted in the illustrations. Students of Burgkmair have advanced various theories about his sources for these woodcuts. Most commonly they have linked the woodcuts to Springer’s narrative descriptions and to the changes that came in Burgkmair’s work with his return from Venice in 1508.1!9 It has also been

argued, however, that he based his drawings upon watercolors made by an artist who had actually been on the voyage. This argument is advanced to 114 On Altdorfer’s role see F. Winzinger, “Albrecht Altdorfer und die Miniaturen des Triumphzuges Kaiser Maximilian I,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien, N.S., LXII (1966), 165-66 and pl. 186.

115 The inclusion of the “People of Calicut’? was probably the emperor’s own idea when he dictated in 1512 the plan for the triumph. The English translation is from Stanley Appelbaum (ed.), The Triumph of Maximilian I (New York, 1964), p. 19. 116, Panofsky, The Life and Art of Albrecht Diirer (Princeton, 1955), II, nos. 1249-58, includes a list of his drawings in which the subjects are Orientals. 117 Tbid., no. 405.

118 Entitled Die Merfart ..., the contents of this small book are summarized in Asia, I, 163. For reproductions of two of the woodcuts see Asia, I, plates after p. 164 and p. 356. For descriptions of the originals in the Welser archives see Dodgson, op. cit. (n. 110), II, 71. 9 On the critical importance to his work of Burgkmair’s Venetian interlude see E. von Huber, “Die Malerfamilie Burgkmair von Augsburg,” Zeitschrift des historischen Vereins fiir Schwaben und Neuburg, 1 (1874), 313-14.

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explain why the physiognomy of the Orientals is more realistic on Burgkmair’s woodcuts than on those of Theodor de Bry of almost a century later.12° Others have pointed out that Burgkmair’s elephant in the “People of Calicut” series is more realistic than the conventional elephants in Andrea Mantegna’s “Triumph of Caesar.’’!2! It has also been observed that the parasol or chattra held over the king of Cochin’s head as a symbol of his exalted position is of a type that is clearly recognizable as of south Indian origin.!22 For my own part I prefer the watercolor theory because of the close resemblances of the Oriental figures,

costumes, and weapons in Burgkmair’s series to those in the watercolors preserved in the Biblioteca Casanatense of Rome.??3 In both instances the shields

of the individual Indian warriors are circular, the breechcloth is similarly knotted about the middle, the right arm which holds the sword is held at about

the same angle, the hair is gathered into a topknot, and the elaborate ear ornaments are circular. On the basis of these comparisons I think that the theory of derivation from watercolors is tenable and a more likely explanation than one that relies exclusively on the literary text as the source.

While Direr, Burgkmair, and Altdorfer executed their drawings of the Indian rhinoceros in 1515,!24 other south German artists worked on illustrations

for travel and geographical books. Burgkmair’s engravings in the “King of Cochin” series appear to have been pirated by Jan van Doesborch, the Flemish publisher of early travel accounts.!25 The forty-four woodcuts of Jorg Breu (1480-1537),!2° a native of Antwerp who worked at Augsburg from 1508 to 1534, were used in the German version of the Itinerario of Ludovico di Varthema (ca. 1470-1517) published at Augsburg in 1515 and again in 1518.127 Michael

Ostendorfer (ca. 1490-1559) of Ratisbon drew a heart-shaped projection of Apian’s world map (1530) on which the busts of Ptolemy and Vespucci appear in fantastic Oriental costume.!28 Other artists prepared woodcuts of Asiatic plants, such as rhubarb, for publication in the printed newsletters of the day.129 The Germans also took the lead in the illustration of botanical and zoological books. The German Herbarius (also called the Ortus sanitatis) published in 1485

set a standard for botanical illustration that went unchallenged for the next fifty years.13° In the beginning years of the sixteenth century the only herbals with illustrations approaching in realism those of the Ortus sanitatis were the 120 W. F. Oakeshott, Some Woodcuts by Hans Burgkmair (Oxford, 1960), pp. 8-9. 121 Appelbaum, op. cit. (n. 115), pp. 18-19, n. 71. But also see below, pp. 133-34. 122 FH, Goetz, “An Indian Element in 17th Century Dutch Art,” Oud-Holland, LIV (1937), 224-25. 123 See above, pp. 64-66, for discussion of the Casanatense watercolors. 124 See below, pp. 163-65, for discussion. 125 See Oakeshott, op. cit. (n. 120), pp. 12-13. 126 For commentary and one selected reproduction see F. W. H. Hollstein, German Engravings, Etchings, and Woodcuts (Amsterdam, 1954), IV, 177. 127 Entitled Die Ritterlich und lobwirdig raisz des gestregen und uber all ander weyt erfarnen ritters un landt-farers, herrn Ludowico Vartomans von Bolonia. A copy is in the British Museum. 128 Dodgson, op. cit. (n. 110), II, 249—50. 129 Thid., p. 140.

130 W. Blunt, The Art of Botanical Illustration (London, 1950), p. 33.

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The Individual Arts botanical books then being produced at Venice. A new epoch in the history of ‘botanical illustration was ushered in with the publication in 1530 of the first volume of Otto Brunfels’ Herbarum vivae icones (Living Portraits of Plants).

} Brunfels (d. 1534) was an unoriginal and doctrinaire botanist; the excellent reception accorded his work he owed to the great draftsmanship of Hans Weiditz (ca. 1500-ca. 1536), whose portraits of domestic plants were so distinguished that they were once thought to be the work of Diirer.!3! The De historia stirpium (History of Plants) of Leonhard Fuchs (1501-66), published in 1542, is most valuable for its original and lifelike illustrations of European plants. P. A. Mattioli, personal physician to Emperor Maximilian II, brought a

new popularity to the book of Dioscorides by introducing into his 1554 edition of it illustrations by Giorgio Liberale and Wolfgang Meyerpeck.132 Indeed, an opinion has been expressed that the naturalism of the illustrations in the old herbals and natural histories possibly slowed down the development of the art of literary description in botany.133 The generally low level of understanding of the early botanists about the geographical distribution of plants certainly had the effect of keeping botany parochial and its leaders unaware of the scientific implications of the new plants that were being imported from overseas. It was even uncommon before midcentury for the botanist to press and dry exotic specimens that could be used by the artist as models.134 Floriculture developed in Europe on an extensive scale only in the latter half of the sixteenth century. The garden founded at the University of Padua in 1543 became the model for the scientific garden and the botanical counterpart and outdoor adjunct of the Kunstkammer. Here the scientist could grow exotic plants from the seeds and bulbs brought from distant places; here the artist could sketch the plants from life. Most of the Oriental plants imported came into Europe through Venice from the Levant. But, in the latter half of the century, the Portuguese and the Jesuits also began to describe more frequently the plants they had seen and to send back dried samples of plants, seeds, and bulbs.

A revolution in the European view of Asian plant life was sparked by the publication in India of the Cologuios (1563) of Garcia da Orta, a Portuguese

physician.'35 The original work and the Latin epitome of it published by Charles de L’écluse (Clusius) at Antwerp in 1567 were not illustrated. It was left to the Spanish botanist, Cristobal de Acosta (d. 1580), to publish in his extended version of Orta’s work the first illustrations of Asian plants. In his Tractado (1578) Acosta provided moderately well-drawn woodcuts of forty-six plants, including the roots.!36 L’écluse, who also epitomized Acosta’s work in 130 Tbid., p. 45.

132 For discussion see J. Stannard, “Dioscorides and Renaissance Materia Medica,” Analecta medico-historica, I (1966), 9-10.

133 A, Arber, Herbals: Their Origin and Evolution (Cambridge, 1938), p. 150. 134 Jbid., pp. 138-39.

135 For details on Orta and the publication history of his book see Asia, I, 192-95. A recent evaluation of the importance of the Coloquios to the history of botany is C. das Neves Tavares, ““A botanica nos Coldquios de Garcia da Orta,” in Garcia da Orta, XI, No. 4 (1963), 667-93. 136 For reproductions of several of his plant portraits, see Asia, I, following p. 100.

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Latin translation, considered his illustrations poor and unlifelike. To remedy this deficiency L’écluse soon began to work with Christopher Plantin, the publisher of Antwerp, to have drawings and engravings made of exotic plants. Pieter van der Borcht (1545-1608), Plantin’s principal designer, drew and painted for the Flemish botanists an almost incredible number of plants.'37 Most of the drawings

of plants from India and America were made from living specimens, some of them grown in the botanical garden of Leyden supervised by L’écluse. Borcht’s plant and flower portraits are so detailed that they appear to.have been done with the aid of a magnifying glass.138 L’écluse was the only one of the renowned European botanists to accumulate information systematically on new plants from people in the field. His connections with Plantin also enabled L’écluse to have accurate drawings, paintings,

woodcuts, and engravings made of rare plants that came under his eye.139 While many other European naturalists had similar interests, they were not as well placed as L’écluse to collect plants directly from Asia or to have illustrations of their exotic specimens published.'4° Most of the other botanists had to rely upon intermediaries, usually friends, patrons, agents, or other botanists for the dried plants, seeds, and bulbs from distant lands. L’écluse himself received

many of his finest specimens from the Levant, but he was never completely dependent on this route. It was possibly through his contacts with Portuguese merchants and sailors that L’écluse was led to recognize that the rhaponticum (rhubarb) of commerce was of Chinese origin.!4! The Italians seem to have

received exotic plants from the maritime purveyors only during the last generation of the sixteenth century, and then but irregularly and in small numbers,

The botanical artists of northern Italy generally used dried plants as their models. The systematic pressing and drying of plants was probably initiated by Luca Ghini (ca 1490-1556), a professor of botany at Bologna. His pupil Aldrovandi was the first to attempt making collections of dried plants from all over the world. Mattioli, and other great naturalists, even though they had botanical gardens themselves, continued throughout the sixteenth century to collect and

catalogue dried plants, probably for comparative purposes. To restore the natural appearance of the dried plants for the artist, they were soaked in water. !42 The illustrations in the Italian books are consequently not so naturalis-

tic as those produced from living models in northern Europe. But both the illustrations and the texts of their works stress, as their herbaria do, the similarities 137 For example, 1,856 paintings of plants by Borcht are preserved in the State Library at Berlin. See Blunt, op. cit. (n. 130), pp. 65-66. 138 G, Bazin, A Gallery of Flowers (London, 1960), p. 14. 139 See especially his Rariorum plantarum historia (Antwerp, 1601).

140 For example, a book of 2,191 engravings that had been executed for the works of Dodoens, de l’Obel, and L’écluse was published at Antwerp by Plantin in 1581 under the title Plantarum seu stirpium icones. For relations between Plantin and the botanists see Colin Clair, Christopher Plantin (London, 1960), pp. 115-16, 147-48. 141 See Stannard, loc. cit. (n. 132), p. 14. 142 Arber, op. cit. (n. 133), p. 140.

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ment of comparative plant morphology than the more detailed and exquisite illustrations of the German and Flemish works.

| The Swiss and German naturalists from Konrad Gesner (1516-65) onward were more encyclopedic than analytical in their interests. Gesner collected drawings and woodcuts on all subjects and from every conceivable source as illustrations for his books on natural history. The fifteen hundred drawings of plants which he assembled passed after his death into the hands of Joachim Camerarius the Younger (1534-98). After being trained as a physician at Bologna, Camerarius settled in Nuremberg, his birthplace. Like Paludanus and other physicians of the period, he collected oddities and cultivated rare plants in his garden. The merchants of Nuremberg and his fellow botanists kept him supplied with rarities.'43 Camerarius, however, was more than a collector and physician. He was also a speculative thinker. His chief work reveals in its title, Hortus medicus et philosophicus (Medical and Philosophical

Garden) (1588) the range and depth of his diverse interests. In his desire to probe behind the mysteries of nature, Camerarius helped to bring the exotic natural world of the East more sharply within the focus of European speculative thought. Camerarius stands at the end of a long line of sixteenth-century thinkers and

scholars who sought to express abstract thought in visual form by inventing emblems. It was Marsilio Ficino (1433-99) and the Neoplatonists of the quattrocento, who first popularized the notion that Hermes Trismegistus, an ancient

Egyptian sage, had attained through his use of hieroglyphs as emblems a penetration of the universe comparable to that divinely revealed to the Evangelists. The hieroglyphs of Egypt were thought to be a unique form of symbolic writing which expressed highly abstract conceptions through the portrayal of material objects. In this sacred system of writing each individual subject and phenomenon was thought to be an idea made objective, or God made animate. Only the initiated could comprehend the true meaning of the hieroglyphs.

Enlightenment came to these favored ones through pious contemplation, philosophical speculation, or artistic creation."44

In the Renaissance the principal source of information on the symbolic significance of Egyptian writing was the Hieroglyphica of Horapollo. A manuscript copy of this work was found in 1419 by a Florentine traveler to Greece. From 1422 on, manuscript copies were circulated in Florence, and Horapollo’s

misleading ideas about the symbolic nature of the hieroglyphs came to be accepted as doctrine. His work was first printed in 1505 and over the next century no fewer than thirty editions of it were published.145 The writers of '43 He was the first to make extensive use of the botanical observations in the Near East of Leonhard Rauwolf of Augsburg. See K. H. Dannenfeldt, Leonhard Rauwolf (Cambridge, Mass., 1968), p. 227. 144 For a thorough study of the hieroglyphic tradition of the late Renaissance see E. Iversen, The Myth of Egypt and Its Hieroglyphs ... (Copenhagen, 1961), pp. 60-65. 148 G. Boas, The Hieroglyphics of Horapollo (New York, 1950), p. 29.

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the emblem books of the sixteenth century used it as a model, and their readers employed it as a key to the emblems.

The pious object of the composers of the emblem books was to speak “hieroglyphically” or to depict through symbols the true nature of things divine

and human. In 1522 Andrea Alciati compiled the first great collection of emblems. He drew his raw materials from Horapollo and other hieroglyphic writers as he sought through his Latin stanzas, allegorical pictures, and proverbs

to create an indissoluble artistic unity of iconography and poetry. A volume of emblems based upon Alciati’s collection was published at Augsburg in 1531; it contained the first set of excellent emblematic woodcuts, probably the work of Hans Schiufelein.146

From the beginning the elements of wonder and rarity were conspicuously employed by the composers of emblem books as media for stimulating insight and speculation. !47 In their quest for wonderful fables and pictures the emblemists ransacked the classical authors, the medieval bestiaries and lapidaries, and the cosmographies, natural histories, and travel books. To be acceptable as the main subject of a device the fable had to be founded on truth and had to stress a noble or didactic theme.!48 New themes which could meet these specifications were not always easy to find. Consequently, from Alciati onward the emblem collectors copied unblushingly from their predecessors and from other works. They were particularly prone to reuse the prints, sometimes with the same but more often with a new text. Such revisions were possible because consistency

in symbolic meaning was not an essential of device-making. Indeed, the switch from a conventional to a novel symbolism made the emblem more cryptic and its meaning more delightfully ambiguous. In Alciati’s collection, for example, the emblem of the elephant is used to illustrate both peace and military glory, perhaps because they were thought to be two sides of the same coin! The association of emblems with hieroglyphs was maintained throughout the sixteenth century, even though Renaissance artists had no possibility of deciphering the original Egyptian pictographs.!49 The successor to Horapollo as the final authority on hieroglyphics was Giovanni Pietro Valeriano (1477-1588 °). After a lifetime of compiling information on the symbolic meaning of Egyptian writing, he published his Hieroglyphica at Basel in 1556. Through the publication

of these fifty-eight books, Valeriano hoped to reconstruct and revivify the Egyptian “mute and symbolical language of ideas” !5° and to provide the basis for expressing allegorically through hieroglyphs the fundamental philosophical conceptions of his day. He devoted whole books to discussion of the allegorical

significance of individual animals, such as the elephant and the rhinoceros. 146 See H. Green (ed.), Andreae Alceate Emblematum (Manchester, 1870), pp. 14-16. This edition was dedicated to Konrad Peutinger. 147 See-M. Praz, Studies.in Seventeenth-Century Imagery (2d ed.; Rome, 1964), pp. 62-63. 148 Ibid., pp. 68-70. 149 Iversen, op. cit. (n. 144), p. 66. 150 Ihid., p. 72.

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likewise figured prominently in his choice of concrete subjects with enough symbolic power to transmit abstract moral, religious, and metaphysical concepts

to the enlightened viewer. The popularity of Valeriano’s erudite work with scholars and artists caused it to be reprinted and discoursed upon throughout Europe.!5! Along with Horapollo’s, Valeriano’s work also became a major source for artists who wanted to incorporate hieroglyphs into their decorative

and ornamental designs.!5? ; To the Neoplatonists any work of art was in itself'a piece of sacred allegorical

writing, a manifest expression of the mystical relationship binding matter to idea and man to God. Both the artist and the interpreter of the emblem were thought to act under divine inspiration: the artist is given insight into the ideal nature of matter when he creates, and the gifted interpreter when he correctly reads the metaphysical message of the emblem. The work of art, whether emblem or not, thus necessarily becomes a bit of divine revelation. But not all the inventors of emblems could maintain such a lofty conception of the hieroglyphs and allegories. The popularity of the emblem books with all levels of literate society gradually led to their vulgarization. Once the floodgates had opened to popular fantasy, especially in France, the emblems were debased and the simplest puns, pranks, and conundrums were called hieroglyphic. Joachim Camerarius in his Symbolorum ac emblematum... (Nuremberg, 1590-1604) !53 stands somewhere between the philosophical emblematists and the unabashed vulgarizers. The emblems in the four lengthy centuriae of his work are more clearly inspired by the natural histories, cosmographies, and travel books than are those of any other author.!54 The very fact that his works lack the terse and enigmatic quality of the more sophisticated emblems adds to the impression that he is beginning to break with the classical hieroglyphic tradition. The novelty of his representations also required more textual explana-

tion and documentation than was conventional. For example, he brings the tulip, which had but recently been imported into Europe from Turkey, into emblematic iconography for the first time (Centur. I, chap. Ixxxviii). Fourfooted beasts from India also receive their fair share of attention: the rhinoceros, 181 For the remarks of Torquato Tasso on the imprese see E. Raimondi (ed.), Torquato Tasso Dialoghi: Edizione Critica (Florence, 1958), I, Pt. I], 1029-1134. 182 Some painters before Valeriano’s time had used hieroglyphs as sources of inspiration for their motifs, especially Pinturicchio, Leonardo, Mantegna, Giovanni Bellini, Diirer, and Giorgio Vasari. See Praz, op. cit. (n. 147), pp. 24~-25.

153 Title of the complete edition of 1697 used in this study is Joachimi Camerarii symbolorum ac emblematum ethico-politicorum centuriae quatuor: prima, arborum et planetarum; secunda, animal quadrupedium; tertia, avium et volatilium,; quarta, piscium et reptilium. German translations were issued in 1671 and 1672. 154 Similar naturalistic emblems, but many fewer, may be found in A. Freitag, Mythologia ethica . . . (Antwerp, 1579), and in a derivative work entitled Viridarium moralis philosophiae per Fabulas Animalibus brutus attributas traditae, iconibus artificiosissime in aes insculptis exornatum (Cologne, 1594). The

animals depicted here are fabulous in large part; the texts in these two works are identical; most of the etchings in both books seem to be by Marc Gheeraerts. For further detail on these delightful etchings see Clair, op. cit. (n. 140), pp. 195-96.

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Woodcuts and Engravings elephant, tiger, the Indian “dog,” and the musk deer.155 In the division on birds he shows the Indian parrot, the bird of paradise, and what he calls the crowned. birds of Catigan Island, in the South Seas.!56 The explanatory material added to each of these prints in derived from both classical and contemporary sources.

The four hundred etchings themselves were executed at Nuremberg by Hans Sibmacher (d. 1611).!57 Camerarius’ literary sources on Asia included Maximil-

ian of Transylvania on Magellan’s expedition, Sebastian Miinster’s Cosmographia, Juan Gonzd4lez de Mendoza on China, Fernao Lopes de Castanheda on the Portuguese empire, and Orta and Monardes on plants and drugs. Camerarius’ emblems were extremely popular and his work was republished repeatedly in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Emblematists and cosmographers of the late sixteenth century also brought

Asia to the attention of their readers through the creation of emblems based upon maps. This practice evidently began with the geographical and cosmo-

graphical woodcuts printed by John Day in William Cunningham, The Cosmographical Glasse (London, 1559).!58 But most of the map emblems seem

to have originated with the engravers of Antwerp, especially Philippe Galle (1537-1612). A typical example of the map emblem supported by a Latin motto can be seen in the Emblemata of Joannes Sambucus (1531-84).159 Or for variety see the collection ‘of emblematic poems by Hugo Favolius (1523-85) illustrated with small engraved maps by Galle.!6° The engraved maps of Asia,

Tartary, and India are here supported by lengthy Latin poetic mottoes from the pen of Favolius.!6! The book on the most famous islands of the world by Thommaso Porcacchi (ca. 1530-85) likewise takes on the form of an emblem book.!62 Small prints of Giacomo Gastaldi’s maps of Taprobane and the Moluccas are followed by motto-like captions based upon information taken from the ancients, Conti, Varthema, and Ramusio. The map engravers in preparing their elaborately detailed and sharp delineations of the new maps and routiers added through their conventional signs—ships, monsters, and allegorical figures—iconographical elements which helped to enlarge the vocabulary of contemporary decoration and ornamentation (see pl. 113).!63 Franz Hogenberg

(fl. 1558-90), from his workshop at Cologne, inaugurated the golden age of 185 Centur. II, chaps. i-v, vii, xxxv, lviii, lxiv. Also see pls. 129 and 138. 186 Centur. III, chaps. xliii, vliv, and xlvi. Catigan is possibly a reference to Canigao island southwest of Leyte in the Philippines, which Magellan passed by. Also see pls. 139 and 141. 187 Praz, op. cit. (n. 147), p. 295, calls them engravings on copper. But see A. Andresen, Der deutsche peintre-graveur, oder die deutschen Maler als Kupferstecher ... (Leipzig, 1872-78), II, 280-409, for discussion of Sibmacher’s etchings. 158 See esp. fols. 7 and 8. 159 (Antwerp, 1564), p. I13. 160 Theatri orbis terrarum enchiridon ... (Antwerp, 1585). 161 Ibid., pp. $~7, and 135-37. 162 J’isole piu famoso del mondo (Venice, 1576), pp. 185-88, 189-92.

163 Also see the animal decorations for playing cards of Virgil Solis (1514-62) in F. Rumpf, “Beitrage zur Geschichte der friihen Spielkarten,” Festschrift Adolph Goldschmidt (Berlin, 1935) p. 85.

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decorative cartography by the profusely illustrated maps he produced for Ortelius’ Atlas published in 1570.164

The cosmographies, which were often illustrated with decorative maps, also included engravings of Asian flora, fauna, peoples, and cities that were based on woodcuts and sketches assembled by the compilers and their artists. Sebastian

Miinster (1489-1552), the German geographer, was among the first to bring illustrations of the contemporary East into his work. The woodcuts in the first edition of his Cosmographia universalis (1544) were executed by Hans Holbein the Younger and Konrad Schmitt. For his definitive German edition of 1550, Miinster’s main art collaborator was Hans Rudolph Manuel Deutsch (1525-71). The profusion of illustrations in this edition indicates that Deutsch must have ransacked the printing houses of central and western Europe for drawings and woodcuts. In the section of the work on Asia, woodcuts of the mythological dog-headed Indians and pygmies are balanced with illustrations which purport to show the cities of “Narsinga”’ (Vijayanagar), Tenasserim, and Pegu along with crude engravings of the pepper plant, clove tree, parrots, and the musk deer of Cathay.'65 An improvement in accuracy occurs in Ramusio’s Navigationi (Vol. I; 1554) where the engraver, probably working from a dried sample, shows the obverse and reverse sides of the betel leaf in detail.1% André Thevet, in the course of his voyage to the Levant from 1549 to 1552, collected or made drawings which, upon his return to France, he had cut in wood by Jean Cousin and his workshop, and in copper at Antwerp by Leonard Gaultier (ca. 1561-1641).1©7 In addition, he acquired drawings from others, some made in Asia and others in Europe. From a pilot in Spain he received a

drawing of “Mandelaph,” king of the island of Taprobane, and from the natural histories he took his illustration of peeling cinnamon bark, the pepper vine, and of pearl fishing at Ormuz; from an imaginative European artist he derived his illustrations of Indian temples and religious processions and even of the combat between Magellan and the natives of the island of Mactan.'® Georg Braun and Franz Hogenberg received sketches of the Indian cities of Diu, Goa, Calicut, Cannanore, and Ormuz through Konstantin von Lyskirchen (d. 1581) of Cologne. Lyskirchen had evidently obtained the sketches through his Fugger contacts who had, in turn, received them from their Portuguese representatives. The sketches were engraved, probably by Hogenberg, and 164 Skelton, op. cit. (n. 113), pp. 17-18. For a study of how ship decorations passed from one engraver to the other see J. von Beylen, “Schepen op kaarten ten tijde van Gerard Mercator,” Duisburger Forschungen, VI (1962), 131-33.

165 Summary based on the revised German edition of 1550 produced in Basel under Miinster’s personal direction. For further discussion see K. H. Burmeister, Sebastian Miinster (Basel, 1963), PE 6 See Asia I, 204-8; Giulio della Torre, a Veronese artist, struck a medal honoring Ramusio, the reverse side of which is decorated with a map. A. Armand, Les médailleurs italiens . . . (Paris, 1883), I, 134. ory, Adhémar, Inventaire du fonds francais: Graveurs du XVI siecle (Paris, 1939), Il, 108. 168 A, Thevet, La cosmographie universelle . . . (Paris, 1575), I, 330r, 3831, 425V, 436v; “Mandelaph’’

may be Manzor, sultan of Tidore. See Asia, I, 595-96.

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Woodcuts and Engravings included as illustrations in the first volume of the Civitates orbis terrarum (Antwerp and Cologne, 1572).!69 Francois de Belleforest in his Cosmographie universelle (Paris, 1575) likewise included views of several Indian cities.

A number of European artists made contact with Eastern art through their own travels in Europe. Of more than usual interest are two sketches by Philips van Winghe (1560-92), an itinerant artist of Louvain.!7° Sometime after 1585 and before his death in 1592, van Winghe visited the collections of the Vatican in Rome. Here he evidently saw and was attracted by the two Japanese folding screens (bydbus) which had been brought to Europe as a gift for Pope Gregory XIII.17! On these screens, as we know from the Jesuit sources, were painted scenes of Azuchi, the capital of Oda Nobunaga on the northeastern shore of Lake Biwa in Japan. The screens evidently featured Azuchi Castle, a magnificent edifice constructed high on a rocky cliff between 1576 and 1580 which was the original prototype of the Japanese castle. The sketches of Van Winghe (pls. 50 and $1) which show respectively the tower and the gate of Azuchi Castle are the only pictorial representations extant,!7? as far as can be determined, of the castle which was completely destroyed in 1582. No record can be found of the whereabouts of the screens themselves. Other itinerant artists journeyed as far east as the Levant. Pieter Coecke van Alost was sent to Constantinople in 1533, possibly by the Brussels tapestry weaver Van der Moyen, to arrange for the sale of tapestries to the sultan or to establish a weaving plant there.173 Certain of the drawings which he did during his year in Turkey were published by his widow in 1553 in a book of woodcuts on the customs of the Turks.!74 Melchior Lorck (ca. 1527-1583), a Danish 169 On the Portuguese emigration from Antwerp to Cologne see H. Kellenbenz, Unternehmerkraéfte im Hamburger Portugal- und Spanienhandel (Hamburg, 1954), p. 201. The views obtained from the Portuguese are similar to those of the fortresses and towns shown in the Lendas da India of Gaspar Corréa and in the Livro de Lizuarte de Abreu, both completed before 1564. See the facsimile edition

with introduction by R. A. Skelton of G. Braun and F. Hogenberg, Civitates orbis terrarum: The Towns of the World, 1572-1618 (Cleveland, 1966), I, xviii, 54, 57. Also see for the iconographical history of Goa, L. Silveira, Ensaio de iconografia das cidades portuguesas do ultramar (Lisbon, 1957), Ill, 361. 170 For his artistic biography see G. J. Hoogewerff, “Philips van Winghe,” Mededeelingen van het Nederlandsch Historisch Instituut te Rome, VII (1927), 59-82. 171 These screens were especially prepared in 1581 as a gift for Father Valignano, and were probably

painted by an artist of the Kano school. See Abranches Pinto ef al., op. cit. (n. 55), pp. 1, n. 7, 185, n. 6§9.

172 Prints of Van Winghe’s sketches first appeared in V. Cartari, Le vere e nove imagini de gli dei della antichi (Padua, 1615). They are included in the appendix relating to the gods of the East and West Indies added to Cartari’s work by Lorenzo Pignoria, possibly to honor the Japanese embassy of 1615. In the caption beneath the engraving of the gate Pignoria incorrectly calls it (or perhaps both these engravings) a portrayal of a temple which houses the Japanese gods. To anyone who has ever seen a Japanese temple or castle, such an identification is clearly impossible. For further discussion of the Japanese gods see R. W. Lightbown, “Oriental Art and the Orient in Late Renaissance and Baroque Italy,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXXII (1969), 242-47. 173 A. J. J. Delen, “Biicherillustrationen des Pieter Coecke van Alost,” Gutenberg Jahrbuch (1930),

in London in 1873. .

p- 191; and Matrlier, op. cit. (n. 76), p. 57. 7

174 Entitled Les moeurs et fachons de faire des Turcs, it was reproduced in facsimile by W. S. Maxwell

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engraver, went to Constantinople in 1555, possibly as a member of Augier Ghiselin de Busbecq’s mission.!75 His artistic objective was to find and examine

the true sources of classical Antiquity.!7° After more than four years in the Levant, Lorck returned to Vienna in 1560 with sketches of Turkish antiquities, costumes, flora, and fauna (pl. 114). In 1574 he was employed by Christopher

Plantin, the Antwerp publisher. While in the city on the Scheldt, he worked as an engraver with Galle and became friendly with Ortelius. Lorck, if we may judge by his engravings, was primarily interested in depicting Turkish costumes, an interest which was shared by many other artists and engravers of his day. It may have been Lorck who did the woodcuts that illustrate N. de Nicolay, De Schipvaert ende Reysen gedlaen int Landt van Turckeyen (Antwerp, 1576). The engravers of the latter half of the sixteenth century became éspecially fascinated by the differences in national costumes. Separate drawings and paintings of individuals in unusual dress preceded the collections which were published in

costume books. But from 1562 to 1600 no fewer than twelve costume books were published in Europe, primarily in Venice, Paris, and Antwerp.!77 In the small collections that were first published the emphasis in the prints was on the national and European costumes of the day. But the collection of 1562 published

in Paris included engravings by Francois Desprez, of an Indian man and woman, a Tartar, and “a woman of Asia,” !78 as costume interests became more universal. The Parisians, then as now, seem to have had a particular interest in

dress, for the workshop of Guillaume le Bé (1539-98) turned out two series of woodcuts around 1585 showing in costume the natives of “Magellan” (the Philippines), China, and Goa as well as the Grand Khan of Tartary and the Emperor of China in their imperial trappings.!79 The earliest costume books

prepared in Venice do not include Asians, but they were quick to appear in the works issued under French influence at Antwerp. Abraham de Bruyn (ca. 1538-90), the Antwerp engraver, in 1572 reissued the figures from the first edition of the Recueil, though in a somewhat different order.!® The Asians in these depictions show no Oriental physical features and their costumes probably were inspired by the Turkish costumes of Coecke van Alost and Lorck. The 175 For Lorck’s life and works see H. Harbeck, Melchior Lorichs (Hamburg, 1911); the catalogue by E. Fischer, Melchior Lorck: Drawings from the Evelyn Collection... and from the Department of Prints and Drawings, the Royal Museum of Fine Arts, Copenhagen (Copenhagen, 1962); and P. Ward-Jackson, “Some Rare Drawings by Melchior Lorichs,” Connoisseur, CKXXV (1955), 88-89; also see J. Sthyr,

Dansk Grafik, 1500-1800 (Copenhagen, 1943), I, 34.

176 See O. Benesch, ““The Orient as a Source of Inspiration of the Graphic Arts of the Renaissance,” in Festschrift Friedrich Winkler (Berlin, 1959), p. 251.

177 F, Bertelli, Trachtenbuch: Venedig, 1563 (Zwickau, 1913), p. 1; and H. Doege, “Die Trachtenbiicher des 16. Jahrhunderts,” Beitrdge zur Biicherkunde und Philologie: August Wilmanns zum 25 Marz 1903 gewidmet (Leipzig, 1903), pp. 429-44. 178 Receuil de la diversité des habits qui sont de present en usaige tant es pays d’Europe, Asie, Afrique et

isles sauvages (Paris, 1562), plates 94, 103, 120. This book was published by Richard Breton. , 179 Based on description of the woodcuts in the Département des Estampes of the Bibliothéque nationale as given in Adhémar, op. cit. (n. 167), II, 356-57. 180 Issued by Abraham de Bruyn under the title Omnium pene Europae, Asiae, Aphricae atque Americae

gentium habitua. For a reproduction of the exotic figures in costume, see pls. 59 and 60.

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improvement in De Bruyn’s presentation is that he shows the Asians next to Americans, Africans, and Moors and thereby depicts concretely how Europeans conceived of these people and their differences in dress. Jean Jacques Boissard (1528-1602), poet and author, published a collection of costume prints in 1581 which is especially good in its sharp and clear depiction of Oriental costume.!*! Though the artist is not named, it would seem from the fidelity of his work that he actually worked from authentic models. The most comprehensive of the sixteenth-century costume books was that published by Cesare Vecellio (1521-1601) at Venice in 1590 under the title Habiti antichi et moderni di tutte il mondo.!82 The first edition contained 420 woodcuts; the second edition of 1598 was enlarged to include 522. Most of the additions to the second edition were of Oriental and American costumes. None of the Vecellio prints of Asians is a duplicate of the Recueil or De Bruyn plates, but they seem to be dependent upon the Boissard illustrations for certain of the Oriental costumes. !83 Vecellio’s whole conception of Asian life isimplicitly

more sophisticated than that of his predecessors. He clearly distinguishes one Asian from the other and tries to depict Indians and Chinese of different social levels. The features and costumes of most of his figures continue to be European, but the Chinese take on a new realism in both aspects. His Japanese youth is outfitted with a copy of one of the costumes presented to the doge in 1585 by the Japanese legates and housed in the hall of arms of the Council of Ten.184 The truer depiction of Chinese physiognomy, costume, and class distinctions

derives from the fact that the artist, according to Vecellio’s own statement (Bk. II), used figures from Chinese paintings as his models. 185

The leading engravers of Antwerp, on the contrary, seem not to have used “porcelain Chinese,’ paintings on silk, or other Asian sources, in their works on Oriental subjects. Jan van der Straet (1523-1605), commonly known as Stradanus, 186 collaborated with others on a fair number of engravings which purport to be depictions of life in overseas places, especially Asia and America. For their sources these Antwerp artists relied on literary materials to which they gave their own artistic interpretations. One in a series of engravings prepared around 1590 to glorify the overseas discoveries of about a century before symbolizes the achievements of Ferdinand Magellan.187 Like all the others the 181 Entitled Habitus variarum orbis gentium (Paris, 1581).

182 For commentary see C. Lozzi, “Cesare Vecellio e i suoi disegni e intagli per libri di costumi e di merletti,”” La bibliofilia, 1 (1900), 3-11; and M. von Boehn, Modes and Manners (London, 1932), Il, 8-9.

ere Doege, loc. cit. (n. 177), pp. 441-42. 184 But in the engravings showing the Japanese legates being received by Pope Gregory XIII they are shown in European costume, probably the garments which were gifts from the pope himself. For two of these commemorative engravings see Abranches Pinto et al., op. cit. (n. $5), facing p. 163. 185 For reproductions see pls. 61-69.

186 For discussion of his interest in maps and geography while in Florence see J. A. F. Orbaan, Stradanus te Florence, 1553-1605 (Rotterdam, 1903), p. 89. 187 For further discussion see R. Wittkower, ‘“‘Miraculous Birds,” Journal of the Warburg Institute, I (1937-38), 255-56.

[ot]

The Individual Arts Magellan engraving (pl. 48) shows an idealized portrait of the hero surrounded by animals, plants, and figures which are designed to illustrate his accomplish-

ments through the realistic, emblematical, and mythological ideas that they represent. For example, the figure of Apollo, the sun god, is included, according to the inscription, to remind the viewer that Magellan by his voyage around the earth was the first of the discoverers to emulate the sun. More puzzling is an unexplained and fantastic picture in the upper left-hand corner of the engraving which shows a huge bird carrying an elephant. The source for this strange design is clearly the story which Pigafetta tells in his account of Magellan’s voyage about the marvelous birds!88 which are native to the South China Sea and are “so large that they can lift any large animal into the air.” 189 The Antwerp artists probably read this statement in the first volume of Ramusio’s popular collection, which included an epitomized version of Pigafetta’s story. In the second volume of his

Navigationi, Ramusio also included Marco Polo’s description of the world. Here a variant of the same fable, probably of Arabian origin, is recounted in connection with Marco's description of Madagascar. The “‘ruch,” as the gigantic bird is named in this narrative, “is able to carry an elephant in its claws.” 19° It is certainly reasonable to suppose that Stradanus was inspired by this fable to introduce the “‘ruch” into his design as a symbol of the marvels that Magellan experienced in sailing across the Pacific Ocean. The pictorial design itself was probably the invention of Stradanus, for the elephant shown here is one of the type that commonly appears in northern woodcuts and engravings. In the 1599 edition of his Ornithologiae (Book X, p. 610), the Italian naturalist Aldrovandi reproduces the Stradanus engraving as an illustration of one of the birds he categorizes as fabulous.19! Another example of the joint efforts of the Antwerp artists is to be seen in

the engraving completed around 1570 called “Hunting for Wild Ducks in China” (pl. 47). The theme of this picture is certainly derived from a literary source. In the comprehensive history of China prepared in the eighteenth century on the basis of earlier sources by Father Jean-Baptiste Du Halde (1741 ed.; II, 237-38), it is asserted: Besides the Domestick Birds, they have on the Rivers and Lakes great Plenty of Water-Fowl, and principally Wild-Ducks: The Manner in which they are taken deserves 188 Probably a reference to the Indian solar bird called garuda which carries off the naga (“‘snake’’ or possibly “elephant” in Sanskrit) in the two great Sanskrit epics, the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. In the definitive Pigafetta text the name garuda is actually assigned to this bird. See C. E. Nowell (ed.), Magellan’s Voyage around the World: Three Contemporary Accounts (Evanston, III., 1962), p. 248. For the history of the garuda in Indian lore see A. de Gubernatis, Zodlogical Mythology, or The Legends of Animals (London, 1872), II, 94-95. 189 G, B. Ramusio, Delle navigationi ... (Venice, 1550-59), I, 407r. 190 Ibid., II, s8r. On the “‘ruch” see H. Yule and H. Cordier (eds.), The Book of Ser Marco Polo (New

York, 1933), Il, 415-24. 191 My analysis runs counter to that advanced by Wittkower (loc. cit. [n. 187], pp. 256-57), who concludes that the bird has no part in the idea of the engraving and surmises that Stradanus based his

picture on an original Persian representation that he might have seen while in Florence. On the woodcut elephants see below, p. 157.

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Woodcuts and Engravings to be mention’d; they put on their Heads the Shells of large Calibashes or Gourds, wherein they make Holes to see and breathe through, then they go naked into the Water,

or swim deep with their Bodies that nothing may appear above the Water but the Calibash; the Ducks, being accustomed to see Calibashes floating approach them without Fear, at which time the Duck-hunter, taking them by the Feet, pulls them into the Water

to prevent their Noise, wrings their Neck, and ties them to his Girdle, and pursues his Exercise till he has got a great number.

Neither the hunters nor the features of the landscape have anything Chinese about them. Similarly, a Stradanus-Galle collaborative engraving of Justinian shows the emperor receiving the silkworm in a bamboo cane from the hands of an Oriental who has nothing Oriental about him, except possibly his costume.'92

Their engraving of an elephant hunt likewise seems to be based upon literary descriptions (pl. 104).193

The prints of the triumphs and processions which took place in Antwerp usually show the East in connection with the depictions of the arches and displays

erected by the Portuguese merchant community as its contribution to the celebrations.!94 The Portuguese nation at Antwerp played only a token part in the joyeuse entrée of Prince Philip of Spain in 1549, probably because its members

were discomfited and uncertain about their future under his regime.'95 But after Philip became king of Portugal in 1580 his Lusitanian subjects at Antwerp took a prominent part in the entrées. For the celebrations connected with the entrée of July 18, 1593, of Archduke Ernest of Austria, the Portuguese nation erected a huge arch on which its overseas possessions are depicted in terms of animals and riders (pl. 49). Ethiopia is symbolized by the elephant and Asia by the rhinoceros. A huge print of the procession designed by Pieter van der Borcht

shows at the bottom right a delegation of dark, occasionally beturbaned, people who are leading camels and asses and carrying a man on a litter who looks like a native king.!9° This portion of the procession is reminiscent of Burgkmair’s “People of Calicut” in the “Triumph of Maximilian.” The royal triumphs held in France often followed exotic themes also, and frequently included dancers and other persons clothed in picturesque costumes that were 192 Plate 8 in the fascinating collection called Nova reperta (Antwerp, 1592). The first picture in this

book shows Columbus landing on American shores in commemoration of the centennial of that momentous event. The native woman in this picture looks for all the world like a Renaissance depiction of a Greek goddess! 193 Discussed in E. Tietze~Conrat, “Die Erfindung im Relief,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien, XXXV (1920), 131.

194 Compare the use made of American Indians and symbols in the triumphs of Charles V. See M. Bataillon, “La cour découvre le nouveau monde,” in J. Jacquot (ed.), Fétes et cérémonies au temps de Charles Quint (Paris, 1960), pp. 13-27.

195 The Portuguese did not contribute a triumphal arch, and but twenty of them and their aides walked in the procession. See C. Grapheus, Le triomphe d’Anvers faict en la susection du Prince Philip,

Prince d’Espaigne (Antwerp, 1550); includes twenty-nine woodcuts of triumphal arches by Pieter Coecke van Alost. For the role of the Portuguese in this and in other Antwerp triumphs see J. M. Lopes, Les Portugais a Anvers au XVI® siecle (Antwerp, 1895), pp. 12-16. 196 J. Boch, Descriptio publicae gratulationis, spectaculorum et ludorum, in adventu ... Ernesti archiducis

Austriae, an. MDXCII, XVIII kal. iulias, aliisque diebus Antwerpiae editorum ... (Antwerp, 1595), pp. 140-41.

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The Individual Arts designed along lines that were supposed to be “Oriental.” Whenever possible, as in the royal entrée at Rouen in 1550, natives from the overseas world were invited, as they may have been at Antwerp in 1593, to take part in the celebration to lend it color and authenticity.197 The inauguration of direct Dutch relations with Asia brought to the public a new series of travel accounts and a fresh set of engravings and maps. The Itinerario (1596) of Linschoten included a number of maps based on Portuguese and Dutch originals that were engraved for the publisher Cornelis Claesz by

Arnoldus F. 4 Langrens.'98 The illustrations of people, flora, and fauna of Asia were engraved by Joannes and Baptista 4 Doetechum from sketches brought back by Linschoten, from the objects themselves available in the collection of Paludanus, and from the rich store of woodcuts and engravings already on hand in the Low Countries.!99 The engravings themselves help to reveal the artists’ sources. Seminaturalistic coconut palms stand everywhere in the backgrounds to give the scenes a tropical ambiance. The individual plants, fruits, jewels and ornaments, fans, parasols, palanquins, and Martaban jars are realistic and were probably done from examples on hand. The fauna, however, seem to be taken from older woodcuts, paintings, and tapestries. All the faces, except for a few Chinese with thin and sparse goatees, are Western and are usually reminiscent of Greek statues. The beturbaned merchants and longgowned women of aristocratic status look like copies of Schongauer’s and Bellini’s people. The buildings, while basically Western, are sometimes elongated

and given curved eaves as the artist tries to Orientalize them (pl. 148). While

these illustrations are still essentially Western in the total impression they convey, closer study reveals that the artists used all the means at their disposal to transmit as much as they could, particularly in details, of Asian landscape, life, and customs. That the Linschoten maps and illustrations constitute a watershed in Europe’s pictorial impression of Asia is best indicated by their constant reappearance in

the works of others. John Wolfe, who published an English translation of Linschoten’s Itinerario in 1598, had engravings of Langrens’ maps cut in London

which are inferior both in accuracy and artistry to the originals. He does not include any other illustrations.2°° Theodor de Bry,?°! on the other hand, in his series of picture books entitled India orientalis which began to appear at Frankfurt in 1598, is often heavily indebted to the Linschoten engravings and 197 See J. Chartrou, Les entrées solennelles et triomphales 4 la Renaissance (1484-1551) (Paris, 1928), pp. 111-17; also N. Ivanov, “Fétes 4 la cour des derniers Valois,” Revue du XVI® siecle, XIX (1932), 6-122. ° 198 For his map of eastern Asia see Asia, I, following p. 164. 199 See reproductions in Asia, I, following pp. 356, 528, and 752. 200 Wolfe’s book is entitled John Huighen van Linschoten, his Discours of Voyages into ye Easte and

West Indies... . It should also be recalled that Hakluyt did not include either maps or illustrations in the first edition of his work published in 1589. Perhaps this deficit is to be accounted for by the state of English engraving. 201 For general discussion of his career see Asia, I, 216.

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other earlier Netherlandish and German sources. In the main, the De Bry engravings (see pls. 146, 147, 148) are found on comparison to be inferior to the originals in artistic fidelity and vigor.2° But the De Bry collection, aside from

being a convenient compendium, has preserved many works of earlier artists that would otherwise have disappeared completely. _ Levinus Hulsius (d. 1606),2°3 a native of Ghent, began issuing his series of German travel books in 1598 at Nuremberg. The first volume published was the account of the Dutch voyage to the East Indies of 1595 to 1597.2°+ Thirteen of the engravings in this book were executed by Hans Sibmacher of Nuremberg, the artist who etched the emblems for Camerarius’ collection.2°5 A number of

oddities brought back from the first Dutch voyage, including Chinese coins and a Javanese kris, were available to Sibmacher when he did his sketches and engravings. He was so impressed with the “devil” cut into the hilt of the kris that he reproduced an enlarged copy of it in connection with his depiction of the people of Java (pl. 52).2°¢ Into his engraving of Chinese persons he inserted realistic depictions of two Chinese copper coins (cash) and did a remarkably good copy of the Chinese characters on them. And he apparently had available a sketch of the emu, a bird which the captain of the “Amsterdam” received as a gift from the ruler of Sidayu in Java and took back to Europe with him. His portrayal of the emu is lifelike and the subject is clearly recognizable as the Struthio casuarius of Linnaeus (pl. 140}.2°7 Thus in Sibmacher’s engravings, as in those of the Doetechums (pl. 151), the artist’s endeavor is to introduce as many realistic features of Asian life as he can to give his studies an authentic tone. In Sibmacher’s case he makes the kris and the Chinese coins the main features in his prints of Asian peoples who continue themselves to look for all the world like Greek statues. From the evidence of Sibmacher’s engravings, it can be asserted that he was certainly aware of the limits of his knowledge and was doing his best to compensate for his deficiency. 4

TEXTILES, TAPESTRIES, AND COSTUMES

References in Western literature to Oriental textiles as prized possessions begin

to appear in Greek times. Chinese silk yarns and raw silk were worked at 202 A similar opinion is expressed in A. G. Camus, Mémoire sur la collection des grands et petits voyages (Paris, 1802), p. 195. 203 For general discussion of his career see Asia, I, 216-17. 204 Entitled Erste Schiffart an die orientalischen Indien, so die Hollandisch Schiff, im Martio 1585 aussgefah-

ren, und im Augusto 1597 wiederkommen, verzicht ... (sth ed.; Frankfurt am Main, 1625).

205 See above, p. 87. Also Andresen, op. cit. (n. 157), pp. 366-69. 206 Compare ornaments on European daggers and sheaths in S. Schéle, Cornelis Bos: A Study of the Origins of the Netherlands Grotesque (Stockholm, 1965), pls. 45-46.

207 A native of Seram island, this bird is today usually called the Seram cassowary. The name “eme”’ given to the bird in the Hulsius book (p. 43) was said to be the name in use in Java. L’écluse also described this bird.

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The Individual Arts

Palmyra beginning in the second century A.D., and within the next two centuries silk weaving spread to Asia Minor, Egypt, and Greece. Chinese silks

were so common in Rome that Pliny complained about the drain of gold to pay for them. Charlemagne received silken garments from Harun al-Rashid, the caliph of Baghdad, which he proudly displayed at the Abbey of St. Denis. The Muslim rulers of the Levant made it a practice to give costly gifts of robes to favored officials and foreign potentates. But from the fourth to the eleventh century silk export was a monopoly of the Byzantine state. Byzantine, Egyptian, and Islamic silks were used for ecclesiastical vestments in Rome as early as the

ninth century. Wall hangings and carpets from Persia were kept among the sacred relics in church treasuries even before the period of the Crusades. It was,

however, the returning Crusaders who brought back vast numbers of easily portable textiles as souvenirs of their experiences in the East. In the period between the Fourth Crusade (1198) and the Latin conquest of Constantinople (1204), the independent Italian silk industry began to produce silks competitive with those of Byzantium. The Muslims of Spain also acted as intermediaries in the textile trade and were responsible for supplying many of the brocades used as coronation and burial robes for Christian ecclesiastics and the secular rulers of the West.2°8 The technique of drawn work and lacemaking was adopted in Venice during the fifteenth century, in imitation of the Asian laces imported there.299

From the tenth to the twelfth centuries the designs in the textiles imported from the Orient had a profound effect upon the development of Romanesque ornament.?!© Patterns of Indian and Chinese origin were borrowed by the Sassanid weavers of Persia (third to seventh centuries A.D.), who transmitted them in the form of textile decorations to Byzantium and western Europe. The naturalistic figures and animals of Asian origin in Romanesque designs seem to have been copied from non-Muslim textiles, for Islam forbade the representation of living things in art.2!! Dragons, fabulous birds, and floral motifs from Chinese textiles, or from Levantine imitations and stylizations, helped to enrich European iconography and to give a rhythmical quality to Romanesque ornament. In the thirteenth century the free play previously enjoyed by Oriental motifs in European art was checked abruptly, but never completely, by the pervasive influence that Gothic art came to have upon all styles of decoration.

The weaving of silk textiles was introduced into Europe through weavers brought from Byzantium and the Islamic world. The cities of Islamic Spain 208 Based on the discussion of the Western awakening to the Orient in Jairazbhoy, op. cit. (n. 35), - 30-37. as M. Schuette, “History of Lace,”’ Ciba Review, No. 73 (1949); p. 2685. 210 Evans, op. cit. (n. 15), I, 161; for more specific illustrations see M. B. Rogers, “A Study of the Makara and Kirttimukha with Some Parallels in Romanesque Architectural Ornament of France and Spain,” Ph.D. diss., Department of Art, University of Chicago, 1965, passim. 211 A. Leix, “Early Islamic Textiles,” Ciba Review, No. 43 (1942), pp. 1573-74; also F. M. Heichelheim, “Byzantine Silks,” Ciba Review, No. 75 (1949), pp. 2761-62.

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were producing imitations of Egyptian textiles as early as the tenth century. On the island of Cyprus ateliers of silk weavers meanwhile made materials in imitation of Chinese silk damasks. Roger II of Sicily brought silk weavers from Byzantium to Palermo in the twelfth century. By 1300 the craft of silk weaving had passed from Sicily to the mainland of Italy. In the fourteenth century Lucca

became the most important center of the Italian textile industry, and the resplendent, heavy silks produced there considerably modified the Oriental decorative motifs preserved in the Sicilian textiles. The rounded frames of the Islamic type disappeared and the animals of the older tradition were incorporated into heraldic forms. On the Luccan silks the designs were less symmetrical,

lighter, and much more directly indebted to the motifs of Chinese textiles. Flying birds, the lotus flower, waterfalls, rocks, stylized cloud forms, and often entire landscapes were borrowed from Chinese textiles (perhaps at times through the agency of Persian imitations) and treated with the naturalism so esteemed by Gothic artists.2!? In other Italian silks, many of which were done in imitation

of Luccan silks, the Asian motifs exhibit a vigor and freedom of movement which was likewise borrowed directly from Chinese art and which contributed significantly to the growth of asymmetry and Gothic naturalism in European decoration of the fourteenth century.?!3 That the feeling of proximity to China was possibly greater in the fourteenth century as a result of the pilgrimages

being made across the land route to the distant East is reflected in the term “Tartar cloths,”’ a generic name applied to Oriental or Orientalized textiles.2!4

Venice took the leadership in silk weaving from Lucca in the fifteenth century. With this shift the designs, including those borrowed from Oriental textiles, were Europeanized. The delicate leaf work of the Chinese design was transformed or replaced by stolid depictions of European plants. Dragons and tortoises gave way to deer, lions, and other beasts commonly recognized as

European. A few traces of Chinese influence remained in the depiction of seascapes in which the diagonal movement of the waves continued to be clearly

shown. But, in general, the Venetian weavers eschewed the fantastic and asymmetrical patterns of the Luccan silks and only rarely retained the Chinese

freedom of movement that had been so strikingly captured by the Luccan weavers. The development of the technique of collective weaving in fifteenth-

century Italy also contributed to the popularity of symmetrical and static patterns, particularly simple floral designs that could be easily copied by the less skilled technicians of the weaving groups.?!5 In 1490 Venice, to protect its textile industry, forbade the importation of Oriental textiles. In the late fifteenth century even the Venetian painters reduced the number of textiles 212 F, E, de Roover, “‘Lucchese Silks,” Ciba Review, No. 80 (1950), p. 2925.

213 OQ. von Falke, ‘“‘Chinesische Seidenstoffe des 14. Jahrhunderts und ihre Bedeutung fiir die Seidenkunst Italiens,” Jahrbuch der preussischen Kunstsammlungen, XXXIII (1912), 176-92. Also see Evans, op. cit. (n. 15), pp. 162-64. 214 See P. Toynbee, “Tartar Cloths,” Romania, XXIX (1900), 559-64. 215 ©, von Falke, Kunstgeschichte der Seidenweberei (Berlin, 1921), pp. 38-40. On the role of flora in Indian design see Slomann, op. cit. (n. 90), pp. 42-43.

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The Individual Arts they brought into their works, for the heavy and florid designs of the weavers had nothing like the interest for the painter that the Oriental textiles had.2"6 With the opening of the direct sea route to the East the European writers of travel accounts commented regularly on the costumes of the natives, from the silk robes of the rich Chinese merchants to the palm-leaf skirts and bark-cloth breech garments worn by the South Sea islanders.?!7 They also were quick to indicate that Bengal, St. Thomas (Madras), and Cambay in India were the main

Eastern centers of cotton textile production. Both Varthema and Barbosa remark on the sinabafos of Bengal, the fine muslins made at Dacca which were generally used in Asia for turbans and skirts.2!8 Linschoten esteems the cotton

cloth of Cambay to surpass in fineness “any Holland cloth.” He observes, however, that the carpets woven in Cambay are not as good as the Persian rugs sold in Ormuz. Gujarati colchas, or quilts, he describes as “very fair and pleasant, stitched with silks, and also of cotton of all colors and stichings.” 219 All the commentators indicate that silken materials (damasks, satins, and brocades) are made in China, and a number of them assert that the heavy Chinese silken materials were rewoven into diaphanous fabrics at Chaul in India and at other Asian centers.22° Linschoten guesses that the patterned textiles and painted calicoes of the Madras area were more highly prized in India than silk “because of the fineness and cunning workmanship.” 22! It was the exquisitely worked textiles of Asia which most attracted upperclass Europeans and which were increasingly imported throughout the sixteenth

century. In 1511 Albuquerque sent from the region of Malacca a number of women skilled in needlework, but they were unfortunately lost at sea before arriving in Portugal.222 The embroideries themselves arrived in Europe where they were used as counterpanes and canopies in the bedchambers of the upper classes. Most of the embroidered pieces brought into Europe during this period were executed in Bengal, Sind, and Gujarat. In Bengal the embroidered designs were worked in heavy tussore silk, in Sind on leather, and in Gujarat in bright silks on a cotton or satin ground.?23 In all three places the craftsmen quickly

began to produce “export embroideries’ designed especially to appeal to 216 The great Venetian painters of fabrics were Carlo Crivelli, Gentile Bellini, Vittore Carpaccio, and Paolo Veronese; see G. de Francesco, “Silk Fabrics in Venetian Paintings,” Ciba Review, No. 29 (1940), Pp. 1047.

217 See W. Naumann, “Bark Cloth in the Reports of the First Explorers of the South Seas,” Ciba Review, No. 33 (1940), pp. 1175-79. Also see Hakluyt’s inventory as quoted above, p. 34. 218 R, C. Temple (ed.), The Itinerary of Ludovico di Varthema of Bologna from 1502-1508 (London, 1928), p. 79; and M. L. Dames (ed.), The Book of Duarte Barbosa (London, 1921), I, 93. On the Persian derivation of the word “‘Sinabafos” see H. Yule and A. C. Burnell, Hobson-Jobson: A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases... (New Delhi, 1968), p. 623. 219 Burnell and Tiele, op. cit. (n. 47), I, 60-61. 220 Ibid., p. 64. 221 Ibid., p. 91.

222 See J. Irwin, ‘““The Commercial Embroidery of Gujarat in the Seventeenth Century,” Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, XVII (1949), 51-52. He was sending the needleworkers to Queen Maria. 223 See plate 58, for an embroidered Gujarati bedspread of the sixteenth century.

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Textiles, Tapestries, and Costumes

European tastes. European elements supplied by the Portuguese and their agents were worked into the Indian designs to produce what have since been labeled works in the “Indo-Portuguese style.”’ The so-called Goan embroideries preserved in our museums are pictorial works of Bengal made by an organized industry that produced for export beginning in the late sixteenth century.?74

Silk-embroidered quilts from India reached the peak of their popularity in Europe during the latter years of the sixteenth century. The art of quilting likewise began to develop in Europe at this same period, as the European textile workers sought to acquire part of this profitable market.225 The chain stitch, the principal technique of Chinese embroideries throughout history, became increasingly popular in Europe with the importation of Asian embroideries.

While the technique was not unknown to European needleworkers of the prediscovery era, the popularity of the chain-stitched Asian embroideries helped to maintain and spread the use of chain stitching in Europe.226 The lace industry of Spain and Portugal actually adopted the technique only in the mid-sixteenth century.227 By the end of the century the sumptuary edicts of Philip II and the

Inquisition brought an abrupt drop in the production and importation of rich silks and brocades in the Iberian states. The center of the European industry moved thereafter to Italy and France.228 The French connoisseurs, while buying textiles from their neighbors, began independently to develop the industry of carpet and tapestry weaving. Imitations of Saracenic carpets were produced in the fourteenth century by the weavers of Paris. In the fifteenth century the tapestry makers of Arras, possibly inspired by Islamic and Persian miniature paintings, began to incorporate Oriental motifs into their designs.229 The early verdure tapestries of Flanders possibly owe a direct debt to the floral textile prints of India.23° That floral and animal carpets were being imported into Europe in large numbers, and that they were imitated by European weavers, is clearly illustrated in the numerous Renaissance paintings in which they are shown draped over balconies, lining gondolas, hanging on walls, and covering tables and altars.23! In 1580 Ancona, which made a specialty of importing Oriental rugs from the Levant, sought to persuade Cardinal Montalto (elected Pope Sixtus V in 1585) to act as the city’s protector in Rome by presenting the prelate with two bundles of Oriental 224 J. Irwin, “Indo-Portuguese Embroideries of Bengal,” Arts and Letters: Journal of the Royal India, Pakistan, and Ceylon Society, XXVI (1952), 65-70. 225 M. Schuette and S. Miiller-Christensen, The Art of Embroidery (London, 1964), p. Xxtii. 226 Ibid., p. ix.

227 F. L. May, Hispanic Lace and Lace Making (New York, 1939), p. 271; see also M. A. Moeller, ‘An Indo-Portuguese Embroidery from Goa,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, XXXIV (1948), 118-19. 228 D. Réal, Tissus espagnoles et portugais (Paris, 1925), introduction. 229 Jairazbhoy, op. cit. (n. 35), pp. 47-48.

230 W/. Born, “Textile Ornaments of the Post-Classical East and of Medieval Europe,” Ciba Review, No. 37 (1941), p. 1344. 231K, Erdmann, “Orientalische Tierteppiche auf Bildern des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts,” Jahrbuch der preussischen Kunstsammlungen, I, (1929), 263-94; and G. Soulier, “Les influences persanes dans la

peinture florentine du XV° siécle,” L’ Italia e l’arte straniera (Rome, 1922), pp. 194-98. :

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The Individual Arts carpets.?32 Persian rugs were meanwhile being imported into western Europe from India by way of Portugal for 40 per cent less than the cost of bringing them from the Levant into Venice.?33 Antwerp, whose tapestry weavers had been granted the legal right to organize themselves as a separate guild in 1415,234 came to be a leading center of tapestry

manufacture in the fifteenth century. At the same time the city on the Scheldt became the emporium for the tapestries of Brussels, Oudenaarde, and Enghien. As early as 1504 Jehan Grenier of Tournai was paid by Archduke Philip the Fair to design a series of rich tapestries made “a la maniére de Portugal et de l’Indye.’’235 The series, including therein various tapestries, celebrated the Portuguese conquest of the East (pls. $3, 54). In the three panels which survive, fantastic animals and strange peoples, presumably of India, dominate the scene and remind the viewer of the nearly contemporary woodcuts by Burgkmair labeled “People of Calicut.” 23° In one of the panels the words “Indiae novae”’ are inscribed above a door opening onto a city before which strange animals are being put aboard ship for dispatch to Europe. In 1510 Emperor Maximilian purchased a tapestry from Arnold Poissonnier of Tournai called “History of Wild Beasts and People’’ designed by Gilles le Castro “‘in the manner of Calicut,” apparently as a variation on the tapestries of 1504.737 Between 1513 and 1516 the same weaver provided King Henry VIII of England with another exotic production in five pieces which is called in contemporary records “Voyage de Caluce” and which was given as a present to Robert Wyftel, a royal councillor. When Poissonnier died in 1522, nine hangings from the India series were left in his workshop.?38 From the extant literary and tapestry fragments, it is possible to see that the tapestry artists of the early sixteenth century were certainly influenced in their choice of themes by the Portuguese successes in the East. The tapestry artists responsible for the India series, and the variations on it, were obviously striving for exotic effects by jamming strange animals into triumphal marches and onto crowded ships (pls. 55 and 57). Naked children carrying banners and trumpets tumble about on the backs of zebras. The clothing of the adult figures can be best labeled “half Burgundian and half Oriental.” 239 232 Delumeau, op. cit. (n. 32), pp. 99-100. 233 Assertion of Filippo Sassetti in Marcucci, op. cit. (n. 25), pp. 147-48. 234 J, Denucé, Antwerp Art-Tapestry and Trade (The Hague, 1936), p. x. 235 H. Gdbel, Die Wandteppiche (Leipzig, 1928), Pt. I, Vol. I, p. 253; W. G. Thomson, A History of Tapestry (London, 1930), p. 209; P. Ackerman, Three Early Sixteenth-Century Tapestries ...: The Rockefeller-McCormick Tapestries (New York, 1932), pp. 8-9. 236 Cf, above, p. 81. 237 From literary records in the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon, it appears likely that King Manuel also

ordered tapestries from this series. See the preface by Reynaldo dos Santos in Martin-Méry, op. cit. (n. 56), p. xviii. Simone de Ricci, a Florentine weaver of tapestry who was at Lisbon in 1512, received

an order from the king for commemorative tapestries that were to be paid for in pepper. See P. Peregallo, Cenni intorna alla colonia italiana in Portogallo (Genoa, 1907), pp. 146-47. 238 FE, Soil, Les tapisseries de Tournai (Tournai, 1892), pp. 41-42, 282. One tapestry from this series

hangs in the National Museum (NM 17/1918) at Stockholm. 239 Gobel, op. cit. (n. 235), Pt. I, Vol. I, p. 277.

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Textiles, Tapestries, and Costumes

The verdure and hunting scenes woven at Tournai seem to be related to the India tapestries, especially in their use of mythological flora and fauna. The hunting tapestries in particular show Asian and African beasts when they depict exotic chases. The artists possibly got their models by sketching the live

beasts that were imported into the Low Countries for the menageries of the Burgundian lords.?4°

Pieter Coecke van Alost, a master painter of tapestries at Brussels, was selected in 1515 by Pope Leo X to translate Raphael’s cartoons of the renowned

“Acts of the Apostles” into tapestry. The revolution effected by this great production was to make the tapestry into a woven fresco with open spaces rather than crowded and elaborate patterns. Around 1522, Coecke van Alost completed, possibly for his Fugger patrons, a series of six tapestries in his new

style that was entitled “Histoire indienne a oliffans et jeraffes.” 241 Other merchant princes likewise began to purchase tapestry frescoes, and they came increasingly to demand woven masterpieces that would celebrate the worldly achievements, such as commerce and the discoveries, in which the patrons had a part.242 By midcentury, tapestries, previously limited in sale to princes

and nobles, were being exported in numbers from Antwerp to Portugal, Spain, and the German states. Especially favored at this time were marine, hunting, and garden scenes, mythological and biblical episodes, the heroic exploits of legendary and national heroes, and decorative maps.

Specifically with regard to the overseas deeds of the Portuguese, records exist of four series of Netherlandish tapestries of the latter half of the sixteenth century which celebrate the feats of the Da Gamas, the conquest of Tunis, the exploits of Nuno Alvares, and the triumphs of Joo de Castro.243 Originally a part of the Habsburg collections, the tapestries celebrating the deeds of Castro in India from 1538 to 1547 are Austrian state property and are today preserved in the Kunsthistorisches Museum of Vienna.?44 On those panels which remain are recorded by the weavers of Brussels their artistic impressions of Castro’s siege of Diu (1538), one of his campaigns against the hidalcéo (the sultan of

Bijapur), his naval descent upon Dabhul, and his triumphal entry into Goa (1547). While the persons and the landscapes of these scenes look European, the tapestry artists strive for a few Asian effects by the turbans that they put on the native prisoners, soldiers, and dancers; by the elephants that are shown drawing the war machines; and by the camels that appear in the backgrounds. Were it not, however, that inscriptions on some of the tapestries indicate what 240 Ibid., p. 169. 241 Ibid., pp. 306-8.

242 Denucé, op. cit. (n. 234), pp. xili-xiv. 243 L. Keil, As tapecarias de D. Jodo de Castro (Lisbon, 1928), pp. 5-7. A. Faria de Morais (“Les tapisseries de D. Jodo de Castro,” Bulletin des études portugaises et de I’ Institut francais au Portugal,

N.S., XIX ([1955-56], 64-138) claims that the ten panels in the Castro series were produced early in the seventeenth century by the atelier of Henri de Néve. 244 First described in 1883 by Emst von Birk in his inventory of the Habsburg collections. For more recent discussion see L. Baldass, Die Wiener Gobelins-Sammlung (Vienna, 1921).

[ ror |

The Individual Arts they are meant to depict, it would be hard to determine by the representations alone where the scenes of Castro’s triumphs were laid. In tapestries, paintings, and engravings depicting Asians the costumes are among the earliest features to be Orientalized. The costume books of the last generation of the sixteenth century, as we have seen, make a heroic effort to show examples of Oriental costumes.?45 In terms of the history of European costume the interest in Oriental dress may possibly be related to the prevalence of Spanish fashion in Europe at large and to the gradual disappearance among the upper classes of distinctive national apparel.246 Silken gowns became ever more popular in the course of the century,?47 and France and Saxony sought to keep money at home by establishing royal silk-weaving industries at Lyons and Dresden,248

A distinction developed near the end of the sixteenth century between fabrics woven for clothing and for other uses. The designs on the textiles woven for clothes tended to be naturalistic and to include tulips, sunflowers, palm fronds, and other exotic touches.249 The native dress of the Japanese legates of 1584 to 1586 was universally described, judged as either ludicrous or delightful, and possibly imitated in Portugal by courtiers.25° In Venice, where Oriental rather than Spanish dress was imitated, the robe of the Japanese included in Vecellio’s book on costume (pl. 69) is called a zimarra, the name of a Venetian robe of black that probably evolved in imitation of the long caftan of Turkey or Persia.25! In Paris, costumers kept on hand all sorts of Orientalized vestments that could be purchased or rented for the divertissements of the court, marriage celebrations,

and masquerades.252 While some of these fanciful costumes were possibly inspired by the prints in costume and cosmographical books, it should be recalled that authentic Asian costumes were available in the collections of connoisseurs and that the artist of Boissard’s costume collection seems to have copied Oriental costumes in his drawings. When Thomas Platter was received by Queen Elizabeth at Nonsuch Castle in 1599, she wore “‘a gown of pure white satin, gold~-embroidered, with a whole bird of Paradise for panache, set forward

on her head studded with costly jewels.” 253 The Virgin Queen, who was 245 See above, pp. 90-91. 246 Boehn, op. cit. (n. 182), II, 111-15.

247 For an example of how many silks and brocades a woman of means possessed see the list of bequests to Monte Cassino made in her testament of 1545 by Isabella Castreata; reproduced in A. Caravita, I codici e le arti a Monte Cassino (Montecassino, 1871), III, 129-34. 248 Ibid., p. 164. 249 Falke, op. cit. (n. 215), p. 44.

250 On their visit to Dona Catherina at Villa-Vicosa in Portugal and her interest in imitating their dress see Asia, I, 692; also see for descriptions the following contemporary writers: G. Gualtieri, Relationi della venuta de gli ambasciatori giaponesi a Roma... (Venice, 1586), p. 54; M. A. Ciappa, Compendio delle herioche et gloriose attioni, et sante vita di Papa Greg. XIII (Rome, 1591), p. 63; and A. de Herrara, Historia general del mundo (Madrid, 1601), II, 450. 251 Vecellio, op. cit. (n. 74), p. 477, and Boehn, op. cit. (n. 182), II, 160.

252 G. Wildenstein, ‘Un fournisseur d’habits de théatre et de mascarades 4 Paris sous Henri III,” Bibliotheque d’Humanisme et Renaissance, XXIII (1961), 100-102. 253 C, Williams (trans. and ed.), Thomas Platter’s Travels in England, 1599 (London, 1937), p. 192.

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something of a collector of Asian curiosities, thus showed her continental visitor that she, like any ruler of the distant Moluccas, knew how to wear a plumage headdress of the rare bird of paradise found only in the East.

Milady’s headdresses and accessories shown in European paintings and preserved in museums also possibly owe a debt to the East. Parallels have been shown to exist, such as the conical hats worn by ladies both in China and in Europe in the Middle Ages.254 The arc-shaped diadems attached to the fantastic caps of the Dutch ladies shown in the paintings of a number of sixteenth-century Netherlandish artists have been traced to Indian prototypes.255 The parasol and the folding fan, two of the major weapons in the arsenal of feminine coquetry,

appear in the hands of the French women represented in the Diversarium nationum ornatus (1593) of Alexandre di Fabri.256 Parasols or umbrellas, the chattra of India, appear in art both as symbols of power and as protection against the elements. Catharine de’ Medici, the Italian queen of Henry II of France, is generally credited with having introduced the Chinese (or Japanese) folding fan as part of the costume of courtly ladies (pl. 1).257 And it has even been suggested that the exposure of the female breast among court ladies may have been inspired

by the transparent smocks (bajus) that were worn in Goa by the wives and mistresses of the Portuguese.258 . The rich influx of cotton cloths into Europe from India may also have affected the dyeing and handling as well as the style of ordinary dress. Indigo, which had

been costly and used sparingly in Europe before 1500, gradually replaced the native woad as a blue dye during the sixteenth century. The resist dyeing technique commonly used in the East for producing textile patterns was reportedly

used in Europe for the first time by Pieter Clock, a Dutch painter.259 The washing, pleating, and starching of robes was a custom of long standing in India and Ceylon. The stiffening of clothes by the use of starch made from rice or pulse was not common in Europe until the last generation of the sixteenth century. The popular enthusiasm for large collars and starched ruffs among the burghers of the Netherlands and England was probably related to the greater varieties of cotton and linen textiles available, and to the devotion of the upper classes in these countries to personal cleanliness and outward neatness. In Italy women of gentility wore drawers of silk or linen, and the custom was reputedly introduced into France by Catharine de’ Medici. The plenitude of inexpensive

cotton cloth from India, it has been suggested, probably brought underwear within the financial range of persons of very moderate means. It may even be 254 BaltruSaitas, op. cit. (n. 86), p. 177. Also see G. Schlegel, ‘““Hennins or Conical Lady’s Hats in

Asia, China and Europe,” T’oung pao, III (1892), 422-29. :

255 Goetz, loc. cit. (n. 122), pp. 228-30. | 256 S. Blondel, Histoire des éventails chez tous les peuples et a toutes les époques (Paris, 1875), p. 65.

257 A. Varron, “From the History of the Umbrella and the Sunshade,” Ciba Review, No. 42 (1942), p. 1520. On the umbrella of Diane of Poitiers, mistress to King Henry II of France, see ibid., p. 1544. 258 Slomann, op. cit. (n. 90), p. 98n. For discussion of the baju in Portuguese literature see Asia, I, 354.

259 W. A. Vetterli, ““The History of Indigo,” Ciba Review, No. 85 (1951), pp. 3066-68. On the resist technique see Carter and Goodrich, op. cit. (n. 110), p. 248.

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that the ritual bathing of the Indians, which the Europeans thought of as a good means for mitigating the worst effects of a tropical climate, had something to do with the upsurge of interest in bathing and personal hygiene in sixteenth-

century Europe.?° 5

CERAMICS

In medieval Europe the potter usually spent his time making simple vessels for the everyday use of the common people. His wheel shaped crude earthenware,

terracotta, and stoneware utensils that were ordinarily unpainted, drab, and starkly utilitarian. The dazzlingly white, gayly ornamented, and thrillingly thin and resonant porcelains of China that occasionally found their way into medieval Europe must have looked to these simple potters like creations of another world. Celadons from Sung China were used as tableware in Egypt and the Levant as early as the eighth century.26! Collections of Ming blue-and-white porcelains were later assembled at locations along the land routes, particularly at Ardebil in Iran and at Constantinople by the sultans of Turkey.?62 In Spain, where the Moors had long been manufacturing exquisite vases and colorful tiles, efforts were made beginning in the fifteenth century to develop the art of pottery painting, especially in Valencia. In Italy, too, it was not long before the potters began to experiment with decorative painting as they sought to compete with the finer wares that the nobility was buying from the Levant

and Spain. A vitreous coating that was either transparent (glaze) or opaque (enamel) was applied to colored, porous terracottas to give them the ground required for painting. This polychromed type of faience called majolica was not a successful imitation of porcelain; nonetheless it helped to satisfy the demand for native ceramic vessels of beauty. Once his product had become appealing to the upper classes, the Italian potter was patronized by the Renaissance princes and was elevated in status from simple craftsman to sponsored artist.23

Even though the chemical composition of porcelain remained a mystery, 260 On this intimate subject see Slomann, op. cit. (n. 90), pp. 94-100; also C. W. Willett and P. Cunningham, The History of Underclothes (London, 1951), pp. 37, 47, $2.

261 Compare the account of the discoveries recently unearthed at Fustat near Cairo (New York Times, January 12, 1969).

262 For detailed studies of these two Near Eastern collections see J. A. Pope, Fourteenth-Century Blue-and-~White: A Group of Chinese Porcelains in the Topkapu Sarayi Mizesi, Istanbul (Washington, 1952); and the same author’s Chinese Porcelains from the Ardebil Shrine (Washington, 1956). Also see Soames Jenyns ‘““The Chinese Porcelains in the Topkapu Saray, Instanbul,”’ Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society (London), XXXVI (1964-66), 43-72. 263 The best general studies are: W. B. Honey, European Ceramic Art from the End of the Middle Ages to about 1815 (London, 1949); G. Liverani, Five Centuries of Italian Majolica (New York, 1960); A. Lane, Italian Porcelain (London, n.d.); J. C. Davillier, Les origines de la porcelaine en Europe (Paris, 1882).

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the potters of Renaissance Italy could successfully imitate the shapes and decorations of the Oriental wares. The drug pot, or alberéllo, was probably made in terracotta by the potter in imitation of the bamboo containers that were used to transport spices over the land routes to Europe. Bulbous Valencian

vases of the fifteenth century seem to be directly copied from Chinese and Levantine originals.264 In imitation of porcelain the sides of majolica dishes and pots became thinner. The Persian palmettes which appeared on fifteenthcentury majolica were possibly in imitation of the designs commonly seen on textiles. Border designs, central figures, and softer shadings were copied from the Ming porcelains available in Europe. Continuous trailing sprays and wavy lines in monochrome blue interrupted by a lotus-like flower, called the “porcelain flower” by botanists, were copied from Chinese porcelains. Birds, ducks,

silkworms, rosettes, and reeds set in a stylized landscape were incorporated into majolica design at an early date. Arabesques and strictly European ornamentation were often painted in monochrome blue alla porcellana by the decora-

tors of majolica in Tuscany, Faenza, and Venice.?65 , Speculation about the composition of true porcelain occurred repeatedly in

the travel books and technical works of the sixteenth century. Part of the confusion was produced in Europe by the fact that the word “porcelain,” whose ultimate etymology is still unknown, was used so broadly that it included agates, precious stones, mother-of-pearl, and seashells within its meaning. In the inventory of 1611-13 of Philip II’s porcelains and other ceramics, listings may be found for “‘porcelains” of crystal, of agate, and of stone.26¢ The Portuguese factor Duarte Barbosa was evidently responsible for lending his authority as a direct observer of life in the East to older European stories about the manufacture of porcelain from seashells and about maturing it underground for a century.?2°7 Guido Panciroli (1522-99) enshrined for posterity in his book on inventions the common belief that porcelain was compounded of broken shells, beaten eggs, and gypsum (plaster of paris).26® Damiio de Gois, the Portuguese Humanist, wrote in 1541 that porcelain made of seashells was so expensive that a single piece of it cost as much as several slaves.269 Pierre Belon, who witnessed many

porcelains being sold in Cairo, was uncertain how they were made and was inclined to doubt that such fragile items had been safely brought to Egypt from

the distant East.27° Two renowned Humanists, Cardano and J. C. Scaliger (1484-1558), debated learnedly at midcentury about the nature of porcelain and 264 Liverani, op. cit. (n. 263), p. 17; also see discussion of Catalan inventories in A. W. Frothingham, Lustreware of Spain (New York, 1951), p. 170. 265 For a summary of the motifs on Ming porcelains see Pope, Fourteenth-Century Blue-and-White. . .

(n. 262), pp. 34-48. 266 R. Beer (ed.), “Inventare aus dem Archivo del Palacio zu Madrid,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, XTX (1898), Pt. 2, cxxxv—cxli, passim.

267 Dames, op. cit. (n. 218), II, 214.

268 Panciroli, op. cit. (n. 110), pp. 281-82. Probably derived from Barbosa through Ramusio. 269 Opisculos histéricos (Porto, 1945), letter to Nanio, 1541.

(Paris, 1554), pp. 236v—37V. |

270 Les observations de plusieurs singularitez et choses mémorables, trouvées en Gréce, Asie, Judée, Egypte . . .

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its relation to the myrrhine vases of the ancients. Loys Guyon (d. 1630), who wrote on porcelain near the end of the sixteenth century, averred that many of the collectors and connoisseurs of his day were still ignorant of what it was made of and where it came from.27! But Filippo Sassetti informed his correspondents in Florence in 1580 that Chinese porcelain was produced from a white, malleable clay.272 The author of the Jesuit treatise of 1590 on China, first published by Hakluyt in 1599, clearly described Chinese porcelain as “the best earthen matter in all the world,” and extolled it for “‘the clearnesse, the beauty, and the strength thereof.’’273

In Portugal, where a flood of porcelains followed in the wake of the discoveries, the makers of ceramic vessels and tiles were as ignorant as those of Italy about the composition of porcelain.274 The Portuguese were quick, however, to have porcelain made in China to Western specifications and following European models. European mugs, porringers, and goblets of pewter or tinware were copied down to the last detail by the Chinese ceramicists, sometimes along with the royal insignia or with inscriptions in Portuguese (pl. 70).275 The arms of the European monarchs were possibly copied from the European coins which circulated in China.276 On the porcelains destined for export the Chinese and Japanese painters sometimes depicted Western scenes or persons copied from

the European engravings that were available in the East at the end of the sixteenth century.?77 The earliest of the export porcelains still preserved is a flagon decorated with the armillary sphere of King Manuel which is dated from about the time of his death in 1521. Because such wares were initially obtained through intermediaries, the Portuguese referred to the porcelains of China as

“lougas da India.”” The regular appearance in Lisbon of Chinese ceramics designed especially for the European market further stimulated the European potters to produce wares that would compete with those of Chinese manufacture. Like the Italian makers of majolica, the Portuguese and Spanish potters were unable to produce true porcelain and were limited to imitating the shapes and decorative motifs of the Chinese wares. Even though majolica imitations of Chinese porcelains were known in Portugal before the discoveries, they were 271 See chapter iii of his Les diverses legons (Lyons, 1625). 272 Marcucci, op. cit. (n. 25), pp. 147-48. 273 R. Hakluyt (ed.), The Principal Navigations . . .(London, 1599), Il, Pt. II, 90. Da Cruz, Mendoza,

and Linschoten likewise take issue with the tradition that porcelain is made from seashells and affirm that it is a clay product. Paludanus, the Humanist physician, cannot refrain from inserting an annota-~ tion to the effect that he believes Linschoten’s assertion even though so great a scholar as J. C. Scaliger accepted the older story in the account of how to make porcelain given in his book Subileties. See Burnell and Tiele, op. cit. (n. 47), I, 130. 274 Barreira et al., op. cit. (n. 2), I, 159-60. 275 M. Beurdeley, Porcelaine de la Compagnie des Indes (Fribourg, 1962), pp. 78-79; also J. G. Phillips, China-Trade Porcelain (Cambridge, Mass., 1956), pp. 18-19. In 1956 at London there were pieces on display with inscriptions and emblems dated 1520, 1541, 1552, and ca. 1577. See R. dos Santos, ‘“‘A exposicio de arte portuguesa em Londres,” Belas Artes (Lisbon), 2d ser., No. 9 (1956), p. 7. 276 Beurdeley, op. cit. (n. 275), p. 90. 277 See the preface by Reynaldo dos Santos in Martin-Méry, op. cit. (n. §6), pp. XV-Xvi.

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too rare to have profoundly influenced Iberian pottery design and decoration.?78

It was probably the overwhelming presence of Chinese porcelains, including export wares, which inspired the potters of Talavera in Spain to make their “perfect imitations of Oriental china.” 279 Other literary references also testify to the imitative efforts that were being made throughout the sixteenth century in the Iberian countries, though samples of the actual vessels produced are exceedingly rare.28° Porcelain jars and dishes shown in Portuguese paintings of the period seem to be'the only other visual remains,?8! except for a few of the tiles (azulejos) that are still to be seen in the old gardens and edifices of Portugal. Some of these tiles were possibly produced in Goa or in other parts of Portuguese Asia for sale in Europe, as were the textiles and items of furniture now commonly called Indo-Portuguese.?82 And, when Philip III (Philip II in Portugal) visited Lisbon in 1619, the potters erected an arch in his honor on which an inscribed verse boasts that the faience workers of Lusitania now produce what previously had to be brought from China at exorbitant prices.283 Carrying on the majolica tradition of earlier times, Italian ceramicists of the

early sixteenth century continued to decorate their wares with Orientalized borders. But the more enterprising potters were not satisfied with faience decorated in imitation of porcelain. They unflaggingly tried to determine the composition of true porcelain in order to produce it at home. The Venetians and their neighbors seemed to believe that the translucent Ming porcelains were a combination of glass and pottery. Early in the sixteenth century “‘counterfeit porcelain” made of opaque white glass painted with enamel was for sale in the city of canals. In 1519 Duke Alfonso I of Ferrara sought to hire a Venetian

who boasted that he could “make porcelain of every kind.” 284 In 1561-62 Duke Alfonso II of Ferrara hired Camillo da Urbino, a maker of majolica, to fabricate porcelain. The product he turned out was little more than another form of majolica. While the Italians experimented with glass and clay, there is no record to show that serious potters actually tried to make porcelain from crushed seashells.

Europeans of the sixteenth century made their best attempt to produce true porcelain as a result of experiments carried on under the prodding of 278 Barreira et al., op. cit. (n. 2), I, 160-61. For a somewhat less positive view see R. dos Santos, Faianga portuguesa, séculos XVI e XVII (Lisbon, 1960), p. 21.

279 From the manuscript history of Talavera as quoted in J. F. Riano, The Industrial Arts in Spain (London, 1879), p. 171; for the history of Talavera and its products see J. Ainaud de Lasarte, Cerdmica y vidrio, Vol. X of Ars hispaniae (Madrid, 1952), pp. 251-59. 280 For a reproduction of a faience plate of the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century decorated with “Chinoiseries” see Santos, op. cit. (n. 278), p. 34, fig. 11. 281 Barreira et al., op. cit. (n. 2), I, 161.

282 Ibid., II, 70-71. The Goanese trade in ceramics from China was so enormous that an industry developed there of making decorative plates from the fragments of broken Chinese dishes. These reconstituted wares were mounted in rings of lacquer. See Evans, op. cit. (n. 15), II, 60. 283 Arch and inscription shown in an engraving in J. B. de Lavanha, Viage de la catholica real magestad del rei D. Felipe III, N.S., al reino de Portugal (Madrid, 1622). 284 Lane, op. cit. (n. 263), p. 2.

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Duke Francesco I of Tuscany. Andrea Gussoni, Venetian legate to Florence, wrote in 1575 that Francesco and his workers had rediscovered the secret of making “Indian porcelain” after years of experimenting.?85 Still, the Florentine ruler continually sought information thereafter on the composition of Chinese porcelain from Filippo Sassetti in Lisbon. In his enterprise for making porcelain Francesco was singularly aided by a Levantine (or possibly he was a Greek) who had taken a journey to the Indies. The “Medici porcelain” of Francesco was a translucent soft-paste product reminiscent of similar wares that had long been

turned out in Turkey. Although the imitation porcelain manufactured in Francesco's factory was finer than majolica, it was not translucent or resonant enough to be mistaken for the superb hard-paste porcelain of China. Production of the Medici porcelains ended with Francesco’s death in 1587. The records show that at least fifty-nine pieces were turned out within a span of twelve years; it is probable that others were produced for which no listing exists.286 Forty-five of the recorded pieces have been located and are extant

(for examples see pls. 71-74).287 According to a contemporary recipe the Medici porcelain was a mixture of twelve parts of glassy material (sand, glass, and powdered rock crystals) with five parts of white clay from Vicenza. The surviving pieces betray through technical defects their experimental character. Almost all of them are decorated in blue on a white ground that is covered with a Cloudy glaze bespecked with minute bubbles. The shapes are quite conventional and seem not to be modeled on Oriental prototypes. The painted designs, by contrast, are almost all of Oriental derivation and quite distinct from the older Orientalized motifs used by the painters on majolica.288 The Chinese porcelains available in Florence in the Medici collections were probably used as models by the experimenters, for the ornamentation and painted designs of the Medici porcelains are obviously borrowed from Chinese vessels made in the reigns of the Chia-ch’ing (1522-66) and Wan-li (1573-1619) emperors. A Western-shaped vase has attached to it a dragon spout and a handle shaped as a fantastic animal. Painted designs which include pine trees, deer, and birds are frank imitations of common Ming porcelains. A dish exhibits a broad frieze surrounding a center in which rocks, bamboo, water plants, and “clouds” are displayed in the Chinese manner. Some of the Medici bowls are signed on the bottom with a mark that is probably supposed to be a Chinese character.?89 From these indications it can clearly be seen that the Medici porcelains were imitations, as far as it was within the technical competence of Europeans to carry it out, of Ming blue-and-white porcelains. The Medici porcelains, like the true porcelains of China, possessed a magical quality for the sixteenth century. The secret of their composition, the mystery 285 The best account of this enterprise is in ibid., pp. 3-4. 286 G, Liverani, Catalogo delle porcellane dei Medici (Faenza, 1936). Also see above, p. 5, for Medici

porcelains collected by Emperor Rudolf II. 287 Lane, op. cit. (n. 263), p. 4. 288 Ibid., pp. 4-5. 289 Ibid., pp. 5-6.

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surrounding their manufacture and firing, the fragile transparency of their bodies, and the strangeness of their decoration, helped to give the porcelains a recondite and enigmatical character. The popular belief in their relationship to weird seashells and the mystical egg, or seat of life, made them curiosities of

more than ordinary value and spiritual power. “Their admirable Nature,” asserts Panciroli, “is conspicuous in this, that they immediately break upon the Reception of Poyson.’’29° And in the paintings and collections of curiosities

the porcelain vessel is prized quite as often for its mysterious and cosmic qualities 29! as for its delicate, shell-like beauty. For, like the shell, it appears to

be the work of the Creator and beyond the ability of ordinary mortals to manufacture or fully comprehend. The shell carries mysteriously the roar of the sea; the porcelain dazzles the eye and confounds reason. 6

Woops, FURNITURE, AND LACQUERWARE The exotic woods of tropical Asia—sandal, teak, camphor, ebony, and aloes— were known to Europe in classical Antiquity. The aromatic woods, particularly aloes and sandal, were burned as incense, and in the medieval kitchen red sandal was added to dishes as a flavoring. Camphor and aloes and their by-products were especially valued as medicaments and dyes. Ebony and teak were imported into the Roman Empire to help meet the need for durable construction wood. But ebony was also made into cups, from Antiquity to the sixteenth century,

because of its alleged antagonism to poison. The hardness and deep black color of ebony possibly gave rise to the tradition repeated by Pausanias (fl. a.p. 174), the Greek traveler and geographer, that the ebony tree produced neither leaves nor fruit, was never exposed to the sun, and lived in the shade of other trees. Bamboo, employed in Asia for all sorts of mundane purposes from bookmaking to bridge-building, was known in medieval Europe only as the famous cane that reputedly carried the silkworm in its hollow interior into the Byzantine Empire. New information about the woods of Asia and their uses had to await the establishment of direct contacts between maritime Europe and Asia. Sixteenth-century writers of travel accounts comment on the aromatic woods of Asia in connection with their discussions of the spice trade. Garcia da Orta devotes several of his colloquies to the place of origin, description, and uses of,

and the commerce in, aloes, sandal, and camphor wood. In the process he challenges and corrects many of the impressions and beliefs of the ancients and 290 Op. cit. (n. 110), p. 282; also cf. G. Bandmann, “Das Exotische in der europaischen Kunst,” in Der Mensch und die Kiinste: Festschrift Heinrich Liitzeler (Diisseldorf, 1962), p. 343, n. 30.

291 In the breviary of Mayer van den Bergh a Chinese blue-and-white vase filled with flowers is included, but in different positions, in the scenes illustrating the months of January and October. See C. Gaspar (ed.), Le bréviaire du musée Mayer van den Bergh a Anvers (Brussels, 1932), fols. 406 and

558. Also see A. I. Spriggs, “Oriental Porcelain in Western Paintings, 1450-1750,” Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society (London), XXXVI (1964-66), 73-76.

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further than most of his predecessors by commenting on the furniture made

in India that he judges to be finely “wrought and inlaid very workmanlike.” 293

Aside from the woods themselves, Europe received in the sixteenth century a selection of furniture made by the craftsmen of the East. Tables, beds, cabinets, chairs, chests, boxes, and chessboards made in India and China of exotic woods

and often inlaid with mother-of-pearl, bone, or ivory were brought back to Europe by the Portuguese.2% The market for Asian furniture, once it opened in

Europe, was widened by the production in India of “export furniture.” 295 Furniture in Portugal itself began to be more commonly finished in ebony and teak and with inlays added. Decorated bedsteads from the East, sometimes painted or covered with embroidered silk, inspired the legislation in Portugal setting the standards to be followed in making the monumental beds that came into vogue there.29® The ornamentation on the bedsteads manufactured in Portugal usually followed Oriental models closely. Outside of Portugal the rulers of Europe collected “Indian” desks, tables, and lacquered boxes for their own chambers of curiosities or as gifts for other notables. A chair and a chest with ivory inlays were evidently made in India especially for Catharina Steinbeck, the last consort of King Gustavus I Vasa of Sweden (pls. 79, 81).297 Japanese lacquer, or Urushi ware, was given to King Philip II of Spain in 1584 by the legates.298 A Chinese chair, presumed to have been used by Philip II of Spain during his last years in the Escorial, might have been “export furniture” made in Manila or Mexico after a Chinese model.299 In Spain cabinets inlaid with ivory and fitted with drawers covered with silk embroideries in different colors were manufactured in the late sixteenth century

in imitation of Indian furniture.3°° The lid design on a chest made in Milan around 1570 for Duke Albert V of Bavaria follows patterns common on inlaid chests of Indian manufacture (pl. 78). A huge tent bed dated 1596 was 292 G. da Orta, Colloquies on the Simples and Drugs of India, ed. C. Markham (London, 1913), p. 141. 293 Burnell and Tiele, op. cit. (n. 47), I, 61.

204 On Chinese chairs and bedsteads see Gaspar da Cruz’s discussion as translated in C. R. Boxer (ed.), South China in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1953), p. 125. Escalante (see Asia pp. 742-43) bought a chest in Lisbon that was so admirably made that “none [in Europe] could take upon them to make the lyke. . . .”» See Frampton’s translation, chap. ix. 295 Barreira, et al., op. cit. (n. 2), I, 378-79; and J. F. da Silva Nascimento and A. Cardoso Pinto, Cadeiras portuguesas (Lisbon, 1952), p. 48.

296 Varreira et al., op. cit. (n. 2), I, 373-74. Even ivory bedsteads were sent to Lisbon. 297 V. Slomann, “The Indian Period of European Furniture,” Burlington Magazine, LXV (1934), P 3e8 Abranches Pinto et al., op. cit. (n. 55), p. 88. 299 Slomann, loc. cit. (n. 297), p. 204. 300 Riano, op. cit. (n. 279), p. 121.

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made of ebony and decorated with elaborate figures for the Nuremberg patrician and silk merchant Paulus Schewl.3% It is in the widespread use of ebony for furniture and interior decoration that the greatest change took place in wood turning and joinery during the sixteenth

century. In Italy, where the Venetians had brought ebony into vogue even before the opening of the sea route to India, the princes furnished their special chambers with ebony chairs and cabinets, many of them the work. of German craftsmen. The studiolo (pl. 80) or curiosity cabinet, of Francesco de’ Medici was decorated with ebony set with a variety of precious stones. For this work and others, cabinetmakers journeyed to Florence from Munich, Prague, and elsewhere to help establish workshops.3° For, along with his efforts in porcelains and the lapidarial arts, Francesco had a profound desire to establish Florence

as the center of cabinetwork in ebony and other exotic woods.3°3 This was, of course, part of his effort to concentrate the luxury trades in Florence and to make the city into the artistic center that it has been ever since. While Florence specialized in producing costly studiolo pieces in ebony, Augsburg became the center for beautiful cabinetwork in all kinds of wood.3% German chests and art cabinets were sold to most of the princely collectors in Europe during the last years of the sixteenth century. The ornamentations on these artistic pieces of woodwork continued to follow the Oriental designs that had been derived from Asian furniture and from Orientalized Venetian patterns.

The ebony writing tables designed in 1617 for Duke Philip II of PomeraniaStettin had the four parts of the world and the four elements as inlaid decorations on the doors enclosing its drawers.3°5 Exotic flora and fauna of the East are depicted in such pieces in their natural colors and in a style reminiscent of the inlays in Mughul furniture.

The attraction of ebony as the wood most appropriate to the studiolo may not be entirely attributable to its durability, beauty, and rarity. Like the other

objects in the chamber of curiosities, the ebony itself had a metaphysical quality for the men of the time. It was grown only in distant lands, was harder and blacker than European. woods, and could be given a glossy sheen. Where ebony was combined with other woods, the drawers and various interior parts

were normally made of exotic woods of extraordinary color. The precious stones used to decorate the ebony cabinets were themselves believed to possess various mystical qualities, thus continuing the theme of making the studiolo into a kind of Wunderkammer in miniature. In it the valuable and mysterious 301 A. Feulner, Kunstgeschichte des Mobels seit dem Altertum (Berlin, 1927), fig. 180 and p. 186.

302 ID, Heikamp, “Zur Geschichte der Uffizien-Tribuna und der Kunstschrinke in Florenz und Deutschland,” Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte, XXVI (1963), 195-96. 303 It may have been coincidental that in 1585 the Japanese legates presented Francesco with gifts of wood. See Asia, I, 694. Thevet (op. cit. [n. 168], 1, 409) comments at length on the “good ebony”

of India, as compared to that of Brazil. 304 T, Hausmann, “Der Pommersche Kunstschrank,” Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte, XXII (1959), ms O. Doering (ed.), Des Augsburger Patriciers Philipp Hainhofer Beziehungen zum Herzog Philip II von Pommern-Stettin: Correspondenzen aus den Jahren 1610-1619 (Vienna, 1896), p. 317.

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objects of foreign provenance were combined aesthetically and allegorically to produce a concrete and beautiful sample of the harmony existing between nature and art, between man and the universe:3°6 Along with valuable woods from the East, the ancients imported lac,3°7 a resinous incrustation produced on certain trees by the puncture of the lac insect. In India, lac was used as sealing wax, dye, and varnish, while in Europe it was prized mainly for its dark red coloring matter. But lacquerware, so-called

because it was commonly thought to be finished with lac varnish, was not brought into Europe in any quantity until the sixteenth century (pl. 6).3°8 Then the type of lacquer called “Coromandel” was imported into Europe, principally by Venice.3°9 This lacquerware, which was manufactured in East Asia, is actually not finished with lac varnish or Indian shellac; in China, Japan, and Korea the lacquer is obtained from the sap of a tree botanically related to the American poison oak. Lacquered furniture was made in the East, especially for the use of the Jesuit missionaries there, which was German in form and Asian in decora-

tion.3!° In Europe the recipe for making lacquer, by either of the two Asian methods, was as unknown in the sixteenth century as the formula for making porcelain.

Europeans tried, as in the case of porcelain, to produce lacquered objects that could compete with Oriental wares. In the sixteenth century Venetian artisans began to make boxes, cabinets, frames, and caskets that were varnished with Indian shellac in red, black, or dark green in imitation of Eastern lacquerware.3!! Albrecht Diirer, a close student of Near Eastern lacquerware, wrote to a friend in 1509 seeking the recipe for a special varnish that nobody in his circle could produce.3!2 In 1515 Leonardo, as a reminder to himself, wrote this note:

“Learn how to melt gum into lacquer-varnish.” 313 Decorative motifs were also borrowed by the Europeans from Near Eastern, Indian, and East Asian wares. In the earliest imitations the European lacquers were decorated with figures in Chinese costumes, ladies holding parasols and fans, exotic plants and 306 Cf. Heikamp, loc. cit. (n. 302), pp. 193-94; 235-36. 307 Sanskrit, laksha; Hindi, lakh; Persian, lak; Latin, lacca. The Western word “lacquer” is derived from this term. See Yule and Burnell, op. cit., pp. 499-500. 308 F, W. Gibbs, “Historical Survey of the Japanning Trade,” Annals of Science, VII (1951), 401. The few pieces which reached Europe as early as the fourteenth century were kept in the treasuries of

the churches and the vaults of the princes. See Hans Huth, Europdische Lackarbeiten, 1600-1850 (Darmstadt, n.d.), p. 5. |

309 Tt appears that ships from Burma (Pegu), Martaban, and Malacca brought both lac and lacquerware to the ports of the Coromandel Coast, where the Arab and Western merchants then purchased them. Hence the name “Coromandel” was applied to the lacquerware imported from the East in the sixteenth century. The.lac itself was often called “lac of Sumatra,” presumably because Sumatra was another of the principal markets in which it was purchased. On this trade see Linschoten’s account in Burnell and Tiele, op. cit. (n. 47), II, 88. Some. of the “Coromandel” pieces were lacquered screens. 310 J, Irwin, “A Jacobean Vogue for Oriental. Lacquer-Ware,” Burlington Magazine, XCV (1953), 194.

311 The best survey of the history of European lacquer is W. Holzhausen, Lackkunst in Europa (Brunswick, 1959); also see the forthcoming book by Hans Huth, Lacquer of the West (Chicago, 1970). 312 Holzhausen, op. cit. (n. 311), p. 32. 313 McCurdy, op. cit. (n. 104), II, 1124.

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as in Portugal, France, England, and Holland, efforts were likewise made to produce a local product to compete with the brilliant lacquers of the East. But because they had no concrete notion of Eastern lacquer techniques, the Europeans could not match the perfection of the Oriental lacquers. It was not

|7

| until the late seventeenth century that the secret of the “art of Japanning”’ became known to Europe.315

Precious METALS, GEMS, AND JEWELRY

Asia was a deficit area in gold and silver throughout the sixteenth century. Between the Cape of Good Hope and the Pacific just two regions supplied the bulk of the gold circulated in the Orient. Most of the gold mined in Ethiopia and southeast Asia was attracted to the marts of coastal and continental India.31® Gold was constantly in short supply in eastern Asia, and the price of it mounted

sharply in the last third of the sixteenth century. Silver, mined primarily in Japan and China, was more readily available than gold in the Far East. Asian supplies of precious metals were augmented in the sixteenth century by European

silver and American gold and silver brought into the region by the Portuguese and Spaniards. Despite the fact that the Europeans knew full well that gold and

silver were more highly prized in Asia than any other commodities, they persistently believed, as Mandeville had, that they would find a “land of gold” in Asia comparable to what they had found in America.3!7 Eventually, it could be said, they found it in Australia. The persistence in Europe of the belief in an Asian “land of gold’”’ may be shrugged off by attributing it simply to the naive hope that man has always had

about finding gold at the end of the rainbow. Or it may be ascribed to the simple fact that European sailors sought out, cherished, and perpetuated the local Asian stories of an Eldorado in some unidentified place located always farther to the east. But dreams of mineral wealth were also given substance by the lavish. use that the Indians, especially, made of precious metals and stones in their arts and crafts. The gems, pearls, and fine pieces of jewelry and metalwork of India which were carried back to Europe conveyed explicitly the idea that Asia was a region of incalculable wealth which was becoming even wealthier through its importation of Européan and American precious metals. 314 See the article on “lacquer”? by Giovanni Mariacher in the Encyclopedia of World Art. Also see the high praise expressed for Chinese lacquer by Gaspar da Cruz (in Boxer, op. cit. [n. 294], p. 125) and by Linschoten (in Burnell and Tiele, op. cit. [n. 47], I, 61, 64, 97; II, 90). 315 Interestingly enough, John Evelyn and Robert Boyle, the pioneers in the discovery of “English

Japanning,”’ turned for information on lacquering techniques to the sixteenth-century account by Linschoten. See Gibbs, loc. cit. (n. 308), pp. 403-4. 316 V. Magalhdes-Godinho, Os descobrimentos e a economia mundial (Lisbon, 1963), I, 243, 398-99. 317 For example, see Belon, op. cit. (n. 270), pp. 86v—87v.

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The European conception of Asia as a land overflowing with gold and precious stones can be traced back to Herodotus and Ctesias.3!® But it was not until Alexander’s time (early fourth century B.c.) that the polished stones of

India were actually imported into Europe. The Indians seem never to have cut designs into the gems; the art of engraving gems, an invention of the seal-cutters of Nineveh in the eighth century B.c., passed through the Phoenicians to the Asiatic Greeks and the Etruscans. The heads of the gods and the rulers of Hellenic Greece were engraved upon the stone of the signet as they were upon the coins of the time. At first the engravers worked with the softer stones, especially the lapis lazuli and the common amethyst. The Romans, who took the Etruscans for their masters in the glyptic art, produced deeply cut figures in harder stones and gems. The collecting of engraved gems and cameos became a vogue in the Roman Republic with its taste for the extravagant. In the imperial era of Augustus, when gem engraving reached its zenith in Rome, imitation intagli of paste and glass were produced for the common people. The declining economic prosperity of the empire in the third century A.D. brought with it a sharp drop in the importation of precious stones and in the cutting of real gems. Long after it had disappeared in Rome, the technique of counterfeiting precious stones was practiced at Constantinople. By the end of the Middle Ages the craft of making glass jewels passed from Byzantium to Venice, the European center of Eastern trade.

In Europe at large the art of gem engraving became all but totally extinct during the Middle Ages. Jewel merchants like the Polos were possibly more interested in the medicinal and magical properties of jewels than in their ornamental use. Marco described the jade workings of Turkestan and identified the various qualities of jade in terms of their affinities with stones commonly known in Europe.3!9 The legends of the stones and their catalogue of secret properties collected in the lapidarial writings of the Middle Ages were derived from the comments of Pliny, the Book of Revelation, and the famous Book of Stones falsely attributed to Aristotle.32° The De lapidibus (written 1067-81) of Marbodius was a popular Christian treatise written in Latin hexameters that had an influence on mineralogy comparable to that exerted on zoology by the Physiologus. In the twelfth century antique stones were used to decorate the reliquaries made in northern Europe and soon ceremonial vessels were likewise encrusted with them.32! The theological mineralogy of the medieval lapidaries, like those of the Orient, ordained that jewels should be worn as prophylactics and talismen rather than as mere ornaments. The amethyst, which neutralizes the intoxicating 318 For the general history of precious stones and engraved gems see G. F. Kunz, The Curious Lore of Precious Stones (New York, 1938); C. W. King, The Handbook of Engraved Gems (London, 1866) and Antique Gems and Rings (London, 1872); and E. W. Streeter, Precious Stones and Gems: Their History, Sources, and Characteristics (6th ed.; London, 1898).

319, Olschki, Marco Polo’s Asia (Berkeley, 1960), pp. 162-63. Odoric of Pordenone described in vivid detail the great jade jar belonging to the khan. See J. Goette, Jade Lore (New York, 1937), p. 45. 320 See J. Ruska, Das Steinbuch des Aristoteles (Heidelberg, 1912). 321 Baltrugaitis, op. cit. (n. 86), pp. 24-26.

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effects of alcohol, was made into cups. The topaz kept the soul pure and chaste, its name being related to tapas in Sanskrit, or to the word which is applied to the process by which the Indian ascetic frees himself from sensual desires. Bracelets, rings, and metallic charms were inscribed with magical words to protect their wearers from enemies, both natural and supernatural.322 The lapidarial writings of the early Renaissance were not affected significantly by the revival of classical learning because the medieval writings preserved most of the ancient traditions. In their lapidarial books on precious stones and engraved

gems, the Renaissance investigators sought to provide philosophical and scientific explanations for the virtues conventionally attributed to the jewels.323

With regard to the jewels themselves the Renaissance craftsmen, beginning around 1400, revitalized the art of gem engraving. Stones of brilliance and color were sought, as the jewelers began once again to make pins, brooches, buckles, necklaces, and rings for personal ornament.3*4 Still, a belief persisted

in the medicinal, antidotal, and talismanic virtues of precious stones, and of the other rare items used in jewels such as the rhinoceros horn and the bezoar stone.

The Renaissance desire for ornament and antidote were both satisfied and stimulated by the gems, oddities, and lapidarial fables imported from the East. The cornucopia of pearls and cut and uncut gems also held a host of fabulous and ancient Asian traditions about the virtues of the stones which flowed into Europe. The writings of the medieval and Renaissance travelers contained

detailed information on the sources, prices, and availability of the: much esteemed pearls and precious stones of Asia. Mandeville, in particular, related many stories about gold and precious stones, and about the uses of jewels as charms in the East. Along with these accounts, and by other means as well, the writers relayed to Europe some of the Asian traditions about the medicinal,

antidotal, arid magical virtues of jewels, drugs, and a miscellany of exotic objects. For example, Duarte Barbosa wrote early in the sixteenth century: And here they find [in Cambay] a great abundance of . . . [chalcedony], which are stones with grey and white veins in them which they fashion round, and after they are bored the Moors wear them on their arms in such a manner that they touch the skin, saying that they are good to preserve chastity; as these stones are plentiful they are not worth much, 325

The cosmographies and the travel collections likewise give a fair share of attention in their discussions of the Orient to details of the trade in precious 322 For a detailed history of the lapidarial writings and for the legends enshrined in them see J. Evans, Magical Jewels of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, Particularly in England (Oxford, 1922),

esp. pp. 35-37, 121-25. 323 For a list of precious metals and stones and their Christian symbolism see L. Réau, Iconographie de V’art chrétien (Paris, 1956), I, 135-36.

324 At the end of the fifteenth century engraved jewels were widely diffused in Italy according to Camillo di Leonardo in his Speculum lapidum . . . (1502). 325 Dames, op. cit. (n. 218), I, 144-45.

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stones.326 Hans Ulrich Krafft, a merchant of Augsburg who traveled in the Levant from 1573 to 1577, observes with respect to jewelry that “many of the objects produced by these barbarian peoples are so subtly and decoratively worked that they surpass those of the Germans and other Christian nations.” 327 Garcia da Orta devotes two of his colloquies on the drugs and simples of India to the lore current in Asia about diamonds and precious stones. References to the sources, prices, and virtues of pearls and the available jewels appear as well in other of his colloquies. Later European writers on precious stones, such as Anselm Boetius de Boodt, court physician to Rudolf II, derived much of their information on the diamonds and‘rubies of India and Burma from Orta and Linschoten.328

Once they established relations with Vijayanagar and Ceylon in 1505, the Portuguese sought to gain direct access to and information on the sources of the precious stones. A Portuguese factory was set up at Bhatkal in 1510, an important town on the route to the city of Vijayanagar and a market for the pearls from the Fishery Coast. Domingo Paes, who visited Vijayanagar from 1§20 to 1522, gathered information on diamond mining.329 Georg Pock, the

factor of the German firm of Hirschvogel, reported to Nuremberg from Vijayanagar in 1521 that the collection of jewels of Krishna Déva Rayya was far greater than anything possessed by a European monarch.33° A manuscript report by two lapidaries that is dated around 1548 identifies five diggings in Vijayanagar and states that others exist in Orissa.33! The diamonds of India were judged by contemporaries to be smaller in size but heavier in weight, finer in clarity, and higher in virtue than the diamonds of Arabia, Scythia, Macedonia, Ethiopia, and Cyprus.33? In Lisbon diamonds of all sizes, cut and uncut, were for sale, but diamonds from India became hard to get in the 1560's when war and famine, attendant upon the fall of Vijayanagar, prevented the mining and transport of the precious stones.333 The lapidaries 326 Sebastian Miinster in the 1550 edition of his Cosmographia (pp. 168-71) devotes a large share of his attention to diamonds; Richard Eden in the 1577 edition of The History of Travayle (pp. 4231-426v)

gives all the data available to him on the traffic in precious stones. 327 K. D. Haszler (ed.), Reisen und Gefangenschaft Hans Ulrich Kraffts (Stuttgart, 1861), p. 125.

328 A, Boetius de Boodt, Gemmarum et lapidum historia... (Leyden, 1636), pp. 33-37, 120-21. For the influence of Orta see Asia, I, 192-95. Also see discussion in C. F. Torre de Assuncio, “A mineralogia nos Coldquios,” Garcia da Orta, Special Commemorative Volume (1963), pp. 712-21. 329 Cf. Asia, I, 374, 471.

330 Pock was also a correspondent of the Herwart merchant group, the German family most interésted in the jewel trade between India and Europe. See H. K6mmerling-Fitzler, “Der Niirnberger Georg Pock (d. 1528-1529) in Portugiesisch-Indien und im Edelsteinland Vijayanagara,” Mitteilungen des Vereins fiir Geschichte der Stadt Niirnberg, LV (1967-68), 168-69.

331 A. de A. Calado, “Livro que trata das cousas da India e do Japao,” Boletim da biblioteca da universidade de Coimbra, XXIV (1960), 69-71. 332 G, M. Bonardi, La minera del mondo (Venice, 1589), p. 23v. On the sale of Indian gems at Baghdad

in 1574 see the account of Leonhard Rauwolf as summarized in Dannenfeldt, op. cit. (n. 143), p. 121.

333 See letter of the Viceroy Antao de Noronha of December 30, 1564, to Queen Catharine of Portugal in J. Wicki (ed.), “Dokumente und Briefe aus der Zeit des indischen Vizekénigs D. Antio de Noronha (1563-1568),”” in H. Flasche (ed.), Aufsdtze zur portugiesischen Kulturgeschichte (Miinster, 1960), I, 239.

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working in Lisbon in the sixteenth century were among the finest diamond cutters the world has ever known.334 Johann von Schuren, the Fugger agent, reports buying at Lisbon a solitaire of 67.5 carats as well as many smaller diamonds to be set in rings and other kinds of jewelry.335 At Antwerp the Affaitadi merchants imported diamonds and pearls “en gros” from Lisbon, maintained a lapidary, and furnished quantities of uncut stones to the tapestry makers for use

as decorations on their more elaborate creations. Diamonds from India were also marketed in Venice by the Affaitadi.336 The pearls from the Persian Gulf and the Straits of Manaar were more highly prized than the pearls found in European and American waters. All pearls were judged in terms of the “perfect pearls of the Orient” which brought the highest price on the Antwerp market.337 Leonardo prepared a recipe for melting small pearls in order to make “pearls as large as you wish.” 338 Dresses stitched all over with pearls were in vogue before 1550, and in the latter half of the century pearls were lavishly used as trimmings and in embroidery. Many of the leading

collectors had so many pearls that they noted them in their inventories by weight rather than by number.339 Mother-of-pearl was used in making medallions, game boards, and inlays in furniture.34° Infusions of pulverized pearls were administered as a physic after all less drastic measures had failed. Precious stones available in the Indian coastal towns likewise arrived in Europe in quantity. Linschoten noted that Cambay sold amethysts, garnets, crystals, agates (cat’s eyes), fine amber, and carnelians. Ceylon marketed all the

precious stones except diamonds, and Arakan and Pegu in Burma furnished rubies, sapphires, emeralds, and spinels.34! Jades and nephrites from China competed in Europe with the kidney-shaped nephrites of America. Until the end of the sixteenth century the English language used one transliteration or the other from the Chinese word yii (stone) as its word for jade.342 Common belief had it that a piece of jade placed over the kidney would cure ailments connected

with that organ. The ready availability in Europe of precious stones and metals from the

overseas world combined to promote the art of the jeweler and the other 334 Streeter, op. cit. (n. 318), p. 23. 338 N. Lieb, Die Fugger und die Ktinste im Zeitalter der hohen Renaissance (Munich, 1958), p. 136. Also see the list of jewels, including rubies, sapphires, and diamonds, which Lucas Rem, the Welser merchant, gave to his bride in 1518. See B. Greiff (ed.), ““Tagebuch des Lucas Rem . . .,”” Jahresbericht des historischen Kreisvereins ... von Schwaben und Neuburg (Augsburg, 1861), p. 53. 336 J, Denucé, Inventaire des Affaitadi, banquiers italiens 4 Anvers de V année 1568 (Antwerp, 1934), p. 63. 337 J. A. Goris, Etude sur des colonies marchandes méridionales ... a Anvers de 1488 a 1567 (Louvain,

1925), pp. 260-61. For a comparison of European and Oriental pearls see the letter to Ortelius by Daniel Engelhardus (March 23, 1598) in J. H. Hessels (ed.), Abrahami Orteliis . . . Epistulae (Cambridge, 1887), p. 746. 338 McCurdy, op. cit. (n. 104), I, 191. 339 Boehn, op. cit. (n. 182), II, 184. 340 EF, Bonnaffé, Inventaire des meubles de Catherine de Médicis en 1589 (Paris, 1874), p. 90. 341 Burnell and Tiele, op. cit. (n. 47), I, 61, 80, 97. 342 Goette, op. cit. (n. 319), p. 24.

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workers in metal. The European workers also had available, whether or not they were influenced by them, a variety of bracelets, rings, and signets made in

the East. Like other artists, the jewelers came to be patronized by royal and papal connoisseurs. Both Charles V and Pope Clement VII employed Valario Brilli il Vicentino to set jewels for them. Matteo del Nazzaro, master of the mint to Francis I, founded an atelier in which he taught pupils to work in precious metals. Jacopo da Trazzo, the first European to engrave a diamond, became wealthy in the service of Philip II of Spain. As time went on, the techniques of engraving on gems were greatly refined, particularly through the use of the magnifying glass.343 In England and Venice jewels in the form of ships were highly favored. Queen Elizabeth was presented with a ship jewel whose hull was made of ebony set with a table diamond and whose masts and rigging were fashioned from enameled gold set with pearls.344 One-fourth of the jewelers and silversmiths plying their craft in Lisbon in 1513 were foreigners, mostly Spanish Jews.345 Raulu Xatim, a goldsmith of Goa, worked in Lisbon for the king from 1518 to 1521.346 This concentration of skilled workers in gold and silver forced Dom Manuel to issue his decree of April 19, 1514, ordaining that the workers in precious stones and gold should keep shop on the Rua Nova, and the silverworkers on the Rua Dourivesaria.347 Diogo Roiz was silversmith to the consort of Manuel and one of the greatest

artists working in Lisbon. It was probably Roiz who was responsible for establishing separate guilds of gold- and silversmiths, each with its own recognized masters and rules. That such an organization was necessary, and possibly effective, is demonstrated by the fact that by 1550 the city counted an impressive total of 430 workers in precious metals.348

The most celebrated of the early Portuguese creations of the goldsmith’s art is the famous custodial of Belém. It was made in 1506 by Gil Vicente from gold that Vasco da Gama brought to Lisbon in 1503 from his second voyage to India. Dedicated to Dom Manuel, the custodial of the Jerénimos resembles in its form and decoration the south portal of the Belém monastery.349 Like so many other Manueline creations, the heavy golden custodial is richly decorated

with reliefs of exotic flowers, fruits, and birds. Many of the silver and gold works produced in Lisbon for sale to the general public were equally massive, profusely decorated with exotic and maritime objects, and artistically analogous to the Manueline ornamentation on the monasteries of Belém and Tomar.35° One of the treasures most cherished by Diogo de Sousa, the Manueline bishop 343 King, Engraved Gems (n. 318), p. 170. 344 J. Evans, A History of Jewellery, 1100-1870 (London, 1953), pp. 127-28. 345 J. Couto and A. M. Goncalves, A ourivesaria em Portugal (Lisbon, 1962), p. 102.

346 R. dos Santos, “A India Portuguesa e as artes decorativas,” Belas Artes (Lisbon), 2d ser., No. 7

(2954), p. 9. The Goa worker had made a dagger and other items for the king before he came to 347 Couto and Gongalves, op. cit. (n. 345), p. 17.

348 Ibid., pp. 120~21. :

349 For pictorial reproductions of both see ibid., p. 104. 350 Barreira et al., op. cit. (n. 2), I, 44.

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of Braga, was the episcopal throne that he had made in the form of a splendid

galleon whose high prow was studded with jewels and precious stones. It seemed to lie at anchor under the Gothic reticula of the cathedral’s arched roof as if it were tied up in the shade of a palm tree.35! A wider variety of religious and secular objects in precious metals and stones were also made by IndoPortuguese goldsmiths and jewelers for sale in Europe. The tendency toward a profuse, exotic decoration was replaced in Portugal during the latter half of the century by the adoption of classical and Renaissance motifs. In Spain, with its long and distinguished tradition in silverware, the exotic trend in decoration began to appear only in the creations of the last generation of the sixteenth century. Goblets, ewers, and basins of the sort that had

previously been decorated with Greek goddesses or Roman triumphs now became grounds on which fantastic animals, fish, and birds disported.35 Juan de Arphe (1532-1602) in his instructional manual for silversmiths devotes a whole book to drawings of and discussion about the proportions and shapes that should be followed in animal designs (pl. 132).353

In the Low Countries and Germany, the silversmiths, like the woodcut artists, reacted sensitively to the discoveries. Their designs, like those of the Manueline artists in Portugal, often have few open spaces and are crowded with exotic flora and fauna. The body of a silver tankard made in Antwerp around 1525 is profusely decorated with “natives” in the foreground and palm trees and camels in the background. On the cover of the tankard, sailing vessels ply their way toward palm-lined shores (pl. 82).35+ A knob on the lid of a Rappoltsteiner goblet created around 1543 by the Strassburg master, Georg Kobenhaupt, is global in shape with a world map cut into it that is decorated with astrological animals and exotic maritime life (pl. 73).355 Erasmus Hornick

of Nuremberg in 1562 issued a book of jewel designs many of which were explicitly calculated to use the pearls that were so fashionable in pendants shaped as dragons and sea horses.35° Grotesques consisting of foliage twining about satyrs and fantastic human and animal figures are also frequently seen on silverworks of the Renaissance.357 The widespread interest of the north in the collection and display of oddities

led to the mounting of porcelains and natural curiosities in gold and silver settings. Coconut, nautilus, and bezoar stone cups in elaborate and bejeweled

settings were made for the wealthier collectors (pls. 83, 85). Around 1570 Georg Berger in Germany began mounting Chinese porcelains in silver.358 351 Ibid., IV, 235. 382 J. C. Davillier, Recherches sur lorféevrerie en Espagne au moyen dge et a la Renaissance (Paris, 1879),

. 89-90. ress See Book III of his Varia commensuracion para la escultura (Madrid, 1598). 354 For a detailed description see H. Thoma, Kronen und Kleinédien (Munich, 1955), p. 22. 355 Ibid., p. 23.

356 Evans, op. cit. (n. 344), pp. 119-20.

357 M. H. Gans and T. M. Duyvené de Wit-Klinkhamer, Dutch Silver (London, 1961), p. II. 358 For an illustration of his work see Reallexikon zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte, ed. O. Schmitt (Stuttgart, 1937), III, 442.

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The Individual Arts Around 1585 a London silversmith set at least five pieces of excellent blue-and-

white porcelain in silver mounts (pl. 75) for William Cecil, Lord Burghley, who evidently presented one or more of them to Queen Elizabeth for her collection.359 In a document found in the city library of Nuremberg, there is a description of a silver mounted cup made of a coconut so huge that it was esteemed a “marvelous work of nature.’’ A member of the family of Wenzel Jamnitzer, a most highly esteemed goldsmith of Nuremberg, cut a scene from the “Feast of Bacchus” into the nut itself and inscribed the costly cover “worthy of an emperor’s attention’”’ with the date 1593. The Jamnitzer coconut was added to the curiosity cabinet of a substantial family of Nuremberg who dis-

played it between 1593 and 1606 to more than one thousand visitors of distinction.3®°

Commonplace oddities of this kind were valued as much for their presumed occult powers as for their beauty. The nautilus shell was accorded particular attention because of its mother-of-pearl interior and the mysterious regularity of its spiral form. Precious stones, like other curiosities, were regarded as works of art by the Creator. On their mystical qualities, Anselm Boetius de Boodt declared in his Gemmarum et lapidum historia (Hanau, 1609): What God can do by Himself, He could do also by means of ministers, good and bad angels, who, by special grace of God are enabled to enter precious stones and to guard men from dangers or procure some special grace for them.36!

In India, likewise, the precious stones were prized for their power to work good or evil upon man. The Hindus even classified diamonds and rubies accord-

ing to the four castes. That such Asian ideas about the precious stones had an effect upon European thought is exemplified by Cardano’s reference to the onyx as a talisman for cooling the ardors of passion, a belief that he contends is held in India, where people everywhere wear it on the neck for this purpose.36?

The West, for the first time in history, was faced in the sixteenth century with direct competition from the high civilizations of the East which possessed independent artistic traditions of great antiquity, towering accomplishments, and enduring vitality. The artistic histories of Islam and Byzantium were, by contrast, less ancient, less impressive, and too closely related to Europe’s own traditions to produce either ready acceptance or shocked aversion. But despite the enormity and strangeness of the competition, Europe's artistic reactions to the establishment of direct maritime contacts with the East were slow in coming 359 For a description of both the mountings and the porcelains, now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, see L. Avery, “Chinese Porcelain in English Mounts,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, N.S., Il (1943), 266-72. 360 See for the full description M. Frankenburger, Beitrdge zur Geschichte Wenzel Jamnitzer und seiner Familie (Strassburg, 1901). Also see the pitcher fashioned from a double-coconut and set in a silver

and gilt mounting by Anton Schoenberger in Prague (National Museum at Stockholm, No. 6872). 361 As quoted in Kunz, op. cit. (n. 318), pp. 5-6. 362 G. Cardano, Les livres... intitulez De la Subtilité et subtiles inventions . . . (Paris, 1584), Bk. VII, p. 454. Also see J. Lucas-Dubreton, Le monde enchanté de la Renaissance: Jeréme Cardan Vhalluciné (Paris, 1954), pp. 151, 156.

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Precious Metals, Gems, and Jewelry and initially limited to superficialities. Europe’s hesitant response is usually ac-

counted for by reference to the fact that direct relations began at a time in Europe’s own history when the visual arts had attained a level of qualitative excellence not equaled before or since. Or to the fact that many of the best of Asia’s portable arts were well known in Europe and had already exercised their influence upon design and ornament long before the sixteenth century began. Or, it is sometimes argued, that Europe’s imagination was initially fired more

by the voyages themselves than by the lands and peoples revealed, and so European artists were more inclined to celebrate maritime exploits than to emulate Asia’s arts. Close scrutiny of the individual arts and artists shows, however, that Europeans

were at no time oblivious to the challenge of Asia’s arts. Albrecht Diirer was fascinated by the “subtle ingenia’”’ of foreign works; the Medicis were determined

to produce porcelains that would compete with the wares of China; and Cardano was distressed by the “uncertainties” that the revelation of the East was producing in the arts of Europe. In all of the art forms examined, the practitioners gradually made adjustments to bring Asian elements into their works for variety, novelty, and exotic effect. And what becomes entirely clear is the simple fact that the artists of the Renaissance, whatever the degree or direction of their cultural bias, felt free to bring exotica into their works and to experiment with and copy techniques that were then unknown in Europe. Earlier efforts to imitate Asian porcelains, textiles, and lacquerware were intensified as the result of closer and more regular contacts. The makers of the Medici porcelains imitated the composition, shapes, ornaments, and colors of Ming blue-and-white ware in what was the most successful effort to produce porcelain in Europe before the eighteenth century. The technique of lacemaking was introduced to Europe around 1500, and pattern books were later prepared in Venice and Germany to show lace workers how to create Oriental designs. The chain stitch was more widely used as Europeans from Italy to Spain sought to imitate the Asian textiles in texture as well as in design and ornament. Artisans engaged in quilting, dyeing, marquetry, and jewel engraving and design were stimulated to adopt new techniques to meet the competition of products from the East. Lisbon and Antwerp became major markets for the superior jewels, pearls, embroideries, and works in precious metals of the East.

Jewelry for personal adornment, perhaps in imitation of Indian customs, became increasingly common, and sumptuary laws were issued in some countries against its manufacture and use. Books on jewel design and manuals for silversmiths, embroiderers, and lacemakers were prepared to help European craftsmen to create competitive works. And enterprising merchants and crafts-

men of both Europe and Asia cooperated to produce “export products” in Asia of porcelain, furniture, featherworks, and textiles that were designed to appeal to European tastes. In architecture and sculpture the influences of the discoveries were limited to the maritime ornamentation employed by Manueline artists. In European [ 121 ]

The Individual Arts

painting, Asian rugs, textiles, porcelain, flora, and fauna were regularly used

for their decorative qualities and their exotic appeal. The presence in the Netherlands of strange flowers, oddities, and seashells from the East helped to stimulate innovations which contributed to the development of the related arts of flower painting and still life. Tapestries and woodcuts in their adoption of

new themes reflected the widespread interest in the discoveries evinced in northern Europe. Costume was among the first features to be Orientalized in paintings, tapestries, and prints. The depictions of Chinese in the prints became quite realistic by the end of the sixteenth century. And, at all periods, it was common for the graphic artists quickly to create representations of the novel products, animals, and oddities of Asia. It was probably because of their close

association with book publication and cartography that the woodcut artists and engravers of northern Europe were more responsive than any other group to the arrival of curiosities of the East.

Practitioners in the major arts were more limited in the Asian sources they had at hand and were consequently not so well informed or fundamentally concerned with what their Asian counterparts had done or were doing. The architects of Europe were unable to view the great monuments of Asia and could learn about them only by report or by portraits in other media. The sculptors could see only the inferior works of Asian craftsmen or lesser artists, for the great sculptures were too large or too highly prized to be taken off to Europe. Asian paintings in small numbers were available in Europe, but no concrete evidence exists to show that European painters were moved to study, imitate, or experiment with the foreign techniques they represented. While it is possible to see resemblances between European and Chinese landscape

paintings, the problem needs much more study before anything definite about influence can be said. The same conclusion must also be reached in the

case of the possible debt of Arcimboldo to Indian miniatures for the idea behind his tétes composées. But while such cases are still conjectural, it does appear plain that Asian sources were at hand and that the artists might have used them. The likelihood that painters were inspired by such examples is reinforced by the fact that the graphic artists unhesitatingly used the collections of curiosities as sources for their prints. Obviously there was no unbreachable cultural bias against using Asian arts as models, or against copying foreign techniques. Indeed, some artists were positively attracted by the “subtle ingenia’” of Asian art objects. And it certainly is clear that they used them in painting for their exotic and symbolic qualities. In the graphic arts generally, the “heathen objects’ had appeal as examples of the new and fantastic, and these qualities were especially appreciated by the

innovating Mannerists. But the full impact of Asia on European art is not limited to such obvious responses. To see more clearly how the exotica from Asia relentlessly worked their way into European art, we will in the following chapter trace selected examples through the various European arts and examine the ways in which they were adapted by individual artists to their own artistic ends.

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CHAPTER III

The Iconography of Asian Animals

To appreciate the effects of the importations from Asia upon artistic conceptions

and symbolism it is necessary to trace in detail the movement of selected, dramatic examples of exotica through the arts of Europe. The new plants, for example, had attraction for and influence upon the engravers of botanical books

and the flower painters, and their trail could be followed through numerous related arts. Or decorative elements and designs from textiles and porcelains could be tracked through the arts of tapestry weaving, engraving, and costume.

But it is far simpler, and certainly more striking, to show how the arts and artists of Europe responded to the strange and wonderful animals imported from Asia.

Beasts were brought into Portugal as oddities in some of the first fleets to return from India.! The largest of the living animals imported by sea were the elephant and rhinoceros of India. The Bengal tiger was the only one of the larger beasts that came from the animal markets of the Levant. Smaller animals were also brought regularly from the East as pets of the sailors, especially monkeys and parrots. Along with the animals, the adventurers also brought plumages of

the bird of paradise and various living birds to Europe that had never before been known there, such as the emu and the dodo. Along with the animals themselves there entered a host of Asian traditions and stories about the animals’ origins, characteristics, and functions that were to influence the depiction and figurative meanings assigned to them by European artists. 1]. de Vilhena Barbosa, Apontamentos para a histéria das collecgdes e dos estudos de zoologia em Pértugal (Lisbon, 1885), pp. iv—vii.

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I THE ELEPHANT?

Maritime transport of pachyderms must have posed stupendous problems. Adult elephants, aside from any overcrowding or security problems they might cause, are voracious eaters. A single elephant, were it to be kept in reasonably

good health, would certainly eat and drink the rations of many men.3 The elephants brought back to Europe, consequently, seem to have been young beasts which had not yet attained their full size, weight, or strength, but which were manageable and old enough to be trained. They were usually accompanied, at least at first, by their mahouts or Indian trainers. It was possibly because they were tractable that Asian elephants, once they became available, were brought into Renaissance Europe in preference to their less docile African cousins.

Thirteen Asian elephants, at least, were imported into Europe via Portugal during the sixteenth century. No elephants entered, so far as is known, from Egypt or the Levant. Of the elephants brought in through Lisbon, one reached Rome, two got to Vienna by different routes, one arrived at Madrid, and one lodged for a period at Dieppe before being taken across the channel to England. On its peregrinations from Lisbon to other European cities, the Asian elephant was viewed for the first time by throngs of Frenchmen, Englishmen, Spaniards, Italians, Flemings, Walloons, and Germans, as brief stopovers were made in urban centers such as Alicante, Civitavecchia, Genoa, Milan, Brussels, Antwerp, Cologne, and in many smaller towns and villages.

Everywhere they went the elephants of Asia stimulated the curiosity of artist, scientist, Humanist, and the man in the street. Learned Latin poets and vulgar versifiers celebrated the beast and its presumed virtues. Humanists and naturalists debated learnedly, and without noticeable humor, the differences between the beast before their eyes and the ones described by their revered

authorities of Antiquity. Amateur artists and painters as great as Raphael depicted the elephant from the living model. Reigning monarchs, in an effort to keep abreast or forge ahead of their fellows, sent requests to Portugal for elephants, and more than one ruling potentate hoped to begin raising these majestic beasts in his own menagerie. The initial curiosity stirred by the elephant quickly evaporated as it became better known. The effusions of rhymesmiths and Humanists were quickly forgotten. The natural scientist, inclined at this time to be subservient to the authorities of Antiquity, vainly sought to reconcile the elephant of fact with the elephant of tradition. It was mainly in the field of art that the Asian elephant 2In its essentials this section has been published as D. F. Lach, “Asian Elephants in Renaissance Europe,” Journal of Asian History, I (1967), 133-76. A number of the plates published there are not reproduced in this book but are cited in the following notes. 3“, .. no less than 600 pounds of fodder is the proper daily allowance for an elephant” (S. W. Baker, Wild Beasts and Their Ways [London, 1890], I, 22).

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The Elephant

left a lasting impression upon Renaissance culture. Not only did the living model invest the depiction of the elephant with a new naturalism, it also helped

to bring profound changes into symbolism. But to comprehend the changes which were introduced by the living Asian elephants into Renaissance art and thought, it is first necessary to examine the traditions and lore about elephants which the men of the sixteenth century inherited from their European past. A. ANTIQUITY AND THE MIDDLE AGES

Within historical times the range of the elephant, the largest living land mammal,

has been narrowed greatly by the encroachments of civilization. Originally native to most of Africa and the Eurasiatic continent, the elephant is found today only in sub-Saharan Africa, India, Ceylon, and southeast Asia. By Roman times the elephant had been reduced to two genera, the African and the Indian. The major differences between the two types, especially useful for studying them in art, are the greater height of the African, its concave back which slopes sharply to the rump, its longer tusks, and its larger ears. Since most depictions show the elephant in profile, the line of the back, concave in the African and convex in the Asian, is especially useful as a distinguishing mark.

Knowledge of the elephant spread gradually westward in Antiquity.* Exotic animals were sent as tribute to the kings of Assyria, the renowned obelisk of Salmanassar II (ruled 1019-1007 B.c.) showing a procession of animals led

by an Indian elephant.5 Ctesias of Cnidus, physician to the Persian king Artaxerxes Mnemon (436-358 B.c.), introduced the elephant, though in a highly fanciful description, into Greek literature. The Persians, long before the time of Ctesias, had recruited Indian auxiliary corps with elephant mounts into their armies. Europeans had their first experience on record with elephants on the occasion of Alexander the Great’s final defeat of Darius III (336-330 B.c.)

at Arbela in 331 B.c. The Macedonian conqueror evidently captured fifteen elephants from his desperate Persian foe, and it may have been one of these animals which Aristotle observed and eventually described so accurately in his History of the Animals.

From his campaign in India (326-324 B.c.), which ended with a victory over Porus, Alexander brought back to Babylon a number of Indian war elephants. Tradition has it that the conqueror entered the city in a chariot drawn by elephants, and Diodorus Siculus reports that the funeral chariot of Alexander was decorated with a representation of his triumphal return from India. Alexander 4 Compare the history of the elephant and its depiction in the East as summarized in K. M. Ball, Decorative Motives of Oriental Art (London, 1927), chaps. x and xi. 5 For a reproduction see O. Keller, Die antike Tierwelt (Leipzig, 1909), I, 374, fig. 130. It is possible

that the “Indian elephant” was actually native at this period to the swamps of the upper Euphrates. Assyrian kings went on elephant hunts in this region, for the animal appears to have lived there until about 800 B.c. See F. S. Bodenheimer, Animal and Man in Bible Lands (Leyden, 1960), p. 103. On the

prehistoric animals see Emiliano Aguirre, “Evolutionary History of the Elephant,” Science, CLXIV (June 20, 1969), 1366-75.

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The Iconography of Asian Animals himself ordered that a coin should be cast to commemorate his victory over the

Indian ruler: on its reverse side it shows Alexander on horseback fighting against Porus, who is riding an elephant. Like the god Dionysius, Alexander celebrated his victories in India with a triumphal procession that ultimately became the archetype for the trionfi of the Renaissance. The successors of Alexander in the Levant, the Seleucids, continued long after the conqueror’s death to use elephants as shock forces in their armies.7 A dramatic confrontation occurred at the Battle of Raphia (217 B.c.) between the Indian elephants of the Seleucids and the African of the Ptolemies. The decisive defeat handed to the African elephants on this occasion served to enhance the reputation of the Indian elephants and their mahouts.® Both the Seleucids and the Ptolemies kept elephants for spectacular displays as well as war. Alexandria boasted the largest and most complete zoological col-

lection known to the Hellenistic world. Elephants were paraded in Egypt on festival occasions, for example in the great processions honoring Dionysius held in the early years of Ptolemy II’s reign (283-246 B.c.). Twenty-four chariots, each drawn by four elephants, followed immediately behind a huge representa-

tion of Dionysius returning from India. “Quadrigas,” following this model, were to become conventional in the triumphal processions of Roman times and in the later artistic representations of them.° Especially valuable as models for

the Renaissance artists were the Roman sarcophagi showing the triumph of Dionysius (or Bacchus) in India.!°

The Greek city-states were not wealthy or powerful enough to collect expensive animals for war or spectacles. The Greeks themselves had no taste for circuses or gladiatorial combats involving beasts. They collected small exotic animals as pets and curiosities, but large animals like elephants are almost never depicted on Greek vases, coins, reliefs, mosaics, or wall paintings.1! The word eAdpas is obviously preserved in “elephant,” but we possess little undisputed information on its pre-Greek etymology.! Aristotle includes a variety of references to the elephants in his biological writings, and seems especially fascinated 6 See W. S. Heckscher, ‘‘Bernini’s Elephant and Obelisk,” Art Bulletin, XXIX (1947), 159, fig. 7. 7 The victory monument erected ca. 275 B.c. by Antiochus I shows a representation of an elephant crushing a soldier in its trunk, a motif that appears repeatedly in both Asian and European depictions of the elephant. See Keller, op. cit. (n. 5), I, 377-78, fig. 132. 8 See G. Jennison, Animals for Show and Pleasure in Ancient Rome (Manchester, 1937), p. 38. 9 A fine example of this motif in Roman art is the ivory carving of the early fourth century A.D. commonly called “‘Apotheosis of Romulus.” For reproductions see O. M. Dalton, Catalogue of the Ivories of the Christian Era (London, 1909), pl. I. In 1912 a wall painting of a “‘quadriga’”’ was unearthed at Pompeii. See A. Maiuri, Pompei-Ercolana: I nuovi scavi (Naples, 1927). A Roman medal of Maxentius

depicts the emperor standing in a chariot drawn by four elephants, as does a coin on which Nero and his mother are represented. See G. F. Kunz, Ivory and the Elephant in Art, in Archaeology, and in Science

(New York, 1916), pp. 174, 179. 10 See especially the plates in K. Lehmann-Hartleben and E. C. Olsen, Dionysiac Sarcophagi in Baltimore (Baltimore, 1942).

11 Keller, op. cit. (n. §), I, 381. On some later coins the head of Socrates is combined with the head and trunk of the elephant. See Kunz, op. cit. (n. 9), p. 183. 12 Forareview of itsetymology see H. Yuleand A. C. Burnell, Hobson-Jobson: Glossary of Anglo-Indian Colloquial Words and Phrases. . .(2d ed.; New Delhi, 1968), pp. 337-41. For a summary of its development and usage in the idioms and symbols of the Romance and Germanic languages see R. Riegler, Das Tier im Spiegel der Sprache: Ein Beitrag zur vergleichenden Bedeutungslehre (Leipzig, 1909), pp. 8I-9I.

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The Elephant by the multiple functions of its stupendous and pliable nose or trunk. The great philosopher is the first writer to record, while denying its veracity, the common belief current in his day that the elephant has no joints in its legs—a misconcep-

tion which in Europe retained broad acceptance until the mid-seventeenth century.!3 Megasthenes in his Indica (302 B.c.) makes frequent references to the elephant and is possibly responsible for India’s being known in Europe as “‘the land of the elephant.”

The Romans first became acquainted with elephants when Pyrrhus I, king of Epirus, invaded Italy early in the third century B.c. Thanks to the surprise

and shock created among the Romans by the elephants, Pyrrhus won quick victories in 280 and 279 B.c. Four years later, however, the Romans under Curius Dentatus defeated him at Beneventum near Naples. Four elephants were among the captives taken by the victorious consul, and they were brought to

Rome to march in his triumphal procession.'4 Twenty-four years later, the consul Lucius Caecilius Metellus defeated the Carthaginians at Palermo (251 B.C.) and returned to Rome with over one hundred African elephants.'5 The mahouts of the captured elephants, probably Indians or persons trained by Indians, were integrated into the Roman service, but the Romans seem never to have used elephants, these or others, for military purposes. The Roman term “African beasts’’ was thereafter indiscriminately applied to a broad range of foreign animals brought to the capital for processions and games (/udi).!® From

this time on, the elephant frequently appears as a device on the coins of the Metelli. Animal shows and combats became a standard feature of Roman life beginning in the first century B.c. Elephants were pitted in the arena against bulls, gladiators,

and each other. Most of those so mistreated were evidently African elephants captured by the Romans in their wars against the Carthaginians and Numidians. At Pompey’s celebration in 55 B.c. over twenty elephants and an Indian rhinoceros were on display.!7 Torchlight parades featuring elephants celebrated the glories of the empire under Julius Caesar. Since the elephants bore torches in their trunks, it seems likely that they were trained Indian elephants rather than captive war elephants of the African variety. This conclusion is reinforced by the fact that in the Augustan Age and thereafter the elephant trained to perform 13 See Aristotle, Parts of Animals, trans. A. L. Peck (London, 1955), 2. 16. 6592, for discussion of the trunk; also see ibid. (“Progression of Animals”’), 9. 7092 and 7122, for discussion of how the elephant

walks and bends its legs. An analogue of the popular belief in the jointless elephant is a similar Chinese story which makes the rhinoceros jointless (cf. Kunz, op. cit. [n. 9], pp. 144-45); among the Muslim writers this feature of jointless legs is associated sometimes with the elephant and at others with the rhinoceros (cf. R. Ettinghausen, The Unicorn [Washington, 1950], p. 15); in Europe, from Aelian throughout the Middle Ages, the rhinoceros was also believed to be jointless. In the Hindu tradition, the best elephants, those fit for a prince, have “invisible joints” in both their fore and hind legs. See Franklin Edgerton, The Elephant-Lore of the Hindus (New Haven, Conn., 1931), p. 5514 On this first Roman triumph and on later ones as well see Ferdinand Noack, “Triumph und Triumphbogen,” Vortrdge der Bibliothek Warburg, 1925-1926 (Leipzig-Berlin, 1928), pp. 185-90. 15 See Pliny, Natural History, trans. H. Rackham (Cambridge, Mass., 1949), 8. 6. 13-15.16 Jennison, op. cit. (n. 8), pp. 3, 44.

17 Ibid., pp. 52, 54. : [ 127 |

The Iconography of Asian Animals

circus tricks entertained in the arena ever more frequently.!8 A herd of state elephants was kept permanently under the two Caesars in Latium between Rome and the sea. Since these beasts were not used in war service, one must conclude that the state bore the expense of their keep to have them on hand for ceremonial processions, animal displays, and circuses.

Pliny the Elder (A.D. 23-79) summarizes in his Natural History (8. 1-13) much of what the Roman world knew or believed about the elephants. The great compiler rates the elephant as the beast which most nearly approaches man

in intelligence: it comprehends the vernacular language and understands and remembers orders and duties. Moral virtues attributed to the elephant are honesty, wisdom, justice, modesty, affection, and gentleness. It is said to show “respect for the stars and reverence for the sun and moon.’’!9 In India, wild elephants are hunted and captured by mahouts riding domesticated elephants; in Africa elephants are caught by means of pitfalls and hunted with spears and javelins for their ivory and flesh. Indian elephants, Pliny incorrectly asserts, are larger in size than their African cousins.?° Pliny is also guilty of lending his authority to the popular misconceptions about the great longevity?! of the elephant and its fear of mice. He describes a fight between a rhinoceros and an elephant and implies that. the rhinoceros wins

the encounter by stabbing the elephant in the belly with its horn.2? From the evidence of Roman coins, medals, and sculptures there can be little doubt that Pliny and other ancient authors were probably much more familiar with African

than with Asian elephants.?3 Indeed, the elephant head on many of Caesar’s coins and in extant marble and bronze sculptures seems for the Romans to symbolize “Africa’’ and their empire there.24 As an allegorical symbol, the elephant achieved the peak of its prestige during 18 Cf. ibid., pp. 58, 65-66. Tradition has it, but the evidence is not substantial, that a white elephant from Asia was on display in Rome during the reign of Augustus. See P. Armandi, Histoire militaire des éléphants, depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu’a V introduction des armes a feu (Paris, 1843), pp. 380-81.

19 Compare the stories in the Panchatantra of the elephant’s devotion to the moon as discussed in V. S. Naravane, The Elephant and the Lotus (Bombay, 1965), p. 54. 20 A mistaken belief that was current in Antiquity, possibly because the African elephants used

at the battle of Raphia were smaller and younger than the Indian elephants pitted against them. Cf. Jennison, op. cit. (n. 8), pp. 39-40. 21 Pliny asserts that they live from 200 to 300 years. Indian estimates range from 80 to 120 years. See Edgerton, op. cit. (n. 13), p. 23. Modern scholars tend to feel that elephants not in captivity live for about the same span of years as humans. 22 It is probably true that the elephant fears the rhinoceros as well as many other wild beasts. See Baker, op. cit. (n. 3), p. 292. 23 Jennison, op. cit. (n. 8), pp. 196-98; for a discussion of the elephant as an allegorical portrait of Julius Caesar on a Roman coin see D. and E. Panofsky, “Iconography of the Galerie Francois I®",”’ Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 6th ser., LII (1958), 123. For an Indian elephant see the Roman medal struck

for the consul Curius Dentatus and reproduced in Keller, op. cit. (n. 5), I, 357, fig. 131. The best survey of the elephant on coins and medals is G. Cupertus, De elephantis in nummis obviis (The Hague, 1719). A copy of this work with its 126 splendid cuts of coins and medals may be found in the collection of the American Numismatic Society in New York. Also see H. A. Grueber, Coins of the Roman

Republic in the British Museum (London, 1910), II, §; and S. L. Cesano, “‘Le monete di Cesare,” Atti della pontifica Accademia Romana di Archeologia, 3d ser., Rendiconti, XXII-—XXIV (1947-49), 107.

24 Cf. V. Waille, “Note sur l’éléphant, symbole de l’Afrique 4 propos d’un bronze récemment découvert 4 Berrouaghia (Algérie),” Revue archéologique, XVII (1891), 380; Keller, op. cit. (n. 5), I, 381-82. Also the article on elephants in P. Lavedan, Dictionnaire illustré de la mythologie et des antiquités grecques et romaines (Paris, 1931).

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The Elephant the Middle Ages. Christian teachers and writers, beginning in the second century A.D., regularly applied myths and legends about animals to their allegorical interpretations of the Holy Scriptures and the doctrines of the Church.?5 Because of its high moral standing in classical writings, the elephant soon became a standard emblem for a number of ethical and religious precepts. Traditions regarding the elephant, as well as some fifty other “Christianized” animals, were collected in Alexandria, possibly in the fifth century, in the book of allegories called Physiologus, or The Naturalist.26 While the collection itself has been preserved only in later manuscripts, it is clear that most of the bestiaries of the Middle Ages and many of the animals described or depicted in the manuscripts of the Alexander Romance are derived from the stories enshrined in the Physiologus. Modifications and additions to the Physiologus conception of the elephant start to appear in medieval writing and art only in the twelfth century and are based mainly on the writings of Isidore of Seville and the De Universo (842-48) of Rabanus.27 The medieval writers of the bestiaries clearly knew that elephants are native to India and Africa; at that point fact ceases and fantasy takes over. For them the

elephant always symbolizes virtue, is beloved of God, and may even be an emblem of the Church. The dragon is equated with the serpent in the Garden of Eden and is the mortal enemy of the elephant. When they mate, which they do only for the purpose of procreation, the elephants retire to the earthly paradise in the East. Elephants give birth in the water, a symbol to medieval writers and artists of regeneration through baptism. Elephants never lie down to sleep, because being jointless they could not rise again. When sleeping, the elephant leans against a tree that it has specially selected as its favorite resting place. To catch an elephant, the hunter need only discover and cut down the tree while the elephant is sleeping against it. A fallen elephant may be raised by a small elephant and a group of twelve large elephants—a symbolic reference to Christ and the twelve disciples. Elephants will tolerate everything except evil, and they crush the symbols of evil in their trunks or under their feet.?8 Fantasy reigned supreme to the thirteenth century even though live elephants were known in medieval Europe. Harun al-Rashid, the caliph of Baghdad, sent

an elephant accompanied by two of his courtiers to Charlemagne as a gift. 25 The elephant, as such, is not mentioned in the Bible, except in the apocryphal books. Hinduism and Buddhism, like Christianity, have their share of elephant legends. 26 For an English rendition of the “sermon” on the elephant see W. Rose, The Epic of the Beast (London, n.d.), pp. 201-3. 27 See G. C. Druce, “The Elephant in Medieval Legend and Art,” Archaeological Journal, LX XVI I9I9), §. 28 eeormples of this bestiary tradition may be readily seen by consulting the discussions of the elephant in M. Goldstaub and R. Wendriner, Ein Tosco-Venezianischer Bestiarius (Halle, 1892); and T. H. White, The Book of Beasts (London, 1954). For pictorial examples of the medieval elephant see L. M. C. Randall, Images in the Margins of Gothic Manuscripts (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966), figs. 167-70. For the continuation of the bestiary tradition into the Renaissance see Leonardo’s description of the elephant in E. McCurdy (trans. and ed.), The Notebooks of Leonardo da Vinci (New York, 1958), II, 1084-86.

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‘“Abulabaz,” as the elephant was called, disembarked at Pisa in 801, traveled overland to Aix-la-Chapelle, and was on display at Charlemagne’s court for the next four years. An ivory chess set was possibly among the other gifts sent to Charlemagne, one piece of which is carved into an elephant holding a man in its trunk.29 “Abulabaz’” seems not to have been represented in Carolingian art, but later medieval elephants were. Emperor Frederick II returned from the Holy Land with an elephant and actually used it in his successful siege of Cremona

in 1229.3° This or another live elephant was at Cremona in 1241 when Earl Richard of Cornwall, the crusading earl, visited there.3! St. Louis, on his return to France in 1254 from the Holy Land, brought an elephant with him. In the following year he sent the beast as a gift to Henry III of England. St. Louis’ elephant may have inspired the realistically sculptured elephant

which stands among the chiméres of Notre Dame de Paris; it was certainly the model for the convincing likeness in the manuscript (Parker 16) by Matthew Paris at Cambridge. From this depiction, it may be safely concluded that St. Louis had returned with an African elephant.3? But such realistic portraits were rare and apparently had little influence on the configurations of the elephant portrayed in bestiaries, embroidered on sacerdotal vestments, drawn in manuscripts of the Alexander Romance, or depicted in ecclesiastical carving, decoration, and heraldry.33 Many of them seem to be copied from Oriental ivories

and textiles. The elephant with the castle on its back figures prominently in medieval religious and civil processionals and in illustrations, even though the elephant is only rarely depicted in the bestiaries as being warlike.3+ This form 29 This chess piece, probably of Persian craftsmanship, is in the Cabinet des Medailles in Paris. The tradition that it was sent by Harun al-Rashid is based on a seventeenth-century account and so its veracity may be open to question. See H. and S. Wichmann, Schach: Ursprung und Wandlung der Spielfigur in zwélf Jahrhunderten (Munich, 1960), pp. 16-17, pl. 1-3. For another elephant chess piece see W. Born, “Some Eastern Objects from the Hapsburg Collections,” Burlington Magazine, LXTX (1936), 875 and pl. ILD. For the history of the elephant as a chessman in Europe see H. J. R. Murray, A History of Chess (London, 1913), pp. 791-92. 30 It is perfectly possible that Frederick II possessed more than one elephant. He had a passion for animals that was almost Oriental, and at Palermo he kept a menagerie that was unique in the Europe of his day. When traveling in Italy, he was usually accompanied by an entourage of exotic animals. See E. Kantorowicz, Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite (Berlin, 1931), p. 137; and G. Loisel, Histoire des ménageries de l’antiquité a nos jours (Paris, 1912), I, 145-46.

31 Matthew Paris shows the elephant conventionally with a castle on its back and a huge bell around its neck. See A. E. Popham, “Elephantographia,” Index to Life and Letters, V (1930), 179-80. Also see Heckscher, loc. cit. (n. 6), p. 163. 32 Druce, loc. cit. (n. 27), p. 1; also Heckscher, loc. cit. (n. 6), p. 164. For a reproduction of the elephant of Matthew Paris see Lach, loc. cit. (n. 2), pl. I.

33 In the thirteenth-century Cathedral of Ripon (England) a realistically carved elephant with a castle was turned into a poppy head, and it now graces a pew at the right end of the choir stall. It probably originated outside the bestiary tradition, but such exceptions are few. See Druce, loc. cit. (n. 27), p. 65 and pl. XV, no. 2. 34 Heckscher (loc. cit. [n. 6], p. 16) asserts that in medieval convention we find “tower-carrying elephants where the text does not call for the tower at all.”” For examples see the elephant in a Latin treatise of the thirteenth century on beasts (Harley MS. 3244, fol. 39 [Brit. Mus.]), or the page from the “Evangiles de Lothaire” (B.N., MSS. Lat. 266, fol. 73v) as reproduced in J. Ebersolt, Orient et Occident: Recherches sur les influences byzantines et orientales en France avant et pendant les croisades (2d ed.;

Paris, 1954), pl. 22. For a bestiary elephant with a howdah occupied by four men see M. R. James, The Bestiary, Being a Reproduction in Full of the Manuscript [1.4.26 in the University Library, Cambridge

... (Oxford, 1928), p. 37 and fol. 466.

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harks back to classical prototypes or even to the frequent references in Roman and apocryphal writers to battles involving elephants.35 Medieval illustrators sometimes show the elephant with the body of a wild boar, depict its trunk to look like an elongated duck’s bill or trumpet, or make

its rear legs look like the hind legs of a horse. In French sculptures of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, fantastic elephants based on designs evidently borrowed from manuscripts, textiles, and ivories appear at least twenty times on a variety of Romanesque monuments.3° On mappae mundi of the Middle Ages, such as the Hereford map of the thirteenth century, elephants are placed as landmarks within the confines of India. Elephants introduce a light element into Luccan silk designs of the fourteenth century as they are shown dancing and pulling wagons guided by monkeys.37 Elephant heads and demi-elephants

appear as watermarks on paper manufactured in the Kingdom of Aragon beginning in 1375.38 The watermark elephants, like practically all the others of the period, show distinctive medieval characteristics.39 With almost nothing but such caricatures available, European artists clearly had to await the reappearance of live elephants in Europe before they could again create more realistic illustrations. B. AFRICAN ELEPHANTS OF THE QUATTROCENTO

Wild beasts came to Europe through Constantinople, Alexandria, and Venice long before the Portuguese became active in Africa. That elephants were well known in Constantinople is readily adduced from the evidence of Byzantine art.4° Silk textiles of the tenth century, for example, employ elephant motifs as central figures in their designs.4! But the Byzantine elephants are only slightly more realistic than the bestiary elephants of the West,4? perhaps because the Byzantine artists derived their conceptions of elephants from Persian designs. 35 For references to the elephant of war in the Apocrypha see 1 Maccabees 3:33; 6:34-37; 7:8-9. To this day the elephant and castle appear as chess pieces, in heraldic emblems, and on tavern signs. See G. R. Kernodle, From Art to Theatre: Form and Convention in the Renaissance (Chicago, 1944), p. 15.

36 See M. Thibaut, “L’éléphant dans la sculpture romane frangaise,”’ Bulletin monumental, CV (1947), 183-95. 37 See F. E. de Roover, “‘ Lucchese Silks,”” Ciba Review, No. 80 (1950), p. 2928. 38 F, de Bofarull y Sans, Animals in Watermarks (Hilversum [Holland], 1959), p. 26. 39 “A French Book of Hours of the Late Fifteenth Century’’ (Newberry Library, Ayer Collection, MS. 43) shows a trumpet elephant of the medieval type in the bottom border of the “ Annunciation to Shepherds.”

40 Compare the triumphal arch of Arcadius with its elephant statue and mahout as described in P. Gyllius, Antiquities of Constantinople, trans. J. Ball (London, 1729), p. 289. Further commentary in Kunz, op. cit. (n. 9), p. 172, and Loisel, op. cit. (n. 30), I, 190. Also see the mosaic of the elephant in

combat with the lion still on display in Istanbul at the palace museum. 41 For a reproduction of the elephant within a circular design as it appears in the famous purple silk preserved in the treasury of the cathedral at Aix-la-Chapelle see A. Grabar, ““Le succés des arts Orientaux 4 la cour Byzantine sous les Macédoniens, ’’Miinchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst, 3d ser., II (1951), 35, fig. 3. 42 See the two cameo elephants in H. Wentzel, “ Abseitige Trouvaillen aus Goldschmiedearbeiten,” in F, Dettweiler et al. (eds.), Studien zur Buchmalerei und Goldschmiedekunst des Mittelalters (Marburg, 1967), pp. 72-73.

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A sketch of a live African elephant was made in Egypt by Cyriac of Ancona (1391-1452) on one of his numerous trips to the Levant.*3 Possibly this sketch was used by the artists employed by the Malatesta of Rimini as the model for that family’s badge.44

In the Malatesta medals, emblems, carvings, sculptures, and friezes dating from the time of Sigismund I in the mid-fifteenth century, the elephant figures prominently, possibly as a symbol of the family’s fortitude and strength.+5 The famous Malatesta “temple” included numerous heraldic elephants: two guarded the main portal, others supported the pilasters in the two western chapels, and others formed the seat for a statue of Sigismund or held on their backs the sepulcher of Isotta, his mistress and wife. The Malatesta elephant had its secular uses as well; it stood above the doo: of the Biblioteca Malatestiana at Cesena,

and the little bronze elephants with upturned trunks which are extant were apparently intended as decorative sculptures symbolizing “good fortune.’’4¢ While the Malatesta elephant looks African and retains medieval features, most puzzling is the Latin inscription which appears on the elephant used as a device on the Biblioteca Malatestiana: ‘“Elephas indus culices non timet’’ (“The Indian elephant does not fear insects [gnats]’’).47

Enamored of classical pageantry, the princes and lords of the quattrocento revived the Roman triumph to celebrate victories and other noteworthy events. The elephants of Antiquity, probably copied from the representations on Roman sarcophagi or coins,48 often figured in the trionfi as automatons. At the banquet held on February 17, 1453, in Lille to honor Philip of Burgundy, an elephantautomaton in life size was the center of attraction.49 Twenty-five years later, according to tradition, King Christian I of Denmark founded the Order of the Elephant, a very select religious organization that has as its decoration a chain 43 Text of letter and reproduction in C. Mitchell, “Ex libris Kiriaci Anconitani,”’ Italia medioevale e umanistica, V (1962), 285, pl. XXII. 44 Cyriac’s elephant is much cruder than the ones created by the artists of Rimini. Therefore, other

possible sources must be sought. The manuscript book, Regalis Ystoria, of anonymous thirteenthcentury authorship, shows an elephant with a crown on its head in its illuminated border. This item, preserved in the Biblioteca Gambalunga at Rimini, would seem to indicate an earlier relationship between the elephant and the rulers of Rimini. See Corrado Ricci, Il tempio malatestiano in Rimini (Milan and Rome, n.d.), p. 313, pl. 374, p. 316, pl. 379. The Malatesta elephant might also have been modeled upon Roman prototypes, or might even combine, judging from its appearance, both Roman and medieval characteristics. Also see ibid., pp. 323-24. 45 Cf. G. de Tervarent, Alttributs et symboles dans l'art profane, 1450-1600 (Geneva, 1958), I, 154. 46 See ibid., pls. 391 and 392. 47 For a reproduction of this piece see C. Yriarte, Un condottiere au XV® siécle (Paris, 1882), p. 305,

fig. 162. Probably refers to Pliny’s remarks (Pliny, op. cit. [n. 15], p. 25) to the effect that elephants crush insects on their skin simply by wrinkling up the creases. For further comment on the Renais~ sance use of the elephant and fly motif see Heckscher, loc. cit. (n. 6), pp. 172-73.

48 Available by the mid-sixteenth century were Roman coins depicting numerous elephant quadrigas and the elephant stepping on the dragon with the inscription CAESAR. See E. Vico, Omnium Caesarum verissimae imagines ex antiquis numismatis desumptae (Venice, 1554), passim.

49 Oliver de la Marche, chief of the Burgundian school of rhetoric, acted as master of ceremonies and sat on the back of the artificial elephant disguised as a nun. See Heckscher, loc. cit. (n. 6), p. 167. Other authors seem to believe that Philip’s elephant was a live beast. See R. Schwoebel, The Shadow of the Crescent: The Renaissance Image of the Turk (1453-1517) (Nieuwwkoop, 1967), p. 87.

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of interlinked elephants supporting a pendant elephant that has an Oriental driver on its back (see pl. 114). In this context the elephant is not the symbol of pomp, triumph, and power, but of docility, sobriety, and piety.5° Not all the references to elephants in fifteenth-century Europe were based on traditional drawings, imitations, or symbols. In the report of his African experiences Luis de Cadamosto (1432-88), a Venetian navigator in the service of Portugal, describes the live elephants and tells of hunting them.5! About 1477 King Alfonso V of Portugal apparently sent a live African elephant and other exotic beasts as a gift to René the Good, duke of Anjou and count of Provence. At the Frankfurt fair of 1480 an African elephant was exhibited in a garden in the Gallus-Gasse, and a picture of it in life size was painted on the gardener’s house.5? It is possible that this same elephant was on display at Cologne in 1482.53 Probably it was this elephant which was the model used by the German artists of the time; for most of the realistic elephants shown in the prints, paintings, and sculptures of the later fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries generally exhibit features typical of the African elephant.

The earliest printed books include numerous woodcut illustrations which show the African elephant. In the Meditations of Cardinal Turrecremata, first printed at Rome in 1467, the woodcuts depict murals in the Church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva. Among them there is a woodcut of the Creation in which a lifelike African elephant grazes with a variety of other wild beasts.54 A woodcut of an elephant in the German Herbarius, or Ortus sanitatis (1485), is

possibly a portrait of the beast exhibited at Frankfurt in the 1480’s.55 Some later artist took the elephant from the Herbarius, perched it on a mound of ivory, and published this grotesque representation in the Latin Ortus sanitatis printed at Mainz in 1491. About the same time, Martin Schongauer produced a

distinctly comical woodcut of an African elephant with a highly imaginary tower on its back that was to be used repeatedly as a serious depiction of the elephant in natural histories of the sixteenth century. Between 1485 and 1492 Andrea Mantegna (1431-1506) painted his famous tempera pictures which depict the “Triumph of Caesar’’ and revive Antiquity 50 Kunz, op. cit. (n. 9), p. 187. Cf. the royal canopy made in Denmark in 1586 on the order of King Frederick II by Hans Knieper on which elephants with castles decorate the borders (National Museum at Stockholm). 51 Cadamosto’s account was first published in 1507 in the Paesi novamente ritrovati of Montalboddo. It was republished in Vol. I (p. 112r) of G. B. Ramusio’s Delle navigationi et viaggi (Venice, 1554), and was thereafter cited repeatedly by natural historians in their descriptions of the elephant. 52], W. Thompson (ed.), The Frankfurt Book Fair: The Francofordiense Emporium of Henri Estienne (Chicago, 1911), p. 62. In a letter, recently found, the city officials of Frankfurt were asked permission to bring an “Helffandt” into the city (Washington Post, December, 6 1967). 53 A, Kaufmann, “Uber Thierliebhaberei im Mittelalter,”’ Historisches Jahrbuch der Gorresgesellschaft, V (1884), 409.

54 For a reproduction from the edition of 1473 see W. M. Ivins, “A Neglected Aspect of Early

Print-Making,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, VII (1948), $3. , 55 See J. F. Payne, ‘On the ‘Herbarius’ and ‘Hortus Sanitatis,’”” Transactions of the Bibliographical Society, VI (1900-1901), 98. The artist was evidently a contemporary of Erhard Rewick, the sketcher who accompanied Bernard von Breydenbach on his travels in the Levant.

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The Iconography of Asian Animals by showing a quadriga of African elephants carrying candelabra on their backs

—the artist’s version of a Roman torchlight procession.5® In Hieronymus Bosch’s paintings the elephant, especially the one in the “Garden of Delights,” is distinctly African and lifelike and in startling contrast to the fantastic creatures and things which surround it.57 The elephants shown in the woodcuts of Hans Burgkmair seem to follow the quattrocento tradition, even the so-called Indian elephant which appears in the “King of Cochin” series of 1508 (pl. 87).5° The India series of tapestries, prepared after 1504 by the workshop of Jehan Grenier

of Tournai, likewise depict an elephant that is African and medieval.59 “The Triumph of Fame,” a tapestry of the early sixteenth century now in the Austrian state collection, likewise retains the medieval African elephant (pl. 55). The sculptured elephant on the Palazzo Fantuzzi of Bologna (built between 1517 and

1521) depicts the elephant and tower in a manner reminiscent of Schongauer and the Malatesta elephants. °°

But perhaps most striking of all in this transitional period is the allegorical treatment accorded the elephant, particularly in the woodcuts illustrating the Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (1499) of Francesco Colonna. The artist who did the sketches for these woodcuts must be classified as the person who best synthesizes

the quattrocento view of the elephant. He uses elephants, reminiscent of the Malatesta beast, in a lavish scene of triumph in which he marches them along two by two. More allegorical is his hieroglyphic emblem of elephants and ants which is designed to illustrate the Sallustian maxim that concord makes small things great and discord great things small. Implicit in this emblem is the welding of the classical, Egyptian, and Christian traditions, a synthetic idea which Colonna shared with the Neoplatonists of his day. This theme reaches a crescendo in the elephant with an obelisk on its back, the obelisk being inscribed

with mysterious hieroglyphs which recall Horapollo. To the Neoplatonist the elephant probably symbolized zeal, industry, and divinity objectivized, while the obelisk that pierces the body of the elephant possibly symbolized the intellectual insight to be obtained through using the hieroglyphs as intermediaries between the human intellect and the divine idea.®! In terms of art history the 56 Cf. above, p. 127. And see the drawing of the triumph by Bernado Parentino (1437-1531) as reproduced in M. Muraro, Catalogue of the Exhibition of Venetian Drawings from the Collection Janos Scholz (Venice, 1957), p. 17 and fig. 5. 57 Popham, loc. cit. (n. 31), pp. 182-83. 58 W. F. Oakeshott (Some Woodcuts by Hans Burgkmair [Oxford, 1960], pp. 10-12) conjectures that Burgkmair depended for his figuresin this series on watercolors made in India by a German whoaccompanied the Portuguese fleet of 1505. To strengthen his contention that this is possible, I suggest looking

at the watercolor of the elephant painted in India by a Portuguese amateur artist and reproduced in my Asia in the Making of Europe (hereafter cited as Asia), I (Chicago, 1965), following p. 356. Also see

the border drawing of the hindquarters of an elephant which Burgkmair includes in a tropical scene in the Prayer Book of Emperor Maximilian (pl. 89). 59 See H. Gébel, Die Wandteppiche (Leipzig, 1928), I, 253. 60 Reproduced in C. Ricci, L’ architecture italienne au XVI® siécle (Paris, n.d.), pl. 232.

61E, Iversen, The Myth of Egypt and Its Hieroglyphs in European Tradition (Copenhagen, 1961), pp. 64-68. The text accompanying the woodcut of the elephant tells only about Poliphilo’s dream of the elephant’s appearance and seems not to be closely correlated with the woodcut itself.

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elephant with the obelisk is important as a partial prototype for Bernini’s famous elephant statue (erected in 1667) which stands in the Piazza Minerva in Rome.® No elephant prior to the woodcut in Colonna’s book bears the obelisk on its back;®3 no elephant between it and Bernini’s seems to carry on this theme

even though interest in the hieroglyphs continued unabated during the six-

teenth century. C. THE ELEPHANT OF ROME

While the elephant retained its allegorical symbolism and many of its medieval attributes, a new and realistic dimension was quickly added to Europe’s knowledge of it as a consequence of the discoveries. In the Itinerario of Ludovico di Varthema,®5 published at Rome in 1510, the gentleman from Bologna describes

the Indian elephant in detail in his account of the Hindu kingdom of Vijayanagar.°© He tells of riding an elephant, estimates it as being larger than

three oxen, with the tallest elephant standing thirteen or fourteen palms (about 9 to 9.5 feet) high. He itemizes the elephant’s uses in war and in the

6¢é ° ° ° °

accupations of peacetime. The female, though smaller, he declares to be stronger than the male. The elephant procreates in secret places, fears fire, and on its foot has five nails, each “‘as large as the shell of an oyster.” He claims to have seen

some elephants which have more understanding, and more discretion and intelligence than any kind of people I have met with.” In commenting on Cambay (Gujarat) he records that fifty elephants regularly do reverence before its king.67

Shortly after Varthema’s book appeared in Rome, King Manuel I of Portugal began to behave like an Indian potentate himself. With his empite in the East prospering, the Portuguese ruler began to collect “elephants of state” and soon erected a stable for them near the Paco d’ Estos, his residence in the Rossio of Lisbon.°® It is possible that certain of these beasts had been captured ‘at Malacca 62 Heckscher, loc. cit. (n. 6), p. 155, and passim.

63 A possible earlier prototype is that on a wall at the side entrance to the thirteenth-century Church of San Corona in Vicenza. On examination I felt that this seemed to be a simple pyramid rather than an obelisk. It is also possible that the fifteenth-century artist was imitating the Catania monument, but since the original no longer exists it is impossible to determine whether the eighteenth-

century Catania elephant now standing in the Piazza del Duomo follows the antique elephant which previously stood there or whether it follows the elephant of Colonna and Bernini. Cf. ibid., p. 176, n. 115. 64 The only monuments of the sixteenth century directly inspired by Colonna’s elephant were the rhinoceros with obelisk erected in 1549 to celebrate Henry II’s entrance into Paris (see Iversen, op. cit. [n. 61], p. 812), and the Antwerp elephant which is shown in an engraving of 1595 with a pillar on its back (pl. 115). 65 On Varthema see Asia, I, 164-66. 66 R. C. Temple (ed.), The Itinerary of Ludovico di Varthema of Bologna, from 1502 to 1508 (London, 1928), pp. 51-54. 67 Ibid., p. 45.

68 G. de Brito, “Os pachidermes do estado d‘E] Rei D. Manuel,” Revista de educagéo e ensino, IX (1894), 81.

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in 1511, when seven elephants fell into the hands of the Portuguese conquerors. On ceremonial occasions, as when he paraded from his palace to the cathedral, Manuel tried to have no fewer than five elephants in the procession. Led by gaily clad drivers, they would perform tricks and feats for the amusement of the admiring throng.®? An elephant also appeared as a decorative figure on the

Tower of Belém, completed during Manuel’s reign. In the king’s Book of Hours (pl. 86) a realistic elephant with a driver on its back is shown at the bottom of a depiction called “The Flight from Egypt” (1517).7° To complete his simula-

tion of an Oriental potentate, Manuel sent rare beasts as gifts to his fellow rulers in Europe, and in Asia the Portuguese kings later demanded elephants as tribute from their princely vassals.7! In Europe it was tradition that reigning monarchs should dispatch to Rome a mission of obedience to each new pope.?? But the mission sent by Manuel in 1514 to Pope Leo X was no ordinary embassy of obedience. Led by Tristdo da Cunha, commander of the Portuguese fleet to India in 1506, it was designed

to dazzle the Holy See with Portugal’s great conquests in Asia. Among the exotic gifts sent to Rome was an Indian elephant accompanied by the royal equerry, Nicolau de Faria, and a Hindu driver. It was later rumored in Rome that the elephant at first refused to board the ship at Lisbon because the Hindu trainer, who had fallen in love with a Portuguese girl, had painted the sea voyage and life in Italy to the elephant in the blackest colors. When Manuel learned of the driver’s perfidy, he ordered him on pain of death to reassure the elephant and to see to its embarkation.73

The embassy of Tristio da Cunha left Lisbon by sea early in 1514.’4 Eight days later it called at Alicante, where the elephant created a sensation. The elephant and the other foreign beasts were evidently put on display for a short time 69 Ibid., p. 79. It is even possible that after 1510 Manuel rode on a litter which had been sent to Lisbon from India. See F. de Sousa Viterbo, “O orientalismo portugues no século XVI,” Boletim da Sociedade de geographia de Lisboa, XII (1892-93), Nos. 7-8, p. 319. 70 See F. de Sousa Viterbo, Diccionario historico e documental . . . (Lisbon, 1899), I, vii; and R. dos Santos, Oito séculos de arte portuguesa (Lisbon, 1967), fasc. 32, pl. 376.

71P, S. S. Pissurlencar (ed.), Regimentos das fortalezas da India (Bastora [Goa], 1951), pp.359-60; also P. E. Pieris, Ceylon and Portugal (Leipzig, 1927), p. $6. 721L. Matos, “Natura intelletto e costumi dell’elefante,” Boletim internacional de bibliografia LusoBrasileira, I (1960), 44. Also see S. de Ciutius, Une ambassade portugaise a Rome au XVI siécle (Naples, 1899), pp. 4-8.

73 This story is told by Piero Valeriano in his Hierolyphica sive de sacris Aegyptiorum .. . literis commentarii (Basel, 1556), fol. 21v. The Paduan Francesco Chalderia, who lived for two years in Lisbon, describes the embarkation of the elephant in his tract Rerum et regionum Indicarum per Serenissimum Emanuelem Portugailiae regem partaram narratio verissima. See citation to Chalderia in Matos, loc. cit. (n. 72), p. 46. Also see the version of this story as it was used to prove the ability of the elephant to understand human languages and emotions in S. de Priezac. L’histoire des éléphants (Paris, 1650),

pp. 63-64. 74 The travels of the elephant and its reception in Rome were minutely recorded by Joao de Faria, second legate, and Nicolau de Faria, in letters to King Manuel of March, 1514. See L. A. Rebello da Silva (ed.), Corpo diplomdtico portuguez ... (Lisbon, 1862), I, 234-38, 238-42. For excellent sum-

maries of these and additions from other sources see Matos, loc. cit. (n. 72), pp. 45-47, and M. Winner, “Raffael malt einen Elefanten,” Mitteilungen des kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, Xl (1964), 83-86.

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The Elephant on the islands of Iviza and Majorca when the ships touched there. The embassy — finally landed at Port’ Ercole in Italy, a harbor under the jurisdiction of Siena located about seventy miles north of Rome. A bark had to be borrowed at the port to make a bridge for the elephant between the ship and the shore.75 From Port’ Ercole the elephant proceeded overland along roadways lined with curious observers. It was accompanied from Montalto onward by a papal escort of one

hundred mounted men. In Corneto, when the elephant entered the inn, the building shook so hard that the tiles fell off the roof and such confusion reigned

that the elephant had to spend the night in the middle of the public square. When the procession finally arrived in Civitavecchia, two days of rest were ordained while nobles from all over Romagna came to see the elephant. Wet weather kept the procession waiting for several more days outside the walls of Rome before the embassy could make its formal entrance. Around 2:00 P.M. on Saturday, March 12, 1514, the grand entry began, in streaming sunshine, to wind its way through the Porta del Popolo. All eyes were riveted upon the exotic gifts, especially the elephant. Prelates and dignitaries were a common sight in the Eternal City, but no living elephant had been

seen in Rome since Antiquity. Guided by the Hindu trainer, the elephant carried on its back a richly clad Moor, a splendid covering worked with the arms

of Portugal, and a silver castle which contained costly gifts for the Holy See. The people thronged the narrow streets, sat in the windows, and perched on the . roofs and crossbars; the assemblage was so great that the bailiffs had difficulty opening a passage for the elephant legate.7® It is possible that Leonardo da Vinci was one of the startled spectators.77

Finally reaching the Castel San Angelo, the diplomatic procession stopped before the pope and the cardinals, who were seated in the apertures of the fortress. The elephant, in response to a command, bowed three times before His Holiness. To the delight of the populace, it then sucked water into its trunk from a bucket and sprayed the high prelates; then the elephant turned to the throng and favored it with the same treatment. Leo X was delighted with the whole display and laughed like a child at the elephant’s antics. To the roar of the cannons and the fanfare of trumpets, the procession then moved across the Ponte San Angelo to the other side of the Tiber and to an inn and a stable in 75 A Roman polychrome mosaic, unearthed several generations ago on the site of the ancient Etruscan city of Veii, depicts how elephants were similarly embarked and disembarked in Antiquity

and how they were chained to the mast and secured to the deck. See R. Cagnat, “La premiére représentation connue du mode d’embarquement de l’éléphant,”” L’ami des monuments et des arts (Paris), XIV (1900), 67-70. 76 Interest was so profound and enduring in the “diplomatic elephant” that its entrance to Rome was chronicled three years later by a French observer. See L. Madelin (ed.), “Le journal d’un habitant francais de Rome au XVIP siécle (1509-40),”” Mélanges d’ archéologie et d’ histoire, XXII (1902), 277. An engraving of Tristao da Cunha (in P. Jovius, Elegia virorum . . . illustrium [Basel, 1575]) has an elephant

looking over the diplomat’s shoulder. | 77 The great artist was in Rome when the elephant arrived there. He was also acquainted with Giovanni Battista Branconio dell’Aquila, the papal chamberlain and keeper of the elephant. See McCurdy, op. cit. (n. 28), Il, 1177.

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the Campo dei Fiori. A few days later the elephant was taken to the Belvedere Gardens, its permanent home. The Romans soon named the elephant “Hanno,” 78 and he was known under

this name to his keepers at the Vatican and in the contemporary accounts. Hanno, unlike the panthers and other wild animals brought to Rome, was treated with great care and even assigned an overseer. His personal attendant was the

papal chamberlain and friend of Raphael, Giovanni Battista Branconio dell’ Aquila, who was aided by a stablehand called Alfonso.79 Pope Leo even refused, out of concern for the elephant’s health, to lend Hanno to Lorenzo de’ Medici

for the Triumph of the Camillus held in Florence in June, 1514. Hanno was permitted, however, to take part in Roman festivals and was ordinarily the center of attraction on these occasions. A street and an inn were renamed after the elephant.8° One of Hanno’s most notable public appearances took place on September 27, 1514, when he appeared in the ludicrous proceedings put on for the festival of Saints Cosmas and Damian, the protectors of the House of Medici.8! The butt

of the pope’s humor on this day was a vain grayhaired poet named Baraballo of Gaeta, who was listed in the account books of the Vatican at a somewhat lower level than Alfonso, the elephant keeper. A rhere rhymster with an inane desire to be recognized as the “new Petrarch,” Baraballo himself suggested that he should be crowned poet laureate at the Capitol. When the pope agreed and proclaimed that he should ride to the Capitol on Hanno’s back, the delighted courtiers prepared satirical poems and comedies to magnify the occasion.82 The “archpoet,” as Filippo Beroaldo called him, dressed in a Roman toga, mounted the “arch-elephant”’ to the sound of trumpets. On its back the elephant wore a covering inscribed “Poeta Barabal.” The mock ceremony ended when Hanno, 78 Winner (loc. cit. [n. 74], p. 81, n. 22) and most others are inclined, quite understandably, to look to classical sources in accounting for this name. They take it to be a reference to one of the numerous

““Hannos” of Carthaginian history, or to a lion tamer mentioned in Pliny. I would suggest the possibility that when the Romans asked the Hindu trainer (probably a native of Malabar) what the elephant was called, he replied “‘Ana,” the Malayalam word for “elephant.” See T. Burrow and M. B. Emeneau, Dravidian Etymological Dictionary (Oxford, 1961), entry no, 4235. Garcia da Orta in his Cologuios (1563) notes that “Ani” is the Malayalam word in use in India during the sixteenth century. For Orta see below, p. 154. In the Italian version of Cristobal de Acosta’s Trattato (Venice, 1585),

P. 322, it is reported that the Malabar name is “‘Anne.”’ Other Italians of the time wrote the name of Leo’s elephant as “Annone.” 79 According to later accounts, Alfonso allegedly died under mysterious circumstances on the same day as Hanno. See Winner, loc. cit. (n. 74), p. 86.

p. 319, n. 2. |

80 F. Rodocanachi, La premiére Renaissance: Rome au temps de Jules IIlet de Léon X (Paris, 1912),

81 See, for details, the account in D. Gnoli, “La Roma di Leon X,” in Quadri e studi originali

annotati e publicati a cura di Aldo Gnoli (Milan, 1938), pp. 114-17; also Rodocanachi, op. cit. (n. 80), pp. 121-23. 82 For a summary of the comedy prepared by Filippo Beroaldo the Younger, see Winner, loc. cit.

(n. 74), p. 87; see also in the Carminum (Rome, 1530) of Beroaldo, the “Prologus in comoediam habitam in coronatione Barabelli.”” Also see Gnoli, loc. cit. (n. 81), p. 115. Also see the Latin poem by Ia. Manius Philoenus as reproduced in W. Roscoe, The Life and Pontificate of Leo X (London, 1805), II, 104~5.

| { 138 |

The Elephant made skittish by the noise and music, refused to cross the bridge of San Angelo and Baraballo was forced to dismount. News of this great farce ran throughout Italy. Machiavelli in his poem Asino d’Oro (chap. vi) takes note of the poet’s downfall.83 And, a few years later, Giovanni Barili portrayed the mock crowning of Baraballo in an intarsia which may still be seen in the Vatican on the upper right-hand corner of one of the portals to the Stanza della Segnatura (pl. 93). Hanno appeared in several other Roman festivals, and wasa source of constant

delight to the populace.84 Marino Sanuto, the Venetian diarist, comically describes him as being “‘as large as three oxen, as understanding the Portuguese and Indian languages, and as trumpeting like a woman.’’85 But, despite all the care lavished upon him by his keepers, Hanno’s health gradually failed. Ulrich

von Hutten, hardly a sympathetic observer, has Magister Wilhelm in the Letters of Obscure Men describe the pope’s great anguish at the elephant’s illness,

his frantic appeals to the doctors for aid, and his sorrow when Hanno died on June 16, 1516.86 Others baited the pope about his childlike devotion to the ele-

phant and Pietro Aretino wrote, possibly in 1516, a polemical tract called The Last Will and Testament of the Elephant in which he satirizes Leo and the entire curia. Hanno, in Aretino’s burlesque, willed his tusks to Cardinal San

Giorgio on condition that the prelate’s “thirst, like that of Tantalus, for the papacy may be moderated”’; his knees to Cardinal Santa Croce “‘to enable him to imitate my genuflections”’ on the condition that “he tells no more lies in council” ;

and his jaws to Cardinal Santi Quattro “so that he can devour more readily all of Christ’s revenues.” 87 Martin Luther, writing four years after Hanno’s death in his tract On the Papacy of Rome, indirectly criticizes the pope for his frivolity in playing with elephants.88 83 For a delightful pasquinade on this episode see G. A. Cesareo, Pasquino e pasquinate nella Roma di

Leone X (Rome, 1938), pp. 193-94. Animals, including the elephant, figured prominently in the pasquinades on Leo (lion). See Gnoli, loc. cit. (n. 81), p. 301, and Opere di Niccold Machiavelli, cittadino segretario fiorentino (n.p., 1813), V, 407.

84 See, for example, the part Hanno played in the reception held in March, 1515 (Rodocanachi, op. cit. [n. 80], p. 97). 85 J Diarii (Venice, 1887), Vol. XVIII, col. 59. 86 U. von Hutten, Opera quae extant omnia (Munich, 1807), VII, 246. Also see Giovanni Capito’s Latin elegy to the elephant as reproduced in Roscoe, op. cit. (n. 82), II, app. C, 103-4. A little book of

verse on the elephant from this period is in the British Museum (P.B. 11426. d. 54). Entitled Natura intellecto et costumi delle Elephante .. . , it reviews the writings of Aristotle, Pliny, and Solinus on the elephant. For a reproduction see Matos, loc. cit. (n. 72), pp. 47-55, who contends that it was probably printed in Rome around 1514. The woodcut of the elephant on the title page is of the quattrocento type. 87 From the manuscript in the Museo Correr (Codex Cicogna 2673, fol. 240v-241r) of Venice as published in Vittorio Rossi, Dal Rinascimento al Risorgimento (Florence, 1930), pp. 232-38. It was Rossi who first attributed this manuscript to Aretino. For a partial English translation see T. C. Chubb, Aretino, Scourge of Princes (New York, 1940), pp. 50-SI. 88 G. Scheil, Die Tierwelt in Luther’s Bildersprache in seinen reformatorisch-historischen und polemischen

deutschen Schriften (Bernburg, 1897), p. 19. Luther asserts that the pope catches flies while he lets elephants cavort, a possible paraphrase of the biblical text: ‘“Ye blind guides, which strain at a gnat, and swallow a camel” (Matt. 23:24).

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The Iconography of Asian Animals

D. RAPHAEL AND HIS SCHOOL

Tradition avers, based on the remarks of Paulus Jovius in his History of My Own Times and other works,89 that Raphael was commissioned by the pope to paint Hanno’s picture. But no painting or drawing from Raphael’s hand has actually survived, though Jovius seems to have been acquainted with a Raphael representation of some kind. Jovius also relates that after Hanno’s death an epitaph to the elephant was painted on the wall near the tower at the Vatican’s door. It is likely that the epitaph appeared on an outside wall of the Vatican with Raphael’s

depiction of Hanno standing over it, for Jovius reports that Leo fulfilled the people’s wish for a picture of their “incomparable townsman.” 9° This work was probably destroyed in the renovation of the Vatican undertaken in the time of Pope Paul IV (1555~—59),9! the Carafa pope who was so hostile to the worldliness of his predecessors.

The epitaph itself was written by Branconio, the elephant’s keeper, and to it was appended an epigram by Filippo Beroaldo the Younger. The only source which depicts the elephant fresco with the epitaph and the epigram below it is from the pen of Francisco d’Ollanda and is preserved today in the Escorial (pl. 90).92 D’Ollanda, a Portuguese architect, was in Rome in 1539-40 to study and sketch in the ancient capital. He probably sketched the memorial to Hanno out of a sense of duty to country and king, for his tour was being sponsored by King John III of Portugal, the son of King Manuel. The sketch is poor and the rendition of the epitaph faulty, but both the fresco and the inscription are clear enough to lead us back to Raphael. The entire epitaph is dedicated to D(eus) M(aximus) 93 and reads: Beneath this enormous mound I lie buried, the huge elephant, which King Manuel, after he had conquered the East, sent as a prisoner to the tenth Leo. I, the elephant, was much admired by the Roman people—since such a beast had not been on view for centuries— and in the body of a beast they discerned human intelligence. Fate envied me my home in happy Latium and would not permit me to serve my lord for as much as three years. Therefore, O Gods, add those years which destiny has filched from me to the life of the great Leo. 89 See Pauli Iovii novocomensis episcope Nucerini Elogia virorum bellica virtute illustrim veris imaginibus supposita, quae apud Musaeum spectantur . . . (Florence, 1551), p. 205. 90 Winner, loc. cit. (n. 74), pp. 89-90.

9t Roscoe, op. cit. (n. 87), Il, 338-39. 92 For discussion see E. Tormo y Monz6, Os desenhos das antigualhas que vio Francisco D’Ollanda, pintor portugués (Madrid, 1940), p. 142. 93 In this I agree with Tormo (ibid.) rather than Winner (loc. cit. [n. 74], p. 91), who interprets the “D” and ‘“‘M” as being abbreviations for “gods” and “‘manes.” It seems likely that a dedication on the wall of the Vatican, even in Leo X’s time, would be headed by an invocation to the Christian God rather than to pagan deities and shades.

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The Elephant He lived to seven years of age, died of angina, and was twelve palms [8 ft. 10 in.}9 tall. This memorial was placed here by Giovanni Battista of Aquila, papal chamberlain and the elephant’s headkeeper, on June [?], 1516, in the fourth year of the pontificate of Leo X. What nature took away, Raphael of Urbino has with art restored.95

But did the great Raphael actually execute a portrait of Hanno from life? On the basis of the excellent work of Matthias Winner,°® it now seems most likely that he did. Winner has been able to depict with superb detail the close relationships between D’Ollanda’s elephant and a pen drawing now preserved in the Kupferstichkabinett of Berlin, which is a close copy of the missing sketch by Raphael (pl. 91). He also shows with great clarity the similarities between the Berlin elephant and the intarsia of Barili (pl. 93), and between the Berlin

elephant and another pen drawing in the Fogg Museum at Cambridge, Massachusetts. While each depiction has its distinctive characteristics, Winner convincingly stresses the following identities: the gait and positioning of the elephant, the strikingly short tusks, the little bell hanging around the neck, the ribbed muscular structure in the ear, the curvature of the trunk, and the placement of the driver’s left hand on the trunk. The misrepresentation of the elephant’s proportions in the sketch book of D’Ollanda he attributes to the copyist’s lack of talent. Hanno’s gait, proportions, and leg placement and the representation of the driver seated on the elephant’s neck in the Berlin drawing correspond perfectly to the depiction in the intarsia; the D’Ollanda and the Cambridge elephants are faulty in having all four feet placed on the same level, and they do not correspond in other ways to the intarsia. He therefore concludes that the Berlin drawing is closer to the Raphael original than any of the other extant copies. But all the depictions, faulty or not, seem to have a portrait by Raphael as their common source. Raphael certainly drew the elephant before its death in 1516, for the scientific naturalism of his depiction must have come froma living model. Such an assumption is reinforced by the fact that Raphael promised to paint Leo’s elephant for Isabella d’Este. The lady from Ferrara visited Rome in 1514-15, and on March 3, 1516, her agent, Carlo Asnelli, wrote saying that Raphael had agreed to do a painting of the elephant.97 This being the case it is likely that Raphael, careful workman that he was, had sketched not just one but several preliminary studies of the living model before agreeing to undertake the commission. Possibly some of the studies were sent off to Ferrara for approval. That such drawings were

available in Ferrara seems to be confirmed by the woodcut (pl. 94) which °4 Derived from the figures given by Winner, loc. cit. (n. 74), p. 96. Elephants do not grow nearly so slowly as they are commonly supposed to and may reach maturity when twelve to fifteen years of age. See O. P. Breland, Animal Life and Lore (New York, 1963), p. 78. Hanno, though tall for his

seven years, seems not to have been extraordinary even though the epitaph calls him “huge.” “Jumbo,” the famous African elephant bought by P. T. Barnum from the London zoo, was 11 feet Io inches tall at 23 years’ of age and weighed 11,000 pounds. See Kunz, op. cit. (n. 9), p. 188. 95 On Beroaldo’s authorship of this epigram see Winner, loc. cit. (n. 74), p. 90. 96 Ibid., esp. pp. 92-96. 97 Ibid., pp. 98-99.

[ 141 ]

The Iconography of Asian Animals appears in the Triompho di Fortuna (1526) of the Ferrara mathematician, Sigismondo Fanti. Here Hanno appears in a reverse woodcut looking almost exactly as he does in the Berlin drawing. He is used here as the center of an astrological wheel of fortune with which Fanti casts the future of Leo’s family, the House of

Medici. Several years later, after 1517, Raphael negotiated with Alfonso d’Este to paint a “Triumph of Bacchus in India.” Raphael evidently sent a drawing of his “Bacchus” with Hanno in it to Ferrara for approval but then decided that he would rather do another subject. Alfonso persisted in his wish for a “Bacchus,” and eventually handed the commission over to Titian. While Raphael’s drawing is no longer extant, it may be preserved in an eighteenthcentury aquatint for which Sir Joshua Reynolds made the drawing, possibly on the basis of Raphael’s original.98 The drawings of Hanno made from life seem to cast their influence over the depiction of the elephant in European art throughout the sixteenth century. One of the best tracers by which to follow Hanno’s career in art is the moon-shaped hook (ankus) which the elephant’s driver holds in the Berlin drawing. This prod was certainly imported from India along with the elephant and its driver, for identical goads appear in Indian sculptures and miniatures.!°° Other characteristics to watch for are the ribbed muscular structure of the ear, the short tusks, and the curvature of the trunk. It is important to watch closely for these features of the Berlin elephant because there is a tendency, which begins with the pupils of Raphael after his death in 1520, to fantasize Hanno by giving him physical attributes which seem to be derived from ancient, medieval, and quattrocento depictions of the elephant. It appears quite likely, on the basis of later paintings and sketches, that Giulio Romano and Giovanni da Udine also made drawings of the elephant, either

°9°°

from life or on the basis of Raphael’s drawings. In the garden of the Villa Madama, which was erected after Raphael’s plans on the slope of Monte Marino outside of Rome, Giulio Romano and Giovanni da Udine constructed an elephant head in plaster using the trunk as a fountain. Copies of this delightful piece were sketched by D’Ollanda and Martin van Heemskerck (pl. 95), and in their renditions something of the joyful spirit of Hanno seems to live on.!9! Traces of Hanno’s portrait and memories of the fountain at the Villa Madama extend to Mantua. Giulio Romano’s sketch for a decorative stucco elephant 98 On this attribution see ibid., pp. 100-101. For Raphael’s relations with Alfonso see G. Gruyer, L’art ferrarais a Vépoque des princes d’Este (Paris, 1897), I, 151.

99 Winner, loc. cit. (n. 74), p. IOI, n. 97. 100 See, for example, the seventeenth-century miniature in the Vienna National Library (Min. 64, fol. 28), reproduced in J. Strzygowski et al., Asiatische Miniaturenmalerei (Klagenfurth, 1933), pl. 9, no. 29. The “noble sages”’ of India recognized just four elephant hooks, those resembling respectively “a thunderbolt, half-moon, nail, and keteka thorn.” See Edgerton, op. cit. (n. 13), p. 109. For a photographic reproduction of the ankus see J. L. Kipling, Beast and Man in India (London, 1904), p. 227. 101 On the garden’s history see O. Fischel, Raphael (London, 1948), I, 164-65. Obviously the giant plaster head is not derived from Raphael’s drawing (Winner, loc. cit. [n. 74], p. 104); it seems likely, however, that it was modeled on some other unknown sketch, possibly made from life or the artist’s

memory of Hanno.

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The Elephant

with putti scrambling on its back reproduces exactly the small ear muscle of Hanno: it also wears a bell though other of its features are quite different from the Raphael elephant.'? The roistering elephant (pl. 96) shown in the “Marriage Feast of Cupid and Psyche” (completed ca. 1528 in the Sala di Psiche of the Palazzo del Te) is highly reminiscent of the fountain elephant of the Villa Madama, but only in spirit.1°3 In Rome, meanwhile, the Raphael students working there continued to follow the master’s drawing in every particular. Especially faithful to the original are a stucco relief (pl. 92) and an elephant ornament (pls. 149,150) preserved in the loggia of the Vatican by Giovanni da Udine and a drawing for a table ornament, probably by Polidore da Caravaggio, in which Hanno wears a saddle decorated with the Medici arms.!°4 It was the fantasized elephants of Giulio Romano which first spread from Italy to the rest of Europe, perhaps because others had not seen Hanno or Raphael’s portrait of him. At Mantua, the stucco panels and medallions of the Sala delle Aquile and the filigrees and cartouches in the Camerino degli Ucelli of the Ducal Palace show decorative elephants frolicking with other exotic beasts. King Francis I of France, who was certainly interested in collecting live elephants

for. his menagerie at Amboise,!°5 seems to have been entranced by fantastic pachyderms as well. Rosso Fiorentino, who had worked earlier both in Rome and Mantua, painted, sometime shortly after 1531, a fresco in the gallery of - Fontainebleau which includes a gigantic, elongated elephant. Iconographically, it and the fantasized copy of it by Antonio Fantuzzi show no resemblance to Raphael’s and Giulio Romano’s naturalistic elephants.!°© Symbolically, the Fontainebleau elephant, and perhaps its artistic prototype as well, hark back to

the elephants of the Roman triumphs. It is possible that the Fontainebleau elephant, decorated with the fleur-de-lis of France, is intended to be an allegorical portrait of Francis I as a wise and virtuous ruler, a “new Alexander” who had won both military and cultural victories.1°7 While the Fontainebleau fresco was being completed, a series of tapestries representing the triumph of Scipio Africanus was being prepared in Brussels 102 Winner, loc. cit. (n. 74), p. 101. This sketch, prepared for the Sala delle Aquile in the Palazzo del

Te, is reproduced in F. Hartt, Giulio Romano (New Haven, 1958), II, 296, fig. 220. 103 Cf. Hartt, op. cit. (n. 102), I, 128, quoting E. Gombrich on this subject. 104 See Winner, loc. cit. (n. 74), pp. 102-4. Compare the decorative stucco of the classical quadriga, probably from the 1520’s in “L’Odeo” of the Villa Cornaro in Padua. It was possibly worked on also by Giovanni da Udine, but it shows no debt to Hanno. See G. Mazzotti, Ville Venete (Rome, 1963), p. 107. 105 Francis I, shortly after Hanno’s death, wrote a letter to the king of Portugal and sent his agent, Antoine de Conflans, to Lisbon to try to buy a male and female elephant for his menagerie (Matos, loc. cit. [n. 72], p. 46). The king also sent emissaries to-Constantinople to purchase exotic animals, and

around 1545 his ambassador to the Porte arranged to have an.elephant sent from Persia to France. Cf. below, p. 147. 106 For commentary, see P. Barocchi, Il Rosso fiorentino (Rome, 1951), pp. I10, 134-36, 157-58. The elephants in the “Triumph of Bacchus in India” painted in 1530 by Perino del Vaga as a fresco decoration in the Palazzo Doria of Genoa likewise owe no debt to Hanno. See P. Askew, ‘“‘Perino del Vaga’s Decorations for the Palazzo Doria, Genoa,” Burlington Magazine, XCVIII (1956), 50, fig. 28. 107 Based on discussions in Panofsky, loc. cit. (n. 23), pp. 132—33.

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The Iconography of Asian Animals for Francis I. The drawings for these tapestries by Giulio Romano and Gianfrancesco Penni were published for the first time in 1907. All but two of the themes represented in the drawings are derived from Appian’s Punic Wars (8. 9. 66). Two elephants, along with oxen and camels, are depicted as trophies of war in one of the sketches (no. 260). The lead elephant is shown with a rider holding a

goad in a manner reminiscent of Hanno’s driver; only the head of the other elephant appears, and it seems to be vaguely similar to Giulio Romano’s marriage-feast elephant.!°8 Cornelius Cort, while in Rome in 1567, redid his earlier engraving, “The Battle of Scipio against Hannibal,” after a drawing by Giulio Romano which he saw in the collection of Thomas Cavallerius, a Roman gentleman.!°9 The four elephant figures depicted in Cort’s engraving (two heads

one facing and one moving away from the viewer) are realistic-fantastic and seem to owe nothing directly to Raphael’s Hanno.!!° They appear to be much more closely related to the fountain of the Villa Madama and to the elephants of Giulio Romano. When compared to the older type of elephants still being used at the time,™!! the elephants deriving from Giulio Romano constitute a new type—naturalistic elephants fantasized by the artists. Hanno, in company with the fantasized elephants, can be clearly seen in one engraving from the collection published by Antonio Lafreri in his Speculum Romanae magnificentiae (pl. 106).1%2

Two of the naturalistic elephant portraits from Lafreri show up prominently in the painting ““Noah’s Ark” (1570) by Simone de Myle (pl. 107).

E. THE VIENNA ELEPHANT OF 1552

In 1551 King John III of Portugal bestowed an Indian elephant as a gift upon Archduke Maximilian II of Austria, the eldest son of Emperor Ferdinand I and the elected king of Bohemia who had been stationed in Spain for many years. When Maximilian was recalled to Vienna, he left Spain with the elephant in his entourage. The royal party and the elephant landed at Genoa and went overland 108 For a reproduction see Hartt, op. cit. (n. 102), fig. 475. 109 See J. C. J. Biereris de Haan, L’oeuvre gravé de Cornelis Cort... 1533-1578 (The Hague, 1948), pp. 178-80 and pl. 50. The drawings of elephants in the Ashmolean collection at Oxford, attributed usually to the “school of Raphael,” seem to be copied from Cort’s engraving. See Winner, loc. cit. (n. 74), Pp. 92-93. 110 Cf, Winner, loc. cit., pp. 102-3. 111 See, for example, the quadriga of elephants in the “Triumph of Pompey” shown in the edition of Plutarch by Giovanni Zonara published in Latin in 1557; and the “Triumph of Saturn,” a woodcut after P. Brueghel by Philip Galle in 1574 as reproduced in plate 105; or the Flemish tapestry called “Elephant Hunt,” by a Brussels master of ca. 1535-40 as reproduced in plate 97. In all these cases, as

well as in many others not here cited, the elephants shown hark back to the pre-Hanno depictions. 112 In the large collection at the University of Chicago, two engravings show Hanno. One depicts him with the Asian elephants of Giulio Romano and the other (possibly by Giovanni Battista Franco), shows him with fantasized African elephants. Also see the engravings of Roman triumphs for other sorts of elephants, possibly copied from. ancient sarcophagi.

[144]

The Elephant to Milan. About thirteen years old at the time, the elephant bowed and trumpeted before the archbishop of Milan and was subjected to the scrutiny of the mathematician Girolamo Cardano.1!3 From Italy the royal party evidently approached the Alps by way of the Tyrol. The oldest inn at Brixen (Bressanone) in the heart of

the Tyrol has a life-sized elephant painted on it with an inscription dated 1551, a / probable indication that Maximilian and his party halted there.1!4 From this center they evidently took the Brenner Pass to the Inn Valley and then proceeded

to work their way northward. A Flugblatt portraying the‘elephant (pl. 100) announced its imminent appearance at the Habsburg court with an inscription which indicated that it had arrived at Wasserburg in Upper Bavaria on January 24, 1552.!15 The procession, which must necessarily have moved at a slow pace, evidently followed the Inn River to Passau and the valley of the Danube. The last several stages of its journey were made by river barge. The official entry of Maximilian took place in Vienna on May 7, 1552. The sophisticated Viennese who watched the procession were unimpressed by the gilded coach and eight which carried the royal couple, by the lavish costumes of

the Spanish courtiers, and even by the sight of the Indian parrots which were carried out in the open for all to see. But they were overwhelmed by suddenly seeing before their eyes a colossal four-footed beast which walked along between armed guards swinging its trunk gracefully from side to side. Near the Karntner Gate the crowd almost panicked at the sight of the elephant and quieted down only after Wolfgang Laz, the imperial physician, had explained that the beast was not a vicious monster and that it performed useful service in its homeland." Once a few of the courtiers approached the beast, the people bravely surged around to admire and touch it. Then the procession moved slowly toward the Michaelsplatz and to a large shed where the elephant ‘was to be put on display. Tradition has it that the elephant won the hearts of the public by picking up in its trunk a little girl who had fallen down in the press. Whatever may be the truth of this story, no doubt exists that the elephant moved the Viennese. A house numbered 619 on the corner of the Graben and the Stephansplatz was known until its demolition in 1866 as the “Elephant House.” !!7 On its wall

a relief of the elephant was executed in 1552 which showed a driver on the elephant’s back carrying a goad in his right hand and a yellow rein in his left hand which was tied to the two long tusks. Beneath the sandstone relief appeared Latin and German inscriptions. The German verse read, in part, as follows: 113 G, Cardano, De subtilitate (Basel, 1554), Bk. X, chap. 204. 114 See Kaufmann, loc. cit. (n. 53), p. 409, n. 3. 115 The Flugblatt initialed M. M. shows a realistic Indian elephant with a driver on its back who holds

a hook in his left hand. 116 See M. Bermann, Alt-und-Neu Wien (Vienna, 1880), II, 702-6; and W. Kisch, Die alten Strassen und Platze Wiens (Vienna, 1883), pp. 117-18, 128. 117 See the engraving by J. E. Fischer von Erlach and J. A. Delsenbach of the vegetable market of the Graben (dated around 1713), which shows the head of this elephant with its rider perched on the neck. A. May, Wien in alten Ansichten (Salzburg, 1965), pl. 18.

[145 ]

The Iconography of Asian Animals Dieses Thier heisst ein Elephant, Welches ist weit und breit bekannt, Seine ganze Gréss, also Gestalt, Ist hier ganz fleissig abgemalt.118

Several other houses and inns affected doorplates inscribed “Zum Elephanten,” and No. 47 Karntnerstrasse retained its commemorative inscription and elephant portrait to 1880. After a time the elephant itself was taken to the menagerie at the pleasure palace and hunting lodge of Ebersdorf in the outskirts of Vienna. The elephant died at Ebersdorf on December 18, 1553, just a little more than one and a half years after its arrival in Vienna. To commemorate. the elephant’s short residence in Austria, a leaden medal was struck in 1554 by Michael Fuchs

(pl. ror). Rather than bury the elephant, the Viennese apparently decided to commemorate its visit in its own bones. Sebastian Huetstocker, mayor of Vienna, had an armchair made of its bones with his family arms inscribed on the two front legs. The armchair, which is housed today in the Baroque collection of the Stiftsbibliothek of Kremsmiinster,!!9 also had an inscription carved into the seat. An incised elephant led and followed by Orientalized drivers encircles

the inscription. The support beneath the seat has carved into it an elephant quite evidently copied from the Flugblatt portrait of 1552, or from some source common to them both. The Latin inscription on the seat reads in translation: When his Serene Highness Prince Maximilian, King of Bohemia, Archduke of Austria, etc., came (along with his royal wife Maria, daughter of the Roman Emperor Charles V., and their two children) !2° from Spain to Vienna on May 7, 1552, he brought with him an Indian elephant—which elephant died in the following year [1553] on December 18 at the residence of the governor [rectoris] in a suburb of Vienna. The weight of the deceased amounted to 42 Centner, 73 Pfund [i.e., 5,200 pounds]. From its remains, and on the order of the king, there was given to me, Sebastian Huetstocker, then mayor [consuli] of the city of Vienna, by Francisco Delasso, the supreme equerry, a gift of the right front

shoulder from which part this armchair was made.!2! |

A limestone relief (ca. 1560) by Severin Brachmann of Maximilian II and Maria shows an elephant based on the Flugblatt portrait standing behind the emperor while a dromedary stands behind his wife.!22 118 Bermann, op. cit. (n. 116), II, 704. The original elephant portrait was so weathered and unclear that it was replaced in 1727 by a large fresco which showed the elephant being led by its driver. In 1789 this picture was plastered over and the elephant was not restored. The name, however, continued to be used until the house itself was demolished in 1866. 119 The armchair was purchased by Kremsmiinster when the Kunstkammer of Schloss Windhaag bei Prag (Miihlviertel, Oberésterreich) was broken up—probably in 1869. Today it is housed in the newly rehabilitated Kunst- und Raritétenkammer of the Stiftsbibliothek of Kremsmiinster (letter of April 2, 1966, from the Stiftsbibliothek). For further information see K. Werner, Die Sammlungen Kremsmiinster (Berlin, 1936), pp. 22-23. 120 Parentheses added. 121 For Latin text see reproductions in Lach, loc. cit. (n. 2), pl. VII.

Le Reproduced in A. Lhotsky, Die Geschichte der Sammlungen (Vienna, 1941-45), Vol. II, Pt. II, pl. 23.

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The number of artistic representations of elephants from living models increases considerably after the demise of the Vienna elephant, even though distorted African and Asian types continue to appear both separately and in conjunction with more naturalistic elephants.!23 It is next to impossible to connect, even indirectly, all of the realistic elephants with their living or artistic

models. Part of the problem stems from the fact that masses of material in zoological institutes remain unexplored or unknown and also that too little work has so far been done in determining the part played by artists in the illustrations of zoological works.!24 Examination of a number of natural histories of the midsixteenth century reveals that the illustrators commonly adhere to the quattro-

cento depiction of the elephant.1#5 P. A. Mattioli, the Sienese physician and naturalist, in the section on ivory in his Commentaries (1544) on Dioscorides introduces a note of realism into his text and illustrations. He describes the elephant’s hide on the basis of what he learned from Hanno’s attendants and quotes

much more from Cadamosto than from Pliny. His two woodcuts of African elephants are more naturalistic than many of those included in the natural histories before and after his time.!26 In 1548 from Aleppo in northern Syria Pierre Gilles wrote a detailed description of the elephant based on dissection. The beast he describes was one that had been purchased as a gift for King Henry II by the French ambassador to the Porte from a brother to the shah of Persia.

This elephant died near Aleppo, and Gilles’ careful description of it was not published until 1562.127 Konrad Gesner, in his section on the elephant in Historiae animalium (Zurich, 1551-58), still uses Schongauer’s highly fantastic depiction.

Ambroise Paré’s Oeuvres (Paris, 1585) contains several woodcuts in which the elephants show very little improvement in realism over some of those found in medieval bestiaries. From these and other examples it seems clear that many of the early scientists had little knowledge of the available naturalistic descriptions and illustrations. Indeed the author of “Second Voyage to Guinea,” who studied 123 For example, the elephant in the background of Brueghel’s “Adoration of Kings,” painted around 1556, is of the quattrocento type, possibly because of Brueghel’s indebtedness to Bosch. See F, Grossmann, Brueghel: The Paintings (rev. ed.; London, 1966), p. 190 and pl. 4. 124 For elaboration of this point see E. K. J. Reznicek, Die Zeichnungen von Hendrick Goltzius (Utrecht, 1961), I, 207-8. Also note that the Sinhalese carvings of the elephant were available as models for European artists. See above, p. 25. So far as I can ascertain, European artists of the time seem not to have modeled their representations on these Sinhalese carvings. 125 Most fascinating is the woodcut of a small elephant pulling a plow in the 1548 version of P. de Crescentio, De omnibus agriculturae partibus et de plantarium animalium natural et utilitate libri XII (Basel).

For earlier versions of the woodcut used in the Crescentio book see A. Tchemerzine, Bibliographie d’éditions originales et rares d’auteurs francais ... (Paris, 1927-33), III, 70. In India, the small, spindly “deer elephants” were used for plowing. 126 Based on the edition of 1572 published at Lyons of his Commentaires ... sur les six livres de Ped. Dioscoride .. . , pp. 229-31. Interesting for its naturalistic descriptions of the circus tricks performed by

an elephant in Constantinople is the ‘Turkish letter’ dated 1555 in E. S. Forster (ed. and trans.), The Turkish Letters of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, Imperial Ambassador at Constantinople, 1554-62 (Oxford,

1927), Pp. 38-39. 127 P, Gilles, Aeliani de historia animalium libri XVII (Lyons, 1562), pp. 497-525. Also see E. T. Hamy, “Le pére de la zodlogie francaise: Pierre Gilles d’Albi,” Revue des Pyrénées, XII (1900), §82-85.

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African elephants closely, wrote in 1555 that “Painters and Arras workers are deceived” in their depictions of the tusks.!28 He might also have pointed out that many of them also were wrong in their drawings of the legs, trunk, and ears (pls. 104, 105). The sculptured elephants of this epoch are likewise very little dependent upon

living models, or even naturalistic drawings. The fountain elephant of the Villa Madama, for example, is far more naturalistic than the crude elephant head done

at midcentury which now occupies a niche at the base of the fountain in the Piazza Pretoria of Palermo.!29 Equally unrealistic is the elephant head that is carved, along with other animals, in the interior of the grotto of the Medici villa at Castello.13° Of the sculptures the most natural in appearance are the marble elephants which guard the sepulchers of King Sebastian and the CardinalKing (Prince Henry) in the monastery of the Jerénimos at Belém in Portugal.!3! The most puzzling of the sculptured elephants is the huge stone creature which

dominates the garden of Bomarzo in central Italy. : Sometime before 1564, Vincino Orsini had constructed in the “Sacred Wood” at the base of the hill on which the village of Bomarzo stands a fantastic garden ‘which resembles itself and nothing else.” !32 Orsini, running directly counter to

prevailing ideas of classical symmetry and proportion, had this section of his garden designed around the irregular outcroppings of stone along the hillside.*33

In the “Sacred Wood” gigantic human, animal, and mythical figures are cut from the stone. In the center of this fantastic mélange stands a mammoth elephant (pl. 103) with an ornate girdle and square castle on its back, a driver on its neck,

and a soldier in its trunk. The tusks have apparently disappeared, the ears are large and open, and the legs are four-square, heavy, and straight. While the head and ears are reminiscent of D’Ollanda’s elephant and the position of the rider similar to Barili’s driver in the intarsia of the Vatican, it is certainly not possible to assert that the sculptor of Bomarzo is portraying Hanno in stone. The motif of the elephant holding the soldier in its trunk is seen frequently in the temple elephants of India,!3+ but prototypes employing the same 128 Ag published in R. Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (Glasgow, 1904), VI, 164. 129 Possibly completed in Florence ca. 1555, it was the work of Francisco Camillo and Michelangelo Nascherino. It was acquired by Palermo in 1573 and assembled by 1585; see L. Russo, La fontana di Piazza Pretoria in Palermo (Palermo, 1961), p. 5§ and pl. X. 130 See below, p. 166. 131 For discussion see J. de Sigiienza, Historia de la Orden de San Gerénimo (Madrid, 1907), I, 72;

for an early description of the tombs and their elephant guardians see J. B. de Lavanha, Viage de la catholica real magestad del rei D. Felipe III, N.S., al reino de Portugal (Madrid, 1622), p. 7. 132 Quotation from the Italian inscription still visible in the park. The fullest account of the garden

is in G. Zander et al., ‘““Gli elementi documentari sul Sacro Bosco,” Quaderni dell’istituto di storia dell’architettura (Rome), April, 1955, pp. 19-32. Also see M. Praz, Belleza e bizzarria (Milan, 1960) Pp. 248-49. 133 See G. Masson, Italian Gardens (New York, 1961), pp. 144-45. 134 For an example see R. Piper, Das Tier in der Kunst (Munich, 1922), pl. 28. For alisting of elephants

in stone in India see Navarane, op. cit. (n. 19), p. $5. [ 148 ]

The Elephant device could have been available to the artist in Europe.'35 It is also possible that the sculptor or Orsini, or both, had seen the live elephant at Milan in 1551 and that it was the inspiration for the Bomarzo mammoth. Whatever the case may be,

the elephant, as well as the entire garden, seems to owe a considerable debt, either directly or indirectly, to medieval themes. The elephant, for example, looks as if it is being attacked by a dragon (pl. 102), a theme that constantly recurs in the bestiaries. But what makes Bomarzo unique is the fact that both the

dragon and the elephant seem to hark back to Oriental prototypes as well. It is this strange blend of Oriental and medieval in Bomarzo that helps to create a

mysterious atmosphere for the viewer and an all but insoluble iconographic problem for the art historian.136

At Bomarzo and elsewhere, the elephant continued throughout the midsixteenth century to retain its earlier symbolic and emblematic significance. In the lavish entrées of the kings of France, as earlier in the triumphal arch of Emperor Maximilian I, the elephants of medieval and quattrocento art occupy an important place as symbols of power and virtue. In the engravings celebrating the entrée of Henry II into Rouen in 1550, a quadriga of elephants carrying torches and castles recalls the painting of Mantegna and the literary fancy of the Hypnerotomachia.!37 In the Hieroglyphia (Basel, 1556) of Piero Valeriano an entire

book is devoted to the allegorical significance of the elephant throughout history.138 Elephants of the Schongauer type appear repeatedly in the various editions of the Emblemata of Andrea Alciati as emblems of justice and peace, and

as a symbol of the continuity in spirit between Rome and the Renaissance.!39 Woodcuts of two fabulous elephants looking at snakes wound around a pole illustrate the idea that “‘little things are effaced through concord.’’!4° The elephant fighting a wild boar is given as a Medici emblem.'4! The emblematical 135 The elephant chess piece sent to Charlemagne has a warrior in its trunk (Wichmann, op. cit. [n. 29], pl. II); a poppy head in Ripon Cathedral (thirteenth century) is carved in the shape of an elephant with a castle on its back and a warrior in its trunk (Druce, loc. cit. [n. 27], p. 65 and pl. XV); also see the engraving after H. Bosch by H. Cock (ca. 1562) in F. W. H. Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish Etchings, Engravings, and Woodcuts, ca. 1450-1700 (Amsterdam, n.d.), III, 147. 136 For various speculations about the Oriental origins of the Bomarzo mammoths and about their influence on other gardens, and on paintings, see Zander et al., loc. cit. (n. 132), pp. 27-29. Masson (op. cit. [n. 133], p. 145) stresses the relationship in sculptural and architectural detail between Bomarzo and

the gardens of nearby villas; René Hocke (Die Welt als Labyrinth [Hamburg, 1957], passim) relates the stupendous creatures of Bomarzo to the giants of the Palazzo del Te and alleges that both have their spiritual Urheimat in the Africa and India celebrated in the travel books. Praz (op. cit. [n. 132], p. 246) asserts that Italians have no eye for the bizarre, except when inventing new forms of macaroni, and so he is inclined to place the inspiration for Bomarzo in the East. Whatever else may be said: “I problema storica resta ancora aperto” (L. Benevolo, ‘“‘Saggio d’interpretazione storica del Sacro Bosco,” in Zander et al., loc. cit. [n. 132], p. 61). 137 See J. Chartrou, Les entrées solennelles et triomphales 4 la Renaissance (1484-1551), (Paris, 1928),

p. 86. These were actually horses in disguise. 138 Cf. Iversen, op. cit. (n. 61), pp. 71-72; also see G. Boas, The Hieroglyphics of Horapollo (New

York, 1950), pp. 104-5; also G. C. Capaccio, Delle imprese ... in tre libri divisio (Naples, 1952), Bk. II, chap. viii, pp. 17v-21v; and C. Ripa, Iconologia... (Padua, 1611), pp. 232—33, 325, 427, 456, §09. 139 See H. Green (ed.), Andreae Alceate Emblematum (Manchester, 1870), passim. 140 G. Gueroult, Le premier livre des emblémes (Lyons, 1550), p. 36.

14 FI, Junius, ... Medici emblemata .. . (Antwerp, 1565), p. 8.

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personal badges of Astorre Baglione of Perugia and of Emanuel Filiberto, duke of Savoy, also feature the elephant prominently.'4? To illustrate a victory of the Romans over the Huns, Virgil Solis and Jost Amann chose to symbolize the Romans as elephants in a woodcut for the Thurnierbuch of S. Feyerabend.143 On the copperplate portraits of the Habsburgs of Austria the elephant appears in the rich ornamental decorations as a symbol of strength and diligence.!44 The first illustrated edition (1571) of Cartari’s Imagini includes an engraving by Bolognino Zaltieri, a Venetian artist, which shows Bacchus riding on the back of an elephant. Crude woodcuts of elephants fighting dragons and wild boars,

grazing peacefully with sheep (pl. 110), or piously worshipping the moon, continue to be used as emblems down to the end of the century.!45 Most spectacular is the use of the elephant as caryatid in the New Termis Buch of Joseph Boillot published in 1592 (pl. 117). The information in the explanatory captions which accompany the elephant caryatids derives from both the authorities of Antiquity and from the reports on Hanno’s activities in Rome. Torquato Tasso, the great Italian poet, likewise recalls Hanno’s visit to Rome in his dialogues dealing with imprese that were written late in the sixteenth century.146 From these examples it is clear that the elephant continued to be an emblem of piety,

virtue, and peace. But artistically, the elephants depicted in these books are uniformly fantastic and owe almost nothing to the realistic paintings, engravings, and woodcuts that were contemporaneously being produced.

F. FIN DE SIECLE

A new opportunity to increase the realism of elephant portraiture came in 1563.!47 In September of that year another Indian elephant was sent from Portugal to Maximilian, now the king of Bohemia. It was transported by sea to 142 G. Ruscelli, Le imprese . . . (Venice, 1566). The capital letter “E”’ as the initial letter of the word

“Essendo” is decorated with an elephant and driver in this and other books printed in Venice at this time. For example, see also G. Benzoni, La historia del mondo nuovo (Venice, 1565), p. I. 143 (Frankfurt am Main, 1566), p. vii. Also see the Feyerabend elephants in N. Reusner, Emblemata ... (Frankfurt, 1581), Bk. II, fig. 13; and in Georg Schaller, Eigentliche und auch griindliche Beschreibung allerley vier und zweyftissigen Thieren (Frankfurt am Main, 1592). 144 See F. Terzo (Tertius), Austriacae gentis imaginum . . . (Innsbruck, 1569-73), passim. 145 For example see P. Fabrici, Delle allusioni, imprese et emblemi...(Rome, 1588), pp. 174, 228;

Capaccio, op. cit. (n. 138), Bk. III, p. 22r; J. Mercier, Emblemata (Bourges, 1592), pp. 47v—48v; J. Camerarius, Symbolorum et emblematum .. . (Mainz, 1590), Bk. II, pp. 2, 4, 6. For additional examples see A. Henkel and A. Schéne, Emblemata: Handbuch zur Sinnbildkunst des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts

(Stuttgart, 1967), cols. 408-20. 146 EF. Raimondi (ed.), Torquato Tasso Dialoghi: Edizione critica (Florence, 1958), II, Pt. I, 1075. 147 Two years earlier Pope Pius IV had requested that King Sebastian of Portugal send a pair of elephants, a male and a female, to Rome for the papal menagerie. See letter of the Portuguese ambassador of October 28, 1561, as quoted in Sousa Viterbo, loc. cit. (n. 69), p. 318. The ambassador apparently

believed that elephants, as well as other Asian animals, were readily available in Lisbon; the king in his reply promised to find a pair of elephants for the pope as soon as possible. But no record exists of the receipt in Rome of the elephants requested.

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Zeeland and was driven overland to Antwerp. There, the eight-year-old beast immediately became the center of attention. Ludovico Guicciardini, who was at that time preparing his Description of the Low Countries, reports that though this was not the first elephant seen in the Netherlands people came from far and wide to view it.!48 Flemish scholars, scientists, and artists, as well as common curiosity-seekers, eagerly commented upon the young elephant. Justus Lipsius, himself a brash sixteen-year-old Humanist at the time, scathingly attacked the elephant as being insignificant and juvenile.'49 And Guicciardini caustically observed: ... we did not find the great attributes and rare qualities in this animal which the ancient authors give it in their writings; being as crude in intelligence as it is in body and proportions, exhibiting in its behavior the unconstraint of a pig; taking its nourishment by eating and drinking everything it encounters; one time it drank so much wine that for twenty hours it was thought to be dead before it finally revived: and [it awakened] much greedier than ever and with a greater appetite.15°

Other commentators do not share this contemptuous evaluation. An anonymous broadside published at Antwerp for the occasion is enthusiastic in its praise of the beast. Charles de L’écluse comments on the elephant’s docility and speaks of its intelligence as being almost human.15! Representations of the elephant of 1563 in the Low Countries are numerous and of lasting influence. The woodcut of the commemorative broadside shows the elephant standing in the streets of Antwerp in the midst of a curious throng. Dr. Paludanus (Bernard ten Broecke) had an etching done of the elephant which shows it in eight different positions.152 A drawing of 1563 attributed to Master

B., a Netherlandish artist, and now in the Cabinet des Dessins of the Louvre, depicts an elephant from front and back. Even though the Louvre drawing looks like the picture of a child’s stuffed animal, the mere fact of its being dated 1563 possibly indicates that it was inspired by the presence of the live elephant in the Low Countries.153 By contrast, the chalk drawing of Lambert van Noort dated Antwerp, October 1, displays all the earmarks of a scientific, naturalistic 1487. Guicciardini, Description générale de touts les Pays-Bas (Amsterdam, 1613), p. 35. This is a fascinating assertion, because no other record exists of elephants in the Low Countries before 1563.

There is, however, a black chalk drawing of an elephant in the Sloane Collection in the British Museum with a Flemish inscription dated 1550 (see Popham, loc. cit. [n. 31], p. 187). Also a faience

plaque on a house in the Longue-Rue-Neuve of Antwerp had painted on it the picture of a white elephant grazing in a meadow. Beneath the picture is the inscription: “Oit is inde olifant.” See catalogue of the exposition held at the Bibliothéque Nationale of Paris and entitled Anvers, ville de Plantin et de Rubens (Paris, 1954), pl. X. 149 See Lipsius’ derisive tract in satirical praise of the elephant in his Dissertationum ludicrorum et amoenitatum, scriptores vanii (Leyden, 1638), pp. 419-43. Also see the woodcut of a Roman elephant stable in J. Lipsius, Admiranda, sive de magnitudine Romana (Antwerp, 1605), Bk. III, p. 157. 150 Guicciardini, op. cit. (n. 148), p. 35. 181 Popham, loc. cit. (n. 31), p. 188. 152 Tbid., p. 188.

153 For a reproduction see Lach, loc. cit. (n. 2), pl. XV. The anonymous artist, “Master B,”’ was a Flemish disciple of Franz Floris. See Reznicek, op. cit. (n. 124), I, 208.

[ 157 ]

The Iconography of Asian Animals study in which the artist even notes the weight of the elephant.'54 A new version

of Hieronymus Bosch’s “Siege of the Elephant,” engraved either for or by Hieronymus Cock, appeared in Antwerp about the same time.155 The hybrid

of it. }

animal created by the engraver is possibly derived from the Bosch original with revisions inspired by the presence in Antwerp of the living elephant or a replica

The people of Antwerp expressed their admiration by having a life-sized wooden image of the elephant constructed to accompany the Antwerp Giant, the city’s symbol, in the processions held for gala and official celebrations (pl. 115).15° The Antwerp elephant on its wheeled platform figured prominently

in the triumphal entry staged on February 19, 1582, to welcome Francois d’Alencgon, duke of Anjou, brother of King Henry III of France, and successor to Philip II as sovereign in the Low Countries.157 Since Francois’ ascendancy

was a victory for France, his triumphal entry into Antwerp was obviously watched closely by the court at Paris. The elephant, as a symbol of triumph and ceremony, was picked up about this time by the French court painter, Antoine Caron, for his joyous “Night Festival with the Carrousel Elephant’ and for his somber “Triumph of Séméle”’ (pls. 108, 109); the elephants depicted here are derived from the Giulio Romano elephants in Cort’s engraving “The Battle of Scipio against Hannibal.” 158 The elephant in the Valois tapestry called “Siege of the Elephant,’ probably executed by Lucas de Heere around 1582, much more nearly recalls the Antwerp elephant and Cock’s “Siege of the Elephant” than the prancing beast in Caron’s “Night Festival.” 159 The progress of the elephant of 1563 from Antwerp to Vienna is not clearly

known, nor is the date of its arrival in the imperial capital.6° At one time or 154 Reznicek, op. cit., and for a reproduction, see the exhibition catalogue of the Stockholm Museum, Dutch and Flemish Drawings (Stockholm, 1953), No.'25. Also cf. “L’éléphant armé” of Alart du Hamel as reproduced in P. Fierens, Le fantastique dans l’art flamand (Brussels, 1947), pl. XXV. 155 For comment see Hollstein, op. cit. (n. 135), Ill, 147. 186 Popham, loc. cit. (n. 31), p. 189. There is a superficial resemblance in the ears, tusks, and curvature

of the trunk between the elephant of the Cock engraving and the wooden model of Antwerp. 157 Described and portrayed in La joyeuse et magnifique Entrée ..., published by Plantin in 1582; for an English translation of the text see John Nichols (ed.), Progresses of Queen Elizabeth (London, 1788-1805), II, 354-85. Also see F. A. Yates, The Valois Tapestries (London, 1959), p. 34 and pl. 19. That the Antwerp elephant was still in use a century later is shown in the etching of Gaspar Bouttats. which depicts a cortége of 1684. See Anvers, ville de Plantin (n. 148), p. 30. 158 Notice, by contrast, the elephants which follow Mantegna’s ‘‘Caesar”’ on either side of the bier in

“Le Triomphe de Séméle. 159 J, Ehrmann (“Drawings by Antoine Caron for the Valois Tapestries,” Art Quarterly, XX1 [1958], 60-61) believes that the Valois tapestry in the Uffizi is based upon Caron’s carrousel elephant; Yates (op. cit. [n. 157], p. 98) takes a more qualified view of the relationship between the Caron elephant and the tapestry depiction. Comparison of the Caron elephant with Cort’s and of the tapestry elephant with the Antwerp elephant and Cock’s engraving leads me to reject Ehrmann’s conclusion regarding the relationship between the Caron and the tapestry elephants. Much more reasonable is the suggestion of Jean Adhémar (Revue des arts, TV [1954], 64) to the effect that Caron apparently used the Lafreri

engraving (pl. 106), one of which includes Hanno and the elephants from Cort’s “The Battle of Scipio against Hannibal.” 160 Popham, loc. cit. (n. 31), p. 189; the major source is J. Lipsius, Epistolae (Antwerp, 1592), cent. I. ep. 50.

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another in 1563 it visited Brussels, where it ate a cauldron of rice and drank a good quantity of wine before being promenaded about the town. To commemorate the occasion a chronogram was composed that read: “‘Brabantini vidervut Elephantem.”’ !61 On October 10, 1563, it halted in Cologne and was paraded through the city’s streets with a young driver clad in yellow and armed with a goad, riding astride its neck.1®2 L’écluse relates that he saw it on several occasions

at the court of the animal-loving Maximilian II;!63 Henry III of France, on his return from Poland in 1574, was shown an elephant at the menagerie of Ebersdorf.164 Possibly to commemorate the elephant’s popularity, or perhaps because

he disliked the painting itself, Maximilian ordered that in Pieter Baltin’s “Preaching of St. John the Baptist’ the saint should be removed and replaced by a portrait of the elephant. Automatically the enraptured congregation listening to the preacher was thus transformed into a gaping throng staring at an elephant. Since this portrait has unfortunately disappeared, no depiction of the elephant of 1563 from its Viennese days seems to have been preserved.!65

In Germany the elephant nonetheless continued to appeal to collectors and to makers of oddities. Archduke Albrecht of Bavaria (d. 1579) was said to own a stuffed elephant.! On the death of Cardinal Elector Albert of Mainz, a number of valuable elephant-shaped trinkets were found among his possessions.!®7 The Ambras collection included an elephant and castle topped with a ship, the entire piece being carved from ivory.'®8 The inventory of the collection of Octavius

Fugger dated 1600-1601 includes mention of an old French sword with an elephant engraved on the blade.!69 Gems engraved with elephants were included in the collection of Abraham Gorlé (1549-1609) of Antwerp.!7° The collections at Innsbruck and Dresden each boasted a clock made in the form of an elephant with a tower on its back.!7! At the wedding of the duke of Jiilich-Cleve-Berg in 1585 a feature of the festivities was a table loaded with exotic animals, trees, and buildings in sugarwork, the entire scene being dominated by a large elephant with a tower on its back (pl. 118). And even today one can see on display at the

Charlottenburg in Berlin the magnificent elephant and castle in gilt bronze 161 P, Saintenoy, Les arts et les artistes a la cour de Bruxelles (Brussels, 1932), pp. 75-76.

162 From a note in the journal of the Cologne official, Hermann Weisberg, as quoted in Kaufmann, loc. cit. (n. $3), p. 410. 163 Ibid.

164 Loisel, op. cit. (n. 30), I, 234. 165 Popham, loc. cit. (n. 31), p. 190; also see C. van Mander, Dutch and Flemish Painters: Translations from the Schilderboeck (New York, 1963), p. 256. It is possible that the realistic Indian elephant used as

an illustration by Joannes Sambucus is a representation of the elephant seen in Antwerp in 1563; see his Emblemata cum aliquot nummis antiqui operis....(Antwerp, 1564), p. 184. Or perhaps its portrait was in the collection of Emperor Rudolf II, see above, p. 30. 166 F, H. Taylor, The Taste of Angels (Boston, 1948), p. 49. 167 M. von Boehn, Modes and Manners (London, 1932), II, 183. 168 G. Klemm, Zur Geschichte der Sammlugen fiir Wissenschaft und Kunst in Deutschland (Zerbst, 1837),

p. 194. 169 N. Lieb, Die Fugger und die Kunst... (Munich, 1958), p. 41. 170 A. Gorlé, Dactyliothecae .. .(Leyden, 1707), Pt. II, pl. 26. 171 OQ, Doering (ed.), Des Augsburger Patriciers Philipp Hainhofer Reisen nach Innsbruck und Dresden

(Vienna, 1901), pp. 42, 173.

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created by Christian Jamnitzer of Nuremberg at the close of the sixteenth century (pl. 116). Scientific materials on the elephant and its habits began to become more authoritative after the publication in India of Garcia da Orta’s Coloquios dos simplos, e drogas... da India (1563).!72 One entire colloquy is devoted to the elephant by the Portuguese physician who had lived in Goa for a full generation before publishing his book. In 1567 Charles de L’écluse published at Antwerp an abbreviated Latin version of Orta’s text. Cristobal de Acosta, on the basis of Orta’s

book and his own observations in the field, published at Burgos in 1578 his Tractado de las drogas ..., to which he added illustrations, including one of a realistic Indian elephant leaning against the trunk of a coconut palm, and another of a war elephant with a castle on its back. Acosta implies that he sketched these

elephants from life,!73 but such is obviously not the case. The entire body of the elephant leaning against the palm and the body and head armor of the war elephant seem to be taken directly from Cort’s engraving ‘““The Battle of Scipio

against Hannibal,” or from another depiction that was likewise based on the

elephant drawings of Giulio Romano.!74 The important point is that Acosta, who had traveled in the East, denominates these as naturalistic representations. The text, like the woodcuts, is based upon observations in the field and includes a studied effort to test Pliny’s assertions about the elephant against experience.!75

Gifts of living elephants continued to be made in Europe even after Portugal lost its independence. In 1581 on the occasion of becoming king of Portugal, Philip II of Spain received a gift from Lisbon of an elephant and a rhinoceros. Both were put on display in Madrid.!7° Juan de Arphe y Villafafie, who is often called the “Spanish Cellini,” prepared a book, Varia commensuracion para la escultura (Book III), in which he presented for artists and architects a scientific discussion of the proportions and shapes of the animals and birds then commonly being used in decorations. His elephant, which resembles one of those shown

by Mattioli, is a fairly realistic beast. A scale stands to the left of the elephant to guide the artist in getting its height and proportions right.177 An example of Arphe’s elephant design appears as the central figure on a silver 172 See Asia, I, 192~94, for discussion of Orta. 173 See his list of the drawings of plants according to nature at the front of the book (Italian ed. of 1585). Included in this list are the two elephant portraits. In the written text accompanying the portraits he is evasive about their origin and leads the reader to think that they are his own. Certainly the tower and body of the war elephant, as well as the coconut palm, are probably his work. But he cannot take credit for the rest. See Lach, loc. cit. (n. 2), pl. XIV. 174 See above, p. 144; compare the group of three elephants in the Lafreri engraving (pl. 106) likewise extracted from Giulio Romano. The elephants on either end are those used by Acosta. 175 For a study of the Acosta texts see Asia, I, 194-95. 176 An elephant is also shown as a symbol for humility in one of the emblems of Philip II. See J. de Boria, Empresas morales a la S.C.R.M. del Rey Don Phelipe nuestro Senor (Madrid, 1581); also see the woodcut in F, Felice Milensio, Dell’ impressa dell’ Elefanta . . . (Naples, 1595).

177 Based on the representation reproduced in the sixth printing (Madrid, 1773), p. 196. The printer claims, in the prologue addressed to the reader, to have reproduced the original text faithfully, even while purging it of errors, and to have reproduced the original illustrations, but only the most curious. See Lach, loc. cit. (n. 2), pl. XV for a reproduction of Arphe’s elephant.

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ewer created by Felipe Roz in 1597 as part of his examination to qualify as a master silversmith.78 Philip II, a decade after receiving his own elephant of congratulation, sent an identical gift to the new Bourbon king of France, Henry IV; possibly Philip had it in the back of his mind that the pious elephant of Catholic tradition might give the heretic king a nudge on the road to conversion! The elephant arrived at Dieppe in July, 1591, and Henry shortly wrote from his camp before Noyon to his receiver-general of finance that he should pay for its keep “because we desire that the elephant which has been sent to us from the Indies should be maintained and cared for as a rare thing the like of which has never before been

seen in this Our Realm.”’!79 Evidently Henry did not know that two of his greatest predecessors, Charlemagne and St. Louis, had elephants of their own. For Henry himself the novelty of the elephant quickly wore off as the expenses for its maintenance mounted. So, on September 4, 1592, the king sent an order from his camp at Provins to the governor of Dieppe that he should arrange for

the safe dispatch of the elephant as a gift to Queen Elizabeth of England. Evidently the elephant made the channel crossing successfully, for references to it may be found in contemporary English writings.!8° Unfortunately, however, no clear-cut representation of the elephant of 1591 has yet been found.

What pictorial records remain in painting from the last two decades of the sixteenth century are varied, semi-fantastic, and probably have little to do with living models. Jacopo Ligozzi, a late Mannerist painter, produced a sketch in 1591 that was designed to appear as a colossal fresco in the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence. It represents the reception of the Florentine ambassadors by Pope Boniface VIII. In the background over the portal of the reception chamber there hangs a large painting which shows an Indian with a feather headdress holding a club in his hand. He is seated beside another native who holds palm branches in his hand and wears a crown of palm and dangling earrings. Behind these semi-nude savages, who possibly represent America and Asia, the head of an elephant peers out of the picture.!8! Annibale Carracci’s elephant in his “Triumph of Bacchus and Ariadne”’ painted about 1600 and now in the Farnese Gallery, was almost certainly copied from a Dionysiac sarcophagus (pl. 131). Whatever its origins, the head and ears of the elephant are realistic but the eyes seem to be too prominent and slanted. The hook that the rider carries is almost

photographic in its accuracy and is far superior to any other I have seen.1®? 178 J. C. Davillier, Recherches sur Vorféevrerie en Espagne au moyen dge et a la Renaissance: Documents

inédits tires des archives (Paris, 1879), pp. 89-90, 223-27, pl. 17. 179 L. Delisle, “L’Eléphant de Henri IV,” Bibliotheque de l’Ecole de Chartes, LIV (1893), 358-59.

180 Popham, loc. cit. (n. 31), p. 190. For a listing of references to the elephant in late sixteenthcentury English literature see W. M. Carroll, Animal Conventions in English Renaissance Non-Religious Prose (1550-1600) (New York, 1954), p. 102. 181 See H. Voss, Die Malerei der Spatrenaissance in Rom und Florenz (Berlin, 1920), Il, 415; also O. H. Giglioli, “Jacopo Ligozzi disegnatore e pittore de piante e di animali,” Dedalo, IV (1923-24), 554-55. For a reproduction see Lach, loc. cit. (n. 2), pl. XVI.

182 For a reproduction of this section of Carracci’s ceiling see J. R. Martin, The Farnese Gallery (Princeton, N.J., 1965), pl. 70. In his commentary (p. 119), Martin unqualifiedly asserts that the elephant and mahout with hook were copied from the sarcophagi. For confirmation of this see the triumph of Dionysius in India on a sarcophagus of the third century A.D. as reproduced in LehmannHartleben and Olsen, op. cit. (n. 10), pp. 12-13, fig. 7.

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Striking in its effort to bring fauna of the overseas world into European art and imagery is the painting of the Garden of Eden (pl. 144) executed around 1600 by Roelant Savery which shows the elephant, the rhinoceros, the tiger, and the bird of paradise, all identifiable as animals from Asia, cavorting with all of the other animals, real and imaginary, in the artist’s repertoire.!83 Savery’s contemporary, Arcimboldo, used an elephant as the central figure in one of his grotesque human heads composed entirely of animals (pl. 39). In commenting

on this elephant portrait in 1591, Don Gregorio Comanini remarked: “All these beasts Arcimboldo has painted from life. . . . Imagine his cleverness; there

is something stupefying about it.” 84 And Rudolf II's collection of paintings included an elephant which is being looked at by many people “from the brush of the younger Pieter Brueghel (1564-1637).’’ 185 The literary descriptions from the last years of the sixteenth century are both fanciful and factual. In 1580 Filippo Sassetti wrote from Cochin to his friends in Florence about the useful work performed by elephants in India.18¢ The Viaggio (1587), in which the Venetian, Cesare Fedrici, describes his travels in India and southeastern Asia, contains a detailed description of the “white elephant” revered in Pegu (Burma).!87 In Georg Schaller’s animal book, published in 1592, woodcuts show the elephant in four different poses (both sides, front, and rear) and each is described in a verse based upon ancient authors and legends.188 Cesare

Ripa in his Iconologia (Rome, 1593) still describes the elephant as the most religious of all animals.!89 In his romance of Vitei, the great king of China, Ludovico Arrivabene discusses the elephant of Asia both in traditional Western terms and as a living animal that works in its homeland.19° In his Itinerary Fynes Moryson tells about seeing a live elephant while in Constantinople in 1597.19! And, in the meantime the De Bry brothers in their Latin travel collection were bringing together whatever they could find out about the elephant from literary and artistic sources in Europe. The result, as might be expected, was to produce 183 Also see pl. 111. Such depictions were quite numerous in the last generation of the sixteenth century. For example, see C. Murer’s Animaux au paradis (1580), and the animal drawings of Georg Hoefnagel. For further discussion see J. Bialostocki, “Les bétes et les humains de Roelant Savery,” Musées royaux des Beaux-Arts Bulletin, No. 1 (March, 1958), pp. 69-97. 184 J] Figino, overo del fine della pittura (Mantua, 1591), p. 44. In Arcimboldo’s painting the elephant’s

ear is the man’s ear; the man’s head, it should be noticed, supports a crown of horns! 185 HF], Zimmermann (ed.), “‘Das Inventar der Prager Schatz und Kunstkammer vom 6. Dezember, 1621,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, XXV (1905), Pt. 2, p.

xlvi. Cf. Pieter Baltins, “Preaching of St. John the Baptist” discussed above, p. 153. 186 F. Marcucci (ed.), Lettere. . . di Filippo Sassetti (Florence, 1855), pp. 252-53, 273. 187 Details on Fedrici and the history of his book in Asia, I, 469-73. A white elephant was possibly in Rome in the time of Emperor Augustus. Many travelers to Asia, before Fedrici, mention the white

elephant. The white elephant was not seen in modern times in Europe until one was brought to Holland in 1633 (Armandi, op. cit. [n. 18], p. 381, citing the Gazette de France, July 30, 1633). 188 These elephant woodcuts are semirealistic and could possibly hark back to depictions of the elephant of 1563, though I can make no certain identification. See the section entitled ““Von Elephanten Geschichten” in Schaller, op. cit. (n. 143). 189 Cf. L. Réau, Iconographie de Vart chrétien (Paris, 1956), I, 103-4. 190 Jl magno Vitei (Verona, 1597), pp. 445-50.

191 An Itinerary... Written by Fynes Moryson (Glasgow, 1907), Il, 96.

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written descriptions of the elephant and other fauna of Asia which were far more factual than the woodcut illustrations.!9? Indeed, some of the woodcuts used by De Bry are simple reproductions of the elephant as it was known to Burgkmair and other European engravers who had never had a chance to see the live Asian animal or a naturalistic representation of it.193 Definite records exist to show that besides Hanno at least five Asian elephants

were subjects of general attention in sixteenth-century Europe. Once naturalists, artists, and scholars had the opportunity to observe and inspect these living animals, the elephant of tradition underwent a gradual transformation. The semi-divine creature of medieval tradition was secularized by Pope Leo X himself. Hanno started off his career in the Eternal City by performing circus tricks. While he delighted his audience, he also helped immeasurably to reduce

the elephant to the status of a mundane creature. Nor was secularization the only change that took place. Many Humanists were clearly unimpressed by the

elephant of flesh and blood, and disappointed that it did not measure up in majesty or virtue to the descriptions of Pliny and the Physiologus. Although not all observers were repelled by the living beast, everyone had become convinced that the elephant could be ludicrous as well as majestic, frivolous as well as wise, earthly as well as otherworldly. Through his painting of Hanno, Raphael naturalized the elephant in European art and set a new standard of realism for its depiction. Giulio Romano, Raphael's direct heir, introduced the naturalized, secularized elephant into society as he made it take part in a riotous marriage feast, gambol with putti, and disport in friezes with other exotic creatures. In the hands of Rosso and Fantuzzi the elephant of Fontainebleau was treated in a deliberately antinaturalistic manner. They elongated its legs and trunk, and distorted its proportions as they reconstructed the elephant for their own subjective, artistic ends. Their fantasized elephant (or the “Manneristic” elephant) made its way from painting into tapestry and

seems to have died there. But Hanno and the elephants attributed to Giulio Romano continued to reappear, though sometimes not very sharply or clearly, in numerous paintings, engravings, woodcuts, and tapestries. The medieval and quattrocento elephants also reappear repeatedly in the course of the sixteenth century, especially in the engravings and woodcuts produced in the Low Countries and Germany. In their book illustrations, the northern woodcut artists tend to portray the elephant as a symbol of secular or religious virtue. It rarely appears in their woodcuts as a jovial, pagan beast. In architecture and

sculpture the elephant likewise continues to be staid and traditional in both appearance and symbolism. 192 But Hakluyt, in supplementing a mariner’s log reporting on a voyage to the Guinea coast, writes a detailed account of the elephant almost exclusively from Pliny. See P. A. Robin, Animal Lore in English Literature (London, 1936), p. 72. 193 For a reproduction from the India orientalis (1601) of the “Animals of India” see Asia, I, facing p. ror. Also see De Bry’s engravings in J. J. Boissard, Theatrum vitae humanae (n.p., 1596), pp. 23, 29.

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The Iconography of Asian Animals The naturalists, somewhat like the artists, seem to be baffled by the problem of reconciling the living creature with the prevailing traditions. Gesner presents a mélange of tradition, myth, and contemporary observations of the elephant which makes strange reading indeed. He quotes Aelian and Varthema on the

same page, and evidently gives equal weight to their testimony. The later editions of Gesner fail completely to note the report of Pierre Gilles, who dissected the elephant at Aleppo in 1545 and published his semianatomical description in 1562. The essentially factual material in Orta’s Coloquios, as relayed to Europe through L’écluse and Acosta, seems not to have entered the mainstream of natural history until the seventeenth century.!9%* Throughout the sixteenth century writers about animals continued to treat seriously the stories and traditions surrounding all monstrous creatures. But then, who is to blame the naturalists for their hesitation in identifying the dragon and the unicorn as mythical creatures when, within a single century, living exemplars of the behemoth of the past (not to mention the absurd giraffe and the ridiculous rhinoceros) had presented themselves for all to see and to wonder about?

2

THE RHINOCEROS

The Indian rhinoceros, like the Indian elephant, was brought to Europe early in the sixteenth century by the Portuguese. The ganda,'95 or rhinoceros of Cambay, was originally sent as a gift to King Manuel by the sultan of Gujarat. And then, like Hanno, the rhinoceros was sent off as a gift to Rome. The ganda

quickly began to compete with the elephant for the attention of royalty, aristocracy, Humanists, and artists. And, while Hanno found his Raphael, the ganda contemporaneously found his artist in a sketch and a woodcut by Albrecht

Diirer. The print of the ganda completed by Diirer in 1515, was to set the 194 Elephants, both in reality and art, become more numerous in the seventeenth century. King Christian [IV of Denmark in 1620 tried, though unsuccessfully, to buy two big elephants with tusks and two elephants for work (see M. Boyer, Japanese Export Lacquers... in the National Museum of Denmark [Copenhagen, 1959], p. 30). Wenzel Hollar sketched and engraved from life an elephant that

was on display at Frankfurt and Nuremberg in 1629. For a fascinating fictional account of Hollar’s life and his interest in ‘“Trompette,” the female elephant, see the delightful story by the modern writer Johannes Urzidil, entitled “Das Elefantenblatt.’’ A white elephant imported into Amsterdam in 1633

was drawn by Rembrandt four years later (see the pencil drawings in the Albertina [Vienna], H26). An African elephant sent to Louis XIV in 1668 is preserved in an etching by Pieter Borel (see Popham, loc. cit. [n. 31], p. 191). At Rome, in 1691, Marcello Malpighi observed a living elephant and wrote an exact scientific description of it. See H. B. Adelmann, Marcello Malpighi and the Evolution of Embryology

(Ithaca, N.Y., 1966), p. 623. For a complete dissection of the elephant see P. Blair. “Osteographia elephantina... ,”’Philosophical Transactions (London), XXVII (1710-12), 53-168. 195 Sanskrit for rhinoceros; Hindi, gainda; Marathi, genda; cf. Denis Sinor, “Sur les noms altaiques de la licorne,” Wiener Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, LVI (1960), 173-74.

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standard for the artistic depiction of the rhinoceros up to the eighteenth century (see pl. 119).196

The one-horned rhinoceros of India was much more alien than the elephant to European writers and artists of the prediscovery era. Possibly the earliest literary description of the Indian rhinoceros is the story in the Indica (dated ca.

e 66 ° ° 93

400 B.C.) of Ctesias about the “wild asses of India.’’ These are one-horned beasts,

presumably rhinoceroses, to whom the fanciful Ctesias adds features derived from the traditions associated with the unicorn and other real and fabulous animals.!97 Ctesias tells of the medicinal virtues of the horn, a belief of commoners

and kings in sixteenth-century Europe which has lived on into the twentieth century in Asia.!98 Aristotle in his History of the Animals vaguely refers to the one-

horned “Indian ass,”’ and he mistakenly asserts in his discussion of parts of the body that its hoof is not cloven. Biblical references to the unicorn are too vague to tell whether or not the authors are alluding to the rhinoceros. The probability is that they were repeating stories about the unicorn that were current everywhere in the ancient world.199 Strabo (ca. 63 B.C.-A.D. 21), the author of six geohistorical books on Asia in

Greek, gives the first literary description of the Indian rhinoceros based on personal observation. He is likewise the first to use the word “rhinoceros” (Greek, puvéxepws, meaning nose horn; German, Nashorn) and to mention the plicae, or folds, of the skin. Strabo, on the basis of stories he heard, mentions the combat between the rhinoceros and the elephant, a powerful tradition that was

to be tested practically at Lisbon in 1515.2 Pliny the Elder is the earliest of the Roman writers to comment on the rhinoceros. He records that it first appeared at Rome in 61 (?) B.c., the occasion being the games organized to celebrate the return to Italy of Pompey the Great. The 196 The best studies of the ganda are A. Fontura da Costa, Les d’esambulations du Rhinocéros de Modofar, roi de Cambaye, de 1514-1516 (Lisbon, 1937); C. Dodgson, ‘“‘The Story of Diirer’s Ganda, in A. Fowler (ed.), The Romance of Fine Prints (Kansas City, 1938), pp. 45-54; C. Coste, ““Anciennes

figurations du rhinoceros,” Acta tropica, III (1946), 116-29; F. J. Cole, “The History of Albrecht Diirer’s Rhinoceros in Zodlogical Literature,” Science, Medicine, and History: Essays on the Evolution of Scientific Thought and Medical Practice, Written in Honour of Charles Singer, collected and edited by E. Ashworth Underwood (London, 1953), I, 337~56; and L. de Matos, ‘Forma e natura e costumi del rinoceronte,”’ Boletim internacional de bibliografia Luso-Brasileira, I (1960), 387-98. .

197 For critical commentary see C. Gould, Mythical Monsters (London, 1886), chap. X; and O. Shepard, The Lore of the Unicorn (New York, 1930), pp. 26-32. 198 In sixteenth-century Europe even the prehistoric cave sites were searched for the rare rhinoceros

horn. By 1600 dozens of prized alicorns (mounted horns and tusks) were on display in Europe (Shepard, op. cit. [n. 197], p. 105). S. H. Prater, curator of the Bombay Historical Society, in The Book

of Indian Animals (2d ed.; Bombay, 1965), pp. 229-30, warns that the rhinoceros of Asia is today in danger of extinction, largely owing to the exaggerated value and the mythical beliefs still attached to the virtues of its horn, blood, and urine. 199 For a succinct summary see Shepard, op. cit. (n. 197), pp. 41-45. 200 There is no reference, as far as I know, to a fight between the elephant and the rhinoceros in classical Indian literature or art. In a fresco of the third century B.c. found at Marissa in Palestine a rhinoceros is shown with an elephant, but it is not clear whether or not they are in combat. It should be noted also that this story of mortal enmity which seems to have originated in the Roman world was kept alive and embellished by Muslim authors. See Ettinghausen, op. cit. (n. 13), pp. 29-30, 78-90.

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Indian rhinoceros was seen again repeatedly in ancient Rome down to the time

of Vespasian, even though it came from a vast distance. The two-horned African rhinoceros was also displayed in Rome, but not so frequently. The onehorned Indian rhinoceros is very hardy, thrives in small quarters, and has a life expectancy in captivity double that of the two-horned African rhinoceros.?°!

Hence it is not surprising that it appeared more frequently in Rome than its African cousin from much closer by. Pliny, Aelian, Diodorus Siculus, and Julius Solinus were stimulated by the presence of living animals to learn all they could from others about the origins and habits of the rhinoceros. From their investigations they concluded that it was the original of the unicorn and so attached to the rhinoceros (both Asiatic and African) many of the beliefs about the unicorn current in the markets of the

Levant and Egypt. The mosaic artists of Palestrina and Perugia depicted in early Roman times the two-horned rhinoceros as did the minters of two coins in the first century A.D.2°? On a medal struck for Emperor Caracalla (ruled A.D. 211-17) there is a device of a wrecked ship with a number of animals engraved below it, including a clear portrait of the one-horned rhinoceros.?° From the fall of the Roman Empire to 1515 there is no literary or artistic record which would confirm the presence in Christian Europe of the living rhinoceros.2°* And, among Muslim authors of the Middle Ages, the only one to give a fairly accurate description of the rhinoceros was al-Biruni in his book on India.2°5 So, the rhinoceros, like most other exotic animals, was invested by the writers of the bestiaries with all the traditional attributes of the unicorn and with Christian symbolism as well. The writer of a Tuscan-Venetian bestiary summarizes the medieval view as follows: The rhinoceros, one of the most fierce of animals, has between its eyes a terribly sharp horn which no armor in the world can withstand. Because of its ferocity this animal can be captured by humans only through a ruse; a pure virgin approaches it, and drawn by her smell of virginity, it lies down at her feet where it falls asleep and is killed by the hunter. The rhinoceros symbolizes fierce and savage people whom no human can withstand,

but who may be overcome through the power of the divinity and reformed. As this power proved itself with Saul, so it effects the same [reform] upon many others.?°

The rhinoceros as the symbol of Saul-become-Paul also appears in a Latin hymn to St. Paul written by Abelard early in the twelfth century.?°7 In his 201 Jennison, op. cit. (n. 8), pp. 34-35. 202 Cole, loc. cit. (n. 196), pp. 337-38. 203 For a reproduction see Jennison, op. cit. (n. 8), p. 82.

204 There is a curious mosaic in the pavement of St. Mark’s in Venice, close by the Door of the Madonna, which displays clearly the head of the rhinoceros. Traditionally this is dated in the thirteenth

century and is associated vaguely with Marco Polo. It has been conjectured that the unknown mosaicist was trying to depict the unicorn. See Shepard, op. cit. (n. 197), p. 216. 205 See Ettinghausen, op. cit. (n. 13), p. 12. 206 Translated from Goldstaub and Wendriner, op. cit. (n. 28), pp. 310-14. The story of capture by a virgin is likewise associated with the unicorn. See Shepard, op. cit. (n. 197), pp. 47-51. 207 As cited by Cole, loc. cit. (n. 196), pp. 338-39.

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poem “De laudibus divinae sapientae’” Alexander Neckam mentions that the dragon and rhinoceros, respectively the symbols of sin and ferocity, are in league against the elephant, symbol of good, and that the rhinoceros with its sharp horn tears open the belly of the elephant.?°8 In a Latin manuscript of the early thirteenth century and in the work of Bartholomew Glanvil the identity of the rhinoceros with the unicorn is forthrightly asserted. But Marco Polo and Jordan of Severac in their eye-witness accounts of the rhinoceros are firm in saying that the beasts they saw could not be captured by maidens. Jordan therefore concludes that the rhinoceros is different from the “‘real unicorns.’ Such testimony

from the field had the effect for a time at least of reinstating the legendary unicorn as an independent beast.?°9

Throughout the Middle Ages the depiction of the rhinoceros was confined to the miniatures in the bestiaries. And in most of these imaginary pictures it looks more like a unicorn than a genuine rhinoceros. In the Physiologus of Cosmas

Indicopleustes it is shown as a horse with two horns on its nose.?!° The artists of the Italian Renaissance, with all of their interest in exotic animals, did not try to depict the true rhinoceros in painting, sculpture, or textiles. It was left to Diirer to produce the first modern depiction of the Indian rhinoceros on the basis of a sketch which was forwarded to Nuremberg from Lisbon in 1515 (pl. 119).

The inspiration for Diirer’s rhinoceros was the living exemplar sent as a gift

from India to King Manuel of Portugal. In 1514, Albuquerque dispatched a mission from Goa to Cambay to request permission of Sultan Modafar II to build a fortress on the island of Diu. In September of that year the embassy returned to Goa with the ganda. This animal, judging from Diirer’s depiction of

it, was of the variety now called the Great Indian one-horned rhinoceros (Rhinoceros unicornis). It was sent to Portugal in the fleet that left Cochin at the beginning of January, 1515, and arrived in Lisbon on May 20, 1515. Because the ganda was the first rhinoceros to be seen in Europe since Roman times, it caused an immediate sensation.

The king and his circle were anxious to “test by experience,’ as Gois remarks,?!! the assertions of Roman writers about the natural enmity of the rhinoceros and the elephant. It was therefore arranged that the meeting of the two beasts should be made into a public spectacle. On June 3, 1515, they confronted each other in a courtyard enclosed by high walls between the Pago da Ribeira and the Casa da India. The native Ocem [its Indian keeper] had led the rhinoceros by its chain to a place behind the tapestries covering the passageway, where it remained well hidden. Then the elephant, 208 See Druce, loc. cit. (n. 27), p. 41. 209 Robin, op. cit. (n. 192), frontispiece and pp. 75-76. Also see distinction that is made by Nicold de’ Conti in the fifteenth century in R. H. Major (ed.), India in the Fifteenth Century (London, 1857) p. 13. 210 J. Strzygowski, Der Bilderkreis des griechischen Physiologus des Kosmas Indicopleustes . . . (Leipzig, 1899), p. 62.

oe de Gois, Chronica do felicissimo rei Dom Emanuel (Lisbon, 1566), Pt. II, chap. xlii.

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The Iconography of Asian Animals a young one with short tusks, was brought into the arena. When the tapestries were pulled aside revealing the rhinoceros, the elephant took flight and sought refuge in the shelter where it was usually kept.2!2

The rhinoceros, proclaimed victor by default, was heralded as the vindicator of the ancient writers,213 and it became immediately one of King Manuel’s most prized possessions. In his Book of Hours (1517) a realistic rhinoceros appears in the right margin of the illustration “Flight from Egypt” (pl. 86). The ganda was dispatched by ship in December, 1515, to Pope Leo X. It was sent by Manuel to Rome, along with other gifts, in appreciation of the “Golden

Rose” he had been awarded by the papacy in July, 1515. It may have been Manvuel’s intention, as Jovius suggests, to give the spectacle-loving pope the Opportunity to match the ganda against Hanno, his own elephant. Among the other gifts taken aboard were lavish silverworks of animals (bastides), silks, large quantities of pepper and other spices, and a green velvet harness for the rhinoceros decorated with gilded roses and carnations and edged with fringe.2"4

The ship commanded by Joo de Pina arrived at the roads of Marseilles in January, 1516, and the rhinoceros was put ashore for rest and refreshment on one

of the islands in the bay. King Francis I, who had been on a campaign in Provence, was in Marseilles at this time and he went out to the island to see the

“wonderful beast called Reynoceron.”2!5 After departing from Marseilles, Pina’s vessel was struck by a storm off Genoa, in February, and sank with all on

board. The corpse of the rhinoceros was washed ashore near Villefranche.?!° After being stuffed it was sent to the pope and arrived in Rome in February, 1516,7!7 about eight months after Hanno’s death. In the meantime a Latin poet, possibly in anticipation of the rhinoceros’ arrival in Rome, wrote a stanza of twelve lines celebrating the beast.2!8 And the Florentine physician Giovanni Giacomo Penni published in Rome, during July, 1515, a poem entitled “Forma e natura e costumi de lo Rinocerothe stato con212 From the letter of Valentim Fernandes to a friend in Nuremberg, of June, 1515. Italian translation of the text in A. de Gubernatis, Storia dei viaggiatori italiani nelle Indie Orientali (Leghorn, 1875), pp. 389-92. 213 As an indication of how important this event was to the scholars of the sixteenth century, see

the letter of Gerardus Suberinus Corcquires of April 27, 1595, to Ortelius (in J. H. Hessels [ed.], Abrahami Ortelii... Epistulae ... [1524-1628] [Cambridge, 1887], p. 637). Corcquires sent the geographer in this letter a collection of anagrams for the foremost events of particular years. The victory of the rhinoceros he used for 1515, Charles V’s birth for 1500, and Luther’s attack on the pope for 1$17.

214 For the complete list with quantities see E. de Campos de Andrada (ed.), Relagées de Pero de Alcagova Carneiro, conde da Idanha (Lisbon, 1937), pp. 198-99.

215 See P. de Vaissiére (ed.), Journal de Jean Barrillon, secrétaire du Chancelier Duprat, 1515-1521 (Paris, 1897), I, 193. 216 Paulus Jovius wrote in 1555: “. .. for it was not possible that such a beast could save itself being

chained, albeit it swam miraculously among the sharp rocks which are along that coste.. . (The Worthy Tract... Contayning a Discourse of Rare Inventions, both Militarie and Amorous called Impresse,

trans. of the Italian version of 1555, London, [1585], p. D ii verso). 217 Matos, loc. cit. (n. 196), p. 390. 218 Published in Pauli Iovii novocomensis Episcopi Nucerini Elogia virorum bellica virute illustrium veris imaginibus supposita . . . (Florence, 1551), p. 206.

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dutto im Portogallo dal capitanio de larmata del Re... .’’2!9 Penni, from the evidence of his poem, was well informed about the activities of the ganda in Lisbon. The probability is that he had learned of the “battle” with the elephant from the letter of Valentim Fernandes of May, 1515, which was circulated in Florence and today exists only in its Italian translation.22° The artist who prepared the crude woodcut which graces the title page of Penni’s poem was evidently not in possession of a sketch done from life, for his woodcut shows but slight improvement over the rhinoceros of the bestiaries. Diirer himself had probably never seen a rhinoceros, living or dead, before he received the sketch from Lisbon in 1515. It is possible that he had seen a depiction of the rhinoceros on the Roman coins and medals that his German contemporaries were avidly collecting. But there is no evidence, in either literature or art, to indicate that Diirer had a source other than the Lisbon sketch.22! While the sketch itself is not extant, the drawing by Diirer (pl. 119) labeled “Rhino-

ceron 1515 seems to be an elaborated rendition of it, and the caption beneath is evidently a German translation from Portuguese of the textual material that accompanied the Lisbon sketch.?2? In English translation the caption reads: It was in the year 15[1]3,223 on May 1, they brought our King of Portugal at Lisbon such a beast alive from India, which they call a Rhinoceros. For the wonder’s sake, I have had to send you a likeness of it. It has a colour like a tortoise and is covered nearly all over with thick scales, and in size is like the elephant, but lower, and is the elephant’s mortal enemy. It has in front on its nose a strong sharp horn, and when the beast comes at the elephant to fight him, it has always first whetted its horn sharp against the stone and runs at the elephant with its head between his forelegs, and rips him up where the skin is thinnest, and so kills him. The elephant is very badly afraid of the rhinoceros, for it kills the elephant

whenever it comes at him, being well armed and very lively and active, This beast is called rhinoceros in Greek and Latin, but in the Indian language, “Ganda.” 224

The text of the caption placed above the woodcut of Diirer’s rhinoceros, also dated 1515,?5 is essentially the same as the text on the sketch. The only omission is the reference to its being known in India as a “Ganda.” While the sketch 219 The only extant copy of this little book is today in the Biblioteca Colombina of Seville. It was brought to Rome in November, 1515, by Fernando Colombo. It is reproduced photographically in Matos, loc. cit. (n. 196), pp. 395-98. 220 Gubernatis, op. cit. (n. 212), p. 389.

221 Hermann Dembeck (Animals and Men [Garden City, N.Y., 1965], p. 279), asserts that Diirer depended upon a description by the Welser agent, Lucas Rem. Examination of Rem’s Tagebuch fails to disclose such a description. Rem, according to the diary, was in Antwerp, but not in Lisbon, between 1513 and 1516. 222 While Fontura da Costa (op. cit. [n. 196], pp. 23-25) argues that this drawing is by a Portuguese, the Diirer experts agree in attributing it to the master. See Dodgson, loc. cit. (n. 196), p. 46. Original of Diirer’s drawing is in the British Museum. 223 This seems to be an error for 1515; the date May 1 should also be May 20. 224 Translation by Campbell Dodgson as printed in loc. cit. (n. 196), p. 46. This account of the fight between the elephant and rhinoceros is based on ancient authors rather than on the confrontation of June 3, 1515, at Lisbon. Hence, it may be conjectured that this letter was written before June 3, since

it makes no mention of the actual meeting at which the elephant was not killed but ran in terror.

225 See plate in Asia, I, following p. 356. | [ 163 ]

The Iconography of Asian Animals exists only in a single exemplar today, the woodcut went through many editions and is still commonly reproduced as an example of Diirer’s treatment of animals. The first edition of the woodcut published in 1515 was followed by two editions published between 1540 and 1550. As many as five editions of the woodcut may

have been in circulation by 1600. Throughout history the woodcut has had around ten editions, as nearly as can be reckoned from the extant versions.?° While Direr prepared his sketch and woodcut, his contemporary and associate, Hans Burgkmair, prepared an excellent large woodcut (pl. 120) called “Rhinoceros M.D.X.V.” Today but one copy of Burgkmair’s rhinoceros exists, in the Albertina of Vienna. By 1515 Burgkmair, even more than Diirer, was acquainted with the activities of the Portuguese traders and their associates, the south German commercial agents. In the woodcuts prepared for his India series of 1508-9 which he printed as illustrations to Balthasar Springer’s account of

his journey to the East, he reproduced sheep, elephants, cattle, and camels. Since Burgkmair possibly based his animal woodcuts upon watercolors made by an artist who had been in the East,227 it may not be too farfetched to suggest that his rendition of the rhinoceros may likewise have been based upon a watercolor which remained in his possession and which he had not seen fit to use in the preparation of the earlier series. Certainly, both he and Direr produced realistic woodcuts of the rhinoceros and probably from different artistic sources.??8

But it is also possible that both worked from the same drawing.2?9 Diirer’s rhinoceros differs strikingly from Burgkmair’s by the imposing coat of armor made of scales, laminae, and shells with which he embellished the plicae of the skin. Particularly striking and completely fictitious is the dorsal spiral horn which Diirer added to the cervical vertebrae. Perhaps he decided to

introduce this quaint element because he was uncertain of the accuracy in detail of the sketch sent from Lisbon. Or he certainly might have seen a twohorned rhinoceros depicted on Roman coins.?3° Or it may be that he related it to the defense tusk of the narwhal which was valued in Europe as a substitute for ivory and rhinoceros horn.23! Whatever the reason for its introduction the spiral protuberance gives the art historian interested in tracing the influence of Diirer’s rhinoceros an identification mark that is easy to follow. A third rhinoceros (pl. 122) dated ca. 1515 is usually attributed to Albrecht Altdorfer (1488—1578).232 It is to be found in that portion of Emperor Maximilian’s

Prayer Book preserved at Besancon and is a red ink drawing at the bottom of 226 Dodgson, loc. cit. (n. 196), pp. 51-52. 227 See above, pp. 80-81. 228 For a general discussion of the resemblances and differences between the Diirer and Burgkmair

rhinoceroses see Dodgson, loc. cit. (n. 196), pp. 55-56. 229 R. Ehlers, ‘““Bemerkungen zu den Tierdarstellungen im Gebetbuch des Kaisers Maximilian I,” Jahrbuch der kéniglichen preussischen Kunstsammlungen, XXXVIII (1917), 168.

230 Cole, loc. cit. (n. 196), p. 340, considers it possible that he might have been trying to depict a two-horned animal but fails to observe that Diirer might have seen the two-horned rhinoceros on Roman coins. 231 Suggested by Coste, loc. cit. (n. 196), p. 119. 232 For the debate over the attribution to Altdorfer see Dodgson, loc. cit. (n. 196), p. 55.

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one of the marginal illustrations which make the Prayer Book an art treasure. While the authorship of the drawing is in dispute, the Prayer Book rhinoceros carries the dorsal spiral and armor plate of Diirer’s animal. But the steeper slope of the neck, the rope around the forefeet, and the tail whose end straggles off into a disarray of hairs make it equally reminiscent of Burgkmair’s portraiture. The artist of the Prayer Book rhinoceros appears to have used Burgkmair’s

animal as the base for his drawing and to have added to it embellishments copied from Diirer as well as a cross-hatched pattern across the center part of the back which is of his own devising.?33 The Burgkmair and Altdorfer rhinoceroses fall from view after 1515. This was perhaps due to the greater fame of Diirer and to the repeated publication of the woodcut of his bizarre rhinoceros. Diirer himself incorporated a tiny reduction of his rhinoceros into the “Triumphal Arch of Maximilian I’’ first printed in 1517 (pl. 123). It has also been alleged that Diirer’s rhinoceros figures in one of the sculptures in the Tower of Belém at Lisbon, which was probably built between 1514 and 1519.23 But it would seem more likely, if we can depend upon the dating of Belém’s construction, that the sculptor in Lisbon worked from a drawing similar to the one that was used in King Manuel’s Book of Hours.235 Indeed, it might even be possible that both the Portuguese and the German portraits of the rhinoceros derive from the same original drawing of the ganda made in Lisbon. The second and third editions of Diirer’s woodcut appeared between 1540 and 1550 and evidently stimulated much more general artistic interest than the first edition. Rabelais tells of examing one of Direr’s prints shown to him at Lyons by the German merchant Hans Kleberger. To celebrate the entry into Paris of Henry II and Catharine de’ Medici in 1549, Jean Goujon erected a monument on which a rhinoceros stood bearing an obelisk topped by a sphere on which a warrior stands who symbolizes France. According to the Ordre de l’entrée the rhinoceros monument was intended to symbolize “Force and Vigilance.” It may also have been meant to symbolize union with the Medici, who used the rhinoceros as one of their emblems. While this creation probably owed a certain amount to the inspiration of the elephant and obelisk in the Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (1499) of Francesco Colonna, the rhinoceros itself is copied directly from Diirer’s woodcut (pl. 124).236 A drawing for a tapestry attributed to Pieter Coecke van Alost and dated 1550 shows Diirer’s rhinoceros at the center of a depiction which features wild animals, including an elephant.237 233 §, Killermann (Diirers Tier- und Pflanzenzeichnungen und ihre Bedeutung fir die Naturgeschichte [Strassburg, 1910], p. 86) suggests that the Prayer Book animal might be a portrait based on the stuffed

rhinoceros sent to Rome. This seems highly dubious since it so closely resembles the portraits by Diirer and Burgkmair. 234 Matos, loc. cit. (n. 196), p. 389. 235 See above, p. 162.

236 For commentary see Chartrou, op. cit. (n. 137), pp. 111-17. 237 For a reproduction see G. Marlier, La renaissance flamande, Pierre Cock d’Alost (Brussels, 1966), P. 382.

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A catalogue of 1556 giving the marbles held in the collection of Metello Varro Porcari of Rome lists a rhinoceros “without its head.’ 238 Today the National Museum at Naples possesses a marble relief of a rhinoceros to which the head has obviously been added and which prominently displays the dorsal spiral of Diirer’s beast (pl. 121). While it was at one time believed that this Naples rhinoceros came from the ruins of Pompeii, it now seems much more likely that it is of the sixteenth century and that it was once in the possession of M. V. Porcari.739 That Italian sculptors knew Diirer’s rhinoceros and used it as a model is best illustrated by its presence as one of the animals in the grotto of the Medici villa

at Castello (pl. 125). Niccolo Pericoli, often known as Tribolo, planned the gardens at Castello at the request of Archduke Cosimo I de’: Medici.24° Tribolo’s grotto, completed before 1568, was divided into three enclosed niches in each of which sculptured animals stand against the rear walls and behind large basins. The theme of the grotto is based on the story of the unicorn at the water

with the animals that appears in the Greek Physiologus. Along with common beasts the elephant, lion, giraffe, camel, monkey, and rhinoceros are represented. The rhinoceros stands behind the monkey and giraffe in the left-hand niche. Its dorsal horn is so elongated as to make it roughly the same size as the nose horn, and its other features are likewise based upon Diirer’s beast. But what is most striking is the acceptance by Tribolo and his followers of the exotic rhinoceros as one of the realistic beasts and as being quite different from the mythical unicorn

whose symbolism provided the artistic inspiration for the grotto. And, since the rhinoceros was the device of Duke Alessandro de’ Medici (ruled 1532-37),?4!

the predecessor of Cosimo, the conviction is strengthened that the allegorical intent of the grotto was to glorify the achievements of the Medici.?42. The first author to use Diirer’s woodcut as a book illustration was Sebastian Miinster in his Cosmographei . . . (1550).243 In the accompanying text he recounts

the story of its meeting with the elephant in Lisbon. His woodcut is a fairly faithful copy of Direr’s original except that the hairs around the mouth are more profuse. Konrad Gesner in his Historiae animalium (1551-58) likewise reproduces in reduced size a faithful copy of the original, acknowledges Direr as its creator, and comments admiringly on the merits and popularity of the 238 See L. Mauro, Le antichita de le citta di Roma (Venice, 1556), p. 246. For this reference I am indebted

. to Professor Phyllis P. Bober of New York University. 239 Before going to the Museo Borgiano, the marble relief was the property of Count Borgia, an inveterate collector of oddities. Otto Keller (op. cit. [n. 5]) was responsible for assigning it to Pompeii. The great student of Pompeian antiquities, V. Spinazzola (“Di un rinoceronte marmoreo del Museo Nazionale di Napoli,” Bollettino d’arte, VII [1913], 143-46), was the first modern to see that it was not from Pompeii but was based on Diirer’s rhinoceros. 240 For the history and program of the grotto see L. Chatelet-Lange, ‘““The Grotto of the Unicorn and the Garden of the Villa di Castello,” Art Bulletin, L (1968), 51-58. 241 See below, p. 167. 242 Cf, Chiatelet-Lange, loc. cit. (n. 240), p. 57, who stresses the profane and political implications of

the grotto’s program. She fails, however, to point out the profane symbolism of the individual animals. 243 Woodcut on p. II17I.

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The Rhinoceros woodcut.?44 Valeriano in his Hieroglyphica (1556) includes Diirer’s rhinoceros in

two emblematic woodcuts.245 In the first he shows it with a bear, a reference to Martial’s observation to the effect that the rhinoceros can toss a bear with its horn (or horns?).246 The second emblem shows the rhinoceros puncturing the

soft underbelly of the elephant. |

Paulus Jovius, the solon of collecting and making emblems, evidently had a copy of Direr’s rhinoceros on display in his museum.?47 And when the great Humanist and bishop was asked to design a device for Duke Alessandro de’ Medici of Florence, Jovius turned to the rhinoceros as a symbol of invincibility. In telling of this episode, Jovius relates the story of the ganda of Lisbon and how its meeting with the elephant confirmed the reports of Pliny.?48 In response to Jovius’ suggestion that he adopt the rhinoceros as his emblem, the duke first had it embroidered on the covers for the Barbary horses which he raced in Rome. “This devise pleased him [Alessandro],” reports Jovius, “so that he caused it to be engraven in his breast plate.” 249 The rhinoceros that was actually engraved on the armor was a copy of Diirer’s woodcut with the dorsal spiral somewhat elongated. Above it was engraved the motto coined by Jovius: “Non bueluo sin vincer”’ (“I warre not but I win”’).25° The rhinoceros as a symbol of unconquerable might continued to appeal to the Medici successors of Alessandro as is

. . . ° e ° 6¢

illustrated by the Castello rhinoceros and by engravings on armor of later times.?5!

The contemporary of Alessandro in Ferrara, Duke Ercole II d’Este (ruled 1534-59), had a medal struck, possibly by Alfonso Ruspagiari, with his own portrait on the front and a rhinoceros on the reverse with the inscription “urget maiora’’ ("‘He presses harder’’).252

André Thevet in La cosmographie universelle (Paris, 1575) is the first of the sixteenth-century authors and collectors of prints who attempts to depart from the Diirer depiction.?53 In his description of the rhinoceros he writes, perhaps unjustifiably, with the authority of an eyewitness but continues to describe a beast which resembles nothing so much as Direr’s rhinoceros. Its head is like that of a pig, its tail like that of a cow, its skin armored naturally like that of a 2441, 953. For further commentary see Cole, loc. cit. (n. 196), pp. 340-41. 245 Bk, II, p. 21 recto and verso. 246 For discussion of whether Martial referred to a one- or two-horned rhinoceros see Cole, loc. cit. (n. 196), p. 338. 247 P. Giovio (Jovius), Elogios o vidas breves de los cavalleros antiguos y modernos, q estan al bivo pintados en el museo de Paulo Iovico, trans. from Latin to Spanish by Gaspar de Baeca (Granada, 1568), fols. 127-28. 248 See The Worthy Tract (n. 216), p. Ciii recto. 249 Thid.

250 For a woodcut of this device see J. Nestor, Histoire des hommes illustrés de la Maison de Medici .. .

(Paris, 1564), p. 174. Also see Tasso’s comment on this device in Raimondi, op. cit. (n. 146), pp. 1076-77.

251 See the engraving of the armor preserved at Ambras which shows Giovanni Medici holding a shield on which the rhinoceros badge is clearly discernible at the bottom. Published in J. Schrenck von Nozing, Augustissimorum imperatorum ... (Innsbruck, 1601). 252 A. Armand, Les médailleurs italiens des quinziéme et seiziéme siécles (Paris, 1883), I, 219.

253 Cf. I, 403r-404v; also see the elephant and rhinoceros symbols on his map of Sumatra (ibid., p- 419r). Here the natives allegedly call the elephant “‘Celbarech” and the rhinoceros “Ganda.”

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crocodile, and its proportions roughly the same as those of the elephant. His rhinoceros has a horn on the nose and a second one on the back between the shoulders which is not as large as the nose horn but is equally tough and sharp. He claims to have obtained a dorsal horn while in Cairo in 1554 from a “‘merchant of Bengal named Maldard” which can be seen in his collection of oddities

in Paris. He then goes on to attack Girolamo Cardano?54 for saying that the rhinoceros has shorter legs than the elephant; he claims personally to have seen them both and he knows they are of equal height. The absurdity of Thevet’s written claims is matched only by the woodcuts of the rhinoceros fighting the elephant which illustrate his account. The dorsal horn is larger than in Diirer’s depiction, the external armor plate has lost all relation to the plicae of the skin, and the three toes on the foot are changed into an uncloven hoof. Thus, the depiction of Diirer is rendered even less realistic by making it conform to the fabrications of Thevet.255 The elephant and rhinoceros are likewise shown to be of the same height in a pictorial refutation of Cardano.

Ambroise Paré, councillor and first surgeon to Henry II and Henry III of France, inserted a woodcut of the ganda into his Deux livres de chirurgie (Paris, 1§73).25® A caricature of Diirer’s woodcut, this shapeless rhinoceros appeared

repeatedly in the various editions of Paré’s works. In the edition of 1579 he added to his work Thevet’s woodcut (pl. 126) showing the combat between the rhinoceros and the elephant.257 The indomitable rhinoceros is also celebrated by

G. de Saluste du Bartas (1544-90) in the sixth “day” of his long poem called Hiérosme de Marnaf which was published in 1585, the year when Paré’s Oeuvres appeared. In the meantime a second live rhinoceros, referred to in Europe as the bada,?58 254 Cardano (De subtilitate [Basel, 1554], p. 626) describes the rhinoceros mainly on the basis of Varthema’s account, the only eyewitness description generally available in his day. Varthema, first published in 1510, describes two live ‘‘unicorns” which had been presented as gifts to the sultan of Mecca by the king of Ethiopia. See R. C. Temple (ed.), The Itinerary of Ludovico di Varthema of Bologna from 1502 to 1508...(London, 1928), p. 22. Ramusio (op. cit. [n. $1], p. 165r) published Varthema’s description of the unicorn in 1550. Ramusio also published a brief mention of the rhinoceros and its hostility for the elephant in his epitomized version of Niccolo Conti’s fifteenth-century travels to India as written down by Poggio Bracciolini (see ibid., p. 376v). In 1575, Leonhard Rauwolf

saw a young rhinoceros at Aleppo that was on its way to the animal market in Constantinople. See K. H. Dannenfeldt, Leonhard Rauwolf (Cambridge, Mass., 1968), p. 143. 255 It is possible that Thevet based himself upon what correspondents from India told of its height.

For example, a letter from Cochin (January 16, 1563) written by Andreas Fernandes to his fellow Jesuit, Pedro da Fonseca, in Portugal, asserts that the rhinoceros is “not much shorter than the elephant.’’ See J. Wicki (ed.), Documenta Indica (Rome, 1948-62), V, 731. 256 For a commentary and reproductions of Paré’s woodcuts see Coste, loc. cit. (n. 196), pp. 122-23, and Cole, loc. cit. (n. 196), pp. 342-43. 257 Also see the Diirer rhinoceros in A. Lonitzer, Kreuterbuch ... (Frankfurt am Main, 1598). 258 Gaspar da Cruz in his Tractado .. . published at Lisbon in 1569 describes the rhinoceros on the basis of his experiences in Cambodia. He says that they are called badas (abada), an old Portuguese word for rhinoceros derived from the Malay badoh which is pronounced bada in certain dialects of Malay. For Cruz see C. R. Boxer (ed.), South China in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1953), pp. 77-78. In 1592, James Lancaster, while trading in the Straits of Malacca, exchanged ‘‘ambergris for the horns of ‘Abath.’”’ See Hakluyt, op. cit. (n. 128), VI, 399. In modern Portuguese the word abada means the female rhinoceros. For further discussion see Yule and Burnell, op. cit. (n. 12), pp. 1-2.

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had been brought to Portugal. Filippo Sassetti wrote in 1579 to his correspondents in Florence that the bada is “the marvel of Lisbon.” 259 And he applies to it Petrarch’s line: “Che sol se stessa e null’ultra simiglia.” 26° Dom Jean Sarrazim

(1539-98), the abbé of St.-Vaart and first councillor to Philip II in Artois, visited Portugal with an embassy in 1582. In his correspondence he reported on the rhinoceros of Lisbon in the time of King Manuel and on the bada that he saw there. From his own experience he found the rhinoceros to be “‘as admirable among the works of nature as the monastery of Belém is among the works of art.” 261 It was evidently after 1582 that this rhinoceros was sent to Madrid as a

gift to King Philip II.2 On public display in Madrid by November, 1584, it was shown, along with an elephant, to the Japanese legates.263 Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza in his book China (first published in 1585) also tells of its being there and comments on the reactions of the spectators.264 The rhinoceros, which long remained on display in Madrid, had its horn sawn off and was blinded to keep it from harming persons.?® At Seville, meanwhile, Juan de Arphe y Villafafie published in 1585 his manual

on decorations in which he presents both a written description and a print of the rhinoceros.? His rhinoceros resembles Diirer’s woodcut in its general proportions, but differs markedly from it in that the dorsal spiral is missing. A copy

of Arphe’s rhinoceros in mural size (pl. 127) in a ceiling decoration of a late sixteenth-century house at Tunja in the highlands of Colombia differs similarly

from Diirer’s rendition, showing the nose horn as longer and the feet uncloven.?67 It is perhaps possible that the departures from Diirer’s beast were introduced into these Spanish studies as a result of information conveyed to the artists by sketches of the Madrid animal. Such a conclusion is reinforced by reference to the text in Joachim Camerarius’ Symbolorum. . . .268 Here the author acknowledges that his source of information

about the rhinoceros is an accurate drawing received from Spain. Hans Sibmacher, the graphic artist who illustrated this work, must certainly have been acquainted with Diirer’s woodcut, since they were both natives of the same city.

But, as even a cursory examination of Sibmacher’s rhinoceros will show, he eschewed the great master’s rendition and followed the depiction done from nature (pl. 129). In the text Camerarius describes Diirer’s dorsal horn as a mere 259 For his comment see his letter to Francisco Bonciani in Marucci, op. cit. (n. 186), pp. 134-35. 260 As quoted in R. Jorge, Amato Lusitano (Lisbon, 1962), p. 263, n. I. 261 From P. de Caverel (ed.), Ambassade en Espagne et en Portugal (en 1582) de R. P. en Dieu, Dom Jean

Sarrazim ... (Arras, 1860), as extracted in Boletim de bibliografia portugueza, I (1879), 162. 262 J. Castilho, A ribeira de Lisboa (2d ed.; Lisbon, 1941-48), II, 173. 263 J. A. Abranches Pinto et al., La premiére ambassade du Japon en Europe (Tokyo, 1942), p. 106, n. 399.

. - oT Staunton (ed.), The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China... (London, 1854), "8s S. de Cobarruvias, Tesoro de la lengua Castellana 0 Espatiola (Madrid, 1611), s.v. “‘Bada.” 266 Op. cit. (n. 177), p. 206.

267 Cf. E. W. Palm, “Diirer’s Ganda and a XVI Century Apotheosis of Hercules at Tunja,”’ Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 6th ser., XLVIII (1956), 46-71. 268 (Nuremberg, 1590-1604), Bk. II, No. V, p. 10. Also see Cole, loc. cit. (n. 196), pp. 344-45.

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tuberosity on the back and not a true horn. And he goes on to criticize Martial for referring misleadingly to a two-horned rhinoceros. Camerarius, it is evident, was unaware of the fact that the two-horned rhinoceros from Africa (or perhaps even from Asia) was known to the Romans even though he himself had never heard of it. While Camerarius and Sibmacher strove for a more realistic depiction of the rhinoceros, other artists of the latter half of the sixteenth century continued to

base their renditions upon Direr’s woodcuts. One of the famous Brussels tapestries dated 1565 and attributed to Guillaume Tons |’ Ancien shows Diirer’s rhinoceros in combat with an elephant.269 A Viennese silver tankard with lid is decorated with a Diireresque rhinoceros.27° The west portal of the cathedral at Pisa, left side at the base, completed around 1595, shows Diirer’s rhinoceros by itself and in a confrontation with an elephant.27! On a map of Africa, prepared by Arnoldus F. 4 Langren for the frontispiece to Linschoten’s Itinerario, Diirer’s rhinoceros is shown as a symbol for the region of Angola. The triumphal arch of the Portuguese erected in Antwerp to celebrate the solemn entrée of July 18, 1593, shows Diirer’s rhinoceros as a symbol of India (pl. 49). Astride the rhinoceros sits an Indian woman with a child on her back and a coconut in her left hand. And Joseph Boillot’s New Termis Buch, which contains designs for

fifty-five animal caryatids, includes one which shows Diirer’s rhinoceros twisted triumphantly around an elephant (pl. 128). The dorsal spiral is shown almost as prominently as the nose horn and the cloven hoofs and the legs are bedecked with armor. In the accompanying text Boillot relates the story of the ganda of 1515 in Lisbon and discusses its victory over the elephant. He explains that in his drawing of the caryatid he has interlocked the two animals on the pillar with the weight resting on the elephant and with the rhinoceros triumphantly supporting the entablature.272 The rhinoceros as it was depicted on ancient coins and in medieval bestiaries was completely replaced after 1515 by Diirer’s depiction. The more realistic rhinoceros of Burgkmair was never any competition for Diirer’s armor-plated beast. The early edition of Diirer’s woodcut seems to have been known mainly in Germany; the two editions of the 1540’s inspired artists in France, Italy, Switzerland, Germany, and the Low Countries. After the mid-sixteenth century the artists who employed Diirer’s woodcut as a model began to fantasize it by elongating the dorsal spiral and by redesigning the armor. As they increasingly used the rhinoceros in conjunction with other animals or people, they sometimes felt required to modify Diirer’s animal simply for the sake of artistic design. 269 M. Roethlisberger, “‘La tenture de la licorne dans la Collection Borromée,” Oud-Holland, LXXXII (1967), 92, pl. 5. 270 For a photograph see H. Thoma and H. Brunner, Schatzkammer der Residenz Miinchen: Katalog (Munich, 1964), p. 221, no. $35. 271 See H. M. von Erffa, “Das Programm der Westportale des Pisaner Domes,” Mitteilungen des kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, XII (1965), pl. 2 and 27, and p. 93 n.

272 See the suggestive discussion of fused and interlocked fauna in R. A. Jairazbhoy, Oriental Influences in Western Art (Bombay, 1965), chap. xv.

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look to contemporary drawings of the Madrid rhinoceros for inspiration. But Diirer’s ganda, despite its bizarre appearance, was not replaced in the six-

teenth century and traces of its influence on the “scientific” depiction of the rhinoceros can be discerned as late as the eighteenth century.?73 In the sixteenth

century the Diirer woodcut was used as a model by other graphic artists, by workers in metal, by ecclesiastical and secular sculptors, by tapestry makers and embroiderers, and by designers of emblems, maps, monuments, and caryatids. Unlike Hanno, the ganda seems not to have appealed to European painters, the only sixteenth-century painting of which I have seen a copy being the mural in the Spanish colony of Tunja, Colombia.274 On medals, monuments, and armor plate the rhinoceros continued to represent patient invincibility, force, and feroc-

ity. And it was used increasingly as a symbol for Asia, an honor that it often shared with the elephant.275

What is most remarkable is the fact that the Indian rhinoceros, unlike the elephant, has occupied a much less significant place in Indian and Far Eastern than in Western art. This is particularly hard to understand when it is recalled that the rhinoceros was revered in ancient India as a sacred animal and is today worshipped by the Nepalese.?7¢ The rhinoceros, it is true, appears on seals found at the archaeological sites of the Indus Valley and clay figurines of the animal made by children seem to indicate that it was well known to the Mohenjo-daro civilization.277 Somewhat later it is used on Indian coins. In Hindu and Buddhist lore the rhinoceros symbolizes the pious recluse,?78' a meaning that it seems never to have acquired in the Christian West. But it is rarely, if ever, shown in the famous animal sculptures which appear around and on the Hindu temples. Carpets and a few miniatures of the Mughul period show the rhinoceros and rhinoceros-like animals, but these are probably derived from Persian art. The rhinoceros is conspicuously ignored by the Indian designers of the decorative motifs which have long been and are still used commonly on textiles, metalwork, and jewelry.279 273 Coste, loc. cit. (n. 196), pp. 124-26.

274 A painting of a rhinoceros is mentioned in the 1621 inventory of Rudolf II’s collection. See R. Beer (ed.), “Inventare aus dem Archivio del Palacio zu Madrid,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, XTX (1898), Pt. 2, xviii. 275 For example see the engraving on the title page of Theodor de Bry, India orientalis (Frankfurt

am Main, 1601), reproduced in pl. 146. 276 G. W. Briggs, ““The Indian Rhinoceros as a Sacred Animal,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, LI (1931), 281. It should also be observed that the rhinoceros is the official emblem of modern Nepal. 277 Ettinghausen, op. cit. (n. 13), p. 95.

278 See the famous refrain in the Buddhist canonical book of the third century B.c. called Sutta Nipdata: ‘Let him wander alone like a rhinoceros.” 279 Examination of five thousand traditional Indian designs turned up just one in which the rhinoceros figures, a crude design based on a Harappa seal. The elephant by contrast appears regularly in these designs. For the rhinoceros see Indian Institute of Art in Industry, 5000 Indian Designs and Motifs (Calcutta, 1965), p. 1.

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Whatever the reason for the greater appeal of the rhinoceros to Western artists, there can be no doubt that it was Diirer’s woodcut which gave it an initial popularity. And that Diirer’s woodcut made the rhinoceros familiar to Europeans is attested to textually by Fray Lufs de Urreta in his book on Ethiopia published in 1610.28° The ganda itself helped to sustain the interest of Humanists and artists by defeating the elephant to vindicate the authorities of Antiquity. And, like Hanno, it symbolized for the Western artists the remote and fascinating overseas world, an exotic appeal that neither animal could possibly have had in its homeland.

3

THE TIGER

Ctesias, the Greek physician who was the source of much fabulous lore about Indian animals, is often credited with reporting on the tiger for the first time. Through informants in Persia he learned about a marvelous Indian beast called ‘“Martichoras’’ (from Old Persian martijaqdra meaning literally “man-slayer’’).?°! According to his description this beast resembles a lion, possesses a human face, carries a stinger in its tail, and shoots spines like arrows from its tail. The likeli-

hood is that Ctesias is here repeating Persian lore about the Bengal tiger. His stories were then picked up and embellished by Pliny and Aelian.282

Specimens of tigers and reports based on actual observations reached the Greek world as a result of Alexander’s invasion of India. Seleucus, the successor to Alexander, sent a tiger as a present to the people of Athens late in the fourth

century. Although tigers were native at this period to the southern reaches of the Caspian Sea, it is possible that Seleucus had a tiger sent from India as a symbol

of his efforts in the subcontinent to take up where Alexander had left off.283 Aristotle, it appears, did not have an opportunity to observe the living tiger.254 Tigers were not brought into the Roman Empire until the time of Augustus. Dio reports that the Indian embassy received at Samos by the Romans in 20-19 B.C. brought tigers as gifts. About a decade later a caged tiger was exhibited in Rome at the festivities attending the dedication of the temple of Marcellus. On this same occasion as many as six hundred panthers and similar animals from Africa were killed. In the time of Claudius (ca. a.D. 50) four tigers were shown to the Roman public. To celebrate the return to Rome of Emperor Domitian, a number of tigers were exhibited in a.p. 93. And, at the marriage of Emperor 280 As cited in Shepard, op. cit. (n. 197), p. 67. 281 This word is possibly of Indian origin. 282 Robin, op. cit. (n. 192), p. 4. 283 Cf. Jennison, op. cit. (n. 8), p. 24. 284 Keller, op. cit. (n. $), I, 62.

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The Tiger Heliogabalus (ca. A.D. 218) it is reported that fifty-one tigers were killed in the arena.285

Since the tiger was not native to the Roman world, romantic stories were legion about its characteristics and habits. Pliny and other Roman writers describe it as the swiftest, most fearsome, and wildest of beasts. To take a tigress the hunter has to resort to trickery as he tries to capture her cubs. Since the tigress is reputedly fascinated by her own image, the wily hunter is supposed to put a mirror in her path and then steal her cubs while she admires herself. The swift tigress, as she pursues the mounted hunter, can best be delayed by dropping

a cub every so often. Ultimate escape from her pursuit can be found only by boarding a ship and putting out to sea. But, according to Plutarch, tigers may

founded on fact. 7

be frightened by drums, bells, and other noisemakers—a story that was probably Because of its wildness, the tiger is often associated by Roman poets and artists

with the gods of wine and love.28° A triumph of Bacchus in a mosaic of the third century A.D. shows the roistering god being drawn in his chariot by a quadriga of realistic tigers.287 In a diptych of Constantine the Great, a tiger is

shown with an elephant to symbolize the fearlessness and wisdom of the emperor.?88 The tigress as predator is clearly shown in a fourth-century opus sectile of marble which depicts its attack upon a bull.289 In these, and other artistic representations, the tiger can easily be differentiated from panthers, leopards, and other cats by the close attention given by the artists to its stripes. In the Middle Ages there was so much uncertainty about the nature of the tiger that it was classified in certain bestiaries as a serpent and in others as a bird. The bestiary writers merely repeat the stories of Antiquity about its swiftness, agility, and cruelty.29 They also recount the story of the mirror but seem not,

strangely, to attach any symbolic significance to this story. And, since living specimens of the tiger seem not to have been known in medieval Europe, miniatures of it in bestiaries are highly fanciful and virtually unrecognizable. Living specimens of the tiger began to reappear in Europe during the last generation of the fifteenth century. They were probably brought to southern Europe from the animal market of Constantinople, for no record exists of any being brought into Europe by ship after the discovery of the sea route to India. Certain Greeks exhibited a tiger at the “Chateau” of Turin in 1475.29! At the end of the fifteenth century another tiger was acquired by the court of Ferrara 285 Jennison, op. cit. (n. 8), pp. 67, 70, 76, OI.

286 Keller, op. cit. (n. 5), I, 62. :

287 A villa mosaic preserved in the Musée de Sousse. See G. C. Picard, “‘La mosaique romaine en Afrique du Nord,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 6th ser., LII (1958), 200, fig. 10. 288 Jennison, op. cit. (n. 8), p. 76. In China the tiger was also a symbol of courage. See Ball, op. cit. (n. 4), chap. iil. 289 For a reproduction see Jairazbhoy, op. cit. (n. 272), pl. 42. 290 For example, see Goldstaub and Wendriner, op. cit. (n. 28), pp. 307-10; and Randall, op. cit. (n. 28), fig. 662. 291 See Loisel, op. cit. (n. 30), I, 246.

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for its animal collection. In sixteenth-century Spain the nobility reportedly kept tigers to pit against bulls in the arena.29? Caspar Schwenkfeld (1563-1609),

the Silesian physician, reported that a tiger was on exhibition at Emperor Rudolf’s menagerie in Prague.?93 In the last years of the sixteenth century the collection of Tuscany also included a tiger.294 Literary documentation of this sort is understandably sparse and is suspect, because European writers used the word “tiger” indiscriminately to designate a number of catlike beasts.295

It is only when the artists begin to depict the tiger in their works that one moves to firmer ground. As early as 1528, Giulio Romano included an excellent naturalistic depiction of a tiger in his “Bacchus and Ariadne,”’ a fresco in the Sala di Psiche of the Palazzo del Te at Mantua (pl. 130). In the Camera degli Uccelli

of the Ducal Palace in Mantua, Giulio shows tigers among the animals which

frolic through the scrollery.29® Annibale Carracci has two realistic tigers pulling the chariot of Bacchus in his painting on the Farnese ceiling completed around 1600 (pl. 131). Two sculptures of the tiger in metal dated from about 1$76 and attributed to Paglio Banchelli are listed in the inventory of the Medici collections made between 1567 and 1588.297 Juan de Arphe in Book III of his Varia commensuracion shows a tiger in a springing position (pl. 132). And in

Roelant Savery’s painting of the Garden of Eden, two excellent tigers, one lying down and the other standing on four feet, are at the center (pl. 144). The tiger, like other strange animals, appealed to the emblem-makers. Valeriano in his Hieroglyphica clearly distinguishes the leopard from the tiger.

His first woodcut, following the tradition of Antiquity, shows two tigers pulling Bacchus in a chariot under the epigram “‘Fero emolita”; the second shows a tiger eating a horse under the word “Ultio”; the third depicts a man standing beside a seated tiger under the epigram “Musicae hostis.”29° An emblem

of a tiger attacking a horse and another showing it looking at itself in a mirror are depicted in the emblems of Camerarius. The first illustrates the idea that

revenge lessens pain; the second, that looking into a mirror leads to selfdeception. These emblems are accompanied by a lengthy commentary on the propensities of the tiger drawn from the authors of Antiquity.299 In his New Termis Buch, Boillot shows the tiger as a caryatid surrounded by drums, horns, and bells by which it may be frightened.3°° From these depictions, and from 292 Ibid., pp. 201, 212. | | 293 P. Delaunay, La zodlogie au seiziéme siecle (Paris, 1962), p. 149. 294 J. Rathgeb, Wahrhaffte Beschreibung zweyer Raisen.. . (Tiibingen, 1603), II, $7r.

295 Cf. Robin, op. cit. (n. 192), p. 21. Charles V, for example, in 1524 sent his brother a cloak trimmed with “‘tiger skin” that came from America. Lhotsky, op. cit. (n. 122), p. 127. Gesner (Historiae animalium (Zurich, 1551-87], I, 1060-65) is likewise not clear whether or not the tiger comes from America. 296 Hartt, op. cit. (n. 102), I, 169. 297 M. Miintz, “Les collections d’antiquités des Médicis,”” Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions,

XXXV, Pt. 2, 148-49. 298 Valeriano, op. cit. (n. 73), pp. 84v—84r.

299 Camerarius, op. cit. (n. 145), Bk. II, No. xxxv, p. 70.

300 New Termis Buch... (n.p., 1604), p. B iiii verso. |

| [ 174 ]

The Simians Capaccio’s discussion,3°! it becomes clear that the tiger retained throughout the sixteenth century the symbolism which it had acquired in Antiquity: the personification of untamable wildness, indomitable courage, remorseless cruelty, and

unrelenting vengeance. | 4

THE SIMIANS

Ctesias reported to the Greek world that monkeys in astonishing numbers live in the mountains of India. Megasthenes asserted that the Indians in compliance with royal orders feed cooked rice to the monkeys of the forests.3°? These are references to macaques and langurs, tailed monkeys, which are still commonly seen in India from the Himalayas to Cape Comorin. In the Athens of Aristotle, the tailless Barbary ape of North Africa was a common household pet. No records, literary or artistic, testify to the presence of living specimens of Indian monkeys in either Greece or Rome.3° In art, it is generally impossible to distinguish tailed Indian monkeys from tailed African monkeys, respectively the guenons and guerezas.3°4 Therefore it is necessary to limit discussions to those depictions in which the general design makes it clear that the artist is seeking to portray the monkey of India. For example, in Assyrian reliefs dating back to the ninth century B.c. the monkey is shown along with other Indian animals sent as tribute from the East.3°5 On a silver dish from Lampsacus of the first or second century A.D., India is represented as a woman who sits on a chair supported by elephant tusks. On each side of her

chair a tame monkey stands on all fours with a collar around its neck. Despite the poor representation of the faces, it is clear from the general design that the artist is here seeking to depict the long-tailed Indian monkey, the Hanuman langur.3°6 Aristotle and Galen described the anatomy and physiology of the primates but

seem not to have concerned themselves consciously with the similarities and differences between ape and man.3°7 Aelian, conscious of the striking physical and behavioral resemblances among primates, asserted that the red apes of India

chase human women to cohabitate with them. Such statements seem to be derived from an awareness among certain of the ancients of the anthropoid apes

of Africa, the gorilla and chimpanzee. Or they may go back to the stories of 301 Op. cit. (n. 138), Bk. Il, chap. xxxvi, pp. 83v—84r. 302 Keller, op. cit. (n. 5), I, 9. 303 Cf, Jennison, op. cit. (n. 8), p. 128. An orangutan of India might be represented on a Greek vase

of the fourth century B.c. (ibid., p. 21). 304 W. C. McDermott, The Ape in Antiquity (Baltimore, 1938), p. 241. 305 Keller, op. cit. (n. 5), I, 9. 306 McDermott, op. cit. (n. 304), p. 241. The silver dish is today preserved in the Museum of Antiquities in Istanbul. 307 H. W. Janson, Apes and Ape Lore (London, 1952), p. 73.

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The Iconography of Asian Animals Ctesias about the “wild men” of India with furry bodies and animal-like habits. 38

Whatever its origin, the belief was current in the Roman world by the time of Pliny that apes and monkeys were degenerate forms of humanity. In the Physiologus tradition, as perpetuated by the medieval bestiaries, the ape is portrayed as a fallen angel and as the symbol of the sinner incarnate. Apes _ were sent to Charlemagne along with the elephant, and subsequently in Gothic art the ape is sometimes shown riding on the back of the elephant. The medieval artists possibly derived their inspiration for this symbolic combination of sin upon the back of virtue from the Indian tradition, exemplified by the reliefs in the stupa of Barhut, of apes riding on elephants.3°9 Oriental tales about the ape that became known in Europe through Alexander Neckam also contributed their share to the symbolic depiction of the ape as sinner, or as the devil in animal form.3!° As with other animals not native to medieval Europe, the ape was given moral—or immoral—attributes which would serve the evangelizing objectives of medieval writers and artists. A new naturalism appears in literary and visual references to the ape beginning in the twelfth century. In this crusading era the expansion of Mediterranean commerce brought Europe into closer touch with the products of Africa and the Levant. As a consequence the townsmen of Europe had the opportunity to see for the first time since Antiquity the live Barbary ape. The depictions of performing apes along with their trainers, dressed in Orientalized costumes, which appear in Romanesque sculpture were certainly based upon such living models.3!! Other apelike figures, especially in Spanish ecclesiastical sculpture,3!?

were possibly inspired by African slaves who were sometimes identified with

the “wild men” and fabulous races of the overseas world.3!3 Marco Polo comments on the orangutans of southern India who have the appearance of men. The ape with the Negro is also shown repeatedly in medieval religious painting and sculpture.3!4 But practically all the naturalistic apes of medieval art are of

the tailless Barbary type. The few examples of tailed apes depicted before 1400 show little more than indirect knowledge of the living animals.315 After 1400 the tailed guenons of Africa began to appear in Europe in numbers large enough to be identified by artists as a new simian variety. Basing their work upon depictions shown in the standard sketchbooks, German engravers quite quickly began to juxtapose the tailed and tailless apes in their woodcuts. Martin Schongauer, who designed a fantastic elephant, treated the ape with sharp realism in his drawing of a sitting ape.3!6 The apelike creature in Breydenbach’s 308 See R. Bernheimer, Wild Men in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, Mass., 1952), pp. 84-93. 309 Janson, op. cit. (n. 307), p. 67, n. 105; p. 353, n. 74. 310 Jbid., p. 35. For an example of the ape as devil see the verse in R. Reinsch (ed.), Le Bestiaire: Das Thierbuch des normannischen Dichters Guillaume le Clerc (Leipzig, 1892), pp. 307-8. 311 Janson, op. cit. (n. 307), pp. 30, 49. 312 Ibid., pp. 44-45. 313 Bernheimer, op. cit. (n. 308), pp. 92-93. 314 Janson, op. cit. (n. 307), p. 65, n. 97. 315 Ibid., p. 129. 316 See reproduction in F. Winzinger, Die Zeichnungen Martin Schongauers (Berlin, 1962), pl. 50.

[ 176 ]

The Simians Journey (1486) became the model for several later simian depictions.3!7 Along

with the more naturalistic depiction of the apes, both in the late Middle Ages and the Renaissance, its symbolism underwent a change. The ape, like other Asian animals, was gradually secularized, and instead of symbolizing the sinner it came to stand for the fool. And since folly, unlike sin, is a common and inescapable quality of human nature, in the Renaissance the ape’s antics were increasingly regarded with less horror and a more bemused tolerance.3!8 The rediscovery of the “phallic ape” of Antiquity also had the effect of making the identification with man and his follies an even closer one. In the age of exploration it was not long before the great apes of Africa and Asia were discovered and remarked upon. The orangutan and gibbon of south and southeastern Asia were known by report to most of the zoological encyclopedists of the sixteenth century. But it was not until the seventeenth century that a living orangutan was brought to Europe.3!9 Reports of these manlike creatures, however, did not stimulate speculation among either scientists or philosophers about the nature of man and his relation to the other primates.32° The great apes were generally accepted as belonging to the lower animals, all of whom were in one sense or another related to man. It was left to the physiologist to point out the structural differences 32! and to the artist to suggest the behavioral parallels between simians and man. Albrecht Diirer, who collected monkeys while in Antwerp, seems to have studied both their physiognomy and habits. In his “Affentanz” (1523) he has apes disporting themselves like humans.322 Long-tailed monkeys were acquired in Lisbon by Lucas Rem, who sent several of them to the Welsers in Augsburg.323 Two realistic monkeys stand in front of a fireplace in the fresco of St. Michael in the Castel San Angelo in Rome. They represent sin and paganism, the enemies of Christianity, which were overcome by the sword of the saint. Cranach shows a long-tailed monkey holding a family conclave in his drawing for Maximilian’s Prayer Book.3?4 In a Brussels tapestry of the mid-sixteenth century a long-tailed monkey follows the first human pair as they are driven out of Paradise (pl. 133). Titian, in his woodcut called “The Ape Laocoén,’”’ is evidently caricaturing the Galenist enemies of Vesalius for whom he was preparing illustrations (pl. 134).325

The anthropoid ape in the center is realistic enough to suggest that Titian probably observed and sketched a living beast. Annibale Carracci, one of the late Manneristic painters of Italy, shows apes 317 Janson, op. cit. (n. 307), p. 332. 318 Ibid., p. 199. 319 Ibid., p. 270. 320 Ibid., p. 327.

321 Ibid., p. 335; Leonardo in his writing on comparative anatomy considers the baboon and ape to be “almost of the same species” as man. McCurdy, op. cit. (n. 28), I, 191. 322 These have been identified as green apes and nun apes from Africa. See Killermann, op. cit. (n. 233), pp. 45-46. 323 See above, p. 22.

324 Monkeys from India were almost certainly his models. Ehlers, loc. cit. (n. 229), pp. 166-67. 325 For a lengthy discussion of the meaning of this woodcut see Janson, op. cit. (n. 307), pp. 355-64.

[177]

The Iconography of Asian Animals in the company of a dwarf, a dog, and a parrot in a work portraying the oddities of nature, a taste that had much in common with the interests of the northern painters. At the end of the sixteenth century Pieter van der Borcht produced an etching which shows a schoolroom of monkeys learning their lessons.326 An ape

on the back of an elephant, in a black-pencil drawing by Roelant Savery (pl. 111), places a medieval theme in an Asian landscape. Whether the ape continues to symbolize sin for Savery is not of concern here.327 It is certain from study of his drawing that he associated the ape with the overseas world (seashells), the tropics (palms), and with the Asian elephant.328 The ape, like other exotic animals, was used by Boillot as the basis for one of his fantastic caryatids. In the accompanying caption Boillot writes: The ape is a cunning, joyful, subtle, and quick animal, with the intelligence, face . . . and

other, parts which makes it resemble a human more than an ass does a turnstile. ... Throughout Asia in general one finds varieties called guenons, baboons, etc... . and this is enough talk about apes; if you want to know more about them, go look in your

mirror.329

The physical and behavioral resemblances between man and ape were clearly

mirrored in the arts of the sixteenth century. It is also possible to see that in depictions by artists simians were increasingly associated with Asia rather than

Africa. Medieval traditions about the ape and its symbolism continue to haunt the artists of the Renaissance. But, as with the elephant, monkeys are no

longer assigned exclusively a religious or moral symbolism. They have become, like men, both the victims and the makers of folly. The ape is driven from Paradise, suffers the torments of Laocoén, and engages in hapless frivolity.

,5

| THE BIRDS The green parrots of India were among the birds most commonly brought back to Europe by travelers and sailors. It was possible to buy caged birds, then as now,

in most Oriental bazaars. Parrots were universally popular because of their amusing ability to perform tricks and to repeat a few words in any language whatsoever.33° Ctesias in his Indica (chap. 3) described a bird (“Bittacus”) with a human tongue and voice that could speak an “Indian” language naturally a full 326 Painting by Carracci now in the National Museum, Naples; for the etching of the monkeys at school see A.J. J. Delen, Histoire de la gravure dans les anciens Pays-Bas . . . , Pt. Il (Paris, 1935), pl. XLIV.

327 Compare the ape on the back of a dog in “Christ and the Centurion” by the Mestre de Charola de Tomar; reproduced in J. Barreira et al., Arte portuguesa (Lisbon, 1948-54), III, 238. 328 Compare the monkey in association with other exotic animals on the title page of A. Freitag, Mythologia ethica ... (Antwerp, 1579). 329 See the final page of Boillot’s New Termis Buch (n. 300). 330 For a modern description of the green Indian parrots or parakeets see S. Ali, The Book of Indian

Birds (7th ed.; Bombay, 1964), pp. 32-33.

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The Birds

century before Aristotle mentioned the “psittace” in his animal history.33! Nearchus, one of Alexander’s officers, brought live parrots to the West and others were displayed at Alexandria in the great processions sponsored by Ptolemy II. By the time of Augustus the increase in trading relations between India and the countries of the eastern Mediterranean brought to Italy all sorts of exotic beasts and birds which had probably been bought in the animal market of Alexandria. The ring-necked parakeet became a household pet in the Roman Empire and was commonly exhibited at public spectacles. Pliny in his Natural History (10. 117) records that “India sends us this bird.” He also describes it as having a green body

with a red band around its neck, and it can, he declares, “say ‘Hail Caesar,’ learn words repeated to it, and is particularly merry in vino.” The winged mimic

which Ovid's mistress kept was given poppy seeds to stop it from chattering and to put it to sleep. The gray African parrot, which was probably not so well known to the Romans as the green Indian variety, is today esteemed to be the better mimic. Both the African and Indian varieties were kept by the Romans in cages of ivory and silver and were fed upon nuts and seeds bought for their owners tables.332 There are extant very few artistic representations of the Indian

parrot dating from Roman times. One of the best depictions is a mosaic from Pompeii which shows two green parrots and a dove sitting around a bird bath.333

In the bestiaries of the Middle Ages the parrot is explicitly identified with India alone, or with that part of the Orient “where it never rains.’’334 It is also given Christian attributes like the other animals from the East: The parrot is a symbol [typus] for Christ which has had and will not have an equal in purity, a consequence of its Immaculate Conception, of its stainless birth as well as its sinless thoughts, words, and actions: so it alone remains pure and faultless in this world of sin.335

In the late Middle Ages and early Renaissance the gray parrots of Africa were

imported into Europe in greater numbers. They were cherished for their mimicry, and Chaucer says satirically that they could “cry “Wat!’ as well as can

the Pope.’’336 A Roman cardinal, it is said, in the year 1500 bought a gray parrot for one hundred pieces of gold because it could repeat clearly and without hesitation the entire Apostles’ Creed.337 The south German merchant princes

bought parrots at Antwerp, and in 1505 agents of the Nuremberg merchants were robbed on their way home from Antwerp of a basket load of parrots they 331 Keller, op. cit. (n. 5), II, 45. 332 See Jennison, op. cit. (n. 8), pp. 17-18, 120; also D. M. Stuart, A Book of Birds and Beasts (London,

19$7), Pp 10. 32-33. 333 Mosaic No. 9992 in the National Museum, Naples. For a reproduction see Keller, op. cit (n. 5),

a White, op. cit. (n. 28), p. 112. 335 Goldstaub and Wendriner, op. cit. (n. 28), p. 420. 336 As quoted in Stuart, op. cit. (n. 332), p. 30. 337 E. Phipson, Animal Lore of Shakespeare's Time (London, 1883), p. 214.

[179]

The Iconography of Asian Animals were carrying.338 Six years later the Fuggers sent gray parrots as a gift to Bishop

Johann Thurzo of Breslau for services he had rendered them.339 Regent Margaret of Austria carried a parrot on her arm while walking in her garden at Malines.34° Diirer, in his early drawings of parrots, portrays the gray African variety, with its red tail, now called Psittacus erithacus.341 But, when he collected parrots at Antwerp in 1520-21, he acquired green parrots along with other Asian exotica.

Whether the parrots were gray or green, the artists of the sixteenth century seem always to have associated them with the East and with the sinless bird of the bestiary tradition.34? In a study by an Antwerp painter who was active between 1520 and 1530, the parrot is shown in association with the Madonna and the Christ child (pl. 136).343 A painting on wood of about the same time,

possibly by Bartholomaus Bruyn, depicts a German woman with a green parrot seated on her right arm (pl. 137). Filippo Sassetti in a letter of 1580 to Florence disclaims all knowledge of a “white parrot” that he had been asked about and indicates that many green parrots were being brought into Europe from the Moluccas.344 The green parrot, it seems, once it became commoner in Europe, was favored by painters over the gray variety for its gayer coloring. In the natural histories and emblem books of the latter half of the sixteenth century the parrot is associated with India, America, and Africa. Sebastian Miinster discusses the animals and birds of Calicut and reproduces two woodcuts

of Indian parrots.345 Valeriano places the parrot in Africa and appropriately

includes a woodcut of a parrot as the symbol for eloquence.346 Matthias Holtzwart (ca. 1543-89) shows the parrot in a cage, poetically relates to the viewer that it is well known in India, and attaches to it the motto: “As the shepherd is, so is his flock.”347 The Symbolorum et emblematum of Camerarius

includes an etching of an American-parrot that sleeps all winter in a tree.348 Capaccio in his Delle imprese calls the parrot a symbol of liberty and eloquence.349

Notices of the purple-capped lory, a close relative of the parrot and a native of southeast Asia, began to appear in Europe during the last generation of the sixteenth century. G. M. Bonardi observes that there are certain birds of Sumatra 338 Letter of the Niirnberger Rat to Anton Tetzel and Pirckheimer (July 10, 1505) in E. Reiche (ed.), Willibald Pirckheimers Briefwechsel (Jena, 1930), I, 258.

339 G, F, Pélnitz, Jakob Fugger.. . (Tiibingen, 1949-51), Il, 179. 340 Delaunay, op. cit. (n. 293), p. 150. 341 Killermann, op. cit. (n. 233), pp. 56-57. 342 For general commentary see H. Friedman, The Symbolic Goldfinch (New York, 1946), pp.

aoa See M. J. Freidlander, ‘“Der Meister mit dem Papagei,” Phoebus, II (1949), 49-52. 344 Marcucci, op. cit. (n. 186), pp. 146-47. 348 Cosmographia (1550), p. 1175; also see K. Gesner, Historiae animalium (Zurich, 1551-87), Il, 68

ng Hieroglyphica (1556), 166 recto and verso; cf. also Ripa, op. cit. (n. 138), p. 139. 347 Emblematum.. . . (Strassburg, 1581), fig. 19.

348 Op. cit. (n. 145), Bk. Ill, pp. 92-93. 349 Op. cit. (n. 138), Bk. I, p. 108.

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called “nuri” (Malay for lory) which are of the size of a parrot but more colorful.35° Linschoten asserts that they are native to the Moluccas and that “both in color and beauty of feathers they surpasse all birds and Parrots [whatsoever].’’ 35!

He also reports that efforts were made to bring living lorys to Portugal as a present for the king, but that the birds were too delicate to stand the voyage and always died on the way. But perhaps Linschoten was not fully informed. The painting of Niccolo dell’Abbate called “Young Man with a Parrot” (pl. 135) seems to depict a Malayan lory rather than an Indian parrot.352 The parrot was sometimes called a “bird of paradise,” even after the word “parrot” had come into common usage during the sixteenth century.353 As described originally by Vincent of Beauvais in his natural history of the thirteenth

century, the “bird of paradise” had nothing in common with the exquisite birds (Paradiseidae) of the East Indies to which the name was eventually applied in the sixteenth century.35+ The islanders, who made a business of selling the plumages of these birds, removed both the wings and legs of those they put on the market to give more prominence to the valuable tuft of plumes. Since the Europeans regularly brought these costly plumages back home, the idea gained

currency, based upon examination of the plumages and upon stories told to their purchasers, that these birds never alight, live only from the dews of heaven,

and fly only with the wind and always into the sun.355 The German word commonly used in the sixteenth century to describe them was Lufftvogel. In Europe the plumages were given as gifts to monarchs, nobles, and prelates for their collections of curiosities.356

Brueghel and Frans Francken the Elder in their “Paradise’’ landscapes were among the first to use these birds of the Moluccas and New Guinea in their paintings.357 Two studies in water color and gouache of a plumage are preserved 350 T.a minera del mondo (Venice, 1589), p. LO6v.

351 A. C, Burnell and P. A. Tiele (eds.), The Voyage of John Hughen van Linschoten to the East Indies

(London, 1885), I, 307. 352 For a colored painting of a later date see the “Collared Parrot” in J. Barraband’s Exotic Birds (New York, 1963). 353 For example, see the poem by John Skelton (14602-1529) which begins: ““My name is parrot,

a bird of Paradise.” The word “‘parrot’’ is of unknown origin, but it may be related to the French Pierrot, a diminutive of Pierre. 354 Robin, op. cit. (n. 192), p. 155. On the Latinized forms of the Malay names that were first used in Europe see Asia, I, $98. The term “Mamuco Diata” (Manuk dewato in Malay) was first used by Maximilian of Transylvania, and it continued to be used by many other writers of the sixteenth century. 355 Compare Camoéns’ lines as translated by Sir Richard Burton: “Here dwell the golden fowls whose home is air and never earthward save in death may fare.” Also see the poetic description of them in the Divine Weekes of Du Bartas. For lore based on Cardano’s account see Delaunay, op. cit. (n. 293), p. 154. The European commentators often confuse the “bird of paradise” with the mythical phoenix. 356 For example, the doge of Venice in 1461 sent a beautiful and costly plumage to King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary (see Killermann, op. cit. [n. 233], p. $7). Queen Elizabeth of England kept a plumage of the bird of paradise at Windsor Castle (C. Williams [trans. and ed.], Thomas Platter’s Travels in England [London, 1937], p. 215). Ambroise Paré and J. C. Scaliger also had plumages in their collections (Delaunay, op. cit. [n. 293], p. 154). 357 Killermann, op. cit. (n. 233), p. 57-

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in the university library at Erlangen. Probably works of the early sixteenth century, they are careful depictions of both sides of a single plumage. For a time the Erlangen studies were attributed to Diirer, but it is now thought to be highly improbable that he painted them.35° In the Uffizi at Florence there is a painting by Jacopo Ligozzi which shows two birds of paradise standing on a fig branch, a posture that runs counter to the tradition that they have no feet. In his “Garden of Eden” (pl. 144), Roelant Savery shows two birds of paradise streaking across the sky, typically without their wings and feet.

The woodcut artists likewise depict the bird of paradise in accord with the

prevailing traditions. Konrad Gesner, who evidently received a plumage through Peutinger, includes a woodcut of it in his Historiae animalium.359 Juan de Boria, in the moral emblems he designed for Philip II, shows it as a symbol for no middle ground, since it must be either completely in repose or constantly in flight.36° In an emblematic chapter entitled “It cannot know Intercourse with Land” Camerarius includes an etching (pl. 139) by Sibmacher showing the bird of paradise flying high above mountains, lakes, and castles as a symbol of ethereal elevation above earthly affairs. In the text which accompanies the etching he repeats most of what Maximilian of Transylvania reported early in the century and notes that other writers tell of a bird of Mexico, similar to the bird of paradise, whose feathers are used by the Chinese to make colorful feather pictures.3®

Various other exotic birds from the East were added to the repertory of European artists during the sixteenth century. The peacock, which had been admired in India by the soldiers of Alexander, was eventually raised in northern Europe and used as a model by painters and weavers. When served at the banquet table, roast peacock was usually “eaten with gynger.”’ 36? Early in the sixteenth century a watercolor was produced in Europe of the cormorant,3®3 a European bird that was trained in England and Scandinavia, as it was in Persia and China, to catch fish. Aldrovandi and Jacob Bontius, the great naturalists, describe the

horned corbeau of the East Indies and call it the rhinoceros bird.3°+ Bontius includes an engraving of it in his Historiae naturalis . . . Indiae orientalis (1658).3°

Two birds from Japan, a male and a female, were dispatched to Pope Pius V (reigned 1566-72), but the male died and the female soon languished to death. It may be this bird whose portrait (pl. 141) is shown in Camerarius’ Symbolorum. It is pictured as having a high ruff and crown, and in the caption it, or one like it, is said to be native to the island of Catigan (Canigao?) in the Philippines.3° On December 4, 1596, Dutch voyagers to Java were given a gift of an emu by 358 See E. Bock (comp.), Die Zeichnungen in der Universitatsbibliothek Erlangen (Frankfurt, 1929), I, $3, n. 164; Il, pl. 164. Also see Panofsky, op. cit. (n. 23), II, nos. 1341-42. 359 Op. cit. (n. 244), II, 612. 360 Boria, op. cit. (n. 176), p. $0; also see Capaccio, op. cit. (n. 138), Bk. II, p. 21.

361 Camerarius, op. cit. (n. 145), Bk. Ill, pp. 86-87. Also see above, p. 18. 362 As quoted in Phipson, op. cit. (n. 337), pp. 220-21. 363 For a reproduction see Panofsky, op. cit. (n. 23), II, no. 1300. 364 Dictionnaire raisonné et universel des animaux (Paris, 1759), III, 703. 365 Pp, 63-64.

366 Camerarius, op. cit. (n. 145), Bk. III, pp. 88-89.

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the prince of Sidayu in whose port they lay at anchor. In the account of this episode the author reports that the emu, or eme in the “Indian languages,” is a native of the island of Banda. The emu, which returned to Holland in 1597 aboard the “Amsterdam,” was studied by L’écluse, and engraved by Hans Sibmacher (pl. 140).367 Eventually the emu was purchased by the Elector of Cologne as a gift for Emperor Rudolf’s menagerie, and its eggs were added to the emperor's collection of natural rarities.368 It was sketched at Prague by Georg

Hoefnagel, and Roelant Savery includes it at the center of his “Orpheus with the Animals” (pl. 143).369 The emperor’s collection of animals also included two dodo birds from Mauritius, which Savery sketched in pencil and chalk (pl. 142).

All the foregoing Asian animals, except the tiger, came to Europe over the sea route and were consequently associated with the discoveries and with south Asia. Rarity, rather than large numbers, was the keynote to the popularity and impressiveness of these foreign beasts. Thirteen monstrous elephants and three unbelievable rhinoceroses made a far greater impact upon art than the more numerous and more commonly known monkeys and parrots. The rarer beasts, including the first and only emu, were sketched from life immediately after their appearance in Europe. In the case of the elephants and the rhinoceroses, a trash of depictions followed the arrival of each newcomer at Europe’s artistic centers. Because exotic animals were often sent as presents from one ruler to another, they were seen by a wide public as living exemplars of Europe’s great adventure in Asia. The most eminent artists, possibly because of official or public pressure as well as genuine interest, undertook their portrayal. The elephant had his Raphael, the tiger his Giulio Romano, and the rhinoceros his Diirer. The animals drawn from life, such as Raphael’s elephant or Giulio’s tiger, were delineated naturalistically for the first time since Antiquity. And these naturalistic portraits became the artistic authorities for the true depiction of the

Asian beasts throughout the sixteenth century. But the fantasizing of such naturalistic portraits began almost at once, and it could be argued that the greater the popularity of the beast the more varied became its depictions. Often the beasts were fantasized by reviving physical attributes from ancient or medieval prototypes and by adding them to or substituting them for features in the naturalistic portraits. Where there was no earlier artistic tradition of consequence, as in the case of the rhinoceros, the physical attributes of the naturalistic beast were sometimes suppressed, elongated, or redesigned. Diirer’s rhinoceros itself, as contrasted to Burgkmair’s more naturalistic animal, might be thought of as a fantasy based on the naturalistic sketch sent to him from Lisbon.37° The persistence of the prenaturalistic tradition appears to be particularly strong among the 367 For this story see L. Hulsius, Erste Schiffart an die orientalische Indien. . . (Frankfurt am Main, 1625), pp. 42-43. 368 See above, p. 52.

369 J. Fechner, “Die Bilder von Roelant Savery in der Eremitage,” Jahrbuch des kunsthistorischen Institutes der Universitat Graz (Graz, 1966-67), II, 97. 370 For discussion of this point in relation to the importance of artistic prototypes as contrasted to the living or real model, see E. H. Gombrich, Art and Illusion (New York, 1965), p. 82.

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woodcut artists, some of whom claim to have seen the living animal but nonetheless depict it from earlier artistic prototypes. The Asian beasts, perhaps because they were not completely conventionalized, were also widely employed experimentally by sculptors, metalworkers, and decorative artists. All the Asian animals, except the rhinoceros, figured prominently in sixteenthcentury painting and had special appeal for the Mannerists. The elephant and the rhinoceros, possibly because of their greater plastic possibilities, were the only Asian beasts sculptured in stone. Among metalworkers the elephant, with medieval attributes added, was particularly popular. All the animals appeared in tapestries and woodcuts, where they were usually shown in fantasized depictions harking back to prenaturalistic prototypes. The bird of paradise, known only through its plumage and through literary descriptions, was depicted naturalistically in numerous prints and paintings to the degree that information on it was available. Increasingly, over the course of the sixteenth century, the animals of Asia appeared in decorative designs, in the borders of tapestries, on ceramics, and as caryatids. The symbolism connected with all the Asian animals, except the tiger, underwent profound change. The tiger, probably because it did not come to Europe via the sea route and was not therefore associated with the discoveries, is the only one of the animals to retain its symbolic meaning intact from the past. The rhinoceros, confused with the unicorn throughout history, was for the first time thought of as a separate beast. Since it was unknown to the Middle Ages, the rhinoceros was never Christianized. Its symbolism from Antiquity thus became the basis for its meaning to the sixteenth century, perhaps because of all the animals it most nearly lived up to the reputation given it by ancient writers. In the sixteenth century the animals that had been Christianized received secular attributes as well, perhaps in recognition of their heathen origin. The elephant became a symbol for the wise and virtuous ruler (Maximilian I, Francis I, and the Medicis), a hallmark of the overseas interests of the city of Antwerp, and a representation of the frivolous social creature. The monkey, more than the elephant, lost its medieval attributes. It exchanged the taint of the sinner for the symbolism of the clown, as it became less closely identified with barbarians and more with civilized man. The parrot forfeited its medieval virtue and increasingly became, as it had been to the ancients, an amusing mimic. The bird of paradise, which had no symbolic meaning for Europe before the sixteenth century, was simply assigned attributes by the writers of emblem books on the basis of what they knew, or thought they knew, about its characteristics. The changing depiction and symbolism of the Asian animals show in microcosm something of Europe’s response to the opening of direct and regular connec-

tions with the East. The simple, overwhelming fact was that beasts which had been either completely or partially mythological were to be seen in Europe in the flesh and in accurate, naturalistic portraits. Artists, as might be expected,

were quick to incorporate the overseas creatures into traditional European themes and designs. They did not hesitate to use Asian elephants in the depictions [ 184 ]

The Birds

of Roman wars, or to show Orpheus surrounded by animals from a world unknown to him. Bosch and Savery, it might be argued, brought realistic foreign beasts into their paintings simply because Asian animals still continued to be fanciful and exotic in their appeal. But it is also true that the rhinoceros,

which had previously been completely unknown, became a substantial and identifiable reality in life, literature, science, and art. Its mere existence provided confirmation both for the veracity of the writers of Antiquity and for the

startling accounts of contemporary travelers to Asia. European artists, even while using the Asian animals for their own artistic purposes, had likewise to reckon with the fact, as the users of Diirer’s woodcut did, that their creations could now be compared to the living models. The presence of the Asian beasts on European soil and in European art, coupled with the knowledge that they came from specific locales, helped substantially to produce a growing sense in Europe of the reality of Asia in all its aspects.

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CHAPTER IV

6&

Epilogue

Naturalism, Symbolism, and Ornament The revelation of Asia did not fundamentally transform any of the European art forms. It did help to accelerate and perpetuate trends that were already in progress in naturalism, symbolism, and ornament. In the first half of the sixteenth century European painters and print-makers portrayed Asian products and animals naturalistically. Throughout the century the vocabulary of ornament was enriched and enlarged by the incorporation of maritime and Asian objects and motifs. Exotic and fantastic appeal was added to several art forms, especially monumental art and landscape architecture, by the employment of motifs and symbols which evoked the Orient. Asia and its exports furnished the makers of emblems with new challenges and suggestions. And, as time passed,

many of Europe’s traditional symbols lost their old meaning or acquired new ones as the reality of Asia increasingly became intellectually worrisome. The problem of integrating Asia into Europe's conceptions of civilization and art finally contributed to the unsettling of some traditional beliefs and revered conventions. A host of analogues and resemblances between European and Asian arts have long titillated students of “migration art.”’ It has often been pointed out that monsters, demons, and animals were similarly depicted in both artistic traditions as stock features from the earliest times onward. The transparent globes of Bosch, as well as those of other Flemish and a number of Venetian artists, have been compared to the cosmic glass globes of Eastern painters which purport to show that the real world is as fragile and as readily destructible as glass. The animation of unlikely objects such as rocks has been related to a sensitivity felt

in both East and West to the mysterious agitations of the material world.? 1 J. BaltruSaitis, Le moyen-dge fantastique (Paris, 1955), pp. 207-20. For a more detailed statement and illustrations see my Asia in the Making of Europe, I (Chicago, 1965), 71-74, and following p. 52. Also

L. Olschki, “Asiatic Exoticism and the Italian Art of the Early Renaissance,” Art Bulletin, XXVI (1944), 95-108.

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Vague references to the spiritual relationships between Manueline and Indian architecture likewise reflect the feeling that the interactions between the arts of Europe and Asia have never been fully explored or comprehended. The opening of the sea route to India brought about more intimate artistic contact but only slightly affected the speculations of certain art historians about affinities.2 Students of Indo-Portuguese arts have been able to show definitively that export textiles, furniture, featherworks, and porcelains were made in Asia to appeal to the tastes of Europeans. In most instances Indo-Portuguese products were European in design or shape and Oriental in ornament. The correspondences in subject matter and artistic treatment between European and Sung and Ming

landscape paintings have repeatedly been debated by scholars. But so far no definite evidence has been adduced to establish Europe’s debt to the landscape art of China. The resemblances in idea and technique between the composite pictures of the Indian miniaturists and Arcimboldo have suggested to some that the Italian master was inspired by composite Indian paintings that were possibly

available to him. Still others have proposed that the heads of death on Jesuit sarcophagi have intellectual and spiritual affinities with Bushido and with Oriental depictions of the cycles of death.3 The serpentine line has been identified as a

link between Oriental and Western ornament, and in the West between the decorative techniques employed in the Gothic, Manneristic, and Rococo styles.4 Mere multiplication of such analogues does not add substantially to the case for influence. It does heighten the desire, particularly when taken in conjunction with what Asian artistic prototypes have been found in the collections, for more serious investigation of the possible Asian influences upon the arts and artists of sixteenth-century Europe and upon the origins of the Baroque style.

Examples of most of the portable arts of Asia arrived in Europe over the course of the sixteenth century. Porcelains, jewels, pearls, and textiles were brought into European markets and collections in greater quantities than ever before. Porcelain table services at some periods in the sixteenth century were reckoned to be far cheaper than those of massive silver. Chinese paintings, at least ten of them, were acquired by European collectors and two are still preserved in Vienna. Japanese folding screens (bydbus) were given as gifts to Philip 2 J. Strzygowski (Asiatische Miniaturenmalerei [Klagenfurth, 1933], p. 222) contends that the artists of sixteenth-century Europe, who were subject to the academic conventions of Renaissance art, must have greeted the appearance of art objects which did not follow these rules as a shower is welcomed after a long drought. He also contends that European art at this period had no influence upon the arts of Asia because of its sterile, academic approach. Benjamin Rowland, Jr., a recent commentator, in his Art in East and West (Cambridge, Mass., 1954) frankly eschews all efforts to study the influence of

one culture upon the other and contents himself with comparing how the artists of Asia and the West treat the same subjects. Also see T. Bowie et al., East-West in Art (Bloomington, Ind., 1966). 3E. Male, L’art religieux apres le Concile de Trente (Paris, 1932), pp. 207-8.

41. Salerno, “Arte, scienza e collezioni nel manierismo,” in Scritti...in onore di Mario Salmi (Rome, 1963), III, 210. It should also be observed that Jahangir was much impressed by the European

engravings brought to the Mughul court by the Jesuits, that he had some of them copied by native artists and had others framed in ornamental borders reminiscent of Netherlandish ornament of the latter half of the sixteenth-century. See E. Kiihnel and H. Goetz, Indische Buchmalereien . . (Berlin, 1924), Pp. $0-SI.

| [ 187]

Epilogue

II and the Vatican. Indian miniature paintings on ivory and in books are listed in the Prague collections of Rudolf II. Lacquered furniture, boxes, chests, and musical instruments from the East appear repeatedly in the inventories of all the great collections. Chinese books, some with illustrations, were available in Lisbon, Rome, the Escorial, Madrid, Paris, and Prague. Asian featherworks, as distinguished from those of Mexico and Peru, evoked constant interest. European amateur artists in Asia, sometimes in collaboration with natives, prepared drawings and watercolors of daily life in those Eastern centers held by the Portuguese. Other Europeans sent or brought specimens of Asian flora and fauna to Europe. Oddities of every conceivable kind—back scratchers, peculiarly shaped rocks, and fans—were collected by the voyagers to titillate the curious. Indigo replaced woad in the dyeing vats of Europe as blue coloring. Princely and scholarly collectors sought to learn more clearly about the geographical dimensions of Asia by collecting maps. A few Asians, natives of India, China, Japan, and the Philippines, could be found in Europe at various times throughout the century. Collections of art and “wonders” were assembled by many of the leading rulers, prelates, merchants, and scholars of Europe. Only a few artists and artisans

had collections of their own. But over the course of the century most of the major collections were opened to an increasingly larger public. Artists in Florence, Rome, Vienna, Antwerp, and Prague used the collections as sources for their works. Craftsmen, like the makers of the Medici porcelains and the Venetian workers in wood, sought to imitate the Chinese porcelains and lacquers that were on display in those cities. “Indian products,” a generic term which never disappears from the inventories (see Appendix to chapter i, p. 46), are supplemented in the listings of some of the collections by specific references to Chinese, Japanese, and East Indian products. A consciousness grew, without doubt, that Asian arts were products of several rather than a single civilization.

The collections of wonders of the worlds of nature and art provoked astonishment, stimulated discussion, and inspired reflection about the arts and the civilizations from which they came. But how, did European artists themselves respond to the presence of these “subtle ingenia’” of people in distant lands? Diirer, stirred by their “wonderful works of art,” was moved to collect Eastern oddities in Antwerp. Raphael painted the Asian elephant naturalistically and Giulio Romano brought it and the Bengal tiger into his works. Woodcut artists, flower painters, and book illustrators studiously copied those samples of Asian flora which they knew. Philips van Winghe of Louvain sketched the tower and gate of Azuchi Castle from the Japanese folding screens in Rome (see pls. 50 and 51). Persian carpets, Chinese porcelains and lacquerware, and Asian animals were incorporated into European paintings. Exotic effects were achieved in various art forms by bringing lifelike palm trees, monkeys, and seashells into the depictions. The illustrators of

the costume books of the late sixteenth century modeled their designs on the Oriental costumes themselves, or copied their depictions from the costumes

[ 188 ] ,

Naturalism, Symbolism, and Ornament shown on porcelains and paintings. From this evidence it is clear that no implacable cultural, philosophical, or religious hostility to the distant East prevented artists from bringing Asian objects into their creations and depicting them realistically and naturalistically.

Naturalism, or the effort of Renaissance artists to copy nature faithfully, certainly received a stimulus from the introduction into Europe of strange new plants, animals, and objects from Asia. In drawing and painting particularly, the artists copied animate and inanimate models with sincere fidelity.’ Depicting exotic beasts from live models lent a naturalism far surpassing in realism any of

the medieval artistic prototypes which were on hand. Artists were careful to give correct proportions to their beasts and to show them in their proper relationships to one another. And the sixteenth-century artist asked questions, explicit or implicit, which would not have occurred to earlier artists. Should the elephant be depicted as taller than the rhinoceros? Was the elephant really as crude in its bodily proportions as it was often portrayed? How much did an elephant weigh, and how much food and drink could it consume? Possibly in response to these questions, some of the artists showed the elephant in different poses, in scale, and with other beasts, especially the rhinoceros and monkey, as well as with humans. Many questions of the same type were also raised about the naturalistic treatment of exotic plants, fruits, trees, and flowers. As each new elephant appeared in Europe, it was first portrayed naturalistically. A clear tradition developed in the painting of elephants which led back

to Raphael’s beast as the prototype for naturalistic depiction. But Raphael’s successors almost at once began to fantasize his elephant, perhaps because it was better known to them. Those who fantasized elephants usually did so deliberately

for their own artistic purposes. The art objects of Asia, on the other hand, were not fantasized by the Mannerist painters, perhaps because they were less adaptable to such treatment than elephants and other beasts. Beturbaned Orientals, as well as naturalistic Asian beasts and flowers, are common in sixteenth-century paintings. Although Oriental costumes were one of the first features to be depicted realistically, European artists were slow to copy the distinctive features of Asian persons. The Japanese legates, drawn from life, were made to look only slightly Oriental, perhaps because they were sketched

in their European clothes (pl. 35). But by the end of the century woodcut illustrations showed persons more clearly identifiable as Chinese (pl. 64). Paintings of carpets, textiles, and porcelains were sometimes accurate enough to reflect the provenance and period of the originals. The print-makers tended generally to be less consistent than the painters in their response to the products and curiosities of Asia. Perhaps this was related 5 Naturalism in the minor arts of the sixteenth century exhibited a strange form called “‘le style rustique.” Bronze and plaster snakes, shells, and insects were made from molds cast around the creatures themselves. Bernard Palissy created (1570-89) a grotto in this style for the gardens of the Tuileries which inspired many imitations. See E. Kris, “Der Stil ‘Rustique,’” Jahrbuch der kunst-

historischen Sammlungen in Wien, N.S., I (1926), 137-208. , [ 189 |

Epilogue

to the fact that the earliest reports reached northern Europe, and thus the major

print-makers, through intermediaries. But it does not follow that the printmakers were less responsive than the painters to external stimuli. Three major artists of the woodcut—Diirer, Burgkmair, and Altdorfer—produced individualistic sketches of the rhinoceros in the year 1515. It is very likely that they all used

as sources the sketches of the rhinoceros drawn by unknown artists from the living model. The depictions by Burgkmair and Altdorfer were unfamiliar to or ignored by later artists, while Direr’s woodcut, for all its peculiarities, became the prototype of the rhinoceros in art. Certain later artists sought to give their own individualistic touches to Diirer’s rhinoceros by elongating, distorting, or suppressing its distinctive attributes. And the appearance of a second rhinoceros in Spain in 1581 brought about a brief and unsuccessful effort to throw off the dominance of Diirer’s woodcut. Nonetheless Diirer’s partly fanciful beast, even more so than Raphael’s very naturalistic elephant, managed to retain its predominance long after more realistic depictions were known in Europe.

But while remaining subservient to Diirer’s rhinoceros, the print-makers brought more Asian-related subjects into their depictions than the painters. In all probability this tendency was stimulated by their closer association with book illustration and map production. They ransacked the collections of curiosities, borrowed from earlier depictions, and created from their own imaginations the illustrations of oddities described in the travel, natural science, and cosmographical books. There is also good evidence to show that they based certain of their works upon literary descriptions alone, a facet of their activity which finds no parallel among the painters.° Like the painters and tapestry weavers, the graphic artists were inclined to use the palm tree and Asian animals to achieve exotic effects. Unlike the painters, they did not ordinarily incorporate colorful objects into their representations. A few of the graphic artists (especially Hans Sibmacher) depicted the latest oddities as they arrived to give examples of what the discoverers were finding in the East. Others followed sketches made in the field, the main example being the De Bry family (pls. 147 and 148). The print-makers and tapestry weavers were more experimental and topical than the painters in their choice of themes. Victories won by the Portuguese in the East were celebrated in woodcuts and tapestries shortly after they became known in Europe. The painters ordinarily restricted themselves to traditional themes: Bacchus in India, Noah’s ark, adoration of the Magi, the flight from Egypt, four parts of the world, the exile from the Garden of Eden, Orpheus and the animals. While the figures, landscapes, and varieties of animals in these paintings became more Eastern, the themes themselves underwent no fundamental change. It was left to Jean Macer, a commentator rather than an artist, to suggest that all three of the Magi should be depicted as kings of countries to the east of the Holy Land. © A notable exception is the painting “The Discovery of America” by Jan Mostart (d. 1556). For a reproduction see A. F. Mirande and G. S$. Overdiep (eds.), Het Schilder-Boek van Carel van Mander (Amsterdam, 1936), facing p. 233.

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Naturalism, Symbolism, and Ornament The painters, it appears, were more firmly bound by artistic conventions than

the print-makers, perhaps because of the domination wielded over their art by the Italian masters. They also were more firmly committed to Humanism and the revival of Antiquity and less involved than the graphic artists in matters that

brought them into touch with commerce, cartography, and current affairs. Humanists and artists were openly fearful that European art might suffer from

contact with Asia. From the mid-thirteenth century onward, Tartars and Mongols had been depicted in European art and literature as legions of the Anti-Christ, demons of hell, and heralds of the world’s end.7 Leonardo confided

fears of this sort to his Notebooks. Michelangelo, according to D’Ollanda, sought to reckon with Asia by including it within his conception of Antiquity. A woodcut artist, Melchior Lorck, went to the Near East for the express purpose of seeking the true roots of Antiquity. Many of the Jesuit commentators in Asia associated its art monuments with the remains of Antiquity and even expressed the belief that some of them were built by Alexander the Great and his successors. The conviction grew, as Cardano expressed it, that the discoveries had unsettled Europe's certitude about the objectives and possibilities of the arts.

While Asia evoked sentiments of fear and uncertainty, it came to have other meanings as well for Europe. Perhaps most overwhelming was the impression of limitless wealth as Europeans viewed Asia’s seemingly inexhaustible outpouring of precious stones, woods, and spices. Asia also had strong associa-

tions with the mysterious and exotic. Not only was Asia remote and distant from the concerns of Europe, but it was also the habitat of prodigious beasts,

its soil produced aromatic woods and hallucinatory drugs, and its peoples created recondite porcelains and lacquerware that could not be duplicated in Europe. In the collections of curiosities, where seeds, earths, and stones from Asia were ranged alongside its gems and featherworks, the observer was able to view in miniature the mystical and cosmic relationship between art and nature. The works of nature from Asia were obviously thought to be as subtle and foreign as its works of art. Asia’s rarities produced stupefaction, in the words of R. Borghini, and caused comparisons to be made between the admirable qualities of the rhinoceros (nature) and the monastery of Belém (art). It is these varied meanings which Asia had for sixteenth-century Europe that helped to produce new symbolic attributes for the Asian animals, jewels, and woods that Europeans had long known. The animals were secularized in their symbolism as it became clear that they came from heathen lands of great wealth and high civilization. Eastern traditions were mingled even more intimately with European beliefs in the new attributes ascribed to rare woods and precious stones. Landscape gardens like those at Lisbon, Bomarzo, and Castello were given a mysterious and bizarre appearance by the mythical and Asian beasts sculptured in stone that decorated them. The makers of hieroglyphic emblems increasingly favored symbols of Asia in constructing those of their allegorical 7 BaltruSaitis, op. cit. (n. 1), pp. 183-88.

[ 19]

Epilogue

pictures and proverbs which stressed rarity and wonder. Creators of medals and coats-of-arms increasingly used the rhinoceros and the elephant as emblems, for the symbolism of these beasts had come to have an accepted secular significance.

Throughout the sixteenth century an effort was made in the triumphs to produce a permanent, symbolic representation of Asia with universal appeal. In the “Triumph of Maximilian” (1526) the people of Calicut and the elephant (pl. 87) represented Asia. King Henry II's entry into Paris in 1549 was symbolized by Diirer’s rhinoceros as an emblem of courage, and possibly as a symbol of his. marriage to Catharine de’ Medici, whose family also used the rhinoceros as one of its emblems (pls. 124, 125). When the French royal couple visited Rouen in 1550, the triumphal procession was led by horses dressed as elephants carrying towers and trophies. Triumphal arches and pedestals were erected in Lisbon in 1581 to celebrate the formal entry of Philip II in which every major Portuguese

conquest in the East was depicted as a woman presenting her gifts to the king.

The engraving by Pieter van der Borcht (see above, p. 93) of the entry of Archduke Ernst of Austria into Antwerp in 1593 shows beturbaned people leading Asian animals, a return in spirit to the “people of Calicut.” The elephant, in particular, was the living manifestation of Asia thoughout most of the sixteenth century, and a replica of it in wood eventually became one of the symbols of the city of Antwerp (pl. 115). To the triumphal processions themselves, the symbols of Asia lent a new note of exoticism which evoked Europe’s connections with the overseas world. In the last generation of the sixteenth century, artists again took up the classical theme of representing each continent by an allegorical figure. Ideally these personifications of the “four parts of the world’’ were conceived of as pictorial epitomes of each continent’s essential characteristics. But the allegorical figures which represent Asia have for the modern eye few discernible attributes which set them apart. The personification of Asia prepared by Tommaso Laureati for

the Vatican in the time of Pope Gregory XIII (reigned 1572-85),8 or that of Pauwels Franck painted in the 1580's for the Fugger castle at Kirchheim, show

few characteristics themselves which evoke the Asia of reality. In Franck’s triumphal procession the lady who represents Asia carries a sign to tell the viewer what she personifies (pl. 34). Her attendants wear turbans and carry exotic gifts; her cart is decorated with bejeweled hangings and drawn by a pair of camels. Similar to these depictions was that in the Caprarola Palace (built after 1555) of

the Farnese near Viterbo.9 |

It is conceivable, however, that the modern viewer of these depictions does not react sensitively to the elements that were considered exotic and emblematic

by sixteenth-century artists and connoisseurs. The title page of Ortelius’ Theatrum orbis terrarum (1570), a copper engraving by Frans Hogenberg and his 8 Male, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 399-401. 9 For a contemporary description of the Farnese painting see J. A. F. Orbaan (ed.), Documenti sul Barocco in Roma (Rome, 1920), p. 381. A world map, displayed as early as 1578, was in the same room,

decorated with portraits of Columbus, Vespucci, Magellan, Cortez, and Marco Polo.

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assistants, features symbolic figures of the “five continents” (“Magellanica”’

is the continent added). Verses in the frontispiece (p. A3) by Adolf van Meetkerke, a philologist and alderman of Bruges, identify and explain the portraits of the continents. According to Meetkerke, “Asia,” at the left of the title page, is a richly clad and bejeweled Oriental princess who holds a thurible in her left hand in which Eastern gums burn to give off incense.!° Cesare Ripa in his Iconologia (first published at Rome in 1593),!! a handbook on allegories and their meanings, proposes a similar symbol for Asia. In his view Asia is a lady

crowned with a beautiful garland of flowers and fruits and clad in a lavish costume completely embroidered with gold thread, pearls, and precious stones. “Asia” carries in her left hand a bough decorated with the leaves and fruits of

cassia, pepper, and cloves; in her right hand she holds a censer from which arises an aromatic cloud of smoke. Behind the lady a camel sits on its knees in a resting position (pl. 145). Ripa explains that the garland signifies Asia's temperate

climate. The lavish gown symbolizes “the great plenty which exists in this happiest part of the world” and illustrates the costume of its people. Ripa suggests that models for the fruits and leaves of spices can be seen by artists in Mattioli’s commentary on Dioscorides. The smoking censer, like the bough, reminds the viewer that Asia is the land which exports aromatic spices, woods, resins, and gums. From the modern viewpoint such interpretations, particularly of the burning censer, seem vague and dubious. But it is precisely this difference in understanding that makes it difficult for the modern student to sense clearly what Asia meant or what had exotic appeal for Renaissance thought and art. The most explicit of the representations of Asia is the engraving executed by the De Bry brothers that graces the title page of their Pars quarta Indiae orientalis (Frankfurt, 1601). The frame which surrounds the title and the publication data epitomizes on one engraved page what products of Asia attracted the attention of artists (pl. 146). Constructed like the proscenium of a theater or a triumphal arch, the frame is supported by a semirealistic elephant on the left and a replica

of Diirer’s rhinoceros on the right. Through an archway which supports the stage is a maritime scene in which naked and breech-clothed fishermen are trying

to land a whale, a depiction which harks back to Diirer’s famous print of the whale and stands as a possible reference to the ambergris that was imported from the East. On each side of the stage are vases of exotic flowers, those on the right being easily identifiable as irises (here called Crocus Indicus) and those on the left as yuccas. On the top level of the framework emus stand on either side, facing each other. Under the tail of each emu a censer burns, its gums and resins giving off aromatic smoke. The apex of the proscenium is crowned with a bowl of exotic fruits and flowers in which pineapples and tulips can readily be recognized. On either side of the bowl stands a parrot, each of which faces one of the 10 Further discussion in C. Koeman, The History of Abraham Ortelius and His ‘‘Theatrum orbis terrarum’’ (Lausanne, 1964), pp. 33-34. 11 | have here paraphrased the edition of 1611 (Padua), pp. 356-58. The first edition of Ripa had no

illustrations and was intended primarily for the use of literary artists. Woodcut illustrations were first added to this work in the edition of 1611.

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Epilogue

emus. The construction of the frame and its scrollery are strictly Western and classical, but all the overt decoration is Oriental, contemporary, and naturalistic. Ornament and decoration were the artistic means most commonly employed to evoke

the exotic Orient. From Romanesque times onward, the decorative motifs, devices, and patterns of Eastern art were periodically added to the vocabulary of European ornament. The interlaced arabesques of Muslim metal works were

imitated by European goldsmiths and ironworkers and were adapted to the decorative plans of ceramicists and woodworkers. Chinese designs appeared mainly in European textiles, but the ornamentation on the gates of St. Mark’s Cathedral in Venice consists likewise of Chinese scrolls, lozenges, and bats.!2 Designers of book covers used dragon motifs from China that they copied from Persian or other Near Eastern arts.13 The great voyages of discovery began as early as the fifteenth century to inspire decorative motifs in the arts of the maritime countries which symbolized the great achievements being made on the high seas.!4 The rediscovery in Rome of the Golden House of Nero with its subterranean rooms decorated with “monstrous” paintings helped to stimulate a lively interest during the sixteenth century in experimenting with new, exotic ornamental motifs. About 1520 Giovanni da Udine brought the Asian elephant into his ornamental paintings in the loggia of the Vatican (pls. 149, 150). And the steady arrival in Europe of products of Asia and creations of Asian art with

their novel forms and decorative designs continued to enrich the repository of motifs available to European designers of ornament.

The following quotation from the autobiography of Benvenuto Cellini (1500-1571) reveals how one sixteenth-century artist reacted to the ornament on products of foreign art: About this time [1530] there fell into my hands some little Turkish poniards; the handle as well as the blade of these daggers was made of iron and so too was the sheath. They were engraved by means of iron implements with foliage in the most exquisite Turkish style, very neatly filled in with gold. The sight of them stirred in me a great desire to try my own skill in that branch, so different from the others which I practiced; and finding that I succeeded to my satisfaction, I executed several pieces. Mine were far more beautiful and more durable than

the Turkish, and this for diverse reasons. One was that I cut my grooves much deeper and with

wider trenches in the steel; for this is not usual in Turkish work. Another was that the Turkish arabesques are only composed of arum leaves with a few small sunflowers; and though these have a certain grace, they do not yield so lasting a pleasure as the patterns which we use. It is true that in Italy we have several different ways of designing foliage; the Lombards, for example, construct very beautiful patterns by copying the leaves of briony and ivy in exquisite curves which are extremely agreeable to the eye; the Tuscans and the Romans make a better choice, because they imitate the leaves of the acanthus, 12, Einstein, “A Chinese Design in St. Mark’s at Venice,” Revue archéologique, sth ser., XXIV 1926), 28.

"3 Ettinghausen, ‘“‘Near Eastern Book Covers and Their Influence on European Bindings,” Ars orientalis, III (1959), 113-31. 14J. Evans, Style in Ornament (London, 1950), p. 39.

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Naturalism, Symbolism, and Ornament commonly called bear’s-foot, with its stalks and flowers, curling in divers wavy lines; and into these arabesques one may excellently well insert the figures of little birds and different animals by which the good taste of the artist is displayed. Some hints for creatures of this sort can be observed in nature among the wild flowers, as, for instance, in snapdragons and some few other plants, which must be combined, and developed with the help of fanciful imaginings by clever draughtsmen. Such arabesques are called grotesques by the ignorant.

... Well, then, I designed patterns of this kind, and filled them in with gold, as I have mentioned; and they were far more pleasing to the eye than the Turkish.'5

Like Cellini, Albrecht Diirer was fascinated by the new decorative possibilities he saw in foreign arts. As we know from his own testimony, he acquired “‘a very pretty piece of porcelain’ while he was in Antwerp in 1520-21.!° Several years

earlier (ca. 1515) he seems to have been attracted by Chinese porcelains and lacquers as sources for new design ideas. In his drawings of fantastic pillars (pl. 29) he copied vases of the late Sung or early Ming periods and incorporated them into his drawings to provide new shapes and lines for his ornamental composition. The lotus-leaf frieze shown on the vase with a broad middle and the thin dragon-like handles on the taller vase help to link these Diirer ornamental drawings definitively to the inspiration of Chinese porcelains.!7 Possibly under Diirer’s influence the ‘Antwerp Mannerists,”’ who flourished between 1505 and 1530, sought to bring a new and restless spirit to traditional subjects by elongating and slenderizing the human body, by clothing it in overly elegant finery, and by adding Oriental decorative elements to traditional European objects.!8

In the Netherlands the midcentury experiments of Cornelis Floris with grotesques also provide an excellent example of how overseas and Asian objects were incorporated into ornament. While continuing in their designs to employ

elements from the ornamental grotesques of Rome and Fontainebleau, Floris and his followers introduced specific traits into their compositions which were derived from extra-European sources. The most singular of the new traits were the circular feather headdresses which Floris placed on his human figures.19 Significantly, he first introduced this element into the series of ornamental designs called “Cups and Jugs” (1548) (pls. 76, 77). Examination of the cups and jugs themselves shows that Floris, like Diirer, was attracted by the shapes 15 J. A. Symonds (trans.), The Autobiography of Benevenuto Cellini (New York, 1910), pp. 62-63. Italics mine. 16 See above, p. 17. 17R. Schmidt, “China bei Diirer,” Zeitschrift des deutschen Vereins fiir Kunstwissenschaft, V1 (1939), 103-6. G. Marlier, La renaissance flamande, Pierre Coeck d’Alost (Brussels, 1966), pp. 110-12. 19 See S. Schéle, Cornelis Bos: A Study of the Origins of the Netherland Grotesque (Stockholm, 1965), pp. 79-80. Schéle associates the featherdress idea with ancient Mexican art, and mentions the display of headdresses shown at the Royal Palace of Brussels in 1520. But, it should be noted that Burgkmair

in his woodcut “People of Calicut” shows the natives of the Malabar Coast wearing circular feather headdresses. As stated earlier (see above, p. 18), 1am convinced that European artists throughout the entire sixteenth century correctly associated the feather headdresses with both tropical Asia and America. For a description of Asian head ornaments see article by Carl A. Schmitz in Encyclopedia of World Art, Vol. V, col. 382.

[x95]

Epilogue and designs of Chinese porcelains.2° The presence of seashells in Floris’ ornamen-

tal designs makes even clearer the association of their idea with the overseas world. The exotic tendencies of Floris were further elaborated in the ornamental

designs of Hans Vredeman de Vries (1527-1604), architect and painter of Antwerp. The cartouche (pl. 151) prepared for his Grottesco in diversche Manieren

(Antwerp, 1555) brings together mythical and Asian birds and beasts into a design that anticipates the kinds of patterns which are generally associated with the chinoiserie of the eighteenth century. And, when it is noted that Floris’ and Vredeman de Vries’ grotesques were repeatedly used by other Netherlandish designers in ornamental frames and borders, it can be asserted that Asia made its

contribution to the evolution of a Netherlandish ornament that became less graphic and more pictorial in the latter half of the sixteenth century.?! The effects

of this naturalistic, exotic Netherlandish ornament were felt as far away as Prague and Lisbon, where it had important influence during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries on decoration in architecture, sculpture, and engraving.?2 Joseph Boillot, who was employed by Henry IV of France as engineer and engraver, prepared a book of suggestions for caryatids that brought in the whole range of Asian animals as both functional elements and embellishments in his pillars.23 He prepared sixty-four plates for his Nouveaux pourtraits et figures de termes pour user en l’architecture (Langres, 1592), and in a number of these he used

the elephant, rhinoceros, tiger, and simians of the East as bases for the capital. In one instance he used the elephant as termis, and in another he attached it to the rhinoceros caryatid as an embellishment and as a symbol of the rhinoceros’ traditional superiority in valor over the elephant (pls. 117, 128). Boillot’s Asian animals, like other Asian objects in the works of European designers of ornament, are essentially naturalistic.

In addition to the contributions that Asia’s exports made to the ornamental and design ideas of identifiable art modes and artists, the decorations on textiles, porcelains, and lacquerware continued to stimulate ornamental experiments in all branches of the visual arts. Ceramicists copied textile designs; architectural ornament inspired metalwork designs; painters imitated porcelain and lacquer

decorations. Hieroglyphic designs from emblem books and iconographical elements—ships and sea monsters—from maps were incorporated into the patterned borders of tapestries. The naturalistic and flamboyant fantasies of the architectural ornament on Manueline edifices had their counterparts on gold and silverware. The Asian animals from Bosch’s paintings turned up in engravings and on painted pottery. On the early tapestries and silver works the designs were 20 Schéle (op. cit. [n. 19], pp. 79-80), does not associate the ‘‘Cups and Jugs” with Chinese porcelains. 21 P, Fierens, Le fantastique dans Vart flamand (Brussels, 1947), p. 61; also A. J. J. Delen, Histoire de la gravure dans les anciens Pays-Bas .. . (Paris, 1935), Hl, 139-47.

22K. Chytil, Die Kunst in Prag zur Zeit Rudolf II (Prague, 1904), p. 5; M. S. Soria, “Francisco de Campos (?) and Mannerist Ornamental Design in Evora, 1555-1580,” Belas Artes (Lisbon), 2d ser., No. 10 (1957), p. 37. 23 Compare the caryatids of Turks shown in Pieter Coecke van Alost’s Moeurs et Fachons des Turces (Antwerp, 1553). Also see discussion of them in Matrlier, op. cit. (n. 18), pp. 60-61.

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crowded with strange flora, fauna, people, and maritime motifs. Even some of the later silver settings for natural curiosities exhibited a profusion of exotic detail. Arcimboldo, like many Indian painters, arranged plants and animals in his paintings to portray human faces and figures in a clearly recognizable decora~-

tive plan. His flower mosaics were similar in spirit and intent to the feather mosaics of Asia and America, to Indian paintings of animals made up of people

and gods, and reminiscent of the display techniques sometimes used by the collectors of curiosities. The European preoccupation with adding exotica to the vocabulary of ornament was part of an effort to accommodate the strange and to bring it within the framework of traditional art. In the late Middle Ages church ornament in Spain

and Gothic art in northern Europe had incorporated monstrous beasts and floral motifs without changing the subjective European character of the decorations. The objective inclusion of strange objects and motifs in European ornament continued into the sixteenth century, but with a subtle change taking place in its meaning for the artist and the viewer. During the Middle Ages exotic motifs streamed into Europe from various unidentified sources and seemingly

without any relationship to the artistic tradition of a foreign culture of high achievement. In the sixteenth century the sources of the motifs became more localized for the European artist as he became aware of the relationship of the object before him to a civilization that was esteemed by many observers to be as cultivated as his own. Ornaments naturally continued to be borrowed and modified unconsciously in the decorative arts. A striking example is the case of the centipede-like creatures which figure prominently in the quilt designs made in Portuguese Asia. They are nothing but Indian efforts to reproduce the dragon-headed scrolls conventionally employed in ornament of the Italian Renaissance.?4 Nonetheless, with the awakening of consciousness about provenance, respect increased, and passive receptivity of eclectic features was gradually replaced by an active search for tighter artistic ties. Perhaps most striking of all

was the tendency among most designers of ornament to depict the objects of Asia as naturalistically as they could, possibly because they were strange and exotic even so. But this was about as far as the influence went, for no evidence can be adduced to show that European artists of this period were even vaguely aware of the fundamental differences—for example, in perspective—between European and Chinese art.25 But it does not follow that the impact of Asia upon European ornament was

negligible. In the new dispensation inaugurated by Raphael and his school a playful mood prevailed as ornament and design made room for more exuberant and colorful patterns that incorporated a variety of things—fantastic candelabra, 24 See J. Irwin, “Reflections on Indo-Portuguese Art,” Burlington Magazine, XCVII (1955), Os For further discussion see R. dos Santos, ““A India Portuguesa e as artes decorativas,” Belas Artes (Lisbon), 2d ser., No. 7 (1954), pp. 5-16; also G. Bandmann, ‘Das Exotische in der europiischen Kunst,” in Der Mensch und die Kiinste: Festschrift Heinrich Liitzeler (Diisseldorf, 1962), pp. 341-44.

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Epilogue

miniatures of the elephant Hanno (pl. 149), strands of pearls twining sinuously among bouquets of bright flowers.26 The great voyages of discovery were reflected in the galleries painted with decorative maps which became popular, in tapestries ornamented with tawny goddesses, in bejeweled pendants shaped like ships, and in the real and mythical sea life carved in marble or chased in silver. In the maritime countries marine foliage, coral forms, nereids, and tritons were added to the repertory of ornament by architects, silverworkers, and tapestry weavers.27 In the northern countries a new orientation in design began with the masters

of the minor arts as they looked for a new relationship between ground and ornament and for space in which to experiment with the grotesques of Antiquity

and with the “heathen works” of Asia. These new designs, sometimes called “moresques,”’ are distinctively ground ornaments without plastic attributes or possibilities. The effects of the “moresques” are entirely dependent upon the play of line and the use of two-toned contrast as they are painted, engraved, or etched on the ground. For example, an Elizabethan virginal or spinet preserved in the Victoria and Albert Museum is decorated with acanthus “moresques” and strewn flowers which recall the embellishments commonly used on the Nishiji lacquerware of Japan.28 When so combined with more traditional motifs,

the “moresques” contributed to the creation of an ornament that was, like the chamber of curiosities itself, an emblem of the cosmos. The “moresques’’ were therefore the ornaments most favored by late Manneristic artists in their search

for mystical, universal symbols.29 The revelation of the East had its most profound effects upon the design of ornament and upon the new decorative features added to many art forms. In most cases the inclination was to bring naturalistic Asian objects into traditional

European depictions in order to evoke exotic or unusual effects. Traditional biblical and classical themes remained dominant in painting, but the Magi were Orientalized and the strange animals in Noah’s ark naturalized. A few new Asian themes, particularly relating to the overseas conquests, were added to the European repertory, but they were usually treated by artists along conventional lines. Although efforts were made to create a permanent and universal artistic symbolism for Asia, it was mainly the introduction of realistic Asian objects as decorative features that won acceptance. Like the displays of the Wunderkammer,

the ornaments composed of realistic Asian objects, persons, or animals were strange enough to produce wonderment, to encourage experiment, and to

invite contemplation. | 26 See A. von Salis, Antike und Renaissance (Zurich, 1947), pp. 37~43-

27 J. Evans, Pattern (Oxford, 1931), 1,178. 28 W. Holzhausen, Lackkunst in Europa (Brunswick, 1959), pp. 33-34.

29E. Forssmann, Sdule und Ornament: Studien zum Problem des Mannerismus in den nordischen Sdulenbiichern und Vorlageblattern des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts (Stockholm, 1956), pp. 127-28; and G. Bandmann, “Ikonologie des Ornamentes und der Dekoration,”’ Jahrbuch fiir Asthetik und allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft, IV (1958-59), 243-49.

[ 198 }

Naturalism, Symbolism, and Ornament While the artists made room for Asia’s objects in their decorations and embellishments, the cultivated minds of Europe were likewise forced to accommodate their ideas to the reality of Asia and its civilization. Humanists, who had been inclined to regard everything as barbaric and contemptible which did not follow the ideals of European Antiquity, felt required to enlarge their definition of the scope of Antiquity to include Asia within it. The temples of India were compared to the great monuments of the Romans and were acknowledged to be the works

of barbarians about which there was nothing barbarous.3° Duarte Nunes de Lido in his Descripgao do reino de Portugal (1610) wrote of Chinese porcelains: “the vases are the most beautiful things that man has invented.”3! Admiration for the wealth and creativity of Asia was accompanied by fears and uncertainty about its implications for the traditional arts and civilization of Europe. Generalized fears were given substance by the mystery which the East evoked through its strange products and unmatchable artistic creations. A sense prevailed among

intellectuals that change was inevitably coming, and probably from the East. But, up to 1600, the menace of Asia was still very distant from the concerns of most Europeans. They were much more aware of Asia as another field in which the civilization of Europe had a new opportunity to display its flexibility, adaptability, and superiority. In Europe both thought and art were being liberated from tradition as revolutionary changes were being faced in religion, politics, and the arts. To a society

experiencing such profound internal changes, Asia was a peripheral problem that could best be handled by accommodation. The integrity of European civilization could readily remain unassailable by extending its benign rule to the rest of the world. For the artists of Mannerism, like the poets of the Pléiade, the arts and curiosities of the East were illustrations to support a neo-Pythagorean belief in the essential harmony of a universe that had the West as its nexus. The

God of the Europeans, they believed, still ruled heaven and earth even though his domain was larger and more variegated than previously supposed. The God of the Christians inspired creation and provided enlightenment even for the heathen makers of “subtle ingenia’”’ living and working in the remotest parts of

the world. The clear stream of Western, Christian civilization still flowed strongly, but occasional streaks in its waters gave evidence that erosion of its banks was beginning. 30 On this change of attitude toward the barbarians and their works see F. Chabod, Machiavelli and the Renaissance (New York, 1965), p. 199; also see R. W. Lightbown, “Oriental Art and the Orient in Late Renaissance and Baroque Italy,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXXII (1969), 243.

“ As cited in J. A. L. Hyde and R. R. Espirito Santo Silva, Chinese Porcelain for the European Market (Lisbon, 1956), p. 48.

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a Anvers de 1488 a 1567. Louvain, 1925.

Gould, Charles. Mythical Monsters. London, 1886. Graca Barreto, J. A. da. A descoberta da India ordenada em tapecaria por mandado de El-Rei D. Manuel: Documento inedito do século XVI. ... Coimbra, 1880.

Graul, Richard. Ostasiatische Kunst und ihr Einfluss auf Europa. Leipzig, 1906.

Grossmann, F. Bruegel: The Paintings. Rev. ed. London, 1966. Gruyer, Gustave. L’art ferrarais a ’époque des princes d’Este. 2 vols. Paris, 1897. Gubernatis, Angelo de. Storia dei viaggiatori italiani nella Indie Orientali. Leghorn, 1875. ———. Zoélogical Mythology, or the Legends of Animals. London, 1872.

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Handler, Gerhard. Fiirstliche Mdzene und Sammler in Deutschland von 1500 bis 1620. Strassburg, 1933. Hairs, M. L. Les peintres flamands de fleurs au XVII® siecle. Brussels, 1955. Hamy, Alfred. Essai sur l’iconographie de la Compagnie de Jésus. Paris, 1875. Hamy, E. T. Les origines du musée d’ethnographie: Histoire et documents. Paris, 1890.

Harbeck, Hans. Melchior Lorichs. Hamburg, 1911. Hartlaub, G. F. Zauber des Spiegels: Geschichte und Bedeutung des Spiegels in der Kunst.

Munich, 1951. Hartt, F. Giulio Romano. 2 vols. New Haven, Conn., 1958. Haskell, Francis. Patrons and Painters: A Study in the Relations between Italian Art and Society in the Age of the Baroque. New York, 1963.

Haupt, Albrecht. Die Baukunst der Renaissance in Portugal. Frankfurt am Main, 1890. Haydn, Hiram. The Counter-Renaissance. New York, 1950. Hedicke, Robert. Cornelis Floris und die Florisdekoration. Berlin, 1913. Hempel, Eberhard. Baroque Art and Architecture in Central Europe. Baltimore, 1965.

Herculano de Moura, J. Inscripgées indianas em Cintra: Notulas de archeologia historica e bibliographia acerca dos templos Hindus de Somndth-Patane e Elephante. Nova Goa, 1906.

Hocke, René. Die Welt als Labyrinth (Manier und Manie in der europdischen Kunst). Hamburg 1957.

Hodgen, Margaret T. Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Philadelphia, 1964. Holzhausen, W. Lackkunst in Europa. Brunswick, 1959. Honey, W. B. European Ceramic Art from the End of the Middle Ages to about 1815. London, 1949.

Honour, Hugh. Chinoiserie: The Vision of Cathay. London, 196t.

Howe, William Norton. Animal Life in Italian Painting. London, 1912. : Huth, Hans. Europdische Lackarbeiten, 1600-1850. Darmstadt, n.d.

———. Lacquer of the West: The History of a Craft and an Industry, 1550-1950. Chicago, 1970.

Hyde, J. A. Lloyd, and Espirito Santo Silva, Ricardo R. Chinese Porcelains for the European Market, Water Colors and Descriptions by Eduardo Malta. Lisbon, 1956. Ilg, Albert, and Boeheim, W. Das K. K. Schloss Ambras in Tirol. Vienna, 1882. Ifiiguez, Almech F, Casas reales y jardines de Felipe II. Madrid, 1952.

Iversen, Erik. The Myth of Egypt and Its Hieroglyphs in European Tradition. Copenhagen, 1961.

Jacquot, Jean, (ed.). Fétes et cérémonies au temps de Charles Quint. Paris, 1960.

Jairazbhoy, R. A. Oriental Influences in Western Art. Bombay, 1965. , Janson, H. W. Apes and Ape Lore. London, 1952. Jennison, G. Animals for Show and Pleasure in Ancient Rome. Manchester, 1937.

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Kehrer, Hugo. Die “Heiligen Drei Kénige’” in der Legende und in der deutschen bildenden Kunst bis Albrecht Diirer. Strassburg, 1904. Keil, Luis. As tapegarias de D. Joao de Castro. Lisbon, 1928. Kellenbenz, Hermann. Unternehmerkrdfte im Hamburger Portugal- und Spanienhandel, 15901625. Hamburg, 1954.

Keller, Otto. Die antike Tierwelt. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1909. Kernodle, George R. From Art to Theatre: Form and Convention in the Renaissance. Chicago, 1944.

Killermann, Sebastian. Albrecht Diirers Tier- und Pflanzenzeichnungen und ihre Bedeutung fiir die Naturgeschichte. Strassburg, 1910. ———. Die Miniaturen im Gebetbuche Albrechts V von Bayern (1574). “Studien zur deutchen Kunstgeschichte.” Strassburg, 1911. Kipling, J. L. Beast and Man in India. London, 1904. Kisch, Wilhelm. Die alten Strassen und Platze Wiens. Vienna, 1883. Klemm, Gustav. Zur Geschichte der Sammlungen fiir Wissenschaft und Kunst in Deutschland. Zerbst, 1837.

Knappe, Karl-Adolf. Diirer: The Complete Engravings, Etchings and Woodcuts. New York,

n.d. Koehler, Wilhelm R.W., (ed.). Medieval Studies in Honor of A. Kingsley Porter. Cambridge, Mass., 1939. Koeman, C. Collections of Maps and Atlases in the Netherlands. Leyden, 1961. ———. The History of Abraham Ortelius and His “‘ Theatrum orbis terrarum.” Lausanne, 1964.

Kriegk, G. L. Geschichte von Frankfurt. Frankfurt, 1871. Kubler, G., and Soria, M. Art and Architecture in Spain and Portugal. “The Pelican History of Art,” edited by Nikolaus Pevsner, Vol. XVII. Baltimore, 1958. Kiihnel, Ernst. Die Arabeske: Sinn und Wandlung eines Ornaments. Wiesbaden, 1949. Kiihnel, Ernest, and Goetz, Hermann. Indische Buchmalereien aus dem Jahdngtr-Album der Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin. ““Buchkunst des Orients,” Vol. II. Berlin, 1924. Kunz, George Frederick. The Curious Lore of Precious Stones. New York, 1938. ———. Ivory and the Elephant in Art, in Archaeology, and in Science. New York, 1916. Lane, Arthur. Italian Porcelain. London, n.d. Lapeyre, Henri. Une famille de marchands: les Ruiz. Contribution a [etude du commerce entre la Frarice et l’Espagne au temps de Phillippe I. Paris, 1955. Laufer, B. The Giraffe in History and Art. Chicago, 1928. Lees-Milne, James. Baroque in Spain and Portugal, and Its Antecedents. London, 1960. Legrand, F. C,, and Sluys, F. Arcimboldo et les arcimboldesques. Brussels, 1955.

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Bestandes, Vol. Il, Pts. 1 and 2. Vienna, 1941-45. Lichtenberg, Reinhold. Zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der Landschaftsmalerei bei den Niederlandern und Deutschen im XVI. Jahrhundert. Leipzig, 1892. Lieb, N. Die Fugger und die Kunst im Zeitalter der hohen Renaissance. Munich, 1958.

Liverani, Guiseppe. Catalogo delle porcellane dei Medici. Faenza, 1936. ———. Five Centuries of Italian Majolica. New York, 1960. Loisel, Gustave. Histoire des ménageries de l’antiquité a nos jours. 3 vols. Paris, 1912. Lopes, Joaquim Mauricio. Les Portugais a Anvers au XVI® siecle. Antwerp, 1895. Lucas-Dubreton, Jean. Le monde enchanté de la Renaissance: Jeréme Cardan ’halluciné. Paris,

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Luchner, L. Denkmal eines Renaissancefiirsten: Versuch einer Rekonstrution des Ambraser Museums von 1583. Vienna, 1958.

McCurdy, Edward. The Mind of Leonardo da Vinci. New York, 1939. McDermott, W. C. The Ape in Antiquity. Baltimore, 1938. Magalhiaes-Godinho, Vitorino. Os descobrimentos e a economia mundial. 2 vols. Lisbon, 1963.

Mahon, Denis. Studies in Seicento Art and Theory. London, 1947. Maiuri, A. Pompei-Ercolana: I nuovi scavi. Naples, 1927. Male, E. L’art religieux aprés le Concile de Trente. Paris, 1932. Marlier, Georges. La renaissance flamande, Pierre Coeck d’Alost. Brussels, 1966. Martin, J. R. The Farnese Gallery. Princeton, N. J., 1965.

Masson, Georgina. Italian Gardens. New York, 1961. : May, Alfred. Wien in alten Ansichten. Salzburg, 1965. May, Florence Lewis. Hispanic Lace and Lace Making. New York, 1939. ———. Silk Textiles of Spain. New York, 1957. Mazzotti, Giuseppe. Ville Venete. Rome, 1963. Meiss, Millard. French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry. 2 vols. New York, 1967. Menendez-Pidal, Gonzalo. Imagen del mundo hacia 1570: Segun noticias del consejo de Indias y de los tratadistas espanoles. Madrid, 1944. Mercer, Edward. English Art, 1553-1625. Oxford, 1962. Michel, Francisque. Recherches sur le commerce, la fabrication, et l'usage des étoffes de soie, et d'argent, et autres tissues précieux en occident, principalement en France, pendant le moyen dge. 2 vols. Paris, 1852-54. Michiel, Marcantonio. Notizia d’opere di disegno pubblicata e illustrata da D. Jacopo Morelli. Bologna, 1884. Molinier, E. Venise, ses arts décoratifs. Paris, 1889. Murray, David. Museums: Their History and Their Use. 3 vols. Glasgow, 1904. Murray, H. J. R. A History of Chess. London, 1913. Murray, Linda. The Late Renaissance and Mannerism. New York, 1967. Naravane, V. S. The Elephant and the Lotus. Bombay, 1965.

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Olmedilla y Puig, Joquin. Estudio histérico de la vida y escritos del sabio médico, botdnico, y escritor del siglo XVI, Cristobal Acosta. Madrid, 1899.

Olschki, Leo. Marco Polo’s Asia. Berkeley, 1960. Orbaan, J. A. F. Stradanus te Florence, 1553-1605. Rotterdam, 1903. Panofsky, Erwin. The Life and Art of Albrecht Diirer. 2 vols. Princeton, 1955. Parr, C. M. Jan van Linschoten: The Dutch Marco Polo. New York, 1964. Pecchiai, Pio. Il Gest di Roma. Rome, 1952. ———. Roma nel cinquecento. Bologna, 1948.

Peregallo, Prospero. Cenni intorna alla colonia italiana in Portogallo nei sécoli XIV, XV, e

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Petri ab Hartenfels, G. C. Elephantographia curiosa. Erfurt, 1715. Pevsner, N. Academies of Art, Past and Present. Cambridge, 1940. Phillips, J. G. China-Trade Porcelain, Cambridge, Mass., 1956. Phipson, Emma. Animal Lore of Shakespeare’s Time. London, 1883. Pinto, A. C. Cadeiras portuguesas. Lisbon, 1952. Piper, Reinhard. Das Tier in der Kunst. Munich, 1922. Plat, Hugh. The Jewell House of Art and Nature. London, 1653. Podreider, F. Storia dei tessuti d’arta in Italia. Bergamo, 1928. Pélnitz, G. F. von. Jakob Fugger, Kaiser, Kirche, und Kapital in der oberdeutschen Renaissance. 2 vols, Tiibingen, 1949-51. Pope, John Alexander. Chinese Porcelains from the Ardebil Shrine. Washington, D.C., 1956. ——. Fourteenth-Century Blue-and-White: A Group of Chinese Porcelains in the Topkapu Sarayi Miizasi, Istanbul. Freer Gallery of Art, “Occasional Papers,” Vol. II, No. 1.

Washington, D.C., 1952. Portmann, A. Die Tiergestalt. Basel, 1948. Pouzyna, I. V. La Chine, I’Italie et les débuts de la Renaissance (XIII°-XIV® siécles). Paris, 1935.

[Powell, Thomas.] The History of Most Curious Manual Arts and Inventions. ...3d ed. London, 1675. Praz, Mario. Belleza e bizzarria. Milan, 1960. ———. Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery. 2d ed. Rome, 1964. Priezac, Salomon de. L’histoire des éléphants. Paris, 1650. Raczynski, Atarazy. Les arts en Portugal. Paris, 1846. Randall, Lilian M. Images in the Margins of Gothic Manuscripts. Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1960.

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Riano, Juan F. The Industrial Arts in Spain. London, 1879. Ricci, Corrado. L’ architecture italienne au XVI® siécle. Paris, n.d., ———-. Il tempio malatestiano in Rimini. Milan and Rome, n.d. Richards, G. R. B. Florentine Merchants in the Age of the Medicis. Cambridge, 1932. Richter, Christian. Uber die fabelhaften Thiere. Gotha, 1797. Ridolfi, Carlo. Le maraviglie dell’ arti. Venice, 1648. ———. Vita di Giacopo Robusti detto il Tintoretto. ... Venice, 1642. Riegler, R. Das Tier im Spiegel der Sprache: Ein Beitrag zur vergleichenden Bedeutungslehre. Leipzig, 1909. Robin, P. A. Animal Lore in English Literature. London, 1936. Rodocanachi, E. La premiere Renaissance: Rome au temps de Jules II et de Léon X. Paris, 1912.

Rogers, Millard B. “A Study of the Makara and Kirttimukha with Some Parallels in Romanesque Architectural Ornament of France and Spain.” Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Art, University of Chicago, 1965. Roscoe, W. The Life and Pontificate of Leo X. 4 vols. London, 1827.

Rose, W. The Epic of the Beast. London, n.d.

Rossi, Vittorio. Dal Rinascimento al Risorgimento. “Scritti di critica litteraria,” Vol. I. Florence, 1930.

Rowland, Benjamin, Jr. Art in East and West: An Introduction through Comparison. Cambridge, Mass., 1954. Roy, Claude. Arts fantastiques. Paris, 1960. Rozan, C. Les animaux dans les proverbes. 2 vols. Paris, 1902. Rubio, Julian Maria. Felipe IT y Portugal. Madrid, 1927. Ruska, J. Das Steinbuch des Aristoteles. Heidelberg, 1912. Russo, Lia. La fontana di Piazza Pretoria in Palermo. Palermo, 1961. Saintenoy, Paul. Les arts et les artistes a la cour de Bruxelles. Académie royal de Belgique, Classe des Beaux-Arts, “Mémoires,” 2d ser., Vol. II, fasc. 3. Brussels, 1932. Salis, Arnold von. Antike und Renaissance. Zurich, 1947. Sampayo Ribeiro, Mario de. O retrato de Damido de Gois por Alberto Diirer, processo e historia de uma atoarda. Coimbra, 1943. Santos, Reynoldo dos. O azulejo em Portugal. Lisbon, 1957. ———. Faianca portuguesa, séculos XVI e XVII. Lisbon, 1960. ———, O estilo manuelino Lisbon, 1952. —_—. Oito séculos de arte portuguesa: Histéria e esptrito. Lisbon, 1967. ———, A Torre de Belém, 1514-20. Coimbra, 1922.

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Schéle, Sune. Cornelis Bos: A Study of the Origins of the Netherland Grotesque. Stockholm, 1965. Scherer, Valentin. Die Ornamentik bei Albrecht Diirer. Strassburg, 1902.

Schierlitz, E. Die bildlichen Darstellungen der indischen Gottestrinitat in der dlteren ethnographischen Literatur. Munich, 1927. Schlosser, Julius von. Die Kunst- und Wunderkammern der Spdtrenaissance. Leipzig, 1908.

Schramm, Percy E. Sphaira, Globus, Reichsapfel, Wanderung und Wandlung eines Herrschaftszeichens. Stuttgart, 1958. Schiirer, Oskar. Prag: Kultur, Kunst, Geschichte. Vienna and Leipzig, 1930.

Schuette, Maria, and Miiller-Christensen, Sigrid. The Art of Embroidery. London, 1964. Schwoebel, Ralph. The Shadow of the Crescent: The Renaissance Image of the Turk (1453-

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Shearman, John Mannerism. London, 1967. Shepard, Odell. The Lore of the Unicorn. Boston and New York, 1930. Silva Nascimento, Joao Filipe da, and Cardoso Pinto, Augusto. Cadeiras portugueses. Lisbon, 1952. Silveira, Luis. Ensaio de iconografia das cidades portuguesas do ultramar. 4 vols. Lisbon, 1957.

Skelton, R. A. Decorative Printed Maps of the 15th to 18th Centuries. London, 1952.

Slomann, V. Bizarre Designs in Silks. Copenhagen, 1953. Smith, Ronald Bishop. The First Age of the Portuguese Embassies ...to the Kingdoms and Islands of Southeast Asia (1509-21). Bethesda, Md., 1968. Smith, William S. Interconnections in the Ancient Near East: A Study of the Relationships between the Arts of Egypt, the Aegean, and Western Asia. New Haven, 1965.

Smyth, C. H. Mannerism and Maniera. Locust Valley, N.Y., 1963. Soil, E. Les tapisseries de Tournai. Tournai, 1892. Solier, René de. L’art fantastique. Paris, 1961. Soulier, Gustave. Les influences orientales dans la peinture toscane. Paris, 1924. Sousa Viterbo, Francesco Marques de. O thesouro do rei de Ceylao. . . . Lisbon, 1904. Souza, Luiz de. Vida de Dom Fr. Bartolomeu dos Martires.Viana, 1619. Speth-Holterhoff, S. Les peintres flamands de cabinets d’amateurs au XVII® siécle. Brussels, 1957. Sponsel, J. L. Das Griine Gewélbe zu Dresden. 4 vols. Leipzig, 1925-32. Stengel, Walter. Alte Wohnkultur in Berlin und in der Mark im Spiegel des Quellens des 16.-19. Jahrhunderts. Berlin, 1958. Sterling, Charles. La nature morte de l’antiquité a nos jours. Paris, 1952. ! Sthyr, Jergen. Dansk Grafik, 1500-1800. 2 vols. Copenhagen, 1943. Stockbauer, Jacob. Die Kunstbestrebungen am bayerischen Hofe unter Herzog Albrecht V und Herzog Wilhelm V. “Quellenschriften ftir Kunstgeschichte,” Vol. VIIL. Vienna, 1874.

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Taylor, Francis Henry. The Taste of Angels: A History of Art Collecting from Rameses to Napoleon. Boston, 1948. Telfer, W. The Treasure of Sao Roque: A Sidelight on the Counter Reformation. London, 1932.

Tervarent, G. de. Attributs et symboles dans l’art profane, 1450-1600. 2 vols. Geneva, 1958.

Thode, Henry. Tintoretto. Bielefeld and Leipzig, 1901. Thoma, Hans. Kronen und Kleinodien: Meisterwerke des Mittelalters und der Renaissance aus den Schatzkammern der Residenz zu Miinchen. Munich, 1955. Thompson, James W., (ed.). The Frankfurt Book Fair: The Francofordiense Emporium of Henri Estienne. Chicago, 1911. Thomson, W. G. A History of Tapestry. London, 1930. Tooley, R. V. Maps and Map-Makers. London, 1949. Tormo y Monzé, E. Os desenhos das antiqualhas que vio Francisco d’Ollanda, pintor portugués. Madrid, 1940. Valenti, D. Museum Museorum. Frankfurt am Main, 1703-14. Vasconcelos, Joaquem Antonio da Foncesca. Ceramica portuguesa. Oporto, 1884. ————. Ourivesaria portuguesa. 2 vols. Porto, 1914-15. Vieira da Silva, A. As muralhas da Ribeira de Lisboa. 2 vols. Lisbon, 1940-41.

Vilhena Barbosa, Ignacio de. Apontamentos para a histéria das collecgdes e dos estudos de zoologia em Portugal. Lisbon, 1885. Vocht, H. de. History of the Foundation and Rise of the Collegium Trilingue Lovaniense, 15171550. 4 vols, Louvain, 1951-55. Volker, T. Porcelain and the Dutch East India Company. Leyden, 1954. Voss, Hermann. Die Malerei der Spatrenaissance in Rom und Florenz. 2 vols. Berlin, 1920. Wagner, Henry R. Sir Francis Drake’s Voyage around the World. San Francisco, 1926. Walker, John. Bellini and Titian at Ferrara: A Study of Styles and Taste. London, 1956. Wallis, Henry. The Oriental Influence on the Ceramic Art of the Italian Renaissance. London, 1900. Watson, W. C. Portuguese Architecture. London, 1908. Wauvermans, H. E. Histoire de l’école cartographique belge et anversoise du XVI® siecle.

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7 Bibliography Willett, C. W., and Cunningham, P. The History of Underclothes. London, 1951. Winzinger, F. Die Zeichnungen Martin Schongauers. Berlin, 1962. Wiirtenberger, F. Der Manierismus. Vienna, 1962. English edition, New York, 1964. Yates, Frances A. The Valois Tapestries. London, 1959.

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Adhémar, Jean. “The Collection of Paintings of Francis the First,” Gazette des BeauxArts, XXX (1946), 5-16. ———. “French Sixteenth Century Genre Painting,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, VIII (1945), 191-95.

Antal, F. “The Social Background of Italian Mannerism,” Art Bulletin, XXX (1948), 82-103.

Aquarone, J. B. “L’aventure portugaise dans les mers de |’Inde,” Bulletin de l’Association Guillaume Budé, 3d ser., No. 3 (1953), pp. 62-79.

Aquirre, Emiliano. “Evolutionary History of the Elephant,” Science, CLXIV (June 20, 1969), 1366-75.

Askew, P. “Perino del Vaga’s Decorations. for the Palazzo Doria, Genoa,” Burlington Magazine, XCVIII (1956), 46-56. Avery, Louise. “Chinese Porcelain in English Mounts,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, N.S., IL (1943), 266-72. Ball, V. “A Commentary on the Colloquies of Garcia da Orta, on the Simples, Drugs, and Medicinal Substances of India,” Proceedings of the Irish Academy, 1(1889), 381-415.

BaltruSaitis, Jurgis. “Monstres et emblémes; une survivance du moyen 4ge aux XV et XVI siécles,” Médecine de France, XXXIX (1953), 17-30.

Bandmann, Giinther. “Das Exotische in der europaischen Kunst.” In Der Mensch und die Kiinste: Festschrift Heinrich Liitzeler, pp. 337-54. Diisseldorf, 1962.

——. “Ikonologie des Ornamentes und der Dekoration,” Jahrbuch fiir Asthetik und allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft, IV (1958-59), 232-58.

Bataillon, M. “La cour découvrd le nouveau monde.” In J. Jacquot (ed.), Fétes et cérémonies au temps de Charles Quint, pp. 13-27. Paris, 1960.

Benesch, O. “The Orient as a Source of Inspiration of the Graphic Arts of the Renaissance.” In Festschrift Friedrich Winkler, pp. 242-53. Berlin, 1959. Bentham-Jutting, W. S. S. van. “A Brief History of the Conchological Collections at the

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Articles Bernard, Henri. “Humanisme Jésuite et Humanisme de !’Orient,” Analecta Gregoriana (Rome), 1954, pp. 187-92. ——. “Le passage de Guillaume Postel chez les premiers Jésuites de Rome (mars 1544decembre 1545).” In Mélanges Chamard, pp. 227-43. Paris, 1951. Beylen, J. van. “Schepen op kaarten ten tijde van Gerard Mercator,” Duisburger Forschungen, VI (1962), 122-42.

Bialostocki, Jan. “Les bétes et les humaines de Roelant Savery,” Musées royaux des Beaux-Arts Bulletin (Brussels), No. 1 (March, 1958), pp. 69-97. Blair, Patrick. “Osteographia elephantina; or, A Full and Exact Description of All the Bones of an Elephant, Which Died near Dundee, April the 27th, 1706... ,” Philosophical Transactions, (London), XXVII (1710-12), $3-168. Born, Wolfgang. “An Indo-Portuguese Painting of the Late Sixteenth Century,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, XXX (1946), 165-78. ———. “Some Eastern Objects from the Hapsburg Collections,” Burlington Magazine, LXIX (1936), 269-76. ———. “Textile Ornaments of the Post-Classical East and of Medieval Europe,” Ciba Review, No. 37 (1941), pp. 1331-46. Boxer, C. R. “The Carreira da India (Ships, Men, Cargoes, Voyages).” In O centro de estudos histéricos ultramarinos e as comemoragdes henriquinas, pp. 33-82. Lisbon, 1961.

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Gibbs, F. W. “Historical Survey of the Japanning Trade (I-IV),” Annals of Science (London), VII (1951), 401-6; IX (1953), 88-95, 197-232. Giglioli, H. H. “Notes on Some Remarkable Specimens of Old Peruvian “Ars plumaria’ in the Mazzei Collection,” Internationales Archiv fir Ethnographie, VII (1894), 221-26. Giglioli, O. H. “Jacopo Ligozzi disegnatore e pittore di piante e di animali,” Dedalo, IV (1923-24), $54-60. Giuseppi, M. S. “The Work of Theodore de Bry and His Sons, Engravers,” Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London, XI (1915-17), 204-26. Goetz, Hermann. “An Indian Element in 17th Century Dutch Art,” Oud-Holland, LIV (1937), 222-30. ———. “Oriental Types and Scenes in Renaissance and Baroque Painting,” Burlington Magazine, LX XIII (1938), 53-60. Goeze, E. “‘Liste der seit dem 16. Jahrhundert bis auf die Gegenwart in Garten und Parks Europas eingefiihrten Baume und Straucher,’’ Mitteilungen der deutschen dendrologischen Gesellschaft, XXV (1916), 129-201.

Goitein, S. D. “From the Mediterranean to India: Documents on the Trade to India, South Arabia, and East Africa from the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,” Speculum, XXIX (1954), 181-97.

Gollob, H. “Der Turkismus und die Buchgraphik des 16. Jahrhunderts,” GutenbergJahrbuch, XXXVII (1962), 425-29.

Gombrich, E. H. “Renaissance Artistic Theory and the Development of Landscape Painting,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 6th ser., XLI (1953), 335-37: Grabar, André “Le succés des arts orientaux 4 la cour Byzantine sous les Macédoniens,”’ Miinchener Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst, 3d ser., II (1951), 32-60.

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Haller, R. “The History of Indigo Dyeing,” Ciba Review, No. 85 (1951), pp. 3077-81. Hamann, Richard. “Das Tier in der Romanischen Plastik Frankreichs.” In W. R. W. Koehler (ed.), Medieval Studies in Memory of A. Kingsley Porter, I, 413-52. Cambridge, Mass., 1939. Hamy, E. T. “Le pére de la zodlogie francaise: Pierre Gilles d’Albi,’”” Revue des Pyrenées, XII (1900), 561-88.

Hartt, F, “Raphael and Giulio Romano with Notes on the Raphael School,” Art Bulletin, XXVI (1944), 67-94.

Hausmann, T. “Der Pommersche Kunstschrank,” Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte, XXII (1959), 337-52. Heckscher, William S. “Bernini’s Elephant and Obelisk,” Art Bulletin, XXIX (1947), 165-82.

Heichelheim, F. M. “Byzantine Silks,” Ciba Review, No. 75 (1949), pp. 2742-67.

Heikamp, Detlef. “Zur Geschichte der Uffizien-Tribuna und der Kunstschranke in Florenz und Deutschland,” Zeitschrift fir Kunstgeschichte, XX VI (1963), 193-268.

Hendley, T. H. “Indian Animals, True and False, in Art, Religion, Etc.,” Journal of Indian Art and Industry (London), XVI (1914), 71-80.

Hochstetter, Ferdinand von. “Ueber mexikanische Reliquien aus der Zeit Montezumas in der K. K. Ambraser Sammlung,” K6nigliche Akademie der Wissenschaften (Vienna), Philosophisch-historische Classe, Denkschriften, pp. 83-104. Vienna, 1885. Hoff, Door Bert van’t. “Gerard Mercator (1512-94) en de kartografie van de 16° eeuw,” Duisburger Forschungen, VI (1962), 1-27.

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Huber, Eduard von. “Die Malerfamilie Burgkmair von Augsburg,” Zeitschrift des historischen Vereins fiir Schwaben und Neuburg, I (1874), 310-20.

Irwin, John. “The Commercial Embroidery of Gujerat in the Seventeenth Century,” Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, XVII (1949), 51-56.

———. “Indian Textiles in Historical Perspective.” In Textiles and Embroideries of India, Pt. I, pp. 4-6. Bombay, 1965.

———. “Indo-Portuguese Embroideries of Bengal,” Arts and Letters: The Journal of the Royal India, Pakistan and Ceylon Society, XXVI (1952), 65-73.

———. “A Jacobean Vogue for Oriental Lacquer-Ware.” Burlington Magazine, XCV (1953), 194.

———. “Origins of the “Oriental Style’ in English Decorative Art,” ibid., XCVII (1955), 106-14.

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Ivanov, Nicolas. “Fétes 4 la cour des derniers Valois,” Revue du XVI° siecle, XIX (1932),

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Articles Jenyns, Soames. “Feather Jacket (Jimbaori) of the Momoyama Period (1573-1638) Supposed to Have Belonged to Hideyoshi (1536-1598),” British Museum Quarterly, XXXII (1967), 48-52.

——. “The Chinese Porcelains in the Topkapu Saray, Istanbul,” Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society (London), XXXVI (1964-66), 43-72. Kaufmann, Alexander. “Uber Thierliebhaberei im Mittelalter,” Historisches Jahrbuch der Gorresgesellschaft, V (1884), 399-423. Kenner, Friedrich. “Die Portratsammlung des Erzherzogs Ferdinand von Tirol,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, XTX (1898), Pt. I, 6-146.

Kiichi, Matsuda. ““Armaduras japonesas en la Real Armeria de Madrid,” Monumenta Nipponica, XVI (1960-61), 175-81. Kish, George. “The Japan on the ‘Mural Atlas’ of the Palazzo Vecchio, Florence,” Imago mundi, VIII (1951), 52-54.

K6émmerling-Fitzler, Hedwig. “Der Niirnberger Georg Pock (+ 1528-29) in Portugiesisch-Indien und im Edelsteinland Vijayanagara,” Mitteilungen des Vereins fiir Geschichte der Stadt Niirnberg, LV (1967-68), 137-84. Kris, Ernst. “Georg Hoefnagel und die wissenschaftliche Naturalismus.”’ In Festschrift fir Julius Schlésser, pp. 243-53. Zurich, 1927. ——. “Der Stil ‘Rustique,’” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien, N.S., I

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Kurz, O. “A Volume of Mughal Drawings and Miniatures,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXX (1967), 251-71. Ladendorf, H. “Zur Frage der kiinstlerischen Phantasie.”” In Mouseion: Studien aus Kunst und Geschichte fiir Otto H. Forster, pp. 21-34. Cologne, 1960. Laprade, Jacques de. “Un inventaire des tentures et des meubles transportés de Pau 4 Neérac en 1578, Bibliotheque d’ Humanisme et Renaissance, XXIV (1962), 413-30. Leix, Alfred. “Early Islamic Textiles,” Ciba Review, No. 43 (1942), pp. 1573-78. ———. “The Sassanid Textiles and Their Influence on the Western World,” Ciba Review, No. 43 (1942), pp. 1559-65. Lemos, Maximiliano. “Damiao de Goes,” Revista de histéria, IX (1920), 5-19, 208-26; X (1921), 41-66; XI (1922), 34-66. Lightbown, R. W. “Oriental Art and the Orient in Late Renaissance and Baroque Italy,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXXII (1969), 228-78. Liu, James J. Y. “The Féng-yiieh Chin-nang: A Ming Collection of Yiian and Ming Plays and Lyrics Preserved in the Royal Library of San Lorenzo, Escorial, Spain,” Journal of Oriental Studies (Hongkong), IV (1957-58), 79-107. Loehr, Max. “The Chinese Elements in the Istanbul Miniatures,” Ars orientalis, I (1954), 85-89.

Lopes, Carlos da Silva. “As conquistas e descobrimentos na herdldica portuguesa do

século XVI,” Armas e Troféus, 2d ser., I, No. 2 (1960), 107-24. | Lozzi, Carlo. “Cesare Vecellio e i suoi disegni e intagli per libri di costumi e di merletti,” La bibliofilia, (1900), 3-11. Madrazo, Pedro de. “Uber Kronungsinsignien und Staatsgewander Maximilian I. und Karl V. und ihr Schicksal in Spanien,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, IX (1889), 45-SI.

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McGrath, R. L. “The ‘Old’ and ‘New’ Illustrations for Cartari’s imagini... ,’’ Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 6th ser., LIV (1962), 210-20.

Merrill, E. D. “Eastern Asia as a Source of Ornamental Plants,” Journal of the New York Botanical Garden, XXXIV (1933), 238-43. ———. “Loureiro and His Botanical Work,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, LXXII (1933), 229-39.

Mez, M. L. “Una decorazione di Daniele da Volterra nel Palazzo Farnese a Roma,” Rivista d’arte, XVI (1934), 276. Mitchell, Charles. “Ex libris Kiriaci Anconitani,” Italia medioevale e umanistica, V (1962), 280-88.

Moeller, M. A. “An Indo-Portuguese Embroidery from Goa,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 6th ser., XXXIV (1948), 117-32. Miinsterberg, Oskar. “Bayern und Asien,” Zeitschrift des Miinchener Alterthumsvereins, N.S., VI (1894), 14-27. ———. “Leonardo da Vinci und die chinesische Landschaftsmalerei,” Orientalisches Archiv, XII (1910), 92-100. Miintz, M. “Les collections d’antiquités des Médicis,” Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions, XXXV, Pt. 2, 140-53. Nair, V. “A Nair Envoy to Portugal,” Indian Antiquary, LVII (1928), 157-59. Naumann, W. “Bark Cloth in the Reports of the First Explorers of the South Seas,” Ciba Review, No. 33 (1940), pp. 1175-79.

Neumann, Erwin. “Das Inventar der rudolfinischen Kunstkammer von 1607/11.” In Swedish National Museum, Analecta reginensis. Stockholm, 1966. Neves Tavares, Carlos das. “A bot&nica nos Coldéquios de Garcia da Orta,” Garcia da Orta, XI, No. 4 (1963), 667-93.

Noack, Ferdinand. “Triumph und Triumphbogen.” In Vortrdge der Bibliothek Warburg, 1925-1926, pp. 185-90. Leipzig-Berlin, 1928. Olschki, Leonardo. “Asiatic Exoticism and the Italian Art of the Early Renaissance,” Art Bulletin, XXVI (1944), 95-108. Palm, Erwin Walter. “Diirer’s Ganda and a XVI Century Apotheosis of Hercules at Tunja,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 6th ser., XLVIII (1956), 65-74. Panofsky, D. and E. “Iconography of the Galerie Francois I®",” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 6th ser., LIT (1958), 119-30.

Payne, Joseph Frank. “On the ‘Herbarius’ and ‘Hortus sanitatis,’” Transactions of the Bibliographical Society, VI (1900-1901), 63-126. Pessanha, José, “A porcelana em Portugal: Primeiras tentativas, Archivo historico portuguez, I (1903), 20-24, 58-64, 89-93, 124-28, 169-76, 236-39.

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Reidemeister, Leopold. “Philipp Hainhofer und die ostasiatische Kunst.” In Festschrift Adolph Goldschmidt, pp. 109-12. Berlin, 1935. Reis-Santos, Luis. “Garrofas chinesas de Jorge Alvares,” Belas Artes: Revista e boletim da Academia Nacional de Belas Artes (Lisbon), 2d ser., No. 18 (1962), pp. 59-69.

Rezende, Marquez de. “Embaixada de El-Rei D. Manuel ao Papa Ledo X,” O Panorama: Journal litterario e instructivo, XI (1854), 219-22, 253-55, 261-63, 271-72, 274-75.

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Roethlisberger, Marcel. “La tenture de la licorne dans la Collection Borromée,” OudHolland, LXXXII (1967), 85-115. Romdahl, Axel L. “Pieter Brueghel der Altere und sein Kunstschaffen,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, XXV (1905), 85-169.

Rowe, J. H. “The Renaissance Foundations of Anthropology,” American Anthropologist, LXXVII (1965), 1-20.

Rumpf, Fritz. “Beitrage zur Geschichte der friihen Spielkarten.” In Festschrift Adolph Goldschmidt, pp. 77-91. Berlin, 1935. Salerno, Luigi. “Arte, scienza e collezioni nel manierismo.” In Scritti di storia dell’arte in onore di Mario Salmi, Ill, 193-214. Rome, 1963. Santos, Reynaldo dos. “A exposicao de arte portuguesa em Londres,” Belas Artes (Lisbon), 2d ser., No. 9 (1956), pp. 6-9.

———. “A India Portuguesa e as artes decorativas,” ibid., No. 7 (1954), pp. 3-16.

Saxl, Fritz. “Die spatmittelalterliche Vermischung orientalischer und europdischer Tradition.” In F. Saxl and H. Meier, Verzeichnis astrologischer und mythologischer Handschriften, pp. 90-118. London, 1953. Schlegel, G. “‘Hennins or Conical Lady’s Hats in Asia, China, and Europe,” T’oung pao, Ill (1892), 422-209.

Schmidt, Robert. “China bei Diirer,” Zeitschrift des deutschen Vereins fiir Kunstwissenschaft, VI (1939), 103-6.

Schuette, Marie. “History of Lace,” Ciba Review, No. 73 (1949), pp. 2685-98. Schulze, I. “Zum Problem der Verweltlichung religiéser Bildformen in der deutschen Kunst des 16. Jahrhunderts und der Folgezeit,” Renaissance und Humanismus in Mittel- und Osteuropa, 1 (1962), 249-60. Schurhammer, Georg. “Desenhos orientais do tempo de S. Francisco Xavier,” Garcia da Orta, Special Number (1956), pp. 247-56. ———. “Die Jesuitenmissionare des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts und ihr Einfluss auf die japanische Malerei.” In Jubilaumsband 1933 der deutschen Gesellschaft fiir Natur- und Volkerkunde Ostasiens, I, 116-26. Leipzig, 1934.

Seznec, Jean. “Erudits et graveurs au XVIP sitcle,” Mélanges d'histoire et d’archéologie, XLVII (1930), 118-37.

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Sousa Viterbo, Francisco Marques de. “O orientalismo portugues no século XVI,” Boletim da Sociedade de geografia de Lisboa, XII (1892-93), Nos. 7-8, pp. 317-30. ————. “O theatro na corte de D. Filippe Il,” Archivo historico portuguez, I (1903), 1-7.

Spinazzola, Vittorio. “Di un rinoceronte marmoreo del Museo Nazionali di Napoli (preteso falso di Pompei),”’ Bollettino d’arte, VII (1913), 143-46. ———. “Pompeii and My New Excavations,” Arts and Decorations, XVIII (1923), 9-12.

Spriggs, A. I. “Oriental Porcelain in Western Paintings, 1450-1700,” Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society (London), XXXVI (1964-66), 73-87. Standen, Edith A. “The Suiets de la Fable Gobelins Tapestries,” Art Bulletin, XLVI (1964), 143-57. Stannard, Jerry. “Dioscorides and Renaissance Materia Medica,” wd, * See “ SS, gene Age SOS aBieee a aCee eRSaTS

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Vecelli it.,cit.,faci ecellio, op. facing p. 476.

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Vecellio, op. cit., facing p. 481.

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