Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature: A Reference Guide, Part One 9004191275, 9789004191273

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Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature I

Handbook of Oriental Studies Handbuch der Orientalistik SECTION FOUR

China

Edited by

Stephen F. Teiser Martin Kern Timothy Brook

VOLUME 25/1

This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Ancient and early medieval Chinese literature : a reference guide / edited by David R. Knechtges and Taiping Chang. p. cm. — (Handbook of Oriental studies. Section four, China, ISSN 0169-9520 ; v. 25 = Handbuch der orientalistik) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-90-04-19127-3 (v. 1 : hbk. : alk. paper) 1. Authors, Chinese—Biography— Dictionaries. 2. Authors, Chinese—Biography—Handbooks, manuals, etc. 3. Chinese literature—To 221 B.C.—Bio-bibliography—Dictionaries. 4. Chinese literature—Qin and Han dynasties, 221 B.C.–220 A.D.—Bio-bibliography—Dictionaries. 5. Chinese literature— 220–589—Bio-bibliography—Dictionaries. 6. Chinese literature—To 221 B.C.—History and criticism—Handbooks, manuals, etc. 7. Chinese literature—Qin and Han dynasties, 221 B.C.–220 A.D.—History and criticism—Handbooks, manuals, etc. 8. Chinese literature— 220–589—History and criticism—Handbooks, manuals, etc. I. Knechtges, David R. II. Chang, Taiping. PL2265.A63 2010 895.1’090003—dc22 [B] 2010029368

ISSN 0169-9520 ISBN 978-90-04-19127-3 Copyright 2010 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.

CONTENTS

Introduction .................................................................................................

vii

Entries ...........................................................................................................

1

List of Contributors .................................................................................... 779 Bibliography ................................................................................................. 781

INTRODUCTION

This book is intended as a guide to the study of ancient and early medieval Chinese literature. The period covered includes pre-Qin through the Sui dynasty. This work is the product of over forty years of my study of classical Chinese literature. During my career I have accumulated a large number of notes and bibliographies on various Chinese literary figures, genres, works, and the like. Much of this work has been provided to students of a history of Chinese literature that I have taught at the University of Washington since 1972. I also have given copies of these materials to colleagues and friends some of whom have urged me to publish them. This book is also the byproduct of another project in which I was involved for some years. In 1994, Dr. James Peck approached me about the possibility of compiling a handbook for classical Chinese literature. The entries were to be written by Chinese literature specialists in China. Taiping Chang and I were entrusted with overseeing the translation of these entries into English. The English version of the handbook was to be published by Yale University Press as part of their Culture and Civilization series. Through the largess of a generous grant from the Henry Luce Foundation, we made good progress on this project. However, in 2004, the focus of the Culture and Civilization project changed to focus on the arts, and it was no longer possible to include the handbook in this series. Shortly thereafter, Taiping Chang proposed to compile a reference guide based on my materials. She prepared a list of proposed entries, and we began to compose individual entries. We discovered in the process that there were gaps in our coverage. Taiping Chang and I along with several of our graduate students wrote the missing entries. We envision this book as an aide to scholars and students who wish to obtain information about ancient and medieval Chinese literature. We also hope that Chinese scholars and students will also find this work useful, for there is an increased need in this age of internationalization of scholarship for Chinese scholars to know what has been written about classical Chinese literature outside of China. This reference guide contains some 800 entries that provide important information about literary figures, genres, literary trends, dating, literary schools, and where pertinent, technical terms. The entries are based on a variety of sources. We have relied to a limited extent on the unpublished entries prepared for the original Companion volume, but the bulk of the entries have been written through consultation of primary Chinese

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sources and where available, authoritative modern scholarly studies in Chinese, Japanese, and Western languages. There are two entries that we have preserved from the unpublished Chinese project: the entry on the Han fu by the late Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 (1928–2005), the premier world authority of his generation on Han through Sui dynasty literature, and the entry on Tao Yuanming by Yuan Xingpei 袁行霈 of Peking University, who has written extensively on this important writer. We thought the inclusion of these two entries was important as a means of introducing the best of modern Chinese scholarship to a Western readership. We have attempted to emulate the format of the Brill biographical dictionaries compiled by Michael Loewe and Rafe de Crespigny. Many of the entries contain biographies of literary figures, some of whom are also treated in the Loewe and de Crespigny volumes. However, since our emphasis is on literature, we provide new information about literature that is often not included in the Loewe and de Crespigny works. Format The work is arranged in alaphetical order based on the Romanized form of a name, work title, literary genre, or literary period name. Examples: Guo Pu, Lunyu, qiyan poetry, Jian’an literature. For literary figures, we provide the following information in the heading: Surname and personal name, dates (if known), and zi (style or courtesy name). Within the entry itself, we give in the first sentence information about the person’s natal and/or ancestral place. We have attempted as much as possible to provide information about family background and the persons connection with other literary figures from that same family. We hope that this information will be useful to students of literary sociology. Although the entries provide detailed information about a person’s career, because the emphasis of this work is on literature, we have tended to focus more on events that pertain to literary matters. Nevertheless, many of the biographies, especially those from the period from the Wei to the Sui dynasties, can stand on their own as a supplement to the Loewe and deCrespigny dictionaries. We provide dates for all persons upon the first occurrence in each entry. We have heavily relied on the careful dating done by Cao Daoheng and

introduction

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Shen Yucheng in Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian and their Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao. For official titles, we have mostly used the equivalents given in Charles Hucker’s A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China. However, one of our innovations is “professor” for boshi 博士. We have also devised the rendering “Eastern Institute” for Dongguan 東觀. We have tried to be meticulous about identifying all place names upon first occurrence in an entry. We repeat this information for each occurrence in subsequent entries. Our primary sources for geographical information are the standard history dictionaries published by the Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe. Because this is a guide to literature, for some figures and works that are important for other than literary reasons (e.g., politics, thought, or religion), we have not provided full discussion or bibliography, but have tended to focus on literary matters. Thus, although we include entries for such works as Lun yu, Laozi, Han Feizi, or Shen Dao, we have not devoted as much detail to them as we have in most of the more “literary” entries. In the bibliographies we do not pretend to be exhaustive. They are basically what I have accumulated over a forty-year period. There are undoubtedly many omissions. Acknowledgments There are many persons who have contributed in various ways to the preparation of this reference guide. Our first tribute is to James Peck, who initiated the Culture and Civilization project of which the earlier version of the reference guide was to be a part. Without Jim’s vision, the reference guide would never have come to fruition. We also express gratitude to the Henry Luce Foundation for its generous support of the project for many years. We especially wish to single out Helena Kolenda, Program Director for Asia, for her strong interest in the project from the outset. We also extend our profound thanks to the Institute of East Asian Studies, Berkeley, and especially Linda Hsu, for overseeing the Luce Foundation grant for someone who was not a member of the Berkeley faculty. On the University of Washington campus we wish to pay tribute to the China Program and the various directors including David Bachman, Kent Guy, and Dong Yue, who have generously provided funds over the years to

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support the reference guide project and especially the work of Dr. Christopher Dakin, Dr. Wu Jie, and Shih Hsiang-lin. Mark Pitner also did an able job of proof-reading part of the reference guide during the summer of 2009. At Brill, words cannnot adequately convey our gratitude to Albert Hofstädt and Patricia Radder for their kindness, good humor, and efficient adminstration of the publication of these volumes. We also wish to acknowledge a generous subvention provided by the Henry Luce Foundation for the publication of this work. David R. Knechtges Bellevue, Washington

ENTRIES

“Anshi fangzhong ge” 安世房中歌 (Songs to pacify the world, for inside the palace) Early Han ritual songs. The “An shi fangzhong ge” are reputed to be the earliest ritual songs of the Former Han. According to the Han shu (22.1043), the music to these songs was composed by Lady Tangshan 唐山夫人, the wife of the Han founder Liu Bang 劉邦 (256–195 b.c.e.), around 206 b.c.e. Lady Tangshan composed these songs in the Chu mode in order to please the taste of Liu Bang, who had a fondness for the music of his home area. We do not know who composed the lyrics. As they are recorded in the Han shu, there are seventeen of these songs. However, some scholars have suggested that they may actually number sixteen. In 194 b.c.e., the head of the Music Bureau, Xiahou Kuan 夏侯寬, was ordered to arrange the songs to flute accompaniment. The name of the songs was then changed to “An shi yue” 安世樂 (Music to pacify the world). It is possible that the received texts of the songs are revisions, made possibly as late as the Emperor Wu period. Thirteen of the songs are in four-syllable lines. They are quite similar to Shi jing songs, especially those in the “Song” section. Three of the songs are in three-syllable line meter, and #6 is a mixture of seven and three-syllable lines. All of the songs are extremely short. The longest is ten lines. Most of the songs are eulogies to the accomplishments and virtues of the Han ruler, with a strong emphasis on filial piety. Bibliography Studies and Translations Chavannes, Edouard, trans. Les Mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts’ien, 3: 605–11. 6 vols. 1895–1905; rpt. Paris: Maisonneuve, 1969. Xu Renfu 徐仁甫. Gu shi bie jie 古詩別解. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1984. Huang Jihua 黃紀華. “Han ‘Fangzhong ciyue’ de shidai zuozhe bian” 漢房中祠樂 的時代作者辨. Xiangbei shifan xueyuan xuebao (1985: 3): 72–77; rpt. Zhongguo gudai jindai wenxue yanjiu 23 (1985): 77–82. Zheng Wen 鄭文. “Han ‘Anshi fangzhong ge’ shilun” 漢《安世房中歌》試論. Shehui kexue (Lanzhou) (1985: 2): 97–103.

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Huang Yanli 黃嫣梨. Handai funü wenxue wujia yanjiu 漢代婦女文學五家研究, 10–35. Kaifeng: Henan daxue chubanshe, 1993. Kern, Martin. “In Praise of Political Legitimacy: The Miao and Jiao Hymns of the Western Han.” Oriens Extremus 39.1 (1994): 29–67. Kern, Martin. Die Hymnen der chinesischen Staatsopfer: Literatur und Ritual in der politischen Repräsentation von der Han-Zeit bis zu den sechs Dynastien, 100–73. Stuttgart: Steiner, 1997. Zhang Qiang 張強. “‘Anshi fangzhong ge’ jiaohua sixiang kaolun”《安世房中歌》教 化思想考論. Jiangsu shehui kexue (2000: 4): 132–38. Wang Qicai 王啟才. “Cong ‘Anshi fangzhong ge’ kan Hanchu ruxue de fazhan” 從《安世房中歌》看漢初儒學的發展. Fuyang shifan xueyuan (Sheke ban) (2000: 1): 29–31. Ye Wenju 葉文舉, “Xi Han ‘Anshi fangzhong ge’ yu ‘Jiaosi ge’ zhi bijiao yanjiu” 西漢《安世房中歌》與《郊祀歌》之比較研究. Anhui shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 34.5 (2006): 517–22. Chen Kaimei 陳開梅. “Han diwang de jiaomiao jige: ‘Anshi fangzhong ge’ he ‘jiaosi ge’ 漢帝王的郊廟祭歌:《安世房中歌》和《郊祀歌》. Xian Tang songti yanjiu 先唐 頌體研究, 126–52. Guangzhou: Zhongshan daxue chubanshe, 2007. Li Jianting 李建婷. “Han ‘Anshi fangzhong ge’ rujia sixiang” 漢《安世房中歌》儒 家思想. Huanghe kexue daxue xuebao 9.6 (2007): 53–55. Wang Fuli 王福利. Jiaomiao yanshe geci yanjiu 郊廟燕射歌辭研究, 102–65. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2009. DRK

Ban Biao 班彪 (3–54), zi Shupi 叔皮 Eastern Han writer and historian. Ban Biao’s natal place was Anling 安陵 in Fufeng 扶風 commandery (northwest of modern Xianyang 咸陽, Shaanxi) which was located in the northwestern suburbs of Chang’an. Little is known about his early life. He presumably was able to take advantage of the resources of his large family library to obtain a deep knowledge of the Classics and other texts. In early 23, discontent with Wang Mang was such that Liu Xuan 劉玄 (d. 25) declared himself emperor in the area of modern Hubei and established a new reign period, the Gengshi 更始 (New beginning). In October of the same year, Liu Xuan’s troops invaded Chang’an and killed Wang Mang. In March of 24, Liu Xuan took up residence in Chang’an. However, in the summer of 25, a rebel group known as the Red Eyebrows (Chi mei 赤眉) captured Chang’an and forced Liu Xuan’s surrender. The entire Chang’an area was in turmoil, and Ban Biao, who was living in Chang’an at the time, fled the rebel invasion to join the staff of Wei Ao 隗囂 (d. 33), a military leader who had established an independent regime at Tianshui 天水 (in modern southeastern Gansu). Wei Ao attracted a number of distinguished scholars and literary men to his court.

ban biao 班彪 (3–54), zi shupi 叔皮

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On the way to Tianshui, Ban Biao stopped at Anding 安定 (north of modern Guyuan 固原, Gansu), about 350 li northwest of Chang’an. Here he composed “Bei zheng fu” 北征賦 (Fu on the northern journey). Ban Biao remained in Wei Ao’s service about four years. After failing to convince Wei that the house of Liu should be restored to the imperial throne, he wrote “Wang ming lun” 王命論 (Disquisition on the mandate of kings), an essay that attempts to justify the legitimacy of the Liu ruling house. By this time Liu Xiu 劉秀 (6–57), who claimed descent from the founder of the Former Han, had taken the throne. This was Emperor Guangwu 光武 (r. 25–57). Although Ban Biao recognized Liu Xiu as the legitimate ruler, he did not join the imperial court in Luoyang immediately, but assumed a post on the staff of Dou Rong 竇融 (16 b.c.e.–62 c.e.), a regional leader who held sway in western Gansu but was assigned in 37 as governor of Jizhou 冀州 (administrative seat Gaoyi 高邑, southeast of modern Gaoyi, Hebei). Dou Rong came from a family that had been quite distinguished in the Former Han. Around 36, Ban Biao accompanied Dou Rong to the imperial capital of Luoyang, and Emperor Guangwu, who was impressed with the petitions Ban had composed on behalf of Dou, named him an “abundant talent” and appointed him magistrate of Xu 徐 (modern Xuzhou, Jiangsu). However, he did not stay in this position long and soon resigned on grounds of illness. Ban Biao then turned his attention to scholarship, especially history. Dissatisfied with other scholars’ efforts to write a sequel to Sima Qian’s Shi ji, he wrote “several tens of fascicles” of a history that served as a basis for his son Ban Gu’s Han shu. Between 47 and 51 he served on the staff of minister of education, Su Kuang 玊況 (d. 51). Ban Biao died in 54 while serving as chief of Wangdu 望都 (west of modern Wangdu, Hebei). Ban Biao's biography in the Hou Han shu says that he wrote nine pieces in the following genres: fu, expository essay, letter, note, and petition. The monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu records a Ban Biao ji 班彪集 (Collected Works of Ban Biao) in two juan, but this is no longer extant. (A Liang dynasty catalogue noted a collection in five juan that was lost by the early Tang.) Ban Biao’s surviving works include “Bei zheng fu” 北征賦 (Fu on the Northern Journey), “Lan hai fu” 覽海賦 (Fu on Viewing the Sea), and “Jizhou fu” 冀州賦” (Fu on Jizhou), alternative title “You ju fu” 遊居賦 (Fu on a nomadic sojourn). He probaly composed it ca. 37 when he was serving under Dou Rong in Jizhou. Ban Biao’s only complete extant fu is “Bei zheng fu” in which he recounts his travels from Chang’an through the eastern Gansu area. This piece and the “Wang ming lun” are both preserved in the Wen xuan.

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ban biao 班彪 (3–54), zi shupi 叔皮 Bibliography Studies

Lo Tchen-ying. Les Formes et les methodes historiques en Chine. Une famille d’historiens et son oeuvre. Paris: P. Geuthner, 1931. Lu Kanru 陸侃如. “Ban Biao sheng yu Guangping shuo” 班彪生於廣平說. Zhongyang ribao 36 (1947); rpt. in Lu Kanru. Lu Kanru gudian wenxue lunwen ji 陸侃 如古典文學論文集, 527–28. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987. Van der Sprenkel, Otto B. Pan Piao, Pan Ku, and the Han History. Occasional Paper no. 3, The Australian National University, Centre of Oriental Studies. Canberra: The Australian National University, 1964. Hentona Tomokuni 邊土名朝邦. “Han Byō—sono hito to narito shosei shisō” 班 彪—その人となりと处世思想. Tōhōgaku 68 (1984): 31–45. Du Chenghui 杜呈輝. “Banshi yu Jinbei gudai de wenhua fazhan” 班氏與晉北古代 的文化發展. Yanbei shiyuan xuebao 24 (1994): 27–31. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 4–5. Fu Shiping 富世平. “Lun Ban Biao de fu” 論班彪的賦. Hua Xia wenhua (2001: 4): 22–24. Li Hu 李虎. “Ban Biao shu ping” 班彪述評. Xianyang shifan xueyuan xuebao 17.5 (2002): 10–12. Chen Qitai 陳其泰 and Zhao Yongchun 趙永春. Ban Gu pingzhuan 班固評傳, 50–64. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2002. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. “Ban Biao yu Liang Han zhi ji de Hexi wenhua” 班彪與兩漢之 際的河西文化. Qi Lu xuekan 172.1 (2003): 121–27; rpt. in Liu Yuejin. Qin Han wenxue luncong, 86–104. Meng Xiangcai 孟祥才. “Lun Ban Biao” 論班彪. Dongyue luncong 27.1 (2006): 135–39. Cui Mingde 崔明德. “Ban Biao zusun sandai de minzu guanxi sixiang” 班彪祖孫 三代的民族關係思想. Yantai daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) 20.1 (2007): 73–84. de Crespigny. Biographical Dictionary, 3–4. Clark, Anthony. Ban Gu’s History of Early China. Amherst, New York: Cambria Press, 2008. Knechtges, David R. In The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 119–21.

Works a. “Bei zheng fu” 北征賦 (Fu on the northern journey) Translations and Studies von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 131–33. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 2: 164–79. Zhang Yiqian 張宜遷. “‘Sui chu fu’ yu liang Han zhi ji fuxue liubian”《遂初賦》與 兩漢之際賦學流變. Fuyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (She ke ban) (2000: 2): 15–18, 33.

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Jiang Wenyan 蔣文燕. “Shukuo beiliang cangmang junyong—du Liu Xin ‘Sui chu fu’ he Ban Biao ‘Beizheng fu’ 疏括悲涼蒼茫隽永—讀劉歆《遂初賦》和班彪《北 征賦》. Mingzuo xinshang (2004: 6): 62–64. Li Longqiu 栗壟秋. “You Ban Biao ‘Bei zheng fu’ kan Zhaoming Wen xuan zhong jixing fu de shuqing fangshi” 由班彪《北征賦》看《昭明文選》中紀行賦的抒情 方式. Liuzhou shizhuan xuebao 20.3 (2005): 12–14. Wang Zheng 王征. “Ban Biao ‘Bei zheng fu’ tan xi” 班彪《北征賦》探析. Shandong shifan daxue xuebao (2007: 3): 42–44. Suzuki Takayoshi 鈴木崇義. “Han Byō ‘Hokusei fu’ shōkō 班彪「北征賦」小考. Kokugakuin daigaku daigakuin kiyō 39 (2007): 281–301.

b. “Jizhou fu” 冀州賦 (Fu on Jizhou) Study Wang Zijin 王子今. “Quan Han fu Ban Biao ‘Jizhou fu’ timing xianyi”《全漢賦》班 彪《冀州賦》題名獻疑. Wenxue yichan (2008: 6): 94.

c. “Lan hai fu” 覽海賦 (Fu on viewing the sea) Studies Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “Han Wei Liuchao shiqi de hai fu” 漢魏六朝時期的海賦. Liaocheng shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2000: 2): 84–89. Zhao Kuifu 趙逵夫. “Ban Biao ‘Lan hai fu’ 班彪《覽海賦》. Wenxue yichan (2002: 2): 54. Zhang Cangshou 章滄授. “Lan hai xian you gan wu rensheng—Ban Biao ‘Lan hai fu’ shangxi” 覽海仙游感悟人生—班彪《覽海賦》賞析. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2003: 1): 9–12. Li Xuelian 李雪蓮. “Guan hai qi liang li shi gao you—Ban Biao ‘Lan hai fu’ lun” 觀海齊量離世高游—班彪《覽海賦》論. Anhui wenxue (2009: 1): 21–22.

d. “Qian shi lue lun” 前史略論 (Brief remarks on the former history) Shi Ding 施丁. “Ping Ban Biao de ‘Qian shi lue lun’” 評班彪的《前史略論》. Shixue yanjiu 124.4 (2006): 21–26. Clark, Ban Gu’s History of Early China, 199–201.

e. “Wang ming lun” 王命論 (Disquisition on the mandate of kings) Translations “Discours sur le mandate divin des monarques.” Lectures Chinoises 1 (1945): 18–27. Watson, Burton. Sources of Chinese Tradition, Volume One, ed. Wm. Theodore de Bary et al., 192–96. New York: Columbia University Press, 1960. DRK

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ban gu 班固 (32–92), zi mengjian 孟堅

Ban Gu 班固 (32–92), zi Mengjian 孟堅 Eastern Han writer and historian. Ban Gu’s natal place was Anling 安陵 in Fufeng 扶風 (northeast of modern Xianyang 咸陽, Shaanxi). He was the son of Ban Biao 班彪 (3–54). His twin brother Ban Chao 班超 (32–102) was a famous military man and explorer, and his younger sister Ban Zhao 班昭 (ca. 49–ca. 120) was one of the most distinguished female scholars in Chinese history. According to his biography in the Hou Han shu (40A.1330), already at the age of nine Ban Gu “was able to compose essays and chant the Classic of Songs and fu.” He was an avid reader, and as he grew older, he was thoroughly conversant with the major schools of learning. In 54, when Ban Gu was twenty-two, his father died. He returned to the family home in Anling northwest of Chang’an. Greatly saddened by his father’s death, Ban spent a period of contemplation and introspection, pondering what direction he should follow in his life. Ban then wrote a long poem titled “You tong fu” 幽通賦. (Fu on communicating with the hidden) in which he examines how the unseen world, the realm of what he calls the “hidden men” influences human life. At the end of the poem he quotes Confucius and Mencius to support his belief that the moral man must keep himself intact (bao shen 保身), adopt what is right (qu yi 取誼), and above all, not die an early death from grief and excessive self-pity. After his father’s death, Ban Gu remained at home in Anling engaging in scholarship. In 58, he presented a petition to Emperor Ming’s brother, Liu Cang 劉蒼 (d. 83), Prince of Dongping 東平, who had issued a summons to recruit worthy men to his service. Ban Gu recommended six men and hinted that he himself was also worthy of selection. Although Liu Cang was impressed with Ban Gu’s petition, he did not offer him a position. Before his death, Ban Biao had begun work on a supplement to Sima Qian’s Shi ji. Ban Gu took up the task of completing his father’s work. In 62 someone learned of his project and accused him before Emperor Ming (r. 58–75) of privately revising the national history. The emperor ordered Ban Gu arrested and had his family library confiscated. His brother Ban Chao interceded on his behalf, and the Emperor ordered Ban Gu released. In the same year he was assigned to the Magnolia Terrace as a foreman clerk (ling shi 令史), in which capacity he worked on compiling the annals of the first Later Han emperor, Guangwu 光武 (r. 25–57), along with biographies of important figures of that era. In 64, Ban was promoted to the post of gentleman and put in charge of collating books in the imperial collection. The emperor was so impressed with the quality of Ban Gu’s scholarship, in 66

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he granted him permission to resume compilation of his Former Han history, on which he worked for over twenty-five years until his death in 92. During Emperor Ming’s reign, in addition to compiling his history, Ban Gu continued to write fu. It was probably during this period that he wrote his longest and most famous fu, “Liang du fu” 兩都賦” (Fu on the Two Capitals), which is the first piece in the Wen xuan The text, minus the preface, also is in Ban Gu’s Hou Han shu biography. The two capitals of the title are the Han metropolises of Chang’an and Luoyang. Chang’an, the Western Capital, was the capital of the Former Han. After the fall of Wang Mang in 23, it briefly served as the capital of the Gengshi 更始 Emperor (r. 23–25) until he was overthrown by the Red Eyebrows rebels in the summer of c.e. 25. The rebels burned the palaces, chambers, markets, and wards with the result that Chang’an became a virtual ruin. Luoyang, the Eastern Capital, was the capital established by Emperor Guangwu 光武 (r. 25–57), the founding emperor of the Later Han, who undertook a major reconstruction of the Southern Palace. Guangwu’s successor, Emperor Ming, continued expanding the palace complex, and between 60 and 65, the Northern Palace was reconstructed. It was probably during this period that Ban Gu composed “Fu on the Two Capitals.” Ban Gu considered his fu important enough to write a preface in which he presents his views on the history of the fu and what he considered its proper function to be. In the first line of the preface, Ban asserts that the fu was a genre or “outflow” (liu 流) of the Shi or Classic of Songs. Ban Gu probably derives his definition of the fu from the Classic of Songs exegetical tradition in which fu designates a technique of recitation or composition involving direct display or exposition. Thus, Ban Gu has extended this sense of fu to signify a putative genre of the Shi. It is quite probable that by Ban Gu’s time there was no clear distinction between fu as a poetic principle and as a literary form, and in fact the features of the fu form itself very likely led Han exegetes to define fu of the poetic principles as direct exposition. Ban Gu does not, however, stress fu in the sense of exposition, but rather links it with one of the true genres of the Shi, the “Song” 頌 or “Eulogia.” In one section of the preface, Ban gives a brief history of the genre, and in his account he stresses that during the Former Han, when the fu began to flourish, it was primarily a court-centered activity, particularly during the reign of Emperor Wu, who appointed officials to office for their writing skills. Although Ban Gu acknowledges that the fu had two functions, one eulogistic, and the other monitory, he strongly emphasizes that the primary function of the form was to praise the grand accomplishments of the ruler. Thus, his fu is a poem in praise of the newly founded Eastern Han dynasty.

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In 74, Ban Gu wrote an essay titled “Dian yin” 典引 (Elaboration on the canon), in which he praises the Later Han imperial house as the legitimate successor to the sage ruler Yao. For example, in the preface to this work he says: “For the longest time have I received instruction at the National university, and deeply have I partaken of imperial favor. Truly I hope to give all my heart and strength to repay what I have received though it be boundless as vast Heaven.” He then goes on to say: “I have dared to compose ‘Elaboration on the Canon.’ Although not even one part in ten thousand sufficiently expresses the gentle harmony and brilliant splendor of our age, it still may serve to incite the resentful, awaken youthful folly, and brightly praise the great Han so that its fame outreaches that of eras past. Then, when I enter the boiling chasm, I shall die content that my work shall never perish.” Although Ban Gu was much admired as a writer and scholar, he held the relatively low position of gentleman, and other than writing poems at imperial command, he was principally employed as a collator of texts in the imperial library. Sensitive to criticism that his learning and literary skills won him no “merit,” in 77 Ban Gu composed “Da bin xi” 答賓戲 (Replying to a guest’s jest), which is similar to Yang Xiong’s “Justification against Ridicule.” However, unlike Yang Xiong’s work, Ban Gu’s piece is not an attack on the court of his times, but like his other works, actually praises the Han imperial rule. During the reign of Emperor Zhang (r. 75–88), who was an ardent devotee of literature, Ban Gu obtained special favor primarily because of his skill as a writer. “Whenever the emperor traveled on an inspection tour, Gu presented him with fu and song.” Excerpts from two eulogies Ban Gu wrote for imperial inspection tours to the south and east have been preserved. In 84, Ban Gu wrote “Nan xun song” 南巡頌 (Eulogy on the southern inspection tour) for an imperial tour of the southern capital of Nanyang, which was the home of Emperor Guangwu. In 85, he composed “Dong xun song” 東巡頌 (Eulogy on the eastern inspection tour) to commemorate Emperor Zhang’s visit to Mount Tai and other places in Shandong. Also composing eulogies for these occasions were Fu Yi 傅毅 (ca. 47–92) and Cui Yin 崔駰 (30?–92). During the reign of Emperor Zhang, Ban Gu was promoted (78) to marshal of the Black Warrior Gate, a position with more prestige and a higher salary (1,000 bushels). In 79, he was given the task of editing the proceedings of an important scholarly conference on the classics held in the White Tiger Hall. He is attributed with authoring a summary of the discussions titled Bo hu tong 白虎通 (Comprehensive account of the White Tiger Hall discussion), which is also sometimes referred to as Bo hu tong yi 白虎通義

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(Comprehensive meaning of the White Tiger Hall discussions) or Bo hu tong de lun 白虎通德論 (Comprehensive account of the White Tiger Hall discussions plus a disquisition on virtue?). However, some scholars have questioned the attribution of this work to Ban Gu. After his mother died in 88, Ban Gu resigned his position, but returned to government service the following year as an aide to Dou Xian 竇憲 (d. 92), who was an elder brother of Emperor Zhang’s empress. Dou Xian was also the great-grandson of Dou Rong whom Ban Gu’s father Ban Biao had served before he went to the imperial court at the beginning of the Eastern Han. Thus, the Dou and Ban families had close connections. In 89, Dou Xian led an army of 30,000 men on an expedition against the Northern Xiongnu in modern Mongolia. Ban Gu accompanied Dou Xian on this campaign. Dou Xian’s army defeated the Xiongnu at the Jiluo 稽落 Mountains (northwest of Dalandzadgad). 20,000 Xiongnu reputedly surrendered to the Han army. To commemorate the victory, Dou Xian had a stele carved at the Yanran 燕然 Mountains (the modern Hangai in Mongolia). Ban Gu wrote the text of the inscription titled “Feng Yanran shan ming” 封燕然山銘 (Inscription for the ceremonial mounding at the Yanran Mountains). Although Dou Xian received much honor and acclaim for his successful Xiongnu expedition, in 92, Emperor He (r. 89–105), suspecting him of plotting a revolt against the throne, had him arrested and sent to his estate, where he was forced to commit suicide. As a member of Dou Xian’s entourage, Ban Gu was dismissed from office. The magistrate of Luoyang, who had harbored a grudge against Ban Gu, ordered his arrest. Ban Gu died in his sixty-first year in the capital prison. Ban Gu’s biography in the Hou Han shu says that he composed fortyone literary pieces including “Dian yin,” “[Da] bin xi,” “Ying ji” “應譏, and writings in the genres of fu, inscription, poem, eulogy, letter, wen 文 (essay?), note, disquisition, opinion, and liuyan 六言 (hexameter verse?). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu listed Ban Gu’s collected works in seventeen juan, while the two Tang histories record it in ten juan. The collection was lost in the Song. Later collections are reconstructions. Ban Gu was a major fu writer of the Han. His magnum opus was the “Liang du fu” mentioned above. His only other complete fu compositions are “You tong fu” and “Da bin xi.” Although the latter piece is not titled fu, it is often included among Ban Gu’s fu writings. The other extant fu compositions are fragments. They include two pieces on fans, “Zhu shan fu” 竹扇賦 (Fu on a bamboo fan) and “Bai qi shan fu” 白綺扇賦 (Fu on a white silk fan). The latter piece contains only two lines. However, these are the earliest known fu on fans. The longest fragment is “Zhongnan shan

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fu” 終南山賦 (Fu on Zhongnan Mountain). This piece, which describes the Zhongnan peak located south of Chang’an, is one of the earliest extant poems on a mountain. Ban Gu is also attributed with a number of song 頌 (eulogies) and ming 銘 (inscriptions). These include two eulogies for imperial progresses, the “Dong xun song” 東巡頌 (Eulogy on the eastern progress) written in 85 to celebrate the imperial visit to Mount Tai, and the “Nan xun song” 南巡頌 (Eulogy on the southern progress) possibly composed in 87 in honor of Emperor Zhang’s tour of an unspecified area in the south, perhaps the natal place of the Eastern Han founder Emperor Guangwu. Both of these pieces are fragments. The Guwen yuan includes under Ban Gu’s name what appears to be complete text of a eulogy written in praise of Dou Xian’s expedition undertaken in 89 against the Xiongnu. The piece has a close resemblance to the fu. The Guwen yuan also attributes to Ban Gu a stele inscription written for the precint station on the Si 泗 River where the Former Han founding ruler Liu Bang 劉邦 (256–195 b.c.e.) had served. It also includes a long set of inscriptions in praise of the eighteen marquises Liu Bang enfeoffed when he founded the Han dynasty. Ban Gu is attributed with a pentasyllabic poem titled “Yong shi” 詠史. If genuine, this poem would be the earliest pentasyllabic poem on a historical theme. The earliest text is in Li Shan’s Wen xuan commentary (36.11a). It also is cited in the Shi ji commentary of Sima Zhen 司馬貞 (8th century). Zhong Rong also mentions it in his preface to the Shi pin, where he says that Ban Gu’s “Yong shi” was the only five-syllable line poem written during the 200-year span of the Later Han dynasty. However, some recent scholars have questioned the attribution to Ban Gu. Ban Gu’s most famous work is the Han shu (q.v.). Bibliography Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Ban Lantai ji 班蘭臺集. 4 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, v. 1583. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Ban Lantai ji 班蘭臺集. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Bai Jingsheng 白靜生, ed. and comm. Ban Lantai ji jiaozhu 班蘭臺集校注. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1991. Tu Yuanheng 涂元恆, ed. Han fu mingjia xuanxji: Ban Gu Zhang Heng 漢賦名家 選集: 班固、張衡. Taipei: Han Xiang wenhua, 2001.

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General Studies Lo Tchen-ying. Les Formes et les methodes historiques en Chine. Une famille d’historiens et son oeuvre. Paris: P. Geuthner, 1931. Zheng Hesheng 鄭鶴生. Ban Gu nianpu 班固年譜. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1931. Hughes, Ernest R. Two Chinese Poets. Vignettes of Han Life and Thought. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960. Van der Sprenkel, Otto B. Pan Piao, Pan Ku, and the Han History. Occasional Paper no. 3, The Australian National University, Centre of Oriental Studies. Canberra: The Australian National University, 1964. Okamura Shigeru 岡村繁. “Han Ko to Chō Kō—sono sōzō taido no ishitsusei” 班 固と張衡—その創造態度の異質性. Obi hakashi taikyū kinen Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 小尾博士退休紀念中國文學論集, 137–59. Hiroshima: Daiichi gakushusha, 1976. An Zuozhang 安作璋. Ban Gu yu Han shu 班固與漢書. Ji’nan: Shandong renmin chubanshe, 1979; rpt. Taipei: Xuehai chubanshe, 1991. Fujiwara Takashi 藤原尚. “Han Ko no fu kan” 班固の賦觀. Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu kiyō (1981: 1): 182–202. Guo Yuheng 郭豫衡. “Ban Gu de sixiang he wenfeng” 班固的思想和文風. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1983: 1): 258–66. Jiang Fan 蔣凡. “Ban Gu de wenxue sixiang” 班固的文學思想. Fudan xuebao (1985: 2): 68–76. Rpt. Zhongguo gudai jindai wenxue yanjiu (1985: 9): 67–75. Feng Yixia 馮一下. “Ban Gu shengnian xianyi” 班固生年獻疑. Shixue shi yanjiu (1986: 2): 79. Gong Kechang, “Ban Gu fu lun.” In Han fu yanjiu, 120–44. Sun Tingyu 孫亭玉. “Lun Ban Gu cifu guan” 論班固辭賦觀. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (1988: 4): 34–37, 63. Gong Kechang, “The Fu of Ban Gu.” In Studies on the Han Fu, 227–66. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. “Ban Gu qie fu shu” 班固竊父書. Shixue shi yanjiu (1993: 2): 1–2, 14. Chen Qitai 陳其泰. Zai jian feng bei: Ban Gu yu Han shu 再建豐碑: 班固與漢書. Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1994. An Zuozhang 安作璋. Ban Gu pingzhuan: Yi dai liang shi 班固評傳: 一代良史. Nanjing: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Shen Yucheng 沈玉成. Zhongguo wenxue jia da cidian: Xian Qin Han Wei Nanbeichao juan, 320–21. Meng Xiangcai 孟祥才. “Lun Ban Gu zhi si” 論班固之死. Shandong daxue xuebao (Zhe she ban) (1998: 2): 1–6. Cao Jinhua 曹金華. “Cong Ma Dou zhi zheng kan Ban Gu deng ‘fan qian du’ lunzhan de shizhi” 從馬竇之爭看班固等 “反遷都” 論戰的實質. Yangzhou daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (1998: 2): 63–66. Huang Jili 黃繼立. “Ban Gu fu lun yanjiu” 班固賦論研究. Yunhan xuekan 7 (2000): 35–56. Fang Shi 方是. “Ban Gu shengzu nian wenti” 班固生卒年問題. Shixue yanjiu (2000: 1): 79–80. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 5–6. Chen Qitai 陳其泰 and Zhao Yongchun 趙永春. Ban Gu pingzhuan 班固評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2002.

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Zongfan 踪凡. “Ban Gu Han fu yanjiu ping xi” 班固漢賦研究評析. Han fu yanjiu shi lüe 漢賦研究史略, 134–52. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2007. Xu Zongwen 徐宗文. “Lun Banshi fuzuo de lishi chengjiu ji tese” 論班氏賦作的歷 史成就及特色. Zhongguo fuxue 1 (2007): 126–53. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 6–7. Clark, Anthony. Ban Gu’s History of Early China. Amherst, New York: Cambria Press, 2008. Sun Tingyu 孫亭玉. “Lun Ban Gu de ming” 論班固的銘. Wenxue yichan (2008: 4): 120–23. Chen Jun 陳君. “Cong Lantai wenren dao ‘Xian fu wenzhang’—Ban Gu de huanhai fuchen yu wenxue huodong” 從蘭臺文人到 “憲府文章”—班固的宦海浮沉與文學 活動. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2008: 3): 73–80. Chen Jun 陳君. “Lun Handai Lantai wenren ji qi wenxue huodong” 論漢代蘭臺文 人及其文學活動. Wenxue yichan (2008: 4): 32–39. Knechtges, David R. In The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 121–28.

Major Works a. “Youtong fu” 幽通賦 (Fu on communicating with the hidden) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 211–16. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 83–104.

Studies Fujiwara Takashi 藤原尚. “Yūtō no fu no seimei ni tsuite” 幽通賦の性命について. Hiroshima joshi daigaku bungakubu kiyō 14 (1979): 83–93. Sun Tingyu 孫亭玉. “Lun ‘You tong fu’ yu ‘Da bin xi’ ” 論《幽通賦》與《答賓戲》. Changsha dianli xueyuan shehui kexue xuebao (1997: 4): 83–85, 100. Zhang Hongjie 張鴻杰. “Ban Gu yu Anling—‘Youtong fu’ jiexie” 班固與安陵—《幽 通賦》解析. Xianyang shifan xueyuan xuebao 22.3 (2007): 39–41.

b. “Liang du fu” 兩都賦 (Fu on the two capitals) Translations Margouliès, Le “Fou” dans le Wen-siuan, 31–74. Hughes, Ernest R. Two Chinese Poets. Vignettes of Han Life and Thought. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume One, 93–180.

Studies Ho, Kenneth P. H 何沛雄. “Ban Gu ‘Xidu fu’ yu Handai Chang’an” 班固西都賦與 漢代長安. Dalu zazhi 34.7 (1967): 11–19.

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Knechtges, David R. “To Praise the Han: The Eastern Capital Fu of Pan Ku and His Contemporaries.” In W.L. Idema and E. Zürcher, eds. Thought and Law in Qin and Han China. Studies dedicated to Anthony Hulsewé on the occasion of his eightieth birthday, 118–39. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1990. Ho, Kenneth P.H. 何沛雄. “‘Liang du fu’ he ‘Erjing fu’ de lishi jiazhi”《兩都賦》和 《二京賦》的歷史價值. Wen shi zhe (1990: 5): 15–20. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Lüelun ‘Liang du fu’ he ‘Er jing fu’ 略論《兩都賦》和《二 京賦》. Wenxue pinglun (1992: 3): 70–77; rpt. Cao Daoheng. Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji xubian 中古文學史論文集續編, 13–27. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1994. Sun Tingyu 孫亭玉. “Ban Gu ‘Liang du fu’ zhuzhi kaobian” 班固《兩都賦》主旨考 辨. Qiusuo (1998: 2): 111–13. Chu Hsiao-hai 朱曉海. “‘Liang du’ ‘Erjing’ yishu bu”《兩都》、《二京》義疏補. Zhongguo wen zhe yanjiu jikan 13 (1999): 193–256; rpt. Chu Hsiao-hai, Xi fu zhuilun ji, 133–218. Zhang Junfang 張軍芳. “Ban Gu de wenxue guannian yu ‘Liang du fu’ chuangzuo” 班固的文學觀念與《兩都賦》創作. Shandong jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (1999: 1): 80–82. Liu Pei 劉培. “Dong Han lun du fu neiyun de yanbian” 東漢論都賦內蘊的演變. Dongyue luncong 22.2 (2001): 130–33. Zhao Kuifu 趙逵夫. “‘Liang du fu’ de chuangzuo beijing tizhi ji yingxiang”《兩都 賦》的創作背景、體制及影響. Wenxue pinglun (2003: 1): 71–79. Xu Haowen 徐好文. “Cong Ban Gu de ‘Liang du fu’ kan Han dafu de tizhi” 從班 固的《兩都賦》漢大賦的體制. Gansu lianhe daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 21.4 (2005): 35–38. Chang Sen 常森. “Liang du fu’ xinlun”《兩都賦》新論. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 44.1 (2007): 68–80. Wang Dehua 王德華. “Dong Han qianqi jingdu fu chuangzuo shijian ji zhengzhi beijing kaolun” 東漢前期京都賦創作時間及政治背景考論. Wenxue pinglun (2008: 2): 17–24.

c. Bohu tong 白虎通 (Comprehensive discussion in the White Tiger Hall) Editions Bo hu tong de lun 白虎通德論. 2 juan. Gujin yishi (1571–1576). Bo hu tong de lun 白虎通德論. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu (1592). Bo hu tong de lun 白虎通德論. 4 juan. Zeng ding Han Wei congshu (1791–1792). Bo hu tong de lun 白虎通德論. 10 juan. Sibu congkan. Claims to be based on a Song edition. Bo hu tong de lun 白虎通德論. 10 juan. Sui an Xu shi congshu xu bian. Lu Wenchao 盧文弨 (1717–1796) and Zhuang Shuzu 莊述祖 (1751–1816). Bo hu tong 白虎通. 4 juan. Bao jing tang congshu 抱經堂叢書. Chen Li 陳立 (1809–1869). Bo hu tong shuzheng 白虎通疏證. 12 juan. Preface dated 1832. Rpt. with punctuation by Wu Zeyu 吳則虞. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1994. Liu Shipei 劉師培 (1884–1919). “Bo hu tong de lun bushi” 白虎通德論補釋. Guocui xuebao 72–74 (1910); rpt. Liu Shenshu xiansheng yishu 劉申叔先生遺書, 2: 1341–50. Taipei: Taiwan daxin shuju, 1965.

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Liu Shipei 劉師培. “Bo hu tong de lun jiaobu” 白虎通德論斠補. Rpt. Liu Shenshu xiansheng yishu, 2: 1261–1305.

Concordances and Indexes Bo hu tong yinde 白虎通引得. Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Eries No. 2. 1931; rpt. Taipei: Chinese Materials and Research Aids Center, 1966. Itō Tomoatsu 伊藤倫厚 et al., ed. Byakkotsū sakuin 白虎通索引. Tokyo: Tōhō shoten, 1979. Bo hu tong zhuzi suoyin 白虎通逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1995.

Translation Som, Tjan Tjoe (1903–1969). Po hu t’ung, the Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall. 2 vols. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1949.

Studies Hung, William 洪業. Prolegomena to Bo hu tong yinde 白虎通引得. HarvardYenching Institute Sinological Index Eries No. 2. 1931; rpt. Taipei: Chinese Materials and Research Aids Center, 1966. Jin Dejian 金德建. “Bai hu guan yu yi zhuru xuepai kao” 白虎觀與議諸儒學派考. Zhiyan banyuekan 59 (1939); rpt. in Jin Dejian. Guji congkao 古籍叢考, 139–56. Kunming: Zhonghua shuju, 1941. Jin Dejian 金德建. “Bo hu tong yi yu Wang Chong Lunheng zhi guanxi”《白虎通 義》與王充《論衡》之關係. In Jin Dejian. Guji congkao 古籍叢考, 157–66. Kunming: Zhonghua shuju, 1941. Hentona Tomokuni 邊土名朝邦. “Byakko tsūgi kenkyū josetsu—aratana shiza o motometa”『白虎通義』研究序說—新たな視座をもてめた. Chūgoku tetsugaku kenkyū ronshū: Araki kyōju taikyū kinen 中國哲學研究論叢: 荒木教授退休記念, 203–24. Fukuoka-shi: Ashi shobō, 1981. Lin Lixue 林麗雪. “Bo hu tong yu chenwei”《白虎通》與讖緯. Kong Meng yuekan 255 (1983): 21–26. Yu Dunkang 余敦康. “Liang Han shiqi de jingxue he Bai hu guan huiyi” 兩漢時期 的經學和白虎觀會議. Zhongguo zhexue 12 (1984): 87–105. Lin Lixue 林麗雪. “Youguan Bo hu tong de zhulu ji jiaokan zhu wenti” 有關《白虎 通》的著錄及校勘諸問題. Kong Meng yuekan 292.4 (1986): 33–35. Yasui Kōzan 安居香山. “Bai hu guan huiyi he chenwei shu sixiang” 白虎觀會議和 讖緯書思想. In Xin Guanjie 辛冠潔. Riben xuezhe lun Zhongguo zhexue shi 日本 學者論中國哲學史, 233–39. Banqiao: Luotuo chubanshe, 1987. Kageyama Terukuni 影山輝國. “Byakkotsū senja shomei kō”「白虎通義」撰者書 名攷. Jissen kokubungaku 37 (1990): 36–50; 39 (1991): 83–91; 41 (1992). Li Shuyou 李書有. “Wei shu he Bo hu tong zhong de lunli sixiang” 緯書和《白虎 通》中的倫理思想. In Li Shuyou. Zhongguo rujia sixiang fazhan shi 中國儒家思 想發展史, 177–89. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1992. Loewe, Michael. “Pai hu t’ung 白虎通. In Michael Loewe, ed. Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, 347–56. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of

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Early China and The Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1993. Zhou Deliang 周德良. “Bo hu tong chenwei sixiang zhi lishi yanjiu”《白虎通》讖 緯思想之歷史研究. M.A. Thesis, Danjiang daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo, 1997. Zhou Deliang 周德良. “Huanrao Bo hu tong wenben zhi zhu wenti” 環繞《白虎 通》文本之諸問題. Kong Meng xuebao 81 (2003): 243–75. Zhou Deliang 周德良. Bo hu tong ji Han li yanjiu 白虎通暨漢禮研究. Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 2007. Xiang Jinwei 向晉衛. Bo hu tong yi: sixiang de lishi yanjiu 白虎通義: 思想的歷史研 究. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2007.

d. “Da bin xi” 答賓戲 (Replying to a guest’s jests) Studies Declerq, Dominik. Writing Against the State Political Rhetorics in Third and Fourth Century China, 63–64, 81–82. Leiden: Brill, 1998. Li Nailong 李乃龍. “Lun Wen xuan ‘Shelun’ lei de wenti tezheng” 論《文選》“設 論” 類的文體特徵. Changjiang xueshu (2008: 4): 25–32. Song Hongxia 宋紅霞. “Ban Gu ‘Da bin xi’ dui shelun ti zhuti pipan jiazhi de jiegou” 班固《答賓戲》對設論體主題批判價值的結構. Qi Lu xuekan 206.5 (2008): 111–15.

e. “Dian yin” 典引 (Elaboration on the canon) Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 905–12.

f. “Yanran shan ming” 燕然山銘 (Inscription on the ceremonial mounding of Mount Yanran) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 976–77. Yang, Suh-jen. “The Literary Merits of the Han (206 b.c.–a.d. 220) Stele Inscription.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 2007, 34–38.

g. “Yong shi” 詠史 (Poem on history) Translations Donald Holzman, “Les premiers Vers pentasyllabiques dates dans la poésie chinoise,” 88–92. Stephen Owen, The Making of Early Chinese Classical Poetry, 255.

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ban gu 班固 (32–92), zi mengjian 孟堅 Studies

Yoshikawa Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎. “Han Ko no ‘Eishi shi’ ni tsuite” 班固の詠史詩につ いて. Kanda hakushi kanreki shoshigaku ronshū 神田博士還曆記念論集, Kanda hakushi kanreki kinenkai 神田博士還曆記念會, ed. Japan: Kanda hakushi kanreiki kinenkai, 1957; rpt. Yoshikawa Kōjirō zenshū 吉川幸次郎全集, 6: 256–65. Tōkyō: Chikuma shobō, 1968–1970. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Han Ko kashi o meguru mondai” 班固歌詩をめぐ る問題. Gakurin 1 (1983): 1–12; rpt. Gi Shin shidan no kenkyū 魏晉詩壇の研究, 80–90. Kyoto: Chūgoku geimon kenkyūkai, 1995. Sun Tingyu 孫亭玉. “Ban Gu ‘Yong shi’ shi de zhenshixing zhiyi” 班固《詠史》詩的 真實性質疑. Changsha shuidian shiyuan shehui kexue xubao (1996: 2): 47–51. Wu Xiaoping 吳小平. “Lun Ban Gu ‘Yong shi’ shi de shige yiyi” 論班固《詠史》詩 的詩歌意義. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1999: 2): 126–31; rpt. Fuyin baokan ziliao, Gudai, jindai wenxue yanjiu (1999: 9): 58–63. Zhao Minli 趙敏俐. “Lun Ban Gu de ‘Yong shi shi’ yu wenren wuyan shi de fazhan chengshou wenti” 論班固的《詠史詩》與文人五言詩的發展成熟問題. Zhou Han shige zong lun, 292–307. DRK

Ban Jieyu 班婕妤 (Favored Beauty Ban) (d. ca. 6 b.c.e.) Western Han writer. Ban Jieyu 班婕妤 (also written Jieyu 倢伃) was a concubine of Emperor Cheng 成 (r. 33–7 b.c.e.). She was a daughter of Ban Kuang 班況, the great-grandfather of the historian Ban Gu 班固 (32–92). She entered the emperor’s harem at the beginning of Emperor Cheng’s reign as a junior maid, which was rank eleven in the fourteen-rank system. She rapidly rose to rank two, the position of favorite beauty, which theoretically had a status above that of the nine ministers. She bore the emperor two sons, who both died within a few months of birth. She was known for her learning and strong sense of propriety. On one occasion the emperor invited her to ride with him in the imperial chaise, and she refused on the grounds that the ancient paintings always showed that only the degenerate last rulers of the Three Dynasties had their female favorites at their sides, and she feared that if she shared the emperor’s cart, he might be thought to resemble them. She could recite all of the Book of Songs as well as such works as “The Modest and Fair,” “Virtuous Signs” and the “Instructress.” These works are no longer extant. Yan Shigu (see Han shu 97B.3984, n. 7) says they were ancient monitory writings. Lady Ban enjoyed Emperor Cheng’s favor until the Hongjia 鴻嘉 period (20–17 b.c.e.), when he began to bestow his affection on a female enter-

ban jieyu 班婕妤 (favored beauty ban) (d. ca. 6 b.c.e.)

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tainer, Zhao Feiyan 趙飛燕 (d. 1 b.c.e.) and her younger sister, the Brilliant Companion Zhao 趙昭儀 (d. ca. b.c.e.). In 18 b.c.e. Emperor Cheng’s principal wife, Empress Xu 許, was accused of using black magic against pregnant palace ladies, and she was deposed. Zhao Feiyan accused Lady Ban of conspiring with Empress Xu and even trying to put a curse on the emperor himself. When interrogated by the judicial officers, Lady Ban eloquently replied with a quotation from the Lun yu (12/5): “Life and death are determined by fate, but wealth and honor reside with Heaven.” She then went on to say: “If I have cultivated uprightness, but have yet to receive good fortune, what could I expect to gain by doing evil? If the spirits and gods have sentience, they will not accept the plaint of a disloyal subject. If they do not have sentience, what good would it do to complain to them. Thus, I would never do such a thing.” The emperor was so pleased with her reply that he took pity on her and rewarded her with a gift of one hundred catties of gold. However, fearful of the ruthless Zhao sisters, Lady Ban requested permission to leave the imperial harem giving as an excuse her desire to care for the aged empress dowager. The emperor granted her request, and she took up residence in the Palace of Eternal Trust (Chang xin gong 長信宮), one of the halls of the Palace of Eternal Joy (Chang le gong 長樂宮), which was the principal residence of empresses in the Former Han. After Emperor Cheng died in 7 b.c.e., she was assigned to his funerary park, where she died and was buried, ca. 6 b.c.e. While residing in the Palace of Eternal Trust, Lady Ban wrote a versified account of her life as an imperial concubine, “Zi dao fu” 自悼賦 (Fu of selfcommiseration). In this piece the poet recounts how she fell out of favor with the emperor and now lives sequestered in the Palace of Eternal Trust. Lady Ban’s fu is personal to the point of being autobiographical, notably with the inclusion of such details as the names of her residence quarters and the poignant reference to the death of her infant sons. The penultimate line with its allusion to poems in the Book of Songs that reputedly complain about scheming concubines contains a not too subtly disguised attack on her rivals the Zhao sisters. Lady Ban is attributed with the “Dao su fu” 搗素賦 (Fu on pounding silk) that describes a beautiful lady, who, neglected by her lord, rises on a moonlit night to pound silk on a fulling block. The theme of the woman pining for her lover as she fulls cloth on a chilly autumn night is common in the Six Dynasties period, and thus the “Dao su fu” is likely a Six Dynasties piece. Lady Ban is attributed with a famous pentasyllabic poem variously titled “Yuan ge xing” 怨歌行 (Song of resentment), “Yuan shi” 怨詩 (Poem of

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ban jieyu 班婕妤 (favored beauty ban) (d. ca. 6 b.c.e.)

resentment), and “Shan shi” 扇詩 (Poem on a fan). Written in the persona of a palace lady, this is a yongwu piece on a fan. The lady describes a fan, which when used by her lord, is round as the moon. During the hot summer it is constantly with him, but she fears that when the cooling winds of autumn arrive, it will be cast aside into a box. Many modern scholars question the authenticity of this piece that may date from the late Eastern Han or even Six Dynasties period. Bibliography General Studies Mu Changqing 穆長青. “Ban Jieyu jiguan bianwu” 班倢伃籍貫辨誤. Renwu zazhi (1983: 3): 14. Huang Yanli 黃嫣梨. Handai funü wenxue wujia yanjiu 漢代婦女文學五家研究, 36–54. Kaifeng: Henan daxue chubanshe, 1993. Knechtges, David R. “The Poetry of an Imperial Concubine: The Favorite Beauty Ban.” Oriens Extremus 36 (1993): 127–44; Chinese version: “Ban Jieyu shi he fu de kaobian” 班婕妤詩和賦的考辨. Wen xuan xue xinlun 文選學新論. Zhongguo Wen xuan xuehui 中國文選學會 and Zhengzhou daxue guji zhengli yanjiusuo 鄭州大學古籍整理研究所, ed., 260–78. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1997. Zheng Zhihong 鄭之洪. “Ban Jieyu sixiang qiantan” 班婕妤思想淺探. Zhanjiang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 20.2 (1999): 7–10. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 7. Li Tong 李彤. “Lun Banshi liangwei nü zuojia de Han fu chuangzuo” 論班氏兩位女 作家的漢賦創作. Zhangzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 50.1 (2004): 29–31. Yu Rong 虞蓉. “Zhongguo gudai funü zaoqi de yipian wenxue piping zhuanlun— Ban Jieyu ‘Bao zhuzhi shu’ kaolun” 中國古代婦女早期的一篇文學批評專論—班 婕妤《報諸侄書》考論. Suzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2006: 3): 70–74. Zheng Bijun. “Ban Jieyu, Conbubine of Emperor Cheng.” In Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women: Antiquity through Sui 1600 b.c.e.–618 c.e., ed. Lily Xiao Hong Lee and A.D. Stefanowska, 101–3. London: M. E. Sharpe, 2007.

Works a. “Zi dao fu” 自悼賦 (Fu of self-commiseration) Translations Watson, Courtier and Commoner, 263–64. Knechtges, “The Poetry of an Imperial Concubine,” 137–43. Knechtges, in Chang and Saussy, eds., Women Writers of Traditional China, 17–21. Idema and Grant, Red Brush, 80–82.

ban ma 班馬

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b. “Yuan ge xing” 怨歌行 Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 478. Kotewall and Smith, The Penguin Book of Chinese Verse, 6. Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 21–22. Demiéville, Anthology, 74. Rexroth and Chung, The Orchid Boat, 3. Watson, Columbia Book of Chinese Verse, 77–78. Birrell, New Songs (1982), 43. Birrell, New Songs (1986), 43. Knechtges, “The Poetry of an Imperial Concubine,” 131. Knechtges, Women Writers of Traditional China, 18–19. Idema and Grant, Red Brush, 78. Owen, The Making of Early Classical Chinese Poetry, 223.

Studies Nie Gengshu 聶耕書. “Shuo Ban Jieyu de ‘Tuan shan’ shi” 說班婕妤的《團扇》詩. Suiyuan shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1989: 2): 47–48. Knechtges, David R. “The Poetry of an Imperial Concubine: The Favorite Beauty Ban,” Oriens Extremus 36 (1993): 127–44. Yata Hiroshi 矢田博士. “‘En kakō’ no sakusha ni tsuite—Sō Shoku ni okeru (Eishi shi) no shuhō o tegakari toshite”「怨歌行」の作者について—曹植にをける(詠史 詩)の手法を手がかりとして. Chūgoku shibun ronshū 11 (1992): 13–39. Huang Yanli 黃嫣梨. “Chengdi Ban Jieyu” 成帝班倢伃. In Handai funü wenxue wujia yanjiu 漢代婦女文學五家研究, 36–54. Kaifeng: Henan daxue chubanshe, 1993. Luo Ran 羅然 (Olga Lomova). “Handai zhi Tang Ban Jieyu zhuti yanbian liucheng” 漢代至唐代班婕妤主題演變流程. In Zhongguo zhonggu wenxue yanjiu 中國中古 文學研究, ed. Zhao Minli 趙敏俐 and Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行, 170–83. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2005. Mu Zhai 木齋. “Lun Jian’an wuyan shi nüxing ticai de xingqi—jian lun ‘yuan shi’ de zuozhe” 論建安五言詩女性題材的興起—兼論《怨詩》的作者. Shanxi daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 29.2 (2006): 36–41. DRK

Ban Ma 班馬 This is a shorthand reference to the two Han historians Sima Qian 司馬遷 (ca. 145–ca. 85 b.c.e.) and Ban Gu 班固 (32–92). DRK

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ban yang 班揚

Ban Yang 班揚 This is a shorthand way of referring to the Han dynasty writers Ban Gu 班固 (32–92) and Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 c.e.) DRK

Ban Zhang 班張 This is a shorthand way of referring to the Eastern Han writers Ban Gu 班固 (32–92) and Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–139). They both share in common having written long fu on the Han capitals of Chang’an and Luoyang. DRK

Ban Zhao 班昭 (ca. 49–ca. 120), zi Huiban 惠班. Also known as Cao Dagu 曹大家 Eastern Han writer and historian. Ban Zhao’s natal place was Anling 安陵 (northeast of modern Xianyang, Shaanxi). She is the daughter of Ban Biao, and sister of Ban Gu. Nothing is known of Ban Zhao’s early life. Ca. 63, at the age of fourteen, Ban Zhao married Cao Shou 曹壽 from her home area of Fufeng. Not much is known about Cao Shou. He probably was a scholar, for he is attributed with a commentary on the lexicon, the Ji jiu zhang 急就章. He died young, and Ban Zhao did not remarry. She was often called Cao Dagu 曹大家 or “Auntie Cao.”1 Emperor He (r. 89–105) frequently summoned Ban Zhao to the palace to serve as tutor to the empress and the imperial concubines. Another of her functions was to write fu on unusual objects that were presented to the emperor. Around the year 101 Ban Zhao composed a fu on a large bird, probably a Parthian ostrich that her brother Ban Chao had brought with him from Central Asia. Titled “Daque fu” 大雀賦 (Fu on the great bird), this piece is a good example of a yongwu poem written under imperial auspices. Unlike the elaborate epideictic court pieces of the Former Han, Ban Zhao’s poem is written in simple, straightforward language, and is pure eulogy, praising the marvelous bird from the west, and the Han emperor,

1 For an explanation of Dagu see Wu Yujin 吳玉搢 (1698–1773), Bie ya 別雅, Siku quanshu, 2.27a.

ban zhao 班昭 (ca. 49–ca. 120), zi huiban 惠班

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whose rule is so virtuous and proper, he is rewarded with marvelous tribute from afar. Ban Zhao has two other yongwu fu, both of which survive in fragments: “Chan fu” 蟬賦 (Fu on the cicada) and “Zhenlü fu” 箴縷賦 (Fu on the needle and thread). The extant excerpts from the “Fu on the Cicada” show this to be a typical yongwu poem that presents the various attributes of the cicada: its shrill chirping, sipping of dew, and its swift metamorphosis. In her “Fu on the Needle and Thread” Ban Zhao virtually personifies the needle and thread, attributing to them moral virtues: the needle is “true and straight,” “pierces and penetrates.” Together with the thread, its traces are “broad and wide” as it “mends flaws.” Ban Zhao had a son named Cao Cheng 曹成 (zi Zigu子穀). In 95, Cao Cheng received his first official position, that of chief of Changyuan 長垣 county (modern Changyuan, Henan) in Chenliu 陳留 commandery.2 Ban Zhao accompanied her son to his post, and to record her 530–li journey from Luoyang to Changyuan she wrote a poetic travelogue, “Dong zheng fu” 東征賦 (Fu on an eastward journey). “Fu on an Eastward Journey” contains a vivid account of the places through which Ban Zhao and her son passed. Like her father, Ban Zhao’s visit to historic places evokes memories of the past. At various places she also provides advice for her son as he is about to embark on his official career. Ban Zhao was on particularly close terms with Empress Dowager Deng 鄧太后 (81–121). During her regency (106–121), she consulted Ban Zhao on government affairs. When Ban Zhao died ca. 120, Empress Deng mourned for her and assigned a special official to attend to her funeral. Ban Zhao is probably best known for her long moral treatise, Nü jie 女誡 (Instructions for daughters), in which she provides guidance to young women on proper behavior. At the time of Ban Gu’s death in 92, he had not completed the tables and the “Monograph on Astronomy.” His younger sister Ban Zhao finished compiling them with the aid of Ma Xu 馬續 (pre-79–post 144), the elder brother of Ma Rong 馬融 (79–166). According to Ban Zhao’s biography in the Hou Han shu she had sixteen compositions in the genres of fu, eulogy, inscription, dirge, “inquiry,” note, lament, letter, disquisition, petition, and deathbed command. Her son’s wife née Ding compiled her collection. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists a collection in three juan but this was lost by the early Tang.

2 For this date, see the comments of Ruan Yuan 阮元 (1764–1849) cited in Liang Zhangju 梁章鉅 (1775–1849), Wen xuan pangzheng 文選旁證 (1834; rpt. Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 2000), 12.301–2.

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ban zhao 班昭 (ca. 49–ca. 120), zi huiban 惠班 Bibliography General Studies

Swann, Nancy Lee. Pan Chao: First Woman Scholar of China, First Century a.d.: Background, Ancestry, Life and Writings of the Most Celebrated Chinese Woman of Letters. New York: The Century Company, 1932. Rpt. New York: Russell & Russell, 1968; Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, 2001. Zhu Tan 朱倓. Ban Zhao 班昭. Chongqing: Shengli chubanshe, 1946. Huang Yanli 黃嫣梨. Handai funü wenxue wujia yanjiu 漢代賦女文學五家研究, 55–96. Kaifeng: Henan daxue chubanshe, 1993. Wills, John E. “Ban Zhao.” In Mountain of Fame: Portraits in Chinese History, 90–99. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994. Idema, Wilt and Beata Grant. “Ban Zhao.” In The Red Brush: Writing Women of Imperial China, 17–42. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2004. Zhu Weizheng 朱維錚. “Ban Zhao kao” 班昭考. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (2006: 2): 7–42. Wong Shiu-hin. “Ban Zhao.” In Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women: Antiquity through Sui 1600 b.c.e.–618 c.e., eds. Lily Xiao Hong Lee and A.D. Stefanowska, 103–6. London: M. E. Sharpe, 2007. Knechtges, David R. In The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 128–29.

a. “Dongzheng fu” 東征賦 (Fu on an eastward journey) Translations Swann, Pan Chao, 113–29. von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 133–35. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Two, 173–80. Idema and Grant, The Red Brush, 23–26.

Studies Kang Dawei 康達維 (David R. Knechtges). “Ban Zhao ‘Dongzheng fu’ kao” 班昭 《東征賦》考. Cifu wenxue lunji 辭賦文學論集, 186–95. Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 1999. Guo Yuanping 郭苑平. “Nülü shuxie zhong de shijian kongjian ziwo zhuixun— chong du Ban Zhao ‘Dongzheng fu’” 女旅書寫中的時間、空間自我追尋—重讀 班昭〈東征賦〉. Donghai Zhongwen xuebao 20 (2008): 89–104.

b. “Daque fu” 大雀賦 (Fu on the great bird) Translation Swann, Pan Chao, 100, 106–7.

bao linghui 鮑令暉 (d. ca. 456)

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c. “Chan fu” 蟬賦 (Fu on the cicada) Translation Swann, Pan Chao, 102, 108–110.

d. “Zhenlü fu” 箴縷賦 (Fu on the needle and thread) Swann, Pan Chao, 104, 110–12.

e. Nü jie 女誡 (Instruction for daughters) Studies and Translations Lao Fang 勞紡, ed. and comm. Nü jie qianshi 女誡淺釋. Shanghai: Saoye shanfang, 1924. Swann, Pan Chao, 82–99. Martin-Liao, Tienchi. “Traditional Handbooks of Women’s Education.” In Women and Literature in China, eds. Anna Gertslacker et al., 165–89. Bochum: Brockmeyer, 1985. Zhang Mingqi. “The Four Books for Women: Ancient Chinese Texts for the Education of Women.” Trans. by Gary Arbuckle and Rosemary Haddon. British Columbia Asian Review 2 (1988): 174–84. Lee, Lily Xiao Hong. “Ban Zhao (c. 48–c. 120): Her Role in The Formulation of Controls Imposed upon Women in Traditional China.” In The Virtue of Yin: Studies on Chinese Women, 11–24. Broadway NSW: Wild Peony, 1994. Chen, Yu-shih. “The Historical Template of Pan Chao’s Nü-chieh.” T’oung Pao 82 (1996): 229–57. Yamazaki Jun’ichi 山崎純一. “Sō Taika ‘Jokai’ to senja Han Shō ni tsuite—Gokan ni okeru jokaisho no seiritsu to hatten” 曹大家『女誡』と撰者班昭について— 後漢における女誡書の成立と發展. Ōbirin daigaku Chūgoku bungaku ronsō 21 (1996): 1–71. Ebrey, Chinese Civilization, 75–76. Idema and Grant, The Red Brush, 33–34, 36–42. Goldin, Paul. “Ban Zhao in Her Time and Ours.” After Confucius: Studies in Early Chinese Philosophy, 112–18. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2005. DRK

Bao Linghui 鮑令暉 (d. ca. 456) Liu-Song dynasty writer. Bao Linghui is the younger sister of Bao Zhao. Her dates are not known, but she must have died before Bao Zhao because Bao Zhao in a petition written in 456 requesting leave mentions her having passed away. Thus,

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bao linghui 鮑令暉 (d. ca. 456)

Bao Linghui must have passed away ca. 455 or 456. The Bao family ancestral home is Shangdang 上黨 (modern Changzi 長子, Shanxi), but Bao Linghui’s natal place was Jingkou 京口 (modern Zhenjiang 鎮江, Jiangsu). According to the Xiao ming lu 小名錄 of Lu Guimeng 陸龜蒙 (d. ca. 881) Linghui was her zi (see Xiaoming lu, Siku quanshu, B.8a). Bao Linghui does not have a biography in a standard history. Most of what we know about her is from an entry in the Shi pin of Zhong Rong who says that her poetry “frequently juts forth but is fresh and well-crafted.” He especially praises her imitations of the ancient poems. However, he faulted one of her pieces, either titled “Bai yuan” 百願 (Hundred wishes) or “Bai yun” 百韻 (Hundred couplets), as “excessive and jumbled.” Zhong Rong also reports that her brother Bao Zhao told Emperor Xiaowu (r. 453–465) that Linghui’s writing is second only to that of Zuo Fen, while his own talent does not match that of her brother Zuo Si. Bao Linghui has seven poems extant, six of which are preserved in the Yutai xinyong. Lu Guimeng mentions a “Xiang ming fu” 香茗賦 (Fu on scented tea) that is no longer extant. Bibliography Collections Qian Zhonglian 錢仲聯. Bao Canjun jizhu 鮑參軍集註, 198–201. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959. Lu Qinli. Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, 2: 1313–15.

Studies Ling Xun 淩迅. “‘Zhanjue qingqiao’ Bao Linghui” 嶄絕淸巧”鮑令暉. Wenshi zhishi (1981: 6): 77–81. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji, 397–98. Zhongguo lidai cainü xiaozhuan 中國歷代才女小傳, 71–75. Hangzhou: Zhejiang wenyi chubanshe, 1984. Cao Xu 曹旭. Shi pin jizhu 詩品集注, 444–48. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1994. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Nanbeichao wenxue shi, 98–99. Huang Yanli 黃嫣梨. “Shi pin ‘Qi Bao Linghui Qi Han Lanying’ jianzheng”《詩 品‧齊鮑令暉齊韓蘭英》箋證. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1997: 4): 115–19. Yamazaki Junichi 山崎純一. “Sesetsu shingo ‘Ken’en hen’ no josei gunzō to Sa Kuhin‧Hō Reiki ni tsuite: Rikuchō ni okeru ‘ken’en’ no jidaisō ni kansuru hitotsu shiron”『世說新語』賢媛篇の女性羣像と左九嬪‧鮑令暉について: 六朝 における「賢媛」の時代相に關する一試論. Oberin daigaku Chūgoku bungaku ronsō 櫻美林大學中國文學論叢 22 (1997): 1–49. Ding Fulin 丁福林. Bao Zhao nianpu 鮑照年譜, 122–23. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2004.

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Wei Chengyu 魏成宇. “Bao Linghui wenxue chengjiu jianlun” 鮑令暉文學成就簡論. Yantai shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 23.2 (2006): 91–92. Idema and Grant, Red Brush, 49–51. Wang Huibian 王輝賓. “Bao Linghui ji qi shige shulun—jian yu Xi Jin nü shiren Zuo Fen bilun” 鮑令暉及其詩歌述論—兼與西晉女詩人左芬比論. Chongqing jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 21.4 (2008): 49–53, 89. Lee, Lily Xiao Hong. “Bao Linghui.” Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women, 265–67.

Translations Forke, Alfred. Blüthen Chinesischen Dichtung, 47–48. Hart, The Hundred Names, 218. Rexroth and Chung, The Orchid Boat, 13. Birrell, New Songs (1982), 122–24, 268. Birrell, New Songs (1986), 121–24, 268. Kwong, Charles. “Bao Linghui.” Women Writers of Traditional China, 35–38. Idema and Grant, Red Brush, 50–51. WJ and DRK

Bao Xie 鮑謝 This is a shorthand way of referring to the Southern Dynasties writers Bao Zhao 鮑照 (ca. 414–466) and Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385–433). Bibliography Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. “‘Bao Xie’ bingcheng” “鮑謝” 并稱. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 303–4. DRK

Bao Zhao 鮑照 (ca. 414–466), zi Mingyuan 明遠 Liu-Song period writer. Note: Bao Zhao’s personal name is also written Zhao 昭 probably to avoid the taboo on the personal name of Wu Zhao 武曌, Empress Wu of the Tang. She reputedly invented this form of the graph as a substitute for Zhao 照. Because Bao Zhao served as canjun 參軍 (adjutant), he is also referred to Bao Canjun 鮑參軍. Bao Zhao was a writer of poetry, fu, and parallel prose. What little information there is about his life is found in short notices inserted in the Song shu (51.1477–80) and Nan shi (13.36) biographies of his patron Liu Yiqing

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劉義慶 (403–444). Another valuable source is the preface to Bao’s collected works by Yu Yan 虞炎 (fl. 483–493).

Sources do not agree on the location of Bao Zhao’s natal place. The ancestral home of the Bao clan probably was Shangdang 上黨 (modern Changzi 長子, Shanxi). Later, one branch may have moved to Donghai 東海 of Xuzhou 徐州 (modern Tancheng 郯城, Shandong). Thus, he is variously referred to as a native of Shangdang or Donghai. Bao Zhao very likely was born in Jingkou 京口 (modern Zhenjiang 鎮江, Jiangsu), which was the administrative center for the southern refugee commandery of Southern Donghai. We know little about Bao Zhao’s early life. Before taking up an official career, he probably worked as a farmer. Bao Zhao spent much of his official career not in the central administration, but on the staffs of LiuSong princes. From ca. 438 to 444, he served as attendant gentlemen to Liu Yiqing, Prince of Linchuan 臨川. During Liu Yiqing’s tenure as governor of Jiangzhou 江州 (roughly corresponding to modern Jiangxi and Fujian), Bao Zhao trekked the area around Jiujiang and wrote several poems about Mount Lu. In 440, Bao Zhao accompanied Liu Yiqing to Guangling 廣陵 (modern Yangzhou), where Liu assumed the position as governor of Southern Yanzhou 南兗州. After Liu Yiqing died in 444, Bao Zhao resigned his position as attendant gentleman and returned to his home in Jingkou. In 445, Bao Zhao was appointed attendant gentleman on the staff of Liu Jun 劉濬 (436–453), Prince of Shixing 始興, who then held the position of governor of Yangzhou 揚州 (modern Nanjing). In 449, he accompanied the prince to Jingkou 京口 (modern Zhenjiang, Jiangsu), which is Bao’s birthplace. In January 451, the armies of the Northern Wei invaded the south and reached as far as Guabu 瓜步 (modern Luhe 六和, Jiangsu), on the north bank of the Yangtze across from Jiankang. After the Song army quickly repelled the invaders, Liu Jun led a force to refortify Guabu, and Bao Zhao accompanied him. Bao Zhao probably had left Liu Jun’s service in 453 before Liu and his brother instigated a rebellion against Emperor Wu, for there is evidence that already in 452 he was serving as magistrate of Haiyu 海虞 (east of modern Changshu 常熟, Jiangsu). Around 458, after serving in the capital as erudite in the Imperial Academy and chamberlain in the secretariat, Bao Zhao took up another local government post as magistrate of Moling 秣陵, on the southern outskirts of Jiankang. Attributed to this period is “Admiring the Moon in My Office by the West City Gate” (Wen xuan, chapter 30), a poem in which Bao reflects on his separation from a loved one as the moon becomes full. The accounts of Bao’s activities between 461 and 464, when he joined the staff of Liu Zixu 劉子頊 (457–466), Prince of Linhai 臨海, are confusing.

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Yu Yan’s claim that he served as magistrate of Yongjia 永嘉 (modern Wenzhou) is doubtful, for Yongjia was not a county in the Liu-Song period. It is more likely that he served as assistant magistrate of Yong’an 永安 (modern Sui 隨 county, Hubei). Claims by some scholars that Bao Zhao visited Guangling after Liu Dan’s abortive rebellion in 460 are also difficult to support. In 462, the five-year-old Liu Zixu held the post of governor of Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat Jiangling 江陵, modern Jingzhou, Hubei). The actual administration of Jingzhou must have been in the hands of senior officials such as Bao Zhao, who served first as acting adjutant and later as legal adjutant in the forward army. In February 466, Liu Zixun 劉子勛 (457–466), Prince of Jin’an 晉安, encouraged by his adviser Deng Wan 鄧琬 (407–466), rebelled and declared himself emperor at Xunyang. Liu Zixu soon joined the insurrection, and thus Bao Zhao had no choice but to serve the rebel regime. By September 466, imperial forces routed the rebel armies, and Liu Zixu was ordered to commit suicide. Soldiers under the command of local Jingzhou commanders entered Jiangling and killed Liu Zixu’s staff members, including Bao Zhao. After his death, Bao Zhao’s writings were not preserved intact. During the Qi dynasty the Heir Designate, Xiao Changmao 蕭長懋 (458–493), commissioned Yu Yan to gather the remains into a collection. The monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu lists a Bao Zhao collection in ten juan and a six-juan collection that existed in the Liang period. The extant editions are all reconstructions. The oldest edition is the Baoshi ji 鮑氏集, a Song edition collated by Mao Yi 毛扆 (b. 1640). This was reprinted in the Sibu congkan. Bao Zhao’s best-known fu is “Fu on the Ruined City,” a moving description of the desolate and wasted city of Guangling. This piece was included in the Wen xuan. Another of Bao’s fu included in the Wen xuan is “Fu on Dancing Cranes,” which describes a troupe of performing cranes. As a shi poet, Bao Zhao is most distinguished for his yuefu. Many of his yuefu are imitations of old yuefu pieces. Most of the imitation pieces begin with the word dai 代 “in place of.” His most famous yuefu is an eighteen-part series called “Ni ‘Xinglu nan’” 擬行路難 (Imitating “Hardships of Travel”). Bibliography Collections Bao Canjun ji 鮑參軍集. 10 juan. Printed by Zhu Yingdeng 朱應登 in 1510 based on an edition obtained from the household of Du Mu 都穆 (1458–1525).

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Wang Shixian 汪士賢 (Ming), ed. Bao Mingyuan ji 鮑明遠集. 10 juan. Ming Zhengde 5 (1510). Held by Special Collections, East Asia Library, University of Washington. Ge Yinliang 葛寅亮 (jinshi 1601), ed. Bao Mingyuan ji 鮑明遠集. 10 juan. Han Wei zhu mingjia ji 漢魏諸名家集. Ming Wanli period (1573–1620). Hu Fengdan 胡鳳丹 (1823–1890), ed. Bao Canjun ji 鮑參軍集. Liuchao sijia quanji 六朝四家全集, Tuibu zhai 退補齋, 1870; rpt. Xu Yimin 許逸民, coll. and punc. Shenyang: Liaoning jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000. Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Bao Canjun ji 鮑參軍集. 6 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, vol. 1585. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Bao Canjun ji 鮑參軍集. 2 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji. Qian Zhenlun 錢振倫 (1816–1879), ed. and comm. Bao Canjun ji zhu 鮑參軍集注. 6 juan. Preface dated 1868. Baoshi ji 鮑氏集. 10 juan. Sibu congkan. Photo-reproduction of Song edition collated by Mao Yi 毛扆 (b. 1640). Baoshi ji 鮑氏集. 10 juan. Sibu beiyao. Typeset based on Song edition. Qian Zhonglian 錢仲聯, ed. and comm. Bao Canjun ji zhu 鮑參軍集注. Shanghai: Gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1958; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959. Rev. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1980. Huang Jie 黃節, ed. and comm. Bao Canjun shi zhu 鮑參軍詩注. Beijing: Beijing daxue, 1923. Rpt. Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1970, 1975. Ye Jusheng 葉菊生, ed. and comm. Bao Canjun shi zhu 鮑參軍詩注. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1957. Liu Xinming 劉心明, ed. and trans. Xie Lingyun Bao Zhao shi xuan yi 謝靈運鮑照 詩選譯. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1991. Gui Qing 歸青, ed. Bao Zhao ji 鮑照集. Haikou: Hainan guoji chuban zhongxin, 1996. Zhu Sixin 朱思信, ed. and comm. Bao Zhao shi wen xuan zhu yu yanjiu 鮑照詩文 選注與研究. Urumchi: Xinjiang daxue chubanshe, 1997. Suzuki Toshio 鈴木敏雄, ed. Hō Sangun shishū 鮑參軍詩集. Tokyo: Hakuteisha, 2001.

Concordance Yamada Hideo 山田英雄. Hō Sanun shū sakuin 鮑參軍集索引. Nagoya: Konron shobō, 1988.

Studies Miao Yue 繆鉞. “Bao Mingyuan nianpu” 鮑明遠年譜. Wenxue yuekan 3.1 (1932): 5–18. Wu Piji 吳丕績. Bao Zhao nianpu 鮑照年譜. Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1940. Wu Defeng 吳大風. “Bao Zhao nianpu buzheng” 鮑照年譜補証. Youshi xuezhi 5.1 (1956): 1–27. Chen Yixin 陳貽焮. “Bao Zhao he tade zuopin” 鮑照和他的作品. Wenxue yichan (1957): 182–90.

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Zeng Junyi 曾君一. “Bao Zhao yanjiu” 鮑照研究. Sichuan daxue xuebao (1957: 4): 1–25. Rpt. in Wei Jin Liuchao shi yanjiu lunwen ji, 134–58. Hong Kong: Zhongguo yuwen xueshe, 1969. Itō Masafumi 伊藤正文. “Hō Shō den ronkō” 鮑照伝論稿. Kobe daigaku bungakukai kenkyū 14 (1957): 18–55; rpt. Itō Masafumi 伊藤正文. Kenan shijin to sono dentō 建安詩人とその伝統, 223–62. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 2002. Itō Masafumi 伊藤正文. “Hō Shō shi ronkō” 鮑照詩論稿. Kobe daigkau bungakukai kenkyū 20 (1959); rpt. Itō Masafumi 伊藤正文. Kenan shijin to sono dentō 建安 詩人とその伝統, 263–313. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 2002. Frodsham, J.D. “The Nature Poetry of Pao Chao.” Orient/West 9.5 (1964): 21–30. Wu Defeng 吳德風. “Bao Zhao shengping ji qi zuopin jiaozheng” 鮑照生平及其作 品校正. M.A. Thesis, Taiwan Guoli Zhengshi daxue, 1966. Wu Defeng 吳德風. “Bao Zhao nianpu buzheng 鮑照年譜補證. Youshi xuezhi 5.2 (1956). Heike Kotzenberg. Der Dichter Pao Chao (+466). Untersuchungen zu Leben und Werk. Bonn: Rheinsiche Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat, 1970. Fujii Mamoru 藤井守. “Hō Shō no fu” 鮑照の賦. Hiroshima daigaku bungaku hō 34 (1975): 230–44. Nakamori Kenji 中森健二. “Hō Shō no bungaku” 鮑照の文學. Ritsumeikan bungaku 364–366 (1975): 119–64. Lin Wen-yüeh 林文月. “Bao Zhao yu Xie Lingyun de shanshui shi” 鮑照與謝靈運 的山水詩. Shanshui yu gudian, 93–123. Zhang Zhiyue 張志岳. “Bao Zhao ji qi shi xintan” 鮑照及其詩新探. Wenxue pinglun (1979: 1): 58–65. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Guanyu Bao Zhao de jiashi he jiguan” 關於鮑照的家世和籍 貫, Wen shi (1979: 7): 191–97. Rpt. in Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwenji, 368–77. Lü Zhenghui 呂正惠. “Bao Zhao shi xiaolun” 鮑照詩小論. Wenxue pinglun 6 (1980): 119–34. Lin Wen-yueh 林文月. “Bao Zhao yu Xie Lingyun de shanshui shi” 鮑照與謝靈運 的山水詩. Wenxue pinglun (1980: 2): 1–21. Duan Xizhong 段熙仲. “Bao Zhao wu ti” 鮑照五題. Wenxue yichan (1981: 4): 107–13. Cao Daoheng. “Lun Bao Zhao shige de jige wenti” 論鮑照詩歌的幾個問題. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1981: 2): 270–86; rpt. in Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwenji, 211–241. Cao Daoheng. “Bao Zhao jipian shi wen de xiezuo shijian” 鮑照幾篇詩文的寫作時 間. Wen shi 16 (1982): 189–202; rpt. in Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwenji, 378–400. Kim Hye-hong 金惠峯. “Bao Zhao shi yanjiu” 鮑照詩研究. M.A. Thesis, Guoli Taiwan Shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo, 1982. Zhu Sixin 朱思信. “Shilun Bao Zhao chuangzuo de yishu chengjiu” 試論鮑照創作 的藝術成就. Wenxue pinglun (1982: 5): 91–101. Zhu Sixin 朱思信. “Guanyu Bao Zhao shenshi de jige wenti” 關於鮑照身世的幾 個問題. Xinjiang daxue xuebao (Zhexue renwen shehui kexue ban) (1983: 4): 100–6. Yu Xuefang 余學芳. Bao Zhao shengping ji qi shiwen yanjiu 鮑照生平及其詩文研究. Taipei: Jingsheng wenwu gongying gongsi, 1983. Ling Xun 凌迅. “Bao Zhao shanshui shi chulun” 鮑照山水詩芻論. Liuquan (1983: 6): 202–7.

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Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Bao Zhao shi wen xinian kaobian” 鮑照詩文繫年考辨. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 27.3 (1983): 277–87. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Guanyu Bao Zhao de jiguan” 關於鮑照的籍貫. Wen shi 20 (1983): 253–58. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Shilun Bao Zhao shige de ‘junyi’ tese” 試論鮑照詩歌的 “俊逸” 特色. Wenxue yichan (1983: 3): 15–20. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Bao Zhao ren qianjun canjun de shijian” 鮑照任前軍參軍的時 間. Wen shi 22 (1984): 190. Tan Tan 談譚. “Shilun Bao Zhao de shubian shizuo” 試論鮑照的戍邊詩作. Wenyuan zongheng tan 9 (1984): 190–210. Tang Haitao 唐海濤. “Bao Zhao zhuanji zhong de jige wenti” 鮑照傳記中的幾個問 題. Youshi xuezhi 18.4 (1985): 12–27; Dalu zazhi 71.5 (1985): 17–24. Liu Wenzhong 劉文忠. “Bao Zhao shiwen de yishu chengjiu ji qi yingxiang” 鮑照 詩文的藝術成就及其影響. 1985; rpt. in Liu Wenzhong, Zhonggu wenxue yu wen lun yanjiu, 132–43. Cao Daoheng. “Bao Zhao” 鮑照, in Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 1: 459–82. Liu Wenzhong 劉文忠. Bao Zhao he Yu Xin 鮑照和庾信. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1986; rpt. Taipei: Guowen tiandi zazhi, 1991. Chang, Kang-i Sun. Six Dynasties Poetry, 79–111. Tang Haitao 唐海濤. “Bao Zhao moni shi de chengjiu” 鮑照模擬詩的成就. Guoli zhongyang tushuguan guankan 20.2 (1987): 51–62. Gao Libao 高立保. “Bao Zhao guli jin hezai” 鮑照故里今何在. Guizhou wenshi congkan (1987: 3): 121–22. Li Haiyuan 李海元. “Xie Lingyun Bao Zhao shanshui shi yanjiu” 謝靈運鮑照山水 詩研究. M.A. Thesis, Taiwan Guoli zhengzhi daxue, 1987. Kuttler, Michel. “Le Poète Bao Zhao.” Ph.D. diss., École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, 1988. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Bao Zhao shiwen you kaobian” 鮑照詩文又考辨. Nanjing shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1988: 1): 86–92. Chen, Robert Shanmu. “A Study of Bao Zhao and His Poetry.” Ph.D. diss., University of British Columbia, 1989. Zhu Sixin 朱思信. “Bao Zhao aiqing shi chutan” 鮑照愛情詩初探. Zhongguo gudian wenxue luncong (1989: 7): 54–71. Ge Xiaoyin 葛曉音. “Bao Zhao de yuefu qiyan ti” 鮑照的樂府七言體. Badai shi shi 八代詩史, 167–83. 1989; rpt. and rev. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007. Liu Xiangfei 劉翔飛. “Bao Zhao shi yanjiu” 鮑照詩研究. Wen shi zhe xuebao 37 (1990): 59–98. Chen, Robert Shanmu. “An Examination of Allegorical Interpretations of the Poems of Bao Zhao.” b.c. Asian Review 3/4 (1990): 88–105. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Bao Zhao he Jiang Yan” 鮑照和江淹. Qi Lu xuekan (1991: 6): 89–93, 121. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Shen Yucheng 沈玉成. Nanbeichao wenxue shi, 83–98. Chen, Robert Shanmu. “A Biographical Study of Bao Zhao.” Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies 21.1 (1991): 125–200. Mokojima Shigeyoshi 向島成美. “Hō Shō no tsuiku hyōgen o meguru yichi kōsatsu” 鮑照の對句表現をめぐる一考察. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 43 (1991): 104–20. Yan Ming 嚴明. “Bolan yu jingshou—Qian Zhonglian jiaoshou jianzhu zhuzuo shuping” 博覽與精熟—錢仲聯教授箋著作述評. Suzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1992: 1): 130–31.

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Su, Jui-lung 蘇瑞隆. “Versatility within Tradition: A Study of the Literary Works of Bao Zhao (414?–466).” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1994. Tsukamoto Shinya 塚本信也. “Hō Shō no gafu ni tsuite” 鮑照の樂府について. Shūkan Tōyōgaku 71 (1994): 1–18. Xu Donghai 許東海. “Cong ‘Zhaoming wen xuan’ lun Bao Zhao bieli shi” 從《昭 明文選》論鮑照別離詩. Guoli Zhongzheng daxue xuebao (Renwen fence) 6.1 (1995): 71–95. Satō Takeshi 佐藤大志. “Hō Shō gafu shi no tokushitsu” 鮑照樂府詩の特質. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 28 (1995): 15–34. Imai Yoshiko 今井佳子. “Hō Shō fu no kōsei kara miru hyōgen no tokushoku” 鮑 照賦の構成から見る表現の特色. Ocha no mizu joshi daigaku Chūgoku bungakukai hō 15 (1996): 15–30. Satō Takeshi 佐藤大志. “Hō Shō no bungaku to sono seisaku no ba” 鮑照の文學と 制作の場. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 30 (1996): 37–53. Iguchi Hirofumi 井口博文. “Hō Shō ‘Gikōrōnan’ no hensu ni tsuite” 鮑照《擬行路 難》の篇數について. Chūgoku shiwen ronsō 16 (1997): 33–44. Iguchi Hirofumi 井口博文. “Hō Shō zōgon shika no keishikiteki tokuchō ni tsuite” 鮑照雜言詩歌の形式特徵について. Chūgoku bungaku kenkyū 23 (1997): 31–41. Xu Donghai 許東海. “Lun Zhang Xie Bao Zhao shige zhi ‘qiaogou xingsi’ yu cifu zhi guanxi” 論張協、鮑照詩歌之 “巧構形似” 與辭賦之關係. Guoli Zhongzheng daxue xuebao (Renwen fence) 8.1 (1997): 21–48. Xu Guorong 徐國榮. “Du Bao cun yi” 讀鮑存疑. Wenxian (1997: 2): 281–85. Gao Jianxin 高建新. “Bao Zhao shuqing xiao fu lüe lun” 鮑照抒情小賦略論. Jining shizhuan xuebao (Sheke ban) (1998: 2): 7–11. Chen Jingjie 陳敬介. “Bao Zhao shi yanjiu” 鮑照詩研究. M.A. Thesis, Dongwu daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo, 1998. Su Jui-lung 蘇瑞隆. “Nanchao wenren dui Bao Zhao wuyan shi de pingjia” 南 朝文人對鮑照五言詩的評價. Disanjie Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue guoji xueshu yantao hui lunwen ji 第三屆魏晉南北朝文學國際學術研討會論文集, ed. Donghai daxue Zhongwen xi 東海大學中文系, 305–27. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1998. Su, Jui-lung. “Bao Zhao’s Landscape Verse.” Chinese Studies 17.2 (1999): 345–77. Su, Jui-lung. “Patrons’ Influence on Bao Zhao’s Poetry.” In Kroll and Knechtges, ed. Studies in Early Medieval Chinese Literature and Cultural History in Honor of Richard B. Mather & Donald Holzman, 303–30. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Bao Zhao nianpu jian bian” 鮑照年譜簡編. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進 and Fan Ziye 范子曄, ed. Liuchao zuojia nianpu jiyao 六朝作家年譜輯要, 343–82. Harbin: Heilongjian jiaoyu chubanshe, 1999. Lü Yinwang 呂寅尪. “Bao Zaho dui Li Bo he Du Fu shige de yingxiang” 鮑照對李 白和杜甫詩歌的影響. Wen shi zhe (1999: 5): 118–25. Chen Jingjie 陳敬介. Junyi Bao Canjun: Nanchao Yuanjia san dajia zhi Bao Zhao shi yanjiu 峻逸鮑參軍: 南朝元嘉三大家之鮑照詩研究. Taipei: Duce wenhua, 2000. Han Qiwen 韓奇文. “Shilun Bao Zhao de shanshui shi” 試論鮑照的山水詩. Lanzhou daxue xuebao 28.1 (2000): 120–24. Fu Xiliang 付希亮 and Wang Yulan 王玉嵐. “Qian Zhonglian Bao Zhao nianpu zhong cunzai de jige wenti” 錢仲聯《鮑照年譜》中存在的幾個問題. Baoding shizhuan xuebao 39 (2000): 58–62. Su Jui-lung 蘇瑞隆. “Lun Liu Song zhuwang dui Bao Zhao yuefu chuangzuo de yingxiang—yi qiyan yu jueju ti wei zhu de tantao” 論劉宋諸王對鮑照樂府創作的 影響—以七言體與絕句體為主的探討. Hanxue yanjiu 20.2 (2002): 141–63.

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Ouyang Rongyuan 歐陽戎元. “Bao Zhao yong yun kao” 鮑照用韻考. Yuyan yanjiu (2000 special issue): 21–28. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Du Wen xuan Bao Zhao shiwen zhaji” 讀《文選》鮑照詩文 札記. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue, 458–68. Su Jui-lung 蘇瑞隆. “Er Xie zhi jian de qiaoliang—lun Bao Zhao de shanshui shi” 二謝之間的橋樑—論鮑照的山水詩, Nianyi shiji Han Wei Liuchao wenxue xin shijiao, 236–70. Su Jui-lung 蘇瑞隆. Huang Ling 黃玲, trans. “Bao Zhao de shanshui shi” 鮑照的山 水詩. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2003: 3): 87–94. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Bao Zhao jishou shige xiezuo shijian de zairenshi” 鮑照幾首詩 歌寫作時間的再認識. Huadong chuanbo gongye xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 4.1 (2004): 54–57. Ding Fulin 丁福林. Bao Zhao nianpu 鮑照年譜. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2004. Wu Yun 吳雲. “Bao Zhao yanjiu” 鮑照研究. 20 shiji zhonggu wenxue yanjiu, 256–66. Lü Lifen 呂麗芬. “Bao Zhao cifu tanlun” 鮑照辭賦探論. Ciji tongshi jiaoyu xuekan 2 (2005): 1–25. Gu Nong 顧農. “Du Bao Zhao shi zhaji san ti” 讀鮑照詩札記三題. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (2005: 1): 56–58. Bao Huailong 鮑淮龍. “Bao Zhao jiguan xiao kao” 鮑照籍貫小考. Beijing shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 191 (2005): 138–40. Su Jui-lung 蘇瑞隆. Bao Zhao shi wen yanjiu 鮑照詩文研究. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006. Li Xiangdong 李向東. “Bao Zhao fu yu Wen Jin fu” 鮑照賦與魏晉賦. Guizhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 24.6 (2006): 99–103. Yan Weiqi 顏維琦. “Bao Zhao yuefu shi yinyuxing chutan—yi ‘Ni Xinglu nan’ shiba shou wei li” 鮑照樂府詩音樂性初探—以《擬行路難》十八首為例. Yuefu xue 1 (2006): 233–40. Luo Chunlan 羅春蘭. “Sui Tang shiren jieshou Bao Zhao shi de jincheng” 隋唐詩 人接受鮑照詩的進程. Ningxia daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 29.2 (2007): 44–50. Chen Weiqiang 陳偉強 (Timothy Wai-keung Chan). “Shi cong Bao Zhao shige de xin cihui kan qi ‘bubi weize’ de chuangxin tige” 試從鮑照詩歌的新詞彙看其 “不避危仄” 的創新體格. Tang yanjiu 13 (2007): 437–61. Bai Chong 白崇. “Bao Zhao shige yuanyuan kao” 鮑照詩歌淵源考. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (2007: 2): 26–29. Chen Qiaocheng 陳橋生. Liu Song shige yanjiu 劉宋詩歌研究, 117–26, 199–220. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007. Su Jui-lung 蘇瑞隆. “Bao Zhao cifu yanjiu” 鮑照辭賦研究. Zhongguo fuxue 1 (2007): 255–85. Zheng Jun 鄭俊. “Bao Zhao yanjiu zongshu” 鮑照研究綜述. Sichuan zhiye jishu xueyuan xuebao 18.3 (2008): 33–35. Luo Chunlan 羅春蘭 and Wu Ting 吳婷. “Bao Zhao zai Liu Song de jieshou zhuangkuang ji yuanyin tanxi” 鮑照在劉宋的接受狀況及原因探析. Jiangxi shehui kexue (2008: 1): 119–23. Ge Xiaoyin 葛曉音. “Bao Zhao ‘dai’ yuefu ti tanxi—jian lun Han Wei yuefu chuangzuo chuantong de tezheng” 鮑照 “代” 樂府體探析—兼論漢魏樂府創作傳統的 特徵. Shanghai daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 16.2 (2009): 21–32. Tian, Xiaofei. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 238–40.

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Works a. “Wu cheng fu” 蕪城賦. Translations Margouliès, Anthologie, 140–42. von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 162–64. Watson, Chinese Rhyme-Prose, 92–95. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Two, 253–61. Owen, Remembrances, 59–65.

Studies Chen Weiqiang 陳偉強 (Timothy Wai-keung Chan). “Bao Zhao ‘Wucheng fu’ xiezuo shijian kaoding ji bushuo” 鮑照《蕪城賦》寫作時間考定及補說. Beijing daxue yanjiusheng xuekan (1991: 2): 80–81. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Bao Zhao ‘Wucheng fu’ de xianshi yiyi” 鮑照《蕪城賦》的現 實意義. Zhenjiang shizhuan jiaoxue yu jinxiu (Yuyan wenxue ban) (1983: 2): 16–20. Knechtges, David R. “Pao Chao’s ‘Rhapsody on the Ruined City’: Date and Circumstances of Composition,” A Festschrift in Honour of Professor Jao Tsung-i on the Occasion of His Seventh-Fifth Anniversary, 319–29. Hong Kong: Chinese University and Institute of Chinese Studies, 1993. Zhang Xiaofu 張小夫 and Zhang Ping 張屏. “Bao Zhao ‘Wu cheng fu’ zuonian kao” 鮑照《蕪城賦》作年考. Wuyi daxue xuebao 4.4 (2002): 10–14. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Cong ‘Wucheng zhi ge’ kan Bao Zhao ‘Wucheng fu’ de chuangzuo shijian” 從《蕪城之歌》看鮑照《蕪城賦》的創作時間. Zhongguo Wen xuan xue, 401–5. Gu Nong 顧農. “Chong du Bao Zhao ‘Wucheng fu’” 重讀鮑照《蕪城賦》. Zhogguo dianji yu wenhua 67 (2008): 14–18.

b. “Wu he fu” 舞鶴賦. (Fu on dancing cranes) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 208–10. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 75–82.

c. “Ni xinglu nan” 擬行路難. (Imitating “Hardships of Travel”) Studies Fujii Mamoru 藤井守. “Hō Shō ‘Gikōrōnan jūhasshu’ ni tsuite” 鮑照擬行路難十八 首について. Shinagaku kenkyū 36 (1972): 25–36. Nakamori Kenji 中森健二. “Hō Shō ‘Gikōrōnan’ no kōsei ni tsuite” 鮑照「擬行路 難」構成. Gakurin (1983: 1): 13–32.

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Ling Xun 凌迅. “Bao Zhao ‘Ni Xinglu nan’ chulun” 鮑照《擬行路難》芻論. Yiwen zhi (1983: 2): 57–78. Tang Haitao 唐海濤. “Bao Zhao de ni xinglu nan” 鮑照的擬行路難. Guoli zhongyan tushuguan guankan 19.2 (1986): 1–20; 20.1 (1987): 95–111. Wang Juqin 王菊芹. “Bao Zhao ‘Ni xinglu nan’ shibashou de zuonian tan kao” 鮑照《擬行路難》十八首的作年探考. Huabei shuili shuidian xueyuan xuebao (Sheke ban) 18.2 (2002): 11–12, 50. Lin Jingwen 林敬文. “You shige kan Bao Zhao de renshengguan he wenyiguan—yi Ni xinglu han shibashou wei li” 由詩歌看鮑照的人生觀和文藝觀—以擬行路難十 八首為例. Renwen yu shehui xuebao 1.5 (2004): 109–30. Lin Sumei 林素美. “Dui jiu xu changpian—lun Bao Zhao yuefu shi ‘Xinglu nan’ shibashou” 對酒敘長篇—論鮑照樂府詩〈擬行路難〉十八首. Zhongwen wenhua daxue Zhongwen xuebao 11 (2005): 55–75. Yan Weiqi 顏維琦. “Bao Zhao yuefu shi yinyuexing chutan—yi ‘Xinglu nan’ shibashou wei li” 鮑照樂府詩音樂性初探—以《擬行路難》十八首為例. Yuefu xue 1 (2006): 233–40.

Translations Frodsham, Anthology, 142–53. Owen, Anthology, 323–24.

d. “Deng Dalei an yu mei shu” 登大雷岸與妹書 (Letter to My Younger Sister upon Climbing the Bank of Thunder Lake) Ling Xun 凌迅. “Bao Zhao ‘Deng Dalei an yu mei shu’ zuoqi kao” 鮑照《登大雷岸 與妹書》作期考. Wen shi zhe (1988: 3): 37–39. Su Jui-lung. “Bao Zhao: Letter to My Younger Sister upon Ascending the Bank of Thunder Lake.” Renditions 41 & 42 (Spring & Autumn 1994): 18–24.

e. “Mei hua luo” 梅花落 (Plum blossoms fall) Chu Hsiao-hai 朱曉海. “Lun Bao Zhao ‘Mei hua luo’” 論鮑照「梅花落」. Wen yu zhe 1 (2002): 419–47. DRK

Baopu zi 抱朴子 (Master who embraces simplicity) “Masters” work by Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343) The Baopu zi is the most important work written by Ge Hong. It is divided into two parts, the “Neipian” 內篇 (Inner chapters) which are devoted to the “arts of transcendence,” and the “Waipian” 外篇, which belongs to the Ruist tradition. Ge Hong completed the Baopuzi around 316. However, he may have continued revising it into his later years. As a work of literature, the Baopu zi is a good example of Six Dynasties parallel prose. There are

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even passages that are rhymed. The “Waipian” also is the main source of Ge Hong’s original ideas about literature. Bibliography Editions Baopu zi 抱朴子. Zhengtong Daozang 正統道藏. Baopu zi Neipian 抱朴子內篇. 20 juan. Baopu zi Waipian 50 juan. Sun Xingyan 孫星衍 (1753–1818), ed. Pingjin guan congshu 平津館叢書, 35–42; rpt. Baopu zi nei wai piang 抱朴子內外篇. Guoxue jiben congshu. Wang Ming 王明. Baopu zi Neipian jiaoshi 抱朴子內篇校釋. Beijing: Zhonghua sssshuju, 1980. Yang Mingzhao 楊明照, ed. and comm. Baopu zi Waipian jiaojian 抱朴子外篇 校箋. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1991. He Shuzhen 何淑貞, ed. and comm. Xinbian Baopu zi 新編抱朴子. Taipei: Guoli bianyi guan, 2002.

Concordances Schipper, Kristofer, ed. Baopu zi Nei pian tongjian 抱朴子內篇通檢. Paris: Ecole française d’Extrême Orient, 1965. Schipper, Kristofer, ed. Baopu zi Wai pian tongjian 抱朴子外篇通檢. Paris: Ecole française d’Extrême Orient, 1970.

Translations Feifel, Eugen. “Pao P’u Tzu Nei P’ien, Chapters I–III.” MS 6 (1941): 117–212. Feifel, Eugen. “Pao P’u Tzu Nei P’ien, Chapter XI.” MS 11 (1946): 1–32. Feifel, Eugen. “Pao P’u Tzu Nei P’ien, Chapter XVI.” MS 12 (1948): 289–310. Mitarai Masaru 御手洗勝. Hōbokushi gaihen kanchū 抱朴子外篇簡注. Hiroshima: Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu Chūgoku tetsugaku kenkyūshitsu, 1965–1970. Ware, James R., trans. Alchemy, Medicine, Religion in the China of a.d. 320: The Nei P’ien of Ko Hung (Pao-p’u tzu). Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 1966. Honda Wataru 本田濟. Hōbokushi 抱朴子. Chūgoku koten bungaku taikei 中國古 典文學大系, 8. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1972, Sailey, Jay. The Master Who Embraces Simplicity. A Study of the Philosopher Ko Hung a.d. 283–343. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, Inc., 1978. Che, Phillipe, trans. La Voie des divins immortels: Les chapitres discursifs du Baopuzi neipian. Paris: Gallimard, 1999.

Baihua Translations Li Zhonghua 李中華, comm. and trans. Xinyi Baopu zi 新譯抱朴子. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1996. Chen Feilong 陳飛龍, comm. and trans. Baopu zi Waipian jinzhu jinyi 抱朴子外篇 今注今譯. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 2002.

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Qiu Fengxia 秋鳳俠, comm. and trans. Baopu zi Neipian zhu yi 抱朴子內篇注譯. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2004.

Studies Murakami Yoshimi 村上嘉實. Chūgoku no sennin—Hō Bokushi no shisō 中國の 仙人—抱朴子の思想. Kyoto: Heirakuji shobō, 1956. Liang Rongmao 梁榮茂. Bao Puzi yanjiu 抱朴子研究. Taipei: Mutong chubanshe, 1977. Chen Feilong 陳飛龍. Ge Hong zhi wenlun ji qi shengping 葛洪之文論及其生平. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1980. Lin Lixue 林麗雪. Baopu zi nei wai pian sixiang xilun 抱朴子內外篇思想析論. Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1980. Zhang Yukun 張玉坤. “Baopu zi de wenxue sixiang jianlun”《抱朴子》的文學思想 簡論. Shehui kexue jikan (1980: 1): 126–33. Han Quanxin 韓泉欣. “Ge Hong Baopu zi zhong de jianshang lun yu piping lun” 葛 洪《抱朴子》中的鑑賞論與批評論. Hangzhou daxue xuebao 16.4 (1986): 46–53. Lan Xiulong 藍秀隆. Baopu zi yanjiu 抱朴子研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1989. Hu Fuchen 胡孚琛. Wei Jin xian daojiao: Baopu zi Nei pian yanjiu 魏晉仙道教: 抱朴子內篇研究. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1989. Lai, Chi-Tim. “The Taoist Vision of Physical Immortality: A Study of Ko Hung’s Pao-p’u tzu.” Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1995. Schmidt, Franz-Rudolph. Die magische Rüstung—Naturbilder aus dem Pao-p’u tzu Nei-p’ien des Ko Hung (283–343). Frankfurt and New York: P. Lang, 1996. Lai Chi-Tim. “Ko Hung’s Discourse of Hsien-Immortality: A Taoist Configuration of an Alternate Ideal Self-Identity.” Numen 45 (1998): 183–220. Xu Yiming 徐儀明. Ren xian zhi jian: Baopu zi yu Zhongguo wenhua 人仙之間:《抱 朴子》與中國文化. Kaifeng: Henan daxue chubanshe, 1998. He Shuzhen 何淑貞. Baopu zi Neipian gaishu” 抱朴子內篇概述. Zhonghua daojiao xueyuan Nantai fenyuan xuebao 1 (2000): 69–87. Conley, Travis J. “Divine Medicine: The Wondergrowths (zhi) of the Baopu zi nei pian.” M.A. Thesis, University of Washington, 2003. Chen Yongmin 陳勇敏. “Baopu zi zhi wenxue chuangzuo lun”《抱朴子》之文學創 作論. Zhejiang shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 128 (2003): 27–30. Ding Hongwu 丁宏武. “Baopu zi Waipian de chengshu ji sixiang qingxiang”《抱朴 子外篇》的成書及思想傾向. Gansu shehui kexue (2004: 2): 55–59. Wang Lin 王琳 and Guo Yong 郭勇. “Ge Hong Baopu zi Waipian de shuoli yishu” 葛洪《抱朴子外篇》的說理藝術. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (2005: 1): 94–98. Gao Yuanle 高原樂. “Baopu zi banben yanjiu”《抱朴子》版本研究. Ph.D. diss., Beijing University, 2005. Wu Feng 武鋒. “Baopu zi Waipian yiwang qingkuang kao bian”《抱朴子外篇》佚 亡情況考辨. Chongqing shehui kexue 140 (2006): 34–38. Lu Yang 盧央. Ge Hong pingzhuan 葛洪評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2006. Ding Hongwu 丁宏武. “Baopu zi Waipian de pianhua qingxiang”《抱朴子外篇》的 駢化傾向. Ningxia shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue) 28.4 (2007): 11–15. Ding Chengji 丁成際 and Wu Feng 武鋒. “Ge Hong yinyi sixiang lunshu” 葛洪隱 逸思想論述. Jiang Huai luntan (2009: 2): 125–29. DRK

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Bei Qi shu 北齊書 (History of the Northern Qi) Standard history of the Northern Qi (550–577). Compiled by Li Boyao 李百藥 (565–648) under imperial command in 627, this work covers the period from 534, when the Northern Wei split into the Eastern and Western Wei, to the overthrow of the Eastern Wei by the Northern Qi in 550, to the fall of the Northern Qi to the Northern Zhou in 577. It was largely based on a history of the Northern Qi written by Li Boyao’s father Li Delin 李德林 (530–590), who in the Northern Qi period compiled twenty-seven juan of basic annals and biographies This was expanded during the Sui period to thirty-eight chapters. Li Boyao’s version has fifty juan. The original title was Qi shu. During the Northern Song (960–1127) it was re-titled Bei Qi shu to distinguish it from the Nan Qi shu 南齊書. The work consists of fifty juan: ten juan of annals, and forty juan of biographies. By the early Northern Song only seventeen juan of Li Boyao’s original work were extant. Scholars reconstructed the missing juan from the Beishi 北史 and the Xiao shi 小史 of Gao Jun 高峻 (early 8th century). The only original juan are 4, 13, 16–25, and 41–46. Juan 45, “Wen yuan” 文苑, consists of biographies of fourteen literary men including Zu Hongxun 祖鴻勳 (d. 550) and Yan Zhitui 顏之推. Bibliography Editions Bei Qi shu 北齊書. 50 juan. Song ke Song Yuan Ming dixiu 宋刻宋元明遞修 ed. Held in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Photoreprint in Zhonghua zaizao shanben 中華再造善本. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2003. Bei Qi shu 北齊書. 50 juan. Guozi jian 國子監. Between 1595–1606. Bei Qi shu 北齊書. 50 juan. Qinchuan Mao shi Jigu ge 琴川毛氏汲古閣. Between 1628 and 1661. Bei Qi shu 北齊書. 50 juan. Siku quanshu. Bei Qi shu 北齊書. 50 juan. Jinling shuju 金陵書局, 1874. Bei Qi shu 北齊書. 50 juan. Wuying dian 武英殿 ed., 1739. Bei Qi shu 北齊書. 50 juan. Bona ben Ershi si shi 百衲本二十四史. Bei Qi shu 北齊書. 50 juan. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1972.

Notes and Commentaries Luo Zhenyu 羅振玉. Bei Qi shu jiao yi 北齊書斠議. Rpt. Wei Jin Nanbeichao zhengshi dingbu wenxian, 3: 911–15. Yuanxue zhai zhuren 願學齋主人. Bei Qi shu jiaozheng 北齊書校證. Rpt. Wei Jin Nanbeichao zhengshi dingbu wenxian, 3: 917–45.

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Yuanxue zhai zhuren 願學齋主人. Bei Qi shu pangzheng 北齊書旁證. Rpt. Wei Jin Nanbeichao zhengshi dingbu wenxian, 3: 947–1018. Author unknown. Bu Bei Qi shu Jiangyu zhi 補北齊書疆域志. Rpt. Wei Jin Nanbeichao zhengshi dingbu wenxian, 3: 1019–29.

Study Zhang Guye 張固也. “Gao Jun Gaoshi xiaoshi kao” 高峻《高氏小史》考. Shixue shi yanjiu 106.2 (2002): 50–52. DRK

Bei shi 北史 (History of the Northern Dynasties) History of the Wei, Northern Qi, Zhou, and Sui. The Bei shi was compiled by Li Yanshou 李延壽 (d. ca. 677). Consisting of 100 juan, this is a history of the Wei, Northern Wei, Eastern Wei, Qi, Zhou, and Sui beginning from 386 to 618. It contains 5 juan of annals for the Wei, 3 for the Qi, 2 for the Zhou, and two for the Sui. There are 88 juan of biographies. The Bei shi does not have any monographs. Li Yanshou based this work on a history of the northern dynasties begun by his father, Li Dashi 李大師 (570–628). Li Dashi had begun a history of both the northern and southern dynasties. Li Dashi wished to write an annalistic history of the northern and southern dynasties modeled after the Wu Yue chunqiu 吳越春秋 (Annals of Wu and Yue). However, he died before he could complete the work. Li Yanshou continued his father’s work. Li Yanshou was able to gain access to most of the histories of the preceding dynasties that were compiled during the early Tang. In 629, he worked under the direction of Yan Shigu 顏師古 (581–645) and Kong Yingda 孔穎達 (574–648) on the compilation of the histories of the five dynasties of Liang, Chen, Qi, Zhou, and Sui. In 631, Li Yanshou’s mother died, and he resigned from his history post to observe mourning for her. Ca. 634 to ca. 640, he held office in Shu (Sichuan), and during his spare time he continued to work on the history. Although he did not have access to the histories in the imperial archives, he consulted many informal anecdotal works. In 641, the venerable scholar Linghu Defen 令狐德棻 (583–666) recommended him to participate in the compilation of the Jin history. This gave Li Yanshou an opportunity to consult materials relating to the Song, Qi, and Northern Wei. In 643, Emperor Taizong appointed Li Yanshou to the staff of scholars assigned to compile the monographs for the Sui history. This provided him access to the unpublished histories of the Liang, Chen, Qi, Zhou, and Sui. It was about this time that Li Yanshou began

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formally to write the history of the northern and southern dynasties. Li Yanshou worked on official history projects throughout the decade from about 646 to 656 while continuing to devote himself to his own history. After receiving corrections from Linghu Defen, Li Yanshou presented the final version of the Bei shi and Nan shi to Emperor Gaozong in 659. In compiling the Bei shi Li Yanshou also made use of the Bei Qi shu, Zhou shu, and Sui shu that were compiled during the early Tang as well as the Wei shu compiled in the Northern Qi by Wei Shou 魏收 (506–572). However, he often abbreviated or even omitted important material such as edicts and petitions that were included in these histories. He did add material from the Wei shu of Wei Dan 魏澹 (ca. 504–ca. 604) for the three annals of Western Wei emperors and biographies of Western Wei consorts. The final chapter, titled “Xu zhuan” 序傳 (Postface biography), is an account of Li Yanshou and his family’s history. Bibliography Editions Bei shi 北史. 100 juan. Guozi jian 國子監. Between 1595–1606. Bei shi 北史. 100 juan. Qinchuan Mao shi Jigu ge 琴川毛氏汲古閣. Between 1628 and 1661. Bei shi 北史. 100 juan. Siku quanshu. Bei shi 北史. 100 juan. Jinling shuju 金陵書局, 1874. Bei shi 北史. 100 juan. Wuying dian 武英殿 ed., 1739. Bei shi 北史. 100 juan. Bona ben Ershi si shi 百衲本二十四史. Bei shi 北史. 100 juan. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974.

Commentaries and Notes Li Qing 李清 (1602–1683), comm. Nanbei shi hezhu 南北史合注. 191 juan. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 278–82. Zhou Jiayou 周嘉猷 ( jinshi 1757). Nanbei shi biao 南北史表. 7 juan. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 283. Zhou Jiayou 周嘉猷 ( jinshi 1757). Nanbei shi junhua 南北史捃華. 8 juan. Yongkang Hushi Tuibu zhai 永康胡氏退補齋, 1877.

Studies Qu Lindong 瞿林東. “Nan shi Bei shi sanlun”《南史》、《北史》散論. Shixue yuekan (1981: 1): 36–42; rpt. in Qu Lindong, ed., Jin shu Bashu Ershi yanjiu, 297–311. Mu Dequan 穆德全. “Tangchu Hebei shijia Li Yanshou de nanbei tongi guan ji qi Nan shi he Bei shi de xiuzhuan” 唐初河北史家李延壽的南北統一觀及其 《南史》和《北史》的修撰. Hebei daxue xuebao (1986: 4): 142–48.

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McMullen, David. State and Scholars in T’ang China, 168–69. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. Qu Lindong 瞿林東. “Li Yanshou—yuan jiang shibi xie yitong” 李延壽—願將史 筆寫一統. Zhongguo gudai shixue renwu, 125–34. Gao Guokang 高國抗. “Yibu qingxiang tongyi de zheng shi—Tang Li Yanshou de Nan shi Bei shi”一部傾向統一的正史—唐李延壽的《南史》、《北史》. Jinan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1989: 1): 55–65; rpt. in Qu Lindong, ed., Jin shu Bashu Ershi yanjiu, 312–32. Gao Guokang 高國抗. “Nan shi yu bei shi” 南史與北史. In Cang Xiuliang, ed., Zhongguo shixue mingzhu pingjie, 423–48. Xie Baocheng 謝保成. “Qingxiang tongyi bushi Nan shi yu Bei shi de zhuti” 傾 向統一不是《南史》與《北史》的主題. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1990: 2): 44–51; rpt. in Qu Lindong, ed., Jin shu Bashu Ershi yanjiu, 333–49. Zhen Shimo 詹士模. “Nan shi Bei shi yu Nanbeichao zheng shi zhi bijiao” 「南史」、「北史」與南北朝正史之比較. Jiayi jishu xueyuan xuebao 58 (1998): 73–90. Gao Min 高敏. “Li Yanshou yu Nan bei shi” 李延壽與《南北史》. Xuexi yu tansuo 127 (2000): 126–30; rpt. in Qu Lindong, ed., Jin shu Bashu Ershi yanjiu, 350–61. Jin Jiashi 金家詩. “Longyou ruxue yu Li Yanshou shixue” 隴右儒學與李延壽史學. Qingdao daxue shifan xueyuan xuebao 17.2 (2000): 39–43. Gao Min 高敏. “Lun Li Yanshou Nan Bei shi de guilüxing shanxiao shidang” 論李 延壽《南、北史》的規律性刪削失當. Shixue shi yanjiu 106 (2002): 45–49. Gao Min 高敏. Nanbei shi duosuo 南北史掇瑣. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 2003. Chen Dongdong 陳冬冬 and Zheng Zhenjie 鄭振捷. “Nan shi Bei shi qingxiang tongyi de lishi guan ji qi deshi”《南史》、《北史》傾向統一的歷史觀及其得失. Sheke zongheng 21.5 (2006): 113–17. DRK

Beidi sancai 北地三才 (Three talents of the North) This is a shorthand way of referring to the three Northern Dynasties writers Wen Zisheng 溫子昇 (495–547), Xing Shao 邢邵 (496–?), and Wei Shou 魏收 (506–572). Although they were all northern writers, they tried to write in the courtly style of the south. They are also referred to as Beidi sanzi 北 地三子 (Three masters of the North), and Beichao san caizi 北朝三才子 (Three talents of the Northern Dynasties). DRK

beiwen 碑文 (stele inscriptions)

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Beiwen 碑文 (Stele inscriptions) The word bei in its most general sense means stele or stone pillar inscribed with an inscription. Bei were erected at various places: mountains and rivers, ancestral temples, gates, city walls, palaces, bridges, and especially tombs. The beiwen has a long introduction followed by a short eulogy (often designated as ming 銘), usually written in tetrasyllabic lines. Some scholars trace the origins of the stele inscription to such Warring States period works as the Shigu wen 石鼓文 (Stone drum inscriptions), the “Zu Chu wen” 詛楚文 (Imprecations against Chu), and above all the inscriptions written in praise of the Qin First Emperor (r. 221–210 b.c.e.). However, the full emergence of the stele inscription is intimately associated with the Han dynasty, especially the late Eastern Han when the grave inscription became an important literary genre. In addition to stele inscriptions that pay tribute to the deceased, during the Han inscriptions were dedicated to mountains, immortals, local shrines, and local officials who performed some noteworthy deed. The most famous beiwen writer of the Later Han is Cai Yong 蔡邕 (133–192). The largest number of pieces in his extant collection consists of beiwen. In 205, at the end of the Han, partly to curtail the practice of lavish burials, Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) issued an edict prohibiting the erection of steles. Edicts banning lavish burial and the erection of steles continued to be issued through the Wei and Jin periods. One of the more famous of these edicts is the one issued by the founder of the Western Jin, Sima Yan 司馬炎 (236–290), in 279. Although it seems that these edicts did not completely deter people from erecting funerary inscriptions, there does appear to be a reduction in the number of funerary stele inscriptions produced in the Wei-Jin Nanbeichao period. Replacing the stone inscription was a new form, the muzhi ming 墓誌銘 or “grave memoir” that was placed inside the tomb. The most distinguished beiwen writer of the Wei-Jin period is Sun Chuo 孫綽 (314–371) who composed funerary inscriptions for many of the distinguished men of his time. During the Northern and Southern Dynasties, the most common type of inscription was that written for steles placed at Buddhist temples. Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–555) compiled a thirty-juan collection of such inscriptions, the Neidian beiming jilin 內典碑銘集林 (Collection of inscriptions from the Buddhist Canon). Some of the beiwen of the late Northern and Southern Dynasties are distinguished for the heavy use of parallelism and ornate language. The most prolific beiwen writers of this period were Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513), Yu Xin 庾信 (513–581)), and Wang Bao 王褒 (ca. 511–ca. 574).

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beiwen 碑文 (stele inscriptions) Bibliography Collections

Huang Gongzhu 黃公渚, ed. and comm. Liang Han jinshi wenxuan pingzhu 兩漢 金石文選評注. 1935; rpt. Hong Kong: Taiping shuju, 1966. Gao Wen 高文, ed and comm. Han bei jishi 漢碑集釋. 1985; rpt. Kaifeng: Henan daxue chubanshe, 1987. Kinseki takuhon kenkūkai 金石拓本研究會, ed. Kanpi shūsei 漢碑集成. Kyoto: Dōshōsha, 1994. Nagata Hidemasa 永田英正. Kandai sekkoku shūsei 漢代石刻集成. 2 vols. Kyoto: Dōhōsha, 1994. Ye Chengyi 葉程義, ed. and comm. Han Wei shike wenxue kaoshi 漢魏石刻文學 考釋. Taipei: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 1997. Guojia tushuguan shanben jinshi zu 國家圖書館善本金石組, ed. Xian Qin Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shike wenxian quanbian 先秦秦漢魏晉南北朝石刻文獻全編. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2003.

Index Uchino Kumaichirō 內野熊一郎, ed. Kan Gi hibun kinbun kyōmei sakuin 漢魏碑文 金文鏡銘索引. Tokyo: Kyokutō shoten, 1969–1972.

Studies Fang Ruo 方若 (1869–1954). Jiao bei suibi 校碑隨筆. Tianjin: Zhongdong shiyin ju, 1910. Chavannes, Édouard. Le T’ai chan: Essai de monographie d’une culture chinois. Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1910; rpt. Taipei: Ch’eng Wen, 1970. Xu Shenyu 徐森玉. “Xi Han shike wenzi chutan” 西漢石刻文字初探. Wenwu (1964: 5): 1–9. Nakamura Shōhachi 中村璋八. “Kanpi ni mieru isho setsu nit suite” 漢碑に見える 緯書說について. Kan Gi bunka 1 (1960): 33–41. Ch’en, Kenneth K.S. “Inscribed Stelae during the Wei, Chin, and Nan-Ch’ao.” In Studia Asiatica: Essays in Asian Studies in Felicitation of the Seventy-fifth Anniversary of Professor Ch’en Shou-yi, ed. Laurence G. Tompson, 75–84. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1975. Bielenstein, Hans. “Eastern Han Inscriptions and Dynastic Biographies: A Historical Comparisons.” In Guoji Hanxue huiyi lunwen ji 國際漢學會議論文集, 571–86. Taipei: Academia Sinica, 1980. Ebrey, Patricia. “Later Han Stone Inscriptions.” HJAS 40.2 (1980): 325–53. Lü Zongli 呂宗力 and Chen Jin 陳錦, trans. “Tokan hikoku to shin’i shingaku” 東漢碑刻と讖緯神學. Igaku kenkyū ronsō 緯學研究論叢, ed. Nakamura Shōhachi 中村璋八, 210–22. Tokyo: Hirakawa shuppansha, 1993. Asselin, Mark L. “‘A Significant Season’ Literature in a Time of Endings: Cai Yong and a Few Contemporaries.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1997. Hua Rende. “Eastern Jin Epitaphic Stones—With Some Notes on the Lanting Xu Debate.” Early Medieval China 3 (1997): 30–88.

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Chu Baoling 楚保玲 and Zhao Zhenqian 趙振乾. “Han bei gaishuo” 漢碑概說. Shixue yuekan (1997: 5): 116–17. Li Shibiao 李士彪. “Han Wei Liuchao jin bei yu beiwen de yanbian” 漢魏六朝禁碑 與碑文的演變. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (1994: 4): 85–87. Zhao Chao. Victor Xiong, trans. “Stone Inscriptions of the Wei-Jin Period.” Early Medieval China 1 (1994): 84–96. Brashier, Kenneth. “Evoking the Ancestor: The Stele Hymn of the Eastern Han Dynasty (25–220 ce).” D. phil. diss., Cambridge University, 1997. Cheng Zhangcan 程章燦. Shixue luncong 石學論叢. Taipei: Da’an chubanshe, 1999. Kern, Martin. The Stele Inscriptions of Ch’in Shih-huang: Text and Ritual in Early Chinese Imperial Representation. American Oriental Series, Volume 85. New Haven: American Oriental Society, 2000. Liu Zhaorui 劉昭瑞. Han Wei shike xinian 漢魏石刻繫年. Taipei: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 2001. Bujard, Marianne. “Célébration et promotion des cultes locaux: Six steles des Han Orientaux.” Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême Orient 87 (2000): 247–66. Brown, Miranda. “Men in Mourning: Ritual, Human Nature, and Politics in Warring States and Han China, 453 bc–ad 220.” Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 2002. He Hongling 何宏玲. “Lun Cai Yong suozuo beiwen” 論蔡邕所作碑文. Wenjiao ziliao (2002: 2): 81–88. Wong, Dorothy. Chinese Steles: Pre-Buddhist and Buddhist Use of a Symbolic Form. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004. Lai Fei 賴非. Qi Lu beike muzhi yanjiu 齊魯碑刻墓志研究. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 2004. Huang Jinming 黃金明. Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao lei bei wen yanjiu 漢魏晉南北朝 誄碑文研究. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 2005. Brashier, Kenneth. “Text and Ritual in Early Chinese Stelae.” In Text and Ritual in Early China, ed. Martin Kern, 249–84. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005. Wang Yinzhong 王銀忠. “Cai Yong beiwen wenxue yanjiu” 蔡邕碑文文學研究. Nei Menggu nongye daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 28 (2006): 215–17. Li Guiyin 李貴銀. “Cai Yong de beiwen chuangzuo guan” 蔡邕的碑文創作觀. Shehuyi kexue jikan 173 (2006): 299–303. Yang Suh-jen. “The Literary Merits of the Han (206 b.c.–a.d. 220) Inscription.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 2007. Cheng Zhangcan 程章燦. “Cong beishi beisong beizhuan dao beiwen—lun Han Tang zhi jian beiwen ti yanbian zhi daqushi” 從碑石、碑頌、碑傳到碑文—論漢 唐之間碑文體演變之大趨勢. Tang yanjiu 13 (2007): 419–36. Brown, Miranda. The Politics of Mourning in Early China. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2007. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Cong Wen xuan suoxuan bei zhuan wen kan pianwen de xushi fangshi” 從《文選》所選碑傳文看駢文的敘事方式. Shanghai daxue xuebao 14.3 (2007): 21–23. Chen Xingping 陳星平. “Dong Han beike fazhan ji yanjiu gaikuang tanxi” 東漢碑 刻發展及研究概況探析. Donghai daxue wenxueyuan xuebao 49 (2008): 1–35. Ren Qunying 任群英. “Dong Han bei ming chuangzuo de wenxue shi yiyi” 東漢碑 銘創作的文學史意義. Xueshu luntan 212 (2008): 164–68.

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Harrist, Robert E., Jr. The Landscape of Words: Stone Inscriptions from Early and Medieval China. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2008. Cheng Zhangcan 程章燦. “Lun ‘beiwen si fu’” 論 “碑文似賦.” Dongfang congkan (2008: 1): 128–45. Li Guiyin 李貴銀. “Yu Xin bei zhi wen qianyi” 庾信碑志文淺議. Liaoning daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) 36.5 (2008): 40–45. Wang Zhuanghong 王壯弘. Zengbu Jiao bei suibi 增補校碑隨筆. Rev. ed. Shanghai: Shanghai shiji chubanshe, 2008. Xu Hairong 徐海容. “Qin Han bei zhi wenti yanjiu” 秦漢碑志文體研究. Tangdu xuekan 25.2 (2009): 47–51. Brashier, K.E. “Eastern Han Commemorative Stelae: Laying the Cornerstones of Public Memory.” Early Chinese Religion Part One. 1026–59. DRK

Bian Bin 卞彬 Sui dynasty literatus In the fourteenth year of Kaihuang 開皇 (594), the court had a piece of new music composed, and Bian Bin went to the performance ceremony. He wrote “He Kong shilang guan taichang xinyue shi” 和孔侍郎觀太常新 樂詩 (Matching Attendant Gentleman Kong’s ‘Observing the New Music Composed by Office of the Chamberlain for Ceremonials’) for the occasion, which is preserved in Wenyuan yinghua, 21. Lu Qinli includes the poem in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi. WJ

Bian Lan 卞蘭 (ca. 230) Late Eastern Han, early Wei period writer. Bian Lan’s natal place was Kaiyang 開陽 in Langye 琅邪 (modern Linyi 臨沂, Shandong). He was the son of the Bian Bing 卞秉, younger brother of Cao Cao’s wife Lady Bian 卞 (160–230). During the Wei he earned the favor of Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) by presenting him with a fu praising Cao Pi’s virtue. He continued to serve in the court under Emperor Ming 明 (r. 226–239). Bian Lan is primarily known as a fu writer. In 232, Bian Lan wrote “Xuchang gong fu” 許昌宮賦 (Fu on the Xuchang Palace) to celebrate the construction of a new palace in Xu. Known for his outspokenness, he often admonished Emperor Ming on his extravagance.

bian rang 邊讓 (150?–193), zi wenli 文禮

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The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Bian Lan’s collected works in two juan. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected four of his prose pieces in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 60. Cutter and Crowell, Empresses and Consorts, 94–95. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 20. WJ

Bian Rang 邊讓 (150?–193), zi Wenli 文禮 Eastern Han writer. Bian Rang’s natal place was Junyi 浚儀 in Chenliu 陳留 commandery (modern Kaifeng 開封). During his youth Bian Rang had a reputation for eloquence and erudition. During the Zhongping 中平 period of Emperor Ling’s reign (187), the General-in-chief He Jin 何進 (d. 189) summoned him to join his staff. At that time, he and Kong Rong 孔融 (153–208) exchanged letters He also was on good terms with Cai Yong 蔡邕 (133–192) who had recommended Bian Rang to He Jin. Bian was promoted to a number of unspecified posts and then appointed governor of Jiujiang 九江 (administrative center Shouchun 壽春, modern Shou 壽 county, Anhui). When the imperial house was in turmoil after Dong Zhuo 董卓 (d. 192) seized Luoyang in 189, Bian Rang resigned and returned home. In 192, when Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) served as the regional governor of Yanzhou 兗州 in which Bian Rang’s home of Junyi was located, Bian Rang often derided him. One of Bian Rang’s neighbors reported him, and Cao Cao ordered him killed. Most of his works were already lost by the Liu-Song period. Bian Rang’s only extant work is “Zhanghua tai fu” 章華臺賦 (Fu on the Zhanghua Terrace), a piece he composed before he began his government career. It is preserved in his biography in the Hou Han shu (80A.2640–45). In this piece he writes in the persona of Wu Ju 伍舉 (6th century b.c.e.), an ancestor of Wu Zixu 伍子胥 (5th century b.c.e.), to describe the extravagance of the famous terrace constructed by King Ling 靈 of Chu 楚 (r. 540–529 b.c.e.). Most scholars believe it contains a not so veiled criticism of the extravagance of the court of the late Eastern Han court.

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bian rang 邊讓 (150?–193), zi wenli 文禮 Bibliography Studies

Nakajima Chiaki 中島千秋. Fu no seiritsu to tenkai 賦の成立と展開, 562–65. Matsuyama: Seki Hironari, 1963. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Zhanghua tai fu” 章華臺賦. In Cifu da cidian 辭賦大辭典, ed.in-chief Huo Songlin 霍松林, associate ed. Xu Zongwen 徐宗文, 616. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1996. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 8–9. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 20. WJ and DRK

Bian Shao 邊韶 (ca. 100–ca. 170), zi Xiaoxian 孝先 Eastern Han scholar and writer. Bian Shao’s natal place was Junyi 浚儀 in Chenliu 陳留 (commandery). Bian Shao was known both for his writing skill and oral eloquence, and he attracted hundreds of students. In 143, while serving as an assistant in the imperial secretariat, he proposed changes in the calendar based on references to chenwei 讖緯 prognostication texts. After serving a term in the local administration, ca. 151, he was assigned to the Dongguan 東觀 (Eastern Institute) to help compile the history of the Eastern Han. His work became part of the Dongguan Han ji 東觀漢記 (Han records of the Eastern Institute). In 156, Bian Shao left the court to serve as governor of Beidi 北 地 (in modern Ningxia). In 160, he returned to the court as director of the imperial secretariat. His final position was chancellor of Chen 陳 (administrative center Chen county, modern Huaiyang 淮陽, Henan) where he died in office ca. 170. Bian Shao’s biography in the Hou Han shu mentions that he had fifteen pieces in the following genres: poetry, eulogies, inscriptions, letters, and reply to set questions. His writings were preserved in a one-juan collection in the Liang dynasty, which is recorded in the bibliography monograph of the Sui shu but was subsequently lost. Four prose pieces are preserved in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. His most famous piece is the “Laozi ming” 老子銘 (Inscription for Laozi) that he composed while in Chen, which was reputedly the birthplace of Laozi. Bibliography Dull, Jack L. “A Historical Introduction to the Apocryphal (Ch’an-wei) Texts of the Han Dynasty.” Ph.D. diss. University of Washington, 1966, 281–82.

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Work “Laozi ming” 老子銘 (Inscription for Laozi)

Translations Seidel, Anna. La Divinization de Lao-tseu dans le Taoisme des Han, 122–28. École française d’Extrême-Orient, 1969. Csikzentmihalyi, Mark. Readings in Han Chinese Thought, 105–12. Indianapolis: Hackett, 2006. WJ and DRK

Bo Daoyou 帛道猷 (ca. 329–ca. 399) Eastern Jin Buddhist monk poet. Bo Daoyou’s natal place was Shanyin 山陰 (modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang). His original surname was Feng 馮. In his youth he was acclaimed for his knowledge of texts. It is not known when he became a Buddhist monk. According to Bo Daoyou’s biography in the Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳, he lived in the Ruoye 若邪 Mountains located forty-four li south of modern Shaoxing where he associated with the famous monk Zhu Daoyi 竺道壹 (fl. 366–387). He enjoyed roaming the mountains and composing verse. His only extant poem is a piece he presented to Zhu Daoyi. Zhong Rong places Bo Daoyou in the Qi dynasty. However, he probably has confused the poet Bo Daoyou with another monk by the same name who lived in the Qi period. Bibliography Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest, 144–45. Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 561–62. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 274. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 369–70. Xu Qingxiang 徐清祥. “Dong Jin chujia shizu kao” 東晉出家士族考. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (2005: 3): 38.

Work “Lingfeng cai yao chu xing wei shi” 陵峰采藥觸興爲詩 (Poem written about what stirs my emotions while scaling peaks and gathering herbs).

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bo daoyou 帛道猷 (ca. 329–ca. 399) Translations

Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest, 145. Demiéville, Paul. “La Montagne dans l’art littéraire chinois,” France-Asie 183 (1965): 21. WJ and DRK

Boliang ti 柏梁體 (Boliang form) This is a form of seven-syllable line poetry in which each line is written by a different person. This is a precursor to lianju shi 聯句詩 or “linked verse.” The earliest reputed example of the form is the “Boliang tai shi” 柏梁臺 詩 (Cypress Beams Terrace poem). According to the preface attached to the poem, in 108 b.c.e. Emperor Wu 武帝 of the Former Han summoned officials of the rank of 2,000 bushels to celebrate the construction of the Boliang Terrace. Those who were able to compose seven-syllable line verse were allowed to sit in the highest seats. Each of these officials composed a line that was descriptive of his duties. The earliest full text of the poem is in Yiwen leiju (56.1003). Both the Han Yuanji 韓元吉 (4.1a–b) and Zhang Qiao 章樵 (8.3a–4a) editions of the Guwen yuan 古文苑 preserve a text. However, all three sources differ in their manner of identifying the officials who contributed lines to the linked verse. In the Yiwen leiju text, each line is introduced by the official title followed by yue 曰 (“X says”). In the Han Yuanji Guwen yuan text, the official title, written in small characters, follows the line. Zhang Qiao uses the same format, but adds to the official title a person’s name such as in the four opening lines: 日月星辰和四時(帝) The sun, moon, stars, and planets are in accord with the four seasons (emperor); 驂駕駟馬從梁來(梁王) A three-man equipage drawn by a four-horse team comes from Liang (King of Liang). 郡國士馬羽林材(大司馬) Soldiers and horses from the commanderies and kingdoms—material for the Plume Grove Guard (grand minister of war); 總領天下誠難治(丞相) I direct the empire, but it is hard to put into order (imperial chancellor).

The earliest mention of the Boliang Terrace poems is in a work titled Dongfang Shuo zhuan 東方朔傳 (Traditions of Dongfang Shuo), also known as Dongfang Shuo biezhuan 東方朔別傳 (Separate traditions of Dongfang Shuo) cited in the commentary by Liu Jun 劉峻 (462–521) to the Shishuo

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xinyu. It says: “Emperor Wu of the Han while on the Boliang Terrace had his various courtiers compose seven-syllable-line poetry.” The date and author of the Dongfang Shuo zhuan are not known, but some scholars have dated it to the late Western Han.3 However, we do not know whether the Dongfang Shuo zhuan actually quotes the poems. Another source that probably did contain the poems is the Han Wudi ji 漢武帝集 (Collected works of Emperor Wu of the Han). This is cited by the San Qin ji 三秦記 (Notes on the Three Qin Areas), a work attributed to someone named Xin 辛 who apparently lived during the Han dynasty. The work is cited frequently in texts of the second through seventh centuries, but seems to have been lost after the Tang. Although the Boliang Terrace poems existed in early sources, the Qing scholar Gu Yanwu 顧炎武 (1613–1682) discovered anachronisms in many of the titles and most of the names Zhang Qiao attaches to them. See Rizhi lu jishi 日知錄集釋, Huang Rucheng 黃汝誠, ed., Sibu beiyao, 21.17a–18a. Some scholars have used Gu’s evidence to argue that the entire piece is not genuine. Other scholars have argued that the official titles were not originally part of the piece, but were inserted by later commentators. However, the prevailing view of most modern scholars is that the received version of the Boliang Terrace poems is not a genuine Western Han dynasty work. Recently, Wang Hui (see below) based primarily on rhyming has argued that the poems are genuine. The Boliang form was imitated in the late Southern Dynasties. Three sets all written for imperial gatherings survive. These include one hosted by Liu Jun 劉駿, Emperor Xiaowu 孝武 (r. 453–464) of the Song; a second hosted by Xiao Yan 蕭衍, Emperor Wu 武 (r. 502–549) of the Liang; and a third hosted by Xiao Yi 蕭繹, Emperor Yuan 元 ( r. 552–555) of the Liang. These are preserved in Yiwen leiju 56.1004. Bibliography Texts Yiwen leiju 56.1003. Guwen yuan (nine juan Han Yuanji 韓元吉 (edition), 4.1a–b. Gives title but not name of line composer.

3 Lu Qinli 逯欽立 identifies it with the works about Dongfang Shuo that Ban Gu rejected as spurious in his biography of Dongfang Shuo. The Tang commentator Yan Shigu 顏師 古 specifically mentions the Dongfang Shuo biezhuan as one of these works (see Han shu 65.2873, n. 3). See Lu Qinli, Han Wei Liuchao wenxue lunji, 42–51. For a detailed discussion of the Dongfang Shuo zhuan see Xiong Ming 熊明, “Dongfang Shuo zhuan kao lun”《東方 朔傳》考論, Anshan shifan xueyuan xuebao (2003: 2): 12–15.

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Guwen yuan (Zhang Qiao 章樵 edition) 8.1a–2a. Gives title and name of line composer. Lu Qinli. Xian Qin Han Wei Liuchao Nanbeichao shi, 1: 97.

Studies Luo Genze 羅根澤. “Qiyan shi zhi qiyuan ji qi chengshou” 七言詩之起源及其成熟. Shida yuekan (1933: 2); rpt. Luo Genze gudian wenxue lunwen ji 羅根澤古典文 學論文集, 174–77. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985. Wang Rongceng 王榮曾. “‘Boliang shi’ kao wei ji qi nituo shidai zhi tuice” 柏梁詩 攷偽 及其擬託時代之推測. Daxia 1.9 (1935): 123–31. Zhang Changgong 張長弓. “Han Wudi ‘Boliang lianju’ bian” 漢武帝柏梁聯句辨. Dongfang zazhi 41.19 (1945): 54–59. Lu Qinli 逯欽立. “‘Boliang tai shi’ bian” 柏梁臺詩辨. Xiandai xuebao 1.4/5 (1947): 78–86. Lu Qinli, “Han shi bielu,” 1948, 292–301; rpt. in Lu Qinli, Han Wei Liuchao wenxue lunji, 39–54. You Guoen 游國恩. “Boliang tai shi kaozheng” 柏梁臺詩考證. 1948; rpt. You Guown xueshu lunwen ji 游國恩學術論文集, 352–79. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989. Suzuki Torao 鈴木虎雄. Tang Heyi 湯鶴逸, trans. “‘Boliang tai lianju’ kao”《柏梁 臺聯句》考. Renwu kexue zazhi 58.3/4 (1958): 63–69. Li Yuegang 李曰剛. “Qiyan yu Han Wu Boliang kao bian” 七言與漢武帝柏梁考辨. Wenfeng 6 (1965): 11–13. Fang Zushen 方足燊. Han shi yanjiu 漢詩研究, 86–128. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1967. Zhu Lixia 朱麗霞 and Xiao Xiaoyang 蕭曉陽. “‘Boliang ti’ yu ‘gexing ti’ de xingcheng” “柏梁體” 與 “歌行體” 的形成. Shandong shehui kexue 113 (2005): 97–100. Liu Yuejin, Xian Qin liang Han wenxue shiliao xue, 446–51. Wang Hui 王暉. “Boliang tai shi zhenwei kao bian” 柏梁臺詩真偽考辨. Wenxue yichan (2006: 1): 35–44. Hu Shufang 胡淑芳. “‘Boliang lianju’ yu ‘Boliang ti’ shige de fazhan” “柏梁聯句” 與 “柏梁體” 詩歌的發展. Jiangxi shehui kexue (2006: 7): 91–96. DRK

Bowu zhi 博物志 (Notes on a broad array of things) Compendium of early medieval lore Compiled by Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300), the Bowu zhi is a collection of 322 items divided into 37 subject headings. Most of the material consists of short anecdotes that are more descriptive than narrative. The first juan of the Song edition gives an account of the geography of the realm, including mountains, oceans, rivers, lakes, and unusual phenomena, ending with a rhymed zan 贊 (appraisal). The Bowu zhi is attested as early as the sixth

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century. The Northern Wei scholar Chang Jing 常景 (d. 550) is credited with editing the Bowu zhi. It also is cited in such early medieval works as the commentary by Pei Songzhi 裴松之 (373–450) to the Sanguo zhi, the Shui jing zhu 水經注 (Commentary to guideway to waterways), and the Qimin yaoshu 齊民要術 (Essential arts of the common people). It is also attested in numerous bibliography monographs from the Sui shu to the Song, virtually all of which list it as a work in ten juan. Some scholars have claimed that the received versions are reconstructions. However, this question has yet to be resolved. The received versions contain a few notes by one Zhou Rirong 周日用 and a person named Lu 盧. It is thought they are from the Northern Song period. Bibliography Editions There are two different editions: 1. A 1505 edition issued by He Tai 賀泰 (He Zhitong 賀志同) with postface by Du Mu 都穆 (1458–1525). This edition is held in the Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. This version has thirty-nine headings such as “Dili lüe” 地理略 (Geographical summary), “Di” 地 (Land), “Shui” 水 (Waters), “Waiguo” 外國 (Foreign states) placed throughout the text. Editions based on this: Bowu zhi 博物志. 10 juan. Gujin yishi 古今逸史. Compiled by Wu Guan 吳琯 (Ming); rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937. Bowu zhi 博物志. 10 juan. Kuaige cangshu 快閣藏書. Ming Tianqi 天啟 period (1621–1627). Copy available in Harvard-Yenching Library. Bowu zhi 博物志. 10 juan. Bai hai 稗海. Compiled by Shang Jun 商濬 (Ming). Bowu zhi 博物志. 10 juan. Mishu nianba zhong 秘書廿八種. Compiled by Wang Shihan 汪士漢 (17th century). Bowu zhi 博物志. 10 juan. Siku quanshu. 1782. Bowu zhi 博物志. 10 juan. Zengding Han Wei congshu 增訂漢魏叢書. Compiled by Wang Mo 王謨. 1791. 2. A Northern Song edition with contents in different order from the 1505 edition. Huang Pilie 黃丕烈 (1763–1825) obtained this from the Jigu ge 汲古閣 of Mao Jin 毛晉 (1598–1659). This version does not have the headings. Bowu zhi 博物志. 10 juan. Shiliju congshu 士禮居叢書. 1804. The Huang Pilie edition; rpt. Shanghai: Bogu zhai, 1922. Bowu zhi 博物志. 10 juan. Longxi jingshe congshu 龍谿精舍叢書. Compiled by Zheng guoxun 鄭國勳. 1917. Bowu zhi 博物志. 10 juan. Sibu beiyao. Typeset based on Shili ju congshu edition. 1935.

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bowu zhi 博物志 (notes on a broad array of things) Annotations

Wang Fuxiang 王富祥. “Bowu zhi shuzheng” 博物志疏證. Taidong shizhuan xuebao 4 (1976): 1–76. Fan Ning 范寧. Bowu zhi jiaozheng 博物志校證. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980. Rpt. Taipei: Mingwen shuju, 1981. Tang Jiuchong 唐久寵. Bowu zhi jiaoshi 博物志校釋. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1980. Ma Da 馬達, punc. and comm. Bowu zhi 博物志. Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2000.

Concordance Bowu zhi zhuzi suoyin 博物志逐字索引. Hong Kong: Zhongwen daxue chubanshe, 2007.

Translation Greatrex, Roger. The Bowu Zhi. An Annotated Translation. Skrifter utgivna av Foringer für Orientaliska Studier, 20. Stockholm, 1987.

Baihua Translation Zhu Hongjie 祝鴻杰, trans. and ed. Bowu zhi quan yi 博物志全譯. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1992.

Studies Tang Jiuchong 唐久寵. “Zhang Hua Bowu zhi de biancheng ji qi neirong” 張華博 物志的編成及其內容. Zhongguo gudian xiaoshou yanjiu zhuanji 中國古典小說研 究專集. Taipei: Lianjing chubanshe, 1980. Li Jianguo, Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, 260–69. Campany, Strange Writing, 49–52. Li Jie 李婕. “Lun Bowu zhi dili xushu de jiazhi yu yiyi” 論《博物志》地理敘述 的價值與意義. Ningxia daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 132 (2006): 39–42. Luo Xin 羅欣. “Bowu zhi chengyin san lun”《博物志》成因三論. Qiusuo (2007: 9): 174–76. Wang Yuan 王媛. “Bowu zhi de chengshu tili yu liuchuan”《博物志》的成書、體 例與流傳. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (2007: 4): 58–67. DRK

Cai Yan 蔡琰 (ca. 178–post 206; alt. ca. 170–ca. 215; alt. death date ca. 249), zi Wenji 文姬 (variant Zhaoji 昭姬) Late Eastern Han writer. Cai Yan was the daughter of Cai Yong 蔡邕 (132/133–192). Her natal place was Yu 圉 in Chenliu 陳留 commandery (modern Qi 杞 county, Henan).

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She was married at sixteen to a man from the illustrious Wei 衛 family of Hedong 河東 commandery (administrative headquarters Anyi 安邑, modern Yuwangcheng 禹王城, northwest of Xia 夏 county, Shanxi). His personal name is not known. His zi was Zhongdao 仲道. After he died, because Cai Yan had not given birth to a son, she returned to her parent’s home in Chenliu 陳留 (modern eastern Henan). Scholars do not agree on whether Cai Yan returned home before or after Cai Yong was executed in 192. Some time in the early 190’s, during the Dong Zhuo 董卓 (d. 192) insurrection, she was abducted by a band of Hu 胡 cavalry. She eventually ended up in the hands of the Southern Xiongnu 南匈奴. Most scholars place their residence in the Fen River 汾水 valley of southern Shanxi, near Pingyang 平陽 (southwest of modern Linfen 臨汾, Shanxi). However, some scholars claim she was taken to the area around modern Hetao 河套 in modern Inner Mongolia. She lived with the Southern Xiongnu for about twelve years and became the wife of a Xiongnu chieftain and bore him two children. Finally, around 208, Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) arranged for her to be ransomed. She returned to her home and married Dong Si 董祀 of Chenliu, who was one of Cao Cao’s provincial functionaries. One reason for Cao Cao’s intercession in this matter is that he had admired Cai Yong, and concerned that Cai Yong had no heir, he sent an envoy with a gift of precious jade to the Xiongnu to ransom Cai Yan. It is also possible that her first husband’s older brother, Wei Yi 衛顗, who was serving under Cao Cao at this time, was instrumental in persuading Cao Cao to ransom Cai Yan. After marrying Cai Yan, Dong Si committed a capital offense. Cai Yan went to Cao Cao to plea on husband’s behalf. According to her biography in the Hou Han shu, “At this time court ministers, famous scholars, and emissaries from distant places were seated in the hall. Cao Cao told his guests, ‘Cai Bojie’s daughter is outside. Now I will let you see her.’ When Cai Yan came forward, she was on foot and had disheveled hair. Kowtowing, she made her plea. Her speech was clear and eloquent, the tone was heart-rending, and everyone present changed expressions. Cao Cao said, ‘I truly have great sympathy for you, but the documents ordering the execution have already been issued. What can I do?’ Cao Yan said, ‘Your excellency, you have ten thousand horses in your stable, and you have groves of fierce warriors. How can you begrudge one swift horse to save the life of someone who is about to die?’ Moved by her words, Cao Cao then pardoned Dong Si. At this time, the weather was cold, and he gave her a headscarf, shoes, and stockings. Cao Cao then took the opportunity to ask Cai Yan: ‘I have heard that your family used to own many books. Do you still remember them?’ Cai Yan said, ‘My late father gave me some 4,000 juan, but during the turmoil, they became lost. There are none left. All I can

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now recite are 400-plus works.’ Cao Cao said, ‘I will give you ten scribes to have them written down.’ Cai Yan said, ‘I have heard that there should be a separation between the sexes, and according to the rites, men and women should not hand anything to each other. I beg to be given paper and brush, and I will write them out, either in regular script or cursive script, as you order.’ She then copied them down and sent them. There were no errors or anything missing in the text” (Hou Han shu 84.2800–1). Cai Yan may have had a younger sister who married Yang Dao 羊衟, the father of the famous Western Jin statesman and general Yang Hu 羊祜 (221–278) and Yang Huiyu 羊徽瑜 who married Sima Shi 司馬師 (208–255). Some scholars have argued that Yang Dao’s wife was none other than Cai Yan. If this claim is correct, Cai Yan would have lived into the late 240s. Cai Yan has a short biography in the Hou Han shu (84.2800–03). This biography may be based on a now lost work, the Cai Yan biezhuan 蔡琰別傳 (Separate tradition of Cai Yan), which is of unknown date and authorship. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu (35.1059) mentions a Dong Si qi Cai Wenji ji 董祀妻蔡文姬集 (Collected works of Cai Wenji, wife of Dong Si) in one juan that had been listed in a Liang dynasty catalogue. However, this was already lost by the early Tang. Only three pieces attributed to her are extant. These are all poems that recount the story of her abduction: (1) a poem in five-syllable-lines titled “Bei fen shi” 悲憤詩 (Poem of grief and anger); (2) a poem in the “Chu song” style by the same title; and (3) “Hu jia shiba pai” 胡笳十八拍 (Song of the Tartar whistle in eighteen stanzas) in a modified “Chu song” style. The authenticity of all of these poems has been questioned beginning with Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037–1101) in the Song dynasty. Few scholars now accept the attribution to Cai Yan of the two songs in the “Chu song” meter. One important argument against authenticity is that the landscape described in all three poems is Central Asian steppe, which does not fit the landscape of Southern Shanxi where according to the historical sources she lived. Some scholars have even argued that Cai Yan lived during her captivity not in southern Shanxi but in Inner Mongolia, which had a steppe landscape that would match that of the poems. The only poem that has any chance of being genuine is the five-syllable line poem. Most Chinese scholars accept it as genuine. However, there is a chronological problem in the first line of the five-syllable-line poem, which refers to the end of the Han dynasty. According to Cai Yan’s biography in the Hou Han Han, Cao Cao ransomed Cai Yan around 208. The Han dynasty ended in 220. Thus, if Cai Yan wrote this poem, she would have waited twelve or more years to do so.

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In addition, some scholars have argued that she did not live as late as 220, and thus she could not have known about the fall of the Han. Like her father Cai Yong, Cai Yan is known as a calligrapher. According to the Fa shu yaolu 法書要錄 (Essential catalogue of exemplary calligraphy) of Zhang Yanyuan 張彥遠 (ca. 811–ca. 877), Cai Yan transmitted her father’s calligraphic techniques to Zhong You 鍾繇 (d. 230). However, this may be one of the apocryphal traditions about Zhong You’s calligraphy. Bibliography General Studies Shen Congwen 沈從文. “Tantan ‘Wenji gui Han tu’” 談談 “文姬歸漢圖”. Wenwu (1959: 6): 32–35. Liu Kaiyang 劉開揚. “Guanyu Cai Wenji ji qi zuopin” 關於蔡文姬及其作品. Guangming ribao (June 8, 1959). Hujia shiba pai taolun ji 胡笳十八拍討論集. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959. Wang Xianjin 王先進. “Genju Cai Yan lishi lun Cai Yan zuopin zhenwei wenti” 根據蔡琰歷史論蔡琰作品真偽問題, Guangming ribao (June 21, 1959); rpt. in Hujia shibapai taolun ji, 204–18. Bian Xiaoxuan 卞孝萱. “Tan Cai Yan zuopin de zhenwei wenti” 談蔡琰作品的真偽 問題. Hujia shibapai taolun ji, 227–37. Okamura Sadao 岡村貞雄. “Sai En no sakuhin no shingi” 蔡琰の品の真偽. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 23 (1971): 20–35. Frankel, Hans H. “Cai Yan and the Poems Attributed to Her.” CLEAR 5.1–2 (1983): 133–56. Huang Yanli 黃嫣梨. “Cai Yan” 蔡琰. In Handai funü wenxue wujia yanjiu 漢代婦 女文學五家研究, 122–63. Kaifeng: Henan daxue chubanshe, 1993. Gu Nong 顧農. “Chongxin taolun Cai Yan shengping ji qi zuopin de zhenwei” 重新討論蔡琰生平及其作品的真偽. Shandong shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1995: 3): 72–79. Cai Yu 蔡瑜. “Luanli jingli yu shenfen rentong—Cai Yu de beifen jiaoxiangqu” 亂離經歷與身份認同—蔡琰的悲憤交響曲. Funü yu liangxing xuekan 8 (1997): 29–54. Qu Zhengping 屈正平. “Cai Yan shi de bijiao yanjiu” 蔡琰詩的比較研究. Nei Menggu shida xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 28.1 (1999): 34–41. Xu Zhengying 徐正英. “Cai Yan zuopin yanjiu de shiji huigu” 蔡琰作品研究的世紀 回顧. Xibei shida xuebao 38.2 (2001): 6–11. Huang Changnian 黃昌年. “Cai Yan de wenxue chuangzuo yu Cao Cao guanxi zhi shuping” 蔡琰的文學創作與曹操關係之述評. Ningbo gongcheng xueyuan xuebao 17.3 (2005): 22–25. Wang Huibin 王輝斌. “Guanyu Cai Yan shige zhenwei de zai taolun” 關於蔡琰詩 歌真偽的再討論. Chongqing jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 20.5 (2007): 63–68. Lai Yuzhi 賴毓芝. “Xiangxiang yiguo—chuan Chen Juzhong ‘Wenji gui Han tu’ yanjiu 想像異國—傳陳居中〈文姬歸漢圖〉研究. Gugong xueshu jikan 25.1 (2007): 15–88.

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cai yan 蔡琰—zi wenji 文姬 Biographical studies

Tan Qixiang 譚其驤. “Cai Wenji de shengping ji qi zuopin” 蔡文姬的生平及其作品. Xueshu yuekan (1959: 8): 51–58; rpt. in Hujia shibapai taolun ji, 238–54. Li Cunren 李村人. “Guanyu Cai Wenji guli de ziliao” 關於蔡文姬故里的資料, Hujia shibapai taolun ji, 259–61. Huang Yanli, Handai funü wenxue wujia yanjiu, 122–25. Xiong Renwang 熊任望. “Cai Wenji shengping” 蔡文姬生平.” Hebei daxue xuebao (1980: 3): 65–67. Chen Zumei 陳祖美. “Cai Yan shengping kaozheng buju—jian shu qi zuopin de zhenwei ji qi pingjia de wenti 蔡琰生平考證補苴—兼述其作品的真偽及評價的 問題. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 26 (1983): 219–30. Zhou Zhicheng 周芝成. “Cai Yan beilu niandai kaobian” 蔡琰被擄年代考辨. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1983: 1): 151–52. Zheng Wen 鄭文. “Cai Wenji mo yu Hu zhong lunlüe” 蔡文姬沒於胡中論略. Lanzhou daxue xuebao (1983: 1): 60–70. Yang Hongfeng 楊宏峰. “Lun Cai Yan beilu yu “Hujia shiba pai’ 論蔡琰被虜與《胡 笳十八拍》. Ningxia daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 14 (1983): 62–69, 79. Liu Kaiyang 劉開揚. “Guanyu Cai Yan de shengnian” 關於蔡琰的生年. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 32 (1984: 4): 46. Chen Zhongqi 陳仲奇. “Cai Yan wannian shiji xian yi” 蔡琰晚年事迹獻疑. Wenxue yichan (1984: 4): 20–27. Dingfu 丁夫. “Youguan Cai Wenji shengping de jige wenti—jian tan Cao Cao shuhui Cao Wenji de yuanyin” 有關蔡文姬生平的幾個問題—兼談曹操贖回蔡 文姬的原因. Nei Menggu daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1984: 4): 30–38. Zhang Tiemin 張鐵民. “Cai Yong he tade liangge nüer” 蔡邕和他的兩個女兒. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (1992: 4): 47–54. A’erdingfu 阿爾丁夫. “Cai Wenji shi zuoxianwang de ‘jiqie’ ma?—tong Lin Gan jiaoshou shangque” 蔡文姬是左賢王的 “姬妾” 麼?—同林干教授商榷. Heilongjiang minzu congkan 43 (1995: 4): 47–53. A’erdingfu 阿爾丁夫. “Cai Wenji zai Xiongnu de shenfen shi ‘nuli’ ma?—tong Lin Gan jiaoshou shangque” 蔡文姬在匈奴的身份是 “奴隸” 麼?—同林干教授商榷. Nei Menggu daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1995: 3): 72–78. A’erdingfu 阿爾丁夫. “Cai Wenji bei ‘lu’ kao—tong Lin Gan jiaoshou shangque” 蔡文姬被 “虜” 考—同林干教授商榷. Nei Menggu shehui kexue (Hanwen ban) (1995: 2): 70–75. Li Gaocai 李高才. “Cai Wenji wannian shiji kao” 蔡文姬晚年事迹考. Datong zhiye jishu xueyuan xuebao 17.2 (2003): 22–25. Yuejin 躍進. “Cai Wenji he tade zuopin” 蔡文姬和他的作品. Xinyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 24.1 (2004): 83–88; rpt. Liu Yuejin, Qin Han wenxue luncong, 255–72. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 28–29. Nishimura, Fumiko. “Cai Yan.” Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women, 109–13. Knechtges, David R. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 165–66.

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Studies of the Poems a. “Bei fen shi” 悲憤詩 (Five-syllable line) Text: Hou Han shu 84.2801–2. Translations Hsü Sung-nien, Anthologie de la litterature chinoise, 111–14. Paris: Delagrave, 1933. Wang Yi-t’ung. “The Lamentation of Ts’ai Yen.” Delta 10 (1960): 11–18; rev. in Sunflower Splendor, 36–39. Frodsham, Anthology, 9–13. Frankel, “Cai Yan,” 135–37. Levy, Dore. Chinese Narrative Poetry The Late Han through T’ang Dynasties, 125–28. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1988. Idema and Grant, Red Brush, 114–17. Owen, Making of Early Chinese Poetry, 234–39.

b. “Bei fen shi” 悲憤詩 (Chu song) Text: Hou Han shu 84.2802–3. Translations Frankel, “Cai Yan,” 137. Idema and Grant, Red Brush, 117–18.

c. “Hu jia shiba pai” 胡笳十八拍 (Song of the Tartar whistle in eighteen stanzas) The earliest sources for this piece are two Song dynasty works: Guo Maoqian 郭茂倩 (fl.1084–1126), ed. Yuefu shiji 樂府詩集 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979), 59.860–65. Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), ed. and comm. Chu ci houyu 楚辭後語, in Zhu Xi, Chu ci jizhu 楚辭集注 (Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1972), 3.12a–17a.

Translations Margouliès, Anthologie, 267–74. Alley, Rewi, trans. The Eighteen Laments by Tsai Wen-chi. Later Han Dynasty. Peking: New World Press, 1963. Rexroth, Kenneth and Chung Ling. The Orchid Boat: Women Poets of China, 4–7. New York: McGraw Hill, 1972. Stanzas 1, 2, 7, 11, 13,17. Frankel, “Cai Yan,” 138–42.

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Dore Levy, in Women Writers of Traditional China, eds. Chang and Saussy, 23–30.

“Bei fen shi” Studies Wang Xianjin 王先進. “‘Bei fen shi’ zuozhe kaozheng”《悲憤詩》作者考證. Dadao yuekan (1942: 2). Zhang Changgong 張長弓. “Cai Yan ‘Bei fen shi’ bian” 蔡琰〈悲憤詩〉辨. Dongfang zazhi 41.7 (April 15, 1945): 58–62. Yu Guanying 余冠英. “Cai Yan ‘Bei fen shi’ bian” 蔡琰〈悲憤詩〉辨. Guowen yuekan 77 (1949). Yu Guanying 余冠英. “Lun Cai Yan ‘Bei fen shi’” 論蔡琰悲憤詩. In Han Wei Liuchao shi luncong 漢魏六朝詩論叢, 78–90. Shanghai: Tandi chubanshe, 1952. Song Sheng 宋升. “Guanyu Cai Wenji ‘Bei fen shi’ de zhenwei wenti” 關於蔡文姬 悲憤詩的真偽問題. Shanxi shiyuan xuebao 2 (May 1957): 167–68. Zhang Shaokang 張少康. “Cai Yan ‘Bei fen shi’ benshi zhiyi” 蔡琰悲詩本事質疑. Wen shi zhe 3 (March 1956): 63–65. Lao Gan 勞幹. “Cai Yan ‘Bei fen shi’ chu yu weituo kao” 蔡琰悲憤詩出於偽託考. Dalu zazhi 26.5 (1965): 1–2. Li Yuegang 李曰剛. “Cai Yan ‘Bei fen shi’ zhi kaoshi bianhuo yu pingjia” 蔡琰悲憤 詩之考釋辨惑與評價. Shida xuebao 12 (June 1967): 1–11. Ke Qingming 柯慶明. “Kunan yu xushi shi de liangxing—lun Cai Yan Bei fen shi yu gushi wei Jiao Zhongqing qi zuo” 苦難與敘事詩的兩型—論蔡琰悲憤詩與古詩 為焦仲卿妻作. Zhongwai wenxue 10.4–6 (1970). Xu Shiying 許世瑛. “‘Bei fen shi’ jufa yanjiu jian lun qi yong yun” 悲憤詩句法研 究兼論其用韻. Gugong tushu jikan 3.1 (July 1972): 1–10; 3.2 (October 1972): 13–23. Uchida Ginpū 內田吟風. “Iwayuru Sai En Hi fu shi ni tsuite—Kyōdo shi no yichi shiryō toshite” いわゆる蔡琰悲憤詩について—匈奴史の史料として. Shisō 史窗 37 (1980): 1–7. Liu Wenzhong 劉文忠. “Cai Yan ‘Bei fen shi’ ershou de zhenwei ji xiezuo niandai xinkao” 蔡琰《悲憤詩》二首的真偽及寫作年代新考. Gudian wenxue luncong 4 (1980); rpt. in Liu Wenzhong. Zhonggu wenxue yu wenlun yanjiu 中古文學語文 論研究, 17–32. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2000. Cai Yijiang 蔡以江. “Shi zai Cai Yan ‘Bei fen shi’ shi Jin Song ren de nizuo” 史載蔡 琰《悲憤詩》是晉宋人的擬作. Beifang luncong 62 (1983): 54–58; rpt. in Jian’an wenxue yanjiu wenji, 317–25. Ding Sanxing 丁三省. “Cai Yan ‘Bei fen shi’ xin tan–jian yu Cai Yijiang tongzhi shangque ” 蔡琰《悲憤詩》新探—兼與蔡以江同志商榷. Xinyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1985: 4): 41–49. Li Xian 李鍌. “Cai Yan Bei fen shi shiyi” 蔡琰悲憤詩釋疑. Zhongyuan wenxian 22.3 (1990): 34–42. Zhang Xiaobing 張曉兵. “‘Bei fen shi’ de xiezuo niandai kao”《悲憤詩》的寫作年 代考. Liaocheng shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1994: 2): 101–4, 55. Matsuzaki Haruyuki 松崎治之. “Sai Bunki no ‘Hifu shi’ shōkō” 蔡文姬の『悲憤 詩』小考. Chikushi jogakuen tanki daigaku kiyō 32 (1997): 1–32. Mu Wei 穆薇. “Cai Yan ‘Bei fen shi’ yu Zhongguo gudai xushi shi chuantong” 蔡 琰《悲憤詩》與中國古代敘事詩傳統. Qi Lu xuekan (1998: 5): 44–46.

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Fukuyama Yasuo 福山泰男. “‘Hifu shi’ shōkō—kenkyū shi tosono mondaiten” 「悲憤詩」小考—研究史とその問題点. Yamagata daigaku daigakuen shakai bunka shisutemu kenkyū kiyō 1 (2005): 43–65. Xing Peishun 邢培順. “Cai Yan ‘Bei fen shi’ fei zishu shenshi zhi zuo” 蔡琰《悲憤 詩》非自述身世之作. Shandong shifan daxue xuebao (2008: 3): 9–13.

“Hujia shiba pai” Studies Luo Genze 羅根澤. “‘Hujia shiba pai zuo yu Liu Shang kao”《胡笳十八拍》作於 劉商考. Zhaohua 2.1–2 (1930); rpt. in Luo Genze. Luo Genze gudian wenxue lunwen ji 羅根澤古典文學論文集, 266–75. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985. Guo Moruo 郭沫若. “Zai tan Cai Wenji de ‘Hujia shiba pai’” 再談蔡文姬的《胡笳 十八拍》, in Hujia shibapai taolun ji, 11–13. Gao Heng 高亨. “Cai Wenji yu ‘Hujia shiba pai’” 蔡文姬與《胡笳十八拍》, in Hujia shibapai taolun ji, 48–55. Xiao Difei 蕭滌非. “‘Hujia shiba pai’ shi Dong Tinglan zuo de ma?”《胡笳十八拍》 是董庭蘭作的嗎, in Hujia shibapai taolun ji, 63–77. Hu Nianyi 胡念貽. “Guanyu ‘Hujia shiba pai’ zuozhe de zhenglun wenti” 關於《胡 笳十八拍》作者的爭論問題, Hujia shibapai taolun ji, 78–89. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Cai Yan yu ‘Hujia shiba pai’ 蔡琰與《胡笳十八拍》, in Hujia shibapai taolun ji, 187–90. Liu Pansui 劉盼遂. “Tan ‘Hujia shiba pai’ fei Cai Wenji suo zuo” 談《胡笳十八拍》非 蔡文姬所作, in Hujia shibapai taolun ji, 191–92. Hu Guorui 胡國瑞. “Guanyu Cai Yan ‘Hujia shiba pai’ de zhenwei wenti” 關於蔡 琰《胡笳十八拍》的真偽問題, in Hujia shibapai taolun ji, 193–203. Liu Dajie 劉大杰. “Zai tan ‘Hujia shiba pai’” 再談胡笳十八拍. Wenxue pinglun (1959: 4): 80–90. Li Lian 李廉, ed. and comm. Hujia shiba pai 胡笳十八拍. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959. Iriya Yoshitaka 入矢義高. “‘Goka juhachi haku’ ronso” 胡笳十八拍論爭. Chūgoku bungaku hō 13 (1960): 124–70. Zhang Dejun 張德鈞. “Dui ‘Zaitan Hujia shiba pai’ de shangdui” 對再談胡笳十八 拍的商對. Wenxue pinglun (1960: 1): 44–59. Haskins, John F. “The Pazyryk Felt Screen and the Barbarian Captivity of Ts’ao Wen-chi.” BMFEA 35 (1963): 141–60. Zhu Xueqiong 朱學瓊. “‘Hujia shiba pai’ zuozhe zhi lice” 胡笳十八拍作者之蠡測. Zhonghua wenhua fuxing yuekan 7.5 (1974): 39–41. Gu Pingdan 顧平旦. “Cai Yan zuo ‘Hujia shiba pai’ de yige zuozheng” 蔡琰作《胡 笳十八拍》的一個佐證. Xinan shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (1981: 3): 153–54. Wang Xiaodun 王小盾. “Qin qu geci ‘Hujia shiba pai’ xinkao” 琴曲歌詞《胡笳十八 拍》新考. Fudan xuebao (1987: 4): 23–29. Kang Sushen 康素慎. “Cai Wenji yu ‘Hujia shiba pai’” 蔡文姬與胡笳十八拍. Zhongguo bianzheng 110 (1990): 54–56. Fukuyama Yasuo 福山泰男. “‘Hi fu shi’ to ‘Goka juhachi haku’—Sai En tekusuto no hen-yō”「悲憤詩」と「胡笳十八拍」—蔡琰テクストの變容. Yamagata daigaku daigakuen shakai bunka shisutemu kenkyū kiyō 2 (2005): 1–12.

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There also is a “Hujia shiba pai” by the Tang writer Liu Shang 劉商 (mideighth century). It is found in Yuefu shiji 59.866–69 and two Dunhuang manuscripts. On this work, see: Ojima Sukema 小島祐馬. “Tonkō shutsugen no Goka jūhachi haku” 敦煌出現の胡 笳十八拍. Chūgoku bungaku hō 13 (1960): 69–75. Rorex, Robert A. and Wen Fong. Eighteen Songs of a Nomad Flute: The Story of Lady Wen-chi. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1974. DRK

Cai Yong 蔡邕 (133–192 or 132–192), zi Bojie 伯喈 Late Eastern Han scholar and writer. Cai Yong’s natal place was Yu 圉 county (south of modern Qi 杞 xian, Henan) in Chenliu 陳留 commandery. He came from one of the most prominent families of Yu county. His father’s younger brother Cai Zhi 蔡質 (fl. 171–178), who cared for Cai Yong after his father’s death, was known for his knowledge of ritual. Cai Yong was a polymath who had expertise in astronomy, mathematics, music, classical scholarship, calligraphy, and literature. He is generally acknowledged as the most accomplished writer of stele inscriptions of the early medieval period. He also had a reputation for filial devotion to his mother. Ca. 152 Cai Yong studied with the renowned scholar and writer Hu Guang 胡廣 (91–172). In autumn 159, the eunuch Xu Huang 徐璜 (d. 164) summoned Cai Yong to the capital to perform on the zither. Cai traveled as far as Yanshi 偃師 (just east of the capital ), became ill, and was able to return home. He then composed “Shu xing fu” 述行賦 (Fu recounting my travels) about his journey from Chenliu to Yanshi. In 163, Cai Yong composed “Shi hui” 釋誨 (Defense against admonition) to explain why he lacked interest in official service. Cai Yong modeled “Defense Against Admonition” after the hypothetical discourses of Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 (154–93 b.c.e.), Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 c.e.), Ban Gu 班固 (32–92), and Cui Yin 崔駰 (30?–92). It is a dialogue between Young-Gentleman Devoted to the World (Wu shi gongzi 務世公子) and Hoary-Headed-Old Man (Hua dian hulao 華顛胡老). The young man chastises the old man for living in a peaceful age and failing to be of service to the state. The old man, whose views clearly represent Cai Yong’s own position, argues that the young man has only observed “dim and minute advantage, and is oblivious of obvious harm.” He then lectures him on the situation that now prevails in the realm. There is a superabundance of officials who serve at the court, and one more courtier added to this mul-

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titude is of little or no consequence. Furthermore, those who obtain office come from well-established families. Although they “bend low before the gates of the consort clan” and “seek acclaim from the nobles close to the throne” (the eunuchs), they “fall prostrate to the ground.” The lesser ones “are dragged away and punished,” while the more prominent among them have their entire families executed. Thus, the old man thinks it prudent to know when to act and when to stop. Thus, in order to preserve his life and integrity, he is content to dwell in obscurity. Cai Yong remained out of office until 171. During this time he wrote grave inscriptions for prominent persons, including Yang Bing 楊秉 (92–165), a high court official who was one of the most outspoken opponents of the eunuchs in the 160s, and Du Shang 度尚 (117–166), a regional governor who had distinguished himself quelling bandit uprisings in Jingzhou (modern Hubei). Cai Yong composed one stele inscription and one tripod vessel inscription for one of the most uncompromising opponents of the eunuchs, Zhu Mu 朱穆 (100–163). While Zhu Mu was serving as regional inspector of Jizhou 冀州 (admininstrative seat Gaoyi 高邑 southeast of modern Gaoyi, Hebei), the eunuch Zhao Zhong 趙忠 (d. 189) violated the sumptuary regulations by burying his father lavishly with jewels and a jade suit. The officials Zhu Mu sent to investigate the matter opened the tomb, smashed the coffin, and arrested his relatives. When Zhao Zhong complained to the court, Zhu Mu was sentenced to service as a convict. Liu Tao 劉陶 (d. 185), who was studying at the national university at the time, led a group of over a thousand fellow students to present a petition to the court denouncing the eunuchs for abusing their power and requesting that Zhu Mu be released. The emperor then pardoned Zhu Mu. However, the eunuchs continued their criticisms of Zhu Mu. He died of a malignant boil in 163. Cai Yong also composed stele inscriptions for the contemporary recluse scholars Guo Tai 郭泰 (128–169) and Juan Dian 圈典 (95–169). Guo Tai was one of the most celebrated student leaders of the national university during the 160s. When he retired to his home in Jiexiu 界休, Taiyuan 太原 (southeast of modern Jiexiu county, Shanxi), he reputedly attracted a following of over a thousand students. He died at the young age of forty-two. Over a thousand people attended his funeral. Cai Yong’s grave inscription for Guo Tai was greatly admired and was included in the Wen xuan. Juan Dian may have been from Cai Yong’s home commandery of Chenliu. Cai Yong may also be the author of the famous “Stele Inscription for Wangzi Qiao.” Wangzi Qiao 王子喬 was a Taoist immortal who had a tomb north of Meng 蒙 (northeast of modern Shangqiu City, Henan). In 171, Cai Yong was appointed to the staff of the minister of education Qiao Xuan 橋玄 (109–183), who was an expert in the Li ji and Chunqiu.

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In 173, Cai Yong was appointed palace gentleman. He worked as textual editor in the Dong guan 東觀 (Eastern Institute) library. Together with Ma Midi 馬日磾 (d. 194), Lu Zhi 盧植 (d. 192), Yang Biao 楊彪 (142–225), and Han Yue 韓說 (d. post 185) Cai Yong worked on compiling the history of the Later Han that is commonly titled Dongguan Han ji 東關漢記 (Han records of the Eastern Institute). Cai compiled around this time the Du duan 獨斷 (Solitary judgments), a collection of notes dealing mainly with ritual, ceremonies, and official titles. In 175, Cai Yong was appointed gentleman consultant. Shortly thereafter Emperor Ling (r. 168–189) commissioned a group of scholars, including Cai Yong and Yang Ci 楊賜 (d. 185), to prepare a standard version of the Five Classics. The result was the production of classics carved on stone. The calligraphy is generally assumed to be that of Cai Yong. In 177, Cai Yong submitted a long petition discussing “seven essential matters for governance.” The emperor accepted his advice on many of these issues. One of the subjects on which Cai Yong commented was the recruitment of officials based on their skill as fu writers and calligraphers. Cai Yong was one of the most outspoken critics of a new school, the Hongdu men xue 鴻都門學, that Emperor Ling formally established on 15 March 178. Cai Yong derides the literary works produced by these vulgar upstarts as mere entertainment: “With students competing for profit, writers [of fu] teem like bubbles in a frothing cauldron. The most eminent among them draw somewhat upon the moral teachings of the classics, but the lowest of them string together vulgar sayings in the manner of entertainers and jesters.” In 178, Emperor Ling requested Cai Yong to submit a confidential petition outlining the most serious problems of the time. Cai replied with a frank denunciation of the corruption and abuse of power by eunuchs and the consort clan. In his petition Cai even dared to mention the names of the corrupt officials. Unfortunately for Cai, a court official leaked the contents of the petition to the palace officials. He soon found himself arrested and accused of “exacting vengeance in the name of public service, advising to harm prominent statesmen, and great disrespect.” He was sentenced to execution in the market place. After the eunuch Lű Qiang 呂強 (d. 184) made a plea on Cai’s behalf, and the emperor read Cai Yong’s moving letter of self-defense, he sentenced Cai to permanent exile as a convict laborer in Shuofang 朔方 (modern Inner Mongolia). In 179, from his place of exile Cai submitted a petition and a copy of ten monographs for the Later Han history that he had been working on since 173. Emperor Ling was impressed with Cai Yong’s work, and he included Cai Yong in the general amnesty that was issued on 16 June 179. However,

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the eunuchs continued to harass him, and for the next ten years (179–89), Cai Yong lived in hiding, probably in the southeast coastal area relying on the support of kinsmen of Yang Zhi 羊陟 (fl. 147–178), an anti-eunuch official who had been dismissed from office in 178. In 189, the satrap Dong Zhuo, 董卓 (d. 192) summoned Cai Yong to serve in his administration. Pleading illness, Cai refused. Dong Zhuo then ordered the provincial and commandery officials to command Cai Yong to come to his headquarters. Dong treated Cai with great respect and appointed him to high office: attendant censor, then secretary in charge of documents, and finally imperial secretary. “Within three days, he had advanced through all three of the secretarial offices” (Hou Han shu 60B.2005). In 190, Cai Yong was appointed general of the leader of court gentleman of the left. Dong Zhuo sacked Luoyang and moved the emperor to Chang’an. Cai Yong went with him as Dong Zhuo’s close adviser. He enfeoffed Cai Yong as Marquis of Gaoyang xiang 高陽鄉. In 192, after Dong Zhuo was killed, Cai Yong was arrested and died in prison. Cai Yong apparently had no sons. His daughter Cai Yan 蔡琰 is a famous writer. Cai Yong was a prolific writer. According to his biography in the Hou Han shu, Cai Yong’s literary corpus consisted of 104 works, including poetry, fu, epitaphs, dirges, inscriptions, encomia, linked pearls, admonitions, laments, discourses, prayers, petitions, notes, and works with individual titles. These include Du duan and “Shi hui” mentioned above. He also wrote two works on script, the Quan xue pian 勸學篇 (Exhortation to learning) and “Zhuan shi” 篆勢 (Configuration of seal script), and one on music, “Xu yue 敘樂” (Disquisition on music). A monitory essay titled “Nü xun” 女訓 (Instructions for daughters) is also mentioned. In the Quan shangdu sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen Yan Kejun collects 140 pieces by Cai Yong, but many of them are fragments. He has a total of sixteen fu, three of which may be complete. The most famous of Cai Yong’s fu is “Shu xing fu” 述行賦 (Fu on recounting a journey) that he wrote in the autumn of 159. when he was summoned to the capital to give a zither concert for a eunuch official. At this time, Cai Yong was living in his home area of Yu county, which was part of Chenliu commandery. His journey took him through Daliang 大梁 (modern Kaifeng), Zhongmou 中牟 (east of modern Zhongmou, Henan), Guan-Zheng 管鄭 (modern Zhengzhou 鄭州), Xingyang 滎陽 (north of modern Xingyang), and Gong 鞏 (southwest of modern Gong county). At Yanshi 偃師, about sixteen kilometers east of Luoyang, Cai Yong took ill and was allowed to return home before reaching the capital. Like the earlier travel fu by such writers as Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23 c.e.), Ban Biao 班彪

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(3–54), and Ban Zhao 班昭 (ca. 49–ca. 120), Cai Yong refers to the historical events that occurred at places he visits, and most of them contain allusions to men who improperly arrogated authority to themselves, or who engaged in treachery and deceit. In addition to his reflections on history, Cai also has vivid descriptions of the landscape that he portrays as dark and foreboding. Cai Yong did not write any long epideictic fu. However, the range of his topics is quite broad. One fu that comes close to replicating the grand display style of the Former Han is “Han jin fu” 漢津賦 (Fu on the Han River Ford). It is the first extant fu on a river. The thirty-seven-line fragment presents an account of the Han River, from its origins in the mountains of Gansu, its passage south to Xiangyang 襄陽, and ending with its entry into Dongting Lake. Several pieces such “Bi fu 筆賦 (Fu on the writing brush) and “Tan qin fu” 彈琴賦 (Fu on strumming the zither) reflect Cai’s personal interests, for he was an accomplished calligrapher and zither player. Another personal piece is “Shang huli fu” 傷胡栗賦 (Fu on grieving over the old chestnut tree) in which Cai Yong laments the breaking of the branches of a chestnut tree that had been planted in front of the Cai family ancestral shrine. Gong Kechang suggests that the injured chestnut tree may stand for the scholar-officials of the Emperor Huan period who were persecuted by the eunuchs.4 Another unusual poem is “Duanren fu” 短人賦 (Fu on dwarfs).” The piece consists of a preface followed by a “song.” The entire piece, including the preface, is written in rhyming four-syllable lines. This is a very unusual form for the fu. In the song section, Cai Yong introduces a series of avian images to portray the appearance of dwarfs: small roosters, little grebes, green pigeons, quail hens, hoopoes, and woodpeckers. He then compares them to two types of horse and various insects: locusts, crickets, chrysalides, and silkworms. The final section consists of a variety of analogies: door post, roof support, damaged chisel head, broken axe handle, hand drum, and shoe mallet. This fu, which may have been written for the court, displays the kind of wit and humor that clearly was part of the court fu tradition. Mei Gao’s compositions at Emperor’s Wu’s court probably were similar to this. Thus, even though Cai Yong criticized the Hongdu Gate School fu compositions, it is possible that he composed in this more “vulgar” style to conform to the aesthetic taste of Emperor Ling’s court. Perhaps the most innovative of Cai Yong’s fu are the pieces on erotic desire. One piece, “Jian yi fu” 檢逸賦 (Fu on curbing excess), of which only fourteen lines survive, contains a description of a beautiful lady followed 4

See Quan Han fu ping zhu 3: 857–58.

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by a statement of the persona’s desire for her. Such erotic writing is found in two other fu: “Qingyi fu” 青衣賦 (Fu on the maid servant) and “Xiehe hun fu” 協和婚賦 (Fu on harmonious marriage). In the former piece Cai Yong celebrates the beauty of a lowly maid servant and even indicates his erotic desire for her. This piece aroused the wrath of Cai’s contemporary Zhang Chao 張超 (ca. 150–200), who wrote a fu titled “Qiao ‘Qingyi” 誚青 衣賦 (Fu ridiculing ‘Fu on the maid servant’” to reproach Cai Yong for his violation of decorum. “Fu on Harmonious Marriage” describes a wedding ceremony replete with a description of the alluring beauty of the bride and even a few lines recreating the scene in the bridal bed. Cai Yong was a skilled zither player. He is attributed with the Qin cao 琴操 (Zither tunes), but some scholars have disputed his authorship. The monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu lists a Cai Yong ji 蔡邕集 (Collected works of Cai Yong) in twelve juan. It also notes that a Liang dynasty catalogue listed his collection in twenty juan with a one-juan table of contents. Cai’s collection seems to have survived into Song times. It is listed as a twenty-juan work in the Xin Tang shu. There was a printing of Cai’s collection by Ouyang Jing 歐陽靜 in the northern Song. This printing did not survive, but his preface, dated 1023 is included in later printings of Cai’s collection. Bibliography Collections Cai Zhonglang wenji 蔡中郎文集. 10 juan + “Wai zhuan” 外傳 1 juan. Xishan Lanxue tang 錫山蘭雪堂, Zhengde yihai 1515. Photoreproduction in Sibu congkan. Cai Zhonglang ji 蔡中郎集. 6 juan. Siku quanshu. Cai Zhonglang ji 蔡中郎集. 10 juan, + “Wai ji” 外紀 1 juan, “Cai Zhonglang wai zhuan” 蔡中郎外傳 4 juan. Haiyuan ge 海源閣 edition compiled for Yang Yizeng 楊以增 (1787–1855), Xianfeng 1 (1851). There is a typeset reprint of this in Sibu beiyao. Deng Ansheng 鄧安生, ed. and comm. Cai Yong ji biannian jiaozhu 蔡邕集編年校 注. Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2002.

For textual notes, see Xu Han 許瀚 (1797–1866). Yang ke Cai Zhonglang ji jiaokan ji 楊刻蔡中郎集校 勘記. Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1985. Wu Zhizhong 吳志忠, ed. Jiao Cai Zhonglang ji shu zheng 校蔡中郎集疏證. 1 juan. Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Wu Zhizhong 吳志忠, ed. Cai Zhonglang wen ji bu 蔡中郎文集補. 1 juan. Xuxiu Siku quanshu.

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Niwa Taeko 丹羽兌子. “Sai Yū den oboegaki” 蔡邕伝おぼえがき. Nagoya daigaku bungakubu kenkyū ronshū 名古屋大學文學部研究論集 56, Shigaku 19 (1972): 95–110. Okamura Shigeru. “Sai Yū o megeru Go Kan makki no bungaku no sūei” 蔡邕 をめぐる後漢末期の文學の趨勢. Nihon Chūgoku bungaku hō 28 (1976): 61–78; Chinese trans. by Guo Feiying 郭斐映, in A Festschrift in Honour of Professor Jao Tsung-i on the Occasion of His Seventy-Fifth Anniversary, ed. Zheng Huixin 鄭會欣, 27–42. Hong Kong: The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1993. See also Wang Lin 王琳 and Niu Yueming 牛月明, trans. “Cong Cai Yong kan Dong Han moqi de wenxue qushi” 從蔡邕看東漢末期的文學趨勢. Yinshan xuekan (1994: 3): 18–25. Qi Tianju 齊天舉. “Han mo wenfeng zhuanbian zhong de daibiao zuojia Cai Yong” 漢末文風轉變中的代表作家蔡邕. Wenxue yichan (1986: 2): 25–35; rpt. in Zhongguo gudai jindai wenxue yanjiu (1985: 5): 49–60. Wu Mingxian 吳明賢. “Cai Yong fu lun” 蔡邕賦論. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (1990: 4); rpt. in Xiong Liangzhi 熊良智, ed. Cifu yanjiu 辭賦研究, 291–301. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2006. Asselin, Mark L. “The Hou Han shu Biography of Cai Yong (a.d. 132/133–192).” M.A. Thesis, University of Washington, 1991. Lü Foting 呂佛庭. “Cai Yong yu Han Xiping shijing” 蔡邕與漢熹平石經. Zhongyuan wenxian 23.4 (1991): 8–17. Zhang Tiemin 張鐵民. “Cai Yong he tade liangge nüer” 蔡邕和他的兩個女兒. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (1992: 4): 47–54. Shi Fuqing 史福慶 and Zhang Wanqing 張萬青. “Cai Yong guli xinkao” 蔡邕故里 新考. Henan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 34.1 (1994): 23–26. Kou Zhifeng 寇志鳳. “Cai Yong xinlun” 蔡邕新論. Shehui kexue jikan 97 (1995): 94–99. Deng Ansheng 鄧安生. “Cai Yong zhuzuo bianyi” 蔡邕著作辨疑. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1996: 6): 31–34. Gong Kechang 龔克昌. “Cai Yong” 蔡邕. In Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, xubian中國歷代著名文學家評傳，續編. 3 vols., eds. Lü Huijuan 呂慧 鵑, Liu Bo 劉波, and Lu Da 盧達, 1: 143–61. Ji’nan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996–1997. Asselin, Mark L. “‘A Significant Season’ Literature in a Time of Endings: Cai Yong and a Few Contemporaries.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1997. Gong Kechang. Mark Asselin, trans. “A Critical Biography of Cai Yong.” in Studies on the Han Fu, 339–89. Asselin, Mark Laurent. “The Lu-School Reading of ‘Guanju’ as Preserved in an Eastern Han fu.” JAOS 117 (1997): 427–43. Deng Ansheng 鄧安生. “Cai Yong de sixiang yu wenhua chengjiu” 蔡邕的思想與文 化成就. Tianjin shida xuebao (She ke ban) (1999: 5): 59–64. He Hongling 何宏玲. “Lun Cai Yong suozuo beiwen” 論蔡邕所作碑文. Xuelin zongheng (2000: 2): 81–88. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. “Cai Yong zhushu zhilu” 蔡邕著述摭錄. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2002: 4): 87–91; rpt. in Su Jui-lung and Gong Hang, ed. Nianyi shiji Han Wei Liuchao wenxue xin shijiao, 138–50; Qin Han wenxue luncong, 257–72.

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Zongfan 踪凡. “Cai Yong yu Hongdu menxue de Han fu guan” 蔡邕與鴻都門學的 漢賦觀. Guizhou shehui kexue 175 (2002): 72–74, 90; rpt. in Zongfan. Han fu yanjiu shi lüe 漢賦研究史略, 152–58. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2007. Zhang Zhonghui 張仲慧. “Cai Yong gong duwen chutan” 蔡邕公牘文初探. Kaifeng jiaoyu yuan xuebao 22.1 (2002): 33–34. Fu Jianzhong 傅建忠. “Dianya: Cai Yong cifu de meixue pinge” 典雅: 蔡邕辭賦的美 學品格. Xi’an dianzi keji daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 13.2 (2003): 83–87. Liu Guihua 劉桂華. “Handai fu shi shang de yiduo qiba: qian yi Cai Yong de lianqing fu” 漢代賦史上的一朵奇葩—淺議蔡邕的戀情賦. Jinan daxue xuebao 13.3 (2003): 50–52. Yuejin 躍進. “Cai Yong shengping chuangzuo yu Hanmo wenfeng de zhuanbian” 蔡邕生平創作與漢末文風的轉變. Wenxue pinglun (2004: 3): 138–46; rpt. Liu Yuanjin, Qin Han wenxue luncong, 172–92. Guo Guiyin 郭貴銀. “Cai Yong de beiwen chuangzuo guan—you ‘Guo Youdao bei’ zhengyi tanqi” 蔡邕的碑文創作觀—由《郭有道碑》爭議談起. Shehui kexue jikan 173 (2006): 299–303. He Ruyue 何如月. “Cai Yong chu shi Dong Zhuo ‘wu shou wu shi’ bian” 蔡邕出仕 董卓 “無守無識” 辯. Qiusuo (2006: 4): 170–72. Duan Lian 段蓮. “Cai Yong jiaoyou kao” 蔡邕交游考. Zhangzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 62 (2006): 43–46. He Ruyue 何如月. “Cai Yong wannian chu shi ji si yin” 蔡邕晚年出仕及死因. Wen shi zhishi (2006: 5): 67–73. Duan Lian 段蓮. “Lun Cai Yong xiaofu” 論蔡邕小賦. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 26.1 (2007): 56–58. Low-Barbieri, Anthony J. Artisans in Early Imperial China, 205–11. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2007. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 29–32. Xiao Qin 蕭琴. “Cai Yong yu yinyue” 蔡邕與音樂. Yibin xueyuan xuebao 5.5 (2007): 106–8. Wang Huibin 王輝斌. “Cai Yong yu Dong Han shixu ti kao lun” 蔡邕與東漢詩序體 考論. Guiyang xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 13 (2009): 67–71. Gao Changshan 高長山. Cai Yong pingzhuan 蔡邕評傳. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2009. Asselin, Mark Laurent. A Significant Season: Cai Yong (ca. 133–192) and His Contemporaries. American Oriental Series Monograph 92. New Haven: American Oriental Society, 2010. Knechtges, David R. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 155–60.

Works a. Du duan 獨斷 (Solitary judgments) Editions Du duan 獨斷. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Du duan 獨斷. 2 juan. Baichuan xueha 百川學海. i. Du duan 獨斷. 2 juan. Baojing tang congshu 抱經堂叢書. Du duan 獨斷. 2 juan. Sibu congkan. Photo-reprint of 1503 edition held in Tieqin tongjian lou 鐵琴銅劍樓.

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Fukui Shigemasa 福井重雅, trans. Yakuchū Seiki zakki Dokudan 訳注西京雜記‧獨斷. Tokyo: Tōhō shoten, 2000.

Studies Fukui Shigemasa 福井重雅. “Sai Yū to Dokudan 蔡邕と「獨斷」. Shikan 107 (1982): 121–35. Zeng Xianfei 曾獻飛. “Cai Yong Du duan jiao jian” 蔡邕《獨斷》校箋. Xiangfan xueyuan xuebao 21.6 (2000): 68–70. Yuejin 躍進. “Du duan yu Qin Han wenti yanjiu”《獨斷》與秦漢文體研究. Wenxue yichan (2002: 5): 11–25; rpt. Liu Yuejin, Qin Han wenxue luncong, 146–72. Liu Houbin 劉後濱. “Cong Cai Yong Duduan kan Handai gongwen xingtai yu zhengzhi tizhi de bianqian” 從蔡邕《獨斷》看漢代公文形態與政治體制的變遷. Guangdong shehui kexue (2002: 4): 103–8. Giele, Enno. Imperial Decision-making and Communication in Early China: A Study of Cai Yong’s Duduan. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006.

b. “Shu xing fu” 述行賦 (Fu recounting a journey) Studies and Translations Gu Shaojiong 顧紹炯. “Tuo gu yu jin ji yi shen yuan—Cai Yong ‘Shu xing fu’ chutan” 托古喻今寄意深遠—蔡邕《述行賦》初探. Guizhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1990: 2): 81–85, 69. Asselin, Mark L. “A Significant Season.” 77–18, 407–52.

c. “Qingyi fu” 青衣賦 (Fu on the maid servant) Studies and Translations Asselin, Mark L. “A Significant Season,” 239–81, 487–97. Asselin, Mark Laurent. “The Lu-School Reading of ‘Guanju’ as Preserved in an Eastern Han fu.” JAOS 117 (1997): 427–43. Yu Jidong 俞紀東. “Cai Yong ‘Qingyi fu’ yanjiu” 蔡邕《青衣賦》研究. Shanghai caijing daxue xuebao 3.1 (2001): 43–48. Fukui Yoshio 福井佳夫. “Yūgi bungaku ron (5) Sai Yū no ‘Sei’i fu’ ni tsuite” 遊戲 文學論 (5) 蔡邕の「青衣賦」について. Chūkyō kokubungaku 22 (2003): 1–15. Liu Chujing 劉楚荊. “Yi zuo furen, wei zhong nü shi—Cai Yong ‘Qingyi fu tan xi” 宜作夫人、為眾女師—蔡邕「青衣賦」探析. Zhongguo yuwen 103.3 (2008): 44–51.

d. “Guo Youdao bei” 郭有道碑 (Stele inscription for Guo Tai) Study and Translation Asselin, Mark L. “A Significant Season,” 318–34, 526–44.

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e. “Chen Taiqiu bei” 陳太秋碑 (Stele inscription for Chen Shi) Study and Translation Asselin, Mark L. “A Significant Season,” 335–53, 545–64.

f. “Duanren fu” 短人賦 (Fu on dwarfs) Study and Translation Asselin, Mark L. “A Significant Season,” 229–39, 478–86.

g. “Xiehe hun fu” 協和婚賦 (Fu on harmonious marriage) Study and Translation Asselin, Mark L. “A Significant Season,” 283–87, 518–25.

h. “Shi hui” 釋誨 (Rebutting admonition) Translation Asselin, “Hou Han shu Biography,” 9–26, 61–115.

i. “Zhuan shi” 篆勢 (Configuration of seal script) Translation Egan, Ronald. “Nature and Higher Ideals in Texts on Calligraphy, Music, and Painting.” In Chinese Aesthetics: The Ordering of Literature, the Arts, and the Universe in the Six Dynasties, ed. Zong-qi Cai, 278–79. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004.

j. Qin cao 琴操 (Zither tunes) Studies Ma Meng 馬萌. “Qin cao zhuanzhe kaobian”《琴操》撰者考辨. Zhongguo shehui kexue yuan yanjiu sheng yuan xuebao (2005: 2): 61–66. Zhao Debo 趙德波. “Qin cao de zuozhe ji qi cheng shu”《琴操》的作者及其成書. Xinan jiaotong daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 9.5 (2008): 82–87. Zhao Debo 趙德波. “Fanxian ji yi, yayun fu yang—lun Qin cao de wenxue jiazhi he yishu chengjiu” 繁弦既抑, 雅韻復揚—論《琴操》的文學價值和藝術成就. Suihua xueyuan xuebao 29.2 (2009): 136–39. DRK

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cao wang 曹王

Cao Wang 曹王 A shorthand designation for Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232) and Wang Can 王粲 (177–217). DRK

Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220), zi Mengde 孟德, childhood name Aman 阿瞞 Late Han general, statesman, and writer. Cao Cao’s ancestral home was Qiao 譙 in Pei 沛 (modern Bozhou 亳 county, Anhui). Cao Cao is also known by his posthumous title Emperor Wu of Wei 魏武帝. His father Cao Song 曹嵩 (d. 193) was the adopted son of the eunuch Cao Teng 曹騰. Cao Cao first earned fame in 184 by leading an army to put down a Yellow Turban insurrection. In 190, he raised his own army of five thousand men and joined the “loyalists” who rose against the warlord Dong Zhuo 董卓 (d. 192). In 192 he incorporated into his own army the surrendered Yellow Turban rebels from Qingzhou 青州 (modern Shandong peninsula). From this time on Cao Cao was the supreme military power in north China. In 196 he took emperor Xian under his protection and installed him in Xu 許 (modern Xuchang 許昌, Henan). By 208, Cao Cao achieved supremacy over most of his rivals. His position was that of councilor-in-chief. In August of 208, Cao Cao led his army south on a campaign against Liu Biao 劉表 (142–208) in Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat Xiangyang 襄陽, modern Xiangfan 襄樊, Hubei). After Liu Biao died of natural causes, Cao easily was able to obtain the surrender of Liu Biao’s son, Liu Cong 劉琮. Cao Cao’s only setback was in December of 208, when his army was routed in the famous Battle of the Red Cliff (Chi bi 赤壁 = modern Jiayu 嘉魚, Hubei). In his later years, Cao Cao solidified his power in the north and continued to wage campaigns against his two main rivals, Sun Quan 孫權 (182– 252) in the southeast, and Liu Bei 劉備 (162–223) in the southwest. He also established a policy of recruiting officials based on their talent rather than social status or wealth. However, to solidify his power, he granted important positions to his sons. In 211, he named Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) vicechancellor. His other sons received marquisates. In 216, Cao Cao assumed the title of King of Wei and established Cao Pi as his heir designate. By the time of his death in 220, Cao Cao had prepared the way for the establishment of the Wei dynasty. In addition to distinguishing himself as a brilliant military strategist and leader, Cao Cao was an accomplished writer. In the sixth century there

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was a collection titled Wei Wudi ji 魏武帝集 (Collected works of Emperor Wu of Wei) amounting to thirty juan. This was reduced to twenty-six juan in the early Tang. In the early Tang there was also a ten-juan Xin zhuan 新撰 (New compilation?) and a ten-juan Wu huangdi yi ji 武皇帝逸集 (Collection of the literary remains of Emperor Wu). A thirty-juan Wei Wudi ji continues to be listed in bibliographies up to Song times. These were all lost. Later collections are all reconstructions. The bulk of Cao Cao’s extant writings consist of prose. He has a total of 150 prose works including letters, commands (ling 令), prefaces, petitions, and instructions ( jiao 教). Cao Cao may be the most prolific writer of commands in the Chinese literary tradition. His most famous piece in this form is “Rang xian zi ming benzhi ling” 讓現自明本志令 (Command relinquishing the counties and clarifying my basic aims). Written on 1 January 211, it is a remarkable autobiographical account of Cao Cao’s life up to this time. Cao Cao’s surviving works include twenty-two poems, all of which are yuefu. However, five of these works are fragments, and two (“Tangshang xing” 堂上行 and “Shan zai xing” 善哉行 #3) may not be the work of Cao Cao. It is notable that Cao Cao does not have any fu compositions extant. Jean-Pierre Diény divides the poems into three main themes: politics, escapism (mostly youxian or “wandering as an immortal ), and lyricism, while Xu Gongchi identifies four subjects: poems on a particular event (especially military campaigns), recounting personal feelings and aims, youxian, and history. Cao Cao had a strong interest in the “arts of the transcendents,” and his youxian and those of his sons may be a reflection of that interest. Cao Cao also experimented with various prosodic forms. He showed a preference for the four-syllable-line pattern of the Shi jing. Bibliography Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Wei Wudi ji 魏武帝集. 5 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, v. 1583. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Wei Wudi ji 魏武帝集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Yu Guanying 余冠英, ed. and comm. San Cao shi xuan 三曹詩選. Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1956; Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1959. Huang Jie 黃節 (1874–1935), ed. and comm. Wei Wudi Wei Wendi shi zhu 魏武帝 魏文帝詩注. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1958. Cao Cao ji 曹操集. Zhonghua shuju. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974. Cao Cao shiwen xuan 曹操詩文選. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1975. Anhui Bo xian Cao Cao ji yizhu xiaozu 安徽亳縣《曹操集》譯注小組. Cao Cao ji yizhu 曹操集譯注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979.

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Qiu Yingsheng 邱英生 and Gao Shuang 高爽, eds. and comm. San Cao shi yishi 三曹詩譯釋. Harbin: Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 1982. Liu Yisheng 劉逸生, ed. Zhao Futan 趙福壇, comm. Cao Wei fuzi shixuan 曹魏夫 子詩選. Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 1983. Xia Chuancai 夏傳才, ed. and comm. Cao Cao ji zhu 曹操集注. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1986. Cao Cao ji 曹操集. Zhang Yang 張楊, punc. Changchun: Shidai wenyi chubanshe, 1995. Fu Yashu 傅亞庶, ed. and comm. San Cao shi wen quanji yizhu 三曹詩文全集譯注. Changchun: Jilin wen shi chubanshe, 1997. Chen Qingyuan 陳慶元. San Cao shi xuanping 三曹詩選評. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2002. Zhang Keli 張可禮. Cao Cao Cao Pi Cao Zhi ji 曹操曹丕曹植集. Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2009.

Concordance Cao Cao ji zhuzi suoyin 曹操集逐字索引. Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong, 200.

Studies and Translations Balasz, Stephen. “Ts’ao Ts’ao, zwei Lieder.” MS 2 (1936–37): 410–20. English version: Etienne Balasz. Chinese Civilization and Bureaucracy. Ed. Arthur F. Wright, 173–86. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964. von den Steinen, Diether. “Poems of Ts’ao Ts’ao.” MS 4 (1939–40): 125–81. Wang Zhongluo 王仲犖. Cao Cao 曹操. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1956. Cao Cao lun ji 曹操論集. Beijing: Sanlian, 1960; rpt. Hong Kong: Sanlian, 1979. Leban, Carl. “Ts’ao Ts’ao and the Rise of Wei: The Early Years.” Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1971. Inami Ritsuko 井波律子. “Sō Sō ron” 曹操論. Chūgoku bungaku hō 23 (1972): 1–27. Takeda Akira 竹田晃. Sō Sō: sono kōdō to bungaku 曹操: その行動と文學. Tokyo: Hyōronsha, 1973; trans. and rewriting by Feng Zuomin 馮作民. Cao Cao 曹操. Taipei: Xingguang chubanshe, 1978. Ueki Hisayuki 植木久行. “Sō Sō gafu shi ronkō 曹操樂府詩論考. In Mekada Makoto hakase koki kinen Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 目加田誠博士古稀記念中國文學論 集, 99–120. Tokyo: Ryūkei sosha, 1974. Kroll, Paul W. “Portraits of Ts’ao Ts’ao: Literary Studies on the Man and the Myth.” Ph.D. diss. University of Michigan, 1976. Funazu Tomihiko 船津富彥. “Gi no Butei no yūsen bungaku ni tsuite” 魏の武帝の 遊仙文學について. Yoshioka hakase kanreki kinen Dōkyō kenkyū ronshū 吉岡博 士環曆記念道教研究論集, 165–92. Tokyo: Toshu kankōkai, 1977. Kuan, Yu-Chien. Cao Caos Leben und seine gegenwärtige Bewertung. Hamburg: Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasien, 1978. Guo Moruo 郭沫若, Qian Bozan 翦伯贊, et al. Cao Cao lunji 曹操論集. Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 1979.

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Zhang Yingge 張映閣. Cao Cao xin zhuan 曹操新傳. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1989. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. “Cao Cao” 曹操. In Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 1: 205–220. Wu Yun 吳雲. “Cao Cao zai wenxue shi shang de diwei” 曹操在文學史上的地位. Liaoning shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1981: 6): 8–14. Liu Yu’e 劉玉娥. Cao Cao zhuan 曹操傳. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1983. Frankel, Hans H. “The Development of Han and Wei Yüeh-fu as a High Literary Genre.” The Vitality of the Lyric Voice, Shuen-fu Lin and Stephen Owen, eds., 255–86, esp. 262–75. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986. Kawai Kōzō 川合康三. Sō Sō: bō o yokotaete shi o fusu 曹操: 矛を橫たえて詩を 賦す. Tokyo: Shūeisha, 1986; Chinese trans. by Zhou Dongping 周東平. Cao Cao: zhishi zhi nengcheng, luanshi zhi jianxiong 曹操: 治世之能臣, 亂世之奸雄. Xi’an: San Qin chubanshe, 1989. Nakamura Sunao 中村愿. Sangokushi Sō Sō den 三國志曹操伝. Tokyo: Shin jinbutsu Ōraisha, 1986. Cutter, Robert Joe. “Ts’ao Ts’ao.” In Indiana Companion, Volume 2, 162–65. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. “He Yan yu Cao Cao” 何晏與曹操. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 158 (1992): 47–67. Zhang Yaxin 張亞新. Cao Cao da zhuan 曹操大傳. Beijing: Zhongguo wenxue chubanshe, 1994. He Xiuming 賀秀明. “Cao Cao yu Cao Zhi youxian shi de chengyin ji yitong” 曹操 與曹植游仙詩的成因及異同. Zhongzhou xuekan (1994: 3): 97–101. Yang Jianbo 楊建波. “Cao Cao yu Cao Zhi de youxian shi” 曹操與曹植的游仙詩. Jiang Han daxue xuebao 13.5 (1996): 43–47. Tu Guangshe 涂光社. “Cao Cao shi san ti” 曹操詩三題. Suzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1997: 2): 67–70. Chin Shunhsin 陳舜臣. Sō Sō: Gi no Sō ichizoku 曹操: 魏の曹一族. Tokyo: Chūō Kōronsha, 1998; Chinese trans. Xu Xiqing 許錫慶. Cao Cao 曹操. Beijing: Guoji wenhua chubanshe, 2005. Liang Zuping 梁祖萍. “Jian lun Cao Cao de sanwen” 簡論曹操的散文. Ningxia shehui kexue 94 (1999): 75–78. Diény, Jean-Pierre. Les Poèmes de Cao Cao (155–220). Paris: Collège de France, Institut des hautes études chinoises, 2000. Zhang Zuoyao 張作耀. Cao Cao zhuan 曹操傳. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2000. Li Gang 李剛. “Cao Cao yu daojiao” 曹操與道教. Daojiao yanjiu (2001: 4): 51–61. Fu Gang 傅剛. “Dong Han monian de Cao Cao” 東漢末年的曹操. Xinya luncong 4 (2002): 93–98, rpt. in Fu Gang. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue yu wenxian lungao, 208–23. Qiu Fuxing 邱復興. Cao Cao jin lun 曹操今論. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2003. Li Xiangjun 李向軍. “Lun Cao Cao sanwen de fenqi tedian” 論曹操散文的分期特點. Ningxia daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 125 (2005): 54–58. Sun Juan 孫娟 and Huang Zhenyun 黃震雲. “Qingshang quci yu Cao Cao shige de shengyun yishu” 清商曲辭與曹操詩歌的聲韻藝術. Wenxue pinglun (2007: 4): 38–42. Liu Jiaxing 劉家幸. “Cao Mengde yuefu shi zong de Shi jing yuanyuan yanjiu” 曹孟 德樂府詩中的《詩經》淵源研究. Dongfang renwen xuezhi 7.4 (2008): 67–90.

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de Crespigny, Rafe. Imperial Warlord: A Biography of Cao Cao 155–220 ad. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2010. Knechtges, David R. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 169–71.

On rhyming: Liu Dongbing 劉冬冰. “Cao Cao shige yongyun ji qi wenhua xue kaocha” 曹操詩歌 用韻及其文化學考察. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 19.1 (2000): 39–41. Jia Yanzi 賈燕子. “Cao Cao shige yongyun yanjiu” 曹操詩歌用韻研究. Dali xueyuan xuebao 1.5 (2000): 63–67. DRK

Cao Jiong 曹冏 (fl. 243), zi Yuanshou 元首 Three States (Wei) period writer. Cao Jiong’s ancestral home was Qiao 譙 in Pei 沛 kingdom (modern Bo 亳 county, Anhui). He was a descendant of Cao Shuxing 曹叔興, the elder brother of Cao Cao’s 曹操 (155–220) grandfather Cao Teng 曹騰 (d. ca. 158), and the great uncle of Cao Fang 曹芳 (231–274), the Prince of Qi 齊. In 243, Cao Jiong presented a petition to Cao Fang arguing that the Wei had failed to follow the method that previous ruling houses used to solidify their power, namely awarding fiefs to blood kin. Cao Jiong complains that imperial kinsmen have been installed in small estates and have little power. He urges that the best way to strengthen the Cao ruling house is to “show affection to its relatives” by enfeoffing them in strategic places that will serve as a counter-balance to the non-imperial relatives such as the Sima clan. Cao Jiong’s essay is a review of the enfeoffment systems of the Xia, Yin, Zhou, Qin, and Han, as well as the recent Wei. Thus, the title given to this work in the Wen xuan is “Liu dai lun” 六代論 (Disquisition on the six dynasties). According to the Weishi Chunqiu, because of Cao Fang’s youth, his intended recipient of the petition was the regent Cao Shuang 曹爽 (d. 249). This Cao Jiong should not be confused with the Cao Jiong (d. 226) who was the son of Cao Rui 曹叡 (206–239; alt. 205–239), Emperor Ming of Wei. Bibliography Study Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 175–76.

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Work a. “Liudai lun” 六代論 (Disquisition on the six dynasties) Commentary Gao Buying 高步瀛 (1873–1940). Wei Jin wen juyao 魏晉文舉要, 66–78. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989.

Translation Fang, Chronicle, 656–64. DRK

Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226), zi Zihuan 子桓, Emperor Wen of Wei 魏文帝 (r. 220–226) Sanguo Wei emperor and writer. Cao Pi’s ancestral home was Qiao 譙 in Pei 沛 kingdom (modern Bo 亳 county, Anhui). Cao Pi was the eldest son of Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) by Lady Bian 卞 (160–230). In his early years, during his father’s military campaigns, Cao Pi acquired a number of martial skills. At age five, he learned archery, and at age eight he learned how to ride horseback. In addition to military arts, Cao Pi demonstrated literary ability at a young age. He reputedly was able to compose at age eight, and was well versed in the Classics and Masters. One of Cao Pi’s earliest compositions was the “Cai Bojie nü fu” 蔡伯喈女賦 (Fu on the daughter of Cai Yong), of which only the preface survives. This poem is about Cai Yan 蔡琰 (ca. 178–post 206), whom Cao Cao had ransomed from the Xiongnu around 206. In the preface, Cao Pi tells of how Cao Cao was able to ransom Cai Yan from the Xiongnu and arrange a marriage for her to Dong Si 董祀. In 204, Cao Cao defeated Yuan Shang 袁商 (d. 207), one of the sons of Yuan Shao 袁紹 (d. 202), at Ye 鄴 (modern Linzhang, Hebei). Yuan Shao’s middle son Yuan Xi 袁熙 (d. 207) had a wife named Zhen 甄 (183–221), who had remained behind in Ye to care for her mother-in-law. Cao Pi became infatuated with her, and Cao Cao granted permission for her to become his bride. Although he accompanied his father on several military campaigns, Cao Pi spent most of the period between 204 and 219 in Ye. After Cao Pi was named wuguan zhonglang jiang 五官中郎將 (leader of court gentleman for miscellaneous uses) in 211, he, along with his brother Cao Zhi hosted numerous literary gatherings in Ye. Many of the pieces from this period

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are group compositions in which the participants composed poems and fu on the same topic. These include fu on fighting cocks, rosemary, the locust tree and an agate bridle. The most common poetry topic was designated “Gong yan” 公宴 or “Lord’s Feast.” Not all of Cao Pi’s time was spent in literary pursuits, for Cao Cao also gave him administrative responsibilities. Thus, in 211, 215, and 219, when Cao Cao was out on military campaigns, Cao Pi remained behind to guard Ye. In 219, he actually put down an attempted coup led by Wei Feng 魏風 (d. 219). Although Cao Pi was the oldest son, his father did not appoint him heir-designate until quite late. Cao Cao actually considered three of his twenty-five sons as possible heirs. Besides Cao Pi, Cao Cao was fond of two other sons: Cao Zhi and Cao Chong 曹沖 (d. 208), the oldest son of the concubine Lady Huan 環夫人. He was eight years younger than Cao Pi. Known for his intelligence and maturity even as a young boy, he was Cao Cao’s favorite. However, he died of illness in 208 at the young age of thirteen. Cao Zhi was the third son born of Lady Bian. Although five years younger than Cao Pi, Cao Zhi was a much more talented writer than his older brother. He early became a favorite of Cao Cao, who considered several times naming him his heir. The competition between Cao Pi and Cao Zhi for designation as heir was fierce and involved intrigue and scheming on both sides. Eventually, Cao Zhi’s reckless behavior resulted in the loss of his father’s favor. One particularly serious offense was the riding of his chariot down the speedway of the palace and going out through the major’s gate, possibly in 217. Thus, in Nov.–Dec. 217, Cao Cao named Cao Pi heir designate. On March 15, 220, Cao Cao died in Luoyang. Cao Pi, who was still residing in Ye, almost immediately assumed his father’s title of King of Wei and the post of chancellor. In April, Cao Pi then sent all of his younger brothers to their fiefs. Cao Pi’s main rival, Cao Zhi, was charged with showing disrespect for the throne by getting drunk and insulting the king’s envoy. Cao Pi degraded him to the rank of marquis, and ordered Cao Zhi’s partisans, Ding Yi 丁儀 and his younger brother Ding Yi 丁翼 put to death. On December 11, 220, Cao Pi deposed the Han emperor and had himself designated emperor of the new dynasty, which was called the Wei. He then changed the reign title to Huangchu 黃初. After reigning as Wei emperor for five and one half years, Cao Pi died of illness on 29 June 226. According to the “Annals of Emperor Wen” in the Sanguo zhi (2.88), Cao Pi “was fond of letters and learning, and considered composition as an important endeavor. A hundred pieces that he himself had written have been handed down.” The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions a collection of Cao Pi’s writings in twenty-three juan that was listed in a Liang dynasty catalogue. However, the size of his collection in

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early Tang was only a ten-juan collection. The extant collections are later reconstructions. Cao Pi’s extant literary works consist of over 160 prose pieces (including fu) and some forty poems. A goodly number of his poems such as “Furong chi zuo shi” 芙蓉池作詩 (Poem written at Lotus Pond) and “Yu Xuanwu bei zuo” 於玄武陂作 (Composed at Black Warrior Dike) were written for gatherings in Ye. Cao Pi is best known for his yuefu. Over half of his extant poems consist of yuefu. Cao Pi’s most famous yuefu is “Yan ge xing” 燕歌行 (Song of Yan). He actually has two poems on this title, both of which are written entirely in seven-syllable lines, with end rhyme in every line. Some scholars consider this the earliest fully mature example of a seven-syllableline poem. The theme is a familiar one: the longing of a young wife for her absent husband, who is away from home on a military campaign. Cao Pi also was a prolific fu writer. His extant writings include twentysix fu compositions. Most of these are fragments. The longest extant fu is “Liu fu” 柳賦 (Fu on the willow). Cao Pi planted this tree in 200 at the age of fourteen when he accompanied his father on the battle against Yuan Shao at Guandu. He returned to this place fifteen years later (215) to find the tree still there. Cao Pi first portrays the tree as the “grandest tree” in the northern heartland. The reason it surpasses all other trees is that it is the first to bud in spring. Cao Pi then describes the lush vegetation that the willow tree displays in full spring. In the next section, Cao Pi personalizes his account of the willow tree as he tells of how he had planted the tree fifteen years earlier when he was fourteen years old. Struck by the willow’s growth from a sapling into a giant tree, Cao Pi reflects both on the rapid passage of time as well as the transformation of the tree into a form that he barely recognizes. In the final extant section, Cao Pi relates how the willow tree provides shade in the hot summer heat. The willow tree has become a special site to which travelers pay tribute. Cao Pi presumes for this reason no woodsman has taken his axe to it for this long period of time. During his reign as emperor, Cao Pi wrote fewer poems, and most of them are moralistic pieces about such subjects as his succession to the throne, his quest for wise men to serve in his government, and military campaigns. One particularly famous poem is “Zhi Guangling yu mashang zuo” 至廣 陵於馬上作 (Written on horseback upon reaching Guangling) that Cao Pi composed in the winter of 225, when he led his troops to Guangling 廣陵 (modern Yangzhou) from which he planned to cross the Yangtze and do battle with the Wu forces on the other side. Because the Yangtze waters were frozen, he could not cross. Frustrated, Cao Pi declared, “Indeed it is Heaven that separates south from north!” Before he arrived at the river, he composed a long poem the first part of which describes the power and

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might of his army, and the second part of which confidently declares that his army will be victorious over the enemy. The bulk of Cao Pi’s extant writings are prose much of which consists of edicts and commands that he issued during his short tenure as King of Wei or while he was emperor. He was also a prolific letter writer, and many of his letters are important statements of his views on literature. The best known of his letters are “Yu Wu Zhi shu” 與吳質書 (Letter to Wu Zhi),” Yu Zhaoge ling Wu Zhi shu” 與朝歌令吳質書 (Letter to Magistrate of Zhaoge Wu Zhi), and “Da Po Qin shu” 答繁欽書 (Letter replying to Po Qin). Around 217, Cao Pi began writing essays on such matters as the quest for immortality (Cao Pi denounces it), history (notably assessments of Han emperors), literature, stories about famous swords, and even an account of his early life. Around 222, he collected some twenty essays in a work he titled Dian lun 典論 (Normative disquisitions). In 230 his son Emperor Ming had it carved on six stone steles, thus showing the importance of this text in the Jian’an era. Cao Pi even sent a copy written on silk to his rival Sun Quan 孫權 (182–252) in Wu. The only complete essay in this collection is “Lun wen” 論文 (Discussing literature). This work is often hailed as the first declaration of independence for literature. For example, Cao Pi is the first to divide literature into four classes and identify the style that is best suited for each group. He also attributes to writing the quality of “breath” or “vitality (qi 氣) that a writer imparts to his composition. However, at the end of the essay Cao Pi defines “writing” (wenzhang 文章) as the “great undertaking that pertains to managing the state.” Although Cao Pi modifies this claim by going on to specify that it is through literature that a man can be known in later ages, the type of writing that Cao Pi attaches highest value to is moral and political philosophy. He singles out one contemporary work as the most exemplary form of writing, the Zhong lun 中論 (Discourses on the Mean) by Xu Gan 徐幹 (170–217/18). Xu Gan had earlier served the Cao court where he wrote both poetry and fu. In 216, he retired to a country village where he gave up writing poetry, fu, stele inscriptions and other genres of belles lettres. He then wrote the Zhong lun a work that was intended “to propagate the greater meaning of the Way.” Cao Pi’s endorsement of Xu Gan’s work shows that he did not conceive of literature as fully autonomous. Cao Pi had a strong interest in preserving the literary works of his time. In 218, he compiled a collection of the writings of Xu Gan, Chen Lin 陳琳 (b. ca. 160, d. 217), Ying Yang 應瑒 ((ca. 176–217), and Liu Zhen 劉楨 (d. 217), who had died in an epidemic that struck much of north China during 217.

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Cao Pi is attributed with a collection of stories of anomalies and supernatural occurrences, the Lieyi zhuan 列異傳. However, the question of Cao Pi’s authorship is a much debated subject among scholars. Bibliography Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Wen Wendi ji 魏文帝集. 10 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, v. 1584. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Wei Wendi ji 魏文帝集. 2 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Chen Zhu 陳柱, ed. and comm. Pingzhu Wei sanzu shi xuan 評註魏三祖詩選. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1934. Yu Guanying 余冠英, ed. and comm. San Cao shi xuan 三曹詩選. Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1956; Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1959. Huang Jie 黃節 (1874–1935), ed. and comm. Wei Wudi Wei Wendi shi zhu 魏武帝 魏文帝詩注. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1958. Qiu Yingsheng 邱英生 and Gao Shuang 高爽, eds. and comm. San Cao shi yishi 三曹詩譯釋. Harbin: Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 1982. Liu Yisheng 劉逸生, ed. Zhao Futan 趙福壇, comm. Cao Wei fuzi shixuan 曹魏夫 子 詩選. Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 1983. Xia Chuancai 夏傳才 and Tang Shaozhong 唐紹忠, ed. and comm. Cao Pi ji jiaozhu 曹丕集校注. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1992. Yi Jianxian 易健賢, ed. and trans. Wei Wendi ji quan yi 魏文帝集全譯. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1998. Fu Yashu 傅亞庶, ed. and comm. San Cao shi wen quanji yizhu 三曹詩文全集譯注. Changchun: Jilin wen shi chubanshe, 1997. Chen Qingyuan 陳慶元. San Cao shi xuan ping 三曹詩選評. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2002. Zhang Keli 張可禮. Cao Cao Cao Pi Cao Zhi ji 曹操曹丕曹植集. Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2009.

Concordance Cao Pi ji zhuzi suoyin 曹丕集逐字索引. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2000.

Studies Lu Kanru 陸侃如. “Jian’an (Cao Pi) shipu chugao” 建安 (曹丕) 詩譜初稿. Yuyan wenxue zhuankan 2.1 (1940). Lin Wen-yüeh 林文月. “Cao Pi yu Cao Zhi” 曹丕與曹植. Wenxue zazhi 1.6 (1957): 30–36. Schulte, Wilfred. “Ts’ao P’i (187–226), Leben und Dichtungen.” Ph.D. diss. University of Bonn, 1973. Fusek, Lois. “The Poetry of Ts’ao P’i” (187–226). Ph.D. diss. Yale University, 1975.

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Leban, Carl. “Managing Heaven’s Mandate: Coded Communications in the Accession of Ts’ao P’ei, a.d. 220.” In Ancient China: Studies in Early Civilization, ed. David T. Roy and Tsuen-hsuin Tsien, 315–39. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1978. Wu Shuying 吳淑瑩. “Cao Pi ji qi zuopin de yanjiu” 曹丕及其作品的研究. M.A. Thesis, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1981. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Cong Weiguo zhengquan kan Cao Pi Cao Zhi zhi zheng” 從魏國政權看曹丕曹植之爭. Liaoning daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1984: 3): 73–79; rpt. Cao Daoheng, Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji xubian, 49–64. Zhang Xinjian 章新建. “Cao Pi shige yu yuefu” 曹丕詩歌與樂府. Anhui daxeu xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1984: 2): 71–74. Zhang Xinjian 章新建. Cao Pi 曹丕. Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 1985. Zhang Jing’er 張靜二. “Cao Pi de wenqi shuo” 曹丕的文氣說. Hanxue yanjiu 3.1 (1985): 291–305. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. “Cao Pi” 曹丕. In Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 1: 243–59. Meng Zhaojin 孟昭晉. “Cao Pi yu tushu” 曹丕與圖書. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1986: 5): 99–104. Chen Feizhi 陳飛之. “Cao Pi shige de neirong yu fengge” 曹丕詩歌的內容與風格. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1986: 2): 21–30. Cheng Tianhu 程天祜. “Shilun Cao Pi dui wenxue gexin de gongxian” 試論曹丕對 文學革新的貢獻. Shehui kexue jikan (1986: 5): 91–97. Cao Rongnan 曹融南 and Fu Gang 傅剛. “Lun Cao Pi Cao Zhi wenxue jiazhi de yizhixing ji qi lishi beijing” 論曹丕曹植文學價值的一致性及其歷史背景. Gudai wenxue lilun yanjiu 11 (1986): 216–28. Zhang Keli 張可禮. “Cao Pi” 曹丕. In Zhongguo gudai wenlunjia pingzhuan 中國古 代文論家評傳, ed.-in-chief, Mou Shijin 牟世金, 145–59. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1988. Hong Shunlong 洪順隆. “Cao Pi D lei zuopin chuangzuo shijian lun kao” 曹丕D類 作品創作時間論考. Dalu zazhi 76.4 (1988): 26–32. Hong Shunlong 洪順隆. “Cao Pi E lei zuopin chuangzuo shijian lun kao” 曹丕E類 作品創作時間論考. Dalu zazhi 76.5 (1988): 17–26. Hong Shunlong 洪順隆. “Cao Pi wenxue beijing xilie yanjiu zhi ba” 曹丕文學背景 系列研究之八. Hanxue yanjiu 6.2 (1988): 371–91. Hong Shunlong 洪順隆. “Cao Pi shengping shiji lun kao” 曹丕事蹟生平論考. Huagang wenke xuebao 17 (1989): 21–55; 18 (1991): 229–63; 19 (1993): 147–85. Hong Shunlong 洪順隆. Wei Wendi Cao Pi nianpu ji zuopin xinian 魏文帝曹丕年 譜暨作品繫年. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1989. Hong Shunlong 洪順隆. “Lun Cao Pi de chusheng niandai” 論曹丕的出生年代. Dalu zazhi 81.2 (1990): 24–30. Zhou Xin 周欣. “Lun Cao Pi de shige chuangzuo” 論曹丕的詩歌創作. Qiushi xuekan (1992: 6): 74–77. Lu Youcheng 盧佑誠. “Cao Pi wenxue jiazhi guan xinlun” 曹丕文學價值觀新論. Xibei shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 31.1 (1994): 35–39. Sun Mingjun 孫明君. “Lun Cao Pi shige de shengming yishi” 論曹丕詩歌的生命意 識. Renwen zazhi (1994: 1): 114–18. Wang Kaiguo 王開國. “Cao Pi de wenxue guan” 曹丕的文學觀. Chongqing shiyuan xuebao (Zhe she ban) (1994: 2): 41–46.

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Ding Xia 丁夏. “Lun Cao Pi shi—jian lun dui ‘Jian’an fenggu’ de zai renshi” 論曹 丕詩—兼論對“建安風骨”的再認識. Qinghua daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 10.1 (1995): 70–83. Chen Tianyi 陳恬儀. “Lun Cao Pi Cao Zhi shige zhi jicheng yu chuangxin” 論曹 操、曹丕詩歌之繼承與創新. Fuda Zhongyansuo xuekan 5 (1995): 177–97. Yi Jianxian 易健賢. “Cao Pi yuefu shi benshi xinian zonglun” 曹丕樂府詩本事繫年 綜論. Guizhou jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (1997: 3): 40–46; rpt. Fuyin baokan ziliao, Gudai, jindai wenxue yanjiu (1997: 11): 31–37. Ping Libin 平利斌. “‘Jian’an fenggu’ buneng hangai Cao Pi shi feng” “建安風骨” 不能涵蓋曹丕詩風. Shangrao shizhuan xuebao 17.1 (1997): 62–66. Yi Jianxian 易健賢. “Cao Pi guti shi benshi xinian zonglun” 曹丕古體詩本事系年綜 論. Guizhou jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 44 (1997): 19–25. Yi Jianxian 易健賢. “Cao Pi nianpu” 曹丕年譜. Guizhou jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 50 (1998): 39–46. Goodman, Howard L. Ts’ao P’i Transcendent: The Political Culture of DynastyFounding in China at the End of the Han. Seattle: Scripta Serica, 1998. Gu Nong 顧農. “Cao Pi de futi gexin shiyan” 曹丕的賦體革新試驗. Chuanghuai shizhuan xuebao 18.4 (1999): 8–12. Zhang Mi 張謐. “Jian’an wenxue de zhenzheng lingdaoren—Cao Pi” 建安文學 的真正領導人—曹丕. Shenyang daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 12.1 (2000): 92–95. Pan Zhaoxian 潘照賢. Wei Wendi Cao Pi pingzhuan 魏文帝曹丕評傳. Hong Kong: Xiangrikui chubanshe, 2000. Gu Nong 顧農. “‘Wei xiang’ shiren Cao Pi lun” “魏響” 詩人曹丕論. Fuyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Sheke ban) (2000: 2): 8–11. Zhang Zuoyao 張作耀. Cao Pi pingzhuan 曹丕評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2001. Fan Shanbiao 樊善標. “Qingzhuo yinyang bian—Cao Pi ‘yi qi lun wen’ zai quanshi” 清濁陰陽辨: 曹丕「以氣論文」再詮釋. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo xuebao 11 (2002): 359–86. Xu Jinfen 徐金芬. “Cao Pi xin tan” 曹丕新探. Nankai xuebao 7 (2002): 35–41, 33. Wang Chunting 王春庭. “Lun Cao Pi fu” 論曹丕賦. Fuzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 66.2 (2004): 40–43. Knechtges, David. “The Rhetoric of Imperial Abdication and Accession in a ThirdCentury Chinese Court: The Case of Cao Pi’s Accession as Emperor of the Wei Dynasty.” In Rhetoric & the Discourses of Power in Court Culture: China, Europe, & Japan, ed. David Knechtges and Eugene Vance, 3–35. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005. Tong Yu 童瑜. “20 shiji hou ershi nian Cao Pi yanjiu zongshu” 20 世紀後二十年曹 丕研究綜述. Haerbin xueyuan xuebao 26.12 (2005): 66–70. Zhang Junli 張鈞莉. “Cao Pi wenqi shuo de meixue yihan—mei de jiazhi zijue yu shenmei yishi de juexing” 曹丕文氣說的美學意涵—美的價值自覺與審美意識的覺 醒. Zhongyuan Huayu wenxue bao 1 (2008): 33–50. Zhang Junli 張鈞莉. “Gexing yu fengge—Cao Pi wenqi shuo de shenmei zhuti yu shenmei duixiang guan” 個性與風格—曹丕文氣說的審美主體與審美對象觀. Zhongyuan Huayu wenxue bao 2 (2008): 69–85.

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cao pi 曹丕 (187–226), zi zihuan 子桓 Works a. “Lun wen” 論文 (Discussing literature)

Fan Ning 范寧. “Wei Wendi ‘Dian lun lun wen’ ‘Qi qi’ jie” 魏文帝《典論‧論文》 “齊氣” 解. Guowen yuekan 63 (1948). Okamura Shigeru 岡村繁. “Sō Hi no Tenron Rombun ni tsuite” 曹丕の《典論論 文》について. Shinagaku kenkyū 24/25 (1960): 75–85. Chinese translation in Gangcun Fan quanji 5: 298–319. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Cao Pi ‘Dian lun Lun wen’ de shidai jingshen” 曹丕 《典論‧論文》的時代精神. Wenhui bao (January 7, 1962); rpt. Wang Yunxi. Zhongguo gudai wenlun guankui (zengbu ben), 100–7. Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “Shi tan Cao Pi de ‘Dian lun lun wen’ 試談曹丕的《典論‧論文》. Xin jianshe (1964: 2). Holzman, Donald. “Literary Criticism in China in the Early Third Century a.d.” AS 28 (1974): 128–31. Miao, Ronald. “Literary Criticism at the End of the Eastern Han.” Literature East and West 16 (1972): 1016–28. Zhanzhi 湛之. “Youguan Cao Pi ‘Dian lun’ yitiao cailiao de zhenbie” 有關曹丕 《典論》一條材料的甄別. Wenxue yichan (1980: 1): 20. Zhang Yaxin 張亞新. “‘Dian lun Lun wen’ xiezuo shijian kao bian”《典論‧論 文》寫作時間考辨. Guizhou shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1981: 2): 44–46, 80. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Cao Pi he Liu Xie lun zuojia de gexing tedian yu fengge” 曹丕和劉勰論作家的個性特點與風格. Shehui kexue yanjiu (1981: 5): 73–79. Liu Rong 劉溶. “Cao Pi de ‘wen qi’ shuo ji qi yingxiang” 曹丕的 “文氣” 說及其影 響. Henan daxue xuebao (1982: 2): 37–40. Chen Bisheng 陳必勝. “Cao Pi ji qi ‘Dian lun lun wen’ ” 曹丕及其《典論‧論文》. Zhongshan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1982: 4): 76–85. Zhou Fudao 周富道. “Lun ‘Dian lun Lun wen’ zhong de jige wenti” 論《典論‧論 文》中的幾個問題. Dousou 51 (1982): 62–66. Wang Xiaoling 王曉令. “‘Dian lun Lun wen’ zhong de ‘Qi qi’ yi jie”《典論‧論文》中 的 “齊氣》一解. Wenxue pinglun (1982: 6): 123–24. Wong Siu-kit, ed. and trans. Early Chinese Literary Criticism, 19–25. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing Co., 1983. Cai Zhongxiang 蔡鍾翔. “‘Dian lun Lun wen’ yu wenxue de zijue”《典論‧論文》與 文學的自覺. Wenxue pinglun (1983: 5): 19–25, 56. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “‘Dian lun Lun wen’; Qi qi’ shi shi”《典論‧論文》“齊氣” 試釋. Wenxue pinglun (1983: 5): 34–35. Yang Ming 楊明. “‘Dian lun Lun wen’ ‘shu lun yi li’ jie”《典論‧論文》“書論宜理” 解. Wenxue pinglun (1985: 4): 128–29, 132. Wang Jinling 王金凌. “Cao Pi ‘Lun wen’ zhuanshu yuanqi ji qi niandai” 曹丕「論 文」撰述緣起及其年代. Furen xuezhi 17 (1988): 235–48. Zhang Pu 張普. “‘Dian lun Lun wen’ de hanyun zhiyu”《典論‧論文》的含蘊摭餘. Beifang luncong (1988: 3): 58–62. Lü Meisheng 呂美生. “Cao Pi ‘Dian lun Lun wen’ zai wenxue piping shi shang de gongxian” 曹丕《典論‧論文》在文學批評史上的貢獻. Zhongguo gudian wenxue luncong 7 (1989): 329–37. Ke Jinmu 柯金木. “Dianlun Lunwen ‘ming lei shang shi’ chutan” 典論論文「銘誄 尚實」初探. Dongfang zazhi 23.10 (1990) 29–33.

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Jiang Juqian 江舉謙. “Cao Pi ‘Dian lun Lun wen’ 曹丕「典論論文」. Mingdao wenyi 184 (1991): 23–33. Zhang Xiaoyuan 張小元. “Cao Pi ‘wen yi qi wei zhu’ shuo zhi meixue fenxi” 曹丕 “文以氣為主” 說之美學分析. Qinghai minzuyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1992: 3): 55–60. Zhang Hugang 張虎剛. “Dui ‘Dian lun Lun wen’ de yi da wujie” 對《典論‧論文》的 一大誤解. Tianjn shida xuebao (1996: 3): 57–59. Wu Shuying 吳淑瑩. “Lun Cao Pi ‘Dian lun lun wen’” 論曹丕《典論‧論文》. Zhongshan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue) 38.1 (1998): 67–76. Owen, Stephen. Readings in Chinese Literary Thought, 57–72. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992. Kou Xiaoxin 寇效信. “Cao Pi ‘wen yi qi wei zhu’ bian” 曹丕 “文以氣為主” 辨. Shaanxi shida xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 23.2 (1994): 68–74. Zhang Jiazhao 張家釗. “Cao Pi ‘wen qi’ shuo suyuan” 曹丕 “文氣” 說溯源. Shehui kexue yanjiu (1996: 4): 118–22. Owen, Stephen. “A Discourse on Literature.” Anthology, 359–61. Kou Xiaoxin 寇效信. “Cao Pi ‘wen yi qi wei zhu’ bian” 曹丕 “文以氣為主” 辨. Gudai wenxue lilun yanjiu 18 (1997): 134–46. Chu Hsiao-hai 朱曉海. “Qingli ‘qi qi’ shuo” 清理「齊氣」說. Taida Zhongwen xuebao 9 (1997): 187–210. Wu Shuying 吳淑瑩. “Lun Cao Pi ‘Dian lun Lun wen’ 論曹丕《典論‧論文》. Zhongshan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue) 38.1 (1998): 67–76. Wang Xiaowei 王曉衛. “Cao Pi Dian lun Lun wen yu Xu Gan Zhong lun” 曹丕典 論‧論文》與徐幹《中論》. Guizhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1999: 3): 37–41. Wang Chunhong 汪春泓. “Lun Cao Pi ‘Dian lun Lun wen” 論曹丕《典論‧論文》. Jiangsu daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 4.3 (2002): 38–42. Yi Xiaoping 易小平. “‘Dian lun Lun wen’ xiezuo shijian bianzheng”《典論‧論 文》寫作時間辨證. Fuyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 102.6 (2004): 35–38. Wang Chunhong 汪春泓. “Guanyu Cao Pi Dian lun ‘Lun wen’ de chongxin jiedu” 關於曹丕《典論‧論文》的重新解讀. Renwen Zhongguo xuebao 10 (2004): 169–85. Zhang Zhenlong 張振龍. “‘Wenzhang jingguo zhi daye, buxiu zhi shengshi’ de zai quanshi” “文章經國之大業，不朽之盛事” 的再詮釋. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (2005: 4): 14–18. Tian, Xiaofei. “Cao Pi, “A Discourse on Literature.” In Hawai’i Reader, 230–33. Lü Wuzhi 呂武志. “Cao Pi ‘Dian lun Lun wen’ ‘Yu Wu Zhi shu’ yu Wenxin diaolong” 曹丕《典論‧論文》、〈與吳質書〉與《文心雕龍》. Wei Jin wenlun yu Wenxin diaolong, 67–87. Taipei: Lexue, 2006. Yuejin 躍進. “Shi ‘Qi qi’ 釋 “齊氣”. Wenxian jikan (2008: 1): 3–13.

b. “Yu Zhaoge ling Wu Zhi shu” 與朝歌令吳質書 (Letter to magistrate of Zhaoge Wu Zhi) Cutter, “Cao Zhi’s Symposium Poems,” 3–4. Watson, Burton. “Cao Pi: Two Letters to Wu Zhi, Magistrate of Zhaoge.” Renditions 41 & 42 (Spring & Autumn 1994): 7–11.

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Chu Hsiao-hai 朱曉海. “Du Wen xuan zhi ‘Yu Zhaoge ling Wu Zhi shu’ deng sanpian zhi hou” 讀《文選》之《與朝歌令吳質書》等三篇之後. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao 40.1 (2004): 70–75. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初. “‘Nanbi zhi you’ yu Jian’an shige chuangzuo—du Wen xuan Cao Pi ‘Yu Zhaoge ling Wu Zhi shu’ “南皮之郵” 與建安詩歌創作—讀《文選》曹 丕《與朝歌令吳質書》. Wenxue yichan (2007: 5): 13–20. Mei Zhengzheng 梅錚錚. “Cao Pi ‘Yu Wu Zhi shu’ jiedu” 曹丕《與吳質書》解讀. Chengdu daxue xuebao (2007: 6): 70–74.

c. “Yu Wu Zhi shu” 與吳質書 (Letter to Wu Zhi) Texts: Wen xuan 42.1896–98; Sanguo zhi Pei Songzhi commentary 21.608–9.

Studies and Translations Miao, Ronald. “Literary Criticism at the End of the Eastern Han.” Literature East and West 16.3 (1972): 1030–32. Holzman, Donald. “Literary Criticism in China in the Early Third Century a.d. Asiatische Studien 28.2 (1974): 123–25; rpt. in Donald Holman. Chinese Literature in Transition from Antiquity to the Middle Ages. Aldesrhot: Ashgate, 1998. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Yo Go Shitsu sho” 與吳質書. In Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏 and Kawai Kōzō 川合康三. Monzen 文選, 296–306. Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten, 1998. Fukui Yoshio 福井佳夫. “Sō Hi no ‘Yo Go Shitsu sho in tsuite” 曹丕「與吳質書」. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 20 (1991): 1–25. Huang Shuling 黃淑齡. “Cao Pi ‘Yu Wu Zhi shu’ jiao zheng” 曹丕《與吳質書》校證. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 8 (1994): 39–63.

d. “Yu Zhong dali shu” 與鍾大理書 (Letter to grand judge Zhong) Study and Translation Debon, Günther. “Der Jadering des Chung Yu (Wen-hsüan 42.4),” Münchener Ostasiatische Studien 25 (1979): 307–14.

e. “Yan ge xing” 燕歌行 (Song of Yan) Translations Ruhlmann, in Demiéville, ed. Anthologie, 115–17 Frodsham and Cheng, Anthology, 33–34.

f. “Dong Tao xing” 董逃行 (Dong flees) Study Jia Bing 賈兵. “Cao Pi ‘Dong Tao xing’ kao lue” 曹丕《董逃行》考略. Yuefuxue 2 (2007): 157–68.

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g. “Liu fu” 柳賦 (Fu on the willow) Study Yang Jiansheng 楊鑒生. “Cao Pi ‘Liu fu’ zuonian kao” 曹丕《柳賦》作年考. Wenxue yichan (2006: 5): 125–26.

h. “Zi xu” 自序 (Autobiographical postface) Translation Wells, Matthew V. To Die and Not Decay: Autobiography and the Pursuite of Immortality in Early China, 129–33. Ann Arbor: Association for Asian Studies, 2009. DRK

Cao Pi 曹毗 (fl. 327–361), zi Fuzuo 輔佐 Eastern Jin writer. Cao Pi’s ancestral home was Qiao 譙 in Pei 沛 kingdom (modern Bo 亳 county, Anhui). He was the great-great-grandson of Cao Xiu 曹休 (d. 228), a younger cousin of Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) and one of Cao Rui’s regents. His father Cao Shi 曹識 was a famous general at the end of the Western Jin. Cao Pi also was the nephew of the Western Jin writer Cao Shu 曹摅 (d. 308). During his youth, Cao Pi showed a devotion to literature and skill at fu composition. Ca. 345, he was recommended from his native commandery as “filial and pure” and was granted the entry-level designation of palace gentleman. Ca. 347, through the recommendation of the minister of education Cai Mo 蔡謨 (281–356), Cao Pi was appointed assistant editorial director in the palace library. After serving briefly as a local magistrate, ca. 350 Cao Pi returned to the imperial court as a professor in the national university followed by a transfer to the post of secretarial court gentleman. Ca. 351–352 he joined the staff of Sima Xi 司馬晞 (316–381) who had just been assigned the title of General-in-chief Defending the Army. He soon left the capital to serve as internal administrator in the principality of Xiapi 下邳 (administrative center Xiapi, northwest of modern Suining 睢寧, Jiangsu). During the summer of 352, there was a severe drought in Xiapi. Cao Pi wrote a rain prayer the text of which is still extant. The sources do not provide much information on Cao Pi’s career for the next thirty years. We know that in 383 he along with Wang Xun 王珣 (349–400) composed the lyrics for the hymns performed for the rituals in honor of

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the Jin emperors. These pieces are still extant. At the time of his death ca. 385, Cao Pi held the honorary position of chamberlain for attendants. The monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu records Cao Pi’s collected works in three different sizes: ten, five, and four juan. However, the Jiu Tang shu and Xin Tang shu list his collection in fifteen juan. This collection was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected most of his extant prose works in “Quan Jin wen” 107. The most complete collection of his extant poems is in Lu Qinli, Xian Qin Han Wei Jian Nanbeichao shi (2.888–90). Cao Pi was a prolific fu writer. Fragments of thirteen pieces plus one complete “hypothetical discourse” titled “Dui ru” 對儒 (Replying to a scholar) survive. Unlike other hypothetical discourses, in Cao Pi’s piece the guest urges Cao Pi to abandon official service and become a recluse. Cao Pi’s most famous fu composition in his time was “Yangdu fu” 揚都賦 (Fu on Yang City), which presumably is a description of the Eastern Jin capital of Jiankang. Only one line survives. The most complete pieces are “Konghou fu” 箜篌賦 (Fu on the harp) and “Yingwu fu” 鸚鵡賦 (Fu on a parrot). Except for the ritual hymns written for the Jin emperors, Cao Pi has few complete poems extant. The only complete piece, which is preserved in the Yutai xinyong, is “Ye ting daoyi shi” 夜聽搗衣詩 (Poem written upon hearing fulling at night). This is the first known poem on this theme. Cao Pi was also interested in stories about anomalies and the supernatural. He was celebrated in his day for his poems about Du Lanxiang 杜蘭香, a female immortal who had a romance with Zhang Shuo 張碩. These poems have been lost, but portions of a work title Du Lanxiang biezhuan 杜蘭香別傳 (Separate traditions of Du Lanxiang) attributed to Cao Pi are extant. Cao Pi was also the author of a collection of anomaly stories, the Zhi guai 志怪, of which only one entry is extant. Bibliography Studies Deng Shiliang, Liang Jin shi lun, 184–85. Cao Daoheng, Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji, 299–301. Zhang Keli, Dong Jin wenyi xinian, 266, 285, 299, 304–5, 312, 317, 497–98, 521, 546. Zhang Keli 張可禮. “Xu Xun shengnian he Cao Pi zunian xinshuo” 許詢生年和 曹毗卒年新說. Shandong daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1998: 2): 123–25. Declerq, Writing against the State, 315–40. Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 531–33. Hasegawa Shigenari, Tōshin shi yakuchū. 250–57.

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Wang Zhiqing 王志清. Jin Song yuefu shi yanjiu 晉宋樂府詩研究, 49–53. Shijiazhuang: Hebei daxue chubanshe, 2007.

Works a. Du Lanxiang biezhuan 杜蘭香別傳 (Separate traditions of Du Lanxiang) Study Li Jianguo 李劍國. “Shennü zhuan Du Lanxiang zhuan Cao Zhu zhuan kao lun” 《神女傳》《杜蘭香傳》《曹著傳》考論. Ming Qing xiaoshuo yanjiu (1998: 4): 153–70.

b. “Dui ru” 對儒 (Replying to a scholar) Translation Declerq, Writing against the State, 327–40.

c. “Ye ting daoyi shi” 夜聽搗衣詩 (Poem on hearing fulling at night) Translation Birrell, New Songs (1982), 101; New Songs (1986), 101. DRK

Cao Rui 曹叡 (206–239; alt. 205–239), zi Yuanzhong 元仲, Emperor Ming 明 of the Wei (r. 226–239) Emperor and writer of Wei Cao Rui was the eldest son of Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226), founding emperor of the Wei. His mother was Empress Zhen 甄 (183–221), who according to most accounts Cao Pi ordered to commit suicide in August 221. Cao Rui reputedly doted on his mother, and after her death he was so disconsolate he refused to associate with court officials. He spent most of his time reading books. When he became emperor in 226, Cao Rui established a temple at his mother’s tomb and bestowed on her a posthumous title. In his first several years as emperor Cao Rui was guided by the “regents” Cao Zhen 曹真 (d. 231), Sima Yi 司馬懿 (179–251), and Chen Qun 陳羣 (d. 236). Although Cao Rui is usually portrayed as a ineffective ruler, he took a strong interest in promoting cultural activities at the Wei court. In 228, he

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issued an edict ordering that officials recommended for appointment from localities be well-versed in the Classics. In 230, he ordered that his father’s collection of essays, the Dian lun 典論 (Normative disquisitions), be carved on stone and be placed at the Wei ancestral temple. In 233, he issued an edict commanding He Zhen 何楨, who was well known for his writing skill, to compose a fu on the city of Xu 許 (modern Xuchang, Henan). In the 230s, Cao Rui engaged in extensive building projects, especially in Xu, and some of his court officials presented petitions protesting his waste of state resources. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu list Cao Rui’s collected works in three different versions: seven, five, and nine juan. A ten-juan collection is also listed in the Jiu Tang shu. This probably was lost in the Song. There is no single collection of Cao Rui’s writings. He has ninetyone prose pieces in Yan Kejun’s Quan Shanggu sandai Qian Han Sanguo Liuchao wen, most of which are edicts. One of his more moving pieces is the “Zhen huanghou aice wen” 甄皇后哀策文 (Lament tablet for Empress Zhen) that he composed in 235 for his mother, Lady Zhen, for her burial in Xiling 西陵, which was Cao Cao’s tomb. Lu Qinli has collected fourteen poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, all of which are yuefu. Bibliography Collections Chen Zhu 陳柱, ed. and comm. Pingzhu Wei sanzu shixuan 評註魏三祖詩選. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1934. Huang Jie 黃節, ed. and comm. Wei Wen Wu Ming di shi zhu 魏文武明帝詩注. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1958.

Studies Zhang Yaxin 張亞新. “Cao Rui wenxue chengjiu qian shuo” 曹睿文學成就淺說. Guizhou shehui kexue (1985: 5): 23–27. Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 155–60. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Lüelun Wei Mingdi Cao Rui zhi sheyin ji qi weihai—jian lun Cao Rui yu ruxue chaochen zhi jian zhengzhi sixiang de fenqi” 略論魏明帝曹 睿之奢淫及其危害—兼論曹睿與儒學朝臣之間政治思想的分歧. Jiang Han luntan (2007: 7): 92–97.

Translations a. “Zhen huanghou aice wen” 甄皇后哀策文 (Lament tablet for Empress Zhen) Cutter and Crowell, Empresses and Consorts, 110–11.

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b. Poems Birrell, New Songs (1982), 71–72; Birrell, New Songs (1986), 71–72. Owen, Making of Early Chinese Poetry, 84–85. DRK

Cao Shu 曹摅 (d. 308), zi Yanyuan 顏遠 Western Jin official and writer. Cao Shu, whose ancestral home was Qiao 譙 in Pei 沛 kingdom (modern Bo 亳 county, Anhui), was the great-grandson of Cao Xiu 曹休 (d. 228), a younger cousin of Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220). In his youth he was known for his filial devotion and writing skill, and he attracted the attention of Wang Yan 王衍 (256–311) who in 283 appointed Cao Shu to fill a vacancy as magistrate of Linzi 臨淄 (northeast of modern Zibo 淄博, Shandong). In this position Cao earned a reputation for his humane treatment of those in his charge, even including prison convicts whom he allowed to be released for short periods to visit their families. The people of Linzi gave him the name Sheng jun 聖君 (Sagacious Governor). Several years later he was summoned to the court as secretarial court gentleman followed by an appointment as magistrate of Luoyang. In 296, Cao Shu participated in the famous gathering hosted by Shi Chong 石崇 (249–300) at his Jingu 金谷 estate. He resigned from his position because of illness, but eventually returned to his post as magistrate of Luoyang. In 300, when Empress Jia 賈后 had the crown prince Sima Yu 司馬遹 (d. 300) deposed, some court officials including Jiang Tong 江統 who dared to violate the ban on paying him a farewell visit. They were arrested and held in prison at Luoyang. Upon orders from Empress Jia’s nephew Jia Mi 賈謐 (d. 300), Cao Shu ordered them released. In 301, Sima Jiong 司馬冏 (d. 303) halted the attempted coup by Sima Lun 司馬倫 (d. 301). Cao Shu must have been a supporter of Sima Jiong, for he appointed Cao Shu to several high posts, including vicedirector of the secretariat. When Sima Yi 司馬乂 (277–304) seized power at the court in 302, he selected Cao Shu as his military assistant. However, Cao Shu resigned office in 304 to observe mourning for his mother. In 306, Cao Shu returned to official service as governor of Xiangcheng 襄城 (modern Xiangcheng, Henan) where he successfully put down local uprisings. In 308, Sima Lüe 司馬略 (d. 309) took charge of the administration in Jingzhou, and he appointed Cao Shu as his military administrator. Cao Shu was killed at Lixian 酈縣 (northeast of modern Neixiang 內鄉, Henan) in a battle with a band of refugees led by Wang You 王逌.

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The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Cao Shu’s collected works in three juan that appears to have been lost by the Song In the Shi pin. Zhong Rong places him in the “middle grade” together with Shi Chong, Lu Yun 陸雲 (262–303), and He Shao 何劭 (236–301). Lu Qinli has collected his extant poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi (2: 750–56) many of which are tetrasyllabic poems preserved in the Wenguan cilin. These include a number of pieces that he exchanged with such persons as Han Shou 韓壽, zi Dezhen 德真 (Jia Mi’s father); Shi Chong; Wang Cui 王粹, zi Hongyuan 弘遠; Ouyang Jian 歐陽建 (d. 300), Shi Chong’s nephew; and Zhao Jingyou 趙景猷 who is not otherwise known. There are fragments of one tetrasyllabic and one pentasyllabic poem that he composed for Shi Chong’s Jingu gathering in 296. The Wen xuan preserves two pentasyllabic poems, “Si youren ” 思友人 (Longing for a friend) written about Ouyang Jian, and “Gan jiu shi” 感舊詩 (Stirred by old relationships) in which the poet complains about the superficiality of contemporary “friendship.” Cao Shu has three extant fu compositions: “Shu zhi fu” 述志賦 (Fu recounting my aims), “Wei qi fu” 圍棋賦 (Fu on encirclement chess), and a two-line fragment titled “Gan jiu fu” 感舊賦 (Fu on being stirred by old relationships). Bibliography Studies Deng Shiliang, Liang Jin shi lun. 128–29. Wang Lin, Liuchao cifu shi, 154. Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 409–12.

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 533–34. DRK

Cao Zhi (192–232), zi Zijian 子建, last title Prince Si of Chen 陳思王 Wei period prince and writer. Cao Zhi’s ancestral home was Qiao 譙 in Pei 沛 kingdom (modern Bo 亳 county, Anhui). He was the third son of Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) by Lady Bian 卞 (160–230), who was selected as Cao Cao’s principal wife in 179. He was born the same year that Dong Zhuo 董卓 (d. 192) was assassinated. Cao Cao was just beginning his rise to power at this time. Much of Cao

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Zhi’s early life was spent in the camps of his father’s army. From 204 until 220, except for brief periods when he accompanied Cao Cao on military campaigns, he resided in Ye 鄴 (modern Linzhang, Hebei), where he was a leading participant in the literary salon that was centered around the Cao family. One of his earliest compositions was a fu on the Bronze Bird Terrace (Tong que tai 銅雀臺) ordered constructed by Cao Cao in 210. At a gathering held at the terrace probably in 212, Cao Zhi composed the “Deng tai fu” 登臺賦 (Fu on ascending the terrace), in which he describes the view from the terrace and pays tribute to the achievements of his father. Cao Zhi also began to write shi poetry during his youth but few of the poems attributed to his early years can be dated with any certainty. From the time he was quite young, Cao Zhi was one of his father’s favorites. Cao Cao seriously considered naming him heir, rather than the older son Cao Pi. Cao Cao’s indecision on naming him heir led to a rivalry and enmity between the two brothers. Each brother had support of different groups at court. Cao Zhi’s main supporters were literary men: the brothers Ding Yi 丁儀 (d. 220) Ding Yi 丁廙 (d. 220), and Yang Xiu 楊脩 (175–219), who was the nephew of Cao Cao’s rival Yuan Shu 袁術 (d. 199). Mainly because of his reckless and irresponsible behavior, Cao Zhi eventually fell from his father’s good graces. In 217, Cao Zhi got drunk and rode his chariot down the imperial roadway out the Sima men 司馬門 or Major’s Gate. This was a capital offense, for access to the imperial roadway and the Major’s Gate was restricted to the emperor. Angered at his son’s impudence, Cao Cao issued a decree declaring that from now on he “would look on this son with different eyes indeed.” Thus, in winter of Jian’an 22 (217), Cao Cao named Cao Pi heir. After Cao Pi became emperor in December 220, he immediately began to introduce measures to curb the power of his chief rival, Cao Zhi. He ordered the execution of the Ding brothers. He then sent all of his brothers to their estates and did not allow them to come to the capital except with special permission. To make sure that they did not plot against him, he established the office of jian guo yezhe 監國謁者 (internuncios who supervise the vassal kingdoms). In 221, one of these internuncios, Guan Jun 灌均 charged Cao Zhi with “being drunk and insolent and trying to intimidate the imperial envoy.” Cao Pi then ordered Cao Zhi brought to Luoyang, where officials were asked to deliberate on his punishment. Some officials recommended that he be reduced to the status of commoner. Others even proposed that he be put to death. However, after the intervention of the Empress Dowager Bian, Cao Pi demoted Cao Zhi from the rank of Marquis of Linzi 臨菑 to Marquis of Anxiang 安鄉. The number of households in his estate was reduced from ten thousand to one thousand. Later in the

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same year (221), he received the title of Marquis of Juancheng 鄄城 (north of modern Zhuancheng, Shandong). In 222, several officials accused Cao Zhi of an unspecified offense. He then went to the capital to plead his own case. He was allowed to return to his old home in Ye, where he stayed for a short time before returning to Juancheng. In April 222, Cao Zhi had his title elevated to that of Prince of Juancheng. However, his status was still lower than that of most of his brothers, whose fiefs were commanderies. Juancheng was only a county. In June–July 223, Cao Zhi and his brothers were allowed to come to Luoyang to participate in the seasonal festival. While he was in the capital, Cao Zhi’s elder brother, Cao Zhang 曹彰, died suddenly. After the funeral for Cao Zhang, for which Cao Zhi composed the elegy, Cao Zhi was ordered to return to his estate. As he was about to leave, he presented a sixpart poem to his brother, Cao Biao 曹彪, who also was visiting the capital at the time. This poem is “Zeng Baima wang Biao” 贈白馬王彪 (Presented to Biao, Prince of Baima). In the poem Cao Zhi expresses his great regret at having to leave the capital and part from his brother Biao. Shortly after returning to Juancheng, Cao Zhi had his fief transferred to Yongqiu 雍丘 (modern Qi 杞 county, Henan). In 225, while returning from an expedition against Wu, Cao Pi stopped at Yongqiu to visit Cao Zhi. According to an anecdote in the Shishuo xinyu, Cao Pi ordered Cao Zhi to compose a poem while taking seven paces. If he could not complete it, he would receive the maximum penalty. On the spot, Cao Zhi composed the poem known by the title “Qi bu shi” 七步詩 (Seven-step poem). Hans Frankel (“Fifteen Poems,” 1, n. 4) has shown that this most likely is a folk tale. He notes that if Cao Pi really had wanted to get rid of his brother, he would not have given him a chance to save his life by passing a test, particularly a test that Cao Zhi could easily pass. In 226, Cao Pi died and was succeeded by his son Cao Rui 曹叡 (Emperor Ming 明, r. 226–239), who was Cao Zhi’s nephew. Although he did not receive the harsh treatment his brother had given him, Cao Zhi continued to move from one fief to another. In 227, he was transferred to Junyi 浚儀 (near modern Kaifeng). Shortly thereafter, he returned to his old fief in Yongqiu. In 228, Cao Zhi moved to Dong’e 東阿 (southwest of modern Dong’e, Shandong), where he remained for three years until 232, when he was transferred to Chen 陳 (modern Huaiyang 懷陽, Henan). He died in Chen in 232 at the age of forty-one. Cao Zhi compiled a collection of his fu. He claims in the preface to what he calls his Qian lu 前錄 (Former catalogue) that he wrote a large number of fu some of which were “weedy.” He reduced them to seventy-eight pieces. As late as the early Western Jin Cao Zhi’s son by a concubine Cao Zhi 曹志

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(d. 288) possessed a catalogue of Cao Zhi’s writings. In the Jingchu 景初 period (237–239) Emperor Ming ordered that over a hundred of Cao Zhi’s writings in various genres, including fu, eulogies, poems, inscriptions, and diverse disquisitions be compiled into a collection with copies to be deposited inside and outside the palace. There is evidence that a manuscript of Cao Zhi’s writings perhaps in his own hand circulated in the Sui period. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu (35.1059) lists Cao Zhi’s collection in thirty juan. The monographs on bibliography of the Jiu Tang shu (47.2053) and Xin Tang shu (60.1579) record collections in twenty and thirty juan. Thus, these works survived as late as the Northern Song. During the Southern Song, Chen Zhensun 陳振孫 (1211–1249) mentions a twenty-juan collection that was reconstructed from texts found in various Tang and Song compendia. Thus, this must have been a different work from that listed in the standard history monographs on bibliography. In the Song period, the only printed version of Cao Zhi’s collection was a ten-juan edition. The earliest known printing was in 974. A Ming reprint of this is held in the Peking University library. The Shanghai library contains a ten-juan large character printing done in Jiangxi in the reign of the Southern Song emperor Xiaozong 孝宗 (r. 1162–1189). In 1922, a photoreproduction of the copy held in the Tie qin tong jian lou 鐵琴銅劍樓 was included in the Xu guyi congshu 續古逸叢書. A ten-juan printing dated 1213 served as the basis for the edition included in the Siku quanshu. The first critical edition of Cao Zhi’s collected works was done by Ding Yan 丁晏 (1794–1875). This was published in 1872 under the title Cao ji quan ping 曹集銓評. Cao Zhi’s extant writings consist of over 160 prose pieces (including fu). His extant fu include 57 titles (not all of these works have texts). Cao Zhi has an even greater number of poems. However, different editions contain varying numbers of pieces, ranging from 73 in the Ming movable type edition to 101 in the collection prepared by Zhu Xuzeng (fl. 1837). Cao Zhi clearly was unhappy with the treatment he received from Cao Pi and Cao Rui who not only did not assign him any important court position, but transferred him from one fief to another so that he could not establish a power base in one place. One of the recurring subjects of the study of Cao Zhi’s writings is the extent to which they express complaint about his frustrated official career. Han Frankel’s seminal article published in 1964 was an important contribution in pointing out the circularity of the attempts to read autobiography into Cao Zhi’s writings, especially his poetry. Some of Cao Zhi’s poems have a clear connection with contemporary events. One good example is Cao Zhi’s long six-part poem “Zeng Baima

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wang Biao shi” 贈白馬王彪詩 (Presented to Cao Biao, Prince of Baima). During the early Wei period, Cao Pi had sent all of his brothers to their fiefs, and they could only visit the capital with special permission. In the summer of 223, Cao Zhi and two other brothers, Cao Biao 曹彪 (195–251) and Cao Zhang 曹彰 (d. 223), were allowed to come to the capital to participate in the seasonal festival. Shortly after he arrived in the capital Cao Zhang died. Some sources claim that Cao Pi had him poisoned. After the festival was over, the brothers had to return to their homes. Cao Zhi wanted to travel part way with Cao Biao, but Cao Pi would not allow this. Outraged at this treatment, Cao Zhi wrote this poem recounting his travels but also expressing grief at the death of the Cao Zhang. He also expresses resentment that he must separate from the Prince of Baima. The poem combines several themes, including the hardships of travel, a lament for his deceased brother, and affection for Cao Biao. At the end of the piece, Cao Zhi even expresses skepticism about the quest for immortality. Many of Cao Zhi’s fu were written for social occasions and include pieces that were part of a group composition. Such pieces include “Chou lin fu” 愁霖賦 (Grieving over the downpour), “Xi ji fu” 喜霽賦 (Rejoicing at the clearing rain), the “Bai he fu” 白鶴賦 (Fu on the white Crane), “Huai fu” 槐賦 (Fu on the pagoda tree), and “Liu fu” 柳賦 (Fu on the Willow). One of Cao Zhi’s more inventive pieces is the “Yao que fu“ 鷂雀賦 (Fu on the hawk and the sparrow), a dialogue between a hawk and sparrow. The sparrow uses his clever wit to convince the hawk not to kill him. This piece, written in a colloquial style, is an example of the “vernacular fu” (su fu 俗賦). Another similar work is the “Dulou shuo” 髑髏說 (Disquisition on the skull), which is inspired by the famous story of Zhuangzi’s dialogue with a skull that he finds by the side of the road. Cao Zhi’s best-known fu is “Luo shen fu” 洛神賦 (Fu on the Luo River Goddess). According to tradition, the Luo River Goddess is Fu Fei 宓妃, who was the daughter of the ancient culture hero Fuxi. She drowned in the Luo River and was subsequently worshiped as the Luo River Goddess. Cao Zhi composed “Luo shen fu” in imitation of the “Shen nü fu” 神女賦 (Fu on the goddess) attributed to Song Yu 宋玉 (late Warring States period). His motivation in writing the piece long has been the subject of speculation. There is the tradition, recorded in a note in the You Mao edition of the Wen xuan that the Luo River goddess actually stands for Empress Zhen 甄, the wife his elder brother Cao Pi, with whom Cao Zhi reputedly was in love. However, this account clearly does not accord with historical circumstances and should not be given serious consideration. The fu also is read as a frustration poem in which Cao Zhi uses the beautiful goddess to represent his brother, Emperor Wen, who refused to grant Cao Zhi an

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important position in the Wei regime. As in Qu Yuan’s quest for Fu Fei in “Li sao,” Cao Zhi’s encounter with the Luo River goddess is short-lived. Some scholars have concluded that the goddess represents the Wei court that refused grant Cao Zhi a government post in which to demonstrate his loyalty and talent. This interpretation is more credible than the previous one, but there is no solid evidence that the poem is a political allegory. Bibliography Park Hyun-kyu 朴現圭. “Cao Zhi yanjiu lunzhu mulu” 曹植研究論著目錄. Shumu jikan 21.4 (1988): 81–100.

Collections Song ben Cao Zijian wenji 宋本曹子建文集. Xu guyi congshu; rpt. Yangzhou: Jiangsu Guangling guji keyinshe, 1994. Photoreproduction of Jiangxi 江西 large character printing from the Song Xiaozong (1162–1189) reign. The original edition is held by the Shanghai tushuguan. Chen Si wang ji 陳思王集. 10 juan. Shu Zhen 舒貞 woodblock, 1510. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Cao Zijian ji 曹子建集. 10 juan. Ming movable type printing. Photo-reproduction in Sibu congkan. Chen Si wang ji 陳思王集. 10 juan. Hu Zuanzong 胡纘宗 woodblock, 1541. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Cao Zijian ji 曹子建集. 10 juan. Guo Yunpeng 郭雲鵬, Baoshan tang 寶善堂 woodblock, 1542. Cao Zijian ji 曹子建集. 10 juan. Zheng Shihao 鄭士豪, Jianyang Shulin 建陽書林, Zongwen tang 宗文堂 woodblock, 1603. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Chen Si wang ji 陳思王集. 10 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, v. 1584. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Chen Si wang ji 陳思王集. 2 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Cao Zijian ji 曹子建集. 10 juan. Siku quanshu. Cao Zijian ji 曹子建集. 10 juan. Sibu beiyao. Based on Ming woodblock. Zhu Xuzeng 朱緒曾 (juren 1837), ed. Cao ji kaoyi 曹集考異. Jinling congshu 金陵 叢書, 3rd series, 1914–1916; rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, vol. 1303. Ding Yan 丁晏 (1794–1875), ed. and comm. Cao ji quanping 曹集詮評. 1872; rpt. Beijing: Wenxue guji kanxingshe, 1957. Huang Jie 黃節, ed. and comm. Cao Zijian shi zhu 曹子建詩注. 1928; rpt. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1957. Chen Zhu 陳柱, ed. and comm. Pingzhu Wei sanzu shi xuan 評註魏三祖詩選. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1934. Gu Zhi 古直 (b. 1887), ed. and comm. Cao Zijian shi jian 曹子建詩箋. Preface dated 1935. Rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1976. Huang Jie 黃節, ed. and comm. Wei Wudi Wei Wendi shi zhu 魏武帝魏文帝詩注. Beijing: Renmin wenxue, 1958; rpt. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1961. Yu Guanying 余冠英, ed. and comm. San Cao shi xuan 三曹詩選. Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1956; Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1959.

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Qiu Yingsheng 邱英生 and Gao Shuang 高爽, eds. and comm. San Cao shi yishi 三曹詩譯釋. Harbin: Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 1982. Liu Yisheng 劉逸生, ed. Zhao Futan 趙福壇, comm. Cao Wei fuzi shixuan 曹魏父 子 詩選. Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 1983. Zhao Youwen 趙幼文, ed. and comm. Cao Zhi ji jiaozhu 曹植集校注. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1984. Nie Wenyu 聶文郁. Cao Zhi shi jieyi 曹植詩解譯. Xining: Qinghai renmin chubanshe, 1985. Yu Shaochu 虞紹初 and Wang Xiaodong 王曉東, eds. and comm. Cao Zhi xuanji 曹植選集. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1997. Fu Yashu 傅亞庶, ed. and comm. San Cao shi wen quanji yizhu 三曹詩文全集譯注. Changchun: Jilin wen shi chubanshe, 1997. Chen Qingyuan 陳慶元. San Cao shi xuanping 三曹詩選評. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2002. Zhang Keli 張可禮. Cao Cao Cao Pi Cao Zhi ji 曹操曹丕曹植集. Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2009.

On the textual history of Cao Zhi’s collection see: Park Hyun-kyu 朴現圭. “Cao Zhi ji bianzuan guocheng yu sizhong Song ban zhi fenxi” 曹植集編纂過程與四種宋版之分析. Wenxue yichan (1994: 4): 24–32; rpt. Wenxian (1995): 35–51. Chen Zhiguo 陳治國. “Song yiqian Cao Zhi ji bianzhuan zhuangkuang kaolüe” 宋以前曹植集編撰狀況考略. Hubei chengren jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 9.2 (2003): 29–30.

Concordances Diény, Jean-Pierre, ed. Concordance des oeuvres completes de Cao Zhi (Cao Zhi wenji tongjian 曹植文集通檢). Paris: L’Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, College de France, 1977. Cao Zhi ji zhuzi suoyin 曹植集逐字索引. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2001.

Baihua Translation Cao Haidong 曹海東, trans. and comm., Xiao Lihua 蕭麗華, coll. Xinyi Cao Zijian ji 新譯曹子建集. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 2003.

Studies Chen Yibai 陳一百. Cao Zijian shi yanjiu 曹子建詩研究. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshu-guan, 1928. K’uai Shu-p’ing. “Six Poems of Ts’ao Tzu-chien.” National Peking University SemiCentennial Papers, College of Arts, No. 14 (Beijing, 1948): 24–31. Guo Moruo 郭沫若. “Lun Cao Zhi” 論曹植. Lishi renwu 歷史人物, 3–29 Shanghai: Haiyan, 1947. Honda Wataru 本田濟. “Sō Shoku to sono jidai” 曹植とその時代. Tōyōgaku 3 (1952): 53–60.

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Nishino Sadaharu 西野貞治. “Sō Shoku no sakusha shōgai to sono shifu” 曹植の作 者生涯とその詩賦. Jinbun kenkyū 5.6 (1954): 517–38. Yu Guanying 余冠英. “Jian’an shiren daibiao Cao Zhi (192–232)” 建安詩人代表曹 植 (192–232).” Han Wei Liuchao shi luncong, 91–107. Jia Sirong 賈斯榮. “Guanyu ‘Lun Cao Zhi’“ 關於論曹植. Wen shi zhe 6 (1955): 28–32. Whitaker, K.P.K. “Some Notes on the Background of Tsaur Jyr’s Poem on the Three Good Courtiers.” BSOAS 18 (1956): 91–107. Zhang Dejun 張德均. “Guanyu Cao Zhi de pingjia wenti” 關於曹植的評價問題. Lishi yanjiu (1957: 2): 49–66. Li Chendong 李辰冬. “Cao Zhi de zuopin fenqi” 曹植的作品分期. Dalu zazhi 15.4 (1957): 9–14. Whitaker, K.P.K. “Tsaur Jyr and the Introduction of Fannbay 梵唄 into China.” BSOAS 20 (1957): 585–97. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Sō Shoku no higekiteki shōgai ni tsuite” 曹植の悲劇 的生涯について. Ritsumeikan bungaku 145 (1957). Yoshikawa Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎. “Sangokushi jitsuroku—Sō Shoku kyōdai” 三國 志實錄—曹植兄弟. Shinchō 55.1 (1958), 55.2 (1958), 55.4 (1958), 55.5 (1958), 55.9 (1958), 55.12 (1958); rpt. Yoshikawa Kōjirō. Sangokushi jitsuroku 三國志 實錄. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1962; Yoshikawa Kōjirō zenshū 吉川幸次郎全集, 7: 73–132. Roy, David. “The Theme of the Neglected Wife in the Poetry of Ts’ao Chih.” JAS 19 (1959): 25–31. Wang, Stephen S. “Tsaur Jyr’s Poems of Mythical Excursion.” M.A. Thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1963. Frankel, Hans H. “Fifteen Poems by Ts’ao Chih: An Attempt at a New Approach.” JAOS 84 (1964): 1–14. Itō Masafumi 伊藤正文. Sō Shoku 曹植. Tokyo: Iwanami, 1964. Funatsu (Funazu) Tomihiko 船津富彥. “So Shoku no yusenshi ron” 曹植の遊仙詩 論. Tōyō bungaku kenkyū 13 (1965): 49–65. Deng Yongkang 鄧永康. “Cao Zijian nianpu xinbian” 曹子建年譜新編. Dalu zazhi 34.1 (1967): 13–19; 34.2 (1967): 26–32; 34.3 (1967): 30–32. Kent, George W. Worlds of Dust and Jade: 47 Poems and Ballads of the Third Century Chinese Poet Ts’ao Chih. New York: Philosophical Library, 1969. Dunn, Hugh. Ts’ao Chih. The Life of a Princely Chinese Poet. Taipei: China News, 1970. Reissued under title: Cao Zhi: The Life of a Princely Chinese Poet. Beijing: New World Press, 1983. Okamura Sadao 岡村貞雄. “Sō Shoku no gafu—sono jojōteki tokusei ni tsuite” 曹植の樂府—その抒情的特性について. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 8 (1971): 1–10. Mok Wing-yin. “Three Poems by Ts’ao Chih.” Renditions, No. 2 (Spring 1974): 50–52. Komori Ikuko 小狩郁子. “Sō Shoku shi shokan” 曹植詩所感. Nagoya daigaku bungakubu kenkyū ronshū 63, tetsugaku 21 (March 1974): 91–114. Komori Ikuko 小狩郁子. “Sō Shoku ron” 曹植論. Nagoya daigaku bungakubu kenkyū ronshū 69, tetsugaku 23 (March 1976): 267–302. Ueki Hisayuki 植木九行. “Sō Shoku den hokō—honden no hosoku to shinsetsu no hosei o chūshin toshite” 曹植伝補考—本伝の補足と新說の補正を中心として. Chūgoku koten kenkyū 21 (1976): 17–31.

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Liu Weichong 劉維崇. Cao Zhi pingzhuan 曹植評傳. Taipei: Liming wenhua shiye gongsi, 1977. Ueki Hisayujki 植木久行. “Nanchō ki okeru Sō Shoku hyōka no jittai” 南朝期 における曹植坪価の実態. Chūgoku koten kenkyū 22 (1977): 14–41; 24 (1979): 61–86. Komori Ikuko 小狩郁子. “Sō Shoku ron (shōzen) 曹植論(承前). Nagoya daigaku bungakubu kenkyū ronshū 75 (1978): 91–114. Komori Ikuko 小狩郁子. “Sō Shoku to Kutsu Gen fu” 曹植と屈原賦. Nagoya daigaku bungakubu sanjisshūnen kenkyū ronshū (1979). Diény, Jean-Pierre. “Les Septs Tristesses (Qi Ai). À propos des deux versions d’un poème á chanté de Cao Zhi.” TP 65 (1979): 51–65. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. “Cao Zhi shige de xiezuo niandai wenti” 曹植詩歌的寫作年代 問題. Wen shi (1979: 6): 147–60. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. “Cao Zhi shengping ba kao” 曹植生平八考, Wen shi (1980: 10): 199–219. Itō Masafumi 伊藤徵文. “Sō Shoku shi hochū kō” 曹植詩補注稿. Kōbe daigaku bungakubu kiyō 8 (1980): 143–206; 10 (1983): 141–79; 12 (1985): 75–122; 15 (1988): 77–131. Deng Yongkang 鄧永康. Wei Cao Jijian xiansheng Zhi nianpu 魏曹子建先生植年譜. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1981. Frankel, Hans H. “The Problem of Authenticity in the Works of Ts’ao Chih.” In Essays in Commemoration of the Golden Jubilee of the Fung Ping Shan Library (1932–1 982), 183–201. Hong Kong: Fung Ping Shang Library, 1982. Cutter, Robert Joe. “Cao Zhi and His Poetry.” diss. University of Washington, 1983. Cutter, Robert Joe. “Cao Zhi’s (192–232) Symposium Poems.” CLEAR 6.1 & 2 (1984): 1–32. Zhong Youmin 鍾優民. Cao Zhi xintan 曹植新探. Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 1984. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. “Cao Zhi wei Cao Cao diji zi” 曹植為曹操第幾子. Wenxue pinglun (1985: 5): 36–38. Cutter, Robert Joe. “The Incident at the Gate: Cao Zhi, The Succession, and Literary Fame.” TP 71 (1985): 228–62. Ho, Kenneth P.H. 何沛雄. “Xiancun Cao Zhi fu kaolüe.” 現存曹植賦考略, Huaxue yuekan 149 (1984): 7–22; rpt. in Kenneth P.H. Ho 何沛雄. Han Wei Liuchao fu lunji, 83–113. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. “Cao Zhi.” in Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 243–83. Fukuyama Yasuo 福山泰男. “Sō Shoku no shigenshi ni tsuite” 曹植の四言詩につい て. Shūkan Tōyōgaku 57 (1987): 67–81. Holzman, Donald. “Ts’ao Chih and the Immortals.” Asia Major, 3rd series, 1.1 (1988): 15–57. Komori Ikuko 小守郁子. Sō Shoku to Kutsu Gen: tsuketari ‘fukotsu’ ron 曹植と屈原: 付「風骨」論. Nagoya-shi: Komori Ikuko, 1989. Zong Shuzhi. “Cao Zhi, the Poet.” Chinese Literature (Spring 1990): 166–70. Wu Fusheng and Gradham Hartill. “Poems by Cao Zhi.” Chinese Literature (Spring 1990): 159–65. Gao Deyao 高德耀. “Cao Zhi de dongwu fu” 曹植的動物賦. Wen shi zhe (1990: 5): 44–48.

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Yada Hiroshi 矢田博士. “Sō Shoku no shinsei gafu ni tsuite” 曹植の神仙樂府につ いて. Chūgoku shibun ronshū 9 (1990): 27–43. Huang Zhongtian 黃忠天. “Cao Zhi shi guankui” 曹植詩管窺. Renwen ji shehui xueke jiaoxue tongxun 16 (1992): 103–16. Huang Shoucheng 黃守誠. “Cao Zijian shidai shilun” 曹子建時代試論. Guojiao yuandi 44 (1993): 33–41. Gu Nong 顧農. “Cao Zhi shengping zhong de sange wenti” 曹植生平中的三個問題. Yangzhou shiyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1993: 1): 1–5. Nakano Takashi 中野將. “Sō Shoku ‘Yūsen shi’ kō—sono ‘Eikaisei’ ni tsuite” 曹植 「遊仙詩」考—その「詠懷性」について. Chūgoku bunka 52 (1994): 28–39. He Xiuming 賀秀明. “Cao Cao yu Cao Zhi youxian shi de chengyin ji yitong” 曹操 與曹植游仙詩的成因及異同. Zhongzhou xuekan (1994: 3): 97–101. Chen Tianyi 陳恬儀. “Lun Cao Pi Cao Zhi shige zhi jicheng yu chuangxin” 論曹 丕、曹植詩歌之繼承與創新. Fuda Zhongyansuo xuekan 5 (1995): 177–97. Fukuyama Yasuo 福山泰男. “Sō Shoku no aregorii” 曹植のアレゴリー. Yamagata daigaku kiyō jinbun kagaku 13.2 (1995): 109–25. Yang Jianbo 楊建波. “Cao Cao yu Cao Zhi de youxian shi” 曹操與曹植的遊仙詩. Jiang Han daxue xuebao 13.5 (1996): 43–47. Guo Shuchun 郭淑純. “Cao Zhi shi zhong de nüxing xingxiang ji qi xiangzheng yihan” 曹植詩中的女性形象及其象徵意涵. Fuda Zhong yansuo xuekan 7 (1997): 227–41. Chen Hongming 陳鴻銘. “Cao Zhi shi wenxue lilun yu shijian” 曹植詩文學理論與 實踐. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 209 (1997): 97–109. Chen Yiliang 陳怡良. “Jian’an zhi jie, xiabi linlang—shi tan Cao Zhi shengping jiyu zhi nizhuan ji qi dui shige chuangzuo zhi yingxiang” 建安之傑, 下筆琳瑯— 試探曹植生平際遇之逆轉及其對詩歌創作之影響. Chengda Zhongwen xuebao 6 (1998): 1–58. Liu Yuxin 劉玉新. “Shandong sheng Dong’e xian Cao Zhi mu de fajue” 山東省東 阿縣曹植墓的發掘. Huaxia kaogu (1999: 1): 7–17. Kroll, Paul W. “Seven Rhapsodies of Ts’ao Chih.” JAOS 120.1 (2000): 1–12. Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “Du shu xingling de Cao Pi sanwen” 獨抒性靈的曹丕散文. Gujin yiwen 26.3 (2000): 13–22. Huang Shuru 黃淑汝. “Cao Zhi shi zhong nüxing xingxiang zhi tantao” 曹植詩中 女性形象之探討. Yuwen jiaoyu tongxun 19 (2000): 8–20. Liu Naihao 劉乃豪. “Cao Zhi zuopin zhong de maodun xianxiang” 曹植作品中的 矛盾現象. Fengshang xuebao 5 (2000): 40–74. Fang Yuanzhen 方元珍. “Wenxin diaolong lun Cao Pi”《文心雕龍》論曹丕. Fengjia renwen shehui xuebao 2 (2001): 97–123. Peng Xuewen 彭學文. “Zhi tan Cao Zhi bixia de nüxing xingxiang” 摭談曹植筆下 的女性形象. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 250 (2001): 59–62. Cui Jibao 崔積寶. “Lun Cao Zhi de biao” 論曹植的表. Xuexi yu tansuo 141 (2002): 116–20. Cutter, Robert Joe. “On the Authenticity of ‘Poem in Seven Paces.’” In Studies in Early Medieval Chinese Literature and Cultural History, Paul W. Kroll and David R. Knechtges, eds., 1–26. Provo: The T’ang Studies Society, 2003. Cutter, Robert Joe. “Personal Crisis and Communication in the Life of Cao Zhi.” In Rhetoric & the Discourses of Power in Court Culture, 149–68. Chen Enwei 陳恩維. “Lun Cao Zhi de ni fu jiqi chuangzuo licheng” 論曹植的擬 賦及其創作歷程. Suzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2004: 6): 43–45.

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Xiang Hui 向回. “Cao Zhi yuefu geshi ruyue wenti xintan” 曹植樂府歌詩入樂問題 新探. Zhongguo zhonggu wenxue yanjiu 中國中古文學研究, ed. Zhao Minli 趙敏 俐 and Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行, 555–67. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2005. Wang Mei 王玫. “Cao Zhi ji qi zuopin de xiaoguo shi yanjiu” 曹植及其作品的效果 史研究. Qi Lu xuekan 184.1 (2005): 76–80. Wang Jing 王璟. “Jiuzhou buzu bu, yuan de ling yun xiang—Cao Zhi youxian shi tan xi” 九州不足步, 願得凌雲翔—曹植遊仙詩探析. Gujin yiwen 31.2 (2005): 42–53. Liu Qundong 劉羣棟 and Tu Qing 屠青. “Du Cao Zhi zuopin xuwen fayi” 讀曹植 作品序文發疑. Guizhou shehui kexue 204.6 (2006): 131–34. Liang Chunsheng 梁春勝. “Cao Zhi yiwen jikao” 曹植佚文輯考. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2008: 5): 50–55. Wang Shumei 王淑梅. “Cao Zhi Zaqu geci de yinyue xingzhi kaolun” 曹植雜曲歌 辭的音樂性質考論. Yuefu xue 3 (2008): 212–22. Cai Minmin 蔡敏敏. “Xiancun Mingben zhu Cao Zhi ji gaikao” 現存明本諸曹植集 概考. Lanzhou xuekan 184 (2009): 117–19. Knechtges, David R. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 172–75.

Works a. “Luo shen fu” 洛神賦. (Fu on the Luo River goddess) Studies Tan Zhengbi 譚正璧. “Cao Zijian tong fu gan Zhen wen” 曹子建痛賦感甄文. Qingnian jie 8.2 (1935): 37–43. Miao Yue 繆鉞. “Cao Zhi Luoshen fu (Wen xuan fu jian 4)” 曹植洛神賦文選賦箋. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu huikan 7 (1947): 66–72. Whitaker, K. P. K. “Tsaur Jyr’s ‘Luohshern fuh’.” AM, n.s. 4 (1954): 35–46. Zhang Wenxun 張文勛. “Kumen de xiangzheng—‘Luo shen fu’ xinyi” 苦悶的象 徵—《洛神賦》新議. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1981: 1): 222–27 Hong Shunlong 洪順隆. “‘Luoshen fu’ chuangzuo niandai bukao”《洛神賦》創 作年代補考. Shumu jikan 17.1 (1983); rpt. in Hong Shunlong, Cifu luncong, 224–31. Hong Shunlong 洪順隆. “Lun ‘Luoshen fu’” 論《洛神賦》. Huagang wenke xuebao 15 (1983): 217–35; rpt. in Hong Shunlong, Cifu luncong, 98–127. Chen Zumei 陳祖美. “‘Luoshen fu’ zhuzhi xunyi”《洛神賦》主旨尋繹. Beifang luncong (1983: 6): 48–54. Zhang Yaxin 張亞新. “Lüe lun Luoshen xingxiang de xiangzheng yiyi” 略論洛神形 象的象徵意義. Zhongzhou xuekan (1983: 6): 100–2, 112. Zhang Yuan 張瑗. “‘Luoshen fu’ wei ‘ji xin Wen di’ shuo zhiyi”《洛神賦》為 “寄心文第” 說質疑. Nanjing shiyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1983: 4): 50–52. Zhong Laiyin 鍾來因. “‘Luoshen fu’ yuanliu kaolun”《洛神賦》源流考論. Jianghai xuekan (1985: 5): 87–91, 86. Zhang Wenxun 張文勛. “Kumen de xiangzheng—‘Luoshen fu’ xinyi” 苦悶的象 徵—《洛神賦》新議. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1985: 1): 222–27.

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Chen Zumei 陳祖美. “Hen ren zhi dao shu, yuan shengnian zhi mo dang—‘Luoshen fu’ de zhuti he yishu tese” 恨人之道殊, 怨盛年之莫當— 《洛神賦》的主題和藝術特 色. Wen shi zhishi (1985: 8): 30–37. Huang Shoucheng 黃守誠. “Cao Zhi dui Jiang Yan de yingxiang: jian lun ‘Luoshen fu’ yu ‘Lise fu’ 曹植對江淹的影響: 兼論「洛神賦」與「麗色賦」. Shu he ren 654 (1990): 1–4. Huang Zhangjian 黃彰健. “Cao Zhi ‘Luoshen fu’ xinjie” 曹植《洛神賦》新解. Gugong xueshu jikan 9.2 (1991): 1–30. Hong Shunlong 洪順隆. “Lun ‘Luoshen fu’ dui Liuchao fu tan de touying” 論洛神 賦對六朝賦壇的投映. Xinya xuebao jikan 13 (1994): 91–114; rpt. Hong Shunlong, Cifu luncong, 128–77. Yuejin 躍進. “Cong ‘Luoshen fu’ Li Shan zhu kan You ke Wen xuan de banben xitong” 從《洛神賦》李善注看尤刻《文選》的版本系統. Wenxue yichan (1994: 3): 90–97. Fu Shufang 傅淑芳. “Cao Zhi ji qi ‘Luoshen fu’” 曹植及其《洛神賦》. Xinya xueshu jikan 13 (1994): 263–74. Deng Shiliang 鄧仕樑. “Lun Jian’an yi ‘xian xie’ he ‘shennü’ wei zhuti de liangzu fu” 論建安以「閑邪」和「神女」為主題的兩組賦. Xinya xuebao 13 (1994): 349–62. Zhou Ming 周明. “Yuan yu lian de qingjie—‘Luoshen fu’ yuyi jieshuo” 怨與戀的情 結—《洛神賦》寓意解說. Nanjing daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue) (1994: 1): 43–50. Li Huanian 李華年. “Ye tan ‘Luoshen fu’ he ‘Shennü fu” 也談《洛神賦》和《神女 賦》. Guizhou minzu xueyuan xuebao (1994: 3): 70–75. Fu Zhenghe 傅正合. “‘Luoshen fu’ de menghuan cifu shi diwei ji dangdai lunbian” 《洛神賦》的夢幻辭賦史地位及當代論辯. Shehui kexue jikan (1996: 2): 122–27. Gao Qiufeng 高秋鳳. “Cong Song Yu ‘Shennü fu’ dao Jiang Yan ‘Shuishang shennü fu—Xian Qin dao Liuchao ‘Shennü fu’ zhi fazhan” 從宋玉《神女賦》到江淹《水 上神女賦》—先秦到六朝「神女賦」之發展. Disanjie guoji cifuxue yantao hui (1996), 845–68. Gao Qiufeng 高秋鳳. “Song Yu ‘Shennü fu’ yu Cao Zhi ‘Luoshen fu’ de bijiao yanjiu” 宋玉「神女賦」與曹植「洛神賦」的比較研究. Guowen xuebao 26 (1997): 61–89. Gu Nong 顧農. “‘Luoshen fu’ xintan”《洛神賦》新探. Guizhou wen shi congkan (1997: 1): 57–62. Liu Dawei 劉大為. “‘Luoshen fu’ zhuti xinlun”《洛神賦》主題新論. Xinjiang sheke luntan (1997: 2): 51–54. Zhou Shutian 周澍田 and Ding Yi 丁毅. “‘Luoshen fu’ zhuzhi xinyi”《洛神賦》主 旨新議. Xuexi yu tansuo (1998: 1): 120–23. Liang Haiyan 梁海燕. “‘Luoshen fu’ de yuanyuan ji qi moli suozai”《洛神賦》的淵 源及其魔力所在. Zhongguo yunwen xuekan (1998: 2): 88–90. Ueno Hiroto 上野裕人. “Sō Shoku no bungaku ni tsuite—‘Rakushin fu’ o chūshin toshite” 曹植文學について—「洛神賦」を中心として. Gobun to kyōiku 12 (1998): 147–55. Cheng Yu-yu 鄭毓瑜. Xingbie yu jiaguo, 31–52. Liao Guodong 廖國棟. Jian’an cifu zhi chuancheng yu tuoxin, 353–68. Cao Fanglin 曹方林. “‘Luoshen fu’ chuangzuo dongji bian xi”《洛神賦》創作動機 辨析. Chengdu shizhuan xuebao 20.1 (2001): 19–21, 26. Rouzer, Paul. Articulated Ladies, 69–72.

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Li Xiaoling 李小玲. “Zhongguo wenxue nüxing xingxiang zhong de Luoshen yuanxing ji qi xiandai chongshu” 中國文學女性形象中的洛神原型及其現代重述. Huadong shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 34.3 (2002): 55–61. Zheng Huisheng 鄭慧生. “‘Luoshen fu’ fawei”《洛神賦》發微. Luoyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (2003: 1): 77–79. Chen Minghua 陳明華 and Zheng Li 鄭莉. “Qian xi Luoshen xingxiang—Cao Zhi dui qiandai nüxing miaoxie de jicheng he fazhan” 淺析洛神形象—曹植對前代女 性描寫的繼承和發展. Changchun shifan xueyuan xuebao 23.6 (2004): 75–77. Li Hongliang 李洪亮. “‘Luoshen fu’ xiezuo shijian xin bian”《洛神賦》寫作時間新 辨. Luoyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (2004: 6): 66–68. Wang Mei 王玫. “Cao Zhi ‘Luoshen fu’ 曹植《洛神賦》. In Wang Mei. Jian’an wenxue jieshou shi lun, 292–319.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 265–68. Watson, Rhyme-Prose, 55–60. Scott, Love and Protest, 52–57. Dunn 1983, 24–29. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 355–65. Owen, Anthology, 194–97. Kroll, “Seven Rhapsodies of Ts’ao Chih,” 9–12.

b. “Zeng Baima wang Biao” 贈白馬王彪 (Presented to Cao Biao, Prince of Baima) Studies Yamaguchi Tamehiro 山口為獷. “Sō Shoku ‘Zō Hakuba ō Hyō’ shi kō” 曹植「贈白 馬王彪」詩考. Gokugakuin zashi 71.2 (1970): 38–49. Lui Kar-kai (Lei Jiaji) 雷家驥. “Cao Zhi zeng Baima wang Biao shi bing xu jianzheng” 曹植贈白馬王彪詩並序箋證. Xinya xuebao 12 (1977): 337–404. Liao Yunxian 廖雲仙. “Yishou shengli yu sibie de beige—shangxi Cao Zhi ‘Zeng Baima wang Biao’ shi qishou” 一首生離與死別的悲歌—賞析曹植「贈白馬王彪」 詩七首. Qiaoguang xuebao 11 (1993): 19–28.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 384–87. K’uai, “Six Poems,” 24–31. Frankel, “Fifteen Poems,” 4–6. Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 36–39. Kent, 52–55. Dunn 1970, 48–52. Watson, Chinese Lyricism, 40–43. Dunn 1983, 41–43. Wu and Hartill 1990, 163–65.

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Cai Zongqi, Matrix, 119–25. Owen, Anthology, 267–69.

c. “Za shi” (6) 雜詩 (Unclassified poems) Study Gotō Akimasa 後藤秋正. “Sō Shoku ‘Zatsushi rokushu’ ronkō” 曹植「雜詩六首」 論考. Kanbun gakkai kaihō 31 (1972): 52–62.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 528–30. Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 45–48. Frankel, “Fifteen Poems,” 9–10 (first two pieces). Kent, 46–48. Dunn 1970, 117–19 (first four pieces). Dunn 1983, 89–91. Cutter, “Incident,” 245–47 (#5 & 6). Owen, Anthology, 270 (#2).

d. “Baima pian” 白馬篇. (Ballad of the white horse) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 483. Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 49–50. Kent, 64. Liu, The Chinese Knight-Errant, 57–58. Dunn 1970, 40–41. Cutter, “Incident,” 242–44. Dunn 1983, 34–35. Ts’ai, Matrix, 115–16.

e. “Ming du pian” 名都篇. (Ballad of famous cities) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 484. Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 42–44. Kent, 65. Dunn, 34–35. Mok, “Three Poems,” 52. Cutter, “Symposium Poems,” 19–20. Ts’ai, Matrix, 113–15.

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Holzman, “Ts’ao Chih and the Immortals,” 33–34. Owen, Making of Early Chinese Poetry, 171–72.

g. “Wu you yong” 五遊詠 (Song of the five-fold roaming) Translations Frankel, “Fifteen Poems,” 6–7. Holzman, “Ts’ao Chih and the Immortals,” 45–46. Owen, Making of Early Chinese Poetry, 169 –70.

h. “Wang Zhongxuan lei” 王仲宣誄 (Elegy for Wang Can) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 977–81. Wang Yi-tung. “Elegies in Chinese Literature.” in Wen-lin, Vol. II, Studies in the Chinese Humanities, ed. Tse-tsung Chow, 84–88. Madison: The Department of East Asian Languages and Literature of the University of Wisconsin and Hong Kong: N.T.T. Chinese Language Research Centre, Institute of Chinese Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1989.

i. “Shuo feng” 朔風 (North wind) Study Gu Nong 顧農. “Du Wen xuan shi zhaji erti” 讀《文選》詩札記 (二題). Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 42.3 (2006): 59–60; rpt. in Gu Nong. Wen xuan luncong, 250–53.

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 527–28.

j. “Yu Yang Dezu shu” 與楊德祖書 (Letter to Yang Xiu) Translations Holzman, “Literary Criticism,” 116–19. Wong, Early Chinese Literary Criticism, 27–37. Ho, Richard M.W. “Cao Zhi: Letter to Yang Dezu.” Renditions 41 & 42 (Spring & Autumn 1994): 12–14.

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k. “Taishan Liangfu xing” 泰山梁甫行 Translations and Study Kroll, Paul. “Verses from On High: The Ascent of T’ai shan.” T’oung Pao 69 (1983): 237–42. Yata Hiroshi 矢田博士. “Sō Shoku ‘Taisan Ryōho kō’ sōsaku jiki kō” 曹植「泰山梁 甫行」創作時期考. Chūgoku shibun ronshū 12 (1993): 1–20.

l. “Sanliang shi” 三良詩 (Poem on three good men) Studies Cutter, Robert Joe. “On Reading Cao Zhi’s ‘Three Good Men’: Yong shi shi or Deng lin shi?” Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 11 (1989): 1–11. Yata Hiroshi 矢田博士. “Sō Shoku ‘San ryō shi’ kō—‘Buntei rui’ to no kanren o chūshin toshite” 曹植「三良詩」考—「文帝誄」との関連を中新として. Chūgoku bungaku kenkyū 19 (1993): 1–17.

m. “Qi bu shi” 七步詩 (Poem composed in seven paces) Studies Mori Mariko 森真理子. “Sō Shoku ‘Shichiho no sai’ kō” 曹植「七步の才」考. Setsuwa ronshū 4 (1995). Cutter, Robert Joe. “On the Authenticity of ‘Poem in Seven Paces.’” In Studies in Early Medieval Chinese Literature and Cultural History, Paul W. Kroll and David R. Knechtges, eds., 1–26. Provo: The T’ang Studies Society, 2003. Qiu Xingyue 邱興躍 and Zheng Yongping 鄭永萍. “Lishi shang yinggai you Cao Zhi qibu chengshi yishi” 歷史上應該有曹植七步成詩一事. Chengdu daxue xuebao (Jiaoyu kexue ban) 21.12 (2007): 91–94.

n. “Qi qi” 七啟 (Seven incitements) Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 617–27.

o. “Song Yingshi” 送應氏 (Sending off the Ying[s]) Translations Waley, Poems, 79–80. Kent, Worlds of Dust and Jade, 38. Watson, Chinese Lyricism, 39–40.

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Frankel, Flowering Plum, 45–46. Owen, Anthology, 262. DRK

Chang Jing 常景 (d. 550), zi Yongchang 永昌 Scholar and writer of Northern Wei. Chang Jing’s ancestral home was Henei 河內 (modern Wen 溫 county, Henan). However, his great-great-grandfather Chang Zhen 常珍 had taken up residence in Liangzhou 涼州 (modern Wuwei 武威, Gansu) during the turmoil that beset the north during the mid-fourth century. After the fall of the Western Liang in 424, Chang Jing’s grandfather Chang Shuang 常爽 returned to the Henei area and took up service under the Northern Wei. In his youth Chang Jing showed unusual intelligence and quickly mastered the Mao shi and Lun yu. In 495, Emperor Xiaowen 孝文 (r. 471–499) appointed him professor of law. Ca. 504 he and Gao Sengyou 高僧祐 were charged with drafting a legal code. He later served as magistrate of Chang’an in which capacity he was compared with Pan Yue 潘岳 (d. 300) who had held the same post in the Western Jin. After the death of Emperor Xuanwu 宣武 in 515, Chang Jing was summoned back to the court in Luoyang where he was commissioned to draft the court ceremonial rules. This work consisted of fifty-plus juan. In 521, Emperor Xiaoming 孝明 (r. 516–528) ordered court officials to compose poems for the shidian 釋奠 (palace offerings) ceremony. Chang Jing’s composition was judged to be among the best. In 523, Chang Jing was sent out to the frontier area. As he crossed the Pen 瓫 Mountains and gazed over the desert, he recalled the events during the end of the Western Jin. He wrote a twelve-stanza imitation of the “Fufeng ge” 扶風歌 (Song of Fufeng) by Liu Kun 劉琨 (271–318). This piece is no longer extant. At the end of the Northern Wei, while serving as regional inspector of Xuzhou 徐州 (modern Xuzhou, Jiangsu), he was captured by several satraps who had revolted against the Wei. In 528, he returned to Luoyang. In 534, he joined the Wei court when it moved to Ye 鄴 where he served in various high offices until his death in 550. According to his biography in the Wei shu Chang Jing had composed several hundred works that widely circulated at least before the Tang. It also says he prepared a new edition of Zhang Hua’s Bowu zhi, and he compiled two biographical collections, Ru lin 儒林 (Grove of scholars) and Lienü zhuan 列女傳 (Traditions of distinguished women), both of which are now lost. Chang Jing has only four poems extant. One that he wrote when he felt he was not advanced swiftly enough in his official career, “Zan si jun

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yong” 贊四君詠 (Encomia for four noble men), sings the praises of four famous figures from the area of Shu 蜀 (modern Sichuan): Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179–117 b.c.e.), Wang Bao 王褒 (ca. 84–ca. 53 b.c.e.), Yan Junping 嚴君平 (1st century b.c.e.), and Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 c.e ). Chang Jing also was familiar with the new prosodic theories that were in vogue in the south. He wrote the “Si sheng zan” 四聲贊 (Encomium for the four tones) in which he sings the praises for the prosodic rules known as the ba bing 八病 (eight things to avoid in a poem). Another of his famous pieces is the “Luo rui song” 洛汭頌 (Eulogy on the Luo River Bend) that he composed ca. 525 for an inscription on a stele placed by the Floating Bridge in Luoyang. Bibliography Studies and Translations Jenner, W.F.J., trans. Memories of Loyang. Yang Hsüan-chih and the lost capital (493–534), 149–51, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981. Wang Yi-t’ung, trans. A Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Lo-yang, 145–48. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Nanbeichao wenxue shi, 377–78. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 717–18. Zheng, Xiaorong. “A History of Northern Dynasties Literature.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 2002, 90–91, 130–31. DRK

Chao Cuo 晁錯 (d. 154 b.c.e.)5 Early Western Han writer and political thinker. Chao Cuo’s natal place was Yingchuan 潁川 (modern 禹 county, Henan). During his youth he studied the legalist teachings of Shen Buhai 申不害 and Shang Yang 商鞅 (ca. 390–338 b.c.e.) with Zhang Hui 張恢, a scholar who resided in Zhi 軹 county (modern Jiyuan 濟源, Hebei). Based on his scholarly learning, he was appointed recorder of precedent in the court of imperial sacrifices. During the reign of Emperor Wen 文 (r. 179–157 b.c.e.) he was sent to Jinan to receive oral instruction in the Shang shu from Fu Sheng 伏生, a ninety-year-old scholar who had preserved this work during the Qin dynasty. Upon his return to the court, Chao Cuo was assigned

5 Chao Cuo’s surname is correctly written Chao 鼂. However, most modern sources write Chao 晁. The form Chao 朝 also appears. Most modern texts write Chao 晁.

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to the staff of the heir designate Liu Qi 劉啟 (188 b.c.e.–141 b.c.e.), the future Emperor Jing 景 (r. 157 b.c.e.–141 b.c.e.), with whom he established a close relationship. Liu Qi referred to him as his zhi nang 智囊 or “bag of wisdom.” Chao Cuo was eventually named professor and household provisioner for the heir designate. At this time he began presenting proposals to the throne recommending that the powers of the kings be reduced. Emperor Wen did not accept his advice, but promoted him to grand master of the palace and censor-in-chief. When Liu Qi acceded Chao Cuo was appointed left chamberlain for the capital. The emperor accepted many of his proposals for reforming the legal system. However, Chao Cuo came into conflict with senior officials, notably Yuan Ang 袁昂 (d. ca. 150 b.c.e.). When the Insurrection of the Seven Kingdoms broke out in 154 b.c.e., Yuan Ang induced Emperor Jing to order Chao Cuo executed on the grounds that the kings had revolted because of Chao Cuo’s efforts to curtail their powers. The monograph on bibliography in the Han shu records a collection of thirty-one writings by Chao Cuo in the legal experts section. The Sui shu lists a two-juan collection that seems to have been lost by the Tang. The bibliography chapters of the Jiu Tang shu mention a Chaoshi xin shu 晁氏新書, which also has been lost. Yan Kejun’s “Quan Han wen” preserves eight of his prose writings, all of which are petitions he presented to the court. Chao Cuo’s dui ce 對策 (reply to questions posed by the emperor) is considered a model example of this form. Bibliography Collections Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857), ed. Chaoshi xin shu 晁氏新書. 1 juan. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu 玉函山房輯佚書. Chao Cuo jizhu shi zu 晁錯集注釋組, ed. and comm. Chao Cuo ji zhushi 晁錯集注 釋. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1975. Beijing Weishu qu moubu liulian lilun xiaozu 北京衛戍區某部六連理論小組, ed. Chao Cuo ji qi zhuzuo 晁錯及其著作. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975.

Studies Tao Xisheng 陶希聖. “Chao Cuo” 晁錯. Zhongguo zhengzhi sixiang shi 中國政治思 想史 (2), 47–78. Chongqing: Nanfang yinshuguan, 1942. Han Fuzhi 韓復智. “Chao Cuo yanjiu” 晁錯研究. Taiwan daxue lishixi xuebao 9 (1982): 19–43. Wang Xingguo 王興國. Lu Jia Chao Cuo pingzhuan 陸賈晁錯評傳. Appendix of Wang Xingguo. Jia Yi pingzhuan 賈誼評傳. Nanjing: Nanjin daxue chubanshe, 1992.

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Fei Zhengang 費振剛 and Zong Minghua 宗明華. “Chao Cuo 晁錯. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan (xubian), 75–86. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 27–29. Wang Lin and Xing Peishun. Xi Han wenzhang lungao, 36–44.

Translations Giles, Gems of Chinese Literature: Prose, 67–73. Margouliès, Anthologie, 155–58. de Bary et.al, Sources of Chinese Tradition (1960), 229–32. Ch’ü T’ung-tsu, Han Social Structure, 339–40. Hsu, Cho-yun., Han Agriculture, 160–63, 172–74. Csikszentmihalyi, Readings in Han Chinese Thought, 57–63. TPK and DRK

Chen Lin 陳琳 (b. ca. 160, d. 217), zi Kongzhang 孔璋 Late Eastern Han writer. Chen Lin’s natal place was Sheyang 射陽, Guangling 廣陵 commandery (modern Yangzhou, Jiangsu). Around 189, he joined the staff of He Jin 何進 (d. 189), who held de facto power at the imperial court. When He Jin hatched a plot to eliminate the eunuchs in 189, Chen Lin warned him about the dangers of forming an alliance with the warlord armies. When He Jin was assassinated and Dong Zhuo entered Luoyang, Chen Lin fled to Yuan Shao in Jizhou 冀州 (admininstrative seat Gaoyi 高邑, southeast of modern Gaoyi, Hebei). Yuan Shao put Chen Lin in charge of composition in which capacity he wrote letters and proclamations on Yuan’s behalf. In 204, after Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) defeated Yuan Shao, Chen Lin joined Cao Cao’s staff as a secretary. Both he and Ruan Yu composed many of the letters and proclamations that Cao Cao issued during this time. In 215 he wrote a letter to Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) on behalf of Cao Cao’s cousin Cao Hong 曹洪. Chen Lin died during an epidemic that struck the north in 217. Chen Lin was an accomplished fu writer. He wrote fu for some of the group composition gatherings that were held in Ye. Examples include “Midie fu” 迷迭賦 (Fu on rosemary), “Manao le fu” 瑪瑙勒賦 (Fu on the agate bridle), “Juqu wan fu” 車渠椀賦 (Fu on the musāragalva bowl ), “Yingwu fu” 鸚鵡賦 (Fu on the parrot). These pieces are all fragments. Chen Lin composed one long fu, the “Dahuang fu” 大荒賦 (Fu on the grand wastes). This work was still complete in Song times. Wu Yu 吳棫 (ca. 1100–1154) in his Yun bu 韻補 says that it consisted of almost 3,000 characters. Only about one-third of the piece is still extant.

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Another long fu is “Wu jun fu” 武軍賦 (Fu on the militant army). This piece is also known under the title of “Wu ku fu” 武庫賦 (Fu on the arsenal). Chen Lin probably wrote this fu to celebrate Yuan Shao’s victory over Gongsun Zan 公孫瓚 at Yijing 易京 in 199. In one long section, Chen Lin enumerates the swords, armor, crossbows, bows, arrows, and horses used in the battle. This fu was well known in medieval times. Zhang Hong 張紘 (153–212) in the southeastern state of Wu praised it, as did the Jin dynasty scholar Ge Hong 葛洪 (284–364, alt. 254–334). Cao Pi considered Chen Lin the most skillful writer of petitions and letters of the Cao family entourage. His best known works in this genre are “Memorandum Replying to the Prince of Dong’e,” and “Letter on Behalf of Cao Hong to the Wei Heir Designate.” At the beginning of the latter piece, written in 215, Chen Lin in the voice of Cao Cao’s cousin, Cao Hong, says that Chen Lin was too busy to write anything, and he, Cao Hong, has dared to compose this letter. Later in the letter, he has Cao Hong say that his letter is not ghost-written, an accusation Cao Pi had made in a previous letter to him. The Sui shu monograph on bibliography lists a collection for Chen Lin in three juan. It also mentions that a Liang catalogue listed a ten-juan edition with a one-juan table of contents. A ten-juan edition is listed in the monographs on bibliography of the Jiu Tang shu, Xin Tang shu, and Song shi. Chen Lin’s collection must have survived into Song times. Chen Zhensun 陳 振孫 (1211–1249) lists a ten-juan version in the Zhizhai shulu jieti 直齋書錄 解題. Another Song scholar, Wu Yu 吳棫 (ca. 1100–1154) in his Yun bu 韻補, mentions a nine-juan collection of Chen Lin’s works. These collections probably were lost at the end of the Song or beginning of the Yuan. Bibliography Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Chen jishi ji 陳記室集. 2 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, v. 1584. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Chen jishi ji 陳記室集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初, ed. “Chen Lin ji” 陳琳集. In Jiang’an qizi ji.

Studies Nakagawa Kaoru 中川薰. “Kenan bunjin den—Chin Rin den” 建安文人傳—陳琳傳. Tottori daigaku gakugeibu kenkyū hōkoku 16 (1961). Chen Si 陳思. “Chen Lin niansui de tansuo” 陳琳年歲的探索. Wen shi 7 (1979): 118. He Manzi 何滿子. “Chen Lin” 陳琳. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan xubian, 177–84.

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Hua Wei 華煒. “Han mo wenxuejia Chen Lin jiguan xiaokao” 漢末文學家陳琳籍貫 小考. Huaiyin shizhuan xuebao (1987: 1). Zhang Lianke 張連科. “Shilun Chen Lin de weiren ji weiwen” 試論陳琳的為人及為文. Henan daxue xuebao (1994: 2): 36–39. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Shen Yucheng 沈玉成. “Chen Lin zuopin” 陳琳作品. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 54–57. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Shen Yucheng 沈玉成. “Chen Lin jiguan niansui” 陳琳 籍貫年歲. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 57. Luo Guowei 羅國威. “Chen Kongzhang ‘Wei Yuan Shao xi Yuzhou’ 陳孔璋《為袁 紹檄豫州》. Dunhuang ben Wen xuan zhu jianzheng, 88–123, 200–3. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Shen Yucheng 沈玉成. “Chen Lin ‘Wei Yuan Shao xi Yuzhou” 陳琳《為袁紹檄豫州》. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 58–59. Li Wenlu 李文祿. “Chen Lin” 陳琳. Jian’an qizi pingzhuan, 29–54. Wang Tingpeng, Jian’an qizi yanjiu, 36, 42–45, 57–68, 82–83, 124–31, 260–68.

Translations a. “Da Dong’e wang jian” 答東阿王牋 (Memorandum replying to the Prince of Dong’e). Text von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 756–57.

b. “Wei Yuan Shao xi Yuzhou” 為袁紹檄豫州 (Proclamation to Yuzhou on behalf of Yuan Shao). von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 811–18.

c. “Xi Wu jiang xiao buqu wen” 檄吳將校部曲文 (Proclamation to the generals, officers, and troops of Wu).* von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 818–25. * The authenticity of this piece has been disputed.

d. “Ying ji” 應譏 (Replying to ridicule). Trans. (partial) Dominic Declerq, Writing against the State, 70–72.

e. “Yin ma changcheng ku xing” 飲馬長城窟行 (attributed) J.P. Diény, in Demiéville, Anthologie, 124–25. Watson, Chinese Lyricism, 56–57. Scott, Love and Protest, 63. Birrell, New Songs, 48. Owen, Anthology, 236–37.

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Owen, Making of Early Chinese Poetry, 179. DRK

Chen Shou 陳壽 (233–297, alt. death date 300), zi Chengzuo 承祚 Western Jin historian and writer. Chen Shou’s natal home was Anhan 安漢, Baxi 巴西 commandery (modern Nanchong 南充 municipality, Sichuan). There are two early biographical accounts: (1) Chang Qu 常璩 (ca. 291–ca. 361), Huayang guozhi 華陽國志 (Record of the states south of Mount Hua) and (2) the Jin shu 晉書 (History of the Jin) compiled by Fang Xuanling 房玄齡 (578–648) et al. in the early Tang. Chen Shou studied with the famous scholar Qiao Zhou 譙周 (201–270), who was a native of Xichong state 西充國 (southwest of modern Langzhong 閬中, Sichuan), which was also in Baxi commandery. Qiao Zhou was well versed both in the classics and history, and he is the author of several histories including the Gushi kao 古史考 (Investigation of ancient history), a twenty-five-juan commentary on Sima Qian’s Shi ji; and the Shu ben ji 蜀本紀 (Basic annals of Shu), a local history of the Sichuan area. Chen Shou probably studied with Qiao Zhou at the local academy in Chengdu where he received instruction in the Shang shu, Zuo zhuan, Gongyang zhuan, Guliang zhuan, Shi ji, and Han shu. Chen Shou’s early career was in his native Shu. When Jiang Wei 姜維 (202–264) was appointed general of the guard in 249, Chen Shou served as his master of records. He also served as gentleman librarian in the Eastern Institute in Shu, and cavalier gentleman-in-attendance of the Yellow Gate. The latter post was a relatively high position at the time. However, because he refused to toady to the eunuch Huang Hao 黃皓, Chen Shou was removed from office. Wei conquered Shu in 263. Two years later (265), Sima Yan 司馬炎 (236–290) established the Western Jin (266–317). Around this time Chen Shou’s father had died, and while Chen Shou was in mourning, he became ill and asked a maid to prepare medicine for him. This was considered a violation of the rules of ritual, and Chen became the object of public criticism. Thus, he was not able to serve in office for the several years. In 267, Luo Xian 羅憲 (d. 270), who was a fellow student with Chen Shou under Qiao Zhou, received a high post at the Jin court. In 268, he recommended to Sima Yan (Emperor Wu) a group of men including Chen

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Shou as especially worthy of employing in office. At the Jin court, Chen Shou impressed Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300), who recommended Chen as filial and incorrupt, a title that allowed Chen to be considered for regular appointment. His first appointment was that of zhongzheng 中正 (impartial and just) in his home commandery of Baxi. In this capacity he recommended and ranked candidates for appointment from Baxi commandery. He continued to hold this position for about the next decade while serving in other capacities. In 271, Chen Shou received his first appointment at the Jin court, assistant gentleman editor. From the beginning of the Eastern Han, scholars from Shu had compiled biographies of the elders of the Ba and Shu area. Chen Shou found these works inadequate, and he compiled a new work, the Yibu qijiu zhuan 益部耆舊傳 (Biographies of elders from Yi Region) in ten juan. Wen Li 文立, who was a Shu native, presented this work to Sima Yan, who was quite impressed with it. In 273, Chen Shou took up the post of chancellor of Pingyang marquisate 平陽侯 (administrative center southwest of modern Linfen 臨汾, Shanxi). Chen Shou was still serving as assistant gentleman editor when two prominent Jin officials, Xun Xu 荀勖 (d. 289) and He Jiao 和嶠 (d. 292), recommended to the court that Chen compile “the gushi 故事 of Zhuge Liang.” Gushi, usually translated as “precedents,” designates writings concerning legal and administrative matters. It also probably included petitions and similar presentations to the court. He then went on to compile a collection of twenty-four of Zhuge Liang’s writings that he presented to the throne in 274. However, this probably was not a collection of all of Zhuge Liang’s writings. Ca. 275, Chen Shou was appointed gentleman editor, a grade-six post. In 278, upon the recommendation of Du Yu 杜預 (222–284), Chen Shou was given the position of attending secretary preparer of documents in addition to his duties as gentleman editor. Du Yu, who was married to the younger sister of Sima Zhao 司馬昭 (211–265), Sima Yan’s father, was an important official at the Jin court. In the following year, Zhang Hua petitioned that Chen Shou be concurrently appointed attendant gentleman in the secretariat, a high grade-five post. However, he may not have immediately formally taken up this post at this time. After Jin conquered Wu in 280, Chen Shou began working on a history of the three states of Wei, Shu, and Wu. This was not an officially sponsored compilation. He also compiled another historical work, the Gu guo zhi 古國志 (Chronicle of ancient states) in fifty juan. According to the Huayang guozhi, both Zhang Hua and Xun Xu were pleased with these works, and they declared that even Ban Gu and Sima Qian could not compare with him. However, when Zhang Hua

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proposed that Chen Shou formally be appointed attendant gentleman in the secretariat, Xun Xu, who was now an enemy of Zhang Hua’s, objected. He recommended that Chen Shou be sent out as governor of Changguang 長廣 commandery (in the area of modern Qingdao, Shandong). Cao Shujie dates this event to 282. Chen Shou’s mother was old and ill, and he did not take up this post. Soon thereafter his mother died. Chen’s mother had instructed him to bury her in Luoyang. After Chen had complied with her instructions, he was criticized for failing to return her to their home in Shu for burial. He was then banned from office until either 291 or 299, when he was recommended for appointment as palace cadet of the crown prince, Sima Yu 司馬遹 (d. 300). However, he did not take up the appointment. According to the Jin shu, Chen Shou died of illness in Yuankang 6 (297) at the age of sixty-five. However, the Huayang guozhi says that after Sima Yu was deposed as heir designate, Zhang Hua was appointed cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. Zhang Hua then petitioned to have Chen named to the chief ministers’ level, but Zhang was executed when Sima Lun 司馬倫 (d. 301) staged a coup against Empress Jia and her supporters. Chen Shou died soon thereafter. This event occurred in the fourth month of Yongkang 1 (300). Thus, if the Huayang guozhi account is correct, Chen Shou would have died in 300. The latest date mentioned in the Sanguo zhi is the death of Sun Hao 孫晧 in 284. Thus, the Sanguo zhi must have been completed after this time. After Chen Shou’s death, the gentleman of the masters of writing and impartial and just of Liangzhou, Fan Jun 范頵 (n.d.), together with other unnamed court officials recommended that a copy of the Sanguo zhi be obtained for the imperial archives. The emperor sent down an edict ordering that a copy be transcribed from the version held in Chen Shou’s home in Luoyang. Chen Shou’s magnum opus is the Sanguo zhi. In the Liu-Song period, Emperor Wen 文 (r. 424–453) found the accounts in the Sanguo zhi too concise, and he ordered Pei Songzhi 裴松之 (372–451) to write a commentary. However, some traditional Chinese critics have admired Chen’s spare and economical narrative style. Bibliography Studies Miao Yue 繆鉞. “Chen Shou yu Sanguo zhi” 陳壽與三國志, Lishi jiaoxue (1962); rpt. in Miao Yue, Du shi cungao 讀史存稿, 9–18. Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 1978; Zhongguo shixue shi lunji 中國史學史論集, ed. Wu Ze 吳澤 and Yuan Yingguang 袁英光, 1: 313–22. Shanghai: Renmin chubanshe, 1980.

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Honda Wataru 本田濟. “Chin Ju no Sangokushi ni tsuite” 陳壽の三國志について. Tōhōgaku 23 (1962): 24–36. Fujii Shigeo 藤井重雄. “Chin Ju den ni tsuite” 陳壽伝について. Niigata daigaku kyōikugaku bu kiyō (Jinbun shakai kagaku hen) 18 (1976): 181–91. Ueda Sanae 上田早苗. “Hashoku no gōzoku to kokka kenryoku—Chin Ju to sono sosentachi o chūshin ni” 巴蜀の豪族と國家權力—陳壽とその祖先を中心に. Tōyōshi kenkyū 25 (1967): 1–22. Miao Yue 繆鉞. “Chen Shou” 陳壽. In Chen Qingquan 陳清泉 and Su Shuangbi 蘇 霜碧 et al., eds. Zhongguo shixuejia pingzhuan 中國史學家評傳, 113–26. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1985. He Ziquan 何茲全. “Chen Shou” 陳壽. In He Ziquan 何茲全, et al eds. Zhongguo gudai shixue renwu 中國古代史學人物, 65–72. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1988. Li Chunjiao 李純蛟. “Chen Shou xingnian gouchen” 陳壽行年鉤沉. Shi xue shi yanjiu (1989: 3): 58–62. Wang Zhongyong 王仲鏞. “Chen Shou Yibu qijiu zhuan tanwei” 陳壽《益部耆舊 傳》探微. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 21.3 (1994): 42–49. Li Boxun 李伯勛. “Chen Shou bian Zuge Liang ji ersan kao—jian tan zhengli Zhuge Liang zhuzuo de yixie zuofa” 陳壽編《諸葛亮集》二三考—兼談整理諸葛亮著作 的一些做法. Chengdu daxue xuebao (Sheke ban) (1995: 5): 43–46. Cao Shujie 曹書杰. “Chen Shou Yibu qijiu zhuan chengshu niandai kao—jian dui chengshu Xianning sinian wunian shuo zhiyi” 陳壽《益部耆舊傳》成書年代考— 兼對成書咸寧四年、五年說質疑. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1995: 3): 7–12. Yang Yaokun 楊耀坤. Chen Shou pingzhuan 陳壽評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1998. Tian Yinong 田依農. “Chen Shou yuxue Chengdu daixue shi shi kao” 陳壽遊學成 都太學史事考. Mianyang shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 18.1 (1999): 85–86, 96. Xu Gongzhi. Wei Jin wenxue shi, 301–7. Cao Shujie 曹書杰. “Chen Shou ru Jin renguan ji qi niandai kaozheng” 陳壽入晉 任官及其年代考證. Xinan shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 25.4 (1999): 16–22. Cutter, Robert Joe and William Gordon Crowell. Empresses and Consorts Selections from Chen Shou’s Records of the Three States with Pei Songzhi’s Commentary. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1999. Xia Zu’en 夏祖恩. “Chen Shou shiguan pingshuo” 陳壽史觀評說. Fujian shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 107 (2000): 110–14. Farmer, J. Michael. “Qiao Zhou and the Historiography of Early Medieval Sichuan.” Early Medieval China 7 (2001): 39–77. Tsuda Tomohisa 津田資久. “Chin Ju den no kenkyū” 陳壽伝の研究. Hokudai shigaku 41 (2001): 58–74. Pang Tianyou 龐天佑. “Lun Chen Shou de lishi zhexue sixiang” 論陳壽的歷史哲學 思想. Shixue lilun yanjiu (2003: 4): 77–86. Jin Shengyang 金生楊. “Chen Shou de xueshu yuanyuan” 陳壽的學術淵源. Shixue shi yanjiu 113 (2004): 20–27. Wang Dingzhang 王定璋. “Qiao Zhou yu Chen Shou” 譙周與陳壽. Xihua daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2005: 1): 16–21. Farmer, J. Michael. The Talent of Shu: Qiao Zhou and the Intellectual World of Early Medieval Sichuan. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2007.

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Ma Xingbo 馬興波 and Zhang Yan 張燕. “Chen Shou Sanguo zhi chengshu guocheng zhong jige wenti de tantao” 陳壽《三國志》成書過程中幾個問題的探討. Wenjiao ziliao (2008: 5): 6–8. DRK

Chen Shubao 陳叔寶 (553–604), zi Yuanxiu 元秀, boyhood zi Huangnu 黃奴, Emperor Chen Houzhu 陳後主 (r. 582–589) Writer and emperor of Chen dynasty. Chen Shubao’s ancestral home was Changcheng 長城 in Wuxing 吳興 (modern Changxing 長興, Zhejiang), but he was born in Jiangling 江陵 in 553. He was the eldest son of Chen Xu 陳頊 (530–582), Emperor Xuan 宣 of the Chen (r. 568–582). The next year, the troops of Western Wei conquered Jiangling and killed Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–554), Emperor Yuan 元 of the Liang (552–555). Chen Xu was sent to the north, while Chen Shubao stayed in Rangcheng 穰城. (near modern Deng 鄧 county, Henan). In 557, Chen Baxian 陳霸先 (503–559) founded the Chen dynasty. In 562, Chen Xu and Chen Shubao returned to the Chen capital Jiankang 建康. Chen Xu ascended the Chen throne in 568, and Chen Shubao was named crown prince in 569. He succeeded his father as emperor in 582. Showing talent in literature and arts at a young age, Chen Shubao was not emperor material. He did not take charge of government affairs, but spent much of his time entertaining his favored courtiers, whom people at that time called “companions of frivolous entertainment” (xiake 狎客). These included poets such as Jiang Zong 江總 (519–594), Chen Xuan 陳暄 (fl. 560–ca. 586), Kong Fan 孔範, and Wang Yuan 王瑗. Chen Shubao was captured by the Sui army in 589, after which the Chen dynasty collapsed. Chen Shubao was sent to Chang’an where he led an extravagant life until his death in Luoyang in 592. Chen Shubao was a skilled poet. He wrote well-crafted ornate verse following the model of gongti shi 宮體詩 (palace style poetry). The monograph on bibliography of Sui shu lists his collected works in thirty-nine juan. There is no listing in the Jiu Tang shu, but the Xin Tang shu records a collection in fifty-five juan. The collection probably was lost during the Song. His extant writings include over thirty prose works preserved in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen and ninety-eight poems in the Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

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Bibliography Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Chen Houzhu ji 陳後主集. 2 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, vol. 1585. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Chen Houzhu ji 陳後主集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao bai san mingjia ji 漢魏六朝百三名家集.

Studies Kubo Takuya 久保卓哉. “Rikuchō kenkyū Rikuchō matsutei Chin kōshū—Tōgūki kara Gyokuju kōtei ka made” 六朝研究六朝末帝陳後主—東宮期から玉樹後庭花 まで. Fukuyama daigaku ningen kagaku kenkyū sentaa 8 (1993): 130–41. Kubo Takuya 久保卓哉. “Rikuchō matsutei Chin kōshū den ron—bōgoku no rekuiemu” 六朝末帝陳後主伝論—亡国のレクイエム. Furuta kyōju shōju kinen Chūgoku ronshū 古田教授頌受記念中國學論集. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1997. Gong Xianzong 龔顯宗. “Lun Chen Shubao shige” 論陳叔寶詩歌. Zhongshan renwen xuebao 3 (1995): 55–56. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 682–84. Ji Fagen 嵇發根. “Chen Shubao ji qi huangshi wenren shulun” 陳叔寶及其皇室文 人述論. Huzhou zhiye jishu xueyuan xuebao (2004.4): 72–75. Ma Haiying 馬海英. “Chen Shubao lun” 陳叔寶論. In Ma Haiying. Chendai shige yanjiu 陳代詩歌研究, 89–108. Shanghai: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2004. Peng Xinyi 彭心怡. “Chen Houzhu gongshi yu zhengshu shi de nifan yu anhe” 陳後主宮詩與征戍詩的逆反與暗合. Dongfang renwen zazhi 5.4 (2006): 61–79. Kubo Takuya 久保卓哉. “Chin kōshū bungaku no tokuchō—hyōgen no bi to seirtsu no bi” 陳後主文學の特徵—表現の美聲律の美. Fukuyama daigaku ningen bunka gakubu kiyō 6 (2006): 35–49. Holcombe, Charles. “The Last Lord of the South: Chen Houzhu (r. 583–589) and the Reunification of China.” Early Medieval China 12 (2006): 91–121. Wu Fusheng, Written at Imperial Command, 147–64.

Translations Forke, Blüthen, 77–78. Margouliès, Anthology, 314–15, 348, 391. Frodsham and Cheng, 198. Owen, Anthology, 267. WJ with additions by DRK

Chen Xuan 陳暄 (fl. 560–ca. 586) Chen dynasty literatus. Chen Xuan’s natal place was Guoshan 國山 in Yixing 義興 (modern Yixing, Jiangsu). He was the youngest son of Chen Qingzhi 陳慶之 (484–539), a

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distinguished general of the Liang dynasty. His older brother Chen Zhao 陳昭 (fl. 539–566) was a well known writer during the Liang and Chen. A talented writer, Chen Xuan confessed that he had been addicted to alcohol for fifty years. He associated widely with nobles and ministers. In 566, Xu Ling 徐陵 (506–583), then minister of the bureau of personnel, demoted Chen Xuan for his arrogance and debauchery. When Chen Shubao was crown prince, he appointed Chen Xuan academician. After Chen Shubao succeeded to the imperial throne, Chen Xuan and a dozen other officials often accompanied the emperor on outings and feasts, and they were known as “companions of frivolous entertainment” (xiake 狎客). Chen Xuan considered himself an entertainer, and Chen Shubao often teased and insulted him. He once tested Chen’s writing skill by hanging him from a rafter under which sharp blades were placed. Chen was ordered to compose a fu in this precarious position. He easily completed the piece without exceeding the prescribed time limit. Chen Xuan died of shock soon after Chen Shubao set his hair on fire as a game. Jiang Zong 江總 (519–594) composed his grave memoir. Chen Xuan’s extant writings include a letter preserved in his biography in the Nan shi, which is collected in Yan Kejun’s 嚴可均 Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen, and four yuefu poems preserved in the Wenyuan yinghua and the Yuefu shiji. Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 681–82. WJ with additions by DRK

Chen Zhao 陳昭 (fl. 539–566) Poet of the Liang-Chen period. Chen Zhao’s natal place was Guoshan 國山 in Yixing 義興 (modern Yixing, Jiangsu). He was Chen Xuan’s 陳暄 older brother. In 539, when his father, the Liang general Chen Qingzhi 陳慶之 (484–539), died, as Chen Qingzhi’s eldest son he inherited the title of Marquis of Yongxing xian 永興縣. He died probably in the 570s during the Taijian 太建 period of Emperor Xuan of the Chen (r. 568–582). Chen Zhao has only two extant poems. One is “Pin Qi jing Mengchang jun mu shi 聘齊經孟嘗君墓詩 (On passing Lord Mengchang’s tomb on the way to visiting the Qi) preserved in the Wenyuan yinghua. He wrote

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this piece in 566 when he was sent as an envoy to the Northern Qi court. The other is “Mingjun yuan” 明君怨 (The resentment of Mingjun), a poem about Wang Zhaojun 王昭君. The Yiwen leiju and the Yuefu shiji attribute it to Chen Zhao, while the Wenyuan yinghua and the collected works of Yin Keng 陰鏗 (d. ca. 565) attribute it to Yin Keng. Both poems are included in Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. Studies Liu Guojun 劉國珺. “Dui guji zhong Yin Keng, Chen Zhao de Zhaojun shi kaobian” 對古籍中陰鏗、陳昭的昭君詩考辨. Nankai xuebao (1988.3): 71–74. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 680–81. DRK

Cheng Xiao 程曉 (ca. 220–ca. 265), zi Jiming 季明 Sanguo period writer. Cheng Xiao’s natal place was Dong’e 東阿 in Dong 東 commandery (northeast of modern Yanggu 陽谷, Shandong). He is the grandson of Cheng Yu 程昱 (142–221), one of the most trusted generals of Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220). At the beginning of the Wei (ca. 220), Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) granted him a fief in Anxiang 安鄉. Cheng Xiao and his father Cheng Yan 程延, who was Cheng Yu’s youngest son, were given portions of the estate and the title of marquis. In the Jiaping 嘉平 period (249–254) Cheng Xiao was appointed gentleman attendant at the palace gate. He presented to the court a long petition in which he proposed that the office of jiaoshi 校事 (investigator of affairs), which he claimed had abused its authority, be abolished. His proposal was accepted. Cheng Xiao died at the age of over forty while serving as governor of Runan 汝南 (administrative seat Xinxi 新息, modern Xi 息 county, Henan). The Shui jing zhu mentions his grave inscription located in Runan, and thus he must have been buried there. According to the Xiao biezhuan 曉別傳 (Separate biography of Cheng Xiao), a work of unknown authorship or date, Cheng wrote numerous works, but only about ten percent of them had survived (see Sanguo zhi 14.431, Pei Zongzhi’s commentary). He had a collection in two juan that survived until the Northern Song. All that now survives are three prose pieces and six poems. His best known poem is a piece ridiculing men who pay visits to each other during late July and August He also exchanged poems with Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217–278).

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“Chao re ke shi” 嘲熱客詩 (Poem mocking guests who pay visits during the hot season), also titled “Furi shi” 伏日詩 (Poem on the day of concealment)

Translations Waley, 170 Chinese Poems, 83. Waley, Translations from the Chinese, 59. Waley, Chinese Poems, 85.

Studies Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue xinian, 440, 561, 623–24. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 431–32. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 94. DRK

Chenggong Sui 成公綏 (231–273), zi Zi’an 子安 Late Wei and early Western Jin writer and scholar. Chenggong Sui’s natal place was Baima 白馬 in Dong commandery 東郡 (east of modern Hua 滑 county, Henan). According to his biography in Jin shu, in his youth Chenggong Sui displayed unusual learning and intelligence. He was a skilled fu writer, and among his youthful compositions were “Tiandi fu” 天地賦 (Fu on heaven and earth), a long poem on the cosmos; and “Wu fu” 烏賦 (Fu on the crow), a piece celebrating the filial virtues of the crow. He was on good terms with Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300) who in 255 recommended Chenggong Sui for an appointment as professor of the chamberlain of ceremonials. Ca. 259 he served in the palace library, and ca. 261 was promoted to its director. Around 263, Chenggong Sui took up the position of vice-director of the secretariat, and it was about this time that he composed his most famous piece, “Xiao fu” 嘯賦 (Fu on whistling), which is preserved in the Wen xuan. In 264, Chenggong Sui was a member of the fourteen-person commission that was charged with drafting the Jin law code. In 269, he returned to his post as vice-director of the secretariat. In this year he composed several of the ritual songs used in imperial ceremonies. The last position he held before his death in 273 was zhuzuo lang 著作郎 or editorial director.

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The Jin shu mentions that Chenggong Sui’s literary works circulated in a ten-juan collection. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists collections in both nine and ten juan. The Jiu Tang shu and Xin Tang shu both record a ten-juan collection. All of these collections have been lost since the Song. Most of Chenggong Sui’s extant writings consist of twenty-three fu. However, only two are complete, “Tiandi fu” and “Xiao fu.” Only five poems survive, and none of these appears complete. Chenggong Sui also wrote a famous essay on calligraphy, “Li shu ti” 隸書體 (On the form of regular script). Bibliography Collection Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Jin Chenggong Zi’an ji 晉成公子安集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji.

Studies Xu Gongchi. Wei Jin wenxue shi, 292–95. Wang Lin. Liuchao cifu shi, 103–6. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 112–13. Lü Zeli 呂則麗. “Zhi qianqiu yi li xiang, si jimo zhi laihe—Chenggong Sui fu lun” 指千秋以厲響, 俟寂寞之來和—成公綏賦論. Zaozhuang shifan zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 21.3 (2004: 3): 30–33. Wei Shaosheng 韋紹生. “Chenggong Sui—yixiao Chengming” 成公綏—一嘯成名. In Wei Shaosheng. Wen Jin wenxue yu Zhongyuan wenhua, 260–66.

a. “Tu zhong zuo” 途中作 (Composed on the road) Translation Holzman, Landscape Appreciation in Ancient and Early Medieval China, 109–12.

b. “Tiandi fu” 天地賦 (Fu on heaven and earth) Study and Translation Brashier, K.E. “A Poetic Exposition on Heaven and Earth by Chenggong Sui (231– 273).” Journal of Chinese Religions 24 (1996): 1–46.

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Fan Rong 樊榮. “Xiao ‘Xiao fu’ yu Wei Jin mingshi fengdu” 嘯、《嘯賦》與魏晉名 士風度. Changchun shifan xueyuan xuebao 23.5 (2004): 70–73. Yu Jiang 余江. “Miaoyin jile ziran zhihe—Chenggong Sui ‘Xiao fu’ lun” 妙音極樂 自然至和—成公綏《嘯賦》論. Hunan keji daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 8.1 (2005): 106–9. Peng Yan 彭巖. “Chenggong Sui ‘Xiao fu’ de yinyue meixue sixiang chutan” 成 公綏《嘯賦》的音樂美學思想初探. Hunan kexue xueyuan xuebao 28.11 (2007): 79–82.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 258–61. White, Douglas. In Victor Mair, ed., Columbia Anthology, 429–34. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume 3, 315–23.

d. “Li shu ti” 隸書體 (On the form of regular script) Study Zhang Kefeng 張克峰. “Chenggong Sui ‘Li shu ti’ de wenxue tezheng yu shufa lilun jiazhi” 成公綏《隸書體》的文學特徵與書法理論價值. Sheke zongheng 22.1 (2007): 97–98. DRK

“Chile ge” 敕勒歌 (Teleg song) Non-Han Chinese Song of Northern Dynasties According to the Yuefu guang ti 樂府廣題 of Shen Jian 沈建 (early Northern Song), cited in the Yuefu shiji 樂府詩集 (86.1212), when the Northern Qi founder Gao Huan 高歡 (496–547) was engaged in a battle with the Western Wei at Yubi 玉壁 (southwest of modern Xiji 西稷 Mountain, Shanxi), half of Gao Huan’s soldiers were killed. Gao Huan became so angry he fell ill. He then commanded a Chile general, Hulü Jin 斛律金 (488–567), to sing the “Chile ge” while Gao Huan accompanied him. The compiler of the Yuefu shiji says that the song was originally in the Xianbei language. However, some scholars have argued that the Chile language was different from Xianbei and was a Turkic language that may have be related to modern Uighur. Although many sources credit Hulü Jin as the “author” of the “Chile ge,” this is rather doubtful, for the original song probably existed long before the time of Hulü Jin.

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Bibliography Studies Ogawa Tamaki 小川環樹. “Chōroku no uta: sono gengo to bungaku-shi no igi” 敕 勒の歌: その原語と文學史の意義. Tōhōgaku 18 (1959); rpt. in Kaze to kumo— Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 風と雲—中國文學論集, 351–66. Tokyo: Asahi shinbunsha, 1972. English trans. “The Song of Ch’ih-le 敕勒: Chinese Translations of Turkish Folksongs and Their Influence on Chinese Poetry.” Acta Asiatica 1 (1961); Chinese version: “Chile zhi ge—tade yuanlai de yuyan yu zai wenxue shi shang de yiyi” 敕勒之歌—它的原來的語言與在文學史上的意義. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1982: 1): 42–46. Wu Han 吳晗. “Chile ge gechangzhe jiazu de mingyun” 敕勒歌歌唱者家族命運. Renmin wenxue (1962: 3): 46–48. Ning Changying 寧昶英. “‘Chile ge’ kaolüe”《敕勒歌》攷略. Nei Menggu shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1980: 3): 70–76. Liang Hongge 梁洪謌. “‘Chile ge’ jiaozhu pingkao chaolüe”《敕勒歌》校注評考鈔 略. Nei Menggu daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1981: 3): 81–85. Li Dan 李丹. “‘Chile ge’ qianshuo”《敕勒歌》淺說. Jiangsu daxue xuebao (Gaoji yanjiu ban) (1982: 3): 70–71, 57. Cui Bingyang 崔炳揚 and Qu Jiahui 屈家惠. “Youguan ‘Chile ge’ de jige wenti” 有 關《敕勒歌》的幾個問題. Sichuan shiyuan xuebao (1983: 1): 102–4. Xing Bingyan 邢丙彥. “Ye tan ‘Chile ge’ de yuanlai yuyan” 也談《敕勒歌》的原來 語言. Guangming ribao (July 26, 1983). Wang Shuguang 王曙光. “Shilun ‘Chile ge’ de zuozhe ji qi chansheng niandai” 試 論《敕勒歌》的作者及其產生年代. Xinjiang shehui kexue (1984: 4): 121–28. Zhou Meng 周蒙. “Qionglu yiqu ben tianran—‘Chile ge’ kaolun” 穹廬一曲本天 然— 《敕勒歌》考論. Nei Menggu shida xuebao (1985: 2): 67–75. Aerdingfu 阿爾丁夫. “‘Chile ge’ tong Hulü Jin wuguan”《敕勒歌》同斛律金無關. Nei Menggu daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1986: 2): 21–26. Wang Fanzhou 汪泛舟. “‘Chile ge” xinlun”《敕勒歌》新論. Yindu xuekan (1987: 2): 82–85. Yong’an 永安. “Minzu da ronghe de guibao—‘Chile ge’de chansheng he liuchuan” 民族大融合的瑰寶— 《敕勒歌》的產生和流傳. Wenxue yichan (1987: 6):. Min Heshun 閔和順. “Ye tan ‘Chile ge’—jian yu Wang Shuguang tongzhi shangque” 也談《敕勒歌》—兼與王曙光同志商榷. Xinjiang shehui kexue (1988: 3): 59–62. Min Heshun 閔和順. “Cong Bei Wei neiqian Chile minzu de mingyun kan ‘Chile ge’ 從北魏內遷敕樂民族的命運看《敕勒歌》. Qiusuo (1984: 4): 122–24. Wang Shuguang 王曙光. “Shilun ‘Chile ge’ de chuancheng ji qi yuyan bianhua” 試 論《敕勒歌》的傳承及其語言變化. Xinjiang shehui kexue (1989: 3): 74–80. Aerdingfu 阿爾丁夫. “Tan ‘Chile ge’ de zushu wenti” 談《敕勒歌》的族屬問題. Xibei mingzu yanjiu (1990: 1): 103–7, 78. Zongheng 縱橫. “‘Chile ge’ bianwu”《敕勒歌》辨誤. Nei Menggu daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1994: 3): 85–89. Wang Sheng’en 王盛恩. “‘Chile ge’ kaobian”《敕勒歌》考辨. Luoyang daxue xuebao 11.1 (1996): 66–70. Wang Sheng’en 王盛恩. “‘Chile ge’ fei Xianbei minge”《敕勒歌》非鮮卑民歌. Renwen zazhi (1997: 1): 63–66. Zhou Jianjiang 周建江. “‘Chile ge”《敕勒歌》. In Zhou Jianjiang. Beichao wenxue shi 北朝文學史, 224–31. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1997.

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Qi Gong 啟功. “Chitang chun cao Chile niuyang” 池塘春草敕勒牛羊. In Qi Gong conggao 啟功叢稿, “Tiba juan” 題跋卷 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1999), 123–24. Zhou Jianjiang 周建江. “‘Chile ge’ de yuyan, xingzhi he fengge”《敕勒歌》的語 言、性質和風格. Xijing daxue xuebao (2000: 1): 28–30. Aerdingfu 阿爾丁夫. “Zai tan ‘Chile ge’ he Hulü Jin wuguan” 再談《敕勒歌》和斛 律金無關. Nei Menggu daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 36.1 (2003): 60–66. Zhang Tingyin 張廷銀. “‘Chile ge’ yiwen xiaoshi”《敕勒歌》異文小識. Wenxue yichan (2004: 3): 128–31. Zhang Tingyin 張廷銀. “Beichao yuefu ‘Chile ge’ yanjiu zongshu” 北朝樂府《敕勒 歌》研究綜述. Yantai shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 22.1 (2005): 51–56. Lü Jingzhi 呂凈植. “‘Chile ge’ yanjiu”《敕勒歌》研究. Dongbei shi di (2008: 1): 60–64.

Translations Waley, Chinese Poems, 113. Frodsham and Ch’eng, 109. DRK

Chu ci 楚辭 (Songs of Chu) Anthology of Warring States southern poems and their Han imitations. The Chu ci is an anthology of poetry from the southern state of Chu, the largest state of the Warring States period. A. Chu culture and language The state of Chu occupied the entire Yangtze River valley in south-central China. Chu represented a culture different from the main Zhou culture of north China and may have been influenced by Shang-Yin cultural traditions as well as indigenous southern cultures. The original Chu language may have been an Austro-Asiatic language. For a good study of the AustroAsiatic features of the Chu language see: Norman, Jerry and Mei Tsu-lin. “The Austroasiatics in Ancient South China: Some Lexical Evidence.” Monumenta Serica 32 (1976): 274–301. Pulleyblank, E.G. “The Chinese and Their Neighbors in Prehistoric and Early Historic Times,” in The Origins of Chinese Civilization, ed. David N. Keightly, 427–28, 437–42, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983.

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Whatever the linguistic affinity of the Chu language, the language of the Chu ci clearly is Chinese. However, some of the pieces do reveal traces of Chu “dialect,” both in pronunciation and possibly grammar. On the Chu dialect words contained in the Chu ci, see: Takeji Sadao 竹治貞夫. “Soji no hōgensei” 楚辭の方言性. Tokushima daigaku gakugei kiyō (Jinbun kagaku) 14 (1965): 1–10. Jiang Shuge 姜書閣. Xian Qin cifu yuan lun 先秦辭賦原論, 71–108. Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1983. Shao Zesui 邵則遂. “Chu ci Chu yu jin zheng”《楚辭》楚語今證. Gu Hanyu yanjiu 22 (1994): 62–64.

An important feature of Chu culture revealed in Chu literature is what most modern scholars have called shamanism. The term that is generally used for shaman in this period is wu 巫, which some scholars prefer to render as “spirit medium.” On the ancient Chinese wu tradition see: Fujino Iwatomo 藤野岩友 (1898–1984). Chūgoku no bungaku to reizoku 中國の文 學と禮俗. Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten, 1965. Falkenhausen, Lothar von. “Reflections on the Political Role of Spirit Mediums in Early China: the Wu Officials in the Zhou li.” Early China 20 (1995): 279–300. Boileau, Gilles. “Wu and Shaman.” Bullein of the School of Oriental and African Studies 65.2 (2002): 350–78. Argues that wu is different from the Siberian shaman. Lin Fu-shih. “The Image and Status of Shamans in Ancient China.” In Early Chinese Religion Part One: Shang through Han (1250 bc–220 ad), eds. John Lagerway and Marc Kalinowski, 397–458. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2009.

B. Poetry and song in Chu The prosodic and formal features of the Chu ci are quite different from the Shi jing. The basic prosodic pattern of the Shi jing is the tetrasyllabic line. In the Chu ci one finds such longer patterns as lines of five, six, and seven syllables. The Chu ci pieces also make extensive use of the particle xi 兮. One important formal feature of the Chu ci is the luan 亂 or “finale” that was placed at the end of the piece. Its function was to provide a summary or conclusion for the poem. The luan originally was used in musical pieces as a coda. In many Chu ci poems the luan is in a different prosodic pattern from the main portion. The origins of the Chu ci prosodic forms are obscure. Some scholars have claimed the most famous Chu poet Qu Yuan 屈原 (340?–278 b.c.e.) invented them. However, they base this claim on the tenuous grounds that there are no known examples of these prosodic forms earlier than the pieces attributed to Qu Yuan. One possible source of Chu ci prosody is the Chu folk song. There are a number of reputed ancient southern folk

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songs that use longer lines and make use of the particle xi. The main problem with these pieces is that most of them are preserved in later texts, and one cannot be certain whether they antedate the Chu ci poems. One early example is the “Ruzi ge” 孺子歌 (Song of the young lad) recorded in Mengzi 4A/9 the first couplet of which reads: “The water of the Canglang is clear, /It can cleanse my hat-strings” 滄浪之水清兮, 可以濯我纓. There also is an interesting piece called the “Yueren ge” 越人歌 (Song of the Viet people), which is recorded in a Chinese phonetic transcription and translation in the Shuo yuan 說苑 (Garden of persuasions), a work compiled by Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 b.c.e.) and presented to the imperial court in 17 b.c.e. The transcription is now incomprehensible but some scholars have tried to identify the language with various southeastern Asian languages such as Zhuang-Dong or Cham. The following are some of the more important studies of the song: Izui Hisanosuke 泉井久之助. “Ryū Kō Setsuden kan daiyichi no Yuege ni tsuite” 劉向「說苑」 卷第一の越歌について. Gengo kenkyū 22–23 (1953): 41–45; Chinese trans. Xu Luosha 許羅莎. “Guanyu Liu Xiang Shuo yuan di shiyi juan zhong de Yuege” 關於劉向《說苑》第十一卷中的越歌. Waiguo yuyan wenxue (1983: 1): 60–63. Xu Younian 許友年. “Shilun ‘Yueren ge’ de yuanwen he Yiwen” 試論《樂人歌》的 原文和譯文. Fujian shida xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1983: 1): 77–80, 42. Bai Yaotian 白耀天. “‘Bengyi Yuere ge’ de yidu ji qi youguan wenti”《榜枻越人 歌》的譯讀及其有關問題. Guangxi minzu yanjiu (1985: 1): 35–49. Ouyang Ruoxiu 歐陽若修 and Lu Ganbo 陸干波. “Guanyu ‘Yueren ge’ yanjiu de jige wenti” 關於《越人歌》研究的幾個問題. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1987: 4): 32–40. Xiao Bing 蕭兵. Chu ci de wenhua poyi 楚辭的文化破譯, 589–638. Changsha: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1991. Cheng Tai 程泰. “‘Yueren ge’ lice”《越人歌》蠡測. Jiang Han luntan (1995: 4): 72–76; rpt. Fuyin baokan ziliao, Zhongguo gudai, jindai wenxue yanjiu (1995: 9): 75–79. Qian Yuzhi 錢玉趾. “Zhongguo zuizao de wenxue fanyi zuopin ‘Yueren ge’ shixi” 中國最早的文學翻譯作品「越人歌」試析. Gujin Yiwen 24.3 (1998): 13–19. Qian Yuzhi 錢玉趾. “‘Yueren ge’ de yishuxing ji qi dui Chu ci de yingxiang”「越 人歌」的藝術性及其對楚辭的影響. Gujin Yiwen 25.1 (1998): 41–47.

C. Chu ci Studies The Chu ci has been the subject of study since its compilation in the Han dynasty, and a substantial body of scholarly material has accumulated. There are a number of useful bibliographies of Chu ci scholarship:

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Hightower, James Robert. “Ch’ü Yüan Studies.” Silver Jubilee Volume of the Zinbun Kagaku Kenkyûsho (Kyoto, 1954), 192–223. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. Chu ci shulu 楚辭書錄. Hong Kong: Suji shushe, 1956. Jiang Liangfu 姜亮夫. Chu ci shumu wuzhong 楚辭書目五種. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1961. Rpt. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1993. Chan Ping-leung. “Recent Ch’u-tz’u Studies: A Review of Chinese Publications.” Journal of the Chinese Language Teachers Association 11.2 (1976): 140–45. Huang Zhigao 黃志高. “Liushi nian lai zhi Chu ci xue” 六十年來之楚辭學. Guoli Taiwan daxue guowen yanjiusuo jikan 22 (1978): 869–961. Shi Moqing 史墨卿. “Zhongguo jin sanshi nian Chu ci lunwen mulu suoyin” 中國 近三十年 楚辭論文目錄索引. Shumu jikan 13.2 (1979): 77–105. Hong Zhanhou 洪湛侯, et al. ed. Chu ci yaoji jieti 楚辭要籍解題. Hubei: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1984. Huang Zhongmo 黃中模. Xiandai Chu ci piping shi 現代楚辭批評史. Wuhan: Hu bei jiaoyu chubanshe, 1990. Yi Zhonglian 易重廉. Zhongguo Chu ci xue shi 中國楚辭學史. Changsha: Hunan chubanshe, 1991. Cui Fuzhang 崔富章, ed. Chu ci shumu wuzhong xubian 楚辭書目五種續編. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1993. Li Zhonghua 李中華 and Zhu Bingxiang 朱炳祥. Chu ci xue shi 楚辭學史. Wuhan: Wuhan chubanshe, 1996. Li Daming 李大明. Chu ci wenxian xue shi lun kao 楚辭文獻學史論考. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1997. Xu Zhixiao 徐治嘯. Riben Chu ci yanjiu lungang 日本楚辭研究論綱. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2004. Li Daming 李大明. Han Chu ci xue shi 漢楚辭學史. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2004. Chen Liang 陳亮. “Zaoqi Ou Mei Hanxuejia dui Chu ci de fanyi yu yanjiu” 早期歐 美漢學家對楚辭的翻譯與研究. Guoji Hanxue yanjiu tongxun 1 (2010): 253–73.

D. Content of Chu ci 1. The traditional view of the Chu ci The traditional view of the Chu ci, which went virtually unchallenged until the twentieth century, is that about half of the poems in the collection were written by a poet named Qu Yuan 屈原 or Qu Ping 屈平 (ca. 340– 278 b.c.e.). Other poems are ascribed to poets either associated with Qu Yuan or who wrote poems in his style. In recent times many scholars have devoted long studies to the question of the authorship of many of the Qu Yuan poems in the collection. Authorities do not agree on which, if any, of the poems attributed to him actually were written by him.

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The Chu ci contains the following pieces: 1. “Li sao” 離騷 (Encountering sorrow), attributed to Qu Yuan. 2. “Jiu ge” 九歌 (Nine songs), attributed to Qu Yuan. 3. “Tian wen” 天問 (Heavenly questions/Questions to Heaven), attributed to Qu Yuan. 4. “Jiu zhang” 九章 (Nine declarations/Nine pieces) attributed to Qu Yuan. 5. “Yuan you” 遠遊 (Distant journey), attributed to Qu Yuan. 6. “Bu ju” 卜居 (Divining a home), attributed to Qu Yuan. 7. “Yu fu” 漁父 (The fisherman), attributed to Qu Yuan. 8. “Jiu bian” 九辯 (Nine arguments/Nine changes), attributed to Song Yu 宋玉 (fl. 298–263 b.c.e.) 9. “Zhao hun” 招魂 (Summoning the soul ), attributed to Song Yu. 10. “Da zhao” 大招 (Great summons), attributed to Qu Yuan and Jing Cuo 景差 (fl. 250 b.c.e.) 11. “Xi shi” 惜誓 (Sorrow for truth betrayed), attributed to Jia Yi 賈誼 (201–168 b.c.e.) 12. “Zhao yinshi” 招隱士 (Summoning the hermit), attributed to Liu An 劉安 (ca. 170–122 b.c.e.) 13. “Qi jian” 七諫 (Seven admonitions), attributed to Dongfang Shuo 東方 朔 (154–93 b.c.e.) 14. “Ai shi ming” 哀時命 (Lamenting time’s fate), attributed to Zhuang Ji 莊忌 (fl. 157 b.c.e.) 15. “Jiu huai” 九懷 (Nine regrets) by Wang Bao 王褒 (fl. 61–58 b.c.e.) 16. “Jiu tan” 九歎 (Nine sighs) by Liu Xiang 劉向 (77–6 b.c.e.) 17. “Jiu si” 九思 (Nine longings) by Wang Yi 王逸 (fl. 114–120) E. Text 1. History of the text Little is known about the early history of the Chu ci text. For much of the Former Han period, the Qu Yuan and Song Yu poems mainly circulated via oral transmission. There probably was a text of some Chu ci pieces compiled by the King of Huainan 淮南, Liu An 劉安, around 135 b.c.e. The first reputed editor of the Chu ci is Liu Xiang 劉向 (77–6 b.c.e.), who is credited with editing the text in sixteen juan. However, there is some doubt about this claim, for the Han shu “Yiwen zhi 藝文志” (Monograph

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on bibliography), which was based on Liu Xiang’s own catalogue, does not mention the Chu ci. One explanation for this anomaly might be that the only category into which the Chu ci poems could be placed is the “Shi fu lüe” 詩賦略 (Summary of songs and rhapsodies), which lists works by author, not title. Thus, the “Shi fu lüe” lists the Chu poets Qu Yuan, Song Yu, etc. separately, not as Chu ci. David Hawkes discusses the question of Liu Xiang’sole at great length in the general introduction to The Songs of the South (28–41). Hawkes doubts that Liu Xiang actually compiled the Chu ci. On Liu Xiang and the Chu ci see: Lin Weichun 林維純. “Liu Xiang bianji Chu ci chutan” 劉向編集《楚辭》初探. Jinan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1984: 3): 86–92.

The Wang Yi Text The received version of the Chu ci was edited by Wang Yi 王逸 (fl. 114– 120), who claims to have based himself on Liu Xiang’s text, to which Wang wrote a commentary. Wang’s text, in seventeen juan, is known as the Chu ci zhangju 楚辭章句 (Chapter and verse commentary to the Chu ci). His commentary is important for its glosses on difficult words, but is marred by his attempt to read all of the Qu Yuan poems as political allegories. Many modern scholars have questioned some of Wang Yi’s attributions. Wang Yi’s text circulated in various arrangements and editions until the Song dynasty, when Hong Xingzu 洪興祖 (1070–1135) compiled the Chu ci buzhu 楚辭補注 (Supplementary Commentary to the Chu ci), which is the earliest accessible full text of Wang Yi’s Chu ci. Hong’s commentary contains numerous corrections to Wang Yi’s commentary. The Chu ci buzhu exists in the following editions: Hong Xingzu 洪興祖 (1070–1135), ed. and comm. Chu ci buzhu 楚辭補注. 17 juan. Xi yin xuan congshu 惜陰軒叢書. Preface dated 1846. Hong Xingzu 洪興祖 (1070–1135), ed. and comm. Chu ci buzhu 楚辭補注. 17 juan. Sibu congkan. Ming dynasty reprinting of a Song edition. Hong Xingzu 洪興祖 (1070–1135), ed. and comm. Chu ci buzhu 楚辭補注. 17 juan. Sibu beiyao. Typeset edition based on the early 17th century Jigu ge 汲古閣 reprint of a Song edition.

This edition is available in the following reprints: Hong Xingzu 洪興祖 (1070–1135), ed. and comm. Chu ci buzhu 楚辭補注. 17 juan. Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1963. Hong Xingzu 洪興祖 (1070–1135), ed. and comm. Chu ci buzhu 楚辭補注. 17 juan. Taipei: Zhonghua shuju, 1966.

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See also the following punctuated editions: Hong Xingzu 洪興祖 (1070–1135), ed. and comm. Bai Huawen 白化文 et al. coll. and punc. Chu ci buzhu 楚辭補注. 17 juan. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983. Hong Xingzu 洪興祖 (1070–1135), ed. and comm. Chu ci buzhu 楚辭補注. 17 juan. Taipei: Da’an chubanshe, 1995.

Wang Yi also is attributed with prefaces written to each of the pieces in the Chu ci. However, several recent scholars have questioned whether Wang Yi is the author of these prefaces or whether the Chu ci buzhu edition represents the Wang Yi original. They have noted differences between the version of some of the prefaces and the version found in the sixth century anthology Wen xuan 文選 as well as Japanese manuscripts of the Wen xuan. It should be noted that the Wen xuan contains a substantial portion of what is labeled the Wang Yi text, including his commentary and prefaces. On Wang Yi and the Chu ci zhangju, see: Zhu Bilian 朱碧蓮. “Lüe ping jizhong you yingxiang de Chu ci jiu zhu ben” 略評 幾種有影響的《楚辭》舊注本. Hubei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1985: 5): 83–87. Lin Weichun 林維純. “Shilun Chu ci zhangju ‘Xuwen’ de zuozhe wenti” 試論 《楚辭章句》 “序文” 的作者問題. Jinan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1986: 2): 47–56, 62. Jiang Tianshu 蔣天樞, “Hou Han shu ‘Wang Yi zhuan’ kaoshi” 後漢書王逸傳考釋. in Chu ci lunwen ji, 195–212. Jiang Tianshu. “Lun Chu ci zhangju” 論楚辭章句. in Chu ci lunwen ji, 213–27. Wang Qizhou 王齊洲. “Wang Yi he Chu ci zhangju” 王逸和《楚辭章句》. Wenxue yichan (1995: 2): 23–30. Lizhi 力之. “Chu ci zhangju ‘xuwen’ de zuozhe wenti bian—jian yu Lin Weichun xiansheng shangque”《楚辭章句》“序文” 的作者問題辨—兼與林維純先生商榷. Qinzhou xuekan 13.1 (1998): 29–35; rpt. Lizhi. Chu ci yu zhonggu wenxian kao shuo, 35–62. Kominami Ichirō 小南一郎. “Ō I Soji shoku o megutte: Kandai shōku no gaku no ichi sokumen” 王逸楚辭章句をめぐって漢代章句の學の一側面. Tōhō gakuhō 63 (1991): 61–114; Chinese trans. Liu Ping 劉萍. “Wang Yi Chu ci zhangju zai Handai zhushi shang de diwei” 王逸《楚辭章句》在漢代注釋上的地位. Guji zhengli yu yanjiu 6 (1991): 277–85. Xu Jie 許結. “Lun Wang Yi Chu ci xue de shidai xinyi” 論王逸楚辭學的時代新義. Jiang Han luntan (1991: 3): 42–46. Li Daming 李大明. “Hong Xingzu Chu ci kao yi suoyin Chuci zhangju Liuchao ‘guben’ kao” 洪興祖《楚辭考異》所引《楚辭章句》六朝 “古本” 考. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 21.2 (1994): 43–47. Schimmelpfennig, Michael. “Der Kommentar von Wang Yi zu den Liedern von Chu (Chu-ci).” Ph.D. diss., University of Heidelberg, 1995. Xiong Liangzhi 熊良智. “Wen xuan jizhu sao lei canjuan zai Chu ci yanjiu zhong de jiazhi”《文選集注》騷類殘卷在《楚辭》研究中的價值. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 22.4 (1995): 56–61.

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Li Daming 李大明. “Songben Chu ci zhangju kaozheng” 宋本《楚辭章句》考證. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 22.1 (1995): 74–81. Wang Dehua 王德華. “Riben Kanazawa bunko Wen xuan jizhu sao lei canjuan Li sao jing ‘Xiao xu’ jie bian” 日本金澤文庫《文選集注》騷類殘卷《離騷經‧小序》 解辨. Wenxian (1999: 4): 41–50. Wang Dehua 王德華. “Wen xuan ben sao lei zuopin ba bian xiao xu de wenxian jiazhi”《文選》本騷類作品八篇小序的文獻價值. Zhejiang daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 30.1 (2000): 59–64. Lizhi 力之. Wen xuan sao lei Li Shan zhu yin Chu ci zhangju xiaoxu jun fei yuanmao bian—jian yu Wang Dehua xiansheng shangque”《文選》騷類李善注引 《楚辭章句》小序均非原貌辨—兼與王德華先生商榷. Henan shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 27.5 (2000): 62–66; rpt. Lizhi. Chu ci yu zhonggu wenxian kao shuo, 63–77. Schimmelpfennig, Michael. “Die verborgene Kommentierung: Die Ausführungen zum Lisao (Lisao zhuan) als Grundlage der Auslegung des Lisao durch Wang Yi.” Oriens Extremus 42 (2000–2001): 41–68. Wang Qizhou 王齊洲. “Wang Yi he Chu ci zhangju” 王逸和《楚辭章句》. Wenxue yichan (1995: 2): 23–30. Li Daming 李大明. “Songben Chu ci zhangju kaozheng” 宋本《楚辭章句》考證. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 22.1 (1995): 74–81. Wang Dehua 王德華. “Hong Xingzu Chu ci buzhu ben Wang Yi Chu ci zhangju gepian xiaoxu yuanmao zhiyi” 洪興祖《楚辭補注》本王逸《楚辭章句》各篇小序 原貌質疑. Zhongua wenshi luncong 59 (1999): 245–66. Kominami Ichirō 小南一郎. Soji to sono chūshakushatachi 楚辭とその注釋たち. Kyoto: Hōyū shoten, 2003. Huang Linggen 黃靈庚. “Guanyu Wang Yi Chu ci zhangju de jiaoli” 關於王逸《楚 辭章句》的校理. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu (Summer 2003): 54–62. Zheng Yating 鄭雅婷. “Wang Yi ‘Li sao zhu’ yanjiu” 王逸《離騷注》研究. Shixin Zhongwen yanjiu jikan 3 (2007): 149–78.

2. Other Texts and Commentaries a. Dao Qian 道騫 /Zhi Qian 智騫 (fl. ca. 590), comp. Chu ci yin 楚辭音. 1 juan. The name of the compiler is usually given as Dao Qian 道騫. However, his correct name may actually be Zhi Qian 智騫. He was a Buddhist monk who was an expert in philology. A fragment of his Chu ci yin, which contains a series of pronunciation glosses to the “Li sao,” has been discovered among the Dunhuang manuscripts. The original is now held in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Pelliot 2494. There are several studies: Wen Yiduo 聞一多. “Dunhuang jiu chao Chu ci yin canjuan ba” 敦煌久鈔楚辭音 殘卷跋. Literary Supplement to Dagong bao (April 2, 1936); rpt. Wen Yiduo quanji 聞一多全集. 4 vols. Shanghai: Kaiming shudian, 1948, 2: 497–505; and Wen Yiduo Chu ci yanjiu lunzhu shizhong, 315–25.

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Jiang Liangfu 姜亮夫. “Dunhuang xieben Sui Shi Zhi Qian Chu ci yin ba” 敦煌寫 本隋釋智騫楚辭音跋. Zhongguo shehui kexue (1980: 1); rpt. Chu ci xue lunwen ji (see below under “General Studies”), 367–85.

b. Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), ed. and comm. Chu ci jizhu 楚辭集注. 8 juan. Supplemented by the Bianzheng 辨證 (textual notes) in 2 juan, and the Hou yu 後語 (52 additional pieces in the Chu ci style) in 6 juan. Zhu Xi revised the text and omitted the “Qi jian,” “Jiu huai,” “Jiu tan,” and “Jiu si,” adding instead the “Diao Qu Yuan fu” 弔屈原賦 (Lament for Qu Yuan) and “Fu fu” 鵩賦 (The owl) of Jia Yi 賈誼 (200–168 b.c.e.). Zhu Xi includes the commentaries of Wang Yi and Hong Xingzu, which he supplements with his own remarks. Zhu also attempts to apply the Shi jing reading method of fu-bi-xing 賦比興 to the Chu ci. Editions Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), ed. and comm. Chu ci jizhu 楚辭集注. 8 juan. Song Duanping 2 (1235) woodblock. Rpt. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1953; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1963. Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), ed. and comm. Chu ci jizhu 楚辭集注. 8 juan. Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1972. Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), ed. and comm. Li Qingjia 李慶甲, coll. and punc. Chu ci jizhu 楚辭集注. 8 juan. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1979. Based on the 1953 Renmin wenxue printing. Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), ed. and comm. Chu ci jizhu 楚辭集注. 8 juan. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2003. Zhonghua zaizao shanben 中華再造善本, photo-reproduction of Song Duanping 2 woodlock held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan.

c. Wang Yuan 汪瑗 Wang Yuan 汪瑗 (d. ca. 1566), ed. and comm. Chu ci ji jie 楚辭集解. Printed in 1615 and 1618. Wang Yuan is the first to question the interpretations of Wang Yi, Hong Xingzu, and Zhu Xi.

Editions Wang Yuan 汪瑗, ed. and comm. Chu ci ji jie 楚辭集解. Wanli 46 (1618) printing. See the photoroproduction in the following:

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Soji shūkai 楚辭集解. Kominami Ichirō 小南一郎, introduction. Kyōto daigaku Kanseki senpon sōsho 京都大學漢籍善本叢書, 5–6. Kyoto: Dōhōsha, 1984. Photoreproduction of Kyōto daigaku copy. Wang Yuan 汪瑗, ed. and comm. Dong Hongli 董洪利, ed. and punc. Chu ci ji jie 楚辭集解. Beijing: Beijing guji chubanshe, 1994.

On this work see Xiong Liangzhi 熊良智. “Wang Yuan Chu ci ji jie zai Chu ci yanjiu zhong de gongxian” 汪瑗《楚辭集解》在楚辭研究中的貢獻. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (1993: 3); rpt. in Xiong Liangzhi, ed. Cifu yanjiu 辭賦研究, 381–93. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2006.

d. Wang Fuzhi 王夫之 Wang Fuzhi 王夫之 (1619–1692), ed. and comm. Chu ci tongshi 楚辭通釋. 14 juan. 1709. Modern typeset editions: Shanghai: Taipingyang shudian, 1933; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959; Shanghai: Renmin chubanshe, 1975.

Wang Fuzhi strongly criticizes Wang Yi for his erroneous interpretations of words and the meaning of the poems. Wang also deleted five of the poems contained in Wang Yi’s text. e. Jiang Ji 蔣驥 Jiang Ji 蔣驥 (fl. 1715), ed. and comm. Shandai ge zhu Chu ci 山岱閣注楚辭. 1727. 6 juan + Yu lun 餘論 in 2 juan; Shuo yun 說韻 in 1 juan. Recent reprints: Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958; Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1973.

Jiang’s work mainly is an apologia for Qu Yuan. It contains useful biographical and geographical information. f. Dai Zhen 戴震 Dai Zhen 戴震 (1723–1777), ed. and comm. Qu Yuan fu zhu 屈原賦注. 7 juan + Tong shi 通釋 in 2 juan; Yin yi 音義 in 3 juan. Completed ca. 1752. Printed 1760.

This work contains only the first seven poems of Wang Yi’s text. Dai Zhen’s notes in the Yin yi is among the best of Qing dynasty philological scholarship. 3. Modern editions and commentaries Wen Huaisha 文懷沙, ed. Qu Yuan ji 屈原集. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1953.

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Qu Tuiyuan 屈蛻園, ed. and comm. Chu ci jin du 楚辭今讀. Shanghai: Chunming, 1956. 5242.1 6156 Ma Maoyuan 馬茂元. Chu ci xuan zhu 楚辭選注. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1958. Jiang Liangfu 姜亮夫, ed. and comm. Qu Yuan fu jiaozhu 屈原賦校注. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1957; rpt. Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1964; rpt. and rev. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1987. Tan Jiefu 譚介甫, ed. and comm. Qu fu xinbian 屈賦新編. 2 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1978. Jin Kaicheng 金開誠, ed. and comm. Chu ci xuanzhu 楚辭選注. Beiing: Beijing chubanshe, 1980. Nie Shiqiao 聶石樵. Chu ci xin zhu 楚辭新注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1980. Zhang Jiaying 張家英, ed. and comm. Qu Yuan fu yi shi 屈原賦譯釋. Harbin: Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 1982. He Jianxun 何劍燻. Chu ci shi shen 楚辭拾瀋. Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1984. Chen Zizhan 陳子展, ed. and comm. Chu ci zhijie 楚辭直解. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1988. Jiang Tianshu 蔣天樞, ed. and comm. Chu ci jiaoshi 楚辭校釋. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1989. Tang Zhangping 湯漳平 and Lu Yongpin 陸永品. Chu ci lunxi 楚辭論析. Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1990. He Jianxun 何劍燻. Chu ci xingu 楚辭新詁. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1994. Jin Kaicheng 金開誠, Dong Hongli 董紅利, and Gao Luming 高路明, eds. and comm. Qu Yuan ji jiaozhu 屈原集校注. 2 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1996. Tang Bingzheng 湯炳正, et al., comm. Chu ci jinzhu 楚辭今注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1996.

F. Bibliography 1. Textual Notes and Studies Liu Shipei 劉師培 (1884–1919). Chu ci kao yi 楚辭考異. 1916 (partial); rpt. with supplement Liu Shenshu xiansheng yishu 劉申叔先生遺書. Ningnan Wushi 寧南 武氏 typeset edition, 1936; rpt. Nanjing: Jinagsu guji chubanshe, 1997. Wen Yiduo 聞一多. “Chu ci jiaobu” 楚辭校補. Wen zhe jikan 5.1 (1935): 79–98; Tsinghua Journal of Chinese Studies 11.4 (1936): 915–50. Rpt. in Wen Yiduo quan ji, 2: 353–495; and Wen Yiduo Chu ci yanjiu lunzhu shizhong, 157–313. Zhang Heng 張亨. “Chu ci jiaobu” 楚辭斠補. Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan 36 (1966): 649–702. Liu Yongji 劉永濟. Qu fu tongjian 屈賦通箋. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1960; rpt. in Chu ci xinyi wuzhong 楚辭新義五種. Taipei: Dingwen shuju, 1974. Zhu Jihai 朱季海. Chu ci jiegu 楚辭解故. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1963. Rpt. in Chu ci xinyi wuzhong. Jiang Liangfu 姜亮夫. Chu ci tonggu 楚辭通故. 4 vols. Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1985. Huang Linggeng 黃靈庚. Chu ci yiwen bianzheng 楚辭異文辨證. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 2000.

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2. Concordances Takeji Sadao 竹治貞夫, comp. Soji sakuin 楚辭索引. Tokushima: Tokushima daigaku, Gagugei gakubu, Kanbun kenkyū shitsu, 1964. Rpt. Taipei: Zhonghua shuju, 1972. Lau, D.C. and Li Zhihua, comps. Chu ci zhuzi suoyin 楚辭逐字索引. Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 2000.

3. Compendia Du Songbo 杜松柏, ed.-in-chief. Chu ci huibian 楚辭彙編. 10 vols. Taipei: Xin wen feng chubanshe, 1986. Rpt. 2000. Cui Fuzhang 崔富章, ed.-in-chief. Chu ci xue wenku 楚辭學文庫. 4 vols. in 5. Wuhan: Hubei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2003. Contains: Chu ci jijiao jishi 楚辭集校集 釋, Chu ci pinglun ji lan 楚辭評論集覽, Chu ci zhuzuo tiyao 楚辭著作提要, Chu ci xue tongdian 楚辭學通典.

4. General Studies Hu Shi 胡適. “Du Chu ci” 讀楚辭. 1922; rpt. in Hu Shi wencun 胡適文存, series 2. Taipei: Yuandong tushu gongsi, 1953, 139–48. Xie Wuliang 謝無量. Chu ci xinlun 楚辭新論. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1923. You Guoen 游國恩. Chu ci gailun 楚辭概論. 1927; rpt. under name You Tianen 游天恩. Chu ci gailun 楚辭概論. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1971. Qian Mu 錢穆. “Chu ci diming kao” 楚辭地名考. Qinghua xuebao 9.3 (1934): 713–42. You Guoen 游國恩. Du Sao lun wei chuji 讀騷論微初集. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937. Hashikawa Tokio 橋川時雄. Soji 楚辭. Tokyo: Nihon Hyōronsha, 1943. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. Chu ci dili kao 楚辭地理考. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1946; rpt. Taipei: Jiusi chubanshe, 1978. Zheng Zhenduo 鄭振鐸, ed. Chu ci tu 楚辭圖. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1953. You Guoen 游國恩. Chu ci lunwen ji 楚辭論文集. 1955; rpt. Shanghai: Gudian wenxue, 1957. Zuojia chubanshe bianjibu 作家出版社編輯部, ed. Chu ci yanjiu lunwen ji 楚辭研 究論文集. Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1957. Hoshikawa Kiyotaka 星川孝清. Soji no kenkyū 楚辭の研究. Kyoto: Yodokusha, 1961. Tang Bingzheng 湯炳正. “Chu ci chengshu zhi tansuo”《楚辭》成書之探索. Jiang Han xuebao (1963: 10); rpt. in Xiong Liangzhi 熊良智, ed. Cifu yanjiu 辭賦研究, 302–21. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2006. Hu Ziming 胡子明. Chu ci yanjiu 楚辭研究. Taipei: Wuxhou chubanshe, 1964. Tökei, Ferenc. Naissance de l’élegie chinoise. K’iu Yuan et son époque. Translated from the Hungarian by the author. Preface by Paul Demiéville. Paris: Gallimard, 1967.

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Hawkes, David. “The Quest of the Goddess.” Asia Major, n.s. 13.1– 2 (1967): 71–94; rpt. in Studies in Chinese Literary Genres, 42–68; and in David Hawkes. Classical, Modern and Humane. Edited by John Minford and Siu-kit Wong, 115–41. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1989. Wen Yiduo 聞一多. Wen Yiduo Chu ci yanjiu lunzhu shizhong 聞一多楚辭研究論 著十種. Hong Kong: Weiya shuwu, n.d. Zhongguo yuwen xueshe 中國語文學社, ed. Chu ci yanjiu lunwen ji 楚辭研究論文 集. Hong Kong: Zhongguo yuwen xueshe, 1969–1970. Rpt. of Zuojia chubanshe 1959 collection and articles from Wenxue yichan zengkan. Kominami Ichirō 小南一郎. Soji 楚辭. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1973. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. “Zhuangzi he Chu ci zhong Kunlun he Penglai liangge shenhua xitong de ronghe” 莊子和楚辭中昆侖和蓬萊兩個神話系統的融合. Zhonghua wen shi luncong 10 (1979): 31–57. Schneider, Laurence. A Madman of Ch’u. The Chinese Myth of Loyalty and Dissent. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980. Lu Kanru 陸侃如 and Gong Kechang 龔克昌. Chu ci xuanyi 楚辭選譯. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1981. Jiang Tianshu 蔣天樞. Chu ci lunwen ji 楚辭論文集. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1982. Walker, Galal LeRoy. “Towards a Formal History of the ‘Chuci.’” Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1982. Beifang luncong bianjibu 北方論叢編輯部, ed. Chu ci yanjiu 楚辭研究. Ha’erbin: Ha’erbin shifan daxue Beifang luncong she, 1983. Jiang Liangfu 姜亮夫. Chu ci xue lunwen ji 楚辭學論文集. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1984. Hubei sheng shehui kexueyuan wenxueyuan yanjiusuo 湖北省社會科學院文學院研 究所, ed. Qu Yuan yanjiu lunji 屈原研究論集. Wuhan: Changjiang wenyi chubanshe, 1984. Yang Jinding 楊金鼎, ed.-in-chief. Chu ci yanjiu lunwen xuan 楚辭研究論文選. [Wuhan]: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1985. Yu Chongsheng 余崇生, ed. Chu ci yanjiu lunwen ji 楚辭研究論文集. Taipei: Xuehai chubanshe, 1985. Zhu Bilian 朱碧蓮. Chu ci jiangdu 楚辭講讀. Shanghai: Huadong shifan daxue chubanshe, 1986. Chu ci ziliao haiwai bian 楚辭資料海外編. Eds. Yin Xikang 尹錫康 and Zhou Faxiang 周發祥. Wuhan: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1986. Huang Zhongmo 黃中模. Qu Yuan wenti lunzheng shigao 屈原問題論爭史稿. Beijing: Wenyi chubanshe, 1987. Zhang Songru 張松如, et al. eds. “Qu Yuan yu Chu ci” 屈原與楚辭. In Zhongguo shige shi 中國詩歌史 (Xian Qin Liang Han 先秦兩漢), 165–238. Changchun: Jilin daxue chubanshe, 1988. Xiao Bing 蕭兵. Chu ci yu shenhua 楚辭與神話. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1987. Zhongguo Qu Yuan xuehui 中國屈原學會, ed. Chu ci yanjiu 楚辭研究. Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1988. Tang Bingzheng 湯炳正. Chu ci leigao 楚辭類稿. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1988. Xiao Bing 蕭兵. Chu ci xin tan 楚辭新探. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1988. Xiao Bing 蕭兵. Chu ci wenhua 楚辭文化. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1990.

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Xiao Bing 蕭兵. Chu ci de wenhua poyi 楚辭的文化破譯. Changsha: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1991. Mei Tongsheng 梅桐生. Chu ci rumen 楚辭入門. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1991. Zhang Zhengti 張正體. Chu ci xinlun 楚辭新論. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1991. Zhongguo Qu Yuan xuehui 中國屈原學會 and Guizhou sheng gudian wenxue xuehui 貴州省古典文學學會, eds. Chu ci yanjiu 楚辭研究. Beijing: Wenjin chubanshe, 1992. Zhang Chongchen 張崇琛. Chu ci wenhua tanwei 楚辭文化探微. Beijing: Xinhua chubanshe, 1993. Hawkes, David. “Ch’u tz’u.” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, 48–55. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and The Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1993. Zhu Bilian 朱碧蓮. Chu ci lungao 楚辭論稿. Shanghai: Shanghai sanlian shudian, 1993. Zheng Wen 鄭文. Chu ci wo jian 楚辭我見. Lanzhou: Gansu renmin chubanshe, 1994. Zhao Hui 趙輝. Chu ci wenhua beijing yanjiu 楚辭文化背景研究. Wuhan: Hubei jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995. Zhao Kuifu 趙逵夫. Qu Yuan yu tade shidai 屈原與他的時代. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1996. Zhao Kuifu 趙逵夫. Qu Yuan tan you 屈原探幽. Lanzhou: Gansu renmin chubanshe, 1998. Chan, Tim W. “The Jing/zhuan Structure of the Chu ci Anthology: A New Approach to the Authorship of Some of the Poems.” TP 84 (1998): 293–327. Huang Bilian 黃碧璉. Qu Yuan yu Chu wenhua yanjiu 屈原與楚文化研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubnahse, 1998. Ishikawa Masao 石川三佐男. Soji shinkenkyū 楚辭新研究. Tokyo: Kyūko shoten, 2002. Sun Zuoyun 孫作雲. Chu ci yanjiu 楚辭研究. Kaifeng: Henan daxue chubanshe, 2003. Chu Binjie 褚斌杰, ed. Qu Yuan yanjiu 屈原研究. Wuhan: Hubei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2003. Lizhi 力之 (Liu Hanzhong 劉漢忠). Chu ci yu zhonggu wenxian kaoshuo《楚辭》與 中古文獻考說. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2005. Lin Geng 林庚. Lin Geng Chu ci yanjiu liangzhong 林庚楚辭研究兩種. Beijing: Qinghua daxue chubanshe, 2006. Zhou Weifeng 周葦風. Chu ci xue fasheng yanjiu 楚辭學發生研究. Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2008. Kern, Martin. In The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 76–86.

5. Translations Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, trans. Li sao and Other Poems. Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1952. Hawkes, David, trans. Ch’u Tz’u: The Songs of the South. London: Oxford University Press, 1959. Paperback edition: Boston: Beacon Press, 1962.

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Hawkes, David, trans. The Songs of the South. An Anthology of Ancient Chinese Poems by Qu Yuan and Other Poets. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1985. Xu Yuanchong 許淵冲, trans. Yang Fengbin 楊逢彬, ed. and comm. Chu ci (Poetry of the South). Changsha: Hunan chubanshe, 1994. Mathieu, Rémi, trans. Elégies de Chu. Paris: Gallimard, 2004.

Japanese Translations Hashimoto Jun 橋本循, trans. Yakuchū Soji 譯注楚辭. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1935. Aoki Masaru 青木正兒, trans. Shinshaku Soji 新釋楚辭. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1957; rpt. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1957. Hashimoto Jun 橋本循, trans. Soji 楚辭. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1956. Mekada Makoto 目加田誠, trans. Shikyō Soji 詩經‧楚辭. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1969. Hoshikawa Kiyotaka 星川孝清. Soji 楚辭. Shinshaku Kanbun taikei, vol. 34. Tokyo: Meiji sho’in, 1970. Tōdō Akiyasu 藤堂明保, ed.-in-chief. Kurosu Shigehiko 黑須重彥, trans. Soji 楚辭. Tokyo: Gakushū kenkyūsha, 1982.

Baihua Translations Huang Shouqi 黃壽祺 and Mei Tongsheng 梅桐生, trans. Chu ci quan yi 楚辭全譯. Guizhou: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1984. Mei Tongsheng 梅桐生, trans. Chu ci jin yi 楚辭今譯. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 2000. Hao Zhida 郝志達, trans. and comm. Chu ci jin zhu jin yi 楚辭今注今譯. Shijiazhuang: Hebei renmin chubanshe, 2000.

6. Chu ci Rhymes Chen Di 陳第 (1541–1617). Qu Song gu yin 屈宋古音. 2 juan. 1614; rpt. Xuejin taoyuan 學津討源. Jiang Yougao 江有誥 (d. 1851). Chu ci yundu 楚辭韻讀. In Jiangshi yinxue shishu 江氏音學 十書. 1824; rpt. Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1957. Jiang Yougao 江有誥. Song fu yundu 宋賦韻讀. Jiangshi yinxue shi shu. Xu Tianzhang 徐天璋. Chu ci xie yun kao 楚辭叶韻考. 1911; rpt. Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 1997. Fu Xiren 傅錫任. “Jiang Yougao Chu ci yundu bianzheng” 江有誥楚辭韻讀辨證. Danjiang xuebao 6 (1967): 93–113. Lu Zhiwei 陸志韋. “Chu ci yun shi” 楚辭韻釋. Yanjing xuebao 33 (1947): 95–104. Lin Lianshan 林蓮山. Chu ci yinyun 楚辭音韻. Hong Kong: Zhaoming chubanshe, 1979. Wang Li 王力. Chu ci yundu 楚辭韻讀. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1980.

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7. Chu ci Prosody Yang Yinzong 楊胤宗. “Xi kao” 兮考. Dalu zazhi 25.4 (1962): 20–23; 25.5 (1962): 23–27. Takeji Sadao 竹治貞夫. “Soji no shi ni tsuite” 楚辭の兮について. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 15 (1963): 51–67. Graham, A.C. “The Prosody of the Sao 騷 Poems in the Ch’u Tz’u.” AM, n.s. 10 (1963): 119–51. Chen Yaoji 陳耀基. “Chu ci tishi tan lun” 楚辭體式探論. Hanxue yanjiu 22 (2004): 455–83.

8. Chu ci Plants Pan Fujun 潘富俊. Chu ci zhiwu tu jian 楚辭植物圖鑑. Taipei: Maotouying chubanshe, 2002.

9. Chu ci Dictionary Yuan Mei 袁梅, ed. Chu ci cidian 楚辭詞典. Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000.

G. The Qu Yuan Poems The first seven pieces in the Chu ci are attributed to Qu Yuan. One of the most hotly debated subjects in modern scholarship concerns the authorship of these pieces. This question still has not been definitively resolved. 1. “Jiu ge” 九歌 (Nine songs) In spite of the word nine in the title, the set includes eleven songs. Nine of the songs are addressed to various gods and goddesses. One, “Guo shang” 國殤 or “Hymn to the Fallen,” is about warriors killed in battle, and the last one is a short hymn that possibly serves as a coda to the entire series. The name “Jiu ge” may simply be a title for a “complete” ritual sequence—the number nine often is used to designate a full cycle or a complete sequence. Wang Yi attributes the “Jiu ge” to Qu Yuan, who is said to have based them on folk songs he heard during his banishment to southern Chu. The poems purportedly serve as a vehicle for Qu Yuan to express his personal sorrow and resentment. Few modern scholars accept this interpretation, and rather view them as shamanistic hymns used in Chu ritual performance. The common view is that the “Jiu ge” are literary versions of songs used in Chu religious rites. One can see in several of them evidence of shamanistic practices. Some of the elements of shamanism include: (1) The shaman

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sees the spirit and goes out to meet it. In some of the pieces, the shaman is depicted as riding in an ornate carriage or other conveyance that is pulled by fanciful creatures. (2) The shaman meets briefly with the spirit. (3) After the meeting (if it takes place at all), the spirit departs, and the shaman wanders about sad that the deity is gone. In some of the songs the shaman engages in what David Hawkes has called the “quest of the goddess.” That is, the relationship between the shaman and the goddess is portrayed as a love affair in which the shaman mimes the role of a male suitor attempting to woo a female deity. The basic prosodic pattern of the “Jiu ge” is the “Song Style” (David Hawkes’ term). The “Song Style” line contains a three-beat A-member and a two-beat B-member separated by a meaningless sound pronounced in modern Mandarin xi. Example: A member

xi

B-member

浴蘭湯 華采衣

兮 兮

沐芳 若英

Studies and Commentaries You Guoen 游國恩. “‘Yunzhong jun’ fei si shuishen shuo” 雲中君非祀水神說. You Guoen. Du Sao lun wei chuji, 120–30; You Guoen, Chu ci lunwen ji, 106–9. You Guoen 游國恩. “Lun ‘Jiu ge’ shanchuan zhi shen” 論九歌山川之神. You Guoen. Du Sao lun wei chuji, 143–65; rpt. in You Guowen, Chu ci lunwen ji, 125–45; You Guowen xueshu lunji, 94–111. Erkes, Eduard. “The God of Death in Ancient China,” TP 35 (1940): 185–210. Xu Zhongshu 徐中舒. “‘Jiu ge’ ‘Jiu bian’ kao” 九歌九辯考. Studia Serica 1 (1940/1941): 34–43. Wen Yiduo 聞一多. “Shenma shi ‘Jiu ge’? 甚麼是九歌? Wen Yiduo quanji 1: 263–78; rpt. in Wen Yiduo Chu ci yanjiu lunzhu shihong, 23–40. Wen Yiduo 聞一多. “‘Jiu ge’ gu gewu ju xuanjie” 九歌古歌舞劇懸解. Wen Yiduo quanji 1: 315–34; rpt. in Wen Yiduo Chu ci yanjiu lunzhu shihong, 71–100. Wen Yiduo 聞一多. “Zenyang du ‘Jiu ge’“ 怎樣讀九歌. Wen Yiduo quanji 1: 279– 303; rpt. in Wen Yiduo Chu ci yanjiu lunzhu shihong, 43–67. Waley, Arthur. The Nine Songs: Study of Shamanism in Ancient China. London: Allen & Unwin, 1955. Rpt. San Francisco: City Light Books, 1973. Zhang Zongming 張宗銘. “‘Jiu ge’ gu gewu ju yishuo” 九歌古歌舞劇臆說. Wenxue yichan zengkan 5 (1957): 43–73. Wen Huaisha 文懷沙. Qu Yuan Jiu ge jinyi 屈原九歌今譯. Shanghai: Shanghai gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1956; rpt. Tianjin: Baiyi wenyi chubanshe, 2005. Ma Maoyuan 馬茂元. “Lun ‘Jiu ge’” 論九歌. Wenxue yichan zengkan 5 (1957): 74–94. Tökei, Ferenc. “Deux Notes au Kouo-chang de K’iu Yuan.” Archiv Orientalni 26 (1958): 621–25.

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Wen Chongyi 文崇一. “‘Jiu ge’ zhong Hebo zhi yanjiu” 九歌中河伯之研究. Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology (Academia Sincia), Commemorative Volume for Ts’ai Yüan-p’ei (1960): 139–61. Wen Chongyi 文崇一. “‘Jiu ge’ zhong de shuishen yu Huanan de longzhou saishen” 九歌中的水神與華南的龍舟賽神, Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology (Academia Sincia) 11 (1960): 51–119. Su Xuelin 蘇雪林. Jiu ge zhong renshen lian’ai wenti 九歌中人神戀愛問題. Taipei: Wenxin shuju, 1962. Su Xuelin 蘇雪林. “‘Jiuge’ zhong de shangdi yu ziran” 九歌中的上帝與自然. Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology (Academia Sinica) 17 (1974): 45–69. Zhang Shouping 張壽平. “‘Jiu ge’ zhi mingcheng xingzhi shidai ji qi zuozhe” 九歌 之名稱 性質時代及其作者, Dalu zazhi 32.1 (1965): 5–11; 32.11 (1971): 26–32. Zhang Shouping 張壽平. Jiu ge yanjiu 九歌研究. 1970; rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1988. Hawkes, David. “The Quest of the Goddess.” Asia Major, n.s. 13.1–2 (1967): 71–94. Chen Shih-hsiang. “On Structural Analysis of the Ch’u Tz’u Nine Songs.” Tamkang Review 2.1 (1971): 3–14. Miao Tianhua 繆天華. Jiu ge qian shi 九歌淺釋. Taipei: Tianren chubanshe, 1971. Chan Ping-leung. “Ch’u Tz’u Shamanism in Ancient China.” Ph.D. diss. Ohio State University, 1972. Cheng Jiazhe 程嘉哲, comm. Jiu ge xin zhu 九歌新注. 1971; rpt. Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1982. Wen Xiao 文曉. Jiu ge 九歌. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1979. Ma Chengsu 馬承驌. Jiu ge zheng bian 九歌證辨. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1981. Waters, Geoffrey R. Three Elegies of Ch’u: An Introduction to the Traditional Interpretation of the Chu tz’u. Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985. Wen Yiduo 聞一多. Jiu ge jie gu Jiu zhang jie gu 九歌解詁九章解詁. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985. Zhou Xunchu 周勛初. Jiu ge xin kao 九歌新考. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1986. Wang Jiaxin 王家歆. Jiu ge yanjiu 九歌研究. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1988. Li Daming 李大明. “‘Jiu ge’ ye ji kao”《九歌》夜祭考. Wen shi 1988; rpt. in rpt. in Xiong Liangzhi, ed. Cifu yanjiu 辭賦研究, 212–23. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2006. Li Daming 李大明. Jiu ge lunjian 九歌論箋. Chengdu: Sichuan daxue chubanshe, 1992. Qian Songgan 錢誦甘. Jiu ge xilun 九歌析論. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1994. Sun Changxu 孫常敘. Chu ci Jiu ge xijie 楚辭九歌系解. Changchun: Jilin jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996. Guo Guanghong 國光紅. Jiu ge kao shi 九歌考釋. Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1999. Tang Zhangping 湯漳平. Chutu wenxian yu Chu ci Jiu ge 出土文獻與楚辭九歌. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2004. Zhang Yuanxun 張元勛. Jiu ge shi bian 九歌十辨. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006.

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Shen Yu-ting. In Payne, White Pony, 88–96. Waley, Arthur. The Nine Songs: Study of Shamanism in Ancient China. London: Allen & Unwin, 1955. Rpt. San Francisco: City Light Books, 1973. Hawkes, Ch’u Tz’u, 35–44. Hawkes, Songs of the South, 95–122. Tökei, Naissance, 129–41. Rollin, J.-F. Li Sao, précédé de Jiu Ge et suiviè de Tian Wen de Qu Yuan. 22–57. Paris: Orphée/La Différence, 1990. Owen, Anthology, 156–62. Bresner, Lisa. Pouvoirs de la mélancolie. Chamans, poètes et souverains dans la Chine antique, 39–53. Paris: Albin Michel, 2004. Mathieu, Élégies de Chu, 61–77.

2. “Tian wen” 天問 (Questions to heaven or heavenly questions) The meaning of the title “Tian wen” 天問 is ambiguous. It could mean “Questions to Heaven” or “Heavenly Questions.” Although this work has been attributed to Qu Yuan, it possibly antedates him. It contains a long series of enigmas about a variety of subjects. Its basic prosodic pattern is two four-syllable lines linked together, with rhymes at the end of the second line: 九天之際 安放安屬(R) 隅隈多有 誰知其數(R)

The edge of the nine heavens, How are they placed, how are they attached? Corners and bends, many do they have; Who knows their number?

The “Tian wen” has a coherent structure. The questions progress from the beginning of the universe, earliest mythology, and legends, to the history of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou, and recent events in Chu. The latest event mentioned took place in 506 b.c.e. Studies and Commentaries Qu Fu 屈復 (Qing), ed. and comm. Tian wen jiaozheng 天文校正. Zhaodai congshu (1833); rpt. Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1994. You Guoen 游國恩. “‘Tian wen’ yanjiu” 天問研究, Guoxue yuebao 4 (1925): 102–12. Conrady, August and Eduard Erkes. Das alteste Dokument zur chineischen Kunstgeschichte. Leipzig: Verlag Asia Major, 1928. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. “‘Tian wen’ ” 天問. Zhongyang yanjiu yuan yuyan lishi yanjiusuo jikan 11 (1930): 8–10. Wen Yiduo 聞一多. “‘Tian wen’ shi tian” 天問釋天. Tsinghua Journal of Chinese Studies 9.4 (1934): 873–96; rpt. in Wen Yiduo Chu ci yanjiu lunzhu shizhong, 131–55.

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Liu Yongji 劉永濟. “‘Tian wen’ tongjian” 天問通箋. Wenzhe jikan 3.2 (1934): 293– 314. Erkes, Eduard. “Zu Ch’ü Yuan’s T’ien-wen.” MS 6 (1941): 273–339. Fang, Achilles. “On the T’ien-wen ‘Reconstruction’ by Professor Erkes.” MS 7 (1942): 285–87. Wilhelm, Hellmut. “Bemerkungen zur T’ien-wen Frage,” MS 10 (1945): 427–32. Erkes, Eduard. “A Reply to Mr. Achilles Fang.” MS 12 (1947): 229. Lin Geng 林庚. “‘Tian wen’ zhujie de kunnan ji qi zhengli de xiansuo” 天問註解的 困難及其整理的線索. Wenxue zazhi 2.10 (1948): 5–17; rpt. Lin 1952, 151–65. Guo Moruo 郭沫若. “Qu Yuan ‘Tian wen’ de yiwen” 屈原天問的譯文. Renmin wenxue 43 (1953): 77–84. Demiéville, Paul. “Enigmes taoïstes.” Silver Jubilee Volume of the Zinbun-Kagaku Kenkyushyo (Kyoto, 1954): 54–60. Takeji Sadao 竹治貞夫. “‘Temmon’ no shudai ni tsuite” 天問の主題について. Shingaku kenkyū 22 (1959): 13–23. Su Xuelin 蘇雪林. “‘Tian wen’ xuanjie sanpian” 天問懸解三篇. Xinya xuebao 4 (1960): 101–26. Yang Ximei 楊希枚. “Su Xuelin xiansheng ‘Tian wen’ ping jie” 蘇雪林先生天問評 介. Dalu zazhi, special issue, 2 (1962): 413–21. Tai Jingnong 臺靜農. Chu ci Tian wen xinjian 楚辭天問新箋. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1972. Fudan daxue, Zhongguo yuwen xuexi, gudian wenxue jiao yan zu 復旦大學，中 國語文學系，古典文學教研組. Tian wen Tian dui zhu 天問天對注. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1973. Su Xuelin 蘇雪林. Tian wen zheng jian 天問正簡. Taipei: Guangdong shuju, 1974; rpt. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1992. Wen Yiduo 聞一多. Tian wen shuzheng 天問疏證. Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1980. You Guoen 游國恩, Jin Kaicheng 金開誠, Dong Hongli 董洪利, and Gao Luming 高 路明, eds. Tian wen zuanyi 天問纂義. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982; rpt. Taipei: Hongye wenhua shiye youxian gongsi, 1993. Takeji Sadao 竹治貞夫. “Soji ‘Temmon’ hen no kōsō” 楚辭「天問」篇の構想. Tokushima daigaku gakugei kiyō 33 (1983): 1–24. Lin Geng 林庚. Tian wen lun jian 天問論箋. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1983; rpt. in Lin Geng 林庚. Lin Geng Chu ci yanjiu liangzhong 林庚楚辭研究兩 種. Beijing: Qinghua daxue chubanshe, 2006. Cheng Jiazhe 程嘉哲, ed. Tian wen xinzhu 天問新注. Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1984. Field, Stephen. Tian wen: A Chinese Book of Origins. New York: New Directions, 1986. Sun Zuoyun 孫作雲. Tian wen yanjiu 天問研究. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989; rpt. Kaifeng: Henan daxue chubanshe, 2008. Gao Qiufeng 高秋鳳. “Liang Han zhi Ming mo zhi ‘Tian wen’ yanjiu zongshu” 兩 漢至明末之「天問」研究綜述. Guowen xuebao 19 (1990): 101–44. Gao Qiufeng 高秋鳳. “Qingdai ‘Tian wen’ yanjiu zongshu” 清代「天問」研究綜述. Zhongguo xueshu niankan 12 (1991): 197–238. Gao Qiufeng 高秋鳳. “Minguo sanshiba nian yilai dalu diqu ‘Tian wen’ yanjiu zongshu” 民國三十八年以來大陸地區「天問」研究綜述. Guowen xuebao 20 (1991): 69–100. Gao Qiufeng 高秋鳳. “Minguo yilai zhi ‘Tian wen’ yanjiu zonghsu” 民國以來之 「天問」研究綜述. Jiaoxue yu yanjiu 13 (1991): 61–82.

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Field, Stephen. “Cosmos, Cosmograph, and the Inquiring Poet: New Anwers to the ‘Heavenly Questions.’” Early China (1992): 83–110. Zhai Zhenye 翟振業. “‘Tian wen’ wenti yanjiu de huigu yu zhanwang”《天問》問 題研究的回顧與展望. Shanxi shida xuebao 21.1 (1994): 43–46. Chu Binjie 褚斌杰. “Qu Yuan ‘Tian wen’ tan zhi” 屈原「天問」探旨. Zhongguo guoxue 22 (1994): 63–72. Fu Sinian 傅斯年. “‘Tian wen’ shiliaoxing”「天問」史料性. Gujin lunheng 1 (1998): 109–24. Kominami Ichirō 小南一郎. “Soji Temmon hen no seiri” 楚辭天問の整理. Tōhō gakuhō 71 (1999): 1–68. Zhao Kuifu 趙逵夫. “‘Tian wen’ de zuoshi zhuti yu chuangzuo dongji”《天問》的 作時、主題與創作動機. Xibei shida xuebao (Shehui kexe yuan) 37.1 (2000): 1–8. Mao Qing 毛慶. “‘Tian wen’ yanjiu sibai nian zonglun”《天問》研究四百年綜論. Wenyi yanjiu (2004: 3): 59–65. Fujiwara Takashi 藤原尚. “‘Temmon’ no shiten”「天問」視点. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 45–46 (2004): 1–18. Lin Guowei 林國偉. “Chu ci ‘Tian wen’ zhong de shenhua yanjiu”《楚辭‧天問》中 的神話研究. Yunhan xuekan 11 (2004): 47–70. Yang Chenghu 楊成虎. “‘Tian wen’ de yanjiu yu Yingwen fanyi”《天問》的研究與 英文翻譯. Yunmeng xuekan 26.5 (2005): 38–41. Shi Jianqiao 史建橋. “Wang Yi Chu ci zhangju ‘Tian wen’ de chanshi tedian” 王 逸《楚辭章句‧天問》的闡釋特點. Hebei shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 29.6 (2006): 92–95. Guo Shiqian 郭世謙. Qu Yuan Tian wen jin yi kaobian 屈原天問今意考辨. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 2006. Gao Huaping 高華平. “‘Tian wen’ xiezuo niandai he didian tuice”《天問》寫作年 代和地點推測. Fudan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban (2007: 6): 102–10.

Translations Hawkes, Ch’u Tz’u, 45–58. Hawkes, Songs of the South, 122–51. Field, Tien Wen. Rollin, J.-F. Li Sao, précédé de Jiu Ge et suiviè de Tian Wen de Qu Yuan, 92–119. Paris: Orphée/La Différence, 1990. Mair, Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Literature, 371–86. Mathieu, Élégies de Chu, 79–110.

3. “Li sao” 離騷 a. Content The “Li sao” may be the only genuine Qu Yuan poem. It is a political allegory describing Qu Yuan’s unsuccessful search for a wise ruler. Throughout the poem, the poet describes himself as a man of purity, honor, goodness,

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and integrity, who has unsuccessfully tried to live in a corrupt, depraved world. His enemies have slandered him, and his lord has rejected him. Much of the piece describes the protagonist’s journey in search of a sympathetic prince. Many parts of the poem make use of conventions borrowed from the “Jiu ge.”. The “Li sao” poet at times seems to mime the role of a shaman or magician, and like the shamans of the “Jiu ge,” he is attended by gods and spirits. He visits gods and goddesses, makes abundant use of fragrant plants, consults diviners, tours the heavens in a dragon-drawn chariot, and engages in other shamanlike behavior. Like the shaman, he is unsuccessful in his quest and constantly finds himself in utter despair and frustration. The “Li sao” ends with an envoi designated “Luan” 亂 (literally the “ordering” section), which serves as an epitome of the poem, summarizing the main theme and declaring the final resolution. The poet declares that there is no one in his home state who understands him, and thus there is no reason to remain there. Since there is no one worth serving, he decides to leave and join a figure named Peng Xian 彭咸. Wang Yi identified Peng Xian as a loyal minister of the Shang dynasty, who, when his king refused to accept his advice, drowned himself. This tradition about Peng Xian is rather late, and in fact exists not much earlier than Wang Yi’s own time (2nd century c.e.). The legend probably is derived from the example of Qu Yuan’s suicide. Some recent scholars have suggested that Peng Xian is the name of a shaman or hermit who lived in the remote past. He is the hermit archetype—a man who has rejected conventional society and has left it to live by himself devoting himself to “occult training” (David Hawkes’ term). This interpretation is more consistent with the main theme of the “Li sao,” which has nothing to do with suicide. The poet’s main preoccupation throughout the poem is to decide whether to remain in the corrupt and greedy environment of his home state of Chu, or to withdraw from it, and join the worthies of the past, of which Peng Xian, the shaman-hermit, is the principal example. b. Prosody The prosodic pattern of the “Li sao” is the so-called “Sao-style.” The basic pattern is a six-syllable line consisting of a three-syllable “A member,” a key word (usually a particle), and a two-syllable “B member.” The lines occur in couplets that are divided by a caesura (pause) marker xi 兮. This pattern probably was designed for recitation, with the A- and B-member syllables perhaps receiving more stress than the key words, which were particles such as zhi 之, qi 其, er 而, and yi 以. Example:

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key-word

B member

老冉冉 恐脩名

其 之

將至兮 不立

Studies You Guoen 游國恩. “‘Li sao’ yanjiu” 離騷研究. Guoxue yuebao 1 (1928): 89–102. Lim Boon Keng. The Li Sao: An Elegy on Encountering Sorrows by Ch’ü Yüan. Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1935; rpt. Taipei: Dongfang wenhua, 1972. Wen Yiduo 聞一多. “‘Li sao’ jiegu” 離騷解詁. Tsinghua Journal of Chinese Studies 11.1 (1936); rpt. in Wen Yiduo Chu ci yanjiu lunzhu shizhong, 107–27. You Guoen 游國恩. “‘Li sao’ ‘cong Peng Xian’ que wei shuisi bian” 離騷從彭咸確 為水死辨. in You Guoen, Du Sao lun wei chuji, 113–17; rpt. in You Guoen, Chu ci lunwen ji, 101–14. Lin Geng. “Peng Xian shi shui?” 彭咸是誰. Wenyi fuxing 1 (1948): 60–62; rpt. in Lin 1952, 63–70. K’uai Shu-p’ing. “Notes on the Li-sao Riddle.” Studia Serica 8 (1949): 103–6. Miao Tianhua 繆天華. Li sao qianshi 離騷淺釋. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1952. Wen Huaisha 文懷沙. Qu Yuan Li sao jinshi 屈原離騷今釋. Shanghai: Gudian wenxue, 1954. Wang Siyuan 王泗沅. Li sao yuyan shujie 離騷語言疏解. Shanghai: Wenyi lianhe, 1955. Zhang Shouping 張壽平. “‘Li sao’ jiaoshi” 離騷校釋. Guoli zhengzhi daxue bao 1 (1960): 341–97; 2 (1960): 401–31; 3 (1961): 343–71. Zhang Heng 張亨. “‘Li sao’ jijiao” 離騷輯校. Wenshizhe xuebao 13 (1964): 181–248. Wang, C.H. “Sartorial Emblems and the Quest: A Comparative Study of the Li Sao and the Faerie Queene.” Tamkang Review 2.2 and 3.1 (October 1971–April 1972): 309–28; rpt. in From Ritual to Allegory, 165–83. Huang Huabiao 黃華表. Li sao si shi 離騷四釋. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1979. You Guoen 游國恩, ed.-in-chief. Li sao zuanyi 離騷纂義. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980. Zhan Antai 詹安泰. Li sao jian shu 離騷箋疏. Wuhan: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1981. Shi Moqing 史墨卿. Li sao yinyi 離騷引義. Taipei: Huazheng shuju, 1983. Chen Yiliang 陳怡良. “‘Li sao’ xiuci yishu juyu”「離騷」修辭藝術舉隅. Chengda Zhongwen xuebao 2 (1994): 35–72. Chen Yiliang 陳怡良. “ Li sao’ ‘luo ying’ ‘Peng Xian’ xi yi”「離騷」「落英」、「彭 咸」析疑. Chengda Zhongwen xuebao 3 (1995): 41–64. Zhang Laifang 張來芳. Li sao tanyi 離騷探頤. Nanchang: Jiangxi renmin chubanshe, 1997. Chen Yiliang 陳怡良. “‘Lisao’ de fengci shoufa yu yihan”「離騷」的諷刺手法與義 涵. Zhongguo gudian wenxue yanjiu 4 (2000): 1–32. Lu Ruijing 魯瑞菁. “‘Li sao’ cheng jing yu Handai zhangju xue”「〈離騷〉稱經」與 漢代章句學. Jingyi renwen shehui kexue bao 1.2 (2007): 1–30. Xue Naiwen 薛乃文. “Cong ‘Li sao’ zhong de caomu yixiang lun Qu Yuan zhi renge jingshen” 從〈離騷〉中草木意象論屈原之人格精神. Dongfang renwen xuezhi 6.3 (2007): 83–106.

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Translations V.W.X. (E.H. Parker). “The Sadness of Separation or Li Sao,” China Review 7 (1878–1879): 309–14. d’Hervey de Saint-Denys, Le Marquis. Le Li-sao, poéme du III siècle avant notre ére, traduit du chinois. Paris: Maisonneuve, 1870. Legge 1895, 839–64. Hsü, S.N. Anthologie, 97–104. Lim Boon Keng. The Li Sao, 62–98. Payne, White Pony, 96–109. Allegra, G.M. Incontro al dolore di Kiu Yuan. Shanghai: ABC Press, 1938. Yang and Yang 1953, 1–16. Hawkes, Ch’u Tz’u, 21–34. Hawkes, Songs of the South, 67–95. Owen, Anthology, 162–75. Rollin, J.-F. Li Sao, précédé de Jiu Ge et suiviè de Tian Wen de Qu Yuan, 58–91. Paris: Orphée/La Différence, 1990. Mathieu, Élégies de Chu, 37–43. Wu Fusheng. In Cai, How to Read Chinese Poetry, 41–56.

4. “Jiu zhang” 九章 The exact meaning of the title “Jiu zhang” 九章 is not certain. It could simply mean “Nine Pieces.” It contains nine poems attributed to Qu Yuan. However, the authorship of these pieces is disputed, and some scholars doubt that Qu Yuan wrote any of them. Many of the “Jiu zhang” poems are rather conventional poems directly imitative of the “Li sao,” and thus probably are not by Qu Yuan. Most of them lack the magic and tension of the “Li sao.” There are several special features of the “Jiu zhang”: a. Topos of the world upside down There are a number of passages that describe the reversal of values and the topsy-turvy condition of the world. Example: “Huai sha” 懷沙 (“Embracing the Sand”), LL. 13–15: They have changed white into black, Overturned up into down. The phoenix lies in a cage, While chickens and ducks soar aloft. They mix together jade and stones, And weigh them on the same balance.

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The word epideictic is derived from the Greek word meaning “display.” It designates an elaborate, highly ornamental, display style. In the Chu ci, the epideictic style is characterized by extensive cataloguing, use of binomial descriptives, and repetition of synonyms. The best example of epideictic can be found in “Bei hui feng” 悲回風 (Sad at the whirling wind) that has an extended description of the raging waters of the Yangtze River. Studies Liu Yongji. “‘Jiu zhang’ tongjian” 九章通箋. Wen zhe jikan 5.1 (1935): 49–78; rpt. in Chu ci xinyi wuzhong, 151–79. You Guoen 游國恩. “‘Jiu zhang’ bian yi” 九章辨疑. in You Guowen, Du Sao lun wei chuji, 123–32; You Guoen, Chu ci lunwen ji, 109–117. Wen Yiduo 聞一多. “‘Jiu zhang’ jiegu” 九章解詁. Tsinghua Journal of Chinese Studies 14.2 (1948). Guo Moruo 郭沫若. “Qu Yuan ‘Jiu zhang’ yiwen” 屈原九章譯文. Renmin wenxue 42 (1953): 85–103. Takeji Sadao 竹治貞夫. “Soji Kushō ni tsuite” 楚辭九章について. Tokushima daigaku gaukugei kiyō 6 (1957). Yang Yinzong 楊胤宗. “Cong ‘Jiu zhang’ kaozheng Qu Yuan juebi” 從九章考證屈原 絕筆. Dalu zazhi 24.1 (1962): 22–26; 24.2 (1962): 30–34; 24.5 (1962): 24–48. Wang Jiaxin 王家歆. Chu ci Jiu zhang jishi 楚辭九章集釋. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1980. Wu Mengfu 吳孟復. Qu Yuan Jiu zhang xinjian 屈原九章新箋. Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 1986. Ishikawa Masao 石川三佐郎. “Soji Kushō kenkyū—kō—sono kōsatsu no itoguchi” 「楚辭」九章の研究—甲—その考察の系口. Senshū kokubun 43 (1988): 71–102. Zhang Yelu 張葉蘆. “Lun ‘Jiu zhang’ pian ci” 論《九章》篇次. Wenzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (1991: 2): 65–73, 64; rpt. in Zhang Yelu. Qu fu bian huo gao 屈 賦辯惑稿, 98–120. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2005. Gu Nong 顧農. “‘Jiu zhang’ chanshi san ti”《九章》闡釋三題. Yunmeng xuekan 23. 5 (2002): 9–12. Mao Qing 毛慶. “Lun Qu Yuan dui ‘Jiu zhang’ de zhengti gouxiang ji zhengli” 論 屈原對《九章》的整體構想及整理. Wenxue yichan (2004: 6): 4–15.

Translations Biallas, F.X. “Aus den ‘Neun Liedern’ des K’ü Yüan.” Jubiläumsband, Deutschen Gesellschaft fur Natur-und Vőlkerkunde Ostasiens anlässlich ihrer 60 Jährigen Bestehens 1873–1933, 395–409. Tokyo: Selbstverl. d. Ges., 1933. Biallas, F.X. “Aus den ‘Neun Liedern’ des K’ü Yüan.” Bulletin No. 9 of the Catholic University of Peking (1934): 171–82. Biallas, F.X. “Die Letzten der Neun Liedern des K’ü Yüans.” Monumenta Serica 1 (1935–36): 133–54.

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Hawkes, Ch’u Tz’u, 59–80. Hawkes, Songs of the South, 152–91. Mathieu, Élégies de Chu, 111–37

5. “Yuan you” 遠遊 (Distant roaming) Wang Yi attributes “Yuan you” to Qu Yuan, but most modern scholars consider the piece much later than Qu Yuan. The poem describes the celestial flight of a Taoist adept. He rides his dragon-drawn chariot to the east, then west, south, north, and finally to the center. During the journey, he encounters gods who rule each region. The piece ends with the celestial traveler attaining the ideal Taoist state of transcendence in which he becomes oblivious of all distinctions. Studies Biallas, Franz. “K’üh Yüan’s ‘Fahrt in die Ferne’ (Yüan-yu),” Part 1, Asia Major 4 (1927): 50–107; Part 2, Asia Major 4 (1932): 179–241. Takeji Sadao 竹治貞夫. “Soji Enyū ni tsuite” 楚辭遠遊について. Tokushima daigaku gakugei kiyō (Jinbun kagaku) 10 (1961). Fukunaga Mitsuji 福永光司. “Taijin fu no shisōteki keifu: Jifu no bungaku to Rō-Sō no tetsugaku” 大人賦の思想的系譜: 辭賦の文學と老莊の哲學, Tōhō gakuhō 41 (1970): 97–126. Takeji Sadao 竹治貞夫. “Soji Enyū bungaku no keifu” 楚辭遠遊文学の系譜. In Obi kakushi koki kinen Chūgokugaku ronshū 小尾博士古稀記念中國學論集. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1983. Yang Fucheng 楊福程. “Chu ci ‘Yuan you’ yishi”《楚辭‧遠遊》譯釋. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 138 (1991): 64–80. Zhao Kuifu 趙逵夫. “Tang Le ‘Lun yi yu’ yu Chu ci xiang Han fu de zhuanbian— jian lun ‘Yuan you’ de zuozhe wenti” 唐勒《論義御》與楚辭向漢賦的轉變—兼 論《遠游》的作者問題. Xibei shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 31.5 (1994): 32–39. Zheng Guorui 鄭國瑞. “Qu Yuan ‘You you’ zhong de jingqi sixiang yu shenxian sixiang de lianxi” 屈原「遠遊」中的精氣思想與神仙思想的聯繫. Zhongshan Zhongwen xukan 1 (1995): 135–47. Kroll, Paul W. “On ‘Far Roaming’,” JAOS 116.4 (1996): 653–69. Kroll, Paul W. “An Early Poem of Mystical Excursion.” In Religions of China in Practice, ed. Donald S. Lopez, 156–65. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996. Lin Guirong 林桂蓉. “Cong ‘Yuan you’ dao ‘Li sao’ youxian xingtai de zhuanbian” 從「遠遊」到「離騷」遊仙型態的轉變. Yunhan xuekan 3 (1996): 131–50. Lizhi 力之. “‘Yuan you’ kao bian”《遠遊》考辨. Anhui jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 71.3 (1997): 40–42, 67; rpt. Lizhi. Chu ci yu zhonggu wenxian kao shuo, 88–101. Lizhi 力之. “‘Yuan you’ ‘Xi shi’ jun fei Tang Le suo zuo bian—yu Zhao Kuifu xiansheng shangque”《遠遊》《惜誓》均非唐勒所作辨—與趙逵夫先生商榷. Nei Menggu daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 30.6 (2001); rpt. Lizhi. Chu ci yu zhonggu wenxian kao shuo, 102–121.

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Jin Rongquan 金榮權. “Chu ci ‘Yuan you’ zuozhe kao lun”《楚辭‧遠游》作者考 論. Zhongzhou xuekan 150 (2005): 202–5. Zhang Junhui 張駿翬. “Shi cong Handai yinyi wenhua kan ‘Yuan you’ de zuozhe ji shidai wenti” 試從漢代隱逸文化看《遠游》的作者及時代問題. Nanjing shifan daxue wenxueyuan xuebao (2005: 4): 116–23. Sun Jing 孫晶. Handai cifu yanjiu 漢代辭賦研究, 328–37. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 2007.

Translations Biallas, Franz. “K’üh Yüan’s ‘Fahrt in die Ferne,’” 179–237. Hawkes, Ch’u Tz’u, 81–87. Hawkes, Songs of the South, 191–203. Kroll, “On ‘Far Roaming’,” 660–69. Owen, Anthology, 176–81. Mathieu, Élégies de Chu, 139–49. Paul Goldin, Hawai’i Reader in Traditional Chinese Culture, 101–5.

H. Other Chu ci pieces 1. “Jiu bian” 九辯 (Nine arguments or nine changes) The “Jiu bian,” which can either mean “Nine Arguments” or “Nine Changes,” customarily is attributed to Song Yu 宋玉 (fl. 298–263 b.c.e.), who reputedly was a disciple of Qu Yuan. Song Yu’s life has been greatly fictionalized, and one cannot be certain who he was, or even if he ever existed. The “Jiu bian” is assigned to him as a matter of convenience. It is a cycle of nine or ten sections, and in many places is an obvious imitation of the “Li sao,” from which it borrows its prosodic pattern (with minor variations), the themes of melancholy, loneliness, frustration, and the questjourney. It also shares with the “Jiu zhang” poems the topos of the world upside down and the epideictic style. The sections expressing the poet’s sadness, which are frequently alluded to in later melancholy verse, make use of sustained comparison to a degree unrivaled in earlier literature. The author is especially fond of representing his own grief with repeated references to the decay and dreariness that accompany the arrival of autumn. Studies You Guoen 游國恩. “Chu ci ‘Jiu bian’ de zuozhe wenti”《楚辭‧九辯》的作者問題. Longmen zazhi 1.1 (1947); rpt. You Guoen. You Guoen xueshu lunwen ji 游國恩 學術論文集, 189–97. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989. Asano Michiari 淺野通有. “Soji Kyūben no kenkyū” 楚辭九弁の研究. Kanbun gakkai kaihō 9 (1956): 39–47; 10 (1969): 33–42.

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Fujino Iwatomo 藤野岩友. “Soji Kyūben kō” 楚辭九弁考. Kanbun gakkai kaihō 14 (1968): 1–12. Zhu Bilian 朱碧蓮. “Lun Song Yu ji qi Jiu bian” 論宋玉及其九辯. Gudian wenxue luncong 2, 188–201. Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1981; rpt. in Zhu Bilian. Chu ci lungao 楚辭論稿, 179–93. Shanghai: Shanghai sanlian shudian, 1993. Li Zhihui 李志慧. “Lun ‘Jiu bian’ zai yishu shang de duchuangxing” 論《九辯》在 藝術上的獨創性. Xibei daxue xuebao (1982: 2); rpt. in Yang Jinding 楊金鼎 et al., eds. Chu ci yanjiu lunwen ji 楚辭研究論文集, 667–79. Nanchang: Huben renmin chubanshe, 1985. Yuan Mei 袁梅. “Song Yu he tade Jiu bian” 宋玉和他的九辯, extract printed in Zhongguo gudai jindai wenxue yanjiu (1985: 11): 12–16. Li Shigang 李世剛. “Song Yu ji qi Jiu bian” 宋玉及其九辯, rpt. Zhongguo gudai jindai wenxue yanjiu (1986: 2): 44–49. Wang Jiaxin 王家歆. Jiu bian yanjiu 九辯研究. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1986. Chen Shuliang 陳書良. “‘Jiu bian’ wei Qu Yuan zuopin ding yi”《九辯》為屈原作 品定疑. Chuanshan xuebao (1987: 1): 133–36. Chen Zizhan 陳子展. “‘Jiu bian’ jie ti”《九辯》解題. Chu ci zhi jie 楚辭直解, 684– 703. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1988. Meng Xiuxiang 孟修祥. “Lun Song Yu ‘Jiu bian’ de beiqiu moshi” 論宋玉《九辯》 的悲秋模式. Zhongzhou xuekan (1991: 1): 101–4. Guo Weisen 郭維森. “‘Jiu bian’ de xingzhi yiji ‘Gaotang’ ‘Shennü’ zhufu de zuozhe”《九辯》的性質以及《高唐》《神女》諸賦的作者. Nanjing daxue xuebao (1992: 1): 105–10. Huang Xiayun 黃霞雲. “Cong ‘Jiu bian’ kan Qu Song guanxi” 從《九辯》看屈宋關 係. Yuenmeng xuekan (1994: 2): 8–10. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Song Yu zuo ‘Jiu bian’ de lunzheng” 宋玉作《九辯》的論 證. Gugong xueshu jikan 11.3 (1994): 59–76; rpt. in Zheng Liangshu. Cifu lunji 辭賦論集, 57–82. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1997. Chen Xuewen 陳學文. “Lun ‘Jiu bian’ dang wei Qu Yuan suozuo” 論《九辯》當為 屈原所作. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (1996: 2): 16–20. Huang Xiayun 黃霞雲. “‘Zhao hun’ ‘Jiu bian’ lun”《招魂》、《九辯》論. In Huang Xiayun. Chu ci tonglun 楚辭通論, 199–219. Changsha: Hunan jiaoyu chubanshe, 1997. Jiang Linchang 江林昌. “‘Jiu zhao’ ‘Jiu bian’ ‘Jiu ge’ yuewu de qiyuan yiji xian Qin ruogan yinyue mei lilun de xingcheng”《九招》《九辯》《九歌》樂舞的起源以及 先秦若干音樂美理論的形成. Wenyi yanjiu (1997: 2): 65–76. Chen Tongsheng 陳桐生. “‘Jiu bian’ de jiazhi”《九辯》的價值. In Chen Tongsheng. Chu ci yu Zhongguo wenhua 楚辭與中國文化, 205–17. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin jiaoyu chubanshe, 1997. Lizhi 力之. “‘Jiu bian’ kao bian—jian shuo qi shiliao jiazhi ji zai wenxue shi shang zhi diwei”《九辯》考辨—兼說其史料價值及在文學史上之地位. Xinan shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1998: 6): 72–75. Fang Ming 方銘. “‘Jiu bian’ ‘Zhao hun’ ‘Da zhao’ de zuozhe yu zhuti kaolun” 《九辯》《招魂》《大招》的作者與主題考論. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (1998: 4): 25–29. Gao Qiufeng 高秋鳳. “‘Jiu bian’ zuozhe kao”《九辯》作者考. In Gao Qiufeng. Song Yu zuopin zhenwei kao 宋玉作品真偽考, 7–57. Taipei: Wenjin chuban youxian gongsi, 1999.

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Zhou Binggao 周秉高. “‘Jiu bian’ cengci ji qita”《九辯》層次及其他. Zhida xuebao (She ke ban) (2000: 1): 4–11. Toppata Shigenao 鳥羽田重直. “Soji ‘Kyūben’ shōkō” 『楚辭』「九弁」小考. Wayō kokunbun kenkyū 38 (2003): 46–52.

Translations Erkes, Eduard, trans. “Sung Yu’s Chiu-pien.” TP 31 (1934–35): 363–408. Zach, Erwin von, trans. “Sung Yu’s Chiu Pien (Neun Umstimmungen),” 1939; rpt. in Nachrichten der Gesselschaft für Natur-und Volkerkunde Ostasiens 93 (Feb. 1963): 52–59. Yu Min-chuan. In Payne, White Pony, 93–95. Hawkes, Ch’u Tz’u, 92–100. Hawkes, Songs of the South, 206–19. Mathieu, Élégies de Chu, 159–71.

2. The “Summons” Poems There are two pieces that contain the word zhao 招 “summon” in the title: (1) “Da zhao” 大招 (Great summons), attributed both to Qu Yuan and Jing Cuo 景差 (a reputed follower of Qu Yuan), but probably written by neither. (2) “Zhao hun” 招魂 (Summoning the soul ), attributed to Song Yu. Modern scholars are uncertain of the correctness of this attribution. Both of these poems are based on the ancient Chinese religious practice of calling back the soul of a deceased or sick person. The traditional interpretation that these works were written to summon the soul of Qu Yuan is no longer widely accepted. David Hawkes’ theory that they were written for the entertainment of an indisposed Qu ruler seems not only to fit the circumstances of the poems, but also is consistent with what we know about the later practice of reciting poems, especially fu, as a “cure” for ailing kings. He argues (Songs of the South, 223) that “Zhao hun” was composed for King Xiang of Chu at the Chu court in Chen between 277 and 263 b.c.e. Both pieces follow almost the same structure. They open by describing the perils the soul will encounter in each of the four directions (the “Zhao hun” adds Heaven and the nether regions). The hortatory phrase guilai 歸 來 (return!) is repeated throughout to urge the soul to return to its homeland. To persuade the soul to return, the poet enumerates an assortment of enticements, including beautiful women, ornate palaces, exotic foods, music, and hunting. These sections are written in an epideictic style and employ extensive cataloguing.

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Studies Chen Chaobi 陳朝壁. “Guanyu ‘Zhao hun’ zuozhe he neirong de shangque” 關於 《招魂》的作者和內容的商榷. Wenxue yichan zengkan 6 (1958): 21–31. Tan Jiefu 譚介甫. “Qu Yuan ‘Zhao hun’ de yanjiu” 屈原《招魂》的研究. Wuhan daxue xuebao (1962: 1). Chen Tiemin 陳鐵民. “Shuo ‘Zhao hun’” 說《招魂》. Wenxue yichan zengkan 10 (1962): 1–6. Chen Zizhan 陳子展. “‘Zhao hun’ shi jie”《招魂》試解. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 1 (1962): 153–69 Wen Huaisha 文懷沙. “Qu Yuan ‘Zhao hun’ zhu yi” 屈原《招魂》注譯. Wen shi 1 (1962): 151–75. Liu Yaomin 劉堯民. “Guanyu ‘Zhao hun’ de ruogan wenti” 關於《招魂》的若干問 題. Wenxue yanjiu (Yunnan) (1964: 4). Yang Yinzong 楊胤宗. “Chu ci ‘Zhao hun’ jian kao”《楚辭‧招魂》箋考. Jianshe 13.6 (1964); 13.7 (1964); 13.8 (1964); 13.9 (1974). Jin Zhongshu 金中樞. “‘Zhao hun’ wei Quzi zhao Huai wang er zuo lun”《招魂》為 屈子招懷王而作論. Xinya xueyuan xueshu niankan 11 (1969): 363–75. Wang Aiguo 王愛國. “Chu ci Zhao hun pian yanjiu” 楚辭招魂篇研究. M.A. Thesis, Furen daxue, 1973. Tang Bingzheng 湯炳正. “‘Zhao hun’ ‘suo’ zi de laiyuan—Qu fu xin tan zhi si”《招 魂》 “些” 字的來源—屈賦新探之四. Sichuan shiyuan xuebao (1978: 2); rpt. Tang Bingzheng. Qu fu xin tan 屈賦新探, 271–80. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1984. Wang Dongqing 汪冬青. “Tu bo jiu yue xin jie” 土伯九約新解. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 8 (1978): 296. Chen Yiliang 陳怡良. “Chu ci ‘Zhao hun’ pian xi lun”《楚辭‧招魂》篇析論. Chenggong daxue xuebao 14 (1979). De Yu 德育. “Tan ‘Zhao hun’ de beizhaozhe zuozhe ji yishu fengge wenti” 談《招 魂》的被招折、作者及藝術風格問題. Beifang luncong (1981: 3): 19–24. Tang Bingzheng 湯炳正. “Zeng hou yi mu de guan hua yu ‘Zhao hun’ zhong de ‘tu bo’ 曾侯乙墓的棺畫與《招魂》中的 “土伯”. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1982: 3): 260–63. Kang Dingxin 康定心 and Kang Guangzhi 康廣志. “Kaogu shi ‘Zhao hun’” 考古釋 《招魂》. Jiang Han luntan (1983: 1): 72–77. Zhang Chunrong 張春榮. “Chu ci ‘Er Zhao’ xilun”《楚辭‧二招》析論. M.A. Thesis, Taiwan Shifan daxue, 1983. Zhao Xifan 趙喜范. “Tan ‘Zhao hun’ dui Han fu de yingxiang” 談《招魂》對漢賦 的影響. Shenyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1983: 4): 60–63. Tan Youxue 譚優學. “Qu fu ‘Zhao hun’ shuo” 屈賦《招魂》說. Xinan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 34 (1984): 53–59, 86. Gong Weiying 龔維英. “Shi jie ‘Zhao hun’ zhi mi” 試解《招魂》之謎. Guizhou shehui kexue (Wen shi zhe) 46 (1986): 55–58. 47. Xiong Renwang 熊任望. “Lun ‘Zhao hun’ wei Qu Yuan zi zhao” 論《招魂》為 屈原自招. Hebei daxue xuebao (Zhe she ban) (1986: 1): 116–25; rpt. in Xiong Renwang. Chu ci tanzong 楚辭探綜, 187–97. Baoding: Hebei daxue chubanshe, 2000.

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Li Binghai 李炳海. “Shanggu de chun you jie yu Chu ci ‘Zhao hun’” 上古的春遊節 與《楚辭‧招魂》. Jiang Han luntan (1987: 4): 58–61. Cheng Shankai 成善楷. “‘Zhao hun’ jianji”《招魂》箋記. Wen shi 29 (1988): 263–75. Yin Guangxi 殷光熹. “‘Zhao hun’ siti”《招魂》四題. Sixiang zhanxian (1990: 4): 29–35. Yin Guangxi 殷光熹. “‘Zhao hun’ tan”《招魂》探. In Yin Guangxi. Chu sao: Huaxia wenming zhi guang 楚騷: 華夏文明之光, 50–68. Shou Qinze 壽勤澤. “Chu ci ‘Zhao hun’ kao”《楚辭‧招魂》考. Hangzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1990: 3): 68–75. Zhao Peilin 趙佩霖. “‘Zhao hun’: shisu wenhua neirong yu zongjiao yishu xingshi”《招魂》: 世俗文化內容與宗教藝術形式. Baike zhishi (1990: 9); rpt. in Zhao Peilin. Qu Yuan yanjiu lunheng 屈原研究論衡, 234–42. Tianjin: Tianjin jiaoyu chubanshe, 1993. Liao Huajin 廖化津. “‘Zhao hun’ chuyi—yu Xiong Renwang xiansheng shangque” 《招魂》芻議—與熊任望先生商榷. Hebei daxue xuebao (1991: 3): 45–49. Xiao Bing 蕭兵. “‘Zhao hun’: aomi de chanfa”《招魂: 奧秘的闡發》. In Xiao Bing. Chu ci de wenhua poyi 楚辭的文化破譯., 997–110. Wuhan: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1991. Jin Shiwu 金式武. “Guanyu ‘Zhao hun’ zuozhe zhi kaobian” 關於《招魂》作者之考 辨. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1992: 1): 90–92. Xiong Renwang 熊任望. “San lun ‘Zhao hun’ wei Qu Yuan zi zhao” 三論《招魂》為 屈原自招. Hebei shiyuan xueyuan (Shehui kexue) (1993: 1): 48–54. Xu Quansheng 徐泉聲. Chu ci Zhao hun yu Da zhao yanjiu 楚辭招魂與大招研究. Hualian: Hualian shi Zhenyi chubanshe, 1993. Zhou Binggao 周秉高. “‘Zhao hun’ xiezuo shidi xin tan”《招魂》寫作時代新探. Zhida xuekan (Baotou) (1994: 2); rpt. Zhou Binggao. Fengsao lunji 風騷論集, 203–17. Baotou: Neimenggu daxue chubanshe, 1995. Guo Jie 郭杰, “Chu ci ‘Zhao hun’ de jiegou tezheng yu yuyan tezheng”《楚辭‧招 魂》的結構特徵與語言特徵. Suzhou daxue xuebao (1994: 3): 56–60; rpt. Guo Jie. Qu Yuan xinlun 屈原新論, 182–93. Changchun: Jilin daxue chubanshe, 1994. Pan Xiaolong 潘嘯龍. “‘Zhao hun’ yanjiu shangque”《招魂》研究商榷. Wenxue pinglun (1994: 4): 35–43. Lei Qingyi 雷慶翼. “‘Zhao hun’ nai Qu Yuan zhao Chu Huai wang wang hun shuo—jian lun ‘Da zhao’ fei Qu Yuan zuo”《招魂》乃屈原招楚懷王亡魂說—兼 論《大招》非屈原作. In Lei Qingyi. Chu ci zhengjie 楚辭正解, 487–508. Shanghai: Xuelin chubanshe, 1994. Zhang Zhongyi 張中一. “‘Zhao hun’ nai Qu Yuan zi zhao xin zheng”《招魂》乃屈 原自招新證. Guizhou wen shi congkan (1995: 1): 26–31. Li Chunfang 李春芳. “Sima Qian suo du zhi ‘Zhao hun’ shi “Da zhao’ ma? ‘Zhao hun’ yanjiu shangque zhi yi” 司馬遷所讀之《招魂》是《大招》嗎?《招魂》研究 商榷之一. Shanxi shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 23.3 (1996): 34–38, 48. Qu Xiaoqiang 屈小強. “‘Zhao hun’ zhao shui de hun?”《招魂》招誰的魂?. In Qu Xiaoqiang. Qu Yuan xuan’an jiemi 屈原懸案揭秘, 148–58. Chengdu: Sichuan daxue chubanshe, 1996. Zhang Yelu 張葉蘆. “‘Zhao hun’ xi lun”《招魂》系論. Zhejiang shida xuebao (1996: 1): 62–67; rpt. in Zhang Yelu. Qu fu bianhuo gao 屈賦辨惑稿, 179–205. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2005.

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中國屈原學會, ed. Zhongguo Chu ci xue 中國楚辭學, 2: 21–27. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2003. Li Zhonghua 李中華. “Xian Qin zhao hun xisu yu ‘Zhao hun’” 先秦招魂習俗與 《招魂》. In Zhongguo Chu ci xue, 2: 280–85. Huang Fengxian 黃鳳顯. “Qu ci ‘Da zhao’ shi yi” 屈辭《大招》釋疑. Zhongnan minzu xueyuan xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 23.2 (2003): 133–36. Huang Fengxian 黃鳳顯. “Qu ci ‘Zhao hun’ xin bian” 屈辭《招魂》新辨. Zhongnan minzu daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 23.3 (2003): 103–8. He Jinsong 何勁松. “‘Yuan you’ ‘Da zhao’ fei Qu Yuan suo zuo”《遠遊》、 《大招》非屈原所作. Huazhong shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 42.3 (2003): 98–102. Wang Gengsheng 王更生. “‘Zhao hun’ zuozhe ji qi xiezuo yishu”《招魂》作者及其 寫作藝術. In Zhongguo Wen xuan yanjiu hui 中國文選研究會, ed. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue 文選與文選學, 289–308. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2003. Wang Jianguo 王建國. “Yuanxing yu xiangzheng: Chu ci ‘Zhao hun’ zhuzhi xin tan” 原型與象徵:《楚辭‧招魂》主旨新探. Luoyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (2004: 3): 71–74. Liu Naijiang 劉乃江. “Chu ci ‘Zhao hun’ de zuozhe ji qi zhuti zhi kao bian”《楚 辭‧招魂》的作者及其主題之考辨. Haerbin xueyuan xuebao 27.4 (2006): 71–76. Zhang Peiheng 章培恒. “Guanyu ‘Da zhao’ de xiezuo shidai he beijing” 關於《大 招》的寫作時代和背景. Fudan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2006: 2): 1–6.

Translations Erkes, Eduard. Das “Zurückrufen der Seele”(Chao-Hun) des Sung Yüh, Text Übersetzung und Erläuterung. Leipzig: W. Drugulin, 1914. Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, trans. Li sao and Other Poems, 75–84. Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1952. Hawkes, David. Ch’u Tz’u, 100–9. Hawkes, David. Songs of the South, 219–31. Mathieu, Élégies de Chu, 173–93. DRK

Chu ge 楚歌 (Chu song) The earliest type of poetry in the Han is the song known as the Chu ge (Chu song). The name Chu refers to the fact that the earliest examples were sung to Chu music and used the metrical pattern that occurs in the Chuci “Jiu ge” 九歌: X X X xi X X X. Most of the extant Chu ge are attributed to members of the Han imperial family. The earliest of the Chu songs is attributed to Xiang Yu 項羽 (232–202 b.c.e.), the Chu general who contended with Liu Bang 劉邦 (256–195 b.c.e.), the Han founder, for control over the former Qin empire. Xiang Yu’s poem, titled “Gaixia ge” 垓下歌 (Song of Gaixia), is preserved in Xiang Yu’s Shi ji biography (7.333), which records that Xiang Yu extempora-

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neously composed this song at Gaixia (southeast of modern Lingbi 靈壁, Anhui) where his army was surrounded by Liu Bang’s forces. Recognizing that he could not escape, Xiang Yu sang a song in which he laments that he can no longer ride his powerful steed into battle. It is unlikely that “Gaixia ge” song is actually by Xiang Yu. Although the piece is undoubtedly early, it probably is an anonymous song composed shortly after his death to lament his tragic demise. A similar piece, the “Da feng ge” 大風歌 (Song of the great wind), is attributed to the Han founder Liu Bang. Liu Bang reputedly composed this song at a banquet held in his hometown of Pei 沛 (modern Pei county, Jiangsu) to which he had returned in 195 b.c.e. After singing the song, he danced to a repetition of the song by a chorus of 120 children. The attribution of the “Da feng ge” to Liu Bang is more secure than that of the “Gaixia ge” to Xiang Yu. It is also possible that it is the product of an attempt to glorify the Han founder. Nothing could have been more rousing than the performance of this song at court by a large chorus singing the in “mode of Chu.” The “Chu Song” form was a favorite poetic form of the Han ruling elite. Most of the “Chu Songs” of the Han are by members of the Han ruling family. The following pieces are the best-known examples: 1. “Qiu feng ci” 秋風辭 (Song of the autumn wind) This piece is attributed to Emperor Wu of the Former Han (r. 141–87 b.c.e.). According to a preface attached to the piece, Emperor Wu traveled to Hedong 河東 (administrative headquarters Anyi 安邑, modern Yuwangcheng 禹王城, northwest of Xia 夏 county, Shanxi) to perform a sacrifice to Sovereign Earth. He and his courtiers then went boating on the Fen 汾 River. While feasting and drinking, the emperor composed “Song of the Autumn Wind.” In the piece, the emperor sings of the change of the season, which is autumn. As he enjoys himself with his officials on a boat, his joy turns to sorrow as he reflects on the swift passage of time and the prospect of youth fading and old age approaching. The authenticity of this piece is uncertain. It probably was not written by Emperor Wu. 2. “Wusun gongzhu ge” 烏孫公主歌 (Song of the Wusun Princess), attributed to Liu Xijun 劉細君 Liu Xijun was the daughter of Liu Jian 劉建, King of Jiangdu 江都 (r. 127– 121 b.c.e.). In the Yuanfeng 元封 period (110–105 b.c.e.), the Han emperor sent her as a bride for the Kunmo 昆莫 of the Wusun 烏孫, a people that resided in Central Asia, and whom the Han hoped to enlist as allies against

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the Xiongnu. Each year she met once or twice with him. However, the Kunmo king was old, and they could not communicate in the same language. Out of grief Xijun composed a song in which she bemoans her fate as the Han Chinese woman who must live in a yurt and whose meals consist of flesh and sour milk. Bibliography Studies Diény, Jean-Pierre. Aux Origines de la poésie classique en Chine: Étude sur la poésie lyrique à l’époque des Han, 44–47. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1968. Zhang Xiurong 張修荣. Han Tang guizu yu cainü shige yanjiu 漢唐貴族與才女詩歌 研究, 1–46. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1985. Chen Caixun 陳才訓. “Lun Han huangshi Chu ge” 論漢皇室楚歌. Nandu xuetan 22.5 (2002): 56–61. Chen Caixun 陳才訓. “Han diwang houfei Chu ge yishu tese chengyin qian tan” 漢帝王后妃楚歌藝術特色成因淺談. Qinghai shizhuan xuebao (2002: 6): 35–38. Zhou Jianjiang 周建江. “Qian Han ‘Chu ge’ ji qi lanshang” 前漢 “楚歌” 及其濫觴. Guizhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 20.3 (2002): 28–36. Kern, Martin. “The Poetry of Han Historiography.” Early Medieval China 10–11.1 (2004): 23–65, esp. 40–50. Zhou Jianjiang 周建江. “Lun Handai Chu ge de wenxue shi diwei” 論漢代楚歌的文 學史地位. Zhenjiang shifan xueyuan xuebao 27.2 (2006): 7–13. Cai Yanfeng 蔡彥峰. “Lun Chu ge de tizhi tedian ji dui Han yuefu de yingxiang” 論楚歌的體制特點及對漢樂府的影響. Yunmeng xuekan 27.3 (2006): 48–51.

Works a. “Gaixia ge” 垓下歌 (Song of Gaixia) Studies Yoshikawa Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎. “Ko U no ‘Kaika uta’ ni tsuite” 項羽の垓下歌につい て. Chūgoku bungaku hō 1 (1954): 1–18; rpt. Yoshikawa Kōjirō zenshū 6: 3–22. Xu Shaozhou 徐少舟. “‘Gaixia ge’ de bie yi banben”《垓下歌》的別一版本. Wenxue yichan (1981: 1): 49.

Translations Chavannes, Mémoires historiques, 2: 316. Watson, Records, 1: 70. Hervouet, in Demiéville, ed. Anthologie, 61. Nienhauser, Grand Scribe’s Records, 1: 205; 2: 92, n. 561. Kern, Martin. “The Poetry of Han Historiography,” 41.

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b. “Da feng ge” (Song of the great wind) Studies Yoshikawa Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎. “Kan no Kōso no ‘Taifū uta’ ni tsuite” 漢の高祖の 大風歌について. Chūgoku bungaku hō 2 (1955): 28–44; rpt. Yoshikawa Kōjirō zenshū 6: 23–42. Tseng Yung-yi 曾永義. “Han Gaozu de Dafeng ge” 漢高祖的大風歌. Youshi yuekan (1955: 3): 38–41. Kuwabara Takeo 桑原武夫. “Yoshikawa Kōjirō ‘Ko U no ‘Kaika uta’ ni tsuite’ ‘Kan no Kōso no ‘Taifū uta’ ni tsuite’”「項羽の垓下歌について」「漢の高祖の大風歌 について」. Chūgoku bungaku hō 4 (1956). Zhou Jianjiang 周建江. “‘Dafeng ge’ de liubian”《大風歌》的流變. Shaoguang xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 23.7 (2002): 22–26.

Translations Payne, White Pony, 117. Hervouet, in Demiéville, ed. Anthologie, 62. Chavannes, Mémoires historiques, 2: 397. Watson, Records, 1: 114. Dubs, History of the Former Han Dynasty, 1: 136–37. Miao, in Sunflower Splendor, 29. Kern, Martin. “The Poetry of Han Historiography,” 41. Nienhauser, Grand Scribe’s Records, 2: 82.

c. “Qiu feng ci” 秋風辭 (Song of the autumn wind) Study Kang Dawei 康達維 (David R. Knechtges). “Han Wudi de fu” 漢武帝的賦. Disan jie guoji cifuxue xueshu yantaohui lunwenji 第三屆國際辭賦學學術研討會論文集, 1–14, esp. 7–14. Taipei: Guoli zhengzhi daxue wenxueyuan, 1996.

Translations Gautier, Judith. “Poèmes chinois de tous les temps.” Revues de Paris 3 (1901): 810–11; rpt. Judith Gautier. Le Livre de jade, 58. Paris: Imprimerie national Éditions, 2004. Hsu, S.N. Anthologie, 107. Margouliès, Anthologie, 326. Payne, White Pony, 131. Waley, Poems, 131. Demiéville, ed. Anthologie, 67. Miao, Sunflower Splendor, 29–30. DRK

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Chu Han chunqiu 楚漢春秋 (Annals of Chu and Han) The Chu Han chunqiu is an account of the battles between Liu Bang 劉邦 (256–195 b.c.e.) and Xiang Yu 項羽 (232–202 b.c.e.). The Han shu monograph on bibliography lists it as a nine-pian compilation by Lu Jia 陸賈 (ca. 228–ca. 140 b.c.e.). The original work was lost sometime during the Southern Song, but most of its content can be ascertained, for it was one of the principal sources used by Sima Qian for writing his accounts of Liu Bang and Xiang Yu in the Shi ji. The present version is a reconstruction based on fragments preserved in early texts as well as the material pertaining to Liu Bang and Xiang Yu in Shi ji 6 (“Xiang Yu benji” 項羽本紀) and 7 (“Gaozu benji” 高祖本紀). See the following reconstructions: Bibliography Mao Panlin 茆泮林 (Qing), ed. Chu Han chunqiu 楚漢春秋. 1 juan. Maoshi ji shizhong 茆氏輯十種. 1841. Rpt. Congshu jicheng xubian. Dong Zhi’an 董治安, ed.-in-chief, Liang Han quan shu 兩漢全書. 1: 77–83. Jinan: Shandong daxue chubanshe, 1999.

Studies Jin Dejian 金德建. “Lu Jia shuzuo Chu Han chunqiu de zhuyao qingxiang” 陸賈述 作《春漢春秋》的主要傾向. Zhongguo gudai shi luncong 7 (1983): 267–75. Li Zhenyu 李真瑜. “Shi ji yu Chun Han Chunqiu”《史記》與《楚漢春秋》. Renwen zazhi (1986: 5): 29–36. Huang Juehong 黃覺弘. “Lun Lu Jia Chunqiu xue ji qi wenxue yiyi” 論陸賈春秋學 及其文學意義. Jiangnan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 7.4 (2008): 77–80, 85. DRK

Chu Jie 褚玠 (529–580), zi Wenli 溫理 Writer of Chen period. Chu Jie’s ancestral home was Yangzhai 陽翟 in Henan 河南commandery (modern Yuzhou 禹州, Henan). His natal place most likely was Danyang 丹陽 (northeast of modern Dangtu 當涂, Anhui), where the Chu family had settled during the Eastern Jin. His father Chu Meng 褚蒙 died when Chu Jie was nine, and he was adopted by his uncle Chu Sui 褚隨. Chu Jie began his career by serving in the law section of a princely establishment. He was later transferred to the section for outer troops as a record keeper.

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During the Tianjia 天嘉 (560–565) period of Emperor Wen of Chen (r. 559–566), he served as the senior recorder for comprehensive duty. He also was sent as an envoy to the Northern Qi court. Chu Jie was on good terms with Chen Bomou 陳伯謀 (d. 583), Prince of Guiyang 桂陽, and later was appointed attendant gentleman of the palace cadets in the household of the heir designate. During the reign of Emperor Xuan 宣帝 (r. 569–582) Chu Jie served as magistrate of Shanyin 山陰 (modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang). During his tenure in this post he gained a reputation for curtailing the abuses of local powerful families, but in the meantime, he offended Cao Yida 曹義達 who was much favored by Emperor Xuan, and he was removed from office. Being poor, he was not able to return to his hometown. He had to grow his own food to support himself. Before Chen Shubao 陳叔寶 (553–604) ascended the throne, while he was still heir designate, he gave Chu Jie twohundred hu of grain to enable him to return home. In 578, Chu Jie was appointed aide to the Prince Huainan 淮南, Chen Shubiao 陳叔彪 and was also put in charge of Eastern Palace affairs. In 580, Chu Jie was promoted to the position of palace aide to the censor-in-chief. He died in office. Chu Jie’s biography in the Chen shu mentions that he had written more than two hundred prose works, including court petitions and presentations that were very much valued during his time. The bibliography monographs of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list his collected works in ten juan. This collection was lost in the Song. Chu Jie has only one extant poem, “Douji dongjia dao shi” 鬪雞東郊道詩 (Fighting cocks on the eastern suburb road), and one extant fu, “Feng li chan fu” 風裏蟬賦 (Fu on a cicada blown in the wind). Bibliography Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 471. Zhang Chengzong 張承宗 and Su Lichang 蘇利嫦. “Yangzhai Chushi yu Dong Jin Nanchao zhengzhi” 陽翟褚事與東晉南朝政治. Yangzhou daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 7.2 (2003): 73–79.

Translation Cutter, Brush and the Spur, 52. TPK

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chu shaosun 褚少孫 (fl. 32–7 b.c.e; alt. 104?–30? b.c.e.)

Chu Shaosun 褚少孫 (fl. 32–7 b.c.e.; alt. 104?–30? b.c.e.) Western Han historian and writer. Chu Shaosun’s natal place was Yingchuan 潁川 commandery (modern Xuchang 許昌 county, Henan). His dates and his style name are unknown. He was a grandson of Chu Dadi 褚大弟, who served as minister to the Liang 梁 kingdom. He studied the Chunqiu and Lu shi 魯詩 (Lu version of the Classic of Songs) under the guidance of Wang Shi 王式 who was a renowned scholar during the Emperor Xuan (r. 73–47 b.c.e.) era. When he was appointed professor at the imperial court, his study on Lu shi was known as Chu shi xue 褚氏學 (Master Chu’s learning). Because of his literary achievements, he was promoted to attendant gentleman and later served as an imperial bodyguard. He died during Emperor Cheng’s reign (32–7 b.c.e.). Chu Shaosun was very fond of Sima Qian’s Shi ji. When he discovered that ten chapters of the Shi ji had become lost, he decided to supply the lost chapters. In the received version of Shi ji the statement “Mr. Chu says” 褚先生曰 refers to Chu Shaosun’s supplement. According to the Han shu commentator Zhang Yan 張晏 (3rd century c.e.), Chu Shaosun supplied the missing parts of ten chapters including “Jingdi benji” 景帝本紀 (Basic annals of Emperor Jing), “Wudi benji” 武帝本紀 (Basic annals of Emperor Wu), and “Li shu” 禮書 (Monograph on rites). However, some scholars have argued that these chapters were not written by Chu Shaosun but were actually from Sima Qian’s original version. In addition to these chapters, Chu Shaosun also added material to other chapters. Notable additions include the biography of Ren An 任安 (d. 91/90 b.c.e.) in chapter 104 and the biography of Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 (fl. 140–130 b.c.e.) in chapter 126. The biography of Chu Tao 褚陶 (fl. 280) in the Jin shu mentions that Chu Tao from the time he was young boy was a skilled fu writer. The people of the time said of him: “Mr. Chu (Shaosun) has come back to life.” This perhaps implies that Chu Shaosun was also a fu writer, and his fu writings may have circulated during the Western Jin. Bibliography Studies Li Changzhi 李長之. Sima Qian zhi renge yu fengge 司馬遷之人格與風格, 194–99. 1949; rpt. Taipei: Kaiming shudian, 1976.

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Watson, Ssu-ma Ch’ien Grand Historian of China, 226–27, n. 9. Pokora, Timoteus. “Ch’u Shao-sun: The Narrator of Stories in the Shih-chi.” Annali (Istituto Orientale di Napoli) 41.3 (1981): 403–30. Pokora, Timoteus. “Shih chi 127, the symbiosis of two historians.” In Chinese Ideas about Nature and Society, ed. Charles Le Blanc and Susan Blader, 215–34. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1987. Zhao Shengqun 趙生群. “Shi ji wangque yu xubu kao”《史記》亡缺與續補考. Hanzhong shiyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1993: 2): 15–23, 14. Schaab-Hanke, Dorothee. “Did Chu Shaosun Contribute to a Tradition of the Scribe?” Oriens Extremus 44 (2003–2004): 11–26. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 49–50. TPK

Chu Shuang 褚爽 (fl. 394), zi Hongmao 弘茂 or Maohong 茂弘, childhood name Qisheng 期生 Eastern Jin fu writer. Chu Shuang’s ancestral home was Yangzhai 陽翟 in Henan commandery (modern Yuzhou 禹州, Henan). He was a grandson of General-in-chief of the North Chu Pou 褚裒 (303–349). Chu Shuang was quite scholarly during his youth and was an expert on the Laozi 老子 and Zhuangzi 莊子. Ca. 394, Chu Shuang served as the governor of Yixing 義興 (modern Yixing 宜興, Jiangsu). He died young, and was posthumously conferred the title of grand master of the palace with golden seal and purple ribbon. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions a sixteen-juan collection of Chu Shuang’s writings that was listed in a Liang dynasty catalogue. This was lost already in the early Tang. Chu Shuang’s only extant piece is “Xi fu” 禊賦 (Fu on the lustration rite). Chu Shuang’s daughter Chu Lingyuan 褚靈媛 (383–436) was the wife of Sima Dewen 司馬德文 (385–421), Emperor Gong 恭帝 (r. 418–420), the last ruler of the Eastern Jin. Bibliography Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 471. TPK

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Chu Tao 褚陶 (fl. 280–291), zi Jiya 季雅 Three States Wu and Western Jin fu writer. Chu Tao’s natal place was Qiantang 錢塘 in Wu 吳郡 commandery (modern Hangzhou, Zhejiang). From an early age he displayed unusual intelligence. At the age of thirteen he wrote two fu compositions, “Ouniao fu” 鷗鳥賦 (Fu on gulls) and “Shuiwei fu” 水磑賦 (Fu on the watermill ). These two pieces were so well received that people said that “Mr. Chu 褚 (Shaosun 少孫) has come back to life.” He led a simple life and had few worldly desires. When he was invited to serve in office, he declined saying, “All sages and men of virtue live in books. What do I need besides this?” In 280, after the Western Jin conquered Wu, Chu Tao went to Luoyang where he served as secretarial court gentleman. Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300) compared him with the other distinguished men from Wu, Lu Ji 陸機 (261– 303), Lu Yun 陸雲 (262–303), and Gu Rong 顧榮 (270–322). He later was appointed governor of Jiuzhen 九真 commandery (modern northern Vietnam). He was then transferred to the post of commandant-in-ordinary. He died at the age of fifty-five during the Yuankang 元康 period (291–299) of Emperor Hui. None of his writings has survived. Bibliography Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 233. TPK

Chu Yuan 褚淵 (435–482), zi Yanhui 彥回 Late Song-early Qi period writer. Chu Yuan’s ancestral home was Yangzhai 陽翟 of Henan commandery (modern Yuzhou 禹州, Henan). His natal place was Danyang 丹陽 (northeast of modern Dangtu 當涂, Anhui). His father Chu Zhanzhi 褚湛之 (411–460), who was married to a daughter of Emperor Wu (r. 420–422), held high office during the Liu-Song period. After marrying the daughter of Emperor Wen of the Song (r. 424–453), the Princess of Yuyao 餘姚 (also known as Princess Xian of Nan commandery 南郡獻公主), Chu Yuan was appointed commandant-escort, and later was promoted to editorial director of the left. After Chu Yuan served in a few other positions, in

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460 his father passed away. When the three-year mourning period expired, he inherited the title of chief township marquis, and served as secretariat director, right administrator to the Minister of Education, Prince of Jiangxia 江夏, Liu Yigong 劉義恭 (413–465), and was later transferred to the ministry of personnel. During Emperor Ming’s reign (465–472), he was promoted to president of the ministry of personnel. Later he was assigned to the post of governor of Danyang 丹陽 (located in the capital district of Jiankang) followed by a posting as governor of Wuxing 吳興 (administrative headquarters Wucheng 烏程, modern Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). When Emperor Ming passed away in 472, by posthumous imperial decree Chu Yuan was appointed director of the secretariat, while Yuan Can 袁粲 (421– 478) served as the director of the department of state affairs. Emperor Ming had entrusted Chu Yuan and Yuan Can with the care of his ten-year-old son Liu Yu 劉昱 (463–467) right before his death. In 476, Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427–482) conspired with Yuan Can and Chu Yuan to depose Liu Yu. Yuan Can refused to join in, but Chu Yuan supported the plot. After Liu Yu was assassinated, his younger brother Liu Zhun 劉準 (469–479, r. 477–479) succeeded to the throne. At this time, General Shen Youzhi 沈 攸之 (d. 478) plotted a rebellion against the court. Yuan Can at the same time dispatched troops from Shitou cheng 石頭城 (modern Qingliang shan 清涼山, Nanjing) to protect the emperor. Having been informed of this plot by Chu Yuan, Xiao Daocheng defeated both Yuan Can and Shen Youzhi and had himself named Prince of Qi. Chu Yuan attached himself to Xiao Daocheng and sought a position. After the fall of the Song, Xiao Daocheng assumed the throne of the newly founded Qi dynasty. He is known by his posthumous title of Emperor Gao (r. 479–482). Xiao Daocheng appointed Chu Yuan minister of education and director of the department of state affairs. In 482, right before Xiao Daocheng passed away, Chu Yuan received an imperial edict appointing him overseer of the imperial secretariat. He died the same year. The grave inscription that Wang Jian 王儉 (452–489) composed for Chu Yuan was selected for the Wen xuan. According to his biography in the Nan Qi shu Chu Yuan was handsome and had a graceful bearing. He excelled in music and was a skillful player of the pipa (mandolin). However he was not well liked because he broke his promise to Emperor Ming and catered to powerful men. A popular folk saying ridiculed him: “The event that took place at Shitou cheng was truly unfortunate. One would rather die of honor like Yuan Can than live in shame like Yanhui [=Chu Yuan].” The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Chu Yuan’s collected works in fifteen juan, but this was lost already by the end of the Tang. Few of his writings have survived. Yan Kejun has collected ten of his prose

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chu yuan 褚淵 (435–482), zi yanhui 彥回

pieces in Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Most of his writings are court documents. Only one piece, “Qiu shang fu” 秋傷賦 (Fu on autumnal melancholy), is a piece of belles lettres. Bibliography Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da dician, 472. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 377. Zhang Chengzong 張承宗 and Su Lichang 蘇利嫦. “Yangzhai Chushi yu Dong Jin Nanchao zhengzhi” 陽翟褚事與東晉南朝政治. Yangzhou daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 7.2 (2003): 73–79. TPK

Chu Yun 褚澐 (575–?), zi Shiyang 士洋 Liang period poet. Chu Yun’s ancestral home was Yangzhai 陽翟 in Henan commandery (modern Yuzhou 禹州, Henan). His natal place was Danyang 丹陽 (northeast of modern Dangtu 當涂, Anhui). His father Chu Xuan 褚炫 (fl. 480– 483) was a high ranking official in the early Qi. Chu Yun served during the Liang in a number of official posts, including magistrate of Qu’e 曲阿 (modern Danyang 丹陽, Jiangsu), adjutant for household records on the staff of the Prince Jin’an 晉安, Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551), and magistrate of Wucheng 烏程 (modern Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). He had a reputation for being honest and upright. After his older brother Chu You 褚遊 passed away in the early 520s, he left his magistrate position and returned to the imperial court where he was appointed defender-in-chief. He later served as magistrate of Yanling 延陵 (southwest of modern Danyang, Jiangsu) followed by an assignment in the imperial court as a vice-director of the secretariat. Between 529–534, he was appointed palace aide to the censorin-chief, and ca. 535 administrative adviser to the Prince of Xiangdong 湘東, Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–555). Chu died at the age of sixty-plus years sometime during the Datong 大同 (535–546) period. His grandson Chu Jie 褚玠 (529–580) was a prominent writer in the Chen period. Chu Yun was an eminent scholar, and he excelled in music. Xiao Yi held him in high regard. Chu Yun participated in the compilation of the Fabao lianbi 法寶聯璧 (Linked jades of dharma treasures), a two-hundred juan collection of Buddhist writings compiled in 534 at the court of the crown

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prince Xiao Gang. The work does not survive, but the preface by Xiao Yi has been preserved. Chu Yun has two extant poems, both yongwu pieces, preserved in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 471. Zhang Chengzong 張承宗 and Su Lichang 蘇利嫦. “Yangzhai Chushi yu Dong Jin Nanchao zhengzhi” 陽翟褚事與東晉南朝政治. Yangzhou daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 7.2 (2003): 73–79. TPK

Cifu 辭賦 The binomial name for fu or more precisely Han fu. DRK

Cui Hao 崔浩 (d. 450), zi Boyuan 伯淵 Historian and statesman of Northern Wei. Cui Hao’s ancestral home was Wucheng 武城 (modern Wucheng, Shandong), and he belonged to the prestigious Cui clan of Qinghe 清河. He was well-versed in literature, the classics, numerology, and the Masters. In the Northern Wei he served three emperors: Emperor Daowu 道武 (r. 386–409), Emperor Mingyuan 明元 (r. 409–423) and Emperor Taiwu 太武 (r. 423–452), who placed great trust in him. Cui Hao is credited with promoting the unification and Sinification of the north. During Daowu’s reign, Cui Hao recommended prominent members of the Han elite to the emperor, the result of which was the emergence of a lively literary court in Pingcheng 平城 (northeast of modern Datong, Shanxi). A devout Taoist, Cui Hao advocated the abolition of Buddhism. He also was a renowned calligrapher. In 428, Cui Hao, his younger brother Cui Lan 崔覽, and several other scholars compiled a history of the Northern Wei in thirty juan. Because the history gave an uncomplimentary account of Xianbei tribal culture, Emperor Taiwu and the Xianbei members of the court took great offense. Cui Hao, most members of his family, and many of his associates were executed. Some 2,000 people reputedly were put to death.

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Minezaki Hideo 峯崎秀雄. “Sai Hō no toshin kinzetsu ni tsuite” 崔浩の圖讖禁絕に ついて. Taishō daigaku sōgō bukkyō kenkyūjo nenpō 8 (1986): 53–66. Lü Yifei 呂一飛. “Bei Wei Cui Hao yi an zhi xintan” 北魏崔浩一案之新探. Sichuan daxue xuebao congkan 37 (1988): 189–91. Xu Dianxi 許殿璽. “Zai lun Cui Hao” 再論崔浩. Beichao yanjiu 1 (1990): 36–41. Li Hu 黎虎. “Cui Hao junshi sixiang shulun” 崔浩軍事思想述論. Beichao yanjiu 2 (1990): 1–11. Song Dexi 宋德喜. “Shilun Cui Hao Guo shi yu shi” 試論崔浩國史獄事. Xing da lishi xuebao 3 (1993): 59–71. He Ziquan 何茲全. “Cui Hao zhi si” 崔浩之死. Wen shi zhe 3 (1993): 3–7. Chen Ming 陳明. “Bei Wei qianqi de Han hua yu Cui Hao wannian de zhengzhi lixiang” 北魏前期的漢化與崔浩晩年的政治理想. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 3 (1993): 40–49. Gao Wenzhu 高文鑄. “Bei Wei Cui Hao Shi jing kao” 北魏崔浩《食經》考. Zhonghua yishi zazhi中華醫史雜誌 23.1 (1993): 55–59. Li Kaiyuan 李開元. Bei Wei wenxue jian shi 北魏文學簡史, 3–4. Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1993. Kawamoto Yoshiaki 川本芳昭. “Keiboku taishiku to Sai Hō: Hokugi Taimu tei ni yoru haibutsu zengo no seikyoku o megutte” 景穆太子と崔浩: 北魏太武帝によ る廢佛前後の政局をめぐって. Tōhō gaku 91 (1996): 46–60. Liu Guoshi 劉國石. “Jin ershi nian lai Cui Hao zhi si yanjiu gaiguan” 近20年來崔 浩之死硏究槪觀. Zhongguo shi yanjiu dongtai 9 (1998):12–16. Zheng Xiaorong. “A History of Northern Dynasties Literature,” 28–37, 81–82. Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 2002. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Shen Yucheng 沈玉成. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao 中古文學史料叢考, 706–11. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2003. Tian, Xiaofei. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 279. WJ with additions by DRK

Cui Qi 崔琦 (ca. 90–ca. 150), zi Ziwei 子瑋 Eastern Han writer. Cui Qi’s natal place was Anping 安平 in Zhuo 涿 commandery (modern Anping, Hebei). He was a kinsman of Cui Yuan 崔瑗 (78–143). In his youth Cui Qi went to the capital to study, and he obtained a reputation for his vast learning and skill at writing. Ca. 126, he was recommended as filial and incorrupt and was appointed gentleman at the imperial court. Some years later, he entered the service of the powerful member of the consort clan, Liang Ji 梁冀 (d. 159), who was then serving as governor of Henan. Cui Qi was offended by Liang Ji’s abuse of his position and fre-

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quently admonished him to no avail. He then composed a long four-part “Admonition on the Consort Clan.” In the first stanza, Cui cites examples of exemplary members of the consort clan from remote antiquity: the two wives of Shun, the wives of the three ancient ancestors of the Zhou ruling house, the wife of King Xuan of Zhou, and the wife of Duke Huan of Qi. In the second and third stanzas, Cui Qi recounts the calamities that resulted from rulers who give their consorts free rein of the court. He cites the examples of the wives of the last rulers of the Xia and Shang, who lost their states because of their infatuation with their consorts. Liang Ji did not heed Cui Qi’s advice, and Cui wrote another piece of criticism, “Bai hu fu” 白鵠賦 (Fu on the white swan). This piece is no longer extant. However, there is a record of Liang Ji’s reaction to it. Upon reading it, Liang Ji said to Cui Qi, “There are officials inside and outside the court, and each has own charge. That the realm is in turmoil, how is that solely our fault? Why do you criticize me excessively?” Cui Qi replied, “In the past, when Guan Zhong served as minister in Qi, he enjoyed hearing words of criticism, and when Xiao He served as aide to the Han, he installed clerks who recorded wrongdoing. Now, my general, for several reigns you have held high court rank, and your position equals that of Yi Yin and the Duke of Zhou. Yet one does not hear of your virtuous governance, and the common people suffer in mud and ashes. You do not associate with and receive the upright and good in order to relieve our calamity and failures, but instead you wish to stop up men’s mouths and block the ears of our ruler, so that black and yellow change color, and the deer and horse change forms?” Liang Ji had no reply to this. He then had Cui Qi sent away from the court. Although Cui Qi received an appointment as chief of Linji 臨濟 (southeast of modern Gaoqing 高青, Shandong), he did not dare take it up. Liang Ji sent an assassin to kill him. The first assassin took pity on him, and Cui Qi was able to escape. However, Liang Ji sent someone again to capture and kill him. He died ca. 150. Bibliography Ebrey, Patricia Buckley. The Aristocratic Families of Early Imperial China: A Case Study of the Po-ling Ts’ui Family, 36–49. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978. Xie Cheng 解成. “Cui Yuan Cui Shi shengzu nian kao” 崔瑗、崔寔生卒年考. Hebei xuekan (1995: 4): 111. Xu Zongwen 徐宗文. “Cui wei wenzong, shi shan diaolong—lun Dong Han Cui shi zhi cifu chuangzuo” 崔為文宗,世禪雕龍—論東漢崔氏之辭賦創作. Disanjie guoji cifu xue yantao hui lunwen ji, 997–1013. Taipei: Guoli zhengzhi daxue wenxueyuan, 1986; Wenxue yichan (1998: 4): 16–24.

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Zhao Xianfeng 趙險峰 and Wang Jing 王靜. “Dong Han shiqi Yan Zhao wenren de sixiang wenhua tezheng” 東漢時期燕趙文人的思想文化特徵. Hebei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 33.2 (2008): 57–60. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 100–1. Wu Guimei 吳桂美. “Dong Han Cuishi jiazu shixi ji diwang de kaobian” 東漢崔氏 家族世系及地望的考辨. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2007: 1): 81–83, 88. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. “Huanghe yi bei diqu de wenxue fazhan” 黃河以北地區的文學 發展. Renwen zazhi (2008: 4): 89–95. DRK

Cui Shi 崔寔 (ca. 120–170), zi Zizhen 子真 (also Yuanshi 元始) Late Eastern Han writer and political thinker. Cui Shi was a leading political thinker of the late Eastern Han. He came from the distinguished Cui clan of Anping 安平 in Zhuo commandery 涿 commandery (modern Anping, Hebei). His father Cui Yuan 崔瑗 (78–143) was a friend of the famous thinker Wang Fu 王符 (ca. 90–ca. 167). When Cui Yuan died in 143, he instructed Cui Shi not to have him buried in their hometown of Anping, but bury him instead in Luoyang. Cui Shi was destitute after paying for the expenses of the funeral and burial, and he made a living brewing and selling ale. Ca. 146, after completing the threeyear mourning period, Cui Shi was invited to serve at the imperial court, but he decided not to take up the post. In 151, after a earthquake, Emperor Huan 桓 (r. 147–168) summoned a number scholars, including Cui Shi, to the court to comment on the current situation. However, pleading illness, Cui did not present his opinion at that time. He did accept the position of gentleman consultant, which was a very low post. It was probably at this time that he wrote the “Jian yi dafu zhen” 諫議大夫箴 (Admonition for the grandee remonstrant and consultant). The position of gentleman consultant involved serving as a censor that presented advice to the throne, and Cui Shi in this admonition recounts the history of the court welcoming the presentation of frank opinions by worthy officials beginning with the legendary Xia ruler Yu 禹, and the suppression of loyal dissent during the reigns of Zhou 紂, the last ruler of the Yin, and King Li 厲 of Zhou. Cui Shi probably did not serve long as gentleman consultant. At this time, the court was under the control of Liang Ji 梁冀 (d. 159), the brotherin-law of Emperor Shun 順 (r. 125–144). Liang Ji had been regent since 141, and he continued in this capacity when Emperor Huan took the throne in 144. Liang Ji retained power over the court until 159. Ca. 152, Cui Shi was recommended to serve on Liang Ji’s staff as his military aide. However, during this time Cui spent most of his time not on military affairs, but

cui shi 崔寔 (ca. 120–170), zi zizhen 子真 (also yuanshi 元始) 171 rather working in the Dong guan 東觀 or Eastern Institute, which was the most important scholarly academy. Among his colleagues at this time were Yan Du 延篤 (ca. 100–167) and Bian Shao 邊韶 (ca. 100–ca. 170), both of whom were distinguished scholars and writers. Ca. 156, Cui Shi took a position as governor of Wuyuan 五原 (northwest of modern Baotou, Inner Mongolia). Wuyuan was located on the northern frontier, and the living conditions were primitive. When Cui Shi discovered that the soil was good for planting hemp, he taught the people how to plant hemp, and provided them with spinning wheels and looms to make cloth from the hemp. He also set up a system to defend against the raids of the Xiongnu. Several years later, Cui Shi returned to the court to his former post of gentleman consultant. He was mainly charged with editing the Five Classics. In 157, he wrote the “Da she fu” 大赦賦 (Fu on the general amnesty) in honor of a pardon that Emperor Huan issued in the first month of this year to pardon those charged with crimes. It is a typical praise piece. In 159, Liang Ji was removed from office and committed suicide. All officials who had worked for him were dismissed and banned from holding office. Cui Shi was included in this proscription until 161 when he was appointed governor of Liaodong 遼東 in the northeast, but before he could take up the post, his mother died, and he returned to his home in Anping. After observing the three-year mourning period for his mother, Cui Shi returned to the court in the high position of imperial secretary, but fearing that he would get caught up in the conflict between the eunuchs and the scholar-officials, he resigned after several months. He died at home in 170. He was so poor his family had no money to bury him. Scholars from the capital then contributed funds for the coffin and grave inscription. Cui Shi wrote a treatise that usually goes under the title of Zheng lun 政論 (Disquisitions on government). Some sources cite it as Ben lun 本論 (Disquisitions on basics) or Zheng lun 正論 (Disquisitions on rectification?). The Zheng lun survived through the Tang period, but apparently was lost in the Song period. In the Qing period, Yan Kejun reconstructed the text in his “Quan Hou Han wen.” Portions of it are preserved in Cui Shi’s Hou Han shu biography (52.1725–29) and the Qun shu zhi yao 羣書 治要 compiled by Wei Zheng 魏徵 (580–643) in the early Tang (Sibu congkan 45.1a–14b). Cui Shi probably began writing the Zheng lun around 151, for he mentions in one of his essays that the Han had flourished for 350–plus years, which would coincide with 151. He continued to add to it throughout the remainder of his life. Cui Shi is often classified as a Legalist, but Professor Hsiao Kung-chuan thinks his Zheng lun combines both Confucianism and

172 cui shi 崔寔 (ca. 120–170), zi zizhen 子真 (also yuanshi 元始) Legalism. The Legalist features of his thought are reflected in Cui’s acceptance of the idea that there are no constant norms for human society and that remedies for the ills of the time must be determined by the circumstances. Cui Shi then sets forth a program to implement the reward and penalty system of the ancient legalists. He especially criticizes the Former Han Emperor Wen for eliminating capital punishment. Cui Shi is also the author of the Simin yueling 四民月令 (Monthly ordinances for the four categories of people), a detailed almanac of the activities that took place on his estate. This is an important source on early medieval agriculture. Bibliography Studies Ebrey, Patricia Buckley. The Aristocratic Families of Early Imperial China: A Case Study of the Po-ling Ts’ui Family, 36–49. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978. Liu Wenying 劉文英. “Cui Shi pingzhuan” 崔寔評傳. In Wang Fu pingzhuan 王符 評傳, 232–87. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1993. Xu Zongwen 徐宗文. “Cui wei wenzong, shi shan diaolong—lun Dong Han Cui shi zhi cifu chuangzuo” 崔為文宗,世禪雕龍—論東漢崔氏之辭賦創作. Disanjie guoji cifu xue yantao hui lunwen ji, 997–1013. Taipei: Guoli zhengzhi daxue wenxueyuan, 1986; Wenxue yichan (1998: 4): 16–24. Zhao Xianfeng 趙險峰 and Wang Jing 王靜. “Dong Han shiqi Yan Zhao wenren de sixiang wenhua tezheng” 東漢時期燕趙文人的思想文化特徵. Hebei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 33.2 (2008): 57–60. Wu Guimei 吳桂美. “Dong Han Cuishi jiazu shixi ji diwang de kao bian” 東漢崔氏 家族世系及地望的考辨. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2007: 1): 81–83, 88. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 101–2. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. “Huanghe yi bei diqu de wenxue fazhan” 黃河以北地區的文學 發展. Renwen zazhi (2008: 4): 89–95. Knechtges, David R. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 153.

Works a. Zheng lun 政論 (Disquisitions on government) Texts Yan Kejun. Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen, 46.1a–13a. Zheng lun zhushi 政論注釋, Shanghai diba gangtie chang gongren lilun xiaozu 上海第八鋼鐵廠工人理論小組. Hong Kong: s.n., 1976.

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Studies Balazs, Chinese Civilization and Bureaucracy, 205–13. Hsiao/Mote, A History of Chinese Political Thought, 535–36. Liu Wenying 劉文英. “Cui Shi pingzhuan” 崔寔評傳. In Wang Fu pingzhuan 王符 評傳, 249–78. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1993.

b. Simin yueling 四民月令 (Monthly ordinances for the four categories of people) Texts Shi Shenghan 石聲漢, ed. and comm. Simin yueling jiaozhu 四民月令校注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965. Miao Qiyu 繆啟瑜, ed. and comm. Simin yueling jishi 四民月令輯釋. Beijing: Nongye chubanshe, 1981.

Translations and Studies Ebrey, Patricia. “Estate and Family Management in the Later Han as Seen in the Monthly Instructions for the Four Peoples.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 17 (1974): 173–205. Hsu Cho-yun, Han Agriculture, 215–28. Watabe Takeshi 渡部武, trans. Shimin gatsuryō: Kandai no saiji to nōji 四民月令: 漢代の歲時と農時. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1987. DRK

Cui Yin 崔駰 (30?–92), zi Tingbo 亭伯 Eastern Han writer. Cui Yin’s ancestral home was Anping 安平 in Zhuo 涿 commandery (modern Hebei). He was the grandson of Cui Zhuan 崔篆 (fl. 10–25) and the son of Cui Yi 崔毅. Cui Yin did not serve in office. However, he was a prominent writer and scholar. At the age of thirteen, Cui Yin had mastered the Classic of Songs, Classic of Changes, and the Annals. He also was broadly learned and was skilled at writing. He studied at the National university at the same time (ca. 52) as Ban Gu 班固 (32–92). However, rather than taking an official position, Cui Yin devoted himself to the study of ancient texts. Ca. 59, one of his contemporaries ridiculed “his much too somber quietude,” that resulted in his “disregarding fame and ignoring reality” (Hou Han shu 52.1709). He then composed “Da zhi” 達旨 (Expressing my purpose) in imitation of Yang Xiong’s “Jie chao” 解謿 (Justification against ridicule).

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Like Yang Xiong’s piece, “Da zhi” is constructed as a dialogue between the anonymous critic and himself. To persuade Cui Yin that official service is the proper course, the critic enumerates the glorious accomplishments of Emperor Ming (r. 57–75), notably his visit to the Circular Moat where he promotes classical learning and honors worthy officials. Cui Yin follows with a long reply in which he argues that the present age is so peaceful, even men with the abilities of the great statesmen and strategists of the past are not useful to the state. He declares that he is not opposed to accepting official appointment, it is simply that the time and conditions are not right for him to serve. If Cui Yin did not wish to accept a formal court post, this did not prevent him from composing literary works for the court. Thus, when Dou Rong 竇融 (15 b.c.e.–62 c.e.) died in 62, Cui Yin composed a poem lamenting his death. Ban Gu composed a eulogy for the same occasion. In 75, Cui Yin wrote a eulogy upon the death of Emperor Ming. He continued to write praise pieces under imperial auspices. Between 84 and 86, Emperor Zhang (r. 75–88) undertook four imperial progresses to each of the four directions and Cui Yin composed long eulogies celebrating each of these affairs. These pieces also praise the accomplishments of the early Eastern Han rulers. Emperor Zhang admired Cui Yin’s literary skill, and he recommended him to Dou Xian 竇憲 (d. 92), who soon accepted him as a member of his large entourage. Cui Yin wrote several letters to Dou Xian. In one of them he admonishes him for his arrogance and misuse of his status as elder brother of the Empress Dowager Dou (d. 97). He even bluntly warns him about the consequences of his arrogant behavior. “After the founding of the Han down to the reigns of Emperor Ai and Emperor Ping, there have been twenty consort families, but there have been only four that were able to preserve their clans and keep themselves intact.” After receiving numerous reprimands of this sort, Dou Xian could no longer tolerate Cui Yin, and he had him appointed magistrate in the remote outpost of Changcen 長岑 (modern Chongyŏn, Hwanghaenam-do, South Korea). Cui Yin returned home rather than take up a position in such an isolated place. He died at home in 92. Like Ban Gu, Cui Yin wrote a fu on the imperial capital. The piece is titled “Fan du fu” 反都賦 (Returning to the capital ). In his preface, Cui Yin says that he wrote the piece to rebut the proponents of Chang’an who opposed the choice of Luoyang as capital. like Ban Gu, he considered the Eastern Han capital superior to Chang’an not because of its geographic location, but because of the moral qualities fostered by its rulers. Thus, he praises the Eastern Han founder for following the customs of the ancient sage rulers, and for his devotion to ritual, including the establishment of

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the three ritual halls called the San Yong 三雍 (Three Concordiae): the Ming tang, Bi yong, and Ling tai. According to Cui Yin’s biography in the Hou Han shu he had written fifteen pieces including fu, eulogies, inscriptions, dirges, admonitions, laments, and disquisitions, and a seven-syllable-line poem. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu list two collections of Cui Yin’s writings in one and two juan. These were lost already in the early Tang. Yan Kejun in his “Quan Hou Han wen” preserves only four pieces, including fragments from a “sevens” titled “Qi juan” 七蠲 (Seven purgations). Cui Yin also wrote supplements to the zhen 箴 (admonitions) of Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 c.e.). Bibliography Studies Ebrey, Patricia Buckley. The Aristocratic Families of Early Imperial China: A Case Study of the Po-ling Ts’ui Family, 36–49. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978. Xu Zongwen 徐宗文. “Cui wei wenzong, shi shan diaolong—lun Dong Han Cui shi zhi cifu chuangzuo” 崔為文宗,世禪雕龍—論東漢崔氏之辭賦創作. Disanjie guoji cifu xue yantao hui lunwen ji, 997–1013. Taipei: Guoli zhengzhi daxue wenxueyuan, 1986; Wenxue yichan (1998: 4): 16–24. Liu Yanchun 劉艷春 and Lin Wei 林偉. “Gu mi shi fen yong yi chang cen—Ban Gu Cui Yin rensheng daolu zhi bijiao” 固迷世紛永矣長岑—班固、崔駰人生道路 之比較. Leshan shifan xueyuan xuebao 19.4 (2004): 6–9. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 102–3. Zhao Xianfeng 趙險峰 and Wang Jing 王靜. “Dong Han shiqi Yan Zhao wenren de sixiang wenhua tezheng” 東漢時期燕趙文人的思想文化特徵. Hebei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 33.2 (2008): 57–60. Wu Guimei 吳桂美. “Dong Han Cuishi jiazu shixi ji diwang de kao bian” 東漢崔氏 家族世系及地望的考辨. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2007: 1): 81–83, 88. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. “Huanghe yi bei diqu de wenxue fazhan” 黃河以北地區的文學 發展. Renwen zazhi (2008: 4): 89–95. DRK

Cui Yuan 崔瑗 (78–143), zi Ziyu 子玉 Eastern Han writer. Cui Yuan’s natal place was Anping 安平 in Zhuo 涿 (modern Anping, Hebei). He was the second son of Cui Yin 崔駰 (d. 92). Cui Yuan was only eleven when his father died in 92, but he continued his father’s devotion to scholarship. In 95, he went to Luoyang where he studied with Jia

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Kui 賈逵 (30–101). Cui Yuan attained knowledge of astronomy, calendrical and mathematical sciences, and the Jing Fang 京房 version of the Classic of Changes. It was at this time that he became good friends with Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–139), who had just gone to Luoyang to study at the national university. Ca. 131, Cui Yuan’s older brother Cui Zhang 崔章 (d. ca. 100) had been killed by someone in their home area. Cui Yuan exacted revenge by killing the murderer with his own hands. He then went into hiding for several years until he was pardoned in a general amnesty in 105 that was issued upon the death of Emperor He (r. 88–105). Cui Yuan composed a dirge for Emperor He at this time. Cui Yuan shared Zhang Heng’s interest in Yang Xiong’s Taixuan. He received a letter from Zhang Heng in which Zhang Heng praises the Taixuan. Like Zhang, Cui Yuan wrote a commentary to the Taixuan, a work that Lu Kanru tentatively dates at 114. Another friend of Cui Yuan’s was the famous recluse thinker Wang Fu 王符 (ca. 90–ca. 167). Cui Yuan did not serve in office until he was in his forties. His first post was that of commandery clerk ca. 118. However, he was arrested on an unspecified offense and sent to the prison at Fagan 發干 in Dong commandery 東郡 (modern Tancheng 郯城, Shandong). Eventually the matter was cleared up, and Cui was able to return home. In 120, Cui Yuan received an appointment with Deng Zun 鄧遵 (d. 121), who was a member of the powerful clan of the Empress Dowager Deng 鄧太后 (81–121). However, Empress Dowager Deng was forced to commit suicide by imperial decree the next year, and Cui Yuan was dismissed from office. In 122, Cui Yuan joined the staff of Yan Xian 閻顯 (d. 125), who was the elder brother of Empress Yan (d. 126), whose family gained power at the court after the death of Empress Dowager Deng in 121. Yan Xian was put to death in 125 for conspiring to depose Emperor An’s heir designate, Liu Bao 劉保 (115–144), the future Emperor Shun (r. 125–144). Although Cui Yuan had opposed Yan Xian’s plot, he was removed from office when Emperor Shun took the throne in December 125. Cui Yuan returned home to Anping, and he declined repeated summons to take up office in his home area. In 135, Liang Shang 梁商 (d. 141), the father of Empress Liang (116–150), was setting up a staff, and the first person he invited to join him was Cui Yuan. After his previous unpleasant experiences serving members of the consort clan, Cui Yuan adamantly declined the invitation. He then was appointed magistrate of Ji 汲 (southeast of modern Ji county, Henan), where he served for seven years, distinguishing himself by opening up several hundred qing of land for cultivation. He also composed a stele inscription for the temple to the ancient Zhou minister Taigong Wang 太公望, who reputedly was a native

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of Ji. He also wrote a dirge for the daughter of Dou Zhang 竇章 (d. 144), a girl with literary talent who became a concubine of Emperor Shun. She died young around 138. When Zhang Heng died in 139, Cui Yuan composed the stele inscription for him. In 142, Hu Guang 胡廣 (91–172) and Dou Zhang advised the court that a man of Cui Yuan’s virtue and learning should not be placed in such a low position. Cui was then appointed chancellor of Jibei 濟北 principality (administrative seat southeast of modern Changqing 長清, Shandong). At this time Li Gu 李固 (94–147), the governor of Taishan and one of the most revered officials of the day, conveyed his admiration for Cui Yuan by sending him letters and gifts. However, another highly respected official, Du Qiao 杜喬 (d. 147) accused Cui of accepting bribes. Cui went to the capital and successfully defended himself against the charges. Cui soon became ill. He died in 143 at the age of sixty-five. Cui Yuan was a prolific writer. His biography in the Hou Han shu refers to seventy-five pieces in various genres. He especially excelled in the writing of letters, notes, inscriptions, and admonitions. Most of his extant work consists of inscriptions and admonitions. His best known piece is “Zuo you ming” 座右銘 (Inscription placed to the right of my seat), which is included in the Wen xuan. It is written throughout in five-syllable lines, and it closely resembles a pentasyallbic poem. Cui Yuan was a renowned calligrapher. He was one of the earliest masters of cursive script and composed an essay on the cursive script titled “Cao shu shi” 草書勢 (The configuration of cursive script). Bibliography Ebrey, Patricia Buckley. The Aristocratic Families of Early Imperial China: A Case Study of the Po-ling Ts’ui Family, 36–49. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978. Xie Cheng 解成. “Cui Yuan Cui Shi shengzu nian kao” 崔瑗、崔寔生卒年考. Hebei xuekan (1995: 4): 111. Xu Zongwen 徐宗文. “Cui wei wenzong, shi shan diaolong—lun Dong Han Cui shi zhi cifu chuangzuo” 崔為文宗,世禪雕龍—論東漢崔氏之辭賦創作. Disanjie guoji cifu xue yantao hui lunwen ji, 997–1013. Taipei: Guoli zhengzhi daxue wenxueyuan, 1986; Wenxue yichan (1998: 4): 16–24. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 103–4. Zhao Xianfeng 趙險峰 and Wang Jing 王靜. “Dong Han shiqi Yan Zhao wenren de sixiang wenhua tezheng” 東漢時期燕趙文人的思想文化特徵. Hebei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 33.2 (2008): 57–60. Wu Guimei 吳桂美. “Dong Han Cuishi jiazu shixi ji diwang de kaobian” 東漢崔氏 家族世系及地望的考辨. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2007: 1): 81–83, 88. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. “Huanghe yi bei diqu de wenxue fazhan” 黃河以北地區的文學 發展. Renwen zazhi (2008: 4): 89–95. Knechtges, David R. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 149.

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Gan Zhongliu 甘中流 and Shi Lanfu 史蘭福. “Cui Yuan ‘Cao shu shi’ zhu xi” 崔瑗 《草書勢》注析. Shuhua shijie (2003: 2): 60–61.

b. “Zuo you ming” 座右銘 (Inscription placed to the right of my seat) Studies Pan Jiaxian 潘佳賢. “Lun pinge jiaoyu zai Guowen jiaoxue zhong de yunyong—yi Cui Yuan ‘Zuo you ming’ Yiwen wei li” 論品格教育在國文教學中的運用—以崔 瑗「座右銘」一文為例. Zhongguo yuwen 95.1 (2004): 73–80. Li Nailong 李乃龍. “Cui Yuan ‘Zuo you ming’ rensheng guan de lilun dise—jian xi zuo you ming de wenti yiyi” 崔瑗《座右銘》人生觀的理論底色—兼析座右銘的文 體意義. Henan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 46.2 (2006): 79–81. DRK

Cui Zhuan 崔篆 (fl. 10–25) Early Eastern Han writer. Cui Zhuan’s natal place was Anping 安平 in Zhuo 涿 commandery (modern Anping, Hebei). Cui Zhuan was a famous scholar who reluctantly served under Wang Mang 王莽 (r. 9–23). His brother Cui Fa 崔發 (d. 23) was a more enthusiastic supporter of Wang Mang and rose to the high position of minister of works in Wang Mang’s administration. Their mother née Shi 師 had studied the Classics and the teachings of the Masters, and Wang Mang treated her with great deference. Cui Zhuan first served as governor of Jianxin 建新 (southeast of modern Gaoqing 高青, Shandong), but he did not even travel through the county for three years. After someone reprimanded him, he conducted a spring tour, and was so distressed at the inequities of the punishments inflicted by the authorities that he released over two thousand prisoners. When Liu Xiu 劉秀 (8 b.c.e.–57 c.e.) first took the Eastern Han throne, Cui Zhuan was recommended for a position, but he declined on the grounds that he was ashamed of his former service with Wang Mang. He then became a recluse scholar, and compiled a large work on the Yi jing.

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Cui Zhuan composed a short fu titled “Wei zhi fu” 慰志賦 (Consoling my feelings). In this piece he expresses regret that he had served Wang Mang against his will. Bibliography Studies Ebrey, Patricia Buckley. The Aristocratic Families of Early Imperial China: A Case Study of the Po-ling Ts’ui Family, 36–49. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978. Xu Zongwen 徐宗文. “Cui wei wenzong, shi shan diaolong—lun Dong Han Cui shi zhi cifu chuangzuo” 崔為文宗,世禪雕龍—論東漢崔氏之辭賦創作. Disanjie guoji cifu xue yantao hui lunwen ji, 997–1013. Taipei: Guoli zhengzhi daxue wenxueyuan, 1986; Wenxue yichan (1998: 4): 16–24. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 55. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 104–5. Wu Guimei 吳桂美. “Dong Han Cuishi jiazu shixi ji diwang de kaobian” 東漢崔氏 家族世系及地望的考辨. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2007: 1): 81–83, 88. Zhao Xianfeng 趙險峰 and Wang Jing 王靜. “Dong Han shiqi Yan Zhao wenren de sixiang wenhua tezheng” 東漢時期燕趙文人的思想文化特徵. Hebei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 33.2 (2008): 57–60. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. “Huanghe yi bei diqu de wenxue fazhan” 黃河以北地區的文學 發展. Renwen zazhi (2008: 4): 89–95. DRK

Da xiao Ruan 大小阮 (Elder and younger Ruan) A reference to two members of the Zhulin qixian 竹林七賢 (Seven Worthies of the bamboo grove) Ruan Ji 阮籍 (210–263) and his nephew Ruan Xian 阮咸 (234–305) Ruan Ji is best known as a poet while Ruan Xian is celebrated for his expertise in music. DRK

Da Xing Xiao Wei 大邢小魏 (Elder Xing and Younger Wei) A reference to the Northern Dynasties writers Xing Shao 邢邵 (b. 496) and Wei Shou 魏收 (506–572). Xing Shao was ten years older than Wei, and thus he was designated the “elder.” DRK

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Dai Kui 戴逵 (330?–396), zi Andao 安道 Painter, calligrapher and essayist of the Jin dynasty. Dai Liang’s natal place was Zhi 銍 in Qiao 譙 commandery (west of modern Su 宿 county, Anhui). From a young age he excelled at writing, sculpture, painting and calligraphy. Two masterpieces from his youth are “Zhengxuan bei” 鄭玄碑 (Epitaph for Zheng Xuan) written in 343 and a painting of the “Nandu fu 南都賦 (Fu on the Southern Capital ) by the Eastern Han writer Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–139). Dai Kui was an opponent of eccentric behavior. His long essay “Fangda wei feidao lun” 放達為非道論 (Disquisition on abandon and detachment running counter to the proper Way) is a vehement denunciation of the libertine lifestyle of some of his contemporaries. Dai Kui did not pursue a government career or cultivate associations with powerful men. He once refused to play the zither for a the Jin prince Sima Xi 司馬晞 (316–381), and he declined numerous invitations to serve in office. After moving to Shan 剡 (modern Sheng 嵊 county, Zhejiang) in 353, Dai Kui became a good friend of Wang Huizhi 王徽之 (d. 388). According to an anecdote in the Shishuo xinyu, on a snowy night Wang Huzhi went to visit Dai Kui on a sudden impulse but turned around and went back home when he reached Dai’s front gate. Wang explained that that his “impulse was used up.” While living in Shan, Dao Kui also met Xie An 謝安 (320–385) who was quite impressed with Dai’s knowledge of the zither and calligraphy. Ca. 387, in order to avoid accepting offers to serve in the imperial court, Dai Kui fled to Wu 吳 where he took up residence in the Wuqiu 武丘 Mountain (west of modern Suzhou) villa of Wang Xun 王珣 (350–401). Xie Xuan 謝玄 (343–388) petitioned the court to respect Dai’s resolve to remain a recluse. Dai Kui died of illness in 396. Dai Kui wrote one work on the Classics, the Wujing dayi 五經大義 (The general essence of the Five Classics) a small portion of which is extant. He wrote a set of essays titled Zhulin qixian lun 竹林七賢論 (Disquisitions on the Seven Worthies of the Bamboo Grove) in two-juan. Yan Kejun has collected thirty-three entries of this in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Toward the end of his life, Dai Kui presented an essay titled “Shi yi lun” 釋疑論 (Disquisition resolving doubtful matters) to Huiyuan 慧遠 (334–416) expressing doubts about the Buddhist ideas of cause, effect, and retribution. Both Huiyuan and his lay follower Zhou Xuzhi 周續之 (377–423) wrote replies. The monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu lists his collected works in nine- and ten-juan versions. This collection probably was lost during the Song. In addition to the works mentioned

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above, his extant writings include fragments from three fu and nine zan 贊 (encomia) including a long piece titled “Xian you zan” 閒游贊 (Enco-

mium on leisurely roaming). Dai Kui’s son Dai Yong 戴顒 (378–441) was also a well-known painter, musician, and garden expert. Studies Hachiya Kunio 蜂屋邦夫. “Tai Ki ni tsuite—sono geijutsu gakumon shinkō” 戴逵 について—その芸術、學問、信仰. Tōyō bunka kenkyū kiyō 77 (1979): 1–91. Tsukamoto, Zenryū. Trans. Leon Hurvitz. A History of Early Chinese Buddhism: From Its Introduction to the Death of Hui-yüan, 276, 404–5, 625–7, 822, 847, 985. Tokyo: Kodansha International Ltd., 1979. Zhang Keli, Dong Jing wenyi xinian, 157, 248, 292, 316, 326, 355, 421, 425, 451, 522, 534, 560, 576, 591, 596–98. Zhang Zong 張總 and Niu He 牛鶴. “Dai Kui yu Zong Bing” 戴逵與宗炳. Fojiao wenhua (1995.3): 14–15. Chen Zhigang 陳志剛. “Dai Kui pingzhuan” 戴逵評傳. Huaibei mei shiyuan xuebao (1997.1): 68–70. Zhang Keli 張可禮. Dong Jin wenyi zonghe yanjiu 東晉文藝綜合研究, 89–90. Jinan: Shandong daxue chubanshe, 2001. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 222–23. Ji Zhichang 繼志昌. “Dong Jin Dai Kui zhi fojiao lijie ji qi yu sanjiao jiaoshe yiyi xi tan” 東晉戴逵之佛教理解及其於三教交涉意義析探. Taida Zhongwen xuebao 23 (2005): 149–51, 153–87. Spiro, Audrey. “Seeing Through Words: Shishuo xinyu and the Visual Arts, a Case Study.” Early Medieval China 13–14, Part 1 (2007): 143–84.

Works a. Wujing dayi 五經大義 (The General Essence of the Five Classics) Collection of fragments Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857), ed. Wujing dayi 五經大義. 1 juan. Yuhan shanfang ji yi shu 玉函山房輯佚書.

b. “Shi yi lun” 釋疑論 (Disquisition resolving doubtful matters) Lamont, Hamilton Graham. “The Debate on Karma between Tai K’uei and Chou Hsü-chih: An Annotated Translation and Introduction.” Honors Thesis, Harvard University, 1969. Li Xiaorong 李曉榮. Hongming ji Guang Hongming ji shulun gao”《弘明集》《廣弘 明集》述論稿, 407–21. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2005.

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dai kui 戴逵 (330?–396), zi andao 安道 c. “Fangda wei feidao lun” 放達為非道論 (Disquisition on abandon and detachment running counter to the proper Way) Translation

Berkowtiz, Patterns of Disengagement, 50 (excerpt).

d. Zhulin qixian lun (Disquisitions on the Seven Worthies of the Bamboo Grove) Studies Han Geping 韓格平. “Zhulin qixian lun canju ji zhu—jian lun Zhulin qixian lun de wenxian jiazhi”《竹林七賢》 論殘句輯注—兼論《竹林七賢論》的文獻價值. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1992: 6): 19–23. Gu Nong 顧農. “Cong Zhulin qixian lun kan Dai Kui qiren” 從《竹林七賢論》看 戴逵其人. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2007.3): 45–49. Zeng Jingzong 曾敬宗. “Dai Kui pingshu Zhulin qixian ji fan fangda xinji tanwei” 戴逵評述竹林七賢及反放達心迹探微. Dongfang renwen xuezhi 8.2 (2009): 107–50. WJ with additions by DRK

Dai Liang 戴良 (fl. ca. 130), zi Shuluan 淑鸞, alt. zi Wenrang 文讓 Eastern Han recluse and poet. Dai Liang’s natal place was Shenyang 慎陽 in Runan 汝南 (north of modern Zhengyang 正陽, Henan). His great-grandfather was Dai Zun 戴遵 who resigned office when Wang Mang 王莽 (r. 8–23 c.e.) took the throne. He was quite wealthy and had three or four hundred retainers. When Dai Liang was young, he was quite uninhibited. His mother liked hearing donkeys bray, and Dai made braying sounds to entertain her. When his mother died, Dai’s elder brother Boluan 伯鸞 dwelled in a mourning hut and ate gruel, while Liang ate meat and drank wine. When questioned about this apparent breach of mourning ritual, he replied that the purpose of the rites was to curb emotions. As long as one did not enjoy the taste of the meat and wine, his practice was in accord with the rites. Dai Liang had great talent, but he had strange ideas that shocked his contemporaries. A man from Runan once asked him with whom Dai compared himself. He replied that “I am like Confucius who grew up in Eastern Lu, and like the Great Yu who came from the Western Qiang. I am unique in the realm. Who can be my match!”

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Dai Liang refused an appointment as filial and pure. He also declined repeated invitations to serve in the imperial court. When the provincial and commandery officials compelled him to accept an appointment, he fled to the mountains of Jiangxia 江夏 (near modern Wuhan, Hubei) where he lived with his family until his death. Dai Liang is attributed with a piece titled “Shifu lingding” 失父零丁 (Missing person notice for my lost father). (Note: lingding 零丁is a name for a missing person flyer or poster. It is not Dai Liang father’s name.) Because it is written entirely in heptasyallbic meter, some scholars have considered it one of the earliest examples of the seven-syllable line poem. The piece contains a humorous description of Dai Liang’s father (he says he has a humpback, misshapen lips, a head like an owl, and a swan’s neck), and thus some scholars have considered it an early example of paixie wen 俳諧文 or “humorous writing.” The fu scholar Fu Junlian argues that this piece should be classified as a sufu 俗賦 or “vernacular fu.” The recluse Dai Liang should not be confused with Dai Liang of Wu who served under Sun Quan 孫權 (182–252) in the 220s. As Fu Junlian has pointed out the recluse Dai Liang could not have lived that long. Bibliography Studies Wang Huayun 汪華雲 and Mei Dasheng 梅大聖. “Ye tan woguo diyi shou wanzheng de qiyan shi” 也談我國第一首完整的七言詩. Yangzhou daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (1988: 3): 81–82. Tong Liqun 童力群. “Cong ‘Shi fu lingding’ shuo dao shige de jieding—yu Liu Anting xiansheng shangque” 從《失父零丁》說到詩歌的界定—與劉岸挺先生商 榷. Ezhou daxue xuebao 6 (1996): 16–18. Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 227–28. Wang Huayun 汪華雲. “Zhaotie xutan—lingding” 招帖續談—零丁. Wenshi zhishi (2001: 1): 52–53. Fu Junlian 伏俊璉. “Handai shiyongwen xingshi de sufu kaolun” 漢代實用文形式的 俗賦考論. Nanjing shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2005: 4): 127–32. Zhang Xiaohua 張曉華. “‘Lingding’ kao” “零丁” 考. Sanmenxia zhiye jishu xueyuan xuebao (Zonghe ban) 5.4 (2006): 95–96. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Wei Jin rendan fengqi de xiansheng—lüe lun Hanmo yimin Dai Liang de ‘dan jie’ ji qi yu Wei Jin fengdu zhi guanxi” 魏晉任誕風氣的 先聲—略論漢末逸民戴良的 “誕節” 及其與魏晉風度之關係. Jiangsu shehui kexue (2006: 2): 197–202. Wang Yunlu 王雲路. “Shi ‘lingding’ yu ‘lingping’” 釋 “零丁” 與 “伶俜”. Gu Hanyu yanjiu 76 (2007): 25–28. Fu Junlian 伏俊璉. Sufu yanjiu 俗賦研究, 276–78. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 106. DRK

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Dao Gai 到溉 (477–548), zi Maoguan 茂灌 Qi and Liang period writer. Dao Gai’s ancestral home was Wuyuan 武原 in Pengcheng 彭城 commandery (northwest of modern Pi 邳county, Jiangsu). His great-grandfather cavalry general Dao Yanzhi 到彦之 (d. 433) came from a very humble background, but rose to prominence after he led several important military expeditions. Dao Gai, his younger brother Dao Qia (477–527) 到洽, and their younger cousin Dao Hang (477–506) 到沆 were all born in the same year. Such a coincidence is not impossible because he and his younger brother may have been half-brothers. Dao Gai and his brother Dao Qia grew up poor despite their great grandfather’s achievements. Their literary talents were recognized already in their youth, but they became better known in literary circles after they accompanied Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508) on numerous outings. Their contemporaries compared the two Dao brothers with the Two Lus (二陸), Lu Ji 陸機 (261–300) and his younger brother Lu Yun 陸雲 (262–300) of the Western Jin. Ren Fang, one of the most celebrated writers of his time, often met with a group of young men of letters for outings or gatherings. Their contemporaries referred to this group as Longmen zhi you 龍門之游 or “The Dragon Gate Associates.” The Dao brothers together with Liu Xiaochuo 劉孝綽 (481–539) and Lu Chui 陸倕 (470–526) attended the literary gatherings Ren Fang hosted in the court. Such gatherings were often referred to as Lantai ju 蘭臺聚 or Magnolia Terrace Gatherings. Dragon Gate referred to those who had passed the imperial examinations, and Lantai was another name for the Censorate where Ren Fang served as vice censorin-chief. Besides his literary fame, Dao Gai was also an accomplished chess player, and was particularly favored by Emperor Wu of the Liang (r. 502– 549). They often played chess throughout the night. Dao Gai’s first court appointment was left attendant-in-ordinary of the princedom, and then imperial secretary. Ca. 508, he was appointed chamberlain for the capital, followed by appointments as attendant gentleman and palace cadet in the household of the heir designate Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531). In 519, Dao Gai joined the staff of the twelve-year-old Prince of Xiangdong 湘東, Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–555). In this capacity he administered affairs for the prince. Emperor Wu reputedly said to Xiao Yi at this time: “Dao Gai will not only administer your affairs. He also is capable of being your teacher.” In 526, when Dao Gai’s younger brother Dao Qia planned to impeach Liu Xiaochuo, he unsuccessfully tried to dissuade him. In 539, he was promoted to imperial secretary of the ministry of personnel, but he resigned

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from this post seven years later. After he lost his eyesight, he was appointed grand master of the palace with golden seal and purple ribbon. He became a Buddhist and studied Buddhism in his old age, and no longer socialized with his past associates. He died in 548. Dao Gai’s biography in the Liang shu mentions a twenty-juan collection that was lost already in the Tang. He has only four poems extant. Dao Gai’s son, Dao Jing 到鏡, was also a writer. He died before his father. Bibliography Studies Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. Rikuchō shi no kenkyū, 68–72, 97–98. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 271–72. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 613–615. Tian Xiaofei. Beacon Fire and Shooting Star, 115–117. Wang Yongping 王永平. “‘Song de qi wu, Liang de qi wen’—lüe lun Nanchao shiqi Pengcheng Wuyuan Daoshi jiazu menfeng zhi yanbian” “宋得其武, 梁得 其文”—略論南朝時期彭城武原到氏家族門風之演變. Jiangsu shehui kexue (2008: 4): 194–200. TPK

Dao Hang 到沆 (477–506), zi Maoxie 茂瀣 Qi and Liang period writer. Dao Hang’s ancestral home was Wuyuan 武原 in Pengcheng 彭城 commandery (northwest of modern Pi 邳 county, Jiangsu). He was the son of Dao Hui 到撝 (443–490) a wealthy high-ranking official of the Song and early Qi. He also was a younger cousin of Dao Gai 到溉 (477?–548) and Dao Qia 到洽 (477–527). He excelled at both writing and calligraphy. During the reign of Emperor Ming of Qi (r. 494–498), he served as a military aide in the law section in the rear army. After the founding of the Liang in 502, Dao Hang first served as recorder on the staff of the General Who Subdues the Caitiffs Xiao Xiu 蕭秀 (475–518). He then was appointed front-rider of the heir designate Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531). In 503 Dao Hang was assigned to the Wende Hall to participate in a text editing project that Emperor Wu (r. 502–549) had initiated. Dao Gai was also on good terms with the eminent scholars Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508) and Fan Yun 范雲 (451–503). He was witty and could compose poems within a very short period of time. Emperor Wu much appreciated his literary skill. At

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one palace gathering, he singled out Dao Hang and asked him to write a 200-character poem within three ke 三刻 (forty-five minutes). Dao Hang completed this task within the time limit. In 504, Dao Hang was advanced to the position of palace administrator. Appointees to this post were selected based on literary talent. Dao Hang and his two cousins Dao Qia and Dao Gai each took turns serving in this position. In 505, Dao Hang returned to Xiao Tong’s staff in the position of secretary, but died the following year. According to his biography in the Liang shu, Dao Hang wrote more than one hundred fu and poems. None of his writings is extant. Bibliography Studies Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. Rikuchō shi no kenkyū, 68–72, 97–98. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 271. Wang Yongping 王永平. “‘Song de qi wu, Liang de qi wen’—lüe lun Nanchao shiqi Pengcheng Wuyuan Daoshi jiazu menfeng zhi yanbian” “宋得其武, 梁得 其文”—略論南朝時期彭城武原到氏家族門風之演變. Jiangsu shehui kexue (2008: 4): 194–200. TPK

Dao Qia 到洽 (477–527), zi Maoyan 茂沿 Writer of Liang and Qi periods. Dao Qia’s ancestral home was Wuyuan 武原 in Pengcheng 彭城 commendery (northwest of modern Pi 邳 county, Jiangsu). Dao Gai 到溉 (477–548) was his older half-brother, and Dao Hang 到沆 was their younger cousin. His great grandfather Dao Yanzhi 到彦之 (d. 433) came from a very humble background, but rose to prominence after he performed numerous meritorious deeds in battles. When Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422, r. 420–422) assumed the imperial throne of the Song, he conferred on Dao Yanzhi the title of marquis. From an early age Dao Qia displayed a gift for learning. In 494, at the age of eighteen, Dao Qia received his first official appointment in Nan Xuzhou 南徐州 (administrative headquarters at Jingkou 京口, modern Zhenjiang, Jiangsu) where he served in the personnel selection bureau. Around 497, he met Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464–499) who praised him for his command of both civil and military affairs. In 498, when Xie Tiao assumed the position of minister of personnel, he recommended Dao Qia for a position at the imperial court. However, because of the chaotic situation that prevailed

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during the late Qi, he declined the appointment and became a recluse for several years. Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508) visited him in his country house, and praised him as a “peerless talent.” After the founding of the Liang in 502, Dao Qia and his brother Dao Gai and their younger cousin Dao Hang all obtained positions in the imperial court. Qiu Chi 丘遲 (464–508) in reply to a question from Emperor Wu (r. 502–550) about how Dao Qia compared with Dao Gai and Dao Hang, said “in correctness and sobriety he surpasses Dao Hang, and his literary compositions are not diminished by Dao Gai. In addition, Dao Qia’s chaste words are hard to match.” Dao Qia was then appointed secretary on the staff of the newly appointed heir designate Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531). Emperor Wu often invited Dao Qia to compose poems at imperial banquets in the Huaguang 華光 Hall. Emperor Wu once said to Ren Fang that “the Dao brothers are all talented.” Ren Fang agreed and replied “The Song obtained their military talent, and the Liang court has obtained their literary talent” 宋得其武，梁得其文. Military talent here refers to the Dao brothers’ great-grandfather’s military achievements. In 503, Dao Qia was appointed recorder for the minister of education Xie Fei 謝朏 (441–556). While on assignment in the bureau of expectant appointees, he was put to work extracting passages from the jiabu 甲部 or Classics category of writings. This was part of a larger project that Emperor Wu had initiated to prepare a collection of extracts from all of the four categories of writing. In 506, Dao Qia was promoted to the position of inner gentleman of the imperial secretariat. In 508 he returned to the service of Xiao Tong where he served as palace secretary. Dao Qia served Xiao Tong in various posts, including household provisioner (510), and palace cadet (517–520, 524). In 525, while serving as vice censor-in-chief, he petitioned to investigate and impeach Liu Xiaochuo 劉孝綽 (481–539) for allegedly bringing into his official residence a concubine instead of his mother. In 526, Dao Qia was appointed governor of Xunyang 尋陽 (modern Jiujiang 九江, Jiangxi). He died in Xunyang the following year at the age of fifty-one. Xiao Tong’s courtiers Ming Shanbin 明山賓 (443–527) and Zhuang Shuai 張率 (475– 527) also died in 527. Lu Chui 陸倕 (470–526) had died the previous year. Xiao Tong issued a command to his brother Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551) in which he laments their passing. The bibliography monograph of the Sui shu mentions an eleven-juan collection of Dao Qia’s writings listed in a Liang period catalogue. This was lost already in the early Tang. Dao’s four-syllable-line verses “Zeng Ren Fang” 贈任昉 (Presented to Ren Fang) and “Da mishucheng Zhang Shuai” 答秘書丞張率 (Replying to vice director of the palace library Zhang

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Shuai), each in eight stanzas, are preserved in Wenguan cilin 文館辭林. Yan Kejun has collected fragments of two prose works in “Quan Liang wen” 62 in Quan Shanggu sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Bibliography Studies Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. Rikuchō shi no kenkyū, 68–72, 97–98. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 271–72. Tian Xiaofei. Beacon Fire and Shooting Star, 115–117. Wang Yongping 王永平. “‘Song de qi wu, Liang de qi wen’—lüe lun Nanchao shiqi Pengcheng Wuyuan Daoshi jiazu menfeng zhi yanbian” “宋得其武, 梁得 其文”—略論南朝時期彭城武原到氏家族門風之演變. Jiangsu shehui kexue (2008: 4): 194–200. TPK

Ding Yi 丁儀 (170?–220), zi Zhengli 正禮 Late Eastern Han writer. Ding Yi was a native of Pei 沛 commandery (modern Pei county, Jiangsu). He is the elder brother of Ding Yih 丁廙 (175?–220). Their father, Ding Chong 丁沖 (d. ca. 201), was on good terms with Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220). In 196, he urged Cao Cao to invite the Han emperor to take up residence in Xu 許 (modern Xuchang, Henan). Cao Cao at this time held the position of metropolitan commandant, and Ding Chong served as his aide. Around 201 Ding Chong died as a result of alcohol poisoning. Out of gratitude for Chong’s able assistance, Cao Cao wished to give his favorite daughter in marriage to Ding Yi. However, his son Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) objected on the grounds that one of Ding Yi’s eyes was smaller than the other. Cao Cao then appointed Ding Yi an aide on his staff. Ca. 212, Cao Cao promoted him to imperial secretary, a 600–bushel rank. It is also possible that Ding Yi accompanied Cao Cao in his western campaign against Ma Chao 馬超 (176–222), which also occurred in 212. Cao Pi remained behind to protect the Cao base in Qiao 譙 (modern Bo 亳 county, Anhui). In 214, when Cao Cao was deciding on whether to choose Cao Pi or Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232) as his heir, the Ding brothers recommended that he select Cao Zhi. Subsequently, both brothers became supporters of Cao Zhi, thus incurring the enmity of Cao Pi. In 220 when Cao Pi became emperor, he wanted to punish Ding Yi. However, he first appointed him to the position of you ci jian yuan 右刺奸援 or anti-espionage officer of the right, a designation that

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reputedly was a subtle message that Ding should commit suicide. Because Ding did not commit suicide, Cao Pi then had the two brothers executed along with all male members of their families. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists a Ding Yih ji 丁廙集 in one juan. A Liang dynasty catalogue listed his collected works in two juan. A two-juan version existed in Tang times and the Northern Song. There is a “Guafu fu” 寡婦賦 (Fu on the widow) that is variously attributed to the wife of Ding Yih 丁廙 (see Yiwen leiju 34.601), the wife of Ding Yi 丁儀 (see Wen xuan 16.736 ff., Li Shan’s commentary), but it is more likely the work of Ding Yi himself (see Chuxue ji 14.354). Ding Yi may have written it on behalf of the wife of Ruan Yu 阮瑀 (ca. 170–212) upon Ruan Yu’s death in 212. Bibliography Studies Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue xiannian, 321, 343, 388, 397, 405, 434. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxue jia da cidian, 1–2. Zhuang Xinxia 莊新霞. “Ding Yi qi ‘Guafu fu’ zuozhe ji xiangguan wenti kao lun” 丁儀妻《寡婦賦》作者及相關問題考論. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua 61 (2007): 6–12. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wexue shiliao congkao, 88–89. Li Wenlu 李文祿. Jian’an qizi pingzhuan 建安七子評傳, 208–9. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 2004. DRK

Ding Yih 丁廙 (175?–220), zi Jingli 敬禮 Late Eastern Han writer. Ding Yih was the younger brother of Ding Yi 丁儀 (170?–220). According to the Wenshi zhuan 文士傳 (Traditions of literati), in his youth Ding Yi displayed unusual talent and was broadly learned. After the death of Ding’s father ca. 201, Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) appointed him to his staff. In 202, Cao Cao ransomed Cai Yan from her Xiongnu captors, Cao Pi composed a fu about her, and Ding Yih wrote a matching piece. Around 210, Ding Yih was promoted to gentleman attendant at the palace gate. When Cao Cao was in the process of selecting his heir, Ding Yih and his brother Ding Yi supported Cao Zhi against Cao Pi. Ding Yih praised Cao Zhi to Cao Cao for his intelligence, learning, and literary skill, even going so far as to say that the selection of Cao Zhi would “respond above to the decree

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of heaven, and accord below with the hearts of humankind.” After Cao Pi became emperor, he had both Ding brothers put to death. Ding Yih was known as a skilled writer. In his “Letter to Yang Xiu,” Cao Zhi mentions that Ding Yih once asked him to polish up a “small piece” that he had written. Cao Zhi declined on grounds that he felt his own talent was inferior to that of Yih. Yih then replied, “The beauty of my writing is something I myself have attained. Who in later ages would know how to correct it?” The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists a Ding Yih ji 丁廙集 in one juan. A Liang dynasty catalogue listed his collected works in two juan. A two-juan version existed in Tang times and the Northern Song. Ding Yih has only two pieces extant, the “Cao Bojie nü fu” 蔡伯喈女賦 (Fu on the daughter of Cai Yong) mentioned above and “Tan qi fu” 彈棋賦 (Fu on pellet chess) both of which are not complete. Bibliography Studies Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue xiannian, 321, 343, 388, 397, 405, 434. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxue jia da cidian, 2. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wexue shiliao congkao, 88–89. Li Wenlu 李文祿. Jian’an qizi pingzhuan 建安七子評傳, 208–9. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 2004. DRK

Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 (ca. 179–ca. 104 b.c.e., alt. d. between 119 and 114 b.c.e.) Western Han thinker and writer. Dong Zhongshu’s natal place is Guangchuan 廣川 (northeast of modern Zaoqiang 棗強, Hebei; alt. modern Dongguzhuang 董故莊, Guangchuan 廣川 township, Hebei). In his youth he studied the Chunqiu. During the reign of Emperor Jing 景 (r. 156–141 b.c.e.) he was appointed professor at the national university. However, during this time Dong was something of a recluse scholar, and it is said that he was so intent on his studies, for three years he did not even peer into his garden. However, he attracted a large following of students and gained the respect of many scholars. At the beginning of Emperor Wu’s reign (ca. 140 b.c.e.), he was appointed prime minister to Liu Fei 劉非 (d. 128 b.c.e.), King of Jiangdu 江都 (near modern Yangzhou), who was Emperor Wu’s elder brother. Liu Fei was

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arrogant and fond of bravado. Dong Zhongshu gained his respect by teaching him the principles of the rites and propriety. While administering the state of Jiangdu, Dong is said to have used the records of the disasters and anomalous occurrences recorded in the Chunqiu to calculate the fluctuations of yin and yang. In this way he reputedly was able to produce rain and stop it from falling. Two of the writings attributed to Dong Zhongshu are “Qiu yu” 求雨 (Seeking rain) and “Zhi yu” 止雨 (Stopping rain) that he reputedly composed while serving in Jiangdu. Dong Zhongshu soon returned to the imperial court with an appointment as palace grandee. Before taking up this post, while living at home, he had composed a treatise about a fire that occurred at the shrine dedicated to the Han founder Emperor Gao at Liaodong in 135 b.c.e. Dong’s enemy at the court, Zhufu Yan 主父偃 (d. 126 b.c.e.), obtained a copy and presented it to the court scholars, who all denounced it. Even Dong’s student Lü Bushu 呂步舒 (fl. 135–123 b.c.e.), who did not know the piece was by his teacher, criticized it as “extremely stupid.” Dong Zhongshu was put on trial and sentenced to death. However, Emperor Wu issued an edict pardoning him. After this, Dong did not dare discuss calamities and anomalies. Sometime during the Yuanguang 元光 period Dong Zhongshu presented three petitions to the court in reply to questions posted by Emperor Wu himself. Scholars have debated in which year this took place, 134 or 130, Dong Zhongshu composed his petitions. Dong Zhongshu’s replies are considered models of Han dynasty rhetorical prose. Dong Zhongshu’s principal rival at court during this time was Gongsun Hong 公孫弘 (ca. 200–121 b.c.e.), who was also a specialist on the Chunqiu. Gongsun Hong came from a humble background, but eventually rose to prime minister in 124 b.c.e. Dong Zhongshu was contemptuous of Gongsun Hong as a fawning flatterer. Finding Dong Zhongshu’s presence at the court an annoyance, Gongsun Hong had him assigned as counselor to Liu Duan 劉端 (d. 108 b.c.e.), King of Jiaoxi 膠西, who was known for abusive behavior to his officials. Although Liu Duan treated Dong well, fearing he would eventually suffer harm, Dong resigned from office on grounds of illness. He returned home, where he lived until his death. However, the court continued to consult with him from time to time on important issues. Dong Zhongshu was a prolific writer. According to his biography in the Han shu (56.2525), he wrote 123 pian of writings, including works on the meaning of the classics as well as petitions to the throne. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Dong Zhongshu’s collected works in two juan. The Southern Song book collector Chen Zhensun 陳振孫 (1211–1249) possessed a one-juan collection that he says was incomplete. Later collections are reconstructions.

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Dong Zhongshu was a specialist in the Chunqiu and especially the Gongyang zhuan, which at this time was perhaps the most widely-read commentary on the Chunqiu. Dong in fact based his political thought on concepts derived from his reading of these two works. Dong is usually given credit for setting forth the interrelationship between heaven, earth, and humanity that was a dominant focus of Han thought. According to this theory, Heaven issued warnings to humankind by revealing unusual signs or omens in nature. If the government was good, Heaven would respond with favorable omens, but if government were bad, inauspicious phenomena such as drought, locusts, floods, comets, etc. would be revealed It was the duty of the emperor, or Son of Heaven, to react to these signs and alter his behavior in accordance with Heaven’s will. Dong Zhongshu is attributed with a large philosophical text, the Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露 (The luxuriant dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals). This title really is untranslatable—it is a conflation of the titles of two texts, Chunqiu and Fanlu. However, the authenticity of this text is highly suspect. For example, the received version of the Chunqiu fanlu contains 73 pian, and some scholars have been troubled by the problem of trying to match up this number with the 123 pian attributed to Dong Zhongshu in the Han shu. Already in the Song period scholars such as Chen Zhensun, Cheng Dacheng 程大昌 (1123–1195), Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), and Huang Zhen 黃震 (1213–1280) expressed doubts about the authenticity of the Chunqiu fanlu. In addition, there is evidence from Song dynasty catalogues that only incomplete versions of the Chunqiu fanlu were extant in Song times. Although the monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and two Tang histories list the Chunqiu fanlu in seventeen juan, the Zhongxing guange shumu 中興館閣書目 (ca. 1040) records it as a work consisting of thirty pian in 10 juan. The earliest extant version was edited by Lou Yao 樓鑰 (1137–1213) and printed by Hu Xu 胡旴 at Jiangyou Jitai 江右記台 in 1211. This edition has eighty-two chapters titles with three chapters missing. In his colophon, Lou mentions that he had obtain four editions of the Chunqiu fanlu: (1) a manuscript obtain from a village; (2) a edition printed in the capital. (3) an edition obtained in 1207 that had been printed in Pingxiang 萍鄉 county (modern Pingxiang, Jiangxi) by Hu Ju 湖榘. All of these versions had thirty-seven chapters. Lou finally obtained from the private collection of Pan Jingxian 潘景憲 (1134–1190) an edition that contained eighty-two chapters. Lou collated this against the three other editions and had it printed by Hu Ju’s brother Hu Xu 胡旴 at the Jiangyou 江右 Jitai 記臺. Although this was considered the definitive edition, it has not been easily accessible to scholars. It is now held in the Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. The more commonly used edition is the Qing edition printed in the 1770s in the Wuying dian juzhen ban congshu 武英殿聚珍版叢書.

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Dong Zhongshu is attributed with “Shi buyu fu” 士不遇賦 (Fu on the neglected scholar) The earliest text is an extract cited in the Yiwen leiju (30.541). A longer, but still incomplete version of the piece is contained in the Guwen yuan (1.13a–14a.) Although attributions of the piece to Dong Zhongshu occur as early as the fifth century, scholars have expressed doubts about its authenticity. N.G.D. Malmqvist, who has argued on the basis of rhymes that the piece must have been written by a poet from Shu, not Guangchuan 廣川 (northeast of modern Zaoqiang 棗強, Hebei), Dong Zhongshu’s native place. However, David Pankenier has argued that Malmqvist’s phonological data are inconclusive. Pankenier strongly insists that the fu is genuine. Although Dong Zhongshu’s authorship of “Shi buyu fu” is not certain, the philosophy it expresses is consistent with what is known of his life and thought. The idea that the man of integrity should withdraw from official service when he finds himself at odds with his times, and that even though living in obscurity, he can make his moral influence felt in the outside world, is essentially a Confucian concept of eremitism. In spite of his great renown as a scholar, Dong Zhongshu was the object of vicious attacks by his political enemies and late in his career permanently retired, fearful that someone would accuse him of a crime. Another fu-like work attributed to Dong Zhongshu is “Shan chuan song” 山川頌 (In praise of mountains and streams). The piece has some resemblance to similar passages in the Han shi waizhuan 韓詩外傳 (Exoteric traditions of the Han version of the Songs) and Shuo yuan 說苑 (Garden of tales). Bibliography Collected works Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1650), ed. Dong Jiaoxi ji 董膠西集. 2 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集; rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, vol. 1583. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Dong Jiaoxi ji 董膠西集. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Dong Zhongshu ji 董仲舒集. 1 juan. Han Wei zhu mingjia ji 漢魏諸名家集. Printed in Wanli period (1573–1620). Yuan Changjiang 袁長江, ed. Dong Zhongshu ji 董仲舒集. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2003.

Studies Shi Zhimian 施之勉. “‘Dongzi nianbiao’ ding wu”《董子年表》訂補. Dongfang zazhi 42.24 (1945): 50–52. Xu Fuguan 徐復觀. “Xi Han zhengzhi yu Dong Zhongshu” 西漢政治與董仲舒. Minzhu pinglun 6.20 (1954): 3–11; 6.21 (1955): 2–8; 6.22 (1955): 7–11.

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Pokora, Timoteus. “Notes on New Studies on Tung Chung-shu.” Archiv Orientalni 33 (1965): 256–71. Dai Junren 戴君仁. “Dong Zhongshu bu shuo wuxing kao” 董仲舒不說五行考. Guoli Zhongyang tushuguan guankan 2.2 (1968): 9–19. Lai Yanyuan 賴炎元. “Dong Zhongshu shengping kaolüe” 董仲舒生平考略. Nanyang daxue xuebao 8 (1974): 67–77; 9 (1975): 23–35. Tain, Tzey-yueh. “Tung Chung-shu’s System of Thought: Its Sources and Its Influences on Han Scholarship.” Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 1974. Xu Fuguan 徐復觀, “Xian Qin Rujia sixiang fazhan zhong de zhuanzhe ji tian de zhexue de wancheng Dong Zhongshu Chunqiu fanlu de yanjiu” 先秦儒家思想發 展中的轉折及天的哲學的完成—董仲舒春秋繁露的研究, in Liang Han sixiang shi 兩漢思想史, 303–409. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1975. Hsiao Kung-chuan 蕭公權. “Dong Zhongshu” 董仲舒. In Zhongguo zhexue sixiang lunji 中國哲學思想論集, ed. Xiang Weixin 項維新 and Liu Fuzeng 劉福增, 65–92. Taipei: Mutong chubanshe, 1976. Hsiao-Mote, History of Chinese Political Thought, 484–506. Li Weixiong 李威熊. Dong Zhongshu yu Xi Han xueshu 董仲舒與西漢學術. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1978. Davidson, Stephen Craig. “Tung Chung-shu and the Origins of Imperial Confucianism.” Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1982. Vuylsteke, Richard Ralph. “The Political Philosophy of Tung Chung-shu (179–104 b.c.), A Critical Exposition.” Ph.D. diss., University of Hawai’i, 1982. Wei Zhengtong 韋政通. Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒. Taipei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1986. Zhou Guidian 周桂鈿. Dongxue tanwei 董學探微. Beijing: Beijing shifan daxue chubanshe, 1989. Arbuckle, Gary. “Restoring Dong Zhongshu (bce 195–115): an experiment in historical and philosophical reconstruction.” Ph.D. diss., University of British Columbia, 1991. Bujard, Marianne. “La Vie de Dong Zhongshu: enigmes et hypothèses.” Journal asiatique 280.1–2 (1992): 145–217. Wang Yongxiang 王永祥. Dong Zhongshu pingzhuan 董仲舒評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1995. Zhou Guidian 周桂鈿. Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒. Changchun: Jinlin wen shi chubanshe, 1997. Liu Huairong 劉懷榮 and Yuan Xiuli 苑秀麗. “Lun Dong Zhongshu de wenxue sixiang” 論董仲舒的文學思想. Dongfang luntan (1997: 3): 60–65. Sun Minzhu 孫民柱. “Dong Zhongshu muzhi bianhuo” 董仲舒墓址辨惑. Zhongguo lishi dili luncong 3 (2000): 169–82. Ma Yong 馬勇. Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒. Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 2001. Wei Wenhua 魏文華. Dong Zhongshu zhuan 董仲舒傳. Beijing: Xinhua chubanshe, 2003. Wei Wenhua 魏文華. “Dong Zhongshu guli kaozheng” 董仲舒故里考證. Hengshui xueyuan xuebao 8.4 (2006): 39–40. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 70–73. Liu Guomin 劉國民. Dong Zhongshu de jingxue quanshi ji tian de zhexue 董仲舒的 經學詮釋及天的哲學. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2007. Loewe, Michael. “Dong Zhongshu as a Consultant.” Asia Major, 3rd series 22.1 (2009): 163–87.

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Works a. Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露 Texts Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露. 17 juan. Collated by Lou Yao 樓鑰 (1137–1213). Printed by Hu Xu 胡旴 at Jiangyou Jitai 江右記台, 1211. Held in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露. 17 juan. Xishan 錫山 Hua Jian 華堅 Lanxuetang 蘭雪堂, 1516. Held in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露. 17 juan. Zhou Cai 周采 (1507–1556), Sichuan 四川 Buzheng shisi 布政使司 (provincial administration commission), 1554. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露. 17 juan. Wuying dian juzhen ban congshu 武英殿聚珍 版叢書. Based partly on an edition contained in the Yongle dadian. Rpt. Sibu congkan. Lu Wenchao 盧文弨 (1717–1796), ed. and comm. Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露. 17 juan. Baojing tang congshu 抱經堂叢書, preface dated 1785. Rpt. in Sibu beiyao. Ling Shu 凌曙 (1775–1829), ed. and comm. Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露. 17 juan. Feiyun ge Lingshi congshu 蜚雲閣凌氏叢書, 1796; rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, vol. 150. Su Yu 蘇輿 (d. 1914), ed. and comm. Chunqiu fanlu yizheng 春秋繁露義證. 17 juan. 1910; rpt. Taipei: Heluo tushu, 1973; rpt. with punc. and coll. by Zhong Zhe 鍾哲. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992; rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, vol. 150. Zhong Zhaopeng 鍾肇鵬, ed. Chunqiu fanlu jiaoshi 春秋繁露校釋. Shijiazhuang: Hebei renmin chubanshe, 2005.

Translations de Bary, Wm. Theodore, ed. Sources of Chinese Tradition (1960), 173–83. Chan, Wing-tsit. Source Book, 271–88. Hihara Toshikuni 日原利國. Shunjū hanro 春秋繁露. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1977. Gassmann, Robert H. Tung Chung-shu ch’un ch’iu fan lu: Übersetzung und Annotation der Kapitel eins bis sechs. Bern: Peter Lang, 1988. Queen, Sarah. In DeBary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Tradition, 292–309. Csikszenmihalyi, Mark, Readings in Han Chinese Thought, 7–9, 175–79.

Baihua Translations Lai Yanyuan 賴炎元, trans. Chunqiu fanlu jinzhu jinyi 春秋繁露今注今譯. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1984. Zhou Guidian 周桂鈿, Peng Xing 朋星, et al., trans. Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露. Jinan: Shandong youyi chubanshe, 2001. Yan Li 閻麗. Dongzi Chunqiu fanlu yizhu 董子春秋繁露譯注. Harbin: Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 2003.

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dong zhongshu 董仲舒 (ca. 179–ca. 104 b.c.e.) Concordance

Chunqiu fanlu zhuzi suoyin 春秋繁露逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1994.

Studies Franke, Otto. Studien zur Geschichte des konfuzianischen Dogmas und der chinesischen Staatsreligion; das Problem des Tsch’un-ts’iu und Tung Tschung-schu’s Tsch’un-tsiu fan lu. Hamburg: L. Friedrichsen & Co., 1920. Seufert, Wilhelm. “Urkunden zur staatlichen Neuordnung unter der Han-Dynastie.” Mitteilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen (1922): 1–50. Woo Kang. Les trois Théories politiques du Tch’ouen Ts’ieu interpretés par Tong Tchong-chou. Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1932. Yi Junzuo 易君左. “Du Chunqiu fanlu” 讀春秋繁露. Tushu yuekan 1.4 (1941): 6–11. Mao Guangsheng 冒廣生. “Chunqiu fanlu shiwen” 春秋繁露釋文. Xuehai 2.1 (1945): 14–18; 2.3 (1945): 9–12. Keimatsu Mitsuo 慶祝光雄. “Shunjū hanro gogyō shohen gisaku kō” 春秋繁露五行 諸篇偽作考. Kanazawa daigaku hō-bun gakubu ronshū 6 (1959): 25–46. Wei Zhengtong 韋政通. Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒. Taipei: Dong da tushu gongsi, 1986. Arbuckle, Gary. “A Note on the Authenticity of the Chunqiu Fanlu: The Date of Chapter 73, ‘Shan Chuan Song’ (‘Praise-Ode to Mountains and Rivers’.” T’oung Pao 75 (1989): 226–34. Saiki Tetsurō 齋木哲郎. “Shunjū hanro no gishosetsu ni tsuite” 春秋繁露の偽書說 について. Kyūko 17 (1990): 17–22. Arbuckle, Gary. “Restoring Dong Zhongshu (BCE 195–115): An Experiment in Historical and Philosophical Reconstruction.” Ph.D. diss., University of British Columbia, 1991. Queen, Sarah. “From Chronicle to Canon: The Hermeneutics of the ‘Spring and Autumn Annals’ according to Dong Zhongshu.” Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1991. Davidson, Steve and Michael Loewe. “Ch’un ch’iu fan lu.” Early Chinese Texts, 77–87. Arbuckle, Gary. “Inevitable Treason: Dong Zhongshu’s Theory of Historical Cycles and Early Attempts to Invalidate the Han Mandate.” JAOS 115.4 (1995): 585–97. Queen, Sarah A. From Chronicle to Canon: The Hermeneutics of the Spring and Autumn, According to Tung Chung-shu. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Zeng Zhenyu 曾振宇. Tianren heng zhong: Chunqiu fanlu yu Zhongguo wenhua 天人衡中:《春秋繁露》與中國文化. Kaifeng: Henan daxue chubanshe, 1998. Deng Hong 鄧紅. Dong Zhongshu de Chunqiu Gongyang xue 董仲舒的春秋公羊學. Beijing: Zhongguo gongren chubanshe, 2001. Cui Tao 崔濤. “Xiancun Chunqiu fanlu danxingben banben kaolüe” 現存《春秋 繁露》單行本版本考略. Huazhong keji daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2004: 3): 95–98.

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Cui Fuzhang 崔富章 and Cui Tao 崔濤. “Chunqiu fanlu de Songben ji Mingdai chuanben”《春秋繁露》的宋本及明代傳本. Wenxian (2005: 3): 146–57. Wang Guozhen 王國禎. Dong Zhongshu Chunqiu fanlu yu wei shu Chungqiu wei zhi guanxi yanjiu 董仲舒《春秋繁露》與緯書《春秋緯》之關係研究 Taipei xian Yonghe shi: Hua Mulan wenhua gongzuo fang, 2009.

b. “Shi buyu fu” 士不遇賦 (Fu on the neglected scholar) Studies N.G.D. Malmqvist, Han Phonology & Textual Criticism, The Australian National University, Centre of Oriental Studies, Occasional Papers, No. 1 (Canberra, 1963), 25–31. Pankenier, David W. “‘The Scholar’s Frustration’ Revisited: Melancholia or Credo?” JAOS 110.3 (1990): 434–59. Wu Yingjing 吳盈靜. “Cong ‘Shi buyu fu’ yiwen lun Dong Zhongshu de renge tezhi” 從「士不遇賦」一文論董仲舒的人格特質. Jiayi jishu xueyuan xuebao 64 (1999): 167–81. Lin Xiaoyun 林小雲. “Dong Zhongshu he tade ‘Shi buyu fu’” 董仲舒和他的《士 不遇賦》. Fujian shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 133 (2005): 53–56. Wang Tiesheng 王鐵生 and Gao Yongjie 高永杰. Cong ‘Shi buyu fu’ kan Dong Zhongshu de lixiang renge” 從《士不遇賦》看董仲舒的理想人格. Hengshui xueyuan xuebao 9.3 (2007): 24–26.

Translations Hightower. “The Fu of T’ao Ch’ien.” HJAS 17 (1954): 200–3; Rpt. Studies in Chinese Literature, 76–79. Davis, A.R., T’ao Yüan-ming, 1: 181–83.

c. “Xianliang dui ce” 賢良對策 (Examination essay of the worthy and good) Studies Hirai Masaji 平井正士. “Tō Chūjo no kenryō taisaku no nenji ni tsuite” 董仲舒の 賢良對策の年次について. Shichō 11.2 (1941): 79–116. Shi Zhimian 施之勉. “Dong Zhongshu dui ce niansui kao” 董仲舒對策年歲考. Zeshan banyuekan 2.15 (1941): 880–83; Dongfang zazhi 40.13 (1944): 43–44. Shi Zhimian 施之勉. “Dong Zhongshu dui ce zai Yuanguang yuannian” 董仲舒對 策在元光元年. Dalu zazhi 8.5 (1954): 24–29. Kaneko Akio 金子彰男. “Tō Chūjo no taisaku nendai ni tsuite no ikkō” 董仲舒の對 策年代についての一考. Chūkyō daigaku buangakubu kiyō 4.2 (1963): 29–36. Kano Naoki 狩野直喜. “Tō Chūjo taisaku no nen ni tsuite” 董仲舒對策の年につ いて. In Kano Naoki. Ryō Kan gakujutsu kō 兩漢學術考, 43–50. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1964.

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Fukui Shigemasa 福井重雅. “Jukkyō seiritsu jō no ni san mondai—gokei hasake no shikichi to Tō Chūjo no jiseki ni kansuru gigi” 儒教成立史上の二三問題—五經 博士の識置と董仲舒の事蹟に關する疑義. Shigaku zasshi 76.1 (1967): 1–35. Sagawa Osamu 佐川修. “Butei no gokei hasake to Tō Chūjo no tenjin san satsu ni tsuite—Fukui shi no shosetsu ‘Jukkyō seiritsu jō no ni san mondai’ ni taisuru gigi” 武帝の五經博士と董仲舒の天人三策について—福井重雅氏「儒教成立史上 の二三問題」に對する疑義. Shūkan Tōyōgaku 17 (1967): 59–69. Toda Toyosaburō 戶田豐三郎. “Tō Chūjo taisaku no nenji ni tsuite” 董仲舒對策の 年次について. Chūkyō daigaku bungakubu kiyō 4.2 (1969): 29–36. Dai Junren 戴君仁. “Dong Zhonghu duice de fenxi” 董仲舒對策的分析. Dalu zazhi 42.6 (1971): 1–7. Shi Ding 施丁. “Dong Zhongshu ‘Tianren san ce’ zuo yu Yuanguang sannian bian—jian tan Dong Zhongshu bushi ‘bachu ruijia, du zun rushu’ de chuangshiren” 董仲舒「天人三策」作於元光三年辨—兼談董仲舒不是「罷黜儒家、獨尊 儒術」的創始人. Shehui kexue jikan (1980: 3): 90–99. Su Chengjian 蘇誠鑑. “Dong Zhongshu duice zai Yuanshuo wunian yi” 董仲舒對 策在元朔五年議. Zhongguo shi yanjiu 23 (1984): 87–92. Yue Qingping 岳慶平. “Dong Zhongshu duice niandai bian” 董仲舒對策年代辨. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1986: 3): 114–20. Lu Yunguo 盧雲國. “Dong Zhongshu shang ‘Tianren san ce’ de niandai” 董仲舒上 「天人三策」的年代. Zhongguo zhexue shi yanjiu 34 (1989): 62–64. Zhang Dake 張大可. “Dong Zhongshu Tianren san ce ying zuo yu Jianyuan yuannian” 董仲舒天人三策應作於建元元年. Lanzhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1989: 4): 39–45. Sun Jingtan 孫景壇. “Dong Zhongshu de ‘Tianren san ce’ shi Ban Gu de weizuo” 董仲舒的《天人三策》是班固的偽作. Nanjing shehui kexue (2000: 10): 29–35. Li Yingchun 李迎春. “Dong Zhongshu shang ‘Tianren san ce’ shijian kao” 董仲 舒上《天人三策》時間考. Zhengzhou hangkong gongye guanli xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 25.2 (2006): 72–75. Zhang Shangqian 張尚謙. “Dong Zhongshu duice kao” 董仲舒對策考. Yunnan minzu daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 25.4 (2008): 98–104.

d. “Shan chuan song” 山川頌 (In praise of mountains and rivers) Translation Holzman, Donald. Landscape in Early Chinese Literature, 35–37. DRK

Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 (fl. 140–130 b.c.e.), zi Manqian 曼倩 Western Han writer and wit. Dongfang Shuo’s natal place was Yanci 厭次 in Pingyuan 平原 (Sangluoshu 桑落墅, northeast of modern Huimin 惠民 county, Shandong). Although he has a long biography in the Han shu, many of the events recounted

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there read more like romance than history. The Han shu portrays Dongfang Shuo as a man with unusual verbal skills who uses his wit to defeat all rivals and ingratiate himself with Emperor Wu 武 (r. 140–87 b.c.e.). Gong Kechang has attempted to reconstruct a chronology for Dongfang Shuo. According to Gong, in 140 b.c.e. Dongfang Shuo presented a petition to the imperial court in which he boasts of his abilities as a writer and scholar who had memorized 440,000 words. Emperor Wu was impressed with the young man and assigned him to the office of public carriages. Dongfang Shuo reputedly at this time was twenty-two years old. Based on this information, Gong Kechang dates Dongfang Shuo’s year of birth to 161 b.c.e. Ca. 139 b.c.e. Dongfang Shuo amused Emperor Wu by playing a trick on the court dwarfs, and the emperor rewarded Shuo by assigning him to the Bronze Horse Gate where men awaited appointment to court office. He soon received a regular appointment as gentleman attendant-in-ordinary. In 138 b.c.e. Emperor Wu considered enlarging the Shanglin 上林 Park, and Dongfang Shuo presented a long petition objecting to the proposal on the grounds that increasing the size of the park would deplete state resources and would result in the destruction of tombs and residences. He also argued that the emperor would endanger himself by riding near deep ditches and gullies. Impressed with Dongfang Shuo’s eloquence, Emperor Wu promoted Dongfang Shuo to grand palace grandee with the supernumerary title serving within the palace. However, Emperor Wu went ahead with his plans to enlarge the park. Dongfang Shuo periodically offered admonitions to Emperor Wu, even on delicate matters such as the illicit affair between Emperor Wu’s aunt Chen Piao 陳嫖 and a young pearl seller named Dong Yan 董偃. Gong Kechang dates this event to ca. 127–126 b.c.e. One of the more amusing anecdotes reported in the Han shu biography is Dongfang Shuo’s reply to Emperor Wu’s question how he would compare himself to such distinguished court figures as Gongsun Hong 公孫弘 (200–121 b.c.e.), Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 (179–104 b.c.e.), Zhuang Zhu 莊助 (d. 122 b.c.e.), and Sima Qian 司馬遷 (145 b.c.e.–ca. 86 b.c.e.). Shuo replied that he was equal to all of these men put together. Although Dongfang Shuo is primarily famous as a wit and trickster in the manner of a jester, Ban Gu indicates that he was also well-versed in the teachings of Shang Yang 商鞅 (ca. 390– 338 b.c.e.) and Han Fei 韓非 (ca. 280–233 b.c.e.). This is at a time when reputedly “legalist” ideas were not welcome at the imperial court. Some scholars have claimed that according to the Xin lun 新論 (New disquisitions) of Huan Tan 桓譚 (23 b.c.e–56 c.e.) when Sima Qian completed the Shi ji he showed it to Dongfang Shuo who made comments on it and signed his name to it. He also added the title “grand scribe.” However, this Xin lun passage may be spurious.

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The exact date of Dongfang Shuo’s death is not known. However, on his deathbed he reputedly warned Emperor Wu to beware of clever flatterers and reject “slanderous words.” Dongfang Shuo was also a poet who composed a number of fu upon imperial command. These include a piece on the imperial feng sacrifice at Mount Tai, a poem celebrating the birth of the imperial heir, a yongwu piece on a screen, and a celebration of a hunt at the Lodge of Peaceful Joy. None of these pieces is extant. Dongfang Shuo’s biography in the Han shu contains two complete pieces. The first is “Da ke nan” 答客難 (Replying to a guest’s objections). The piece is also included as a supplement by Chu Shaosun 褚少孫 (fl. 32–7 b.c.e; alt. 104?–30? b.c.e.) to the Shi ji but the Shi ji text is somewhat shorter. Wen xuan places “Da ke nan” as the first piece in the she lun 設論 or “hypothetical disquisition” category, which is actually a subgenre of the fu. “Da ke nan” is constructed as a dialogue between an anonymous guest who tells Dongfang Shuo that the Warring States persuaders Su Qin 蘇秦 (late 4th century b.c.e.) and Zhang Yi 張儀 (d. ca. 310 b.c.e.) were able to occupy ministerial positions, but Shuo, in spite of his vast learning and rhetorical skills, ranks no higher than a palace gentleman, and serves as a mere halberd-bearer. Could his lack of success be the result of some defect in his character? Dongfang Shuo engages in a long rebuttal in which he argues that since the establishment of the Han empire there is no need for persuaders such as Su Qin and Zhang Yi. Shuo ironically states that the empire is so peaceful there is no need to select talented men of integrity for government office. The second complete piece contained in the biography is “Feiyou xiansheng lun” 非有先生論 (Disquisition of Master Non-existent). In this piece Dongfang Shuo argues that a man of integrity cannot express his views to an unenlightened ruler without endangering his life. He has only two alternatives: he can offer honest advice and be executed, or he can withdraw from the court and await a propitious time to resume an active life. Dongfang Shuo is also credited with a poem in the Chu ci titled “Qi jian” 七諫 (Seven admonitions). Most scholars accept the attribution. However, David Hawkes suggests that it may have been written by one of Dongfang Shuo’s contemporaries. The monograph on bibliography of the Han shu lists twenty pian of Dongfang Shuo’s writings in the zajia 雜家 or “unclassified” category. However, it does not mention the names of these works. At the end of the Dongfang Shuo biography in the Han shu, Ban Gu lists the titles of the pieces that were included in the imperial catalogue compiled by Liu Xiang 劉向 (ca. 79–ca. 6 b.c.e.) at the end of the Western Han. He adds that there

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were other works attributed to Dongfang Shuo that are spurious. However, Ban Gu does not mention which works they are. The Tang commentator Yan Shigu 顏師古 says this refers to works such as Dongfang Shuo biezhuan 東方朔別傳 (Separate traditions of Dongfang Shuo). The date and author of the Dongfang Shuo zhuan are not known, but some scholars have dated it to the late Western Han. In addition to his reputation as a wit, Dongfang Shuo is also credited with expertise in the supernatural and the arts of immortality. He is thus attributed with the Shen yi jing 神異經 (Canon of divine marvels) and Shi zhou ji 十洲記 (Notes on the ten islands), which contain accounts of fabulous places and strange people. However, these are probably much later compilations. Bibliography Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1650), ed. Dongfang dazhong ji 東方大中集. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集; rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, vol. 1583. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Dongfang dazhong ji 東方大中集. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia. Fu Chunming 傅春明, ed. and comm. Dongfang Shuo zuopin jizhu 東方朔作品輯 注. Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1987.

Studies Eichholz [Eichhorn], Werner. “Tung-fang Shuo, ein chinesischer Till Eulenspiegel.” Ostiatische Rundschau 11 (1930): 94–96. Fukino Yasushi 吹野安. “Kokkeijin Tōba Saku ron—‘Tō kyaku nan’ o chūshin to shite” 滑稽人東方朔論－答客難を中心として. Kanbun gakkai kaihō 22 (1976): 57–66. Fukino Yasushi 吹野安. “Tōba Saku ron” 東方朔論. Tōyō bunka (Mukyū kai) 44.45 (1978): 8–21. Chen Huosheng 陳火生. “Du Han shu ‘Dongfang Shuo zhuan’ tan Dongfang Shuo” 讀漢書「東方朔傳」談東方朔. Dongfang zazhi 17 (1983): 74–75. Fu Chunming 傅春明 and Zhao Yaotang 趙耀堂. “Lun Dongfang Shuo ji qi zuopin” 論東方朔及其作品. Liuquan (1983: 3): 185–90. Fei Zhengang 費振剛. “Kebei de diwei, kegui de renge—mantan Dongfang Shuo” 可悲的地位, 可貴的人格—漫談東方朔. Wenshi zhishi (1986: 1). Gong Kechang 龔克昌. “Dongfang Shuo pingzhuan” 東方朔評傳. Han fu yanjiu 漢賦研究, 168–81. Ji’nan: Shandong wenyi chubanshe, 1990; rpt. in Zhongguo cifu yanjiu 中國辭賦研究, 434–47. Ji’nan: Shangdong daxue chubanshe, 2003; English trans. by Su Jui-lung. In Gong Kechang. Studies in the Han Fu, 163–82. American Oriental Series Volume 84. New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1997.

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Wang Jikun 王繼坤 and Luan Wentong 欒文通. “Dongfang Shuo gu li kaobian” 東方朔故里考辨. Wen shi zhe (1990: 5): 34–36. Taniguchi Hiroshi 谷口洋. “‘Kakunan’ o megutte”「客難」をめぐって. Chūgoku bungaku hō 43 (1991): 1–51. Xu Zongwen 徐宗文. “Dongfang Shuo zuopin xiaokao” 東方朔作品小考. Shantou daxue xuebao (1991: 3): 22–25. Xu Zongwen 徐宗文. “Guji zhi xiong, cifu zhi jie—Dongfang Shuo qi ren qi wen” 滑稽之雄，辭賦之杰—東方朔其人其文. Gudian wenxue zhishi (1991: 5). Smith, Thomas E. “Ritual and the Shaping of Narrative: the Legend of the Han Emperor Wu.” Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1992, 138–94, 439–55. Zhang Faying 張發穎. “Gu Yanci yu Dongfang Shuo jili kao” 古厭次與東方朔籍 里考. Dongyue luncong (1994: 2): 99–102. Gong Kechang 龔克昌. “Dongfang Shuo” 東方朔. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan (Xubian), 101–16. Zheng Kai 鄭凱. “Youmo dashi Dongfang Shuo” 幽默大師東方朔. Huanan shifan daxue xuebao (She ke ban) (1996: 3): 75–81; rpt. Fuyin baokan ziliao, Gudai, jindai wenxue yanjiu (1996: 9): 46–52. Declerq, Dominik. Writing Against the State Political Rhetorics in Third and Fourth Century China, 21–33. Leiden: Brill, 1998. Wang Jixun 王繼訓. “Ye tan chao yin yu Dongfang Shuo” 也談朝隱與東方朔. Jinan daxue xuebao (2002: 1): 46–47. Chen Lancun 陳蘭村 and Zhang Genming 張根明. “Lun Dongfang Shuo ‘guji’ ‘chao yin’ ji wenxue chuangzuo” 論東方朔 “滑稽” “朝隱” 及文學創作. Guizhou shehui kexue 186.6 (2003): 63–67. Xiong Ming 熊明. “‘Dongfang Shuo zhuan’ kaolun”《東方朔傳》考論. Anshan shifan xueyuan xuebao 5.1 (2003): 12–15. Meng Xiangcai 孟祥才. “Dongfang Shuo jian lun” 東方朔簡論. Yantai daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 16.4 (2003): 449–57; rpt. in Qin Han renwu sanlun 秦漢人物散論, 261–71. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005. Zhang Lina 張黎吶. “Dongfang Shuo wenxue gongxian shishi shiyi” 東方朔文學貢 獻史實拾遺. Yili jiaoxueyuan xuebao 17.1 (2004): 56–58. Li Jiangfeng 李江峰. “Han shu ‘Yiwen zhi’ ‘Dongfang Shuo ershi pian’ kaolun”《漢 書‧藝文志》“東方朔二十篇” 考論. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2006: 4): 16–20. Li Jiangfeng 李江峰. “Dongfang Shuo yanjiu shuping” 東方朔研究述評. Guangxi shifan xueyuan xuebao 27.3 (2006): 44–49. Hu Chunrun 胡春潤. “Dongfang Shuo shengzu kao” 東方朔生卒考. Hubei guangbo diantai daxue xuebao 27.4 (2007): 73–74. Sun Donglin 孫東臨 and Yang Sanqiu 楊三秋. “Dongfang Shuo nianpu jianbiao” 東方朔年譜簡表. Qiusuo (2007: 4): 167–69, 37. Long Wenling 龍文玲 and Lu Hongsheng 魯洪生. “Han Wudi dui Dongfang Shuo ‘Da ke nan’ yingxiang kaolun” 漢武帝對東方朔《答客難》影響考論. Jinan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 18.2 (2008): 36–42. Hu Chunrun 胡春潤 and Shi Guanhai 石觀海. “Dongfang Shuo ‘Da ke nan’ zai wenxue shi shang de gongchuang” 東方朔《答客難》在文學史上的功創. Qiusuo (2008: 2): 186–88.

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Works a. “Qi jian” 七諫 (Seven admonitions) Translations Hawkes, Ch’u Tz’u, 121–34. Hawkes, Songs of the South, 245–62. Mathieu, Élégies de Chu, 210–23.

b. “Da ke nan” 答客難 (Replying to a guest’s objections) Translations Watson, Courtier and Commoner, 96–100. Declerq, Writing against the State, 26–32.

c. “Feiyou xiansheng lun” 非有先生論 (Disquisition of Master Nonexistent) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 940–44. Watson, Courtier and Commoner, 100–5. DRK

Donghai san He 東海三何 (The three He of Donghai) This is a reference to He Xun 何遜 (466–519), He Sicheng 何思澄 (483?– 534?), and He Zilang 何子郎 (495?–517?) whose ancestral home was Donghai 東海 (modern Tancheng 郯城, Shandong). DRK

Du Du 杜篤 (ca. 20–78) Du Du was from the distinguished Du clan of Duling 杜陵 (northwest of modern Chang’an, Shaanxi). His great-great-grandfather was the Han minister Du Yannian 杜延年 (d. 53 b.c.e.). Du Yanian was the first to establish the home of the Du clan in Duling. Du Du showed great learning already in his youth, but because he did not observe the proper niceties of etiquette, he was not treated with respect by the people of his home area. He then took up residence in Meiyang 美陽 (northwest of modern Wugong

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武功, Shaanxi). However, Du Du offended the magistrate of Meiyang, and

he had Du Du arrested and sent to the capital. The military leader Wu Han 吳漢 had just died (in 44), and Emperor Guangwu (r. 25–57) issued an edict inviting scholars to compose eulogies for him. From prison, Du Du composed a eulogy that so impressed the emperor, he issued Du Du a pardon. A few years later, Du Du served as a commandery instructor in the capital area. However, because he suffered from an eye ailment, he did not enter the capital for over twenty years. Du Du’s great-great grandfather on his mother’s side was the famous general Xin Wuxian 辛武賢 who had led an expedition against the Qiang ca. 61 b.c.e., and Du Du was frustrated because he was unable to pursue a military career. Du Du’s younger sister was married to a member of the powerful Ma family, and through her influence Du Du was able to obtain a position with Ma Fang 馬防 (d. 101), who was undertaking an expedition against the Qiang. Du Du died in battle at Yegushan 射姑山 (northwest of modern Qingyang, Gansu) in 78. According to Du Du’s biography in the Han shu, he had written eighteen literary pieces in various genres, including fu, dirges, laments, letters, qiyan 七言 (heptameters?), an “admonition for daughters,” and miscellaneous prose. He also wrote a treatise in fifteen chapters titled Ming shi lun 明世論 (Discourse clarifying the age?). Du Du’s best known piece is “Lun du fu” 論都賦 (Fu discussing the capital) that he wrote in the year 42 urging Emperor Guangwu to move the capital from Luoyang back to Chang’an. Du Du’s fu, which he presented to the emperor as a petition, consists almost exclusively of argumentative rhetoric and is structured around a debate between Du and a guest. Although Du Du declares in his preface, which is directly addressed to the emperor, that the proper place for the capital is Chang’an, not Luoyang, he pretends to champion the choice of Luoyang. However, the manner in which he portrays Luoyang clearly betrays his bias in favor of Chang’an. There are fragments of four other fu that bear Du Du’s name. The most interesting of these is “Shouyang shan fu” 首陽山賦 (Fu on Shouyang Mountain). This is a dialogue between Du Du and the ancient recluses Bo Yi 伯夷 and Shu Qi 叔齊. When King Wu of Zhou conquered the Yin, they refused to serve the Zhou and went into reclusion on Mount Shouyang. Du Du tells of his encounter with the two recluses, who explain that they had followed King Wu’s father King Wen, but could not accept King Wu because he used force of arms to conquer the Yin. One wonders whether this is a subtle statement of Du Du’s disaffection with the Eastern Han dynastic founder, Emperor Guangwu, who did not reward Du Du with the honors and positions that someone from his distinguished family deserved.

du fu 杜撫 (fl. 50–80), zi shuhe 叔和

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Studies Nakajima Chiaki. Fu no seiritsu to tenkai, 387–91. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 179. De Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 176. Knechtges, David R. In The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 131–32. DRK

Du Fu 杜撫 (fl. 50–80), zi Shuhe 叔和 Eastern Han literatus. Du Fu’s natal place was Wuyang 武陽 in Qianwei 犍為 (northeast of modern Yibin, Sichuan). However, the Huayang guozhi says Du’s natal home was Zizhong 資中 (modern Ziyang 資陽, Sichuan), which is east of Wuyang. He exhibited unusual ability in his youth and went to Luoyang to study with Xue Han 薛漢, one of the leading scholars of the Han 韓 school of Shi jing interpretation. He is credited with establishing the final version of Xue Han’s Han shi zhangju 韓詩章句 (Chapter-and-verse commentary to the Han version of the Songs). After completing his studies, Du Fu return to Qianwei where he established a private school that attracted over a thousand students including Zhao Ye 趙曄 and Feng Liang 馮良. In 57, Emperor Ming’s brother, Liu Cang 劉蒼 (d. 83), King of Dongping 東 平 summoned Du Fu to the capital to serve as his clerk. In 66, Liu Cang returned to his estate, and unlike most of his colleagues, Du Fu continued in Liu Cang’s service. Liu Cang bestowed on him a carriage, horses, and other valuable presents. In 72, Du Fu was summoned to the imperial court to help compile the annals of the reign of Emperor Guangwu, a work that eventually formed part of the Dongguan Han ji 東觀漢紀. He later served on the staff of the grand commandant. His last post was magistrate of the majors for official carriages in which capacity he was charged with overseeing the submission of petitions to the court. He died in office ca. 80. Du Fu is important for his scholarship on the Shi jing. He is attributed with a treatise on the Shi jing variously titled Shi ti yue yi tong 詩題約 義通 or Shi tong yi shuo 詩通義說. This work is no longer extant. In the Lun heng, Wang Chong 王充 (27–?) mentions that Du Fu along with Ban Gu composed eulogies (song 頌) in praise of the Han.

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Zhao Maolin 趙茂林. Liang Han sanjia Shi yanjiu 兩漢三家《詩》研究, 545–46. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2006. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 176–77. TPK with additions by DRK

Du Yu 杜預 (222–284), zi Yuankai 元凱 Wei and Western Jin period statesman, scholar, and writer. Du Yu’s ancestral home was Duling 杜陵 in Jingzhao 京兆 (southeast of modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). The Du family of Duling had a distinguished pedigree going back to the late Western Han. Du Yu’s grandfather Du Ji 杜畿 (163–224) served under Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) and his son Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226). His father Du Shu 杜恕 (d. 252) was loyal to the Cao family even when the Sima clan had achieved supremacy in the late Wei period. He ran afoul of Sima Yi 司馬懿 (179–251) and was demoted to commoner status. He died in exile in Zhangwu 章武 (modern Dacheng 大城, Hebei). Because of his father’s punishment, Du Yu did not enter official service until 255 after he married the younger sister of Sima Zhao 司馬昭 (211–265). In 257 Du Yu was enfeoffed as Marquis of Fengleting 豐樂亭. He held a series of high civil and military positions. In 263–264 he served as an aide to Zhong Hui 鍾會 (225–264), General Governing the West, in his successful expedition against Shu. In 268, Du Yu assisted Jia Chong 賈充 (217–282) in drafting a new law code for the newly founded Jin dynasty. Du composed a commentary for this work. From 270–274 Du Yu led an army against the Qiang 羌 who had encroached on Jin territory in the northwest. In 274, he returned to the imperial court and was appointed minister of revenue. The petitions he presented to the court concerning agriculture and water conservancy are very much admired. In 276, Yang Hu 羊祜 (221–278) presented to the court a detailed plan for an expedition against the southeastern state of Wu. Most officials at the court opposed him, but both Du Yu and Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300) were in favor. In 278, Yang Hu became ill and he recommended that Du Yu replace him in the position of General Governing the South in Xiangyang 襄陽 (modern Xiangyang, Hubei). Du Yu then led one of the Jin armies that conquered Wu in 280. Du Yu remained in Xiangyang until his death in 284. In addition to his important achievements in the civil and military realm, Du Yu made important contributions to scholarship. By his own admission

du yu 杜預 (222–284), zi yuankai 元凱

207

he had a “mania for the Zuo zhuan.” He had studied the Zuo zhuan with Yue Xiang 樂詳 from Donghai 東海 (modern Xuzhou 徐州) and his uncle Du Kuan 杜寬. Du Yu compiled the Chungqiu Zuoshi jingzhuan jijie 春秋 左氏經傳集解 (Collected explanations of Master Zuo’s tradition of the Spring and Autumn Annals) in thirty juan. This is the earliest extant commentary to the Zuo zhuan, and in the Tang period it became the standard commentary to this work. Du Yu’s preface to the Zuo zhuan was selected for the Wen xuan. Du Yu also wrote three other works on the Zuo zhuan including a linguistic commentary, and set of critical remarks (ping 評). The third work is Chun qiu shi li 春秋釋例 (The rules and formulae of the Spring and Autumn Annals) in fifteen juan in which Du Yu postulates a “code” for reading the Chunqiu. This work was lost but the compilers of the Siku quanshu were able to reconstruct some of it from citations in the Yongle dadian 永樂大典. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Du Yu’s collection in eighteen juan. The two Tang histories record a twenty-juan collection. This was lost during the Song. His extant works consist entirely of prose, most of which are petitions that he presented to the court. There is a fragment of one fu, “Qi gui” 七規 (Seven counsels). He also compiled a fifty-juan anthology, the Shan wen 善文 (Excellent writings). Bibliography Studies Heyde, Dors. “Du Yu—eine Biographie aus den Gründlungsjahren der Jin-Dynastie.” Altorientalische Forschungen 8 (1981): 299–322. Ye Zhengxin 葉政欣. Du Yu ji qi Chunqiu Zuoshi xue 杜預及其春秋左氏學. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1989. Zhao Boxiong 趙伯雄. Chunqiu xue shi 春秋學史, 279–300. Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 2004. Chen Enlin 陳恩林. “Ping Du Yu ‘Chunqiu Zuo zhuan xu’ de ‘san ti wu li’ wenti” 評杜預《春秋左傳序》的 “三體五例” 問題. Shixue jikan (1999: 3): 64–69. Zhang Wei 張巍. “Du Yu jingxue zhushi sixiang chuyi” 杜預經學注釋思想芻議. Chongqing shehui kexue 152 (2007): 58–60. Sun Bao 孫寶. “Du Yu de rujia wenyi guan ji qi shijian yu yingxiang” 杜預的儒家 文藝觀及其實踐與影響. Shaanxi jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 24.1 (2008): 51–55.

Translation Yang, Studies in Chinese Institutional History, 173–78. DRK

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Du Zhi 杜摯 (fl. 220–239), zi Delu 德魯 Literatus of the Cao-Wei period. Du Zhi’s natal place was Wenxi 聞喜 (modern Wenxin, Shanxi). Du Zhi long served as a minor official at court without being promoted. He wrote poems to his fellow townsman Guanqiu Jian 毌丘儉 (d. ca. 255) hoping that the latter would help him. Guanqiu Jian replied with poems to comfort him but he did not offer any assistance. Du Zhi was never promoted and died while serving as collator. The Sui shu lists his collected works in two juan. This work has been lost. Only two poems have survived both of which were written to Guanqiu Jian. Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggo wenxuejia dacidian, 179. WJ

Du Zhiwei 杜之偉 (508–559), zi Zida 子大 Writer of the Liang-Chen period. Du Zhiwei’s natal place was Qiantang 錢塘 in Wu 吳 commandery (modern Hangzhou 杭州, Zhejiang). He came from a long line of scholars who specialized in the ritual texts. He was a child prodigy. In the early 530s he served as academician in the Eastern Palace of Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551), and later as secretary to Xiao Ang 蕭昂 (483–535) when Ang was serving as regional inspector of Jiangzhou 江州 (administrative headquarters Chaisang 柴桑, modern Jiujiang 九江, Jiangsi). Upon Xiao Ang’s death in 535, Du Zhiwei returned to Jiankang. He served in various posts until the Hou Jing rebellion broke out in 549, at which time Du Zhiwei fled to the mountains. In 552, Chen Baxian 陳霸先 (503–559), the future Emperor Wu 武 of Chen (r. 557–559), summoned Du Zhiwei to be his private secretary. He was promoted to high posts at court, and died during Emperor Wu’s reign. When Du Zhiwei served in the Eastern Palace of Xiao Gang, he and another academician Liu Zhi 劉陟 (n.d.) compiled Fu jiao 富教 and Zheng dao 政道 for which he wrote the prefaces. According to his biography in the Chen shu Du Zhiwei did not write in a flowery ostentatious style but displayed smooth elegance and vast learning. Only a seventeen-juan collection was extant in the early Tang, but that was soon lost.

“duan xiao nao ge” 短簫鐃歌

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Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 176. WJ with additions by DRK

“Duan xiao nao ge” 短簫鐃歌 (Songs for short panpipe and Nao-bell) The “Duanxiao nao ge” originally was a type of martial music of the Northern Di 北狄. It was brought to the Han court where it was used in the music played for palace gatherings, processions, and excursions. The subjects of the extant “Nao ge” include warfare, auspicious omens, military victories, and love. The pieces are difficult to date but they probably were composed during the reigns of Emperor Wu 武 (r. 140–87 b.c.e.) and Emperor Xuan 宣 (r. 73–49 b.c.e.). The received texts of the “Nao ge” are not completely intelligible. Some authorities claim that the presence of apparent corruptions or “nonsense” words in the texts is the result of the manner in which the texts were transmitted. Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) claimed that when the “Nao ge” were transcribed, the lyrics were written in large characters and musical notations in small characters. Eventually, the notations and lyrics were intermingled, and the received texts contained lines that were impossible to explicate. See Yuefu shiji 19.285. Thus, the so-called nonsense words that one finds in the Nao ge possibly are the remnants of old musical notations that defy interpretation. Some of the more famous examples include “Zhan cheng nan” 戰城南 (They fought south of the ramparts), “You suo si” 有所思 (There is one I love), and “Wushan gao” 巫山高 (Mount Wu is high) Studies and Commentaries Chen Benli 陳本禮 (1739–1818). Nao ge 鐃歌. In Han yuefu sange jianzhu 漢樂府 三歌牋注. Congshu jicheng. Zhuang Shuzu 莊述祖 (1750–1816), comm. Han nao ge jujie 漢鐃歌句解. Zhenyi huan yishu 珍藝逭遺書. Wang Xianqian 王先謙 (1842–1918). Han Naoge shiwen jianzheng 漢鐃歌釋文箋證. 1872; Rpt. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, n.d. Xia Jingguan 夏敬觀. Han duanxiao naoge zhu 漢短簫鐃歌注. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1931; rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1970. Tan Yi 譚儀. Han naoge shiba qu jijie 漢鐃歌十八曲集解. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985. Hu Zhixin 胡芝新. “Han Naoge shiba qu jizhu” 漢鐃歌十八曲集注. Wenxue nianbao 2 (1936): 205–30. Yoshikawa Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎. “Tanshō toka ni tsuite” 短簫鐃歌について. Tōhōgaku 10 (1954); rpt. Yoshikawa Kōjirō zenshū 6: 340–55. Xu Renfu 徐仁甫. Gu shi bie jie 古詩別解. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1984.

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Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Shilun ‘Nao ge’ de yanbian” 試論 “鐃歌” 的演變. Zhongguo shehui kexue yuan yanjiusheng xuebao (1994: 3): 48–51. Ye Guitong 葉桂桐. “Jie qiangu zhi mi—Han Nao ge ‘Shiliu pian’ jiedu” 揭千古 之謎—漢鐃歌《石留篇》解讀. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1997: 5): 9–13. Wang Jianwei 王建緯. “Han Guchui Nao ge ‘Wu shan gao’ shi jie” 漢鼓吹鐃歌《巫 山高》試解. Sichuan wenwu (1998: 2): 19–23. Zhao Minli 趙敏俐. “‘Han guchui naoge’ yanjiu”《漢鼓吹鐃歌》研究. Zhou Han shige zonglun, 364–397. Zhao Minli 趙敏俐. “‘Han guchui naoge shiba qu’ yanjiu”《漢鼓吹鐃歌十八曲》研 究. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 42 (2002): 1–26. Yao Xiao’ou 姚曉鷗. “‘Han guchui naoge shiba qu’ de wenben leixing yu jiedu fangfa”《漢鼓吹鐃歌十八曲》的文本類型與解讀方法. In Zhongguo zhongshi wenxue yanjiu lunji 中國中世文學研究論集, ed. Zhang Peiheng 章培恒, 798–815. Shanghai: Shanghai shiji chuban gufen youxian gongsi, 2006.

Translations Waley, Chinese Poems, 52. Hervouet, in Demiéville, Anthologie, 100. Frankel, Sunflower Splendor, 35–36. Birrell, Popular Songs, 47, 119–22, 143, 147–48. Frankel, Hans H. “The Abduction, the War, and the Desperate Husband: Three Early Chinese Ballads.” Ventures (Magazine of the Yale Graduate School), 5.1 (Winter 1965): 10–12. Owen, Anthology, 227–28. Su Jui-lung, in How to Read Chinese Poetry, Zong-qi Cai, ed., 90. DRK

Er Ban 二班 (The two Bans) This is a designation for Ban Biao 班彪 (3–54) and his son Ban Gu 班固 (32–92). It primarily refers to their work as compilers of the Han shu 漢書. DRK

Er jue 二絕 (The two nonpareils) This is a reference to two Chen period figures Gu Yewang 顧野王 (518– 581) and Wang Bao 王褒 (513?–576). In 538, Gu and Wang served on the staff of the Prince of Xuancheng 宣城, Xiao Daqi 蕭大器 (524–551). Wang Bao much admired Gu Yewang. At this time the prince held the position of regional inspector of Yangzhou 揚州. Gu Yewang was a skilled painter. When the prince built a studio at Dongfu 東府 (Eastern Bureau), which was the headquarters of the regional inspector of Yangzhou 揚州, he requested Gu Yewang to paint portraits of ancients worthies and Wang Bao to com-

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pose the encomia (zan 贊) for the portraits. Their contemporaries called them the er jue 二絕 or “Two Non-pareils.” See Chen shu 30.399. DRK

Er Lu 二陸 (The two Lus) This is a reference to the Western Jin writers Lu Ji 陸機 (261–300) and his brother Lu Yun 陸雲 (262–300). DRK

Er Xie 二謝 (The two Xie) This is a reference to the Liu-Song writer Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385–433) and the Southern Qi writer Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464–499), both of whom were known for their landscape poetry. DRK

Er Ying 二應 (The two Ying) This is a reference to the late Eastern Han and Wei period writers Ying Yang 應暘 (d. 217) and his younger brother Ying Qu 應璩 (190–252). DRK

Ershisi you 二十四友 (Twenty-four companions) Western Jin “literary group” This is the name of a group of officials and scholars who were closely associated with the Western Jin minister Jia Mi 賈謐 (d. 300). Jia Mi was the nephew of Empress Jia 賈后 (d. 300). From 291 to 300, Empress Jia, Jia Mi, and their cohorts had de facto control over the court administration. Jia Mi gathered around him a coterie of men known as the Twenty-four Companions. They included some of the most distinguished scholars and writers of the time. The Jin shu says the following about the activities of the Twenty-four Companions: “Director of the palace library Jia Mi was involved in administering the court, and all of the distinguished gentlemen of the capital gravitated toward him.” The names of the members as given in Jin shu (40.1173) include the following persons: (1) Shi Chong 石崇

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(249–300), (2) Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300), (3) Ouyang Jian 歐陽建 (ca. 265– 300), (4) Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303), (5) Lu Yun 陸雲 (262–303), (6) Liu Kun 劉琨 (271–318), (7) Liu Yu 劉輿 (263–309), (8) Zhi Yu 摯虞 (d. 311), (9) Zuo Si 左思 (ca. 250–ca. 305), (10) Qian Xiu 牽秀 (d. 306), (11) Guo Zhang 郭彰 (n.d.), (12) Du Yu 杜育 (d. 311), (13) Miao Shizheng 繆世徵 (n.d.), (14) Du Bin 杜斌 (d. 300), (15) Zhuge Quan 諸葛詮 (or Quan 銓) (d. 311), (16) Wang Cui 王粹 (d. 308), (17) Zou Jie 鄒捷 (fl. 300), (18) Cui Ji 崔基 (n.d.), (19) Liu Gui 劉瓌 (n.d.), (20) He Yu 和郁 (fl. 300–307), (21) Zhou Hui 周恢 (n.d.), (22) Chen Zhen 陳眕 (fl. 300–323), (23) Xu Meng 許猛 (n.d.), (24) Liu Na 劉訥 (n.d.). Not all of these men were writers, and thus scholars have argued that this is not strictly a literary group. Although Zuo Si was a distinguished writer, his membership in the group has been questioned. However, figures such as Shi Chong, Pan Yue, Lu Ji, Lu Yun, Ouyang Jian, Zhi Yu, and Du Yu did engage in the exchange of verse and group compositions during the time when Jia Mi held sway at court. Studies Fang Yongyao 方永耀. “Bu ying ba Zuo Si lie ru Jia Mi de ‘Ershisi you’ zhi zhong” 不應把左思列入賈謐的 “二十四友” 之中. Dongyue luncong (1982: 1): 107–10. Zhang Guoxing 張國星. “Guanyu Jin shu ‘Jia Mi zhuan’ zhong de Ershisi you” 關 於晉書賈謐傳中的二十四友. Wen shi 27 (1986): 207–17. Wang Xinxin 王欣欣. “Ping ‘Ershisi you’” 評 “二十四友”. Shanxi daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1991: 4): 59–62. Deng Fushun 鄧福舜. “Ershisi you wenren jituan xingcheng shijian kao” 二十四 友文人集團形成時間考. Daqing gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 15.1 (1995): 47–51. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. “Shi Chong yu ‘Ershisi you’” 石崇與 “二十四友”. Wei Jin wenxue shi, 327–333. Wang Xinxin 王欣欣. “Zai ping ‘Ershisi you’” 再評 “二十四友”. Jinyang xuekan (1997: 2): 90–93. Zhang Zhenlong 張振龍. “‘Ershisi you’ shi Jia Mi yuanyin chutan” “二十四友” 事 賈謐原因初探. Yindu xuekan (1998: 3): 39–42, 74. Jiang Jianjun 江建俊. “Zai chaotuo yu chenlun zhi jian—yi ‘xuan’ de jiaodu jiedu ‘Jia Mi yu ershisi you’” 在超脫與沈淪之間—以「玄」的角度解讀「賈謐與二十四 友」. Chengda Zhongwen xuebao 7 (1999): 1–29. Zhang Zhenlun 張振龍. “Chuantong wenshi renge yu ‘Ershisi you’ de fushi xintai” 傳統文士人格與 “二十四友” 的附勢心態. Tangdu xuekan 66 (2000): 63–65. Ruan Zhong 阮忠. “Lun ‘Ershisi you’” 論 “二十四友”. Zhenjiang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 21.2 (2000): 35–41. He Yuhong 何玉紅. “‘Ershisi you’ yu Xi Jin shiren jingsheng fengmao” “二十四友” 與西晉士人精神風貌. Gansu lilun xuekan 147.2 (2002): 70–73. Ruan Zhong 阮忠. “Ershisi you ji qi shige de yinxi” 二十四友及其詩歌的因襲. In Zhonggu shiren qunti ji qi shifeng yanhua 中古詩人群體及其詩風演化, 140–203. Wuhan: Wuhan chubanshe, 2004.

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Wang Lihua 王澧華. “‘Lu gong ershisi you’ yu Xi Jin qimi shifeng de xingsheng” “魯公二十四友” 與西晉綺靡詩風的興盛. In Liang Jin shifeng 兩晉詩風, 54–101. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005. Zhang Aibo 張愛波. Xi Jin shifeng yu shige—yi ‘Ershisi you’ yanjiu wei zhongxin 西晉士風與詩歌—以 “二十四友” 研究為中心. Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 2006. Li Xiaofeng 李曉風. “Lu Ji yu Ershisi you” 陸機與二十四友. Henan shehui kexue 15.4 (2007): 112–13. Sui Xiuling 隋秀玲. “Cong ‘Ershisi you’ kan Xi Jin wenhua jingshen he wenxue fengmao” 從 “二十四友” 看西晉文化精神和文學風貌. Zhengzhou hangkong gongye liexueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 27.5 (2008): 16–19. DRK

Fa yan 法言 (Exemplary sayings) “Masters” work by Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 c.e.). The Fa yan is a collection of dialogues between Yang Xiong and an unidentified interlocutor. Yang Xiong replies to questions on philosophical, political, literary, ethical, and scholarly matters. Yang Xiong claims that the questions were actually posed by his contemporaries. The answers are construed as fa 法, “models” or “exempla,” which Yang has drawn from the “orthodox” tradition or the Classics, and thus Yang gave his book the title Fa yan “Exemplary Sayings” or “Model Sayings.” Yang Xiong’s answers to the questions are often in the form of terse pronouncements and rely on wit and puns to convey a message. Yang Xiong claimed that his purpose in writing this work was to counter what he deemed the deleterious influence of the za 雜 or “syncretic” thinkers who had corrupted the orthodox tradition as he understood it. In his “Autobiographical Postface” he denounces them for their “strange convolutions, hairsplitting arguments, and paradoxical language.” Yang Xiong was especially critical of the “zhuzi” 諸子 or “various Masters” of the pre-Qin and Han periods for infusing their writings with ideas and sayings that ran counter to the teachings of the Sages and the Classics. Thus, except for Confucius and his immediate disciples, and Mengzi 孟子, Yang Xiong strongly criticizes almost every important thinker of the Pre-Qin and Han periods. The Fa yan is consciously modeled on the style of the Lun yu. Like the Lun yu the chapter titles are taken from the first two characters of the chapter text. Although there is no single focus throughout a single chapter, some chapters do contain extended discussions of a single topic. For example, Chapter 2 is the primary source for Yang Xiong’s comments on the fu. The beginning chapters mainly concern ethical issues such as

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the role of learning in cultivating the good person (no. 1), the Classics and Sages as arbiters of moral wisdom (nos. 2–4), the concept of shen 神 (godliness), which through prescience (xian zhi 先知) enables the mind to perceive the proper Way (nos. 5, 6, and 9); and the notion of sagehood as the highest embodiment of this prescience (nos. 7–8). The final chapters (nos. 10–13) mainly see Yang Xiong engaging in a “praise-andcensure” type of commentary on historical figures as well as directing acerbic remarks on contemporary practices, especially the occult sciences and the arts of immorality that Yang Xiong considered contrary to orthodox teachings. Yang Xiong did not compose the Fa yan at one time, but wrote it over a decade or more. In the final chapter Yang Xiong refers to Wang Mang 王莽 as the Duke of Han 漢 and claims that the Han house at that point had ruled for 210 years. “Duke of Han” is the abbreviated form of Wang Mang’s title An Han gong 安漢公, which he held from 1 to 9 c.e. Scholars have variously interpreted the figure of 210 years, but it most likely represents the period beginning in 202 b.c.e. when Liu Bang 劉邦 (256–195 b.c.e.) formally assumed the title of Han emperor. Thus, Yang Xiong must have completed the Fa yan in 9 c.e. or shortly thereafter. The earliest mention of the Fa yan is in Yang Xiong’s “Autobiographical Postface” that he wrote ca. 10 c.e. Yang Xiong gives the number of juan as thirteen. He also gives a brief synopsis of each chapter. Ban Gu 班固 (32–92) in comments he inserts at the end of his biography in the Han shu says that the Fa yan circulated widely. He also lists it as one of the entries he added to the Qi lüe catalogue compiled by Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23 c.e.) at the end of the Former Han dynasty. The received version of the Fa yan must be virtually the same as the Yang Xiong original. The first editor in fact was Yang Xiong’s student Hou Ba 侯芭 who wrote a commentary to it. This was lost by the sixth century. Another early commentary was the scholar Song Zhong 宋衷 (late 2nd, early 3rd century) who also edited Yang Xiong’s Taixuan jing. This work was lost in the Song. Extant editions are in either thirteen or ten juan. In the ten-juan version chapters 2–3, 6–7, and 8–9 are included in a single juan. The thirteen-juan version stems from a text prepared by Li Gui 李軌 (fl. 317), who also wrote a yin yi 音義 (pronunciation and meaning glosses). In the received version of the Fa yan the yin yi is appended at the end of the work. However, this version contains interpolations that date from the Five Dynasties or early Northern Song. In 1034 in the Northern Song the Guozi jian 國子監 (Directorate of education) was ordered to edit and print a ten-juan version of the Fa yan. This edition was printed in 1057. However, it did not widely circulate. The earliest reprinting was done by Qin Enfu 秦恩復 (1760–1843) in 1818.

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The monograph on bibliography of the Jiu Tang shu lists a version of the Fa yan in ten juan but the received version is based on an edition prepared in 1035 by Song Xian 宋咸 (jinshi 1024). In 1081 Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086) prepared an edition in ten juan that included commentaries by Li Gui, Liu Zongyuan 柳宗元 (773–819), Wu Mi 吳祕, and Song Xian supplemented by his own explanatory notes. This is sometimes referred to as the Wuchen 五臣 (Five courtiers) version. The original printing of this is lost, but there is a Ming reproduction by the Shide tang 世德堂 in 1533 that is held in the Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. There was also a Song commercial printing of the Wuchen version done in Jianyang 建陽 (modern Jianyang, Fujian) in the Shaoxing period (1131–1162) by the Yanggao tang 仰高堂 of Liu Dan 劉旦, son of Liu Fu 劉復 ( jinshi 1133?). This edition is held by the Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Another edition printed in Jianyang in 1260, the Zuantu huzhu Yangzi Fa yan 纂圖互注揚 子法言, was reprinted during the Ming. Bibliography Editions Yangzi Fa yan 揚子法言. 13 juan. Commentary by Li Gui 李軌 (fl. 317). Compilation begun in 1057. Printed in 1065. Facsimile rpt. by Qin Enfu 秦恩復 (1760– 1843), Qinshi Shiyan zhai 秦氏石研齋, 1818. Zuantu fenmen leiti Wuchen zhu Yangzi Fa yan 纂圖分門類題五臣注揚子法言. 10 juan. Commentary by Li Gui 李軌 (fl. 317), Liu Zongyuan 柳宗元 (773–819), Wu Mi 吳祕, Song Xian 宋咸 (jinshi 1024), and Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086). Shaoxing period (1131–1162) printed in Jianyang 建陽 (modern Fujian) by the Yanggao tang 仰高堂 (also known as Liu Tongpan zhai 劉通判宅) of Liu Dan 劉旦. Photo-reproduction: Zhonghua zaizao shanben 中華再造善本. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2003. Zuantu huzhu Yangzi Fa yan 纂圖互注揚子法言. 13 juan. Commentary by Li Gui 李軌 (fl. 317), Liu Zongyuan 柳宗元 (773–819), Wu Mi 吳祕, Song Xian 宋咸 (jinshi 1024), and Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086). Jianyang shufang 建陽書坊, 1260. Reprinted as Xin zuan menmu wuchen yin zhu Yangzi Fa yan 新纂門目 五臣音注揚子法言. Gu Chun 顧春, ed. Liuzi quan shu 六子全書. 1533. Based on Xin zuan menmu wuchen yin zhu Yangzi Fa yan. Yōshi Hōgen 揚子法言. Commentary by Li Gui 李軌 (fl. 317), Liu Zongyuan 柳宗元 (773–819), Wu Mi 吳祕, Song Xian 宋咸 (jinshi 1024), and Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086). 10 juan. Kyoto: Nakano Shōzaemon, 1659. Yangzi Fa yan 揚子法言. 13 juan. Commentary by Li Gui 李軌 (fl. 317). Photoreproductin of Qin Enfu edition. Sibu congkan. Yangzi Fa yan 揚子法言. 13 juan. Commentary by Li Gui 李軌 (fl. 317). Typeset printing based on Qin Enfu edition. Sibu beiyao. Tōgen Zōshi 桃源藏子, ed. and comm. Zōchū Yōshi Hōgen 增注揚子法言. Tokyo: Shōundō, ca. 1900.

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Wang Rongbao 汪榮寶 (1878–1933), ed. and comm. Fa yan shuzheng 法言疏證. Jin xie linlang zhai 金薤琳琅齋, 1911. Wang Rongbao 汪榮寶 (1878–1933), ed. and comm. Fa yan yishu 法言義疏. 20 juan. 1933; rpt. with punctuation by Chen Zhongfu 陳中夫. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987. Han Jing 韓敬, ed. and comm. Fa yan zhu 法言注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992.

Commentaries and Notes Liu Shipei 劉師培. “Fa yan bu shi” 法言補釋. Guocui xuebao 27 (1907): 4–6; 28 (1907): 4–6; 29 (1907): 4–6; 31 (1907): 5–6; rpt. in Liu Shipei. Liu Shenshu xiansheng yizhu 劉申叔先生遺著, 2: 1247–55. 1936; rpt. Taipei: Taiwan daxue shudian, 1965. Tang Bingzheng 湯炳正. “Fa yan Wang zhu buzheng”《法言》汪注補正. Zhiyan banyuekan 4 (1935): 373–78.

Concordance Fa yan zhuzi suoyin 法言逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1995.

Translations von Zach, Erwin. Yang Hsiungs Fa-yen (Worte strenger Ermahnung), Sinologische Beitrage IV.1, Batavia, 1939. Rpt. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1976. Suzuki Yoshikasu 鈴木喜一. Hōgen 法言. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1972.

Baihua Translations Luo Bangzhu 羅邦柱, trans. and comm. Fa yan yizhu 法言譯注. Taipei: Jian’an chubanshe, 1998. Han Jing 韓敬, trans. and comm. Fa yan quanyi 法言全譯. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1999. Zhu Rongzhi 朱榮智 comm. Xin bian Fa yan 新編法言. Zhonghua congshu xin bian zhuzi congshu 中華叢書 新編諸子叢書. Taipei: Taiwan guji chubanshe, 2000. Luo Bangzhu 羅邦柱, trans. and comm. Fa yan 法言. In Xu Jialu 許嘉璐, ed.in-chief. Wen bai duizhao zhuzi jicheng 文白對照諸子集成. Nanjing: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 2006.

Studies Kano Naoki 狩野直喜. “Yō Yū to Hōgen” 揚雄と法言. Shinagaku kenkyū 3.6 (1923): 399–420. Jäger, Fritz. “Yang Hiung und Wang Mang.” Sinica-Sonderausgabe (1937): 14–34. Lan Xiulong 藍秀隆. Yang Xiong Fa yan yanjiu 揚雄法言研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1989.

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Wang Han 王菡. “Yangzi Fa yan lidai jiaozhu ben zhuan lu”《揚子法言》歷代校注 本傳錄. Wenxian 61 (1994: 3): 175–86. Tanaka Masami 田中麻紗已. Hōgen: mō hitotsu no「Rongo」法言;もうひとすの論 語. Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1988. Li Yinghua 李英華. “Yang Xiong Fa yan zhong de Yixue sixiang” 揚雄《法言》中 的易學思想. Zhou yi yanjiu 30 (1996): 41–45. Wang Chunshu 王春淑. “Yang Xiong zhushu kaolüe” 揚雄著述考略. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 23.3 (1996): 119–23. Li Yinghua 李英華. “‘Dierbu Lunyu—Fa yan shuping” 第二部《論語》—《法言》述 評. Kongzi yanjiu (1997: 2): 84–91. Zhang Bing 張兵. “Yang Xiong Fayan zhong de daojia sixiang” 揚雄《法言》中的 道家思想. Jinan daxue xuebao 11.5 (2001): 30–32. Yuhazu Kazuyori 弓巾和順. “Yō Yū Hōgen ni okeru mohō to sōsaku” 揚雄 『法言』における模倣と創作. Chūgoku kenkyū shūkan 30 (2002): 3269–79. Yang Zuquan 楊祖泉. “Lun Fa yan de zun sheng chong jing yu ruxue pipan” 論《法言》的尊聖崇經與儒學批判. Shanghai daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 10.3 (2003): 5–8. Liu Baozhen 劉保貞. “Yang Xiong zhuzuo ji qi liuchuan” 揚雄著作及其流傳. Shandong daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2003: 1): 155–58. Zhang Bing 張兵. “Yang Xiong Fa yan yuyan yishu tese chutan” 揚雄《法言》語言 藝術特色初探. Xihua shifan daxue xuebao (She ke ban) (2004: 3): 1–4. Guo Junming 郭君銘. Yang Xiong Fa yan sixiang yanjiu 揚雄法言思想研究. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2006. DRK

Fan Tai 范泰 (355–428), zi Bolun 柏倫 Scholar-official of the Eastern Jin and Liu-Song Fan Tai’s ancestral home was Shunyang 順陽 in Nanyang 南陽 commandery (modern Zhechuan 浙川, Henan; alt. southwest of modern Neixiang 內鄉, Henan). He was the son of the famous Chunqiu scholar Fan Ning 范寧 (339–401) and the father of Fan Ye 范曄 (398–446). At the end of the Eastern Jin he served as military aide to Xie An 謝安 (320–385) and Sima Daozi 司馬道子 (364–402). In 389, his cousin, the regional governor of Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat Jiangling 江陵, modern Jingzhou, Hubei), Wang Chen 王忱 (d. 392), obtained Fan Tai’s appointment as governor of Tianmen 天門 (modern Shimen 石門, Hunan). Wang Chen was a libertine and a heavy drinker who reputedly remained drunk for months at a time. Fan Tai repeatedly admonished him to no avail. After Wang Chen died in 392, Fan Tai received an appointment in the capital as vice-director of the imperial secretariat. In 401, he resigned office to observe mourning for his father. Around 405 Fan Tai allied himself with Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422) who put special trust in him. When Liu Yu established the Song, Fan Tai

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was appointed Grand Master of Imperial Entertainments with Golden Seal and Purple Ribbon (jin zi guanglu dafu 金紫光禄大夫). When the State Academy was established in 503, Fan Tai was appointed chancellor, and he urged Liu Yu to promote Confucianism. He was promoted again and enjoyed the privilege that the emperor bestowed. He died at the age of seventy-four and was given the posthumous title Marquis Xuan (Xuan hou 宣侯). Fan Tai was known as an outspoken and principled official, and as a learned and assiduous scholar. Only a few fragments of his thirty-juan Gujin shanyan 古今善言 (Good words of past and present) survive. His twenty-juan collected works also has been lost. Yan Kejun has collected twenty of prose writings, most of which consist of discourses on Buddhism and court petitions, in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Lu Qinli includes six fragmentary poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi. Bibliography Work Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857), ed. Gujin shanyan 古今善言. 1 juan. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu 玉函山房輯佚書.

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 266–67. Qu Lindong 瞿林東 and Li Zhen 李珍. Fan Ye pingzhuan 范曄評傳, 46–48, 161–62. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2006. WJ with additions by DRK

Fan Ye 范曄 (398–446), zi Weizong 蔚宗 Liu-Song period historian and writer. Fan Ye’s ancestral home was Shunyang 順陽 in Nanyang 南陽 commandery (modern Zhechuan 浙川, Henan; alt. southwest of modern Neixiang 內鄉, Henan). He was the fourth son of Fan Tai 范泰 (355–428), a distinguished scholar-official of the late Eastern Jin and early Liu-Song period. Fan Ye was born while his mother, a concubine of Fan Tai, was in the privy, and because his head struck a brick, his childhood name was Zhuan 塼 (Brick). In his youth he was a skilled writer. He was also well-versed in calligraphy and music. Fan Ye’s first position was at the end of the Eastern Jin (ca.

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418) as aide to Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422) who had assumed the post of counselor-in-chief. In 420 Fan Ye joined the staff of Liu Yu’s fourth son, Liu Yikang 劉義康 (490–451), Prince of Pengcheng 彭城. After Liu Yu founded the Song dynasty in 420, Fan Ye continued in Liu Yikang’s service when he was stationed in Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative headquarters, Jiangling 江陵, modern Jingzhou municipality, Hubei) and at the imperial court. In 428 Fan Ye resigned office to mourn his deceased father. In 430, Fan Ye returned to official service on the staff of the General Who Subdues the South Tan Daoji 檀道濟 (d. 436). In December 430, the emperor ordered Tan Daoji to lead a military expedition against the Northern Wei. According to Fan Ye’s biography in the Song shu he was afraid to go with the Song army and requested to be relieved of duty on the grounds of a foot ailment. The emperor did not grant his request. In 432, upon returning from the military campaign, Fan Ye was appointed gentleman-attendant in the ministry of personnel. In the winter of 432, Liu Yikang’s mother died. On the eve of her burial Fan Ye and his colleagues went to the bureau of Fan Ye’s brother Fan Guangyuan 范廣淵 (d. 446), where he was on duty, and they drank into the night and listened to burial songs through the north window. Appalled at Fan Ye’s behavior, Liu Yikang had him demoted to governor of Xuancheng 宣城 (modern Xuancheng, Anhui). During the five years he spent in Xuancheng, Fan Ye collected various histories of the Later Han dynasty that he used to compile his magnum opus, the Hou Han shu. In 437, Fan Ye was appointed to the staff of Liu Yixin 劉義欣 (404– 439) who was at the time serving as regional inspector of Jiangzhou 江州 (administrative headquarter at Chaisang 柴桑, modern Jiujiang 九江, Jiangxi). In 439, Fan Tai’s primary wife died. Fan Ye was late in getting to her funeral and he was impeached for this offense, but the emperor did not have him punished. In 440, Fan Ye joined the staff of Liu Jun 劉濬 (429–453), Prince of Shixing 始興. Fan was assigned to the post of governor of Nan Xiapi 南下邳 (administrative headquarters northeast of modern Suining 睢寧, Jiangsu). In January 441, Liu Yixin was transferred to Yangzhou 揚州. Because of Liu Yixin’s youth, all of the administrative duties were assigned to Fan Ye. In 444, Fan Ye was appointed taizi zhanshi 太子詹事 (superintendant of the household of the heir designate). Thus, Fan Ye is often referred to as Fan zhanshi. Prior to this time, a group of officials led by Kong Xixian 孔希先 (d. 446) began to plot a coup against Emperor Wen 文 (r. 424–453) with the aim of installing Li Yikang on the Song throne. Fan Ye’s nephew Xie Zong 謝綜 (d. 446) was a member of this group. Kong Yixian would purposely lose when gambling with Xie Zong and Fan Ye ceding to them

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treasures that his father had acquired during his service in the south. He especially ingratiated himself with Fan Ye. Kong was also able to arouse Fan Ye’s resentment against Emperor Wen. With some reluctance, Fan Ye joined the supporters of Liu Yikang. In late December 445, Xu Zhanzhi 徐湛之 (410–453) reported their plot to the emperor and identified Fan Ye as the “rebel leader.” Fan Ye was arrested and executed on 23 January 446. Fan Ye is best known for his Hou Han shu (q.v.) that has become the standard history of the Former Han. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Fan Ye’s collected works in fifteen juan. This seems to have been lost already in Tang times. Yan Kejun has collected one petition, two letters, and two prefaces in the “Quan Song wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. One of the letters, “Yu zhong yu zhu shengzhi shu” 獄中與諸甥姪書 (Letter from prison to my nephews), is an important statement of Fan Ye’s views on writing. Fan Ye claimed to shun the vocation of wenshi 文士 (literary man) and asserts that in writing yi 意 (thought, meaning) is the most important consideration. He implies that writing such as poetry, fu, and some types of prose is inferior to writing that conveys a moral message. He takes great pride in the xu 序 (prefaces), lun 論 (disquisitions), and zan 贊 (rhymed appraisals) that he wrote for each chapter of his Hou Han shu. Fan Ye’s disquisitions soon became considered model examples of the form, and three of them were selected for inclusion in the Wen xuan. Fan Ye has only two poems extant, “Leyou ying zhao shi” 樂遊應詔詩 (An outing to Leyou Park, written in reply to imperial command) that is contained in the Wen xuan, and “Lin zhong shi” 臨終詩 (Poem written upon facing death). Studies Fujita Shizen 藤田至善. “Go Kan sho itsumin den ni tsuite no ikkōsatsu”「後漢 書」逸民傳についての一考察. Tōyōshi kenkyū 4.1 (1938): 45–49. Zhang Shuzu 張述祖. “Fan Weizong nianpu” 范蔚宗年譜. Shixue nianbao 3.2 (1940); rpt. in Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu 後漢書、三國志研究, ed.-in-chief, Qu Lindong 瞿林東, 13–45. Beijing: Zhongguo dabaike quanshu chubanshe, 2009. Dai Fanyu 戴藩豫. Fan Ye yu qi Hou Han shu 范曄與其後漢書. Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1941. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Fan Ye Hou Han shu de xulun” 范曄後漢書的序論. Wenxue yichan zengkan 10 (1966): 52–65; rpt. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue luncong 漢魏六 朝文學論叢, 47–60. Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2002. Egan, Ronald C. “The Prose Style of Fan Ye.” HJAS 39 (1979): 339–401. Chen Guangchong 陳光崇. “Lun Fan Ye zhi si” 論范曄之死. Shixue shi yanjiu (1980: 1): 15–17.

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Shu Shicheng 束世澂. “Fan Ye yu Hou Han shu” 范曄與《後漢書》. In Zhongguo shixue shi lunji 中國史學史論集, ed.-in-chief Wu Ze 吳澤, 2: 271–99. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1980. Chen Qianjun 陳千鈞. “Fan Ye de zhezhong sixiang ji qi shengping” 范曄的折 衷思想及其生平. Dongbei shida xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1982: 2): 56–63. Chen Qianjun 陳千鈞. “Lun Fan Ye Hou Han shu de juda chengjiu ji qi dui houshi yingxiang” 論范曄《後漢書》的巨大成就及其對後世影響. Huanan shiyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1982: 3): 80–88. Zhao Zhihan 趙之漢 and Lin Jianming 林劍鳴. “Fan Ye” 范曄. In Zhongguo shixuejia pingzhuan 中國史學家評傳, eds. Chen Qingquan 陳清泉 and Su Shuangbi 蘇霜碧 et al.,184–209. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1985. Wang Liqi 王利器. “Hou Han shu you xu li wu xu chuan shuo” 後漢書有序例無敘 傳說. Sichuan shifan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1985: 1): 1–3. Gong Jianfeng 龔劍鋒. “Fan Ye jiguan kao” 范曄籍貫考. Shixue shi yanjiu (1987: 1): 78–81. Wang Jingui 王錦貴. Han shu he Hou Han shu《漢書》和《後漢書》. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1987. Shi Ding 施丁. “Tantan Fan Ye de shilun” 談談范曄的史論. Xueshu yuekan (1988: 8): 67–71; rpt. in Qu Lindong, ed. Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu, 109–20. Zou Xianjun 鄒賢俊. “Fan Ye” 范曄. In Zhongguo gudai shixue renwu 中國古代史學 人物, eds. He Qiquan 何茲全, et al., 65–72. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1988. Wu Shuping 吳樹平. “Guanyu Fan Ye mou fan wenti de tantao” 關於范曄謀反問題 的探討. In Qin Han wenxian yanjiu 秦漢文獻研究, 414–33. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1988. Wu Shuping 吳樹平. “Fan Ye Hou Han shu de zhuanxiu niandai” 范曄《後漢書》的 撰修年代. Qin Han wenxian yanjiu, 434–37. Qiu Hankang 裘漢康. “Lüe lun Hou Han shu renwu zhuan de wenxue jiazhi yu tese” 略論《後漢書》人物傳的文學價值與特色. Zhongshan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1989: 2): 78–84. Liu Chonglai 劉重來. “Shen Yue Song shu Fan Ye zhuan kao bian” 沈約《宋書‧ 范曄傳》考辨. Wenxian (1995: 3): 130–40. Liu Chonglai 劉重來. “Dui Nanbeichao shijia Fan Ye de zai pingjia” 對南北朝史家 范曄的再評價. Tianzhong xuekan 10.2 (1995): 6–12. Han Jie 韓杰. “Fan Ye zunian bianzheng” 范曄卒年辨證. Shixue yuekan (1995: 1): 8. Cui Shuting 崔曙庭. “Fan Ye zai lishi bianzuan xue fangmian de chengjiu” 范曄在 歷史編纂學方面的成就. Tianzhong xuekan 11.1 (1996): 12–17. Liu Shi 劉石. “Hou Han shu Wen yuan zhuan de chuangli ji yiyi”《後漢書‧文苑 傳》的創立及意義. Gudian wenxue zhishi (1996: 4): 99–102. Lu Zongli 呂宗力. “Fan Yeh.” In Indiana Companion, Volume Two, 38–42. Zhao Guohua 趙國華. “Tan Fan Ye Hou Han shu de xu lun zan” 談范曄《後漢 書》的序、論、贊. Huazhong shifan daxue xuebao (1998: 1): 87–93; rpt. in Qu Donglin, ed. Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu, 94–108. Wang Chunshu 王春淑. “Fan Ye Hou Han shu xu lun zan pingxi” 范曄《後漢 書》序論贊評析. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 25.4 (1998): 99–106. Qu Lindong 瞿林東. “Guanyu Fan Ye shixue sixiang de liangge wenti” 關於范曄史 學思想的兩個問題. Dongyue luncong 東岳論叢 22.4 (2001): 80–85.

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Pang Tianyou 龐天佑. “Lun Fan Ye de shixue sixiang” 論范曄的史學思想. Shixue shi yanjiu 104.4 (2001): 33–41. Pang Tianyou 龐天佑. “Lun Fan Ye de lishi renshi lun” 論范曄的歷史認識論. Zhongzhou xuekan (2003: 4): 113–16, 123. Qiu Min 邱敏. “Fan Ye Hou Han shu” 范曄《後漢書》. Liuchao shixue 六朝史學, 272–95. Nanjing: Nanjing chubanshe, 2003. Zou Mingjun 鄒明軍. “Dong Han yimin de guiyin ji qi yu tongzhizhe de hudong—du Fan Ye Hou Han shu Yimin liezhuan” 東漢逸民的歸隱及其與統 治者的互動—讀范曄《後漢書‧逸民列傳》. Neijinag shifan xueyuan xuebao 19.1 (2004): 107–11. Hao Runhua 郝潤滑. “Fan Ye Hou Han shu de bianxiu” 范曄《後漢書》的編修. Liuchao shiji yu shixue 六朝史籍與史學, 69–76. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Cheng Fangyong 程方勇. “Cong pianli qingxiang tan Fan Ye Hou Han shu de xu lun” 從駢儷傾向談范曄《後漢書》的序、論. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan yanjiuyuan xuebao (2005: 1): 75–79. Dai Huaxuan 戴華萱. “Hou Han shu ‘Wenyuan zhuan’ zhong de wenxue guan” 《後漢書‧文苑傳》中的文學觀. Hongguan renwen shehui xuebao 2 (2005): 79–99. Qu Lindong 瞿林東 and Li Zhen 李珍. Fan Ye pingzhuan 范曄評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2006. Wu Gongcheng 吳功正. “Fan Ye de wenxue shenmei lun ji qi gongxian” 范曄的 文學審美論及其貢獻. Yangzhou daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 11.2 (2007): 41–45. Qu Lindong 瞿林東, ed. Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu 後漢書、三國志研究. Beijing: Zhongguo da baikequanshu chubanshe, 2009.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 297–98, 2: 925–29, 930–36. Egan, “The Prose Style of Fan Ye,” 339–42, 381–401. Demiéville, Poèmes chinois d’avant la mort, 148–50. Wu Fusheng, Written at Imperial Command, 88. DRK

Fan Yun 范雲 (451–503), zi Yanlong 彥龍 Qi-Liang period writer. Fan Yun’s ancestral home was Wuyin 舞陰 in Nan 南 commandery (northeast of modern Miyang 泌陽, Henan). He was the sixth-generation descendant of Fan Wang 范汪 (ca. 308–ca. 372) an eminent scholar of the Eastern Jin. His father Fan Kang 范抗 had served in office during the Liu-Song period. In 467 Fan Yun accompanied his father to his post in Xiakou 夏口 (modern Wuhan) where he served on the staff of Cai Xingzong 蔡興宗 (417–472). Here he became friends with Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) and Yu Gaozhi 庾杲之 (440–490). In 472 Cai Xingzong was transferred to the

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post of regional inspector of Jingzhou 荊州 the headquarters of which was located in Jiangling 江陵. Cai Xingzong died soon after taking up his post, and Fan Yun, who was only twenty-two years old, joined the staff of the regional inspector of Jingzhou 荊州 Shen Youzhi 沈攸之 (d. 478). In 478, Shen Youzhi staged a revolt against the Song house. When Shen lay siege to Yingcheng 郢城, Fan Yun remained outside the city. He was taken prisoner by one of Shen Youzhi’s brigades, but was able to escape. In the Southern Qi Fan Yun was a member of “Eight Companions of Jingling” (Jingling bayou 竟陵八友) of Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494). Fan Yun had joined Xiao Ziliang’s staff as a secretary and administrator in 484. He also was named rectifier for his home commandery of Wuyin. In 493, he and Xiao Chen 蕭琛 (d. 529) were sent as envoys to the Northern Wei court where Fan won the praise of Emperor Xiaowen 孝文 (Yuan Hong 元弘, r. 471–499). After Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549) founded the Liang dynasty in 502, Fan Yun was appointed to several high-ranking positions including minister of the bureau of personnel and vice director of the imperial secretariat. After he died in 503, the court gave him the posthumous title Wen 文. Fan Yun’s original thirty-juan collection that is recorded in his biography in the Liang shu is lost. Lu Qinli has collected thirty-plus of his extant poems in the Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi. Studies Xiong Qingyuan 熊清元. “Fan Yun wei guozi boshi de shijian wenti” 范雲爲國子博 士的時間問題. Shixue yuekan (1992.5): 52. Tachibana Hidenori 橘英范.“Rikuchō bunjin den. Han Un” 六朝文人伝. 范雲. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 23 (1992): 82–102. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 264–65. WJ

Fan Zhen 范縝 (ca. 450–ca. 510, alt. death date 510), zi Zizhen 子真 Scholar and opponent of Buddhism. Fan Zhen’s ancestral home was Wuyin 舞陰 in Nan 南 commandery (northwest of modern Miyang 泌陽, Henan). He was a cousin of Fan Yun 范雲 (451–503). Fan Zhen’s father died when Zhen was a young boy, and thus he grew up in impoverished circumstances. Ca. 462, Fan Zhen traveled to Pei 沛 commandery (northwest of modern Su 宿 county, Anhui) to study with the venerable scholar Liu Huan 劉瓛 (434–489). Fan Zhen gained a profound knowledge of the Classics, especially the three ritual works Zhou

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li, Yili, and Li ji. In 467, a Northern Wei army invaded the Pei area, and Fan Zhen fled to Jiankang. Ca. 470, Fan Zhen presented a petition to the court urging the emperor to open himself to criticism and recruit men to office based on ability not family status. When his advice received no reply, he became utterly disillusoned. He expressed his frustration in two poems, “Shang mu” 傷暮 (Grieving at twilight), and “Bai fa yong” 白髮詠 (Song of white hair). Neither of these pieces is extant. With the founding of the Southern Qin in 479, Fan Zhen began his official career, first as a clerk under a military commander, and then at the imperial court as director of palace affairs. In 491 he and his cousin Fan Yun were sent in a delegation of emissaries to the Northern Wei. Fan Zhen’s performance at the Wei court enhanced his reputation. Sometime between 487 and 493, Fan Zhen wrote “Shen mie lun” 神滅論 (Disquisition on the extinction of the soul), arguing that spirit coexists with the physical being, and spirit disappears along with physical existence. This marked the beginning of the debate between him and many scholars, officials and monks, whom Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494), Prince of Jingling, recruited to rebut Fan’s arguments. During the period 494–497 Fan Zhen served as governor of Yidu 宜都 (modern Yidu, Hubei). In 449, Fan Zhen’s mother passed away, and he went to Nanzhou 南州 (modern Dangtu 當涂, Anhui) to observe the mourning period for her. While Fan Zhen was residing in Nanzhou, Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549), who had begun his revolt against the Qi regime, led his army through Nanzhou on his way to Jiankang. Fan Zhen greeted Xiao Yan in his mourning clothes. After Xiao Yan founded the Liang, he appointed Fan Zhen governor of Jin’an 晉安 (modern Fuzhou 福州, Fujian). In 505 Fan Zhen was summoned to the imperial court where he assumed the position of left aide to the imperial secretary. At an imperial banquet hosted by Xiao Yan, Fan Zhen criticized the new emperor for reducing Wang Liang 王亮 (d. 510) from the eminent Wang clan of Langye to a commoner. Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508) recommended that Fan Zhen be impeached and punished. He was exiled to Guangzhou 廣州 (modern Guangdong). Fan Zhen returned to the capital in 507. Ca. 507/508, Emperor Wu of the Liang wrote “Chida chenxia shen mie lun” 敕答臣下神滅論 (An imperial reply to a courtier’s disquisition on the extinction of the soul) asking Fan Zhen to surrender the claims he had made in his “Shen mie lun.” Sixty-two other court officials and imperial relatives also wrote essays in support of the emperor’s position. One of the essay writers was Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513). But Fan Zhen did not yield under pressure. Despite the attacks on him, in 508 Fan Zhen was recommended for appointment as professor in the National University. Fan Zhen presented

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a petition to the court recommending Pei Ziye 裴子野 (469–530) for the post instead. Fan Zhen passed away in office ca. 510. Different sources variously report the size of Fan Zhen’s collected works. His biographies in the Liang shu and Nan shi respectively give it as it as ten and fifteen juan, while the monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists it in eleven juan. The collection was lost already in the Tang. Most of Fan Zhen’s writings have been lost including all of his poetry. We know he wrote verse because he is listed in Zhong Rong’s Shi pin. Fan Zhen’s “Shen mie lun” and four other prose works are collected in the Hong ming ji 弘明集 and Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. One of these pieces is an imitation of the “Zhao yinshi” 招隱士 (Summoning the recluse) in the Chu ci. Bibliography Studies and Translations Balázs, Stefan. “Der Philosoph Fan Tschen und sein Traktat gegen den Buddhismus.” Sinica 7 (1932): 220–34; English trans. in Balazs, Chinese Civilization, 255–76. Liebenthal, Walter. “‘The Immortality of the Soul’ in China.” Monumenta Nipponica 8 (1952): 354–65. Chen Yuanhui 陳元暉. Fan Zhen de wushen lun sixiang 范縝的無神論思想. Wuhan: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1957. Qiu Mingzhou 邱明洲. “Fan Zhen ‘Shenmie lun’ fabiao de niandai” 范縝《神滅 論》發表的年代. Sichuan daxue xuebao (1980.1): 59. Lai, Whalen. “Beyond the Debate on ‘The Immorality of the Soul’: Recovering an Essay by Shen Yüeh.” Journal of Oriental Studies 19.2 (1981): 138–57. Lai, Whalen. “Emperor Wu of Liang on the Immortal Soul, Shen bu-mieh.” JAOS 101.2 (1981): 167–75. Bao Dinghuan 包定環 and Gao Lingyin 高令印. “Nanchao Fojiao de yiduan Fan Zhen” 南朝佛敎的異端范縝. Zhongguo zhexue shi yanjiu jikan (1982.2): 324–48. Li Caiyuan 李才遠. “Ye tan Fan Zhen ‘Shenmie lun’ fabiao de niandai” 也談范縝 《神滅論》發表的年代. Xi’nan shifan xueyuan xuebao (1983.3): 64–67. Xia Laiyu 夏來鬱. “Jianlun Fan Zhen de ‘Shenmie lun’” 簡論范縝的《神滅論》. Shehui kexue jikan (1986.2): 18–20. Gao Chenyang 高晨陽. “Fan Zhen de xingshen lun yu xuanxue de tiyong guan” 范縝的形神論與玄學的體用觀. Wen shi zhe (1987.3): 12–15. Liu, Ming-Wood. “Fan Chen’s Treatise on the Destructiblity of the Spirit and its Buddhist Critics.” Philosophy East and West 37.4 (1987): 402–28. Mather, The Poet Shen Yüeh, 136, 141–51. Li Weidong 黎惟東. “Fan Zhen ‘Shenmie lun’ zhi yanjiu” 范縝《神滅論》之硏究. Huagang wenke xuebao (1991.18): 61–80. Zhou Qiong 周瓊. “Shilun Huan Tan, Wang Chong he Fan Zhen wushen lun sixiang de xiangcheng yu fazhan” 試論桓譚、王充和范縝無神論思想的相承與發展. Chuxiong shifan xueyuan xuebao (1993.1): 15–21.

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Ma Tao 馬濤 and Fu En 傅恩. “Fan Zhen ‘Shenmie lun’ fabiao niandai de kaobian” 范縝《神滅論》發表年代的考辨. Fudan xuebao (1995.1): 89–92, 96. Ma Tao 馬濤. “Lun Fan Zhen yu Cao Siwen guanyu xingshen wenti de zhenglun” 論范縝與曹思文關於形神問題的爭論. Jiefangjun waiguoyu xueyuan xuebao (1995.2): 102–105. Ma Tao 馬濤. “Daojia yu Fan Zhen” 道家與范縝. Zhexue yanjiu (1995.3): 71–75. Ma Tao 馬濤. “Gudai zhongyi xue yu Fan Zhen shenmie lun” 古代中醫學與范縝神 滅論. Hebei shiyuan xuebao (1995.4):110–113. Ma Tao 馬濤 and Pan Fu’en 潘富恩. Fan Zhen pingzhuan: Fu He Chengtian pingzhuan 范縝評傳: 附何承天評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1996. Zhang Heqin 張鶴琴, trans. “On the Destruction of the Soul (Shen mie lun 神滅 論).” Chinese Culture (1995.4): 1–15. Dun Songyuan 頓嵩元. “Fan Zhen shengping shiji kaobian” 范縝生平事迹考辨. Huanghe keji daxue xuebao (2000.4): 113–18. Jansen, Thomas. Höfische Offentlichkeit, 167–95, 232–48. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 489–91. Li Xiaorong 李曉榮. Hongming ji Guang Hongming ji shu lun gao《弘明集》《廣 弘明集》述論稿, 527–63. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2005. Tian, Beacon Fire, 59–61. Zhan Liwu 詹勵吾. “Lun ‘Shen mie lun’” 論「神滅論」. Pumen xuebao 49 (2009): 513–23. WJ and DRK

Feiyan waizhuan 飛燕外傳 (Informal account of Zhao Feiyan) Novella attributed to the late Western Han. Also titled Zhao Feiyan waizhuan 趙飛燕外傳 and Zhao hou wai zhuan 趙后外傳, this novella is a fabulous account of Zhao Feiyan 趙飛燕 (fl. 16 b.c.e.), consort of Former Han Emperor Cheng 成 (r. 33–8 b.c.e.), and her sister the Brilliant Companion Zhao 趙昭儀 (d. 7 b.c.e.) It has been attributed to one Ling Xuan 伶玄 (fl. 40.–10 b.c.e.), but many scholars no longer consider it a Han work. It may have been written as late as the sixth century c.e. or even Tang. Bibliography Texts Zhao Feiyan waizhuan 趙飛燕外傳. 1 juan. Gu Yuanqing 顧元慶 (1487–1565), ed. Gushi wenfang xiaoshuo 顧氏文房小說. Shanghai: Hanfang lou, 1925. Zhao hou waizhuan 趙后外傳. 1 juan. Gujin yishi 古今逸史. Zhao Feiyan waizhuan 趙飛燕外傳. 1 juan. Han Wei congshu. Zhao Feiyan waizhuan 趙飛燕外傳. 1 juan. Wuchao xiaoshuo 五朝小說. Feiyan waizhuan 飛燕外傳. 1 juan. Longwei mishu 龍威秘書. 1794.

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Feiyan waizhuan 飛燕外傳. 1 juan. Bao Hongye congshu 鮑紅葉叢書. 1907. Wang Gongwei 王公偉, punc. and comm. Zhao Feiyan waizhuan 趙飛燕外傳. Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2000.

Translations and Studies Lin Yutang. Wisdom of China and India, 955–63. New York: Random House, 1942. Bauer, Wolfgang and Herbert Franke. The Golden Casket. English translation by Christopher Levenson, 45–57. New York: Harcourt, race & World, 1964. Eichhorn, Werner. “Das Fei-yen wai-chuan.” Eduard Erkes in memoriam 1891– 1958, 54–63. Leipzig, 1962. Wang Jiantang 王建堂 and Song Haiying 宋海鷹. “Feiyan waizhuan de wenshi yu liubo”《飛燕外傳》的問世與流播. Jindongnan shizhuan xuejiao xuebao 19.4 (2002): 35–40. Lin Yuhong 林于弘. “Zhao Feiyan waizhuan chengshu ji banben chuancheng bijiao yanjiu”《趙飛燕外傳》成書及版本傳承比較研究. Guoli zhongyang tushuguan Taiwan fenguan guankan 9.3 (2003): 86–91. Li Jianguo 李劍國. “‘Quanqi zhi shou’ Zhao Feiyan waizhuan “傳奇之首”《趙飛燕 外傳》. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2004: 1): 33–40. Wang Yuchuan 王玉川. “Feiyan waizhuan kaolun”《飛燕外傳》考論. Tangdu xuekan 21.6 (2005): 38–40. Xing Peishun 邢培順. “Zhao Feiyan zhuan tanlun”《趙飛燕傳》探論. Zhonghua nüzi xueyuan Shandong fenyuan xuebao (2009: 1): 58–63. DRK

Feng Gui 封軌 (fl. 512), zi Guangdu 廣度 Literatus of the Northern Wei. Feng Gui’s ancestral and natal place was Tiao 蓨 in Bohai 渤海 commandery (modern Jing 景 county, Hebei). His dates are unknown. He was a learned scholar and well versed in the Classics. During the reign of Emperor Xiaowen 孝文 (477–499), he served as editorial director adjunct and director of the ministry of rites. During the reign of Emperor Xuanwu 宣武 (499–515), he was sent as an envoy to Gaoli 高麗 (modern Korea). After he returned, he served briefly as director of the bureau of evaluation and was then promoted to professor in the National University. From 512 to 515, when Yuan Yi 元懌, Prince of Qinghe 清河王 (490– 523), who also held the post of minister of works, was planning to renovate the Ming tang 明堂 (Luminous Hall) and Biyong 辟雍 (Academy of Learning), Feng Gui presented a learned history of these two structures to Yuan Yi.

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Feng Gui wrote four monitory essays: “Wu de” 務德 (Cultivating virtue), “Shen yan” 慎言 (Being cautious about one’s speech), “Yuanning” 遠佞 (Keeping obsequious people at a distance) and “Fang jian” 防姦 (Guarding against treachery). These works were already lost by the early Tang. Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 294. TPK

Feng Su 封肅 (fl. 525), zi Yuanyong 元邕 Writer of Northern Wei, Northern Dynasties. Feng Su’s ancestral and natal place was Tiao 蓨 in Bohai 渤海 commandery (modern Jing 景 county, Hebei). His birth and death dates are unknown. Already in his youth he was a gifted writer and well read in the Classics and histories. When serving as professor in the National University he helped compile the daily records of the emperor’s activities (qiju zhu 起居注), a work that was one of the sources for the compilation of the Wei shu 魏書 of Wei Shou 魏收 (506–572). About the same time he wrote “Huan yuan fu” 還園賦 (Fu on returning to the homestead). His biography in the Wei shu says the language of the piece is elegant but the piece has not survived. During the reign of Emperor Xiaoming (525–527), Feng was appointed gentleman of the interior, branch department of state affairs. He died while serving as director of the left section for inner troops of the imperial secretariat. Feng Su’s biography in the Wei shu (completed in 554) says only tenplus juan of his writings had survived. None of his works is extant today. Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 295. TPK

Feng Weibo 封偉伯 (492–527), zi Junliang 君良 Literatus of Northern Wei. Feng Weibo was the son of Feng Gui 封軌 (fl. 512). The Feng family’s natal and ancestral home was Tiao 蓨 in Bohai 渤海 commandery (modern

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Jing 景 county, Hebei). In his youth Feng Weibo showed remarkable writing skill. At the age of twenty, he was appointed a professor at the National University. He also participated in major court decisions, and his opinions were highly valued. High court officials such as Cui Guang 崔光 (451–523) and You Zhao 游肇 (452–520) also held him in high regard. The Prince of Qinghe 清河, Yuan Yi 元懌 (490–523), invited him to serve as his administrator. When Yuan Yi, who was also a learned scholar, added explanatory notes to the Classic of Filial Piety he ordered Feng Weibo to explicate nine problematic passages. Feng also raised questions about passages in other Classics such as the Changes, Songs, and Rites. Many scholars marveled at his ability to discover misinterpreted phrases. Feng Weibo also wrote a detailed treatise on the Ming tang 明堂 (Luminous Hall ), which was also the subject of an essay by his father, Feng Gui. In 524, the vice director of the imperial secretariat Xiao Baoyin 蕭寶夤 (d. 530), a member of the Qi imperial house who had defected to the Wei, appointed Feng director of the branch department of state affairs in the Guanxi 關西 area. When Xiao Baoyin led a revolt to re-establish the Southern Qi house, Feng Weibo tried to call out the troops to protect the emperor, but Feng was captured and killed by Xiao Baoyin’s troops. According to his biography in the Bei shi Feng Weibo compiled a sixjuan treatise titled Fengshi benlu 封氏本錄 (Mr. Feng’s own record) and wrote several dozen literary works, including poems, fu, epitaphs, dirges, and miscellaneous essays. However, none of his works is listed in the treatise on bibliography of the Sui shu, and thus his writings must have been lost in the transition between the Northern Dynasties and the Sui. Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 294. TPK

Feng Yan 馮衍 (ca. 20 b.c.e.–ca. 60 c.e.), zi Jingtong 敬通 Early Eastern Han writer. Feng Yan’s natal and ancestral home was Duling 杜陵 in Jingzhao 京兆 (east of modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). Feng Yan was the descendant of a family that traced its history back to Feng Ting 馮亭, who in the 260s b.c.e. governed the city state of Shangdang 上黨 (near modern Changzhi 長治 in southeastern Shanxi) for the ruling family of the state of Han. After Feng Ting was killed in the battle of Changping 長平 in 260 b.c.e. members of

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the Feng clan then dispersed. Some remained in Lu 潞, which was a town in Shangdang; other members of the family went to Zhao 趙. At the end of the Qin three members of the Feng family served as ministers and generals in Qin. During the Former Han, Feng Tang 馮唐 was an adviser to Emperor Wen 文帝 (r. 179–157 b.c.e.). Upon the accession of Emperor Jing 景帝 in 156 b.c.e., he was appointed chancellor of Chu. Emperor Wu wished to employ him, but because of his advanced age (he was over ninety), he was unable to take up the position. Feng Yan’s great-grandfather was Feng Fengshi 馮奉世 (d. ca. 39 b.c.e.). His eldest daughter Feng Yuan 馮媛 (d. 6 b.c.e.) became a consort of Emperor Yuan 元帝 (r. 48–33 b.c.e.) of the Former Han. He held high office in the reign of Emperor Xuan and Emperor Yuan. It was he who moved the family home to Duling. According to the Dongguan Han ji (cited in Hou Han shu 28A.962, commentary), Feng Yan was the son of Feng Zuo 馮座. However, the Hou Han shu by Hua Jiao 華嶠 (cited in Hou Han shu 28A.962, commentary) says that Feng Yan’s grandfather was Feng Li 馮立, the father of Feng Man 馮滿, who was Feng Yan’s father. In his youth, Feng Yan was much admired for his vast learning. At the age of nine, he reputedly could recite the Classic of Songs. High officials repeatedly had recommended Feng Yan to serve in the regime of Wang Mang 王莽 (r. 8–23), but he declined. In 22, Feng Yan served as administrator for Lian Dan 廉丹, who led Wang Mang’s campaigns against the Red Eyebrows. Feng Yan sent two letters to Lian Dan to persuade him of the futility of continuing to support Wang Mang. After Lian Dan was killed in battle, Feng Yan fled to Hedong 河東 (administrative headquarters Anyi 安邑, modern Yuwangcheng 禹王城, northwest of Xia 夏 county, Shanxi). In 24, he presented a long persuasion to Bao Yong 鮑永, who mounted a defense of the Gengshi Emperor in Taiyuan 太原 (administrative headquarters southeast of modern Taiyuan, Shanxi). Bao Yong appointed Feng Yan General Who Establishes the Han. In 27, upon learning that the Gengshi Emperor had died, Feng Yan and Bao Yong surrendered to Emperor Guangwu 光武 (r. 25–57). Guangwu resented that Feng Yan had not surrendered earlier, and he did not immediately appoint him to a position. However, in 28, Guangwu did appoint him magistrate of Quyang 曲陽 (southwest of modern Quyang, Hebei). Although Feng defeated a powerful rebel band and forced the surrender of over five thousand enemy soldiers, he did not receive any reward. In 30, after a solar eclipse, Feng Yan presented a petition to Emperor Guangwu urging him to undertake eight measures. Initially impressed by Feng’s proposal, the emperor was about to summon him to the court when an enemy of Feng’s criticized him to

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the imperial secretary and director of the imperial secretariat, saying “he wishes to malign you.” Thus, Feng was not allowed to come to court. Some years later, around 42, Feng Yan cultivated the friendship of Yin Xing 陰興 (9–47) and Yin Jiu 陰就 (d. 59), who were brothers of Emperor Guangwu’s Empress Yin Lihua 陰麗華 (5–64). Through their influence Feng received invitations from various kings, and he eventually obtained the position of retainer to the metropolitan commandant. Two letters by Feng Yan to Yin Jiu are extant. Feng Yan’s association with the nobles eventually got him into trouble with the imperial court. In 52, after the death of Empress Guo Shengtong 郭聖通 (d. 52), Emperor Guangwu arrested and executed clients of powerful clans who resided in the Chang’an area. Feng Yan was arrested, but soon received an imperial pardon. Feng then returned to his home in Duling where he avoided contact with friends and relatives for several years. Ca. 55, out of frustration at the failure of his official career, Feng Yan presented a petition to Emperor Guangwu complaining about his situation. In the second section of his petition, Feng mentions his illustrious family background. He refers specifically to his great-uncle Feng Can 馮參, whose older sister, Feng Yuan was a highly ranked concubine of Emperor Yuan. Through her influence Feng Can enjoyed high position and favor. When Emperor Ai acceded to the throne in 6 b.c.e., Feng Yuan was accused of casting spells on the young emperor and his grandmother Empress Dowager Fu 傅太后 (d. 2 b.c.e.), who had long held a grudge against Feng Yuan. Many members of the Feng family were arrested, including Feng Can. Both Feng Can and Feng Yuan committed suicide. Feng Yan says that Feng Can “because of his loyalty and uprightness inflicted disaster upon our family.” Feng Yan then tells of his association with Yin Xing, who knowing that Feng Yan had fallen on hard times had aided him in trying to restore his family fortune, but Feng Yan had adamantly refused to accept anything. Although Feng Yan had prospered twenty years before while serving in Taiyuan, his “assets yearly have been reduced, and his living situation daily has become impoverished.” He also had been the victim of criticism and slander by his enemies. At the end of his petition, Feng refers to himself as a “vassal who has been banished to the countryside” who “with fear and trepidation explains himself in order to have his crime expiated.” The petition was presented to the emperor, but because of Feng Yan’s prior transgressions, he was not given a position. Feng Yan spent the remainder of his years living in retirement in the area of Xinfeng 新豐 (northeast of modern Lintong 臨潼, Shaanxi). Feng Yan did not fare any better when Emperor Ming 明 (r. 58–75) took the throne in 58, for many people criticized Feng’s writing as being more form than substance. Thus, he continued to remain at home in retirement. Feng

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Yan died in poverty ca. 60. However, at the end of his biography it mentions that Emperor Zhang (r. 75–88) admired Feng Yan’s writing. Thus, Feng Yan’s writings must have circulated immediately after his death. The compiler of Hou Han shu knew of some fifty works by Feng Yan in various genres, including fu, dirges, inscriptions, discourses, notes, an autobiography, and three essays titled “Wen jiao” 問交 (Inquiring about associations), “De gao” 德誥 (Proclamation on virtue), and “Shen qing” 慎情. Only several fragments of “De gao” are extant. Feng Yan’s collected works in five juan is listed in the monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu, Jiu Tang shu, and Xin Tang shu. The 7th century commentators to the Hou Han shu mention that the version of the collection that they consulted had twenty-eight pieces, and thus it is very likely that this five-juan version is not complete. Feng Yan’s most famous piece is a long fu titled “Xian zhi fu” 顯志賦 (Making clear my aims) that is included in his Hou Han shu biography (28B.985–1001). This is one of the earliest autobiographical fu. Feng Yan wrote this piece late in life after he had retired to Xinfeng. He precedes the fu with what is called a zi lun 自論 or “disquisition on self ” that is the equivalent of a preface. However, Feng Yan’s preface is partially in rhyme. In the preface, Feng Yan complains that he had early in his career formulated various stratagems and plans, but no one ever heeded them. Thus, he was never able to realize his ambitions, and now he must live in extreme poverty. He then tells of taking up residence in Xinfeng, from which he had a clear view of the old Western Han capital of Chang’an. Feng Yan reflects on his family history and laments that the ancestral tombs, presumably meaning those in the old family home of Shangdang, are no longer tended. He also regrets that in his old age, he has no achievement or merit. He thus declares that he shall make a living raising crops and livestock. At the end of the preface, Feng states that he has written a fu in which he recounts his travels. The fu portion is a long piece written in sao-style meter with heavy borrowing from the Chu ci. In the fu Feng Yan recounts two kinds of travel, first to actual places that he visits near his new home and to the west near his ancestral home of Shangdang, and second an imaginary journey in which he goes to historical sites and meets famous figures from the past. One of the striking features of the piece is Feng Yan’s complaint about the decline of his once distinguished family. In the opening section he laments that he has experienced nothing but sorrow and misery his entire life, and he fears he will die without achieving fame. Feng also laments that his first son died young, and he speculates that this may be Feng’s punishment for his transgressions that resulted in his failed official career. Feng Yan devotes much of the piece to describing his new form of livelihood,

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farming. He compares himself with such legendary “farmers” as the Divine Husbandman, the reputed inventor of the plowshare and plow handle, and Lord Millet, who is credited with determining suitable places to plant millet and soy beans. When Feng gazes out from the Long Mountains 隴山 that stretch from Shaanxi to Gansu, he can see the entire expanse of the ancient states of Qin and Jin. He is then reminded of two of his ancestors who lived in this area during the Warring States and Qin period. In the following section of the fu Feng Yan portrays himself roaming in the realm of the imagination. In four lines, he makes a complete circuit of the world. He then follows with a visit to sites associated with famous figures of the past. Although he heaps praise on these exemplary men, Feng expresses contempt for the schemers and persuaders of the Warring States period. Then, as the day turns to dusk, Feng Yan consults various recluses, after which he decides to return home. The final section of the fu contains one of the earliest descriptions of the delights of living in reclusion in the countryside, a theme that becomes more common after the Han. Feng Yan is also famous for a letter he wrote ca. 58 to his brother-in-law Ren Wuda 任武達 explaining why he has decided to divorce his wife. Bibliography Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Feng Quyang ji 馮曲陽集. 2 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 1583. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Feng Quyang ji 馮曲陽集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji.

Studies Nakajima Chiaki 中島千秋. Fu no seiritsu to tenkai 賦の成立と展開, 469–502. Matsuyama: Seki Hironari, 1963. Wan Guangzhi 萬光治. Han fu tong lun 漢賦通論, 154–57. Chongqing: Ba Shu shushe, 1989. Numaguchi Masaru 沼口勝. “Fū En no shōgai to sono bunshō ni tsuite” 馮衍の 生涯とその文章について. Kaga hakushi taikan kinen Chūgoku bunshi tetsugaku ronshū 加賀博士退官記念中國文史哲學論集, 197–221. Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1979. Cheng Yanxia 程彥霞. “Feng Yan zuopin de zhuti ji fengge tedian” 馮衍作品的主 題及風格特點. Zhengzhou hangkong guanli xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 24.2 (2005: 4): 27–29. Feng Xiaolu 馮小祿. “Liang Han zhi ji de chenjie yu wenxue—yi Cui Zhuan Feng Yan wei zhongxin” 兩漢之際的臣節與文學—以崔篆、馮衍為中心. Yunnan shifan daxue xuebao 37.2 (2005): 106–10. Knechtges, David R. In The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 132–34.

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Numaguchi Masaru 沼口勝. “Fū En no ‘Ken shi no fu’ ni tsuite” 馮衍の「顯志賦」に ついて. Shūkan Tōyōgaku 41 (1979): 29–37. Knechtges, David R. “Autobiography, Travel, and Imaginary Journey: The ‘Xianzhi fu’ of Feng Yan.” Huaxue 9–10 (2008): 2050–65.

b. “Yu fu di Ren Wuda shu” 與婦弟任武達書 (Letter to my wife’s younger brother Ren Wuda) Translations Dull, Jack L. “Marriage and Divorce in Han China: A Glimpse at ‘Pre-Confucian’ Society.” Chinese Family Law and Social Change: In Historical and Comparative Perspective, ed. David C. Buxbaum. 58–59. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1978. Chung, Eva Yuen-wah. “A Study of the Shu (Letters) of the Han Dynasty (206 b.c.–a.d. 220).” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1982, 310–16, 511–18. Hwa, Lily. “Letter from Feng Yen to His Brother-in-law.” In Ebrey, Chinese Civilization, 74–75. DRK

Feng Yi 封懿 (?–417), zi Chude 處德 Writer and historian of Northern Wei. Feng Yi’s natal and ancestral home was Tiao 蓨 in Bohai commandery (modern Jing 景 county, Hebei). He was known for his elegant manner and skill as a writer. He began his career at the Later Yan (384–407) court where he served as director of the secretariat and secretary of the ministry of revenue under Murong Bao 慕容寶 (355–398), Emperor Huimin 惠愍 (r. 396–398). After the fall of the Later Yan in 407, Feng Yi joined the Wei court where he served in a number of positions including gentleman attendant at the palace gate, director of the department of state affairs, General Who Brings Repose to the North, and Viscount of Zhang’an 章安. Emperor Daowu 道武 (r. 386–409) of the Northern Wei once asked Feng Yi about Murong Bao’s former doings, and Feng Yi was slow in answering. Because of this, he was removed from his position. He then retuned to his hometown. When Emperor Mingyuan 明元 (r. 409–423) succeeded to the throne, Feng Yi was summoned to the court again and appointed

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the equivalent of shangshu ling 尚書令 (director of the department of state affairs). He was later promoted to a higher rank and conferred the title of “marquis.” As a learned historian and gifted writer, Feng Yi was assigned to compile the Yan shu 燕書 (History of the Yan). His biography in the Wei shu mentions that his Yan shu was “widely read and well received at that time.” This indicates that the Yan shu continued to circulate in the Northern Qi period (550－577). However, the monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu does not include this work, and thus it must have been lost before the Tang. Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 296. TPK

Fu Chang 傅畅 (?–330), zi Shidao 世道 Later Zhao writer, Sixteen Kingdoms Fu Chang’s ancestral home was Niyang 泥陽 in Beidi 北地 which had two locations in the Wei-Jin period: near modern Yanggucheng 陽故城 in Gansu, or in modern Yao 耀 county, Shaanxi. Scholars disagree on which is the correct location. His grandfather Fu Gu 傅嘏 (209–255) was a famous Wei thinker and philosopher. His father Fu Zhi 傅衹 (243–311) served as the minister of education in the Western Jin court. Relying on his family reputation, Fu Chang obtain a post in the Jin court as vice director of the palace library at an early age. He was later captured by Shi Le 石勒 (274–333), the future founding emperor of the Later Zhao (319–351). Shi Le recognized his talent and appointed him left commander. In 319, when Shi Le established the Later Zhao, he appointed Fu Chang chancellor of the College of Classical Studies. Fu Chang died in 330. Fu Chang was a prolific writer. His twenty-two-juan Jin zhu gongqing zan xi 晉諸公卿贊序 (Appraisals and postfaces for accounts of Jin imperial ministers) and five-juan Gongqing li zhi gushi 公卿禮秩故事 (Precedents of ritual protocol for imperial ministers) are listed in the monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and two Tang histories, but they were lost in the Song. According to the Shi tong 史通 (Comprehensive treatises on history) of Liu Zhiji 劉知幾 (661–721), Shi Le once ordered Fu Chang and the historian Xu Guang 徐光 (299?–333) to compile a history of the Later Zhao, but this work also has not survived. Fu Chang’s collected works in five juan was lost in the Song. His only extant piece is a fragment of his autobiography.

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fu chang 傅畅 (?–330), zi shidao 世道 Study

Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 433. TPK

Fu Gu 傅嘏 (209–255), zi Lanruo 蘭若, alt. Lanshuo 蘭碩, Zhaoxian 昭先. Name also sometimes read Fu Jia Three States period writer and thinker. Fu Gu’s ancestral home was Niyang 泥陽 in Beidi 北地 commandery, which had two locations in the Wei-Jin period: near modern Yanggucheng 陽故城 in Gansu, or in modern Yao 耀 county, Shaanxi. Scholars disagree on which is the correct location. Fu Gu achieved fame for his literary skill at an early age. He reputedly composed a eulogy in praise of the newly founded Wei dynasty when he was twelve. He first took office in 227 serving as administrator on the staff of minister of works Chen Qun 陳群 (d. 236). In 238, Fu Gu presented a petition criticizing the new “Kaoke fa” 考科法 (Regulations for examining officials) that had been drafted by Liu Shao 劉劭 (fl. 215–241). During the Zhengshi 正始 period (241–249) factional struggles between Cao Shuang 曹爽 (d. 249) and Sima Yi 司馬懿 (179–251), Fu Gu came into conflict with Cao Shuang’s protégé He Yan 何晏 (d. 249), and ca. 246 He Yan was able to use his influence to have Fu Gu removed from office. However, Sima Yi recalled him to office the next year. In 249, Sima Yi eliminated both He Yan and Cao Shuang in a palace coup. Fu Gu became a loyal supporter of the Sima family faction. In 252, he was promoted to imperial secretary. Both Sima Yi and his son Sima Shi 司馬師 (208–255) consulted Fu Gu on important matters including a suggestion by several ministers to launch a military expedition against Wu. Fu Gu spoke against the proposal. In 254, Fu Gu received the honorary title of Marquis within the Pass and was enfeoffed as Marquis of Wuxiang 武鄉 neighborhood. In 255, Guanqiu Jian 毌丘儉 (d. 255) staged a coup against Sima Shi, and Fu Gu urged Shi personally to lead the campaign against him. After Quanqiu Jian’s forces were subdued, Li Gu was rewarded with an appointment as vice-director of the imperial secretariat and the noble rank of Marquis of Yangxiang 陽鄉. Fu Gu died the same year at the age of forty-seven. He was bestowed the posthumous name of Yuan 元. Fu Gu was on good terms with Zhong Hui 鍾會 (225–264), who was one of the leading thinkers and scholars of the Zhengshi era. Fu Gu had written a four-part disquisition on what was called caixing tongyi 才性同異 (Identity and difference between capacity and nature). Zhong Hui collected

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these writings. However, the work, which is sometimes referred to as “Si ben lun” 四本論 (Disquisitions on the four roots), is no longer extant. Fu Gu had a collection in two juan that was lost in the Song period. Yan Kejun has collected five of his prose pieces in “Quan Sanguo wen.” Bibliography Studies Lü Kai 呂凱. Wei Jin xuanxue xiping 魏晉玄學析評, 115–19. Taipei: Shiji shuju, 1980. Kong Yi 孔毅. “Lun Zhengshi mingshi Fu Gu” 論正始名士傅嘏. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 11.3 (1992): 26–30. Liu Chunxin 柳春新. “Lun Han Jin zhi ji de Beidi Fushi jiazu” 論漢晉之際的北地 傅氏家族. Shixue jikan (2005: 2): 29–36.

Works a. “Nan Liu Shao kaoke fa lun” 難劉劭考課法論 (Objecting to Liu Shao’s Disquisition on regulations for examining officials) Translation Fang, Chronicle, 1: 537–38. DRK

Fu hua 賦話 (Remarks on the fu) The fu hua (remarks on the fu) is a genre of fu criticism consisting of random notes on fu composition. Although notes of this sort were written already in the Han period, the fu hua proper did not appear until the midQing period. The most important of these works are those by Pu Xian and Li Tiaoyuan listed below. Pu Xian 蒲銑 (fl. 1764–1788). Lidai fuhua 歷代賦話. “Zheng ji” 正集, 14 juan; “Xu ji” 續集, 14 juan. Completed 1766. Printed 1788. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 1716. Pu Xian 蒲銑 (fl. 1764–1788). Fu xiao zhai fuhua 復小齋賦話. 2 juan. Completed 1766. Printed 1788. Rpt. Jiashan Sunshi Wang yun xian guang 嘉善孫氏望雲仙 館, 1883.

For a punctuated printing of both of these works see: He Xinwen 何新文 and Lu Chengwen 路程文, ed. and comm. Lidai fuhua jiaozheng 歷代賦話校證. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2007.

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Li Tiaoyuan 李調元 (1734–1803). Yucun fuhua 雨村賦話. 10 juan. 1778. Rpt. Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1961; Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 1715. Ho, Kenneth P.H. 何沛雄, ed. Fuhua liuzhong 賦話六種. Hong Kong: Universal Book Company, 1975. Rpt. and rev. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing Company, 1982.

Contains the texts of six fuhua: (1) Wang Qisun 王芑孫 (1755–1819), Du fu zhiyan 讀賦卮言; (2) Wei Qiansheng 魏謙升 (b. 1797), Fu pin 賦品; Pu Xian, Fu xiao zhai fuhua; Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤 (b. 1917), Xuantang fuhua 選堂賦話; Kenneth P. H. Ho 何沛雄, Du fu lingshi 讀賦零拾. Wang Guan 王冠, ed. Fuhua guangju 賦話廣聚. 6 vols. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2006.

Contains twenty-four treatises from Six Dynasties to the beginning of the Republic. Surveys of Fu criticism Gao Guangfu 高光復. Lidai fu lun xuan 歷代賦論選. Harbin: Heilong jiang chubanshe, 1990. Xu Zhixiao 徐志嘯. Lidai fu lun jiyao 歷代賦論輯要. Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 1991. He Xinwen 何新文. Zhongguo fu lun shigao 中國賦論史稿. Beijing: Kaiming chubanshe, 1993. Xu Jie 許結. Zhongguo fuxue: lishi yu piping 中國賦學: 歷史與批評. Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 2001. Ma Jigao (1925–2001). 馬積高. Lidai cifu yanjiu shiliao gaishu 歷代辭賦研究史料概 述, 241–51. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2001. Zhong Zhongnan 鍾仲南. Qingdai fuxue yanjiu 清代賦學研究. Hangzhou: Zhejiang daxue chubanshe, 2008. Xu Jie 許結. “Fuhua” 賦話. Fuxue jianyan lu 賦學講演錄, 114–38. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2009. DRK

Fu Lang 苻郎 (d. 389), zi Yuanda 遠達 Former Qin writer, Sixteen States period. Fu Lang’s ancestral home was Linwei 臨渭 in Lüeyang 略陽 commandery (northeast of modern Tianshui 天水, Gansu). He was the son of a firstcousin of the Former Qin emperor Fu Jian 苻堅 (338–385, r. 357–385), who called him “the thousand-league colt of our family.” Fu Lang was serving as governor of Qingzhou 青州 in 383 when the Former Qin army was defeated at the battle of the Fei River. Fu Lang requested to surrender to the Jin general Xie Xuan 謝玄 (343–388). He then resided in the Eastern

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Jin capital of Jiankang, where he was much admired for his wit and learning. He also was a consummate gourmet. There are a number of anecdotes about his refined taste. However, Fu had a habit of insulting people. Two men he had insulted, Wang Chen 王忱 (d. 392) and Wang Guobao 王國寶 (d. 397), were so offended, they conspired to have him executed in 389. Fu Lang is the author of a prose work known as the Fuzi 苻子. The original work in twenty juan has been lost, but several dozen entries have been collected from various sources (see “Quan Jinwen” 152.1a–8a). The work is very much in the style of the Zhuangzi. He is also attributed with “Lin zhong shi” 臨終詩 (Poem written facing death). Works a. “Lin zhong shi” 臨終詩 (Poem written facing death) Translation Demiéville, Poèmes chinois d’avant la mort, 129–31. DRK

Fu Liang 傅亮 (374–426), zi Jiyou 季友 Statesman and writer of the Later Eastern Jin and early Liu Song period. Fu Liang’s ancestral home was Lingzhou 靈州 in Beidi 北地 commandery (modern Lingwu 靈武 area in Ningxia). His great-great-grandfather was Fu Xian 傅咸 (239–294). Fu Liang was the second son of Fu Yuan 傅瑗 who was a distinguished scholar-official at the end of the Eastern Jin. Fu Liang was a skilled writer and well-versed in the Classics and histories. When Fu Liang was four years old, his father received a visit from the venerable Chi Chao 郗超 (336–377) who upon examining him said he would surpass his elder brother in “ability and fame.” In 402 Fu Liang began his official career as an aide to the general Huan Qian 桓謙 (d. 410). In 405 he was put in charge of drafting imperial edicts. He soon attracted the attention of Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422) the future founder of the Liu Song house. In 409, Liu Yu appointed Fu Liang aide and secretary to one of his generals Liu Yi 劉毅 (d. 412). In 416 he accompanied Liu Yu on his northern expedition against the Later Qin ruler Yao Hong 姚泓 (388–417) who occupied the area around Chang’an and Luoyang. During Liu Yu’s campaign to establish the Song dynasty, Fu Liang composed a number of the jiao 教 (instructions) that Liu Yu issued as Duke of Liu. In 418, Fu Liang was appointed director of the secretariat. After Liu Yu established the Song, Fu Liang wholeheartedly

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served the Song house. In 420 Fu Liang took charge of drafting imperial edicts and was given the title Duke of Jiancheng county (Jiancheng xian gong 建城縣公). When Liu Yu died in 422 and his son Liu Yifu 劉義符 (406–424, r. 422–424) succeeded as emperor, Fu Liang was one of the ministers who were entrusted with assisting the new emperor with government affairs. Fu Liang joined in a palace coup to depose Liu Yifu. His successor Liu Yilong 劉義隆 (407–453, r. 424–453) appointed Fu Liang left grand master for splendid happiness, granted him the honorary title of commander unequalled in honor, and enfeoffed him as Duke of Shixing 始興 commandery. In 426, Fu Liang was executed for his role in deposing Liu Yifu. Fu Liang excelled in writing both verse and prose. He believed that no one could surpass him as a writer. Fu Liang composed most of the instructions, proclamations, and petitions that were issued in Liu Yu’s name at the end of the Eastern Jin. Four of these pieces were selected for the Wen xuan. Zhong Rong ranks his poetry in the “lower grade” in the Shi pin. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in thirty juan. Both Tang histories record a twenty-juan collection. This collection must have been lost in the Song. Fu Liang’s extant works include six fu one of which, “Gan wu fu” 感物賦 (Fu on being stirred by things), is complete. Written toward the end of his life (ca. 424), in this piece Fu Liang observes the precarious existence of a creature such as a moth that flies into a flame and concludes that human life is equally perilous. Fu Liang also wrote a long essay titled “Yan shen” 演慎 (Disquisition elaborating on caution) in which he argues that the best way to preserve oneself in the face of danger is to act in a circumspect and prudent manner. Fu Liang compiled a two-juan work Xu Wenzhang zhi 續文章志 (Sequel to the monograph on literary compositions), which is set a of notes on writers and literary works. It is a continuation of the Wenzhang zhi 文章志 of Zhi Yu 摯虞 (d. 311). Although the full work has been lost, many passages are cited in the commentaries of the Shishuo xinyu and Wen xuan. Fu Liang also was the co-author with Xie Fu 謝敷 (mid/late 4th century) of the one-juan work Guanshiyin yingyan ji 觀世音應驗記 (Responsive manifestations of Avalokiteśvara), a collection of Buddhist miracle tales. It was lost in China but rediscovered in 1943 in the Seiren Monastery 青連院 in Kyoto. Bibliography Collection Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Fu guanglu ji 傅光祿集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jingjia ji.

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Studies Nishi Noriaki 西紀昭. “Shōrei no bungakusei—(1) Fu Ryō no baai” 詔令の文學性 (一)傅亮の場合. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 10 (1974): 11–24. Nishi Noriaki 西紀昭. “Shōrei no bungakusei—(2) Fu Ryō no baai” 詔令の文學性 (二)傅亮の場合. Obi hakushi taikyū kinen Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 小尾博士退 休記念中國文學論集. Tokyo: Daichi gakushūsha, 1976. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 253–55. Liu Chunxin 柳春新. “Lun Han Jin zhi ji de Beidi Fushi jiazu” 論漢晉之際的北地 傅氏家族. Shixue jikan (2005: 2): 29–36. Yi Junhong 衣峻紅 and Liu Tao 劉濤. “Fu Liang sanwen lunlüe” 傅亮散文論略. Shandong jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (2006.4): 71–75. Zhang Yajun 張亞軍. “Beidi Fushi yu Fu Liang” 北地傅氏與傅亮. Nanyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (2006.8): 61–69. Liu Tao 劉濤. “Shilun Fu Liang de sanwen” 試論傅亮的散文. Yili shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2008: 1): 82–86.

Works a. Guanshiyin yingyan ji 觀世音應驗記 (Responsive manifestations of Avalokiteśvara) Text Sun Changwu 孫昌武, punc. and coll. Guanshiyin yingyan ji 觀世音應驗記. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1994.

Studies Makita Tairyō 牧田諦亮. Rikuchō kōitsu Kanzeon ōgenki no kenkyū 六朝古逸 觀世 音應驗記の研究. Kyoto: Hyōrakuji shoten, 1970. Zhang Ruifen 張瑞芬. Guanshiyin yingyan ji yu Mingxiang ji zhushu—lun Liuchao ‘Shishi fujiao zhi shu’ yu ‘zhiguai’ de guanxi「觀世音應驗記」與「冥祥記」諸 書—論六朝「釋氏輔教之書」與「志怪」的關係. Fengjia Zhongwen xuebao 5 (1996): 87–115. Dong Zhiqiao 董志翹. Guanshiyin yingyan ji sanzhong jiaodian ju wu” 觀世音應 驗記三種》校點舉誤. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1996: 5): 30–36; (1997: 2): 34–37. Fang Yixin 方一新. “Nanchao ren zhuan san zhong Guanshiyin yingyan ji ciyi suoji liu ze” 南朝人撰三種《觀世音應驗記》辭義瑣記六則. Zhongguo yuwen 281 (2001): 156–58. Huang Dongyang 黃東陽. “Liuchao Guanshiyin xinyang zhi yuanli ji qi tezheng—yi sanzhong Guanshiyin yingyan ji wei xiansuo” 六朝觀世音信仰之原理及其特徵— 以三種《觀世音應驗記》為線索. Xin shiji zongjiao yanjiu 3.4 (2005): 88–114. Yamasaki Junpei 山崎順平. “Rikuchō shoki ni okeru Kannon shinkō no ichisokomen—Shorenin shōhon Fu Ryō Kōzeon ōgenki no hikaku kentō kara” 六朝初期 における初期觀音信仰の一側面—青蓮院抄本‧傅亮『光世音応験記』の比較檢 討から. Shūkan Tōyōgaku 95 (2006): 21–40.

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Kinugawa Kenji 衣川賢次. “Fu Ryō Kōzeon ogenki yakuchū” 傅亮『光世音応験 記』譯注. Hanazono daigaku bungakubu kenkyū kiyō 29 (1997): 87–117. Dong Zhiqiao 董志翹, trans. and ed. Guanshiyin yingyan ji sanzhong yizhu《觀世 音應驗記三種》譯注. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 2002.

Instructions and Petitions von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 650–52, 699–702. WJ and DRK

“Fu pian” 賦篇 (Fu chapter) Fu and other poetry attributed to Xun Kuang (Xunzi) The “Fu pian” consists of poems reputedly written by the philosopher Xun Kuang 荀況 (ca. 314–217 b.c.e.). They form section twenty-two of the original Xunzi 荀子 edited by Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 b.c.e.) toward the end of the Former Han dynasty. It is section twenty-six of the received version of the Xunzi which was edited by Yang Liang 楊倞 in the Tang dynasty. The only place the word fu occurs is in the chapter title, which quite possibly was added by Liu Xiang. There is no evidence that Xun Kuang himself called these pieces fu. The “Fu pian” contains five rhymed riddles on the subjects of ritual, wisdom, clouds, silkworm, and needle, and two poems titled “Gui shi” 佹詩 (The poem of strange wonders) and “Xiao ge” 小歌 (Small song). Each of the riddles begins with an unnamed person enumerating the attributes of an unspecified “thing” (wu 物). After describing the thing sufficiently, the narrator feigns ignorance and requests a second person to determine what it is. After asking a series of rhetorical questions about it and describing more of its attributes, the second person correctly solves the riddle. The Xunzi pieces introduce new prosodic patterns, including lines of five, six, seven, eight, and even ten syllables. The riddles use a pattern that resembles the “Sao-line,” with an A- and B-member separated by a key word (usually ze 則 or er 而), and concluding with an interrogative word (either yu 與 or ye 邪) preceded by the particle zhe 者. The “Gui shi” is similar to some of the protest pieces in the Classic of Songs. It is written predominantly in the four-syllable line except for two five-syllable, one eight-syllable, and two ten-syllable lines. The “Gui shi” is a complaint about a ruler who does not properly appreciate the good men who serve under him. However, the poet does not mention the ruler by name, and refers only to the general situation of “that distant region” in

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which “the humane man is held back and restrained,” while “violent men flourish.” The poet makes use of a device common in the early fu, the topos of “the world upside down” in which he portrays the world as a place were all values are reversed. Bibliography Studies and Translations Zhang Changgong 張長弓. “Xun Qing de yunwen” 荀卿的論文, Lingnan xuebao 3 (1934): 145–67. Köster, Hermann, trans. Hsün-tzu ins Deutsche ubertragen, 145–67. Kaldenkirchen: Steyler Verlag, 1967. Kuller, Janet A.H. “The ‘Fu’ of the Hsün-tzu as an Anti-Taoist Polemic.” MS 31 (1974–75): 205–18. Zou Jingheng 鄒景衡. “Xunzi ‘Can fu’ Wang Yi ‘Ji fu’ jianshi” 荀子蠶賦王逸機賦箋 釋. Dalu zazhi 57.2 (1979): 51–58. Li Jinxi 李金錫. Qu Xun cifu lungao 屈荀辭賦論稿. Shenyang: Chunfeng wenyi chubanshe, 1986. Jiang Shuge 姜書閣. Xian Qin cifu yuanlun 先秦辭賦原論, 156–95. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1983. Knechtges, David R. “Riddles as Poetry: The Fu Chapter of Hsün-tzu.” In Wen lin, volume 2, Chow Tse-tsung, ed., 1–31. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1987. Knoblock, John, trans. Xunzi A Translation and Study of the Complete Works. Volume III, Books 17–32. 189–204. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994. Bi Shuchun 畢庶春. “Xun Kuang ‘Fu pian’ chulun” 荀況《賦篇》芻論. Wenxue yichan (1999: 3): 13–19. Cao Yizhen 曹詣珍. “Xun Qing zai futi wenxue shi zhong diwei de zai jiantao” 荀卿在賦體文學史中地位的再檢討. Hubei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 29.2 (2002): 59–63. Wang Zhimin 王志民. “Qi wenhua dui Han fu xingcheng de lishi gongxian—jian lun Xun fu zuo yu Qi guo” 齊文化對漢賦形成的歷史貢獻—兼論荀賦作於齊國. Xuezhe lun fu, 69–78. DRK

Fu shi 賦詩 (Reciting the Songs) Several Zhou texts, the Zuo zhuan 左傳 in particular, portray a practice called fu shi 賦詩 (reciting the Songs), which involved the oral presentation of poems by ministers and diplomats at court ceremonies. The practice is attributed to the Chunqiu period of the Zhou dynasty. In most instances, a participant would “fu” a poem from the Classic of Songs. The word fu in these passages always is a verb and means “to present” (orally) as in the following excerpt from the Zuo zhuan (Wen 13): “The Earl of Zheng and the

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Duke (of Lu) feasted at Fei. Zijia presented ( fu) the ‘Wild Geese.’ Ji Wenzi said, ‘My lord cannot avoid being [reduced] to this.’ ” Wild Geese” (Mao shi 181) is a poem describing the hardships of men away from home on an expedition. By reciting this poem, Zijia perhaps wished to convey to the listeners something of the difficulties his small state of Zheng was facing. Not wishing to be outdone, Ji Wenzi then replied that his state suffered equal hardship. The poem he recites (Mao shi 204) contains a complaint about the sweltering heat and the lack of concern by the ancestors for the people’s suffering. Although the basic meaning of fu in this and other passages is “to present,” because of the oral nature of the presentation, fu may also be understood in the sense of “to recite,” “to declaim,” or “to rhapsodize.” Studies Qiu Bing 秋冰. “Zuo zhuan zhong fu shi tong ze de tansuo” 左傳中賦詩通則的 探索. Qinghua zhoukan (1933: 10): 101–9. Nakajima Chiaki 中島千秋. “Saden inyō shi no imi” 左傳引用詩の意味. Shinagaku kenkyū 10 (1953): 43–56. Nakajima Chiaki. Fu no seiritsu to tenkai, 59–74. Xia Chengtao 夏承濤. “Cai shi he fu shi” 采詩和賦詩. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 1 (1962): 171–82. Yang Xiangshi 楊向時. “Zuo zhuan fu shi kao” 左傳賦詩考. Kong Meng xuebao 3 (1967): 89–124. Yang Xiangshi. Zuo zhuan fu shi yin shi kao 左傳賦詩引詩考. Taipei: Zhonghua congshu bianshen weiyuanhui, 1972. Tam, Koo-yin. “The Use of Poetry in Tso-chuan: An Analysis of the ‘Fu Shih’ Practice,” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1975. Xia Tiesheng 夏鐵生. “Zuo zhuan Guo yu yin shi fu shi zhi bijiao” 左傳國語引詩賦 詩之比較. Fengjia xuebao 15 (1982): 135–81. Xing Tianji 邢天寄. “Chunqiu shiqi de fu shi he yin shi” 春秋時期的賦詩和引詩. Qinghai shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1983: 2): 32–42. Xi Minfang 奚敏芳. “Zuo zhuan fu shi yin shi zhi yanjiu” 左傳賦詩引詩之研究. Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue guowen yanjiusuo jikan 27 (1983): 71–241. Xu Da 徐達. “Chunqiu fu shi ji Kongzi shuo shi zhi bianzheng” 春秋賦詩及孔子 說詩辨正. Guizhou daxue xuebao (She-ke ban) (1985: 4): 9–14; rpt. Zhongguo gudai jindai wenxue yanjiu (1986: 2): 37–41. Wang Fuhan 王扶漢. “Zuo zhuan suo ji fu shi fawei—lun shi zai Chunqiu shiqi yizhong dute de shehui gongneng” 左傳所記賦詩發微—論詩在春秋時期一種 獨特的社會功能. Shoudu shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1989: 2): 118–26. Zhang Suqing 張素卿. “Zuo zhuan cheng shi yanjiu” 左傳稱詩研究. M.A. Thesis, Guoli Taiwan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo, 1990. Zeng Qinliang 曾勤良. Zuo zhuan yin shi fu shi zhi shi jiao yanjiu 左傳引詩賦詩之 詩教研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1993. Chen Guanghong 陳廣宏. “Han fu yu fu shi zhidu” 漢賦與賦詩制度. Yindu xuekan (1993: 2): 41–45. Kong Huiyun 孔慧雲. “Zuo zhuan yong shi chutan” 左傳用詩初探. Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1997: 4): 98–102.

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Chen Zhihong 陳致宏. Yuyongxue yu Zuo zhuan waijiao fu shi 語用學與左傳外交 賦詩. Taipei: Wanjuan lou tushu gongsi, 2000. Kotera Atsushi 小寺敦. “Saden no inshi ni kansuru ichi kōsatsu: ‘fu shi dan shō’ no haikei” 『左傳』の引詩に關する一考察:「賦詩斷章」の背景. Tōyō bunka (Tokyo daigaku) 81 (2001): 55–102. Yu Zhihui 俞志慧. “Chunqiu shixue jingdian ming ti shi zheng: Zuo zhuan Guo yu fu shi wei li” 春秋詩學經典命題釋證:《左傳》《國語》賦詩為例. Zhongguo xueshu 3.1 (2002): 157–200. Li Chunqing 李春青. “Lun Xian Qin ‘fu shi’ ‘yin shi’ de wenhua yiyun” 論先秦 “賦 詩” “引詩” 的文化意蘊. Qi Lu xuekan (2003: 6): 16–20. Liu Shengliang 劉生良. “Chunqiu fu shi de wenhua toushi” 春秋賦詩的文化透視. Shaanxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 33.6 (2004): 87–93. Liu Liwen 劉麗文. “Chunqiu shiqi fu shi yan zhi de lixue yuanyuan ji xingcheng de jizhi yuanli” 春秋時期賦詩言志的禮學淵源及形成的機制原理. Wenxue yichan (2004: 1): 33–43. Wang Yan 王妍. “Chunqiu fu Shi de wenhua yuanyuan ji qi jizhi yuanli” 春秋賦 《詩》的文化淵源及其機制原理. Haerbin gongye daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 6.6 (2004): 110–14. Wang Qingzhen 王清珍. “Zuo zhuan fu shi xianxiang fenxi”《左傳》賦詩現象 分析. Guoyu yanjiu (2005): 213–41. Wang Xiuchen 王秀臣. “Yanxiang liyi yu Chunqiu shidai de fu shi fengqi” 燕饗禮 儀與春秋時代的賦詩風氣. Fujian shifan daxue xuebao (Zheue shehui kexue ban) (2005: 3): 67–72. Ding Jin 丁進. “Chunqiu fu shi de zhenxiang” 春秋賦詩的真相. Xueshu yuekan 38.3 (2006): 113–18. Mao Zhenhua 毛振華. “Zuo zhuan Zhengren fu shi kao lun”《左傳》鄭人賦詩考論. Xi’an dianzi keji daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 16.3 (2006): 112–16. Mao Zhenhua 毛振華. “Zuo zhuan geguo fu shi gongxing kao lun”《左傳》各國 賦詩共性考論. Jiangnan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 5.5 (2006): 75–78. Mao Zhenhua 毛振華. “Chunqiu shiqi ‘ge shi’ ‘song shi’ ‘fu shi’ bian wei” 春秋時期 “歌詩” 、 “誦詩” 、 “賦詩” 辨微. Lanzhou xuekan 158 (2006): 87–89. Mao Zhenhua 毛振華. “Zuo zhuan Lu ren fu shi kao lun”《左傳》魯人賦詩考論. Dongfang luntan (2006: 4): 27–30. Mao Zhenhua 毛振華. “Zuo zhuan fu shi yanjiu bainian shu ping”《左傳》賦詩研 究百年述評. Hunan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue) 21.4 (2007): 87–92. Mao Zhenhua 毛振華. “Lun Zuo zhuan zhong de Jinren fu shi” 論《左傳》中的晉 人賦詩. Taiyuan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 6.4 (2007): 73–76. Li Gang 李崗. “Lun fu shi” 論賦詩. Qinghua daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 23 (2008): 87–93. DRK

Fu Tao 伏滔 (fl. 364), zi Xuandu 玄度 Fu and prose writer of Eastern Jin dynasty. Fu Tao’s ancestral home was Anqiu 安丘 in Pingchang 平昌 commandery (southwest of modern Anqiu, Shandong). Known for his talent and

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learning from a young age, he was nominated flourishing talent and recommended for the position of mounted escort, but he did not accept the appointment. Ca. 363, Commander-in-chief Huan Wen 桓温 (312–373) recognized his talent and employed him as an administrator on his staff. Huan Wen treated him with great respect and often invited him to be his honored guest at court banquets and gatherings. He also was on good terms with such scholars as Yuan Hong 袁宏 (328?–376?) and Xi Zuochi 習鑿齒 (?–384). In 369, regional inspector of Yuzhou 豫州 (southern Henan, northern Anhui) Yuan Zhen 袁真 (d. 370) rebelled at Shouchun 壽春 (modern Shou 壽 county, Anhui). Fu Tao accompanied Huan Wen on the military expedition against Yuan Zhen. At this time he composed a two-part essay “Zheng Huai lun” 正淮論 (Disquisition on rectifying the Huai River area). Because of his meritorious service, in 371 Fu Tao was enfeoffed as Marquis of Wenxi county 聞喜. In 386 he was appointed editorial director and put in charge of compiling the national history. He died while serving as mobile corps commander. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Fu Tao’s collected works in 11 juan. In both Tang histories this collection is reduced to five juan. The collection was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected fragments of three fu and four other prose works in Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchaowen. One of the longer pieces is “Lun Qing Chu renwu” 論 青楚人物 (Discussing personalities of Qing and Chu). The piece was commissioned by Wang Tanzhi 王坦之 (330–375) who asked Fu Tao and Xi Zuochi to write evaluations of the eminent persons from their respective ancestral areas of Qing (Shandong) and Chu (Hubei-Hunan). Fu Tao also is attributed with the Bei zheng ji 北征記 (Notes on the northern expedition) that may be a record of the places he visited on the military expedition against Yuan Zhen. The work is lost but short excerpts of it are cited in Li Shan’s Wen xuan commentary and the Yiwen leiju. Bibliography Works a. “Lun Qing Chu renwu” 論青楚人物 (Discussing personalities of Qing and Chu) Translation Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 68.

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Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 101. TPK

Fu Ting 伏挺 (487–549), zi Shibiao 士標 Liang literatus. Fu Ting’s ancestral home was Anqiu 安丘, Pingchang commandery 平昌 (southwest of modern Anqiu, Shandong). He was a grandson of the famous scholar Fu Manrong 伏曼容 (421–502). His father Fu Geng 伏堩 (462–520) was a prominent official during the Qi and Liang. Fu Ting reputedly mastered the Classic of Filial Piety and Analects by the age of seven. As he grew older, he became a learned, versatile, imaginative and creative writer and was much admired by his father’s friends Fan Yun 范雲 (451–503) and Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508). Near the end of the Qi period he was nominated as a flourishing talent, and his examination essay was ranked number one. In 501, when Xiao Yan 萧衍 (464–549) entered Jiankang to claim the Liang throne, Fu Ting welcomed him at Xinlin 新林 (south of modern Nanjing). Xiao Yan appointed him acting administrator on his staff. After the founding of the Liang, in 504 he was promoted to adjutant on the staff of Xiao Yan’s brother, Xiao Hong 蕭宏 (473–526), Prince of Linchuan 臨川. During this time he also taught the Analects at his home where numerous students flocked to hear his lectures. While serving as rectifier of Jiankang, Fu Ting was impeached and removed from office. Sometime later he was summoned to the imperial court as ritualist in the office of the imperial secretary. Ca. 518 he was assigned as administrator and secretary to Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551). Fu Ting’s father died in 520, and he must have resigned office to observe the three-year mourning period. Upon returning to office, Fu Ting served as magistrate of Jinling 晉陵 (modern Changzhou 常州, Jiangsu) and Wukang 武康 (west of modern Deqing 德清, Zhejiang). After he completed his service as magistrate, he gave up his official career and built a house in the eastern suburb of Jiankang where he lived briefly. However his ambition was still to pursue an official career, and he wrote to Xu Mian 徐勉 (466–535) who was chief administrator at that time. Xu Mian promised to recommend him to the court. Fu Ting was then appointed attendant censor. However, during his tenure in this position he accepted bribes and was afraid that he would be imprisoned. He thus decided to leave office and become a monk. He changed his name

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to Seng Ting 僧挺 (Monk Ting). In 537, after he was pardoned, the Prince of Shaoling 邵陵, Xiao Lun 蕭倫 (507?–551), invited Fu Ting to join his staff during his second assignment as regional inspector of Jiangzhou 江州 (administrative seat Chaisang 柴桑, southwest of modern Jiujiang 九江, Jiangxi). Appreciating Xiao Lun’s recognition, Fu Ting resumed his secular status. In 540, he accompanied Xiao Lun to Xiao Lun’s new post in Yingzhou 郢州 (administrative seat Runan 汝南, modern Wuchang, Hubei). Ca. 544, Xiao Lun was summoned to the capital, but Fu Ting remained behind in Xiashou 夏首 (southeast of modern Jingzhou 荊州, Hubei). For the next several years he toured the areas of 吳興 (modern Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang) and Wujun 吳郡 (modern Suzhou). Fu Ting died shortly after the Hou Jing rebellion erupted in 549. Fu Ting once said about his writing, “I like to compose poems and essays, but my style does not fit the current mode. However, I cannot constrain myself in order to fit the popular style.” In his poetic compositions he tried to model himself on Xie Lingyun. Fu Ting’s biography in the Liang shu mentions his collected works in twenty juan. This was lost already in the Tang. His only extant poem is included in Xian Qin Han Wei Nanbeichao shi (3.1888). The Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen (40.10a–b) preserves only one prose piece, a letter to Xu Mian. According to his biographical notices in the Liang shu and the Nan shi Fu Ting compiled a ten-juan collection of stories titled Ershuo 邇說 (Recent tales) that the bibliography chapter of the Sui shu lists in the xiaoshuo category erroneously under Fu Chui 伏捶 who was Fu Ting’s younger brother. This work was lost sometime in the Tang. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 100–1. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 595–96. TPK and DRK

Fu Wuji 伏無忌 (fl. 136–152). Eastern Han Scholar and literatus. Fu Wuji’s ancestral home and natal place was Dongwu 東武 of Langya 琅邪 (modern Zhucheng 諸城, Shandong). He came from a prominent family of scholars that claimed descent from the Qin and early Han scholar Fu Sheng 伏勝. He was the great-great grandson of Fu Zhan 伏湛 (d. 37) who was an adviser to the Eastern Han founder Liu Xiu 劉秀 (5 b.c.e.–57 c.e.).

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In the Eastern Han from the time of Fu Zhan members of the Fu clan held the noble rank of Marquis. Thus, Fu Wuji is also known as Fu hou 伏侯 (Marquis Fu). Fu Wuji served as palace attendant commandant of garrison cavalry under Emperor Shun (r. 126–144). In 136, he and court gentleman for consultation Huang Jing 黃景 (fl. 150) were summoned to the imperial library to collate the Five Classics, Masters’ writings, works on calligraphy, arithmetic, archery, chariot driving, medicine, and divination. From 151 to 152, he and Huang Jing together with Cui Shi 崔寔 (ca. 120–170) worked on series three of the Han ji 漢記 (Records of Han) which was later to be titled Dongguan Han ji 東觀漢記 (Han records of the Eastern Institute). Fu Wuji compiled the monograph on geography that was one of the main sources for the “Dili zhi” 地理志 compiled by Sima Biao 司馬彪 (ca. 240– ca. 306). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists the Fu hou Gujin zhu 伏侯古今注 (Notes on matters ancient and modern by the Marquis Fu) in 8 juan compiled by Fu Wuji. Although the complete work does not survive, Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1749–1857) collected a large number of fragments. According to B.J. Mansvelt Beck, this was a veritable treasure trove of information on such matters as astrological signs, portents, population figures, imperial taboo names, the size of imperial tombs, and official salaries. Bibliography Studies Mansvelt Beck, Treatises, 19–27, 129–30, 187–89. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, 100. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 233.

Works Gujin zhu 古今注. 1 juan. Wang Mo 王謨 (jinshi 1778), ed. Han Wei yishu chao 漢魏遺書鈔. Fu hou Gujin zhu 伏侯古今注. 1 juan. Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857), ed. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu 玉函山房佚書. TPK

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Fu Xian 傅咸 (239–294), zi Changyu 長虞 Western Jin writer. Fu Xian’s ancestral home was Niyang 泥陽 in Beidi 北地 commandery, which had two locations in the Wei-Jin period: near modern Yanggucheng 陽故城 in Gansu, or in modern Yao 耀 county, Shaanxi. Scholars disagree on which is the correct location. He is the son of Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217–278). In 244, Fu Xuan took a second wife, Du Wei 杜韡 (d. 291). Even though she was not his birth mother, Fu Xian was very devoted to her. Ca. 273 Fu Xuan was recommended as “filial and incorrupt” and received an appointment as front-rider to the heir designate. He concurrently served as an administrator in the ministry of education. In 278, Fu Xian succeeded to his father’s noble title of marquis. He then began a series of high ranking appointments including attendant censor and left assistant director to the imperial secretary. In 279, Fu Xian was assigned the position of regional inspector in Jizhou 冀州 (administrative headquarters Fangzi 房子, southwest of modern Gaoyi 高邑, Hebei), but because his stepmother did not wish to accompany him to Jizhou, he petitioned to be relieved of his position. Within a few weeks, he was reassigned to the position of left senior administrator for the minister of education. At this time Fu Xian formed a friendship with Pan Ni 潘妮 (ca. 247–ca. 311) with whom he exchanged poems. In 284, Fu Xian petitioned the court to have Xiahou Jun 夏侯駿 removed as senior rectifier of Yuzhou 豫州 (southern Henan, northern Anhui). However, because Xiahou Jun was related by marriage to the minister of education Wei Shu 魏舒 (209–290), Wei Shu had Fu Xian demoted to assistant on the staff of the General of Horse and Chariot Yang Jun 楊駿 (d. 291). In 289, Fu Xian returned to the imperial court as assistant director of the imperial secretariat. By this time Fu Xian had a reputation for fearlessly admonishing and even impeaching officials for their alleged misdeeds. In 290, Yang Jun), who served as regent for the newly installed Emperor Hui 惠 (r. 290–306), feared Fu Xian and wished to have him removed from the court. Yang Jun’s nephew Li Bin 李斌 interceded on Fu Xian’s behalf, and Fu Xian remained in his post. After Yang Jun was assassinated in 291, Fu Xian was transferred to the post of palace cadet in the household of the heir designate Sima Yu 司馬遹 (d. 300). He was soon promoted to palace aide to the censor-in-chief. At this time the new regent Sima Liang 司馬亮 (d. 291), Prince of Runan 汝南, acted in a despotic fashion. Fu Xian admonished him to no effect. He also submitted impeachment petitions against Xiahou Jun and other officials. In 292, Fu Xian resigned the position of rectifier of his home commandery of Bedi to

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observe mourning for his stepmother who had just passed away. He soon returned to office serving concurrently as court gentleman for consultation and metropolitan commandant. Fu Xian died in office in 294 at the age of fifty-six. He had three sons, Fu Fu 傅敷, Fu Zhi 傅祇 (243–311), and Fu Zuan 傅纂. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists a collection of Fu Xian’s writings in seventeen juan. It also mentions a collection from a Liang dynasty catalogue in thirty juan. This thirty juan edition is presumably the same one listed in both Tang histories. However, it was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen (“Quan Jin wen” 51–52) has collected seventy-four prose pieces thirty-six of which are fu. He has two fu on rain (one in which he rejoices in the rain, the other in which he complains about it), and a piece expressing his feelings about the approaching of the cold season. Fu Xian also wrote a fu on the xiangfeng 相風 anemometer that is possibly a matching piece to his father’s fu on the same topic. One of Fu Xian’s pieces on paper shows the importance of this relatively new writing medium. He wrote three pieces on the fan, including a rather unusual fan made of feathers. Among household articles, there are fu on the comb, mirror, and candle. Fu Xian has only two pieces on plants, one on coltsfoot (kuandong hua 款冬花), and the other on the honey bush, a piece inspired by his father’s fu on the same subject. Of trees, he devotes poems to the mulberry, parasol tree, and the shrubby althaea (shun hua 舜華). Of the avian species, Fu Xian selected the parrot, swallow, and a speckled dove for poetic description. One bird poem on the fabled feng or phoenix is a response to the famous fu on the wren by Fu Xian’s contemporary, Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300), who used the tiny wren ( jiaoliao 鷦鷯) to illustrate the moral that it is the small insignificant creature that is best able to avoid harm. In Fu Xian’s view, the only creature truly able to avoid all harm is the phoenix. One part of the animal world to which Fu Xian devoted special attention is the insect realm. He has two separate pieces on the cicada, one on the green fly (the proverbial symbol of the slanderer), the mayfly ( fuyou 蜉蝣), the firefly, and the click beetle, known in Chinese as the koutou chong 叩頭蟲 or kowtowing bug because it had the habit of nodding its head whenever someone touched it. Fu Xian’s fu is a tribute to the virtue of humility. Unlike the praying mantis that raises its axe-like forelegs in the roadway and is crushed by the wheels of a cart, this lowly insect that contends with nothing and yields to all survives and is admired in the human world. Fu Xian has nineteen poems extant most of which are fragments. These pieces are mostly in tetrasyllabic line form. For example, he wrote a set of

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tetrasyllabic poems on the Seven Classics. Portions of six of these pieces on the Xiao jing, Lun yu, Mao shi, Zhou yi, and Zuo zhuan are extant. Fu Xian also presented poems to colleagues and friends seven of which are in the tetrayllabic form. His most admired pentasyllabic poem that he presented to He Shao 何劭 (236–302) was included in the Wen xuan. Fu Xian is also celebrated for his petitions, especially his impeachment petitions. Liu Xie in the Wenxin diaolong praised these works for their “firmness and forthrightness.” Bibliography Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Fu Zhongcheng 傅中丞集. 4 juan + supplement. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Fu Zhongcheng ji 傅中丞集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji.

Studies Lu Kanru. Zhonggu wenxue xinian, 528, 656–57, 664, 668, 685, 709–10, 721–22, 726, 735, 738–39, 745–46, 752–53. Wang Lin 王琳, Liuchao cifu shi, 153–54. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 433–44. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 111–12. Yata Hiroshi 矢田博士. “Fu Kan to Shi Gu—sono kōryū kankei o chūshin ni” 傅咸 と摯虞—その交流關係を中心に. Chūgoku bunagaku ronshū 21 (2002): 68–82. Yata Hiroshi 矢田博士. “Fu Kan no ‘Hichikei shi’ ni tsuite” 傅咸の「七經詩」につ いて. Chūgoku bunagaku ronshū 23 (2004): 1–14. Yata Hiroshi 矢田博士. “Fu Kan no ‘Shigen zōtō shi’ ni tsuite” 傅咸の「四言贈答 詩」について. Chūgoku bunagaku ronshū 24 (2005): 1–17. Zhang Minghua 張明華. “Fu Xian de ‘Qi jing shi’ ji qi dui houshi jiju shi de yingxiang” 傅咸的《七經詩》及其對後世集句詩的影響. Fuyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 118 (2007): 20–23. Yu Shiling 俞士玲, Xi Jin wenxue kao lun, 169–74. Sun Bao 孫寶. “Fu Xian jiafeng yu Wei Jin wenfeng jiaoliu” 傅咸家風與魏晉文風 流變. Lanzhou xuekan 172 (2008): 199–203. Zhao Maolin 趙茂林. “Fu Xian cifu chuangzuo yu Xi Jin fu feng” 傅咸辭賦創作與 西晉賦風. Zhongguo yunwen xuekan 22.4 (2008): 34–38, 46. Zhang Aimei 張愛美. “Gui jing yi cao qin qing bo yu zao li—Fu Xian yongwu fu xiang da fu fengjiao chuantong de huigui” 規鏡以草禽清撥於藻麗—傅咸詠物賦 向大賦諷教傳統的回歸. Xuezhe lun fu, 531–37. Knechtges, David R. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 192–93. DRK

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Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217–278), zi Xiuyi 休奕 (also written Xiuyi 休逸) Scholar, thinker, and poet of the Wei and early Western Jin. Fu Xuan’s ancestral home was Niyang 泥陽 in Beidi 北地 commandery, which had two locations in the Wei-Jin period: near modern Yanggucheng 陽故城 in Gansu, or in modern Yao 耀 county, Shaanxi. Scholars disagree on which is the correct location. Fu Xuan’s grandfather Fu Xie 傅燮 (d. 187) died in a valiant defense of Hanyang 漢陽 against an attack by a band of Qiang marauders. His father Fu Gan 傅幹, who had served on the staff of Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220), died when Fu Xuan was three years old. Little is known about Fu Xuan’s early life. Ca. 240 Fu Xuan was recommended to the Wei court as a “flourishing talent” and was appointed palace gentleman. In the 240s he was a member of a group of court scholars who were commissioned to compile a history of the Wei. By the mid-240s Fu served as an aide to Sima Zhao 司馬昭 (211–265). After serving in several local administration posts, Fu was enfeoffed as baron of Chungu 鶉觚 (north of modern Lingtai 靈臺, Gansu). In 265, Sima Yan 司馬炎 (236–290) ascended the throne as the first emperor of the Western Jin. He elevated Fu Xuan’s title to that of viscount and appointed him metropolitan commandant, a title customarily reserved for sons-in-laws of the emperor. Upon Sima Yan’s invitation, Fu Xuan presented a series of petitions urging the court to promote Confucian learning. Fu was then promoted to palace attendant. In 266, he composed the lyrics for the court ritual songs. Ca. 267, Fu had a dispute with a fellow official and was dismissed from office. He returned to office in 268 as palace aide to the censor-in-chief in which capacity he presented to the court a set of five proposals dealing with agriculture and border defense. In 269, Fu was promoted to chamberlain for the imperial stud and composed lyrics for three sets of ritual songs. In 275, Fu received the final appointment of his career, metropolitan commandant. In the sixth month of 278, Fu was dismissed from office when he disputed his placement in the entourage for the funeral for Empress Yang 羊, Yang Huiyu 羊徽瑜 (ca. 211–278). He died at home shortly thereafter. His only son Fu Xian 傅咸 (239–294) also was a distinguished official and writer. From his youth, Fu Xuan dedicated himself to writing comments on governance, scholarship, and history. This work, titled Fuzi 傅子, originally contained 140 entries. Only 24 entries that have been collected by late Qing dynasty scholars now survive. The Fuzi was originally divided into three sections: the “inner chapters” devoted to governance, the “middle chapters” that contained Fu Xuan’s Wei shu and an autobiography, and the “outer chapters” that concerned critical discussions of “Masters writing” including a biography of the famous engineer Ma Jun 馬鈞 (early third century).

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Fu Xuan’s collected works, variously titled Fu Xuan ji 傅玄集 and Fu Chungu ji 傅鶉觚集, once consisted of fifty juan. The extant collections are all reconstructions based on literary compendia and anthologies. Fu Xuan was a prolific poet. He is especially well known for his yuefu. In 266 he composed new lyrics for twenty-two suburban sacrificial songs. In either 265 or 266 he composed another twenty-two lyrics for the drum and fife songs. In 269, he also composed three songs for the Music of the Four Wings (si xiang yue 四廂樂). At various times in the Taishi 太始 period (265–274) he wrote five songs for the hand drum dance hymns as well as the lyrics for eight ritual ballets. In addition to the ceremonial pieces, Fu Xuan wrote a large number of poems to old yuefu titles such as “Yuzhang xing” 豫章行 (Ballad of Yuzhang Mountain), “Yuan ge xing” 怨歌行 (Song of resentment), “Duan ge xing” 短歌行 (Short song), “Chang ge xing” 長歌行 (Long song), “Qiu Hu xing” 秋胡行 (Ballad of Qiuhu), and “Yan ge xing” 豔歌行 (Prelude). He is especially known for his sympathetic treatment of the plight of women and his artful retelling of the story of Qiu Hu 秋胡. Fu Xuan wrote a large number of fu. However, the fifty-eight extant titles are all fragments most of which are yongwu pieces. Some of these pieces such as “Xiangfeng fu” 相風賦 (Fu on the weather cock) were written to match compositions on the same subject by other poets. He also wrote imitations of the Chu ci pieces “Tian wen” 天問 (Questions to heaven) and “Zhao hun” 招魂 (Summoning the soul). The preface to his “Qi mo” 七謨 (Seven counsels) is an important source for information on the history of “Seven” compositions. Bibliography Collections Fu Chungu ji 傅鶉觚. In Zhang Pu, comp. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji. Fang Junshi 方濬師 (1830–1889), ed. Fu Chungu ji 傅鶉觚. 5 juan. Guangzhou shuju 廣州書局, 1876. Jian Changchun 蹇長春, Wang Huishao 王會紹, and Yu Xianjie 余賢杰, ed. and comm. Fu Xuan Yin Keng shi zhu 傅玄陰鏗詩注. Lanzhou: Gansu renmin chubanshe, 1987.

Studies Okamura Tadao 剛村真雄. “Gafudai no keishō to Fu Gen” 樂府題の繼承と傅玄. Shinagaku kenkyū 35 (1970): 8–18. Paper, Jordan. “The Life and Thought of Fu Hsüan.” Ph. diss. University of Wisconsin, 1971.

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Paper, Jordan. “Confucianism in Post-Han China.” Chinese Culture 16.2 (1975): 37–44. Zhao Guangyong 趙光勇. “Lun Fu Xuan” 論傅玄. Shaanxi shifan daxue xuebao (1979: 2). Wei Ming’an 魏明安. “Fu Xuan shi Taikang zuojia ma?” 傅玄是太康作家嗎? Gansu shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1981: 2): 69–75. Zhao Yiwu 趙以武. “Shilun Fu Xuan de yuefu shi” 試論傅玄的樂府詩. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1984: 3): 117–23. Chen Zuolin 陳作林. “Lun Fu Xuan shi de sixiang yu yishu” 論傅玄詩的思想與 藝術. Beifang luncong (1984: 4): 36–41. Shi Guangming 施光明. “Fu Xuan zhiguo sixiang shu ping” 傅玄治國思想述評. Xibei shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1984: 4): 80–86. Mu Jiguang 穆紀光. “Fu Xuan ji qi zhexue sixiang” 傅玄及其哲學思想. Xibei shi di (1984: 3): 104–8, 94. Mu Jiguang 穆紀光. “Lun Fu Xuan de meixue sixiang” 論傅玄的美學思想. Shehui kexue (Lanzhou) (1984: 5): 33–37, 57. Suzuki Toshio 鈴木敏雄. “Fu Gen ‘Gi Shi shū shi’ kō” 傅玄「擬四愁詩」考. Furuta kyōju taikan kinen Chūgoku bungaku gogaku ronshū 古田教授退官記念中國文學 語學論叢, 61–81. Hiroshima: Furuta Keiichi kyōju taikan kinen jigyōkai, 1985. Allen, Joseph Roe II. “From Saint to Singing Girl: The Rewriting of the Lo-fu Narrative in Chinese Literati Poetry.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 48.2 (1988): 321–61. Paper, Jordan D. “Fu Hsüan as Poet: A Man of His Season.” In Wen-lin, Vol. II, ed. Tse-tsung Chow, 45–60. Madison: The Department of East Asian Languages and Literature of the University of Wisconsin—Madison and Hong Kong: N.T.T. Chinese Language Research Centre, Institute of Chinese Studies, University of Hong Kong, 1989. Huo Shengping 霍昇平. “Lingzhou Fushi shi tan” 靈州傅氏試探. Ningxia shehui kexue 40 (1990): 13–20. Matsuka Yūko 松家裕子. “Fu Gen gafu shotan” 傅玄樂府初探. Tōyō bunka gakka nenpō 9 (1994): 34–51. Chen Jianwei 陳見微. “Shi xi Fu Xuan Yang Quan sixiang zhi tongyi” 試析傅玄、楊 泉思想的同異. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1995 1–2 double issue): 34–40. Wei Ming’an 魏明安 and Zhao Yiwu 趙以武. Fu Xuan pingzhuan 傅玄評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1996. Wang Maofu 王茂福. “Fu Xuan jiashi shengping kao” 傅玄家世生平考. Ningxia daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 19.3 (1997): 75–79. Zhao Yiwu 趙以武. “Guanyu Fuzi sizhong jiben de youlie deshi” 關於《傅子》四 種輯本的優劣得失. Sheke zongheng (1997: 1): 58–59. Wang Huijie 王繪絜. Fu Xuan ji qi shi wen yanjiu 傅玄及其詩文研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1997. Chen Jianwei 陳建微. “Shilun Fu Xuan de zhexue sixiang” 試論傅玄的哲學思想. Jilin shifan xueyuan xuebao 18.2 (1997): 9–13. Liu Zhili 劉治立. “Fu Xuan ji qi shixue” 傅玄及其史學. Shixue shi yanjiu (1998: 2): 38–44. Wei Ming’an 魏明安 and Ren Jujun 任菊俊. “‘Qing yuan you li’ shi Fu Xuan shuli de demu” “清遠有禮” 是傅玄樹立的德目. Lanzhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 27.3 (1999): 85–89.

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Zhu Jialiang 朱家亮 and Wu Yulan 吳玉蘭. “Lun Fu Xuan de wenti guan yu yuefu shi chuangzuo” 論傅玄的文體觀與樂府詩創作. Qiusuo (1999: 6): 100–2. Liu Zhili 劉治立. “Fu Xuan zuopin zhong de Yi li “ 傅玄作品中的《易》理. Guyuan shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 22.5 (2001): 49–53. Li Yan 李艷. “Lun Fu Xuan de wenxue piping guan” 論傅玄的文學批評觀. Hunan sheng zheng fa guanli ganbu xueyuan xuebao 18.2 (2002): 114–16. Jiang Jianyun 姜劍雲. “Lun Fu Xuan rensheng daolu yu renge jingsheng” 論傅玄人 生道路與人格精神. Yindu xuekan (2002): 71–74. Liu Shuli 劉淑麗. “Fu Xuan de nü shi ji qi dui funü mingyun de sisuo 傅玄的女詩 及其對婦女命運的思索. Qiusuo (2002: 2): 111–14. Jiang Jianyun 姜劍雲. “Lun Fu Xuan ‘yin qi yuan er guang zhi’ de wenti fengge guannian” 論傅玄 “引其源而廣之” 的文體風格觀念. Wenxue pinglun yanjiu (2002: 2): 85–89. Zhao Yiwu 趙以武. “Guanyu Fu Xuan yanjiu zhong de jige wenti” 關於傅玄研究中 的幾個問題. Jiaying daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) 20.1 (2002): 81–83. Wang Jilu 王記錄. “Fu Xuan shixue sixiang gouchen” 傅玄史學思想鉤沉. Shangqiu shifan xueyuan xuebao 18.4 (2002): 42–44. Kong Yi 孔毅. “Fu Xuan lunli sixiang san lun” 傅玄倫理思想三論. Guizhou shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 124 (2003): 18–23. Jiang Jianyun 姜劍雲. Taikang wenxue yanjiu 太康文學研究, 8–17, 112–24, 268–73. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2003. Guo Jianxun 郭建勛 and Li Yan 李艷. “Fu Xuan de cifu chuangzuo ji qi lilun” 傅玄 的辭賦創作及其理論. Qiusuo (2004: 1): 181–83. Shentu Qingsong 申屠青松. “Fu Xuan yuefu shi de fengge ji qi chengyin” 傅玄樂 府詩的風格及其成因. Shaoguan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 25.8 (2004): 21–25. Xin Zhifeng 辛志鳳. “Fu Xuan ji qi Fuzi yanjiu jian shu” 傅玄及其《傅子》研究 簡述. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2005: 6): 17–21. An Chaohui 安朝輝. “Lüe lun Fu Xuan de ‘zhi’ yu ‘qu’” 略論傅玄的 “直” 與 “曲”. Ankang shizhuan xuebao 17.6 (2005): 56–58. Lu Xiaohe 盧曉河. “Fu Xuan Zhang Hua dui Xi Jin hanmen shiren de yingxiang” 傅玄、張華對西晉寒門士人的影響. Mudanjiang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2005: 6): 28–31. Wang Hongliang 王洪亮. “Mu zhi jing ke rou er qu—tan Fu Xuan de jiaoyu sixiang” 木至勁可柔而曲—談傅玄的教育思想. Lilun yuekan (2005: 1): 58–60. Tang Sha 唐沙. “Fu Xuan funü shi chuangzuo dongyin xin tan” 傅玄婦女詩創作動 因新探. Yibin xueyuan xuebao 5.5 (2005): 58–61. Chen Enwei 陳恩維. “Fu Xuan nizuo yu Wei Jin zhi ji wenxue bianqian” 傅玄擬 作與魏晉之際文學變遷. Ningxia daxue xuebao (Renwen sheke xue ban) 127.4 (2005): 5–8. Wu Xueling 吳雪伶. “Fu Xuan yuefu shi ji qi neihan de nüxing qizhi yu wenhua yiyun” 傅玄樂府詩及其內涵的女性氣質與文化意蘊. Lilun yuekan (2006: 4): 127–29. Wu Haojun 吳昊軍. “Yinkuo benzhuan buzhi zaoshi—lun Fu Xuan ‘Qin nü xiu xing” benshi ji jiegou” 櫽括本傳不知藻飾—論傅玄《秦女休行》本事及結構. Hexi xueyuan xuebao 22.3 (2006): 65–68. Li Xiaoming 李曉明. “Fu Xuan Wei shu li kao” 傅玄《魏書》蠡考. Wenxian jikan 7.3 (2007): 7–15.

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Li Qingling 李清凌. “Tong ru da dao zheng nei sheng ping—lun Fu Xuan de zhengzhi sixiang” 通儒達道政乃升平—論傅玄的政治思想. Ningxia shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue) 28.2 (2007): 75–80.

Works a. Fuzi 傅子 Editions Fuzi 傅子. 1 juan. Siku quanshu. Fuzi 傅子. 1 juan. Wuying dian juzhen ban shu, 327. Fuzi 傅子. 2 juan. In Fang Junshi 方濬師 (1830–1889), ed. Fu Chungu ji 傅鶉觚集 (see above). Fuzi 傅子. 4 juan. Yan Kejun, “Quan Jin wen” 47–50. Qian Xizuo 錢熙祚 (d. 1844), ed. Fuzi 傅子. 3 juan. Zihai 子海. Rpt. Zhuzi jicheng bubian 諸子集成補編. Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1997. Ye Dehui 葉德輝 (1864–1927), ed. Fuzi 傅子. 3 juan. 1902; rpt. Xu Baizi quanshu 續百子全書. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 1998.

Translations Needham, Joseph and Wang Ling. Science and Civilization in China. Volume 4, Physics and Physical Technology. Part II: Mechanical Engineering, 39–42. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965. Paper, Jordan D. The Fu-tzu: A Post-Han Confucian Text. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1987.

b. Poems Translations Forke, Blüthen, 26–29. Margouliès, Anthologie, 312, 336, 346. Waley, Poems, 83–85. Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 531. Frodsham and Cheng, An Anthology of Chinese Verse, 51–52. Paper, The Fu-tzu, 86–97. Allen, Joseph Roe III. “From Saint to Singing Girl: The Rewriting of the Lo-fu Narrative in Chinese Literati Poetry,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 48.2 (1988): 327–28, 342–44. Paper, “Fu Hsüan as Poet” (see below). Owen, The Making of Early Chinese Classical Poetry, 166–67, 188, 343–45. DRK

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fu xun 傅巽 (fl. 168–220), zi gongti 公悌

Fu Xun 傅巽 (fl. 168–220), zi Gongti 公悌 Late Eastern Han and Wei period writer. Fu Xun’s ancestral home was Niyang 泥陽 in Beidi 北地 commandery (modern Yao 耀 county, Shaanxi) that had two locations in the Wei-Jin period: near modern Yanggucheng 陽故城 in Gansu, or in modern Yao 耀 county, Shaanxi. Scholars disagree on which is the correct location. He was the uncle of the famous Wei period thinker Fu Gu 傅嘏 (209–255). Sometime during the reigns of Emperor Ling 靈 (r. 168–189) and Emperor Xian 獻 (r. 190–220) of the Eastern Han period, he was appointed secretarial court gentleman. When Dong Zhuo 董卓 (d. 192) seized the capital of Luoyang and removed Emperor Xian to Chang’an in 189, Fu Xun fled south to Xiangyang 襄陽 in Jingzhou 荊州 (modern Hubei) where he joined the court of Liao Biao 劉表 (142–208). In 208, when Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) led an expedition against Jingzhou, he asked Fu Xun and Wang Can 王粲 (177–217) to persuade Liu Biao’s son Liu Cong 劉琮 to surrender. After Liu Cong surrendered, he bestowed Fu Xun and Wang Can the title of Marquis of Guannei 關内侯. In 214, he submitted a petition to Cao Cao suggesting that he accept the title Duke of Wei as well as the nine commanderies as his dukedom. Cao Cao accepted the suggestion, and Fu Xun was promoted to cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. In 220, he and other officials submitted petitions recommending that Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) be named emperor of the new Wei dynasty. Fu Xun was appointed palace attendant and imperial secretary and served in the Wei court for a number of years. He died at the age of sixty-plus in the middle of Emperor Ming’s reign (227–239). Fu Xun was a learned scholar, and a writer of foresight and vision. When he served in the court most of his political predictions came true. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in two juan. This seems to have been lost in the Song. Only four of his compositions, all fragmentary, are extant. They include two fu, “Huaishu fu” 槐樹賦 (Fu on the pagoda tree) and “Wen fu” 蚊賦 (Fu on mosquitoes), a “sevens” titled “Qi hui” 七誨 (Seven instructions), and an inscription on the writing brush, all fragmentary, are included in Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Bibliography Studies Huo Shengping 霍昇平. “Lingzhou Fushi shi tan” 靈州傅氏試探. Ningxia shehui kexue 40 (1990): 13–19.

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Goodman, Howard. Ts’ao P’i Transcendent: The Political Culture of DynastyFounding at the End of the Han, 107–8. Seattle: Scripta Serica, 1998. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 72–73. TPK

Fu Yi 傅毅 (ca. 40–ca. 90/92), zi Zhongwu 仲武 Eastern Han scholar and writer. Fu Yi’s natal and ancestral home was Maoling 茂陵 in Fufeng 扶風 (north of modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). Already in his youth he was known for his vast learning. Fu Yi received much of his education at the state university, where he began his studies ca. 52. Around 59, he went to Pingling 平陵 (west of modern Xianyang, Shaanxi) to study the type of textual exegesis known as zhangju 章句 (chapter and verse). This usually involved long, convoluted explanations of passages in the classics. At this time he wrote an autobiographical poem in four-syllable line form titled “Di zhi shi” 迪志詩 (Fulfilling my aims). In the second stanza, he refers to his descent from none other than Fu Yue 傅說, who according to legend had been a laborer at the earthen walls at the cliffs of Fu. Upon meeting him, King Wuding of Shang appointed him as minister. Without mentioning their names, Fu Yi also refers to his ancestors who obtained noble titles during the Former Han. About the same time, Fu Yi composed “Qi ji” 七激 (Seven incitements). This is one of the earliest imitations of the “Qi fa” 七發 (Seven stimuli) by Mei Sheng 枚乘 (d. 141 b.c.e.). Only a portion of Fu Yi’s piece is extant. The piece begins by introducing the imaginary figure of Tuhua gongzi 徒華 公子 (Sir Vainglory), who pleading illness, has gone into retirement to pursue a life of Taoist quietism. He is visited by a Xuantong zi 玄通子 (Master Penetrator of Mystery), who admonishes him for hiding away and failing to achieve anything of value for the world. To persuade Tuhua gongzi to abandon his erroneous course, Xuantong zi presents for him a discourse on the “most marvelous things of the world.” Most of the piece consists of enticing descriptions of sensual pleasures similar to those in the “Qi fa,” including a zither song, a sumptuous meal, a chariot ride, a hunt, and an outing. At the end of each enticement, the master askes Tuhua gongzi if he would wish to rise and enjoy it. Each time he responds he cannot. Only the final enticement, a panegyric on the glories and virtues of the Yongping era (58–75), succeeds in rousing the lord to stand up and acknowledge his mistaken ways. Because the piece exists only in fragments, it is difficult to interpret. However, according to Fu Yi’s biography in the Hou Han shu, Fu

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Yi was concerned about Emperor Ming’s failure to recruit worthy men to his court, with the result that many scholars had become recluses. He thus wrote “Qi ji” as a monitory poem. Thus, the piece may have been intended not so much as an exhortation to hermits to come out of hiding as it is a gentle suggestion to the emperor to create the proper conditions for them to do so. Upon the death of Liu Xing 劉興 (d. 64), King of Beihai 北海, Fu Yi was commissioned to write a dirge for him. Liu Xing was Emperor Ming’s uncle and the second brother of Emperor Guangwu. Thus, this was a prestigious assignment for a relatively young scholar. During the reign of Emperor Zhang (r. 75–88) Fu Yi and Ban Gu were acknowledged as the most prominent writers at the imperial court. Around 77 Fu Yi was appointed foreman clerk of the Magnolia Terrace. Soon thereafter he was promoted to gentleman and participated in the editing of documents with Ban Gu and the distinguished scholar Jia Kui 賈逵 (20–101). At this time he composed a long ten-part “Eulogy for Xianzong” in praise of Emperor Ming who had died in 75. In 78, Fu Yi was appointed major on the staff of the powerful general Ma Fang 馬防 (d. 90), who led a military expedition against the Western Qiang (Tibetans). When Ma Fang fell from power in 83, Fu Yi was dismissed from office. He apparently held no official post until 88, when General Dou Xian 竇憲 (d. 92) appointed him his private secretary. In the following year Fu Yi was appointed major, also on Dou Xian’s staff. He died soon thereafter, ca. 90–92. Fu Yi is best known for his “Wu fu” 舞賦 (Fu on dance), which is preserved in the Wen xuan. Through the persona of the Warring States Chu poet Song Yu 宋玉, who was a reputed expert on music, Fu Yi presents a poetic description of the dance-music that he calls the “melodies of Zheng and Wei.” The fu begins with a dialogue between King Qingxiang 頃襄 of Chu (r. 298–263 b.c.e.), who is roaming the Yunmeng Park, and Song Yu, who has just given a poetic account of the Gaotang 高唐 terrace. The king asks Song Yu how he might entertain his courtiers. Song Yu replies with a brief discussion of music. He tells the king that even the music of Zheng and Wei has a legitimate function, that of providing entertainment at the court. Song Yu then proceeds to describe the dancers, their costumes, and adornments, followed by a curious song about leaving worldly cares and travails behind. The description of the dance focuses on the varied movements of the dancers as well as the “spirit” or unseen qualities of the performance. The piece concludes in a somewhat hilarious fashion with a description of the mad scramble that occurs as all of the guests return home. According to Fu Yi’s biography in the Han shu, Fu Yi had composed twenty-eight pieces in a variety of genres including fu, dirge, eulogy, prayer,

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sevens, and lianzhu 連珠 (strung pearls). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Fu Yi’s collected works in two juan but cites a Liang dynasty catalogue that recorded it in five juan. Both Tang histories list a collection in five juan. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun collects thirteen of his prose pieces in the “Quan Hou Han wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Bibliography Collection Fu Sima ji 傅司馬集. 1 juan. Guanlong congshu 關隴叢書. 1912. Rpt. Congshu jicheng xubian.

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 436–37. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 6–7. Gong Kechang, Quan Hanfu pingzhu, 127–58. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 235. Chen Jun 陳君. “Lun Handai Lantai wenren ji qi wenxue huodong” 論漢代蘭臺文 人及其文學活動. Wenxue yichan (2008: 4): 32–39. Ye Gang 葉剛. “Dou Xian mufu wenren kao lun” 竇憲幕府文人考論. Zhongzhou daxue xuebao (2009: 8): 73–75.

Work “Wu fu” 舞賦 (Fu on dance)

Studies Ye Youming 葉幼明. “Lun Fu Yi ‘Wu fu’ dui yinyue meixue lilun de gongxian—du Fu shi zhaji zhi er” 論傅毅《舞賦》對音樂美學理論的貢獻—讀《賦史》札記之二. Zhongguo yunwen yuekan (1988): 1: 67–72, 66. Wang Jingbo 王靜波. “Qian lun ‘Wu fu’” 淺論《舞賦》. Beijing wudao xueyuan xuebao (2006: 1): 77–80. Zheng Mingzhang 鄭明璋. “Cong Fu Yi ‘Wu fu’ kan Handai changxiu wu de dongtai mei” 從傅毅《舞賦》看漢代長袖舞的動態美. Anqing shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 26.4 (2007): 43–45.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 245–49. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 245–57. DRK

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fu zai 傅縡 (534–586), zi yishi 宜事

Fu Zai 傅縡 (534–586), zi Yishi 宜事 Scholar and writer of the Chen. Fu Zai’s ancestral home was Lingzhou 靈州 in Beidi 北地 (modern Lingwu 靈武, Ningxia). He was a child prodigy who at age seven reputedly could recite over ten thousand words from ancient poems. Ca. 549, he and his mother fled to the south where she soon died. Shortly thereafter (ca. 552) Fu then took refuge with the regional governor of Xiangzhou 湘州 (administrative seat, Linxiang 臨湘, modern Changsha), Xiao Xun 蕭循 (505–556). Here he may have met Yin Keng 陰鏗 (d. ca. 565) with whom he exchanged poems. Xiao Xun had a large library that Fu Zai took advantage of to increase his knowledge of texts. The Liang general Wang Lin 王璘 (526–573), hearing of Fu’s reputation, summoned him to serve as his secretary. When Wang Lin surrendered to the Northern Qi in 560, Fu Zai accompanied Wang Lin’s general Sun Chang 孫瑒 to the capital. The newly enthroned Emperor Wen 文帝 (r. 559–566) bestowed various gifts on Sun Chang, and Sun commissioned Fu Zai to write a thank you letter that most impressed Emperor Wen. Emperor Wen then appointed Fu Zai history compiler. He later was appointed to the post of aide to Chen Xu 陳頊 (530–582), the future Emperor Xuan 宣帝 (r. 569–582). Emperor Xuan sent Fu as an emissary to the Northern Qi. Upon his return he was assigned as aide to the Prince of Shixing, Chen Shuling 陳叔陵. (d. 582). He may have served on the staff of Chen Shubao 陳叔寶 (553–604, r. 582– 589) while he was crown prince. When Chen Shubao became emperor, he appointed Fu Zai to high positions including director of the palace library and secretarial receptionist in the secretariat, in which capacity he was put in charge of drafting imperial edicts. However, some court officials resented Fu’s arrogance and imperious manner, and they accused him of accepting a bribe from a Korean emissary. The emperor had Fu arrested and put into prison. Fu composed a letter denouncing the emperor’s profligacy and extravagance. After Fu refused to atone for his transgressions, the emperor granted him permission to commit suicide. Fu Zai had a collection of his works in ten juan, but it seems to have been lost already in Tang times. Yan Kejun has collected two fu, the letter from prison, and the Buddhist essay “Ming dao lun” 明道論 (Disquisition on the Way) in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen (“Quan Chen wen” 16). Lu Qinli includes three of Chen’s poems in Xian Qian Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi (3: 2534–36).

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Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 435–36. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 664. Ma Haiying 馬海英. Chendai shigen yanjiu 陳代詩研究, 227. Beijing: Xuelin chubanshe, 2004. DRK

Fu Zhidao 伏知道 (dates unknown) Chen dynasty poet. Fu Zhidao’s ancestral home was Anqiu 安丘 in Pingchang 平昌 commandery (modern Anqiu, Shandong). He probably was a brother of Fu Zhiming 伏知命 (d. 582), and thus he would be the son of Fu Ting 伏挺 (487–549). Nothing is known about his life. The Yuefu shiji preserves his five-part yuefu “Cong jun wugeng zhuan “從軍五更轉 (With the army, changes of the five watches). In addition to this piece, Lu Qinli has collected fragments of two other poems in his Xin Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi. Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 100. TPK

Gan Bao 干寳 (d. 336), zi Lingsheng 令升 Jin period writer and historian. Gan Bao’s surname is sometimes written Yu 于. Gan Bao’s ancestral home was Xincai 新蔡 in Ruyin 汝陰 commandery (modern Xincai, Henan). Scholars disagree on Gan Bao’s natal place. Kominami Ichirō has argued that Gan Bao’s family lived in the Xunyang area 尋陽 area (southwest of modern Huangmei 黃梅, Hubei). Thus, the Gan family was well-acquainted with other Xunyang residents such as Zhou Fang 周訪 (259–320), Tao Kan 陶侃 (259–334), and Zhai Tang 翟湯 (fl. 335–342). However, scholars have noticed that Gan Bao’s grave and that of his father Gan Ying 干瑩 were located in Haiyan 海鹽 (modern Haiyan, Zhejiang). Thus, it is more likely that the Gan family home was in Haiyan. Gan Bao’s grandfather Gan Tong 干統 (also written Gan Zheng 干正) served in the Wu state and held the titles of Awe-arousing General and Marquis of the Metropolitan Residence in the state of Wu. Gan Ying also may have served in Wu.

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Gan Bao began his official career as editorial director. Shortly before 313, Gan Bao consulted the scholar Han You 韓友 on divination. Han You had studied the Yi jing with a scholar from Guiji. He also was an expert on divination, determination of the proper location for graves and houses, and propitiation techniques of Jing Fang 京房 (d. 37 b.c.e.) and Fei Changfang 費長房 (Later Han). Sometime between 313 and 315 Hua Tan 華譚 (d. ca. 318) recommended Gan Bao to the court to take his place as adviser on military affairs in the office of the prime minister. In 315, Gan Bao participated in the successful military expedition to put down an insurrection led by Du Tao 杜弢 (d. 315) and was rewarded with the honorary title of Marquis of Guannei. Immediately after the founding of the Eastern Jin in 318, upon the recommendation of the prime minister Wang Dao 王導 (276–339), Gan Bao was appointed editorial compiler in the newly established history office. Gan Bao was commissioned to compile the state history. However, because he had difficulty supporting his family on the salary he received in this position, he requested to be assigned to the post of magistrate of Shanyin 山陰 (modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang), which was closer to his natal home of Haiyan. Gan Bao was soon promoted to the position of governor of Shi’an 史安 (modern Guilin, Guangxi) where he met the famous recluse from Xunyang, Zhai Tang. In 335, upon the recommendation of Wang Dao, Gan Bao was appointed chief clerk of the right to the minister of education (Wang Dao himself). He was soon promoted to cavalier attendantin-ordinary the position he held when he passed away in 336. One of Gan Bao’s good friends was the polymath thinker Ge Hong 葛洪 (265–317). When Gan Bao resigned from the history office, he recommended Ge Hong to take his place. However, Ge Hong declined the appointment. Gan Bao was also on good terms with Guo Pu 郭璞 (276– 324) whom Gan encouraged to be more reserved in his drinking. Gan Bao was a prolific writer. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists commentaries on the Yi jing, Zhou li, and Zuo zhuan. Gan Bao was one of the most important Yi jing scholars of the early medieval period. Although the full version of his Yi jing commentary is no longer extant, there are good reconstructions of the fragments. While Gan Bao was serving in the history office, he compiled the Jin ji 晉紀 (Jin annals). This was a chronicle of Jin history beginning with Sima Yi 司馬懿 (179–251) and concluding with the last Western Jin ruler Emperor Min 愍 (r. 313–316). This work in twenty-two or twenty-three juan was preserved until the Song dynasty. Although the entire work has been lost, two of Gan Bao’s disquisitions were included in the Wen xuan. Later scholars have collected the fragments.

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Gan Bao is best known for the Sou shen ji 搜神記, a collection of fabulous tales (q.v.). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists the Bai zhi shi 百志詩 (One hundred poems on resolve) in nine juan. This work is no longer extant, but it probably was an anthology of poetry similar to the “Baiyi” 百一 poems of Ying Qu 應璩 (190–252). Bibliography Studies Guo Weixin 郭維新. “Gan Bao zhushu kao” 干寶著述考. Beiping tushuguan guankan 10.6 (1936): 17–24. Ge Zhaoguang 葛兆光. “Gan Bao shiji cailiao jilu” 干寶事迹材料稽錄. Wen shi 7 (1979). Li Jianguo 李劍國, Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, 279–316. Cao Daoheng, “Jin dai zuojia liu kao,” in Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji, 287–90. Kominami Ichirō 小南一郎. “Kan Pō Sōshinki no hensan” 干寶《搜神記》の編纂. Tōhōgaku 69 (1997): 1–71; 70 (1998): 95–202. Takanishi Seisuke 高西 成介. “Rikuchō bunjinden: Shin sho (kan 82) Kan Hō den.” 六朝文人傳:『晉書』(卷八十二)干寶傳. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 33 (1998): 75–90. Li Jianguo 李劍國. “Gan Bao kao” 干寶考. Wenxue yichan (2001:2): 14–29. Wang Jinzhong 王盡忠. “Gan Bao guju kaocha ji” 干寶故居考察記. Zhouzhou jingu (2002: 2): 29, 46. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 185–87. Chen Yaodong 陳耀東 and Chen Siqun 陳思群. “Gan Bao jiguan kao” 干寶籍貫考 Jiaxing xueyuan xuebao 17.2 (2005): 5–7. Campany, Robert Ford. “Two Religious Thinkers of the Early Easter Jin: Gan Bao and Ge Hong in Multiple Contexts.” Asia Major, Third Series, 18.1 (2005): 175–224. Zhang Qingmin 張慶民. “Gan Bao shengping shiji xin kao” 干寶生平事迹新考. Wenxue yichan (2009: 5): 72–81.

Works a. Yi jing Huang Qingxuan 黃慶萱. “Gan Bao ji qi Zhou yi zhu” 干寶及其周易注. Youshi xuezhi 10.2 (1972): 1–57. Huang Qingxuan 黃慶萱. Wei Jin Nanbeichao Yi xue shu kao yi 魏晉南北朝易學書 考佚, 2: 641–1040. Taipei: Youshi wenhua shiye gongsi, 1975. Jian Boxian 簡博賢. Jin cun Nanbeichao jingxue yiji kao 今存南北朝經學遺籍考, 301–496. Taipei: Liming wenhua shiye gufen youxian gongsi, 1975. Jian Boxian 簡博賢. Wei Jin si jia Yi yanjiu 魏晉四家易研究, 133–60. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1986.

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Yan Zijian 閻子緘. “Gan Bao ji qi zhu Yi” 干寶及其註易. Dongfang zazhi 21.5 (1987): 22–30. Lin Zhongjun 林忠軍. “Gan Bao Yixue yanjiu” 干寶易學研究. Zhou yi yanjiu 周易 研究. 30.4 (1996): 12–24. Lin Zhongjun 林忠軍. Xiangshu Yixue fazhan shi 象數易學發展史, 2: 49–71. 2 vols. Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1994, 1998. Zhu Yuanqing 朱淵清. “Gan Bao de Zhou yi gushi guan” 干寶的《周易》古史觀. Zhou yi yanjiu 50.4 (2001): 26–36. Jiang Hongyuan 江弘遠. “Jindai Gan Bao wei Jing Fang Yi houxue zhi bianzheng” 晉代干寶為京房《易》後學之辨正. Zhong Tai xuebao 20.4 (2009): 139–60.

b. Jin ji 晉紀 (Jin annals) Texts Tang Qiu 湯球 (1804–1881), ed. Jin ji 晉紀. 1 juan. Jin ji jiben 晉紀輯本. Guangya shuju congshu 廣雅書局叢書. Rpt. Taipei: Yiwen yishuguan, 1964. Huang Shi 黃奭 (19th cent.), ed. Jin ji 晉紀. 1 juan. Hanxue tang congshu 漢學堂 叢書. Tao Dong 陶棟, ed. Jin ji 晉紀. 2 juan. Jiyi congkan 輯佚叢刊. Qiao Zhizhong 喬治忠, ed. Zhongjia biannian ti Jin shi 眾家編年體晉史. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1989.

Studies Takeda Akira 竹田晃. “Kan Pō shiron—Shinki to Sōshinki no aida” 干寶試論— 「晉紀」と「搜神記」の間. Tōkyō Shingaku hō 11 (1965). Ozaki Yasushi 尾崎康. “Kan Pō Shinki kō” 干寶晉紀考. Shidō bunko ronshū 8 (1970): 285–316. Chen Junqiang 陳俊強. “Shilun Gan Bao Jin ji—jian lun Dong Jin de shixue” 試論 干寶「晉紀」—兼論東晉的史學. Lishi xuebao 23 (1995): 59–95. Li Feng 李峰. “Gan Bao shixue sixiang gouchen” 干寶史學思想鉤沉. Yindu xuekan (2000): 44–48. Li Chuanyin 李傳印. “Jin ji ‘Zong lun’ de shixue jiazhi”《晉紀‧總論》的史學價值. Shixue yuekan (2007: 8): 11–16.

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesiche Anthologie, 2: 913–25. DRK

Gao Biao 高彪 (d. ca. 184), zi Yifang 義方 Eastern Han literatus. Gao Biao was from a poor family in Wuxi 無錫 (modern Wuxi, Jiangsu). When he was a student at the National University he visited Ma Rong

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馬融 (79–166) to study the Classics. Ma Rong happened to be sick and Gao

Biao was not allowed to see him. Gao thus wrote a letter to Ma, and when Ma went out to apologize, Gao Biao left without looking back. After taking first place in an examination on the Classics, Gao Biao was appointed editor in the Eastern Institute. He often composed fu, eulogies, and essays in order to convey suasory admonitions to the court. Emperor Ling (r. 168–189) was astonished at his writing skill. Cai Yong 蔡邕 (133–192) also admired him. When Gao Biao was appointed governor of Waihuang 外黃 (southeast of modern Lankao 蘭考, Henan), Emperor Ling asked his colleagues to see him off, and ordered that Gao Biao’s portrait be painted in the Eastern Institute as a role model. Gao Biao was known for his benevolent administration. He died while serving in Waihuang ca. 184. Most of Gao Biao’s works have been lost, and nothing is recorded in the monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu. Yan Kejun has collected three of his prose writings in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen (“Quan Hou Han wen”). Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 360. deCrespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 240. WJ

Gao Yun 高允 (390–487), zi Bogong 伯恭 Northern Wei literatus. Gao Yun’s ancestral home was Tiao 蓨 in Bohai 勃海 (modern Jing 景 county, Hebei). His grandfather Gao Tai 高泰 and his father Gao Tao 高韜 held high office at the Later Yan court. In his youth Gao Yun became a Buddhist monk and lived in reclusion for several years. Gao Yun was a widely learned scholar who had expertise in the Classics, history, astronomy and numerology. He served at the Northern Wei court under five emperors, and occupied important posts for over fifty years. He had an important influence over the culture and scholarship of the Northern Wei court. He was also known for his integrity and incorruptibility. Gao Yun’s biography in the Wei shu lists a commentary to the Zuo zhuan and Gongyang zhuan, and a study of the Shi jing titled Mao shi shiyi 毛詩 拾遺. He also was a prolific writer of prose and poetry in various genres including fu, discourses, memorials, and eulogies, most of which are lost. Twelve of his prose compositions and four poems are now extant. Kōzen Hiroshi (see below) regards Gao Yun as a “pioneer of Northern Dynasties

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literature.” His fu include “Lu yuan fu” 鹿苑賦 (Fu on deer park), written in praise of Mrgadāva, the park where Buddha reputedly first preached the four noble truths; and “Dai du fu” 代都賦 (Fu on the Dai Capital ), a no longer extant piece that Gao wrote to criticize extravagance at the imperial court. Gao’s extant shi include two long tetrasyllabic pieces: “Yong Liu zhenfu shi” 詠劉貞婦詩 (On the chaste wife Liu), written to commiserate with the widow of one Feng Zhuo 封卓, who was executed shortly after he was married; and “Da Zong Qin” 答宗欽 (Reply to Zong Qin), a tetrasyllabic piece in thirteen stanzas addressed to Gao’s friend Zong Qin 宗欽 (d. 450). Bibliography Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Gao Linggong ji 高令公集. 2 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 1585. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641) ed. Gao Linggong ji 高令公集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji 漢魏六朝百三名家集.

Studies Zhu Shujia 朱舒甲. “Fengjian zhengzhi jia lishi jia—Gao Yun” 封建政治家歷史家— 高允. Shehui kexue (1982: 7): 71–72. Kozen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Kō In: Hokuchō bungaku no senkusha” 高允: 北朝文学 の先駆者. In Obi Hakushi koki kinen Chūgokugaku ronshū 小尾博士古稀記念中 國學論集, ed. Obi Hakushi Koki Kinen Jigyōkai, 239–56. Tokyo: Kyūko Shoin, 1983. Dong Huaiping 董淮平. “Lun Bei Wei mingchen Gao Yun de beiju mingyun” 論北 魏名臣高允的悲劇命運. Beijing shifan daxue xuebao (1989: 5): 52–55. Zhang Jinlong 張金龍. “Du Gao Yun ‘Zhengshi song’ lun Bei Wei Shengui sinian zhengshi ji qi yiyi” 讀高允《征士頌》論北魏神龜四年征士及其意義. Beichao yanjiu 20 (1993): 38–46. Wang Shengbao 王聖寶. “Gao Yun de shide yu shishi” 高允的史德與史識. Shixue shi yanjiu (1999: 3): 75–76. Li Kaiyuan 李開元. Bei Wei wenxue jian shi 北魏文學簡史, 8–12. Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1993. Zheng Xiaorong, “A History of Northern Dynasties Literature,” 37–58. Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 2002. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 711–13. WJ with additions by DRK

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Ge Gong 葛龔, zi Yuanfu 元甫 Eastern Han literatus. Ge Gong’s natal and ancestral home was Ningling 寧陵 in the Liang 梁 principality (southeast of modern Ningling, Henan). During the reign of Emperor He (r. 88–105) he became well known for his skill as a writer. Sometime between 107 and 113 Gao Biao was nominated from his locality as “filial and incorrupt” and was appointed deputy grand provisioner. After presenting several beneficial proposals to the court, he was appointed a county magistrate. Gao Biao was summoned back to the court to serve in the bureau of the grand defender, but declined the appointment because of illness. He was later recommended as an abundant talent and was appointed magistrate of Linfen 臨汾 (northeast of modern Xinjiang 新絳, Shanxi). Ge Gong’s biography in the Hou Han shu lists twelve works in the genres of eulogy, fu, epitaph, and dirge. The monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu lists his collected works in six juan. The two Tang histories record a collection in two juan. The collection seems to have been lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected short fragments of nine pieces in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen (“Quan Hou Han wen”). Bibliography Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dicidian, 423. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 247. WJ

Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343; alt. 283–363),6 zi Zhichuan 稚川, also known as Baopu zi 抱朴子 (Master Who Embraces Simplicity) Later Western Jin-Early Eastern Jin writer and philosopher. Ge Hong was from a prominent Wu family who resided in Jurong 句容, Danyang 丹陽 commandery (modern Jiangsu). His father Ge Ti 葛悌 (d. 295) 6 Scholars give variant dates for Ge Hong. The difference stems from two different accounts of Ge Hong’s age when he died. According to Ge Hong’s biography in the Jin shu he died at the age of eighty-one. Thus, many sources give his death date as 363. However, a more reliable source, the Luofu ji 羅浮記, a local history of Mount Luofu written by Yuan Hong 袁宏 (ca. 328–ca. 376) records that he died at the age of sixty-one. See Taiping huanyu ji 太平寰宇記, Siku quanshu, 160.6a. Thus, Ge Hong most likely died in 343.

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served as governor of Shaoling 邵陵. Ge Ti died when Hong was twelve. Ge claims that he was impoverished and supported himself by farming. However, these claims may be exaggerated, for he had the resources to acquire knowledge of a wide variety of texts. He also began at an early age to compose fu, poetry, and other forms of writings. While still in his teens Ge Hong studied with the venerable scholar Zheng Yin 鄭隱 who was an expert in both Confucian and Taoist texts. Ge Hong seems to have been well enough connected with prominent people to obtain (303) an appointment as leader of a militia that resisted the incursions of the rebel Zhang Chang 張昌 (d. 304). Zhang Chang at one time actually controlled a territory that extended over modern Hubei, Jiangxi, southern Henan, northern Jiangsu, and southern Shandong. Ge Hong himself led a local militia against one of Zhang Chang’s generals, Shi Bing 石冰 (d. 304), who threatened Ge Hong’s home area. After quelling the insurrection, Ge Hong decided to travel to Luoyang ostensibly to obtain “unusual writing,” but he may also have wanted to seek employment at the imperial court. However, he turned back when the road became impassable because of continued uprisings. In 306, Ge Hong was appointed administrator on the staff of Xi Han 嵇含 (263–306), who had been newly appointed governor-inspector of Guangzhou 廣州 (modern Guangdong). Xi Han was a distinguished official, who has been attributed with compiling the Nanfang caomu zhuang 南方草木狀 (Description of plants and trees of the south), a treatise on southern flora. Xi Han was killed en route to his post, and Ge Hong decided to remain in Guangzhou. It was here that he concentrated on writing his master work, the Baopu zi 抱朴子 (Master who embraces simplicity). He also probably at this time met Bao Jing 鮑靚 who was an expert on Taoist esoteric texts. Ge Hong married Bao Jing’s eldest daughter Bao Gu 鮑姑. Ca. 314, Ge Hong returned to his home in Jurong where he spent much of his time gathering herbs and studying alchemy. Shortly thereafter he received an appointment as a clerk on the staff of Sima Rui 司馬睿 (276– 322) who founded the Eastern Jin dynasty in 317. By 317, Ge Hong claims to have completed two works, the Baopu zi and Shenxian zhuan 神仙傳 (Traditions of divine transcendents). Ge Hong interrupted his reclusion briefly to accept positions on the staff of Wang Dao 王導 (276–339), the minister of education and one of the main advisers to Sima Rui. Ca. 333, hearing that the area of Jiaozhi 交阯 (administrative seat northeast of modern Hanoi, Vietnam) was rich in cinnabar, Ge Hong requested an appointment as magistrate of Goulou 句漏 (also written Goulou 茍屚). However, he was detained in Guangzhou by the regional inspector Deng Yue 鄧嶽. Ge Hong then decided to go into reclusion on Mount Luofu

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羅浮 (modern Boluo 博羅, Guangdong) where he continued to conduct

alchemical experiments until his death probably in 343. Ge Hong in his autobiography says that at the age of fourteen and fifteen he composed poetry, fu, and various prose works, but when he re-read them at the age of twenty, he found fault with them and only preserved about ten percent of them. Thus, Ge Hong has few poems and fu extant. All that survives is a preface to a fu titled “Xia guan” 遐觀 (Distant viewing) and five poems of dubious authenticity (they are preserved in the Han Wudi neizhuan 漢武帝內傳). Ge Hong’s major works are the Baopu zi, which is written in a lively parallel prose style, and the Shenxian zhuan, a collection of “biographies” of transcendents. The attribution of other works to him such as Xijing zaji 西京雜記 and Han Wudi neizhuan is questionable. Ge Hong is well known for his original views on literature. For example, he asserted that more recent writings were not necessarily inferior to those of antiquity. In the chapter “Jun shi” 鈞世 (Equalizing the generations) of the Baopu zi he argued that the bureaucratic writings of the Shang shu were inferior to modern edicts, military writings, and petitions to the throne. He claimed that the hunting fu of Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179–117 b.c.e.) and Yang Xiong were superior to the poems on hunting contained in the Shi jing. Ge Hong also advocated the merits of elaborate and prolix writing. Bibliography Studies Sivin, Nathan. “On the Pao p’u tzu nei p’ien and the Life of Ko Hung (283–343). Isis 60 (1969): 388–91. Liang Rongmao 梁榮茂. Baopuzi yanjiu: Ge Hong de wenxueguan ji qi sixiang 抱朴 子研究: 葛洪的文學觀及其思想. Taipei: Mutong chubanshe, 1977. Ye Lunqi 葉論啟. “Ge Hong xueshu sixiang yanjiu” 葛洪學術思想研究. M.A. Thesis, Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo, 1979. Hsiao-Mote, History of Chinese Political Thought, 644–56. Chen Feilong 陳飛龍. Ge Hong zhi wen lun ji qi shengping 葛洪之文論及其生平. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1980. Liu Xiangfei 劉翔飛. “Ge Hong de wen lun” 葛洪的文論. Zhongwai wenxue 11.8 (1983): 165–88. Bokenkamp, Stephen. “Ko Hung.” In Indiana Companion, 481–82. Arbuckle, Gary. “When Did Ge Hong Die.” b.c. Asian Review 2 (1988): 1–7. Ōfuchi Ninji 大淵忍爾. Shoki no dōkyō: Dōkyōshi no kenkū 初期の道教: 道教史の 研究, 487–552. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 1991. Robinet, Isabelle. Phyllis Brooks, trans. “Ge Hong and His Tradition.” Taoism: Growth of a Religion, 78–113. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997. Wang Liqi 王利器. “Ge Hong zhushu kao lüe” 葛洪著述考略. Wen shi 37 (1993): 33–54.

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Lai, Chi-Tim. “The Taoist Vision of Physical Immortality: A Study of Ko Hung’s Pao-p’u tzu.” Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1995. Zhang Wenxun 張文勳. “Ge Hong” 葛洪. In Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan (Xubian 1), 295–307. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. Wei Jin wenxue shi, 500–6. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. “Ge Hong zunian niansui” “葛洪卒年、年歲.” Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 173–74. Campany, Robert Ford. “Ingesting the Marvelous: The Practioner’s Relationship to Nature According to Ge Hong.” In Daoism and Ecology: Ways within a Cosmic Landscape, ed. N.J. Giradot, James Miller, and Liu Xiaogan, 125–48. Cambridge: Center for the Study of World Religions, Harvard Divinity School, 2001. Wells, Matthew. “Self as Historical Artifact: Ge Hong and Early Chinese Autobiographical Writing.” Early Medieval China 9 (2003): 71–103. Liu Gusheng 劉固勝. Ge Hong yanjiu lunji 葛洪研究論集. Wuhan: Huazhong shifan daxue chubanshe, 2006. Wang Lin 王琳 and Guo Yong 郭勇. “Ge Hong yu cifu—yi qi chuangzuo zhong de cifuhua qingxiang wei zhongxin” 葛洪與辭賦—以其創作中的辭賦化傾向為中 心. Zhongguo fuxue 1 (2007): 218–32. Yang Shihua 楊世華. Ge Hong yanjiu erji 葛洪研究二集. Wuhan: Huazhong shifan daxue chubanshe, 2008. Wells, Matthew V. To Die and Not Decay: Autobiography and the Pursuit of Immortality in Early China. Ann Arbor: Association for Asian Studies, 2009. DRK

Gongti shi 宮體詩 (Palace style verse) A type of court poetry that flourished in the Late Southern Dynasties. The Liang crown prince Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551) was especially fond of verse on amorous themes and poetry on things ( yongwu 詠物). Under Xiao Gang, the Eastern Palace (the principal residence of the crown prince) became the center of literary activity. The style of poetry composed in Xiao Gang’s salon has received the name gongti or “palace style,” which was both a product of the palace and reflection of palace life. In a broad sense, the “palace style” refers to an ornate and gentle poetic style. There are landscape themes of court pleasures and poetic descriptions of objects and palace ladies. In a narrow sense, it refers to the poetic style popular in the Liang-Chen period. Typical of the palace style poems is Xiao Gang’s “Xi zeng liren” 戲贈麗人 (Presented in fun to a lovely lady). Because many palace style poems were considered licentious by traditional critics, and the two main palace style poets, Xiao Gang and Chen Shubao 陳叔寶 (553– 604), the last emperor of the Chen, were failed rulers, palace style poetry has been considered the “sounds of a perished state” (wangguo zhi yin 亡國之音) and was thus severely criticized. Recent assessments of palace style verse have been more positive.

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Palace style verse actually antedates the Liang. Features of palace style poetry can be found in the verse of Bao Zhao 鮑照 (ca. 414–466). The more proximate origins of palace style poetry are in the Yongming 永明 style poetry of the Qi with its strong emphasis on prosodic rules and carefully wrought diction. During the Liang, Xu Chi 徐摛 (474–551), Xu Ling’s father and a senior member of Xiao Gang’s court, may have been an important formative influence in establishing gongti verse. Many palace style poems are delicate and refined, reflecting the aesthetics of the imperial court. It is a stage of development of poetry from the late Six Dynasties to the high Tang. The most important collection of palace style verse is the Yutai xinyong 玉臺新詠, which was said to have been compiled under Xiao Gang’s auspices sometime between 534 and 539 by Xu Ling 徐陵 (507–583), another prolific “palace style” poet. Xiao Gang’s letter to Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–555), Prince of Xiangdong 湘東, “Yu Xiangdong wang shu” 與湘東王書 and Xiao Yi’s “Fabao lianbi xu”《法寶聯璧》序 (Preface to the Linked Jades of Dharma Treasures) are also important sources for the study of palace style poetry. Bibliography Studies Wen Yiduo 聞一多. “Gongti shi de zishu” 宮體詩的自贖. Dangdai pinglun (22 August, 1941); rpt. in Wen Yiduo quanji 聞一多全集. Beijing: Sanlian shuju, 1982. Tabei Fumio 田部井文雄. “Rikuchō kyūtai no shi ni tsuite” 六朝宮體の詩について. Kanbun gakkai hō 18 (1959): 6–11. Zhou Xunchu 周勛初. “Guanyu gongti shi de ruogan wenti” 關於宮體詩的若干 問題. Xin jianshe (1965: 2): 54–61. Hu Nianyi 胡念貽. “Lun gongti shi de wenti” 論宮體詩的問題. Xin jianshe (1965:5–6): 54–61. Lin Wen-yüeh 林文月. “Nanchao gongti shi yanjiu” 南朝宮體詩研究. Wen shi zhe xuebao 15 (1966): 407–58. Ye Riguang 葉日光. “Gongti shi xingcheng zhi shehui beijing” 宮體詩形成之社會背 景. Zhonghua xueyuan 10 (1972): 111–78. Miao, Ronald C. “Palace-Style Poetry: The Courtly Treatment of Glamor and Love.” In Ronald C. Miao, ed. Studies in Chinese Poetry and Poetics, volume 1., 1–42. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, Inc., 1978. Huang Tingting 黃婷婷. Liuchao gongti shi yanjiu 六朝宮體詩硏究. Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue guowen yanjiusuo jikan 28 (1984): 645–771. Yang Ming 楊明. “Gongti shi pingjia wenti” 宮體詩評價問題. Fudan xuebao 5 (1988): 46–52. Itō Masafumi 伊藤正文. “Kyūtai shi no seiritsu ni tsuite” 宮體詩の成立について. Kansai daigaku Chūgoku bungakukai kiyō 關西大學中國文學會紀要 10 (1989): 25–49.

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Nakasuji Kenkichi 中筋健吉. “Zuisho ‘Keiseki shi’ Shū bu Kōjo no kyūtai shi kan” 『隋書』經籍志集部後序の宮體詩觀. Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 18 (1989): 52–77. Nakasuji Kenkichi 中筋健吉. “Kyūtai shi to Gyokudai shinei—kyūtai shi enshi setsu e no gimon” 宮體詩と『玉臺新詠』—宮體詩豔詩說への疑問. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai ho 41 (1989): 92–106. Sakaguchi Miki 坂口三樹. “Kyūtai shi kenkyū josetsu—sono seikaku o megutte” 宮體 詩硏究序說—その性格をめぐって. Chūgoku koten kenkyū 36 (1991): 14–27. Wang Chunhong 汪春泓. “Lun fojiao yu Liangdai gongti shi de chansheng” 論佛 教與梁代宮體詩的產生. Wenxue pinglun (1991: 5): 40–56. Zhang Caimin 張采民. Lüelun chu Tang gongting shi : jianji gongting shi yu gongti shi de qubie 略論初唐宮廷詩: 兼及宮廷詩與宮體詩的區別. Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 1994. Wang Meizhen 王玫珍. “Lun gongti shi de pingjia” 論宮體詩的評價. Jiayi nongzhuan xuebao 37 (1994): 109–20. Ye Mulan 葉慕蘭. “Yu Xin gongti shi tan xi” 庾信宮體詩探析. Yuanyuan xuebao 7 (1995): 47–59. Cheng Yu-yu 鄭毓瑜. “You huayu jiangou quan lun gongti shi de xiezuo yitu yu shehui chengyin” 由話語建構權論宮體詩的寫作意圖與社會成因. Hanxue yanjiu 13.2 (1995): 259–74; rpt. in Cheng Yu-yu. Gudian wenxue yu xingbie yanjiu 古 典文學與性別研究, 167–94. Taipei: Liren shuju, 1997. Wu Fusheng 吳復生. “Decadence in Chinese Literature: Xiao Gang’s Palace Style Poetry.” Hanxue yanjiu 15.1 (1997): 351–95, 456–57. Wu Fusheng. The Poetics of Decadence. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998. Feng Ye 封野. “Gongti shi zai Zhenguan shiqi de xinbian” 宮體詩在貞觀時期的新 變. Nanjing shida xuebao 1 (1998): 99–104. Guo Yuru 郭玉如. “Liang Jian wendi gongti shi zhi yufa fenxi—yi mingci he dongci wei zhongxin” 梁簡文帝宮體詩之語法分析—以名詞和動詞為中心. Wenxue qianzhan 1 (2000): 14–27. Yin Zhaoying 殷肇霙. “Shilun gongti shi zhong de nüxing diwei” 試論宮體詩中的 女性地位. Wenxue qianzhan 1 (2000): 102–13. Shi Guanhai 石觀海. Gongti shipai yanjiu 宮體詩派研究. Wuhan: Wuhan daxue chubanshe, 2003. Wang Shungui 王順貴 and Hu Jianci 胡建次. “20 shiji gongti shi yanjiu” 20 世紀 宮體詩研究. Ningxia daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 112 (2003): 71–76. Wang Li 王莉. “Zhongguo dalu gongti shi yanjiu wushi nian huigu” 中國大陸宮體 詩研究五十年回顧. Zhongwen xuebao 8 (2003): 161–74. Jian Ending 簡恩定. “Lun gongti shi” 論宮體詩. Kongda renwen xuebao 12 (2003): 1–18. Shi Guanhai 石觀海. Gongti shipai yanjiu 宮體詩派研究. Wuhan: Wuhan daxue chubanshe, 2003. Fu Gang 傅剛. “Gongti shi lun” 宮體詩論. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (2004: 1): 14–19. Gui Qing 歸青. “Lun tiwu chaoliu dui gongti shi chengxing de yingxiang—gongti shi yuanyuan lun zhi yi” 論體物潮流對宮體詩成形的影響—宮體詩淵源論之一. Shanghai daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 11.4 (2004): 41–48.

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Gui Qing 歸青. “Lun gongti shi de shenmei jizhi” 論宮體詩的審美機制. Nanjing shifan daxue wenxueyuan xuebao (2004: 4): 136–42. Gui Qing 歸青. “Guanshangxing: gongti shi de jiben tezhi” 觀賞性: 宮體詩的基本 特質. Xueshu yuekan (2005: 4): 74–81. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. Gongti shi yanjiu 宮體詩研究. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2004. Zhao Wei 趙偉. “Xiao Yi gongti shi yanjiu” 蕭繹宮體詩研究. Lanzhou xuekan 145 (2005): 259–62. Peng Xinyi 彭心怡. “Chen Houzhu gongti shi yu zhengshu shi de nifan yu anhe” 陳後主宮體詩與征戍詩的逆反與暗合. Dongfang renwen xuezhi 5.4 (2006): 61–79. Tian Xiaofei, Beacon Fire and Shooting Star, 141–49, 162–262. Gui Qing 歸青. Nanchao gongti shi yanjiu 南朝宮體詩研究. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2006. Zhang Xinming 張新明. “Xiaoshi fuzi yu gongti shi de chansheng” 蕭氏父子與宮體 詩的產生. Huaiyin gongxueyuan xuebao 16.2 (2007): 20–23. Li Huifang 李慧芳. “Lun Xu Chi zai Liangdai gongti shi xingcheng zhong de zuoyong” 論徐摛在梁代宮體詩形成中的作用. Xinan jiaotong daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 8.4 (2007): 36–41. Shi Guoqiang 時國強. “Cong Xiao Gang de zhengzhi chujing kan qi gongti shi de chuangzuo yuanyin” 從蕭綱的政治處境看其宮體詩的創作原因. Ningxia shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue) 28.4 (2007): 17–21, 24. Ye Yihui 葉一慧. “Gongti shi de pingjia yu fansi” 宮體詩的評價與反思. Wenxue ji 16 (2009): 245–61. WJ with additions by DRK.

Gong yan shi 公宴詩 (Poetry for the lord’s feast) Courtly feast poetry that flourished in the Wei, Jin, Nanbeichao period Gong yan is a type of poem composed for court feasts. These pieces were usually written by groups of poets for the host who was usually a ruler or a member of the ruling family. The earliest grouping of poems under this rubric is in the Wen xuan. The occasions for which such pieces were written include formal court banquets, excursion feasts (or picnics), and banquets held for the shidian 釋奠 or “school sacrifice” ceremony. Although scholars have traced the origins of gong yan poetry to the Shi jing, the form does not emerge until the late Han when members of the Cao family hosted banquets and outings at which participants composed poems in honor of the feast and the host. Scholars have included in the gong yan category poems composed for seasonal festivals such as the third day of the third month and the ninth day of the ninth month as well as certain group compositions of yongwu poems.

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gong yan shi 公宴詩 (poetry for the lord’s feast) Bibliography Studies

Cutter, Robert Joe. “Cao Zhi’s (192–232) Symposium Poems.” CLEAR 6.1 & 2 (1984): 1–32. Fu Gang 傅剛. “Yexia wenxue lun lüe” 鄴下文學論略. 1992; rpt. Fu Gang, Han Wei Liuchao wenxue yu wenxian lungao, 81–93. Deng Fushun 鄧福舜 and Li Decheng 李德成. “Yexia wenren jihui yu Yexia shi feng” 鄴下文人集會與鄴下詩風. Daqing gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 16.3 (1996): 30–34. Cheng Yu-yu 鄭毓瑜. “Shilun Gong yan shi zhi yu Yexia wenshi jituan de xiangzheng yiyi” 試論公讌詩之於鄴下文士集團的象徵意義. In Liuchao qingjing meixue zonglun 六朝情境美學綜論, 171–218. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1996. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. “Zhonggu ‘gong yan’ shi chutan” 中古 “公宴” 詩初探. Guangxi shiyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1997: 2): 65–72. Kou Mao 寇矛. “Yexia wenren jituan de xingcheng yu yanbian” 鄴下文人集團的 形成與演變. Luoyang gongxue yuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 17.1 (1999): 71–76. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. Wen xuan shi yanjiu 文選詩研究, 57–76. Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2000. Huang Yazhuo 黃亞卓. “Lun Jian’an gong yan shi ji qi dianfan yiyi” 論建安公宴詩 及其典範意義. Guangxi shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 23.2 (2002): 59–63. He Hongyan 何紅艷. “Lun Jian’an gong yan shi de jiazhi xuanze” 論建安公宴詩的 價值選擇. Nei Menggu shehui kexue (Hanwen ban) 24.6 (2003): 77–80. Kawai Kōzō 川合康三. “Xiangyan zhi ge” 饗宴之歌. Nianyi shiji Han Wei Liuchao wenxue xinshijiao, 164–81. Wei Hongcan 魏宏燦. “Caoshi fuzi yu Yexia wenshi de wenxue jiaoyou” 曹氏父子 與鄴下文士的文學交游. Fuyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 100.4 (2004): 39–42. Liu Huairong 劉懷榮. “Lun Yexia houqi yanji huodong dui Jian’an shige de yingxiang” 論鄴下後期宴集活動對建安詩歌的影響. Wenxue yichan (2005: 2): 78–87; rpt. in Zhongguo zhonggu wenxue yanjiu 中國中古文學研究, ed. Zhao Minli 趙敏 俐 and Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行, 511–20. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2005. Zhang Zhenlong 張振龍. “Yexia wenxue jituan jiaoji huodong de wenxue tezheng” 鄴下文學集團交際活動的文學特徵. Xi’an wenli xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 8.3 (2005): 5–8. Zhang Zhenlong 張振龍. “Yexia wenren jituan neibu huodong dui wenren guanian de yingxiang” 鄴下文人集團內部活動對文人觀念的影響. Nanyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 4.5 (2005): 71–77. Zhuang Huafeng 莊華峰. “Lüe lun Yexia wenren de chuangzuo tezheng ji qi wenxue gongxian” 略論鄴下文人的創作特徵及其文學貢獻. Jiang Huai luntan (2005: 2): 156–60. Huang Yazhuo 黃亞卓. Han Wei Liuchao gong yan shi yanjiu 漢魏六朝公宴詩研究. Shanghai: Huadong shifan daxue chubanshe, 2007. Wei Hongcan 魏宏燦. “Yexia wenshi de guiyou yishi yu huodong ji qi shanshui miaoxie jingyan” 鄴下文士的貴游意識與活動及其山水描寫經驗. Huaibei meitan shifan xueyuan xuebao (2007: 6): 96–101.

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Li Xiaoqiong 李曉瓊. “You gong yan shi kan Cao Pi Cao Zhi shizuo de butong” 由公宴看曹丕曹植詩作的不同. Tianzhong xuekan 23.3 (2008): 56–59. DRK

Gongsun Cheng 公孫乘, also read Gongsun Sheng Early Western Han writer. Gongsun Cheng is one of a group of writers who reputedly served at the court of Liu Wu 劉武, King Xiao of Liang 梁孝王 (r. 168–144 b.c.e.). The Xijing zaji attributes to him the “Yue fu” 月賦 (Fu on the moon). However, the authenticity of this work has been disputed. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 59–60. Knechtges, David R. “The Fu in the Xijing zaji.” New Asia Academic Journal 13 (1994): 433–52; rpt. Knechtges, Court Culture and Literature in Early China. DRK

Gongsun Gui 公孫詭 (d. ca. 149 b.c.e.) Early Western Han writer. Gongsun Gui’s natal place was Qi 齊 (modern Shandong). He and Yang Sheng 羊勝 served together at the court of Liu Wu 劉武, King Xiao of Liang 梁孝王 (r. 168–144 b.c.e.). When Gongsun Gui first appeared at Liu Wu’s court, he offered him a series of schemes that earned Gongsun Gui a reward of a thousand catties of gold and the post of capital commandant. He was soon known by the title of General Gongsun. When in 150 b.c.e. Emperor Jing selected Liu Che 劉徹 (the future Emperor Wu) as heir instead of Liu Wu, Gongsun Gui and Yang Sheng conspired to assassinate Yuan Ang 爰盎 (d. ca. 150 b.c.e.) who was thought to have been the person who had spoken most vehemently against Liu Wu’s selection as heir. When Emperor Jing sent imperial emissaries to Liang to investigate the matter, Gongsun Gui and Yang Sheng hid in a rear chamber of the palace. After receiving a severe rebuke from the emissaries, Liu Wu ordered Gongsun Gui and Yang Sheng to commit suicide. The Xijing zaji attributes to Gongsun Gui the “Wenlu fu” 文鹿賦 (Fu on the striped deer). However, the authenticity of this piece is disputed.

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gongsun gui 公孫詭 (d. ca. 149 b.c.e.) Studies

Knechtges, David R. “The Fu in the Xijing zaji.” New Asia Academic Journal 13 (1994): 433–52; rpt. Knechtges, Court Culture and Literature in Early China. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 59. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 636.

Gongyang zhuan 公羊傳 (Gongyang tradition) The Gongyang zhuan is a commentary to the Chunqiu 春秋. It uses a question-answer format to explain the subtle meaning of the text. Some scholars have concluded that this reflects the fact that the Gongyang zhuan was originally orally transmitted. The Gongyang commentary may not have been written down until the end of the Warring States period, or even as late as the Western Han. Because it focuses on moral and political issues involving either praise or blame of persons or deeds mentioned in the Chunqiu, it is usually not regarded as a work of history. For example, it argues that the Chunqiu’s first entry that reads “the first month of the king” refers to the unification of the Zhou empire, an idea that was consistent with the imperial ideology of the Former Han. Many of the ideas are consistent with the thought of the era of Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 b.c.e.) of the Former Han, who was a supporter of the Gongyang school, and one of its masters, Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 (ca. 195–105 b.c.e ). Thus it was the dominant Chunqiu tradition in the Western Han. The sub-commentary to the Gongyang zhuan, which is attributed to Xu Yan 徐彥, relates that the Gongyang commentary was transmitted from Confucius’ disciple Zixia 子夏 (507–400 b.c.e.) down to Gongyang Gao 公羊高 and his descendants. Finally, during the reign of Emperor Jing of Han (r. 157–141 b.c.e.), two scholars from Qi, Gongyang Shou 公羊壽 and his disciple Huwu Zidu 胡毋子都, wrote the Gongyang zhuan on bamboo and silk. However, this account of the transmission of the text is questionable. At most, it can be believed that the ideas of the Gongyang zhuan were developed, lost, and added through oral transmission from the Warring States period to the Western Han, when Gongyang Shou and Huwu Zidu integrated these ideas and wrote them down. It was also during this time that the Gongyang zhuan became the first officially acknowledged interpretation of the Chunqiu. In the Eastern Han, He Xiu 何休 (129–182) wrote a commentary to it, the Gongyang zhuan jiegu 公羊傳解詁 (Exegesis to the Gongyang commentary). He Xiu may also have combined the Gongyang zhuan with the modern script version of the Chunqiu.

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Bibliography Editions He Xiu 何休, comm. Chunqiu Gongyangzhuan He shi jiegu 春秋公羊傳何氏解詁. 28 juan. In Sibu beiyao. Typeset printing based on Song woodblock. He Xiu 何休, comm. Xu Yan 徐彥, sub-comm. Chunqiu Gongyangzhuan zhushu 春秋公羊傳注疏. 24 juan. Shisanjing zhushu 十三經注疏, ed. Ruan Yuan 阮元, 1815; rpt. in Sibu beiyao.

English and Baihua Translations Malmqvist, Göran, trans. “Studies on the Gongyang and Guuliang Commentaries I.” BMFEA 43 (1971): 67–222. Li Zongtong 李宗侗, comm. and trans. Chunqiu Gongyangzhuan jinzhu jinyi 春秋 公羊傳今註今譯. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1973. Wang Weiti 王維堤 and Tang Shuwen 唐書文, trans. and comm. Chunqiu Gongyangzhuan yi zhu 春秋公羊傳譯注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2004.

Indexes and Concordances Chunqiu jing zhuan yinde 春秋經傳引得. Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series. Beijing: Harvard-Yenching Institute, 1937. Nakamura Junya 中村俊也 and Mashima Jun’ichi 間島潤一. Shunjū Kōyōden jimmei chimei sakuin 春秋公羊傳人名地名索引. Tokyo: Ryūkei shosha, 1979. Gongyangzhuan zhuzi suoyin 公羊傳逐字索引. ICS Ancient Chinese Texts Concordance Series. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1995.

Studies Sugiura Toyoji 杉浦豐治. Kōyōso ronkō 公羊疏論考 (kobun hen 古文編). Anjō: Gakuyūkai, 1961. Ruan Zhisheng 阮芝生. Cong Gongyang xue lun Chunqiu de xingzhi 從公羊學論春 秋的性質. Taipei: Guoli Taiwan daxue wenxueyuan, 1969. Xie Desan 謝德三. Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan xuzi quanshi 春秋公羊傳虛字詮釋. Gaoxiong: Qisheng tushu gongsi, 1973. Malmqvist, Göran, trans. “Studies on the Gongyang and Guuliang Commentaries II, III.” BMFEA 47 (1975) 19–69; 49 (1977): 33–215. Hihara Toshikuni 日原利國. Shunjū Kuyō den no kenkyū 春秋公羊傳の研究. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 1976. Qu Wanli 屈萬里. Xian Qin wenshi ziliao kaobian 先秦文史資料考辨, 370–72. Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1983. Sagawa Osamu 佐川修. Shunjūgaku ronkō 春秋学論考. Tokyo: Tōhō shoten, 1983. Sun Chunzai 孫春在. Qing mo de Gongyang sixiang 清末的公羊思想. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1985. Hama Hisao 濱九雄. Kuyōgaku no seiritsu to sono tenkai 公羊学の成立とその展開. Tokyo: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1992.

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Cheng, Anne. “Ch’un chi’iu 春秋, Kung yang 公羊, Ku liang 穀梁 and Tso chuan 左傳.” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe, 67–76. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, 1993. Arbuckle, Gary. “The Gongyang School and Wang Mang.” MS 42 (1994): 127–50. Jiang Qing 蔣慶. Gongyang xue yinlun 公羊學引論. Shenyang: Liaoning jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995. Queen, Sarah A. From Chronicle to Canon: The Hermeneutics of the Spring and Autumn, According to Tung Chung-Shu, 115–26, 255. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Chen Qitai 陳其泰. Qing dai Gongyang xue 清代公羊學. Beijing: Dongfang chubanshe, 1997. Huang Zhaoji 黃肇基. Han dai Gongyang xue zaiyi lilun yanjiu 漢代公羊學災異理 論研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1998. Huang Linmin 黃林民. He Xiu pingzhuan 何休評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1998. Gentz, Joachim. Das Gongyang zhuan: Auslegung und Kanonisierung der Frühlings-und Herbstannalen (Chunqiu). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2001. Zhao Boxiong 趙伯雄. Chunqiu xue shi 春秋學史. Ji’nan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 2004. Cao Daoheng and Liu Yuejin, Xian Qin liang Han wenxue shiliao xue, 137–43. Zhang Duansui 張端穗. Xi Han Gongyang xue yanjiu 西漢公羊學研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 2005. Gentz, Joachim. “Language of Heaven, Exegetical Skepticism and the Re-insertion of Religious Concepts in the Gongyang Tradition.” In Early Chinese Religion Part One, 813–38. Cheung Hung Shing Leonard. “The Textual Intention of Chunqiu Gongyang Jiegu.” Ph.D. diss., Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 2006. SHL with additions by DRK

Gu fu 古賦 (Ancient-style fu) Synonym for Han fu. Gu fu is a term that refers primarily to the fu of the Han dynasty and later fu that are written in the Han style. This type of fu is identified by the following features: an ornate style, lines of unequal length, mixture of rhymed and unrhymed passages, parallelism and antithesis, elaborate description, hyperbole, repetition of synonyms, extensive cataloguing, difficult language, a tendency toward a complete portrayal of a subject, and often a moral conclusion. DRK

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Gu fu bianti 古賦辯體 (Distinguishing the styles of ancient-style fu) Fu anthology compiled in the Yuan dynasty. Compiled by Zhu Yao 祝堯 (jinshi 1318), the work also goes under title Gu fu bian ti 古賦辨體. This is a general anthology of fu from the Warring States to the Song. The first eight juan, which are designated zheng lu 正錄 (main listing), contain seventy pieces by thirty-five writers. Zhu Yao divides the pieces into five “styles” (ti 體): “Chu-Sao ti” 楚騷體, “Liang Han ti” 兩漢體, “Sanguo Liuchao ti” 三國六朝體, “Tang ti” 唐體, and “Song ti” 宋體. There is also an appendix called “Wai lu” 外錄 (extra listing) that contains a selection of forty-seven pieces of “rhymed” writings by thirty-one writers. These works are divided into five groups: “Hou Sao” 後騷 (Later Sao), “Ci” 辭, “Wen” 文, “Cao” 操, and “Ge” 歌. Scholars have noted that Zhu Yao’s selection is strongly influenced by the Chu ci collections of Chao Buzhi 晁補之 (1053–1110) and Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200) that append selections of post-Chu ci pieces that they deemed followed the Sao style. Bibliography Editions Zhu Yao 祝堯 (jinshi 1318), comp. Gufu bianti 古賦辯體. 10 juan. Ming Chenghua 2 (1466) Jin Zongrun 金宗潤 woodblock, preface by Qian Pu 錢溥. Zhu Yao 祝堯 (jinshi 1318), comp. Gufu bianti 古賦辯體. 10 juan. Siku quanshu.

Studies Deng Guoguang 鄧國光. “Zhu Yao Gu fu bian ti de fu lun” 祝堯《古賦辯體》的 賦論. Xinya xueshu jikan 13 (1994): 363–82. Huang Rensheng 黃仁生. “Lun Yuandai keju yu cifu” 論元代科舉與辭賦. Wenxue pinglun (1995: 3): 109–21. He Xinwen 何新文. Zhongguo fu lun shigao 中國賦論史稿, 105–11. Beijing: Kaiming chubanshe, 1993. Ma Jigao 馬積高. Lidai cifu yanjiu shiliao gaishu 歷代辭賦研究史料概述, 191–95. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2001. Yang Sai 楊賽. “Yi qing wei ben—Zhu Yao de gufu benzhi lun” 以情為本—祝堯的 古賦本質論. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 65 (2002): 79–82. Yang Sai 楊賽. “Zhu Yao de gufu liubian lun” 祝堯的古賦流變論. Anhui jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 23.2 (2005): 55–59. Zongfan 踪凡. “Zhu Yao Gu fu bian ti de Han fu guan” 祝堯《古賦辨體》的漢賦觀. Shoudu shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 151 (2003): 59–65. Yang Sai 楊賽. “Zhu Yao de gufu lun” 祝堯的古賦論. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 34.3 (2005): 58–61.

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Yang Sai 楊賽. “Zhu Yao de gufu yishu lun” 祝堯的古賦藝術論. Zhenjiang shifan xueyuan xuebao 26.5 (2005): 31–35. Li Xinyu 李新宇. “Lun Gu fu bian ti chuxian de yuanyin” 論《古賦辨體》出現的 原因. Shanxi daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 28.4 (2005): 53–56. Zongfan 踪凡. “Zhu Yao Chen Yizeng dengren de Han fu yanjiu” 祝堯、陳繹曾 等人的漢賦研究. Han fu yanjiu shi lun 漢賦研究史論, 379–400. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2007. Yu Jingxiang 于景祥. “Cong Gu fu bian ti kan Zhu Yao de pianwen guan” 從《古 賦辨體看祝堯的駢文觀. Shehui kexue jikan 179 (2008): 180–83. DRK

Gu Huan 顧歡 (fl. 420–479), zi Jingyi 景怡 Liu-Song and Southern Qi period writer. Gu Huan’s ancestral home was Yanguan 鹽官 in Wu commandery 吳郡 (southwest of modern Haining 海寧, Zhejiang). His grandfather Gu Jiu 顧糾 had moved to the Yan’guan area at the end of the Eastern Jin (ca. 401). Gu Huan came from a poor family, but from an early age he displayed a gift for learning and entirely devoted himself to his studies. It was said that when he was a young boy, his father sent him to the field to chase away grain-eating sparrows. He instead composed a fu on yellow sparrows. His father was furious and was just about to flog him for not doing his work, but desisted upon seeing the newly composed fu. About the age of twenty, Gu Huan took up study of the Classics and xuanxue 玄學 (abstruse learning) under the renowned scholar Lei Cizong 雷次宗 (386–448). After Gu’s mother passed away, he stayed in a mourning hut by the gravesite and then went into reclusion at Shan 剡 (modern Shengzhou 嵊州, Zhejiang) in the Tiantai Mountains. He later opened a small school in Shan. In his old age he devoted himself to the study of religious Taoism. He was well versed in yin-yang theory, and it was said that he could use his “supernatural” skills to treat and heal patients. Before Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427–482) founded the Qi dynasty, he recommended Gu Huan for appointment as recorder on his staff in Yangzhou 揚州 (administrative seat Jiankang, modern Nanjing). When Xiao Daocheng assumed the Qi imperial throne in 478, Gu Huan presented him with a one-juan treatise titled “Zhi gang” 治綱 (An outline for good order?) that consisted of excerpts from the Laozi. He then asked to be released from his position. Xiao Daocheng appreciated his advice and gave him a sambar chowry and an unornamented zither as souvenirs. Gu Huan returned to Shan. In 483, Emperor Wu (r. 483–493) summoned him to serve as professor at the national university, but he declined the appointment. He died a few years later at the age of sixty-four.

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According to Gu Huan’s biography in the Nan Qi shu he “devoted himself to the Way of Huang-Lao, and was well versed in the writings about yin and yang.” Gu Huan was awkward in speech, but he was a skilled and facile writer. He was a prolific scholar and writer. He wrote commentaries to the Yi jing, Shang shu, Mao shi, and Lun yu. These works survived until the Song. He also wrote a commentary to the Laozi. Portions of this survive in the Daode zhenjing zhushu 道德真經注疏 preserved in the Daozang. After Gu Huan passed away, Xiao Daocheng ordered Gu’s students to compile Gu Huan’s thirty-juan work titled Wen yi 文議 (Deliberations on texts?). The bibliography monograph of the Sui shu lists a Gu Huan ji 顧歡集 (Collected works of Gu Huan) in thirty juan that was recorded in a Liang dynasty catalogue. Perhaps this collection has the same content as the Wen yi. This collection was lost already in the early Tang. Another of his lost works is the San ming lun 三名論 (Disquisition on the three names) which was inspired by a discussion he had with Kong Zhigui 孔稚珪 (447–501) on the “Siben lun” 四本論 (Disquisition on the three roots) by Zhong Hui 鍾會 (225–264). Gu Huan’s most famous extant work is Yi Xia lun 夷夏論 (Treatise on Barbarian and Chinese). Originally a separate work in two juan, the received version is a reconstruction based on excerpts included in Gu’s Nan Qi shu and Nan shi biographies as well as citations in the Hongming ji 弘明集 (Collection of documents on the propagation and illumination of the dharma) of Sengyou 僧祐 (445–518). Gu Huan composed his treatise in 467 during a time when some Ruists and Taoists began vigorously to attack Buddhists on the grounds that some of their customs (e.g., abandoning their families and shaving off their hair) were “vulgar” and “barbarian.” Gu Huan, who took the Taoist position, wrote his treatise in 467. It was followed by a rebuttal by the Buddhist monk Huitong 慧通 given in the name of the minister of education Yuan Can 袁粲 (420–477). Huitong’s rebuttal is followed by a rejoinder from Gu Huan. Bibliography Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 338–9. Fujiwara Takao 藤原高男. “Ko Kan no fukushūhitei shisō ni tsuite” 顧歓の復讎否 定思想について. Kan Gi bunku 8 (1971): 16–45. Zheng Caiqiong 鄭彩瓊. “Gu Huan (Jingyi) shi lüe” 顧歡（景怡）事略. Daojiao yu tansuo 4 (1991): 118–21. Sun Jianzhong 孫建中. “Gu Huan” 顧歡. Daojiao wenhua 5.5 (1993): 13–15. Liu Gusheng 劉固盛. “Lun Gu Huan de laoxue sixiang” 論顧歡的老學思想. Huazhong shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 46.6 (2007): 92–96.

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Li Yangzheng 李養正. “Gu Huan ‘Yi Xia lun’ yu ‘Yi Xia’ zhi bian shulun” 顧歡《夷 夏論》與 “夷夏” 之辯述論. Zongjiaoxue yanjiu (1998: 3): 5–14; (1998: 4): 1–8. Nakajima Ryuzō 中島隆藏. “Ko Kan ‘I Ka ron’ ni okeru ‘Dōkyō’ ni tsuite” 顧歡『夷 夏論』における｢道教｣について. Murayama Yoshihiro Kyōju koki kinen Chūgoku kotengaku ronshū 村山吉廣教授古稀記念中國古典學論集. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2000. Kobayashi Masayoshi 小林正美. “Ko Kan ‘I Ka ron’ ni okeru ‘Dōkyō’ ni tsuite: Nakajima Ryuzō hakushi no shoron ni hambakusu” 顧歡『夷夏論』における｢道 教｣について: 中嶋隆蔵博士の所論に反駁. Waseda daigaku daigakuin bungaku kenkyūka kiyō 46 (2000): 17–32. Li Xiaorong 李小榮. Guangming ji Guang Hongming ji shulun gao, 279–89.

Translation Mather, Richard. “Buddhism and Indigenous Chinese Culture.” In Hawai‘i Reader in Traditional Chinese Culture, ed. Victor H. Mair, Nancy S. Steinhardt & Paul R. Goldin, 270–7. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2005.

b. Laozi commentary Fujiwara Takao 藤原高男. “Ko Kan Rōshi chū sankō 顧歓老子注考. Kan Gi bunka 3 (1962): 19–30; 5 (1964): 163–84; 6 (1967): 13–38. Liu Ts’un-yan 柳存仁. “Lun Daozang ben Gu Huan zhu Laozi xingzhi” 論道藏本顧 歡注老子性質. United College Journal 8 (1970–1971): 15–28. Robinet, Isabelle. Les Commentaires du Tao tö king jusqu’au VIIe siècle, 215–19. Paris: Collège de France, 1977. Kusuyama Haruki 楠山春樹. Rōshi densetsu no kenkyū 老子傳說研究, 199–238. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 1979. Horiike Boguo 堀池信夫. “Ko Kan Roshi chū no shisō” 顧歓「老子注」の思想. Tōhō shūkō 74 (1989): 1–19. Li Gusheng 李固盛. Lun Gu Huan de laoxue sixiang” 論顧歡的老學思想. Huazhong shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 46.6 (2007): 92–96. TPK with additions by DRK

Gu Kaizhi 顧愷之 (349?–410?), zi Changkang 常康, childhood name Hutou 虎頭 Eastern Jin painter, fu writer and poet. Gu Kaizhi’s ancestral home was Wuxi 無錫 in Jinling 晉陵 commandery (modern Wuxi, Jiangsu). Ca. 366, Gu Kaizhi was appointed administrator on the staff of the powerful and influential Huan Wen 桓溫 (312–373) who

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had his headquarters in Jiangling 江陵 in the province of Jingzhou 荊州 (modern Hubei and Hunan). The Lidai minghua ji 歷代名畫記 by Zhang Yanyuan 張彥遠 (ca. 811–ca. 877) cites a passage from the Shishuo xinyu 世說新語 not in the received version which states that Huan Wen often invited Gu Kaizhi to discuss painting and calligraphy with the famous calligrapher Yang Xin 羊欣 (370–442). Their conversations reputedly lasted all night long. But this is not credible, for Huan Wen died in 373 when Yang Xin was only three years old. Thus, it is highly unlikely this discussion with Gu Kaizhi, if it ever took place, occurred in Huan Wen’s presence. When Huan Wen died in 373, Gu Kaizhi visited his grave. He composed several fu and poems to commemorate their friendship. In 392, Gu Kaizhi was appointed administrator on the staff of Yin Zhongkan 殷仲堪 (d. 399), regional inspector of Jingzhou. In 405, he was appointed cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. He died in office at the age of sixty-two. Scholars do not agree on Gu Kaizhi’s death date. Dates that have been proposed include 405, 407, 409, and 410. Gu Kaizhi lived briefly in a monastery in the Guiji Mountains 會稽山. When he returned to Jingzhou, he was asked about the scenery of the monastery, and he replied: “A thousand cliffs vie in beauty, and a myriad gullies contend in flowing. Grass and plants grow lush and luxuriant, like rising clouds and thick auroras” 千巖競秀, 萬壑爭流, 草木朦朧, 若雲興霞蔚. These lines became well known and were widely cited at that time. Gu Kaizhi was also an accomplished portrait painter. He once painted the portrait of Xi Kang 嵇康 (223–262) because Gu Kaizhi was very fond of Xi Kang’s tetrasyllabic poems. One of his most famous remarks about the craft of painting is: “It is easy to paint a hand moving across a five-stringed zither, but it is difficult to paint the expression in the eyes of someone sending off returning geese.” Adding the pupils to the eyes was always his finishing touch when he painted portraits. Gu Kaizhi was also an excellent fu writer. He proudly compared his “Zheng fu” 筝赋 (Fu on the twelvestringed zither) with Xi Kang’s famous “Qin fu” 琴赋 (Fu on the sevenstringed zither). There are many amusing anecdotes about Gu Kaizhi. Perhaps the most famous one concerns his habit of eating sugarcane by starting at the top and working his way down to the root. When someone asked him why he did this, he replied, “I gradually enter the realm of delight.” Gu Kaizhi was also known as a braggart and buffoon. His contemporaries said: “There are three things in which he is unsurpassed (san jue 三絕): writing, painting, and silliness.” The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Gu Kaizhi’s collected works in seven juan but cites a Liang dynasty catalogue that recorded a

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twenty-juan collection. The two Tang histories do not list Gu’s collection, and thus the collection must have been lost already in the Tang. Yan Kejun has collected fifteen prose works in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen (“Quan Jin wen” 140). Seven of these pieces are fu compositions including a long excerpt from his “Zheng fu” mentioned above. As Zhang Keli has pointed out, Yan Kejun failed to include some of Gu Kaizhi’s prose writings. One notable omission is his famous “Hua Yuntai shan ji” 畫雲台山記 (Note on painting Cloud Terrace Mountain), which is an important essay on landscape painting and viewing. Although Gu was a skilled poet, fragments of only three poems are extant. Among Gu’s other works is Qimeng ji 啟蒙記 (First lessons for beginners), also titled Qi yi ji 啟疑記 (Notes for elucidating doubts), which seems to be a child’s primer on the script and writing. This work is no longer extant, but Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857) has collected nine entries from it in Yuhan shanfang ji yishu. Gu Kaizhi has been attributed with scores of paintings. The most famous of these are Nüshi zhen tu 女史箴圖 (Painting on the admonitions of the palace ladies) and Luoshen fu tu 洛神賦圖 (Painting on the goddess of the Luo River). Bibliography Studies Waley, Arthur. An Introduction to the Study of Chinese Painting, 50–59. London: Ernest Benn, 1923. Chen, Shih-hsiang, trans. and annot. Biography of Ku K’ai-chih. Chinese Dynastic Histories Translations, no. 2. 1953; rpt. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961. Yu Jianhua 俞劍華. Gu Kaizhi yanjiu ziliao 顧愷之研究資料. Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1952. Admonitions of the Instructress of the Ladies in the Palace: A Painting Attributed to Ku K’ai-chih. London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1966. Acker, William R. Some T’ang and Pre-T’ang Texts on Chinese Painting, Volume II. Part One: Translation and Annotations, 43–82. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1974. Chen Paochen. “The Goddess of the Lo River: A Study of Early Chinese Narrative Handscrolls.” Ph.D. diss, Princeton University, 1987. Spiro, Audrey. “New Light on Gu Kaizhi.” Journal of Chinese Religions 16 (1988): 1–17. Minagawa Susumu 源川進. “Ko Gaishi no hito to gakujutsu” 顧愷之の人と芸術. Nishō gakusha daigaku Tōyōgaku kenkyūjo shūkan 21 (1990): 55–77. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 339–40. Zhang Keli, Dong Jin wenyi xinian, 292, 330, 408–9, 417, 421, 339, 448, 598–99, 691, 713–17. Takase Tamon 高瀨多聞. “Kōnan shijin toshite no Ko Gaishi no shōgai to gakujutsu” 江南士人としての顧愷之の生涯と芸術. Sagami joshi daigaku kiyō 61 (1997): 69–78.

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Zhang Hanqing 張韓卿. Gu Kaizhi quanzhuan: “sanjue” huasheng 顧愷之全傳: “三絕” 畫聖. Changchun: Changchun chubanshe, 2000. Spiro, Audrey. “Of Noble Ladies and Notable Conventions: The Search for Gu Kaizhi.” In Studies in Early Medieval Chinese Literature, 213–57. McCausland, Shane. First Masterpiece of Chinese Painting: The Admonitions Scroll. New York: George Braziller, 2003. Li Xianglin 李祥林. Gu Kaizhi 顧愷之. Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 2004. Yuan Yougen 袁有根. Gu Kaizhi yanjiu 顧愷之研究. Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, 2005.

Works a. “Hua Yuntai shan ji” 畫雲台山記 (Note on painting Cloud Terrace Mountain) Texts Yu Jianhua 俞劍華, ed. Zhongguo hua lun leibian 中國畫論類編, 581–82. 1957; rpt. Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1973. Chen Chuanxi 陳傳席. Liuchao hua lun yanjiu 六朝畫論研究, 81–93. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1991.

Translations Sakarish, Shio. The Spirit of the Brush, 30–33. London: Butler and Tanner, Ltd., 1939. Sullivan, Michael. The Birth of Landscape Painting in China, 94–101. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962. Acker, Some T’ang and Pre-T’ang Texts on Chinese Painting, 73–82. Delahaye, Hubert. Les premières Peintures de paysage en Chine: aspects religieux. Paris: École française d’extrême-orient, 1981. Bush, Susan and Chung-wen Shih, eds. Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 34–36. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985. Tian Xiaofei. “Seeing with the Mind’s Eye: The Eastern Jin Discourse on Visualization and Imagination.” Asia Major, Third Series 18.2 (2005): 92–99.

b. “Zheng fu” 箏賦 (Fu on the twelve-stringed zither) Translation Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 150–51.

c. “Lei dian fu” 雷電賦 (Fu on thunder and lightning) Chen, Biography.

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Cai Zong-qi, in Cai, ed. Chinese Aesthetics, 318–19.

a. Qi meng ji 啟蒙記 (First lessons for beginners) Text Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857), ed. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu玉函山房輯佚書, 62. TPK and DRK

Gu shi ji 古詩紀 (Record of ancient poetry) Anthology of pre-Tang poetry. Compiled by Feng Weine 馮惟訥 (1512–1572) this is a collection in 156 juan containing poetry from pre-Han through the Sui. It is arranged into four sections: 1. “Qian ji” 前集, 10 juan. Miscellaneous rhymed pieces attributed to the pre-Han period. 2. “Zheng ji” 正集, 130 juan. Poetry from the Han to Chen and Sui. 3. “Wai ji” 外集, 4 juan. Poems attributed to “immortals and ghosts.” 4. “Bie ji” 別集, 12 juan. Collected comments on poetry. Feng Weine began compiling the collection in 1544 and completed it in 1557. The first printing was in 1560. However, the “Zheng ji” was printed separately in 1551 as Guang fengya yi 廣風雅逸. Although Feng Weine collected a large number of poems, he was uncritical of attributions. He also does not generally indicate his sources. Many of the poems are fragments taken from leishu. There are numerous errors which were already pointed out by Feng Shu 馮舒 (Qing) in his Shi ji kuang miu 詩紀匡謬. For an attempt to identify sources, see: Bibliography Yang Shoujing 楊守敬 (1839–1914). Gushi cun mulu 古詩存目錄. 1905; rpt. Wuhan: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1997.

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Editions Feng Weine 馮惟訥 (1512–1572), ed. Gu shi ji 古詩紀 156 juan. Ming Jiajing 39 (1560) printing by Shaanxi regional inspector Zhen Jing 甄敬 (jinshi 1553). Held by Guojia tushuguan (Taiwan) and Kyōto daigaku Bungakubu. Facsimile reproduction of this: Kaiseihon Koshiki 嘉靜本古詩紀. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏, ed.-in-chief. Yokoyama Hiroshi 橫山宏 and Saitō Mareshi 齋藤希史, ed. 3 vols. Tokyo: Kyōuko shoten, 2005–2006. Feng Weine 馮惟訥 (1512–1572), ed. Gu shi ji 古詩紀 156 juan. Wu Guan 吳琯, coll. Fang Tianjuan 方天眷, re-coll. Ming Wanli 40 (1612) printing. Held by Harvard-Yenching Library. Feng Weine 馮惟訥 (1512–1572), ed. Gu shi ji 古詩紀. 156 juan. Siku quanshu.

Studies Feng Shu 馮舒 (1593–1649). Shi ji kuangmiu 詩記匡謬. Zhibuzu zhai congshu. Lu Qinli 逯欽立. “Gushi ji buzheng xuli” 古詩紀補正敘例. Lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan 12 (1947): 61–90; rpt. in Wu Yun 吳雲, ed. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue lunji 漢魏六朝文學論集, 109–54. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1984. Suzuki Shūji 鈴木修次 and Ikkai Tomoyoshi 一海知義. “Fu Itotsu to sono Shiki” 馮惟訥とその詩紀. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 12 (1960): 70–91. Holzman, Donald. “Ku-shih chi.” In Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature, 487–88. Liu Yuejin, Zhonggu wenxue wenxian xue, 50–52. Li Qingli 李慶立 and Zhang Bingguo 張秉國. “Gu shi ji kao lun”《古詩紀》考論. Shaoguan xueyuan xuebao 24.2 (2003): 1–4. Yang Xun 楊焄. “Feng Weine Gu shi ji bianzuan kao” 馮惟訥《古詩紀》編纂考. Zhongwen zixue zhidao 198 (2008): 44–48. DRK

“Gushi shijiu shou” 古詩十九首 (Nineteen old poems) Set of early medieval poems. “Gushi shijiu shou” 古詩十九首 (Nineteen old poems) is the title that the Wen xuan gives to a group of anonymous five-syllable line poems. Other Six Dynasties sources attribute all or some of these pieces to known poets. The Yutai xinyong credits eight of them to Mei Sheng 枚乘 (d. 141 b.c.e.). Liu Xie in the Wenxin diaolong mentions that “some attribute them to Mei Sheng,” except for “Solitary Bamboo” (Poem #8 in Wen xuan), which is ascribed to Fu Yi 傅毅 (d. ca. 90). Liu Xie says “by comparing their style [with other poems], one can deduce that they are works of both the Western and Eastern Han.” There undoubtedly were more than the nineteen gushi preserved in the Wen xuan. Zhong Rong in the Shi pin mentions

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that there were forty-five pieces in addition to those imitated by Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303). He then adds that these forty-five pieces “of old were thought to be composed by Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232) and Wang Can 王粲 (196–220).” Zhong Rong does not comment on the credibility of this attribution. Elsewhere in the Shi pin Zhong Rong says that the “ ‘Old Poems’ are now so remote and obscure it is difficult to determine their authors or period.” However, Zhong deduces from their style that they are “compositions of the Han [which ruled by virtue of] the Fire Phase.” Most contemporary scholars believe that it is impossible to determine the authorship of these poems. Sui Shusen (see bibliography below) argues that they are not products of a single author or period, but were written by unknown poets in different periods of the Han. The “Old Poems” show traces of folk elements, notably formulaic phrases that can be found in the yuefu folk songs. It is possible that they are folk pieces that were polished by literati poets. The prosodic form of all nineteen poems is the five-syllable line. In almost every line there is a caesura after the second syllable. Rhyme occurs in even-numbered lines. The major themes of the poems include the sadness of men traveling far from home and wives longing for loved ones, the melancholy of friends separated from one another, laments about the transience of human life, and the pursuit of life’s pleasures. Bibliography Text Wen xuan 29.1343–50.

Studies and Commentaries Zhu Yun 朱筠 (1729–1781). Gushi shijiu shou shuo 古詩十九首說. Xiao yuan congshu 嘯園叢書. Zhang Geng 張庚 (1752–1792). Gushi shijiu shou jie 古詩十九首解. Congshu jicheng. Fang Dongshu 方東樹 (1772–1851). “Lun gushi shijiu shou” 論古詩十九首. In Zhaomei zhanyan 昭昧詹言. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1961. He Yangling 賀揚靈. Gushi shijiu shou yanjiu 古詩十九首研究. Shanghai: Daguang shuju, 1926. Xu Zhongshu 徐中舒. “‘Gushi shijiu shou’ kao” 古詩十九首考. Zhongshan daxue yuyan lishi yanjiusuo zhoukan 6.65 (January 1929): 1–17. Sui Shusen 隋樹森. Gushi shijiu shou jishi 古詩十九首集釋. Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1936; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1955. Zhu Ziqing 朱自清. “‘Gushi shijiu shou’ jishi”《古詩十九首》集釋. Guowen yuekan 15.6–9 (1940–1941); rpt. in Zhu Ziqing. Zhu Ziqing gudian wenxue zhuanji 朱 自清古典文學專集. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1980.

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Luo Genze 羅根澤. “‘Gushi shijiu shou’ zhi zuozhe ji niandai”《古詩十九首》之作 者及年代. Dushu tongxun 31 (1941); rpt. Luo Genze. Luo Genze gudian wenxue lunwen ji 羅根澤古典文學論文集. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985. Ma Maoyuan 馬茂元. Gushi shijiu shou tansuo 古詩十九首探索. Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1957; rpt. and rev. as Gushi shijiu shou chutan 古詩十九首初探. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1981. Yoshikawa Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎. “Suii no hika—‘Koshi jukyū shu’ no shudai” 推移の 悲哀—古詩十九首の主題. Chūgoku bungaku hō 10 (1959): 1–16; 12 (1960): 1–18; 14 (1961): 1–6. Rpt. Yoshikawa Kōjirō zenshū 6: 266–330. Diény, Jean-Pierre. Les Dix-neuf Poèmes anciens. Paris: Presses Universitaries de France, 1963. Fang Zushen 方祖燊. “Han gushi shidai wenti kaobian” 漢古詩時代問題考辨. Dalu zazhi 31.5 (1965): 13–16; 31.6 (1965): 30–35; 31.7 (1965): 31–35. Ye Jiaying 葉嘉瑩. “‘Gushi shijiu shou’ zhi shidai wenti” 古詩十九首之時代問題. Xiandai xueyuan 2.4 (1965): 9–12. Tang Yizhang 唐亦璋. “‘Gushi shiujiu shou’ yong yun kao” 古詩十九首用韻考. Danjiang xuebao 4 (1965): 27–50. Zhang Qingzhong 張清鐘. Gushi shijiu shou hui shuo shangxi yu yanjiu 古詩十九 首彙說賞析與研究. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1988. Wang Qiangmo 王強模. Gushi shijiu shou pingyi 古詩十九首評譯. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1991. Kao, Yu-kung. “The ‘Nineteen Old Poems’ and the Aesthetics of Self-Reflection.” In the Power of Chinese Culture: Studies in Chinese Cultural History, ed. Willard J. Peterson, Andrew H. Plaks, and Ying-shih Yu, 80–102. Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1994. Cai Zongqi. The Matrix of Lyric Transformation: Poetic Modes and Self-Presentation in Early Chinese Pentasyllabic Poetry. Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1996. Hsieh, Daniel. “The Origin and Nature of the ‘Nineteen Old Poems.’” Sino-Platonic Papers 77 (January 1998): 1–49. Tsuchiya Akira 土屋聰. “Kandai ‘Ōshi Kyō’ enhen kō—‘Koshi jukyū shu’ ki jūgo no kaishaku o megutte” 漢代「王子喬」演變考—「古詩十九首」其十五の解釋’ を めぐって. Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 34 (2005): 1–15. Tian, Xiaofei. “Woman in the Tower: ‘Nineteen Old Poems’ and the Poetics of Un/ concealment.” Early Medieval China 15.1 (2009): 3–21.

Translations Tsen Tsonming. Anciens Poèmes chinois d’auteurs inconnus, 25–46. Lyons: Joannès Desvignes & Co., 1923. Complete. Payne, White Pony, 119–26 (#1–15). Waley, 170 Chinese Poems, 59–78; Translations, 37–48; Chinese Poems (1946), 56–64 (all but #8 and #18). von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 513–20. Complete. “Dix-neuf Poèmes anciens,” Études françaises 2 (1940): 716–20; 3 (1941): 55–58, 122–25. Rpt. in Demiéville, ed., Anthologie, 75–85. Complete. Diény, Jean-Pierre. Les dix-neuf Poèmes anciens. Paris: Presses Universitaries de France, 1963. Complete.

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Watson, Chinese Lyricism, 20–30 (all but #6, #12, #14, #18, #19); rpt. The Columbia Book of Chinese Poetry, 96–102. Ho Kenneth P.H. The Nineteen Ancient Poems. Hong Kong: Kelly & Walsh, 1977. Owen, Anthology, 253, 255–57, 259–61. Owen, Making of Early Chinese Poetry, 79–80, 122–23, 181, 186–87, 264–65, 269, 274–75, 278–79. 281–82, 286, 294, 328–35, Cai Zong-qi. “Pentasyllabic Shi Poetry: The ‘Nineteen Old Poems.’” In Cai, How to Read Chinese Poetry, 103–17. DRK

Gushi yuan 古詩源 Anthology of pre-Tang poetry. Compiled by Shen Deqian 沈德潛 (1673–1769), the Gushi yuan is a small but influential anthology of pre-Tang poetry. Shen Deqian began compiling the work in 1717. He completed the anthology in 1719. It was first printed in 1725. The work consists of fourteen juan and is organized chronologically into the following groups: 1. “Gu yi” 古逸 (Ancient detached pieces). Juan 1. This includes mostly anonymous pieces of poems attributed to remote antiquity. They were collected from inscriptions and received texts. 2. “Han shi” 漢詩 (Han period poetry). Juan 2–4. 3. “Wei shi” 魏詩 (Wei period poetry). Juan 5–6. 4. “Jin shi” 晉詩 (Jin period poetry). Juan 7–9. 5. “Song shi” 宋詩 (Song period poetry). Juan 10–11. 6. “Qi shi” 齊詩 (Qi period poetry). Juan 12. 7. “Liang shi” 梁詩 (Liang period poetry). Juan 13. 8. “Chen shi” 陳詩 (Chen period poetry) and “Bei Wei shi” 北魏詩 (Northern Wei period poetry). Juan 14. One of Shen Deqian’s purposes in compiling the Gushi yuan was to examine the origins and precedents for Tang poetry. He was strongly influenced in his selection by an earlier anthology, the Caishu tang gushi xuan 采菽 堂古詩選 compiled by Chen Zuoming 陳祚明 (1623–1674). This work was printed in 1706 only a few years before Shen Deqian began compiling the Gushi yuan. The Gushi yuan contains over 700 poems. It is considered a good representation of pre-Tang poetry. Shen Deqian’s critical comments, many of

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which are taken from Chen Zuoming, are often cited by modern Chinese scholars. Bibliography Editions and Commentaries Gushi yuan 古詩源. 14 juan. Hunan Sixian shuju 湖南思賢書局, 1891. Gushi yuan 古詩源. 14 juan. Sibu beiyao. Typeset printing based on the 1725 ed. Gushi yuan 古詩源. 14 juan. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1957. Gushi yuan 古詩源. 4 vols. Guangzhou: Guangdong renmin chubanshe, 1973. Zhu Nanhui 朱南匯, ed. and comm. Xiangzhu Gushi yuan 詳注古詩源. Shanghai: Xinmin shuju, 1935; rpt. Taipei: Wanguo tushu, 1955. Wang Chunfu 王莼夫. Gushi yuan jianzhu 古詩源箋注. Taipei: Jinxue shuju, 1970.

Concordance Lee Chik-fong (Li Zhifang 李直方), ed. Index to Pre-T’ang Poetry. A Combined Index to Ku shih yüan and Ku shih hsüan. Taipei: Chinese Materials Center, 1980.

Translation Uchida Sennosuke 內田泉之助 and Hoshikawa Kiyotaka 星川清孝, trans. Koshigen 古詩源. 2 vols. Tokyo: Shūeisha, 1964–65.

Baihua Translation Feng Baoshan 馮保善, trans. and comm. Xinyi Gushi yuan 新譯古詩源. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 2006.

Studies Li Jinsong 李金松 and Chen Jianxian 陳建新. “Chen Zuoming Caishu tang gushi xuan kao shu” 陳祚明《采菽堂古詩選》考述. Zhongguo yunwen xuekan (2003: 2): 61–67. Feng Baoshan 馮保善. “Shen Deqian yu Gushi yuan 古詩源. Jiangsu daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 7.3 (2005): 24–29. Huang Xiutao 黃秀韜. “Shen Deqian shige xuanben zhong de pipingguan” 沈德潛 詩歌選本中的批評觀. Xiamen jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 9.4 (2007): 23–26. Zheng Lifang 鄭莉芳. Shen Deqian Gushi yuan yanjiu 沈德潛古詩源研究. Taipei xian Yonghe shi: Hua Mulan wenhua chubanshe, 2009. DRK

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gu xianzhi 顧憲之 (436–509), zi shisi 士思

Gu Xianzhi 顧憲之 (436–509), zi Shisi 士思 Liu-Song and Qi period writer. Gu Xianzhi’s ancestral home was Wu 吳 in Wu commandery (modern Suzhou, Jiangsu). He was the grandson of Gu Jizhi 顧覬之 (392–467) a high-ranking official during the Liu-Song dynasty. During the late LiuSong period (ca. 473–477), Gu Xianzhi served as magistrate of Jiankang 建康 (modern Nanjing) where he was known for his honesty and integrity. After the establishment of the Qi dynasty in 479, Gu Xianzhi was appointed administrator in Hengyang 衡陽 (modern Xiangtan 湘潭, Hunan). During the Yongming era (483–493) he joined the staff of Emperor Wu’s eighth son, the Prince of Sui, Xiao Zilong 蕭子隆 (474–494) and served as administrator when the prince was the nominal governor of Guiji 會稽 (modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang). One year Guiji enjoyed a bumper harvest while Wuxing 吳興 (modern Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang) suffered a lean year. Some court officials proposed increasing taxes. Gu Xianzhi submitted a petition to the court opposing the proposal giving a detailed account of the hardships of the people. Emperor Wu accepted his recommendation and abandoned the proposal. In 489 he appointed Gu Xianzhi administrator for Emperor Wu’s ten-year-old son, Xiao Zilun 蕭子倫, who was nominally in charge of Nan Yuzhou 南豫州 (modern Anhui). At the end of the Qi, from 499 to 501, Gu Xianzhi held the post of administrator of Yuzhang 豫章 (modern Nanchang 南昌, Jiangxi). While Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549) was serving as governor of Yangzhou 揚州 (modern Nanjing), he summoned Gu Xianzhi to serve as his mounted escort and retainer. By the time Gu arrived at his post, Xiao Yan had assumed the throne of the Liang dynasty. Gu then resigned his position and returned to his hometown. He died there in 509. Both Liang shu 粱書 and Nan shi 南史 mention that Gu Xianzhi authored several dozen poems, fu, inscriptions, encomia, and a geographical treatise titled Hengyang jun ji 衡揚郡記 (Record of Hengyang commandery). Gu presumably wrote the latter work while he was serving as administrator in Hengyang. The monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu does not list any of his works, and thus most of his writings must have been lost before the Tang. Yan Kejun has collected three of his prose writings in the Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen (“Quan Liang wen”).

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Bibliography Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 339. TPK

Gu Yewang 顧野王 (519–581), zi Xifeng 希馮 Liang-Chen period philologist, writer and painter. Gu Yewang was from the famous Gu family of Wu 吳 in Wu commandery (modern Suzhou, Jiangsu). His father Gu Xuan 顧烜 was a learned scholar. Gu Yewang was a precocious child and at the age of nine composed “Ri fu” 日賦 (Fu on the sun), a piece that impressed Zhu Yi 朱异 (483–549). At the age of twelve, Gu accompanied his father to Jian’an 建安 where he composed two notes about the Jian’an area. By the time he was an adult, Gu Yewang had read the histories and Classics and mastered the fields of astronomy, geography, divination, calligraphy, and painting. In 538, at the young age of nineteen, GuYewang was appointed professor at the National University (taixue boshi 太學博士). He also served as aide and companion to two princes, Xiao Zhengde 蕭正德 (d. 549), the third son of Xiao Hong 蕭宏 (473–526), and Xiao Daqi 蕭大器 (524–551), the eldest son of Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551). Wang Bao 王褒 (513?–576) also served on the staff of Xiao Daqi and much admired Gu Yewang. At this time the prince held the position of regional inspector of Yangzhou 揚州. Gu Yewang was a skilled painter. When the prince built a studio at Dongfu 東府 (Eastern Bureau), which was the headquarters of the regional inspector of Yangzhou 揚州 (administrative seat Jiankang, modern nanjing), he requested Gu Yewang to paint portraits of ancient worthies and Wang Bao to compose the encomia (zan 贊) for the portraits. Their contemporaries called them the er jue 二絕 or “The Two Nonpareils.” When the Hou Jing rebellion broke out in 549, Gu Yewang led his private army against Hou Jing. After the Liang was replaced by the Chen, in 560 he was appointed historiographer. In 570 he was appointed professor at the National University. He concurrently served as secretary to the crown prince Chen Shubao 陳叔寶 (553–604). In 574, Gu Yewang was put in charge of compiling the Liang history. At the time of his death in 581, Gu Yewang occupied the post of chamberlain for attendants. Gu Yewang compiled the thirty-juan dictionary Yu pian 玉篇 under the sponroship of the crown prince Xiao Gang’s 蕭綱 (503–551). The work

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was presented to the court in 543, and Xiao Gang asked Xiao Kai 蕭愷 (506–549), the son Xiao Zixian 蕭子顯 (489–537), to revise it. The extant version of the Yu pian was revised by Xiao Kai and the Tang scholar Sun Qiang 孫強 (fl. 760). The original has been lost. Gu Yewang also compiled an important geographical work, the Yu di zhi 輿地志 (Memoir on geography) in thirty juan. Fragments of this work have been collected by Wang Mo 王謨 ( jinshi 1778) in Han Tang dili shuchao 漢唐地理書鈔. Citations from his lost work Er ya yin 爾雅音 can be found in the Jingdian shiwen 經典釋文 of Lu Deming 陸德明 (556–627). Gu Yewang compiled two large histories, the Tong shi yaolüe 通史要略 (Outline comprehensive history) in 100 juan, and the Guo shi jizhuan 國史 紀傳 (Annals and biographies of the state history) in 200 juan. However, he died before he could complete them. He also compiled a genealogy of the Gu clan and several works on astronomy and portents all of which are lost. Gu Yewang’s biography in the Chen shu mentions his collected works in twenty juan. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists a collection in nineteen juan. This was lost already in the Tang. Yan Kejun has collected seven of his prose writings in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Four of these pieces are yongwu compositions. Ten extant poems, nine of which are yuefu, can be found in the Wenyuan yinghua and Yuefu shiji. Lu Qinli has collected them in the Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi. Bibliography Studies Furuya Akihiro 古屋昭弘. “Ō Ninku Setsuin to Ko Yaō Gyokuhen” 王仁昫切韻と 顧野王玉篇. Tōyō gakuhō 65.3 (1984): 1–35. Lu Guangzheng 路廣正. “Gu Yewang Yu pian dui Xu Shen Shuowen jiezi de jicheng yu fazhan” 顧野王《玉篇》對許慎《說文解字》的繼承與發展. Wen shi zhe (1990.4): 64–67. Li Di 李迪. “Gu Yewang Yudi zhi chubu yanjiu” 顧野王《輿地志》初步研究. Nei Menggu shida xuebao (1998.3): 65–70. Kida Akiyoshi 木田章義. “Ko Yaō Gyokuhen to sono shūhen” 顧野王『玉篇』周辺. Chūgokugo shi no shiryō to hōhō 中國語史の資料と方法. Kyoto: Jinbun kagaku kenkyūjo, 1994. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Lüe lun Liuchao shiqi Wu jun Gushi de jiafeng yu jiaxue” 略論六朝時期吳郡顧氏的家風與家學. Luoyang gongxueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 20.1 (2002): 21–25. Yao Yongming 姚永銘. “Gu Yewang zhi Shuowen yanjiu suoyin” 顧野王之《說 文》研究索引. Gu Hanyu yanjiu (2002.1): 24–27. WJ with additions by DRK

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Gu Yong 谷永 (d. 8 b.c.e.), zi Ziyun 子雲 Western Han writer. Gu Yong’s ancestral and natal place was Chang’an (northwest of modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). His original name was Bing 並. His father Gu Ji 谷吉 (d. 44 b.c.e.) died on a mission to the Xiongnu court. In his youth Gu Yong served as junior scribe in Chang’an and attained a broad knowledge of the Classics. During the Jianzhao 建昭 period (38–34 b.c.e.) of Emperor Yuan (48–33 b.c.e.) censor-in-chief Po Yanshou 繁延壽 (i.e., Li Yanshou 李延壽, d. 33 b.c.e.) appointed him aide to the chamberlain for ceremonials Liu Qingji 劉慶忌 (d. 27 b.c.e.). While serving in the court, Gu Yong submitted several petitions concerning the improvement of court administration. In 29 b.c.e. a solar eclipse and an earthquake occurred on the same day. Concerned that this was a bad omen, Emperor Cheng (r. 32–7 b.c.e.) issued an imperial edict searching for straightforward and upright men to comment on the situation. Gu Yong along with several other court officials presented petitions to the court. Gu Yong candidly noted Emperor Cheng’s overindulgence with his concubines. In order to have a well-run government, Gu Yong proposed that the emperor appoint capable men to office, reduce taxes, and lessen corvée labor. Impressed with his proposal, Emperor Cheng summoned Gu Yong to an audience. Gu Yong used the opportunity to ingratiate himself with general-in-chief Wang Feng 王鳳 (d. 22 b.c.e.) who held great power at the court by virtue of his being the nephew of Emperor Yuan’s Empress Wang. Soon thereafter Gu Yong was promoted to grand master for splendid happiness. A few years later he was sent out to serve as governor of Anding 安定 (administrative headquarters at Gaoping 高平, modern Guyuan 固原, Ningxia). While Wang Feng was ill, he recommended his paternal younger cousin censor-in-chief Wang Yin 王音 (d. 15 b.c.e.) to replace him instead of the apparent successor Wang Tan 王譚 (d. 17 b.c.e.). Wang Tan, Marquis of Ping’e 平阿侯, was a close friend of Gu Yong. Emperor Cheng accepted Wang Feng’s recommendation and appointed Wang Yin to chariot and horse general of the commander-in-chief as well as imperial secretary. Wang Tan, on the other hand, was appointed to a much lower position that put him in charge of the capital gate army. Upon hearing of Wang Tan’s appointment Gu Yong wrote to Wang Tan and persuaded him not to accept this position. Moved by his letter Wang Tan decline the appointment. While serving as governor Gu Yong resigned from his position on grounds of illness. Later Wang Yin recommended Gu Yong for the post of defender-in-chief of the campaigning army. After declining the position several times, Gu Yong finally accepted the position of attendant-in-ordinary. In 15 b.c.e. Wang

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Yin passed away. Wang Shang 王商 (d. 12 b.c.e.), Marquis of Chengdu 成都, succeeded him as commander-in-chief. At this time Gu Yong was promoted to regional inspector of Liangzhou 涼州 (modern Gansu, Ningxia, Qinghai). When a “black dragon” appeared in Donglai 東萊 (modern Laizhou 萊州, Shandong), Emperor Cheng asked court officials to comment on this unusual occurrence. Gu Yong submitted another petition criticizing the emperor’s incognito excursions outside the palace in the company of persons of questionable moral character. Angered after reading this petition, Emperor Cheng proposed to punish Gu Yong, but Gu Yong was saved by the intervention of Wang Shang. The next year Emperor Cheng appointed Gu Yong superior grand master of the palace, and later palace steward and grand master for splendid happiness. In 12 b.c.e., Gu Yong was appointed governor of Beidi 北地 (administrative headquarters Maling 馬嶺, northwest of modern Qingyang 慶陽, Gansu). When numerous natural disasters took place while he was serving in this post, Gu Yong was asked how to deal with the situation. In the petition he presented to the court, Gu Yong once again advised Emperor Cheng to reform his behavior. This time the emperor greatly appreciated Gu Yong’s forthright advice. In 12 b.c.e. Wang Shang passed away, and Wang Gen 王根 (d. 2 b.c.e.), Marquis of Quyang 曲陽, succeeded him. In 9 b.c.e. Wang Gen recommended Gu Yong’s appointment as chamberlain for the national treasury. Gu Yong soon became gravely ill, and died at home a year later. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Gu Yong’s collected works in two juan. Both Tang histories record a collection in five juan. This was lost in the Song. According to Ban Gu, Gu Yong composed forty-plus petitions most of which concerned disasters and anomalies. Yan Kejun has collected twenty-four of Gu Yong’s prose writings in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen (“Qian Han wen”). They are all petitions or letters that Gu Yong wrote to the court. Gu Yong was an expert in astronomy and the Yi jing of Jing Fang 京房 (d. 37 b.c.e.), and thus his writings draw heavily on astronomical and Yi jing material. Bibliography Studies Dull, Jack L. “A Historical Introduction to the Apocryphal (Ch’an-wei) Texts of the Han Dynasty,” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1966, 101–9. Sun Jiazhou 孫家洲. “Gu Yong zhenglun ji qi ‘dangfu Wangshi’ pingyi” 谷永政論 及其 “黨附王氏” 平議. Guizhou shehui kexue 144 (1996): 102–7. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 213. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 132–3.

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Zheng Fu 錚甫. “‘Sanqi zhi e’ ‘bailiu yanjiu’ yu Gu Yong de zhijian—Zizhi tongjian suoshe Yi wenji tan zhi yi” “三七之厄” “百六陽九” 與谷永的直諫—《資治通鑒》 所涉《易》文輯談之一. Zhongguo wenhua luntan (2000: 2): 137–40. Kobayashi Haruki 小林春樹. “Han shu no Goku Ei zō ni tsuite” 『漢書』の谷永像 について. Tōyō kenkyū 167 (2008): 99–123. TPK

Guliang zhuan 穀梁傳 (Guliang tradition) Commentary to the Chunqiu. The Guliangzhuan is a commentary to the Chunqiu 春秋. Like the Gongyang zhuan 公羊傳, it comments on the Chunqiu by means of questions and answers. Because the titles of these two commentaries are similar, scholars have speculated that they may have originated from the same master and only later were separated into two schools. The one transmitted in the Qi 齊 area (modern northern Shandong) was the Gongyang school, whereas the one transmitted in the Lu 魯 area (modern southern Shandong) was the Guliang school. In the preface to his Chunqiu Guliang zhuan zhushu 春秋穀梁傳注疏, Yang Shixun 楊士勛 (fl. 640) relates that Guliang Chi 穀梁赤 from Lu received instruction in the Chunqiu from Confucius’ disciple Zixia 子夏 (507–400 b.c.e.) and wrote the Gongyang zhuan, which was transmitted to Xun Kuang 荀況 (ca. 314–217 b.c.e.), and the early Han scholars Shen Pei 申培 (fl. 171–140 b.c.e.) from Lu and Xiaqiu Jiang 瑕丘江 (fl. 122–91 b.c.e.). However, this account is questionable. The ideas of the Gongyang zhuan more likely were developed and added to during oral transmission from the Warring States period to the Western Han, when the Guliang scholars wrote them down on bamboo and silk. The Guliang text may have been written down later than the Gongyang zhuan for it sometimes criticizes certain ideas seen in the Gongyang zhuan. During the reign of Emperor Xuan of Han 宣帝 (r. 73–49 b.c.e.), the Guliang zhuan became an officially recognized interpretation of the Chunqiu. The received version was combined with the Chunqiu (modern script version), possibly by Fan Ning 范甯 (339–401) in his Chunqiu Guliang zhuan jijie 春秋穀梁傳集解. Bibliography Editions Fan Ning 范甯, ed. and comm. Chunqiu Guliang zhuan jijie 春秋穀梁傳集解. 12 juan. Sibu beiyao. Typeset printing based on the Yonghuai tang 永懷堂 ed.

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Fan Ning 范甯. Yang Shixun 楊士勛, sub-comm. Chunqiu Guliang zhuan zhushu 春秋穀梁傳注疏. 12 juan. Shisanjing zhushu 十三經注疏, ed. Ruan Yuan 阮元, 1815. Fan Ning 范甯, ed. and comm. Chunqiu Guliang zhuan jijie 春秋穀梁傳集解. 12 juan. Sibu congkan. Photo-reproduction of Jiaqing period (1796–182) rpt. of Yu Renzhong 余仁仲 (12th century) woodblock. Zhong Wenzheng 鍾文烝 (1818–1877), ed. and comm. Chunqiu Guliang jing zhuan buzhu 春秋穀梁經傳補注. 24 juan.1868. Rpt. Zhong Wenzheng 鍾文烝 (1818–1877), ed. and comm. Pian Yuqian 駢宇騫 and Hao Shuhui 郝淑慧, coll. and punc. Chunqiu Guliang jing zhuan buzhu 春秋穀梁經傳補注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1996.

English and Baihua Translations Malmqvist, Göran, trans. “Studies on the Gongyang and Guuliang Commentaries I.” BMFEA 43 (1971): 67–222. Zhou He 周何, trans. Xinyi Chunqiu Guliang zhuan 新譯春秋穀梁傳. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 2000. Cheng Zai 承載, trans. and comm. Chunqiu Guliang zhuan yi zhu 春秋穀梁傳譯注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2004.

Indexes and Concordances Chunqiu jing zhuan yinde 春秋經傳引得. Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series. Beijing: Harvard-Yenching Institute, 1937. Guliang zhuan zhuzi suoyin 穀梁傳逐字索引. ICS Ancient Chinese Texts Concordance Series. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1995.

Studies Wang Xiyuan 王熙元. Guliang Fan zhu fawei 穀梁范注發微. Ph.D. diss., Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue, 1970. Published by Jiaxin shuini gongsi wenhua jijinhui, 1975. Malmqvist, Göran, trans. “Studies on the Gongyang and Guuliang Commentaries II, III.” BMFEA 47 (1975): 19–69; 49 (1977): 33–215. Liang Huangyi 梁煌儀. “Chunqiu Guliang zhuan jiaozheng” 春秋穀梁傳校證. MA thesis, Zhongguo wenhua daxue, 1978. Qu Wanli 屈萬里. Xian Qin wenshi ziliao kaobian 先秦文史資料考辨, 372–76. Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1983. Wu Liantang 吳連堂. “Chunqiu Guliang jing zhuan buzhu yanjiu” 春秋穀梁經傳補 注研究. MA thesis, Guoli Gaoxiong shifan xueyuan, 1987. Cheng, Anne. “Ch’un chi’iu 春秋, Kung yang 公羊, Ku liang 穀梁 and Tso chuan 左傳.” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe, 67–76. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, 1993. Li Shaoyang 李邵陽. “Chunqiu Guliang zhuan shi yue ri li yanjiu” 春秋穀梁傳時月 日例研究. MA diss., Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue, 1995. Pu Weizhong 浦衛忠. Chunqiu sanzhuan zonghe yanjiu 春秋三傳綜合研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1995.

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Chen Xiuling 陳秀玲. “Yang Shixun Chunqiu Guliang zhuan zhushu zhi yanjiu” 楊士勛春秋穀梁傳注疏之研究. MA diss., Guoli zhongxing daxue, 1996. Xie Jinliang 謝金良. Guliang zhuan mantan 穀梁傳漫談. Taipei: Dingyuan wenhua shiye youxian gongsi, 1997. Wu Liantang 吳連堂. Qingdai Guliang xue 清代穀梁學. Gaoxiong: Fuwen tushu chubanshe, 1998. Wu Zhixiong 吳智雄. Guliang zhuan sixiang xilun 穀梁傳思想析論. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 2000. Jian Yiguang 簡逸光. “Guliang zhuan jiejing fangfa yanjiu” 穀梁傳解經方法研究. MA diss., Zhongguo wenhua daxue, 2002. Zhou He 周何. Chunqiu Guliang zhuan zhushu kao 春秋穀梁傳著述考. Taipei: Guoli bianyi guan, 2003. Zhao Boxiong 趙伯雄. Chunqiu xue shi 春秋學史. Ji’nan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 2004. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. Xian Qin liang Han wenxue shiliao xue 先秦兩漢文學史料學, 143–46. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Wen Tinghai 文廷海. Qingdai Guliang xue yanjiu 清代穀梁學研究. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2006. SHL with additions by DRK

Guo Pu 郭璞 (276–324), zi Jingchun 景純 Late Western and early Eastern Jin writer. Guo Pu’s ancestral and natal home was Wenxi 聞喜, Hedong 河東 commandery (modern Wenxi, Shanxi). In his fu Guo Pu celebrates several places in Hedong including Wuxian Mountain 巫咸山 (modern Yaotai 瑤臺 Mountain) and Yanchi 鹽池 (a lake located in modern Yuncheng 雲城 county, Shanxi). As a young man, Guo studied occult arts with an Elder Guo 郭公, who visited Hedong ca. 295. In his later years Guo was able to use these skills to obtain employment as a prognosticator. In 307, the Xiongnu Liu Yuan 劉淵 (d. 310) invaded the Hedong area. He established his headquarters at Pingyang 平陽 (southwest of modern Linfen 臨汾, Shanxi), which was not far from Guo Pu’s home of Wenxi. Guo Pu and his family members decided to move to an area south of the Yangtze River. He first traveled to Luoyang where he may have stayed briefly. Guo Pu gives an account of his travels to Luoyang in a poem titled “Liuyu fu” 流寓賦 (Fu on a drifting sojourn). Guo Pu then continued on across the Yangtze to Lujiang 廬江 (administrative seat, modern Lu’an 六安, Anhui) where he reputedly obtained a slave girl from the governor, Hu Mengkang 胡孟康, who is not otherwise known. His encounter with Hu Mengkang is even the subject of a story in the Soushen ji. By 313, Guo Pu reached Xuancheng 宣城 (modern Xuancheng, Anhui) where he joined the staff of the Xuancheng

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governor Yin You 殷祐 (fl. 313–322). Guo’s main duty was to divine the success of Yin’s military campaigns. In 315, Guo accompanied Yin You to Jianye 建業 (modern Nanjing) where he attracted the notice of the chancellor Wang Dao 王導 (276–339), who often consulted Guo Pu on the meaning of various portents. In 318, Guo Pu was appointed gentleman-compiler, and in 319 or 320 he was promoted to secretarial court gentleman. In 322, Guo Pu’s mother died. He resigned his position and went to Jiyang 暨陽 (east of modern Jiangyin 江陰, Jiangsu) where he buried his mother and older brother. In 323, Guo Pu joined the staff of the military strongman Wang Dun 王敦 (266–324), who held sway in the Hunan-Hubei area. Wang Dun led a revolt against the ruling Sima clan. In 324, Wang Dun had Guo Pu beheaded for failing to produce a divination favorable to his planned usurpation of the throne. Guo Pu was the most learned man of his time. He wrote commentaries to the Chu ci, Shanhai jing 山海經 (Guideways through mountains and seas), Mu Tianzi zhuan 穆天子傳 (Traditions of the Son of Heaven Mu), Fang yan 方言 (Regional words), Erya 爾雅 (The ready rectifier), the “Zixu fu” 子虛賦 (Fu of Sir Vacuous), “Shanglin fu” 上林賦 (Fu on the imperial park) by Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179–117 b.c.e.), and the San Cang 三倉, which are three ancient dictionaries, the Cang Jie 倉頡, Yuanli 爰歷, and Boxue 博學. Guo Pu’s commentary mainly consists of glosses on the meaning and pronunciation of words. Most of these works would be almost unintelligible today without Guo Pu’s explanations. Guo Pu’s commentary to Erya, Fang yan, and Shanhai jing have been included in the standard editions of these works. He is also attributed with the “Tu zan” 圖贊 (Encomia to the illustrations) for the Erya and Shanhai jing. Guo Pu also was an accomplished fu writer. Eleven of his fu compositions are extant. His “Jiang fu” 江賦 (Fu on the Yangtze River), which was included in the Wen xuan, is a learned fu in the style of the epideictic fu of the Han period. The piece is full of rare words that defy explanation let alone translation. Guo Pu also wrote a hypothetical discourse, “Ke ao” 客傲 (Of a guest’s insolence), in which Guo Pu defends himself against the criticism of an interlocutor who ridicules his lack of fame and success despite his great learning and skill as a diviner. Guo Pu is best known for his “You xian” 遊仙 or “wandering as an immortal” poems, of which fourteen complete pieces are preserved. The set is a medley of themes: the virtues of reclusion, descriptions of the immortals’ paradise, the quest for immortality, and the imaginary journey. The Wenguan cilin preserves four complete tetrasyllabic poems that show his mastery of this form. These are all poems that he presented to other people.

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Guo Pu’s prose writings include the numerous petitions he composed for the early Eastern Jin court in which he draws extensively on his knowledge of portents, astronomy, and the Yi jing. He also is attributed with the Donglin 洞林 (Cavern forest) fragments of which have been collected by later scholars. This consists of divinations done by means of consulting the Yi jing. Another work that circulated under Guo Pu’s name is Zang shu 藏書 (Book on burial). However, the received version of this may not be Guo Pu’s original, if he ever wrote such a work. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Guo Pu’s collection works in seventeen juan. Both Tang histories record a ten-juan collection. This was lost in the Song. Later collections are all reconstructions. Bibliography Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640) ed. Guo Hongnong ji 郭弘農集. 2 juan with 1 juan of appendix. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 1584. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641) ed. Guo Hongnong ji 郭弘農集. 2 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji 漢魏六朝百三名家集. Nie Enyan 聶恩彥, ed. and comm. Guo Hongnong ji jiaozhu 郭弘農集校注. Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1991.

Studies Morita Shinnosuke 森田慎之助. “Kaku Haku ni okeru shijin no unmei” 郭璞にお ける詩人の運命. Kyūshū Chūgoku gakkaihō 7 (1961): 47–63. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Shijin toshite Kaku Haku” 詩人として郭璞. Chūgoku bungaku hō 19 (1963): 17–67. Shinoda Osamu 篠田統. “Kaku Haku hyōden” 郭璞評傳. Chūgoku chūsei kagaku gijutsu no kenkyū 中國中世科學技術史の研究, ed. Yabuuchi Kiyoshi 藪內清, 45–54. Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten, 1963. You Xinli 游信利. “Guo Pu nianpu chugao” 郭璞年譜初稿. Zhonghua xueyuan 10 (1972): 79–110. You Xinli 游信利. “Guo Pu zheng zhuan” 郭璞正傳. Guoli zhengzhi daxue xuebao 32 (1975): 91–120. Pease, Jonathan. “Kuo P’u’s Life and Five-Colored Rhymes (An ‘Immortal’ ChinDynasty Writer and Diviner, 276–324).” M.A.Thesis, University of Washington, 1980. Hasegawa Shigenari 長谷川滋成. “Tōshi shi ni okeru Kaku Haku no ichi” 東晉詩郭 璞位置. In Obi hakushi koki kinen: Chūgokugaku ronshū 小尾博士古稀紀念: 中國 學論集. Tokyo: Kyuko sho’in, 1983. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Jin shu Guo Pu zhuan zhiyi” 晉書郭璞傳質疑. Suzhou daxue xuebao (1983: 2): 120–23; rpt. in Cao Daoheng. Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwenji, 361–67. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡, “Guo Pu” 郭璞, in Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 379–91.

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Guo Runwei 郭潤偉. “Guo Pu de wenhua chengjiu ji qi beiju jieju” 郭璞的文化成 就及其悲劇結局. Jinyang xuekan 59 (1990): 61–66. Shen Haibo 沈海波. “Guo Pu xingnian kao” 郭璞行年考. Sichuan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1991: 4): 110–15. Wu Gongzheng 吳功正. “Guo Pu shi mei chengjiu lüe lun” 郭璞詩美成就略論. Tianfu xinlun (1994: 3): 64–67, 91. Wang Haiqing 王海青. “Ru Dao wenhua de chongtu yu jiaorong—Guo Pu renge jianlun” 儒、道文化的冲突與交融—郭璞人格簡論. Zibo shizhuan xuebao (1998: 2): 36–39. Declerq, Dominik. Writing against the State: Political Rhetorics in Third & Fourth Century China, 249–314. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1998. Pease, Jonathan, “Kuo P’u,” in Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature, volume 2, 71–74. Lian Zhenbiao 連鎮標. “Guo Pu yu daojiao” 郭璞與道教. Zhongguo daojiao (1999: 2): 25–27. Lian Zhenbiao 連鎮標. “Guo Pu Yixue yuanyuan kao” 郭璞易學淵源考. Zhouyi yanjiu 41 (1999): 49–56. Zhu Yuanqing 朱淵清. “Guo Pu zhushu lunheng” 郭璞注書論衡. Dongnan wenhua (2000: 9): 50–55. Xu Gongchi 徐公持, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 489–500. Ōhira Sachiyo 大平幸代. “Kaku Haku’ setsuwa no keisei”「國璞」說話の形成. Chūgoku bungaku hō 59 (1999): 1–33. Liao Meiyu 廖美玉. “Guo Pu guxiang Xinxiang xianxiang de xinling yingxiang yu yanyi shifeng de xingcheng” 郭璞故鄉/新鄉/仙鄉的心靈映象與豔逸詩風的形成. Chengda Zhongwen xuebao 8 (2000): 1–29. Lian Zhenbiao 連鎮標. “Guo Pu Yi zhan yu daojiao guanxi tan kao” 郭璞易占與道 教關係探考. Zhouyi yanjiu 56 (2002): 34–45. Hou Baipeng 侯百朋. “Guo Pu Yongjia jun bu cheng shuo zhiyi” 郭璞永嘉郡卜城說 質疑. Wenzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 23.5 (2002): 85–86. Hu Zhusheng 胡珠生. “Guo Pu Yongjia jun bu cheng shishi bu rong fouding—yu Hou Baipeng xiansheng shangque” 郭璞永嘉郡卜城史實不容否定—與侯百朋先 生商榷. Wenzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 24 (2003: 1): 108–9. Chen Daogui, Dong Jin shige lungao, 13–38. Lian Zhenbiao 連鎮標. Guo Pu yanjiu 郭璞研究. Shanghai: Shanghai Sanlian shudian, 2002. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子, Seishin bungakuron, 334–427. Peng Jianhua 彭建華. “Ershi shiji Guo Pu yanjiu zongshu” 二十世紀郭璞研究綜述. Chongqing zhiye jishu xueyuan xuebao 13.2 (2004): 144–46. Wang Lihua 王澧華. “Guo Pu: junshang zhi cai, yao ji zhi shi” 郭璞: 隽上之才, 遙寄之詩. Liang Jin shifeng 兩晉詩風, 171–78. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005. Zeng Zhaocong 曾昭聰. “Guo Pu de yuyanxue chengjiu” 郭璞的語言學成就. Chongqing gongshang daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 22.2 (2005): 110–15. Liao Weiqing 廖蔚卿. ”Liu Kun yu Guo Pu” 劉琨與郭璞. Zhonggu shiren yanjiu 中 古詩人研究, 149–57. Taipei: Liren shuju, 2005. Wang Leyuan 王樂園. “Zai lun Guo Pu shi wei Jin ‘zhongxing diyi’” 再論郭璞詩 為晉 “中興第一”. Jiaozuo shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 21.2 (2005): 15–18.

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Zhang Li 張莉. “Guo Pu bixia de Hedong lishi fengmao” 郭璞筆下的河東歷史風貌. Yuncheng xueyuan xuebao 25.3 (2007): 20–24. Guan Yongli 關永利. “Guo Pu shifu yanjiu zongshu” 郭璞詩賦研究綜述. Yuncheng xueyuan xuebao 25.4 (2007): 27–30. Seki Kiyotaka 関清孝. “Nihon ni okeru ‘Kaku Haku’ kenkyū” 日本における「郭 璞」研究. Jinbun kagaku 13 (2008): 24–15. Seki Kiyotaka 関清孝. “Kaku Haku kankei kenkyū bunken ruimoku (kō)” 郭璞 關係研究文獻目錄 (稿). Daitō bunka daigaku Chūgokugaku ronshū 26 (2008): 50–70. Weng Pin 翁頻. “Lun Guo Pu shenfen rentong de cuowei—jian lun Hanmo Wei Jin shiqi sixiang yu xueshu de lishi liubian” 論郭璞身份認同的錯位—兼論漢末魏 晉時期思想與學術的歷史流變. Xiamen daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 179 (2007): 100–5. Seki Kiyotaka 関清孝. “Nihon ni okeru ‘Kaku Haku’ kenkyū” 日本における「郭 璞」研究. Jinbun kagaku 13 (2008): 24–15. Tian, Xiaofei. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 204–5, 216.

Works a. “Youxian shi” 遊仙詩 (Poems on traveling as an immortal ) Studies Funazu (Funatsu) Tomihiko 船津富彥. “Gi Shin bungaku no tokushitsu—toku ni Kaku Haku no yūsen shi o chūshin ni shite” 魏晉文學の特質—特に郭璞の遊仙 詩を中心にして. Kan Gi bunka 3 (1962): 68–70. Funazu (Funatsu) Tomihiko 船津富彥. “Kaku Haku no ‘Yūsen shi’ no tokushitsu ni tsuite” 郭璞の遊仙詩の特質について. Tōkyō Shinagaku hō 10 (1964): 53–69. You Xinli 遊信利. “Guo Pu ‘Youxian shi’ de yanjiu” 郭璞遊仙詩的研究. Guoli Zhengzhi daxue xuebao 32 (1975): 91–120. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Guo Pu de ‘Youxian shi’ 郭璞的遊仙詩.” Shehui kexue zhanxian (1983: 1): 267–74; rpt. in Cao Daoheng. Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwenji, 196–210. Cheng Qianfan 程千帆. “Guo Jingchun Cao Yaobin youxian shi bian yi” 郭景純曹 堯賓遊仙詩辨異. In Cheng Qianfan. Gushi kaosuo 古詩考索, 296–307. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1984. Ouyang Zhongwei 歐陽忠偉. “Qian tan Guo Pu he tade ‘Youxian shi’” 淺談郭璞和 他的 “遊仙詩”. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (1985: 4): 21–25. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Monzen shoshū Kaku Haku ‘Yūsen shi’ 7 shu no kōsei” 『文選』所收郭璞「遊仙詩」７首の構成. Tōhoku daigaku ronshū—Ippan kyōiku 82 (1986); rpt. rpt. Satake Yasuko. Seishin bungakuron, 399–427. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Yūsenshi no keifu—Sō Hi kara Kaku Haku made” 遊 仙詩の系譜—曹丕から郭璞まで. Tōhoku daigaku ronshū—Ippan kyōiku 83/84 (1986): 101–65. Zheng Honghua 鄭宏華. “Guanyu ‘Wen xuan Guo Pu Youxian shi Li Shan zhu jianshu’ de shuoming” 關於《文選郭璞遊仙詩李善注箋疏》的說明. Qinghai minzu xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1988: 4): 99–105. Lu Tongqun 魯同群. “Guo Pu he tade youxian shi” 郭璞和他的遊仙詩. Zhenjiang shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1989: 4): 11–14.

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Huang Kunyao 黃坤堯. “Guo Pu ‘Youxian shi’ qian xi” 郭璞「遊仙詩」淺析. Kong Meng yuekan 29 (1991): 47–50. Holzman, Donald. “Immortality-Seeking in Early Chinese Poetry.” In The Power of Culture: Studies in Chinese Cultural History, ed. Willard J. Peterson, 108–118. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1994. Yang Se’en 楊瑟恩. “Guo Pu Youxian shi xi lun” 郭璞遊仙詩析論. Fuda Zhongyansuo xuekan 5 (1995): 223–44. Li Fengmao 李豐楙. You yu you: Liuchao Sui Tang youxian shi lunji 憂與遊: 六朝 隋唐遊仙詩論集, 93–129. Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1996. Mei Guohong 梅國宏. “Lun Guo Pu ‘Youxian shi’ zhong de ‘xian’ yu ‘xuan’” 論 郭璞《遊仙詩》中的 “仙” 與 “玄”. Xibei dier minzu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shuhui kexue ban) 36 (1998): 32–35. Lian Zhenbiao 連鎮標. “Guo Pu ‘Youxian shi’ chuangzuo dongyin kao” 郭璞「遊 仙詩」創作動因考. Zhongshan renwen xue bao 9 (1999): 65–77. Hasegawa Shigenari 長谷川滋成. “Kaku Haku ‘Yūsen shi’ 7 shu shōkai” 郭璞「遊仙 詩」７首詳解. Hiroshima daigaku kyōikugakubu kiyō 46 (1997): 1–11; 47 (1998): 1–11; 48 (1999): 1–10. Ōhira Sachiyo 大平幸代. “Kaku Haku ‘Yūsen shi’ no koritsu” 郭璞「遊仙詩」の孤 立. Tōhōgaku 101 (2001): 59–74. Wang Lihua 王澧華. “Guo Pu yu xuanyan shifeng de biange” 郭璞與玄言詩風的變 革. Zhongguo yunwen xuekan (2001: 2): 65–69. Wei Jinman 韋金滿. “Guo Pu ‘Youxian shi’ xin tan” 郭璞《遊仙詩》新探. In Ge Xiaoyin, ed. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue yu zongjiao, 245–75. Jiang Guangzhen 姜廣振. “Xuanxue yu Guo Pu ‘Youxian shi’” 玄學與郭璞《遊仙 詩》. Xiangnan xueyuan xuebao 25.6 (2004): 44–46. Wei Jinman 韋金滿. “Qian tan Guo Pu ‘Youxian shi’ zhi xingshi mei” 淺談郭璞「遊 仙詩」之形式美. Xinya xuebao 23 (2005): 193–219. Huntington, Rania. “Crossing Boundaries: Transcendents and Aesthetics in the Six Dynasties.” In Cai Zong-qi, ed., Chinese Aesthetics, 191–221. Tu Peiling 涂佩玲. “Yong shi shi yu youxian shi de shikong yiyun—yi Zuo Si Guo Pu wei li” 詠史詩與遊仙詩的時空意蘊－以左思、郭璞詩為例. Zhongguo yuwen 98 (2006): 47–60. Huang Weilun 黃偉倫. “Xianqu yu xuansi de jiaoxiang—lun Guo Pu Youxian shi de ‘bianchuang’ yiyi ji qi zai xuanyan shi shang de dingwei wenti” 仙趣與玄 思的交響－論郭璞遊仙詩的「變創」意義及其在玄言詩史上的定位問題. Guowen xuebao (Gaoshi da) 5 (2006): 245–64. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. Xuanyan shi yanjiu 玄言詩研究, 107–22. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007. Guan Yongli 關永利. “Guo Pu Youxian shi yanjiu zongshu” 郭璞遊仙詩研究綜述. Yuncheng xueyuan xuebao (2007: 3): 186–87.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 327–31. Frodsham, Anthology, 92–93 (#1 and #9). Pease, “Kuo P’u’s Life and Five-Colored Rhymes,” 167–78, 210–54.

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b. “Jiang fu” 江賦 (Fu on the Yangtze River) Studies Chen Yuling 陳玉玲. “Guo Pu ‘Jiang fu’ zhong zhi shenhua shijie yanjiu” 郭璞「江 賦」中之神話世界研究. Guoxue ji 2 (1991): 10–24. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Shissō suru itsumin—Kaku Haku ‘Kōfu’ no johō” 疾走す る逸民─郭璞「江賦」の敘法. Chūgoku bungaku hō 58 (1999): 1–26; rpt. Satake Yasuko. Seishin bungakuron, 372–98.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 184–92. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Two, 321–51.

c. “Ke ao” 客傲 (Of a guest’s insolence) Studies and Translations Declerq, Writing against the State, 289–308. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Kaku Haku ‘Kaku Gō’ yakuchū oyobi sono ichi tsuke” 郭璞「客傲」訳注およびその位置付け. Tōhoku daigaku Chūgoku gogaku bungaku ronshū 8 (2003): 13–52.

d. Shanhai jing Encomia Studies Strassberg, Richard E. A Chinese Bestiary: Strange Creatures from the Guideways through Mountains and Seas. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Mi-hatenu yume—Kaku Haku Sengaikyō zusan no johō to nishiki” 見果てぬ夢—郭璞『山海經圖贊』の敘法と認識. Tōyō kotengaku kenkyū 9 (2005): 66–81; rpt. in Satake Yasuko. Seishin bungakuron, 334–60. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Kaku Haku Sengaikyō zusan to Sōshi to Sōshi chū 郭璞『山 海經圖贊』と『莊子』と『莊子注』. Satake Yasuko. Seishin bungakuron, 360–72. DRK 郭泰機 (dates unknown, fl. early Western Jin)

Western Jin poet. Guo Taiji’s ancestral and natal place was Henan 河南 (south of modern Luoyang). He was from a poor family and was a contemporary and acquaintance of Fu Xian 傅咸 (249–194). His poem “Da Fu Xian shi” 答傅 咸詩 (Replying to a poem by Fu Xian) was selected for the Wen xuan. In

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this poem Guo compares himself to a poor weaving girl and complains about his plight. In his commentary to this poem, the Wen xuan commentator Li Shan 李善 (d. 689), citing from a note provided to this poem in Fu Xian’s collected works, explains the background. Four lines of Fu Xian’s poem can be found in Li Shan’s commentary. In his Shi pin Zhong Rong places Guo Taiji’s poetry in the “middle grade.” Bibliography Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 362.

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 409–10. WJ

Guo yu 國語 (Speeches of the states) Pre-Qin prose work. The Guo yu is a collection of the speeches attributed to rulers and prominent persons. The earliest speech comes from the reign of King Mu of Zhou 周穆王 (r. 956–918 b.c.e.); the latest event referred to is the execution of the Jin minister Zhibo 智伯 in 453 b.c.e. The received text consists of a total of 240 speeches, which are divided into eight sections by state: “Zhou yu” 周語, “Lu yu” 魯語, “Qi yu” 齊語, “Jin yu” 晉語, “Zheng yu” 鄭語, “Chu yu” 楚語, “Wu yu” 吳語, and “Yue yu” 越語. In each section, entries are arranged chronologically but are not closely connected to each other. The longest section is the “Jin yu,” half of which relates the events pertaining to Duke Wen of Jin 晉文公 (r. 636–327 b.c.e.). The “Qi yu” mainly contains the replies of Guan Zhong 管仲 (d. 645 b.c.e.) to questions about policy from Duke Huan of Qi 齊桓公 (r. 685–643 b.c.e.). The “Zheng yu” mainly consists of the replies of Shibo 史伯 to questions about the historical trends by Duke Huan of Zheng 鄭桓公 (r. 806–771 b.c.e.). The “Wu yu” and “Yue yu,” on the other hand, focus on the struggle between these two states for supremacy, while the “Zhou yu,” “Lu yu,” and “Chu yu” record admonitions made by various ministers to their rulers. Sima Qian attributed both the Zuozhuan 左傳 and the Guoyu to Zuo Qiuming 左丘明 (5th century b.c.e.), a contemporary of Confucius. The Han shu 漢書 also relates that Zuo Qiuming explained the historical back-

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ground in the form of a commentary (the Zuozhuan 左傳) to the Chunqiu 春秋, while he collected other materials as the Guo yu. For this reason, the Guo yu has been considered Zuo Qiuming’s Waizhuan 外傳 (External commentary), which was designed to supplement the Zuozhuan. However, Zuo Qiuming may not have lived as late as the time of Zhibo. Thus, the Guo yu, or at least parts of it, may have been written in the Warring States period, which is further evidenced by the inconsistenty in length, style, choice of materials and overall layout between sections. From the Western Han to the Eastern Jin, Zheng Zhong 鄭眾 (d. 83), Jia Kui 賈逵 (30–101), Wang Su 王肅 (195–256), Yu Fan 虞翻 (164–233), Tang Gu 唐固 (d. 225), Wei Zhao 韋昭 (204–273), Kong Chao 孔晁 (3rd century) all wrote commentaries to the Guo yu, but only Wei Zhao’s Guo yu jie 國語解 (Explanation of the Guo yu) is extant. In the Qing period, Hong Liangji 洪亮吉 (1746–1809) used Wei Zhao’s work as the basis for his Guo yu Wei Zhao zhushu 國語韋昭注疏. Other important works include Dong Zengling’s 董增齡 (19th century) Guoyu zhengyi 國語正義 and Wang Yuansun’s 汪遠孫 (1794–1836) Guoyu jiaozhu ben san zhong 國語校注本 三種 (including Guoyu sanjun zhu jicun 國語三君注輯存, Guoyu fazheng 國語發正, Guoyu Mingdao ben kaoyi 國語明道本攷異). Bibliography Editions and Commentaries Guoyu 國語. 21 juan. Wei Zhao 韋昭, comm. Sibu beiyao. Based on Song Mingdao 明道 2 (1033) edition. Guoyu 國語. 21 juan. Facsimile of Ming printing of the period 1522–1567. Sibu congkan. Guoyu 國語. 2 vols. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1978. Guoyu 國語. 2 vols. Shanghai shifan daxue guji zhenglizu 上海師範大學古籍整理 組, ed. and comm. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1978. Rpt. Taipei: Liren shuju, 1981. Xu Yuangao 徐元誥, ed. comm. Guoyu jijie 國語集解. Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1930; rpt. Wang Shumin 王樹民 and Shen Changyun 沈長雲, punc. and coll. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2002.

Translations de Harlez, Charles, trans. “Koue yu (Discours des Royaumes).” Journal asiatique 9.2 (1893): 373–419; 9.5 (1894): 5–91. Ono Takashi 大野峻, trans. Kokugo 國語. 2 vols. Tokyo: Meiji sho’in, 1975. d’Hormon, André, trans. Completed by Rémi Mathieu. Guo yu: Propos sur les Principautés: Zhouyu. Paris: Collège de France, Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 1985. Taskin, V.S., trans. and comm. Go Iui (Rechi tsarstv). Moscow: Nauka, 1987.

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Xue Anqin 薛安勤 and Wang Liansheng 王連生, trans. and comm. Guoyu yizhu 國語譯注. Changchun: Jilin wenshi chubanshe, 1991. Wang Jimin 汪濟民, Zhong Kun 仲坤, Xu Yulun 徐玉侖, and Zhang Xuexian 張學賢, trans. and comm. Guoyu yizhu 國語譯注. Nanchang: Baihuazhou wenyi chubanshe, 1992. Wu Guoyi 鄔國義, Hu Guowen 胡果文, and Li Xiaolu 李曉路, trans. and comm. Guoyu yizhu 國語譯注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1994. Huang Yongtang 黃永堂, trans. Guoyu quanyi 國語全譯. Guizhou: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1995. Yi Zhongtian 易中天, comm. and trans. Xinyi Guoyu duben 新譯國語讀本. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1995.

Indexes and Concordances Suzuki Ryūchi 鈴木隆一, ed. Kokugo sakuin 國語索引. 1934. Rpt. Tokyo: Daian, 1967. Bauer, Wolfgang, ed. Guoyu yinde 國語引得. Taipei: Chinese Materials and Research Aids Center, 1973. Zhang Yiren 張以仁, ed. Guoyu yinde 國語引得. Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, 1976. “Guoyu renming shuoyin” 國語人名索引. In Guoyu: zhanxin jiaozhu ben 國語: 嶄新校注本. Shanghai shifan daxue guji zhenglizu 上海師範大學古籍整理組, ed. and comm. Taipei: Liren shuju, 1981. Guoyu zhuzi suoyin 國語逐字索引. ICS Ancient Chinese Texts Concordance Series. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1999.

Studies Sun Haibo 孫海波. “Guoyu zhenwei kao” 國語真偽考. Yanjing xuebao 16 (1934): 169–93. Fu Gengsheng 傅庚生, ed. and comm. Guoyu xuan 國語選. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1959. Jin Qiyuan 金其源. “Guoyu guanjian” 國語管見. In Dushu guanjian 讀書管見. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1957. Yang Shuda 楊樹達. “Du Guoyu xiaoshi” 讀國語小識. In Jiweiju dushuji 積微居讀 書記. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962. Chang I-jen 張以仁. Guoyu xuci jishi 國語虛詞集釋. Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, 1968. Chang I-jen 張以仁. ed. and comm. Guoyu jiaozheng 國語斠證. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1969. Hart, James. “The Discussion of the Wu-yi Bells in the Kuo-yü.” Monumenta Serica 29 (1970–71): 391–418. Hart, James. “The Philosophy of the Chou Yü.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1973. Sargent, Howard W. “A Preliminary Study of the Kuo yü.” Ph.D diss., University of Chicago, 1975.

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Qu Wanli 屈萬里. Xian Qin wenshi ziliao kaobian 先秦文史資料考辨, 400–2. Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1983. “Guoyu” 國語. In Cao Chuji 曹礎基, ed.-in-chief, Xian Qin wenxue jiyi 先秦文學集 疑, 181–97. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1984. Boltz, William G. “Notes on the Textual Relation between the Kuo yü and Tso chuan.” BSOAS 53.3 (1990): 491–502. Chang I-jen 張以仁, William G. Boltz, and Michael Loewe. “Kuo yü 國語.” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe, 263–68. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, 1993. Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “Lidai guanyu Guoyu zuozhe wenti de butong yijian zongshu” 歷代關於國語作者問題的不同意見綜述. Zhongguo shi yanjiu dongtai (1994: 7): 2–4. Wang Ching-yu 王靖宇. “Cong xushi wenxue jiaodu kan Zuo zhuan yu Guo yu de guanxi” 從敘事文學角度看《左傳》與《國語》的關係. Zhongguo wenzhe yanjiu jikan 6 (1995): 1–30. Fan Shanbiao 樊善標. “Wei Zhao dui Guo yu diben de zhengli” 韋昭對「國語」底 本的整理. Dalu zazhi 94.1 (1995): 1–12. Bissell, Jeff. “Literary Studies of Historical Texts: Early Narrative Accounts of Chung’er.” Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1996. Huang Kaiguo 黃開國. “Zuo zhuan Guo yu yu Yi jing”《左傳》、《國語》、與 《易經》. Kong Meng xuebao 74 (1997): 75–97. Schaberg, David. A Patterned Past: Form and Thought in Early Chinese Historiography. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2001. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. Xian Qin liang Han wenxue shiliao xue 先秦兩漢文學史料學, 131–37. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Yu Zhihui 俞志慧. “Guo yu ‘Zhou Lu Zheng Chu Jin yu’ de jiegou moshi ji xianguan wenti yanjiu”《國語》〈周、魯、鄭、楚、晉語〉的結構模式及相關問題研 究. Hanxue yanjiu 47 (2005): 35–63. Li Jia 李佳. “Taiwan ji haiwai Guo yu yanjiu lunzhu shizhong tiyao” 台灣及海外 《國語》研究論著十種提要. Guoji Hanxue yanjiu tongxun 1 (2010): 274–87. SHL with additions by DRK

Guwen yuan 古文苑 (Garden of ancient literature) Anthology of late Zhou through Six Dynasties prose and poetry. The name of the compiler of this work is unknown, but a likely candidate is Sun Zhu 孫洙 (1032–1080), zi Juyuan 巨源, who claims to have discovered it in a shrine of a Buddhist temple. The book reputedly had been deposited there in the Tang dynasty. It was first edited and printed in Wuzhou 婺州 (modern Jinhua, Zhejiang) by Han Yuanji 韓元吉 (1118–1187). This edition is in nine juan. In the Shaoding period (1228–1233) of the Southern Song Zhang Qiao 章樵 (jinshi 1208) added pieces, corrected errors, and provided a commentary. His version consists of twenty-one juan. The

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Guwen yuan contains some 260-plus works from the Eastern Zhou to the Southern Qi. Scholars have suspected that some of the works it includes are forgeries or wrongly attributed. Zhang Qiao’s edition went through many printings, and in the process additional errors were created. In the Qianlong period of the Qing, Qian Xizuo 錢熙祚 (d. 1844) carefully compared it with the Han Yuanji nine-juan edition. His notes are invaluable in reading the Guwen yuan. Bibliography Editions 1. Nine-juan edition. Han Yuanji 韓元吉 (1118–post 1179). Guwen yuan 古文苑. 9 juan. Printed in 1179. Hel in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Rpt. Zaizao shanben congshu 再造善本叢書. Beijing: Beiji tushuguan chubanshe, 2006. Han Yuanji 韓元吉 (1118–post 1179). Guwen yuan 古文苑. 9 juan. Rpt. Dainan ge congshu 岱南閣叢書 (1809).

2. Twenty-one-juan edition. Zhang Qiao 章樵 ( jinshi 1208) ed. and comm. Printed in 1232. Editions Guwen yuan 古文苑. Yuan woodblock. Held by Fu Ssu-nien Library, Academia Sinica, Taiwan. Guwen yuan 古文苑. Ming, Chenghua 成化 renyin (1482) Zhang Shiyong 張世用 printing of a Fujian woodblock reprint of a Song edition. Guwen yuan 古文苑. Siku quanshu. Guwen yuan 古文苑. Mohai jinhu 墨海金壺 (1817). Guwen yuan 古文苑. Xiyin xuan congshu 惜陰軒叢書 (1846). Guwen yuan 古文苑. Guangxu 12 (1886) Jiangsu shuju 江蘇書局 woodblock. Guwen yuan 古文苑. Longxi jingshe congshu 龍谿精舍叢書 (1917). Guwen yuan 古文苑. Sibu congkan (1919) photolithographic reproduction of a Song edition. Guwen yuan 古文苑. Taipei: Dingwen shuju, 1973.

For Qian Xizuo’s notes see Guwen yuan 古文苑. Shoushan ge congshu 守山 閣叢書

Studies He Zhen 賀珍 and Chen Kaimei 陳開梅. “Guwen yuan yu Wen xuan zhi bijiao tan” 《古文苑》與《文選》之比較談. Shuihua xueyuan xuebao 28.4 (2008): 59–60.

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Li Xiuliang 黎修良 and Liu Zhongxiang 劉忠祥. “Guwen yuan de shenhua secai tanxi”《古文苑》的神話色彩探析. Ming zuo xinshang (2008: 18): 23–26. Wang Xiaojuan 王曉鵑. “Guwen yuan yanjiu” 古文苑研究. Ph.D. diss., Xibei shifan daxue, 2008. Wang Xiaojuan 王曉鵑. “Cong Guwen yuan jilu ‘Mulan shi’ kan qi chengshu niandai” 從《古文苑》輯錄《木蘭詩》看其成書年代. Lanzhou xuekan 190 (2009): 172–75. DRK

Han Feizi 韓非子 Late Warring States Masters’ work. The Han Feizi, also titled Hanzi 韓子, is a collection of the writings that are attributed to Han Fei 韓非 (ca. 280–233 b.c.e.), a prominent legalist thinker of the late Warring States period. Although he stuttered and was not an effective speaker, Han Fei was a skilled writer. Han Fei was a member of the noble house of Han 韓. He studied under Xun Qing 荀卿 (ca. 314–ca. 217 b.c.e.). His fellow student was Li Si 李斯 (d. 208 b.c.e.) who later became prime minister in the state of Qin 秦. Han Fei presented King An 安 of Han (r. 338–230 b.c.e.) with a set of reform proposals that the king did not accept. Han Fei wrote a work of over 100,000 characters including the essays “Wu du” 五蠹 (Five vermin), “Gu fen” 孤憤 (Solitary indignation), and “Shui nan” 說難 (Difficulties of persuasion). Someone presented Han Fei’s writings to King Zheng 政 of Qin (r. 246–221 b.c.e.), the future First Qin Emperor. Upon reading “Gu fen” and “Wu du” the king exclaimed that he wished he could meet the man who composed them. Li Si then identified the author as Han Fei. In 237 b.c.e. Qin launched an attack on Han. King An of Han sent Han Fei as an emissary to Qin. Although the King of Qin was pleased with Han Fei he did not appoint him to a position in his court. (According to Ma Shinian (see below), the King of Han sent Han Fei to Qin a second time in 233 b.c.e.). Li Si and another Qin official Yao Jia 姚賈 eventually persuaded the King of Qin that as a member of the ruling house of Han, Han Fei was not to be trusted. The King of Qin had Han Fei put into prison where he committed suicide in 233 b.c.e. by taking poison that Li Si had sent to him. According to the monograph on bibliography of the Han shu the Han Feizi contained fifty-five pian (individual pieces), which is the same number that the received version contains. Already in the Liang period, the bibliographer Ruan Xiaoxu 阮孝緒 (479–536) records a Hanzi in twenty-two juan. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list the work in twenty juan, which is the same number found in most received editions.

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Most of the work probably was written by Han Fei himself. The most problematic pieces are “Chu jian Qin” 初見秦 (First audience in Qin) and “Cun Han” 存韓 (Preserving Han). “Chu jian Qin” has a counterpart in the Zhanguo ce in which the speech is put in the mouth of the persuader Zhang Yi 張儀 (d. ca. 310 b.c.e.). However, this attribution is not credible, for the text mentions events that occurred after Zhang Yi’s death. However, twice in the essay the author refers to himself as “minister” (chen 臣), a designation that would be inappropriate for Han Fei, who did not have a position at the Qin court. “Cun Han” contains three texts, a petition by Han Fei to the King of Qin, a rebuttal by Li Si, and rejoinder by Han Fei. Some scholars have concluded based on the inclusion of the Li Si text that this cannot be an authentic work by Han Fei. Although Han Fei strongly opposed the wandering persuaders, who he designated one of five “vermin,” he himself was a master of rhetorical argument. His “Wu du,” “Gu fen,” and “Shui nan” are masterpieces of early Chinese expository prose. The Han Feizi also is rich in anecdotes and stories, some of which have parallels in the Zhanguo ce. These pieces can be found in the “Shuo lin” 說林 (Grove of persuasions), “Nei chu shuo” 內儲說 (Inner collected persuasions), and “Wai chu shuo” 外儲說 (Outer collected persuasions) chapters. Bibliography Texts and Commentaries Han Feizi 韓非子. 20 juan. Prepared by Wu Zi 吳鼒 in 1818 based on the edition of the Song Qiandao 乾道 period (1165–1173). Rpt. in Sibu beiyao. Han Feizi 韓非子. 20 juan. Facsimile reproduction of a tracing of the Song Qiandao 乾道 edition held by Huang Pilie 黃丕烈 (1763–1825). Rpt. in Sibu congkan. Han Feizi 韓非子. 20 juan. Daozang 道藏 1177. Based on an edition prepared by He Fan 何犿 and printed in 1267. Wang Xianshen 王先慎 (1859–1922), ed. and comm. Han Feizi jijie 韓非子集解. 20 juan. 1895; rpt. with coll. and punc. by Zhong Zhe 鍾哲. Han Feizi jijie. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998. Chen Qitian 陳啟天 (1893–1984), ed. and comm. Han Feizi jiaoshi 韓非子校釋. Shanghai: Jicheng tushu gongsi, 1940. Rpt. Taiwan: Zhonghua shuju, 1958. Liang Qixiong 梁啟雄, ed. and comm. Hanzi qian jie 韓子淺解. 2 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1960. Chen Qiyou 陳奇猷, ed. and comm. Han Feizi jishi 韓非子集釋. 2 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958; Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1974. Tang Jingzhao 湯敬昭, Li Shi’an 李仕安 et al., ed. and comm. Han Feizi jiaozhu 韓非子校注. Nanjing: Jiangsu renmin chubanshe, 1982. Zhang Jue 張覺, ed. and comm. Han Feizi jiaozhu 韓非子校注. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 2006.

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Collection of commentaries and studies Yan Lingfeng 嚴靈峯, ed.-in-chief. Wuqiu bei zhai Han Feizi jicheng 無求備齋韓非 子集成. 52 vols. Taipei: Chengwen chubanshe, 1980.

Concordances Johnson, Wallace, ed. A Concordance to Han Fei-tzu. San Franciso: Chinese Materials Center, 1975. Zhou Zhongling 周鍾靈, Shi Xiaoshi 施孝適, and Xu Weixian 許惟賢, eds. Han Feizi suoyin 韓非子索引. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982. Han Feizi zhuzi suoyin 韓非子逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2000.

Translations Liao, W. K., trans. The Complete Works of Han Fei Tzu. 2 vols. London: Probsthain, 1939–59. Takeuchi Teruo 竹內照夫, trans. Kanpishi 韓非子. 2 vols. Shinshaku Kanbun taikei 11–12. Tokyo: Meiji shoin, 1960–1964. Watson, Burton, trans. Han Fei Tzu: Basic Writings. New York: Columbia University Press, 1964. Nishino Hiroyoshi 西野広祥 and Ichikawa Hiroshi 市川宏共, trans. Kanpishi 韓非 子. Chūgoku no shisō 1. Tokyo: Kenkyūkei, 1964. Kikumura Takashi 柿村峻, trans. Kanpishi 韓非子. Chūgoku koten bungaku taiei 5. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1967. Onozawa Seiichi 小野沢精一, trans. Kanpishi 韓非子. Chūgoku koten shinsho. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1968. Mögling, Wilmar, trans. Die Kunst der Staatsführung: Die Schriften des Meisters Han Fei. Leipzig: Gustav Kiepenheuer, 1994. Sahleen, Joel. In Ivanhoe and Van Norden, ed. Readings, 311–61.

Baihua Translations Ye Yulin 葉玉麟, trans. and comm. Baihua yijie Han Feizi 白話譯解韓非子. Taipei: Chengwen chubanshe, 1980. Shao Zenghua 邵增樺, trans. and comm. Han Feizi jinzhu jinyi 韓非子今注今譯. 1982; rpt. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1990. Zhang Jue 張覺, trans. and comm. Han Feizi quanyi 韓非子全譯. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1992. Li Yadong 李雅東, trans. and comm. Han Feizi baihua jinyi 韓非子白話今譯. Beijing: Zhongguo shudian, 1994. Xiao Dexian 蕭德銑, trans. and comm. Han Feizi 韓非子. Nan’ning: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995. Liu Qianxian 劉乾先 et al., trans. and comm. Han Feizi yizhu 韓非子譯注. Harbin: Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 2003. Zhang Jue 張覺 et al., trans. and comm. Han Feizi yizhu 韓非子譯注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2007.

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Chen Qianjun 陳千鈞. “Han Fei xinzhuan” 韓非新傳. Xueshu shijie (1935: 1). Chen Zuli 陳祖厘. “Han Fei biezhuan” 韓非別傳. Guanghua daxue banyuekan 2.4 (1933). Xie Wuliang 謝无量. Han Feizi 韓非子. Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1932. Wang Shiguan 王世琯. Han Feizi yanjiu 韓非子研究. 1928; rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1936. Rong Zhaozu 容肇祖. Han Feizi kaozheng 韓非子考證. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1936. Chen Qitian 陳啟天. Han Feizi cankao shu jiyao 韓非子參考書輯要. Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1945. Vandermeersch, Leon. La Formation du légisme, recherches sur la constitution d’une philosophie politique caractéristique de la Chine ancienne. Paris: Publications de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient, 1965. Zhao Haijin 趙海金. Han Feizi yanjiu 韓非子研究. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1967. Xie Yunfei 謝雲飛. Han Feizi xi lun 韓非子析論. Taipei: Dalin shuju, 1973. Zhou Xunchu 周勛初. Han Feizi zhaji 韓非子札記. Nanjing: Jiangsu renmin chubanshe, 1980; rpt. Zhou Xunchu. Zhou Xunchu wenji, 1: 165–522. Wang Juzhong 王舉忠. “Li Si sha Han Fei yuanyin kao bian” 李斯殺韓非原因考辨. Liaoning daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1981: 1): 60–65. Hsiao-Mote, A History of Chinese Political Thought, 368–424. Deng Tingjue 鄧廷爵. “Guanyu Hanzi ‘Chu jian Qin’ de zuozhe yu Han Fei zhi si” 關於《韓子‧初見秦》的作者與韓非之死. Xueshu yuekan (1982: 3): 69–74. Zhou Xunchu 周勛初. Han Fei 韓非. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1985. Wang Hsiao-po and Leo S. Chang. The Philosophical Foundations of Han Fei’s Political Theory. Monograph no. 7, Society for Asian and Comparative Philosophy. Honlulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1986. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Han Feizi Chu shuo pian wu lun” 韓非子儲說篇五論. Gugong xueshu jikan 7 (1990): 33–69. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Han Feizi zhijian shumu chugao” 韓非子知見書目初稿. Guoli zhongyang tushuguan guankan 23.2 (1990): 229–55; 24.1 (1991): 191– 207. Wang Huaicheng 王懷誠. “Han Feizi Nei wai chu shuo xi lianzhu ti zhi lanshang” 韓非子內外儲說係連珠體之濫觴. Huangpu xuebao 23 (1991): 129–31. Lundahl, Bertil. Han Fei Zi: The Man and the Work. Stockholm East Asian Monographs 4. Stockholm, 1992. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. Han Feizi zhushu ji sixiang 韓非子著述及思想. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1993. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Han Feizi yanjiu de huigu” 韓非子研究的回顧. Wenxian (1993: 2): 106–16. Lu, Xing. “The Theory of Persuasion in Han Fei Tzu and Its Impact on Chinese Communication Behaviors.” Howard Journal of Communications 5.1–2 (1994): 108–22. Chen Jingzhen 陳勁榛. “Gu Guangqi Huang Pilie yu Qiandao ben Han Feizi chutan” 顧廣圻、黃丕烈與乾道本「韓非子」初探. Zhongguo wenhua daxue Zhongwen xuebao 3 (1995): 171–205.

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Levi, Jean, tr. Han-Fei-tse ou Le Tao du Prince: La stratégie de la domination absolue. Paris: du Seuil, 1999. Shi Juehuai 施覺懷. Han Fei pingzhuan 韓非評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2002. Ma Shinian 馬世年. “Han Fei shenshi yu shengzu niandai kao lüe” 韓非身世與生卒 年代考略. Xibei chengren jiaoyu xuebao (2003: 2): 20–21, 14. Liao Qiang 廖強. “Han Feizi banben yuanliu shu”《韓非子》版本源流述. Qian xinan minzu shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao (2003: 1): 34–38. Ma Shinian 馬世年. “Han Feizi ‘Chu shuo’ de ti yi fen pian yu xingzhi”《韓非子‧儲 說》的題意、分篇、與性質. Gansu shehui kexue (2004: 5): 68–70. Zhang Jue 張覺. “Han Feizi zhenwei kao bian”《韓非子》真偽考辨. Kong Meng xuebao 83 (2005): 141–65. Ma Shinian 馬世年. “Han Fei shengping shiji kao bian” 韓非生平事蹟考辨. Dongfang renwen xuezhi 5.2 (2006): 21–40. Ma Jing 馬靜 and Zhang Jue 張覺. “Yuan jiao canben Han Feizi liuchuan kao shu” 元校殘本《韓非子》流傳考述. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2006: 6): 48–52. Qiu Huanghai 邱黃海. “‘Chu jian Qin’ ‘Cun Han’ de zuozhe ji qi xiezuo niandai zhi pipan de kaocha”「初見秦」、「存韓」的作者及其寫作年代之批判的考察. Ehu 388 (2007): 48–54. Ma Shinian 馬世年. “Han Fei erci shi Qin kao” 韓非二次使秦考. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu (Winter 2008): 81–90. DRK

Han Fu 賦 (Fu of the Han) The fu is an intermediary genre between verse and prose. Fu compositions are for the most part rhymed and have a regular number of syllables per line. However, there are no strict prosodic rules, and sometimes there are unrhymed prose lines intermingled with the rhymed sections. The fu first appeared during the late Warring States period. There are two views concerning the origins of the form. The first is the view upheld by Liu Xiang 劉向 (77– 6 b.c.e.), Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23 c.e.), and Ban Gu 班固 (32–92) that the works of Qu Yuan 屈原 (ca. 340–278 b.c.e.) are the earliest examples of fu composition. For example, the “Monograph on Bibliography” of the Han shu, which is based on the Bie lu 別錄 (Separate list) of Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 b.c.e.) and the Qi lüe 七略 (Seven summaries) of Liu Xin, both of which were catalogues of the imperial library, divides the fu into four groups: (1) the fu of Qu Yuan, (2) the fu of Lu Jia 陸賈 (d. ca.178 b.c.e.), (3) the fu of Xun Qing 荀卿 (ca. 314–217 b.c.e.), and (4) unclassified fu. The fu of Lu Jia are no longer extant, and we cannot ascertain their character. The standards of the classification are difficult to determine, for most of the fu by Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 c.e.) are imitations of the fu of Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179–117 b.c.e.); however, the “Monograph on

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Bibliography” places Sima Xiangru’s fu in the Qu Yuan group and Yang Xiong’s fu in the Lu Jia group. The other view on the origins of the fu is that the works of Qu Yuan as well as a portion of the works of Song Yu 宋玉 (such as “Jiu bian” 九辯 or “Nine Arguments”) constitute a genre separate from the fu which is called sao 騷 (elegy). Thus, both Liu Xie’s Wenxin diaolong and Xiao Tong’s Wen xuan treat sao as a separate genre. This classification possibly originated with the Wenzhang liubie ji 文章流別集 (Collection of literature arranged by genre) of Zhi Yu 摯虞 (d. 312). Thus, some later literary critics often claim that the fu originated with Song Yu and Xun Qing. Song Yu reputedly was a disciple of Qu Yuan and lived in the late Warring States period, and thus was much later than Xun Qing. Although the focus of these two views is different, there are good reasons for each of them. The first view stresses the profound influence of Qu Yuan on Song Yu, and the latter view seems to put more emphasis on the distinction between sao and fu as genres. However, in writings of the preQin and early Han, the distinction between sao and fu is not very clear. For example, the form of “Tian wen” 天問 (Heavenly questions) is quite different from that of the “Li sao” and “Jiu ge” 九歌 (Nine songs), “Bu ju” 卜居 (Divining a place to live), and “Yufu” 漁父 (The fisherman), which are traditionally attributed to Qu Yuan. All of these works are classified as fu, while the “Funiao fu” 鵩鳥賦 (Fu on the owl ) and “Diao Qu Yuan” 弔 屈原 (Lament for Qu Yuan) by the early Han writer Jia Yi 賈誼 (ca. 200– 168 b.c.e.) are quite similar to the sao. In fact, Jia Yi was frustrated for his entire life, and thus in early times his name is often paired with that of Qu Yuan. His works show a clear influence from Qu Yuan. Both writers’ works are expressions of ardent feeling and are much different from the later epideictic fu with their lavish and exaggerated descriptions. The first extant epideictic fu are by Mei Sheng 枚乘 (d. 141 b.c.e.), who lived somewhat later than Jia Yi. He was active mainly in the Emperor Jing (r. 156–141 b.c.e.) period. His most important work, “Qi fa” 七發 (Seven stimuli), probably was written before the Insurrection of the Seven Kingdoms in 154 b.c.e. “Qi fa” is framed around a dialogue between a Chu prince, who is ill, and a guest from Wu, who visits him at court. The guest claims that the prince’s illness stems from having long enjoyed the ease and comfort of high position. The illness cannot be cured by drugs or acupuncture, and can only be dispelled by “essential words and marvelous teachings.” Thereupon, he sets forth for the prince accounts of various pleasures such as a musical performance, a banquet, a chariot race, sightseeing to a scenic place, a hunt, and viewing a tidal bore. He describes them in an extremely exaggerated manner to the point that the prince becomes

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so enthralled he shows a slight trace of improvement. Finally, the guest speaks of inviting learned scholars such as Confucius, Laozi, Mozi, Mengzi, and Zhuangzi to discourse on the principles of the universe. The prince is so moved upon hearing this, he breaks out in a great sweat and his illness is immediately cured. In “Qi fa,” the guest tries gradually to rouse the prince’s interest through the use of words. This is very much like the way in which some Warring States traveling persuaders gained the confidence of rulers. This means that the theory put forth by Qing scholars such as Zhang Xuecheng 章學誠 (1738–1801) that the Han fu had a close connection with the rhetorical experts of the Warring States period makes good sense. That this dialogue structure often appears in the epideictic fu later in the Han period shows that “Qi fa” had a profound influence on the fu. In terms of artistic technique, “Qi fa” already exhibits the two qualities of lavish display and exaggeration. These techniques are primarily an influence from “Summoning the Soul” in the Chu ci. Thus, it is written in a lively and vivid style and does not have the verbosity and ornate language found in some later fu. In “Qi fa,” the most admired section is the description of the tidal bore of Guangling 廣陵 (modern Yangzhou). Here, Mei Sheng uses colorful metaphors to describe the various stages of the bore— from its inception to its peak. For example, he uses the phrase “like white egrets swooping downward” to describe the initial flow of the tide and the appearance of the splashing waves. The line “Like a pale chariot drawn by white steeds with curtains and canopy unfurled” describes the gradual rising of the tide and the appearance of the billowing waves. “Loud and clamorous like three squadrons leaping into readiness” shows the arrival of the high tide. The scene that refers to “Its waves swelling, scattering like clouds” is lively, dramatic, and terrifying. Thus, many critics have held it in high esteem. Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179–117 b.c.e.), who lived somewhat later than Mei Sheng, held Mei Sheng’s writings in the highest regard. Mei Sheng had gone to the court of King Xiao of Liang 梁孝王 (r. 168–144 b.c.e.), and Sima Xiangru later joined him there. While he was in Liang, Sima Xiangru composed the “Zixu fu” 子虛賦 (Fu of Sir Vacuous). This fu was subsequently transmitted to the imperial court, and Emperor Wu (r. 140–87 b.c.e.) was greatly impressed by it. It just so happened that Yang Deyi 楊德意, who was from Sima Xiangru’s home area of Shu, served in the court as keeper of the hounds. He introduced Sima Xiangru to the emperor, and Sima Xiangru was invited to the court. When he was received in audience, Sima Xiangru belittled his “Zixu fu,” which he claimed concerned only the “affairs of the vassal lords.” He then offered to compose for the emperor a more magnificent fu on the excursions and hunts of the Son of Heaven.

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He then wrote the fu that has come down to us under the title “Zixu/ Shanglin 子虛/上林 (Sir Vacuous/Imperial Park). This fu is in the form of a dialogue. Sir Vacuous, an emissary from Chu, first boasts of the King of Chu’s excursions in the Yunmeng 雲夢 preserve. He is then followed by Master Improbable from Qi, who rebuts him and gives a lavish account of the seashore revels of the King of Qi. Finally, an imperial envoy, Lord No-such, appears and criticizes them both. He says: “Chu has lost its case, but neither has Qi gained anything to its credit.” Only the Son of Heaven’s imperial park has truly grand spectacles. The piece concludes with the emperor observing goodness, morality, and moderation. This fu obviously was written to venerate the emperor and reduce the status of the vassal lords. During this period there was an overt policy to strengthen central authority, and Sima Xiangru’s glorification of imperial might directly addresses this issue. The exaggerated descriptions of the magnificent beauty of the landscape and the rich profusion of products in the park show the might and splendor of the Han empire at its peak of power and also express an optimistic and self-confident mentality. The fu is written in a robust, heroic manner, and the diction is highly ornate. This shows the author’s unusual ability to control language. For example, in describing the vastness and riches of the imperial park, Sima Xiangru says “the sun rises from the eastern pond, and sets at the western dike.” This makes it seem as if the park encompasses the entire universe. Within the park there is every kind rare bird, animal, plant, and tree. The emperor’s hunt is especially grand and glorious. “The chariots and riders thunderously set forth, rumbling through the heavens and shaking the earth.” The grandeur of the spectacle makes one gasp in wonder. However, after this extremely effusive description the poet ends the piece on a moralistic note. The discussion of the ideals of moderation and caring for the people seems hollow. Thus, in later times the fu has been criticized as “offering a hundred encouragements and only one admonition.” Another of Sima Xiangru’s important works is “Daren fu” 大人賦 (Fu on the Great Man), which reputedly was written to dissuade Emperor Wu from his pursuit of immortality. In the fu Sima Xiangru portrays the immortals of the mountains and marshes as emaciated and living a wretched existence. Even the Queen Mother of the West, who possessed herbs of immortality, is not worth admiring. Only the Great Man (that is, the emperor), who roams the entire universe, possesses supreme power. He not only is able to control the human world, but also seeks to tame the spirits. This fu has a spirited grandeur and contains imaginative descriptions of various fantastic creatures. Liu Xie in the Wenxin diaolong mentioned it as an example of a work with strong “suasive power.” However, Wang Chong

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王充 (27–post 100 c.e.) in his Lun heng criticized it for its ineffectiveness

in admonishing the emperor, for it simply reinforced Emperor Wu’s desire to seek immortality. “Zixu/Shanglin” and “Daren fu” are distinguished for their elaborate and hyperbolic style and express few personal sentiments as opposed to the “Ai Qin Ershi fu” 哀秦二世賦 (Lament for the Second Qin Emperor) and “Changmen fu” 長門賦 (Tall Gate Palace) both of which have been attributed to Sima Xiangru (the authenticity of the latter work has been contested). These pieces are both rich in personal feeling and are quite moving poems. After the Emperor Wu period, fu composition continued unabated. For example, Wang Bao 王褒 (ca. 84–ca. 53 b.c.e.) of the Emperor Xuan 宣 (r. 73–48 b.c.e.) period often accompanied the emperor on excursions and hunts, and his writings were even admired by the crown prince Liu Shi 劉奭 (the future Emperor Yuan [r. 48–33 b.c.e.]). His most important work is the “Dongxiao fu” 洞簫賦 (Fu on the panpipes), which is a yongwu piece. The first half of the piece describes the mountain grove where the material used to make the panpipes grows. The poet gives a full description of the secluded, rugged mountain grove, and unlike Sima Xiangru, who for the most part only draws things in broad outline, Wang Bao is meticulous in providing small details. This had a great influence on later poetry and fu. The last part of the piece describes the sublime beauty of the panpipe music and its emotive power. The poet uses various metaphors such as “the kind father’s nurturing his son” as an analogy for the “dignified gentility and gentle amiability” of the music. Critics throughout the ages cite this as an example of “using sounds as an analogy for feelings of the heart.” Wang Bao’s fu quite obviously influenced the “Changdi fu” 長笛賦 (Fu on the long flute) by Ma Rong 馬融 (79–166) and the “Qin fu” 琴賦 (Fu on the zither) by Xi Kang 嵇康 (223–262). It is also the first piece in the music section of the Wen xuan. The most famous fu writer after Wang Bao is Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 c.e.), who lived at the end of the Western Han period. His long and grandiose fu pieces such as “Ganquan fu” 甘泉賦 (Sweet Springs Palace), “Changyang fu” 長楊賦 (Tall Poplars Palace), “Yulie fu” 羽獵賦 (Plume Hunt), and “Hedong fu 河東賦” (Hedong) are all imitations of Sima Xiangru, and thus the names of Yang Xiong and Sima Xiangru are often paired together. These fu actually seem to be lacking any distinctive originality, and thus later in life, Yang Xiong deemed them “the petty craft of carving worm-script.” He believed that the fu was an ineffective instrument for admonishing the emperor, and on the contrary only encouraged his wanton desires. From our modern perspective, we can see that Yang Xiong, who lived shortly before the Western Han was about to fall, had

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a profound understanding of the nature of this regime. In his “Jie chao” 解謿 (Justification against ridicule), a piece he wrote late in life, Yang Xiong says: When a fire is at its hottest point it begins to die down; When thunder drones its loudest it begins to die out. If we examine thunder, examine fire They will appear to be full and strong, But the sky gathers the sound of thunder And the earth absorbs the heat of fire. Similarly, a family at the apex of fame Will be spied out by the spirits.

This probably is a conclusion that Yang Xiong reached after he observed how certain high officials fell from power. It is rich in philosophical meaning. Yang Xiong’s “Zhu pin fu” 逐貧賦 (Fu on expelling poverty) exposes the extravagant overindulgence of the wealthy and powerful and argues for a life of poverty and seclusion. The entire piece is written in simple, smooth language with very little ornament. This is a distinctive fu style that clearly influenced the “Bai fa fu” 白髮賦 (Fu on white hair) of Zuo Si 左思 (ca. 250–ca. 305) in the Western Jin and “Song qiong wen” 送窮文 (Sending off poverty) by Han Yu 韓愈 (768–824) in the Tang. At the end of the Western Han, the political situation was very chaotic, and gradually more frustrated scholar-officials began to use the fu to voice their complaints about injustice. For example, the “Sui chu fu” 遂初賦 (Fu on attaining my first emolument” by Liu Xin tells of how, after he had offended powerful ministers and scholars for writing his “Letter Castigating the Professors of the Ministry of Ceremonies,” he was transferred from the court to serve as governor of Henei 河內 (the Yellow River area of modern Henan), and from there he was sent to Wuyuan 五原 (northwest of modern Baotou, Inner Mongolia). In the piece, he recounts his feelings as he travels to these places. The most distinctive quality of this fu is the way in which the poet uses historical events that occurred at the places he visits as analogies for the current political situation. This technique greatly influenced such well- known works as the “Bei zheng fu” 北征賦 (Fu on the northward journey by Ban Biao 班彪 (3–54) and the “Xi zheng fu” 西征賦 (Fu on the westward journey by Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300). After the fall of the Western Han, there was a period of chaos and war until Liu Xiu 劉秀, Emperor Guangwu 光武 (r. 25–57), restored the rule of the Han imperial house. This is the period known in history as the Eastern Han. Out of this turmoil a few fu pieces were produced, such as “Bei zheng fu” by Ban Biao and “Xian zhi fu” 顯志賦 (Fu making clear my aims) by Feng Yan 馮衍 (ca. 20 b.c.e–ca. 60 c.e.). Ban Biao wrote “Bei zheng fu”

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after he left Chang’an to take refuge in Tianshui 天水 (modern Gansu) during the disorder that occurred in the capital area at the end of the Western Han. The piece is very distinctive with its description of the desolation of the countryside and expression of the author’s sad and bitter feelings. Feng Yan originally had served one of Emperor Guangwu’s enemies. Because he was slow in surrendering to him, Guangwu did not appoint him to office. Thus, he composed “Xian zhi fu” to give voice to his resentment. This piece has struck a sympathetic chord with a number of later frustrated scholar-officials. After the Eastern Han dynasty was established, for a brief period the Han realm enjoyed relative peace and prosperity, and it was this scene that Ban Gu vividly captured in his “Liang du fu” 兩都賦 (Fu on the Two Capitals). Ban Gu wrote “Liang du fu” during the Emperor Ming (r. 58–75) era, which was the height of Eastern Han prosperity. The fu is divided into two sections, “Fu on the Western Capital” and “Fu on the Eastern Capital.” Ban Gu reputedly wrote the two fu because after the new capital was established in Luoyang, elders from Chang’an harbored the desire to move the capital back to Chang’an. Ban Gu thus wrote “Liang du fu” to “rebut” the elders “by means of the rules and standards of the present.” He Zhuo 何焯 (1661–1722) of the Qing thought that Ban Gu wrote his fu in response to “Lun du fu” 論都賦 (Fu discoursing on the capital ) by Du Du 杜篤 (d. post 78). Du Du wrote this fu in the year 42 urging Emperor Guangwu to move the capital from Luoyang back to Chang’an Ban Gu’x fu celebrates the splendor and riches of Chang’an and Luoyang. It is written in a vigorous, grandiose manner, and tends toward realistic description. This is somewhat different from the excessively lavish style of some Western Han fu writers. However, the most impressive part of the piece is the “Fu on the Western Capital” section. The language of “Fu on Eastern Capital” is elegant and draws extensively on phrases from the ritual classics. Ban Gu also wrote such other pieces as “You tong fu” 幽通賦 (Fu on communicating with the hidden) and “Da bin xi” 答賓 戲 (Responding to a guest’s jest. The former is basically an imitation of the Chu ci, and the latter is based on the writings of Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 (fl. 140–130 b.c.e.) and Yang Xiong. Both pieces have a strong Confucian flavor. The “Wu fu” 舞賦 (Fu on dance) by Ban Gu’s contemporary Fu Yi 傅毅 (ca. 47–92) is a famous piece. It uses all manner of descriptive words to present an exhaustive description of the various postures of the dancers as they whirl and twirl, bob up and down. This is an impressive display. Lines such as “Their bodies are like cavorting dragons, /Their sleeves are like white rainbows” had an influence on the “Luo shen fu” 洛神賦 (Fu on

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the Luo River Goddess) of Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232). The description of the whirling dancers greatly inspired the “Wu he fu” 舞鶴賦 (Fu on the dancing cranes) by Bao Zhao 鮑照 (ca. 414–466). Eastern Han prosperity did not last for very long. As the consort clan and eunuchs began to dominate the court, the political situation deteriorated. Thus, we see the appearance of more fu that satirize the court and express personal frustration. For example, Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–139) in his “Er jing fu” 二京賦 (Fu on the Two Metropolises), which enjoys equal fame with “Liang du fu,” expresses quite different sentiments from those of Ban Gu. The “Er jing fu” presents a much richer and elaborate description of the spectacles of Chang’an and Luoyang than does Ban Gu’s piece. However, one can see from the tone of Zhang Heng’s fu that he maintains a much more critical attitude toward the extravagance of Western Han Chang’an. He even seems to uses his criticism of Chang’an as a subtle warning to the Eastern Han court. Like “Liang du fu,” the most vivid writing of the “Er jing fu” appears in the “Fu on the Western Metropolis.” For example, the account of the figures in fish and dragon costumes and the various entertainments is quite lively and also provides important material for studying Han dynasty art. However, the “Fu on the Eastern Metropolis” also contains some admirable episodes such as the vivid description of the “grand exorcism” (a ceremony in which inauspicious creatures were expelled). Generally speaking, the admonitory purpose of these two fu is quite evident, and this means that Zhang Heng was not very optimistic about the future of the Eastern Han. However, Zhang Heng has other fu that are worthy of mention. The most distinctive pieces are “Si xuan fu” 思玄賦 (Fu on contemplating the mystery) and “Gui tian fu” 歸田賦 (Fu on returning to the fields). Zhang Heng wrote “Si xuan fu” to express his indignation after being slandered by eunuchs. The style of this piece closely resembles that of the “Li sao,” and has quite a few illusory scenes of soaring the heavens and even entering into the earth. It had a great influence on Chinese literature. For example, the “Yan ze fu” 演賾賦 (Fu on displaying the hidden) by the Northern Wei writer Yang Gu 陽固 (467–523) is completely modeled on Zhang Heng’s fu. “Gui tian fu” is a short lyrical piece written in a fresh and lively style. Zhang Heng’s language is simple and smooth, and he has many fine lines of scenic description. The piece also has a number of four-syllable and six-syllable lines, uses extensive parallelism, and closely resembles parallel prose. This piece represents a turning point in literary style. The ideas found in Zhang Heng’s fu are not purely Confucian and even have some flavor of the Taoist thought of Laozi and Zhuangzi. Zhang Heng’s near contemporary Ma Rong was a great Confucian teacher, but one can see that he was even more influenced by Laozi and Zhuangzi than

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Zhang Heng. The technique of his “Changdi fu” is very much like that of Wang Bao’s “Dongxiao fu.” His comparison of the changing sounds of the flute music to the teachings of various philosophical masters is novel and ingenious. He also wrote the “Guangcheng song” 廣成頌 (Eulogy for the Guangcheng Park) in which he criticized the laxity of military preparations. His views did not accord with those of the court, and thus he endured a long period of political and financial difficulty. The most famous fu writers of the late Eastern Han period are Zhao Yi 趙壹 (ca. 130–ca. 185), Cai Yong 蔡邕 (133–192 or 132–192), and Mi Heng 禰衡 (ca. 173–198). Zhao Yi was an eccentric scholar whose extant fu include “Qiong niao fu” 窮鳥賦 (Fu on the cornered bird” and “Fu on Satirizing the World and Denouncing Evil.” “Fu on a cornered bird) actually uses the bird as an allegory for Zhao Yi’s sorry plight. This kind of allegory quite possibly was inspired by the Han dynasty vernacular fu “Shen wu fu” 神烏賦 (The divine crow), which has been recently discovered. It also had an influence on Cao Zhi’s “鷂雀賦 (Fu on the hawk and the sparrow). However, Zhao Yi’s work that later readers have focused on is “Ci shi ji xie fu” 刺世疾邪賦 (Fu on satirizing the world and denouncing evil.” This fu has very little embellishment and overflows with outrage and indignation, such as in the following lines: From then until now, Falsity and truth have assumed a myriad forms. Flatterers and sycophants daily flourish; The staunch and forthright are nowhere to be seen. Pile-lickers ride fours-in-hand, While upright men walk on foot.

This kind of loud outcry against abuses and corruption at court is rarely seen in the Han fu. The famous scholar and writer Cai Yong seems to have been admired mostly for his writing of grave inscriptions. In fact, the achievement of his fu is much greater than that of his inscriptions. His most famous piece is “Shu xing fu” 述行賦 (Fu recounting my travels) in which he voices indignation at the situation he faced at the end of the Han. The following lines are often praised by critics: They exhaust their multifarious craft on terraces and towers, While the people dwell in the open, sleep in the wet. They waste fine grain on birds and beasts, While those below eat chaff and husks without the kernels.

Cai Yong also wrote “Qingyi fu” 青衣賦 (Fu on the grisette), which expresses deep sympathy for the plight of a maidservant. The language is quite refined. It is an example of a short lyrical fu. Cai Yong’s “Han jin fu”

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漢津賦 (Fu on the Han River ford), with its description of a river scene, greatly influenced the “Hai fu” 海賦 (Fu on the sea) by Mu Hua 木華 (Eastern Jin) and the “Jiang fu” 江賦 (Fu on the Yangzi River) by Guo Pu 郭璞

(276–324). The “Yingwu fu” 鸚鵡賦 (Fu on the parrot) by the late Han eccentric Mi Heng is usually classified as a yongwu piece. However, Mi Heng actually uses the bird as an allegory for himself. He recounts how the parrot, which had traveled far from its home, was captured and confined to a cage. Having lost its freedom, the bird was chastised at every turn. In this way, the author expresses deep anxiety about life and fate. Because of his arrogance and eccentric manner, Mi Heng offended Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220), who sent him to Liu Biao 劉表 (d. 208). Liu Biao then sent him to serve on the staff of Huang Zu 黃祖 (d. 208), who eventually had him put to death. Although the Wen xuan places this fu in the “Birds and Animals” category, the piece actually is not a yongwu poem, but an expression of personal feeling. After Mi Heng, there were a few fu writers who died before the last Han emperor abdicated to Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226). These include the famous writer Wang Can 王粲 (177–217). and Xu Gan 徐幹 (170–217), whom Cao Pi highly praised. However, Wang and Xu are included among the “Seven Masters of Jian’an,” and thus scholars generally regard them as Wei-Jin period writers. Historically, scholars have regarded the Han fu, along with Tang poetry, Song ci, and Yuan drama, as the highest literary achievement of their respective eras. However, more recently, some scholars have considered the fu a genre that consists of a conglomeration of ornate phrases and have tended to hold a negative view of its literary value. Viewed from today’s perspective, given the richness and variety of such genres as Tang poetry, as art, the Han fu does not easily appeal to modern readers. However, this is something determined by historical conditions. In the Han period, literary craft not only lacked the variety of later literary works, but it was still an appendage of Confucian learning. Only after the Wei-Jin period, when literature reached the stage of being a self-conscious creation, did it become an independent art. However, it was the Han fu in terms of literary language and art that created the conditions and established the basis for later literature. For example, the emergence of Southern Dynasties landscape poetry and the short lyric fu owe much in terms of technique to the Han fu. Furthermore, because of the close attention paid in the fu to balanced phrasing and cataloguing there was a gradual increase in the number of parallel lines and couplets. From this emerged parallel prose and regulated verse. Thus, the fu cannot be denied a place in the history of Chinese literature.

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Bibliography Pre-modern Collections Zhu Yao 祝堯 (jinshi 1318), comp. Gufu bianti 古賦辯體. 8 juan + “Wai lu” 外錄 2 juan. Chen Yuanlong 陳元龍 (1652–1736), et al. comp. Yuding lidai fuhui 御定歷代 賦彙. Yangzhou shiju 揚州詩局, 1706. Rpt. Kyoto: Chūbun shuppansha, 1974; Siku quanshu zhenben. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1979; Jiangsu guji chubanshe and Shanghai shudian, 1987.

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Fei Zhengang 費振剛, Qiu Zhongqian 仇仲謙, and Liu Nanping 劉南平, ed. and comm. Wenbai duizhao quan Han fu 文白對照全漢賦. Guangzhou: Guangdong jiaoyu chubanshe, 2006.

Bibliographies, Dictionaries, and Indexes Zhang Shouping 張壽平. “Liang Han cifu zongmu tiyao kaozhi” 兩漢辭賦總目提要 考識. Guoli Zhongyang tushuguan guankan (March 1972): 1–29. Zhu Yiqing 朱一清. “Jinnian Han fu yanjiu zongshu” 近年漢賦研究綜述. Wen shi zhishi (1984: 12): 114–20. Rpt. Zhongguo gudai jindai wenxue yanjiu (1985: 1): 39–42. Chi Wenjun 遲文浚, Xu Zhigang 許志剛, and Song Xulian 宋緒連, eds. Lidai fu cidian 歷代賦辭典. Shenyang: Liaoning renmin chubanshe, 1992. Huo Songlin 霍松林, ed.-in-chief, Xu Zongwen 徐宗文, associate ed. Cifu da cidian 辭賦大辭典. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1996. Tominaga Kazutaka 富永一登 and Zhang Jian 張健, eds. Senshin Ryōkan Sangoku jifu sakuin 先秦兩漢三國辭賦索引. Tokyo: Kenbun shuppan, 1996. Ma Jigao 馬積高. Lidai cifu yanjiu shiliao gaishu 歷代辭賦研究史料概述. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2001. “Han fu yanjiu” 漢賦研究. In Fei Zhengang 費振剛, ed. Xian Qin Liang Han wenxue yanjiu 先秦兩漢文學研究. 284–328. Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2001. Fei Zhengang 費振剛 and Qiu Zhongqian 仇仲謙, ed. Han fu cidian 漢賦辭典. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2002. Cheng Zhangcan 程章燦. “Fu xue wenxian zonglun” 賦學文獻綜論. In Fu xue luncong, 1–64.

General Studies Jin Juxiang 金秬香. Handai cifu zhi fada 漢代辭賦之發達. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1931. Zhu Jieqin 朱傑勤. “Han fu yanjiu” 漢賦研究. Guoli Zhongshan daxue wen shi xue yanjiusuo yuekan 3.1 (1934): 113–26. Suzuki Torao 鈴木虎雄. Fu shi taiyō 賦史大要. Tokyo: Fusambō, 1936. Chinese version, trans. by Yin Shiqu 殷石臞, Fu shi dayao 賦史大要. 1942; rpt. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1966. Tao Qiuying 陶秋英. Han fu zhi shi de yanjiu 漢賦之史的研究. Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1939; rpt. under title Han fu yanjiu 漢賦研究. Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 1986. Feng Yuanjun 馮沅君. “Han fu yu gu you” 漢賦與古優. Zhongyuan yuekan 1.2 (1943): 38–44. Rpt.in Feng Yuanjun gudian wenxue lunwen ji 馮沅君古典文學論 文集, 78–94. Jinan: Shandong renmin chubanshe, 1980. Fu Gengsheng 傅庚生. “Han fu yu paiyou” 漢賦與俳優. Dongfang zazhi 41.23 (1945): 62–66. Miao Yue 繆鉞. “Wenxuan fu jian” 文選賦箋, 1947. Rpt. Miao Yue. Bing jian an conggao 冰繭庵叢稿, 127–33. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985. Nakajima Chiaki 中島千秋. “Jifu” 辭賦. In Chūgoku bungaku shi no mondaiten 中國文學史の問題典, 36–50. Tokyo: Chuo koronsha, 1957. Wilhelm, Hellmut. “The Scholar’s Frustration: Notes on a Type of ‘Fu.’” In Chinese Thought and Institutions, ed. John K. Fairbank, 310–19, 398–403. Chicago: Uni-

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versity of Chicago Press, 1957. Chinese trans. by Liu Renni 劉紉尼, “Xuezhe de cuozhegan: lun ‘fu’ de yizhong xingshi” 學者的挫折感—論賦的一種形式. Youshi yuekan 39.5 (1974–75): 19–24. Watson, Burton. “The Han Fu.” In Early Chinese Literature, 254–85. New York: Columbia University Press, 1962. Nakajima Chiaki 中島千秋. Fu no seiritsu to tenkai 賦の成立と展開. Matsuyama: Seki Hironari, 1963. Knechtges, David R. “Two Studies on the Han Fu.” Parerga 1 (1968). Knechtges, David R. “Yang Shyong, the Fuh, and Hann Rhetoric.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1968. Ho, Kenneth P. H. 何沛雄. “A Study of the Fu on Hunts and Capitals in the Han Dynasties, 206 b.c.e.–220 a.d.” D. Phil. diss., Oxford University, 1968. Ho, Kenneth P.H. “Cifu fenlei lüe shuo” 辭賦分類略說. Rensheng zazhi 32.9–10 (1968): 22–25. Kopetsky, Elma Emily. “A Study of Some Han Fu of Praise: The Fu on Hunts, Sacrifices, and Capitals.” Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1969. Chen Qubing 陳去病. Cifu xue gangyao 辭賦學綱要. Taipei: Wenhai chubanshe, 1971. Xu Fuguan 徐復觀. “Xi Han wenxue lun lüe” 西漢文學論略. Xinya shuyuan xueshu niankan 13 (1971): 99–121. He Guangyan 何廣棪. Han fu yu Chu ci wenxue zhi guanxi 漢賦與楚辭文學之關係. Hong Kong: Zhuhai Zhongguo wenxue lishi yanjiu, 1973. Zhang Zhongqing 張鐘清. Han fu yanjiu 漢賦研究. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1975. David R. Knechtges. The Han Rhapsody, A Study of the Fu of Yang Hsiung (53 b.c.e.–a.d. 18). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976. Ho, Kenneth P. H. “A Study of the Didactic Function of the Han Fu on Hunts and Capitals.” JOS 14.2 (1976): 172–82. Bischoff, Friedrich A. Interpreting the Fu. A Study in Chinese Literary Rhetoric. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1976. Chien Tsung-wu 簡宗梧. “Han fu weizi yuanliu kao” 漢賦瑋字源流考. Guoli Zhengzhi daxue bao 36 (1978): 199–232.; rpt. in Han fu yuanliu yu jiazhi zhi shangque, 40–100. Chien Tsung-wu 簡宗梧. “Han fu wenxue sixiang yuanliu” 漢賦文學思想源流. Guoli Zhengzhi daxue xuebao 37–38 (1978): 49–73. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Shilun Han fu he Wei Jin Nanbeichao de shuqing xiaofu” 試論漢賦和魏晉南北朝的抒情小賦. Wenxue pinglun congkan 3 (July 1979): 1–27. Rpt. in Cao Daoheng. Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji 中古文學史論文集, 1–26. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986. Chien Tsung-wu 簡宗梧. Han fu yuanliu yu jiazhi zhi shangque 漢賦源流與價值之 商榷. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1980. Wang Kuo-ying 王國瓔. “Han fu zhong de shanshui jingwu” 漢賦中的山水景物. Zhongwai wenxue 9.5 (1980): 4–34. Fujiwara Takashi 藤原尚. “Fu no hiyu ni tsuite” 賦の比喻について. Hiroshima daigaku bungakbu kiyō 40 (1980): 189–210. Gong Kechang 龔克昌. “Lun Han fu” 論漢賦. Wen shi zhe (1981: 1): 61–70. Zhang Zhengti 張正體 and Zhang Tingting 張婷婷. Fu xue 賦學, Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1982.

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demia Sinica, 1989; rpt. in David R. Knechtges. Court Culture and Literature in Early China. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, 2002. Wan Guangzhi 萬光治. Han fu tong lun 漢賦通論. Chongqing: Ba Shu shushe, 1989. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. Han Wei liuchao cifu 漢魏六朝辭賦. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1989; rpt. Taipei: Qunyu tang, 1992. Gong Kechang 龔克昌. Han fu yanjiu 漢賦研究. Rev. Jinan: Shandong wenyi chubanshe, 1990. Ho, Kenneth P.H. 何沛雄. Han Wei Liuchao fu lun ji 漢魏六朝賦論集. Taipei: Lianjing chubanshe, 1990. Ye Youming 葉幼明. Cifu tonglun 辭賦通論. Changsha: Hunan jiaoyu chubanshe, 1991. Ma Jigao 馬積高 and Wan Guangzhi 萬光治, eds. Fu xue yanjiu lunwen ji 賦學研 究論文集. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1991. Kang Jinsheng 康金聲. Han fu zongheng 漢賦縱橫. Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1992. Cheng Zhangcan 程章燦. Wei Jin Nanbeichao fu shi 魏晉南北朝賦史. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1992. Chien Tsung-wu 簡宗梧. Han fu shi lun 漢賦史論. Taipei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1993. Guo Weisen 郭維森 and Xu Jie 許結. Zhongguo cifu fazhan shi 中國辭賦發展史. Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996. Guoli Zhengzhi daxue wenxueyuan 國立政治大學文學院, ed. Disan jie guoji cifu xue xueshu yantao hui lunwen ji 第三屆國際辭賦學學術研討會論文集. 2 vols. Taipei: Zheng da Zhongwen xi, 1996. Kamatani Takeshi 釜谷武志. “Fu ni nankai na ji ga ōi no wa naze ka: Zen-Kan ni okeru fu no yomarekata” 賦に難解な字が多いのはなぜか—前漢における賦の讀 まれかた. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 48 (1996): 16–30. Gong Kechang 龔克昌. Studies on the Han Fu. Translated and edited by David R. Knechtges, with Stuart Aque, Mark Asselin, Carrie Reed, and Su Jui-lung. American Oriental Series Volume 84. New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1997. Guo Jianxun 郭建勛. Han Wei Liuchao saoti wenxue yanjiu 漢魏六朝騷體文學研究. Changsha: Hunan jiaoyu chubanshe, 1997. Cao Minggang 曹明綱. Fuxue gailun 賦學概論. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1998. Chien Tsung-wu 簡宗梧. Fu yu pianwen 賦與駢文. Taipei: Taiwan shudian, 1998. Nanjing daxue Zhongwen xi 南京大學中文系, gen. ed. Cifu wenxue lun ji 辭賦文學 論集. Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 1999. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. Cifu lunji 辭賦論集. Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1999. He Xinwen 何新文. Cifu san lun 辭賦散論. Beijing: Dongfang chubanshe, 2000. Cheng Yu-yu 鄭毓瑜. Xingbie yu jiaguo—Han Jin cifu de Chu sao lun shu 性別與 家國—漢晉辭賦的楚騷論述. Taipei: Liren shuju, 2000. Su Jui-Lung 蘇瑞隆. “Lun Rujia sixiang yu Han dai cifu” 論儒家思想與漢代辭賦. Wen shi zhe 260 (2000: 5): 47–52. Hu Xuechang 胡學常. Wenxue huayu yu quanli huayu: Han fu yu liang Han zhengzhi 文學話語與權力話語: 漢賦與兩漢政治. Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 2000.

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Chen Qingyuan 陳慶元. Fu shidai touying yu tizhi yanbian 賦時代投影與體制演變. Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2000. Hong Shunlong 洪順隆. Cifu luncong 辭賦論叢. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 2000. Cai Huilong 蔡輝龍. Liang Han mingjia tianlie fu yanjiu 兩漢名家畋獵賦研究. Taipei: Tiangong shuju, 2001. Kuang Jianxing 鄺健行. Shi fu he lun gao 詩賦合論稿. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 2002. Fang Ming 方銘. Jingdian yu chuantong: Xian Qin Liang Han shi fu kao lun 經典 與傳統: 先秦兩漢詩賦考論. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 2003. Gong Kechang 龔克昌. Zhongguo cifu yanjiu 中國辭賦研究. Jinan: Shandong daxue chubanshe, 2003. Kern, Martin. “Western Han Aesthetics and the Genesis of the Fu.” HJAS 63 (2003): 383–437. Chu Hsiao-hai 朱曉海. Han fu shi lüe xin zheng 漢賦史略新證. Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 2004. Feng Liangfang 馮良方. Han fu yu jingxue 漢賦與經學. Beijing: Zhonguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2004. Xu Jie 許結. Fu ti wenxue de wenhua chanshi 賦體文學的文化闡釋. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Cheng Zhangcan 程章燦. Fuxue luncong 賦學論叢. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Yu Jiang 余江. Han Tang yishu fu yanjiu 漢唐藝術賦研究. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2005. Cao Shenggao 曹勝高. Han fu yu Handai zhidu—yi ducheng jiaolie liyi wei li 漢賦 與漢代制度—以都城、校獵、禮儀為例. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2006. Wang Huanran 王煥然. Handai shifeng yu fufeng yanjiu 漢代士風與賦風研究. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2006. Xiong Liangzhi 熊良智, ed. Cifu yanjiu 辭賦研究. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2006. Guo Jianxun 郭建勳. Cifu wenti yanjiu 辭賦文體研究. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007. Zongfan 踪凡. Han fu yanjiu shi lun 漢賦研究史論. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2007. Sun Jing 孫晶. Handai cifu yanjiu 漢代辭賦研究. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 2007. Wu Fusheng. “Han Epideictic Rhapsody: A Product and Critique of Imperial Patronage.” Monumenta Serica 55 (2007): 23–59. Xu Donghai 許東海. Fengjing, menghuan, kunjing: cifu shuxie xin shijie 風景·夢 幻·困境: 辭賦書寫新視界. Taipei: Liren, 2008. Fu Junlian 伏俊璉. Sufu yanjiu 俗賦研究. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008. Xu Jie 許結. Fuxue jiangyan lu 賦學講演錄. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2009. Xuezhe lun fu—Gong Kechang jiaoshou zhi fu wushi zhounian jinian wenji 學者 論賦—龔克昌教授治賦五十周年紀念文集. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 2010.

Translations Waley, Arthur. The Temple and Other Poems. London: Allen and Unwin, 1923. Margouliès, Georges, trans. Le “Fou” dans le Wen siuan: Étude et textes. Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1926.

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Zach, Erwin von, trans. Die Chinesische Anthologie: Übersetzungen aus dem Wen Hsüan. Ilse Martin Fang, ed. Harvard-Yenching Studies 18. 2 vols. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958. Uchida Sennosuke 內田泉之助 and Ami Yūji 網祐次. Monzen: Shihen 文選: 詩篇. 2 vols. Shinshaku Kambun taikei 14–15. Tokyo: Meiji shoin, 1963–64. Watson, Burton. Chinese Rhyme-Prose: Poems in the Fu Form from the Han and Six Dynasties Periods. New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1971. Obi Kōichi 小尾郊一 and Hanabusa Hideki 花房英樹, trans. Monzen. 7 vols. Zenshaku Kanbun taikei 26–32. Tokyo: Shūeisha, 1974–76. Nakajima Chiaki 中島千秋. Monzen: Fuhen 文選賦篇. Shinshaku Kanbun taikei 79. Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1977. Monica Lai and T.C. Lai. Rhapsodic Essays from the Chinese. Hong Kong: Kelly & Walsh, 1979. Knechtges, David R. Wen xuan, or Selections of Refined Literature. Volume One: Rhapsodies on Metropolises and Capitals. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982. Volume Two: Rhapsodies on Sacrifices, Hunting, Travel, Sightseeing, Palaces and Halls, Rivers and Seas. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987; Volume Three: Rhapsodies on Natural Phenomena, Birds and Animals, Aspirations and Feelings, Sorrowful Laments, Literature, Music, and Passions. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996. Idema, W.L. Wie zich pas heeft gebaad tikt het stof van zijn kap. Gedichten in fuvorm uit de tweede v. Chr. vijfdeeeuw. n. Chr. Leiden: Stichting De Lantaarn, 1985. Cao Daoheng with contributions by DRK

Han Lanying 韓蘭英 (also Han Linying 韓藺英), fl. 453–493 Female poet and scholar of the Song-Qi period. Han Langying’s natal place was Wu 吳 commandery (modern Suzhou, Jiangsu). During the reign of Emperor Xiaowu 孝武 of the Song (r. 453– 464), she submitted the “Zhongxing fu” 中興賦 (Fu on the restoration) to the throne and was rewarded by receiving an invitation to enter the inner palace. The Song Emperor Ming 明 (r. 465–472) appointed her as an official at court. Emperor Wu of the Qi (r. 482–493) appointed her a professor and asked her to teach the consorts script and calligraphy. Since she was elderly and learned, she was called Han gong 韓公 (Venerable Han). Emperor Wu of the Qi admired her talent and considered her the equal of Bao Linghui 鮑令暉 (d. ca. 456). Han Lanying’s four-juan collection was still extant in the Liang, but it was lost by the early Tang. Her only extant poem is a quatrain recorded in Xiao Yi’s 蕭繹 (508–554) Jinlou zi 金樓子. Lu Qinli has included it in the Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi (2: 1479). Zhong Rong in his Shi pin ranked Han Lanying’s poetry in the “lower grade.”

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han lanying 韓蘭英 (also han linying 韓藺英) Bibliography Studies

Xu Deping 許德平, ed. and comm. Jin louzi jiaozhu 金樓子校注, 66–67. Taipei: Jiaxin shuini gongsi wenhua jijinhui, 1969. Huang Yanli 黃嫣梨. “Shi pin, ‘Qi Bao Linghui Qi Han Lanying’ jianzheng《詩品· 齊鮑令暉齊韓蘭英》箋證. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1997: 4): 115–19. Idema and Grant, Red Brush, 48–50. Lee, Lily Xiao Hong. “Han Lanying.” Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women, 295. WJ

Han shi waizhuan 韓詩外傳 (Exoteric traditions of the Han version of the Songs) Han dynasty narrative prose collection. The Han shi waizhuan is a collection of anecdotes and stories that purportedly elucidate the meaning of poems in the Shi jing 詩經. Of the 306 (309 according to Lai Yanyuan) entries, the basic structure consists of a main body in the form of a story or disquisition followed generally by a citation from the Shi jing that reinforces the moral behind the forging text. Many of the stories are similar to accounts found in other early texts either drawing from them directly or reworking them representing an eclectic selection of pre-Han sources such as the Xunzi, Zhuangzi, Han Feizi and so on, but as James Hightower has argued its form and approach closely mirrors that of the Shuo yuan 說苑, Xin xu 新序, and Lie nü zhuan 列女傳 (Han shi wai chuan, 2–3). Though this work can not be considered as a commentary or exegesis on the Shi jing, it does both shed light on how the poems contained in the Shi jing were interpreted and insight into one of the so called San jia Shi 三家詩 (Three schools of the Classic of Songs) of Shi jing interpretation that would become eclipsed and nearly erased by the Mao commentarial tradition. According to Lai Yanyuan 賴炎元 (Han shi waizhuan jinzhu jinyi, 1–2), during the Han this school circulated in the region of Yan 燕 (covering the northern part of modern Hebei and the northwestern part of Shanxi provinces) thought to be the natal place of its author, Han Ying 韓嬰 (fl. 150 b.c.e.), and neighboring Zhao 趙 (covering parts of modern Inner Mongolia, Hebei, Shanxi and Shaanxi provinces). It was during the reigns of the Emperors Zhao 昭 (r. 86–74 b.c.e.), Xuan 宣 (r. 73–49 b.c.e.),

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and Yuan 元 (r. 48–33 b.c.e.) that his tradition reached its peak, with the support of such scholars as Cai Yi 蔡誼 (義) (ca. 150–71), and his two students Wang Ji 王吉 (d. 48 b.c.e.) and Shi Zigong 食子公 (dates unknown), as well as Zhangsun Shun 長孫順 (dates unknown) who had numerous disciples and Li Feng 栗豐 (dates unknown) who were students of Wang and Shi respectively (Han shu, 88.3614). Li then instructed Zhang Jiu 張就 (dates unknown) in the Han School teachings. By the Eastern Han this set of teachings began to decline, but the study of the teachings of Han interpretation saw a series of works such as Hou Bao’s 侯苞 (dates unknown), Han Shi yi yao 韓詩翼要 (this work or a work of the same title is attributed to Bu Shang 卜商 according to the monograph on bibliography in the Jiu Tang shu). During the Sanguo period, the tradition declined even further leaving just a few scattered proponents such as Cui Yan 崔琰 (d. 216) in Wei, Du Qiong 杜瓊 (171?–250) (author of Han Shi zhangju 韓詩章句) and He Sui 何隨 in Shu. In Wu there was Puyang Kai 濮陽闓 (fl. ca. 180) and Zhang Hong 張紘 (153–212), and finally in the Jin there was just Dong Jingdao 董景道 (fl. ca 325) (San guo zhi, 12.367; 42.1021–22; Huayang guozhi jiaozhu, 11.846–47; 53.1243.1; Jin shu, 91.2355). This work is attributed to the Han dynasty Shi jing expert Han Ying. His natal place was Yan. He was promoted to professor during the reign of Emperor Wen (179–156 b.c.e.) and then to grand tutor to the the King of Changshan 常山, Liu Shun 劉舜 (r. 143–114 b.c.e.). According to Han Ying’s biography in the Shiji, he compiled both a nei 内 and wai zhuan in several tens of thousands of words, which “very much differed from those of the Qi and Lu interpretations, yet they revert to the same idea” (121.3124). Other details of his life are quite thin. The most specific anecdote about his life was his exchanges with Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 (ca. 179–ca. 104 b.c.e.) during audiences with Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 b.c.e.). According to Han’s biography in the Han shu, Han Ying was resolute and and clear, and able to hold his own against the more famous scholar Dong. The monograph on bibliography in the Han shu lists a Han shi waizhuan in six juan and a Han shi nei zhuan in four juan. The monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu only lists one in ten juan, which a number of scholars have speculated are a combination of the two Han era nei and wai sections (See Hightower, “The Han-shih wai-chuan and the San-chia shih,” 245). Later bibliographies all just list a Han shi waizhuan in ten juan. According to Hightower, based on the numerous citations in various texts since the Han dynasty, the text that we have today is not complete, but seems to be fairly close to the text that was circulating in Tang and after (Han Shi wai chuan, 6–7).

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han shi waizhuan 韓詩外傳 Bibliography Editions and Commentaries

Han shi waizhuan 韓詩外傳. 10 juan. Yuan Zhizheng 15 (1355), Jiaxing ruxue 嘉興 路儒學. Some portions missing. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Han shi waizhuan 韓詩外傳. 10 juan. Su Xianke 蘇獻可, Tongjin caotang 通津草 堂, ca. 1535. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Han shi waizhuan 韓詩外傳. 10 juan. Shen Bianzhi 沈辨之 (= Shen Yuwen 沈與 文), Yezhu zhai 也竹齋, Ming Jiajing period (1522–1566); Photo-reproduction in Sibu congkan. Han shi waizhuan 韓詩外傳. 10 juan. Xue Lai 薛來 (16th century), Furong quan shuwu 芙蓉泉書屋, 1539. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Various editions are in circulation with notation by the Qing scholars Gong Deng 龔橙 and Mo Tang 莫棠. Tokyo University in the shanben 善本 project has made a partial (5 juan) edition of this available online titled Han shi waizhuan can wu juan 韓詩 外傳殘五卷 (http://shanben.ioc.u-tokyo.ac.jp/list.php?order=ti_no&sess=c). Xinke Han shi waizhuan 新刻韓詩外傳. 10 juan. Hu Wenhuan 胡文煥 (fl. 1593). Gezhi congshu 格致叢書, 1608. Based on Xue Lai, Furong quan shuwu edition. Held in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Zhao Huaiyu 趙懷玉 (1747–1823), ed. Han shi waizhuan 韓詩外傳. 10 juan. 1790. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Rpt. Longxi jingshe congshu 龍溪精舍叢 書, 1917. Zhou Tingcai 周廷寀 (d. ca. 1802), ed. and comm. Han shi waizhuan jiaozhu 韓詩 外傳校注. 10 juan. Zhoushi Yingdao tang 周氏營道堂, 1791; rpt. Anhui congshu 安徽叢書, 1932–1936. Jiao Yuan kanben Han shi waizhuan 校元刊本韓詩外傳. Qin Gengnian 秦更年, Suzhou 蘇州, Yongrun zhai 鏞潤齋, 1811; rpt. Beijing: Zhongguo shudian, 2007. Han shi waizhuan 韓詩外傳. 10 juan. Wu Tang 吳棠 (Qing), ed. based on editions by Zhou Tingcai and Zhao Huaiyu. Preface dated 1875. Jifu congshu 冀輔叢書. Chen Shike 陳士珂. Han shi waizhuan shuzheng 韓詩外傳疏證. 1818; rpt. Shanghai: Wenrui lou shuju, 1928; rpt. Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 1997. Zhao Shanyi 趙善詒, ed. and comm. Han shi waizhuan buzheng 韓詩外傳補證. Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1938. Wang Xuezhen 王雪真. “Han shi waizhuan jiaobu” 韓詩外傳校補. Kong Meng xuebao 2 (1961): 175–231. Lai Yanyuan 賴炎元. “Han shi waizhuan jiaokan ji” 韓詩外傳校勘記. Lianhe shuyuan xuebao 1 (1962): 1–107. Xu Weiyu 許維遹, ed. and comm. Han shi waizhuan jishi 韓詩外傳集釋. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Zhu Jihai 朱季海. “Han shi waizhuan jiaojian《韓詩外傳》校箋 Xueshu jilin 5 (1995): 156–93; 6 (1995): 44–94. Qu Shouyuan 屈守元, ed. and comm. Han shi waizhuan jian shu 韓詩外傳箋疏. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1996.

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Translations Hightower, James Robert, trans. Han Shih Wai Chuan. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952. Yoshida Teruko 吉田照子. Kanshi gaiden 韓詩外傳. In Chūgoku koten shinsho zokuhen 中国古典新書続編, 17. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1993.

Baihua Translations Lai Yanyuan 賴炎元, trans. and comm. Han shi waizhuan jinzhu jinyi 韓詩外傳今 注今譯. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1972. Chen Feng 晨風 and LiuYongping 劉永平, trans. Han shi waizhuan xuan yi 韓 詩外傳選譯. In Guji xuan du congshu 古籍選讀叢書. Beijing: Shumu wenxian chubanshe, 1986. Wei Dachun 魏達春, trans. and comm. Han shi waizhuan yizhu 韓詩外傳譯注. Changchun: Dongbei shifan daxue chubanshe, 1993. Cao Dazhong 曹大中, trans. Baihua Han shi waizhuan 白話韓詩外傳. In Gudian mingzhu jin yi duben 古典名著今譯讀本. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 1994. Du Zexun 杜澤遜 and Zhuang Dajun 莊大鈞, trans. Han shi waizhuan xuan yi 韓 詩外傳選譯. In Gudai wenshi mingzhu xuan yi congshu 古代文史名著選譯叢書. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1994.

Concordances Toyoshima Mutsumi 豊嶋睦. Kanshi gaiden sakuin 韓詩外傳索引. Hiroshima: Hijiyama joshi tanki daigaku, 1972. Han shi waizhuan zhuzi suoyin 韓詩外傳逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1992.

Studies Song Mianchu 宋綿初 (gongsheng 1777). Han shi neizhuan zheng 韓詩內傳徵. Zhixue tang 志學堂, 1795. Rpt. Xu xiu Si ku quan shu, vol. 75. Sun Yirang 孫詒讓 (1848–1908). “Han shi waizhuan” 韓詩外傳. In Zha yi 札迻, 2.31–34. China:1894. Reprint, Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1961; Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1989; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989. Yu Yue 兪樾 (1821–1907). Du Han shi waizhuan 讀韓詩外傳. In Quyuan zazuan 曲園雜纂, Chun zai tang quan shu 春在堂全書, 5.35.17. 1877; reprint 1897. Yang Shuda 楊樹達 (1885–1956). Jiwei ju wenlu 積微居文錄, 1.1a–3b. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1931. Hightower, James Robert. “The Han-shih wai-chuan and the San-chia shih.” HJAS 11 (1948): 241–310. Lai Yanyuan 賴炎元. Han shi waizhuan kaozheng 韓詩外傳考證. 2 vols. Taipei: Taiwan shengli shifan daxue, 1963. Lu Yuanjun 盧元駿. “Han shi waizhuan yu qi zuozhe”《韓詩外傳》與其作者. Zhongyang yuekan 5.8 (1973): 156–61. Qu Shouyuan 屈守元. “Yuankan ben Han shi waizhuan tiji liang shou” 元刊本《韓 詩外傳》題記兩首. Zhongguo lishi wenxian yanjiu jikan 3 (1983): 100–6.

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Yu Chongsheng 余崇生. “Han shi waizhuan zhi chengli ji qi sixiang yanjiu”「韓 詩外傳」之成立及其思想研究. Zhonghua wenhua fuxing yuekan 195 (1984): 10–16. Hightower, James Robert. “Han shih wai chuan.” In Early Chinese Texts, 125– 128. Lin Yaolin 林耀潾. “Xunzi dui Han shi waizhuan de yingxiang” 荀子對韓詩外傳的 影響. Kong Meng xuebao 57 (1989): 45–78. Lin Yaolin 林耀潾. “Han shi waizhuan shuo shi yanjiu” 韓詩外傳說詩研究. Kong Meng xuebao 58 (1989): 45–85. Liao Tianzhou 廖添洲. “Xunzi dui Han shi waizhuan de yingxiang” 荀子對韓詩外 傳的影響. Dongwu daxue Zhongguo wenxuexi xikan 15 (1989): 22–28. Lin Yelian 林葉連. Zhongguo lidai Shi jing xue 中國歷代詩經學, 104–110. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1993. Xu Chao 徐超. “Han shi waizhuan jin yi zheng wu”《韓詩外傳今譯》正誤. Shandong daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1994): 17–21. Lin Yaolin 林耀潾. Xi Han sanjia shixue yanjiu 西漢三家詩學研究, 83–91. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1996. Zhao Zhiyang 趙制陽. “Han shi waizhuan pingjie”《韓詩外傳》評介. Kong Meng xuebao 73 (1997): 1–31. Huang Zhenyun 黃震雲. “Han shi waizhuan he Handai wenhua”《韓詩外傳》和漢 代文化. Xuzhou shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 24.2 (1998). Loewe, Michael, Biographical Dictionary, 151. Zhang Qiang 張強. “Han chu Han Shi yu Qi Shi tingbian suo kao” 漢初韓詩與齊 詩廷辯索考. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2000): 56–58. Xiao Xu 蕭旭. “Han shi waizhuan bu jian”《韓詩外傳》補箋. Wen shi 4 (2001): 53–69. Hong Zhanhou 洪湛侯. Shi jing xue shi 詩經學史. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2002. 117–54, 731–33. Wang Zuomin 汪祚民. “Han shi waizhuan bianpai tili kao”《韓詩外傳》編排體 例考. Shaanxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 32.3 (2003): 99–105. Wang Shuomin 王碩民. “Han shi waizhuan xinlun”《韓詩外傳》新論. Anhui daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 27.2 (2003): 75–79. Ma Hongyan 馬鴻雁. “Han shi waizhuan yanjiu zongshu《韓詩外傳》研究綜述. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan 4 (2004): 41–44. Ai Chunming 艾春明 and Zhou Ying 周穎. “Han shi waizhuan jie shi shuo”《韓詩 外傳》解詩說. Liaodong xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 8.6 (2006): 47–51, 69. Kong Deling 孔德凌. “Lun Mao shi xu yu Han shi xu zhi yitong” 論《毛詩序》與《韓 詩序》之異同. Huaibei meitan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban), 28 (2007): 40–42. Zhang Wei 張巍 and Zou Yinglong 鄒應龍. “Liang Han Han shi xue liang kao” 兩漢《韓詩》學兩考. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 26 (2007): 62–63. Yang Bo 楊波. “Xin xu, Shuo yuan yu Han shi waizhuan tong ti yi zhi gushi bijiao” 《新序》、《說苑》與《韓詩外傳》同題異旨故事比較. Lanzhou xuekan 171 (2007): 126–29. Yu Shujuan 于淑娟. “Han shi waizhuan yanjiu”《韓詩外傳》研究. Ph.D. diss., Zhongguo renmin daxue, 2007. Ma Zhenfang 馬振方. “Han shi waizhuan zhi xiaoshuo kao bian”《韓詩外傳》之小 說考辨. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 44.3 (2007): 38–48.

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Yu Shujuan 于淑娟. “Han chu jinwen jingxue sheng si guan de wenxue xushi: Han shi waizhuan zhong de sheng si kaoyan gushi” 漢初今文經學生死觀的文學敘事— 《韓詩外傳》中的生死考驗故事. Lanzhou xuekan 174 (2008): 167–70, 208. Fang Ruili 房瑞麗. “Qingdai Han shi waizhuan jiaozhu chengguo shuping” 清代《韓 詩外傳》校注成果述評. Shangqiu shifan xueyuan xuebao 24 (2008): 37–40. Ai Chunming 艾春明. “Han shi waizhuan yanjiu”《韓詩外傳》研究. Ph.D. diss., Dongbei shifan daxue, 2008. Luo Lijun 羅立軍. Cong shijiao kan Han shi waizhuan 從詩教看《韓詩外傳》. Guangzhou: Jinan daxue chubanshe, 2008. Jin Limin 靳利敏. “Han Shi waizhuan yanjiu”《韓詩外傳》研究. Heilongjiang shi zhi, (2009): 73–74. MP and DRK

Han shu 漢書 (History of the Former Han) History of the Former Han Dynasty The Han shu is usually credited to Ban Gu 班固 (32–92). Also known as Qian Han shu 前漢書, it is an account of the history of the Former Han dynasty. The work actually begins before the formal founding of the Han. The earliest events it records concern the fall of the Qin, and the struggle between Liu Bang 劉邦 (256–195 b.c.e.) and Xiang Yu 項羽 (232–202 b.c.e.). It ends with the fall of Wang Mang 王莽 (23 c.e.). Ban Gu’s father Ban Biao 班彪 (3–54) had begun a continuation of the Shi ji of Sima Qian. This work is usually known by the title Shi ji hou zhuan 史記後傳 (Sequel to the Shi ji). Apparently earlier scholars including Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23 c.e.) and Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 c.e.) had written sequels to the Shi ji, but Ban Biao thought they were inadequate. Ban Biao also had reservations about Sima Qian’s history. For example, he faulted Sima Qian for quoting selectively from the classics, commentaries, and the Masters. To Ban Biao, this resulted in “many omissions so that Sima Qian’s version was not like the original text.” Although Ban Biao gives credit to Sima Qian for his vast knowledge, he criticizes his judgments as “superficial and not profound.” He also accuses Sima Qian of favoring Huang-Lao thought and denigrating the Five Classics. Ban Biao also was displeased with Sima Qian’s chapters on “money-makers” and “knights-errant.” About the former, Ban says that Sima Qian “belittles humaneness and rightness and considers poverty as shameful,” and in his account of the latter, he “demeans those who maintain their integrity and values vulgar achievement.” According to Ban Biao, it was errors like these that resulted in his having received the most extreme of punishments, castration. Ban Biao also took issue with some of the formal features of the Shi ji. He considered it wrong of Sima Qian to elevate Xiang Yu 項羽 and

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Chen She 陳涉 to the status of rulers by putting their accounts in a “basic annal,” while including members of the Han imperial family such as the kings of Huainan and Hengshan in the biographies section. One of Ban Biao’s most famous assessments is the following: “Sima Qian’s work gathers and obtains material from the past and present, permeates the classics and commentaries, and is extremely broad and learned. But it was the effort of a single man, and the writing is repetitive and the train of thought is labored, and thus the writing has not been fully cut down and reduced, and still has superfluous phrases, and there are many places where it is not uniform (Hou Han shu 40A.1327).” In his sequel Ban Biao decided to eliminate the section on hereditary houses and include only annals and biographies. He died before he could complete the history. However, he may have written as many sixty-seven chapters. When Ban Biao died in 54, Ban Gu felt obliged to continue his father’s work. As he began work on the history from his home in Anling, someone reported to Emperor Ming (r. 57–75) that Ban Gu was “privately compiling the state history.” Ban Gu was arrested and put into the capital prison. The Ban family library was also confiscated. Fearing that Ban Gu would be executed, his twin brother Ban Chao 班超 (32–102) presented a petition to the court explaining Ban Gu’s intent in compiling this history. The commandery officials then presented a copy of the work to Emperor Ming, who was greatly impressed. He then had Ban Gu first appointed editor and then promoted him to formal clerk of the Magnolia Terrace. He was given the task of compiling the annals for the Later Han founder Emperor Guangwu (r. 25–57). He also wrote accounts of the opponents of Guangwu. Emperor Ming was so impressed with this work he gave Ban Gu permission to complete his history of the Former Han. The Han shu consists of 100 chapters. It is divided into twelve ben ji 本紀 (annals) of twelve Former Han emperors, eight biao 表 (tables), ten zhi 志 (monographs), and seventy lie zhuan 列傳 (biographies and memoirs). How much of Ban Biao’s history Ban Gu incorporated in the Han shu is difficult to determine. Certain chapters such as the “Annals of Emperor Yuan” and “Annals of Emperor Cheng” have been credited to Ban Biao. The appraisals at the end of some of the biographies also are attributed to Ban Biao. At the time of Ban Gu’s death in 92, he had not completed the tables and the “Monograph on Astronomy.” His younger sister Ban Zhao 班昭 (ca. 49–ca. 120) finished compiling them with the aid of Ma Xu 馬續 (pre-79–post 144), the elder brother of Ma Rong 馬融 (79–166). Ma Xu was an expert in mathematics and well qualified to take charge of the section on astronomy.

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The Han shu is a rich source for the study of Han history and literature. The literal meaning of the title is “Writings of the Han,” and in this sense the title reflects the archival quality of the work, for much of it consists of quotations, some running many thousands of characters, from various types of writing, including imperial edicts, petitions to the court, essays, fu, eulogies, and even poems. One scholar has counted 1,170 Western Han works that are contained in the Han shu. In this respect, the Han shu provides more examples of Western Han writing than does the Shi ji. Thus, in certain biographies, the Han shu includes texts of writings that were excluded from the parallel biography in the Shi ji. For example, in the biographies of Jia Yi 賈誼 and Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒, the Han shu inserts texts of petitions that these two important thinkers presented to the court on political and philosophical matters. For the period before Emperor Wu, the conventional view is that the Han shu faithfully copies the Shi ji account. However, one can find a number of significant additions that Ban Gu and his co-compilers made to the Shi ji. For example, both the Shi ji and Han shu have chapters devoted to Emperor Gaozu’s minister Xiao He 蕭何 (Sima Qian gave him an account in the Hereditary Houses section, while Ban Gu put it in the Biographies). The Han shu version is the same as the Shi ji except at the point at which Liu Bang captures the Qin capital of Xianyang. Although there was an agreement that whoever first entered the Hangu Pass first would be named King of Qin, Xiang Yu reneged on the agreement and assigned Liu Bang to the remote area of Ba and Shu, naming him King of Han. The Shi ji does not record Liu Bang’s reaction to this insult. However, the biography of Xiao He in the Han shu contains a long passage that fills in the gap in the narrative. For the Emperor Wu period, Ban Gu provides much more detailed accounts than Sima Qian. The best known of these are the biographies of Li Ling 李陵 (d. 74 b.c.e.) and Su Wu 蘇武 (d. 60 b.c.e.). Li Ling was a Chinese military officer who in 99 b.c.e. led a Han expedition against the Xiongnu. When his small force of 5,000 men was surrounded by 80,000 Xiongnu cavalry, Li Ling surrendered. Li Ling’s surrender, which was criticized by many court officials, aroused the wrath of Emperor Wu. Sima Qian was castrated for coming to Li Ling’s defense. Li Ling remained with the Xiongnu and never returned to China. While in the land of the Xiongnu, Li Ling became good friends with a captive of the Xiongnu, Su Wu, a Han envoy who had headed a diplomatic mission to the Xiongnu in 100 b.c.e. When Su Wu was allowed to return to the Han court in 80 b.c.e., the two friends bid each other a sad farewell. The Shi ji has only a brief account of Li Ling that is appended to the biography of Li Ling’s grandfather,

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Li Guang 李廣. The Han shu provides a full account of the “lives” of both Li Ling and Su Wu. This account reads more like romance than sober history. Other biographies that are of literary interest include the “Dongfang Shuo zhuan” 東方朔傳 (Biography of Dongfang Shuo), which contains many amusing anecdotes concerning the court humorist Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 (fl. 140–130 b.c.e.), and the “Youxia zhuan” 遊俠傳 (Biographies of knight errants), which has been much compared with the comparable chapter in the Shi ji. The Han shu is also known for the rhymed zan 贊 (appraisal ) included at the end of each chapter. One of these was selected for inclusion in the Wen xuan as a model example of the form. The Han shu was considered a difficult text to read, and already in Han times several commentaries were written on it. Commentaries continued to be written throughout the Six Dynasties period. The most important commentaries are: Fu Qian 服虔 (ca. 125–195), Han shu yin xun 漢書音訓; Ying Shao 應劭 (ca. 140–ca. 206), Han shu ji jie yin yi 漢書集解音義; Li Qi 李奇 (fl. ca. 200), Han shu zhu 漢書注; Meng Kang 孟康 (ca. 180–260), Han shu yin yi 漢書音義; Ru Chun 如淳 (fl. 198–265), Han shu zhu 漢書 注; Jin Zhuo 晉灼 (fl. ca. 275), Han shu ji zhu 漢書集注; Chen Zan 臣瓚 (= Fu Zan 傅瓚) (Jin), Han shu ji jie 漢書集解. In the Tang, Yan Shigu 顏師古 (581–645) prepared a critical edition of the Han shu along with a detailed commentary that cites extensively from earlier commentaries. All editions include Yan Shigu’s commentary. The most important later commentary is the Han shu buzhu 漢書補注 of Wang Xianqian 王先謙 (1842–1917). Bibliography Editions Han shu. Northern Song Jingyou 景祐 period (1034–1036) edition. Rpt. Baina ben ershisi shi. This is the earliest extant printed edition. Han shu. Wuying dian edition. 1739. Rpt. Shanghai: Tongwen shuju 同文書局, 1894; Shanghai: Kaiming shudian 開明書店, 1935; Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan 藝 文印書館, 1956. Qian Han shu 前漢書. Qinchuan Mao shi Jigu ge, 秦川毛氏汲古閣, 1642. Edited by Mao Jin 毛晉 (1599–1659). Wang Xianqian 王先謙 (1842–1917), ed. and comm. Han shu buzhu 漢書補注. 1900. Rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1959. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1956; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983; punctuated edition Shanghai shifan daxue guji zhengli yanjiusuo 上海師範大學古籍整理研究所. Han shu buzhu 漢書補注. 12 vols. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2008. Wang based his text on the Mao Jin edition. Han shu. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962.

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Annotations Yang Shuda 楊樹達. Han shu buzhu bu zheng 漢書補注補證. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1925. Yang Shuda 楊樹達. Han shu kui guan 漢書窺管. Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 1955. Chen Zhi 陳直. Han shu xin zheng 漢書新證. Tianjin: Renmin chubanshe, 1959; rpt. and rev. Tianjin: Renmin chubanshe, 1979. Shi Zhimian 施之勉. Han shu buzhu bian zheng 漢書補注辨證. Hong Kong: Xinya yanjiusuo, 1961. Shi Ding 施丁. Han shu xin zhu 漢書新注. Xi’an: San Qin chubanshe, 1994.

Collection Wu Ping 吳平, Zeng Ganghua 曾剛華, and Cha Shanshan 查珊珊, ed. Han shu yanjiu wenxian jikan 漢書研究文獻輯刊. 10 vols. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2008. Collects 25 works on the Han shu many of which are rare and unavailable elsewhere.

Dictionary Cang Xiuliang 倉修良, ed. Han shu cidian 漢書辭典. Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 2002.

Translations de Groot, J.J.M. Chinesische Urkunden zur Geschichte Asiens, Vol. I: Die Hunnen der vorchristlichen Zeit. Vol. II: Die Westlande Chinas in der vorchristlichen Zeit. Berlin and Leipzig: de Gruyter, 1926. Stange, Hans O.H. Die Monographie über Wang Mang. Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes XXIII. Leipzig: Brockhause, 1938. Dubs, Homer H., trans. The History of the Former Han Dynasty. 3 vols. Baltimore: Waverly Press, 1938–1955. Sargent, Clyde Bailey. Wang Mang, A Translation of the Official Account of His Rise to Power as Given in the History of the Former Han Dynasty. Shanghai: Graphic Art Book Co., 1950. Swann, Nancy Lee. Food and Money in Ancient China: The Earliest Economic History of China to a.d. 25. Han shu 24, with Related Texts Han shu 91 and Shi Chi 129. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950; rpt. New York: Octagon Books, 1974. Hulsewé, A.F.P. Remnants of Han Law. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1955. Watson, Burton, trans. Courtier and Commoner in Ancient China. Selections from the History of the Former Han Dynasty by Pan Ku. New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1974. Hulsewé, A.F.P. and Michael Loewe. China in Central Asia; the Early Stage: 125 b.c.–a.d. 23. An Annotated Translation of Chapters 61 and 96 of the History of the Former Han Dynasty. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979. Knechtges, David R. The Han shu Biography of Yang Xiong (53 b.c.–a.d. 18). Occasional Paper No. 14. Center for Asian Studies Arizona State University. Tempe, Arizona: Center for Asian Studies, 1982.

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Zhang Lie 張烈, ed. Han shu zhu yi 漢書注譯. Haikou: Hainan guoji xinwen chuban zhongxing, 1997. An Pingqiu 安平秋 and Zhang Chuanxi 張傳璽, ed. Han shu 漢書. 3 vols. In Ershisi shi quanyi 二十四史全譯. Shanghai: Hanyu dacidian chubanshe, 2004.

Studies Zheng Hesheng 鄭鶴聲. Shi Han yanjiu 史漢研究. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1930. Zheng Hesheng 鄭鶴聲. Ban Gu nianpu 班固年譜. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1931. Lo Tchen-ying. Les Formes et les methodes historiques en Chine. Une famille d’historiens et son oeuvre. Paris: P. Geuthner, 1931. Zhu Dongren 朱東潤. “Han shu kao suo” 漢書考索. In Shi ji kao suo 史記考索. 1951; rpt. Shanghai: Huadong shifan daxue chubanshe, 1996. Hulsewé, A.F.P. “Notes on the Historiography of the Han Period.” In Historians of China and Japan, ed. W.G. Beasley and E.G. Pulleyblank, 31–43. London: Oxford University Press, 1961. Van der Sprenkel, Otto B. Pan Piao, Pan Ku, and the Han History. Occasional Paper no. 3, The Australian National University, Centre of Oriental Studies. Canberra: The Australian National University, 1964. Hervouet, Hervouet. “La Valeur relative des texts du Che ki et du Han chou,” in Mélanges de sinologie offerts à Monsieur Paul Demiéville, vol. 2, 55–76. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1974. Hulsewé, A.F.P. “The Problem of Authenticity of Shih chi ch. 123, the Memoir of Ta Yüan.” TP 61 (1975): 83–147. Wu Fuzhu 吳福助. Shi Han guanxi 史漢關係. Taipei: Zengwen chubanshe, 1975. Chen Xinxiong 陳新雄 and Yu Dacheng 于大成, ed. Han shu lunwen ji 漢書論文 集. Taipei: Muduo chubanshe, 1976. Li Weixiong 李威熊. Han shu daodu 漢書導讀. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1977. Okamura Shigeru 岡村繁. “Shiki kara Kanjo e” 史記から漢書へ. Kukogo 155 (1976); Chinese translation in Gangcun Fan quanji 岡村繁全集, Vol. 1, Zhou Han wenxue shi kao 周漢文學史考, 207–14. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2002. An Zuozhang 安作璋. Ban Gu yu Han shu 班固與漢書. Jinan: Shandong renmin chubanshe, 1979; rpt. Taipei: Xuehai chubanshe, 1991. Li Jiaji 李家驥. “Wang Xianqian Han shu buzhu ping shu” 王先謙《漢書補注》評述. Nanjing shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1982: 4): 54–59. Chen Ziquan 陳梓權. “Han shu de wenxue jiazhi”《漢書》的文學價值. Zhongshan daxue xuebao (1982): 104–12. Xu Shuofang 徐朔方. Shi Han lungao 史漢論稿. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1984. Zhou Xiaoyu 周曉瑜. “Han shu Yanzhu pingyi”《漢書》顏注評議. Wenxian (1987: 4): 3–16. Wu Fuzhu 吳福助. Han shu cailu Xi Han wenzhang tantao 漢書採錄西漢文章探討. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1988.

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Wang Liqi 王利器. “Han shu cailiao laiyuan kao” 漢書材料來源考. Wen shi 21 (1983). Yang Yanqi 楊燕起. “Han shu” 漢書. In Zhongguo shixue mingzhu 中國史學名著, ed. Cang Xiuliang 倉修良, 117–41. Ji’nan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1990. Sun Bing 孫兵. “Han shu Yanzhu zai tan”《漢書》顏注再探. Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1991: 5): 50–54, 28. Chen Qitai 陳其泰. Zai jian feng bei: Ban Gu yu Han shu 再建豐碑: 班固與漢書. Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1994. Pak Chae-u 朴宰雨. Shi ji Han shu bijiao yanjiu《史記》《漢書》比較研究. Beijing: Zhongguo wenxue chubanshe, 1994. Jian Songxing 簡松興. “Ban Gu zhuan Han shu shi keneng de xianzhi—yi ‘Xuzhuan’ wei zhongxin” 班固轉「漢書」時可能的限制—以「敘傳」為中心. Fuda Zhongyansuo xuekan 3 (1994): 87–99. Huang Rong 黃榕. “Shi ji Han shu ‘Youxia liezhuan’ jiao xi”「史記」「漢書」「游俠 列傳」較析. Zhongguo yuwen 84.2 (1995): 64–70. Chen Jianliang 陳建樑. “Fu Qian Han shu yin xun gouchen” 服虔「漢書音訓」鉤 沈. Dalu zazhi 91.6 (1995): 15–22. An Zuozhang 安作璋. Ban Gu pingzhuan: Yi dai liang shi 班固評傳: 一代良史. Nanjing: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996. Xu Jiaji 徐家驥. “Zhongguo gudai Han shu yanjiu gaishu” 中國古代《漢書》研究 概述. Xianyang shizhuan xuebao 11 (1996): 26–32. Jian Ruilong 簡瑞龍. “Shi ji ‘Youxia liezhuan’ yu Han shu ‘Youxia zhuan’ de bijiao” 「史記‧遊俠列傳」與「漢書‧游俠傳」的比較. Shixue 24 (1998): 1–11. Chen Qitai 陳其泰 and Zhao Yongchun 趙永春. Ban Gu pingzhuan 班固評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2002. Zhou Chen 周晨. “Songke Han shu banben kao” 宋刻《漢書》版本考. Xiangfan xueyuan xuebao 23.1 (2002): 76–79. Zhao Huifen 趙惠芬. “Han shu zhijian banben kao shu”《漢書》知見版本考述. Shumu jikan 37 (2003): 27–47. Zhao Lianwen 趙連穩. “Ban Zhao he Han shu” 班昭和《漢書》. Zhonghua nüzi xueyuan xuebao 17.6 (2005): 86–88. Pan Dingwu 潘定武. “Han shu wenxue yanjiu de huigu yu sikao”《漢書》文學研 究的回顧與思考. Baoji wenli xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 25.6 (2005): 73–77. Li Weitai 李偉泰. “Shi Han lun zan bijiao san ze”《史》、《漢》論贊比較三則. Taida wenshizhe xuebao 24 (2006): 41–72. Li Weitai 李偉泰. “Shi Han lun zan bijiao shisi ze”《史》、《漢》論贊比較十四則. Taida Zhongwen xuebao 24 (2006): 1–47. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 6–7. Clark, Anthony. Ban Gu’s History of Early China. Amherst, New York: Cambria Press, 2008. Pan Dingwu 潘定武. Han shu wenxue lungao 漢書文學論稿. Hefei: Anhui daxue chubanshe, 2008. Zeng Xiaoxia 曾小霞. “Jin 30 nian Shi ji Han shu bijiao yanjiu zongshu” 近 30 年《史記》《漢書》比較研究綜述. Shaanxi jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 25.1 (2009): 34–38. Chen Qitai 陳其泰 and Zhang Aifang 張愛芳, ed. Han shu yanjiu 漢書研究. Beijing: Zhongguo dabaike quanshu chubanshe, 2009. DRK

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Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji 漢魏六朝百三家集 (Collection of 103 writers from the Han, Wei and Six Dynasties) Collected writings of pre-Tang writers. Compiled by Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), this work contains reconstructed collections for 103 pre-Tang writers. It is based on earlier collections compiled during the Ming such as the Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集 of Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), Gu shi ji 古詩紀 of Feng Weine 馮惟訥 (1512–1572), and Lidai wenji 歷代文紀 by Mei Dingzuo 梅鼎祚 (1549–1615). The work contains collections for twenty Han writers, twelve Cao-Wei writers, twentytwo Jin writers, eight Song writers, six Southern Qi writers, nineteen Liang writers, five Chen writers, two Northern Wei writers, two Northern Qi writers, two Northern Zhou writers, and five Sui writers. Zhang Pu was a leader of the ancient learning revival movement in the late Ming, and his collection was an attempt to retrieve the lost collected works of pre-Tang writers. The collection is arranged chronologically beginning with the Han and ending with the Sui. Within each collection the works are organized by genre beginning with fu 賦, followed by individual prose genres, and poetry, and ending with biographical information about the author. One limitation of Zhang Pu’s collection is that he rarely gives source information. He is also somewhat uncritical of attributions. Scholars have attached much importance to the critical comments in the forewords (ti ci 題辭) that introduce each collection. Bibliography Editions Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji 漢魏六朝百三名家集. 118 juan. Siku quanshu. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji 漢魏六朝百三名家集. 118 juan. Xinshu tang 信述堂, 1878. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji 漢魏六朝百三名家集. 118 juan. Shanghai: Saoye shanfang, 1925. Han Wei Liuchao yibaisan jia ji 漢魏六朝百三家集. 118 juan. Taipei: Xinxing shuju, 1968.

Commentary Yin Menglun 殷孟倫, comm. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji ti ci zhu 漢魏六朝 百三 名家集題辭注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1960; rpt. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1981.

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Studies Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. Zhonggu wenxue wenxian xue, 54–57. Zeng Xiao 曾肖. “Cong Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji ti ci kan lun Zhang Pu ‘zhi ren lun shi’ fangfa de yunyong” 從《漢魏六朝百三家集題辭》看論張溥 “知人論 世” 方法的運用. Jinan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 124 (2006): 122–25. Li Jiangfeng 李江峰. “Cong Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji ti ci kan Zhang Pu de wenxue sixiang” 從《漢魏六朝百三家集題辭》看張溥的文學思想. Tangdu xuekan 22.1 (2006): 4–8. Zongfan 踪凡. Han fu yanjiu shi lun 漢賦研究史論, 447–48. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2007. DRK

Han Wu dongming ji 漢武洞冥記 (Account of Emperor Wu of Han’s delving into arcana) Early medieval collection of fabulous tales. This work, which is also titled Dongming ji 洞冥記 (Account of delving into arcana) and Han Wudi bieguo dongming ji 漢武帝別國洞冥記 (Account of Emperor Wu of Han’s delving into arcana of separate states), purports to be a record of Emperor Wu’s encounters with exotic realms, especially the abodes of immortals. It is traditionally attributed to the magician Guo Xian 郭憲 (fl. 9–35), whose natal place was Song 宋 in Runan 汝南 (modern He 和 county, Anhui). During the reign of Wang Mang 王莽 (8–23), he became a recluse. When the Eastern Han was founded in 25 c.e., Guo Xian was appointed professor at the national university. Ca. 35, he became ill after vigorously arguing against a proposal to launch a military expedition against the Xiongnu. Shortly thereafter he died at home. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu attributes this work to a Master Guo. The two Tang histories list it under the name of Guo Xian. Later catalogues all ascribe authorship of the work to Guo Xian. However, the received version of the Dongming ji records events and alludes to works that postdate the time of Guo Xian. Thus, some scholars have questioned the attribution to Guo Xian. Lu Xun, for example, has identified the Master Guo listed in the Sui shu as Guo Pu 郭璞 (276–324). Another putative author is Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–555), Emperor Yuan of Liang. Although there is far from unanimity among scholars, the evidence favors a Six Dynasties provenance for the work. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists the Dongming ji in one juan, but both Tang histories record it as a four-juan work. Most received versions are in four juan. The Dongming ji was included in the

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Taoist canon of the Song and perhaps Jin period, but it is impossible to determine whether any received version derives from this edition. The earliest extant edition is contained in the Gushi wenfang xiaoshuo 顧氏文房 小說 of Gu Yuanqing 顧元慶 (1487–1585) printed during the Jiajing period (1522–1566). Bibliography Texts Dongming ji 洞冥記. 4 juan. Gushi wenfang xiaoshuo 顧氏文房小說, Gu Yuanqing 顧元慶 (1487–1585), ed. Jiajing period (1522–1566) printing. Dongming ji 洞冥記. 4 juan. Gujin yishi 古今逸史. Compiled by Wu Guan 吳琯 (Ming); rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937. Dongming ji 洞冥記. 4 juan. Zengding Han Wei congshu 增訂漢魏叢書. Compiled by Wang Mo 王謨. 1791. Dongming ji 洞冥記. 4 juan. Longwei mishu 龍威秘書. Ma Junliang 馬俊良, ed. Shide tang 世德堂, 1796.

Studies Chen Zhaozhen 陳兆禎. “Han Wu gushi Han Wu neizhuan Han Wu mingdong ji yanjiu” 漢武故事漢武內傳漢武洞冥記研究. M.A. Thesis, Furen daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo, 1980. Wang Guoliang 王國良. Han Wu dongming ji yanjiu 漢武洞冥記研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1989. Smith, Thomas E. “Ritual and the Shaping of Narrative: the Legend of the Han Emperor Wu.” Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1992, 274–334. Liu Yuan-ju 劉苑如. “Liuchao zhiguai Han Wu xilie de ‘xiaoshuo’ shi tan” 六朝志 怪漢武系列的「小說」試探. Zhongguo wenzhe zhuankan 17 (2000): 194–256.

Translation Smith, Thomas E. “Ritual and the Shaping of Narrative, 588–652. DRK

Han Wu gushi 漢武故事 (Precedents of Emperor Wu of the Han) Collection of fabulous tales of unknown date. Also known as Han Wudi gushi 漢武帝故事, this is an anecdotal, mostly fictionalized account of the life of the Han Emperor Wu (r. 140–87). There are entries concerning his youth, his various consorts, his pursuit of immortals, and events that occurred after his death. This work traditionally has been attributed to Ban Gu 班固 (32–92). However, scholars have sug-

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gested other candidates as compiler including Wang Jian 王儉 (452–489), Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343), or an unnamed compiler of the Emperor Cheng (r. 33–7 b.c.e.) period of the Former Han, Emperor Xian (r. 189–220) period of the Later Han, or the Six Dynasties. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list the work in two juan without naming the compiler. The Song dynasty catalogue Chongwen zongmu 崇文總目 records a five-juan version with a note that the work originally was in two chapters but someone in recent times erroneously split it into five. All received editions are reconstructions. Texts Han Wu gushi 漢武故事. Chao Zaizhi 晁載之 (11th cent.), ed. Xu Tanzhu 續談助. Contains 15 entries. Han Xiao Wu gushi 漢孝武故事. Shuofu 說郛 25. Tao Zongyi 陶宗儀 (fl. 1360– 1368), ed. Han Wu gushi 漢武故事. 1 juan. Gujin shuohai 古今說海 (1544). Han Wu gushi 漢武故事. 1 juan. Gujin yishi 古今逸史. Ed. Wu Guan 吳琯 (fl. 1568–1572). Han Wu gushi 漢武故事. 1 juan. Siku quanshu. Han Wu gushi 漢武故事. 1 juan. In Wang Renjun 王仁俊 (1866–1913), ed. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu bubian 玉函山房輯佚書補編. Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Han Wu gushi 漢武故事. 1 juan. Shuoku 說庫 (1925). Lu Xun. Gu xiaoshuo gouchen, 2: 335–57.

Studies Chen Zhaozhen 陳兆禎. “Han Wu gushi Han Wu neizhuan Han Wu mingdong ji yanjiu” 漢武故事漢武內傳漢武洞冥記研究. M.A. Thesis, Furen daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo, 1980. Liu Wenzhong 劉文忠. “Han Wudi gushi xiezuo shidai xin kao”《漢武帝故事寫作 時代新考. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 30 (1984): 291–98; rpt. in Liu Wenzhong. Zhonggu wenxue yu wenlun yanjiu, 40–47. Li Jianguo 李劍國. Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, 172–79. Smith, Thomas E. “Ritual and the Shaping of Narrative: the Legend of the Han Emperor Wu.” Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1992, 101–37. Smith, Thomas E. “Where Chinese Administrative Practices and Tales of the Strange Converge: The Meaning of Gushi in the Han Wudi Gushi.” Early Medieval China 1 (1994): 1–33. Liu Yuan-ju 劉苑如. “Liuchao zhiguai Han Wu xilie de ‘xiaoshuo’ shi tan” 六朝志 怪漢武系列的「小說」試探. Zhongguo wenzhe zhuankan 17 (2000): 194–256. Liu Huajing 劉化晶. “Han Wu gushi de zuozhe yu chengshu shidai kao”《漢武故 事》的作者與成書時代考. Shenyang shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 30 (2006): 64–66. Wang Shouliang 王守亮. “Han Wu gushi zuozhe yu chengshu shidai bian xi”《漢 武故事》作者與成書時代辨析. Shandong shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 53.5 (2008): 136–39.

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han wu gushi 漢武故事 Translations

“Histoire anecdotique et fabuleuse de l’Empereur Wou des Han.” Lectures chinoises 1 (1945): 31–91. Smith, Thomas E. “Ritual and the Shaping of Narrative,” 384–438. DRK

Han Wudi neizhuan 漢武帝內傳 (Esoteric traditions of Emperor Wu of the Han) Collection of fabulous tales about Emperor Wu of Former Han. This work is a collection of tales about Emperor Wu (r. 140–87 b.c.e.) with special emphasis on the visit of Xiwangmu 西王母 and Shangyuan furen 上元夫人 who instruct Emperor Wu in the arts of the immortals. Much of the work concerns Taoist practices. The rituals described in the text belong to the Shangqing 上清 Taoist tradition. Although attributed to Ban Gu 班固 (32–92), the Han Wudi neizhuan clearly is a work of the Six Dynasties period. Li Fengmao concludes that it was written by the Taoist Wang Lingqi 王靈期 for the imperial court during the reign of the Eastern Jin Emperor Xiaowu (r. 372–396). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists the Han Wudi neizhuan in three juan. The two Tang histories and the Song shi record it in two juan. There are two received versions of this work both in one juan. (1) The Daozang version. (2) The Guang Han Wei congshu 廣漢魏叢書 version that has extracted entries from Taiping guangji 太平廣記. The Daozang also includes a work titled Han Wudi waizhuan 漢武帝外傳 (Exoteric traditions of Emperor Wu of Han) that contains some stories that originally may have been part of the Han Wudi neizhuan. Bibliography Editions Daozang version Han Wu neizhuan 漢武內傳 1 juan. Daozang 道藏. 292. Han Wu neizhuan 漢武內傳 1 juan. Shoushan ge congshu 守山閣叢書. Qian Xizuo 錢熙祚 (1801–1844), ed. Appends the Han Wudi waizhuan 漢武帝外傳.

Guang Han Wei congshu version Han Wudi neizhuan 漢武帝內傳 1 juan. Guang Han Wei congshu 廣漢魏叢書. He Yunzhong 何允中 (late Ming), ed. Wanli period (1573–1620) printing.

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Han Wudi neizhuan 漢武帝內傳 1 juan. Zengding Han Wei congshu 增訂漢魏叢書. Wang Mo 王謨 (jinshi 1778), ed. 1791 printing. Han Wudi neizhuan 漢武帝內傳 1 juan. Longwei mishu 龍威秘書. Ma Junliang 馬俊良, ed. Shide tang 世德堂, 1796.

Studies Chen Zhaozhen 陳兆禎. “Han Wu gushi Han Wu neizhuan Han Wu mingdong ji yanjiu” 漢武故事漢武內傳漢武洞冥記研究. M.A. Thesis, Furen daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo, 1980. Kominami Ichirō 小南一郎. “Kan Butei naiden’ no seiritsu” 漢武帝內傳の成立. Tōhō gakuhō 48 (1975): 183–227; 53 (1981): 423–546. Chinese trans. by Sun Changwu 孫昌武. Zhongguo de shenhua chuanshuo yu gu xiaoshuo 中國的神話 傳說與古小說, 232–379. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1993. Li Fengmao 李豐楙. “Han Wu neizhuan de zhucheng ji qi liuchuan” 漢武內傳的著 成及其流傳. Youshi xuezhi 17.2 (1982): 21–55. Li Jianguo 李劍國. Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, 198–203. Li Fengmao 李豐楙. “Han Wu neizhuan yanjiu” 漢武帝內傳研究. In Li Fengmao. Liuchao Sui Tang xiandao lei xiaoshuo yanjiu 六朝隋唐仙道類小說研究, 21–122. Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1986. Smith, Thomas E. “Ritual and the Shaping of Narrative: the Legend of the Han Emperor Wu.” Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1992, 196–272. Liu Yuan-ju 劉苑如. “Liuchao zhiguai Han Wu xilie de ‘xiaoshuo’ shi tan” 六朝志 怪漢武系列的「小說」試探. Zhongguo wenzhe zhuankan 17 (2000): 194–256.

Translations Schipper, Kristofer M. L’Empereur Wou des Han dans la légende taoïste: Han Wou-ti nei-tchouan. Paris: École française d’Extrême-Orient, 1965. Smith, Thomas E. “Ritual and the Shaping of Narrative,” 479–535. DRK

Han Yanzhi 韓延之 (?–440?), zi Xianzong 顯宗 Early Wei writer, Northern Dynasties. Han Yanzhi’s ancestral and natal place was Zheyang 赭陽 of Nanyang 南陽 commandery (modern Fangcheng 方城, Henan). During the late Eastern Jin period he served as administrative supervisor on the staff of the General Who Pacifies the West Sima Xiuzhi 司馬休之 (d. 417), who also held the post of regional inspector of Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat Jiangling 江陵, modern Jingzhou, Hubei). In 415, while Liu Yu 劉裕 (363– 422) was engaged in battle with Sima Xiuzhi, he discovered that Han Yanzhi was a capable person. He sent Han Yanzhi a letter inviting him to enter his service. Sima Xiuzhi wrote a letter on Han Yanzhi’s behalf refusing the offer. When Liu Yu defeated Sima Xiuzhi, Han Yanzhi accompanied Sima

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Xiuzhi to Chang’an seeking refuge with Yao Xing 姚興, Emperor Gaozu (r. 394–416) of the Later Qin. When Liu Yu defeated Yao Xing in 417, Han Yanzhi joined the Northern Wei court. He was named Defense General of Hulao 虎牢 and later was conferred the title Marquis of Luyang 魯陽. Han Yanzhi’s birth and death dates are unknown. As for his death year, his biography in the Wei shu mentions that Emperor Xiaowen of the Wei (r. 471–499) moved the capital to Luoyang fifty years after Han Yanzhi’s death. Thus, his death year could be either during the reign of Emperor Wen of the Song during the Yuanjia 元嘉 (r. 424–453) period, or during the Taiping zhenjun 太平真君 (r. 440–451) era of the Northern Wei. His only prose work, “Da Liu Yu shu” 答劉裕書 (A letter replying to Liu Yu), is preserved in the “Wudi ji” 武帝紀 (Annals of Emperor Wu) in the Song shu. Bibliography Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 425. TPK

Handan Chun 邯鄲淳 (ca. 130–ca. 225), zi Zishu 子叔 Late Han early Wei period calligrapher, scholar, and writer. Handan Chun’s natal and ancestral home was Yingchuan 潁川 (modern Yu 禹 county, Henan). He also is known as Handan Zhu 邯鄲竺. Handan Chun was an expert in various types of script and was one of the earliest scholars to study the Shuowen jiezi. Around 191, he went to Jingzhou 荊州 (admininstrative seat Xiangyang 襄陽, modern Xiangfan 襄樊 city, Hubei) and served on the staff of Liu Biao 劉表 (142–208). In 208, he accepted an invitation from Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) to join his court in Ye 鄴 (modern Linzhang 臨漳. Hebei) In 211, Handan Chun became a literary scholar on the staff of Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226). Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232) wished to invite Handan Chun to join his staff, and Cao Cao sent him to Cao Zhi. When Handan Chun first arrived, Cao Zhi did not engage him in conversation. It was a very hot day, and Cao Zhi ordered his attendants to bring water for bathing. After completing ablutions, they powdered themselves. Sitting bare-headed and bare-chested, they watched various performances, including foreign dances, juggling of balls and swords, and “several thousand words of tales recited by jesters.” Only at this point did Cao Zhi

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address Handan Chun, saying “Scholar Handan, how are you?” Cao Zhi then changed clothes, and assuming a dignified manner, he engaged in a wide-ranging conversation with Handan Chun on topics ranging from the beginning of the universe to an evaluation of famous men from the time since Fuxi. They also recited various ancient and modern literary pieces, and discussed military tactics and formations. Cao Zhi then ordered the cooks to prepare a feast after which Handan Chun returned home singing Cao Zhi’s praises. He referred to him as a “heavenly man.” In 217, Handan Chun became a literary scholar on Cao Zhi’s staff. Handan Chun’s support of Cao Zhi in the accession struggle with Cao Pi much displeased Cao Pi. However, when Cao Pi took the throne of Wei in 220, he appointed Handan Chun a professor and palace steward. At this time, Handan Chun composed a long thousand-plus-word fu on the game of touhu 投壺 (pitchpot) that much impressed Cao Pi. Cao Pi rewarded him with a thousand bolts of silk. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Handan Chun’s collected works in two juan. Both Tang histories record a collection of the same size. The collection was lost in the Song. A long excerpt of the “Touhu fu” is extant as well as two stele inscriptions including the famous “Cao E bei” 曹娥碑 (Grave inscription for Cao E). However, some scholars have questioned Handan Chun’s authorship of this work. Handan Chun is also attributed with the Xiao lin 笑林 (Grove of laughter), a collection of jokes and folk humor that originally consisted of three juan. Only twenty-nine fragments taken mostly from Taiping guangji and Taiping yulan survive. Some scholars have questioned Handan Chun’s authorship of this work as well. Bibliography Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 171. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 16–20.

Works a. Xiao lin 笑林 (Grove of laughter) Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857), ed. Xiao lin 笑林. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu 玉函 山房輯遺書, 76.2a–10a. Lu Xun. Gu xiaoshuo gouchen, 1: 67–73.

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Eichhorn, Werner. “Die älteste Sammlung chinesischer Witze: Eine Studie zur Literatur-und Kulturgeschichte des 2ten und 3ten Jahrhunderts.” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesselschaft 94 (1940): 34–58. Zhang Yaxin 張亞新. “Handan Chun ji qi Xiao lin” 邯鄲淳及其《笑林》. Guizhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1985: 4): 35–39. Gu Nong 顧農. “Zhongguo zuizao de xiaoshuojia—Handan Chun” 中國最早的小 說家—邯鄲淳. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2000: 4): 77–80. Wei Shimin 魏世民. “Lieyi zhuan, Xiaolin, Shenyi zhuan chengshu niandai kao” 《列異傳》、《笑林》、《神異傳》成書年代考. Qiusuo (2004: 7): 185–86. Wei Shimin 魏世民. “Lieyi zhuan, Xiaolin, Shenyi zhuan chengshu niandai kao” 《列異傳》、《笑林》、《神異傳》成書年代考. Ming Qing xiaoshuo yanjiu 75 (2005): 185–91. Xu Kechao 徐可超. “Xiao lin zuozhe bianzheng ji xingzhi lun xi”《笑林》作者辨 證及性質論析. Shenyang shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 30 (2006): 61–64.

b. “Cao E bei” 曹娥碑 (Grave inscription for Cao E) Shen Yucheng 沈玉成 and Fu Xuancong 傅璇琮. “Zhonggu wenxue congkao” 中古 文學叢考. Gudai wenxue yanjiu ji 古代文學研究集, 151–56. Beijing: Zhongguo gudai wenlian gongsi, 1984. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, “Handan Chun yu ‘Cao E bei’ 邯鄲淳與《曹娥 碑》. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 17–18. Yang, Suh-jen. “The Literary Merits of the Han (206 b.c.–a.d. 220) Stele Inscription.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 2007, 321–28. DRK

He Chengtian 何承天 (370–447) Late Eastern Jin and early Song astronomer, historian, and writer. He Chengtian’s ancestral home was Tan 郯 in Donghai 東海 commandery (modern Tancheng 郯城, Shandong). However, in the 350s, the family had moved to Nan Donghai 南東海 (modern Zhenjiang, Jiangsu). He Chengtian is the great-grandfather of He Xun 何遜 (466–519). He Chengtian’s father died when Chengtian was four years old, and his mother who was the older sister of the scholar Xu Guang 徐廣 (351–425), guided his early introduction to the Classics and Masters. His first position was in 399 when he briefly served as administrator to Huan Wei 桓偉 (d. 403), the elder brother of Huan Xuan 桓玄 (369–404) who had established his own regime in Jiangzhou 江州 (Hubei and Jiangxi). In 406 He Chengtian joined the staff of Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422) who appointed

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He professor in the national university in 412. He Chengtian continued to serve Liu Yu until Liu founded the Song dynasty in 420. In the Liu-Song period He Chengtian held high positions in the imperial court until 424 when he joined the staff of Xie Hui 謝晦 (390–426), the regional inspector of Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat Jiangling 江陵, modern Jingzhou, Hubei). In 426, the newly enthroned emperor Wen 文 (424–453), who was intent on eliminating any threats to his authority, sent an army against Xie Hui. Xie Hui fled his headquarters at Jiangling, but was captured and executed. He Chengtian remained in Jiangling and was able to make a plea for clemency to the imperial general Dao Yanzhi 到彥之 (d. 433). He Chengtian accompanied Dao Yanzhi on his disastrous northern expedition in 430, but because He’s skills did not lie in the martial realm, he was not punished. He then returned to the court where he served as assistant director of the department of state affairs. In 439 He Chengtian was appointed compiler and was commissioned with other scholars to compile the state history. The “Basic Annals,” “Biographies,” “Monograph on Astronomy” and “Monograph on Music Scales” and “Monograph on the Calendar” served as important sources for Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) when he compiled the Song shu 宋書. In 442, He Chengtian was appointed professor at the National University. Serving with him at this time was Yan Yanzhi 顏延之(384–456). In 444, He was briefly demoted after getting in a spat with a fellow minister. He Chengtian died in 447 at the age of seventy-eight. He Chengtian did not believe in the existence of spirits and deities or the Buddhist concept of retribution. He wrote “Daxing lun” 達性論 (Disquistion on penetrating basic nature), “Yu Zong jushi shu” 與宗居士書 (Letter to recluse Zong), “Da Yan guanglu” 答顔光祿 (Reply to Yan Guanglu), and “Baoying wen” 報應問 (Reponse to questions), in which he debated repeatedly with Buddhists Zong Bing 宗炳 (375–443) and Yan Yanzhi. He Chengtian was an expert on astronomy and the calendar. He revised the then-used calendar, known as the Yuanjia li 元嘉曆. His calendar was used from 445 to 510 until it was replaced by a new calendar created by Zu Chongzhi 祖沖之 (429–500). He Chengtian’s calculation of the value of π was also preeminent at that time. He Chengtian wrote a large disquisition on rites and two works on the Chunqiu. His collected works in Liang times consisted of thirty-two juan. None of these works is extant. Yan Kejun has collected three juan of his extant prose writings in “Quan Song wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. His only extant poems are the fifteen “Guchui naoge” 鼓吹鐃歌 (Nao bell sounds for drum and blast) preserved in the “Monograph on Music” in Shen Yue’s Song shu.

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he chengtian 何承天 (370–447) Bibliography Collection

Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Song He Hengyang ji 宋何衡陽集. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji.

Studies Horiike Nobuo 堀池信夫. “Ka Shōten no shinritsu: ongaku onkyōgaku ni okeru kodai no shūen to chūsei no kaimaku 何承天の新律: 音楽音響学における古代の 終焉と中世の開幕. Tsukuba Chūgoku bungaku ronsō 1 (1982): 31–43. Chen Yingshi 陳應時. “Shi’er pingjunlü de xianqu—He Chengtian xinlü” 十二平 均律的先驅—何承天新律. Yuefu xinsheng—Shenyang yinyue xueyuan xuebao (1985.2): 44–47. Pan Fu’en 潘富恩 and Ma Tao 馬濤. Fan Zhen pingzhuan: Fu He Chengtian pingzhuan 范縝評傳 : 附何承天評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1996. Yang Yujin 楊玉金. “Jiechu de sixiangjia, kexuejia He Chengtian.” 傑出的思想家、 科學家何承天. Shandong dang’an (1997: 2): 46. Xu Jun 徐君. “Zai ping Nanchao tianwenxue jia He Chengtian” 再評南朝天文學家 何承天. Nei Menggu shida xuebao (2001: 1): 89–94. Goodman, Howard L. Xun Xu, 181–83. WJ with additions by DRK

He Liu 何劉 (He and Liu) This phrase refers to the Liang period writers He Xun 何遜 (466–519) and Liu Xiaochuo 劉孝綽 (481–539). DRK

He Shangshi 何尚之 (382–460), zi 彥德 Song literatus. He Shangzhi’s natal and ancestral home was Qian 灊 in Lujiang 廬江 (modern Huoshan 霍山, Anhui). His father He Shudu 何叔度 (d. 431) held office in the late Eastern Jin and early Liu-Song period. He Shangzhi is the father of He Yan 何偃 (413–458). During his youth, He Shangzhi associated with Xie Hun 謝混 (d. 412), one of the most distinguished literary men of the late Eastern Jin. He began his career ca. 406 as magistrate of Linjin 臨津 (northwest of modern Yixing 宜興, Jiangsu). In 416, Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422) appointed him a recorder on his staff, and 417 he accompanied Liu Yu

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during his northern expedition. As a reward for his meritorious service He Shangzhi was awarded the title Marquis of Duxiang 都鄉. Before 439, he served in various local and central government posts. In 436, while serving as governor of Danyang 丹陽 (modern Nanjing), he established a School for Arcane Learning (Xuan xue 玄學) that attracted many students. Because of its southern location, the school was also called the Southern School. In 439, when the State Academy ( guozi xue 國子學) was established, He Shangzhi was appointed chancellor (jijiu 祭酒). Meanwhile, he was also a high-ranking minister at court. In 452, when He Shangzhi reached the retirement age of seventy, he composed “Tuiju fu” 退居賦 (Fu on dwelling in retirement) and became a recluse at Fangshan 方山 (southeast of modern Jiangning 江寧, Nanjing). Yuan Shu 袁淑 (408–453), who thought He Shangzhi was not a true recluse, sent him a letter and a work titled Zhenyin zhuan 真隱傳 (Traditions of genuine recluses) to mock him. He Shangzhi returned to the court soon thereafter. When Liu Shao 劉劭 (ca. 426–453) killed his father Emperor Wen and established his own regime, he appointed He Shangzhi and his son He Yan to high positions. However, He Shangzhi’s status was not affected despite the internal chaos of the Song ruling family. He also intervened with the emperor to save the lives of many officials. He died in office in 460 at the age of seventy-nine. He Shangzhi was a life-long friend of Yan Yanzhi 顔延之 (384–456). Records of some of their exchanges are extant. The Sui shu monograph on bibliography mentions a collection of He Shangzhi’s writings in ten juan that was listed in a Liang dynasty catalogue. This was already lost in the early Tang. Yan Kejun has collected fifteen of his prose writings including two fragmentary fu, “Qingshu fu” 清暑賦 (Fu on the Heat Cooling Hall) and “Hualin fu” 華林賦 (Fu on the Flowery Grove Hall). Studies Zhang Xianhua 張憲華. “Dong Jin Nanchao shiqi Lujiang Heshi yanjiu” 東晉南朝 時期廬江何氏研究. Anhui shixue (1993: 4): 30–34. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 206–7. Zhang Jinggang 張景崗. “Nanbeichao shiqi zhuming hufa jushi—He Shangzhi” 南北朝時期著名護法居士─何尚之. Fayin (2000: 3): n.p. Zhang Xianhua 張憲華. “He Shangzhi nianpu gao” 何尚之年譜稿. Dunhuang xue jikan (2005: 2): 357–63. WJ

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He Sicheng 何思澄 (483?–534?), zi Yuanjing 元靜 Liang dynasty writer. He Sicheng’s ancestral home was Tan 郯 in Donghai 東海 (modern Tancheng 郯城, Shandong). However, the family had moved to Nandonghai 南東海 (modern Zhenjiang, Jiangsu) around 350. He Sicheng was related to He Zilang 何子朗 (495?–517?) and He Xun 何遜 (466–519). They were known as the Three He of Donghai 東海三何. From an early age He Sicheng was a diligent student and skilled at writing. Ca. 504 he was appointed as attendant-in-ordinary on the staff of Xiao Xiu 蕭秀 (475–518), Prince of Ancheng 安成. He concurrently occupied the post of professor at the national university. In 507, he accompanied Xiao Xiu to Jiangzhou 江州 (administrative seat Chaisang 柴桑, modern Jiujiang 九江, Jiangxi). While residing in this area he composed a poem about Mount Lu. When Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) saw the piece he was so impressed he had a calligrapher brush the text on the wall of his studio. The eminent scholar-official Fu Zhao 傅昭 (454–528) also admired He Sicheng’s writings and once requested him to write a piece for one of the Shi dian 釋奠 (school sacrifice) ceremonies that were quite popular during the Liang. In 516–517 He Sicheng participated in the compilation of the large compendium Hualin bian lüe 華林編略 (Comprehensive Digest of the Institute of the Flowery Grove). While serving as magistrate of Moling 秣陵 (south of modern Jiangning 江寧, Nanjing), he also served as secretarial receptionist on the staff of the crown prince Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531). Ca. 525 he was assigned administrative supervisor for Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–555), Prince of Xiangdong 湘東. Thus, he was quite active in the two most important literary courts of the capital. After Xiao Tong died in 531, He Sicheng was sent out as magistrate of Yi 黟 county (northeast of modern Yi county, Anhui). He Sicheng died in office ca. 534 while serving as administrative supervisor for Xiao Tong’s fourth son Xiao Ji 蕭紀, Prince of Wuling 武陵. According to the Liang shu He Sicheng’s collected writings consisted of fourteen juan. All that remains are three “palace style” poems that are preserved in the Yutai xinyong. One of the pieces is a matching poem to a piece composed by Xiao Yi. Bibliography Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dicidian, 208–9. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 598–99.

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Translations Birrell, New Songs, 179. WJ with additions by DRK He Xu 何胥 (dates unknown), zi Xiaodian 孝典.

Chen period poet He Xu’s natal or ancestral place is not known. Ca. 571 he composed a poem lamenting the death of the Chen general Zhang Zhaoda 章昭達 (518–571). During the reign of the last emperor of Chen (Chen Shubao 陳叔寶), he served as grand director of music and was charged with setting poetry written at court to music. He was a friend of Chen Zhao 陳昭 (fl. 539–566) and his younger brother Chen Xuan 陳暄 (fl. 560–ca. 586) He Xu was probably a well-known poet at his time, for the Tang dynasty Monk Jiaoran 皎然 (720?–?) comments in the Shi shi 詩式 that in his opinion, the Tang poets Liu Zhangqing 劉長卿 (d. ca. 790) and Huangfu Ran 皇 甫冉 (717–770) are comparable with such Southern Dynasties as He Xu, Xu Chi 徐摛 (474–551), Zhang Zhengjian 張正見 (fl. 547–570), and Wang Jun 王筠 (481–549). He Xu has four extant poems, three of which are collected in the Wenyuan yinghua and one in the Chu xue ji 初學記. Lu Qinli has preserved them in the Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 209–10. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yuchang. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 681. WJ

He Xun 何遜 (466–519), zi Zhongyan 仲言 Liang dynasty writer. He Xun’s ancestral home was Tan 郯 in Donghai 東海 (modern Tancheng, Shandong), but around the 350s the family moved to the south in the Nandonghai 南東海 commandery (modern Zhenjiang, Jiangsu), which was only about forty miles from the capital Jiankang to the east down the Yangzi River. He Xun’s great-grandfather He Chengtian 何承天 (370–447) was an astronomer, calendar reformer, mathematician, musician, historian, and an important court official during the Liu-Song Dynasty. However,

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He’s grandfather and father were not as distinguished. He Xun was able to make a name for himself at a tender age through his poetic talent. When he turned twenty, He Xun was recommended as a “flourishing talent” in his commandery and hence attracted the attention of such dignitaries as Fan Yun 范雲 (451–503) and Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513). Shortly after the Liang was established, around 505, He Xun was summoned to the court for an appointment. Rather than being impressed with He Xun’s poetry, Emperor Wu (r. 502–549) was for some reason offended by He Xun’s alleged arrogance. Around 507, the emperor sent He Xun to his literary-minded brother Xiao Wei 蕭偉 (476–533), Prince of Jian’an 建安, under whom He Xun began a career of service at regional courts as military advisor as well as secretary. From 510 to 513, He Xun accompanied Xiao Wei to Jiangzhou 江州 (administrative headquarters in Chaisang 柴桑, southwest of modern Jiujiang 九江, Jiangxi). From 514 to 515, He Xun served under Xiao Xiu 蕭秀 (475–518), Prince of Ancheng 安成, in Yingzhou 郢州 (Hankou, Hubei). In 517, after the poet had returned from a twenty-seven-month mourning period for his mother, He Xun traveled to Jiangzhou for the second time to serve on the staff of the Prince of Luling 廬陵, Xiao Xu 蕭續 (504–547). The highest position He Xun held was shangshu shuibu lang 尚書水部郎 (master secretary of the waterway bureau) on the staff of Xiao Xiu. Thus, he is often called He Shuibu. The Liang shu mentions a collection of He Xun’s poetry and prose in eight juan compiled shortly after his death by Wang Sengru 王僧孺 (465– 522), a fellow townsman and lifetime friend of the author. The collection seems to have remained intact until after the Tang. The Sui shu 隋書 monograph on bibliography lists a seven-juan collection of He Xun’s works. The monographs on bibliography of the Jiu Tang shu and Xin Tang shu record He’s collection in eight juan. The Song shi has a listing for a collection in five juan. Chao Gongwu’s 晁公武 Junzhai dushu zhi 郡齋讀書志 of the 12th century records a two-juan collection while Chen Zhensun 陳振孫 (1211–1249) in his Zhizhai shulu jieti 直書錄解題 records a three-juan collection. It seems that by the Song period, more than half of He’s collection had become lost. The collection is variously called He shuibu ji 何水部集, He jishi ji 何記室集, or He Zhongyan ji 何仲言集. He Xun is most famous for his pentasyllabic verse, half of which are about his travels along the Yangzi River. Occupying a highly mobile position allowed He Xun to meet many colleagues, some of whom became friends, if only briefly. In He Xun’s one hundred or so extant poems, it is possible to identify more than forty persons that either have a name or official position. Bidding farewell is a common theme in He Xun’s poetry. One detects a pervasive sense of melancholy in He’s travel poems which often seamlessly combine landscape description with emotive expression. Such

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traits make He Xun’s poetry an important milestone in the development of Chinese landscape poetry. Masters before He Xun such as Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385–433) and Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464–499) never achieved this perfect union of qing 情 (emotion) and jing 景 (scene). One reads Xie Lingyun for his passion about nature and erudition. One reads Xie Tiao for his craft with language. One reads He Xun for an ambiance that became what Chinese poetry is all about. He Xun’s inspiration was the natural beauty of south China, especially the mountains and rivers in the middle reaches of the Yangtze. The landscape presented in his poetry is so impressionistic as if the poet wrote it from his memory rather than his eye. The realm where subjective emotion meets natural scenery is what He Xun explores and excels at as a poet. Praise for He Xun’s poetry is widely found in the last millennium, but Du Fu is really the first self-professed admirer of the Liang poet. In a number of his poems Du Fu referred to He Xun as an object of admiration and imitation. One can identify lines and couplets where the great Tang poet derived his art from He Xun’s work. For instance, He Xun is particularly good at using verbs in the last position of a pentasyllabic line, the effect of which is to bring a scene to life so that a reader sees it kinesthetically. For example, in one of He Xun’s poems riverbanks seem to move together with sandbars when the river changes its course, and mountains appear to rise up due to the converging mist. Du Fu applies the same technique when he writes “Thin clouds, by the cliff side, retire; a lonesome moon, in white waves, tosses and turns.” Another salient feature of He Xun’s poetic art is his creative use of stative color words as active verbs. Therefore, permeating frost makes the ground white; bitterly cold fog blackens the morning current. This later became a common technique for poets of the Tang and later periods. Du Fu’s strong interest in He Xun certainly helped spread the Liang poet’s influence. In terms of poetic form, He Xun’s poetry is considered a forerunner of regulated verse, as it reflects a prosodic patterning that was unrivalled in his own time. Although many of He Xun’s contemporaries experimented with prosody, very few were as skilled or consistent in its application. Many of He Xun’s quatrains so closely resemble regulated verse composed in the Tang period that the Southern Song scholar Hong Mai 洪邁 (1123–1202) mistakenly collected fourteen of He Xun’s quatrains into his Wanshou Tangren jueju 萬首唐人絕句 (Ten thousand quatrains of the Tang). Concerning He Xun’s achievement as a poet, Shen Deqian 沈德潛 (1673– 1769) perhaps has made the most perceptive assessment: “Even though Zhongyan is short on robustness and vigor ( fenggu 風骨), the emotive and verbal effect of his poetry is subtle and long-lasting. Even simple words from him can be profound. How proper that he was admired by Shen Yue and

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Fan Yun!” Shen also said: “Yin [Keng] and He [Xun] are ranked as equal, yet He was certainly superior. . . . There are many well-known lines from He Xun, and most of them demonstrate traces of recent style poetry.” He Xun has a number of prose pieces, of which “Qi zhao 七召 (Seven summons) and “Qiongniao fu 窮鳥賦 (Fu on a stranded bird) are the best known. “Qi zhao” is written in the form called “Sevens” (qi 七) that was first seen in Mei Sheng’s famous “Seven Stimuli.” In He Xun's piece, a hypothetical conversation takes place between a lord and a recluse. Trying to lure the recluse to serve the court, the lord offers him the prospect of a grand dwelling and rare delicacies, followed by sensual pleasures and hunting, and then the arts of immortality and learning the Confucian Classics. None of these six enticements proves persuasive. It would then, at long last, take a eulogy for the enlightened rule of the great Liang dynasty to convince the recluse to come out of hiding and serve the court. Although the authorship of this piece is a contentious matter, many scholars consider this He Xun’s pledge to serve Emperor Wu when he was first summoned to the capital. However, the proud image of a recluse in this piece is somewhat out of place among He Xun’s other works in which the poet invariably presents the self-image of a “stranded bird.” Bibliography Collections Xue Yingqi 薛應旂 (jinshi 1535) ed. He shuibu ji 何水部集. 2 juan. Liuchao shi ji (1522–1566). Zhang Hong 張纮 ed. He shuibu ji. 1 juan. 1517 print. Hong Zhanzu 洪瞻祖 (jinshi 1598) ed. He shuibu shi ji. 1 juan. Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640) ed. He jishi ji 何記室集. 3 juan with 1 juan of appendix. Qishi’er jia ji. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641) ed. He jishi ji 何記室集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji 漢魏六朝百三名家集. Wu Rulun 吳汝綸 (1840–1903) ed. He jishi ji xuan. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji xuan. He Xun ji 何遜集. 3 juan with 1 appendix. Zhonghua shuju, 1980. 5 prose pieces, 117 poems, He Xun’s Liang shu biography, Nan shi biography, anecdotes, collected comments, postface to He shuibu ji by Zhang Hong, preface to He jishi ji by Zhang Pu, preface to He shuibu ji by Jiang Fang. He Rong 何融. He shuibu shi zhu 何水部詩注. 1947. Liu Chang 劉暢 and Liu Guojun 劉國珺. He Xun ji zhu 何遜集注. Tianjin guji, 1988. Li Boqi 李伯齊. He Xun ji jiaozhu 何遜集校註. Ji’nan: Qilu shushe, 1989; rpt. and rev. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2010.

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Studies Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “He Xun san ti” 何遜三題. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1983: 4); rpt. in Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwenji, 409–13. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “He Xun shengzu nian wenti shitan” 何遜生卒問題試探. Wen shi 24 (1985): 219–23; rpt. in Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwenji, 401–8. Cheng Zhangcan 程章燦. “He Xun ‘Yong zaomei’ shi kao” 何遜詠早梅詩考. Wenxue yichan 5 (1995): 47–53. Hsieh, Daniel. The Evolution of Jueju Verse, 198–206. New York: Peter Lang, 1998. Fan Ziye 范子燁. “He Xun yu Tao shi” 何遜與陶詩. Wenxue yichan (2008: 2): 85. Gao Jianxin 高建新. “He Xun shanshuishi lüe lun” 何遜山水詩略論. Hainan shifan xueyuan xuebao 19 (2006): 112–116. Han Lei 韓磊. “He Xun yan jiu” 何遜研究. M.A. thesis, Fujian shifan daxue, 2004. He Shuiying 何水英. “Lun He Xun de xintai yu shige” 論何遜的心態與詩歌. M.A. thesis, Guangxi shifan daxue, 2007. Li Boqi 李伯齊. “He Xun xingnian kao” 何遜行年考. He Xun ji jiaozhu, 372–78; rpt. in Fan Ziye 范子燁, ed. Liuchao zuojia nianpu jiyao 2: 282–90. Li Jinxing 李金星. He Xun yan jiu 何遜研究. Taipei: Huashi chubanshe, 1982. Numaguchi Masaru 沼口勝. “Ka Son no ‘Ryūsaku Hyakuitsu tai no shi’ ni tsuite” 何遜の「聊作百一體の詩について」. Kanbun gakkai kaihō 34 (1975): 13–25. Su Jui-lung. “Ho Hsün.” In Indiana Companion, Volume 2, 46–48. Wang Liufang 王柳芳. “Lun Nanchao shanshui shi de shanbian” 論南朝山水詩的 嬗變. M.A. thesis, Nanchang daxue, 2007. Wang Mei 王玫. “He Xun shanshui shi lüe lun” 何遜山水詩略論. Xiamen daxue xuebao 2 (1996): 103–7. Wei Qingrong 魏清榮. “He Xun Yin Keng shanshui shi de shenmei sixiang” 何遜 陰鏗山水詩的審美思想. Fujian luntan 5 (1998): 60–63. Yamada Hideo 山田英雄. “Ka Son no shifu” 何遜の詩賦. Nagoya daigakubu bungakubu kenkyū ronshū 55 (1972): 362–376. Yu Suxiang 于素香. “He Xun de shige yishu” 何遜的詩歌藝術. M.A. thesis, Xizang minzu xueyuan, 2008. Yu Suxiang 于素香 and Wei Yaling 韋亞玲. “Wang Fuzhi ‘Gushi pingxuan’ lun He Xun” 王夫之《古詩評選》論何遜. Daqing shifan xueyuan xuebao 28.6 (2008): 70–73. Yu Suxiang 于素香 and Zhao Guaixun 趙乖勛. “He Xun gudu de ziwo yishi” 何遜 孤獨的自我意識. Jixi daxue xuebao 8.3 (2008): 124–26. Yu Suxiang 于素香 and Song Junwei 宋俊偉. “Lun He Xun shi you ‘xingsi’ xiang ‘shensi’ de shenhua 論何遜詩由形似向神似的深化. Huzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao 30.3 (2008): 24–27. Zhang Huizhong 張慧中. “He Xun bieshi yanjiu” 何遜別詩研究. Daizong xuekan 12.4 (2008): 7–9. Zhang Zhonggang 張忠綱. “He Xun” 何遜. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 1: 615–22. Mather, Richard B. “The Age-Transcending Friendship of the Poets Fan Yun (413– 503) and He Xun (ca. 470–519).” Early Medieval China 13–14 (2008): 79–86.

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Wang, Ping 王平. “Ho Hsün and His Poems.” M.A. thesis. University of Colorado, 2000. WP

He Yan 何偃 (413–458), zi Zhonghong 仲弘 Liu-Song period writer and statesman. He Yan’s natal and ancestral home was Qian 灊 in Lujiang 廬江 (modern Huoshan 霍山, Anhui). He was the second son of He Shangshi 何尚之 (382–460). After serving as a local official in his home area, ca. 432 he was appointed recorder on the staff of the Song prince Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 (403–444) while the prince was regional inspector of Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat Jiangling 江陵, modern Jingzhou, Hubei). Sometime after 439, He Yan was appointed aide to the governor of Danyang 丹陽 (modern Nanjing). He then moved to the imperial court where he served on the staff of the heir designate. He also was charged with administering affairs for the young boy Prince of Yiyang 義陽, Liu Chang 劉暢 (436–497). In 442, He Yan was appointed administrator on the staff of Liu Jun 劉濬 (429–453), Prince of Shixing 始興 and governor of Southern Donghai 南東海 (administrative seat Jingkou 京口, modern Zhenjiang). In March 453, Emperor Wen was assassinated by his son Liu Shao 劉劭 (ca. 426–453), and Liu Shao appointed He Yan palace attendant. He and his father were both appointed to high positions, but did not suffer any recriminations when Liu Jun 劉駿 (453–464), Emperor Xiaowu (453–464) killed Liu Shao and ascended the imperial throne (20 May 453). Liu Jun appointed him administrator to the defender-in-chief, palace attendant, and chancellor of the national university. In 456, the appointment of He Yan as president of the ministry of personnel aroused the jealously of the powerful minister Yan Jun 顏竣 (d. 459), and He Yan developed heart trouble and petitioned to resign from his position. The emperor provided him with special medical care, and he recovered. At this time He Yan’s son He Ji 何戢 (447–482) married Emperor Xiaowu’s very desirable daughter, Liu Chuyu 劉楚玉, Princess of Shanyin 山陰 (d. 465). He Yan died in office in 458 at the age of forty-six. He Yan had a strong interest in xuanxue (arcane learning). He wrote a commentary to the “Xiaoyao you” 逍遙遊 (Free and easy roaming) chapter of the Zhuangzi which does not survive. He Yan is also credited with commentaries to the Mao shi and Chu ci. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists He Yan’s collected works in nineteen juan. Both Tang

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histories record an eight-juan version. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected six prose pieces in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen including a few lines from “Yue fu” 月賦 (Fu on the moon). He has only one extant poem, an imitation of the ancient poem “Ranran gusheng zhu” 冉冉孤生竹 (“Nineteen Old Poems” #8). Bibliography Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 212. Zhang Xianhua 張憲華. “Dong Jin Nanchao shiqi Lujiang Heshi yanjiu” 東晉南朝 時期廬江何氏研究. Anhui shixue (1993: 4): 30–34. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Dong Jin Nanchao Lujiang Heshi yu huangshi zhi hungou ji qi shihuan kao shu” 東晉南朝廬江何氏與皇家之婚媾及其仕宦考述. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 26.6 (2007): 26–32. DRK

He Yan 何晏 (189?–249; alt. birth dates 190, 194, 195, 196, 207), zi Pingshu 平叔 Late Eastern Han and early Wei period thinker and writer. He Yan’s ancestral and natal home was Yuan 宛 in Nanyang 南陽 commandery (modern Nanyang, Henan). He was the grandson of He Jin 何進 (d. 189), one of the powerful military leaders and court officials of the late Eastern Han. His father He Xian 何咸 died when He Yan was a young child. Shortly after becoming minister of works in 196, Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) selected He’s mother née Yin 尹 as a concubine, and thus He Yan was reared in the palace with Cao Cao’s other sons, including Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226), who detested He Yan for his dissolute ways. According to the Wei lüe 魏略 (Wei epitome) by Yu Huan 魚豢 (3rd century), Cao Pi never referred to He Yan by his proper name, but always called him “the bastard.” He Yan married the Princess Jinxiang 金鄉, whom some sources identify as his half-sister. When Cao Pi, Emperor Wen (r. 220–226) founded the Wei dynasty in 220, he refused to appoint He Yan to office. Emperor Ming (r. 226–239) gave him only sinecure appointments. During the Zhengshi period (240–248) He Yan belonged to the coterie of the regent Cao Shuang 曹爽 (d. 249). Cao appointed him gentleman cavalier attendant, palace attendant, and president of the ministry of personnel. He Yan was executed in 249 when Sima Yi 司馬懿 (179–251) staged a palace coup against Cao Shuang.

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He Yan had a strong interest in the Laozi and Zhuangzi and is usually considered one of the main proponents of xuanxue 玄學 (arcane learning). According to his biography in the Sanguo zhi, He Yan composed several dozen works including a treatise on the Laozi titled Dao de lun 道德論 (Disquisition on the way and virtue). This work probably was lost during the Song. He Yan together with Sun Yong 孫邕 (3rd cent.), Zheng Chong 鄭沖 (d. 274), Cao Xi 曹羲 (d. 249), and Xun Yi 荀顗 (205–274) wrote a commentary to the Lun yu. This work, the Lun yu ji jie 論語集解 (Collected explanations of the Analects), became the standard version of the Lun yu in the early Tang. Scholars do not agree on how much of the commentary comes from He Yan’s hand. He Yan also wrote a commentary to the Yi jing the exact title of which is disputed by scholars. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists He Yan’s collected works in ten juan. Both Tang histories record a collection of the same size. This work was lost during the Song. Later collections are reconstructions. Yan Kejun has collected fourteen of He Yan’s prose works in “Quan Sanguo wen” of Quan shangdu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. These include one fu, “Jingfu dian fu” 景福殿賦 (Fu on the Hall of Great Blessings). He Yan wrote this ca. 232 to celebrate the construction of the Hall of Great Blessings in the city of Xuchang 許昌 (modern Gucheng 古城 Village, Xuchang county, Henan). Selected for inclusion in the Wen xuan, this long poem contains a detailed description of the hall and is rich in architectural detail. In addition to his treatise on the Laozi, He Yan composed “Wuwei lun” 無為論 (Disquisition on non-action) and “Wuming lun” 無名論 (Disquisition on the nameless), both of which are only partially extant. Lu Qinli includes three of He Yan’s poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. One piece, titled “Yan zhi shi” 言志詩 (Poem on stating my aims), is an example of an early xuanyan 玄言 poem. Bibliography Studies Fukunaga Mitsuji 福永光司. “Ka An no tachiba—sono gakumon to seiji rinen” 何晏の立場—その學問と政治理念. Aichi gakujutsu daigaku kenkyū hōkoku 7.2 (1958): 1–15. Suzuki Shūji 鈴木修次. “Ka An no shi ni tsuite” 何晏の詩について. Kanbun gakkai kaihō 27 (1968): 1–12. Fukushima Yoshiko 福島吉彥. “Ka An kenkyū—hen hōhen” 何晏研究—弁褒貶. Yamaguchi daigaku bungakukaishi 23 (1972): 31–47. Fukushima Yoshiko 福島吉彥. “Ka An shi kō” 何晏詩考. In Iriya kyōju Ogawa kyōju Chūgoku bungaku gogaku ronshū 入矢教授小川教授退休記念中國文學語 學論集. Kyoto: Chikuma shobō, 1974.

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Sun Shiming 孫實明. “Lüe lun Wang Bi He Yan de gui wu lun” 略論王弼何晏的貴 無論. Xueshu yuekan (1981: 10): 33–36. Ding Huaizhen 丁懷軫 and Ding Huaichao 丁懷超. “He Yan yu Wei Jin xuanxue de xingqi” 何晏與魏晉玄學的興起. Jinyang xuekan 37 (1988): 60–64. Yu Dunkang 余敦康. He Yan Wang Bi xuanxue xin tan 何晏王弼玄學新探. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1991; rpt. Beijing: Fangzhi chubanshe, 2007. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. “He Yan yu Cao Cao” 何晏與曹操. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 158 (1992): 47–67. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. “He Yan yu Cao Rui” 何晏與曹叡. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 162 (1993): 84–101. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. “Han Wei fojiao yu He Yan xuanxue guanxi zhi tansuo” 漢魏佛教與何晏玄學關係之探索. Zhonghua foxue xuebao 6 (1993): 207–17. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. “He Yan yu Cao Shuang” 何晏與曹爽. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 171 (1994): 104–21. Zhou Xingfen 周杏芬. “Shi tan shengren ‘wuqing’ yu ‘youqing’ zhi yi—yi He Yan Wang Bi zhi shuo wei li” 試探聖人「無情」與「有情」之義－以何晏、王弼之說 為例. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 184 (1995): 116–28. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. “He Yan Wang Bi shengping zhushu kao” 何晏王弼生平著 述考. Kong Meng xuebao 70 (1995): 159–93. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. “He Yan pingzhuan” 何晏評傳. In Wang Xiaoyi. Wang Bi pingzhuan 王弼評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1996. Wu Guanhong 吳冠宏. “He Yan ‘Shengren wuqing shuo’ shi jie—jian lun guanyu Wang Bi ‘shengren youqing shuo’ zhi zhengyi” 何晏「聖人無情說」試解－兼論 關於王弼「聖人有情說」之爭議. Taida Zhongwen xuebao 9 (1997): 257–81. Zheng Xin 鄭欣. “He Yan shengnian kao bian” 何晏生年考辨. Wen shi zhe (1998: 3): 46–52. Zhou Daxing 周大興. “He Yan xuanxue xinlun” 何晏玄學新論. Ehu xuezhi 22 (1999): 41–75. Chen Dehe 陳德和. “He Yan gui wu lun tan xi” 何晏貴無論探析. Ehu xuezhi 27 (2001): 33–61. Gao Huaping 高華平. “He Yan zhushu kao” 何晏著述考. Wenxian jikan (2003: 4): 69–80. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. “He Yan shizuo wei xuanyan shi de changshi zhi zuo bian” 何晏 詩作為玄言詩的嘗試之作辨. Guangxi Wuzhou shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 21.1 (2005): 1–3, 7. Fan Rong 樊榮. “He Yan de jiaowang ji qi yu Wang Bi de sixiang fenye” 何晏的 交往及其與王弼的思想分野. Henan shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 33.1 (2006): 138–40. Qin Yueyu 秦跃宇 and Long Yan 龍延. “He Yan xuan ru jianzhi sixiang fa wei” 何晏玄儒兼治思想發微. Guangxi shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 28.2 (2007): 67–71. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. Xuanyan shi yanjiu 玄言詩研究, 43–53. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007.

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Gong Xiaomei 貢小妹. “‘Jingfu dian fu’ yu He Yan de rujia sixiang—jian lun ‘Jingfu dian fu’ zhuzhi”『景福殿 賦』與何晏的儒家思想－兼論《景福殿賦》主旨. Anhui daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 26.2 (2002): 11–14. Fan Rong 樊榮. “ Bu tian chen yan’: He Yan ‘Jingfu dian fu’ zhong de rencai guannian tan xi” “補天讖言”: 何晏《景福殿賦》中的人才觀念探析. Nanyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 4.8 (2005): 58–61. Jin Zhenyu 金鎮宇. “He Yan shi kao” 何晏詩考. Huangshan xueyuan xuebao 8.6 (2006): 105–8.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 170–79. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Two, 279–304.

b. Lun yu jijie 論語集解 Muroya Kuniyuki 室谷邦行. “Ka En no kanten to sono jidai—Rongo shikkai kara mita gengaku seiritsu jōkyō no ittan” 何晏の觀點とその時代－「論語集解」か ら見た玄學成立情況の一端. Hokkaidō kōgyō daigaku kenkyū kiyō 22 (1994): 39–46. Cai Zhenfeng 蔡振豐. “He Yan Lun yu jijie de sixiang tese ji qi dingwei” 何晏《論 語集解》的思想特色及其定位. Taida Zhongwen xuebao 15 (2001): 41–60. Makeham, John. Transmitters and Creators: Chinese Commentators and Commentaries on the Analects, 23–47. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2003. Zhou Changmei 周昌梅. “He Yan Lun yu jijie banben kao bian” 何晏《論語集解》 版本考辨. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2005: 1): 77–82. Song Gang 宋鋼. “He Yan de Lun yu xue yanjiu” 何晏的《論語》學研究. Nanjing shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2008: 6): 140–46.

c. “Yan zhi shi” 言志詩 (Poem on stating my aims) Translation Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 300. DRK

He Zhangyu 何長瑜 (d. ca. 446) Song literatus. He Zhangyu’s ancestral home was Tan 郯 in Donghai 東海 commandery (modern Tancheng 郯城, Shandong). Ca. 426 he served as the tutor of

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Xie Huilian 謝惠連 (407–33), but he was not appreciated by his pupil’s father, Xie Fangming 謝方明 (380–426), governor of Guiji 會稽. When Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385–433) visited Guiji in 424, he met He Zhangyu. Impressed with He’s literary talent, which he compared to that of Wang Can 王粲 (177–217), he invited him to his estate in Shining 始寧 (near modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang). In 428, Xie Lingyun was removed from his post in the imperial court and returned to Shining, where he and his “Four Companions” (si you 四友) He Zhangyu, Xie Huilian, Xun Yong 荀雍 and Yang Xuanzhi 羊璿之 (d. 459) went on outings in the mountains and wrote poetry. Xie Lingyun’s biography in the Song shu comments that as a writer He Zhangyu was superior to Yang Xuanzhi but inferior to Xie Huilian. After Xie Lingyun was executed in 432, the Prince of Linchuan 臨川, Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 (403–444), appointed He Zhangyu secretary on his staff in Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat Jiangling 江陵, modern Jingzhou, Hubei). Liu Yiqing’s Jingzhou court included a number of literary luminaries including Bao Zhao 鮑照 (ca. 414–466) and Lu Zhan 陸展 (d. 454). He Zhangyu composed a poem poking fun at Lu Zhan for dyeing his grey hair black. Liu Yiqing found this piece offensive, and he had He Zhangyu transferred to the position of magistrate of Zengcheng 增城 (northeast of modern Zengcheng, Guangzhou). Ca. 444, the Prince of Luling 廬陵, Liu Shao 劉紹 (432–452), summoned He Zhangyu to Xunyang 尋陽 (administrative seat Chaisang, southwest of modern Jiujiang, Jiangxi) to serve as his administrative aide. He was caught in a storm on his way to the new post and drowned. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu records an eight-juan collection of He Zhangyu’s writings that was listed in a Liang period catalogue. This was lost already by the early Tang. Zhong Rong in the Shi pin places He’s poetry in the lower grade. Only two poem fragments are still extant, lines from the poem mocking Lu Zhan, and a lihe 離合 (anagram) composition. Kawakatsu Yoshio has proposed that He Zhangyu played a major role in the compilation of the Shishuo xinyu 世說新語 (A new account of tales of the world) that is traditionally attributed to Liu Yiqing. Bibliography Studies Kawakatsu Yoshio 川勝義雄. “Sesetsu shingo no hensen o megutte” 世說新語の編 纂をめぐって. Tōhōgaku hō 41 (1970): 217–34. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Bao Zhao jiaoyu kao lüe” 鮑照交遊考略. Zhenjiang shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1986: 4): 44–45. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 204–5.

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“Chao fu liao shi” 嘲府僚詩 (Poem mocking a bureau official)

Translation Frodsham, The Murmuring Stream, 61–62. WJ with additions by DRK

“Hengchui qu” 橫吹曲 (Songs for transverse winds) Martial music of Han and Wei period. The “Hengchui qu” was music of the Western Regions reputedly obtained by Zhang Qian 張騫 (d. ca. 114 b.c.e.) on his Central Asia expedition of 126 b.c.e. The Chinese transcription for the title of one song he brought back to Chang’an is “Mohe doule” 摩訶兜勒 (*ma-ha tuah-glәk). Some scholars argue Mohe Doule is a transcription of the name of an Indic word meaning Maha Doule or Greater “Doule,” Doule being the Chinese version of the name of a heretic who received enlightenment from Śākyamuni. Others have interpreted Mohe Doule as Maha Tukhara or Greater Tukhara, the state that occupied modern Tajikistan and northern Afghanistan. Emperor Wu’s court musician Li Yannian 李延年 (d. ca. 87 b.c.e.) followed the Central Asian tune to create twenty-eight stanzas (jie 解) of “new music” (xin sheng 新聲). This music was used as late as the Eastern Han for martial processions. By the Wei-Jin period, most of the work composed by Li Yannian was lost. None of it survives today. Later yuefu tunes reputedly inspired by the “Hengchui” music include “Chu sai” 出塞 (Going out the pass), “Ru sai” 入塞 (Entering the pass), and “Mei hua luo” 梅花落 (Apricot blossoms fall). “Hengchui qu” also is used to designate the “Liang gujiao hengqu qu” 梁鼓角橫吹曲 (q.v.). Studies Zhongduo 仲鐸. “Zhang Qian de huqu Li Yannian zao xing sheng bian wei” 張騫 得胡曲李延年造新聲辨偽. Xueyi zazhi 15.5 (1934). Wang Huihua 王輝華. “Fujian nanqu zhong de ‘Doule sheng’—‘Mohe Doule’ kaozheng yanjiu de cankao cailiao” 福建南曲中的《兜勒聲》—《摩訶兜勒》考證研究 的參考材料. Renmin yinyue (1984: 11): 38–41. Tian Qing 田青. “Qian lun Fojiao yu Zhongguo yinyue” 淺論佛教與中國音樂. Yinyue yanjiu (1987: 4): 26–34.

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Yin Falu 陰法魯. “Zhongguo gudai yinyue shiliao zaji san ze” 中國古代音樂史料雜 記三則. Yinyue yanjiu (1988: 1): 17–19. Yi Shui 易水. “Han Wei Liuchao de junyue—‘guchui’ he ‘hengchui’ 漢魏六朝的軍 樂—“鼓吹” 和 “橫吹”. Wenwu (1989: 7): 85–89. Yan Caiping 閻采平. “Beichao yuefu minge de nanliu ji qi dui Nanchao wentan de yingxiang” 北朝樂府民歌的南流及其對南朝文壇的影響. Xiangtan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1989): 48–53. Zheng Zuxiang 鄭祖襄. “Gujin zhu ‘Hengchui qu’ shiliao zhenwei kao”《古今注》“橫 吹曲” 史料真偽考. Zhongyang yinyue xueyuan xuebao (1994: 4): 44–46. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Liang gujiao hengchui qu zatan” 梁鼓角橫吹曲雜談. Chuxiong shizhuan xuebao (1995: 4): 20–24; rpt. Wang Yunxi. Yuefu shi shulun, 514–22. Li Xiaorong 李小榮. “Shilun Fojiao yinyue ji qi dongchuan” 試論佛教音樂及其東 傳. Fayin (2001: 2): 22–28. Sun Shangyong 孫尚勇. “Hengchui qu kao lun” 橫吹曲考論. Zhongguo yinyuexue (2003: 1): 109–22; rpt. Sun Shangyong. Yuefu wenxue wenxian yanjiu 樂府文學 文獻研究, 202–28. Beijing: Remin wenxue chubanshe, 2007. Chen Bin 陳斌. “Hengchui qu yu Nanchao biansai yuefu” 橫吹曲與南朝邊塞樂府. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2003: 1): 42–46. Zhang Peihua 張珮華. “Cong ‘Hengchui qu’ kan Yuefu shiji zhong de shaoshu minzu zuopin” 從 “橫吹曲” 看《樂府詩集》中的少數民族作品. Qinghai minzu xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 29.3 (2003): 97–99. Wei Jing 魏晶. “Nanbeichao qian Xiyu yinyue wenhua yanjiu chengguo shu yao” 南北朝前西域音樂文化研究成果述要. Xinjiang shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 25.4 (2004): 62–67. Yan Fuling 顏福鈴. “Ruhe you ye shui, bing yu duan ren chang?—yuefu hengchui qu ‘Longtou shui’ yuanliu ji chuangzuo fanshi kao lun” 如何幽咽水，幷欲斷人 腸?—樂府橫吹曲《隴頭水》源流及創作範式考論. Nanjing shifan daxue wenxueyuan xuebao (2004: 2): 72–78. Han Ning 韓寧. “Yuefu shiji ‘Guchui qu’ ‘Hengchui qu’ yanjiu”《樂府詩集》“鼓吹 曲、橫吹曲” 研究. M.A. thesis, Shoudu shifan daxue, 2006. Han Ning 韓寧 and Xu Wenwu 徐文武. “Hengchui qu yu biansai shi” 橫吹曲與邊 塞詩. Hebei daxue xuebao 31.3 (2006): 104–11. Liu Yudi 劉羽迪. “Beidi yue tanwei” 北狄樂探微. Yuefu xinsheng (2006: 4): 49–51. Xu Wenwu 徐文武 and Han Ning 韓寧. “Han hengchui qu ‘Chu sai’ qudiao laiyuan kao” 漢橫吹曲《出塞》曲調來源考. Wenxian jikan (2007: 2): 77–83. Yan Fuling 閻福鈴. “Yuefu hengchui quci ‘Chu sai’ ‘Ru sai’ chuangzuo laiyuan kao lun” 樂府橫吹曲辭《出塞》《入塞》創作來源考論. Hebei xuekan 27.2 (2007): 147–51. Wu Dashun 吳大順. “‘Beidi yue’ kao lun” “北狄樂” 考論. Huaihua xueyuan xuebao 26.10 (2007): 64–68; 27.7 (2008): 67–70. Bao Yin 鮑音. “Mohe Doule Beiqie’er Botou” 摩訶兜勒、悖挈兒、撥頭. Chifeng xueyuan xuebao (Hanwen zhexue shehui kexue ban) 28.4 (2007): 8–9. Zhang Chuan 張川. “‘Hengchui qu’ zhi yanjiu tanwei” “橫吹曲” 之研究探微. Hubei dier shifan xueyuan xuebao 25.3 (2008): 44–46. Han Ning 韓寧. “Yuefu hengchui qu ‘Mei hua luo’ kao” 樂府橫吹曲《梅花落》考. Yuefu xue 3 (2008): 260–68. Liu Huairong 劉懷榮. “Han Wei yilai beifang chui yue hengchui yue ji qi nanchuan kao lun” 漢魏以來北方吹樂橫吹樂及其南傳考論. Huangzhong (2009: 1): 72–78.

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Long Wenling 龍文玲. “Han Wudi shiqi yuefu geshi xianbian ji yu Xiyu yuewu zhi guanxi” 漢武帝時期樂府歌詩新變及與西域樂舞之關係. Minzu yishu (2008: 2): 56–61. DRK

Hou Han shu 後漢書 (History of the Later Han) History of the Eastern Han period (25–220). The Hou Han shu was compiled by Fan Ye 范曄 (398–446) in the period 432 to ca. 437 while he was serving as governor of Xuancheng 宣城 (modern Xuancheng, Anhui). Fan Ye came from a distinguished scholar-official family whose ancestral home was Shunyang 順陽 county in Nanyang 南陽 commandery (modern Zhechuan 浙川, Henan; alt. modern Neixiang 內鄉), Henan). His grandfather Fan Ning 范寧 (330–401) was a scholar of the classics and wrote the standard commentary to the Guliang zhuan. In 445, Fan became implicated in the plot of Kong Xixian 孔熙先 (d. 445) to install the Prince of Pengcheng 彭城, Liu Yikang 劉義康 (409–451), as emperor. He was arrested, put into prison, and executed. The Hou Han shu has a total of 120 juan that consists of imperial annals (9 juan), annals of empresses (1 juan), biographies (80 juan), and monographs (30 juan). It records 195 years of Eastern Han history, from the fall of the Xin 新 dynasty of Wang Mang 王莽 in 23 c.e. to the twenty-fifth year of Jian’an in the reign of Emperor Xian (220). Although Fan Ye is designated as the author, he actually only wrote the annals and the biographies. During the Liang dynasty, Liu Zhao 劉昭 (fl. 502–519) combined the eight monographs that had been compiled by Sima Biao 司馬彪 (240–ca. 306) for the Xu Han shu 續漢書 (Sequel to the history of the Later Han) with the annals and biographies. This is the received version of the Hou Han shu. According to Wang Xianqian 王先謙 (1842–1918) in the introduction to his Hou Han shu jijie 後漢書集解 (Collected commentaries to the history of the Later Han), there were some eighteen historical accounts of the Later Han period totaling 1000–plus juan, including the Dongguan Han ji 東觀 漢記 (Records of Han from the Eastern Institute) by Liu Zhen 劉珍 (d. ca. 126) and others, the Hou Han shu by Xie Cheng 謝承 (fl. ca. 220), the Xu Han shu by Sima Biao, the Hou Han shu by Hua Qiao 華嶠 (d. 293), the Hou Han shu by Xie Chen 謝沈 (fl. ca. 340), the Hou Han shu by Yuan Shansong 袁山松 (fl. ca. 400), the Hou Han shu by Xue Ying 薛瑩 (d. 282), the Hou Han nan ji 後漢南紀 (Southern? Records of the Later Han) by Zhang Ying 張瑩, and the Hou Han ji 後漢紀 (Records of the Later Han) by Yuan Hong 袁宏 (328–376). Fan Ye presumably relied on much of this material to compile his history.

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In the biographies section Fan Ye created several new categories: “Biographies of Women,” “Biographies of Literary Men,” “Biographies of the Proscribed Partisans,” “Biographies of Eunuchs,” and “Biographies of Recluses.” None of these categories can be found in the Shi ji or Han shu, but most of them were used in later histories. In the biographies section Fan does not follow a strict chronological scheme but often places accounts of individuals of the same type in the same chapter. For example, Zhang Chun 張純 (d. 56) was from the early Eastern Han, while Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–200) lived at the end of the Eastern Han. However, they have biographies in the same chapter because they both excelled in classical scholarship. Fan Ye has a tendency favorably to portray so-called men of integrity. These included independent-minded persons who did not hesitate to challenge authority as well as recluses and hermits. In the “Biographies of Proscribed Partisans,” Fan Ye sings the praises of some twenty-one men such as Zhang Jian 張儉 (115–198), Fan Pang 范滂 (137–169), Li Ying 李膺 (110–169), and Chen Fan 陳藩 (d. 188) who lost their lives in the political battles between the scholars and the eunuchs in the late Eastern Han. In the “Biographies of Recluses,” he shows high regard for the recluses Yan Guang 嚴光 (fl. 41), Liang Hong 梁鴻 (pre 24–post 80), and Han Kang 韓康 (fl. ca. 147–167). He also condemns bogus hermits who become recluses simply to enhance their reputations. Fan Ye was also the first historian to include “Biographies of Women.” He even wrote an extended biography of the twice-married Cai Yan, who was the most distinguished female writer of the late Eastern Han. The Hou Han shu is written in a terse but graceful style and has long been admired for its literary value. Fan Ye himself had a very high opinion of his writing, especially the prefaces and disquisitions. In his “Letter from Prison to My Nephews,” he said: “The disquisitions contained in the various biographies all have subtle thought and profound ideas, and because I wished to reduce the flavor, I purposely made the language and phrasing terse. As for the prefaces and disquisitions written for the biographies of reasonable officials down to those on the six tribes, the force of my writing is unrestrained. These are truly the most remarkable writings of the realm. Here and there they do not pale before the essay ‘Finding Fault with Qin’ [by Jia Yi 賈誼]. When I compare them to what Ban Gu has written, I do not feel I am put to shame.” Indeed, four of Fan Ye’s disquisitions were selected for inclusion in the Wen xuan, and they are generally praised for their “meticulous structuring and the expression of strong, well-considered opinions” (Ronald Egan, “The Prose Style of Fan Yen,” 349). Although Fan Ye wrote his history in a time when parallel prose was in vogue, his use of parallelism is more restrained than most of his contemporaries.

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In the Liang dynasty Liu Zhao wrote a commentary to Fan Ye’s history. Like Pei Songzhi’s commentary to the Sanguo zhi Liu Zhao did not explain the meaning of words but rather cited primary sources to supplement Fan Ye’s account. He also extracted the monographs from Sima Biao’s Xu Han zhi, made a commentary for them, and appended them to the Hou Han shu. Li Xian 李賢 (654–684), who was the son of Emperor Gaozong of the Tang, recruited a group of scholars, including Zhang Da’an 張大安 (?–684), and Liu Nayan 劉納言, to write a new commentary to Fan Ye’s history. This commentary primarily explains the meaning and pronunciation of words. With the appearance of the Li Xian commentary, scholars lost interest in Liu Zhao’s commentary and it became lost. The only part of his commentary that survives is the commentary on the monographs. It only lacks the last section of the “Monograph on Astronomy” and the fourth part of the “Monograph on the Five Elements.” The Hou Han shu was first printed in Chunhua 淳化 5 (994) of the Northern Song. This was a scholarly project undertaken under the auspices of Emperor Taizong 太宗 (r. 976–997). Another printing was issued in Jingde 景德 2 (1005) done at the command of Emperor Zhenzong 真宗 (r. 998–1022). Neither of these versions included the monographs. In Qianxing 乾興 1 (1022) Sun Shi 孫奭 (962–1033) petitioned the emperor to prepare a printing that included the treatises, which unlike those in Ban Gu’s Han shu were inserted after the liezhuan. In 1068 Emperor Shenzong 神宗 (1068–1085) commissioned Liu Bin 劉攽 (1022–1088) to prepare a critical edition of the Hou Han shu. Liu listed a large number of errors in a four-scroll work titled Dong Han shu kan wu 東漢書刊誤. In the Shaoxing 紹興 (1131–1162) period of the Southern Song a new printing was ordered. However, it was not issued until ca. 1163. A photo-reproduction of this edition was included in the Bona series of the standard histories. In the Ming dynasty the so-called Jianben 監本 or Academy editions were issued respectively in 1532 and 1606. In these printings the monographs were inserted between the basic annals and the biographies. This edition served as the basis for the Wuying dian 武英殿 edition that was printed in 1739. One important privately-prepared version is the Jigu ge 汲古閣 edition issued by Mao Jin 毛晉 in 1643. Mao printed the monographs after the biographies. Wang Xianqian 王先謙 (1842–1918) used this as the basis for his Hou Han shu jijie first printed in 1915. Bibliography Editions Hou Han shu 後漢書. 90 juan. In Shiqi shi 十七史 47–66. Qinchuan Maoshi Jigu ge 琴川毛氏汲古閣. 1843.

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Hou Han shu 後漢書. 120 juan. Wuying dian 武英殿 1739; rpt. Sibu beiyao; Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1956. Hou Han shu 後漢書. 100 juan. In Ershisi shi 二十四史. Jingling shuju, 1869. Wang Xianqian 王先謙 (1842–1918), ed. and comm. Hou Han shu jijie 後漢書集 解. 120 juan. 1915; rpt. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1955; Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995. Hou Han shu 後漢書. 12 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965.

Commentaries and Notes Hui Dong 惠棟 (1697–1758), comm. Hou Han shu buzhu 後漢書補注. 24 juan. Guoxue jiben congshu; Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Hui Dong惠棟 (1697–1758), comm. Hou Han shu xun zuan 後漢書訓纂. In Xu Shu 徐蜀, ed. Liang Han shu dingbu wenxian huibian 兩漢書訂補文獻彙編, 2: 367–935. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2004. Hang Shijun 杭世駿 (1696–1773). Hou Han shu mengshi 後漢書蒙拾. Liang Han shu dingbu wenxian huibian, 937–53. Qian Dazhao 錢大昭 (1744–1813). Hou Han shu bianyi 後漢書辨疑. Liang Han shu dingbu wenxian huibian, 955–1021. Shen Jiaben 沈家本 (1840–1913). Hou Han shu suoyan 後漢書瑣言. Liang Han shu dingbu wenxian huibian, 1023–57. Lin Maochun 林茂春 (Qing). Hou Han shu shiyi 後漢書拾遺. Liang Han shu dingbu wenxian huibian, 3: 1–36. Yao Zhiyin 姚之駰 (jinshi 1721). Hou Han shu buyi 後漢書補逸. 21 juan. Siku quanshu; Liang Han shu dingbu wenxian huibian, 3: 37–282. Hou Kang 侯康 (1798–1837), comm. Hou Han shu buzhu xu 後漢書補注續. Guangzhou: Guangya shuju, 1891; Liang Han shu dingbu wenxian huibian, 3: 537–83. Shen Qinhan 沈欽韓 (1775–1832), comm. Hou Han shu shuzheng 後漢書疏證. 30 juan. Hangzhou: Zhejiang guan shuju 浙江官書局, 1900; rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu; Liang Han shu dingbu wenxian huibian, 3: 585–608. Zhou Shouchang 周壽昌 (1814–1884), comm. Hou Han shu zhu buzheng 後漢書注 補正. Liang Han shu dingbu wenxian huibian, 609–574. Wang Xianqian 王先謙 (1842–1918), comm. Hou Han shu jijie 後漢書集解. 1915; rpt. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1955; Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995. Shi Zhimian 施之勉, comm. Hou Han shu jijie bu 後漢書集解補. Taipei: Zhongguo wenhua daxue chubanbu, 1982. Zhou Tianyou 周天游, comm. Bajia Hou Han shu jizhu 八家後漢書輯注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1986. Zhou Tianyou 周天游, ed. and comm. Hou Han shu jiaozhu 後漢書校注. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1987. Dai Fanyu 戴藩豫. Gaoben Hou Han shu shuji 稿本後漢書疏記. Beijing: Shumu wenxian chubanshe, 1995. Song Wenmin 宋文民. Hou Han shu kaoshi 後漢書考釋. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995. Yang Xiaoping 楊小平. “Hou Han shu gaishu”《後漢書》概述. In Hou Han shu yuyan yanjiu 後漢書語言研究, 1–20. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2004.

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hou han shu 後漢書 (history of the later han) Indexes and Reference Works

Hou Han shu ji zhushi zonghe yinde 後漢書及注釋綜合引得. Beiping: HarvardYenching Institute, 1949. Fujita Shizen 藤田至善, ed. Gokanjo goi shūsei 後漢書語彙集成. 3 vols. Kyoto: Kyoto daigaku Jinbun gagaku kenkyūjo, 1960–62. Wang Tianliang 王天良. Hou Han shu diming suoyin 後漢書地名索引. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1988. Zhang Shunhui 張舜徽, ed.-in-chief. Hou Han shu cidian 後漢書辭典. Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996.

Translations Zach, Erwin von. Die Chinesische Anthologie: Übersetzungen aus dem Wen hsüan, 2: 925–36. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958. Fujita Shizen 藤田至善, trans. Gokanjo 後漢書. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1970. Streffer, Johann Michael. Das Kapitel 86 (76) des Hou Han shu. Göppingen: A. Kümmerle, 1971. Ngo, Van Xuyet. Divination, magie, et politique dans la Chine ancienne. Paris: Presses Universitaries de France, 1976. Egan, Ronald. “The Prose Style of Fan Yeh,” 381–401. DeWoskin, Kenneth J. Doctors, Diviners, and Magicians of Ancient China: Biographies of Fang-shih. New York: Columbia University Press, 1983. Young, Gregory. Three Generals of Later Han. Faculty of Asian Studies Monographs, New Ser., No. 6. Canberra: Faculty of Asian Studies, Australian National University, 1984. Watson, Burton. “Hou Han shu: Biographies of Recluses.” Renditions 33/34 (Spring and Autumn 1990): 35–51. Asselin, Mark. “The Hou Han shu Biography of Cai Yong (a.d. 132/1330192). M.A. Thesis, University of Washington, 1991. Berkowitz, Alan. J. Patterns of Disengagement: The Practice and Portrayal of Reclusion in Early Medieval China, 162–70. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000. Watanabe Yoshihiro 波編義浩, ed. Zen yaku Gokanjo 全訳後漢書. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2001.

Baihua Translations Lei Guozhen 雷國珍, Wang Taili 汪太理, and Liu Jianglun 劉強倫, trans. Hou Han shu quanyi 後漢書全譯. 5 vols. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1995. Zhang Huikang 章惠康 and Yi Mengchun 易孟醇, trans. Hou Han shu jinzhu jinyi 後漢書今注今譯. 3 vols. Changsha: Yue Lu shushe, 1998.

Studies Fujita Shizen 藤田至善. “Gokanjo itsumin den ni tsuite no ikkōsatsu”「後漢書」逸 民傳についての一考察. Tōyōshi kenkyū 4.1 (1938): 45–49. Dai Fanyu 戴藩豫. Fan Ye ji qi Hou Han shu 范曄及其後漢書. Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1941.

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Bielenstein, Hans. “Prolegomena on the Historiography of the Hou Han shu,” combined with “The Restoration of the Han Dynasty.” BMFEA 26 (1954): 1–81 (l–209). Shu Shicheng 束世澄. “Fan Ye yu Hou Han shu” 范曄與後漢書. Lishi jiaoxue 125– 126 (1961: 11–12): 67–73. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Fan Ye Hou Han shu de xulun” 范曄後漢書的序論. Wenxue yichan zengkan 10 (1966): 52–65; rpt. Wang Yunxi. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue luncong 漢魏六朝文學論叢, 47–60. Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2002. Qian Mu 錢穆. “Fan Ye Hou Han shu he Chen Shou Sanguo zhi” 范曄後漢書與陳 壽三國志. Zhongguo shixue mingzhu 中國史學名著. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1973. Egan, Ronald C. “The Prose Style of Fan Ye.” HJAS 39 (1979): 339–401. Chen Guangchong 陳光崇. “Lun Fan Ye zhi si” 論范曄之死. Shixue shi yanjiu (1980: 1): 15–17. Shu Shicheng 束世澂. “Fan Ye yu Hou Han shu” 范曄與《後漢書》. In Zhongguo shixue shi lunji 中國史學史論集, ed.-in-chief Wu Ze 吳澤, 2: 271–99. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1980. Chen Qianjun 陳千鈞. “Fan Ye de zhezhong sixiang ji qi shengping” 范曄的折 衷思想及其生平. Dongbei shida xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1982: 2): 56–63. Chen Qianjun 陳千鈞. “Lun Fan Ye Hou Han shu de juda chengjiu ji qi dui houshi yingxiang” 論范曄《後漢書》的巨大成就及其對後世影響. Huanan shiyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1982: 3): 80–88; rpt. in Qu Donglin, ed. Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu, 76–93. Zhao Zhihan 趙之漢 and Lin Jianming 林劍鳴. “Fan Ye” 范曄. In Zhongguo shixuejia pingzhuan 中國史學家評傳, eds. Chen Qingquan 陳清泉 and Su Shuangbo 蘇霜 碧 et al., 184–209. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1985. Wang Liqi 王利器. “Hou Han shu you xu li wu xu chuanshuo” 後漢書有序例無敘 傳說. Sichuan shifan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1985: 1): 1–3. Gong Jianfeng 龔劍鋒. “Fan Ye jiguan kao” 范曄籍貫考. Shixue shi yanjiu (1987: 1): 78–81. Wang Jingui 王錦貴. Han shu he Hou Han shu《漢書》和《後漢書》. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1987. Shi Ding 施丁. “Tantan Fan Ye de shi lun” 談談范曄的史論. Xueshu yuekan (1988: 8): 67–71; rpt. in Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu, ed. Qu Lindong, 109–20. Zou Xianjun 鄒賢俊. “Fan Ye” 范曄. In Zhongguo gudai shixue renwu 中國古代史學 人物, eds. He Qiquan 何茲全 et al., 65–72. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1988. Wu Shuping 吳樹平. “Guanyu Fan Ye mou fan wenti de tantao” 關於范曄謀反問 題的探討. Qin Han wenxian yanjiu 秦漢文獻研究, 414–33. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1988. Wu Shuping 吳樹平. “Fan Ye Hou Han shu de zhuanxiu niandai” 范曄《後漢書》的 撰修年代. Qin Han wenxian yanjiu, 434–37. Wu Shuping 吳樹平. “Fan Ye Hou Han shu de zhi” 范曄《後漢書》的志. Qin Han wenxian yanjiu, 438–43. Wu Shuping 吳樹平. “Fan Ye Hou Han shu de Ji zhuan li” 范曄後《後漢書》的 《紀傳例》. Qin Han wenxian yanjiu, 444–50. Wu Shuping 吳樹平. “Fan Ye Hou Han shu yu Hua Qiao Hou Han shu” 范曄《後 漢書》與華嶠《後漢書》. Qin Han wenxian yanjiu, 451–62. Wu Shuping 吳樹平. “Fan Ye Hou Han shu yu Dongguan Han ji” 范曄《後漢書》與 《東觀漢紀》. Qin Han wenxian yanjiu, 463–85.

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Zhao Guohua 趙國華. “Tan Fan Ye Hou Han shu de xu lun zan” 談范曄《後漢書》的 序、論、贊. Huazhong shifan daxue xuebao (1998: 1): 87–93; rpt. in Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu, ed. Qu Donglin, 94–108. Qiu Hankang 裘漢康. “Lüe lun Hou Han shu renwu zhuan de wenxue jiazhi yu tese” 略論《後漢書》人物傳的文學價值與特色. Zhongshan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1989: 2): 78–84. Mansvelt-Beck, B.J. The Treatises of Later Han, Their Author, Sources, Contents and Place in Chinese Historiography. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1990. Chen Qianjun 陳千鈞, Huang Baoquan 黃寶權, and Yang Ai 楊皚. “Hou Han shu” 《後漢書》. In Zhongguo shixue mingzhu pingjie 中國史學名著評介, ed.-in-chief Cang Xiuliang 倉修良, 227–48. Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1990. Liu Chonglai 劉重來. “Shen Yue Song shu Fan Ye zhuan kao bian” 沈約《宋書‧范 曄傳》考辨. Wenxian (1995: 3): 130–40. Song Wenmin 宋文民. Hou Han shu kao shi 後漢書考釋. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995. Liu Chonglai 劉重來. “Dui Nanbeichao shijia Fan Ye de zai pingjia” 對南北朝史家 范曄的再評價. Tianzhong xuekan 10.2 (1995): 6–12. Han Jie 韓杰. “Fan Ye zunian bianzheng” 范曄卒年辨證. Shixue yuekan (1995: 1): 8. Cui Shuting 崔曙庭. “Fan Ye zai lishi bianzuan xue fangmian de chengjiu” 范曄在 歷史編纂學方面的成就. Tianzhong xuekan 11.1 (1996): 12–17. Liu Shi 劉石. “Hou Han shu Wen yuan zhuan de chuangli ji yiyi”《後漢書‧文苑 傳》的創立及意義. Gudian wenxue zhishi (1996: 4): 99–102. Zhou Xiaoyu 周曉瑜. “Li Xian zhu Hou Han shu qi qi shijian kao” 李賢注《後漢 書》起訖時間考. Wen shi zhe (1997: 5): 25–27. Wang Liqi 王利器. “Hou Han shu fawei”《後漢書》發微. Chuantong wenhua yu xiandaihua (1997: 5): 47–51; rpt. in Hou Han shu Sanguozhi yanjiu, ed. Qu Lindong, 128–36. Liu Hanzhong 劉漢忠. Shuo Fan Ye Hou Han shu zhi “zhi” 說范曄《後漢書》之 “志”. Wenxian (1997: 4): 187–92; rpt. in Hou Han shu Sanguozhi yanjiu, ed. Qu Lindong, 128–36. Lu Zongli 呂宗力. “Fan Yeh.” In Indiana Companion, Volume Two, 38–42. Wang Chunshu 王春淑. “Fan Ye Hou Han shu xu lun zan pingxi” 范曄《後漢 書》序論贊評析. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 25.4 (1998): 99–106. Qu Lindong 瞿林東. “Shuo Fan Ye Hou Han shu di ji hou lun” 說范曄《後漢書》 帝紀後論. Xuexi yu tansuo 131.6 (2000): 112–18; rpt. in Hou Han shu Sanguozhi yanjiu, ed. Qu Lindong, 137–51. Qu Lindong 瞿林東. “Guanyu Fan Ye shixue sixiang de liangge wenti” 關於范曄史 學思想的兩個問題. Dongyue luncong 東岳論叢 22.4 (2001): 80–85. Pang Tianyou 龐天佑. “Lun Fan Ye de shixue sixiang” 論范曄的史學思想. Shixue shi yanjiu 104.4 (2001): 33–41. Pang Tianyou 龐天佑. “Lun Fan Ye de lishi renshi lun” 論范曄的歷史認識論. Zhongzhou xuekan (2003: 4): 113–16, 123. Qiu Min 邱敏. “Fan Ye Hou Han shu” 范曄《後漢書》. Liuchao shixue 六朝史學, 272–95. Nanjing: Nanjing chubanshe, 2003. Zou Mingjun 鄒明軍. “Dong Han yimin de guiyin ji qi yu tongzhizhe de hudong—du Fan Ye Hou Han shu Yimin liezhuan” 東漢逸民的歸隱及其與統治者的互動—讀范 曄《後漢書‧逸民列傳》. Neijiang shifan xueyuan xuebao 19.1 (2004): 107–11.

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Hao Runhua 郝潤滑. “Fan Ye Hou Han shu de bianxiu” 范曄《後漢書》的編修. Liuchao shiji yu shixue 六朝史籍與史學, 69–76. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Cheng Fangyong 程方勇. “Cong pianli qingxiang tan Fan Ye Hou Han shu de xu lun” 從駢儷傾向談范曄《後漢書》的序、論. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan yanjiuyuan xuebao (2005: 1): 75–79. Qu Lindong 瞿林東 and Li Zhen 李珍. Fan Ye pingzhuan 范曄評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2006. Wang Chong 王冲. “Hou Han shu yun li yanjiu”《後漢書》韻例研究. Beifang luncong 205.5 (2007): 65–67. Qu Lindong 瞿林東, ed. Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu 後漢書、三國志研究. Beijing: Zhongguo da baike quanshu chubanshe, 2009. DRK

Hou Jin 侯瑾 (ca. 140–ca. 195), zi 子瑜 Eastern Han writer. Hou Jin’s natal and ancestral home was Dunhuang 敦煌 (modern Dunhuang, Gansu). Born into a poor family, he was a diligent student and acquired considerable learning. Beginning ca. 167 Hou Jin declined several invitations to serve in office. He composed “Jiaoshi lun” 矯世論 (Disquisition correcting the world) to criticize the mores of his times. This piece is no longer extant. Hou Jin took up residence in the mountains where he composed the hypothetical discourse “Ying bin nan” 應賓難 (Replying to a guest’s objections) to justify his refusal to pursue an official career. This composition has not survived. He compiled a history of the Later Han from the founding of the dynasty to his own time. This work in thirty juan is variously known as Huang de zhuan 皇德傳 (Account of imperial virtue) or Han huang de ji 漢皇德記 (Notes on Han imperial virtue). It and Hou Jin’s two-juan collected works were lost in the Song period. Yan Kejun has collected fragments of two prose pieces in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Bibliography Studies Lu Kanru. Zhonggu wenxue xinian, 243, 297–98. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yuheng. Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 311–12. Kou Jia 寇甲. “Dunhuang xueren Hou Jin zhushu kaolüe” 敦煌學人侯瑾著述考略. Dunhuang xue jikan (1998.2): 152–53. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 322. WJ and DRK

380

hu guang 胡廣 (91–172), zi boshi 伯使

Hu Guang 胡廣 (91–172), zi Boshi 伯使 Eastern Han writer and statesman. Hu Guang’s natal place was Huarong 華容 in Nan commandery 南郡 (north of modern Jianli 監利, Hubei). His father Hu Gong 胡貢 (also written Hu Chong 胡寵) served as commander-in-chief of Jiaozhi 交祉 (administrative seat east of modern Hanoi, Vietnam). His mother and father both passed away when Hu Guang was young, and he was raised by his stepmother Huang Lieying 黃列贏 (79–169). Hu Guang grew up poor and worked as a minor functionary in his home commandery. Fa Zhen 法真 (100–188), son of the Nan commandery governor Fa Xiong 法雄 (fl. 107–117), was gifted in recognizing people’s talents. When recommendations were due toward the end of the year, Fa Xiong asked his son Fa Zhen to help with the selection. Fa Zhen clandestinely observed the candidates through the window of the assembly hall. He pointed at Hu Guang and told his father that Hu Guang was the one. Hu Guang was thus recommended as “filial and incorrupt.” This occurred in 117 when Hu Guang was twenty-seven years old. When he arrived at the capital, Hu Guang was tested in writing petitions and other court writings. Emperor An (r. 107–125) considered Hu Guang’s compositions the best, and he appointed him secretarial court gentleman but soon promoted him to vice director of the imperial secretariat. In 131 Emperor Shun (r. 126–144) was about to select an empress from his four favored ladies, but he did not know which one to choose. Hu Guang submitted a petition and suggested that the emperor pick a virtuous one who came from a good family. Emperor Shun followed his recommendation and selected Liang Na 梁妠 (116–150). The Liang family soon dominated the court. In 132, when Zuo Xiong 左雄 (d. 138), director of the secretarita, proposed to reform the system of selecting and recommending men for office, Hu Guang submitted a petition opposing the proposed changes. Emperor Shun did not accept his recommendation. Hu Guang was then appointed governor of Jiyin 濟陰 (west of modern Dingtao, Shandong). In 133, he was removed from this position on the grounds that he did not nominate suitable candidates for office. Two years later (135), Hu Guang was appointed governor of Runan 汝南, (administrative seat Xuanhucheng 懸瓠城, south of modern Luohe, Henan). In 140 Hu Guang returned to the imperial court where he held a series of high offices including chamberlain for the national treasury (140), minister of education (142), and defender-in-chief (146). He resigned from the latter position in 147 on grounds of illness but soon returned to the imperial court as minister of works. In 153, Hu Guang returned to his

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former post of commander-in-chief but resigned the next year after the occurrence of an eclipse. Five years later (158) he returned to the court first as chamberlain for ceremonials and again as commander-in-chief. In 159, as a supporter of Liang Ji 梁冀 (d. 159), who was ousted from power and forced to commit suicide, Hu Guang was removed from office and reduced to commoner status. However, in 161, his official rank was restored and he returned to the court as superior grand master of the palace and director of the imperial secretariat (162). In 163, Hu Guang was appointed to a series of high offices. In 168, he shared administration of the imperial secretariat with Chen Fan 陳蕃 (d. 168). After Chen Fan was assassinated by guards loyal to the eunuchs, Hu Guang succeeded him as grand tutor, a position in which he served until his death at the age of eighty-two in 172. His former student Cai Yong 蔡邕 (133–192) composed his grave inscription. Hu Guang had the longest official career of the Han dynasty. He was cautious, respectful, and submissive when attending court. He was well read and could clearly interpret court documents and regulations. However, he is usually faulted for lack of integrity and loyalty. According to Hu Guang’s biography in the Hou Han shu (44.511), Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 c.e.) composed twelve admonitions on the provinces and twenty-five admonitions on official offices. However, nine of his admonitions were missing or in fragments. In the Eastern Han, Cui Yin 崔駰 (30?–92), his son Cui Yuan 崔瑗 (78–143), and Liu Taotu 劉騊駼 (ca. 70–ca. 130) added sixteen additional pieces. Hu Guang added four more. He arranged the pieces in order, provided a commentary, and gave it the title “Baiguan zhen” 百官箴 (Admonitions on the official offices). It contained forty-eight admonitions. The biography also mentions that he composed twenty-two pieces in various genres including poems, fu, stele inscriptions, eulogies and laments. Yan Kejun has collected fourteen of his prose works in his Quan Shanggu sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Bibliography Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 299. Lu Kanru. Zhonggu wenxue xinian, 117–18, 122, 135, 140–42, 159, 162–66, 168–69, 173, 179, 182–83, 189, 192–93, 201, 205, 207, 215–16, 219–21, 224, 232–33, 236, 243, 245, 248, 251–52. de Crespigny, A Bibliographical Dictionary, 326–7. TPK

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Hu Ji 胡濟 (fl. 290–312) Western Jin writer. Hu Ji’s dates and natal place are unknown. The biography of Wu Chao 伍朝 in the Jin shu has a short sentence indicating that when regional inspector Liu Hong 劉弘 recommended Wu Chao as governor of Lingling 零陵, secretarial court gentleman Hu Ji submitted a petition urging the court to accept this recommendation. Wu Chao was a hermit during the reign of Emperor Hui (r. 290–306). Thus, Hu Ji must have been a contemporary of Wu Chao and probably was active during the Emperor Hui reign. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list list Hu Ji’s collected works in five juan. This was lost in the Song. Most of Hu Ji’s writings have not survived. Yan Kejun collects only four pieces in Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. These include the petition recommending Wu Chao, and fragments of two fu, “Changu fu” 瀍谷賦 (Fu on the Chan River valley) and “Huanggan fu” 黃甘賦 (Fu on the sweet peel tangerine). Bibliography Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxiejia dacidian, 301. TPK

Hu Sou 胡叟 (fl. 415–440), zi Lunxu 倫許 Sixteen States and Northern Wei period writer. Hu Sou’s ancestral home was Linjing 臨涇 in Anding 安定 commandery (modern Zhenyuan 鎮原, Gansu). The Anding Hu clan was a distinguished family during the Northern Wei. Hu Sou was a precocious child who demonstrated unusual writing skill at a young age. In 415, when he was eighteen, Hu Sou went to Chang’an where he was rudely received by Wei Zusi 韋祖思 of Jingzhao 京兆 (Chang’an). Hu Sou returned to his host’s home and composed a long poem on the Du 杜 and Wei families (the Du clan was also from Jingzhao). Unable to obtain employment in Chang’an, Hu Sou traveled to Hanzhong 漢中 (modern southern Shaanxi) and later to Shu (modern Sichuan), where he stayed for about five years. Ca. 438, Hu Sou tried to obtain a position at the Northern Liang court of the Xiongnu ruler

hu zong 胡綜 (183–243), zi weize 偉則 (or 緯則)

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Juqu Muqian 沮渠牧犍 (r. 433–439). After the fall of the Northern Liang in 439, Hu Sou returned north and joined the Northern Wei court, which appointed him General Awesome as a Tiger and enfeoffed him Baron of Shifu (Shifu nan 始復男). In his later years Hu Sou lived a simple life in Miyun 密雲 (modern Miyun, Beijing). Hu died at the age of eighty. Hu Sou was on good terms with Gao Yun 高允 (399–487) and Gao Lü 高閭 (ca. 424–502). Hu Sou composed a preface for Gao Lü’s “Xuan ming fu” 宣命賦 (Fu on promulgating a command). Hu Sou has only one extant poem, “Zeng Cheng Boda” 贈程伯達 (Presented to Cheng Boda), which he wrote for his close friend Cheng Boda 程伯達. It is included in his biography in the Wei shu and has been collected in the Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi. Bibliography Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 300–1. WJ

Hu Zong 胡綜 (183–243), zi Weize 偉則 (or 緯則) Wu State prose writer. Hu Zong’s natal place was Gushi 固始 in Runan 汝南 commandery (modern Linquan 臨泉, Anhui). His father died when Hu Zong was young, and he and his mother took refuge in the lower reaches of the Yangtze River. In 196, the fourteen-year-old Hu Zong was a fellow student of the thirteenyear-old Sun Quan 孫權 (182–252) whose older brother Sun Ce 孫策 (175– 200) served as governor of Guiji 會稽 (modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang). In 200, after Sun Ce was assassinated, the eighteen-year-old Sun Quan inherited the lands southeast of the Yangtze River. He appointed Hu Zong as retainer of the revenue section under his administration. After he moved his capital from Wuchang 吳昌 (modern Ezhou, Hubei) to Jianye 建業 (modern Nanjing), Sun Quan appointed Hu Zong administrator of the documents bureau and entrusted him with the state’s confidential affairs. Sun Quan declared himself King of Wu in 220, and in 222 assumed the imperial title of the Wu dynasty. In 229, a yellow dragon reportedly appeared at Xiakou 夏口 (modern Wuhan, Hubei), and Sun Quan changed his reign title to Huanglong 黃龍 (Yellow dragon). He ordered Hu Zong to compose a fu to commemorate this occasion. In the same year, Shu sent Chen Zhen 陳震

384

hu zong 胡綜 (183–243), zi weize 偉則 (or 緯則)

(d. 235) as an emissary to Wu to negotiate an alliance. Hu Zong composed the text of the covenant concluded between the two states. Hu Zong soon was promoted to palace attendant and awarded the title “township marquis.” During his service in Wu, Hu Zong composed most of the edicts and proclamations that emanated from the court. He died in 243. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Hu Zong’s collected works in two juan. This collection was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected six of Hu Zong’s prose writings in “Quan Sanguo wen” (67) of Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Hu Zong’s biography in the Sanguo zhi preserves the text of “Huanglong daya fu” 黃龍大牙賦 (Fu on the great ivory-decorated yellow dragon pennant), which he composed in 229 to celebrate the appearance of the yellow dragon in Xiakou. His biography also preserves a piece that is often given the title “Ni Wu Zhi lai xiang wen” 擬吳質來降文 (Fabricated surrender document of Wu Zhi). Hu Zong composed this piece after a Wei prisoner reported that Wu Zhi 吳質 (177–230) was disaffected from the Wei court and wished to surrender to Sun Quan. Hu Zong wrote a three-part “offer of surrender” in Wu Zhi’s voice. Another important prose work composed by Hu Zong is the covenant signed by Wu and Shu in 229. Bibliography Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 301. Xu Gongchi. Wei Jin wenxue shi, 225–26. TPK

Hua He 華覈 (219–278), zi Yongxian 永先 Wu State writer and historian. Hua He’s ancestral home was Wujin 武進 of Wu commandery 吳郡 (modern Changzhou 常州, Jiangsu). His first official appointment was district defender and commandant of agriculture in Shangyu 上虞 county (modern Shangyu, Zhejiang). By virtue of his learning Hua He was appointed assistant in the palace library. He soon was promoted to assistant to the palace secretary. When Sun Liang 孫亮 (243–260, r. 252–258) ascended the Wu throne in 252, Hua He, Wei Zhao 韋昭 (201–273), Xue Ying 薛瑩 (d. 282), et al. were commissioned to compile the Wu shu 吳書 (History of the Wu state). When Sun Hao 孫皓 (242–283, r. 264–280) succeeded to the throne in 264, he conferred on Hua He the noble title neighborhood marquis of

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Xuling 徐陵. In 267, Sun Hao undertook a large renovation of the imperial palace. Hua He submitted a petition admonishing him about the land that would be left uncultivated and the time that would be wasted on such a project. Sun Hao did not heed Hua’s advice and transferred him to the posts of Director of the Eastern Institute and right state historiographer. Hua He again submitted a petition protesting the renovation project. Sun Hao replied, “You are well versed in ancient texts and are broadly learned. You deserve to be called a person who loves rites and music and who is devoted to the Songs and Documents. You should ply your brush with great rhetorical flourish to glorify events of the age and thereby surpass the literary achievements of Yang Xiong, Ban Gu, Zhang Heng and Cai Yong.” Hua He presented numerous other petitions to the court, including separate petitions in defense of Wei Zhao and Xue Ying who had been put into prison for offending Sun Hao. In 275, Hua He was removed from office because of a minor offense. He passed away in the fifth month of 278 at the age of sixty. Chen Shou in the critical assessment appended to the biography of Hua He in the Sanguo zhi says Hua He’s literary talent surpassed that of Wei Zhao. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions a listing in a Liang period catalogue of Hua He’s collected works in five juan. The Jiu Tang shu records a three-juan version while the Xin Tang shu lists a fivejuan edition. This collection was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected eleven of his prose writings in “Quan Sanguo wen” (74) of Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Except for two lines of “Ju fu” 車賦 (Fu on a chariot), the pieces are all petitions that Hua He presented to the Wu court. Bibliography Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 106. Wang Yongping 王永平. Sun Wu zhengzhi yu wenhua shi lun 孫吳政治與文化史論, 353, 365. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005. TPK

Huainan Xiaoshan 淮南小山 A reputed fu writer of the early Western Han. Huainan Xiaoshan reputedly was a retainer at the court of Liu An 劉安 (179–122 b.c.e.), King of Huainan. He is attributed with the “Zhao yinshi”

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招隱士 (Summoning the recluse), a poem in the Chu ci. However, this piece

is also credited to Liu An himself. Professor Jao Tsung-i interprets Huainan Xiaoshan not as a person’s name but a book title. Studies Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. Xuantang fuhua 選堂賦話. In Kenneth P. H. Ho 何沛雄, ed. Fuhua liuzhong 賦話六種, 88–89. Hong Kong: Wanyou tushu gongsi, 1975. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 419. Gong Qiu 龔俅. “Guanyu Chu ci ‘Zhao yinshi’ de jige wenti” 關於《楚辭‧招隱 士》的幾個問題. Suzhou keji xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 24.1 (2007): 58–63. DRK

Huan Bin 桓彬 (133–178), zi Yanlin 彦林 Eastern Han scholar and writer. Huan Bin’s ancestral home was Longkang 龍亢 in Pei 沛 principality (northeast of modern Huaiyuan 懷遠, Anhui). He was a fifth-generation descendant of Huan Rong 桓榮 (d. ca. 60), who was a distinguished scholar-official of the early Eastern Han, and the son of Huan Lin 桓麟 (ca. 110–ca. 150). As a youngster, he and Cai Yong 蔡邕 (133–192) enjoyed equal renown. He was first recommended as “filial and incorrupt,” and later appointed secretarial court gentleman. At that time, Feng Fang 馮方, son-in-law of the eunuch Cao Jie 曹節 (d. 181), was also serving as secretarial court gentleman. Huan Bin was a person of moral integrity. He was on good terms with his fellow officials Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23 c.e.) and Du Xi 杜希, but he never dined or drank with Feng Fang. Resented for being excluded, Feng Fang disseminated a rumor that these three had formed a “drinking clique.” When Liu Meng 劉猛, director of the imperial secretariat, was ordered to investigate this case he ignored it because he knew Huan Bin was a decent man. Cao Jie was furious and accused Liu Meng of belonging to the same clique. He presented a petition requesting that Huan Bin be put in prison. The court officials were all disenchanted about the situation, but Liu Meng was unperturbed. Huan Bin was released from prison about ten days later. He was removed from his position, and was barred from holding office for the rest of his life. In 178, he died at home at the age of forty-six. Scholars were all sad and distressed about his passing. Upon his death, Cai Yong wrote a grave inscription for him. According to Huan Bin’s biography in the Hou Han shu he had left a work titled “Qishuo” 七說 (Seven explanations) and three letters. The only

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extant work is a short fragment from the “Qi shuo.” However, since Huan Bin’s father is also credited with a “Qi shuo” it is not certain whether this is a separate work or actually belongs to his father’s “Qi shuo.” Bibliography Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 330. Gong Kechang. Quan Han fu pingzhu, 3: 810–12. de Crespigny, A Biographical Dictionary, 334. TPK

Huan Kuan 桓寬 (fl. 81–60 b.c.e.), zi Cigong 次公 Western Han prose writer. Huan Kuan’s ancestral home was Runan 汝南 commandery (southwest of modern Shangcai 上蔡, Henan). Schooled in the Gongyang tradtion of the Chunqiu, he was appointed gentleman at the imperial court. During the reign of Emperor Xuan (r. 74–49 b.c.e.), he served as assistant to the governor of Lujiang 盧江. His work Yantie lun 鹽鐵論 (Discourses on Salt and Iron) in sixty chapters was an important work on economic policies in Han times. This work itself was actually a record of discussions held in the sixth year of Emperor Zhao’s reign (81 b.c.e.). The Emperor summoned his counselor-in-chief, censors and scholars to discuss policies on salt and iron. Huan Kuan took notes, put them in order and compiled this work. The first forty-one chapters are discussions among the court officials, and the remaining nineteen chapters are comments and debates presented by noted scholars. Editions and Commentaries Lao Gan 勞幹. “Yantie lun zhaji” 鹽鐵論札記. Zhongyan yanjiuyuan lishi yuyuan yanjiusuo jikan 5.1 (1935): 13–52. Lin Zhenhan 林振翰, ed. and comm. Yantie lun jiaoshi 鹽鐵論校釋. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1956. Guo Moruo 郭沫若, ed. and comm. Yantie lun duben 鹽鐵論讀本. Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 1957. Yang Shuda 楊樹達. Yantie lun yaoshi 鹽鐵論要釋. Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 1957; rpt. Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1958; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1963; Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985.

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Wang Liqi 王利器, ed. and comm. Yantie lun jishi 鹽鐵論集釋. Shanghai: Gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1958; rpt. Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1962; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992. Wang Peizheng 王佩諍. Yantie lun zhaji 鹽鐵論札記. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1958; rpt. Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1962. Xu Depei 徐德培, ed. and comm. Yantie lun jishi 鹽鐵論集釋. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1975. Ma Feibai 馬非白, ed. and comm. Yantie lun jian zhu 鹽鐵論簡注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984. Zhang Zhixiang 張之象. Yantie lun zhu 鹽鐵論注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1990.

Index and Concordance Yamada Katsumi 山田勝美, ed. Entetsuron sakuin 鹽鐵論索引. Tokyo: Tōyō daigaku Chūtetsubun kenkyūshitsu, 1970. Yantie lun zhuzi suoyin 鹽鐵論逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1994.

Translations Gale, Esson M., trans. Discourses on Salt and Iron: A Debate on State Control of Commerce and Industry in Ancient China. Leyden: E.J. Brill., 1931; rpt. Taipei: Chengwen, 1967. Gale, Esson M., Peter A. Boodberg, and T.C. Lin, trans. “Discourses on Salt and Iron (Yen T’ieh Lun: chapters XX–XXVIII). Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 65 (1934): 73–110; rpt. Taipei: Chengwen, 1967. Sogabe Shizuo 曾我部靜雄, trans. Entetsuron yakuchū 鹽鐵論譯注. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1934. Yamada Katsumi 山田勝美, trans. Entetsuron 鹽鐵論. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1967. Satō Taketoshi 佐藤武敏, trans. Entetsuron: Kandai no keizai ronsō 鹽鐵論: 漢代の 經濟論爭. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1978.

Baihua Translations Lu Liehong 盧烈紅, trans. and comm. Xinyi Yantie lun 新譯鹽鐵論. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1995. Wang Zhenmin 王貞旼, trans. and comm. Yantie lun yizhu 鹽鐵論譯注. Changchun: Jilin wen shi chubanshe, 1995.

Studies Yamada Katsumi 山田勝美. “Entetsuron no buntai kō—Kandai ni okeru buntai to shisō no kankei” 鹽鐵論の文體考—漢代における文體と思想の關係. Tetsugaku (1955: 5): 72–86. Wang Yunwu 王雲五. “Huan Kuan de zhengzhi sixiang” 桓寬的政治思想. Dongfang zazhi, “Fukan” 2.6 (1968): 16–25. Loewe, Michael. Crisis and Conflict in Han China, 91–112. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1974.

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Xu Fuguan 徐復觀. “Yantie lun zhong de zhengzhi shehui wenhua wenti” 鹽鐵論 中的政治社會文化問題. Xinya xuebao 11 (1976): 337–418. Huang Jinhong 黃錦鋐. “Huan Kuan—Xi Han Kongxue zhi fenqi” 桓寬—西漢孔 學之分歧. In Huang Jinghong. Qin Han sixiang yanjiu 秦漢思想研究, 207–40. Taipei: Xuehai chubanshe, 1979. Guo Shihao 郭士浩. “Tantan Yantie lun de banben” 談談鹽鐵論的版本. Nankai xuebao (1980: 1): 73–75. Xie Xiaoping 謝孝萍. “Yantie lun jiaozhu xiao yi” 鹽鐵論校注小議. Wen shi 17 (1983): 104–21. Lin Pinghe 林平和. “Huan Kuan Yantie banben chutan” 桓寬鹽鐵版本初探. Zhongyang daxue wenxueyuan yuankan 1 (1983): 27–50. Lin Pinghe 林平和. “Yantie lun xiuci zhi yanjiu” 鹽鐵論修辭之研究. Zhongyang daxue wenxueyuan yuankan 4 (1986): 15–78. Liu Guangsheng 劉光勝. “Guo Moruo jiaoding Yantie lun duben zhiyi shi li” 郭沫 若校訂《鹽鐵論讀本》質疑十例. Tianjin shida xuebao (1988: 6): 59–62. Zhang Dunren 張敦仁. Yantie lun kaozheng 鹽鐵論考證. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1991. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Yantie lun yu Xi Han Shi jing xue”《鹽鐵論》與西漢《詩 經》學. Hebei shiyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1994: 3): 67–72. Han Jiancheng 韓建誠. “Yantie lun de jiegou fenxi yu yizao wenti”《鹽鐵論》的結 構分析與臆造問題. Zhongguo wenhua (1996: 2): 159–67. Tao Tianyi 陶天翼. “Yen T’ieh Lun (鹽鐵論 Discourses on Salt and Iron) as a Historical Source.” Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan 57.4 (1996): 743–77. Li Yiyan 李怡嚴. “Yantie lun zakao san ze”《鹽鐵論》雜考三則. Qinghua xuebao 301 (2000): 113–21. Loewe, “Huan Kuan.” Biographical Dictionary, 163. Hei Kun 黑琨. “Yantie lun shuming bian yi”《鹽鐵論》書名辨義. Jilin shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (2003: 3): 52–53. Hei Kun 黑琨. “Yantie lun chengshu shijian kao”《鹽鐵論》成書時間考. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 30.2 (2003): 76–79. Xing Peishun 邢培順. “Lun Huan Kuan Yantie lun de chuangzuo” 論桓寬《鹽鐵 論》的創作. Binzhou xueyuan xuebao 21.1 (2005): 45–47. Wang Yong 王永. “Yantie lun chengshu shijian zai kao lun”《鹽鐵論》成書時間再 考論. Ningxia shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue) 30.1 (2009): 16–21. TPK with additions by DRK

Huan Lin 桓麟 (ca. 110–ca. 150), zi Yuanfeng 元鳳 Late Eastern Han writer. Huan Lin’s ancestral and natal home was Longkang 龍亢 in Pei 沛 principality (northeast of modern Huaiyuan 懷遠, Anhui). His father Huan Feng 桓鳳 was the fifth son of Huan Yu 還郁 (d. 93), a prominent scholarofficial at the beginning of the Eastern Han. Ca. 147, Huan Lin was appointed consultant at the imperial court where he offended the attendants of the emperor and was sent out as magistrate of Xu 許 (modern

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Xuchang, Henan). He resigned from office on grounds of illness. Huan Lin died shortly thereafter at the age of forty-one. According to Huan Lin’s biography in the Hou Han shu he had left twenty-one works in various genres including stele inscription, dirge, encomium, and persuasion. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in two juan. This was lost already in Tang times. All that survives of his writings are two prose pieces. The first is a fragment of “Qi shuo” 七說 (Seven explanations), which appears to be a “sevens” composition. The other piece is “Liu Kuan bei” 劉寬碑 (Stele inscription for Liu Kuan). Since Liu Kuan died in 185, Huan Lin cannot have composed this inscription. Lu Qinli in the Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi has collected a few lines from Huan’s only extant poem that he reputedly composed at the age of twelve. Bibliography Studies Lu Kanru. Zhonggu wenxue xinian, 152, 169, 199. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Zhongguo wenxuejia daicidan, 331. Gong Kechang. Quan Han fu pingzhu, 3: 771–75. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 335–36. WJ

Huan Tan 桓譚 (23 b.c.e–56 c.e, alt. ca. 43 b.c.e.–28 c.e., 40 b.c.e.– 31 c.e.), zi Junshan 君山 Late Western Han early Eastern Han writer and thinker. Huan Tan’s ancestral home was Xiang 相 county in Pei 沛 commandery (northwest of modern Suixi 濉溪, Anhui). However, he may have been born near the Western Han capital of Chang’an where his father served at the imperial court during the reign of Emperor Cheng (r. 32–7 b.c.e.). In 11 b.c.e Huan Tan accompanied the imperial procession to the Sweet Springs Palace to view the sacrifices to Taiyi 太一 (Grand Unity). The same year on the way to Fenyin 汾陰 (west of modern Wanrong 萬榮, Shanxi) in Hedong commandery, the imperial entourage stopped at the Palace of the Assembled Worthies near Mount Hua 華山 (south of modern Huayin 華陰, Shaanxi). Emperor Wu had constructed this palace, probably to honor the immortals that he had so ardently sought to meet. At the palace, possibly upon imperial command from Emperor Cheng, Huan Tan composed a fu that was carved on a palace gate. Titled “Wang xian fu” 望仙賦 (Fu on

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gazing upon the immortals), this fu is in the tradition of the Chu ci poem “Yuan you” 遠遊 (Far Roaming) and Sima Xiangru’s “Daren fu” 大人賦 (Fu on the great man), and depicts the fantastic flights of the immortals across the heavens. It is a eulogy for the two most famous immortals, Wangzi Qiao 王子喬 and Chi Song 赤松. The surviving portion of the fu is nothing more than an enumeration of their fabulous powers, presumably obtained by performing various breathing exercises and ingesting herbs and elixirs. Huan Tan’s father was a specialist in music and served during the reign of Emperor Cheng as grand director of music in which capacity he was primarily responsible for providing musical and other types of entertainment for the court. Because of his father’s position, Huan Tan was able to obtain appointment at the court as gentleman. Ca. 7 b.c.e. he was appointed to the position his father had held, grand director of music. Huan Tan mentions in his Xin lun 新論 (New disquisitions) that in this capacity he supervised over one thousand performers, jesters, and musicians. Huan Tan’s service as grand director of music must have been short, for the office was abolished three months into the reign of Emperor Cheng’s successor, Emperor Ai (the edict abolishing the Music Bureau was issued 17 April ). Huan Tan seems to have preferred the so-called music of Zheng, which was a designation for new popular as opposed to older classical music. This was one of the few points on which he disagreed with Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.– 18 c.e.), whom Huan Tan considered something of a mentor. Although Huan Tan disagreed with Yang Xiong on music, he shared Yang Xiong’s view of scholarship. Like Yang Xiong, Huan Tan preferred the philological mode of classical exegesis called xungu 訓詁 (meaning and pronunciation of words) over the zhangju 章句 (chapter and verse) method, which often involved long, convoluted, farfetched interpretations. According to his biography in the Hou Han shu, Huan Tan was also outspoken and “enjoyed criticizing vulgar scholars.” During the Wang Mang 王莽 period (9–23), Huan Tan continued to serve at the court in various positions concerned with music, and apparently he was responsible for helping compose the ceremonial court music commissioned by Wang Mang. Although Huan Tan later criticized Wang Mang, there is no evidence that he was opposed to Wang Mang during the time that Wang Mang ruled as emperor. It is very likely that Huan Tan was in Chang’an when Wang Mang was overthrown and killed on 6 October 23. Huan Tan then briefly served the Gengshi 更始 Emperor Liu Xuan 劉玄 (r. 24–25) as grand palace grandee, a 1000–bushel rank. The Gengshi Emperor was killed by the Red Eyebrow rebels on 26 January 25. When Emperor Guangwu 光武 (r. 25–57) established the Eastern Han dynasty, his grand minister of works Song Hong 宋弘 (fl. 23–31) recommended Huan Tan for a position at the court. He actually praised Huan as

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the equal of Yang Xiong, Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 b.c.e.), and Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23). However, given his age and former high status, his positions were rather low: gentleman consultant and servitor in the palace. Huan Tan soon earned Emperor Guangwu’s favor through his ability to play the zither at court banquets. However, Song Hong took offense when Huan Tan played what Song called the “music of Zheng.” Song Hong lectured both Huan Tan and the emperor for what he considered to be depraved conduct. The result was that Huan Tan lost his title as servitor in the palace. Huan Tan did not shrink from giving Emperor Guangwu advice. He first presented a petition to the court in which he urged Emperor Wu to employ able ministers who could be trusted to formulate proper measures for governing the state, punish those who engage in private vendettas, curtail the money-making schemes of merchants, and standardize the laws. Emperor Guangwu did not even read this petition. Emperor Guangwu justified his legitimacy partially based on what were called chen 讖 or prognostication texts. Huan Tan strongly opposed the prognostication texts, and he presented Emperor Guangwu a petition urging him to ban them. Sometime later, perhaps in the year 28, Emperor Guangwu summoned Huan Tan to the court to question him about his views on the prognostication texts. Huan Tan replied that “I do not read prognostications.” When the emperor asked him why, Huan replied that the prognostications were contrary to the Classics. This view was tantamount to questioning the basis for Guangwu’s legitimacy as emperor. Emperor Guangwu became furious at this point, and he accused Huan Tan of “criticizing the sages.” He ordered him to be executed. Only after Huan Tan had kowtowed until the blood flowed from his forehead was he pardoned. After this, Huan Tan never returned to the court. He died en route to his position as assistant administrator of Lu’an 六安 (modern Lu’an City, Anhui). He was seventy-plus years old at the time. Huan Tan compiled a collection of essays titled Xin lun. According to Huan Tan’s biography in the Hou Han shu, it consisted of twenty-nine sections, which he presented to Emperor Guangwu. However, one chapter titled “Qin dao” 琴道 (Way of the zither), was not complete, and Emperor Zhang (r. 76–88) ordered Ban Gu 班固 (32–92) to complete it. The original Xin lun was lost by the Song period. The extant versions are reconstructions. If Huan Tan presented the Xin lun to Emperor Guangwu, he must have done so before he fell out of favor for objecting to the prognostication texts. In the first chapter, Huan indicated that his purpose in writing the work was to engage in a critical examination of the past and present in the manner of the Chunqiu: “I have written Xin lun to transmit the past and rectify the present. I also wish to promote good government. How

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is this different from the praise and blame of the Chunqiu?” Huan Tan also viewed his work as in the tradition of the Xin yu 新語 of Lu Jia 陸賈 (d. ca.178 b.c.e.) and the Xin shu 新序 of Liu Xiang. From the Xin lun fragments we can see that Huan Tan maintained the same critical view of conventional ideas and beliefs that he exhibited in his criticism of the prognostication texts. The titles of some of the chapters indicate his critical and skeptical attitude: “Jian zheng” 見徵 (Observing evidence), “Qian fei” 譴非 (Reprimanding wrong), “Qi wu” 啟寤 (Awakening insight), “Zheng jing” 正經 (Correcting the classics), and “Bian huo” 辨惑 (Discerning error). Although the work is highly fragmentary, one can find numerous statements by Huan Tan questioning the existence of immortals, supernatural occurrences, magic, and alchemy. Because the Xin lun exists only in fragments, there are few long essays in the reconstructed text. However, there is one interesting extended essay in the chapter Yan Kejun titled “Qu bi” 祛蔽 (Dispelling ignorance) in which Huan Tan uses the analogy of a candle and flame to illustrate the process of life and death. This piece happens to survive because it is quoted in the Buddhist anthology Hongming ji 弘明集 (Collection of writings on the propagation and illumination of the dharma) by Seng You 僧祐 (435–518), who included it in a set of essays concerning the relationship of body and spirit. Although Huan Tan’s authorship has been questioned, most authorities accept it as genuine. Huan Tan was an ardent admirer of Yang Xiong’s fu, and he reports that when he went to study fu composition with Yang, Yang advised, him, “If you can read a thousand fu, you will be good at writing a single piece.” In his Xin lun, Huan devoted a chapter to the fu, most of which has been lost (only four fragments survive). In another chapter of the Xin lun, Huan comments on how much mental and physical energy was required to write a fu. He claims that both he and Yang Xiong became ill after composing fu. It should also be noted that Huan Tan greatly influenced Wang Chong 王充 (27-post 100 c.e.) who is arguably the most distinguished critical thinker of the Han dynasty. Bibliography Studies Pokora, Timoteus. “The Dates of Huan T’an.” Archiv Orientální 27 (1959): 670–77. Pokora, Timoteus. “Once More on the Dates of Huan T’an.” Archiv Orientální 29 (1961): 652–57.

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Jiang Liangfu 姜亮夫 and Tao Qiuying 陶秋英. “Huan Tan yi nian de taolun” 桓譚 疑年的討論. Hangzhou daxue xuebao 1 (1963): 45–56. Zhong Zhaopeng 鍾肇鵬. “Huan Tan he Wang Chong” 桓譚和王充. Jianghai xuekan (1963: 5): 40–43. Pokora, Timoteus. “The Life of Huan T’an.” Archiv Orientální 31 (1963): 1–79; 521–76. Kanō Naoki 狩野直喜. Ryōkan gakujutsu kō 兩漢學術考, 171–81. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1964. Moriya Mitsuo 守屋美都雄. “Kan Tan no seisotsu nendai” 桓譚の生卒年代. In Suzuki Shun kyōju kan-reki Tōyōshi ronsō 鈴木俊教授還歷記念東洋史論叢, 669–84. Tokyo: Suzuki Shun kyōju kan-reki kinen kai, 1964. Pokora, Timoteus. “Two Answers to Professor Moriya Mitsuo.” Archiv Orientální 34 (1965): 494–504. Pokora, Timoteus. “Last Note on the Dates of Huan T’an: Answer to Professor Chiang Liang-fu and T’ao Ch’iu-ying.” Archiv Orientální 33 (1965): 79–82. Pokora, Timoteus. “La Vie du philosophe materialiste Houan T’an.” Mélanges de sinologie offerts à Monsieur Paul Demiéville I. Bibliothèque de l’Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises, XX, 191–208. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1966. Ōkubo Takao 大久保隆郎. “Kan Tan seisotsu nen kō” 桓譚生卒年考. Fukushima daigaku shūkyōgaku bu ronshū 20.2 (1968): 13–26. Ōkubo Takao 大久保隆郎. “Kan Tan nempu kō” 桓譚年譜考. Fukushima daigaku shūkyōgaku bu ronshū 21.2 (1969): 1–17. Ōkubo Takao 大久保隆郎. “Kan Tan no jōsōbun ni tsuite—‘Chin jisei so’ kō” 桓譚 の上奏文について—「陳時政疏」考. Fukushima daigaku shūkyōgaku bu ronshū 22 (1970): 1–14. Ōkubo Takao 大久保隆郎. “Kan Tan no kenjaron ni tsuite—‘Chin jisei so’ kō” 桓譚 の賢者論について—「陳時政疏」考. Fukushima daigaku shūkyōgaku bu ronshū 25 (1971): 39–51. Ōkubo Takao 大久保隆郎. “Kan Tan to Ō Jū—shinsen shiō hikan no keishō” 桓譚と王充—神仙思想批判の繼承. Fukushima daigaku shūkyōgaku bu ronshū 30 (1978): 13–23. Ōkubo Takao 大久保隆郎. “Kan Tan to Ō Jū—2—shishōsetsu no keishō to tenkai” 桓譚と王充—2—生死思說の繼承と展開. Fukushima daigaku shūkyōgaku bu ronshū 31 (1979): 11–21. Ōkubo Takao 大久保隆郎. “Kan Tan to Ō Jū—3—saishikan no keishō to tenkai” 桓譚と王充—3—祭祀觀の繼承と展開. Fukushima daigaku shūkyōgaku bu ronshū 31 (1980): 13–21. Fang Litian 方立天. “Huan Tan” 桓譚. Zhongguo gudai zhuming zhexuejia pingzhuan 中國古代著名哲學家評傳, 57–92. Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1980. Ishida Hidemi 石田秀実. “Yō Yū to Kan Tan—Ryōkan no sai ni okeru juka no ikikata” 揚雄と桓譚—兩漢の際における儒家の生き方. Bunka 44.3 (1981): 164–78. Zhou Qianrong 周乾濚. “Huan Tan jian lun” 桓譚簡論. Qin Han shi luncong 1 (1981): 291–305. Wang Tingkui 汪廷奎 and Qiu Naijiu 邱耐久. “Huan Tan ji qi zuopin ziliao bu ji” 桓譚及其作品資料補輯. Huaibei meishiyuan xuebao (Sheke ban) (1983: 3): 101–11.

huan tan 桓譚, zi junshan 君山

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Ji Liankang 吉聯抗. “Huan Tan yu Cai Yong” 桓譚與蔡邕. Zhongguo yinyue (1983: 1): 27–30. Su Chengjian 蘇誠鑒. “Huan Tan nianbiao” 桓譚年表. Zhongguo zhexue 12 (1984): 387–417. Dong Junyan 董俊彥. Huan Tan yanjiu 桓譚研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1986; rpt. and rev. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1989. Dong Junyan 董俊彥. “Huan Tan shengping shiji kao” 桓譚生平事蹟考. Guowen xuebao 15 (1986): 137–62. Su Chengjian 蘇誠鋻. “Huan Tan yu Wang Mang” 桓譚與王莽. Anhui shida xuebao (1986: 1): 37–51. Su Chengjian 蘇誠鋻. Huan Tan 桓譚. Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 1986. Hentona Tomokuni 辺土名朝邦. Yō Yū Kan Tan Ō Jū—sansha ni okeru shisōteki keishō no mondai” 揚雄‧桓譚‧王充—三者における思想的繼承の問題. Seinan gakuin daigaku kuosai bunka ronshū 2.2 (1987): 185–214. Dong Junyan 董俊彥. “Huan Tan shengzu nian tan kao” 桓譚生卒年探考. Guowen xuebao 1７ (1988): 123–42. Hentona Tomokuni 辺土名朝邦. Yō Yū Kan Tan Ō Jū—sansha ni okeru seikenron to honshōron no tenkai” 揚雄‧桓譚‧王充—三者における聖賢論本と性論の展 開. Seinan gakuin daigaku kuosai bunka ronshū 3.2 (1989): 259–80. Hentona Tomokuni 辺土名朝邦. “Gokanjo Kan Tan den ni tsuite” 後漢書桓譚伝に ついて. Seinan gakuin daigaku kuosai bunka ronshū 5.1 (1990): 137–59. Hentona Tomokuni 辺土名朝邦. “Kan Tan seisotsu nen ni tsuite” 桓譚生卒年につ いて. Kassui nichibun 22 (1991): 235–52. Hentona Tomokuni 辺土名朝邦. “Kan Tan no seiji shishō” 桓譚の政治思想. Seinan gakuin daigaku kuosai bunka ronshū 6.1 (1991): 83–115. Liu Xiuming 劉修明. “Huan Tan yu Zhang Heng” 桓譚與張衡. Qin Han shi luncong 5 (1992): 143–46. Zhong Zhaopeng 鍾肇鵬. Huan Tan pingzhuan 桓譚評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1993. Hentona Tomokuni 辺土名朝邦. “Kan Tan no keishinron ni tsuite” 桓譚の形神論 について Seinan gakuin daigaku kuosai bunka ronshū 9.2 (1995): 259–81 Hentona Tomokuni 辺土名朝邦. “Kan Tan ni okeru bungaku to ongaku— handentōshugi no tachiba” 桓譚における文學と音樂—反伝統主義の立場. Seinan gakuin daigaku kuosai bunka ronshū 11.1 (1996): 311–28. Han Hui 韓暉. “Huan Tan shengnian zhiyi” 桓譚生年質疑. Xinjiang shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 18.3 (1997): 58–60. Zhang Zixia 張子俠. “Huan Tan shengzu nian boyi” 桓譚生卒年駁議. Anhui jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 70.2 (1997): 18–20. Zhang Zixia 張子俠. “Jianguo yilai Huan Tan yanjiu shu ping” 建國以來桓譚研究述 評. Huaibei meishi yuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1997: 1): 59–63, 70. Hentona Tomokuni 辺土名朝邦. “Kan Tan no shizenkan” 桓譚の自然觀 Seinan gakuin daigaku kuosai bunka ronshū 13.1 (1998): 321–39. Hentona Tomokuni 辺土名朝邦. “Kandai shisō ni okeru Kan Tan no keishinron no ichi” 漢代思想における桓譚の形神論の位置. Kyūshū Chūgoku gakkai hō 38 (2000): 1–22. Knechtges, David R. In The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 134–36.

396

huan tan 桓譚, zi junshan 君山 Works a. Xin lun 新論 (New disquisitions) Texts

Huanzi Xin lun 桓子新論. 1 juan. Ed. Sun Fengyi 孫馮翼 (fl. 1801). Wen jing tang congshu 問經堂叢書. Rpt. in Sibu beiyao. Also punctuated version in Congshu jicheng chubian. Huanzi Xin lun 桓子新論. Ed. Yan Kejun 嚴可均 (1762–1843). 3 juan. “Quan Hou Han wen” 13–15. Compiled 1815. Huanzi Xin lun 桓子新論. Ed. Qian Xizuo 錢熙祚 (1801–1844). 3 juan. Zhi hai 指海 (1839–1846). Rpt. in Baibu congshu jicheng. Huanzi Xin lun 桓子新論. Ed. Zhong Zhaopeng 鍾肇鵬. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 1998. Xinji ben Huan Tan Xin lun 新輯本桓譚新論. Ed. Zhu Qianzhi 朱謙之. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2009.

Translation Pokora, Timoteus. Hsin-lun (New Treatise) and Other Writings by Huan T’an (43 b.c.–28 a.d.). Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies No. 20. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Center for Chinese Studies, 1975.

Studies Takeuchi Yoshio 武內義雄. “Kan Tan no Shinron ni tsuite” 桓譚の新論就いて. Shinagaku 2.4 (1921): 16–30. Zhong Zhaopeng 鍾肇鵬. “Xin lun ‘Xing shen’ de zuozhe ying duan gui Huan Tan” 《新論‧形神》的作者應斷歸桓譚. Renwen zazhi (1959: 2): 34–56. Kanō Naoki 狩野直喜. “Kan Tan Shinron” 桓譚新論. In Ryōkan gakujutsu kō 兩漢 學術考, 171–81. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1965. Dong Junyan 董俊彥. Huanzi Xin lun yanjiu 桓子新論研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1989. Guo Yin 郭茵. “Huan Tan ji qi Xin lun kao bian” 桓譚及其《新論》考辨. Huaiyin shizhuan xuebao 72 (1996): 35–40. Hentona Tomokuni 辺土名朝邦. “Kan Tan Shinron no shūitsuhon ni tsuite” 桓 譚の新論の輯佚本について. Seinan gakuin daigaku kuosai bunka ronshū 11.2 (1997): 253–63.

b. “Wang xian fu” 望仙賦 (Fu on gazing upon the immortals) Translation Pokora, Timoteus. “Huan T’an’s ‘Fu on Looking for the Immortals (Wang-hsien fu).” Archiv Orientální 28 (1960): 353–67. DRK

huan wen 桓溫 (312–373), zi yuanzi 元子

397

Huan Wen 桓溫 (312–373), zi Yuanzi 元子 Eastern Jin general, minister and literary patron. Huan Wen’s ancestral home was Longkang 龍亢 in Qiao 譙 city (north of modern Huaiyuan 懷遠, Anhui). He led three campaigns against the northern regimes. In 356, he re-captured Luoyang but his proposal to relocate the capital there met with strong opposition at the Jin court. During his life time he held the most powerful positions at court including commanderin-chief and regional inspector of Yangzhou (administrative seat Jiankang, modern Nanjing). Huan Wen died of illness before realizing his ambition of making himself the ruler of the Jin realm. He was succeeded by his younger brother Huan Chong 桓沖 (328–384). Huan Wen was known in literary history for a story about him. In 369, when leading his troops on a campaign against the Former Yan (337–370), he passed Jincheng 金城, where he saw the willow trees that he had planted when he was young had grown as thick as ten double spans. Moved, he said: “Even trees are already like this; how can a man bear [the situation]” 木猶如此, 人何以堪! Holding the branches of the willow trees in his hand, he wept. See Shishuo xinyu 2/55. Huan Wen was a patron of some of the most learned literary men of his time. Those who served under Huan Wen included Yuan Qiao 袁喬 (312–347), Sun Sheng 孫盛 (ca. 302–373), Chi Chao 郗超 (336–377), Yuan Hong 袁宏 (328–376), Xie An 謝安 (320–385). Huan Wen was also on good terms with Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (321–361, alt. 303–361) and Gu Kaizhi 顧愷之 (349?–410?). Although Huan Wen is best known for his achievements as a general and statesman, he is credited with a large collection of writings. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in eleven juan and also mentions a Liang catalogue that recorded a collection in fortythree juan. The Jiu Tang shu records a twenty-juan collection. This was lost already before the Song. Almost all of his extant writings are petitions he presented to the court. Bibliography Studies Qiu Jiurong 邱久榮. “Jin shu ‘Huan Wen zhuan’ jiuwu yi ze”《晉書・桓溫傳》糾 誤一則. Shehui kexue jikan 32.3 (1984): 113–15. Wang Yongping 王永平 and Qi Yunlong 戚雲龍. “Shilun Huan Wen beifa yu Dong Jin menfa zhengzhi” 試論桓溫北伐與東晉門閥政治. Yangzhou daxue xuebao (1986: 4): 129–34.

398

huan wen 桓溫 (312–373), zi yuanzi 元子

Yu Shiming 余世明. “Lun Huan Wen” 論桓溫. Guizhou daxue xuebao (1987: 4): 78–83. Liu Maochen 劉茂辰. “Wang Xizhi yu Huan Wen” 王羲之與桓溫. Linyi shifan xueyuan xuebao (1990: 3): 82–85. Guo Liping 郭麗萍. “Beifang shaoshu minzu tongzhi yu Huan Wen beifa” 北方少 數民族統治與桓溫北伐. Taiyuan shifan xueyuan xuebao (1991: 3): 106–110. Lin Xiaosheng 林校生. “Huan Wen xingnian jianbiao” 桓溫行年簡表. Ningde shizhuan xuebao (1996: 1): 32–39. Lin Xiaosheng 林校生. “Huan Wen yu xuanxue” 桓溫與玄學. Zhongguo shi yanjiu 80.4 (1998): 62–72. Lü Qiaoxia 呂俏霞. “Dong Jin menfa zhengzhi zhong de Huanshi fuzi” 東晉門閥政 治中的桓氏父子. Nanjing Xiaozhuang xueyuan xuebao 20.1 (2004): 28–33. Jin Renyi 金仁義. “Huan Wen fa Cheng Han kaoshu” 桓溫伐成漢考述. Anqing shifan xueyuan xuebao (2008: 1): 129–34. Jin Renyi 金仁義 and Xu Diancai 許殿才. “Huan Wen yu Dong Jin shixue” 桓溫與 東晉史學. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan yanjiusheng xuebao 166 (2008): 120–24.

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 696–98. WJ with additions by DRK

Huan Xuan 桓玄 (369–404), zi Jingdao 敬道, alternative personal name Lingbao 靈寶 Eastern Jin military leader, statesman, writer. Huan Xuan’s ancestral home was Longkang 龍亢 in Qiao 譙 principality (north of modern Huaiyuan 懷遠, Anhui). He was the youngest son of Huan Wen 桓溫 (312–373), and he spent most of his early years in Jingzhou 荊州 (modern Hubei and Hunan) where his father had established his power base. In 375, at age seven, Huan Xuan succeeded to his father’s title of Duke of Nan 南 commandery. Huan Xuan was well versed in scholarship and the arts and was rather self-confident. Recalling the power and ambition of Huan Wen, the court did not wish to employ his talented son. In 392, Huan Xuan was appointed governor of Yixing 義興 (modern Yixing 宜興, Jiangsu) but upon arriving at his post, reflecting on the high positions his father had held, he immediately resigned. Huan Xuan returned to Jingzhou. He spent his idle time in conversation and debate with Yin Zhongkan 殷仲堪 (d. 399/400). By the end of the fourth century Huan Xuan had become one of the most prominent military leaders in the south. In 403, Huan had himself declared King of Chu 楚, and at the end of that year the Jin emperor abdicated the throne to Huan Xuan. On January 1, 404 he officially ascended the throne as emperor of the newly founded Chu house.

huan xuan 桓玄 (369–404), zi jingdao 敬道

399

The state he founded is known in history as Huan-Chu 桓楚 (1 January– 19 June 404). In the same year, Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422) led an army against Huan Xuan, and Huan was defeated and killed. Huan Xuan was a skilled calligrapher and writer. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists a large collection of forty-three juan. Both Tang histories record a twenty-juan collection. This was lost in the Song. Thirty-five extant pieces of writings are collected in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Two extant poems and several fragmentary lines can be found in the Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. Huan Xuan’s extant works include three fu all of which are yongwu compositions on three birds, the phoenix, parrot, and crane. One of his poems is a tetrasyllabic xuanyan poem. He also wrote a delightful piece on shooting birds with pellets. Huan Xuan’s most famous prose works are the letters he exchanged with the Buddhist monk Huiyuan 慧遠 (334–416) on the question of “shamen ying zhi jing wangzhe” 沙門應致敬王者 (śramaṇas should pay homage to the ruler). While Huan Xuan was residing in Gushu 姑熟 (modern Dangtu 當塗, Anhui) from spring of 402 until January 404, he had proposed that Buddhist monks be required to bow before the ruler. His proposal generated an intense debate. The letters that Huan Xuan exchanged with Huiyuan, Huan Qian 桓謙 (d. 410), and Wang Mi 王謐 are not only important documents for Chinese religious history, but also are model examples of rhetorical argument. Huan Xuan also has one landscape essay, “Nan you Heng shan shi xu” 南遊衡山詩序 (Preface to a poem on wandering south to Mount Heng). Bibliography Studies Hurvitz, Leon. “‘Render unto Caesar’ in Early Chinese Buddhism—Hui-yüan’s Treatise on the Exemption of the Buddhist Clergy from the Requirements of Civil Etiquette.” Liebenthal Festschrift, 80–114. Sino-Indian Studies, nos. 3–4. Śāntiniketan: Viśābhārati University, 1957. Zürcher, E. The Buddhist Conquest of China, 231–39. Tsukamoto-Hurvitz, A History of Early Chinese Buddhism, 828–44. Zhu Zongbin 祝總斌. “Shilun Dong Jin houqi gaoji shizu zhi moluo ji Huan Xuan dai Jin zhi xingzhi” 試論東晉後期高級士族之沒落及桓玄代晉之性質. Beijing daxue xuebao (1985: 3): 75–88. Chen Peiji 陳培基. “Tao Qian guiyin zhenxiang xinjie—cong Tao Qian yu Huan Xuan de guanxi shuoqi” 陶潛歸隱真相新解—從陶潛與桓玄的關係說起. Fujian luntan (1986: 1): 68–73. Lü Qiaoxia 呂俏霞. “Dong Jin menfa zhengzhi zhong de Huanshi fuzi” 東晉門閥政 治中的桓氏父子. Nanjing Xiaozhuang xueyuan xuebao 20.1 (2004): 28–33.

400

huang lan 皇覽 (imperial conspectus)

Hu Dalei 胡大雷. Xuanyan shi yanjiu 玄言詩研究, 345–46. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007. WJ with additions by DRK

Huang lan 皇覽 (Imperial conspectus) Cao-Wei period literary compendium. The Huang lan is a literary compendium compiled 220–222 under the auspices of Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226), Emperor Wen of the Wei dynasty. Cao Pi appointed a group of scholars to compile this work that contained excerpts from a large number of works arranged into various categories. The principal compilers included some of the most learned scholars of the time: Miao Xi 繆襲 (186–245), Wang Xiang 王象 (fl. 220), Liu Shao 劉劭 (fl. 220–240), Huan Fan 桓范 (d. 249), and Wei Dan 韋誕 (fl. 220). They organized the book into forty sections, and it reputedly had a total of eight million characters. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions a version cited in a Liang dynasty catalogue that consisted of 680 juan. However, the work was lost by the Song period. There are three collections of fragments: Sun Fengyi 孫馮翼 (fl. 1801), ed. Huang lan 皇覽. Wen jing tang congshu 問經堂叢 書. Rpt. in Congshu jicheng. Huang Shi 黃奭 (1810–1853), ed. Huang lan 皇覽. Hanxue tang congshu 漢學堂 叢書. Guji cong can hui bian 古籍叢殘彙編. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2001.

Studies Hu Daojing 胡道靜. Zhongguo gudai de leishu 中國古代的類書, 40–43. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982. Wang Xuemei 王雪梅. “Huang lan tanwei”《皇覽》探微. Guizhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1993: 4): 92–93. Zhang Tianjun 張天俊. “Lun leishu zhi zu—Huang lan” 論類書之祖—《皇覽》. Nantong shizhuan xuebao 11.4 (1995): 98–101. Zhao Hankun 趙含坤, ed. Zhongguo leishu 中國類書, 5–6. Shijiazhuang: Hebei renmin chubanshe, 2005. DRK

huang xiang 黄香 (?–106 ?, alt. ca. 56–122)

401

Huang Xiang 黄香 (?–106 ?, alt. ca. 56–122), zi Wenjiang 文疆 Eastern Han writer and statesman. Huang Xiang’s ancestral and natal home was Anlu 安陸 in Jiangxia 江夏 commandery (modern Anlu, Hubei). (Some modern scholars have argued that Huang Xiang’s natal place was actually modern Yunmeng 雲夢, Hubei, not Anlu.) Huang Xiang’s mother died when he was nine, and he fervently mourned for her thus earning himself a reputation as an exemplary filial son in his home area. The Jiangxia governor Liu Hu 劉護 upon hearing of his filial conduct had him assigned to his staff as an officially recognized “filial son.” Huang Xiang was a diligent student, and he attained a broad knowledge of the classics and occult arts. He was also a skilled writer. Ca. 74, Huang Xiang obtained his first official position, an entry level assignment at the imperial court as lang 郎 or gentleman. Within a few years he was promoted to gentleman of the interior. In 84, Emperor Zhang (r. 88–105) summoned him to the court to visit the Eastern Institute where the imperial library was located. There he was able to read books that he had never seen or knew. Later he was appointed secretarial court gentleman, and in 92 he was appointed left assistant director of the secretariat followed by an appointment two years later as full director of the secretariat. Ca. 96 Huang Xiang was offered the position of governor of Dong commandery 東郡 (administrative seat Puyang 濮陽, modern Puyang, Henan), but he submitted a petition to the throne declining the appointment. He was then allowed to remain in the court as director of the imperial secretariat with a salary of 2,000 bushels. He also was given 30,000 cash. Huang Xiang was a benevolent administrator, and he even showed solicitude for criminals and did not dispense harsh punishment. He also reputedly recruited men of “virtue and talent” for court office, and his achievements were widely recognized and appreciated. In 106, while serving as governor of Wei 魏 commandery (administrative seat Ye 鄴, modern Linzhang 臨漳, Hebei), he was dismissed from office on the pretext that he was responsible for a disastrous flood in the Wei area. Huang died at home a few months later. However, Lu Kanru places Huang Xiang’s death in the year 122 based on a passage in the commentary to the Hou Han shu citing a petition reputedly written by Huang Xiang in 121. Rafe de Crespigny astutely notes that this “must be an anachronism” for it is more likely that Huang Xiang died much earlier. Huang Xiang’s biography in Hou Han shu mentions that he wrote five compositions in the genres of fu, memorandum, petition, letter, and decree. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions the Huang Xiang

402

huang xiang 黄香 (?–106 ?, alt. ca. 56–122)

ji 黄香集 (Collected works of Huang Xiang) in two juan that was listed in a Liang dynasty catalogue. Both Tang histories record a collection in two juan. This must have been lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected six prose works in “Quan Hou Han wen” (42) of the Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. One piece of interest is the “Jiu gong fu” 九宮賦 (Fu on the nine chambers), which is one of the earliest works on the ancient Chinese magical square. Bibliography Studies Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue xinian, 93–94, 104, 110, 112, 114, 117, 121, 122, 125, 127, 151, 153–54. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 370. Gong Kechang, Quan Han fu pingzhu, “Hou Han,” 1: 34–53. Zhu Huaxin 朱華新 and Zhang Xin 張昕. “‘Huang Xiang guli’ kao bian” “黃香故里” 考辨. Xiaogan xueyuan xuebao 25.4 (2005): 44–46. Peng Binwu 彭斌武. “‘Huang Xiang guli kao bian’ zhi bian—yu Zhang Xin xiansheng shangque”《黃香故里考辨》之辨—與張昕先生商榷. Xiaogan xueyuan xuebao 26.2 (2006): 15–19. Zhu Huaxin 朱華新 and Zhang Xin 張昕. “Huang Xiang guli ‘Jiangxia shuo’ zhiyi” 黃香故里 “江夏說” 質疑. Shiji xing (2006: 7): 46–47. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 350–51. TPK and DRK

Huangfu Mi 皇府謐 (215–282), zi Shi’an 士安, childhood personal name Jing 靜, self-styled sobriquet Xuanyan xiansheng 玄晏先生 (Master of Arcane Repose) Western Jin writer and recluse. Huangfu Mi’s ancestral home was Zhuna 朝那 in Anding 安定 commandery (modern Pengyang 彭陽 county, Guyuan 固原 municipality, Ningxia). The Huangfu family had been prominent in this area since the Han dynasty. Huangfu Mi’s great-grandfather Huangfu Song 皇甫嵩 (d. 195) achieved acclaim as a military leader in the late Eastern Han. Early in his youth Huangfu Mi was to sent to Xin’an 新安 (modern Minchi 澠池, Henan) to become the adoptive son of his father’s younger brother who had no sons. Huangfu Mi led a profligate life style until his twentieth year when he decided to devote himself to serious study. He was never without a book, even when planting the fields. He learned writing from a local scholar named Xi Tan 席坦. About age 34 he contracted arthritis, an ailment that

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afflicted him for his entire life. It was about this time that Huangfu Mi developed an interest in medicine. He experimented with various drugs including the famous hanshi san 寒食散 (cold food powder). He and Cao Xi 曹翕 (fl. 242–266) co-authored a treatise on hanshi san titled Lun hanshi san fang 論寒食散方 (On the recipes for cold-food powder). Huangfu Mi was also interested in history, and ca. 240, he began compiling the Diwang shiji 帝王世紀 (Record of reigns of emperor’s and kings), an important source on early Chinese history. In 254, Huangfu Mi’s mother died. Although some scholars claim that he returned to Zhuna at this time, he more likely took up residence at Nüji Mountain 女几山 in Yiyang 宜陽 (east of modern Yiyang, Henan). This was probably the residence of his father’s elder brother. Although he received numerous summons to serve at court, Huangfu Mi declined each invitation. Huangfu Mi was a resolute hermit scholar. However, he did accept students. Several famous persons studied with him, including Zhang Gui 張軌 (255–314) and Zhi Yu 摯虞 (d. 311). Huangfu Mi died in 282. Although in 1956 authorities in Lingtai 靈臺, Gansu, claimed to have discovered Huangfu Mi’s grave, this is highly unlikely, for there is no evidence that Huangfu Mi died in Lingtai. In fact, Huangfu Mi wrote shortly before his death an essay “Du zhong lun” 篤終論 (Steadfast to the end) in which he stated he wished to be buried in a simple grave where no trees were to be planted. He also indicated he did not wish to be reburied elsewhere. According to his biography in the Jin shi his sons followed his instructions. Shortly before his death, Huangfu Mi wrote a preface for the “Sandu fu” 三都賦 (Fu on the Three Capitals) by Zuo Si 左思 (ca. 250–ca. 305). (Some scholars have argued that the Huangfu Mi preface was actually “forged” by Zuo Si himself.) Huangfu Mi compiled three biographical collections on recluses, the Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳 (Traditions of high-minded gentlemen), Daren zhuan 達人傳 (Traditions of perspicacious men), and the Yishi zhuan 逸 士傳 (Traditions of disengaged gentlemen). He is also the author of a collection of biographies of women, the Lienü zhuan 列女傳 (Traditions of distinguished women). Only the Gaoshi zhuan is extant. The early versions consisted of six, seven, and even eleven juan. These were all lost by the Southern Song. The received version which is a late reconstruction is in three juan. This version is not the original Gaoshi zhuan, which probably contained only 72 biographies, beginning with the time of Yao and ending in the Wei period. The present version of 96 biographies seems to be based on extracts from leishu, some of which probably do not belong to Huangfu Mi’s Gaoshi zhuan, but are from Gaoshi zhuan by other compilers. Only a few fragments of the Lienü zhuan are extant.

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According to his biography in the Jin shu Huangfu Mi composed numerous poems, fu, elegies, eulogies, disquisitions, and hypothetical discourses. Only a fragment of one poem is extant. The remainder of his writings are prose essays. His best known piece is a hypothetical discourse titled “Shi quan lun” 釋勸論 (Disquisition on repudiating the exhortation) that Huangfu Mi wrote between 266 and 268 to justify his refusal to take office. Bibliography Studies Wagner, Rudolph. “Lebensstil und Drogen im Chinesischen Mittelalter.” T’oung Pao 59 (1973): 109–10, 113–14, 118, 138–50. Ishikawa Tadahisa 石川忠久. “Inshi Kōsho Hitsu ron” 隱士皇甫謐論. Kan Gi bunka 7 (1968): 33–39. Wang Cai 王采. “Huangfu Mi jiguan Zhuna xiao yi” 皇甫謐籍貫朝那小議. Guyuan shizhuan xuebao (1985: 1): 97, 107. Wei Ming’an 魏明安. “Wei Jin sichao yu Huangfu Mi” 魏晉思潮與皇甫謐. Lanzhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1985: 1): 44–62. Cao Wenzhu 曹文柱. “Huangfu Mi yanjiu” 皇甫謐研究. Lanzhou xuebao (1988: 1): 83–92; rpt. in Cao Wenzhu. Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi lun heji 魏晉南北朝史論合 集, 303–23. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2008. Shi Guangming 施光明. “Huangfu Mi yanjiu san ti” 皇甫謐研究三題. Guyuan shizhuan xuebao 44 (1993: 1): 77–81. Zhao Yiwu 趙以武. “Huangfu Mi shengping xin tan” 皇甫謐生平新探. Xibei shida xuebao (1993: 1): 39–43. Xu Zhuanwu 徐傳武. “Huangfu Mi zunian xin kao” 皇甫謐卒年新考. Xueshu yanjiu (1996: 11): 80–83. Knapp, Keith N. “Heaven and Death According to Huangfu Mi: A Third Century Confucian.” Early Medieval China 6 (2000): 1–31. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Kōsho Hitsu no ‘Shaku kan ron’ ni tsuite” 皇甫謐の「釈 勧論」について. Mimei 111 (1994); rpt. in Satake Yasuko. Seishin bungakuron: gengaku no kage to keiji no akebono 西晉文學論: 玄學の影と形似の曙, 23–64. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2002. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Sei Shin no shussho ron—Kōsho Hitsu ni tsuzuku Kankō Ton to Soku Seki no ‘setsuron’” 西晉の出處論—皇甫謐に續く夏侯湛と束皙の 「設論」. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 47 (1995): 48–92. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Inshi Kōsho Hitsu no ronri to buntai” 隱士皇甫謐の論 理と文體. Tōyō no chishikijin: shitaifu bunjin Kangakusha 東洋知識人: 士大夫文 人漢學者. Kyoto: Hōyō shoten, 1995; rpt. in Satake Yasuko. Seishin bungakuron: gengaku no kage to keiji no akebono 西晉文學論: 玄學の影と形似の曙, 64–90. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2002. Yoshikawa Tadao 吉川忠夫. “Kōsho Hitsu no ‘Toku shū ron’ ” 皇甫謐の「篤終論」. Tōhō gaku ronshū (1997: 5). Declerq, Dominik. Writing Against the State Political Rhetorics in Third and Fourth Century China, 159–205. Leiden: Brill, 1998.

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Du Zhongping 杜仲平. “Gu Zhuna xianzhi ji Huangfu Mi jiguan you kao” 古朝那 縣址及皇甫謐籍貫又考. Gansu Zhong yi 甘肅中醫 17.3 (2003): 14–15. Yang Dongchen 楊東晨. “Lun Jindai rushi Huangfu Mi de jiashi he yeji” 論晉 代儒士皇甫謐的家世和業績. Guyuan shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 25.5 (2004): 5–10. Shi Nianhai 史念海, ed.-in-chief. Zhongguo Huangfu mi yanjiu quanji 中國皇甫謐 研究全集. Beijing: Renmin ribao chubanshe, 2005. Wu Zhongli 吳忠禮. “Huangfu Mi guli kao” 皇甫謐故里考. Ningxia shehui kexue 136 (2006): 99–100. Xue Zhengchang 薛正昌. “Huangfu Mi jiguan he ta de mudi” 皇甫謐籍貫和他的 墓地. Ningxia shehui kexue 136 (2006): 103–4, 116. Zhang Youtang 張有堂 and Xu Yinhai 徐銀海. “Huangfu Mi jiguan kao” 皇甫謐籍 貫考. Ningxia shehui kexue 136 (2006): 105–7. Sun Yinghui 孫穎慧. “Huangfu Mi guli shuo xiping” 皇甫謐故里說析評. Ningxia shehui kexue 136 (2006): 108–9. Wu Xiaohong 吳曉紅. “Ning Gan Huangfu Mi guli fenqi shuping” 寧甘皇甫謐故 里分歧述評. Ningxia shehui kexue (2006: 3): 110–11. An Zhengfa 安正發. “Huangfu Mi shengping youguan wenti kao shu” 皇甫謐生 平有關問題考述. Guyuan shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 27.5 (2006): 63–65, 70. Lu Renyong 魯人勇. “Huangfu shi jidi Zhuna xian kao” 皇甫氏籍地朝那縣考. Ningxia shehui kexue 136 (2006): 101–2. Ding Hongwu 丁宏武. “Huangfu Mi jiguan ji xiangguan wenti kao lun” 皇府謐籍 貫及相關問題考論. Wen shi zhe 308 (2008): 36–43.

Works a. Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳 (Traditions of high-minded gentlemen) Editions Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳. 3 juan. Gujin yishi 古今逸史. Compiled by Wu Guan 吳琯 (Ming); rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937. Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳. 3 juan. Han Wei congshu. Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳. 3 juan. Siku quanshu. Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳. 3 juan. Guang Han Wei congshu. Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳. 3 juan. Mishu nianba zhong 秘書廿八種. Compiled by Wang Shihan 汪士漢 (17th century). Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳. 3 juan. Hubei sanshisan zhong 湖北三十三種. Zhongwen shuju 崇文書局, 1877. Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳. 3 juan. Ren Xiong 任熊 (1823–1857). illus. Zhang Mujiu 張牧九, coll. and print. Guangxu 3 (1877). Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳. 3 juan. Wang Xiling 王錫齡, coll. Guangzhou: Jiangu shuju 鑑古書局, 1884. Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳. 3 juan. Longxi jingshe congshu 龍谿精舍叢書. Compiled by Zheng Guoxun 鄭國勳. 1917. Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳. 1 juan. Luo Zhenyu 羅振玉 (1866–1940), ed. 1915 Shanghai Luoshi 羅氏 typeset printing; rpt. Xuetang congshu 雪堂叢書. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2000.

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Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳. 3 juan. Sibu beiyao. Typeset printing based on Han Wei congshu.

Studies Niwa Taiko 丹羽兌子. “Kōsho Hitsu to Kōshiden” 皇甫謐と高士傳. Nagoya daigaku bungakubu kenkyū sonshū 50 (1970): 49–66. Wei Ming’an 魏明安. “Huangfu Mi Gaoshi zhuan chutan” 皇甫謐《高士傳》初探. Lanzhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1982: 4): 1–13. Pu Qiuzheng 蒲秋征. “Huangfu Mi Gaoshi zhuan shu lüe” 皇甫謐《高士傳》述略. Beishi da xuebao (1992: 1): 35–41. Berkowitz, Alan. Patterns of Disengagement: The Practice and Portrayal of Reclusion in Early Medieval China, 156–60. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000. Jiang Chaohui 姜朝暉 and Lei Enhai 雷恩海. “Gaoshi zhuan de chansheng beijing ji banben liuchuan kao shu”《高士傳》的產生背景及版本流傳考述. Yuwen zhishi (2007: 3): 11–17. An Zhengfa 安正發. “Huangfu Mi Gaoshi zhuan de xushi tezheng” 皇甫謐《高士 傳》的敘事特徵. Guangxi shehui kexue 162 (2008): 153–56.

Translation Alan Berkowitz, Hawai’i Reader in Traditional Chinese Culture, 242–50.

b. Diwang shiji 帝王世紀 (Records of reigns of emperors and kings) Text Diwang shiji 帝王世紀. Lu Ji 陸吉, coll. and punc. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 2000.

Study Yu Fangping 余方平. “Dui Huangfu Mi Diwang shiji de zai pingjia—yi Diwang shiji dui jige zhongyao diwang de yiduan wei li” 對皇甫謐《帝王世紀》的再 評價—以《帝王世紀》對幾個重要地望的臆斷為例. Henan shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 33.4 (2006): 165–67.

c. Lienü zhuan 列女傳 Study Wei Ming’an 魏明安. “Tan Huangfu Mi de Lienü zhuan” 談皇甫謐的列女傳. Xuelin manlu (1985: 11): 112–19.

d. “Sandu fu xu” 三都賦序 Some scholars have doubted the attribution to Huangfu Mi. On the question of authorship see:

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Wu Shijian 王士鑑 (1868–1933). Jin shu jiaozhu 晉書斠注. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 92.10a–b. Mou Shijin 謀士金. “‘Sandu fu’ de zhuannian ji qita”《三都賦》的撰年及其他. Wen shi zhe (1992: 5): 68–78. Yu Yuan 郁沅 and Zhang Minggao 張明高, ed. Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenlun xuan 魏晉南北朝文論選, 136–39. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1996. Xu Chuanwu 徐傳武. “Guanyu Huangfu Mi ‘Sandu fu xu’ de zhenshixing” 關於皇 甫謐《三都賦序》的真實性. Sheke zongheng (1999: 6): 67–69. Xiong Ming 熊明. “Lüe lun Huangfu Mi zazhuan de xiaoshuo pinge” 略論皇甫謐雜 傳的小說品格. Jinzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao 24.2 (2002): 26–29. Ren Guoxue 任國學. “Huangfu Mi ‘Sandu fu xu’ bianxi” 皇甫謐《三都賦序》辨析. Gansu shehui kexue (2004: 1): 37–40. Gu Nong 顧農. “Zuo Si ‘Sandu fu’ ji qi xu zhu zongkao” 左思《三都賦》及其序注 綜考. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 41.1 (2005): 42–47; rpt. in Gu Nong. Wen xuan luncong, 98–110.

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 840–43.

e. “Shi quan lun” 釋勸論 Studies and Translations Declerq, Writing against the State, 191–205. Satake Yasuko, Sei Shin bungaku ron, 50–64. DRK

Hulü Jin 斛律金 (488–567) Hulü Jin, whose style name was Aliudun 阿六敦, was a general during the Northern Wei (386 534), Eastern Wei (534–550) and Northern Qi (550– 577) period. He belonged to the Chile 敕勒 tribe and was good at horsemanship and archery. It is said that in 546, when the troops of Eastern Wei, led by Gao Huan 高歡 (496–547), were on the verge of collapse after being defeated at Yubi 玉壁 (in modern Shanxi) by the troops of Western Wei, Hulü Jin sang the “Chile ge” 敕勒歌 in the Xianbei 鮮卑 language to encourage them. However, the “Chile ge” was probably a Xianbei folksong and was not composed by Hulü Jin. The Yuefu shiji said that it was originally in the Xianbei language. In any event, the circulation of this song had to do with Hulü Jin.

408

hulü jin 斛律金 (488–567) Bibliography Studies

Aerdingfu 阿爾丁夫. “‘Chile ge’ tong Hulü Jin wuguan”《敕勒歌》同斛律金無關. Nei Menggu daxue xuebao (1986.2): 21–26. Aerdingfu 阿爾丁夫. “Zai tan ‘Chile ge’ he Hulü Jin wuguan” 再談《敕勒歌》和斛 律金無關. Nei Menggu daxue xuebao (2004.1): 60–66. WJ

Huiwen 回文 (palindrome) Huiwen is a type of Chinese palindrome. Because of the versatility of the Chinese written language huiwen can be read vertically, horizontally, in reverse, diagonally, in a circle, or every-other-character. Scholars disagree on the earliest examples of the form. One often cited example is the “Panzhong shi” 盤中詩 (Poem on a tray) attributed to the wife of Su Boyu 蘇 伯玉. This work is traditionally ascribed to the Western Jin period, but recently several scholars have argued that it is a Han period work. Another putative early huiwen is the “Xuanji tu” 璇璣圖 attributed to Su Hui 蘇蕙 of the Former Qin (350–394). However, the received texts of both these works probably are not the originals, but have been reworked and revised over a long period of time. In the late Tang period, Pi Rixiu 皮日休 claims to have seen huiwen poems by Fu Xian 傅咸 (239–294) and Wen Qiao 溫嶠 (288–329), but the authenticity of these pieces is difficult to determine. In the early medieval period the more securely reliable examples of huiwen are from the Qi and Liang period. These include “Chun you huiwen shi” 春游回文詩 (A palindrome poem on a spring excursion) by Wang Rong 王融 (467–493), and set of matching palindrome pieces on a rear garden by Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (552–554), Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551), Xiao Lun 蕭綸 (ca. 507–551), Xiao Zhi 蕭祗 (fl. 550), and Yu Xin 庾信 (513–581). Bibliography Collections Sang Shichang 桑世昌 (Song), ed. Zhu Cunxiao 朱存孝 (Qing), suppl. Huiwen leiju 回文類聚. 4 juan. Siku quanshu. Wang Zhonghou 王仲厚, ed. Huiwen wenxue qiguan 回文文學奇觀. Taipei: Jingyi shuju, 1976. Yu Yuanzhou 余元週, ed. Zhongguo gudai huiwen shi 300 shou 中國古代回文詩 300 首. Wuhan: Wuhan chubanshe, 1983.

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Studies He Wenhui 何文滙. Zati shi shi li 雜體詩釋例. Hong Kong: Zhongwen daxue chubanshe, 1986. Hu Yaozhen 胡耀震. “Huiwen shi de qiyuan he Liu Xie youguan shuofa shi yi” 回文 詩的起源和劉勰有關說法釋疑. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (1999: 1): 16–17. Wang Ke 王珂. “Lun huiwen shi de wenti yuanliu he wenti jiazhi” 論回文詩文體 源流和文體價值. Chongqing shiyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2002: 4): 23–29. Yu Guangyuan 于廣元. “Huiwen shi qiyuan kao bian” 回文詩起源考辨. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua 64 (2008): 35–39.

Works a. “Panzhong shi” 盤中詩 (Poem on a tray) Lin Peizhen 林培真. “‘Panzhong shi’ wei Handai zuopin chujian”《盤中詩》為漢 代作品芻見. Nankai xuebao (1985: 3): 36–39. Wang Yimin 王依民. “‘Panzhong shi’ wei Handai zuopin shuo xian yi”《盤中詩》為 漢代作品說獻疑. Nankai xuebao (1987: 3). Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 172–73. Yuejin 躍進. “‘Panzhong shi’ Handai shuo buzheng”《盤中詩》漢代說補證. Hebei shiyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1997: 3): 94–95. Rao Shaoping 饒少平. “Panzhong shi ji qi fuyuan tu” 盤中詩及其復原圖. Beijing gongye daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 6.4 (2006): 69–74. Su Zhecong. Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women, 334–36.

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 242.

b. Su Hui palindrome Xie Wuliang 謝无量. Zhongguo funü wenxue shi 中國婦女文學史, Section 2, 25–68. Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1916; rpt. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1992. He Wenhui 何文滙. Zati shi shi li 雜體詩釋例, 53–62. Hong Kong: Zhongwen daxue chubanshe, 1986. Li Wei 李蔚. Shi yuan zhen pin: Xuanji tu 詩苑珍品: 璇璣圖. Beijing: Dongfang chubanshe, 1996. Zhao Kuifu 趙逵夫. “Su Hui ‘Huiwen xuanji tu’ de wenhua yunhan he shehuixue renshi jiazhi” 蘇蕙《回文璇璣圖》的文化蘊含和社會學認識價值. Shaanxie shifan daxue xuebao 28.4 (1999): 123–27. Ding Shengyuan 丁勝源. Qian Qin nü shiren Su Hui yanjiu 前秦女詩人蘇惠研究. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 2002. Idema and Grant, Red Brush, 127–31. Lily Xiao Hong Lee, Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women, 336–38.

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huiyuan 慧遠 or 惠遠 (334–416) b. Qi-Liang period huiwen Translations

Marney, John. “Emperor Chien-wen of Liang: His Life and Literature.” Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1972, 148–49. Marney, John. Beyond the Mulberries: An Anthology of Palace-style Poetry by Emperor Chien-wen of the Liang Dynasty (503–551), 208. Taipei: Chinese Materials Center, 1982. Mather, The Age of Eternal Brilliance, Volume Two, 465–67.

Huiyuan 慧遠 or 惠遠 (334–416) Eastern Jin Buddhist monk and writer Huiyuan’s secular surname was Jia 賈. His ancestral home was Loufan 樓煩 in Yanmen 雁門 (east of modern Guo 崞 county, Shanxi.) He became a serious student when he accompanied his uncle to visit Luoyang at the age of thirteen. When he was twenty-one, having already mastered the Six Classics, Laozi and Zhuangzi, he planned to cross the Yangtze River to study with Fan Xuan 范宣 (fl. ca. 376–396), but his plan was thwarted because of political upheavals. Dao’an 道安 (312–385), an eminent Buddhist monk, at that time had founded his monastery at Mount Heng 恒山 in the Taihang mountain range of Shanxi. Huiyuan visited him in 354. After he heard Dao’an explain the Prajňāparamitā 波若經 (Sutra of wisdom), he said he suddenly realized that Confucian and Taoist texts were like chaff and bran, and were worthless and tasteless. He and his younger brother became Dao’an’s disciples and obtained their religious names of Huiyuan and Huichi 慧持. In 365, Huiyuan accompanied Dao’an to Xiangyang 襄陽 (modern Xiangfan, Hubeu) and stayed there until 379 when Fu Jian 苻堅 (338–385) captured the city. He then moved south to Jingzhou 荊州 (modern Jiangling 江陵, Hubei), and later Mt. Lu 盧山. At the Donglin 東林 Monastery he established a vihāra (study) with his associates. When in 410 Lu Xun 盧循 (d. 411) led an uprising against Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422) and occupied Jiangzhou 江州 (modern Jiangxi), he made a special visit to Huiyuan and was well received. Later when Liu Yu defeated Lu Xun, he sent a letter to Huiyuan expressing his admiration. This indicated that Huiyuan was much revered even by military men. Huiyuan died in 416 at Mount Lu at the age of eighty-three. In 398, Huiyuan requested Saṃ ghadeva (Sengqietipo 僧迦提婆) from Kashmir to translate the Apitanxin 阿毘曇心 or Abhidharmamahṛdaya and

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the San fa du lun 三法度論 (Traidharmaka śāstra or Dhramaskandhatraya). Huiyuan’s essay “Faxing lun” 法性論 (Disquisition on dharmatā) discusses the nature of all things or beings. His well-known essay “Shamen bujing wangzhe lun” 沙門不敬王者論 (Disquisition on Buddhist monk not doing obeisance to a king) roused much controversy at the time. Huiyuan’s biography in Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 (Traditions of eminent Buddhist monks) mentions that he had a collection in ten juan that included writings in the genres of disquisition, preface, inscription, encomium, poem, and letter. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Hui Yuan’s collected works in twelve juan, while the two Tang histories record a fifteen-juan collection. This was lost during the Song. Yan Kejun has collected twentynine of Huiyuan’s prose writings in “Quan Jin wen.” These include thirteen letters. Many of these are to prominent men such as the Later Qin ruler Yao Xing 姚興 (366–416); the satrap Huan Xuan 桓玄 (369–404); the recluses Dai Kui 戴逵 (330?–396), Liu Chengzhi 劉程之 (354–410), Lei Cizong 雷 次宗 (386–448); and the renowned Buddhist monk Kumārajīva. He also wrote prefaces to the two Buddhist works translated by Saṃ ghadeva as well as the Da zhidu lun (大智度論) or Treatise on the Great Perfection of Wisdom. One of his most famous prefaces is “Nian Fo sanmei shi ji xu” 念 佛三昧詩集序 (Preface to the poetry collection on the samādhia of Buddharecollection) in which he compares the process of contemplation to the way in which images are reflected in a mirror. Huiyuan also wrote at least two landscape essays, “You shan ji” 遊山記 (Note on roaming the mountains) and “Lu shan ji” 廬山記 (Note on Mount Lu). Only one of Huiyuan’s poems, “Lu shan Donglin zashi” 盧山東林雜詩 (Diverse poems about Donglin Monastery on Mt. Lu), is extant. He is also attributed with the “You Shimen shi xu” 遊石門詩序 (Preface on poems about roaming Stone Gate) written for a visit of monks to Stone Gate Brook northeast of Mount Lu. Although Huiyuan very likely accompanied them, the piece may have been written by an unnamed member of the group. Another celebrated piece by Huiyuan is “Fo ying ming” 佛影銘 (Inscription on the Buddha shadow). Huiyuan decided to have a copy of the Buddha shadow painted on silk and put in a shrine that backed to a mountain and overlooked a river. This image was hung in the shrine on 27 May 412. Huiyuan and Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385–433) both wrote inscriptions for this occasion. Studies Hurvitz, Leon. “‘Render unto Caesar’ in Early Chinese Buddhism.” Liebenthal Festschrift, 80–114. Sino-Indian Studies 5, nos. 3 and 4. Śāntiniketan: Viśābhāratī University, 1957.

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Kimura Eiichi 木村英一. E-on kenkyū 慧遠研究. 2 vols. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 1960– 1962. Makita, Tairyo. Hui yüan: His Life and Times. Kyoto: Zinbun kagaku kenkyusyo, Kyoto University, 1962. Tsukamoto. A History of Early Chinese Buddhism, 759–898. Zhang Keli 張可禮. Dong Jin wenyi xinian, 181, 275, 353, 407, 493–94, 507, 523, 553–54, 575–76, 582, 587, 632, 659–60, 670, 687, 705–6, 722–23, 739–40, 752, 776–77. Yuan Xingpei 袁行霈. “Tao Yuanming Xie Lingyun yu Huiyuan” 陶淵明謝靈運與 慧遠. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (1992: 1): 71–75. Qi Wenbang 齊文榜. “Shilun Huiyuan dui shanshui shige de gongxian” 試論慧 遠對山水詩歌的貢獻. Shantou daxue xuebao (Renwen kexue ban) 8.3. (1992): 7–10, 6. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 487. Zürcher. The Buddhist Conquest of China, 204–53. Yu Ruzhong 余如忠. “Shilun ‘Lushan ji’ zai shanshui youji wenxue fazhan shi shang di diwei—jian yu Zhang Daxin xiansheng shangque” 試論《廬山記》在山 水遊記文學發展史上的地位—兼與張大新先生商榷. Zhejiang shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1993: 4): 58–61. He Xiguang 何錫光. “Huiyuan tong yinshi de jiaoyou he tade shanshui shiwen” 慧遠同隱士的交游和他的山水詩文. Xinan shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1997: 6): 81–84. Cao Hong 曹虹. “Huiyuan yu Lu shan” 慧遠與廬山. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (2000: 3): 11–18. Cao Hong 曹虹. “Huiyuan ji qi Lu shan jiaotuan wenxue lun” 慧遠及其廬山教團文 學論. Wenxue yichan (2000: 6): 15–26. Cao Hong 曹虹. Huiyuan pingzhuan 慧遠評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2002. Li Mingfang 李明芳. “Lushan Huiyuan ‘Faxing lun’ yiwen zhi kaozheng” 廬山慧遠 「法性論」佚文之考證. Dongwu zhexue xuebao 10 (2004): 1–24. Lin Yuxin 林育信. “Lun Nanchao yinyi sixiang yu fojiao sixiang de ronghe—yi Huiyuan wei kaocha zhongxin” 論南朝隱逸思想與佛教思想的融合—以慧遠為考 察中心. Xingda Zhongwen xuebao 17 (2005): 315–34. Jiang Jianyun 姜劍雲. “Xie Lingyun yu Huiyuan jiaoyou kao lun” 謝靈運與慧遠交 遊考論. Tiayuan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 4.2 (2005): 63–73. Qiu Shuli 邱書莉. “Huiyuan shamen bu jing wangzhe lilun zhi pingxi” 慧遠沙門不 敬王者理論之評析. Dongfang renwen zazhi 4.4 (2005): 71–82. Liu Yuan-ju 劉苑如. “Lushan Huiyuan de liangge mianxiang—cong ‘Lushan lüe ji’ yu ‘You Shimen shi xu’ tanqi” 廬山慧遠的兩個面向—從「廬山略記」與「遊石門 詩序」談起. Hanxue yanjiu 48 (2006): 71–106. Li Xingling 李幸玲. Lushan Huiyuan yanjiu 廬山慧遠研究. Taipei: Wanjuanlou tushu gufen youxian gongsi, 2007. Zhou Wenguang 周文廣. “Was Lushan Huiyuan a Pure Land Buddhist?—Evidence from His Correspondence with Kumārjīva about Nianfo Practice.” Zhonghua foxue xuebao 21 (2008): 175–91.

ji zhong suoyu 汲冢瑣語 (minor tales from the ji tumulus) 413 Translations a. “You Shimen shi xu” 遊石門詩序 (Preface on poems about roaming Stone Gate). Bush, Susan. In Bush and Murck. Theories of the Arts in China, 149–52. Strassberg, Inscribed Landscapes, 67–71.

b. “Wanfo ying ming” 萬佛影銘 (Inscription on the Buddha shadow) Zürcher. Buddhist Conquest of China, 242–43. TPK and DRK

Ji zhong Suoyu 汲冢瑣語 (Minor tales from the Ji Tumulus) Warring States tale collection. Also titled Suoyu 瑣/璅語 or Guwen suoyu 古文瑣語 (Ancient script Minor Tales), this is a collection of tales discovered in 279 (alt. dates 280, 281) in a large cache of bamboo documents held in the Warring States tomb of Duke Xiang of Wei located in Ji 汲 commandery near modern Ji county, Henan. In 298, the Western Jin court commissioned Shu Xi 束皙 (ca. 263–ca. 302) to edit them. The work consisted of eleven pian 篇 (bundles) of bamboo strips. The subject of the tales concerned accounts of divinations, dreams, weird phenomena, and physiogonomy. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists this work in four juan. The collection does not seem to have survived intact after the Tang. In the Qing period, scholars made reconstructions of it. Bibliography Texts Hong Yixuan 洪頤煊 (1765–1837), ed. Ji zhong Suoyu 汲冢瑣語. Jingdian ji lin 經典集林, juan 9. Yan Kejun. Ji zhong Suoyu 汲冢瑣語. “Quan shangu Sandi wen,” 15.8b–9b (107–9). Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857). Guwen Suoyu 古文瑣語. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu 玉函山房輯佚書, 63. Wang Renjun 王仁俊 (1866–1913). Guwen Suoyu 古文瑣語. Yuhan shanfang yishu xubian 玉函山房輯佚書.

414 ji zhong suoyu 汲冢瑣語 (minor tales from the ji tumulus) Studies Unger, Ulrich. “Die Fragmente des So-Yü.” Studia Sino-Mongolica: Festschrift für Herbert Franke, ed. Wolfgang Bauer, 373–400. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1979. Li Jianguo 李劍國. “Zhanguo gu xiaoshuo Jizhong suoyu kao shuo” 戰國古小說 《汲冢瑣語》考說. Nankai xuebao (1980: 2). Li Jianguo 李劍國, Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, 86–97. Campany, Strange Writing, 33–34. Shaughnessy, Edward L. Rewriting Early Chinese Texts, 166–71. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006. DRK

Jia Daizong 賈岱宗 Northern Wei writer Jia Daizong’s natal place and dates are unknown. The early Tang commonplace book Chuxue ji 初學記 29 preserves a “Dagou fu” 大狗賦 (Fu on a big dog) under the name of Jia Daizong of the Wei dynasty. Because this piece precedes a piece by Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217–278) who lived during the later Wei (220–265) and early Western Western Jin (265–315) periods, Yan Kejun in his Quan Shanggu Dandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchaowen places Jia Daizong in the Three States Wei section of his collection. Cao Daoheng has shown that this piece must have been written after the Eastern Jin. He concludes that Jia Daizong lived during the Northern Wei (386–534) period. Studies Cao Daoheng, “Du Jia Daizong ‘Da gou fu’ jian lun wei Guwen Shang shu liuxing Beichao shijian” 讀賈岱宗《大狗賦》兼論《古文尚書》流行北朝時間. Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji xubian, 340–46. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 333. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 724–25. TPK

Jia Kui 賈逵 (30–101), zi Jingbo 景伯 Early Eastern Han scholar and writer. Jia Kui’s natal place was Pingling 平陵 in Fufeng 扶風 (north of modern Xi’an). He was the ninth generation descendant of Jia Yi 賈誼 (200–168 b.c.e.). Jia Kui’s father Jia Hui 賈徽 had studied the Zuo zhuan, Guoyu, and Zhou li with Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23). Jia Kui continued his father’s textual

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studies, especially in the Zuo zhuan and Guo yu. He wrote a commentary to both of these works and presented it to Emperor Ming (r. 57–75) ca. 67). During this time both Jia Kui and Ban Gu 班固 (32–92) were assigned to compile the state history. In 74 a flock of “divine birds” landed in the imperial palace. Emperor Ming commanded Jia Kui, Ban Gu, and others to compose eulogies to commemorate this auspicious occurrence. When Emperor Zhang (r. 75–88) took the throne in 75, he ordered Jia Kui to compose an essay on the superiority of the Zuo zhuan over the Guliang zhuan and Gongyang zhuan. Jia Kui argued that the Zuo version was consistent with the Gongyang version “seven or eight parts out of ten.” He also claimed that only the Zuo zhuan agreed with the prognostication texts. Emperor Zhang was so pleased with Jia Kui’s work, he commanded him to choose twenty Gongyang specialists to receive instruction from Jia in the Zuo zhuan. In 79, Jia Kui participated in the discussion of the classics held in the White Tiger Hall. Ca. 82 Jia Kui completed three more works in which he compared the New Text and Old Text versions of the Shang shu, Zhou li, and Shi jing. Jia Kui was then appointed director of the guard, and his students began to occupy high position at the court. In 91 Jia Kui was assigned to the post of leader of court gentleman of the left. In 96, he became an assistant to the imperial secretary with charge of the commandant of cavalry. At this time the emperor ordered him to re-order the Cang Jie 倉頡, an old lexicon that provided instruction in the script. Jia Kui died in 101 at the age of seventy-two. According to Jia Kui’s biography in the Hou Han shu he wrote over a million words of commentary and expositions on the classics. These works survived more or less intact until the Song. During the Qing period scholars attempted to collect the remains. His biography in the Hou Han shu also mentions that Jia Kui composed nine literary pieces in the genres of poetry, dirge, eulogy, letter, lianzhu, and jiu ling 酒令 (drinking bout instructions?). Two lines of a lianzhu written upon imperial command of Emperor Zhang are extant. Bibliography Dull, Jack L. “A Historical Introduction to the Apocryphal (Ch’an-wei) Texts of the Han Dynasty.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1966, 354–63. Ye Zhengxin 葉政欣. “Jia Kui yu Chunqiu Zuo zhuan” 賈逵與春秋左傳. Chenggong daxue xuebao 14 (1979): 1–21. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 335–365. Liao Junyu 廖俊裕. “Jia Kui zhi jingxue gaishu” 賈逵之經學概述. Yanjiu yu dongtai 6 (2002): 29–32. Gao Jiyi 郜積意. “Handai jin guxue zhi zheng de zai renshi—yi Jia Kui yu Gongyang zhi zheng wei li” 漢代今、古學之爭的再認識—以賈逵與《公羊》之爭為例. Zhongguo wenzhe yanjiu jikan 22 (2003): 223–57.

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Qiu Juli 邱居里 and Huang Yi 黃益. “Jia Kui tiaozou bianxi” 賈逵條奏辨析. Xinya luncong 8 (2006): 75–80. Qiu Juli 邱居里. “Jia Kui yu shixue” 賈逵與史學. Shixue shi yanjiu 124 (2006): 70–72. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 366–68. DRK

Jia Shan 賈山 (fl. 179–157 b.c.e.) Western Han essayist Jia Shan’s ancestral home was Yingchuan 潁川 (modern Yu 禹 county, Henan). His grandfather Jia Qu 賈祛 was a student of an academician of the Wei State in the late Warring States period. Jia Shan, who studied with his grandfather from an early age, was well versed in the Classics. He once served as attendant cavalryman for Guan Ying 灌嬰 (d. 176 b.c.e.), one of the most able of Liu Bang’s generals. During the reign of Emperor Wen (179–157 b.c.e.), he wrote an essay titled “Zhiyan” 至言 (Pertinent remarks) detailing the causes of the fall of the Qin dynasty. He compared Emperor Wen’s court administration with that of the Qin. Jia observed that even though Emperor Wen recruited exceptional talents and upright scholars to serve in his court, he spent most of his time hunting rather than consulting with them about court affairs. There is no record of whether or not Emperor Wen was pleased with Jia Shan’s advice. Later, when Emperor Wen removed the prohibition on private minting of coins, Jia Shan submitted a petition opposing this decision. Jia Shan wrote in an impassioned, almost severe style, but he was not punished for his forthright opinion. The Han shu monograph on bibliography lists in the Ruist section eight pian of writings under Jia Shan’s name. It is not known what they included. Perhaps one of the pieces is the “Zhiyan,” which is also preserved in Jia Shan’s biography in the Han shu. Bibliography Texts Gao Buying 高步瀛, ed. and comm. Liang Han wen juyao 兩漢文舉要, 66–75. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990. Zeng Fanren 曾繁仁, ed.-in-chief. Liang Han quan shu 兩漢全書, 483–89. Jinan: Shandong daxue chubanshe, 1999.

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Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 332–3. Wang Ling 王翎. “Jian ping Jia Shan de ‘Zhiyan’ pian” 簡評賈山的《至言》篇. Guizhou shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 69 (1991): 22–25. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. Qin Han wenxue biannian shi, 87, 93. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 186. TPK

Jia Yi 賈誼 (ca. 200–168 b.c.e., var. 201–169 b.c.e.), also known as Jia sheng 賈生 (Scholar Jia) Early Western Han writer and thinker. Jia Yi was born in Luoyang, and during his youth gained considerable fame in his home commandery of Henan 河南 (west of modern Luoyang) for his literary skills and his ability to recite the Classics. At about the age of eighteen (ca. 183 b.c.e.), he attracted the notice of the governor of Henan, the Venerable Wu 吳公, who was a prominent legalist and student of the Qin minister Li Si 李斯 (d. 208 b.c.e.). Wu appointed Jia to his staff. When Wu became commandant of justice around 179 b.c.e., he recommended Jia Yi to Emperor Wen 文帝 (r. 180–157 b.c.e.) as a scholar learned in the writings of the Masters. The emperor appointed Jia Yi boshi 博士 (professor), a position that in this period probably involved giving instruction in a particular text. The other professors, who were much older men, viewed the young Jia Yi with suspicion, particularly after he rose within one year to the post of grand master of the palace, a 1000–bushel rank. Jia Yi submitted proposals for institutional reforms, which Emperor Wen did not dare to implement so early in his reign. Jia Yi also proposed a plan ordering the vassal lords to take up residence in their fiefs. When Emperor Wen considered naming Jia Yi to a ministerial post, the senior officials protested on the grounds that “the man from Luoyang is young and just beginning his studies, yet he concentrates all his desires on arrogating authority to himself, and has brought chaos and confusion to everything.” The men who opposed Jia Yi were part of the so-called Huai-Si 淮泗 faction, a group of old-guard officials that joined the Han founder Liu Bang 劉邦 (256–195 b.c.e.) in his home area and continued to serve in influential positions under Emperor Wen. They not only regarded Jia Yi as an upstart (the reference to him as “a man from Luoyang,” a city of merchants, was not a compliment), but undoubtedly considered this reformed-minded genius a threat to their own positions.

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Deciding it was not politic to offend the group that had put him on the throne, Emperor Wen ceased seeking Jia Yi’s advice. Finally, probably in 176 b.c.e., he dismissed Jia from the court and sent him into exile as grand tutor to Wu Chan 吳產, King of Changsha 長沙 (roughly corresponding to modern Hunan) from 178 to 157 b.c.e. Shortly after arriving in Changsha, Jia Yi composed a fu about another earlier exile, Qu Yuan. The piece has various titles, but the most common one is “Diao Qu Yuan” 弔屈原 (Lamenting Qu Yuan). The poem is in two parts. In the first section, Jia Yi begins by relating the circumstances of his composition of the piece. He has received an appointment to the kingdom of Changsha, the capital of which was Linxiang 臨湘, located on the Xiang River. This was an area to which Qu Yuan reputedly had been exiled, and thus Jia Yi was moved to write a poem lamenting the fate of the martyred Chu poet. Jia Yi then follows with the lament, most of which consists of a long topos of the world upside down. Jia Yi portrays the world in which Qu Yuan lived as a time of chaos, in which men could not recognize true worth. Good men, represented allegorically as noble birds such as the phoenix and simurgh, had to go into hiding, while base men, symbolized by the kite and owl, held high positions. Ensuing lines emphasize the distortion of values: heroic men were slandered, while bandits were praised as pure; a lead knife was preferred to a great sword; a broken pot had more worth than the great tripods of Zhou; chariots were pulled by nags and mules, while the thoroughbred had the ignominious task of pulling a salt cart. The second part of the piece is the “finale.” At this point Jia Yi shifts from Qu Yuan to his own situation. He portrays himself as a Han dynasty Qu Yuan, whom the court has not properly appreciated. Like the noble phoenix that soars aloft, far from profane existence, he declares his intention to withdraw from the filthy world to preserve his integrity. In the closing lines, he castigates Qu Yuan for stubbornly trying to influence a recalcitrant ruler in his home state. Rather he should have “scanned the nine provinces” for a more sympathetic and enlightened lord to serve. While in Changsha, Jia Yi wrote his most famous poem, “Funiao fu” 鵩鳥賦 (Fu on the owl). According to his Shi ji and Han shu biographies, Jia Yi wrote this piece after living in Changsha for three years. Thus, he must have written “Funiao fu” in 173 b.c.e. The fu itself consists of three parts: an introduction (LL. 1–22), the body (LL. 23–98), and conclusion (LL. 99–108). In the introduction, Jia Yi relates the reason for writing the poem, the landing of an owl in his house. After consulting an oracle book, Jia Yi learned that the appearance of the owl in his house was an omen that the master was about “to depart” (i.e., pass away). The body of the piece that follows the introduction consists mainly of a series of Taoist proverbs

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and parables drawn from the Laozi and Zhuangzi. Jia Yi repeatedly makes the point that life and death are part of the same process of transformation, and that life is nothing to cling to, and death is nothing to fear. Given the persistence of change, Jia Yi presents the Taoist view that life, self, riches, fame, and power do not matter. The man of broad vision is oblivious of all things except the Tao. Thus, he divests himself of all desires, attachment to self, and yields to whatever fate decrees for him. Around 172 b.c.e., Emperor Wen summoned Jia Yi back to the capital and appointed him grand tutor to Liu Yi 劉揖, King Huai 懷 of Liang 梁 (r. 178–169 b.c.e.). Liu Yi was Emperor Wen’s youngest and favorite son. He was a studious lad and fond of books. While serving as his tutor, Jia Yi continued to give advice to the emperor, particularly on how to reduce the power of the vassal kingdoms. Liu Yi died in 169 b.c.e. after suffering a fall from a horse. Jia Yi blamed himself for the accident and reputedly died, grief-stricken over the incident, a year later. The monograph on bibliography of the Han shu, which was based on a catalogue of the imperial library compiled by Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23), lists under Jia Yi’s name in the fu section seven pieces. It does not provide the titles. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions a collection of Jia Yi’s writings that was listed in a Liang period catalogue. This work was lost already by the early Tang. Both Tang histories record a collection in two juan. This was lost in the Song. Later collections are all reconstructions. In addition to the two fu mentioned above, Jia Yi is attributed with three other poems, “Han yun fu” 旱雲賦 (Fu on dry clouds), “Xi shi” 惜誓 (Regretting the oath), and “Ju fu” 虡賦 (Fu on the bell stand). The latter is a fragment consisting of six lines. Scholars have questioned Jia Yi’s authorship of the “Han yun fu” and “Xi shi.” Jia Yi’s prose is available in two different sources. The first source is his biography in chapter 48 of the Han shu. A large portion of the biography consists of essays conventionally designated “Zhi an ce” 治安策 (Schemes for good government and security) or “Chen zheng shi shu” 陳政事疏 (Petition outlining matters of governance). This is followed by two petitions Jia Yi presented to Emperor Wen, the “Qing fengjian zidi shu” 請封 建子弟疏 (Petition requesting that your younger sons be enfeoffed) and “Jian li Huainan zhuzi shu” 諫立淮南諸子疏 (Petition admonishing against installing the sons of the King of Huainan as princes). Jia Yi proposed in the first petition that the emperor enlarge the fief in Huaiyang by adding to it the entire territory of Huainan. He also proposed that the territory of Liang be increased. These two fiefs, which, when governed by his sons, would be powerful enough to withstand attacks from larger states. In the

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second petition, presented to Emperor Wen in 172 b.c.e, Jia Yi objected to granting noble titles to the four sons of the King of Huainan, who had rebelled in 174 b.c.e. Jia Yi is widely regarded as the leading writer of expository prose in the early Former Han. In his “Zhi an ce” he not only presents his ideas in a well-argued fashion, but does not hesitate to express them with strong feeling. The other source of Jia Yi’s prose writings is the Xin shu 新書 (New writings). Scholars long have debated the authenticity of this work. The book by Rune Svarverud listed below provides a detailed summary of the arguments pro and con. Jia Yi’s most famous essay is “Guo Qin lun” 過秦論 (Disquisition finding fault with Qin). This is one of several early Former Han works that try to explain the reasons for the fall of the Qin dynasty. Although one section of “Guo Qin lun” is commonly found in anthologies such as the Wen xuan (51.2233–2237), the work is much longer than this. In the Xin shu it is divided into three parts. The same three parts, but in a different order, can be found in the “Basic Annals of the First Qin Emperor” in the Shi ji (6.276–84). However, there are some versions that are in two sections. Bibliography Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Jia Changsha ji 賈長沙集. 3 juan. Qishi’er jia ji. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, vol. 1583. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Jia Changsha ji 賈長沙集. In Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji 漢魏六朝百三名家集. Jia Yi ji 賈誼集. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1976. Wu Yun 吳雲 and Li Chuntai 李春臺, ed. and comm. Jia Yi ji jiaozhu 賈誼集校注. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1989. Wang Zhouming 王洲明 and Xu Chao 徐超, ed. and comm. Jia Yi ji jiaozhu 賈誼 集校注. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1996. Dong Zhi’an 董治安, ed.-in-chief. Liang Han quanshu, 274–478. Fang Xiangdong 方向東, ed. and comm. Jia Yi ji huijiao jijie 賈誼集匯校集解. Nanjing: Haihe daxue chubanshe, 2000.

Baihua Translations Lin Jiali 林家驪, trans. and comm. Xinyi Jia Changsha ji 新譯賈長沙集. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1996. Xia Hanning 夏漢寧, trans. and comm. Jia Yi wen fu quan yi 賈誼文賦全譯. Shanghai: Baizhou wenyi chubanshe, 1996.

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Studies of Biography, Literature, and Thought Bönner, Theodor. “Übersetzung der zweiten Teiles der 24. Biographie Seu-mà Ts’ien’s (Kià-i) Mit Kommentar.” Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde. Friedrich Wilhelms-Universität zu Berlin, 1908. Wang Jixing 王季星. “Jia Yi he tade zuopin” 賈誼和他的作品. Dongbei renmin daxue renwen kexue xuebao (1956: 4): 11–20. Kanaya Osamu 金谷治. “Ka Gi no fu ni tsuite” 賈誼の賦について. Chūgoku bungaku hō 8 (1958): 1–25. Kamada Shigeo 鎌田重雄. “Kanjo Ka Gi den ni tsuite” 漢書賈誼伝について. Nihon daigaku shigakkai kenkyū ihō 2 (1958): 35–41. Jiang Runxun 江潤勳, Chen Weiliang 陳煒良, and Chen Bingliang 陳炳良. Jia Yi yanjiu 賈誼研究. Kowloon: Qiujing yinwu gongsi, 1958. Jin Ronghua 金榮華. “Shi ji Qu Yuan Jia sheng liezhuan shuzheng” 史記屈原賈生列 傳疏證. M.A. Thesis, Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo, 1964. Jin Ronghua 金榮華. “Shi ji Qu Yuan Jia sheng liezhuan shuzheng” 史記屈原賈生列 傳疏證. Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo jikan 9 (1965): 615–90. Wu Meihui 吳美慧. “Jia Yi yanjiu” 賈誼研究. M.A. Thesis, Taiwan daxue Zhongwen yanjiusuo, 1968. Wang Gengsheng 王更生. “Jia Yi xueshu san pian” 賈誼學術三篇. Qingzhu Lin Jingyi xiansheng liuzhi danchen lunwen ji 慶祝林景依先生六秩誕辰論文集, 1227– 1354. Taipei: Zhengzhi daxue Zhongwenxi, 1969. Cai Shangzhi 蔡尚志. “Jia Yi yanjiu” 賈誼研究. M.A. Thesis, Zhengzhi daxue Zhongwen yanjiusuo, 1977. Wang Gengsheng 王更生. “Chongding Jia Yi nianbiao—fu Jia Yi housi kao” 重定 賈誼年表－附賈誼後嗣考. Guowen xuebao 7 (1978): 135–48. Wang Gengsheng 王更生. “Jia Yi zhushu cun yi kao” 賈誼著述存疑考. Zhongguo xueshu niankan 2 (1978): 109–20. Hsiao-Mote, History of Chinese Political Thought, 473–83. Feng Jihao 馮濟灝. “Jia Yi lüe lun” 賈誼略論. Fuxing gang xuebao 20 (1979): 169–79. Chen Manming 陳滿銘. “Jia Yi ji qi zuopin xi lun” 賈誼及其作品析論. Guowen xuebao 9 (1980): 111–22. Hu Yi 胡儀. “Jia Yi de nianling” 賈誼的年齡. Huandong shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 33 (1981): 15–19. Ma Yinbin 馬寅賓. “Jia Yi zai Changsha de chuangzuo yu yiji” 賈誼在長沙的創作與 遺跡. Hunan shiyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 28 (1981): 122–26. Lü Botao 呂伯濤. “Jia Yi shengzu nian kao” 賈誼生卒年考. Wen shi 14 (1982): 36. Cai Shangzhi 蔡尚志. “Jia Yi shengping yanjiu” 賈誼生平研究. Jiaoshi zhi you 23.3 (1982): 28–32; 23.4 (1982). Dong Zhi’an 董治安. “Jia Yi” 賈誼. In Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 1: 65–78. Rpt. in Liang Han wenxian yu liang Han wenxue, 205–17. Gong Kechang. “Saofu zuojia Jia Yi” 騷賦作家賈誼. Han fu yanjiu, 43–55. Lü Botao 呂伯濤. “Jia Yi sheng zu nian kao” 賈誼生卒年考. Wen shi 14 (1982): 36. Cai Tingji 蔡廷吉. Jia Yi yanjiu 賈誼研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1984. Gu Wenli 顧文櫟. “Han Wendi weihe buyong Jia Yi” 漢文帝為何不用賈誼. Guizhou wenshi congkan (1988: 2): 23–28. Xu Lixia 徐麗霞. “Jia Yi Chao Cuo zhenglun sixiang bijiao yanjiu” 賈誼晁錯政論思 想比較研究. Ph.D. diss, Guoli Taiwan Shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo, 1988.

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Aque, Stuart V. “The Han shu Biography of Jia Yi and Other Writings.” M.A. Thesis, University of Washington, 1989. Csikzentmihályi, Mark. “The Memorials of Jia Yi: An Annotated Translation.” M.A. Thesis, Stanford University, 1989. Wang Xingguo 王興國. Jia Yi pingzhuan 賈誼評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1992. Guo Jianxun 郭建勳. “Lun Jia Yi de cifu ji qi yiyi” 論賈誼的辭賦及其意義. Xinya xueshu jikan 13 (1994): 223–28. Yan Tianyou 顏天佑. “Shi ji ‘Qu Yuan Jia sheng liezhuan’ jiedu”「史記‧屈原賈生 列傳」解讀. Xingda Zhongwen xuebao 9 (1996): 167–93. Gong Kechang. “The Sao-fu Poet Jia Yi.” Studies in the Han Fu, 93–113. Li Xiujuan 李秀娟. “Jia Yi cifu yong yun” 賈誼辭賦用韻. Fuda Zhongyansuo xuekan 8 (1998): 11–39. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 187–89. Wang Yaoming 汪耀明. Jia Yi he Xi Han wenxue 賈誼和西漢文學. Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2003. Cheng Shihe 程世和. Hanchu shifeng yu Hanchu wenxue 漢初士風與漢初文學, 109–80. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2004. Wu Songgeng 吳松庚. “Jia Yi puxi kaolüe” 賈誼譜系考略. Chuanshan xuekan (2004: 3): 46–48, 127. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Lun Jia fu” 論賈賦. Nanfang xueyuan xuebao 1 (2005): 1–12. Zhai Jingyun 翟景運. “Jia Yi ji liuchuan lüekao” 賈誼集流傳略考. Yunmeng xuekan 26.3 (2005): 50–51, 59. Shiroyama Takanobu 城山宣陽. “Ka Gi nempu chōhen josetsu—shiryō hennenjō no mondaiten o chūshin ni” 賈誼年譜長編序說—資料編年上の問題點を中心に. Kansai daigaku Chūgoku bungakkai kiyō 27 (2006): 107–39. Yuejin 躍進. “Jia Yi de xueshu beijing ji qi wenzhang fengge di xingcheng” 賈誼的 學術背景及其文章風格的形成. Wen shi zhe 293 (2006): 94–101; rpt. Liu Yuanjin, Qin Han wenxue luncong, 36–50. Zhang Qiang 張強. “Jia Yi fu kao lun si ti” 賈誼賦考論四題. Wenxue yichan (2006: 4): 29–36. Xiong Yongxiang 雄永祥. “Lun lidai Jia Yi yanjiu de fenqi” 論歷代賈誼研究的分期. Qiusuo (2007: 9): 165–67, 76. Liang Anhe 梁安和. Jia Yi sixiang yanjiu 賈誼思想研究. Xi’an: San Qin chubanshe, 2007. Zhou Xiaolu 周曉露. “Jia Yi beibian yuanyin xin tan” 賈誼被貶原因新探. Hunan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 22.2 (2008): 133–36.

Works a. “Diao Qu Yuan” 弔屈原 Studies Wu Fuzhu 吳福助. “Jia Yi ‘Diao Qu Yuan fu’ jie ti” 賈誼「弔屈原賦」解題. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 142 (1991): 54–56. He Peixiong 何沛雄 (Kenneth P.H. Ho). “Jia Yi ‘Diao Qu Yuan fu’ cuo shuo” 賈誼 「弔屈原賦」脞說. Shuren xuebao 2 (2001): 22–29.

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Xu Youfang 許又方. “Zhuti de chonggou: lun Jia Yi pingdiao Qu Yuan de shenceng yihan” 主題的重構: 論賈誼憑弔屈原的深層意涵. Guoli zhongyang daxue renwen xuebao 37 (2009): 1–27.

Translations Margouliès, trans., Le Kou-wen chinois, 66–67, and reprinted without notes in his Anthologie raisonnée de la littérature chinoise, 206–7. Watson, trans., Records, 1: 510–11. Knechtges, Two Studies, 10–13. Nienhauser, ed., The Grand Scribe’s Records, Volume VI, 303–4.

b. “Funiao fu” 鵩鳥賦 Studies Itō Tomio 伊藤富雄. “Ka Gi no ‘Fukuchō’ no fu no tachiba” 賈誼の「鵩鳥の賦」の 立場. Chūgoku bungaku hō 13 (1960): 1–24. Miyata Yumiko 宮田有美子. “Ka Gi ‘Fukuchō fu’ shōkō” 賈誼「鵩鳥賦」小考. Kokugakuin Chūgoku gakkai hō 40 (1994): 21–31. Hou Haiyao 侯海瑤. “Funiao fu zhong yinlun shoufa de biaoxian” 鵩鳥賦中隱論手 法的表現. Muzha gaogong xuebao 2 (1998): 99–106. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. “Jia Yi ‘Funiao fu’ ji qi renxue” 賈誼《鵩鳥賦》及其人學. Dongnan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue xuebao) 5.4 (2003): 99–101. Yin Mingyao 殷明耀. “Jia Yi ‘Funiao fu’ de zhexue sixiang” 賈誼《鵩鳥賦》的哲學 思想. Shixue yuekan (2007: 10): 125–27. Li Chunyun 李春雲. “Cong jieshou shi lun Jia Yi ‘Funiao fu’” 從接受史論賈誼《鵩 鳥賦》. Jiangnan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 7.3 (2007): 71–80.

Translations Herbert A. Giles. “Poe’s ‘Raven’—in Chinese.” Adversaria Sinica, 1–10. Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh, 1914. Richard Wilhelm. Die chinesische Literatur, 111–12. Wildpark-Potsdam: Akademische Verlags-gesselschaft Anthenaion M.B.H., 1926. Hightower, James Robert. “Chia Yi’s ‘Owl Fu.’” AM, n.s. 8 (1959): 125–30. Watson, trans. Records (1961), 1: 512–15; rpt. Early Chinese Literature, 255–58; Rhyme-Prose, 25–28. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 41–49. Owen, Anthology, 110–13. Nienhauser, ed., The Grand Scribe’s Records, Volume VI, 304–7.

c. “Xi shi” 惜誓 (Regretting an oath) Translations and Study Hawkes, Ch’u Tz’u, 115–18. Hawkes, Songs of the South, 238–42.

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Mathieu, Élégies de Chu, 195–203. Zhao Kuifu 趙逵夫. “Lun ‘Xi shi’ de zuozhe yu zuo shi” 論《惜誓》的作者與作時. Wenxian jikan (2000: 1): 45–55.

d. “Han yun fu” 旱雲賦 (Fu on dry clouds) Translation and studies Knechtges, Two Studies, 46–60. Chen Chunbao 陳春保. “Jia Yi ‘Hanyun fu’ xin tan—guanyu Han fu chuanbo yanjiu de ge’an zhi yi” 賈誼《旱雲賦》新探—關於漢賦傳播研究的個案之一. Xiandai yuwen (2005: 10): 16–18. Chen Chunbao 陳春保. “Zhishi he sixiang chuanbo shiye zhong de Jia Yi ‘Hanyun fu’ 知識和思想傳播視野中的賈誼《旱雲賦》. Jiangnan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 5.3 (2006): 49–52.

e. “Guo Qin lun” 過秦論 (Disquisition finding fault with Qin) Studies Wu Meiyu 吳美玉. “Jia Yi ‘Guo Qin lun’ shangpian tanxi” 賈誼「過秦論」上篇探 析. Zhongguo yuwen 131 (1988): 16–24. Deng Jiankun 鄧鑒坤. “‘Guo Qin lun’ sixiang xintan”《過秦論》思想新探. Jianghan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1989: 4): 77–80. Tsuruma Kazuyuki 鶴間和幸. “Kandai ni okeru Shin ōchō shikan no hensen—Ka Gi ‘Ka Shin ron’ Shiba Sen ‘Shin shikō honki’ o chūshin to shite” 漢代における 秦王朝史觀の變遷－賈誼「過秦論」司馬遷「秦始皇本紀」を中心として. Ibaraki daigaku kyōyōbu kiyō 29 (1995): 1–19. Shi Ding 施丁. “Zai ping ‘Guo Qin lun’” 再評《過秦論》. Shixue shi yanjiu (1996: 1): 25–31. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Jia Yi ‘Guo Qin lun’ fenpian tan lüe” 賈誼「過秦論」分 篇探略. Dalu zazhi 94.3 (1997): 36–41. Haga Yoshinobu 芳賀良信. “Ka Gi no shisō ni okeru ‘Ka Shin ron’ no ichi” 賈誼の 思想における「過秦論」の位置. Chūgoku tetsugaku kenkyū 14 (2000): 1–30. Zhang Qiang 張強. “Xi Han ‘Guo Qin’ sixiang de fasheng he fazhan” 西漢 ‘過秦’ 思想的發生和發展. Huaiyang shifan xueyuan xuebao 26 (2004): 213–21. Guo Naizhen 郭乃禎. “Jia Yi ‘Guo Qin lun’ xin xi” 賈誼「過秦論」新析. Zhongguo yuwen 97 (2005): 34–46. Wu Chengxue 吳承學. “‘Guo Qin lun’: yige wenxue jingdian de xingcheng”《過秦 論》: 一個文學經典的形成. Wenxue pinglun (2005: 3): 136–45.

Translations Chavannes, Mémoires historiques, 2: 219–36. Watson, Records of the Grand Historian: Han Dynasty I, 10–13 (from the “Chen She shijia”). Watson, Records of the Grand Historian: Qin Dynasty, 74–83 (complete). Nienhauser et al., The Grand Scribe’s Records, Volume I, 163–69.

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f. “Lun jizhu shu” 論積貯疏 (Petition discussing storing [of grain] Translations Swann, Food and Money, 152–57. Hsu, Han Agriculture, 158–60.

g. “Jian zhu qian shu” 諫鑄錢疏 (Petition admonishing against private casting of coins) Translations Swann, Food and Money, 233–39. Xin shu 新書 Xin shu textual history

The monograph on bibliography of the Han shu, which is based on a catalogue of the Han imperial library compiled by Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23) lists a work in 58 chapters under the name of Jia Yi in the Ru category. However, this work has no title. The Zi chao 子鈔 of Yu Zhongrong 庾仲容 (476–549) is variously cited as listing a Jia Yi Xin shu 賈誼新書 in eight or nine juan. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu records a Jiazi 賈子 in 10 juan. The Jiu Tang shu (ca. 945) lists the Jiazi in nine juan while the Xin Tang shu (1060) records a Jia Yi Xin shu in ten juan. By the early Southern Song most versions of the Xin shu recorded in catalogues mention Jia Yi’s work in ten juan. This is the most common arrangement of the received text. There were two printings of the Xin shu during the Southern Song. The first is the Jian 建 (Fujian) edition. It was printed in Jianning 建寧 at the Chonghua shufang 崇化書坊 of the famous printer Chen Balang 陳八郎, who also printed the earliest extant version of the Wuchen Wen xuan 五 臣文選. The Song original has not survived. However, it was reprinted at least twice in the Ming. One printing was issued in 1538 at the Taisu guan 太素館 of Wu Yuangong 吳元恭. Another printing was done by Mao Yi 毛扆 (1640–1713) at the Jigu ge 汲古閣. The second Southern Song printing is the Tan 潭 (Changsha) edition issued in 1248. The originals of the two Southern Song editions have been lost. However, Lu Wenchao 廬文弨 (1717–1796) in his Xin shu 新書 published in 1784 provided detailed notes on these two editions. The most important extant printed editions include: Jia zi 賈子. 10 juan. Li Mengyang 李夢陽 (1475–1529) ed. Preface dated 1513. Jiazi Xin shu 賈子新書. 10 juan. Lu Xiang 陸相 (zi Liangbi 良弼) ed. 1514; rpt. Jifu 吉府, 1515 with colophon by Yang Jie 楊節. The latter version was reproduced in the Sibu congkan.

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jia yi 賈誼 (ca. 200–168 b.c.e., var. 201–169 b.c.e.)

Jia taifu Xin shu 賈太傅新書. 10 juan. He Mengchun 何孟春 (1474–1536) ed. and comm. 1519. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Jiazi Xin shu 賈子新書. 2 juan. In Zi hui 子彙. Zhou Ziyi 周子儀, biehao Qian’anzi 潛菴子 (1529–1587), ed. Nanjing Guozijian 南京國子監, 1576–1577. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937. Jiazi 賈子. 10 juan. Hu Weixin 胡維新, ed. Liang jing yibian 兩京遺編. 1582. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937. Xin shu 新書. 10 juan. Cheng Rong 程榮 (fl. 1573–1620), ed. Han Wei congshu 漢魏叢書. Wanli period (1573–1620). Rpt. Taipei: Xingxing shuju, 1965. Xin shu 新書. 10 juan. Huang Fulong 黃甫龍 and Tang Lin 唐琳, ed. Printed by Zhu Tulong 朱圖隆. Late Ming. Held by Guojia tushuguan (Taiwan), Gest Memorial Library (Princeton University), Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Jiazi Xin shu 賈子新書. 10 juan. Lu Wenchao 盧文弨 (1717–1796), ed. Baojing tang congshu 抱經堂叢書 Preface dated 1784. Typeset rpt. in Sibu beiyao. Jiazi ci gu 賈子次詁. 16 juan. Wang Gengxin 王耕心, ed. 1903. Rpt. in Xuxiu Siku quanshu.

Modern Commentaries Qi Yuzhang 祁玉章, ed. and comm. Jiazi Xin shu jiaoshi 賈子新書校釋. Taipei: published by the author, 1974. Fang Xiangdong 方向東. Jia Yi Xin shu jishi 賈誼新書集釋. Nanjing: Hehai daxue, 1994. Wang Zhouming 王洲明 and Xu Chao 徐超, eds. Jia Yi ji jiaozhu 賈誼集校注. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1996. Qian Hang 錢杭, ed. Yang Xiaofen 楊曉芬, rev. Jia Yi Xin shu 賈誼新書. Haikou: Hainan guoji chuban zhongxin, 1996; rpt. Jinan: Shandong huabao chubanshe, 2004. Yan Zhenyi 閻振益 and Zhong Xian 鍾夏, ed. and comm. Xin shu jiaozhu 新書 校注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2000. Fang Xiangdong 方向東, ed. and comm. Jia Yi ji huijiao jijie 賈誼集匯校集解. Nanjing: Haihe daxue chubanshe, 2000.

Baihua Translations Li Ergang 李爾鋼, trans. and comm. Xin shu quan yi 新書全譯. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1998. Yu Zhirong 于智榮, trans. and comm. Jia Yi Xin shu yizhu 賈誼新書譯注. Harbin: Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 2003.

Concordance Jia Yi Xin shu zhuzi suoyin 賈誼新書逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1994.

jia yi 賈誼 (ca. 200–168 b.c.e., var. 201–169 b.c.e.)

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Studies Tao Xiaoshi 陶小石 (Tao Hongqing 陶鴻慶). “Du Jia Yi Xin shu zhaji” 讀賈誼新書 札記. Zhiyan banyuekan 46 (1937): 1–24; rpt. in Tao Hongqing. Du zhuzi zhaji 讀諸子札記, 297–316. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959. Shigezawa Toshio 重沢俊郎. “Ka Gi Shinsho no shisō” 賈誼新書の思想. Tōyōshi kenkyū 10 (1949): 46–60. Qi Yuzhang 祁玉章. Jiazi tanwei 賈子探微. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1969. Satō Akira 佐藤明. “Shinsho yōkei hen ni tsuite” 新書容經篇について. Chūgoku kankei ronsetsu shiryō 23 (1981): 309–16. Wang Zhouming 王洲明. “Xin shu fei weishu kao” 新書非偽書考. Wenxue yichan (1982: 2): 17–28. Wang Zhouming. “Jia Yi sanwen de tedian ji zai wenxue shi shang de diwei” 賈誼 散文的特點及在文學史上的地位. Wen shi zhe (1982: 3): 63–67. Cai Tingji 蔡廷吉. Jia Yi yanjiu 賈誼研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1984. Uno Shigehiko 宇野茂彥. “Ka Gi Shinsho satsuki” 賈誼新書札記. Nagoya daigaku bungakubu kenkyū ronshū 102 (1988): 177–87. Satō Akira 佐藤明. “‘Ga Ki Shinsho’ no kyōiku shisō”「賈誼新書」の教育思想. Tetsugaku nenpō 49 (1990): 315–32; 50 (1991): 141–68. Emmerich, Reinhard. “Untersuchungen zu Jia Yi (200–168 v.Chr).” Habilitationsschrift, University of Hamburg, 1991. Wang Xingguo 王興國. Jia Yi pingzhuan 賈誼評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1992. Nylan, Michael. “Hsin shu.” In Michael Loewe, ed. Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, 161–70. Svarverud, Rune. Methods of the Way Early Chinese Ethical Thought. Leiden: Brill, 1998. Lu Na 魯納 (Rune Svarverud). “Jia Yi Xin shu zhi chuanshi bian jie” 賈誼《新書》之 傳世辨解. Wenxian jikan (2000: 2): 12–31. Pan Mingji 潘銘基. “Jia Yi Xin shu yu Xian Qin Liang Han dianji guanxi kao” 賈誼《新書》與先秦兩漢典籍關係考. M. Phil Thesis, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001. Shiroyama Takanobu 城山陽宣. “Ka Gi Shinsho seiritsu setsu ni kansuru shiryō hihanteki kenkyū” 賈誼『新書』成立說に關する資料批判的研究. Kansai daigaku Chūgoku bungakkai kiyō 22 (2001): 1–24. Wang Yaoming 汪耀明. Jia Yi he Xi Han wenxue 賈誼和西漢文學. Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2003. Kudō Takushi 工藤卓司. “Ka Gi to Ka Gi Shinsho” 賈誼と『賈誼新書』. Tōyō kotengaku kenkyū 79 (2003): 171–85. Shiroyama Takanobu 城山陽宣. “Ka Gi Shinsho no seiritsu” 賈誼『新書』の成立. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 56 (2004): 1–15. Tang Xiongshan 唐雄山. Jia Yi li zhi sixiang yanjiu 賈誼禮治思想研究. Guangzhou: Zhongshan daxue chubanshe, 2005. Sanft, Charles. “Rituals that Don’t Reach, Punishments that Don’t Impugn: Jia Yi on the Exclusions from Punishment and Ritual.” JAOS 125.1 (2005): 31–44. Pan Mingji 潘銘基. “Jia Yi Xin shu yu Han shu hujian guanxi kaolüe” 賈誼《新書》與 《漢書》互見關係考略. Shumu jikan 39.4 (2006): 1–16. Csikszentmilhalyi, Mark. Readings in Han Chinese Thought, 9–15, 35–37. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2006.

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Ho Chewah (He Zhihua) 何志華, et al. ed. Xin shu yu Xian Qin Liang Han dianji chongjian ziliao huibian《新書》與先秦兩漢典籍重建資料彙編. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2007. Kudō Takushi 工藤卓司. “Ka Gi Shinsho ni okeru ‘Shin’ juyō—Ka Gi ‘Ka Shin ron’ to ‘Dōjutsu hen’ no shisōteki renkan” 『賈誼新書』における「秦」受容－賈誼 「過秦論」と「道術篇」の思想的連關. Shūkan Tōyōgaku 99 (2008): 1–21. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Lun Jia Yi ‘Zhi an shu’ de bianji” 論賈誼「治安疏」的編 輯. Shumu jikan 41.1 (2007): 97–108. DRK

Jian’an qizi 建安七子 (Seven Masters of the Jian’an period) Late Han Early Wei period literary “group” The Jian’an 建安 period (196–220) is the last reign period of the Later Han dynasty. Jian’an also is the name of a literary period that approximately coincides with the actual political period. The Jian’an literary period begins about 190 and extends into about the first decade of the Wei dynasty that was founded in 220. During this period Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) and his two sons, Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) and Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232) were among the foremost patrons of literature. They recruited literary men to their main residences, first in Xu 許 (modern Xuchang 許昌, Henan) where in 196 Cao Cao had taken the last Han emperor (Xian 獻 r. 190–220) into his “protection,” and later to Ye 鄴 (southwest of modern Linzhang 臨漳, Hebei) where most of the literary gatherings hosted by members of the Cao family took place. Among the Jian’an writers, there are seven that traditionally have been granted an honored place in Chinese literary history, the Jian’an qizi 建安七子 or Seven Masters of the Jian’an. The names of the members of this Pléiade already appear in a Jian’an period work, the Dian lun 典論 (Normative disquistions) of Cao Pi, written around 217. In the “Lun wen 論文 (Discussing literature) chapter Cao Pi identifies seven writers as the most prominent of the period: Kong Rong 孔融 (153–208), Chen Lin 陳琳 (d. 217), Wang Can 王粲 (177–217), Xu Gan 徐幹 (170–217/18), Ruan Yu 阮瑀 (ca. 167–212), Ying Yang 應瑒 (170?–217), and Liu Zhen 劉楨 (170?–217). Some recent scholars have argued that Kong Rong does not belong in this group because he died before the other “masters” joined the Cao court. Although there are other prominent writers of the Jian’an period, scholars have traditionally focused their attention on these seven. There are even special collections devoted to these seven writers’ works.

jian’an qizi 建安七子 (seven masters of the jian’an period) 429 Bibliography Collections Yang Dezhou 楊德周 (Ming), ed. Jian’an qizi ji 建安七子集. 1638. Chen Chaofu 陳朝輔 (Qing), rev. 1758; rpt. Taipei: Taiwan Zhonghua shuju, 1971. Wu Yun 吳雲, ed. and comm. Jian’an qizi zuopin xuan 建安七子作品選. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1987. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初, ed. Jian’an qizi ji 建安七子集. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989; Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1990. Yu Xianhao 郁賢浩 and Zhang Caimin 張采民, ed. and comm. Jian’an qizi shi jian zhu 建安七子詩箋注. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1990. Han Geping 韓格平, ed. and comm. Jian’an qizi shiwen ji jiaozhu yixi 建安七子詩 文集校注譯析. Changchun: Jilin wenshi chubanshe, 1991. Wu Yun 吳雲, ed. and comm. Jian’an qizi ji jiaozhu 建安七子集校注. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1991. Tang Manxian 唐滿先. Jian’an shi sanbai shou xiangzhu 建安詩三百首詳注. Nanchang: Baihuazhou wenyi chubanshe, 1996. Li Jinghua 李景華. Jian’an shi zhuan 建安詩傳. Changchun: Jilin renmin chubanshe, 1998.

Concordance Jian’an qizi ji zhuzi suoyin 建安七子集逐字索引. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2001.

Studies Sugaya Gunjirō 菅谷軍次郎. “Kenan shichishi kō” 建安七子考. Shibun 15.5 (1933): 32–39. Lu Kanru 陸侃如. “Jian’an wenxue xinian” 建安文學繫年. Tsinghua Journal of Chinese Studies 30 (1941): 211–56. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Kenan shidan no keisei katai” 建安詩壇の形成過程. Ritsumeikan bungaku 184 (1960): 25–43; 86 (1961): 23–42; 188 (1961): 60–77; 189 (1961): 24–38. Suzuki Shūji 鈴木修次. “Kenan shi no daizei to fu” 建安詩の題材と賦, Tōkyō kyōiku daigaku bungaku bu kiyō 37 (1962): 51–102. Liao Weiqing 廖蔚卿. “Jian’an yuefu shi suyuan” 建安樂府詩溯源. Youshi xuezhi 7.1 (1968), 76 pp. Miao, Ronald C. “The ‘Ch’i Ai Shih’ of the Late Han and Chin Periods (I).” HJAS 33 (1973): 183–223. Zhang Fangling 張芳鈴. “Jian’an wenxue zhi tanshu” 建安文學之探述. Guoli Taiwan Shifan daxue guowen yanjiusuo jikan 21 (1977): 787–887. Syrokomia-Stefanowska, Agnieszka Dorota. “The Development of Chinese Poetry from the Chien-an Period to the End of the Western Chin. Ph.diss., University of Sydney, 1977. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. “Jian’an qizi lun” 建安七子論. Wenxue pinglun (1981: 4): 134–44.

430 jian’an qizi 建安七子 (seven masters of the jian’an period) Shen Yucheng 沈玉成. “Wei Jin wenxue shiliao kaobian” 魏晉文學史料考辨. Wen shi 13 (1982): 201–8; rpt. Shen Yucheng. Shen Yucheng wencun 沈玉成文存, 73–84. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006. Niu Weiding 牛維鼎. “‘Jian’an wenxue’ de fenqi wenti—jian lüe ji ‘Jian’an wenxue’ de fengge” “建安文學” 的分期問題—兼略及 “建安文學” 的風格. Fuyang shiyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1982: 2): 18–25. Jiang Jianjun 江建俊. Jian’an wenxue xueshu 建安文學學述. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1982. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. “Jian’an qizi shiwen xinian kaozheng” 建安七子詩文繫年考證. Wenxue yichan zengkan 14 (1982): 125–44. Yitan bianji bu 藝譚編輯部, ed. Jian’an wenxue yanjiu wen ji 建安文學研究文集. Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 1984. Liu Zhijian 劉知漸. Jian’an wenxue biannian shi 建安文學編年史. Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 1985. Fu Xuancong 傅璇琮 and Shen Yucheng 沈玉成. “Jian’an wenxue shiliao xinian” 建安文學史料繫年. Yiwen zhi 3 (1985); rpt. in Shen Yucheng. Shen Yucheng wencun 沈玉成文存, 87–126. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006. Zhang Keli 張可禮. Jian’an wenxue lungao 建安文學論稿. Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1986. Wang Zhongling, Zhongguo zhonggu shige shi, 227–98. Zheng Mengtong 鄭孟彤. Jian’an fengliu renwu 建安風流人物. Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1989. Hu Shihou 胡世厚, Xiao Yongqing 蕭永慶, and Wei Shaosheng 衛紹生, eds. Jian’an wenxue xin lun 建安文學新論. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1992. Song Yongyi. “Erotic Archetypes in Jian’an Literature.” Chinese Culture 34 (June 1993): 23–41. Wang Wei 王巍. Jian’an wenxue yanjiu shi lun 建安文學研究史論. Changchun: Jilin daxue chubanshe, 1994. Wei Hongcan 魏宏燦. “Yexia wenxue jituan lingxiu lun” 鄴下文學集團領袖論. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao (1995: 2): 61–67; rpt. Fuyin baokan ziliao, Zhongguo gudai, jindai wenxue yanjiu (1995: 8): 80–86. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. Gi Shin shidan no kenkyū, 131–233. Fu Gang, Wei Jin Nanbeichao shige shi lun, 1–41. Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 3–154. Han Geping 韓格平. Jian’an qizi zonglun 建安七子綜論. Changchun: Dongbei shifan daxue chubanshe, 1998. Gu Nong 顧農. Jian’an wenxue shi 建安文學史. Changsha: Hunan jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000. Wang Wei 王巍. Jian’an wenxue gailun 建安文學概論. Shenyang: Liaoning jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000. Li Wenlu 李文祿. Jian’an qizi pingzhuan 建安七子評傳. Shenyang: Shenyang chubanshe, 2001; rpt. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 2004. Itō Masafumi 伊藤正文. Kenan shijin to sono dentō 建安詩人とその伝統. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 2002. Wang Pengting 王鵬廷. Jian’an qizi yanjiu 建安七子研究. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2004. Wang Mei 王玫. Jian’an wenxue jieshou shi lun 建安文學接受史論. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005.

jiang hong 江洪 (fl. 487–517?)

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Zhao Jianjun 趙建軍. “Jian’an ershi’er nian de wenyi dui wenxue de yingxiang” 建安二十二年的瘟疫對文學的影響. Yinshan xuekan 20.1 (2007): 19–21. Wang Huibin 王輝斌. “Jian’an qizi zuopin bian wei” 建安七子作品辨偽. Fuyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 121.1 (2008): 90–04. Wu Fusheng. “Self-Forgrounding in the Panegyric Poetry of the Jian’an Era.” Written at Imperial Command: Panegyric Poetry in Early Medieval China, 23–28 Albany: State University of New York Press, 2008. DRK

Jiang Bao 江鮑 (Jiang and Bao) This is a shorthand way of referring to the late Southern Dynasties writers Jiang Yan 江淹 (444–505) and Bao Zhao 鮑照 (ca. 414–466). Although Jiang Yan is mainly known for his imitations of earlier writers poems, and Bao Zhao has won acclaim primarily for his yuefu, the two writers both excelled in composing short yongwu fu pieces. DRK

Jiang Hong 江洪 (fl. 487–517?) Poet of Liang and Qi periods. Jiang Hong’s ancestral home was Jiyang 濟陽 commandery (modern Lankao 蘭考, Henan). His specific dates are unknown, but he was active as a writer during the Yongming 永明 (483–493) period of the Southern Qi and the Tianjian 天監 (502–519) era of the Liang. In 487, when the Prince of Jingling 竟陵 Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494) began to recruit scholars to his Western Residence, Jiang Hong was a student at the national university. It was said that Jiang Hong had a facile mind. He and his colleagues enjoyed setting a time limit for completing a poem by cutting a notch in a candle. His fellow student Xiao Wenyan 蕭文琰 (fl. 483–493) proposed a shorter time limit by striking a bronze bowl—a poem had to be completed when the lingering sound stopped. Jiang Hong and the literatus Xiao Ziyun 蕭子雲 (487–549) were close friends, and they exchanged many poems. After the founding of the Liang, Jiang Hong was appointed magistrate of Jianyang 建陽 (northeast of modern Jianyang, Fujian). He was executed for an unspecified offense. Zhong Rong in his Shi pin ranked Jiang Hong’s poems in the “lower grade” and remarked that “although his poems are not numerous they are distinctive.” The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Jiang Hong’s collected works in two juan. This was lost already by the end of the Tang. Lu

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Qinli has collected eighteen of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi eleven of which are preserved in the Zhao Jun 趙均 1633 edition of the Yutai xinyong. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zongguo wenxiejia cidian, 147. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. Yutai xinyong yanjiu, 157–58. Jansen, Höfische Offentlichkeit, 86–87.

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 147–48. 276–77. TPK

Jiang Yan 江淹 (444–505), zi Wentong 文通 Liu-Song, Southern Qi and Liang period writer. Jiang Yan’s ancestral home was Kaocheng 考城 county in Jiyang 濟陽 commandery (east of modern Lankao 蘭考, Henan). He was a leading writer of prose and poetry during the Song, Qi, and Liang dynasties. Although Jiang Yan’s ancestral home was in Kaocheng, his family had lived in the south since the Western Jin. The Jiang clan of Kaocheng was a distinguished family. However, Jiang Yan’s branch of the family did not include any high officials. His grandfather Jiang Dan 江耽 held the position of magistrate of Danyang 丹陽 (modern Nanjing), and his father Jiang Kangzhi 江康之 (d. 456) served as magistrate of Nansha 南沙 (modern Changshu, Jiangsu). His mother, née Liu 劉, was the aunt of Liu Zhao 劉昭 (fl. 502–520), a prominent writer and scholar of the Liang dynasty. When Jiang Yan was twelve, his father died, and the family endured poverty for a number of years. Dispute his privation, Jiang Yan acquired a good education, and earned renown for his learning and skill as a writer. Jiang Yan began his official career at the age of nineteen (463) as tutor to the eleventh son of Emperor Xiaowu (r. 453–464), the six-year-old Liu Zizhen 劉子真 (457–466), Prince of Shi’an 始安. Jiang Yan instructed the young prince in the Five Classics, and wrote a number of petitions on the prince’s behalf. He also accompanied him to his various posts, including Shitou cheng 石頭城 (modern Qingliang shan 清涼山, Nanjing). It was here that Jiang Yan wrote his first extant poem, “Cong Shi’an wang Shitou” 從 始安王石頭 (Attending the Prince of Shi’an at Shitou).

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Jiang Yan was invited to serve on the staff of Liu Ziluan 劉子鸞 (456–465), Prince of Xin’an 新安, who was nominal regional inspector of Nan Xuzhou 南徐州 (administrative seat Jingkou 京口, modern Zhenjiang). Jiang Yan at first declined the appointment, but eventually accepted the post, and served briefly under Liu Ziluan before returning to the service of Liu Zizhen. In 465, Jiang Yan accompanied Liu Zizhen to his post as regional inspector of Nan Yanzhou 南兗州 (administrative seat Guangling 廣陵, modern Yangzhou). On 25 October 466, Emperor Ming (Liu Yu 劉彧 [439–472, r. 465–472], who wished to eliminate all of the sons of Emperor Xiaowu, had the nine-year-old Liu Zizhen put to death. Jiang Yan was not a prominent member of Liu Zizhen’s staff, and he thus escaped punishment. Jiang Yan immediately was able to obtain a position with Liu Jingsu 劉景素 (452–476), Prince of Jianping 漸平. Liu Jingsu, who was fourteen at the time, was a grandson of Emperor Wen (r. 424–453). In 466, Liu Jingsu assumed Liu Zizhen’s post as regional inspector in Nan Yanzhou, and probably because Jiang Yan was on Zizhen’s staff, he was retained in Liu Jingsu’s service. Shortly after joining Liu Jingsu’s staff, the magistrate of Guangling 廣陵, Guo Yanwen 郭彥文, was charged with a crime, and in his confession accused Jiang Yan of accepting bribes. Jiang Yan was arrested and sent to prison. From prison, Jiang wrote an eloquent appeal to Liu Jingsu proclaiming his innocence. This piece is “Yi Jiangping wang shang shu” 詣建平 王上書 (Letter submitted to the Prince of Jianping) which is included in the Wen xuan. This is a skillful imitation of the “Letter from Prison Submitted to the King of Liang” by the early Western Han writer Zou Yang 鄒陽 (fl. 150 b.c.e.). The prince reputedly was so moved by Jiang Yan’s letter he ordered him released and restored him to his former position. In 469 Jiang Yan accompanied Liu Jingsu to his posts at Danyang 丹陽, which included the capital area, and governor of Wuxing 吳興 (modern Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). In early 469, Liu Xiufan 劉休範 (448–474), Prince of Guiyang 桂陽 and regional inspector of Nan Xuzhou, recommended Jiang Yan to submit an essay for the “flourishing talent” examination, and Jiang was ranked the highest of all candidates. In early 470 Jiang Yan received an appointment as right regular attendant in the administration of the Prince of Baling 巴陵, Liu Xiuruo 劉休若 (448–471) who was appointed regional inspector of Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat Jiangling 江陵, modern Jingzhou, Hubei). Jiang Yan served only briefly with Liu Xiuruo, and then returned to the administration of Liu Jingsu who succeeded Liu Xiuruo as regional inspector of Jingzhou in March 471. While residing in Jingzhou, Jiang Yan visited Ji’nan cheng 紀南城, which was the site of the old Chu capital of Ying 郢, Jiang Yan

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composed “Cong Jianping wang you Jinan cheng” 從建平王遊紀南城 (Accompanying the Prince of Jianping on a journey to Jinan cheng).” In this poem Jiang Yan gazes over the old city of Ying, now in ruins, and concludes that immortality and fame are futile pursuits. In May 472, Emperor Ming died, and the new emperor, Liu Yu 劉昱 (Emperor Houfei [463–477, r. 472–477]), who was only ten years old, did not have universal support from some prominent men, who urged Liu Jingsu to depose Liu Yu. Jiang Yan tried to persuade Jingsu to desist from plotting a revolt, but the prince did not heed his advice. On September 12, 472, Liu Jingsu assumed the post of regional inspector of Nan Xuzhou at Jingkou 京口 (modern Zhenjiang), and Jiang Yan continued to serve on his staff as military aide as well as assistant governor of Nan Donghai 南東海 commandery (administrative seat modern Dantu 丹徒, Zhenjiang), which was located in the same area. Liu Jingsu persisted with his plans for revolt. As a means of indicating his displeasure with the prince’s actions, Jiang composed “Xiao Ruan gong shi shiwu shou” 效阮 公詩十五首 (Fifteen poems in imitation of Ruan Ji). Like the “Yong huai” poems of Ruan Ji 阮籍 (210–263), Jiang Yan’s pieces do not directly criticize Liu Jingsu, but present advice through the use of allusion and subtle suggestions. In 474, the governor of Nan Donghai, Lu Cheng 陸澄 (425–494), had to return home to attend a funeral. Jiang Yan believed that as assistant governor, he was entitled to take charge of the commandery during Lu’s absence. However, Lu appointed Liu Shilong 柳世隆 (442–491) in Jiang’s place. After Jiang Yan protested this decision, Liu Jingsu took offense and reported him to the bureau of appointments. As a result, Jiang Yan was demoted to the position of magistrate of Wuxing 吳興 in Jian’an 建安 commandery (modern Pucheng 蒲城, Fujian). During this period Jiang Yan wrote many poems describing the mountain scenery of Zhejiang and Fujian. In August 476, Liu Jingsu staged a revolt to seize the imperial throne. Within a week, his army was defeated, and Liu Jingsu was executed. Shortly thereafter, Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427–482), who had become regent, and who had instigated the assassination of Emperor Houfei, appointed Jiang Yan aide on his staff in which capacity he drafted many of Xiao’s proclamations and dispatches. Both Jiang Yan and Kong Zhigui 孔稚珪 (447–501) were in charge of writing official documents in Xiao Daocheng’s court. After Xiao Daocheng established himself as first emperor of the Southern Qi in May 479, Jiang Yan was appointed magistrate of Dongwu 東武 (modern Zhucheng 諸城, Shandong) and was put in charge of drafting edicts. He also was commissioned to compile the Qi history. Xiao Daocheng died on April 11, 482, and was succeeded by Xiao Ze 蕭賾 (Emperor Wu, 440–493, r. 482–493). Throughout the Qi dynasty,

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Jiang Yan held high central government positions. In 485, he was vicepresident of the imperial secretariat and director of the national university. Very few of Jiang Yan’s writings survive from this period down to the time of his death. Among those that he probably wrote during the Qi are his thirty miscellaneous poems written in imitation of the style of earlier poets. His imitations were so skillfully executed several of them were included in later collections as examples of genuine poems by the author whose poem Jiang Yan replicated. In 496, Jiang Yan was appointed governor of Xuancheng 宣城 (modern Xuancheng, Anhui) where he probably succeeded Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464–499). In 497, Jiang Yan was recalled to the capital and appointed attendant gentleman in the Yellow Gate and colonel of infantry. It was at this time that there was a rumor in the capital that Jiang Yan’s talent had been depleted, for he composed virtually no poetry from the time of his elevation to high office. In 501, Jiang Yan joined Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549) in his revolt against the Qi emperor. After the founding of the Liang in April 502, Jiang Yan was given appointment as cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and general commandant of the left. He also was enfeoffed as earl of Liling 醴陵 and was given the honorific title grand master of the palace with golden seal and purple ribbon. Jiang Yan died in 505 at the age of sixty-one. Jiang Yan’s best friend was Yuan Bing 袁炳. In 469 or 470 Jiang Yan wrote a letter to Yuan Bing in which he declares his wish to withdraw from official service. In 472 Yuan Bing died, and Jiang Yan laments his friend’s passing in “Yuan youren zhuan” 袁友人傳 (Biography of my friend Yuan) and “Shang youren fu” 傷友人賦 (Fu lamenting a friend). According to Jiang Yan’s biographies in the Liang shu and Nan shi Jiang Yan composed 100–plus works that he himself compiled into former and later collections. The bibliography monograph of the Sui shu lists a ninejuan collection and mentions a twenty-juan collection listed in a Liang dynasty catalogue. In his “autobiographical postface” to his collected works Jiang Yan says that he “never wrote an independent work, and all I have is a collection in ten juan.” Yu Shaochu has suggested the ten-juan collection must be his earlier collection, which consisted of the works Jiang Yan composed prior to the early Yongming period, i.e., ca. 483. Both Tang histories list former and later collections, each in ten juan, by Jiang Yan. However, by Song times, only one collection was still extant. Because only Jiang’s pre-Yongming era works are now extant, scholars have assumed that the later collection was lost between the Tang and Song. All extant collections are later reconstructions. Jiang Yan is best known for his writings on conventional topics. The “Hen fu” 恨賦 (Fu on resentment), and “Biefu” 別賦 (Fu on separation)

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are typical examples of Jiang Yan’s writings on traditional themes. In “Hen fu” Jiang Yan describes six different types of people, all of whom died full of resentment and frustration: the First Qin Emperor (r. 220–210 b.c.e.), who was able to enjoy his reign as ruler of the united empire only a brief time; the Warring States King Qian 遷 of Zhao (r. 235–228 b.c.e.), who ended his life in exile; Li Ling 李陵 d. 74 b.c.e., who suffered the disgrace of capture by the Xiongnu; Wang Zhaojun 王昭君 fl. 33 b.c.e.), the imperial concubine who left the Han realm to become the wife of a Xiongnu ruler; Feng Yan 馮衍 (ca. 20 b.c.e.–ca. 60 c.e.), a man of the Later Han who was dismissed from office and spent the remainder of his life in retirement; and Xi Kang 稽康 (223–262), who was thrown into prison and executed. Jiang Yan concludes by describing the feelings of resentment felt by exiles and even the rich and powerful. In “Bie fu” Jiang Yan writes about parting and separation that are encountered in seven situations: the parting of guests after the conclusion of banquets attended by wealthy and powerful people, departures of knights-errant, campaigns of soldiers, the embarking of a man on an important mission, separation of husband and wife, abandonment of the world by a Taoist alchemist, and the parting of young girls from lovers. Jiang Yan’s fu are well preserved. In addition to the two pieces mentioned above, twenty-six other fu compositions, almost all intact, survive. Jiang Yan wrote a number of fu during the two years he spent in Wuxing. These pieces include “Qing tai fu” 青苔賦 (Fu on green moss), “Shijie fu” 石劫賦 (Fu on the sea anemone), “Qi fu” 泣賦 (Fu on weeping), “Dai zui Jiangnan si beigui fu” 待罪江南思北歸賦 (Fu on awaiting chastisement South of the River, longing to return north), “Si shi fu” 四時賦 (Fu on the four seasons), “Chi hong fu” 赤虹賦 (Fu on the red rainbow), “Shi shang changpu fu” 石上菖蒲賦 (Fu on rock calamus), and “Lianhua fu” 蓮華賦 (Fu on lotus blossoms). Jiang Yan also composed several fu lamenting the passing of friends and relatives such as the “Shang youren fu” that he wrote for his friend Yuan Bing. Another similar piece is “Shang zhiji fu” 傷知己賦 (Fu lamenting a dear friend) that he wrote to mourn the passing of Yang Fu 楊孚 (d. 477). Jiang Yan also has pieces mourning relatives including a moving ten-part piece about his deceased wife, “Dao shiren” 悼室人 (Mourning my wife), and “Shang aizi fu” 傷愛子賦 (Fu lamenting my dear son) that he wrote about his youngest son Jiang Qiu 江艽 who died in infancy. As a poet Jiang Yan is best known for his imitation pieces. His most famous imitations are “Za ti sanshi shou” 雜體三十首 (Thirty pieces in diverse styles) included in the Wen xuan. This is a chronologically arranged set of poems written in the style of earlier poets, beginning with an anonymous Han “ancient poem,” and proceeding through twenty-nine named

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poets from Li Ling 李陵 (d. 74 b.c.e.) of the Western Han to the Liu-Song period Buddhist monk Tang Huixiu 湯惠休 (fl. 447–464). Jiang Yan’s selection includes almost all of the major poets from this period. Two significant omissions are Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) and Ying Qu 應璩. (190–252). Jiang Yan’s poetry also includes a number of pieces that describe scenery. One of his best known poems of this type is “Wang Jing shan” 望荊山 (Gazing Toward the Jing Mountains), which is also included in the Wen xuan. In this poem, which Jiang Yan composed on his way to Xiangyang, he expresses sadness as he views the bleak autumn landscape. Another well known piece, also included in the Wen xuan, is “Cong guanjun Jiangping wang deng Lu shan Xianglu feng” 從冠軍建平王登廬山香盧峯 (Accompanying the army of commanding general, prince of Jianping, climbing Incense Burner Peak of Mount Lu). Jiang Yan probably wrote this poem in early 470 while he was on his way to Jingzhou. He must have traveled part of the way with Liu Jingsu who was on his way to Xiangzhou 湘州 (modern Hunan). Jiang Yan’s poem was written to match a poem by Liu Jingsu. At this time Liu Jingsu was contemplating going into reclusion. Thus, in his poem Jiang Yan does not focus on the mountain scenery but portrays Mount Lu as a place for seeking elixirs of immortality and withdrawing from the world. Jiang Yan had an interest in alchemy. He even wrote a poem, “Dansha kexue fu” 丹砂可學賦 (Fu on alchemy can be learned), in which he argues that cinnabar can be transformed into potable gold. During his residence in Wuxing, Jiang Yan wrote many poems. Perhaps the most notable pieces are his ten “Caomu song” 草木頌 (Eulogies to plants and trees) that he wrote about Fujian flora. They include poems on the orchid tree, rosary pea, camphor, windmill palm, fir, tamarisk, bayberry, David peach, pomegranate, cotton rose, calamus, gold thread, Chinese yam, pollia, and floss flower. Jiang Yan’s writings show a strong influence from the Chu ci. Many of his fu and some of his shi pieces are written in a Chu-style prosody. A good example of this is the five-part “Za sanyan shi” 雜三言詩 (Diverse trisyllabic poems) that is written in a mixture of sao and “Chu song” meters. In addition, Jiang Yan wrote several works in imitation of Chu ci poems. One long piece is “Sui gu pian” 遂古篇 (Remote antiquity) which is an imitation of the “Tian wen” 天問 in the Chu ci. General Bibliography Mu Kehong 穆克宏. Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue shiliao shulüe 魏晉南北朝文學史 料述略, 126–28. Xu Zhengying 徐正英 and Chen Suwen 陳素雯. “Ershi shiji zuihou ershi nian Jiang Yang yanjiu zongshu” 20 世紀最後二十年江淹研究綜述. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu (2001: 2): 110–14.

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Wu Yun 吳雲, ed.-in-chief. Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue yanjiu 魏晉南北朝文學研 究, 423–27. Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2001. Tu Qing 屠青. “Jin shinian Jiang Yan yanjiu zongshu” 近十年江淹研究綜述. Zhongzhou xuekan 145.1 (2005): 174–78.

Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Jiang Liling ji 江醴陵集. 14 juan. Qishi’er jia ji. Jiang Wentong ji 江文通集. 10 juan. Han Wei zhuming jia ji 漢魏諸名家集. Ming Wanli (1573–1620) Ge Yinliang 葛寅亮 ( jinshi 1601) printing. Held by HarvardYenching Library. Hu Zhiji 胡之驥 (fl. 1598), ed. and comm. Liang Jiang Wentong ji 梁江文通集. 10 juan. 1598; photographic reproduction in Xuxiu Siku quanshu. See also Li Changlu 李長路 and Zhao Wei 趙威, coll. and punc. Jiang Wentong ji huizhu 江 文通集彙注. 1598. Rpt Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Jiang Liling ji 江醴陵集. 2 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji 漢魏六朝百三名家集. Jiang Wentong ji 江文通集. 10 juan. Sibu congkan. Facsimile reprint of a Ming reprint of a Song woodblock. Jiang Wentong ji 江文通集. 4 juan. Sibu beiyao. Typeset edition based on a woodblock edition by Liang Bin 梁賓 (1758). Yu Shaochu 俞紹初 and Zhang Yaxin 張亞新, ed. and comm. Jiang Yan ji jiaozhu 江淹集校注. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1994.

On the textual history of Jiang Yan’s works see Zheng Hongni 鄭虹霓. “Jiang Yan wenji banben yuanliu kao” 江淹文集版本源流考. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2007: 6): 62–70.

Concordance Jiang Yan ji zhuzi suoyin 江淹集逐字索引. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2001.

Studies Wu Piji 吳丕績. Jiang Yan nianpu 江淹年譜. Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1938. Takahashi Kazumi 高橋和己. “Kō En no bungaku” 江淹の文學. Yoshikawa hakashi taikyū kinen Chūoku bungaku ronshū 吉川博士退休記念中國文學論集, 253–70. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1968. Toyofuku Kenji 豐福健二. “Kō En no fu” 江淹の賦. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 7 (1968): 55–63. Marney, John. Chiang Yen. Boston: Twayne, 1981. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Jiang Yan” 江淹. In Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 503–25. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Lun Jiang Yan shige de jige wenti” 論江淹詩歌的幾個問題. Wenxue yichan zengkan 14 (1982): 145–64; rpt. Zhongguo wenxue shi lunwen ji, 251–69.

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Zhan Cang 詹滄 and Meng Guochu 孟國楚. “Jiang Yan hechu you Huangbo” 江淹 何處遊黃檗. Fujian luntan (1983: 4): 115, Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Jiang Yan zuopin xiezuo niandai kao” 江淹作品寫作年代考. Yiwen zhi (1985: 3): 55–97; rpt. Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji xubian, 207–43. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Jiang Yan Shen Yue he Nan Qi shifeng” 江淹、沈約和南齊 詩風. Hebei shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1986: 2): 21–33; rpt. in Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji xubian, 181–206. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Jiang Yan shi wen xinian kaobian” 江淹詩文繫年考辨. Henan shifan daxue xuebao (1987: 3): 41–47, 22. Nakano Masaru 中野將. “Kō En shū no hensen”《江淹集》の變遷. Chūgoku koten kenkyū 33 (1988): 45–53. Zhou Feng 周鋒. “Jiang Yan cai jin yu Yongming wenfeng de guanxi” 江淹才盡與 永明文風的關係. Xueshu yanjiu (1990: 3): 89–95. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Jiang Yan shiwen xinian zakao” 江淹詩文繫年雜考. Zhenjiang shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1990: 1): 21–25. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. “Jiang Yan” 江淹. Nanbeichao wenxue shi, 106–25. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Jiang Yan zhushu you kao” 江淹著述又考. Yangzhou shiyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1992: 1): 84–87, 93. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初. “Du Wen xuan Jiang Yan shiwen shi suo” 讀《文選》江淹詩文 拾瑣. Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1993: 1): 22–27. Mu Meichun 母美春. “Jiang Yan shiwen xinian kao bian” 江淹詩文繫年考辨. Nanjing daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1993: 3): 68–72. Chen Zuolong 陳祚龍. “Liangdai Xiao Tong Shen Yue Jiang Yan de foxueguan” 梁代蕭統沈約江淹的佛學觀. Haichao yin 74.5 (1993): 4–13. Mu Meichun 母美春. “Jiang Yan wen cunmu kao” 江淹文存目考. Wenjiao ziliao (1994: 6): 126–28. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Jiang Yan shiji xin zheng” 江淹事迹新證. Yangzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (1994: 3). Knechtges, David R. and Taiping Chang. “Jiang Yan: Letter in Response to Yuan Shuming,” Renditions 41 & 42 (1994): 25–31. Shi Shi 史實. “Jiang Yan erfu dui chu Tang wentan de yingxiang” 江淹二賦對初唐 文壇的影響. Dongbei shida xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1994: 4): 72–75, 82. Mu Meichun 母美春. “Jiang Yan hou ji wangyi Nan Song shuo xian yi” 江淹後集 亡佚南宋說獻疑. Wenjiao ziliao (1995: 3): 109–13. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Du Jiang Yan ji jiaozhu 讀《江淹集校注》. Gudian wenxue zhishi (1995: 6): 88–94. Xie Wenxue 謝文學. “Lun Zhong Rong Shi pin dui Jiang Yan shige de pingjia” 論 鍾嶸《詩品》對江淹詩歌的評價. Zhongzhou xuekan (1995: 1): 104–7. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初. “Jiang Yan nianpu” 江淹年譜. Zhongguo guji yanjiu 5.1 (1996): 405–41; rpt. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進 and Fan Ziye 范子燁, ed. Liuchao zuojia nianpu jiyao 六朝作家年譜輯要, 2: 83–147. Li Wenchu 李文初. “‘Jiang lang cai jin’ bian xi” “江郎才盡” 辨析. Jiaying daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue) (1996: 3): 29–32; rpt. in Li Wenchu. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue yanjiu, 393–402. Yan Jianhua 顏健華. “Kunhuo yu xuanze—cong Jiang Yan shifu zuopin kan qi yuzhou renshengguan” 困惑與選擇—從江淹詩賦作品看其宇宙人生觀. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (1997: 4): 27–31.

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Li Zongchang 李宗長. “Jiang Yan shige de ticai xuanze ji qi wenhua yiyi” 江淹詩 歌的題材選擇及其文化意義. Nanjing shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1997: 2): 103–7. Li Wenchu 李文初. “Jiang Yan yu Wang Wei Xie Tiao—du Shi pin ‘Qi guanglu Jiang Yan’ zhaji” 江淹與王微、謝朓—讀《詩品‧齊光祿江淹》札記. Jiaying daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1998: 2): 43–45; rpt. Li Wenchu. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue yanjiu, 403–10. Fan Rong 樊榮. “Wang Jian Zhong Rong yu Jiang Yan de guanxi” 王儉、鍾嶸與江 淹關係考. Xinxiang shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao (1998: 4): 21–28. Li Jianfeng 李劍鋒. “Lun Jiang Yan zai Tao Yuanming jieshou shi shang de gongxian” 論江淹在陶淵明接受史上的貢獻. Shandong shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1999: 3): 10–14. Tian Xiaojun 田曉軍. “Song shi sanwang yu Jiang Yan de shige chuangzuo” 宋室三 王與江淹詩歌創作. Chengde minzu shizhuan xuebao (1999: 1): 45–49. Liu Zhiming 劉智明. “Jiang Yan: gudai xiezuo shi de qiannian yi an” 江淹: 古代寫作 史的千年疑案. Hengyang shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue) 20.2 (1999): 43–48. Xiao Hezi 蕭合姿. Jiang Yan jiqi zuopin yanjiu 江淹及其作品研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 2000. Gu Nong 顧農. “Jiang Yan ‘cai jin’ zhi meng jiexi” 江淹 “才盡” 之夢解析. Shandong shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 168.1 (2000): 102–6. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 471–77. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Rikuchō no bunjin taichi—Kō En to Jin Pō” 六朝の文 人たち—江淹と任昉. Kokugo kokubun ronshū 31 (2001): 69–79. Kuroda Sakiko 黑田真美子. “Kō En shi no jōkei hyōgen ni tsuite—sono shikisai o chūshin to shite” 江淹詩の敘景表現について—その色彩を中心として. Ochanomizu joshi daigaku Chūgaoku bungaku kaihō 20 (2001): 1–30. Chen Chunbao 陳春寶. “Jiang Yan shiji shiwen xinian buzheng” 江淹事迹詩文繫年 補正. Fuyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (2002: 6): 45–46, 50. Cui Junhong 崔軍紅 and Hou Dongmei 侯冬梅. “Bianyuanhua de Jiang Yan—Jiang Yan ‘cai jin’ yuanyin xintan” 邊緣化的江淹—江淹 “才盡” 原因新探. Yancheng shifan xueyuan xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 23.2 (2003): 44–46. Fan Rong 樊榮. “Wang Jian Zhong Rong yu Jiang Yan guanxi kao” 王儉、鍾嶸 與江淹關係考. Xinxiang shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 17.6 (2003): 76–79. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 462–67. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Lun Jiang Yan qingnian shiqi lishi Liu Song zhuwang zhi shijian ji shimo” 論江淹青年時期歷仕劉宋諸王之時間及始末. Nanjing shifan daxue wenxueyuan xuebao (2004: 4): 131–35. Liu Tao 劉濤. “Jian lun Jiang Yan de wenxue guan” 簡論江淹的文學觀. Shandong sheng nongye guanli ganbu xueyuan (2004: 1): 98–100. Zhang Junfeng 張俊峰. “Zhong Rong Shi pin Jiang Yan tiao xin jie” 鍾嶸《詩品》江 淹條新解. Henan jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 88.2 (2004): 32–34. Ji Xiaojian 紀曉建. “Jiang Yan de wenxue piping guan ji dui Shi pin de yingxiang” 江淹的文學批評 觀 及對《詩品》的影響. Nantong shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 20.3 (2004): 71–75. Chen Tao 陳濤. “Jiang Yan ‘cai jin’ shuo xinjie” 江淹 “才盡” 說新解. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2004: 4): 121–27.

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Cui Junhong 崔鈞紅. “Jiang Yan ‘cai jin’ shijian kaobian” 江淹 “才盡” 時間考辨. Nanyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 4.5 (2005): 78–80. Wang Daheng 王大恆. “Jiang Yan zuopin de daojia qingxiang” 江淹作品的道家傾 向. Ningbo daxue xuebao (Renwen kexue) 18.3 (2005): 34–38. Lu Yanjun 陸巖軍. “‘Jiang lang cai jin’ yanjiu shuping” “江郎才盡” 研究述評. Chongqing youdian xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue) (2006: 3): 428–31. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Wang Jingshan’ shi suo fanying de Jiang Yan shengping shilü wenti”《望荊山》詩所反映的江淹生平仕履問題. Wenxue yichan (2006: 2): 132–34. Li Xizhen 李錫鎮. “Jiang Yan de shihuan ji qi chuangzuoguan kaobian—‘cai jin’ shuo tan yi” 江淹的仕宦及其創作觀考辨—「才盡」說探義. Wen yu zhe 10 (2007): 173–226. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Jiechu de zhengzhijia he wenxuejia Jiang Yan” 傑出的政治家與 文學家江淹. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2007: 3): 79–86; (2007: 4): 62–70. Zhang Miao 張淼 and He Yingmin 何應敏. “Fo dao sixiang yu Jiang Yan de shengmin yishi” 佛道思想與江淹的生命意識. Qingdao shehui kexue (2008: 2): 140–43. Liu Tao 劉濤. “Jiang Yan sanwen lun lüe” 江淹散文論略. Chongqing wenli xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 27.3 (2008): 44–51. Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Lun Jiang Yan jipian wenzhang de xiezuo shijian” 論江淹幾篇 文章的寫作時間. Yancheng shifan xueyuan xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 29.1 (2009): 36–42.

Works a. “Zati shi” 雜體詩 (Poems in diverse styles) Studies Mori Hiroyuki 森博行. “Kō En ‘Zattai shi sanjū shu’ ni tsuite” 江淹雜體詩三十首に ついて. Chūgoku bungaku hō 27 (1977): 1–35. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Jiang Yan de nigu shi ji qita” 江淹的擬古詩及其他. Zhongguo gudian wenxue luncong 1 (1984): 62–69. Ni Zhongming 倪鍾鳴. “Lun Jiang Yan zati shi ji qi xu” 論江淹雜體詩及其序. Shenzhen daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (1987: 3): 19–25. Chen Fuxing 陳復興. “Jiang Wentong ‘Zati shi sanshi shou’ yu Xiao Tong de wenxue piping” 江文通《雜體詩三十首》與蕭統的文學批評. Wen xuan xue lunji, 187–99. Zhang Yaxin 張亞新. “Jiang Yan nigu shi bieyi” 江淹擬古詩別議. Liaoning daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1991: 2): 68–71. Song Yi 宋弈. “Jianlun Jiang Yan de ‘Zati shi’ sanshi shou” 簡論江淹的《雜體詩》三 十首. Anhui jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (1991: 2): 71–73. Chen Dechang 陳德長. “Lun Jiang Yan de nigu shi” 論江淹的擬古詩. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 23.4 (1996): 58–63. Ye Youming 葉幼明 and Yan Jianhua 顏建華. “Jiang Yan ‘Za ti shi sanshi shou’ xin tan” 江淹《雜體詩三十首》新探. Zhongguo yunwen xuekan (1996: 1): 33–37. Liu Deling 劉德玲. “Jiang Yan Zati shi sanshi shou chutan” 江淹雜體詩三十首初探. Qian Mu xiansheng jinianguan guankan 6 (1998): 108–17.

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Hu Dalei 胡大雷. “Lun Jiang Yan moni zhi zuo de liang da leibie” 江淹摹擬之 作的兩大類別. Shoudu shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (136.5 (2000): 75–81. Liu Zeming 劉則明. “Shiti zong za shan yu moni—guanyu Jiang Yan de ni shi yu qi wenxue guannian” 詩題總雜善於摹擬—關於江淹的擬詩與其文學觀念. Beimenggu shehui kexue (Wenxue ban) 123.5 (2000): 76–80. Li Jianfeng 李劍鋒. Yuan qian Tao Yuanming jieshou shi 元前陶淵明接受史, 59–70. Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 2002. Sun Jinhua 孫津華. “Shilun Jiang Yan ‘Zati shi sanshi shou’ ji qi xu dui Zhong Rong de yingxiang” 試論江淹《雜體詩三十首》及其序對鍾嶸的影響. Pingdingshan shizhuan xuebao 18.1 (2003): 54–56. Zheng Hongni 鄭虹霓. “Jiang Yan Nigu shi xin shenshi—cong wenxianxue yu xiezuoxue jiaodu kaocha” 江淹擬古詩新審視—從文獻學與寫作學角度考察. Fuyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 94 (2003): 76–78. Yu Yuxian 于浴賢. “Jiang Yan Nigu shi xin bian” 江淹擬古詩新辯. Zhangzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 51 (2004): 51–56. Ru Yanling 茹燕玲. “Lun Jiang Yan ‘Zati shi sanshi shou’ ji qi xu” 論江淹《雜體詩 三十首》及其序. Pingyuan daxue xuebao 21.2 (2004): 70–71. Liu Tao 劉濤. “Qian xi Jiang Yan ‘Zati shi sanshi shou” 淺析江淹《雜體詩三十首》. Dalian jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 20.2 (2004): 24–25, 35. Hou Sufang 侯素芳. “Wen xuan ‘Shi’ zani lei chuyi—yi Jiang Yan ‘Zati shi sanshi shou’ wei li”《文選‧詩》雜擬類芻議—以江淹《雜體詩三十首》為例. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao (2006: 6): 84, 94, 105. Wang Fengxian 王豐先. “Jiang Yan ‘Zati shi sanshi shou’ yu Zhong Rong Shi pin guanxi kaobian” 江淹《雜體詩三十首》與鍾嶸《詩品》關係考辨. Gansu gaoshi xuebao 10.3 (2005): 5–7. Mu Meichun 母美春. “Jiang Yan ‘Zati shi’ sanshi shou xinlun” 江淹《雜體詩》三十 首新論. Nanjing shifan daxue wenxue yuan xuebao 136.9 (2006): 110–18. Wang Fengxian 王豐先. “Jiang Yan ‘Za ti shi’ de wenxue shi jiazhi” 江淹《雜體詩》的 文學史價值. Lanzhou xuekan 165.6 (2007): 138–40. Williams, Nicholas Morrow. “A Conversation in Poems: Xie Lingyun, Xie Huilian, and Jiang Yan.” JAOS 127.4 (2007): 491–506. Swartz, Wendy. Reading Tao Yuanming: Shifting Paradigms of Historical Reception (427–1900), 158–60. Cambridge: Harvard East Asia Center, 2008. Williams, Nicholas Morrow. “The Brocade of Words: Imitation Poetry and Poetics in the Six Dynasties.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 2010. Tian, Xiaofei. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 240–41.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesiche Anthologie, 1: 582–605. Frodsham, J.D. “Origins of Chinese Nature Poetry,” 80–81, 83 (Sun Chuo, Xu Xun, Yin Zhongwen). Frodsham, J.D. Murmuring Stream, 94–95 (Sun Chuo, Xu Xun). Marney, Chiang Yen, 69–130.

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b. “Bie fu” 別賦 (Fu on separation) Studies Hu Chusheng 胡楚生. “Wen xuan ‘Bie fu’ Li zhu buzheng” 文選別賦李注補正. Nanyang daxue xuebao 1 (1967): 69–75. Ho, Kenneth P.H. 何沛雄. “Jiang Yan ‘Bie fu’ ‘Hen fu’ shi xi” 江淹別賦恨賦試析. Xianggang daxue Zhongwen xi chengli liushinian zhounian jinian zhuanhao 香 港大學中文系成立 六十年周年記念專號, 37–50. Hong Kong, 1988. Wei Jinman 韋金滿. “Lüe lun Jiang Yan ‘Hen’ ‘Bie’ erfu zhi dui’ou” 略論江淹 《恨》《別》二賦之對偶. In Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue lunji 魏晉南北朝文學論 集, 273–93. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1994. Wei Jinman 韋金滿. “Lüe lun Jiang Yan Hen Bie erfu zhi shenglü” 略論江淹恨別二 賦之聲律. Xinya xueshu jikan 13 (1994): 115–44. Mo Lifeng 莫礪鋒. “‘Jiang lang cai jin’ xin jie—du Jiang Yan ‘Hen fu’ ‘Bie fu’” “江郎才盡” 新解—讀江淹《恨賦》、《別賦》. In Cifu wenxue lunji 辭賦文學論集, 368–82. Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 1999. Wang Ruhua 王汝華. “Jiang Yan ‘Hen fu’ yu ‘Bie fu’ zhi bijiao” 江淹「恨賦」與 「別賦」之比較. Zhongguo yuwen 574 (2007): 52–59.

Translations Margouliès, Le “Fou” dans le Wen-siuan, 7–81 and Anthologie, 307–9. Watson, Chinese Rhyme-Prose, 96–101. Frankel, Flowering Plum, 73–78. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume 3, 201–09.

c. “Hen fu” 恨賦. (Fu on resentment) Studies Ho, Kenneth P.H. 何沛雄. “Jiang Yan ‘Bie fu’ ‘Hen fu’ shi xi” 江淹別賦恨賦試析. Xianggang daxue Zhongwen xi chengli liushinian zhounian jinian zhuanhao 香 港大學中文系成立 六十年周年記念專號, 37–50. Hong Kong, 1988. Wei Jinman 韋金滿. “Lüe lun Jiang Yan ‘Hen’ ‘Bie’ erfu zhi duiou” 略論江淹《恨》 《別》二賦之對偶. In Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue lunji 魏晉南北朝文學論集, 273–93. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1994. Wei Jinman 韋金滿. “Lüe lun Jiang Yan Hen Bie erfu zhi shenglü” 略論江淹恨別二 賦之聲律. Xinya xueshu jikan 13 (1994): 115–44. Fukui Yoshio 福井佳夫. “Kō En no ‘Kon fu’ ni tsuite” 江淹の「恨賦」について. Tōhōgaku 91 (1996): 61–75. Mo Lifeng 莫礪鋒. “‘Jiang lang cai jin’ xin jie—du Jiang Yan ‘Bie fu’ ‘Hen fu’” “江郎才盡” 新解—讀江淹《恨賦》、《別賦》. In Cifu wenxue lunji 辭賦文學論集, 368–82. Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 1999. Wang Ruhua 王汝華. “Jiang Yan ‘Hen fu’ yu ‘Bie fu’ zhi bijiao” 江淹「恨賦」與 「別賦」之比較. Zhongguo yuwen 574 (2007): 52–59. Qi Lifeng 祁立峰. “‘Xie zhi’ haishi ‘ti wu’? cong Jiang Yan ‘Hen fu’ chufa dui qinggan fu ‘zhuguan qinggan keguanhua de kaocha” “寫志” 還是 “體物”? 從江淹

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〈恨賦〉出發對情感賦「主觀情感客觀化」的考察. Renwen shehui xuebao (Shixin

daxue) 9 (2008): 41–66.

Translations Marney, Chiang Yen, 133–35. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume 3, 193–200.

d. “Yi Jianping wang shang shu” 詣建平王上書 (Letter submitted to the Prince of Jianping) Studies Fukui Yoshio 福井佳夫. “Kō En no ‘Kei Kenpei ō nikeishite jōsho’ ni tsuite” 江淹 の「詣建平王上書」について」. Chūgoku shibun ronsō 10 (1991): 39–58. Gu Nong 顧農. “Jiang Yan yu Jianping wang Liu Jingsu” 江淹與建平王景素. Wen xuan luncong, 178–83.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 734–77. Marney, Chiang Yen, 17–19.

e. “Xiao Ruan gong shi” 效阮公詩 (Poems imitating Ruan Ji) Studies Nakano Takashi 中野將. “Kō En ‘Ko Gen kō shi’ ni tsuite—sono jidai to bunshō seisaku no shisei” 江淹「效阮公詩」について—その時代と文章制作の姿勢. Chūgoku bunka 45 (1987): 39–53. Zhang Yaxin 張雅新. “Jiang Yan ‘Xiao Ruan gong shi shiwu shou” 江淹《效阮公十 五首》. Guizhou wenshi congkan (1987: 4): 107–13. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. “Yi moni wei zaixian yu moni wei biaoxiao—Jiang Yan ‘Xiao Ruan gong shi shiwu shou’ qi yi ‘sui mu huai gan shang’ shangxi” 以摹擬為 再現與摹擬為表現—江淹《效阮公詩十五首》其一 “歲暮懷感傷》賞析. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2000: 5): 21–23.

Translation Marney, Chiang Yen, 26–41.

f. “Caomu song” 草木頌 (Eulogies on plants and trees) Translations Neef, Hans. “Chiang Yen: Vier Lobgedichte auf Planzen.” Archiv für Ostasien 1 (1948): 41–43. Translation of four pieces. Marney, Chiang Yen, 45–46. Translation of two pieces.

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g. “Bao Yuan Shuming shu” 報袁叔明書 (Letter replying to Yuan Bing) Translation Chang, Taiping and David R. Knechtges. “Jiang Yan: Letter in Response to Yuan Shuming.” Renditions 41 & 42 (Spring & Autumn 1994): 25–31.

h. “Feicui fu” 翡翠賦 (Fu on the kingfisher) Translation Kroll, Paul W. “The Image of the Halcyon Kingfisher in Medieval Chinese Poetry.” JAOS 104.2 (1984): 249–50; rpt. in Kroll. Essays in Medieval Chinese Literature and Cultural History.

i. Cong guanjun Jianping wang deng Lu shan Xianlu feng” 從冠軍 建平王登廬山香盧峯 (Accompanying the army commanding general, prince of Jianping, climbing Incense Burner Peak of Mount Lu) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 348–49. Marney, Chiang Yen, 21–22.

j. “Sui gu pian” 遂古篇 (Remote antiquity) Studies Ishimoto Michiaki 石本道明. “Kō En ‘Suiko hen’ to So Ji ‘Temmon’ ni tsuite— hombun kaidoku to sono hikaku” 江淹「遂古篇」と楚辭「天問」について—本 文解読とその比較. Kokugakuin daigaku kiyō 42 (2004): 23–47. Matsuura Fumko 松浦史子. “Kō En ‘Suiko hen’ ni tsuite—Kaku Haku Sangaikyō chū to sono kakawari o chūshin ni” 江淹「遂古篇」について－郭璞『山海經』注 と関わりを中心に. Tōyō bunka kenkyūjo kiyō 151 (2007): 97–147. DRK

Jiang You 江逌 (307–364), zi Daozai 道載 Eastern Jin writer. Jiang You’s ancestral home was Yu 圉 of Chenliu 陳留 commandery (northeast of modern Kaifeng, Henan). His father Jiang Ji 江濟 died when Jiang You was young. Jiang You and his younger cousin Jiang Guan 江灌 were very close and lived together. In 327, during the rebellion of the general Su

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Jun 蘇峻 (d. 328), Jiang You took refuge in Linhai 臨海 (modern Linhai, Zhejiang). He spent his days reading texts in a thatched hut and planned to remain here for the rest of his life. For nearly ten years he refused all summons to office. Finally, ca. 339 the general Cai Mo 蔡謨 (281–356) recruited him as an administrator on his staff. A few years later he was invited to serve on the staff of the Swift Cavalry General He Chong 何充 (292–346). However, Jiang You used the pretext of his poor family background to decline the offer. He requested to serve instead as magistrate of Taimo 太末 (modern Quzhou 瞿州, Zhejiang). While serving there, he won praise for his deft handling of a large band of troublesome refugees. In 350, Jiang You joined Yin Hao 殷浩 (d. 356) on his northern military expedition. In 352, when Yin Hao’s army besieged Luoyang, Jiang You composed most of the military dispatches. When Yin Hao was defeated, Jiang You was also removed from his position. However, shortly thereafter, he was appointed vice director of the secretariat. In 359 Jiang You was promoted to deputy director of the ministry of personnel followed by an appointment in the next year as chamberlain for ceremonials. Jiang You died in 364 at the age of fifty-eight. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Jiang You’s collected works in nine juan. Both Tang histories record a collection in five juan. This was lost during the Song. Jiang You is best known for the monitory admonitions he composed during his service at the Eastern Jin imperial court. He also wrote an encomium on Ruan Ji 阮籍 (210–263) which is no longer extant. Yan Kejun has collected ten of Jiang You’s prose writings in “Quan Jin wen” 114 of Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Five of these pieces are fragments of fu including pieces on the wind, bamboo, a bamboo fan, and a well. There is also a long excerpt from “Yishi zhen” 逸士箴 (Admonition for a recluse). Liu Qinli has collected fragments of three poems in Xianqin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi (“Jin shi” 12). Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 148. Zhang Keli, Dong Jin wenyi xinian, 133–34, 215, 246–47, 316, 329, 369–70, 378, 394. TPK and DRK

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Jiang Zhi 姜質 (fl. 477–502 ?) Northern Wei writer. Jiang Zhi’s ancestral home is variously identified as Hedong 河東 (modern southern part of Shanxi) or Tianshui 天水 (modern Gansu). Very little information about him is known. It is said that he wore a hempen headcloth, and that he behaved like a recluse. The biography of Cheng Xiao 成霄 (son of Chen Yan 成淹 who died in 502) in the Wei shu mentions that Jiang Zhi and Cheng Xiao enjoyed chanting literary pieces together but their language was considered “improper” and “crude.” However, people of the lower strata of society enjoyed reciting their works. Jiang Zhi’s only extant piece is “Tingshan fu” 庭山賦 (Fu on the courtyard mountain) that is included in Luoyang qielan ji 洛陽伽藍記. It is about the Jingyang shan 景陽山, an artificial miniature hill located in the Luoyang garden of Zhang Lun 張倫. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zongguo wenxiejia dacidian, 315. Meng Guangquan 孟光全. “Lun Luoyang qielan ji ‘Tingshan fu’ de ling yizhong quwei” 論《洛陽伽藍記‧庭山賦》的另一種趣味. Neijiang shifan xueyuan xuebao 20 (2005): 61–62.

Translations Jenner, W.F.J., trans. Memories of Loynag: Yang Hsüan-chih and the lost capital (493–534), 189–92. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981. Wang Yi-t’ung, trans. A Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Lo-yang, 92–97. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984. TPK and DRK

Jiang Zong 江總 (519–594), zi Zongchi 總持 Liang, Chen, and Sui period poet. Jiang Zong’s ancestral home was Kaocheng 考城 in Jiyang 濟陽 commandery (modern Lankao 蘭考, Henan). His ancestors were distinguished officials, but the fortunes of his family began to decline when he was born. Jiang Zong began his official career in 537 as an administrator on the staff of the Prince of Wuling 武陵, Xiao Ji 蕭紀 (508–553), the eighth son of Emperor Wu of Liang (r. 502–549). In 541, Emperor Wu completed the

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Kongzi zhengyan 孔子正言 (Proper words of Confucius), and to celebrate the occasion he composed “Shu huai shi” 述懷詩 (Poem recounting my feelings). Jiang Zong wrote a matching verse that much impressed the emperor and older members of the court. Jiang Zong was then promoted to front rider on the staff of the crown prince Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551). In 548 he was commissioned to accompany Xu Ling 徐陵 (507–583) on a diplomatic mission to the Eastern Wei court, but Jiang Zong became ill and was unable to travel. When the Hou Jing 侯景 rebellion broke out in 549, Jiang Zong fled to the southeast where he joined up with Lu Xiang 陸襄 (480–549) who had set up a resistance against Hou Jing in Zhejiang. After Lu Xiang died, Jiang Zong took refuge in the Longhua 龍華 Monastery in Guiji 會稽 (modern Shaoxing). From here Jiang Zong fled to Guangzhou 廣州 (modern Guangdong) where he lived for several years with his maternal uncle Xiao Bo 蕭勃 (d. 557). With the establishment of the Chen dynasty in 557, Jiang Zong returned to the capital where in 563 he was appointed vice director of the secretariat. During the reign of Emperor Xuan (r. 568–582) he served on the staff of the heir designate Chen Shubao 陳叔寶 (553–604). After Chen Shubao made an incognito visit to Jiang Zong’s residence, the emperor had Jiang Zong dismissed from his position. At the end of Emperor Xuan’s reign Jiang Zong served briefly in minor positions, but with the accession of Chen Shubao in 582, he held a series of important posts, including director of the imperial secretariat in 586. Chen Shubao admired Jiang Zong’s literary talent and ornate poetic style, and Jiang Zong was often invited to court banquets and outings, during which he, the emperor and several ministers drank and wrote poetry. He was therefore called one of the xiake 狎客 (intimate companions) of Chen Shubao. After the Sui overthrew the Chen house in 589, Jiang Zong entered the Sui court in Chang’an where he was given an honorary title. In 593, he retired to Jiangdu 江都 (modern Yangzhou) where he died the next year (594). During the Tang period, Jiang Zong’s reputation was mixed. Many Tang historians and poets appreciated his poetry, but they also believed that Jiang was partially responsible for the fall of the Chen. Since the Ming dynasty, scholars began severely to criticize Jiang Zong claiming that Jiang, as an influential minister, should have admonished Chen Shubao for his dissipated ways. However, it is clear from the historical documents that Jiang Zong was not an evil or treacherous minister. He was probably only an incompetent official, and he himself could not change the fate of the Chen, which was already under threat from the powerful, united Sui regime.

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During his stay in Guangzhou Jiang Zong wrote many sentimental poems. One of his best known pieces is “Xiuxin fu” 修心賦 (Fu on cultivating the heart) that he wrote in 550 just after Hou Jing’s troops had captured the Liang capital. In this fu he expresses a passive view towards the current situation. During the time he served in the Chen court, Jiang Zong’s poems were mostly written to imperial command or for court occasions. These poems are elegant in their diction, and many of them carefully observe the later-established prosodic rules of regulated verse. Some poems written in this period also reveal his intention of becoming a Buddhist monk or recluse. After the fall of the Chen, Jiang Zong’s tone in his poetry turned melancholy. He lamented the fall of the southern dynasties and the vicissitudes of life, but he could not overtly express his feelings in order not to offend the Sui ruler. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists two collections for Jiang Zong, a thirty-juan collection and a Hou ji (Later collection) in two juan. The two Tang histories record a collection in twenty juan. This collection probably was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected fifty-six of Jiang Zong’s prose writings in “Quan Sui wen” 10–11 of Quan shanggu sandai Qin Han Liuchao wen. Nine of these works are fu. His extant poems total 106 pieces. One form in which Jiang Zong excelled was the heptasyllabic poem, of which he has eighteen examples. Jiang Zong is also known for his descriptions of scenery and Buddhist temples. Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Jiang lingjun ji 江令君集. 5 juan + appendix 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji. Zhang Pu 張蒲 (1602–1641), ed. Jiang lingjun ji 江令君集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji 漢魏六朝百三名家集.

Studies Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Lun Jiang Zong ji qi zuopin” 論江總及其作品. Qi Lu xuekan 1 (1991): 89–94; rpt. in Cao Daoheng. Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji xubian, 281–92. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Nanbeichao wenxue shi, 289–92. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Nanbeichao wenxue biannian shi, 592, 596, 619, 622, 625, 628, 630, 633–34, 642–44. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Zhonggu wenxue ziliao congkao, 685–93. Ma Haiying 馬海英. Chendai shigen yanjiu 陳代詩研究, 109–25, 190–96, 231–34. Beijing: Xuelin chubanshe, 2004.

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jiang zong 江總 (519–594), zi zongchi 總持 Translations

Frodsham and Ch’eng. Anthology, 184. Tian Xiaofei, Beacon Fire and Shooting Star, 357. Wu Fusheng. Written at Imperial Command, 155–60. WJ and DRK

“Jiaosi ge” 郊祀歌 (Songs for the suburban sacrifices) Sacrificial hymns of the Western Han. The “Jiaosi ge” is a set of nineteen sacrificial songs preserved in the “Music and Rites Monograph” of the Han shu. According to the Han shu, when Emperor Wu instituted the sacrifices to the Grand Unity in 113 b.c.e. and to Queen Earth in 114 b.c.e., he established the Music Bureau. He appointed Li Yannian 李延年 (d. 91 b.c.e.) commandant of musical harmony (Xielü duwei 協律都尉) to arrange the music. Li Yannian arranged the music for these sacrificial pieces, but the lyrics reputedly were so difficult “scholars versed in only one classic” could not understand them, and it took experts in all the five classics to read them together before their meaning could be completely comprehended. These hymns were composed for various ceremonies that were held between 113 b.c.e. and 94 b.c.e. Five of them cannot be dated. Hymns 2–6 are dedicated to the Five Lords (Wu di 五帝), each of whom was associated with a particular direction and one of the five phases: (2) “Di lin” 帝臨 (Lord God Draws Nigh): center, earth, Houtu 后土; (3) “Qing yang” 青陽 (Green Yang): east, spring, Goumang 句芒; (4) “Zhu ming” 朱明 (Vermilion Brilliance): south, summer, Zhurong 祝融; (5) “Xi hao” 西顥 (West White-light): west, autumn, Rushou 蓐收; (6) “Xuan ming” 玄冥 (Black Darkness): north, winter, Xuanming. Song #10 is a famous hymn celebrating the discovery of the blood-sweating horse that suddenly appeared in the Wowa 渥洼 River in 120 b.c.e. The song is contained both in the Shi ji (24.1178) and Han shu (22.1060). However, there are significant differences between the two versions. Studies and Translations Chavannes, Mémoires historiques, 3: 612–29. Yamaguchi Tamehiro 山口為広. “Kan Bu no kōshi to kōshika” 漢武の郊祀と郊 祀歌. Kokugakuin zasshi 67 (1966): 20–32. Hu Hongbo 胡紅波. “Han jiaomiao yuewu suyuan” 漢郊廟樂舞溯源. Chenggong daxue xuebao 14 (1979): 123–48. Hu Hongbo 胡紅波. “Sanguo jiaomiao yuefu kaoshu” 三國郊廟樂舞考述. Chenggong daxue xueao 15 (1980): 69–83.

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Zheng Wen 鄭文. “Han ‘Jiaosi ge’ qianlun” 漢郊祀歌淺論. Wen shi 21 (1983): 179–92. Birrell, Popular Songs and Ballads of Han China, 29–42. Lee, Lynn Hsu. “Songs for Suburban Sacrifices and Some Important Aspects of Chinese Religion.” M.A. Thesis, University of Washington, 1995. Kern, Martin. “In Praise of Political Legitimacy: The Miao and Jiao Hymns of the Western Han.” Oriens Extremus 39.1 (1994): 29–67. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Butei jidai no kōshi reigi to ‘Kōshika’ seisaku” 武帝 時代の郊祀禮儀と「郊祀歌」制作. Gakurin 21 (1994): 15–41. Ruan Zhong 阮忠. “Lun Han jiao miao shi de zongjiao qingxu yu rensheng yiyun” 論漢郊廟詩的宗教情緒與人生意蘊. Huazhong shifan daxue xuebao (1995: 2): 85–90; rpt. Fuyin baokan ziliao, Zhongguo gudai, jindai wenxue yanjiu (1995: 9): 80–85. Zhang Hong 張宏. “Handai ‘Jiaosi ge shijiu zhang’ de youxian changsheng zhuti” 漢代《郊祀歌十九章》的遊仙長生主題. Beijing daxue xuebao (1996: 4): 77–84; rpt. in Fuyin baokan ziliao, Gudai, jindai wenxue yanjiu (1996: 11): 93–100. Ye Gang 葉崗. “Han ‘Jiaosi ge’ yu chenwei zhi xue” 漢《郊祀歌》與讖緯之學. Wenxue pinglun (1996: 4): 39–44. Kern, Martin. Die Hymnen der chinesischen Staatsopfer: Literatur und Ritual in der politischen Repräsentation von der Han-Zeit bis zu den sechs Dynastien, 174–303. Stuttgart: Steiner, 1997. Zhang Qiang 張強. “‘Jiaosi ge’ kao lun”《郊祀歌》考論. Huaiyin shifan xueyuan xuebao (She ke ban) (1998: 3): 97–101. Hu Hongbo 胡紅波. “Dong Han de jiaomiao wu” 東漢的郊廟舞. Chenda Zhongwen xuebao 6 (1998): 101–15. Zhao Minli 趙敏俐. “Han ‘Jiaosi ge’ shijiu zhang yanjiu” 漢《郊祀歌》十九章研究. In Zhou Han shige zonglun, 398–417. Ye Wenju 葉文舉, “Xi Han ‘Anshi fangzhong ge’ yu ‘Jiaosi ge’ zhi bijiao yanjiu” 西漢《安世房中歌》與《郊祀歌》之比較研究. Anhui shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 34.5 (2006): 517–22. Chen Kaimei 陳開梅. “Han diwang de jiaomiao jige: ‘Anshi fangzhong ge’ he ‘jiaosi ge’ 漢帝王的郊廟祭歌:《安世房中歌》和《郊祀歌》. Xian Tang songti yanjiu 先唐頌體研究, 126–52. Guangzhou: Zhongshan daxue chubanshe, 2007. Sun Shangyong 孫尚勇. “Han Tang jiaomiao yuewu kaolun” 漢唐郊廟樂舞考論. Yuefu wenxue wenxian yanjiu 樂府文學文獻研究, 105–63. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 2007. Zhang Shuguo 張樹國. “Han-Tang jiaosi zhidu yange ji jiaosi geci yanjiu” 漢—唐 郊祀制度沿革及郊祀歌辭研究. Yuefu xue 3 (2008): 1–20. Wang Fuli 王福利. Jiaomiao yanshe geci yanjiu 郊廟燕射歌辭研究, 3–101. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2009. DRK

Jin shu 晉書 (History of the Jin) Standard history of the Western and Eastern Jin. The Jin shu, compiled between 646 and 648, is the standard history of the Western Jin 265–316) and Eastern Jin (317–420). In 646 Emperor Taizong

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太宗 (r. 626–649) of the Tang issued an edict ordering court scholars to compile this history. The chief editors were Fang Xuanling 房玄齡 (579– 658), Chu Suiliang 褚遂良 (596–658), Xu Jingzong 許敬宗 (592–672), and Jing Bo 敬播 (d. 663). Other scholars who worked as compilers included Lai Ji 來濟 (610–662), Lu Yuanshi 陸元仕 (n.d.), Liu Ziyi 劉子翼 (d. ca. 650), and Shangguan Yi 上官儀 (607?–665). The final editing was performed by Linghu Defen 令狐德棻 (583–666) and Jing Bo. The Jin shu has a total of 130 juan divided into ten juan of imperial annals, twenty juan of monographs, seventy juan of biographies, and a thirty-juan section called “Zaiji” 載記 (chronicles), which is a collection of records of the non-Jin states of the fourth and fifth centuries. Emperor Taizong wrote disquisitions for the chapters on Sima Yi 司馬懿 (179–251), Sima Yan 司 馬炎 (236–290), Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303), and Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (321–361). Among the monographs, the most notable are “Shi huo” 食貨 (Economy), “Xing fa” 刑法 (Law), and the three monographs written by Li Chunfeng 李淳風 (602–670): “Tianwen” 天文 (Astronomy), “Lü li” 律歷 (Pitchpipes and calendar), and “Wu xing” 五行 (Five phases). The compilers based themselves on some eighteen histories of the Jin that had been written from the third century on. Some of the more important of these works include Jin shu by Wang Yin 王隱 (ca. 275–ca. 352), Yu Yu 虞預 (4th century), Xie Chen 謝沈 (4th century), Xie Lingyun 謝靈 運 (385–433), Zang Rongxu 臧榮續 (415–488), Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513), and Xiao Ziyun 蕭子雲 (487–549); and Jin ji 晉紀 by Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303), Gan Bao 干寶 (d. 336), Cao Jiazhi 曹嘉之 (4th century), Deng Can 鄧粲 (4th century), Liu Qianzhi 劉謙之 (early 5th century), and Xu Guang 徐廣 (352–425). The major source was the Jin shu of Zang Rongxu. The compilers also incorporated material from the Shiliu guo chunqiu 十六國春秋 (Annals of the Sixteen States) by the Northern Wei scholar Cui Hong 崔 鴻 (526), and two collections of anecdotes and tales, Shishuo xinyu 世說新 語 and Sou shen ji 搜神記. Some scholars have faulted the compilers of the Jin shu for including dubious accounts from the latter two works. However, the presence of such material lends a certain literary flair to the work.

Bibliography Editions Jin shu 晉書. 130 juan. Song woodblock. Held in Zhongguo guojia tushu guan. Rpt. Zhonghua zaizao shanben 中國再造善本. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2003. Jin shu 晉書. 130 juan. Song woodblock. Rpt. in Bona ben ershisi shi 百納本二十四 史, Sibu congkan series. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1930–1937.

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Jin shu 晉書. 130 juan. Ershiyi shi 二十一史. Guozi jian 國子監, 1595–1606. Held in Harvard-Yenching Library. Jin shu 晉書. 130 juan. Qinchuan Maoshi Jigu ge 琴川毛氏汲古閣, 1628–1661. Held in Harvard-Yenching Library. Jin shu 晉書. 130 juan. Wuying dian 武英殿 woodblock, in Ershi si shi 二十四史. 1739. Rpt. Shanghai: Tongwen shuju 同文書局, 1894; Shanghai: Kaiming shudian 開明書店, 1935; Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan 藝文印書館, 1956. Jin shu 晉書. 130 juan. Jinling shuju 金陵書局, 1871. Jin shu 晉書. 130 juan. Beijing: Zhonghua shju, 1974. Xinjiao ben Jin shu bing fubian liuzhong 新校本晉書并附編六種. Taipei: Dingwen shuju, 1990.

Pre-Tang Jin histories Tang Qiu 湯球 (1804–1881), ed. Jin shu jiben 晉書輯本. Shixue congshu 史學叢書, 1920; rpt. under title Jiujia jiu Jin shu jiben 九家舊晉書輯本. Congshu jicheng chuban 叢書集成初編, 1935; Yang Zhaoming 楊朝明, coll. and supp. Jiujia jiu Jin shu jiben 九家舊晉書輯本. Zhengzhou: Zhongguo guji chubanshe, 1991.

Commentaries Wu Shijian 吳士鑑 (1868–1933) and Liu Chenggan 劉承幹, comm. Jin shu jiaozhu 晉書斠注. 1927; rpt. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1956; Xu xiu Siku quanshu. Sun Renlong 孫人龍. Jin shu kaozheng 晉書考證. In Xu Shu 徐蜀, ed. Wei Jin Nanbeichao zhengshi dingbu wenxian huibian, 1–489.

Indexes Zhang Chenshi 張忱石, ed. Jin shu renming suoyin 晉書人名索引. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1977. Liu Naihe 劉乃和, ed.-in-chief. Jin shu cidian 晉書辭典. Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 2001.

Translations Yang Lien-sheng. “Notes on the Economic History of the Chin Dynasty.” HJAS 9 (1946): 137–85; rpt. in Lien-sheng Yang. Studies in Chinese Institutional History, 119–97. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963. Chen, Shih-hsiang, trans. and annot. Biography of Ku K’ai-chih. Chinese Dynastic Histories Translations, no. 2. 1953; rpt. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961. Ho, Peng Yoke. The Astronomical Chapters of the Chin Shu. Paris and The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1966. Rogers, Michael C. The Chronicle of Fu Chien: A Case of Exemplar History. Chinese Dynastic Histories Translations No. 10. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968. Nishijima Sadao 西島定生, trans. and comm. Kubozoe Yoshifumi 漥添慶文, supp. comm. Shinjo shokkashi yakuchū 晉書食貨志訳註. Tokyo: Tōyō bunko, 2007.

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jin shu 晉書 (history of the jin) Studies

Ran Zhaode 冉昭德. “Guanyu Jin shi de zhuanshu yu Tang xiu Jin shu zhuanren wenti” 關於晉史的撰述與唐修《晉書》撰人問題. Xinan daxue xuebao (1957: 4); rpt. in Qu Lindong 瞿林東, ed. Jin shu bashu ershi yanjiu, 14–27. Rogers, Michael C. The Chronicle of Fu Chien: A Case of Exemplar History. Chinese Dynastic Histories Translations No. 10. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968. Li Peidong 李培棟. “Jin shu yanjiu”《晉書》研究. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (1982: 1), 62–70, 132; (1982: 3): 85–91; rpt. in Qu Lindong 瞿林東, ed. Jin shu bashu ershi yanjiu, 44–76. Song Dingli 宋鼎立. “Jin shu yanjiu san ti”《晉書》研究三題. Shixueshi yanjiu (1983:4): 38–40, 22; (1984: 2): 55–56, 37; (1999: 2): 76–77; rpt. in Qu Lindong 瞿林東, ed. Jin shu bashu ershi yanjiu, 28–43. Li Peidong 李培棟. “Jin shu de wenxuexing”《晉書》的文學性. Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1985: 4): 63–65. Luo Bingying 羅秉英. “Guanyu Wang Yin Jin shu de pingjia wenti” 關於王隱《晉 書》的評價問題. Sixiang zhanxian (1985: 1): 56–61. Zhao Lisheng 趙儷生. “Shiliuguo chunqiu Jin shu zaiji duidu ji”《十六國春秋、 《晉書‧載記》對讀記. Shixueshi yanjiu (1986: 3): 7–12; rpt. in Qu Lindong 瞿林東, ed. Jin shu bashu ershi yanjiu, 1–13. Peng Jiusong 彭久松. “Jin shu zhuanren kao”《晉書》撰人考. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (1989: 1): 45–51. Li Peidong 李培棟. “Jin shu zhuanren xu kao”《晉書》撰人續考. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (1989: 4): 54–58. Zhang Dake 張大可 and Peng Jiusong 彭久松. “Jin shu” 晉書. In Cang Xiuliang 倉修良, ed. Zhongguo shixue mingzhu pingjie, 401–22. Wu Zhuzhu 吳鉒鉒. “Jin shu de bianshu shijian zuozhe ji yu qi youguan de jige wenti”《晉書》的編書時間、作者及與其有關的幾個問題. Fujian xuekan (1992: 3): 59–64. Chen Hu 陳虎 and Yang Zhaoming 楊朝明. “Shilun Tang Qiu de Jiujia jiu Jin shu jiben” 試論湯球的《九家舊晉書輯本》. Anhui shixue (1992: 2): 25–30. Fairbank, Anthony Bruce. “Ssu-ma I (179–251): Wei Statesman and Chin Founder, An Historiographical Inquiry.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1994. Cao Shujie 曹書杰. “Wang Yin jiashi ji qi Jin shu” 王隱家世及其《晉書》. Shixueshi yanjiu (1995: 2): 23–30. Gao Shuqing 高淑清. “Tang xiu Jin shu caijie Shishuo xinyu yinyou chutan” 唐 修《晉書》采擷《世說新與》因由初探. Jilin shifan xueyuan xuebao (1995: 2): 51–54. Song Dingli 宋鼎立. “Jin shu cai xiaoshuo bian”《晉書》采小說辨. Shixueshi yanjiu (2000: 1): 59–62. Yue Chunzhi 岳純之. “Tangchao chunian chongxiu Jin shu shimo kao” 唐朝初年 重修《晉書》始末考. Shixueshi yanjiu (2000: 2): 38–42. Zhu Dawei 朱大渭. “Jin shu de pingjia yu yanjiu”《晉書》的評價與研究. Shixueshi yanjiu 100 (2000): 44–52; rpt. in Qu Lindong 瞿林東, ed. Jin shu bashu ershi yanjiu, 77–95. Yue Chunzhi 岳純之. “‘Tangchao chunian chongxiu Jin shu yuanyin xintan” 唐 朝初年重修《晉書》原因新探. Yantai daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 14.1 (20001): 98–105.

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Song Zhiying 宋志英. “Wang Yin Jin shu chutan” 王隱《晉書》初探. Wenxian jikan (2002: 3): 4–15. Yue Chunzhi 岳純之. “Tang Taizong yu Jin shu” 唐太宗與《晉書》. Lishi jiaoxue 473 (2003): 30–33. Zhang Yajun 張亞軍. “Jin shu liezhuan de wenxue secai: pianli xing”《晉書》列傳 的文學色彩: 駢儷性. Shangqiu shifan xueyuan xuebao 19.3 (2003): 15–17. Chen Changyi 陳長義. “Shilun Jin shu de wenxue secai” 試論《晉書》的文學色彩. Neijiang shifan xueyuan xuebao 19.3 (2004): 70–74. Wang Lihua 王澧華. “Tang xiu Jin shu qucai Shishuo de shifei deshi” 唐修《晉書》 取材《世說》的是非得失. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 33. 6 (2004): 98–103. Hao Runhua 郝潤華. Liuchao shiji yu shixue 六朝史籍與史學, 100–17. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Liu Qiang 劉強. “Cong Jin shu kan Tangdai de Shishuo xinyu jieshou” 從《晉 書》看唐代的《世說新語》接收. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 35.2 (2006): 72–78. Lu Huafeng 魯華峰. “Jin shu ‘Lu Ji zhuan lun’ sixiang zhuzhi tanwei”《晉書‧陸 機傳論》思想主旨探微. Fuyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 115 (2007): 26–28. DRK

Jing Cuo 景差 (Late Warring States period). Also read Jing Chai Late Warring States period writer. According to the Shi ji, Jing Cuo (also written 景瑳) was a writer in the state of Chu who was a contemporary of Song Yu 宋玉 and Tang Le 唐 勒 all of whom “were fond of belles lettres and were renowned for their fu compositions.” In the “Dayan fu” 大言賦 (Fu on big words) and “Xiaoyan fu” 小言賦 (Fu on little words) attributed to Song Yu, Jing Cuo is identified as a grandee at the court of King Qingxiang 頃襄 of Chu (r. 298–263 b.c.e.). Xi Zuochi 習鑿齒 (d. 382) in his Xiangyang qijiu zhuan 襄陽耆舊 傳 (Traditions about elders of Xiangyang) refers to Jing Cuo as Song Yu’s friend who became jealous of Song Yu. In his preface to the Chu ci poem “Da zhao” 大招 (Grand summons) Wang Yi 王逸 (fl. 130–140) says that this piece was written by Qu Yuan, but some authorities attribute it to Jing Cuo. No extant works can be confidently credited to him. Studies Yin Guangxi 殷光熹. “‘Dazhao’ de zuozhe ji xiezuo niandai kao bian”《大招》的 作者及寫作年代考辨. Guizhou wenshi congkan (1985: 1): 99–105. Xu Fuhong 許富宏. “Guanyu ‘Dazhao’ de zuozhe chuangzuo beijing de tansuo” 關於《大招》的作者、創作背景的探索. Yunmeng xuekan (1999: 2): 1–5.

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Wu Guangping 吳廣平. Song Yu yanjiu 宋玉研究, 83–85. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 2004. DRK

Jingling ba you 竟陵八友 (Eight companions of Jingling) Southern Qi dynasty literary group. The Jingling ba you was a literary group that was sponsored by Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494), Prince of Jingling 竟陵. His Western Residence (Xi di 西邸), on Jilong 雞籠 Mountain northeast of the imperial palace grounds

was the location of numerous literary gatherings hosted by the Prince. The most illustrious members of his salon were eight writers known as the Eight Companions of Jingling (Jingling ba you 竟陵八友): Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549), Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513), Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464–499), Wang Rong 王融 (468–493), Xiao Chen 蕭琛 (478–529), Fan Yun 范雲 (451–503), Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508), and Lu Chui 陸倕 (470–526). However, many other prominent literary figures also attended some of the prince’s gatherings that also included discussions of Buddhism. The most prominent poets in this group were Shen Yue, Xie Tiao, and Wang Rong. They promoted a new style of verse (xinti shi 新體詩) that placed emphasis on formal rules, the most important of which involved tonal regulation. Studies He Rong 何融. “Qi Jingling wang Xidi ji qi xueshi kaolüe” 齊竟陵王西邸及其學士 攷略. Guowen yuekan 77 (March 10, 1949): 22–25. Yuejin 躍進. “Lun Jingling bayou” 論竟陵八友. Wenxue yichan (1992: 4): 35–43. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. Yongming wenxue yanjiu 永明文學研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1992. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Liang Wudi he ‘Jingling bayou’” 梁武帝和 “竟陵八友”. Qi Lu xuekan (1995: 5): 46–53. Nie Dashou 聶大受. “Shilun ‘Jingling bayou’ wenxue jituan de xingcheng—‘Jingling bayou’ lun zhi yi” 試論 “竟陵八友” 文學集團的形成—“竟陵八友” 論之一. Tianshui shizhuan xuebao (Zhe she ban) (1997: 1): 27–30, 43. Nie Dashou 聶大受. “Shilun ‘Jingling bayou’ wenxue jituan de xingcheng—‘Jingling bayou’ lun zhi er” 試論 “竟陵八友” 文學集團的形成—“竟陵八友” 論之二. Tianshui shizhuan xuebao (Zhe she ban) (1997: 2); 38–40, 61. Nie Dashou 聶大受. “Shilun ‘Jingling bayou’ wenxue jituan de tedian” 試論 “竟陵 八友” 文學集團的特點. Gansu shehui kexue (1997: 5): 49–51. Nie Dashou 聶大受. “‘Jingling bayou’ wenxue jituan de xingcheng ji qi tedian” “竟陵八友” 文學集團的形成及其特點. Shandong daxue xuebao (1998: 2): 24–29, 37. Jansen, Thomas. Höfische Öffentlichkeit im frühmittelalterlichen China: Debatten im Salon des Prinze Xiao Ziliang. Freiburg im Breisgau: Rombach, 2000.

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Wang Shuxian 王淑嫻. “Xiao Ziliang wenren jituan zhi zucheng ji qi zhengzhi yiyi shi tan” 蕭子良文人集團之組成及其政治意義試探. Zhongzheng lishi xuekan 7 (2004): 3–24. Ruan Zhong 阮忠. “Nanchao ‘Jingling ba you’ shifeng lun” 南朝 “竟陵八友” 詩風 論. Xueshu luntan 166 (2004): 121–26. Ruan Zhong 阮忠. Zhonggu shiren qunti ji qi shifeng yanbian 中古詩人群體及其詩 風演變, 270–332. Wuhan: Wuhan chubanshe, 2004. Tan Jie 譚潔 and Yan Wei 閻瑋. “Jingling ‘Ba you’ minghao kao bian” 竟陵 “八友” 名號考辨. Hebei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 32.3 (2007): 94–98. Bai Juncai 柏俊才. “‘Jingling ba you’ shiwen jiyi”《竟陵八友》詩文輯佚. Chuxiong shifan xueyuan xuebao 23.4 (2008): 21–28. Tan Jie 譚詰. Nanchao foxue yu wenxue—yi “Jingling bayou” wei zhongxin 南朝佛 學與文學—以 “竟陵八友” 為中心. Beijing: Zongjiao chubanshe, 2009. DRK

Jingu shi 金谷詩 (Golden Valley poems) Group poem compositions of the Western Jin. The Jingu shi were poems composed at the Jingu estate of Shi Chong 石崇 (249–300). Famous for its scenic spots, the Jingu estate was the site of gatherings and banquets attended by distinguished statesmen and literary men. In 296, Shi Chong hosted a large party at Jingu attended by high officials and prominent men who gathered there to pay tribute to Shi Chong and another official who was about to depart for Chang’an. Thirty of the participants composed poems, and Shi Chong wrote a preface to the poems in which he describes the estate. He gives the location of his villa as ten li from the Luoyang city wall in the outskirts of Henan county, thus placing it in the northwestern suburbs of the capital. At the gathering in 296, the guests roamed about the estate climbing hills to look at the view or sitting together on the edge of a stream. They listened to music played by zithers and mouth organs (sheng 笙). Each person was obliged to compose a poem. Whoever could not write a poem had to drink three dou 斗 (1.62 gallons) of ale. The only complete extant piece composed at this occasion is one by Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300). Studies Wilhelm, Hellmut. “Shih Ch’ung and His Chin-ku-yüan.” MS 18 (1959): 315–27. Lu Jing 廬靜. “Shi Chong qian lun” 石崇詩淺論. Sheke zongheng (2000: 4): 72–73. Zhang Jinyao 張金耀. “Jingu youyan renwu kao” 金谷遊宴人物考. Fudan xuebao (Shehui kexue bao) (2001: 2): 128–31. Liu Qinghua 劉慶華. “Cong ‘Jinggu shi xu’ ‘Lanting ji xu’ kan Liang Jin wenren de shengchun xuanze yu wenxue xuanze” 從《金谷詩序》《蘭亭集序》看兩晉

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文人的生存選擇與文學選擇. Guangzhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 5.3 (2006): 91–96. Zhang Aibo 張愛波. “Shi Chong renge lun” 石崇人格論. In Xi Jin shifeng yu shige, 248–62. Wang Lihua 王澧華. “Shi Chong” 石崇. Liang Jin shifeng 兩晉詩風, 77–79. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005. Knechtges, David R. “Jīngŭ and Lántíng: Two (or Three?) Jìn Dynasty Gardens.” In Studies in Chinese Language and Culture: Festschrift in Honour of Christoph Harbsmeir on the Occasion of His 60th Birthday, ed. Christoph Anderl and Halvor Eifring, 395–405. Oslo: Hermes Academic Publishing, 2006. Gu Nong 顧農. “Shi Chong Pan Yue yu Jingu ji shi” 石崇、潘岳與金谷集詩. Wen xuan luncong, 151–56.

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 307–8. DRK

Kong Fan 孔範, zi Fayan 法言 Chen period poet. Kong Fan’s ancestral home was Shanyin 山陰 in Guiji 會稽 (modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang). Already in his youth he was a diligent student and soon became well versed in the Classics and history. During the Taijian period (569–582) of Emperor Xuan, he served as attendant-in-ordinary for Chen Boyi 陳伯義, Prince of Jiangxia 江夏. In the mid-Taijian era, he was on good terms with the court officials and writers Chen Xuan 陳暄 (?–607?) and Xu Boyang 徐伯陽 (516–581). When Chen Shubao 陳叔寶 (553–604) ascended the throne, Kong Fan was appointed imperial secretary, section for justice. Chen Shubao often invited Kong Fan, Chen Xuan and Jiang Zong 江總 (519–594) to imperial banquets at which they were commanded to compose poems to entertain the emperor and his guests. Kong Fan was well known for his graceful manner and elegant literary style. Given his intimate relationship with Chen Shubao, and knowing that the emperor did not like criticism, he often glossed over Chen Shubao’s shortcomings. He once advised Chen Shubao to remove the military forces from the control of the generals and redistribute them to civilian court officials. When the general Yang Jian 楊堅 (541–604, Emperor Wen of Sui, r. 581–604) established his Sui regime in 581, he launched an expedition against the Chen. The Chen court officials urged Chen Shubao to mount a defense against the Sui attack, but Kong Fan argued that the Yangtze River provided a natural protective barrier that would repel the Sui invaders. Kong

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Fan’s advice was soon proved wrong when the Sui routed the Chen dynasty in 589. When Yang Jian’s second son, general Yang Guang 楊廣 (596–618, Emperor Yang of Sui 隋煬帝, r. 604–618) began to execute rebels and court officials of the Chen dynasty, Kong Fan was spared. He later went to the Sui court in Chang’an. However, Emperor Wen did not care for him, considering him a treacherous sycophant, and he sent him into exile. Only two of Kong Fan’s poems are extant. Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 65. TPK

Kong Ningzi 孔寧子 (?–425) Liu-Song writer and statesman. Kong Ningzi’s ancestral home was Shanyin 山陰 in Guiji 會稽 commandery (modern Shaoxing 紹興, Zhejiang). The Kong family of Shanyin was one of the most distinguished families of the Southern dynasties. Kong Ningzi does not have a biography in the Song shu, and thus little is known about his life. Ca. 411 he served as recorder under defender-in-chief Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422). After Liu Yu established the Song dynasty in 420, Kong Ningzi served as administrative advisor to Liu Yilong 劉義隆 (407–453), the future Emperor Wen (r. 424–453). In 423, he returned home to Shanyin to observe mourning for his father, and he participated in suppressing an attack on Shanyin led by Sun Faguang 孫法光. Liu Yilong ascended the throne on 17 September 423, and soon thereafter he appointed Kong Ningzi gentleman attendant at the palace gate, infantry commandant, and later promoted him to palace attendant. He and Wang Hua 王華 (385–427) joined to have the powerful minister of education Xu Xianzhi 徐羨之 (364–426) removed from his position. Kong Ningzi died in 425 about a year before Xu Xianzhi met his demise. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions a fifteen-juan collection of Kong Ningzi’s writings listed in a Liang dynasty catalogue. Both Tang histories record his collection in fifteen juan. This probably was lost during the Song. Most of his writings have been lost. Two yuefu are preserved in Yuefu shiji, and Yan Kejun has collected four of his prose writings in Quan Shanggu sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. One of these pieces is “Maoniu fu” 牦牛賦 (Fu on the hairy yak).

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Cao Dengheng and Shen Yucheng, Zongguo wenxiejia dacidian, 64. Zhang Chengzong 張承宗 and Sun Zhongwang 孫中旺. “Guiji Kongshi yu Jin Song zhengzhi” 會稽孔氏與晉宋政治. Zhejiang xuekan (2000: 5): 131–35. Li Xiaohong 李小紅. “Liuchao Guiji Kongshi jiazu yanjiu” 六朝會稽孔氏家族研究. Huzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao 24.5 (2002): 46–50. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Dong Jin Nanchao Guiji Kongshi jiazu wenhua tan lun” 東晉南朝會稽孔氏家族文化探論. Shehui kexue jikan 145 (2003): 126–30. Ma Zhongchun 馬仲春. “Nanchao Guiji Kongshi jiazu jian shu” 南朝會稽孔氏家族 簡述. Shehui kexuejia (Nov. 2007, Supplement): 265–66. TPK and DRK

Kong Rong 孔融 (153–208), zi Wenju 文舉 Late Eastern Han writer. Kong Rong’s natal and ancestral home was Lu 魯 (modern Qufu, Shandong). He was a descendant of Confucius in the twentieth generation. Known for his biting wit and outspoken manner, he rose to prominence in his native area around 190, when he was appointed to the post of chancellor of Beihai 北海 kingdom (west of modern Changle 昌樂, Shandong). At this time, Beihai was in great turmoil because of the Yellow Turban insurrection (184–215). Kong Rong established a new city in Beihai for over forty thousand refuges. Kong Rong held the scholar Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–200) in very high regard, and in the county of Gaomi 高密 he established the village of Zheng gong xiang 鄭公鄉 (the Venerable Zheng’s Village) in Zheng Xuan’s honor. In 196, Beihai was overrun by the Yellow Turbans and and an army led by Yuan Tan 袁譚 (d. 205), the son of Yuan Shao 袁紹 (d. 202), one of the rivals of Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220). Kong Rong fled to Xu 許 (modern Xuchang, Henan), where Cao Cao had taken the last Han ruler, Emperor Xian (r. 190–220) under his protection. Here Kong served in several high positions including court architect and privy treasurer. On several occasions Kong dared to speak against Cao Cao. In 199, he presented a petition objecting to the plan of Cao Cao’s supporters to reinstate corporal punishment. In 207, he sent a highly satirical letter to Cao Cao mocking his prohibition against alcohol. Cao Cao became increasingly annoyed by Kong’s insolence and opposition to Cao’s assumption of imperial prerogatives. In 208, he had Lu Cui 路粹 (d. 214) charge Kong Rong with sedition. Kong was put into prison. He was executed along with his wife and children. Kong Rong’s tomb traditionally was thought to be located in the Mang Hills north of Luoyang.

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Some time later, Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) issued a summons offering a reward to anyone who presented copies of Kong Rong’s works to the court. This measure resulted in the collection of twenty-five pieces in various genres including poems, eulogies, stele inscriptions, disquisitions, hexasyllabic verse, petitions, dispatches, and letters. Cao Pi included Kong Rong among the Seven Masters of Jian’an group. However, some modern scholars have disputed Kong’s placement in this group on the grounds that he did not participate in the literary gatherings hosted in the city of Ye. The bibliography monograph of the Sui shu lists a Kong Rong ji 孔融集 in nine juan (a Liang catalogue listed a collection in ten juan). A ten-juan collection was still extant in the Northern Song. However, all modern collections are late reconstructions. Kong Rong is the only member of the Seven Masters who does not have any extant fu compositions. Six poems attributed to him are contained in the Guwen yuan. These include two hexasyllabic “Unclassified Poems” of dubious authenticity written in praise of Cao Cao. It also contains an anagram tetrasyllabic verse that spells out Kong Rong’s personal name, zi, and ancestral place. Another interesting poem is “Lin Zhong shi” 臨終詩 (Poem written facing death). Kong Rong is best known as a prose writer. Two of his compositions, a petition recommending Mi Heng to Cao Cao, and a letter he wrote to Cao Cao urging Cao Cao to have Sheng Xian 聖憲, who had been imprisoned by the Wu military leader Sun Ce 孫策 (175–200), invited to the Han court. Before the imperial edict reached him, Sheng Xian was executed. Bibliography Collections Zhang Xie 張爕 (1574–1640), ed. Kong Shaofu ji 孔少府集. 2 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 1583. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Kong Shaofu ji 孔少府集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Kong Beihai ji 孔北海集. Siku quanshu. Kong Beihai ji 孔北海集. 1 juan. Pan Xi’en 潘錫恩 (n.d.), Yao Ying 姚瑩 (1785– 1853), and Gu Yuan 顧沅 (n.d., ed.). 1848; rpt. Taipei: Huanqiu shuju, 1966. Sun Sifang 孫思昉, ed. and comm. Kong Beihai ji ping zhu 孔北海集評註. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1935. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初, ed. “Kong Rong ji” 孔融集. In Jian’an qizi ji, 1–32.

Studies Xu Ling 許齡. “Kong Rong pingzhuan” 孔融評傳. Xianggang daxue Zhongwen xuehui huikan (1956): 19–35.

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Song Jingchang 宋景昌. “Lun Kong Rong” 論孔融. Fuyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (1982: 4): 49–54. Lu Da 盧達. “Kong Rong” 孔融. In Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia (xubian), 163–76. Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 134–37. Wu Yun 吳雲. “Jian lun Kong Rong de weiren ji qi chuangzuo” 簡論孔融的為人及 其創作. Suzhou jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (1986: 3): 72–79. Zhang Yaxin 張亞新. “Kong Rong de sixiang xingge he wenfeng” 孔融的思想、性 格和文風. Guizhou daxue xuebao (1987: 2): 42–48. Zheng Mengtong. Jian’an fengliu renwu, 161–73. Holzman, Donald. “K’ung Jung.” In Nienhauser, Indiana Companion, Volume 1, 519–20. Gu Nong 顧農. “Kong Rong lun” 孔融論. Qi Lu xuekan (1990: 5): 58–63. Lu Guangzheng 路廣正. “Tan Kong Rong ji qi shiwen” 談孔融及其詩文. Zibo zhizhuan xuebao (1994: 3): 67–69, 54. Jiang Baofu 姜葆夫. “‘Jian’an qizi’ ying you Kong Rong lun” “建安七子” 應有孔融 論. Jining shizhuan xuebao 60 (1995): 53–56. Zhang Beibei 張蓓蓓. “Kong Rong xinlun” 孔融新論; Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue yu sixiang xueshu yantaohui lunwen ji 魏晉南北朝文學與思想學術研討會論文集 (Disan ji 第三輯), ed. Guoli Chenggong daxue Zhongwen xi 國立成功大學中 文系, 655–92. Taipei: Wen jin chubanshe, 1997; rpt. in Zhang Beibei. Wei Jin xueshu renwu xin yanjiu 魏晉學術人物新研究, 1–44. Taipei: Da’an chubanshe, 2001. Xiong Lihui 熊禮匯. “Kong Rong wenfeng lun—jian lun Kong Rong neng ling Jian’an wenfeng zhi xian de yuanyin” 孔融文風論—兼論孔融能領建安文風之先的 原因. Wuhan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 241 (1999): 99–104. Tang Chunyan 唐春艷. “Kong Rong: ‘Jian’an qizi’ Zhong de yilei” 孔融: “建安七子” 中的異類. Chongqing shizhuan xuebao 19.2 (2000): 26–29. Yi Xiaoping 易小平. “‘Jian’an qizi’ qi wu Kong Rong” “建安七子” 豈無孔融. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 21.6 (2002): 63–66. Wang Tingsheng. Jian’an qizi yanjiu, 27–30, 38–42, 69–71, 110–13, 236–43. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 391–93. Wu Liubei 吳柳蓓. “Lun Kong Rong shengsi rongru zhi guanjian” 論孔融生死榮辱 之關鍵. Wenxue qianzhan 7 (2008): 71–82. Knechtges, David R. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 167–68.

Works a. “Li he zuo jun xing ming zi shi” 離合作郡姓名自詩 (Anagram verse forming the name of my native district, surname, personal name, and courtesy name) Translation Marney, John. Chinese Anagrams and Anagram Verse. Taipei: Chinese Materials Center, 1993.

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b. “Lin zhong shi” 臨終詩 (Poem written facing death) Gong Weiying 龔維英. “Kong Rong ‘Lin zhong shi’ qianxi” 孔融《臨終詩》淺析. Huainan shifan xueyuan xuebao (1983): 70–72. Demiéville, Paul. Poèmes chinois d’avant la mort, ed. Jean-Pierre Diény, 110–12. Paris: Asiathèque, 1984.

c. “Jian Mi Heng biao” 薦禰衡表 (Petition recommending Mi Heng) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 663–64. Knechtges, David R. “Han and Six Dynasties Parallel Prose.” Renditions 33–34 (1990): 71–77.

Study Lin Boqian 林伯謙. “Kong Rong ‘Jian Mi Heng biao’ yu ‘Lun Sheng Xiaozhang shu’” 孔融〈薦禰衡表〉與〈論盛孝章書〉. Dong Wu Zhongwen xuebao 12 (2006): 1–38.

c. “Lun Sheng Xiaozhang shu” 論盛孝章書 (Letter discussing Sheng Xiaozhang) Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 769–70.

Study Lin Boqian 林伯謙. “Kong Rong ‘Jian Mi Heng biao’ yu ‘Lun Sheng Xiaozhang shu’” 孔融〈薦禰衡表〉與〈論盛孝章書〉. Dongwu Zhongwen xuebao 12 (2006): 1–38. DRK

Kong Zang 孔臧 (ca. 178–ca. 114 b.c.e.) Western Han writer. Kong Zang probably was born in Liaocheng 蓼城 (southwest of modern Lijin 利津, Shandong). He was the son of Kong Ju 孔聚/alt. Kong Cong 孔藂 (d. 171 b.c.e.), Marquis of Liao 蓼. When his father died, Kong Zang inherited the domain in Liao. In 127 b.c.e. Kong Zang was appointed chamberlain for ceremonies, but he was dimissed and deprived of his noble title and

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domain for not properly maintaining the bridge over which imperial regalia passed. The monograph on bibliography of the Han shu lists his works in two sections, first in the Ruist group where he is credited with ten pieces, and second in the section on fu and songs that attributes him with twenty fu compositions. The Kong Congzi 孔叢子, a work of disputed authenticity, contains four fu and two letters attributed to Kong Zang. These pieces are also of dubious authenticity. Bibliography Studies Huang Huaixin 黃懷信. “Kong Congzi de shidai yu zuozhe”《孔叢子》的時代與作 者. Xibei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1987: 1): 31–37. Ariel, Yoav. K’ung-ts’ung-tzu: The K’ung Family Masters’ Anthology, A Study and Translation of Chapters 1–10, 12–14. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989. Gong Kechang 龔克昌. “Kong Zang qiren ji qi fu” 孔臧其人及其賦. Hanfu yanjiu (1990), 150–53; rpt. Gong Kechang. Zhongguo cifu yanjiu, 328–31. Fu Yashu 付亞庶. “Kong Congzi weishu bian”《孔叢子》偽書辨. Dongbei shida xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1994: 5): 80–81. Nanbu Hidehiko 南部英彥. “Kōzōshi no kenkyū—sono seisho no nendai to sakusha o kangaieru”「孔叢子」の研究—その成書の年代と作者を考える. Shūkan Tōyōgaku 72 (1994): 19–39. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 67–68. Fan Zhixin 范志新. “Ye tan Kong Zang qi ren ji qi fu—yu Gong Kechang xiansheng shangque” 也談孔臧其人及其賦—與龔克昌先生商榷. Suzhou keji xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1996: 2): 68–70. Zhang Cangshou 章滄授. “Qiangu yong liu diyi pian—du Kong Zang de ‘Yangliu fu’ 千古詠柳第一篇—讀孔臧的《楊柳賦》. Gudian wenxue zhishi (1996: 6): 17–21. Ariel, Yoav. K’ung-ts’ung-tzu: A Study & Translation of Chapters 15–23 with a Reconstruction of the Hsiao Erh-ya Dictionary. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1996. Han Hui 韓暉. “Han fu de xianqu Kong Zang jiqi fu kao shuo” 漢賦的先驅孔臧及 其賦考說. Wen shi zhe (1998: 1): 32–35. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 211–12. Li Jian 李健 and Sun Shaohua 孫少華. “Kong Congzi de zhenwei wenti”《孔叢 子》的真偽問題. Bohai daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 27.4 (2005): 31–36. Yang Jun 楊軍. “Kong Congzi kaozheng”《孔叢子》考證. Suzhou keji xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 22.4 (2005): 49–54. Zhao Dongshuan 趙東栓 and Sun Shaohua 孫少華. Kong Congzi chengshu jiushuo jiqi kaocha”《孔叢子》成書舊說及其考察. Baicheng shifan xueyuan xuebao 19.4 (2005): 63–65, 73. Sun Shaohua 孫少華. “Kong Congzi zhenwei bian”《孔叢子》真偽辨. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2006: 6): 89–93.

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Ni Tieying 倪鐵穎. “Kong Zang ‘Xiao fu’ yu Xi Han siyan fu jue wei” 孔臧《鴞賦》 與四言賦抉微. Bohai daxue xuebao (2007: 4): 59–63. Sun Shaohua 孫少華. “Kong Anguo ji qi Kong Zang de shengzu yu xueshu” 孔安國 及其孔臧的生卒與學術. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan yanjiusheng xuebao (2007: 6): 89–95. DRK

Kong Zhigui 孔稚珪 (447–501), zi Dezhang 德璋. Also known as Kong Gui 孔珪 Southern Qi writer. Kong Zhigui’s ancestral home was Shanyin 山陰 in Guiji 會稽 commandery (modern Shaoxing 紹興, Zhejiang). The Kong family of Shanyin was one of the most distinguished families of the Southern Dynasties. Kong Zhigui’s father Kong Lingchan 孔靈產 was a influential figure at the end of the LiuSong period. In 470, when Wang Sengqian 王僧虔 (426–485) served as governor of Guiji, he came to admire Kong Zhigui and appointed him a recorder on his staff. In 472, he was nominated as a “flourishing talent” and in 474 was appointed administrator on the staff Liu Zhun 劉準 (469–479), Prince of Ancheng 安成, the future Emperor Shun (r. 477–479). Ca. 476, Kong Zhigui was transferred to the capital to the position of vice director of the palace. In 477, Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427?–482) appointed him secretarial aide on his staff. Kong Zhigui and Jiang Yan 江淹 (444–505) both were in charge of literary composition in Xiao Daocheng’s administration. Kong soon was promoted to vice minister of the department of state affairs and left assistant director of the secretariat. However, upon the death of his father, Kong Zhigui resigned from his post and returned to Shanyin. The exact date of his father’s death is not known. Cao Daoheng and Liu Yuejin tentatively place it in 482. If this is correct, Kong Zhigui may have been at the imperial court during the early years of the Southern Qi. Ca. 485, Kong Zhigui returned to official service as secretarial aide to Xiao Zilang (460–494) 蕭子良, Prince of Jingling 竟陵. In 489, Kong Zhigui was appointed general of the imperial guard and left assistant director of the secretariat. When he was appointed chamberlain for law enforcement, he wrote numerous petitions interpreting criminal laws. Ca. 491 Kong Zhigui was selected as palace aide to the censor-in-chief. In 493 he issued a petition impeaching Wang Rong 王融 (467–493) for leading a coup against Xiao Luan 蕭鸞 (452–498), the future Emperor Ming (r. 494–498). Wang Rong was put in prison where he was “ordered to commit suicide.” In 494, before Xiao Luan ascended the throne, Kong Zhigui served as Xiao’s

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administrator. Xiao Luan accepted the imperial throne on 5 December 494, and shortly thereafter he rewarded Kong Zhigui with the title general commanding the troops. He also appointed him governor of Nan 南 commandery (administrative seat, Jiangling) and administrator for Xiao Yaoxin 蕭 遙欣 (469–499). At this time Kong Zhigui submitted a petition suggesting that the Qi court make peace with the Northern Wei state. In 499, Kong Zhigui returned to the imperial court where he served as minister of the section of justice in the department of state affairs. He passed away in 501 while serving as supervisor of the household of the heir designate. According to his biography in the Nan Qi shu, Kong Zhigui was fond of prose and verse, he drank heavily, and shared common interests with his older maternal cousin Zhang Rong 張融 (444–497). His close friends included Wang Siyuan 王思遠 (451–500), and the brothers He Dian 何點 (437–504) and He Yin 何胤 (446–531). He admired several Taoist recluses including Chu Boyu 褚伯玉 (394–479) whose grave inscription he wrote, and Du Jingchan 度經產 (436–499) whom he recommended to the court in 492. Kong Zhigui was also famous for his garden where he let the weeds grow uncontrolled and uncut. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Kong Zhigui’s collected works in ten juan. This was lost in the Song period. Later collections are reconstructions. Ye Kejun has collected thirteen of his prose pieces in “Quan Qi wen” 19 of Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen, and Lu Qinli has collected five of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. Kong Zhigui is best known for his parallel prose compositions. Many of his court petitions have been preserved. His most famous piece is “Beishan yiwen” 北山移文 (Proclamation on North Mountain) which was included in the Wen xuan. From Tang times until the Qing period scholars read the piece as a satire directed against Zhou Yong 周颙 (441?–491?) who reputedly only pretended to be a recluse while secretly harboring ambitions to pursue an official career. Recent scholars have questioned this interpretation on the grounds that Kong Zhigui and Zhou Yong were on good terms. Thus, the piece may actually be good natured ribbing of Kong’s friend. Kong Zhigui was also an excellent poet. However, Zhong Rong in the Shi pin places him in the “lower grade” together with his cousin Zhang Rong. One of the pieces attributed to him, “Baima pian” 白馬篇, is probably not by him. The more likely author is Yang Guang 楊廣 (569–619).

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Bibliography Collections Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Nan Qi Kong zhanshi ji 南齊孔詹事集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji 漢魏六朝百三名家集. Wu Rulun 吳汝綸 (1840–1903), ed. Kong zhanshi ji xuan 孔詹事集選. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji xuan 漢魏六朝百三家集選.

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Nanbeichao wenxue shi, 195–99. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia daciidian, 67. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxie shiliao congkao, 426–29. Li Xiaohong 李小紅. “Liuchao Guiji Kongshi jiazu yanjiu” 六朝會稽孔氏家族研究. Huzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao 24.5 (2002): 46–50. Mou Hualin 牟華林. “Kong Zhigui nianpu” 孔稚珪年譜. Yibin xueyuan xuebao (2002: 2): 39–43. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Dong Jin Nanchao shiqi Guiji Kongshi jiazu wenhua tan lun” 東晉南朝時期會稽孔氏家族文化探論. Shehui kexue jikan 145 (2003): 126–30. Ma Zhongchun 馬仲春. “Nanchao Guiji Kongshi jiazu jianshu” 南朝會稽孔氏家族 簡述. Shehui kexuejia (Nov. 2007, Supplement): 265–66.

Work “Beishan yi wen” 北山移文 (Proclamation on North Mountain)

Studies Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Kong Zhigui de ‘Beishan yiwen’ 孔稚珪的《北山移文》. Wenhui bao (29 July 1961); rpt. in Wang Yunxi. Han Wei Liuchao Tangdai wenxue luncong, 61–66. Fukio Yoshio 福井佳夫. “Kō Chikei no ‘Hokusan ibun’ ni tsuite” 孔稚珪「北山移 文」. Chūkyō daigaku bungakbu kiyō 24 (1989). Shi Tieliang 史鐵良. “‘Beishan yiwen’ yu Zhou Yong ji yinshi”《北山移文》與周顒 及隱士. Qiusuo (1982: 4): 84–86. Kondō Izumi 近藤泉. “Lun ‘Beishan yiwen’ de chuangzuo beijing he shoufa yuanyuan” 論《北山移文》的創作背景和手法淵源. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1993: 1): 107–14. Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “‘Beishan yiwen’ xinyi”《北山移文》新議. Qi Lu xuekan 165 (2001): 5–10. Wu Zhenglan 吳正嵐. “Lun Kong Zhigui de yinyi guannian he zongjiao xinyang de guanxi—jian lun ‘Beishan yiwen’ de zhuzhi” 論孔稚珪的隱逸觀念和宗教信仰的 關係—兼論《北山移文》的主旨. Nanjing daxue xuebao (Zhexue renwen kexue shehui kexue) 144 (2001): 76–80. Ding Hongqi 丁紅旗. “Wen xuan ‘Beishan yiwen’ Lü Xiang zhu zai bian”《文選‧ 北山移文》呂向注再辨. Lanzhou xuekan 184 (2009): 105–8.

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Margouliès, Le “kou-wen chinois, 135–39. von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 805–8. Hightower, James Robert. “Some Characteristics of Parallel Prose.” Studia Serica Bernhard Karlgren Dedicata, ed. Soren Egerod and Else Glahn, 70–76. Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard, 1959; Rpt. in Studies in Chinese Literature, ed. John L. Bishop, 118–124. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965; Birch and Keene, Anthology, 169–73. TPK

“Kongque dongnan fei” 孔雀東南飛 (A peacock southeast flew) Early Medieval Chinese ballad. The “Kongque dongnan fei,” also known as “Jiao Zhongqing qi” 焦仲卿 妻 οr “Wife of Jiao Zhongqing,” is the longest narrative poem of pre-Tang literature. The poem relates the story of the wife of one Jiao Zhongqing, a minor official of Lujiang 廬江, who was expelled from her husband’s household by her mother-in-law. She vowed not to remarry. When her family tried to force her to remarry, she committed suicide by drowning. Upon hearing this, Jiao Zhongqing hanged himself on a tree in his courtyard. Although the story is based on events of the late Han era, the poem contains linguistic and other features that show parts of the piece must have been written in the Six Dynasties period. Bibliography Studies Lu Kanru 陸侃如. “Kongque dongnan fei kaozheng” 孔雀東南飛考證. Guoxue yuebao 國學月報 1 (1928): 249–58. Huang Jie 黃節 and Lu Kanru. “Kongque dongnan fei zhi taolun” 孔雀東南飛之討 論. Guoxue yuebao 1 (1928): 258–65. Zhang Weiqi 張為騏. “Kongque dongnan fei shidai quyi” 孔雀東南飛時代袪疑. Guoxue yuebao 2 (1929): 555–67. Hu Shi 胡適 and Zhang Weiqi 張為騏. “Kongque dongnan fei niandai de taolun” 孔雀東南飛年代討論. Guoxue yuebao 2 (1929): 715–30. Gu Zhi 古直. “Jiao Zhongqing qi shi bianzheng” 焦仲卿妻詩辨證. Han shi yanjiu 漢詩研究, 1928; rpt. Shanghai: Qizhi shuju, 1933. Wang Yue 王越. “Kongque dongnan fei niandai kao” 孔雀東南飛年代考. Guoli Zhongshan daxue wenshi xue yanjiusuo yuekan 國立中山大學文史學研究月刊 1.2 (1933): 15–29; 1.3 (1933): 69–80. Chen Shiqun 陳士羣. “‘Kongque dongnan fei’ yun kao” 孔雀東南飛韻考. Guoxue lunheng 4 (xia) (1934): 16–33.

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Yu Pingbo 俞平伯. “Man tan ‘Kongque dongnan fei’ gushi de jiqiao” 漫談”孔雀東 南飛”古詩的技巧. Guangming ribao (May 16, 1950); rpt. in Zuojia chubanshe bianji bu 作家出版社編輯部, ed. Yuefu shi yanjiu lunwen ji 樂府詩研究論文集, 138–43. Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1957. Sun Wang 孫望. “Cong ‘Kongque dongnan fei’ de dili beijing tan ‘Kongque dongnan fei’” 從 “孔雀東南飛” 的地理背景談 “孔雀東南飛.” Guangming ribao (September 7, 1954); rpt. in Zuojia chubanshe bianji bu 作家出版社編輯部, ed. Yuefu shi yanjiu lunwen ji 樂府詩研究論文集, 169–74. Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1957. Xu Shuofang 徐朔方. “Ping ‘Kongque dongnan fei’ de yipian kaoju wenzhang” 評 “孔雀東南飛” 的一篇考據文章. Guangming ribao (January 16, 1955); rpt. in Zuojia chubanshe bianji bu 作家出版社編輯部, ed. Yuefu shi yanjiu lunwen ji 樂府詩研究論文集, 175–79. Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1957. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Lun Kongque dongnan fei de chansheng shidai, sixiang, yishu ji qi wenti” 論孔雀東南飛的產生時代、思想、藝術及其問題. Yuwen jiaoxue 語文教學 (December 1956); rpt. Yuefu shi luncong, 93–108. Sun Wang 孫望. “Yu Xu Shuofang xiansheng shangque ‘Kongque dongnan fei’ wenti” 與徐朔方先生商榷《孔雀東南飛》問題. Wenxue yichan zengkan 2 (1956): 60–64. Wang Bingyan 王冰彥. “Dui ‘Kongque dongnan fei shi heshi xieding de’ yi wen shangtao” 對《孔雀東南飛是何時寫定的》一文的商討. Wenxue yichan zengkan 2 (1956): 55–59. Xu Fu 徐復. “Cong yuyan shang tuice ‘Kongque dongnan fei’ yishi de xieding niandai” 從語言上推測《孔雀東南飛》一詩的寫定年代. Xueshu yuekan (1958: 2): 78–84. Xu Mingyan 徐銘延 and Ma Heshun 馬和順. “Dui Xu Fu “Cong yuyan shang tuice Kongque dongnan fei yi shi de xieding niandai de shangque” 對徐復《從語言上 推測孔雀東南飛一詩的寫定年代》的商榷. Xueshu yuekan (1958: 12): 39–43. Fu Gengsheng 傅庚生. “‘Konque dongnan fei’ yi yi xing yu xi” 孔雀東南飛疑義相 與析. Wenxue pinglun (1961: 1): 107–10. Yu Guanying 余冠英. “Guanyu ‘Kongque dongnan fei’ yi yi” 關於《孔雀東南 飛》疑義. Wenxue pinglun (1961: 2): 84–88. Li Chunsheng 李純勝. “‘Kongque dongnan fei’ shidai bianzheng” 孔雀東南飛時 代辨證. Han Wei Nanbeichao yuefu 漢魏南北朝樂府, 67–76. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1966. Suzuki Shūji 鈴木修次. “Shō Chūkei tsuma kō” 焦仲卿妻考. Kan Gi shi no kenkyū 漢魏詩の研究. Tokyo: Daishūkan, 1967. Frankel, Hans H. “The Formulaic Language of the Chinese Ballad ‘Southeast Fly the Peacocks.’” Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan 29.2 (1969): 219–45. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Lun ‘Kongque dongnan fei’ de chansheng shidai sixiang yishu ji qi wenti” 論孔雀東南飛的產生時代思想藝術及其問題. Yuwen jiaoxue 語文教學 (1956: 12); rpt. Yuefu shi luncong, 93–108. Frankel, Hans H. “The Chinese Ballad ‘Southeast Fly the Peacocks.’” HJAS 34 (1974): 248–71. Xiao Difei 蕭滌非. Han Wei Liuchao yuefu wenxue shi 漢魏六朝樂府文學史, 112–21. Chongqing: Zhongguo wenhua fuwu she, 1944; rpt. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1984. Wang Rubi 王汝弼, “Jiao Zhongqing qi” 焦仲卿妻. Yuefu sanlun 樂府散論, 147–69. Xi’an: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1984.

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Jiang Yixue 蔣逸雪. “Guanyu Kongque dongnan fei de xiezuo shidai wenti” 關於孔 雀東南飛的寫作時代問題. Nangu leigao 南谷類稿. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1986. Lin Jianming 林劍鳴. “Zhongguo gudai guanli de xiujia zhidu yu hunyin jiating— cong ‘Kongque dongnan fei’ de aiqing beiju tanqi” 中國古代官吏的休假制度 與婚姻家庭—從《孔雀東南飛》的愛情悲劇談起. Xueshu yuekan 261 (1991: 2): 67–71. Chen Ruifen 陳瑞芬. “Kongque dongnan fei xilun” 孔雀東南飛析論. Yishu xuebao 55 (1994): 261–72. Matsuka Yuko 松家裕子. “Kujaku tōnan hi no haikei” 孔雀東南飛の背景. Chūgoku bungaku hō 50 (1995): 21–31. Luo Hongyi 羅宏益. “Kongque dongnan fei xinlun—cong nüxing zhuyi piping chufa” 孔雀東南飛新論—從女性主義批評出發. Chuanxi 13 (1995): 79–84. Li Mingjie 李明劼. “‘Kongque dongnan fei’ shenhua kao”《孔雀東南飛》神話考. Yunnan minzu xueyuan xuebao (1995: 1): 79–81; rpt. Fuyin baokan ziliao, Zhongguo gudai, jindai wenxue yanjiu (1995: 6): 105–7. Zhang Jinyao 張錦瑤 and Ou Chunchun 歐純純. “‘Kongque dongnan fei’ lunzhu mulu”「孔雀東南飛」論著目錄. Xingda Zhongwen yanjiusheng lunwen ji 2 (1997): 104–16. Shi Shuting 施淑婷. “Kongque dongnan fei renwu xingxiang zhi tantao” 孔雀東南 飛人物形象之探討. Renwen ji shehui xueke jiaoxue tongxun 57 (1999): 114–34. Lin Xiurong 林秀蓉. “‘Kongque dongnan fei’ de duihua biaoxian”「孔雀東南飛」的 對話表現. Zhongguo yuwen 516 (2000): 76–82. Liu Shujuan 劉淑娟. “Changpian xushi shi ‘Kongque dongnan fei’ jiexie” 長篇敘 事詩「孔雀東南飛」解析. Wufeng xuebao 9 (2001): 429–36. Fan Fu’an 范富安. “Cong ‘Kongque dongnan fei’ de wenhua tezheng kan qi chansheng shidai” 從《孔雀東南飛》的文化特徵看其產生時代. Ningxia daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 103 (2002): 53–57. Xu Xiujing 徐秀菁. “‘Kongque dongnan fei’ jufa yanjiu”「孔雀東南飛」句法研究. Guoli Zhongyang daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo lunwen jikan 9 (2004): 19–38. Yan Zhiying 顏智英. “Lun ‘Kongque dongnan fei’ de zhangfa jiegou ji qi meigan” 論「孔雀東南飛」的章法結構及其美感. Zhongguo xueshu niankan 27 (2005): 143–70, 291–92. Huang Liangying 黃良瑩. “Cong Kongque dongnan fei tan Handai funü de fushi” 從孔雀東南飛談漢代婦女的服飾. Lishi yuekan 222 (2006): 15–17.

Translations Tchang Fong. Le Paon, ancien poème chinois. Paris: Jouve, 1924. Aurousseau, L. “Deux paons se sont evolés. . . . .” Etudes asiatiques 19 (1925): 1–36. “Vers le sud-est un paon s’envole.” Etudes françaises 2.6 (1941): 477–93. Chiang Hsüeh-wen. “Die Pfauen flogen nach Südosten.” Sinica 14 (1939): 213–20. Waley, Chinese Poems, 89–100. London: Allen and Unwin, 1946. Payne, Robert ed., The White Pony, 132–43. Frankel 1974, 249–58. Birrell, Anne. New Songs from a Jade Terrace, 53–62. DRK

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“Lan ting ji xu” 蘭亭集序 (Preface for the Lan ting gathering) Eastern Jin period landscape essay This is a prose work composed by Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (321–361; alt. 303–361) for a gathering of literati held on the third day of the third lunar month in Guiji in 353. Lan ting 蘭亭 is the name of a post station located in the scenic Guiji 會稽 area of Zhejiang where Wang Xizhi was serving as governor. Forty-two persons attended the gathering, and many of them composed poems, most of which have been preserved. Eleven poets wrote two pieces, one in four-syllable line verse and the other in five-syllable line verse. Fifteen poets wrote one piece. Sixteen of the participants were penalized three goblets of wine for failing to complete a poem. The gathering is best known for a preface to the poems, which is credited to Wang Xizhi. However, some recent scholars have questioned its authenticity. Bibliography Studies Lan ting lun bian 蘭亭論辨. Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1973. Chen Jiaotong 陳焦桐. “Lanting zhenwei de zhiyi 蘭亭真偽的質疑. Mingbao 8 (May 1973): 22–25. Xu Fuguan 徐復觀. “Lanting zhenglun de jiantao” 蘭亭爭論的檢討. Mingbao 8 (August 1973): 2–9; (September 1973): 59–66. Suzuki Shirō 鈴木史楼. “Sho ō Ō Gishi ‘Rantei jo’ gisaku setsu” 書王‧王羲之「蘭 亭序」偽作說. Geijutsu shinchō 25.2 (1974): 146–51. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Cong Jin shu de bianzuan kan ‘Lan ting xu’ de zhenwei” 從《晉書》的編纂看《蘭亭序》的真偽. Xinan minsu xueyuan xuebao (1996: 3): 19–25. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Ō Gishi to ‘Rantei jo’ 王羲之と「蘭亭序」. Chūgokugaku ronshū 4 (1993): 1–14. Taniguchi Testuo 谷口鐵雄 and Sasaki Takeshi 佐木猛. Rantei no jo ronsō yakuchū 蘭亭序論爭譯注. Tokyo: Chūō kōron bijutsu shuppan, 1993. Cheng Yu-yu 鄭毓瑜. “You xiuxi shi lun Lan ting shi Lan ting xu ‘da’ yu ‘weida’ de yiyi” 遊修禊事論蘭亭詩、蘭亭序「達」與「未達」的意義. Hanxue yanjiu 23 (1994): 251–73. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Ō Gishi Rantei jo fu nyū sen mondai no kentō” 王羲 之蘭亭序不入選問題の檢.討 Gakurin 20 (1994: 2): 48–86; Zhou Wenhai 周文海, trans. “Wang Xizhi ‘Lan ting xu’ bu ruxuan wenti yanjiu” 王羲之蘭亭序不入選 問題的研究. Qingshui kaifu Shi pin Wen xuan lunwen ji, 223–64. Wang Kangfu 王康夫. Wang Xizhi pingzhuan 王羲之評傳, 176–83. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1996. Holzman, Donald. “On the Authenticity of the ‘Preface’ to the Collection of Poetry Written at the Orchid Pavilion.” JAOS 117.2 (1997): 306–11.

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Qi Xiaochun 祁小春. “‘Rantei shū jo’ ni okeru hiai josho no kōsatsu—Kaku Matsujaku no hikan hihan” 『蘭亭集序』に於ける悲哀情緒の考察—郭沫若の悲観批 判. Ritsumeikan Tōyō shigaku 21 (1998): 45–65. Shimosada Masahiro 下定雅弘. “Rantei jo o yomu ka—sono shiseikan o megutte” 蘭亭序を読むか—その死生観をめぐって. Rikuchō gakujutsu gakkaihō 5 (2004): 49–73. Knechtges, David R. “Jīngŭ and Lántíng: Two (or Three?) Jìn Dynasty Gardens.” In Studies in Chinese Language and Culture: Festschrift in Honour of Christoph Harbsmeir on the Occasion of His 60th Birthday, ed. Christoph Anderl and Halvor Eifring, 395–405. Oslo: Hermes Academic Publishing, 2006. Liu Qinghua 劉慶華. “Cong ‘Jinggu shi xu’ ‘Lanting ji xu’ kan Liang Jin wenren de shengchun xuanze yu wenxue xuanze” 從《金谷詩序》《蘭亭集序》看兩晉文人 的生存選擇與文學選擇. Guangzhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 5.3 (2006): 91–96. Gu Nong 顧農. “Lan ting ji xu’ zhenwei wenti de zai sikao”《蘭亭集序》真偽問題 再思考. Wenxue yichan (2008: 1): 144–48; rpt. in Gu Nong. Wen xuan luncong. 312–22. Matsumura Sadao 松村定男. “Ō Gishi to Rantei jo” 王羲之と蘭亭序. Risdhō gaigaku bungakubu sonsō 128 (2009): 29–47.

Translations Margouliès, Le Kou-wen, 126–28. Margouliès, Anthologie, 397–98. Frodsham, John D. “The Origins of Chinese Nature Poetry.” Asia Major, n.s. 8 (1960): 90–92. Chang, H.C. Chinese Literature 2: Nature Poetry, 8–10. New York: Columbia University Press, 1977. Mather, Shih-shuo hsin-yü, 344–45. Strassberg, Inscribed Landscapes, 63–66. Owen, Anthology, 282–84. DRK

Laozi 老子/Daode jing 道德經 Warring States period Taoist philosophical work. The Laozi, also known as Daode jing (Canon of the way and power/integrity), is a collection of philosophical and moral sayings in eighty-two sections. Although it is attributed to a figure known as Laozi, it is impossible to determine whether or not such a person existed, or if he actually wrote this text. The dating of the Laozi has long been debated. Recent scholars generally assign it to the fourth or third century b.c.e. There are several literary dimensions to the Laozi. First, it makes extensive use of rhyming. Qing dynasty scholars had already noticed the frequent occurrence of rhyme in the Laozi. On the rhyming of the Laozi see:

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Jiang Yougao 江有誥 (d. 1851). Laozi yundu 老子韻讀. Rpt. Wuqiu bei zhai Laozi jicheng xubian, 53. Liu Shipei 劉師培 (1884–1919). Laozi yun biao 老子韻表. Rpt. Wuqiu bei zhai Laozi jicheng xubian, 89. Karlgren, Bernhard. “On the Poetical Parts of Lao-tsi.” Gőteborgs Högskolas Årsskriftt 38, 3 (1932): 1–45. Yu Suisheng 喻遂生. “Laozi yongyun yanjiu”《老子》用韻研究. Xinan shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1995: 1): 108–14. Sun Yongchang 孫雍長. “Laozi yundu yanjiu”《老子》韻讀研究. Guangzhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 1.1 (2002): 48–59.

Another important feature of the Laozi is its tendency to express ideas in an enigmatic, almost paradoxical fashion. For example, Chapter 78 ends with the following line: “Straightforward talk seems contradictory” 正言 若反. Thus, the ambiguous language and insistence on divesting oneself of rational thinking has given the Laozi enduring appeal throughout the Chinese literary tradition. Texts There are numerous versions of the Laozi extant. For a convenient summary of the principal transmitted versions, see William G. Boltz, “Lao tzu Tao te ching,” in Early Chinese Texts, 271–84. The most important texts are: A. Mawangdui manuscripts There are two almost complete manuscripts of the Laozi preserved among the silk manuscripts from Mawangdui 馬王堆. For transcriptions and photographs see: Guojia wenwuju gu wenxian yanjiu shi 國家文物局古文獻研究室 ed. Mawangdui Han mu boshu 馬王堆漢墓帛書. Vol. 1. Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1980.

For studies see: Henricks, Robert G. “Examining the Ma-wang-tui Silk Texts of the Lao tzu.” TP 65 (1980): 166–69. Henricks, Robert G. “A Complete List of the Character Variants in the Mawangdui Texts of Lao Zi.” JCL 10 (1982): 207–75. Henricks, Robert G. “On the Chapter Divisions in the Lao-tzu.” BSOAS 45 (1982): 502–24. Boltz, William G. “Textual Criticism and the Ma wang tui Lao tzu.” HJAS 44.1 (1984): 185–224.

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In 1993, an earlier version of the Laozi was discovered in a tomb located at Guodian 郭店 village, Jingmen 荊門 municipality, Hubei, among a set of texts written on bamboo slips. These texts included 71 slips that correspond to the received version of the Laozi. The Laozi set consists of three groups: jia 甲 (A), thirty-nine slips; yi 乙 (B), eighteen slips; and bing 丙 (C), eighteen slips. Studies and Translation Ding Yuanzhi 丁原植. Guodian zhujian Laozi shixu yu yanjiu 郭店竹簡老子釋析研 究. Taipei: Wanjuanlou, 1998. Hubei sheng Jingmenshi bowuguan 湖北省荊門市博物館, ed. Guodian Chu mu zhujian 郭店楚墓竹簡. Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1998. Boltz, William G. “The Fourth-Century b.c. Guodiann Manuscripts from Chuu and the Composition of the Laotzyy.” JAOS 119.4 (1999): 590–608. Henricks, Robert G., trans. Lao Tzu’s Tao Te Ching: A Translation of the Startling New Documents Found at Guodian. Translations from the Asian Classics. New York: Columbia University Press, 2000. Allan, Sarah, and Crispin Williams, eds. The Guodian Laozi: Proceedings of the International Conference, Dartmouth College, May 1998. Early China Special Monograph Series 5. Berkeley, 2000. Allan, Sarah. “The Great One, Water, and the Laozi: New Light from Guodian.” TP 89.4–5 (2003): 237–85. Nie Zhongqing 聶中慶. Guodian Chu jian Laozi yanjiu 郭店楚簡《老子》研究. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2004. Liao Mingchun 廖明春, ed. and comm. Guodian Chu jian Laozi jiao shi 郭店楚簡 老子校釋. Beijing: Qinghua daxue chubanshe, 2004. Shaughnessey, Edward L.“The Guodian Manuscripts and Their Place in TwentiethCentury Historiography on the Laozi.” HJAS 65.2 (2005): 417–57. Liu Zhao 劉釗, ed. and comm. Guodian Chu jian jiaoshi 郭店楚簡校釋. Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 2005. Xing Wen 邢文. Guodian Laozi yu Taiyi sheng shui 郭店老子與太一生水. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2005. Li Ling 李零. Guodian Chu jian jiaodu ji 郭店楚簡校讀記. Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 2007.

C. The Heshang gong 河上公 Laozi Although traditionally attributed to the Han, the Heshang gong text and commentary probably was written sometime in the period between 300 and 500 c.e. For a succinct account of this version see Boltz, “Lao tzu Tao te ching,” 273–77. For studies see:

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Erkes, Eduard. Ho-shang-kung’s Commentary on Lao-tse. Ascona: Artibus Asiae, 1950. Zheng Chenghai 鄭成海. Laozi Heshang gong zhu jiaoli 老子河上公注斠理. Taipei: Zhonghua shuju, 1971. Chan, Alan K.L. Two Visions of the Way: A Study of the Wang Pi and the Ho-Shang Kung Commentaries on the Lao-tzu. Albany: SUNY Press, 1991.

D. Wang Bi 王弼 Laozi Wang Bi (226–249) wrote a complete commentary to the Laozi. This commentary has been quite influential, and has been the subject of much study. See inter alia: Lin, Paul J. A Translation of Lao-tzu’s Tao Te Ching and Wang Pi’s Commentary. Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies; no. 30. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Center for Chinese Studies, 1977. Wagner, Rudolph. “The Wang Bi Recension of the Lao tzu.” Early China 14 (1989): 27–54. Wagner, Rudolf. “Wang Bi’s Recension of the Laozi.” Early China 14 (1989): 27–54. Chan, Alan K.L. Two Visions of the Way: A Study of the Wang Pi and the Ho-Shang Kung Commentaries on the Lao-tzu. Albany: SUNY Press, 1991. Lynn, Richard John. The Classic of the Way and Virtue: A New Translation of the Tao-te ching of Laozi as Interpreted by Wang Bi. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999. Wagner, Rudolf G. The Craft of a Chinese Commentator: Wang Bi on the Laozi. Albany: SUNY Press, 2000. Wagner, Rudolf G. Language, Ontology, and Political Philosophy in China. Wang Bi’s Scholarly Exploration of the Dark (Xuanxue). Albany: SUNY Press, 2003.

E. Xiang’er zhu Laozi 想爾注老子 This a commentary to the Laozi found among the Dunhuang manuscripts. It is associated with the Way of the Celestial Masters 天師道 cult of the third century c.e. For studies see: Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. A Study on Chang Tao-ling’s Hsiang-er Commentary of Tao Te Ching. Hong Kong: Tong Nam, 1955. Ch’en Shih-hsiang 陳世驤. “Xiang’er Laozi Dao jing Dunhuang canjuan lunzheng” 想爾老子道經敦煌殘卷論證. Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies, n.s. 1.2 (1957): 41–62. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. “Laozi Xiang’er zhu xulun” 老子想爾注續論 in Tōyō bunka ronshū: Fukui hakase shôju kinen 東洋文化論集: 福井博士頌壽紀念, 1155–1171. Tokyo: Waseda University Press, 1969. Puett, Michael. “Forming Spirits for the Way: The Cosmology of the Xiang’er Commentary to the Laozi.” Journal of Chinese Religion 32 (2004): 1–28.

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Daozang Wang Bi ben Laozi, Heshang Gong ben Laozi ji Heshang Gong zhu zhuzi suoyin 道藏王弼本老子河上公本老子及河上公注逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1996.

Bibliography Yan Lingfeng 嚴靈峰. Lao, Zhuang, lie sanzi zhi jian shumu 老莊列三子之見書目. 3 vols. Taipei: Zhonghua congshu, 1965.

Collections of Texts and Commentaries Yan Lingfeng, ed. Wuqiubei zhai Laozi jicheng chubian 無求備齋老子集成初編. 160 volumes. Banqiao: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1965. Yan Lingfeng, ed. Wuqiubei zhai Laozi jicheng xubian 無求備齋老子集成續編. 280 volumes. Banqiao: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1965

Selective List of Translations Waley, Arthur. The Way and Its Power. London: Allen & Unwin, 1934. Rpt. New York: Grove Press, 1958. Duyvendak, J.J.L. Tao Te Ching, The Book of the Way and Its Virtue. London: John Murray, 1954. Chan, Wing-tsit. The Way of Lao tzu. Indianapolis and New York: Bobbs-Merrill Co., Inc., 1963. Lau, D.C. Tao Te Ching. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1963. Debon, Günther, trans. Lao-Tse: Tao-Tê-King. Stuttgart: Reclam, 1967. Henricks, Robert G., trans. Lao-tzu: Te-tao ching. A New Translation Based on the Recently Discovered Ma-wang-tui Texts. Classics of Ancient China. New York: Ballantine, 1989. Mair, Victor, trans. Tao te ching: The Classic Book of Integrity and the Way. New York: Bantam Books, 1990. Lynn, Richard John. The Classic of the Way and Virtue: A New Translation of the Tao-te ching of Laozi as Interpreted by Wang Bi. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999. Henricks, Robert G., trans. Lao Tzu’s Tao Te Ching: A Translation of the Startling New Documents Found at Guodian. Translations from the Asian Classics. New York: Columbia University Press, 2000. Ivanhoe, Philip J., trans. The Daodejing of Laozi. New York and London: Seven Bridges, 2002. Moeller, Hans-Georg, trans. Dao De Jing: The New, Highly Readable Translation of the Life-Changing Ancient Scripture Formerly Known as the Tao Te Ching. Chicago and La Salle, Ill.: Open Court, 2007. Ryden, Edmund, trans. Laozi: Daodejing. Oxford World’s Classics. Oxford, 2008.

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For a review of English language translations see: Xin Hongjuan 辛紅娟. Dao de jing zai Yingyu shijie: wenben xinglü yu shijie xiangxiang《道德經》在英語世界: 文本行旅與世界想象. Shanghai: Shanghai Yiwen chubanshe, 2008.

Baihua Translations Ren Jiyu 任繼愈, trans. Laozi jin yi 老子今譯. Beijing: Guji chubanshe, 1956; rpt. Taipei: Xinan shuju, 1977. Chen Guying 陳鼓應, trans. and comm. Laozi jinzhu jinyi 老子今注今譯. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1995.

Studies Jiang Xichang 蔣錫昌, ed. and comm. Laozi jiaogu 老子校詁. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937. Zhu Qianzhi 朱謙之 (1899–1972), ed. and comm. Laozi jiaoshi 老子校釋. Shanghai: Longmen lianhe shuju, 1958; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984. Shima Kunio 島邦男. Rōshi kōsei 老子校正. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1973. Karlgren, Bernhard. “Notes on Lao-tse.” BMFEA 47 (1975): 1–18. Jiang Xichang 蔣錫昌. Laozi jiaogu 老子校詁. Taipei: Minglun chubanshe, 1971. Robinet, Isabelle. Les Commentaires de Tao to king jusq’au VIIe siècle. Memoirs de l’Institut des Hautes Etudes chinoises V. Paris: College de France, 1977. Xu Jie 許結 and Xu Yongzhang 許永璋. Laozi shixue yuzhou 老子詩學宇宙. Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 1992. Kohn, Livia, and Michael LaFargue, eds. Lao-tzu and the Tao-te-ching. SUNY Series in Chinese Philosophy and Culture. Albany, 1998. Boltz, William G. “Reading the Early Laotzy.” AS 59.1 (2005): 209–32. Kim, Hongkyung. “The Original Compilation of the Laozi: A Contending Theory on Its Qin Origin.” Journal of Chinese Philosophy 34.4 (2007): 613–30. DRK

Li Chong 李充 (d. ca. 362), zi Hongdu 弘度 Eastern Jin poet and literary thinker. Li Chong’s ancestral home was Pingchun 平春 in Jiangxia 江夏 commandery (northwest of modern Xinyang 信陽, Henan). His father Li Ju 李矩 passed away when Li Chong was young. His mother Wei Shuo 魏鑠 (272–349) is a famous calligrapher, and Li Chong is known for his mastery of kaishu 楷書 (standard script). During his youth Li Chong studied administrative theory and came to despise “frivolous and superficial scholars,” a presumed reference to some of the free-thinking eccentrics of the Jin period. In 338, Wang Dao 王導 (276–339) appointed Li Chong secretarial

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aide on his staff. Ca. 343, Chu Pou 褚裒 (303–349) appointed Li Chong as his aide. However, after serving several years in this post, Li Chong complained about his low salary and requested to be assigned to a post in the local administration. Wang Dao had him appointed magistrate of Shan 剡 (southwest of modern Sheng 嵊 county, Zhejiang) in the area of Guiji. During his time here he roamed the mountains with Sun Chuo 孫綽 (314–371) and Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (321–361). Li Chong’s mother died in 350, and he returned home to observe mourning for her. He eventually was summoned to the imperial court as compiler and was put in charge of reorganizing the books in the palace library. Li Chong is conventionally credited with refining the si bu 四部 (four categories) book classification system that had been introduced in the Western Jin. Ca. 359 Li Chong was promoted to vice director of the secretariat. He died in office ca. 362. Li Chong was a prolific scholar and writer. According to Li Chong’s biography in the Jin shu Li Chong wrote a commentary to the Shang shu and a six-chapter treatise on the Zhou yi. However, the monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu credits works of a similar title to his son Li Yong 李顒. Li Chong’s Jin shu biography also mentions a disquisition on the Zhuangzi. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu records a commentary by Li Chong to the Lun yu. All these works have been lost. Li Chong is best known for the Han lin 漢林 (Grove of writings) in 54 juan, which is one of the earliest anthologies arranged by genre. The Sui shu refers to this as listed in a Liang period catalogue. However, it was lost by the early Tang. All that survived in the Tang were the lun 論 (disquisitions). Li Chong’s biography in the Jin shu mentions that Li Chong had written 240 compositions in the genres of poetry, fu, petition, and eulogy. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collection in twentytwo juan. The two Tang histories record a fourteen-juan collection. This was probably lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected fifteen of his prose writings in “Quan Jin wen” 14 of Quan shanggu sandai Qin Han Liuchao wen. Lu Qinli includes only three poems in his Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. Thus, most of Li Chong’s oeuvre has been lost. Li Chong’s extant prose works consists of short excerpts from five fu including a piece on King Mu of Zhou who was famous for his expedition to the remote west. Another unusual piece is “Jiu xian song” 九賢頌 (Eulogies on nine worthies). Excerpts from five of these pieces survive. These are tributes to late Eastern Han and Wei period men of moral principle such as Guo Tai 郭泰 (127–169), Guan Ning 管寧 (158–241), Chen Shi 陳 寔 (104–187), Hua Xin 華歆 (157–231), and Xi Kang 嵇康 (223–262). Li

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Chong also wrote “Diao Xi zhongsan” 弔嵇中散 (Lament for grand master of palace leisure Xi), a moving elegy for Xi Kang. Li Chong’s longest extant prose work is “Xue zhen” 學箴 (Admonition on learning), which is almost indistinguishable from a fu. Li Chong’s only complete poem is “Chao youren” 嘲友人 (Mocking a friend) in which the poet seems to portray a male friend as a woman separated from her male lover. Li Chong’s Hanlin lun was an important work of literary thought and criticism. There are only eleven extant fragments. Most of them are comments on the qualities of such genres as encomium, petition, refutation, disquisition, covenant, military dispatch, and poem. Bibliography Studies Wu Chaotun 吳朝暾. “Li Chong jiguan kao” 李充籍貫考. Xinyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 14.1 (1994): 47–49. Liu Tao 劉濤. “Jiangxia Lishi xulüe” 江夏李氏序略. Wenxian (1995: 1): 119–33. Yan Chunxin 閻春新. “Li Chong Lun yu zhu jianlun” 李充《論語》注簡論. Qi Lu xuekan 175 (2000): 14–16. Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, 474–77. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 196–99. Lee, Lily Xiao Hong. “Wei Shuo.” In Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women, 344–47.

Works a. Hanlin lun 翰林論 (Disquisitions on the Grove of Writings) Texts Xu Wenyu 許文雨, ed. Wen lun jiangshu 文論講疏 (Nanjing: Zhengzhong shuju, 1937), 59–65. Mu Kehong 穆克宏 and Guo Dan 郭丹, ed. Wei Jin Nanbeicaho wenlun quanbian 魏晉南北朝文論全編 (Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996), 100–102.

Studies Toda Kōgyō 戶田浩曉, “Ri Chū no Kanrinron ni tsuite” 李充翰林論, Daitō bunka 16 (July 1937): 78–85. Funazu Tomihiko 船津富彥, “Ri Chū no Kanrinron ni tsuite” 李充翰林論, in Uchino hakase kanreki kinen Tōyōgaku ronshū 內野博士還曆紀念東洋學論集, 217–33. Tokyo: Kan Gi bunka kenkyūkai, 1964.

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Yu Lixiong 余曆雄, “Lun Li Chong Han lin lun de xueshu yuanyuan yu wenxue guannian” 論李充《翰林論》的學術淵源與文學觀念, Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (2003: 3): 12–16.

b. “Chao youren” 嘲友人 (Mocking a friend) Translations Birrell, New Songs, 100. Hasegawa Shigenari 長谷川滋成. Tōshin shi yakuchū, 60–63. DRK

Li Daoyuan 酈道元 (ca. 469–527), zi Shanzhang 善長 Northern Wei scholar and author of Shui jing zhu 水經注 (Commentary to guideway to waterways). Li Daoyuan’s ancestral home was Liting 酈亭, Zhuo 涿 county, Fanyang 范 陽 commandery (modern Zhuo county, Hebei). However, he probably was born in Qingzhou 青州 (administrative headquarters, modern Qingzhou 青州 city, Shandong) where his father Li Fan 酈範 (428–490) served as regional inspector. Li Fan returned to Qingzhou in 484 when Li Daoyuan was about sixteen years old. Li Daoyuan actually records information about several places in Qingzhou that he visited with his father. When his father died in 490, he inherited his father’s title of Marquis of Yongning 永寧. Li Daoyuan’s first official post was at the Northern Wei court where he served (in 491) in the ministry of sacrifices. In 492 his noble rank was lowered to that of earl. In 494, he was transferred to the post of director of the ministry of receptions. In 495, the palace commandant of censors Li Biao 李彪 (444–501), who was impressed with Li Daoyuan’s careful attention to legal matters, had him appointed secretarial censor. In 498 Li Biao was impeached and dismissed from office. Li Daoyuan also was removed from his position. Li Daoyuan returned to official service in 501 as magistrate of Changshe 長社 (administrative headquarters Yingyin 潁陰, modern Xuchang, Henan). In 503 Li Daoyuan accompanied Guo Zuo 郭祚 (450–516) on a tour of Li’s natal province of Qingzhou where Guo had just been appointed regional inspector. From 509 to 511, Li Daoyuan served as governor of Luyang 魯陽 (administrative headquarters Shanbei 山北, modern Lushan 魯山, Henan). In 515, he was appointed regional inspector of Eastern Jingzhou 東荊州 (administrative headquarters modern Miyang 泌 陽, Henan). His stern handling of administrative matters resulted in his dismissal. He did not return to office until 524 when he was appointed governor of Henan 河南 (northeast of modern Luoyang). Most scholars believe

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it was the period of ca. 515 to 524 that Li Daoyuan compiled the Shu jing zhu. In 524 Li Daoyuan together with the general Li Chong 李崇 (455–525) traveled to the northern border area to design the so-called “Six Northern Garrisons.” In 525, he led an expedition to put down an insurrection of the general Yuan Faseng 元法僧 (454–536) in Pengcheng 彭城 (modern Xuzhou, Jiangsu). In 526, Li Daoyuan was re-appointed secretarial censor. He incurred the wrath of Yuan Yue 元悅 (d. 532), Prince of Runan 汝南, for ordering the execution of one of Yuan Yue’s associates. Yuan Yue had Li Daoyuan sent as an emissary to the Chang’an area where Xiao Baoyin 蕭寶夤 (d. 530) had staged a coup against the Wei regime. Xiao Baoyin killed Li Daoyuan at a post station in Yinpan 陰盤 (northeast of modern Lintong 臨潼, Shaanxi) in 527. According to the biography of Li Daoyuan in the Wei shu, Li Daoyuan was “fond of scholarship and had read many unusual books.” His wrote a forty-juan commentary to the Shui jing, Ben zhi 本志 (Basic aims?) in thirteen chapters, and “Qi pin” 七聘 (Seven invitations?). Only the Shui jing zhu survives. The Shui jing was a geographical treatise attributed to Sang Qin 桑欽 of the Han. However, it contains material from the Three States period, and thus the version that Li Daoyuan used must have come from this era or later. The Shui jing is a dull enumeration of rivers. Li Daoyuan’s addition consisting of some 300,000 characters is twenty times longer than the original. He records information about 1,389 rivers including source, direction of flow, passage, tributaries and fords, and changes in course. The most valuable feature of Li’s commentary is the information it provides on places located near each river. Li Daoyuan’s accounts are based both on personal observation and texts. According Chen Qiaoyi, Li Daoyuan cites 843 sources. This total includes 115 poems and fu and 357 inscriptions. The value of the Shui jing zhu as a literary work lies in its numerous descriptions of places and scenery. Modern scholars consider it as the precursor of the you ji 遊記 or “travel note.” The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories all list the Shui jing zhu in forty juan. However, already in the Northern Song five juan were lost. Although there were numerous printings of the Shui jing zhu in Song times, these editions were incomplete and flawed. Their major flaw was the mingling of the main text with Li Daoyuan’s commentary. It was not until the Qing period that scholars prepared critical editions. These are listed below. Editions and Commentaries Shui jing zhu 水經注. Song printing. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Preserves 12 juan: 5–8, 16–19, 34, 38–40. Juan 5 and 18 are not complete.

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Shui jing zhu 水經注. 40 juan. Yongle dadian 永樂大典. Rpt. Xu gu yi congshu 續古 逸叢書. Zhu Mouwei 朱謀瑋 (d. 1624), ed. and comm. Shui jing zhu jian 水經注箋. 40 juan. 1614. Rpt. Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 1997. Zhao Yiqing 趙一清 (1709–1764), ed. and comm. Shui jing zhushi 水經注釋. 40 juan. 1794; rpt. Siku quanshu. Dai Zhen 戴震 (1724–1777), ed. and comm. Shui jing zhu 水經注. 40 juan. Wuying dian juzhen ban 武英殿聚珍版, ed. Quan Zuwang 全祖望 (1705–1755), ed. and comm. Shui jing zhujiao 水經注校. 40 juan. 1749–1752. Wang Xianqian 王先謙 (1842–1918), ed. and comm. Shui jing zhu hejiao 水經注 合校. 40 juan. 1892. Yang Shoujing 楊守敬 (1839–1915) and Xiong Huizhen 熊會貞, ed. and comm. Shui jing zhushu 水經注疏. 40 juan. Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 1955; rpt. with punc. and coll. by Duan Xizhong 段熙仲, re-coll. by Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1989; rpt. 1999. Wang Guowei 王國維 (1877–1927), ed. and comm. Shui jing zhu jiao 水經注校. 40 juan. Rpt. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1984. Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛, ed. and comm. Shui jing zhu jiaoshi 水經注校釋. 40 juan. Hangzhou: Hangzhou daxue chubanshe, 1999. Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛, ed. and comm. Shui jing zhu jiaozheng 水經注校證. 40 juan. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007.

Index Zheng Dekun 鄭德坤, ed. Shui jing zhu yinde 水經注引得. Beiping: HarvardYenching Institute, 1934; rpt. Taipei: Chengwen Publishing Co., 1966.

Translations Chavannes, Edouard. “Les Pays d’occident d’après le Wei Lio.” T’oung Pao 6.1 (1905): 563–71. Mori Shikazō 森鹿三, trans. Suikei chū (shō) 水經注 (抄). Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1974. Strassburg, Richard E. Inscribed Landscapes: Travel Writing from Imperial China, 77–90. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994. Suikei chūso yakuchū 水經注疏訳注. Tōyō bunko Chūgoku kodai chiikishi kenkyūhan 東洋文庫中國古代地理史研究班, ed. Tokyo: Tōyō bunko, 2008–.

Baihua Translations Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛, trans. and comm. Shui jing zhu quan yi 水經注全譯. Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1995. Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛, Ye Guangting 葉光庭, and Ye Yang 葉揚, trans. and comm. Shui jing zhu quan yi 水經注全譯. Guizhou: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1996.

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Studies Fan Wenlan 范文瀾. Shui jing zhu xie jing wenchao 水經注寫景文鈔. Peiping: Pushe, 1929. Ren Qishan 任啟珊. Shui jing zhu yiwen lu 水經注異聞錄. Shanghai: Qizhi shuju, 1936. Zhao Zhenxin 趙貞信. “Li Daoyuan shengzu nian kao” 酈道元生卒年考. Yugong banyuekan 7.1–3 (1937). Petech, Luciano. Northern India according to the Shui-ching-chu. Serie orientale Roma, 2. Rome: Is. M.E.O., 1950. Mori Shikazō 森鹿三. “Ri Dōgen ryakuden” 酈道元略傳. Tōyōshi kenkyū 6.2 (1941). Zheng Dekun 鄭德坤. Shui jing zhu gushi chao 水經注故事鈔. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1974. Hu Shi 胡適. “Shui jing zhu jiaoben de yanjiu”《水經注》校本的研究. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1979: 2). Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛. “Lun Shui jing zhu de banben” 論《水經注》的版本. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1979: 3). Xin Zhixian 辛志賢. “Li Daoyuan jiguan kaobian” 酈道元籍貫考辨. Shanxi shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1982: 2): 12–14. Liu Decen 劉德岑. “Li Daoyuan yu Shui jing zhu 酈道元與《水經注》. Xinan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1982: 1): 58–76. Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “Li Daoyuan sixiang chutan” 酈道元思想初探. Liaoning daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 2 (1983): 81–86. Duan Xizhong 段熙仲. “Li Daoyuan” 酈道元. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan 1: 601–13. Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛. Shui jing zhu yanjiu 水經注研究. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1985. Wang Chang 王暢. “Li Daoyuan ‘ku li’ bian” 酈道元 “酷吏” 辨. Gansu shehui kexue (1987: 6): 103–8. Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛. Li Daoyuan yu Shui jing zhu 酈道元與水經注. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1987. Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛. Shui jing zhu yanjiu erji 水經注研究二集. Taiyuan: Shanxie renmin chubanshe, 1987. Li Ping 李凭 and Wang Zhenfang 王振芳. Li Daoyuan yu Shui jing zhu 酈道元與 水經注. Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 1988. Jiang Weitang 姜緯堂. “‘Li Daoyuan zhu Shui jing shuo zhiyi” “酈道元著《水經》” 說質疑. Beijing shehui kexue (1988: 1): 56–63. Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛. “Li Daoyuan shengping kao” 酈道元生平考. Dili xuebao 43.3 (1989): 241–48. Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛. “Li Daoyuan he Shu jing zhu yi ji zai dixue shi shang de diwei” 酈道元和《水經注》以及在地學史上的地位. Ziran zazhi (1990: 3): 180–82, 179. Yin Junke 尹鈞科. “Li Daoyuan de jiaxiang tanwei” 酈道元的家鄉探微. Zhongguo lishi dili luncong (1992: 2): 143–151. Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛. Shui jing yu Shui jing zhu 水經與水經注. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1987; rpt. Taiyuan: Shanxi renmn chubanshe, 1992. Shi Hejin 施和金. “‘Sanxia’ de zuozhe shi Li Daoyuan ma?”《三峽》的作者是酈道 元嗎？ Nanjing shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1992: 3): 114–16.

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Bielenstein, Hans. “Notes on the Shui ching.” BMFEA 65 (1993): 257–83. Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛. Li Daoyuan pingzhuan 酈道元評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1994. Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛. “Shui jing zhu he tade wenxue jiazhi”《水經注》和它的文學 價值. Gudian wenxue zhishi (1994: 3): 3–8. Li Ping 李凭. “Li Daoyuan de shengping yu xueshu chengjiu” 酈道元的生平與學術 成就. Wenxian (1994: 4): 84–95. Chang Zheng 常征. “Shui jing zhu zuozhe Li Daoyuan jiashi juli bian”《水經注》作 者酈道元家世居里辨. Hebei xuekan (1995: 4): 98–100. Xu Jialu 許嘉璐. “Lüe lun Yang Shoujing Shui jing zhushu” 略論楊守敬《水經注 疏》. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1999: 2): 1–6. Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛. “Shui jing zhu banben he jiaokan de yanjiu”《水經注》版本 和校勘的研究. Hangzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (2000: 1): 20–24. Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛. Lixue zhaji 酈學札記. Shanghai: Shanghai shudian chubanshe, 2000. Xi Zhiqun 郗志群. “Shui jing zhushu banben kao”《水經注疏》版本考. Shixue shi yanjiu (2002: 2). Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛. Shui jing zhu yanjiu si ji 水經注研究四集. Hangzhou: Hangzhou chubanshe, 2003. Zhang Pengfei 張鵬飛. “Li Daoyuan nianpu kaolüe” 酈道元年譜考略. Hubei daoxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 33.4 (2006): 479–81. Gao Jianxin 高建新. “Lun Shui jing zhu dui Zhongguo shanshui wenxue de dute gongxian” 論《水經注》對中國山水文學的獨特貢獻. Nei Menggu shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 35.3 (2006): 110–13. Zhang Pengfei 張鵬飛. “Li Daoyuan shengnian kao” 酈道元生年考. Qiqihaer shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 95 (2007): 102–3. Chen Shiren 陳識仁. Shui jing zhu yu Bei Wei shixue 水經注與北魏史學. Taipei: Hua Mulan huagong zuofang, 2008. Xu Zhongyuan 徐中原. “20 shiji yilai Shui jing zhu yanjiu zongshu” 20 世紀以 來《水經注》研究綜述. Hunan wenli xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 33.5 (2008): 140–44. Wang Meng 王萌. “Jin shinian lai Shui jing zhu yanjiu zongshu” 近十年來《水經 注》研究綜述. Sanxia daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 30 (2008 Special Issue): 242–44. Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛. Shui jing zhu luncong 水經注論叢. Hangzhou: Zhejiang daxue chubanshe, 2008. DRK

Li Gu 李固 (94–147), zi Zijian 子堅 Eastern Han writer and statesman. Li Gu’s ancestral home was Nanzheng 南鄭 in Hanzhong 漢中 commandery (modern Chenggu 城固, Hanzhong municipality, Shaanxi). His grandfather Li Jie 禮頡 and his father Li He 李郃 were distinguished scholars and officials. Li Gu was a diligent student in his youth, and he traveled long

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distances to find good teachers. He soon gained a reputation in his home area for his vast learning. Although he was several times recommended as “filial and incorrupt,” he refused to accept the nomination. In 133, Li Gu replied to the examination questions posed by the court concerning various natural disasters, and Emperor Shun (r. 126–144) was so impressed with Li Gu’s essay he proposed to appoint him to a position at the imperial court. However, the court eunuchs and the emperor’s wet nurse Song E 宋娥, who had been criticized in Li Gu’s essay, accused him of a crime. Although exonerated and offered the position of court gentleman for consultation, he was soon transferred to the post of magistrate of Luo 雒 in Guanghan 廣漢 (north of modern Guanghan, Sichuan). Li Gu declined the position and returned to Hanzhong. In 135, Liang Shang 梁商 (d. 141), stepfather of Emperor Shun, used his influence to have Li Gu appointed his assistant. Li Gu offended some powerful men by his attempt to rid the court of corrupt officials, and consequently in 140 Li Gu was sent from the imperial court on assignment to Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat Hanshou 漢壽, northeast of modern Changde 常德, Hunan) as regional inspector to deal with bandit uprisings. Within six months he restored order to the area. He performed a similar service while serving as governor of Taishan 太山 (administrative seat Fenggao 奉高, east of modern Tai’an 泰安, Shandong) the following year. In 141 Li Gu was about to be promoted to chamberlain for the palace buildings, and he submitted a series of petitions recommending distinguished scholars for court positions. Emperor Shun accepted his recommendation and appointed Li Gu chamberlain for the national treasury. Emperor Shun died in 144, and his son Emperor Chong 冲帝 (r. 145) succeeded to the throne. Li Gu was appointed defender-in-chief, and he together with Liang Ji 梁冀 (d. 159) were put in charge of state affairs. A year later, in 145, Emperor Chong died. Li Gu objected to Liang Ji’s recommendation of a successor, Liu Zuan 劉纘 (138–146), posthumously known as Emperor Zhi 質 (r. 145–146). When Liu Zuan died in the following year Li Gu again objected to Liang Ji’s choice of heir. Liang Ji had his allies at court accuse Li Gu of plotting to install Liu Suan 劉蒜 (d. 147), a capable young member of the imperial family, on the throne. Li Gu was put into prison and executed along with two of his sons in 147. One of the officials who wrote a petition impeaching Li Gu was Ma Rong 馬融 (79–166). Li Gu’s biography in the Hou Han shu mentions that he had eleven literary pieces in the genres of petition, deliberation, directive, examination essay, memorandum, and inscription. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Li Gu’s collected works in twelve juan. The two Tang histories record a ten-juan collection that probably was lost in the Song. Li

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Gu’s disciples Zhao Cheng 趙承 and others compiled Dexing 德行 (Moral conduct) to commemorate their teacher’s virtuous words and deeds. Yan Kejun has collected nineteen of Li Gu’s prose writings in “Quan Hou Han wen” 48 of Quan Shangu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Most of these are petitions Li Gu presented throughout his career at court. One of his most famous pieces is a letter he wrote to the recluse Huang Qiong 黃 瓊 (86–164) urging him to enter government service. Wenguan cilin 文館 詞林 699 contains two jiao 教 (directives) written by Li Gu in 141 while he was serving in Taishan (Yan Kejun did not include them in his collection). One contains instructions on a sacrificial offering to the Taishan native and Chunqiu specialist Humu Zidu 胡母子都. Studies Kanō Naosada 狩野直禎. “Ri Ko to seiryūha no shinshutsu” 李固と清流派の進 出. In Tamura hakushi shōju Tōyōshi ronshō 田村博士頌壽東洋史論叢. Kyoto: Tamura hakushi Taikan kinen jigyōkai, 1968. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 191–2. Xiaodong 曉東. “Li Gu shu ping” 李固述評. Xi’an jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 16.2 (2001): 40–43. Wan Qing 萬青. “Ma Rong feizhang wu Li Gu ji qi yuanyin” 馬融飛章誣李固及其 原因. Honghe xueyuan xuebao 2.4 (2004): 31–35. Wan Qing 萬青. “Li Gu yu Hou Han danggu zhi huo” 李固與後漢黨錮之禍. Honghe xueyuan xuebao 3.4 (2005): 39–43. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 412–4. Yang Dongchen 楊東晨 and Yang Jianguo 楊建國. “Dong Han qingliu pai daibiao Li Gu jiazu xinlun” 東漢清流派代表李固家族新論. Shaanxi ligong xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 26.3 (2008): 10–15.

Works “Yi Huang Qiong shu” 遺黃瓊書 (Letter sent to Huang Qiong) Vervoorn, Men of the Cliffs and Caves, 161–63. TPK and DRK

Li Hao 李暠 (351–417), zi Xuansheng 玄盛. Boyhood zi Changsheng 長生 Western Liang founding ruler. Li Hao’s ancestral home was Chengji 成紀 in Longxi 隴西 (modern Qin’an 秦安, Gansu). He reputedly was a descendant of the famous Han general Li Guang 李廣 (d. 119 b.c.e.). Li Hao served as governor of Dunhuang under the Later Liang (386–403). In 400, during the turmoil that followed the death of the Later Liang ruler Lü Guang 呂光 (338–399, r. 386–399), Li

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Hao declared himself Duke of Liang 涼公 and set up his own regime, the Western Liang (400–421), in Dunhuang. In 405 he transferred his capital further east to Jiuquan 酒泉 (modern Jiuquan, Gansu). Although Li Hao hoped to become ruler of all of Liang, he was thwarted by the Northern Liang. Li Hao died in 417 at the age of sixty-seven. Although Li Hao was a military man, he reputedly had an appreciation for scholarship and literature. He was fond of books, and was known to repair damaged books himself. At the celebration of the lustration festivals held on the third day of the third month, he had all of his courtiers compose poems. He himself wrote the prefaces. Li Hao has one important poem extant, a long fu titled “Shu zhi fu” 述 志賦 (Stating my resolve) that he composed in 414. In the first section he mentions his admiration for Confucius’ disciple Yan Hui 顏回, Zhuangzi, the fisherman who debated with Qu Yuan, and even the hermits Changju 長沮 and Jieni 桀泥 (who disparaged Confucius himself). He declares that rather than pursue honor and fame, his early ambition was to be a recluse scholar. However, he had another overriding obligation that prevented him from pursuing these goals: he had to serve his dynasty, in this case the Former Liang that he effusively praises in the next section. In the third section of the fu, Li Hao describes the devastation that was inflicted upon his state after the Former Qin, led by Fu Jian 苻堅 (338–385), who defeated the Former Liang in 376, and how it was subsequently ravaged by Lü Guang. In the fourth section Li Hao relates how he tried to save his state from ruin by establishing the Western Liang. In the remainder of the piece Li Hao offers a rather immodest tribute to his own virtue, by which he claims he was able to attract men of ability and character to serve him. Li Hao ends the poem by heaping praise on the wise rule that he has achieved in the Wetern Liang. Bibliography Studies Li Dingwen 李鼎文. “Li Hao he ta de zuopin” 李暠和他的作品. Xibei shiyuan xuebao 32 (1982: 2): 60–64. Jiang Bo 江波. “Li Hao yu Liu Bing—tan Xi Liang wenhua fazhan de yuanyin ji qi tedian” 李暠與劉昞—談西凉文化發展的原因及其特點. Gansu shehui kexue (1984: 3): 104–6. Zhang Keli 張可禮. Dong Jin wenyi xinian, 309, 417, 611–12, 631–32, 638–39, 650–51, 673–74, 686, 699–700, 705, 709–10, 748, 755–56, 785. Li Jun 李軍. “Xi Liang daxing lüekao” 西凉大姓略考. Lanzhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1983: 3): 52–57. Li Shangcheng 黎尚誠. “Wu Liang shiqi de Hexi wenhua” 五凉時期的河西文化. Xibei daxue xuebao (1985: 3): 125–28.

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Wang Yikang 王義康. “Lun Longxi Li Hao jiazu” 論隴西李暠家族. Shaanxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 31.1 (2002): 30–35. DRK

Li ji 禮記 (Record of rites) One of the ritual classics. The Li ji, or the Xiao Dai li ji 小戴禮記 (Record of Rites of the Younger Dai), contains not only ritual texts that provide details on the proper ceremonies for funerals, marriages, banquets, etc., but also philosophical essays that discuss rites, institutions, and Confucian ideals. Further, among the 49 pian (46 actual titles—the “Quli” 曲禮, “Tangong” 檀弓, and “Zaji” 雜 記—are divided into two parts), the “Tangong” 檀弓 is admired for its style, and the “Yueji” 樂記 is the earliest extant discussion of music and its relation to ritual. The individual pian were written in different periods. Many of them come from the Warring States period, but some may be as late as the early Han. One of their sources might be the Ji 記 in 131 pian recorded by the disciples of Confucius and later students (This Ji is listed in the Li 禮 section of the “Yiwen zhi” 藝文志, Hanshu 漢書). They also include passages from the Xunzi 荀子, the Lüshi chunqiu 呂氏春秋, the Guoyu 國語, etc. Two of them, “Ben sang” 奔喪 and the “Tou hu” 投壺, are texts that originally were contained in the Yili 儀禮. The Liuyi lun 六藝論 of Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–200) says Dai Sheng 戴 聖 (1st century b.c.e.) transmitted the Li 禮 in 49 pian. Because Dai Sheng was recognized in early Western Han as an official scholar for the Yili, it is possible that he compiled the explanatory notes on the Yili and other materials to edit the Li ji. However, neither the Li ji in 49 pian is listed in the “Yiwen zhi” of the Hanshu, nor does the “Rulin zhuan” 儒林傳 say that Dai played a role in editing the Li ji. On the other hand, the Hou Han shu 後漢書 says Cao Bao 曹褒 (d. 102) transmitted the Li ji in 49 pian. Therefore, some scholars have proposed that even though the received version of the Li ji is named for Dai Sheng, it was not competed until the Eastern Han. It was also in the Eastern Han that the Li ji became the most important Li text, and many scholars wrote commentaries to it. The earliest extant version is the edition in 20 juan prepared by Zheng Xuan. Kong Yingda 孔穎達 (574–648) took Zheng Xuan’s commentary as the basis for his Li ji zhengyi 禮記正義. In the Southern Song these two works were printed together as the Li ji zhushu 禮記注疏. Moreover, Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200) established two chapters, the “Zhongyong” 中庸 and the “Daxue” 大學,

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together with the Lun yu 論語 and the Mengzi 孟子 as the Four Books and wrote commentaries to them. Another Song scholar Wei Shi 衛湜 (fl. 1226) compiled the commentaries on the Li ji as the Li ji jishuo 禮記集說, which was edited later by Chen Hao 陳澔 (1261–1341) into a more concise version by the same title. The Qing scholars Hang Shijun 杭世駿 (1696–1773), Sun Xidan 孫希旦 (1736–1784), and Zhu Bin 朱彬 (1753–1843) also prepared important works on the Li ji. Editions Zheng Xuan 鄭玄, comm. Kong Yingda 孔穎達, subcomm. Lu Deming 陸德明, glosses. Li ji zhushu 禮記注疏. Shisanjing zhushu 十三經注疏, ed. Ruan Yuan 阮 元, 1815. In Sibu beiyao 四部備要. Wei Shi 衛湜, ed. and comm. Li ji jishuo 禮記集說. In Tongzhi tang jingjie 通志堂 經解. Zhu Bin 朱彬, comm. Li ji xun zuan 禮記訓纂. In Sibu beiyao.

Translations Legge, James, trans. The Li Ki. In Max Muller, ed. Sacred Books of the East, vol. 27 and 28. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1885. Rpt. Li Chi: Book of Rites. Ch’u Chai and Winberg Chai, eds. New York: University Books, 1967. Couvreur, Séraphin, trans. Li Ki ou Mémoires sur les bienséances et les cérémonies. 2nd ed. Ho Kien Fou: Mission Catholique, 1913. Rpt. Paris: Cathasia, 1950.

Baihua Translations Wang Meng’ou 王夢鷗, comm. and trans. Li ji jinzhu jinyi 禮記今註今譯. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1969. Yang Tianyu 楊天宇, comm. and trans. Li ji yizhu 禮記譯注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2004. Qian Miaojin 潛苗金, comm. and trans. Li ji yizhu 禮記譯注. Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 2007.

Indexes and Concordances Li ji yinde 禮記引得. Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series. 1936. Rpt. Taipei: Chengwen, 1966. Li ji zhuzi suoyin 禮記逐字索引. ICS Ancient Chinese Texts Concordance Series. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1992.

Studies Tsuda Sōkichi 津田左右吉. “Raiki oyobi Tai Raiki no hensan jidai ni tsuite” 禮記及 び大戴禮記の編纂時代について. Shigaku zasshi 42 (1931), 131–70. English: “On the Dates When the Li-chi 禮記 and the Ta-Tai Li-chi 大戴禮記 Were Compiled.” Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 6 (1932): 77–112. Hong Ye 洪業 (William Hung). Preface to the Li ji yinde listed above.

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Kimura Eiichi 木村英一. “Zen Kan ni okeru raigaku no denju ni tsuite” 前漢に於 ける禮學の傳授について. Ritsumeikan bungaku (1960): 610–27. Gao Ming 高明. Lixue xintan 禮學新探. Hong Kong: Xianggang Zhongwen daxue lianhe shuyuan Zhongwenxi, 1963. Fujikawa Masakazu 藤川正數. Kandai ni okeru raigaku no kenkyū 漢代における禮 學の研究. Tokyo: Kazama shobō, 1968. Karlgren, Bernhard. “Glosses on the Li Ki.” BMFEA 43 (1973): 1–66. Qu Wanli 屈萬里. Xian-Qin wenshi ziliao kaobian 先秦文史資料考辨, 346–54. Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1983. Riegel, Jeffrey K. “Li chi 禮記.” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe, 293–97. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, 1993. Qian Xuan 錢玄. Sanli tonglun 三禮通論. Nanjing: Nanjing shifan daxue chubanshe, 1996. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. Xian-Qin liang Han wenxue shiliao xue 先秦兩漢文學史料學, 111–19. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. SHL

Li Kang 李康 (ca. 190–ca. 240), zi Xiaoyuan 蕭遠, alt. Suyuan 肅遠 Three States Wei writer. Li Kang’s natal place was Zhongshan 中山 (modern Ding 定 county, Hebei). Li Kang was rather independent-minded, he did not get along well with his contemporaries, and thus the people of his home area detested him. In his early life he did not embark on an official career. However, he composed “You shan jiu yin” 遊山九吟 (Nine ditties on roaming the mountains) that impressed the Wei emperor Cao Rui 曹叡 (206–239), who ca. 227 appointed Li Kang magistrate of Xunyang 尋陽 (west of modern Jiujiang, Jiangxi). In this position he earned a reputation as a competent administrator. Shortly before his death ca. 240, Li Kang was enfeoffed as Marquis of Xiyang 隰陽. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Li Kang’s collected works in two juan. This was already lost by early Tang times. Li Kang’s most famous piece is “Yunming lun” 運命論 (Disquisition on cycles and fate) which has been included in the Wen xuan. Although this is an expository essay, the entire piece is written in parallel couplets. There are also short fragments of two other pieces, the “You shan jiu yin” mentioned above, and “Dulou fu” 髑髏賦 (Fu on the skull ). Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 194. DRK

li ling 李陵 (d. 74 b.c.e.), zi shaoqing 少卿

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Li Ling 李陵 (d. 74 b.c.e.), zi Shaoqing 少卿 Western Han military leader and writer. Li Ling’s natal and ancestral home was Chengji 成紀 in Longxi 隴西 commandery (modern Qin’an 秦安, Gansu). He was the grandson of the famous Han general Li Guang 李廣 (d. 119 b.c.e.). In his youth Li Ling served as a guard in the Jianzhang 建章 Palace. He was also a killed horseman and archer. Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 b.c.e.) sent him on an exploratory mission deep into Xiongnu territory. Upon his return he was appointed commandant of cavalry. In 99 b.c.e. Li Ling led a Han expedition against the Xiongnu. When his small force of 5,000 men was surrounded by 80,000 Xiongnu cavalry, Li Ling surrendered. Li Ling’s surrender, which was criticized by many court officials, aroused the wrath of Emperor Wu. Sima Qian was castrated for coming to Li Ling’s defense. Li Ling remained with the Xiongnu and never returned to the Han realm. While in the land of the Xiongnu, Li Ling became good friends with another prisoner, Su Wu 蘇武 (d. 60 b.c.e.), a Han envoy who had headed a diplomatic mission in 100 b.c.e. When Su Wu was allowed to return to Han in 80 b.c.e., the two friends bid each other a sad farewell. All of the major anthologies of pre-Tang poetry contain five-syllable line poems attributed to Li Ling and Su Wu. The texts include: Wen xuan (29.1352–1356), three poems credited to Li Ling and four to Su Wu; Yutai xinyong, one poem credited to Su Wu (this is identical to #3 of Wen xuan); Guwen yuan (Dainan ge congshu ed., 4.2a–4a), eight poems (two of which are fragments) attributed to Li Ling, and two to Su Wu. The Guwen yuan pieces are all different from the Wen xuan and Yutai xinyong poems. The Guwen yuan also contains two poems that it attributes to the late Han poet Kong Rong 孔融 (153–208). However, in Li Shan’s Wen xuan commentary (34.1587, 43.1937, 44.1973, 53.2315) these poems are assigned to Li Ling. There are also fragments of at least two other Li Ling poems cited in Li Shan’s Wen xuan commentary (see 21.986, 27.1291, 30.1430, 42.1900, 59.2564) and Beitang shuchao (132.6a). Lu Qinli has collected all of the poems attributed to Li Ling and Su Wu in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi 20.336–42. Lu also notes that there is virtually no tradition that associates Su Wu’s name with these poems. For example, the Shi pin only has a listing for Li Ling, not Su Wu, and the Wenxin diaolong only mentions Li Ling in connection with the development of five-syllable line verse. In addition, there is no consistency in the attribution of the so-called Su Wu poems. In some sources, a Su Wu poem is credited to Li Ling. Some of the important critics of the Six Dynasties period consider Li Ling and Su Wu to be the creators of the five-syllable line form.

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Representative of their views is Zhong Rong 鍾嶸 (d. 518), who in his Shi pin 詩品 asserts that Li Ling was “the first to set forth the category of the five-syllable line poem.” However, already in the Six Dynasties period several scholars began to suspect that these poems were not authentic. Yan Yanzhi 顏延之 (384–456) in his Ting gao 庭誥 (Pronouncements for the family) claims that the poems were such a mixture of different styles they could not have been written by Li Ling. Liu Xie 劉勰 (ca. 465–ca. 522) reports in the Wenxin diaolong that recent scholars have questioned the authenticity of the Li Ling poems. The consensus among modern scholars is that the Li Ling / Su Wu pieces are poems about rather than by them. They probably were written in the Late Han and Six Dynasties period. The Wen xuan contains a letter from Li Ling to Su Wu and Su Wu’s reply. There are also fragments of three other letters attributed to Li Ling and Su Wu. The modern scholarly consensus is these letters are not genuine. Bibliography Studies Cui Mingde 崔明德. “Guanyu Li Ling yanjiu de jige wenti” 關於李陵研究的幾個 問題. Liaocheng shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1993: 3): 50–55. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 224–25. Li Wencai 李文才 and Wang Jiachuan 王嘉川. “Li Ling yu Su Su shiji kao lun— guanyu Xi Han shijiaoxue yanjiu de liangge wenti” 李陵與蘇武事迹考論—關 於西漢史教學研究的兩個問題. Datong zhiye jishu xueyuan xuebao 18.3 (2004): 37–41. Li Ling/Su Wu poems

Studies Gu Zhi 古直. Han shi yanjiu 漢詩研究, chapter 3. 1928; rpt. Shanghai: Qizhi shuju 啟智書局, 1933. Ma Yong 馬雍. Su Li shi zhizuo shidai kao 蘇李詩製作時代考. Chongqing: Shangwu shuju, 1944. Zhang Changgong 張長弓. “Su Li shi bian (Han shi xin bian zhi san)” 蘇李詩辨 (漢詩新辨之三). Dongfang zazhi 41.24 (1945). Lu Qinli, “Han shi bielu,” 3–22. Suzuki Shūji 鈴木修次, Kan Gi shi no kenkyū, 322–40. Fang Zusen 方祖燊, Han shi yanjiu, 48–67. Lei Shutian 雷樹田. “Shilun Li Ling ji qi jishou wuyan shi de zhenwei” 試論李陵及 其幾首五言詩的真偽. Xibei daxue xuebao (1981: 3): 35–41. Zheng Wen 鄭文. “Lun Li Ling ‘Yu Su Wu shi’ sanshou de jiatuo” 論李陵《與蘇武 詩》的假托. Gansu shifan daxue bao (1981: 4): 74–79.

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Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. “Youguan Wen xuan “Su Li shi” ruogan wenti de kaocha” 有 關《文選》 “蘇李詩” 若干問題的考察. Wen xuan xue xinlun, 293–309; rpt. in Jie wang man lu, 17–34. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. “Su Li shi chu zi daiyan ti shuo” 蘇李詩出自代言體說. Liuzhou shizhuan xuebao (1994: 3): 16–18. Zhong Laiyin 鍾來茵. “‘Li Ling Su Wu shi’ zuozhe tanlun”《李陵蘇武詩》作者探 論. Hanxue yanjiu 12 (1994): 229–44. Cui Mingde 崔明德. Li Ling 李陵. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1994. Wang Qinghuai 王清淮. “Su Li shi biannan” 蘇李詩辨難. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (1998: 2): 55–60. Zhang Peiheng 章培恆 and Liu Jun 劉駿. “Guanyu Li Ling ‘Yu Su Wu shi’ ji “Da Su Wu shu’ de zhenwei wenti” 關於李陵《與蘇武詩》及《答蘇武書》的真偽問 題. Fudan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1998: 2): 71–77. Dong Jiao 董姣. “Li Ling yu Li Ling shiwen yanjiu shi zongshu” 李陵與李陵詩 文研究史綜述. Zhongguo zhonggu wenxue yanjiu 中國中古文學研究, ed. Zhao Minli 趙敏俐 and Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行, 184–93. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2005. Liu Chunrui 柳春蕊. “Shi pin ‘Han duwei Li Ling shi’ kao bian”《詩品》“漢都尉李 陵詩” 考辨. Yinshan xuekan 20.3 (2007): 33–38.

Translations Waley, Chinese Poems (1946), 43–45 (Li Ling, Wen xuan #1 and Chu Song; Su Wu, Wen xuan #3). von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 520–23. All of the Wen xuan pieces. Frodsham, Anthology, 18–20. All of the Su Wu pieces in the Wen xuan. Yves Hervouet, in Demiéville, ed. Anthologie, 70–72 (Li Ling, all three Wen xuan pieces; #2 of Su Wu). Owen, Anthology, 251–52 (#1 and #3 of Su Wu). Owen, The Making of Early Chinese Poetry, 101–2, 245–47. Li Ling/Su Wu letters

Studies Whitaker, K.P.K. “Some Notes on the Authorship of the Li Ling/Su Wu Letters.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 15 (1953): 113–37, 566–87. Chung, Eva. “A Study of the Letters (Shu) of the Han Dynasty (206 b.c.–a.d. 220), Ph.D. diss., 1982, 316–39. Feng Siyi 封思毅. “Dunhuang xieben ‘Li Ling yu Su Wu shu’ bian wei” 敦煌寫 本「李陵與蘇武書」辨偽. Guoli Zhongyang tushuguan guankan 27.1 (1994): 97–100. Zhang Peiheng 章培恆 and Liu Jun 劉駿. “Guanyu Li Ling ‘Yu Su Wu shi’ ji “Da Su Wu shu’ de zhenwei wenti” 關於李陵《與蘇武詩》及《答蘇武書》的真偽問 題. Fudan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1998: 2): 71–77. Wang Lin 王琳. “Li Ling ‘Da Su Wu shu’ de zhenwei” 李陵《答蘇武書》的真偽. Shandong shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 206 (2006): 9–13.

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li ling 李陵 (d. 74 b.c.e.), zi shaoqing 少卿 Translations

Giles, Gems, 82–86. Grube, Chinesischen Literatur, 213–19. Kermadec, J.-M. de and Kao Ming-k’ai. “Li Ling: Réponse à Sou Wou.” Études françaises 4 (1943): 366–75. Marlouliès, Anthologie, 93–100. Chung, “A Study of the Letters,” 519–47. DRK

Li Mi 李密 (224–ca. 287), zi Lingbo 令伯. Personal name also written 宓. Variant personal name Qian 虔 Three States Western Jin writer. Li Mi’s natal place was Wuyang 武陽 in Qianwei 犍為 (modern Pengshan 彭山, Sichuan). His father died when Li Mi was an infant. When Li Mi was four, his mother née He 何 was forced to remarry, and Li Mi was sent to live with his maternal grandmother, née Liu 劉 who raised him. During his youth, Li Mi became a student of the renowned Shu area scholar Qiao Zhou 譙周 (ca. 200–270) with whom he studied the Zuo zhuan. Ca. 255, Li Mi began his official career by serving in various positions in the Shu area. In 257 he was appointed secretarial court gentleman, in 259 he served as recorder for the grand general Jiang Wei 姜維 (202–264), and in 261 he was sent as an emissary to the state of Wu where he won acclaim for his learning and oral eloquence. In 264, the Wei general Deng Ai 鄧艾 (197–264) led a military expedition against Shu that resulted in the defeat of Shu and the surrender of the last Shu ruler, Liu Shan 劉禪 (207–271, r. 223–263). Deng Ai invited Li Mi to join his staff, but Li declined the invitation on the grounds that he had to care for his aged grandmother. Li Mi then returned to his home in Wuyang where he supported himself as a teacher. In 265 Sima Yan 司馬炎 (236–290) established the Western Jin dynasty. In 267, he invited Li Mi to serve as front-rider for his newly named heir Sima Zhong 司馬衷 (259–306). Li Mi’s grandmother at this time was ninety-six years old, and Li Mi was unwilling to abandon her. He then presented Sima Yan a petition declining the appointment. This piece, which is now titled “Chen qing biao” 陳情表 (Petition stating my feelings), is one of the most famous prose works of the early medieval period. After his grandmother died, and Li Mi completed mourning for her, he accepted ca. 274 the invitation to serve as front-rider to Sima Zhong. Ca. 276, he was appointed secretarial court gentleman, and in 278, he was transferred to the post of magistrate of Wen 溫 county (modern Wen

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county, Henan) where he earned a reputation as a strict administrator who even dared to admonish members of the Sima imperial family. In 281, Li Mi was promoted to senior rectifier in which capacity he had responsibility for recommending and appointing men for office from his natal Shu area. However, during this time Li Mi offended the two powerful officials Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300) and Xun Xu 荀勖 (d. 289), and he was sent out as governor of Hanzhong 漢中 (modern Hanzhong, Shaanxi). Sima Yan hosted a banquet to send him off, and Li Mi composed a poem in which he complained of the treatment he had received at the Jin court. Sima Yan took offense at the poem, and the next year, Li Mi was dismissed from office. He died at home ca. 287 at the age of sixty-four. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions the Li Qian ji 李虔集 in two juan that was listed in a Liang period catalogue. Li Qian is a variant name for Li Mi. Both Tang histories list a collection in ten juan that seems to have been lost in the Song. According to the Huayang guo zhi 華陽國志 (Notes on states south of Mount Hua), Li Mi composed the Shu li lun 述理論 (Disquisition setting forth certain principles) in ten chapters. It describes this work as “discussing matters of central harmony, benevolence, propriety, and the moral teachings of the Ru learning.” Both Huangfu Mi 皇甫謐 (215–282) and Hu Pi 胡羆 were impressed with it. However, the work does not survive. The Huayang guo zhi also mentions that Li Mi engaged in a discussion of the recluses Boyi 伯夷 and Shuqi 叔 齊 with Huangfu Mi, Du Zhen 杜軫 (fl. 270), Xi Zheng 郗正 (ca. 213–ca. 278), and Wen Li 文立 (d. 279). He also wrote a commentary to the dirges, poems, and fu of Zhao Shang 趙商, who was a disciple of Zheng Xuan. None of these works is extant. Li Mi is best known for the “Chen qin biao.” This piece was included in the Wen xuan. It is widely praised for Li Mi’s expression of filial devotion for his grandmother. Studies Cao Daoheng. “Li Mi” 李密. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan (xubian), 219–24. Xu Gongchi. Wei Jin wenshi shi, 315–17, 325–26. Zhang Jian 張劍. “Li Mi shengzu nian ke ding yan” 李密生卒年可定讞. Wenxue yichan (2000: 4): 50.

Work “Chen qing biao” 陳情表

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li mi 李密 (224–ca. 287), zi lingbo 令伯 Studies

Liu Li 劉利. “Li Mi ‘Chen qing biao’ shuolüe” 李密《陳情表》說略. Chongqing jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 13.1 (2000): 38–41. Gu Nong 顧農. “‘Chen qing biao’ dawen er ti”《陳情表》答問二題. Zhongxue yuwen jiaoyu (2002: 11): 33; rpt. in Wen xuan luncong, 291–93. Tian Huixia 田慧霞. “Li Mi ‘Chen qing biao’ qian yi” 李密《陳情表》淺議. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 22.4 (2003): 3.

Translations Margouliès, Le Kou-wen, 120–23; Anthologie, 120–23. von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 679–81. Knechtges, David R. “Han and Six Dynasties Parallel Prose.” Renditions 33–34 (1990): 75–77. DRK

Li Si 李斯 (d. 208 b.c.e.) Qin period statesman and prose writer. Li Si’s natal place was Shangcai 上蔡 in the Chu state 楚國 (southwest of modern Shangcai, Henan). In his youth he served as a petty clerk in Chu. He later studied the “arts of emperors and kings” (i.e., principles of rulership) with Xun Qing 荀卿 (ca. 314–ca. 217 b.c.e.). One of his fellow students was Han Fei 韓非 (ca. 280–233 b.c.e.). After completing his studies with Xun Qing, Li Si went to Qin just at the time of the death of its king, Zhuangxiang 莊襄 (d. 247 b.c.e.). He first served as a houseman on the staff of the prime minister Lü Buwei 呂不韋 (290–235 b.c.e.). Impressed with Li Si’s ability, Lü Buwei appointed him gentleman. In this capacity Li Si presented advice to the Qin king (the future First Emperor) on how to conquer the rival six states and create an empire under Qin rule. The King of Qin then appointed Li Si senior scribe and granted him the title “guest minister” (ke qing 客卿). After Lü Buwei was removed from office in 237 b.c.e., the King of Qin, the future Qin First Emperor (r. 221–210 b.c.e.) ordered that foreign officials be expelled from the state. Li Si presented to the court a petition in which he convinced the king to rescind his order. This petition is the famous prose work “Shang shu jian zhu ke” 上書諫逐 客 (Letter presented admonishing against expelling foreigners). The King of Qin then appointed Li Si chamberlain for law enforcement. When the King of Qin established the unified Qin realm in 221 b.c.e., he appointed Li Si prime minister. Li Si played a leading role in establishing the new Qin administrative system, including the abolition of the investiture of imperial

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relatives and the creation of new imperial titles. In 214 b.c.e., Li Si proposed that private instruction in texts be prohibited, and that the Classic of Songs, Classic of Documents, and writings of the various Masters be confiscated so that scholars will not be able to criticize the imperial court. He also may have played a role in promoting the standardization of the script. When the Qin First Emperor died suddenly in Guiji in the summer of 210 b.c.e., Li Si’s fortunes changed. The eunuch Zhao Gao 趙高 (d. 207 b.c.e.) was able to convince the Second Qin Emperor that Li Si was plotting a coup. The emperor ordered Li Si imprisoned. He was executed along with his son in the winter of 207 b.c.e. Li Si was an accomplished writer of rhetorical prose. The “Shang shu jian zhu ke” is his most celebrated composition. It was selected for inclusion in the Wen xuan. He begins the piece by enumerating the various officials and ministers from other states that provided wise advice and assistance to the four Qin rulers Duke Mu 穆 (r. 659–621 b.c.e.), Duke Xiao 孝 (r. 361–338 b.c.e.), King Hui 惠 (r. 337–311 b.c.e.), and King Zhao 昭 (r. 306–251 b.c.e.). Li Si argues that if Qin had expelled these men, it would not have achieved its present level of prosperity and strength. Li Si next lists a long catalogue of treasures that had come to Qin from other areas. This passage is a forerunner to the catalogues that are common in the Han dynasty fu compositions. Li Si argues that if Qin does not reject foreign treasures, why should it expel alien advisers? Li Si also wrote other pieces of rhetorical prose. In “Shang shu dui Ershi” 上書對二世 (Letter presented to the Second Qin Emperor) Li Si presents a detailed argument why the Second Qin Emperor should apply stern measures in governing his people. In “Shang shu yan Zhao Gao” 上書言趙高 (Letter presented to speak about Zhao Gao) Li Si warns the Second Qin Emperor of the dangers the eunuch Zhao Gao poses to the security of the Qin state. Li Si’s last petition composed before his death is “Yu zhong shang shu” 獄中上書 (Letter presented from prison) in which he enumerates all of his accomplishments in an effort to persuade the emperor to release him from prison. Li Si is also attributed with the composition of the stele inscriptions that were placed in various places in the realm. However, some scholars have questioned his authorship of these works. Bibliography Collection Zhang Zhongyi 張中義, Wang Zongtang 王宗堂, and Wang Kuanxing 王寬行, ed. and comm. Li Si ji zhu 李斯集注. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1991.

498

li si 李斯 (d. 208 b.c.e.) Studies

Bodde, Derk. China’s First Unifier, A Study of the Ch’in Dynasty as Seen in the Life of Li Ssu. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1938; rpt. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1967. Chu Binjie 褚斌杰. “Li Si” 李斯. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan (xubian), 65–74. Wang Yongfa 王永發. “Li Si yu Qindai wenxue” 李斯與秦代文學. Dongjiang xuekan (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1988: 1–2): 27–30. Yang Jianhong 楊建宏. Li Si zhuan 李斯傳. Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 1999. Yang Jianhong 陽建宏. “Guanyu Li Si yanjiu de jige wenti” 關於李斯研究的幾個問 題. Changsha daxue xuebao 14.1 (2000): 18–22. Goldin, Paul. “Li Si, Chancellor of the Universe.” The Human Tradition in Premodern China, ed. Kenneth J. Hammond, 15–25. Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, 2002; rpt. in Paul Goldin. After Confucius: Studies in Early Chinese Philosophy, 66–75. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2005.

Works a. “Shang shu jian zhu ke” 上書諫逐客 (Letter presented admonishing against expelling foreigners). Studies Chen Lifen 陳麗芬. “Mingpian miao jian zhao qianqiu—Li Si ‘Jian zhu ge shu’ shangxi” 名篇妙諫照千秋—李斯《諫逐客書》賞析. Henan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1987: 2): 42–44. Ye Chenhui 葉晨暉. “Li Si ‘Jian zhu ke shu’ xiezuo niandai kaobian” 李斯《諫逐客 書》寫作年代考辨. Nanjing daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1988: 3): 62. Hu Nengcheng 胡能承. “Lun Li Si de ‘Jian zhu ke shu’” 論李斯的《諫逐客書》. Gaoshi hanshou xuekan (1994: 4): 41–44. Wang Shenghong 王聖洪. “Qian xi Li Si de ‘Jian zhu ke shu” 淺析李斯的《諫逐客 書》. Fuzhou shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 17.2 (1997): 72–74. Wang Jiancheng 王建成. “Li Si shang ‘Jian zhu ke shu” shijian lice” 李斯上《諫逐客 書》時間蠡測. Nanjing shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1999: 3): 143–44.

Translations Giles, Gems, 51–53. von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 715–19. Margouliès, Anthologie, 152–54. Bodde, China’s First Unifier, 15–21. Dawson, Raymond. Sima Qian: Historical Records, 27–29. Watson, Records, Qin Dynasty, 181–84. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribes Records, Volume VII, 336–39.

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b. “Shang shu dui Ershi” 上書對二世 (Letter presented to the Second Qin Emperor) Translations Bodde, China’s First Unifier, 38–43. Dawson, Sima Qian, 41–44. Watson, Records, Qin Dynasty, 194–97. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribes Records, Volume VII, 348–50.

c. “Shang shu yan Zhao Gao” 上書言趙高 Bodde, China’s First Unifier, 46–48. Dawson, Sima Qian, 47–48. Watson, Records, Qin Dynasty, 194–97. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribes Records, Volume VII, 352–53.

d. “Yu zhong shang shu” 獄中上書 (Letter presented from prison) Bodde, China’s First Unifier, 50–51. Dawson, Sima Qian, 50–51. Watson, Records, Qin Dynasty, 202–3. Nienhauser, The Grand Scribes Records, Volume VII, 354–55. DRK

Li Yan 酈炎 (150–177), zi Wensheng 文勝 Late Eastern Han writer. Li Yan’s natal place was Fanyang 范陽 (modern Gucheng town 固城鎮, southwest of Dingxing 定興, Hebei). In his youth he displayed considerable skill as a writer and was well versed in music. He was also quick in repartée. According to Lu Zhi 盧植 (ca. 130–192), by the time Li Yan was eight he had filled over ten boxes with his writings. Ca. 169, he was invited to serve in the provincial administration, but he did not take up his post. About this time he composed two poems in pentasyllabic form in which he laments that he was not born in an age when his talent would have been better appreciated. Li Yan eventually contracted a mental illness, which became worse after his mother died. He was so deranged his wife died of fright while giving birth. Her family made a complaint against him. He was arrested and died in prison at the age of twenty-seven. Lu Zhi composed a dirge for him. He is credited with compiling two works on the script, Li pian 酈篇 and Zhou

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shu 州書, neither of which is extant. A fu in the sevens form, “Qi ping” 七平 (Seven placations?) is known only by title. In addition to the two poems cited above, Li Yan is attributed with four letters that he wrote to his family members just before he died. However, Guo Weisen has pointed out some features of the letters that may cast doubt on their authenticity. Studies Holzman, “Les premiers Verses pentasyllabiques,” 102–5. Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue xinian, 200, 218, 224, 237–38, 247, 254, 263–65. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 305. Guo Weisen 郭維森. “Wang Yanshou ji qi ‘Meng fu’” 王延壽及其夢賦. Cifu wenxue lun ji, 198–99; rpt. Nanjing daxue xuebao (Zhexue renwen kexue shehui kexue) 133 (2000): 97–98. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 433. DRK

Li Yannian 李延年 (d. ca. 87 b.c.e.) Western Han musician and poet. Li Yannian’s natal place was Zhongshan 中山 (modern Ding 定 county, Hebei). He was the elder brother of Lady Li 李夫人 (Lady Li), the favorite concubine of Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 b.c.e.). He was a music expert who came from a family of singers. Li Yannian was castrated for committing an unspecified offense and was employed in the imperial kennels. Impressed with his musical talent, Emperor Wu assigned him to composing music for the new ceremonies. According to Li Yannian’s biography in the Han shu, after Madame Li gave birth to a son, he was promoted to Commandant of Musical Harmony (Xielü duwei 協律都尉), which was a 2,000–bushel post. However, the Han shu “Biographies of Consorts” says that Li Yannian did not receive this promotion until after his sister’s death. The biography of Madame Li in the Han shu (97A.3951) mentions that “whenever Yannian composed new music or rearranged tunes, none of the listeners was unmoved.” One of the new songs he composed was “Jiaren ge” 佳人歌 (Song of the fair lady), which is recorded in both the Han shu and Yutai xinyong The song praises the beauty of his younger sister to Emperor Wu. After hearing the song, the emperor made her a concubine. Except for the penultimate line, each line of the song has five syllables. (The Yutai xinyong version of the piece has five syllables in the penultimate line.) Thus, this piece is the earliest datable example of a poem written predominantly in

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the five-syllable line form. Li Yannian also adapted Central Asian music to create twenty-eight stanzas ( jie 解) of “new music” (xin sheng 新聲). This music was used as late as the Eastern Han for martial processions. After the death of Lady Li, the Li family fell out of favor with Emperor Wu. Li Yannian and a number of his family members were executed ca. 87 b.c.e. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, 189. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 233.

Work a. “Jiaren ge” 佳人歌 (Song of the fair lady) Watson, Courtier and Commoner, 247. Holzman, “Les premiers Vers,” 83. Frankel, Hans H. “The Development of Han and Wei Yüeh-fu as a High Literary Genre.” The Vitality of the Lyric Voice, ed. Shuen-fu Lin and Stephen Owen, ed., 256. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986. Birrell, New Songs, 41. Martin Kern, “Poetry of Han Historiography,” 29. Owen, Making of Early Classical Chinese Poetry, 69–70. DRK

Li Yong 李顒 (fl. 335–357?), zi Changlin 長林 Eastern Jin poet, scholar. Li Yong’s ancestral home was Pingchun 平春 in Jiangxia 江夏 commandery (northwest of modern Xinyang 信陽, Henan). He is the son of Li Chong 李 充 (d. ca. 362). His exact dates are not known, and it is virtually impossible to construct a chronology. All that is known is that his commandery nominated him as “filial and incorrupt.” He also probably served as governor of Jiangxia and received the noble title of Neighborhood Marquis of Le’an 樂安. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories credit Li Yong with commentaries to the Shang shu and a disquisition on the Zhou yi. However, the biography of Li Chong in the Jin shu attributes works with similar titles to Li Chong. Thus, it is not certain whether these works are by father or son. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories record Li Yong’s collected works in ten juan. This collection was lost

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in the Song. Yan Kejun collects eight of Li Yong’s prose writings in “Quan Jin wen” 53 of Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Six of these pieces are fu. They are all incomplete, but two of the fragments, “Lei fu” 雷賦 (Fu on thunder) and “Bei si shi fu” 悲四時賦 (Fu lamenting the four seasons) are of respectable length. Lu Qinli preserves six of Li Yong’s poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. These include two poems on summer weather and one on winter. The longest piece, “She hu shi” 涉 湖詩 (Poem on crossing the lake), recounts the scenery viewed from a boat sailing on Lake Tai. Studies Liu Tao 劉濤. “Jiangxia Lishi xulüe” 江夏李氏序略. Wenxian (1995: 1): 119–33. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 198. Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 477–78. Hasegawa Shigenari 長谷川滋成. Tōshin shi yakuchū, 66–74. TPK and DRK

Li You 李尤 (44–126), zi Boren 伯仁 Eastern Han writer. Li You’s natal place was Luo 雒 in Guanghan 廣漢 commandery (north of modern Guanghan, Sichuan). Nothing is known about him until ca. 96 when Emperor He (r. 88–105) summoned him to the Eastern Institute to compose fu upon imperial command. The palace attendant Jia Kui 賈逵 (30–101) had praised his writing as similar to the famous Shu writers Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179–117 b.c.e.) and Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e–18 c.e.). Li You was then appointed foreman clerk of the Magnolia Terrace. When Emperor He died in 105, Li You was commissioned to compose “He di ai ce” 和帝哀策 (Lament for Emperor Ai). This work is no longer extant. In 120, under Emperor An 安帝 (r. 107–125), Li You was promoted to grandee remonstrant and consultant. Li You also participated in compiling the work that is now known by the title Dongguan Han ji 東觀漢記 (Han records of the Eastern Institute). On 5 October 124, Emperor An decided to demote Liu Bao 劉保 (the future Emperor Shun 順帝, r. 126–144), his only son and heir designate to the rank of king. He undertook this action after receiving much pressure from his wife Yan Ji 閻姬 (d. 126) and her family. Numerous officials, including Li You, protested, but the emperor did not relent from his decision. However, Liu Bao eventually did take the throne. The following year Li You was appointed administrator in the kingdom of

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Le’an 樂安 (administrative seat Linji 臨濟, south of modern Gaoqing 高青, Shandong), where he died that same year at the age of eighty-three. Li You had a collection of his writings in five juan that was already lost by early Tang times. The bibliography chapter of the Song shi lists a collection in two juan, but this must be a later reconstruction. There are incomplete texts of six fu attributed to Li You. Except for one, the “Qi kuan” 七款 (Seven inducements?), which is an example of the “Sevens” form, they describe places or buildings: the Hangu Pass, the Circular Moat, the Deyang Hall, the Tower of Peaceful Joy, and the Eastern Institute. The longest fragment is the “Fu on the Hangu Pass.” It consists of a history of the Hangu Pass from the Zhou period to the Eastern Han. Li You praises Emperor Guangwu (r. 25–57) for restoring the dynasty. He singles out the Yongping period of Emperor Ming (r. 57–75) as especially glorious. Li You is best known for the inscriptions he composed for Emperor He. According to the Huayang guozhi he wrote a total of 120 inscriptions. Yan Kejun has collected 86 inscriptions in his “Quan Hou Han wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Many of them are fragments, but enough of the text is preserved to determine the nature of these pieces. There is a wide variety of topics. There are inscriptions on places and buildings such as the Yellow River, the Luo River, the Hangu Pass, the Bright Hall, the Grand Academy, the Circular Moat, the Eastern Institute, the Yong’an Palace, the Cloud Terrace, the Deyang Hall, the soccer field, the capital city walls, various lodges, the Shanglin Park, the capital city gates, the well and stove. There also inscriptions are various objects: zither, flute, water clock, screen, pillow, writing brush, knife, sword, bow, arrow, crossbow, shield, saddle, bridle, bed, armrest, mat, walking stick, sambar-tail chowry, mirror, incense burner, ink, cap, slippers, boat and oars, chariot, cauldron, plate, cup, goblet, winnowing sieve, chess, lamp, and scale. Most of these pieces are written in tetra-syllabic form. Studies Yu Guangrong 庾光蓉. “Li You shiji kaozheng” 李尤事迹考證. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 24.3 (1997): 124–27, 141. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 188. De Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 438. Knechtges, David R. In The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 138–39. DRK

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“Liang gu jiao hengchui qu” 梁鼓角橫吹曲 (Liang drum, horn, and transverse wind music) Putative popular songs from the Northern Dynasties The twelfth-century Yuefu shiji 樂府詩集 (juan 25) collects the texts of a set of songs that purport to have been composed during the Sixteen States and Northern Dynasties period. However, because they were preserved in the south at the Liang dynasty court, they are titled “Liang Drum, Horn, and Tranverse Wind Music” pieces. The “Transverse Wind Music” is a category of military music. It originally was performed on horseback in imperial processions. According to the Gujin yue lu 古今樂錄 by the Buddhist monk Zhijiang 智匠 (fl. 568), this repertoire consisted of sixty-four songs. The version in the Yuefu shiji contains twenty-one tune titles plus the “Mulan shi” 木蘭詩 (Song of Mulan). Although northern elements are still preserved in some of the pieces, many of the songs show evidence of having been revised or even freshly rewritten at the Liang court. Bibliography Texts Guo Maoqian 郭茂倩 (fl. 1084–1126), ed. Yuefu shiji 25.362–72. Lu Qinli. Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi 2: 21511–62. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡, ed. and comm. Yuefu shixuan 樂府詩選, 471–90. 2000; rpt. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 2007.

Studies Xiao Difei 蕭滌非. Han Wei Liuchao yuefu wenxue shi 漢魏六朝文學史, 274–93. 1944; rpt. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1984. Li Chunsheng 李純勝. “Liang gujiao hengchui qu” 梁鼓角橫吹曲. Dalu zazhi 28.12 (1964): 14–17. Qiu Xieyou 邱燮友. “Wuge Xiqu yu Liang gu jiao hengchui qu de bijiao” 吳歌西曲 與梁鼓角橫吹曲的比較. Guowen xuebao 1 (1972): 79–90. Chen Jinbo 陳進波. “Lun Beichao yuefu minge” 論北朝樂府民歌. Lanzhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1981: 2): 77–90. Yi Shui 易水. “Han Wei Liuchao de junyue—‘guchui’ he ‘hengchui’ “漢魏六朝的軍 樂—“鼓吹” 和 “橫吹”. Wenwu (1989: 7): 85–89. Yan Caiping 閻采平. “Beichao yuefu minge de nanliu ji qi dui Nanchao wentan de yingxiang” 北朝樂府民歌的南流及其對南朝文壇的影響. Xiangtan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1989): 48–53. Jiang Zongli 江宗禮. “Liang gujiao hengchui qu” 梁鼓角橫吹曲. Zhongguo bianzheng 111 (1990): 52–56.

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Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Liang gujiao hengchui qu zatan” 梁鼓角橫吹曲雜談. Chuxiong shizhuan xuebao (1995: 4): 20–24; rpt. Wang Yunxi. Yuefu shi shulun, 514–22. Tan Runsheng 譚潤生. Beichao minge 北朝民歌, 52–69. Taipei: Dongda tushu gufen youxian gongsi, 1997. Zhang Zongyuan 張宗原. “Guanyu ‘Murong Chui ge’” 關於《慕容垂歌》. Fudan xuebao (1999: 4): 138–40. Qiu Xiaoping 仇小屏. “Cong zhangfa guandian kan ‘Liang gujiao hengchui qu’” 從章法觀點看「梁鼓角橫吹曲」. Zhongguo xueshu niankan 22 (2001): 301–28, 488–49. Zheng Xiaorong, “A History of Northern Dynasties Literature,” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 2002, 382–89. Sun Shangyong 孫尚勇. “Hengchui qu kaolun” 橫吹曲考論. Zhongguo yinyue xue (2003: 1): 110–22; rpt. Sun Shangyong. Yuefu wenxue wenxian yanjiu 樂府文學 文獻研究, 202–28. Beijing: Remin wenxue chubanshe, 2007. Tian Xiaofei. Beacon Fire and Shooting Star, 335–46. Dien, Albert E. Six Dynasties Civilization, 351–52. Zeng Zhi’an 曾智安. “Liang gujiao hengchui qu zakao” 梁鼓角橫吹曲雜考. Yuefu xue 3 (2008): 118–53. Liu Huairong 劉懷榮. “Han Wei yilai beifang guchui yue hengchui yue ji qi nanchuan kaolun” 漢魏以來北方鼓吹樂橫吹樂及其南傳考論. Huangzhong (2009: 1): 72–78.

Translations Wong T’ong-wen and Jean-Pierre Diény, in Demiéville, ed., Anthologie, 183–88. Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 106–8. Owen, Anthology, 240–41. Zheng, “A History of Northern Dynasties Literature,” 386. DRK

Liang Hong 梁鴻 (ca. 15–ca. 80), zi Boluan 伯鸞 Eastern Han recluse and poet. Liang Hong’s natal place was Pingling 平陵 in Fufeng 扶風 (northwest of modern Xianyang, Shaanxi). Although from a poor family, he was quite learned. In his youth he studied at the national university. He also tended pigs in the Shanglin Park. Later, he and his wife Meng Guang 孟光 (fl. 80) lived as recluses in the Baling 霸陵 hills (northeast of modern Xi’an, Shaanxi) where they made a living farming and weaving. They once visited Luoyang on business where they saw the opulence of the imperial palaces. Liang composed “Wu yi ge” 五噫歌 (Song of the five sighs) to criticize the ruler’s extravagance and lament the misery of the common people. Upon

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reading this piece, Emperor Zhang (r. 76–88) was very displeased. Liang had no choice but to change his name and go into hiding in the Qi-Lu area (modern Shandong). He and his wife later went to Wu (modern Suzhou) where he was supported by a wealthy man named Gao Botong 皋伯通. Liang and his family lived under a corridor of the house, and made a living pounding grain for other people. When he came home from work, his wife raised his food tray level with her eyebrows and offered him food to eat. This was simply to show her respect. This later became a much-told story. Not too long afterward Liang Hong became ill and died. According to Liang Hong’s biography in the Hou Han shu he had written more than ten literary pieces. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists a two-juan collection, but this was lost already by the early Tang. Three poems attributed to Liang Hong are extant: “Wu yi ge,” “Shi Wu” 適吳 (Going to Wu), and “Si you” 思友(Longing for a friend). The poems and details about his life can be found in “Biographies of Recluses” in the Hou Han shu (83.2765–2768). Bibliography Studies Vervoorn, Aat. Men of the Cliffs and Caves: The Development of the Chinese Eremitic Tradition, 196–201. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1990. Berkowitz, Alan J. Patterns of Disengagement The Practice and Portrayal of Reclusion in Early Medieval China, 106–12. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 448–49. DRK

Liang Liu 兩劉 (The two Lius) This is a shorthand reference to Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 b.c.e.) and his son Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23). They were both famous textual editors and bibliographers. They also were known for their skill in fu writing. DRK

Liang Pan 兩潘 (The two Pans) This is a shorthand reference to the Western Jin writers Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300) and his nephew Pan Ni 潘尼 (ca. 247–ca. 311). They are much celebrated for their highly crafted poems. DRK

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Liang shu 梁書 (History of the Liang) Standard history of the Liang dynasty. The Liang shu is a history of the Liang dynasty (502–557) completed by Yao Silian 姚思廉 (557–637) based on a history compiled by his father Yao Cha 姚察 (533–606). The work consists of six juan of annals and fifty juan of biographies for a total of fifty-six juan. The Liang shu has no tables or monographs. Yao Cha was a distinguished writer and scholar of the Liang, Chen, and Sui periods. He was an expert on the Han shu and compiled a thirty-juan work Han shu xun zuan 漢書訓纂 (Compilation of glosses on the History of the Former Han). At the end of the Chen dynasty Yao Cha received an imperial commission to compile a history of the Liang dynasty. In 589, the Sui emperor ordered him to compile a history of both the Liang and Chen. He worked steadily on these two works until his death in 606. On his deathbed, he instructed his son Yao Silian to complete his work. In 629, Emperor Taizong of the Tang (r. 626–649) issued an edict ordering Yao Silian to finish the Liang and Chen histories. Yao presented the Liang shu to the court in 635. The Liang shu is an important source for a study of literature in the Liang period. In addition to the “Wenxue zhuan” 文學傳 (Biographies of literary men), which contains biographies of twenty-six writers, there are separate biographies of such important literary figures as Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513), Jiang Yan 江淹 (444–505), Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508), Wang Sengru 王僧儒 (465–522), Zhang Shuai 張率 (475–527), Wang Yun 王筠 (481–549), Liu Xiaochuo 劉孝綽, Zhang Zuan 張纘 (498–548), and Pei Ziye 裴子野 (469–530). The Liang shu even includes important literary information about members of the Liang ruling house such as Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549), Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531), Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551), and Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–555). Yao Cha and Yao Siliang were skilled writers, and their prose is considered to be a model of spare, succinct writing. The Qing scholar Zhao Yi 趙翼 (1727–1814) considered their writing a precursor of the guwen style of Han Yu. Editions Liang shu 梁書. 56 juan. Song woodblock. Rpt. in Bona ben ershisi shi 百納本二十 四史, Sibu congkan series. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1930–1937. Liang shu 梁書. 56 juan. Ershiyi shi 二十一史. Guozi jian 國子監, 1595–1606. Held in Harvard-Yenching Library. Liang shu 梁書. 56 juan. 130 juan. Qinchuan Maoshi Jigu ge 琴川毛氏汲古閣, 1628–1661. Held in Harvard-Yenching Library.

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Liang shu 梁書. 56 juan. Wuying dian 武英殿 woodblock, in Ershi si shi 二十四 史. 1739. Rpt. Shanghai: Tongwen shuju 同文書局, 1894; Shanghai: Kaiming shudian 開明書店, 1935; Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan 藝文印書館, 1956. Liang shu 梁書. 56 juan. Jinling shuju 金陵書局, 1871. Liang shu 梁書. 56 juan. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1973.

Studies Zhao Jun 趙俊. “Yao Silian de shixue” 姚思廉的史學. Liaoning daxue xuebao 92 (1988): 103–6. Zhang Guo’an 張國安. “Liang shu Chen shu bianzuan xiao kao”《梁書》、《陳書》編 纂小考. Hebei shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1989: 3): 111–12. Zang Shijun 臧世俊. “Liang shu lüelun”《梁書》略論. Lishi jiaoxue wenti (1992: 4): 29–33; rpt. in Qu Lindong 瞿林東, ed. Jin shu Bashi Ershi yanjiu, 182–94. Chen Biaoyi 陳表義. “Yao Silian ji qi Liang shu Chen shu qian lun” 姚思廉及其《梁 書》《陳書》淺論. Jinan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) 19.2 (1997): 72–77; rpt. in Qu Lindong 瞿林東, ed. Jin shu Bashi Ershi yanjiu, 172–81. Xiong Qingyuan 熊清元. “Yaoshi fuzi yu Liang shu” 姚氏父子與《梁書》. Huanggang shifan xueyuan xuebao 21.2 (2001): 8–15. DRK

Liang Sima 兩司馬 (The two Simas) This is a shorthand reference to the Western Han fu writer Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179–117 b.c.e.) and the historian Sima Qian 司馬遷 (145 b.c.e.– ca. 86 b.c.e.). DRK

Lianzhu 連珠 (Strung pearls) Lianzhu is a prose form consisting of a series of aphorisms written mainly in four-syllable and six-syllable lines. The primary mode of presentation is a chain argument beginning with a premise introduced either by the words chen wen 臣聞 (Your subject has heard) or gai wen 蓋聞 (I have heard) followed by a conclusion. Some scholars have considered the lianzhu the Chinese equivalent of the syllogism. Thus, the famous translator Yan Fu 嚴復 (1854–1921) rendered syllogism into Chinese as lianzhu. Various origins for the lianzhu have been proposed. Both Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) and Liu Xie 劉勰 (ca. 465–ca. 521) attribute the first lianzhu to Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 c.e.). Fragments of four lianzhu by Yang Xiong are extant. However, these pieces do not exactly resemble the mature lianzhu form. The Wei-Jin period scholar Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217–278)

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in his “Lianzhu xu” 連珠序 (Preface to lianzhu) claims the lianzhu was first written during the reign of Emperor Zhang (r. 76–88) of the Later Han. He identifies four Later Han writers of lianzhu: Ban Gu 班固, Jia Kui 賈逵 (30–101), Fu Yi 傅毅 (ca. 47–92), and Cai Yong 蔡邕 (133–192). The Ban Gu, Fu Yi, and Jia Kui pieces seem to have been composed upon imperial command. Fu Yi’s lianzhu is no longer extant. Later scholars beginning with Yang Shen 楊慎 (1488–1559) have traced the origins of the lianzhu to pre-Qin prose, especially the “Chu shuo” 儲說 (Collected persuasions) chapter of the Han Feizi. Contemporary scholars such as Zhou Xunchu and Shen Jianying accept this hypothesis (see bibliography below). Recently, Ma Shijun has proposed that the “Shi ji jie” 史記解 (Explication of scribal records) and “Zhou zhu jie” 周祝解 (Explication of Zhou prayers) chapters of the Yi Zhou shu 逸周書 (Remnant Zhou writings) contain embryonic examples of the lianzhu form. The fully mature lianzhu first appears in the late Eastern Han, Wei and Western Jin period. According to Jenny Tu-li Teng, the mature lianzhu was written in eight tetrameter or heptameter lines. The premises occur in the first two couplets that contain tetrameter lines in the first line, and tetrameter or heptameter lines in the second line. The conclusion has one or two parallel couplets either in tetrameter or heptameter form. The late Eastern Han lianzhu include one piece by Pan Xu 潘勖 (ca. 160–215) and four by Wang Can 王粲 (177–217). The writer who is usually considered the greatest master of the lianzhu form is Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303). His “Yan lianzhu” 演連珠 (Strung pearls expanded) is the only lianzhu selected for inclusion in the Wen xuan. This piece consists of fifty lianzhu. It is considered a model example of parallel prose. According to Zhong Tao (see bibliography below), its has 364 parallel lines out of a total of 369 lines, and 100 of these lines contain allusions. Almost all of the lianzhu pieces are written in eight lines, which is the conventional length for a lianzhu. Lu Ji’s lianzhu are also known for the use of artful analogies. Lu Ji’s lianzhu set was the subject of scholarly study during the Six Dynasties period. Both He Chengtian 何承天 (370–447) and Liu Jun 劉峻 (462–521) wrote commentaries to it. During the Southern Dynasties, many writers composed lianzhu. Among the extant lianzhu from his period, Xie Huilian 謝慧連 (407–433) has four, Shen Yue has two, Yan Yanzhi 顏延之 (384–456) and Wang Jian 王儉 have one, Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549) (Emperor Wu of the Liang) has four, Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–562) has three, and Xiao Cha 蕭詧 (519–562) has two. According to the Sanguo dian lüe 三國典略 by Qiu Yue 邱悅 (d. ca. 715), Xiao Gang composed his lianzhu when he had been imprisoned by Hou Jing 侯景 (503–552). Xiao Yan’s lianzhu were compiled into a one-juan collection, the Liang Wu lianzhu 梁武連珠 (Strung pearls of Emperor Wu

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of the Liang) to which Shen Yue wrote a commentary. During the LiuSong period Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 compiled a Lianzhu ji 連珠集 (Lianzhu collection in five juan). At the Liang court Emperor Wu commissioned the compilation of a ten-juan lianzhu collection, the Liang Wudi zhizhi lianzhu 梁武帝制旨連珠 (Lianzhu composed upon imperial command by Emperor Wu of Liang). This probably contained lianzhu composed at the Liang court. Both Xiao Lun 蕭綸 (ca. 507–551) (Xiao Yan’s sixth son) and Lu Mian 陸緬 (fl. 550) wrote commentaries to it. None of these collections is extant. In the late Six Dynasties period, some writers introduced innovations to the lianzhu form. Liu Xiang 劉祥 (ca. 451–ca. 489), who was known for his eccentric behavior, composed fifteen lianzhu in which he voiced his complaint about the failure of the court to appreciate “rare treasures” such as himself. Upon reading these pieces, Emperor Wu ordered Liu Xiang impeached. Liu Xiang was sentenced to banishment in Guangzhou 廣州 (administrative seat Panyu 番禺, modern Guangzhou, Guangdong). The complete text of the fifteen lianzhu is preserved in Liu Xiang’s Nan Qi shu biography. This use of the lianzhu for expression of personal sentiments was new for the form, which previously had been used primarily for monitory purposes. One set of lianzhu that contains many personal elements are the forty-four “Ni lianzhu” 擬連珠 (Imitative lianzhu) by Yu Xin 庾信 (513–581). In these pieces Yu Xin writes about the fall of the Liang dynasty, the massacre of Liang soldiers by the army of Hou Jing, and the plight of the southern captives who died on the forced march to the north after the fall of the Liang. As in his “Ai Jiangnan fu” 哀江南賦 (Fu on lamenting the Southland), Yu Xin also expresses regret that he is unable to return to his home in the south. Another innovative lianzhu is “Yanti lianzhu” 艷體連珠 (Lianzhu in amorous style) by Liu Qian 劉潛 (484–550) written in the voice of a palace lady. This piece is similar to the gongti 宮體 (palace style) shi and fu written at the Liang court. Bibliography Collections Yokoyama Hiroshi 橫山宏. “Rekidai renzhu shū” 歷代連珠集. Tenri daigaku gakuhō 85 (1973): 33–64; Joshidai bungaku 27 (1976): 51–55; 28 (1977): 39–51; 31 (1980): 93–135; 35 (1984): 102–23; 38 (1987): 47–54. Wang Lingyue 王令樾. Lidai lianzhu ping zhu 歷代連珠評注. Taipei: Xuehai chubanshe, 1979.

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Studies Yokoyama Hiroshi 橫山宏. “Riku Yu renju shokō” 陸庾連珠小考. Chūgoku bungaku hō 22 (1968): 1–27. Liao Weiqing 廖蔚慶. “Lun lianzhu ti de xingcheng” 論連珠體的形成. Youshi xuezhi 15.2 (1978): 15–59; rpt. in LiuWeqing. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue lunji, 387–462. Zhou Xunchu 周勛初. Han Feizi zhaji 韓非子札記. Nanjing: Jiangsu renmin chubanshe, 1980; rpt. Zhou Xunchu. Zhou Xunchu wenji, 1: 380–86. Liao Weiqing 廖蔚慶. “Lun Han Wei Liuchao lianzhu ti de yishu ji qi yingxiang” 論漢魏六朝連珠體的藝術及其影響. In Tai Jingnong xiansheng bashi shouqing lunwen ji 臺靜農先生八十壽慶論文集, 443–90. Taipei: Lianjing, 1981. Shen Haiyan 沈海燕. “Lianzhu ti shilun” 連珠體試論. Wenxue yichan 4 (1985): 31–41. Teng, Jenny Tu-li. “The Genre of Lien-chu.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1985. Chen Qizhi 陳啟智. “Lu Ji ‘Yan lianzhu’ zhong biyu de miaoyong” 陸機《演連珠》中 比喻的妙用. Cangzhou shifan zhuanke xuexiao xuebao (1985: 1): 61–63. Chen Qizhi 陳啟智. “Lu Ji ‘Yan lianzhu’ de yuyan mei” 陸機 “演連珠” 的語言美. Bohai xuekan (1985: 2): 33–35. Chen Qizhi 陳啟智. “Lianzhu suyuan” 連珠溯源. Bohai xuekan (1985: 4): 50–53. Zhan Hanglun 詹杭倫. “Lu Ji ‘Yan lianzhu’ zhong meixue guandian shitan” 陸機 《演連珠》中美學觀點試探. Sichuan shida xuebao (1986: 2): 46–51, 92. Luo Xianwen 羅獻文. “Lianzhu wenti chutan” 連珠文體初探. Nei Menggu daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1986: 3): 30–40. Wang Huaicheng 王懷誠. “Han Feizi Nei wai chushuo xi lianzhu ti zhi lanshang” 韓非子內外儲說係連珠體之濫觴. Huangpu xuebao 23 (1991): 129–31. Wu Guanhong 吳冠宏. “Yu Xin sishisi shou lianzhu shi tan—jian lun ‘Ai Jiangnan fu’ Yonghuai shi yu lianzhu zhi bijiao” 庾信四十四首連珠試探─兼論「哀江南 賦」、詠懷詩與連珠之比較. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 6 (1992): 207–23. Chen Rufa 陳汝法. “Shilun ‘Lianzhu ti’ de chansheng ji yingxiang” 試論 “連珠體” 的產生及影響. Beijing tushuguan guankan (1994: 3–4): 35–41. Zhong Tao 鍾濤. Liuchao pianwen xingshi ji qi wenhua yiyun 六朝駢文形式及其文 化意蘊. Beijing: Dongfang chubanshe, 1997. Chen Fuxing 陳復興. “Lu Ji ‘Yan lianzhu’ meixue yijie” 陸機《演連珠》美學臆解. Changchun shifan xueyuan xuebao 18.3 (1999): 56–61. Zhang Xiaoming 張曉明. “Lun Yang Xiong ‘lianzhu’ de wenxue jiazhi” 論揚雄 “連珠” 的文學價值. Qingdao daxue shifan xueyuan xuebao 16.2 (1999): 35–37. Su Jui-lung. “Lien-chu.” In Indiana Companion, Volume 2, 89–92. Li Xiuhua 李秀花. “Lu Ji yu lianzhu ti” 陸機與連珠體. Shanghai daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 9.4 (2002): 8–11. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Riku Ki ‘En renju’ gojū shu ni tsuite” 陸機「演連珠」五 十首について. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 55 (2003): 29–44. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Riku Ki ‘En renju’ no kōseijo no tokushitsu” 陸機「演連 珠」の構成の特質. Rikuchō gakujutsu gakkaihō 4 (2003): 17–37. Chen Zuji 陳祖吉. “Lianzhu wenti suyuan ji qi yanbian” 連珠文體溯源及其演變. Zhuzhou shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 10.4 (2005): 59–62. Xu Guorong 徐國榮 and Yang Yanhua 楊艷華. “Lun Han Wei Liuchao lianzhu ti de yanbian yu wenxue fazhan” 論漢魏六朝連珠體的演變與文學發展. 118 (2005): 77–83.

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Andō Nobuhiro 安藤信廣 “Yu Shin ‘Gi renju’ no hyōgen to ronri” 庾信「擬連珠」 の表現と論理. Chūgoku bunka 64 (2006): 12–24. Luo Ying 羅瑩. “Lianzhu ti de guilei yu qiyuan wenti de zai sikao” 連珠體的歸類與 起源問題的再思考. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2007: 4): 75–82. Geng Zhendong 耿振東. “Lianzhu yuan yu xian Qin zishu kao” 連珠源於先秦子書 考. Xinan jiaotong daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 8.6 (2007): 36–41. Li Nailong 李乃龍. “Youxixing yu yansuxing de tongyi—lianzhu ti de wenti tezheng yu Lu Ji de ‘Yan lianzhu’” 遊戲性與嚴肅性的統一—連珠體的文體特徵與陸機的 《演連珠》. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 43.4 (2007): 13–17. Jian Minghong 簡名宏. “Lun Lu Ji lianzhu wenti de moni yu chuangxin” 論陸機連 珠文體的模擬與創新. Fuda renwen shehui xuebao 17 (2007): 213–34. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Yu Xin ‘Gi renju’ ni tsuite” 庾信「擬連珠」について. Chūgokugaku ronshū 45 (2007): 87–143. Sun Bo 孫波. “Lianzhu fanshi de yanbian ji qi luoji jiexi” 連珠範式的演變及其邏輯 解析. Gansu shehui kexue (2008: 3): 46–49. Ding Hongqi 丁紅旗. “Xian Tang ‘lianzhu’ lun” 先唐 “連珠” 論. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 27.3 (2008): 74–77. Ma Shinian 馬世年. “Lianzhu ti yuanyuan xintan” 連珠體淵源新探. Gansu shehui kexue (2008: 6): 172–76. Zhang Haitao 張海濤. “‘Ni lianzhu’ de shijia yishi ji beiqing mei”《擬連珠》的史 家意識及悲情美. Ankang xueyuan xuebao 20.4 (2008): 51–53. DRK

Lidai fu hui 歷代賦彙 (Compendium of fu through the ages) Qing dynasty fu anthology. The Lidai fu hui, also known as Yuding lidai fuhui 御定歷代賦彙, is a collection of fu compositions dating from the Warring States period to the Ming. It was compiled under the auspices of the Kangxi emperor. The editor-in-chief was Chen Yuanlong 陳元龍 (1652–1736), who came from a long line of scholars whose ancestral home was Haining 海寧, Zhejiang. Work on the collection may have begun as early as 1694. It was completed in 1705 and printed the following year by the Yangzhou shiju 揚州詩局, the same publishing house that printed the Quan Tang shi. The collection contains 4,155 pieces. The work is arranged into a 140-juan zheng ji 正集 (main collection) and a 20-juan wai ji 外集 (extra collection). There are also a 2-juan collection of fragments, and a 20-juan collection of supplementary pieces. The main collection is organized into thirty categories such as seasons, geography, cities, the way of governance, food and drink, painting and calligraphy, plants and trees, etc. The external collection has eight categories that include “stating one’s aims” ( yan zhi 言志), yearning and longing, travel, carefree abandon, beauty, criticism and satire, feelings, and

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human affairs. The editors do not indicate the sources of their texts. The versions preserved in this collection are not always the most reliable. There are also a number of misattributions of authors. Bibliography Editions Chen Yuanlong 陳元龍 (1652–1736), et al. ed. Yuding lidai fuhui 御定歷代賦彙. “Zheng ji” 正集 140 juan, “Wai ji” 外集 20 juan, “Yiju 逸句 2 juan, Supplement 23 juan. Yangzhou shiju 揚州詩局, 1706. Modern reprints: Kyoto: Chūbun shuppansha, 1974; Siku quanshu zhenben (Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1979); Shanghai: Jiangsu guji chubanshe and Shanghai shudian, 1987; Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 1999.

Studies Ma Jigao 馬積高. “Lidai fu hui pingyi”《歷代賦彙》評議. Xueshu yanjiu (1990: 1): 90–93. Ma Jigao 馬積高. Lidai cifu yanjiu shiliao gaishu, 201–6. Xu Jie 許結. “Lidai fuji yu fuxue piping” 歷代賦集與賦學批評. Nanjing daxue xuebao (Zhexue renwen kexue shehui kexue) 144 (2001): 27–36. Zongfan 踪凡. “Lidai fu hui de Han fu bianlu yu fenlei”《歷代賦彙》的漢賦編錄與 分類. Shoudu shifan daxue xuebao (2004: 6): 137–40. Ye Yongsheng 葉永勝. “Chen Yuanlong yu Lidai fu hui kaoshu” 陳元龍與《歷代賦 彙》考述. Jinling keji xueyuan xuebao 20.4 (2004): 60–64. DRK

Lienü zhuan 列女傳 (Traditions of illustrious women) Western Han collection of accounts of famous women. The Lienü zhuan, also known as Gu lienü zhuan 古列女傳 (Ancient traditions of illustrious women), is a collection of biographies of famous women probably compiled by Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 b.c.e.). The original work consisted of seven sections with fifteen biographies per section (for a total of 105). Section eight contained rhymed eulogies that are also credited to Liu Xiang’s son Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23). There also was one section of illustrations. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and Jiu Tang shu list Liu Xiang’s Lienü zhuan in fifteen juan. According to Zeng Gong 曾鞏 (1019–1083), who wrote a preface to the Lienü zhuan, the fifteen-juan edition contained material that had been added to Liu Xiang’s original. He also reports that during the Jiayou 嘉祐 (1056–1063) period Su Song 蘇頌 (1020–1101) attempted to restore the original eight-juan version. This

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version was stored in the palace library together with the fifteen-juan edition. About this same time, Wang Hui 王回 (fl. 1063) also reduced the fifteen-juan edition to eight juan. This work was called Gu lienü zhuan 古列女傳, and the sections that had been added to Liu Xiang’s original were titled Xu lienü zhuan 續列女傳 (Further traditions of illustrious women). In the Jiading 嘉定 period (1208–1224) of the Southern Song Cai Ji 蔡冀 rearranged the book so that the rhymed eulogies were placed after each woman’s biography in the main text. The most important printing of the Lienü zhuan was done in the Southern Song by the Jianyang 建陽 printing house Qinyou tang 勤有堂 of Yu Renzhong 余仁仲 (12th century). Yu Zhi’an 余志安 issued another printing from the same printing house in the 14th century. This version served as the basis for most of the printings done in the Ming and Qing. The most important commentary is that of Wang Zhaoyuan 王趙圓 (1763–1851), the wife of the renowned scholar Hao Yixing 郝懿行 (1757–1825). The received version of Lienü zhuan consists of seven chapters: (1) “Mu yi” 母儀 (Maternal deportment), (2) “Xian ming” 賢明 (Goodness and intelligence), (3) “Ren zhi” 仁智 (Benevolence and wisdom), (4) “Zhen shun” 貞順 (Chastity and obedience), (5) “Jie yi” 節義 (Integrity and morality), (6) “Bian tong” 辯通 (Skill in argumentation), (7) “Nie bi” 孽嬖 (Concubines and favorites). The eighth section consists of supplementary biographies added at a later period. Editions and Commentaries Liu Xiang Gu lienü zhuan 劉向古列女傳. 8 juan. Huang Jiayu 黃嘉育 ed. and printing. 1606. Held by Taipei Zhongyang tushuguan. Gu lienü zhuan 古列女傳. 8 juan. Siku quanshu. Based on the Qinyou tang edition once held by Qian Zeng 錢曾 (1629–1701). Xinkan Gu lienü zhuan 新刊古列女傳. 8 juan. Ruan Fu 阮福 Wenxuan lou 文選 樓. 1825. Haoshi yishu 郝氏遺書 (1879). Rpt. Guoxue jiben congshu, Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Liang Duan 梁端 (Qing), ed. and comm. Lienü zhuan 列女傳. Wang Yuansun 汪遠孫 (1789–1835) Zhenqi tang 振綺堂, 1833; rpt. Sibu beiyao. Gu lienü zhuan 古列女傳. 8 juan. Sibu congkan. Photo-reproduction of the Huang Jiayu edition held by Ye Dehui 葉德輝 (1864–1927). Wang Zhaoyuan 王照圓 (1763–1851), ed. and comm. Lienü zhuan buzhu 列女傳 補注. Liu Xiaodong 劉曉東, coll. and punc. Lienü zhuan 列女傳. Shenyang: Liaoning jiaoyu chubanshe, 1998.

Baihua Τranslations Zhang Tao 張濤, trans. and comm. Lienü zhuan yizhu 列女傳譯注. Ji’nan: Shandong daxue chubanshe, 1990.

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Zhang Jing 張敬, trans. and comm. Lienü zhuan jinzhu jinyi 列女傳今注今譯. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1994. Chen Manming 陳滿銘, trans. and comm. Xinyi lienü zhuan 新譯列女傳. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1996.

Concordances and Ιndexes Miyamoto Masaru 宮本勝, ed. Retsujoden sakuin: tsuketari honbun 列女傳索引: 附本文. Tokyo: Tōhō shoten, 1982. Gu lienü zhuan zhuzi suoyin 古列女傳逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1993. He Zhihua 何志華, ed. Gu lienü zhuan yu Xian Qin liang Han dianji chongjian ziliao huibian, Da Dai Li ji yu xian Qin liang Han dianji chongjian ziliao huibian 古列女傳與先秦兩漢典籍重見資料彙編，大戴禮記與先秦兩漢典籍重見資料 彙編. Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004.

Translation O’Hara, Albert R. The Position of Woman in Early China. 1945; rpt. and rev. Taipei: Mei Ya, 1971.

Japanese Εditions and Τranslations Ryūkō Retusjoden 劉向列女傳. 8 juan. Setsuyō: Ueda Uhē, ca. 1762. Tsukamoto Tetsuzō 塚本哲三, ed. Retusjoden Onna shisho 列女傳. 女四書. Tokyo: Yūhōdō, 1920. Nakajima Midori 中島みどり, trans. Retsujoden 列女傳. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 2001.

Studies Luo Genze 羅根澤. “Xinxu Shuo yuan Lienü zhuan buzuo yu Liu Xiang kao” 新 序說苑列女傳不作於劉向考. Gu shi bian 古史辨, Volume 4; Rpt. in Zhuzi kaoso 諸子考索, 540–42. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1958. Ou Xiefang 歐纈芳. “Lienü zhuan jiaozheng” 列女傳校證. Wen shi zhe xuebao 18 (1969): 121–213. Zhang Jing 張敬. “Lienü zhuan yu qi zuozhe” 列女傳與其作者. Zhongyang yuekan 4.12 (1972): 125–32. Miyamoto Masaru 宮本勝. “Retsujoden no kampon oyobi shō to ni tsuite” 列女傳 の刊本及び頌圖について. Hokkaidō daigaku wengakubu kiyō 32.1 (1983): 1–36. Shimomi Takao 下見隆雄. “Retsujoten chūshaku oyobi kaisetsu『列女傳』注釋 及び解說. Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu kiyō 44.1 (1985): 1–136; 46.1 (1986): 1–144. Shimomi Takao 下見隆雄. “Ryū Kō Retsujoten kenkyū josetsu” 劉向『列女傳』研 究序說. Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu kiyō 47.1 (1988): 1–125. Wu Minxia 吳敏霞. “Lienü zhuan de bianzuan he liuchuan”《列女傳》的編纂和流 傳. Renwen zazhi (1988: 3): 121–24. Zhang Tao 張濤. “Lüe lun Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan de shehui zhengzhi sixiang” 略論 劉向《列女傳》的社會政治思想. Shandong daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1989: 3): 98–104.

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Shimomi Takao 下見隆雄. Ryū Kō Retsujoten no kenkyū 劉向列女傳の研究. Tokyo: Tōkai daigaku, 1989. Yamazaki Jun’ichi 山崎純一. “Ryū Kō shūkō Ko retsujoten sankan Jinchi den kōi yaku shikō” 劉向輯校『古列女傳』三卷仁智傳校異譯試稿. Ōbirin daigaku Chūgoku bungaku ronsō 14 (1989): 29–130. Zhang Tao 張濤. “Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan de banben wenti” 劉向《列女傳》的版本 問題. Wenxian (1989: 3): 249–57. Yamazaki Jun’ichi 山崎純一. Retsujoten—rekishi o kaeta onna tachi 列女傳—歷史 を变えた女たち. Tokyo: Satsuki shobō, 1991. Zhang Tao 張濤. “Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan de shixue jiazhi” 劉向《列女傳》的史學 價值. Wen shi zhe (1991: 5): 21–24. Yamazaki Jun’ichi 山崎純一. “Retsujoten no senja to shite no Ryū Kō no hito to shisō: Ko retsujoten no kiso kenkyū ni kasuru ichi shiron”『列女傳』の撰者 としての劉向の人と思想:『古列女傳』の基礎研究に關する一試論. Tōyō bunka kenkyūjo kiyō 11 (1991): 35–47. Zhang Tao 張濤. “Lienü zhuan zai Bei Song zhongqi yiqian de liuchuan”《列女 傳》在北宋中期以前的流傳. Yindu xuekan (1993: 2): 50–53. Zhang Tao 張濤. “Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan wenxue chengjiu chutan” 劉向《列女 傳》文學成就初探. Qi Lu xuekan (1993: 1): 46–50. Yamazaki Jun’ichi 山崎純一. “Ryū Kō shūkō Ko retsujoten kōi yaku shikō (8) Bentō den no ka” 劉向輯校『古列女傳』校異譯試稿 (8) 辯通傳の下. Ōbirin daigaku Chūgoku bungaku ronsō 19 (1994): 23–90. Mou, Sherry Jenq-yunn. “Gentlemen’s Prescriptions for Women’s Lives: Liu Hsiang’s ‘The Biographies of Women’ and Its Influence on the ‘Biographies of Women’ Chapters in Early Chinese Dynastic Histories.” Ph.D. diss., Ohio State University, 1994. Zhang Tao 張濤. “Shi zan laiyuan xiao kao: du Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan zhaji” 史贊 來源小考: 讀劉向《列女傳》劄記. Lishi wenxian yanjiu 6 (1995): 212–16. Tanaka Kazuo 田中和夫. “Lienü zhuan yin shi kao” 列女傳引詩考. Hebei shiyuan xuebao (1997: 4): 78–82. Raphals, Lisa. Sharing the Light Representation of Women and Virtue in Early China. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998. Cai Yani 蔡雅霓. “Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan de nüxing zican” 劉向《列女傳》的女性 自殘. Fuda Zhongyansuo xuekan 8 (1998): 107–20. Liu Jingzhen 劉靜貞. “Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan de xingbie yishi” 劉向《列女傳》的 性別意識. Dong Wu lishi xuebao 5 (1999): 1–30. Li Lihua 李麗華. “Enü zhuan—Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan ‘Niebi zhuan’ de shuxie celüe yu shuxie yishi” 惡女傳—劉向《列女傳》‧孽嬖傳》的書寫策略與書寫意識. Hanxue luntan 3 (2003): 1–18. Jiao Qingyan 焦慶艷. “Shilun Lienü zhuan de yuyan yishu” 試論《列女傳》的語言 藝術. Xi’an shiyou xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 12.2 (2003): 81–85. Xiong Ming 熊明. “Liu Xiang Lienü Lieshi Xiaozi sanzhuan kao lun” 劉向《列女》、 《列士》、《孝子》三傳考論. Jinzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao 25.3 (2003): 15–20. Xing Peishun 邢培順. “Liu Xiang Xin xu Shuo yuan Lienü zhuan cailiao laiyuan ji jiagong qushe fangshi tansuo” 劉向《新序》《說苑》《列女傳》材料來源及加工 取捨方式探索. Binzhou shizhuan xuebao 20.1 (2004): 11–15. Hinsch, Bret. “The Textual History of Liu Xiang’s Lienüzhuan.” Monumenta Serica 52 (2004): 95–112.

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Makizumi Etsuko 牧角悅子. “Chūgokuteki ‘ai’ no katachi: Ryū Kō Retsujoten ni miru joseikan o megutte” 中國的「愛」のかたち: 劉向『列女傳』に見る女性觀 をめぐって. Seikatsu bunka kenkyūjo nenpō 17 (2004): 3–23. Cai Yijing 蔡依靜. “Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan ‘Muyi zhuan’ zhong de muqin” 劉向 《列女傳‧母儀傳》中的母親. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 21 (2005): 39–65. Chu Hsiao-hai 朱曉海. “Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan wenxianxue keti shubu” 劉向《列 女傳》文獻學課題述補. Taida Zhongwen xuebao 24 (2006): 49–82. Gao Xiaoyan 高小燕. “Lienü zhuan yanjiu zongshu (1988–2004)”《列女傳》研究綜 述 (1988–2004). Yibin xueyuan xuebao 5.5 (2006): 46–48. Chen Donglin 陳東林. Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan de tili chuangxin yu bianzhuan tese” 劉向《列女傳》的體例創新與編撰特色. Ming Qing xiaoshuo yanjiu 80 (2006): 139–43. Jia Dongyue 賈冬月. “Liu Xiang Xin xu Shuo yuan Lienü zhuan de xiaoshuo tezheng” 劉向《新序》《說苑》《列女傳》的小說特徵. Suihua xueyuan xuebao 26.6 (2006): 66–69. Hinsch, Bret. “The Composition of Lienüzhuan: Was Liu Xiang the Author or Editor?” Asia Major, Third Series, 20.1 (2007): 1–23. Chu Hsiao-hai 朱曉海. “Lun Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan de hunyinguan” 論劉向《列女 傳》的婚姻觀. Xin shixue 18.1 (2007): 1–42. Lin Yelian 林葉連. “Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan yu Shi jing de duiying guanxi yanjiu” 劉向《列女傳》與《詩經》的對應關係研究. Hanxue yanjiu jikan 7 (2008): 1–41. Feng Lihua 馮利華. “Lun Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan de chengshu yuanyin” 論劉向 《列女傳》的成書原因. Tianfu xinlun (2008: 6): 183–85. Liu Sai 劉賽. “Mingdai guan si kanxing Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan kao shu” 明代官、私 刊行劉向《列女傳》考述. Ming Qing xiaoshuo yanjiu 90 (2008): 194–202. Liu Ying 劉穎. “Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan yanjiu zongshu” 劉向《列女傳》研究綜述. Yibin xueyuan xuebao 30 (2008): 79–80. Xu Yagui 許雅貴. “Liu Xiang Lienü zhuan zhong de zhencao ji zhengshi Lienü zhuan” 劉向《列女傳》中的貞操及正史《列女傳》. Fuda Zhongyansuo xuekan 21 (2009): 21–43. Shi Changli 史常力. “Cong duihua dubai dao xinli miaoxie—Lienü zhuan wenxue jiazhi guankui” 從對話獨白到心理描寫—《列女傳》文學價值管窺. Shanxi shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 36.3 (2009): 89–91. DRK

Liexian zhuan 列仙傳 (Traditions of immortals) Accounts of immortals. The Liexian zhuan is a collection of short accounts of immortals. It traditionally is attributed to Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 b.c.e.). However, the Liexian zhuan is not listed in the monograph on bibliography of the Han shu. Since this monograph is based on a catalogue compiled by Liu Xiang, scholars have questioned the attribution to Liu Xiang. The earliest catalogue to record the Liexian zhuan is the monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu that lists a two-juan Liexian zhuan by Liu Xiang with zan 贊 (encomia)

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by a man surnamed Zong 鬷 (Eastern Jin) and a three-juan version by Liu Xiang with encomia by Sun Chuo 孫綽 (314–371). Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343) also attributes the Liexian zhuan to Liu Xiang in the preface to his Shenxian zhuan 神仙傳 (Traditions of divine immortals). In the Song period, Chen Zhensun 陳振孫 (1211–1249) in his Zhizhai shulu jieti 直齋書錄解題 claimed that the Liexian zhuan could not be by Liu Xiang on the grounds that the writing was not in “Western Han style.” Scholars have identified a number of passages with anachronisms in place names that could not be earlier than Eastern Han. The modern consensus is the Liexian zhuan is a work of the Eastern Han or even Wei-Jin period. The received version of the Liexian zhuan contains seventy-one accounts of immortals. These include a few “historical” figures such as Laozi, Jie Zitui 介子推 (fl. 636 b.c.e.), and Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 (fl. 140–130 b.c.e.). However, most of the accounts are of figures who do not appear in early sources. They include persons who live many hundreds of years, sellers of medicinal herbs, healers, and men who ingest various plants and elixirs. The Liexian zhuan also contains several famous stories of men who enter into caverns of transcendents or who have a love affair with a goddess. Bibliography Editions Liexian zhuan 列仙傳. 2 juan. Gujin yishi 古今逸史. Liexian zhuan 列仙傳. 2 juan. Daozang 正統道藏 294. Wang Zhaoyuan 王照圓 (Qing), ed. and comm. Liexian zhuan jiaozheng 列仙傳校 正. Haoshi yishu 郝氏遺書. Hao Yixing 郝懿行 (1757–1825), ed. and comm. Liexian zhuan 列仙傳. 2 juan. Haoshi yishu 郝氏遺書. Qian Xizuo 錢熙祚 (d. 1844), ed. Liexian zhuan 列仙傳. 2 juan. Zhihai 指海. Wang Shihan 汪士漢 (Qing), ed. and comm. Liexian zhuan 列仙傳. 2 juan. Mishu nianba zhong 秘書廿八種. Wang Shumin 王叔岷, ed. and comm. Liexian zhuan jiao jian 列仙傳校箋. Taipei: Zhongyan yuan wenzhesuo, 1995; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007. Wang Gongwei 王公偉, ed. and comm. Liexian zhuan dianzhu 列仙傳點注. Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2000.

Translations Kaltenmark, Max, trans. Le Lie-sien tchouan; biographies légendaires des Immortals taoïstes de l’antiquité. Pekin: Centre d’Études Sinologiques de Pekin, 1953; rpt. with corrigenda and new index: Paris: Collège de France, Institut des Hautes Études chinoises, 1987.

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Baihua Translations Teng Xiuzhan 滕休展 et al., trans. and comm. Liexian zhuan Shenxian zhuan zhuyi 列仙傳神仙傳注譯. Tianjin: Baihua wenyi chubanshe, 1996. Li Jianxiong 李劍雄, trans. and comm. Liexian zhuan quanyi 列仙傳全譯. Guiyang: Guozhou renmin chubanshe, 1999. Qiu Heting 邱鶴亭, trans. and comm. Liexian zhuan jinyi 列仙傳今譯. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2004.

Studies Zhang Xincheng 張心澂. Weishu tongkao 偽書通考, 1037–38. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1939. rev. and rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1959. Li Jianguo 李劍國. Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, 187–97. Deng Ruiquan 鄧瑞全 and Wang Guanying 王冠英, ed. Zhongguo weishu zongkao 中國偽書綜考, 844–47. Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 1998. Sun Changwu 孫昌武. “Zuo wei wenxue chuangzuo de xianzhuan—cong Liexian zhuan dao Shenxian zhuan” 作為文學創作的仙傳—從《列仙傳》到《神仙傳》. Jinan daxue xuebao 15.1 (2005): 22–30. Wang Qing 王青. “Liexian zhuan chengshu niandai kao”《列仙傳》成書年代考. Binzhou xueyuan xuebao 21.1 (2005): 43–44. Huang Zhenyun 黃震雲. “Liexian zhuan de shenhua yu xiaoshuojia guannian” 《列仙傳》的神話與小說家觀念. Beijing keji daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 22.2 (2006): 96–105. Chen Hong 陳洪. “Liexian zhuan chengshu shidai kao”《列仙傳》成書時代考. Wenxian (2007: 1): 45–52. Li Yugang 李渝剛. “Fojing yu Liexian zhuan zhi guanxi bian” 佛經與《列仙傳》之 關係辨. Zibo shizhuan xuebao 9 (2007): 47–52. DRK

Liu An 劉安 (?179–122 b.c.e.), King of Huainan 淮南 Western Han writer, thinker, and ruler. Liu An was the son of Liu Chang 劉長, King of Huainan from 196 b.c.e. to 174 b.c.e. Liu Chang staged an abortive coup in 174 b.c.e. and died on the way to exile in Shu. The kingship in Huainan remained vacant until 164 b.c.e., when Emperor Wen (r. 180–157 b.c.e.) named Liu An King of Huainan. In 154 b.c.e., Liu Pi 劉濞 King of Wu (r. 195–154 b.c.e.) tried to induce Liu An to support his insurrection, but Liu An sided with the emperor. Liu An was fond of literature and enjoyed playing the zither. He recruited to his capital at Shouchun 壽春 (modern Shou 壽 county, Anhui) a large group of “guests” who were skilled at writing fu. Some of the guests helped him compile the Huainanzi 淮南子 that is arguably the most

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important philosophical work of the early Former Han. Liu An presented this book to Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 b.c.e.) when he visited Chang’an in 139 b.c.e. Because he was Liu An’s nephew, Emperor Wu, who had just ascended the imperial throne in 141 b.c.e., was quite deferential to Liu An. Whenever he had any communication sent to Huainan, he always had Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179–117 b.c.e.) and other skilled writers polish the prose. In the 120’s, Liu An began to harbor ambitions for the imperial throne. When the imperial authorities came to arrest him 122, he committed suicide. The biography of Liu An in the Han shu says that Liu An invited several thousand scholars to his court. Although this number may be an exaggeration, there is no question that Liu An’s court included a large number of learned men. According to the biography, Liu An and his court scholars wrote the Nei shu 內書 (Internal writings) in twenty-one pian, the Wai shu 外書 (External writings) in thirty-three pian, and the Zhong pian 中篇 in eight pian. The Nei shu is the same work that is better known as the Huainanzi. The Wai shu is not longer extant, but according to the Tang scholar Yan Shigu 顏師古 (581–645) it consists of “diverse unclassified theories.” The Zhong pian was a work on alchemy. When Liu An visited Emperor Wu in Chang’an in 139 b.c.e. he presented him with a copy of the Nei shu. Emperor Wu was so impressed with it, he had it secreted away in the imperial archives. The Huainanzi, also known as Huainan honglie 淮南鴻烈 (Grand achievements of [the King of] Huainan), is a work in twenty-one chapters. Its textual history is complicated. For a detailed textual history see the study by Harold Roth listed below. Already in the Han period it had received commentaries by Ma Rong 馬融 (79–166), Lu Zhi 盧植 (d. 192), Gao You 高誘 (ca. 160–220) and Xu Shen 許慎 (ca. 48–ca. 147). The work is a multi-authored compilation. How much Liu An actually contributed to it is impossible to determine. The Huainanzi is encyclopedic in scope and attempts to present an account of all known knowledge. Liu An was also a prolific fu writer. The monograph on bibliography of the Han shu records eighty-two fu compositions under his name. It also lists fourteen pieces by his courtiers. The titles of these pieces is not known. Only two poems attributed to Liu An survive, the “Zhao yin shi” 招隱士 (Summon the recluse) and “Pingfeng fu” 屛風賦 (Fu on the screen), the authenticity of which is not certain. Liu An also wrote a commentary to the “Li sao” that he presented to Emperor Wu.

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Bibliography Liu An Parker, E.H. “Huai-nan-tse, Philosopher and Prince.” The New China Review 1 (1919): 505–21. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. Huainanzi tonglun 淮南子通論. Taipei: Haiyang shishe, 1964. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Liu An yu Huainanzi” 劉安與淮南子. Shu he ren 101 (1969): 730–880; 102 (1969): 801–8. Wallacker, Benjamin. “Liu An, Second King of Huai-nan (180?–122 b.c.).” Journal of the American Oriental Society 92 (1972): 36–49. Xu Fuguan 徐復觀. “Huainanzi yu Liu An de shidai” 淮南子與劉安的時代. Dalu zazhi 47.6 (1973): 1–42; rpt. Xu Fuguan. Liang Han sixiang shi 兩漢思想史 (2), 175–295. Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1976. Kandel, Barbara. “Der Versuch einer politischen Restauration—Liu An, der König von Huai-nan.” Nachrichten der Geseelschaft für Natur und Völkerkunde Ostasiens 113 (1973): 33–96. Gu Fang 谷方. “Liu An” 劉安. Zhongguo gudai zhuming zhexuejia pingzhuan 中國 古代著名哲學家評傳 (Xu pian 1 續篇一), 205–59. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1982. Mou Huaichuan 牟懷川. “Yinggai zhengque pingjia Liu An—Liu An zhuan yihuo” 應該正確評價劉安—劉安傳疑惑. Chu ci yanjiu 楚辭研究, 394–413. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1988. Li Zeng 李增. Huainanzi 淮南子. Taipei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1992. Chen Guangzhong 陳廣忠. Liu An pingzhuan: ji Daojia zhi dacheng 劉安評傳: 集道家之大成. Nanning: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996. Wang Yundu 王雲度. Liu An pingzhuan 劉安評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1997. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 242–44.

Huainanzi Texts and Commentaries Huainanzi. 21 juan. Sibu congkan. Facsimile of a Northern Song edition. Huainan honglie jie 淮南鴻烈解. 28 juan. Commentary attributed to Xu Shen 許慎 (d. 124). Daozang 道藏 1184. Huainanzi. 21 juan. Sibu beiyao. Rpt. of edition prepared by Zhuang Kuiji 莊逵 吉 (1760–1813). Liu Jiali 劉家立 (1845–1923), ed. and comm. Huainan jizheng 淮南集證. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1924; rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1978. Liu Wendian 劉文典 (1889–1958), ed. and comm. Huainan honglie jijie 淮南鴻烈 集解. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1923; rpt. with punc. and coll. by Feng Yi 馮逸 and Qiao Hua 喬華. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Huainanzi jiaoli” 淮南子斠理. M.A. thesis, Guoli Taiwan daxue Zhongwen yanjiusuo, 1967; rpt. Taipei: Jiaxin shuini gongsi wenhua jijinhui, 1969.

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Yu Dacheng 于大成, ed. and comm. “Huainanzi jiaoshi” 淮南子校釋. Ph.D. diss., Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo, 1969. Zhang Shuangdi 張雙棣, ed. and comm. Huainanzi jiaoshi 淮南子校釋. 2 vols. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1997. He Ning 何寧. Huainanzi jishi 淮南子集釋. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998. Chen Guangzhong 陳廣忠, ed. and comm. Huainanzi jiaoquan 淮南子斠詮. Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 2008.

Concordances and Indexes Huainanzi tongjian 淮南子通檢. Zhong Fa Hanxue yanjiusuo 中法漢學研究所. Beiping: Laixun ge shudian, 1944. Suzuki Ryūichi 鈴木隆一. Enanji sakuin 淮南子索引. Kyoto: Kyōto daigaku jinbun kagaku kenkyūjo, 1975. Huainanzi zhuzi suoyin 淮南子逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1992.

Translations Morgan, Evan. Tao, the Great Luminant: essays from the Huai nan tzu. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1933. Kraft, Eva. “Zum Huai-nan-tzu: Einführung, Ubersetzung (Kapitel I und II) und Interpretation.” Monumenta Serica 16 (1957): 191–286; 17 (1958): 128–207. Wallacker, Benjamin. The Huai-nan-tzu, Book Eleven: Behavior Culture and the Cosmos. New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1962. Ames, Roger T. “ The ‘Chu Shu’ Chapter of the Huai Nan Tzu: The Sources and Orientation of Its Political Thought.” Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1978. Ames, Roger T. The Art of Rulership: A Study in Ancient Chinese Political Thought. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983. Le Blanc, Charles. Huai nan tzu; Philosophical Synthesis in Early Han Thought: The Idea of Resonance (Kan-Ying) with a Translation and Analysis of Chapter Six. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1985. Larre, Claude. Le Traité VIIe du Houai nan tseu. Les esprits légers et substils animateurs de l’essence. Variété sinologiques, 67 (Nouvelle série). Taipei, Paris, Hong Kong: Institut Ricci, 1990. Cleary, Thomas. The Tao of Politics: Lessons of the Masters of Huainan. Boston: Shambhala, 1990. Major, John S. Heaven and Earth in Early Han Thought: Chapters Three, Four and Five of the Huainanzi. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993. Larre, Claude, Isabelle Robinet and Elisabeth Rochet de la Vallé. Les grands Traités du Huainanzi. Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1993. Lau, D.C. and Roger T. Ames, trans. Yuan Dao: Tracing Dao to its source. New York: Ballantine Books, 1998. Le Blanc, Charles and Rémi Mathieu, trans. Philosophes taoïstes II: Huainan zi. Paris: Gallimard, 2003. Major, John S., Sarah Queen, Andew Meyer, and Harold Roth, trans. The Huainanzi: A Guide to the Theory and Practice of Government in Early Han China. New York: Columbia University Press, 2010.

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Baihua Translations Chen Guangzhong 陳廣忠, trans. and comm. Huainanzi yizhu 淮南子譯注. Changchun: Jilin wenshi chubanshe, 1990. Xu Kuangyi 許匡一, trans. and comm. Huainanzi quan yi 淮南子全譯. 2 vols. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1993. Chen Yiping 陳一平, trans. and comm. Huainanzi jiaozhu yi 淮南子校注譯. Guangzhou: Guangdong renmin chubanshe, 1994. Xiong Lihui 熊禮匯, trans. and comm. Xinyi Huainanzi 新譯淮南子. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1997. Wu Guangping 吳廣平 and Liu Wensheng 劉文生, trans. Baihua Huainanzi 白話 淮南子. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 1998.

Japanese Editions and Translations Kikuchi Bankō 菊地晚香 (Sankurō 三九郎), trans. and comm. Enanji 淮南子. Kanseki kokujikai zensho 漢籍國字解全書, 43–44. Tokyo: Waseda daigaku shuppanbu, 1917. Gotō Asatarō 後藤朝太郎 (1881–1945), ed. and trans. Enanji 淮南子. Kokuyaku Kanbun taisei 國譯漢文大成 11. Tokyo: Kokomin bunko kankōkai, 1921. Kusuyama Haruki 楠山春樹, trans. Enanji 淮南子. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1971. Ikeda Tomohisa 池田久知, trans. Enanji 淮南子. Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1989.

Studies Kuraishi Takeshirō 倉石武四郎 (1897–1975). “Enanji no rekishi” 淮南子の歷史. Shinagaku 3.5 (1923): 16–50; 3.6 (1923): 23–53. Hu Shi 胡適. Huainan wang shu 淮南王書. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1931; rpt. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1962. Kanaya Osamu 金谷治. Rō–Sōteki sekai: Enanji no shisō 老莊的世界: 淮南子の思想. Kyoto: Heirakuji shoden, 1959. Liu Jiali 劉家立. “Huainan Neipian jizheng” 淮南內篇集證. Zhongshan xueshu wenua jikan 5 (1960): 9–72. Hiraoka Teikichi 平岡禎吉. Enanji ni arawareta ki no kenkyū 淮南子に現われた氣 の研究. Tokyo: Risōsa, 1968. Wu Zeyu 吳則虞. “Huainanzi shulu” 淮南子書錄. Wen shi 2 (1963): 291–315. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Huainanzi chuanben zhijian ji” 淮南子傳本知見記. Guoli zhongyang tushuguan kan, n.s. 1.1 (1967): 27–39. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Liu Ji ben Huainanzi ji” 劉績本淮南子記. Youshi xuezhi 6.3 (1967): 1–33. Liu Dianjue 劉殿爵 (D.C. Lau). “Du Huainan honglie jie zhaji” 讀淮南鴻烈解札記. Xianggang Lianhe shuyuan xuebao 6 (1968): 139–88. Yu Dacheng 于大成. “Huainanzi Yaolüe pian jiaoshi” 淮南子要略篇校釋. Hanxue lunwen ji (1970): 97–104. Major, John Stephen. “Topography and Cosmology in Early Han Thought: Chapter Four of the Huai-nan-tzu.” Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1973. Yu Dacheng 于大成 and Chen Xinxiong 陳新雄, ed. Huainanzi lunwen ji 淮南子論 文集. Taipei: Muduo chubanshe, 1976.

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Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Qu fu yu Huainanzi” 屈賦與淮南子. Dalu zazhi 52.6 (1976): 33–36. Su Yinghui 蘇瑩輝. “Liu An ‘Xu Li sao zhuan’ xin jie” 劉安「敘離騷傳」新解. Muduo 5–6 (1977): 17–26. Yu Dacheng 于大成. “Huainanzi de wenxue jiazhi” 淮南子的文學價值. Zhonghua wenhua fuxing yuekan 15.10 (1982): 27–32. Chen Ligui 陳麗桂. “Huainan honglie sixiang yanjiu” 淮南鴻烈思想研究. Ph.D. diss., Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo, 1983. Zhang Xiaohu 張嘯虎. “Lun Huainanzi de wencai” 論《淮南子》的文采. Beifang luncong 62 (1983): 43–47. Huang Zhongmo 黃中模. “Shui shi Liu An zuo Li sao de shi zuoyongzhe—ping Xu Duren de Chu ci shiyi” 誰是劉安作離騷的始作俑者—評許篤仁的楚辭釋疑. Zhouzhou xuekan 22 (1984): 71–75. Chen Guangzhong 陳廣忠. “Lun Chu ci yu Liu An Huainanzi zhi guanxi” 論楚辭 與劉安、淮南子之關係. Shehui kexue (Lanzhou) 26 (1984): 59–68. Li Zeng 李增. Huainanzi sixiang yanjiu lunwen ji 淮南子思想研究論文集. Taipei: Huashi chubanshe, 1985. Chen Ligui 陳麗桂. “Bashi nian lai de Huainanzi yanjiu mulu” 八十年來的淮南子 研究目錄. Zhongguo shumu jikan 25.3 (1991): 48–67. Togawa Yoshio 戶川芳郎. “Enanji shoin shiku ni tsuite”「淮南子」所引詩句につ いて. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 43 (1991): 45–60. Roth, Harold D. The Textual History of the Huai nan tzu. Ann Arbor: The Association for Asian Studies, 1992. He Zhihua 何志華. “Lun Huainanzi Gao You zhu yu Wenzi zhi guanxi” 論淮南子 高誘注與文子之關係. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo xuebao 1 (1993): 131–49. Chen Ligui 陳麗桂. “Huainanzi li de Huang Lao sixiang” 淮南子裏的黃老思想. Zhongguo xueshu niankan 14 (1993): 113–60. Cao Jin 曹晉. “Liu An Huainanzi wenyiguan” 劉安《淮南子》文藝觀. Xinan minzu xueyuan xuebao (Sheke ban) (1994: 3): 86–89. Xiong Lihui 熊禮匯. “Huainanzi xiezuo shijian xinkao”《淮南子》寫作時間新考. Wuhan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1994: 5): 104–7. He Zhihua 何志華. “Huainanzi Lüshi chunqiu Zhanguo ce san shu Gao You zhu jiaozheng” 淮南子呂氏春秋戰國策三書高誘注斠證. Ph.D. disss, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1995. Taniguchi Hiroshi 谷口洋. “Enanji no bunji ni tsuite”「淮南子」の文辭について. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 47 (1995): 17–32. Chen Guangzhong 陳廣忠. “Huainanzi de chengshu chuanbo yu yingxiang”《淮南 子》的成書、傳播與影響. Chuanshan xuekan 8 (1996): 101–12. Liu Dianjue 劉殿爵 (D.C. Lau). “Huainanzi yundu” 淮南子韻讀. Renwen Zhongguo xuebao 2 (1996): 1–41. Liu Dianjue 劉殿爵 (D.C. Lau). “Huainanzi Chuzhen pian yundu” 淮南子俶真篇韻 讀. Renwen Zhongguo xuebao 3 (1996): 19–46. Cao Jin 曹晉. “Huainanzi de fubi tezheng”《淮南子》的賦筆特徵. Wen shi zhishi (1997: 8): 114–17, 27. Zeng Dahui 曾達輝. “Chong tan Huainanzi de liuyan shi—ping Luo Si Huainanzi de banben shi 重探《淮南子》的流衍史—評羅斯《淮南子的版本史》. Zhongguo shumu jikan 31.2 (1997): 65–77. Ryden, Edmund. Philosophy of Peace in Han China: A Study of the Huainanzi ch. 15 on Military Strategy. Taipei: Ricci Institute, 1998.

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Chen Guangzhong 陳廣忠. Huainanzi keji sixiang 淮南子科技思想. Hefei: Anhui daxue chubanshe, 2000. Chen Guangzhong 陳廣忠. “Lun Chu ci Liu An yu Huainanzi” 論楚辭、劉安與 《淮南子》. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu (2000: 4): 86–91. Vankeerberghen, Griet. The Huainanzi and Liu An’s Claim to Moral Authority. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 242–44. Tao Lei 陶磊. Huainanzi Tianwen yanjiu: cong shushu shi de jiaodu《淮南子‧天 文》研究: 從數術史的角度. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 2003. Chen Jing 陳静. “Huainanzi zuozhe kao”《淮南子》作者考. Zhongguo zhexue shi (2003: 1): 116–19. Chen Jing 陳靜. Ziyou yu zhixu de kunhuo: Huainanzi yanjiu 自由與秩序的困惑: 「淮南子」研究. Kunming: Yunnan daxue chubanshe, 2004. Sun Jiwen 孫紀文. Huainanzi yanjiu 淮南子研究. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2005. Ess, Hans von. “Argument and Persuasion in the First Chapter of Huainanzi and its Use of Particles.” Oriens Extremus 45 (2005–2006): 255–70. An Huisheng 安徽省, ed. Huainanzi yanjiu huibian 淮南子研究會編. Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 2006. Ma Qingzhou 馬慶洲. “Liu An yu Huiananzi guanxi kaolun” 劉安與《淮南子》關 係考論. Qinghua daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 21 (2006): 75–79. Yang Dong 楊棟 and Cao Shujie 曹書杰. “Ershi shiji Huainanzi yanjiu” 二十世紀 《淮南子》研究. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2008: 1): 78–88. DRK

Liu Bang 劉邦 (247–195 b.c.e., alt. dates 256–195 b.c.e.), zi Ji 季 Western Han emperor. Liu Bang, Emperor Gaozu 高祖 (r. 202–195 b.c.e.), was the founding emperor of the Western Han dynasty. His natal place was Zhongyang 中陽 village in Feng 豐 township of Pei 沛 commandery (modern Feng 豐 county, Jiangsu). In 209 b.c.e., while serving as post station head in Pei, he led a band of troops to join in the rebellion raised against the Qin by Chen Sheng 陳勝 (d. 208 b.c.e.). In 210 b.c.e. Liu Bang joined forces with Xiang Yu 項羽 (232–202 b.c.e.) and his uncle Xiang Liang 項梁 (d. 208 b.c.e.). Following the strategic plans of Zhang Liang 張良 (d. ca. 185 b.c.e.), Liu Bang was able to defeat the Qin armies at Yuan 宛 (Nanyang), Wuguan 武關 (southwest of modern Shangnan 商南, Shaanxi), and advance toward the Qin capital at Xianyang 咸陽 (northeast of modern Xianyang, Shaanxi). In late 207 b.c.e. Liu Bang led his army into Xianyang where he received the surrender of the last Qin emperor. In 206 b.c.e. Xiang Yu named Liu Bang King of Han 漢王. From 206 to 202, Liu Bang fought a series of battles with Xiang Yu eventually defeating and killing him at Gaixia 垓下

526 liu bang 劉邦 (247–195 b.c.e., alt. dates 256–195 b.c.e.), zi ji 季 (southeast of modern Lingbi 靈壁, Anhui). In 202 b.c.e. Liu Bang assumed the title of emperor of the Han dynasty. He ruled for twelve years until his death in 195 b.c.e. Liu Bang is attributed with two poems, the “Da feng ge” 大風歌 (Song of the great wind), and the “Honghu ge” 鴻鵠歌 (Song of the swan). Liu Bang reputedly composed the “Da feng ge” at a banquet held in his hometown of Pei 沛 to which he had returned in 195 b.c.e. After singing the song, he danced to a repetition of the song by a chorus of 120 children. Liu Bang is said to have composed “Honghu ge” in the presence of his concubine Lady Qi 戚夫人 (d. 194 b.c.e.) after he had informed her that he had decided not to name her son Liu Ruyi 劉如意 (d. 194 b.c.e.) as his heir. His authorship of both of these songs is questionable. Bibliography Studies Long Wenling 龍文玲. “Han Gaozu yu Xi Han wenxue” 漢高祖與西漢文學. Zhongguo zhonggu wenxue yanjiu, 45–57. Zongfan 蹤凡 and Leng Weiguo 冷衛國. “Xi Han diwang de Han fu guan” 西漢帝 王的漢賦觀. Zhongguo zhonggu wenxue yanjiu, 79–86.

Works a. “Da feng ge” 大風歌 (Song of the great wind) Study Yoshikawa Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎. “Kan no Kōso no ‘Taifū uta’ ni tsuite” 漢の高祖の 大風歌について. Chūgoku bungaku hō 2 (1955): 28–44; rpt. Yoshikawa Kōjirō zenshū 6: 23–42.

Translations Chavannes, Mémoires historiques, 2: 397. von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 510–11. Payne, White Pony, 117. Yves Hervouet, in Demiéville, ed. Anthologie, 62. Watson, Records, 1: 114. Dubs, History of the Former Han Dynasty, 1: 136–37. Miao, Sunflower Splendor, 29. Kern, “The Poetry of Han Historiography,” 41.

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b. “Honghu ge” 鴻鵠歌 (Song of the swan) Translations Watson, Records, 1: 149. Kern, “The Poetry of Han Historiography,” 39. DRK

Liu Cang 劉蒼 (ca. 30–83) Early Eastern Han prince, scholar, and writer. Liu Cang, Prince of Dongping 東平 (administrative seat Wuyan 無鹽, east of modern Dongping, Shandong), was one of the most learned members of the Eastern Han imperial family. He was the son of Emperor Guangwu 光武 (r. 25–57) and the younger brother of Emperor Ming (r. 57–75) who held him in high regard. Upon his succession as emperor in 57, Emperor Ming named Liu Cang Prince of Dongping. Liu Cang composed the lyrics for a ritual ceremony in the temple that was built in honor of Emperor Guangwu after his death on 29 March 57. In 60, Liu Cang led the court discussions concerning the proper songs and dances that should be used in the temple ceremony in honor of Emperor Guangwu. The extant text that is attributed to Liu Cang is a song in fourteen tetrasyllabic lines. In 62, Liu Cang requested to retire to his estate. After refusing his request several times, Emperor Ming granted his request. Except for short visits to the capital, Liu Cang spent most of the rest of his life on his estate in Dongping. He continued to be highly regarded by both Emperor Ming and his successor Emperor Zhang (75–88). In 83, Liu Cang made a visit to Luoyang where Emperor Zhang warmly received him. Shortly upon his return to Dongping, he died of illness. His writings included petitions, letters, memoranda, fu, heptasyllabic poems, songs, and something called biezi 別字, which has been variously explained as exercises in calligraphy, a dictionary of variant characters, or even chenwei writings. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions a collection of Liu Cang’s writings listed in a Liang period catalogue. This was lost already by the early Tang. In addition to the dance song mentioned above, his extant writings include nine petitions he presented to the court. Studies Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue xinian, 63–64, 82, 84–86, 88, 90–91, 94, 96, 98, 100–1, 105–6, 108–9.

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Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 114–15. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 489. DRK

Liu Che 劉徹 (156–87 b.c.e.) Western Han emperor and writer. Liu Che is Emperor Wu of the Former Han (r. 141–87 b.c.e.). He was the son of Emperor Jing (r. 157–141 b.c.e.) by his concubine Wang Zhi 王娡 (d. 126 b.c.e.). Liu Che was named the emperor’s heir in 150 b.c.e. He succeeded Emperor Jing as emperor in 141 b.c.e. at the age of sixteen. His reign of fifty-four years is one of the longest in Chinese history. During Emperor Wu’s reign, the Han fully consolidated its power internally, and began to expand into new territories. Emperor Wu’s generals led military expeditions that gained the Han control over new territory in the northeast, southwest, southeast, and the west. His expeditions to the Western Regions increased Chinese knowledge of Central Asia and opened trade routes that brought countless precious objects, rare animals and plants to the imperial storehouses and imperial park. The Emperor Wu era was an age of great pride in the might and magnificence of the Han empire, and much of the cultural activity of the period is fundamentally “imperial.” Thus, during this period, the religious rites, education, philosophical thought, art, music, and literature were all related in important ways to the institution and person of the emperor. For the student of literature, the Emperor Wu era is especially rich, for it was the period in which the genre that is most intimately associated with the Han dynasty, the fu, reached maturity. It was also in the Emperor Wu period that shi poetry, notably the genre called yuefu, began to develop. From the time that he first ascended the throne Emperor Wu showed keen interest in these new literary forms, and even acquired some skill as a writer himself. One of Emperor Wu’s first acts upon ascending the imperial throne in 141 b.c.e. was to summon the famous fu writer Mei Sheng 枚乘 (d. 141 b.c.e.) to the court. Mei had retired to his home in Huaiyan 淮陰 (southwest of modern Huaiyin, Jiangsu). Emperor Wu sent a special chariot with wheels wrapped in cattails to carry the aged poet to the capital. Mei Sheng died en route. In 140 b.c.e. Emperor Wu issued an edict summoning worthy and talented men to the court. These included Gongsun Hong 公孫弘 (ca. 200–121 b.c.e.) who appeared at the imperial court at the age of sixty and presented a long petition urging Emperor Wu to appoint officials based on ability not family status. Other prominent literary men who came to the

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imperial court early in Emperor Wu’s reign included the philosopher Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 (ca. 179–ca. 104 b.c.e.), the wit and poet Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 (fl. 140–130 b.c.e.), and the masters of rhetoric Zhuang Zhu 莊助 (d. 122 b.c.e.), Zhufu Yan 主父偃 (fl. 128 b.c.e.), Xu Yue 徐樂, and Zhuang An 莊安 (fl. 128 b.c.e.). Emperor Wu had in his entourage poets who would be called upon extemporaneously to fu (rhapsodize) on any subject that suited his fancy. One of Emperor Wu’s favorite rhapsodes was Mei Gao 枚皋 (fl. ca. 140 b.c.e.), who probably was the most prolific fu writer of the Former Han. The monograph on bibliography in the Han shu lists a total of 120 fu under his name. According to his Han shu biography, Mei Gao “accompanied the emperor when he went to Sweet Springs, Yong, and Hedong, made inspection tours of the east, performed feng sacrifices on Mount Tai, diked the break at the Xuanfeng Temple on the Yellow River, went sightseeing at the touring palaces and lodges of the Three Adjuncts, visited mountains and marshes, and participated in fowling, hunting, shooting, chariot driving, dog and horse races, football matches, and engravings. Whenever there was something that moved His Highness, he immediately had Mei Gao rhapsodize ( fu) on it. He composed quickly, and no sooner received the summons than he was finished. Thus, the pieces he rhapsodized (suo fu zhe 所賦者) are numerous.” None of Mei Gao’s compositions are extant. The most famous fu writer at Emperor Wu’s court was Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179–117 b.c.e.). According to the biography of Sima Xiangru in the Shi ji and Han shu Emperor Wu happened to read a copy of Sima Xiangru’s “Zixu fu” 子虛賦 (Zixu fu) a piece that Sima Xiangru had written while he was retainer at the court of the King of Liang. This poem so impressed the young emperor, he exclaimed to the keeper of the hounds, Yang Deyi 楊得意, “shall We alone not have the privilege of being this man’s contemporary?” Yang Deyi, who was a Shu native, informed the emperor that his fellow townsman Sima Xiangru was the author of this piece. Emperor Wu immediately issued a summons for Sima Xiangru to appear at court. According to the biography, in his audience with Emperor Wu, Sima Xiangru belittled the quality of his earlier composition, which after all concerned only the “affairs of the vassal lords.” He then offered to compose for the emperor a “fu on the excursions and hunts of the Son of Heaven.” With brushes and bamboo slips given to him by the imperial secretariat, Sima Xiangru composed a long fu on the imperial hunting preserve, the Shanglin Park. Emperor Wu was so pleased with the poem, he appointed Sima Xiangru to a position at the imperial court. Although there is nothing implausible about this part of the account, one wonders how much the historian has embellished it to fit the conventional story of

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the scholar-poet from the hinterland who rises from obscurity to prominence at the imperial court. Emperor Wu found Sima Xiangru useful for his poetic skill and undoubtedly commissioned him to compose many fu for special court occasions. However, none of these pieces survives. Emperor Wu also played a major role in the collection and composition of songs. He is traditionally credited with establishing the yuefu 樂府 (Music Bureau). However, there is good evidence that the Music Bureau existed as early as the Qin period. Emperor Wu’s role was to expand its function. During Emperor Wu’s reign, the primary function of the Music Bureau was to provide music for court ceremonies and state sacrifices. The office also reputedly was responsible for the collection of songs. However, except for ritual songs, there are no Han time texts of the songs collected by the Music Bureau. The popular songs attributed to the Han period are preserved in post-Han sources, and it is difficult to verify whether these songs were originally collected by the Han Music Bureau. Perhaps some of the regional songs mentioned in the monograph on bibliography of the Han shu were among those collected (see Han shu 30.1754–55). Emperor Wu also was responsible for ordering the composition of the “Jiaosi ge” 郊祀歌 (Songs for the suburban sacrifices) that were important ceremonial pieces performed during his reign. Emperor Wu is also credited with composing several pieces. The monograph on bibliography in the Han shu lists two pieces under his name without giving the titles. One of these pieces must have been the “Li Furen fu” 李夫人賦 (Fu on Lady Li). This is a lament for Emperor Wu’s deceased concubine, Lady Li who died young shortly after giving birth to a son. Emperor reputedly wrote this piece after viewing Lady Li’s apparition that had been made to appear by a conjuror. The subject of poem is a lady who has died young. In the first half of the poem, the poet tells of her sudden passing, and the journey of her soul, first into the realm of death, and then briefly before the emperor in the palace before bidding him a final farewell. Another famous piece attributed to Emperor Wu is “Qiu feng ci” 秋風辭 (Song of the autumn wind). In spite of its fame, the “Qiu feng ci” is not preserved in the Shi ji or Han shu. The earliest text of the piece is in the Han Wu gushi 漢武故事 (Precedents of Emperor Wu of the Han), an historical romance attributed to Ban Gu 班固 (32–92), but probably written by someone in the Six Dynasties period. The unreliability and lateness of the Han Wu gushi, along with the fact that such an important piece by the most famous Emperor of the Former Han is not even mentioned in the contemporary Han records, raise serious questions about the traditional attribution. In addition, according to the preface that is included with the poem, Emperor Wu wrote the “Qiu feng ci” during a visit to Hedong 河東

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(administrative seat Anyi 安益, northwest of modern Xia 夏 county, Shanxi), where he performed sacrifice to Sovereign Earth (Hou-tu 后土), the most important deity of earth. This sacrificial site, which was established in 114 b.c.e., was located at Fen-yin 汾陰 on the south bank of the Fen River in modern Shanxi. Historical sources mention five visits by Emperor Wu to Fen-yin: four in the spring, and one in the winter. The autumn boating scene described in the poem does not fit any of these occasions. It seems highly unlikely that such an important event would have gone unrecorded, and thus the absence of any mention of an autumn visit by Emperor Wu to Hedong casts great doubt upon the credibility of the preface and the piece itself. Emperor Wu is also attributed with two other songs, “Tian ma ge” 天馬歌 (Song of the heavenly horse) and “Huzi ge” 瓠子歌 (Song of the Huzi Dike). The former piece describes a fabulous “blood-sweating” horse that was obtained from the Wowa 渥洼 River (southwest of modern Dunhuang, Gansu) in 113 b.c.e. The “Huzi ge” is a two-part piece lamenting the disastrous floods that the breach in 132 b.c.e. of the Huzi Dike inflicted on the people of the area. It is not certain whether Emperor Wu or a member of his court composed these pieces. Emperor Wu is also famous for his edicts several of which have been selected as model examples of the form in Chinese anthologies. Bibliography Studies Yoshikawa Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎. Kan no Butei 漢の武帝. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1949. Zhang Weihua 張維華. Lun Han Wudi 論漢武帝. Shanghai: Renmin chubanshe, 1957. Kageyama Tsuyoshi 影山剛. Kan no Butei 漢の武帝. Higashimuraya: Kyōikusha; Tokyo: Hanbai Kyōkusha shuppan sābisu, 1979. Luo Yijun 羅義俊. Han Wudi pingzhuan 漢武帝評傳. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1988. Knechtges, David R. “The Emperor and Literature: Emperor Wu of the Han.” In Imperial Rulership and Cultural Change in Traditional China, ed. Frederick P. Brandauer and Huang Chun-chieh, 51–76. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1994. Yang Shengmin 楊生民. Han Wudi 漢武帝. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2001. Zhuang Chunbo 莊春波. Han Wudi pingzhuan 漢武帝評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2001. Kang Dawei 康達維 (David R. Knechtges). “Han Wudi de fu” 漢武帝的賦. Disan jie guoji cifuxue xueshu yantaohui lunwenji 第三屆國際辭賦學學術研討會論文集, 1–14. Taipei: Guoli zhengzhi daxue wenxueyuan, 1996. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 273–82.

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Zongfan 蹤凡 and Leng Weiguo 冷衛國. “Xi Han diwang de Han fu guan” 西漢帝 王的漢賦觀. Zhongguo zhonggu wenxue yanjiu, 79–86. Long Wenling 龍文玲. Han Wudi yu Xi Han wenxue 漢武帝與西漢文學. Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2007.

Works a. “Li Furen fu” 李夫人賦 (Fu on Lady Li) Studies Kang Dawei 康達維 (David R. Knechtges). “Han Wudi de fu” 漢武帝的賦, 2–7. Owen, Stephen. “One Sight: The Han shu Biography of Lady Li.” Rhetoric & the Discourses of Power in Court Culture, ed. David R. Knechtges and Eugene Vance, 239–59. Long Wenling 龍文玲. Han Wudi yu Xi Han wenxue, 293–96.

Translations Watson, Courtier and Commoner, 249–50. Owen, “One Sight,” 241–43.

b. “Qiu feng ci” 秋風辭 (Song of the autumn wind) Study Kang Dawei 康達維 (David R. Knechtges). “Han Wudi de fu” 漢武帝的賦, 7–14.

Translations Gautier, Judith. “Poèmes chinois de tous les temps.” Revues de Paris 3 (1901): 810–11; rpt. Judith Gautier. Le Livre de jade, 58. Paris: Imprimerie national Éditions, 2004. Hsu, S. N. Anthologie, 107. Margouliès, Anthologie, 326. Payne, White Pony, 131. Waley, Poems, 131. Demiéville, ed. Anthologie, 67. Miao, Sunflower Splendor, 29–30.

c. “Huzi ge” 瓠子歌 (Song of the Huzi Dike) Translations Demiéville, ed. Anthologie, 63–64. Watson, Records, 2: 76–77. DRK

liu hui 劉繪 (458–502), zi shizhang 士章

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Liu Hui 劉繪 (458–502), zi Shizhang 士章 Southern Qi writer. Liu Hui’s ancestral home was Anshang li 安上里 of Pengcheng 彭城 (modern Xuzhou 徐州, Jiangsu). His father Liu Mian 劉勔 (418–474), a general of the Liu-Song period, was killed in 474 during the insurrection of Liu Xiufan 劉休範 (448–474). Liu Hui was an eloquent speaker and a witty conversationalist. Liu Hui began his official career in 478 as editorial director in the palace library. He soon joined the staff of Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427–482), the future founding emperor of the Southern Qi. From the founding of the Southern Qi in 479 until 489 Liu Hui was almost steadily in the service of Xiao Daocheng’s second son Xiao Yi 蕭嶷 (444–492). Liu Hui also participated in the literary gatherings hosted by Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494), Prince of Jingling 竟陵, at his Western Residence estate. By 490, Liu Hui was the acknowledged leader of the younger members of the prince’s literary entourage. During the succession struggle that occurred after the death of Emperor Wu in 493, Liu Hui allied himself with Xiao Luan 蕭鸞 (452–498). Although he served in a variety of positions during the short reigns of Xiao Zhaoye 蕭朝業 (47–494), Prince of Yulin 鬱林 (r. 27 August 473–7 September 494) and Xiao Zhaowen 蕭昭文 (480–494), Prince of Hailing 海陵 (r. 10 September–23 November 494), including administrator on the staff of the Prince of Anlu 安陸, Xiao Baozhi 蕭寶晊 (d. 502) during the prince’s tenure as regional inspector of Xiangzhou 湘州 (administrative seat Linxiang 臨湘, modern Changsha, Hunan), Liu Hui’s loyalties were clearly with Xiao Luan. In 496, Liu Hui’s mother died, and he resigned from office to observe mourning for her. After completing the mourning period in 498, Liu Hui returned to official service as administrator for Xiao Baoyi 蕭寶義 (fl. 494–502), Prince of Jin’an 晉安. In 501, Liu Hui participated in the coup against Xiao Baojuan 蕭寶卷 (483–501), Marquis of Donghun 東昏 (r. 498–501). He and Fan Yun 范雲 (451–503) presented Xiao Baojun’s head to Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (502–549) Liu Hui died the following year while serving as an aide to Xiao Yan. According to Liu Hui’s biography in the Nan Qi shu, despite his family military background, he detested military affairs and had never ridden a horse. Liu Hui also is known as a skilled calligrapher. His sons Liu Xiaochuo 劉孝綽 (481–539), Liu Xiaoyi 劉孝儀 (486–550) and Liu Xiaowei 劉孝威 (494–549), and his daughter Liu Lingxian 劉令嫻 (ca. 500–525) all were distinguished writers. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions a Liang dynasty catalogue that lists Liu Hui’s collected works in 10 juan. This was lost

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already in the early Tang. Although Liu Hui is usually considered a better prose writer than a poet, only three prose compositions are preserved in Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Lu Qinli has collected eight of Liu Hui’s poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi most of which are written to match or present to his contemporaries, notably Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464–499). One well known piece is “Ru Pipa xia wang Jibu ji cheng Xie Xuanhui” 入琵琶峽望積布磯呈謝玄輝 (Entering Pipa Gorge, gazing toward Jibu Mountain, presented to Xie Tiao). Liu Hui wrote this in 495 on his way to Xiangzhou. Xie Tiao wrote a poem in reply. Zhong Rong in the Shi pin ranks Liu Hui in the lower grade and comments that composing pentasyllabic verse “was not one of his strengths,” the implication being that Liu was more skilled at composing prose. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Nanbeichao wenxue shi, 198–99. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 123. Ma Baoji 馬寶記. “Nanchao Pengcheng Liushi jiazu wenxue yanjiu” 南朝彭城劉 氏家族文學研究, Part I. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 18.4 (1999): 35–38; Part II. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 19.3 (2000): 52–55. Cao Daoheng and Liu Yuejin, Nanbeichao wenxue biannian shi, 176, 231, 235, 241, 247, 262, 269, 277, 282, 288, 294, 308, 314, 320, 330, 343, 347. Zhou Weiyi 周唯一. “Pengcheng Liushi shiqun zai Qi Liang shitan zhi chuangzao yu yingxiang” 彭城劉氏詩群在齊梁詩壇之創作與影響. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 61.2 (2001): 20–24.

Works a. “Ru Pipa xia wang Jibu ji cheng Xie Xuanhui” 入琵琶峽望積布磯呈 謝玄輝 (Entering Pipa Gorge, gazing toward Jibu Mountain, presented to Xie Tiao). Translations (partial) Mather, Age of Eternal Brilliance, 2: 147 (partial). Tian, Beacon Fire, 268. TPK

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Liu Jun 劉峻 (462–521), zi Xiaobiao 孝標. Original name Fahu 法虎, also written Fawu 法武 to avoid the taboo on the name of Li Hu 李虎, the grandfather of the founding emperor of the Tang Qi and Liang period writer. Liu Jun’s ancestral home was Pingyuan 平原 (southwest of modern Pingyuan, Shandong), but he was born in Moling 秣陵 (modern Nanjing). His grandfather Liu Zhi 劉植 served as governor of Pingyuan. His father Liu Xuanzhi 劉璇之 (also referred to as Liu Ting 劉珽) died when Liu Jun was a month old. His mother née Xu 許 returned with Jun and his elder brother Fafeng 法鳳 (later known as Xiaoqing 孝慶) to Pingyuan and took up residence in Dongyang 東陽 (modern Yidu 異都, Shandong) In 469, the Xianbei army of the Northern Wei invaded Dongyang, and Liu Jun and his family were captured and taken to Zhongshan 中山 (modern Ding 定 county, Hebei) where Liu Jun was sold as a slave. He was later redeemed by a wealthy man who had taught him to read and write. However, Liu Jun and his family were soon transferred to Sanggan 桑乾 (eastern of modern Shanyin 山陰, Shanxi) on the pretext that they had relatives in the south. Unable to support themselves, mother and sons entered the Shiku 石窟 Monastery in Yungang 雲岡 (west of modern Datong, Shanxi). Several sources state that Liu Jun at age eleven transcribed the translation by Tanyao 曇曜 (fl. 5th century) and the foreign monk Sanzang Jijiaye 三贓吉迦夜 (Kekaya) of five Buddhist texts. Because he was unable to obtain a position in the Northern Wei administration, Liu Jun and his brother in 486 fled to the southern capital, Jiankang. It was at this time that he took the new name of Jun and the zi Xiaobiao. Liu Jun generally went by the name Liu Xiaobiao from this time on. His residence in the capital gave Liu Jun access to many books that he had not read. He was a voracious reader and borrowed books wherever he could. Cui Weizu 崔慰祖 (d. 499) from the prominent Qinghe 清河 Cui clan called him a “book addict.” Liu Jun sought a position at the court of Xiao Ziliang 蕭子梁 (460–494), Prince of Jingling 竟陵, but was rejected when the minister of personnel Xu Xiaosi 徐孝嗣 (433–499) objected to the appointment. He was offered a position as attendant gentleman on the staff of Xiao Zihan 蕭子罕 (479–495), but Liu did not take up the appointment. Liu Jun received his first official post in 493/494 as administrator of penal affairs under Cui Huijing 崔慧景 (438–500), regional administrator of Yuzhou 豫州 (modern Anhui and parts of Jiangsu), who was a cousin of Cui Weizu mentioned above. He also may have served Xiao Yaoxin

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蕭遙欣 (469–499) when Xiao was regional administrator of Yongzhou 雍州

(Jiangling and Xiangyang) in 498–499. In 502, shortly after Xiao Yen 蕭衍 (464–549, r. 502–549) took the throne as emperor of the Liang dynasty, he summoned Liu Jun together with He Zong 賀踪 (n.d.), Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508), and Yin Jun 殷鈞 (484–532) to edit books in the imperial collection. During the early years of his reign, Xiao Yan invited scholars to a gathering at which they were tested on the number of allusions they could recite on various topics. At one occasion, the scholars including Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) and Fan Yun 范雲 (451– 503) deferred to Xiao Yan. However, when it came to the topic of “brocade coverlet,” Liu Jun enumerated ten-plus allusions. Xiao Yan reputedly was deeply offended by Liu Jun’s impudence and never again invited him to the literary gatherings. In 508, Liu Jun was appointed administrator in the revenue section under Xiao Xiu 蕭秀 (475–518), Xiao Yan’s younger brother who had just taken up the post of regional governor of Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat Jiangling 江陵, modern Jingzhou, Hubei). Xiao Xiu had interests in literature and scholarship, and he commissioned Liu Jun to compile the Lei yuan 類苑 (Garden of literary extracts arranged by category), a large compendium in 120 juan. Although this work circulated before Liu Jun completed it, he did not finish it for another seven or eight years. It was perhaps about this time that Liu Jun began writing a commentary to the Shishuo xinyu. Ca. 509, Liu Jun left Jiankang to take up residence in southern Dongyang 東陽 (modern Jinhua 金華, Zhejiang). In 508, Ren Fang had died in Xin’an 新安 (administrative seat at Shixin 始新, located northwest of modern Chun’an 淳安, Zhejiang). On his way to Dongyang, Liu Jun passed through Xin’an and discovered that Ren Fang’s sons were destitute. He composed “Guang jue jiao lun” 廣絕交論 (Expanding on the ‘Disquisition on Severing Relations’) to express his outrage that none of Ren Fang’s friends had come to the aid of his children. While in Dongyang, Liu Jun was received with great respect by the local scholars. He also explored the area’s mountains and wrote a treatise about them titled “Shan qi zhi” 山棲志 (Memoir of a mountain abode). Liu Jun died in Dongyang in 521. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Liu Jun’s collection in six juan. There is no listing for this work in the two Tang histories, and thus his collection must have been lost already in the Tang. The modern collections are all reconstructions. Liu Jun is best known as a writer of parallel prose. Two of his works, both lun 論 (disquisitions), were included in the Wen xuan. The earlier of these pieces, “Bian ming lun” 辯命論 (Disquisition on fate), is an essay that Liu Jun wrote after he was snubbed by Emperor Wu at the imperial court.

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Thus, this extremely long piece is more than a disinterested disquisition on the way in which one’s life is controlled by fate, for it is also about Liu Jun’s failure to obtain recognition in his time. At the end of the piece he resolves to be content with his lot and continue to cultivate his character. As was mentioned above, Liu Jun wrote the second disquisition, “Guang juejiao lun,” ostensibly to criticize Ren Fang’s friends who failed to assist his impoverished sons after his death. His essay is actually inspired by the “Jue jiao lun” 絕交論 by Zhu Mu 朱穆 (100–163) of the Eastern Han. Liu identifies five types of insincere friendship: shi jiao 勢交 (friendship based on circumstances of power), hui jiao 賄交 (friendship based on wealth), tan jiao 談交 (friendship based on rhetoric and conversation), qiong jiao 窮交 (friendship based on sympathy for a person’s miserable plight), and liang jiao 量交 (friendship based on the weight of position and power). At the end of the piece Liu Jun praises Ren Fang for his generous treatment of associates. Given the indifference of his so-called friends to the plight of his orphaned sons, Liu Jun concludes that it is best simply to dwell in alone in the mountains. Other prose works by Liu Jun include a “Zixu” 自序 (Autobiography) and the “Shan qi zhi” mentioned above. Only four of his poems are extant. He was also a scholar and important commentator. Liu Jun is probably best known for his commentary to the Shishuo xinyu. Like Pei Songzhi’s commentary to the Sanguo zhi, Liu Jun’s commentary largely consists of citations from other works. Zhao Jiancheng recently has calculated that Liu Jun cites a total of 475 works in his commentary. Scholars do not agree on the exact date of the commentary, but the most probable time of compilation is during the Liang, perhaps as late as 516 to the time of his death in 521. Liu Jun also wrote a commentary to the “Yan lianzhu” 演連珠 (Strung pearls expanded) by Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303). This is preserved in the Wen xuan version of this piece. Bibliography Collections Zhang Xie 張爕 (1574–1640), ed. Liu hucao ji 劉戶曹集. 2 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十 二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Liu hucao ji 劉戶曹集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Ruan Yuansheng 阮元聲 (jinshi 1628), ed. Liu Xiaobiao ji 劉孝標集. 2 juan. In Liu Shen heji 劉沈合集. Luo Guowei 羅國威, ed. and comm. Liu Xiaobiao ji jiaozhu 劉孝標集校注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1988; rpt. and rev. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2003.

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Chen Yuan 陳垣. “Yungang Shiku si zhi yi jing yu Liu Xiaobiao” 雲岡石窟寺之譯 經與劉孝標. Yanjing xuebao 6 (1929); rpt. in Chen Yuan, Chen Yuan xueshu lunwenji 陳元學術論文集 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980). Yang Wei-hsien 楊維先. “Liu Xiaobiao yanjiu” 劉孝標研究. M.A. Thesis, Guoli Taiwan daxue, 1971. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Ryū Kōhyō den” 劉孝標伝. In Obi hakushi taikyū kinen Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 小尾博士退休記念中國文學論集, 339–62. Tokyo: Daiichi gakushūsha, 1976. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. Rikuchō shi no kenkyū, 500–22. Luo Guowei 羅國威. “Shu Liang shu ‘Liu Jun zhuan’ hou” 書《梁書、劉峻傳》後. Guji zhengli yu yanjiu 4 (1989): 275–78. Wang Mei 王玫 and Wang Jiangyu 王江玉. “Liu Xiaobiao nianpu jianbian” 劉孝標 年譜簡編. Wenxian (1998: 3): 3–16. Su Jui-lung. “Liu Chün.” Indiana Companion, Volume 2, 97–99. Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “Shilun Liu Jun de pianwen” 試論劉峻的駢文. Guangzhou shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 35.4 (1999): 54–59. Wang Mei 王玫. “Liu Xiaobiao shengping shiji san kao” 劉孝標事迹三考. Wenxian jikan (2000: 4): 48–55. Wang Jiangyu 王江玉. “‘Ryū Kōhyō keinen kōshō’ ni kansuru ni san no mondaiten”「劉孝標繫年考證」に關する二‧三の問題点. In Chūgoku chūsei buganku kenkyū shijishūnen kinnen ronbunshū 中國中世文學研究四十周年紀念論文集. Tokyo: Hakuteisha, 2001. Cao Daoheng and Liu Yuejin. Nanbeichao wenxue biannian shi, 381, 386, 411–12. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 525–27. He Riqu 何日取. “Liu Xiaobiao shengzu niansui kao” 劉孝標生卒年歲考. Wenxian jikan (2003: 4): 81–84. Zhang Luo 張洛. “Liu Xiaobiao rujia sixiang tanxi” 劉孝標儒家思想探析. Nanjing shifan daxue wenxueyuan xuebao (2007: 4): 11–13.

Shishuo xinyu Commentary Matsuoka Eiji 松岡榮志. “Tenkan nenkan no Ryū Shun—Seisetsu chū no seiritsu to chūsha no tachiba” 天監年間の劉峻—「世說」注の成立と注者の立場. Chūtetsu bungaku hō 3 (1978): 46–66. Xiao Ai 蕭艾. “Liu Xiaobiao ji qi Shishuo zhu” 劉孝標及其《世說注》. Xiangtan daxue xuebao ( yuyan yu wenxue) zengkan (1985): 17–30. Ma Xingguo 馬興國. “Shishuo xinyu zai Riben de liuchuan ji yingxiang”《世說 新語》在日本的流傳及影響. Dongbei shida xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1989: 3): 79–83. Zeng Wenliang 曾文樑. “Liu Xiaobiao zhu Shishuo xinyu fangfa shi tan” 劉孝標注 《世說新語》方法試探. Furen guowen xuebao 11 (1995): 59–77. Aqitu 阿其圖. “Tan Shishuo xinyu zhu de wenxian jiazhi tedian” 談《世說新語注》的 文獻價值特點. Yinshan xuekan (Shehui kexue ban) (1995: 2): 56–61, 66. Li Zhanqu 李湛渠. “Shishuo xinyu Liu Xiaobiao zhu shihua shichen”《世說新語》劉 孝標注詩話拾沈. Huaiyin shifan xueyuan xuebao 24 (2002): 746–49.

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Wei Shimin 魏世民. “Shishuo xinyu ji zhu chengshu niandai kao”《世說新語》及 《注》成書年代考. Changzhou shizhuan xuebao 20 (2000): 19–20. Zhao Jiancheng 趙建成. “Liu Xiaobiao Shishuo zhu kaolüe” 劉孝標《世說注》考略. M.A. Thesis, Heilongjiang daxue, 2003. Fang Ruili 房瑞麗. “Liu Xiaobiao Shishuo xinyu zhu jianlun” 劉孝標《世說新語 注》簡論. Hunan gongcheng xueyuan xuebao 16.4 (2006): 41–44. Zhang Ming 張明. “Lun Liu Xiaobiao Shishuo xinyu zhu de zhengtiguan” 論劉孝標 《世說新語》注的整體觀. Lanzhou xuekan 182 (2008): 212–14, 175. Zhao Jiancheng 趙建成. “Liu Xiaobiao Shishuo zhu zhuanzhu shijian kao” 劉孝標 《世說注》撰著時間考. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2009: 1): 19–21. Zhang Ming 張明 and Fu Yashu 傅亞庶. “Shi xi Shishuo xinyu Liu zhu dui suoyin wenxian zuozhe de chuli” 試析《世說新語》劉注對所引文獻作者的處理. Gudai wenming 3.1 (2009): 27–36.

Works a. “Guang jue jiao lun” 廣絕交論 (Expanding on the “Disquisition on Severing Relations”) Studies Kong Yi 孔毅. “Cong Liu Jun ‘Guang juejiao lun’ kan Xiao Liang shiren de jiaowang zhuangtai” 從劉峻《廣絕交論》看蕭梁士人的交往狀態. Guizhou shifan daxue xuebao 101.1 (1999): 14–18. Fukui Yoshio 福井佳夫. “Ryū Kōhyō no ‘Kō zekkō ron’ ni tsuite—yūgi bungaku ron (12)” 劉孝標の「広絕交論」について—遊戲文學論 (12). Chūkyō Kokubungaku 24 (2005): 11–26. Song Huali 宋華禮. “‘Guang juejiao lun’ Ren Fang shi zhiyi”《廣絕交論》任昉事質 疑. Xiandai yuwen (Wenxue yanjiu ban) (2008: 8): 15–17.

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 957–64.

b. “Chong da Liu Moling Zhao shu” 重答劉秣陵沼書 (Letter replying to Liu Zhao of Moling) Study Chen Qingyuan 陳慶元. “Xuan jian kong long you hen ru he—du Liu Xiaobiao ‘Chong da Liu Moling zhao shu” 懸劍空壠有恨如何—讀劉孝標《重答劉秣陵沼 書》. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2004: 5): 23–26.

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 800–81.

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Wakatsuki Toshihirei 若槻俊秀. “Ryū Kō hyō no ‘Benmeiron’ ni tsuite” 劉孝標の 「辯命論」について. Ōtani gakuhō 56.1 (1976): 40–52. Obi Kōichi 小尾郊一. “Ryū Shun no ‘Benmeiron’ 劉峻の「辯命論」. Kanda Kiichirō hakushi tsuitō Chūgokugaku ronshū 神田喜一郎博士追悼中國學論集, 31–46. Tokyo: Nigensha, 1986.

d. “Shan qi zhi” 山棲志 (Memoir of a mountain abode) Texts Guang hongming ji 廣弘明集, Sibu congkan, 24.15a–18a. Luo Guowei, Liu Xiaobiao ji jiaozhu, 27–50.

Study Matusoka Eiji 松岡榮志. “Ryū Shun to ‘Sanseishi’—Bukkyō e no kyori” 劉峻と「山 棲志」—仏教えの距離. Tōyō bunka 70 (1990): 81–113.

e. Lei yuan 類苑 (Garden of literary extracts arranged by category) Studies Zeng Yifen 曾貽芬 and Cui Wenyin 崔文印. “Wei Jin Nanbeichao shiqi de leishu” 魏晉南北朝時期的類書. Shixue shi yanjiu (1988: 4): 63–67. Qu Shouyuan 屈守元. “Lüe tan Wen xuan chengshu qianhou Xiao Liang huangshi suo zuanji de yixie leishu he zongji” 略談《文選》成書前後蕭梁皇室所纂輯的一 些類書和總集. Wenxue zazhi (1991: 5): 20–22. DRK

Liu Kun 劉琨 (271–318), zi Yueshi 越石 Late Western Jin-Early Eastern Jin writer. Liu Kun’s ancestral home was Weichang 魏昌 in the kingdom of Zhongshan 中山 (northeast of modern Wuji 無極, Hebei). Liu Kun reputedly was a descendant of Liu Sheng 劉勝 (d. 112 b.c.e.), who was King of Zhongshan during the Former Han period. Liu Sheng had a large number of sons, but we do not know the lineage from which Liu Kun might have descended. The only ancestors of Liu Kun who are known are his grandfather, Liu Mai 劉邁, and his father Liu Fan 劉蕃 (d. 312). Liu Kun’s mother was the daughter of Guo Yi 郭奕 (d. 287) from the distinguished Guo family

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of Yangqu 陽曲 in Taiyuan 太原 (north of modern Taiyuan, Shanxi). Liu Kun’s older sister was married to Sima Fu 司馬荂 (d. 301), son of Sima Lun 司馬倫 (d. 301), Prince of Zhao. Liu Kun’s wife was from the Cui 崔 clan of Dongwucheng 東武城 in Qinghe 清河 (northwest of modern Dongwucheng, Shandong). She was the daughter of Cui Can 崔參, the son of Cui Lin 崔林 (d. 244), one of the highest ranking ministers of the Sanguo Wei period. Liu Kun’s wife’s nephew was Lu Chen 盧諶 (285–351), who later served Liu Kun and exchanged poems with him. Liu Kun and his older brother Liu Yu 劉輿 (263–309) attained celebrity during their youth, earning the epithet junlang 儁朗 (outstanding and bright). While the Liu brothers were still in their twenties, they became members of an exclusive court group centered around Jia Mi 賈謐 (d. 300), nephew of Empress Jia 賈 (d. 300). From 291 to 300, Empress Jia, Jia Mi, and their cohorts had de facto control over the court administration of Emperor Hui (r. 290–306). Jia Mi gathered around him a coterie of men known as the Twenty-four Companions. They included some of the most distinguished scholars and writers of the time. Two members of the group were Liu Kun and Liu Yu. Liu Kun also attended gatherings hosted at the Jingu 金谷 estate of Shi Chong 石崇 (249–300). Although Liu Kun reputedly composed verse during this period, none of it survives. Liu Kun was a good friend of Zu Ti 祖逖 (266–321). Zu was from a prominent northern family in Qiu 遒 in Fanyang 范陽 (modern Laishui 淶水, Hebei). Zu Ti and Liu Kun were known for their heroic gallantry. When Zu Ti and Liu Kun served as recorder to the minister of works in 291, they became good friends. There is a famous story about them that has become a common four-character idiom. It seems that Zu and Liu were such good friends they slept under the same coverlet. In the middle of the night Zu Ti heard a cock crow. He kicked Kun awake, and said, “This is not a disagreeable sound.” (A cock crowing at night was considered a bad omen). They then got up and began to dance. Hence, the phrase wen ji qi wu 聞雞起舞 “rising at cockcrow to begin action.” In 297, the Prince of Gaomi 高密, Sima Tai 司馬泰 (d. 299), who held the position of grand commandant and imperial secretary, wished to appoint Liu Kun as a clerk on his staff. However, Liu Kun did not accept this position. He also refused an appointment as professor in the national university. On 7 May 300, Sima Lun 司馬倫 (d. 301) led a coup to depose Empress Jia. She and all members of her clan, including Jia Mi, were killed. On 3 February 301, Sima Lun seized the imperial throne from Emperor Hui. Both Liu Kun and Liu Yu served in Sima Lun’s administration. In March–April 301, three Jin princes Sima Jiong 司馬冏 (d. 303), Sima Ying 司馬穎 (279–306), and Sima Yong 司馬顒 (d. ca. 306) staged a coup to overthrow Sima Lun. By the end of May, they had restored Emperor Hui

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to the throne. During the battle with the three princes, Sima Lun appointed Liu Kun general commanding the troops. Liu Kun fought a battle with the army of Sima Ying at Huangqiao 黃橋 (near modern Wen 溫 county, Henan). After suffering a devastating defeat, Liu Kun fled. After Sima Lun’s defeat and execution, most of his supporters were put to death. However, because of the prominence of Liu Kun’s family, he, his father and brother were not only spared punishment but given positions in the administration of Sima Jiong, who held power from June 301 to late January 303 when he was deposed and executed. Liu Yu was appointed director of the secretariat, and Liu Kun was assigned as left assistant director to the imperial secretary Wang Rong 王戎 (234–305). He soon was transferred to left assistant aide to the minister of works, Sima Tong 司馬彤 (d. 301?). Soon thereafter Sima Jiong tried to obtain the throne for himself. In January 302, Sima Yong led a coup against him. Sima Jiong was killed by Sima Yi 司馬乂 (277–304), who was one of the principal allies of Sima Yong. At this time, Sima Xiao 司馬虓 (270–306) established his headquarters at Xuchang as commander-in-chief of Yuzhou 豫州 (administrative seat Xiang 項, northeast of modern Xiangcheng 項城, Henan). He appointed Liu Kun to his staff. In December 304, Zhang Fang 張方 (d. 306), a general under the command of Sima Yong, abducted Emperor Hui and took him to Chang’an. In August 305, Sima Yue 司馬越 (d. 311) from his base in Xuzhou 徐州 (administrative seat Pengcheng 彭城, modern Xuzhou, Jiangsu), raised an army to rescue the emperor. A large number of officials and members of the Sima clan, including Sima Xiao, swore a blood oath of allegiance to Sima Yue. Liu Kun continued as an aide to Sima Xiao. In October-November 305, Liu Qiao 劉喬 (248–311), an aide to Sima Yong, presented a petition to the throne enumerating the crimes of the two Liu brothers. Sima Yong had Emperor Hui issue an edict calling for the execution of Liu Yu and Liu Kun. Sima Yong and his allies then launched an attack on Sima Xiao at his base in Xuchang. Liu Kun and Du Yu 杜育 (d. 311) led a force to try to rescue him, but before they could arrive, Sima Xiao was defeated. They then fled to an area north of the Yellow River. During their flight, Liu Qiao captured Liu Kun’s mother and father. Liu Kun successfully persuaded the regional inspector of Jizhou 冀州 (administrative seat Fangzi 房子, southwest of modern Gaoyi 高邑, Hebei), Wen Xian 溫羨 of the distinguished Wen clan of Taiyuan, to yield his position to Sima Xiao. Wen Xian was related to Wen Qiao 溫喬 (288–329), who was a nephew of Liu Kun’s wife. Sima Xiao sent Liu Kun to obtain reinforcements from Wang Jun 王浚 (252–314), a Jin general who now had control over the Youzhou 幽州 area (administrative seat Zhuo 涿, modern Zhuozhou 涿州, Hebei). With assault cavalry given him by Wang Jun, Liu Kun

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together with Sima Xiao returned south of the Yellow River and defeated the army of Sima Mao 司馬楙 (d. 311) at Linqiu 臨丘 (modern Fan 范 county, Henan), thus forcing Liu Qiao to move his base further south. Liu Kun pursued Liu Qiao to Kaocheng 考城 (modern Lankao 蘭考, Henan), where he defeated him and rescued his parents, who had been confined to a cage cart. In January 306, Sima Xiao and Liu Kun led their armies across the Bian River at Guandu 官渡 (northeast of modern Zhongmou 忠牟, Henan), moved west and captured Xingyang 滎陽 (northeast of modern Xingyang, Henan), and then defeated Liu Qiao’s army at Xiao 蕭 (modern Xiao county, Anhui). Liu Qiao fled to Nanyang. Liu Kun led a separate force to Xuchang, and the people of Xuchang welcomed him without resistance. Hearing of Liu Qiao’s defeat, Sima Yong tried to negotiate peace by executing Zhang Fang and giving his head as a gift to Sima Yue. When Sima Yue refused to negotiate, Sima Yong sent his general Lü Lang 呂朗 to seize Xingyang. When Liu Kun showed Lü Lang Zhang Fang’s head, he surrendered. In March 306, Liu Kun moved west to Chang’an, where he helped rescue Emperor Hui, who had been abducted and taken there in late 304, and return him to Luoyang. As a reward for his service, Liu Kun was given the noble title of Marquis of Guangwu 廣武 and an income from two thousand households. In the ninth lunar month (24 Sept. to 23 Oct.) of 306, Liu Kun was appointed regional inspector of Bingzhou 并州 (modern Shanxi), and given the titles of Awe-inspiring General and leader of the corps in charge of the Xiongnu. Liu Kun served in Bingzhou for ten years, from 306 to 316. The one who recommended him for this position was his brother Liu Yu who told Sima Yue that Liu Kun could act as the “northern bulwark for [Sima] Yue.” Liu Yu died of an infected finger, probably around the third month of Yongjia 3 (309). Liu Kun wrote a famous poem at this time, the “Fufeng ge” 扶風歌 (Song of Fufeng) recounting his travels from Luoyang to Jinyang 晉陽, the administrative seat of Bingzhou (south of modern Taiyuan). On the way to his post, Liu Kun stopped at Huguan 壺關 (southeast of modern Changzhi 長治, Shanxi) and presented a petition to the secretariat requesting grain, silk, and floss from the imperial storehouse be distributed to the people. When Liu Kun arrived in Jinyang, he found that crops had failed, the area infested with bandits, and the city left with less than twentythousand inhabitants. On January 18, 307, Emperor Hui died in Luoyang. He was succeeded by Sima Chi 司馬熾, the twenty-fifth son of Emperor Wu. He is known by his posthumous name of Emperor Huai 懷帝 (r. 307–14 Mar. 313). In

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the eleventh month of 304 (14 Dec. 304 to 11 Jan. Jan. 305), the Xiongnu Liu Yuan 劉淵 (d. 310) revolted against the Jin from his base in Lishi 離石 (modern Lishi, Shanxi) and declared himself King of Han. Liu Yuan was a Sinified Xiongnu who received a traditional Chinese education. In the third lunar month (14 Apr. to 18 May) of 307 Liu Yuan invaded Bingzhou, and the only one to maintain a defense of Jinyang was Liu Kun. In January 308, Liu Kun defeated one of Liu Yuan’s generals and was able to return to Jinyang. Liu Kun then dispatched agents to Liu Yuan’s base in Lishi to entice over ten thousand prisoners to defect to Liu Kun. During this time, many people who had fled Jinyang returned. On 2 November 308, Liu Yuan established his capital at Pingyang 平陽 (modern Linfen 臨汾, Shanxi) and declared himself Emperor of the Han. In the spring and summer of 309, Liu Yuan sent a large force led by his son Liu Cong 劉聰 (d. 318), the general Wang Mi 王彌 (d. 311), and the Jie 羯 tribesman Shi Le 石勒 (274–333) to attack Huguan. The army that Liu Kun sent to defend it was defeated and Huguan fell. Through the end of 309 and much of 310, Liu Cong and his allies waged attacks on various Jin cities, and even threatened Luoyang on several occasions. On 30 July 310, Liu Yuan died. His eldest son Liu He 劉和 succeeded him, but he was immediately killed by Liu Cong, who assumed the title of King of Han. Liu Cong appointed Shi Le regional inspector of Bingzhou. Thus, Shi Le competed with Liu Kun for authority over Bingzhou. In summer of 310, Liu Kun personally led an army against the Xiongnu Liu Hu 劉虎 and the Baibu 白部 tribe of the Xianbei. Liu Kun had sent his son Liu Zun 劉遵 (d. 318) as a hostage to the Xianbei Tuoba Yilu 拓跋猗盧 (d. 316) to forge an alliance with him. Yilu sent his nephew Tuoba Yulü 拓跋鬱律 (d. 321) with an army of twenty thousand men to assist Liu Kun. Yilu’s army routed Liu Hu. Liu Hu then fled to Shuofang 朔方 (in Inner Mongolia). As a reward for his assistance, upon the recommendation of Liu Kun, Emperor Huai gave Yilu the title of Northern Khan and granted him a fief as Lord of Dai 代. Liu Kun and Yilu formed bonds as brothers. However, Liu Kun exceeded his authority in granting Yilu the territory of Dai, which actually belonged to Wang Jun 王浚 (252–314), who had been regional inspector of Youzhou since 300. Wang Jun was from the distinguished Wang clan of Taiyuan and was one of the most powerful military governors in the north from 300 on. To retaliate, Wang Jun launched an unsuccessful attack on Yilu. From this time on, there was ill feeling between the two major northern regional inspectors, Liu Kun and Wang Jun. In August–September 312, the Xiongnu army led by Liu Can 劉粲 (d. 318), a son of the Xiongnu emperor Liu Cong, launched an attack against Jinyang and defeated Liu Kun’s army. When the Xiongnu army

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entered Jinyang, Liu Kun fled with his wife and children to Tingtou 亭頭 in Zhao commandery 趙郡 (administrative seat Fangzi 房子, southwest of modern Gaoyi 高邑, Hebei). He went from there to Changshan 常山 (in the area of modern Shijiazhuang). Liu Kun’s parents, who were too old to ride horses, had to walk. They were killed by Linghu Ni 令狐泥, a Jin general who had defected to the Xiongnu. Liu Kun then sought help from Yilu, who sent a large force against Liu Can. Liu Can had to flee and was badly wounded. Yilu left two of his commanders to protect Jinyang, and Liu Kun was able to establish a base at Yangqu 陽曲 (south of modern Dingxiang 定襄, Shanxi), about thirty km north of Jinyang. On 12 May 313, Emperor Huai was put to death by Liu Cong in Pingyang. He was succeeded by Sima Ye 司馬鄴, Emperor Min 愍帝 (r. 313–316). On 4 March 314, Emperor Min named Liu Kun general-in-chief, commanderin-chief of Bingzhou, and added the title of cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. Shortly thereafter, Shi Le wished to eliminate his former ally Wang Jun. By this time Wang Jun had assumed the prerogatives of an emperor, including the authority to appoint court officials. Fearing that Liu Kun would take advantage of the situation, Shi Le sent Liu Kun in the second or third month of 314 a letter offering a peace treaty. He then was able to defeat and kill Wang Jun. The Xianbei Duan Pidi 段匹磾 (d. 322) assumed Wang Jun’s position as regional inspector of Youzhou. On 2 April 315, Emperor Min appointed Liu Kun minister of works and commander-in-chief of the three provinces of Bingzhou, Jizhou, and Youzhou. In the third month (9 Apr. to 7 May) of 316, Yilu died. Liu Kun’s son Liu Zun earlier had been sent as a hostage to Yilu. With the death of Yilu, Liu Zun was able to convince the forces of Yilu to defect to Liu Kun. On 11 December 316, the Xiongnu Liu Yao 劉曜 (d. 328) captured Emperor Min and took him to Pingyang, where he was forced to work as a servant. Shi Le then launched an attack on Diancheng 坫城, the administrative seat of Leping 樂平 located southeast of Yangqu. Han Ju 韓據 (d. 318), the governor of Leping, requested assistance from Liu Kun, who had just regrouped forces. However, Ji Dan 箕澹 advised him against using these forces because they were of questionable loyalty. Liu Kun did not heed Ji Dan’s advice, and Shi Le inflicted a devastating defeat on Liu Kun’s army. On 31 December 316 or shortly thereafter, Shi Le attained control of the entire province of Bingzhou. On 4 January 317, Liu Kun fled to Duan Pidi, who had sent Liu Kun a letter inviting him to join him at his administrative headquarters in Ji 薊 (southwest of modern Beijing). Duan Pidi was the leader of the Duanbu 段 部 tribe of the Xianbei that occupied the area of Liaoxi 遼西 (the northeastern corner of modern Hebei). After the death of Wang Jun in 314, Duan

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Pidi declared himself regional inspector of Youzhou and established his headquarters at Ji. Duan Pidi treated Liu Kun with great respect. They agreed on a marriage pact and swore a blood oath to each other. By this time the Jin house had in effect lost its control of north China. Already in 314, Sima Rui 司馬睿 (276–322) had established a Jin loyalist regime in Jiankang 建康 (modern Nanjing). From the time of Emperor Min’s surrender to the Xiongnu to the end of March of 317, Liu Kun presented a series of petitions urging Sima Rui to assume the throne. The fourth and most famous of these petitions was presented on 29 March 317 by a group of 180 officials headed by Liu Kun and Duan Pidi. Liu Kun dispatched one of his most trusted aides Wen Qiao, who was the son of his wife’s sister, to take the petitions to the Jin court in Jiankang. At this time Lu Chen joined the staff of Duan Pidi as biejia 別駕 (mounted escort). After having parted from Liu Kun, Lu Chen sent Liu Kun a letter and a poem in twenty stanzas. In the seventh month of 317 (25 July to 23 August) Liu Kun and Duan Pidi swore a blood oath and planned a campaign against Shi Le. Duan Pidi recommended Liu Kun as the commander-in-chief. Liu Kun and Duan Pidi advanced their armies to Gu’an 固安 (northwest of modern Anci 安次, Hebei) to wait for the main body of troops to launch their attack against Shi Le. However, Shi Le bribed Duan Pidi’s nephew Duan Mopo 段末波 (also written Mobei 末杯, Mopei 末柸), who did not advance his troops. Given their small numbers, Liu Kun and Duan Pidi were forced to withdraw to Ji. On 17 January 318, Sima Rui appointed Liu Kun palace attendant and defender-in-chief and presented him with a “famous blade.” Liu Kun vowed to use it to cut off the heads of the enemy. However, because Liu Kun was in the north, he would not have been able to exercise any authority in either of these positions. At this time, Liu Kun apparently was uneasy about his alliance with Duan Pidi, and he even tried to arrange to have his wife and children sent to Jiankang to put them in the care of the southern court. Liu Kun also allegedly wanted to resign his titles and office, and was going to have Ji Dan return his seals, ribbons, and tallies. However, just as they were about to depart, Duan Pidi withdrew permission for the delegation to leave. On 23 April 318, word that Emperor Min had been killed reached Jiankang. On 26 April, Sima Rui assumed the throne of the Eastern Jin. His posthumous title is Emperor Yuan 元帝 (r. 317–322). In the first lunar month of 318 (17 February to 17 March) Duan Pidi’s older brother Jilujuan 疾陸眷 died. Duan Pidi went to Youbeiping 右北平 (near modern Tangshan, Hebei) in Liaoxi to observe mourning for him. Liu Kun sent his son Liu Qun 劉羣 to escort him. Duan Mopo then took advantage of the situation

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to launch an attack on Duan Pidi. Duan Pidi was defeated, and Liu Qun was captured by Duan Mopo. Mopo treated Liu Qun with great courtesy and offered to appoint Liu Kun regional inspector of Youzhou (the position that Duan Pidi then held) if he would form an alliance with him and attack Duan Pidi. He sent a letter written by Liu Qun to Liu Kun requesting him to serve as his agent in Duan Pidi’s camp. The letter was intercepted by Duan Pidi’s cavalry patrol. At that time, Liu Kun did not know about the letter. Duan Pidi showed it to him and said, “I have no thought of doubting you, and thus I tell you about this.” Liu Kun then replied, “I have formed a pact with you, and my aim has been to support the imperial house. I had hoped to rely on your awesome might to wipe away the shame of the state. If my son’s letter had secretly reached me, I would never for the sake of one son betray your trust.” Because of his great respect for Liu Kun, Duan Pidi was about to forgive him. However, Duan’s younger brother, Shujun 叔軍, convinced Pidi to detain Liu Kun on the grounds that Kun would eventually turn against him. In the fourth lunar month (17 May to 14 June), after Liu Kun had been under house arrest for over a month, the Xianbei Pilü Song 辟呂嵩 whom Duan Pidi had appointed governor of Dai, and two of Liu Kun’s associates, Wang Ju 王據, governor of Yanmen, and the rear general Han Ju 韓劇 decided to stage a coup against Duan Pidi. However, Han Ju’s daughter was a concubine of Duan Pidi’s son, and she informed Duan of the plot. Duan Pidi had all of the conspirators arrested and executed. From the southern court at Jiankang Wang Dun 王敦 (266–324) secretly ordered Duan Pidi to kill Liu Kun. Fearing that if did this on his own, he would arouse the opposition of large numbers of people, Duan then had an imperial edict forged ordering Liu Kun’s arrest. Duan Pidi had Liu Kun strangled. Fearing Duan Pidi’s power, the court did not dare allow mourning for Liu Kun at that time. After Liu Kun’s execution, Lu Chen, his maternal nephew Cui Yue 崔悅, and other officials loyal to Liu Kun fled and joined Liu Qun, who was still serving under Duan Mopo. In 319, Lu Chen, Cui Yue 崔悅, and other officials presented a petition to Emperor Yuan demanding justice for Liu Kun. Wen Qiao also presented a similar petition to the court. Emperor Yuan then issued an edict ordering that mourning for Liu Kun be undertaken in Youzhou. He also bestowed on him the posthumous name of Min 愍 (the lamented). Liu Kun’s collected works, the Liu Kun ji 劉琨集, in ten juan, was listed in a Liang dynasty catalogue. The monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu compiled in early Tang times lists this in a nine-juan version as well as a twelve-juan Liu Kun bieji 劉琨別集 (Additional collection of Liu Kun’s writings). A ten-juan version is listed in the monograph on bibliography

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in the Jiu Tang shu. This is the size of the collection through Song times. By the late Southern Song, the collection was not complete. The private book collector Chen Zhensun 陳振孫 (1211–1249) notes that the edition held in his library was almost complete for the first five juan, but there were many omissions and errors in the last five juan. Chen suspected that some of it consisted of extracts taken from literary compendia. In the late Ming period, Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), who reconstructed Liu Kun’s collection, also notes that the collection was not complete in the Song and no complete versions of the work existed in his time. Most of Liu Kun’s extant works are prose compositions. The majority consists of petitions and memoranda that he composed while serving as regional inspector of Bingzhou. His earliest petition is one he wrote in Huguan while he was on the way to take up his post at Bingzhou in 306. Liu Kun was moved by the plight of the people in this area, which had recently been raided by a Xiongnu army. He describes long lines of refuges on the road, many of whom are reduced to selling their wives and children. Two lines are similar to lines found in late Eastern Han and Jian’an period poetry that describe the devastation wrought by the invaders: “Bleached bones cover the fields, and the voices of wailing are filled with sorrow and pain.” From the time of Emperor Min’s surrender to the Xiongnu to the end of March of 317, Liu Kun presented a series of four petitions urging Sima Rui to assume the throne of the Eastern Jin. The fourth and most famous of these petitions, titled “Quan jin biao” 勸進表 (Urging the succession), which is contained in the Wen xuan, is considered a model example of Six Dynasties parallel prose. Although Liu Kun only has three poems extant, he is mainly remembered as a poet. His best known piece is “Fufeng ge” 扶風歌 (Song of Fufeng) that Liu Kun wrote in 306 when he was on his way from Luoyang to take up his post in Bingzhou. Liu Kun portrays himself as a warrior who reluctantly leaves Luoyang. He sadly moves through a bleak landscape where the chilly wind blows. He regrets that he is separated from his family, and is distressed that he has consumed all of his travel provisions. In the concluding stanzas he compares himself first to Confucius, who also ran out of provisions while traveling, and then to the Former Han general Li Ling 李陵 (d. 74 b.c.e.), who despite his loyal service was charged with treason. Liu Kun perhaps worries if he is defeated at Bingzhou, he may suffer the same fate as Li Ling. The most striking feature of the piece is the poet’s use of the language and conventions of Jian’an and Wei period poetry. It is as if Liu Kun simply cut and pasted phrases from here and there to put his poem together. This kind of verse was relatively rare in 306, and one would like to know if Liu Kun wrote any more pieces of this kind.

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At the time that he took up his post with Duan Pidi, Lu Chen wrote a letter to Liu Kun along with a long four-syllable-line poem in twenty eightline stanzas to express regret that he must leave Liu Kun. In both the letter and poems, Lu Chen recasts phrases that were popular among the abstruse learning thinkers. However, instead of using them to make abstract philosophical points, he employs the rhetoric of abstruse learning to convey the depth of his regard for Liu Kun. Liu Kun replied in a letter and a set of eight twelve-line four-syllable-line poems. The letter is interesting for Liu Kun’s confession of his youthful attraction to the eccentric mode of conduct that prevailed among the elite in Luoyang in the 290s. He then tells of his youthful interest in Zhuangzi’s theory of placing all values at the same level and not making distinctions and his admiration for the “unrestrained abandon” of Ruan Ji 阮籍 (210– 263). Liu Kun says that these intellectual pursuits led him to disdain the conventional concern with good and bad fortune, life and death, good and evil. He also believed that one should be dispassionate and avoid feeling either sorrow or joy. In the next section of his letter, Liu Kun tells Lu Chen that he had changed his earlier view. He now considers that “Lao Dan and Zhuang Zhou put forth errant nonsense, and Ruan Ji engaged in reckless behavior.” Why did he come to this conclusion? Liu Kun basically changed his mind because of his personal experience. He had seen the Jin state fall, and many friends and family members, including his parents, had been killed. As much as he tried to dispel his sorrow, he could not do so. In the poems, Liu Kun portrays the Western Jin as a state that has effectively fallen. To answer Lu Chen, he portrays him as a solitary bamboo stalk that though growing alone, is a flourishing plant with lush leaves, supple branches, rich fruit, and lovely stems. This presumably is intended to represent Lu Chen’s talent and moral virtues. Since Lu Chen the bamboo stalk has turned out so well, Liu Kun has no concerns about his leaving his service. Liu Kun and Lu Chen continued to exchange poems, this time using the five-syllable-line form. These poems show gradually increasing tension between the two men that may have led to an open rift. One source of the tension is the perception by Lu Chen and some of his contemporaries that Liu Kun had imperial ambitions. There indeed may be some truth to the charge that Liu Kun was not a fully loyal servant of the Jin. After 306 when he took up a post as inspector of the strategic province of Bingzhou, for ten years he contended with a succession of rival overlords. What the writings of Liu Kun and Lu Chen show is that the transition to the Eastern Jin was a complicated matter for some members of the elite. Liu Kun, who began

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his career as a favored insider at the Luoyang court, suddenly in 306 took up a regional post in the strategic province of Bingzhou. For over a decade he contended with a succession of rival overlords in the north. Liu Kun is thus not so much a loyal defender of the Jin house, which by now was defunct, but a regional governor who tried unsuccessfully to establish his own regime in the north. Bibliography Collections Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Jin Liu Yueshi ji 晉劉越石集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Zhao Tianrui 趙天瑞, ed. and comm. Liu Kun ji 劉琨集. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1996.

Studies Gotō Akinobu 後藤秋正. “Ryū Kon shi shōron—Tō Ro Shin shi o chūshin to shite” 劉琨詩小論—答盧諶詩を中心として. Kanbun gakkai kaihō 34 (1975). Gao Yuetian 高越天. “Liu Yueshi shi jian shi” 劉越石詩箋釋. Zhongguo shi jikan 10.4 (1979). Pang Sichun 龐思純. “Yao quanjian di pingjia Liu Kun” 要全面評價劉琨. Guizhou wen shi congkan (1984: 4): 42–46. Liu Wenzhong 劉文忠. “Liu Kun” 劉琨. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan xubian, 279–94; rpt. in Zhonggu wenxue yu wenlun yanjiu, 100–13. Liao Youhua 廖幼華. “Jinmo Taiyuan Liu Kun baiwang zhi jiben xingshi fenxi” 晉末太原劉琨敗亡之基本形式分析. Guoli zhongzheng daxue xuebao (Renwen fence) 5.1 (1994): 303–29. Farmer, J. Michael. “Liu K’un.” Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature, vol. 2, 103–5. Liu Wenzhong 劉文忠. Zuo Si Liu Kun 左思劉琨. Shenyang: Chunfeng wenyi chubanshe, 1999. Ma Shinian 馬世年. “Liu Kun shi kao lun” 劉琨詩考論. Gansu shehui kexue (2003: 2): 29–31. Ye Fengyu 葉楓宇. Xi Jin zuojia de renge yu wenfeng, 259–272. Liu Guoshi 劉國石. “Ping Liu Kun” 評劉琨. Shixue jikan (2002: 4): 21–23. Liao Weiqing 廖蔚卿. ”Liu Kun yu Guo Pu” 劉琨與郭璞. Zhonggu shiren yanjiu 中古詩人研究, 149–57. Taipei: Liren shuju, 2005. Knechtges, David. “Liu Kun, Lu Chen, and Their Writings in the Transition to the Eastern Jin.” CLEAR 28 (2006): 1–66. Ye Fengyu 葉楓宇. “Liu Kun de renge yu wenfeng” 劉琨的人格與文風. Fujian shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 141.6 (2006): 89–94. Lu Yifei 盧一飛. “Liu Kun yanjiu de jin shinian chengguo ji weilai” 劉琨研究的近 十年成果及未來. Hetian shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 27.4 (2007): 244. Knechtges, David R. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 195–98.

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Works a. “Fufeng ge” 扶風歌 (Song of Fufeng) von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 511–12. Frodsham, Anthologie, 76–77. Knechtges, “Liu Kun, Lu Chen, and Their Writings,” 17–18.

b. “Da Lu Chen shi bing shu” 答盧諶詩並書 (Poem and letter in reply to Lu Chen) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 412–17. Knechtges “Liu Kun, Lu Chen, and Their Writings,” 57–64.

Study Yu Bin 喻賓. “Liu Kun Lu Chen zengda shi kaobian” 劉琨盧諶贈答詩考辨. Hainan daxue xuebao (1995: 2): 68–70.

c. “Quan jin biao” 勸進表 (Petition urging the succession) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 684–89. Knechtges, David R. “Han and Six Dynasties Parallel Prose,” Renditions 33 & 34 (Spring & Autumn 1990): 102–10.

d. “Huguan Shang biao” 壺關上表 (Petition presented from Huguan) Translation Knechtges, “Liu Kun, Lu Chen, and Their Writings,” 44. DRK

Liu Liang 劉梁 (fl. 147–178), zi Manshan 曼山, also known as Cen 岑 Eastern Han writer (essayist). Liu Liang’s ancestral home was Ningyang 寧陽 of Dongping 東平 (modern Shandong province). He was the grandfather (or according to one source father) of the Eastern Han poet Liu Zhen 劉楨 (?–217). Growing up poor, he supported himself by selling books. Concerning about the rampant

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factionalism of his time, he wrote “Po qun lun” 破群論 (Disquisition on dismantling factions). A contemporary reader said about it: “When Confucius wrote the Chunqiu 春秋 (Spring and autumn annals) he struck terror into the hearts of rebellious subjects. Now that this essay has been written, how can vulgar men not be fearful?” This essay was already lost by the LiuSong period. Liu Liang wrote another essay, “Bian he tong zhi lun” 辯和 同之論 (Disquisition on harmonizing differences) that is preserved in his biography in the Hou Han shu. During the reign of Emperor Huan (r. 147–167), Liu Liang was recommended filial and incorrupt, and was later appointed magistrate of Beixincheng 北新城 (southwest of modern Xushui 徐水, Hebei). As a scholar and strong supporter of education, he built lecture halls and recruited hundreds of students to study the Classics. Ca. 170 he was appointed secretarial court gentleman (尚書郎). He was named magistrate of Yewang 野王 (modern Qinyang 沁陽, Henan), but he did not assume this official post. He died of illness sometime between 178 and 183. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in three juan. This work was already lost in the Tang. Yan Kejun has collected three of his prose works in “Quan Hou Han wen.” In addition to the disquisition mentioned above, there are fragments from a “sevens” titled “Qi ju” 七舉 (Seven proposals). Studies Cao Daoheng and Sheng Yucheng, 130. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 529–30. TRK

Liu Ling 劉伶, also written Ling 靈, zi Bolun 伯倫 Wei-Jin period eccentric and famous drinker. Liu Ling’s ancestral home was Pei 沛 kingdom (administrative seat Xiang 相 county, northwest of modern Suixi 濉溪, Anhui). His birth and death dates are not known. He was a member of the Seven Worthies of the Bamboo Grove, and thus he must have been a contemporary of Xi Kang 嵇康 (223–262) and Ruan Ji 阮籍 (210–263). He had a homely appearance and was not very tall. He is usually characterized as a man with no inhibitions who behaved in a carefree manner. The only persons with whom he associated were Xi Kang and Ruan Ji. He often sat at home naked. When criticized

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for this behavior, Liu Ling replied, “I consider heaven as my house, and my house as my pants. You gentlemen should not enter my pants.” Liu Ling is best known for his heavy drinking. On one occasion after he was recovering from a heavy drinking bout, he asked his wife for more ale. His wife had already poured out all of the ale and broken the drinking vessels. His wife pleaded with him to give up drinking. Pretending to agree with her, he proposed that the only way he could do so was to make an offering of meat and ale to the spirits. His wife then prepared the offering. After performing a prayer to the spirits in which he urged them not to heed his wife’s warning, he proceeded to drain the ale and consume the meat. He was soon dead drunk again. The only official post in which Liu Ling served is as an aide to an unnamed general. At the beginning of the Taishi period of the Western Jin (ca. 265), in a reply to an examination question, he spoke profusely about governing by inaction. He was soon dismissed from office on the grounds of “uselessness.” Unlike Xi Kang, who was executed, Liu Ling died of old age. According to Liu Ling’s biography in the Jin shu, he did not show any interest in writing. However, he is famous for one piece, “Jiu de song” 酒德頌 (Eulogy on the virtues of ale) which was included in the Wen xuan ( juan 47). He is also attributed with a pentasyllablic poem, “Beimang keshe shi” 北芒客舍詩 (Poem written while lodging in the Beimang hills). Bibliography Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 116. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 122–23. Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 168–69.

Work “Jiu de song” 酒德頌 (Eulogy on the virtues of ale)

Translations Giles, Gems, 100. Margouliès, Le kouwen, 124–25 and Anthologie, 385–86. Hsu, Anthologie, 124–25. Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 137–38. DRK

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Liu Lingxian 劉令嫻 (ca. 500–525) Liang writer. Liu Lingxian was the third daughter of Liu Hui 劉繪 (458–502). She and her two older sisters composed poetry and prose, but Lingxian is acknowledged as the most talented. She was the wife of Xu Fei 徐悱 (494?–524) son of the distinguished scholar-official Xu Mian 徐勉 (466–535). When Xu Fei died in 524, Lingxian composed the sacrificial offering. Xu Mian had planned to compose a similar piece, but gave up the idea after seeing Lingxian’s composition. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Liu Xingxian’s collected works in three juan. This was lost already in the Tang. Eight of her poems are extant. Her only prose work is “Ji fu wen” 祭夫文 (Offering for my husband). Studies and translations Birrell, New Songs, 178, 180, 228, 280. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Nanbeichao wenxue shi, 260. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 110. Ma Baoji 馬寶記. “Nanchao Pengcheng Liushi jiazu wenxue yanjiu” 南朝彭城劉 氏家族文學研究, Part I. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 18.4 (1999): 35–38; Part II. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 19.3 (2000): 52–55. Birrell, Anne. Games Poets Play: Readings in Medieval Chinese Poetry, 192–208. Idema and Grant, Red Brush, 146–53. Lee, Xiao Hung Lee. “Xu Fei.” In Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women, 310–12. Wang Ren’en 王人恩. “Liu Lingxian ‘Ji fu Xu Fei wen’ di xiezuo shijian ji qi zai gudai jiwen fanzhang shi shang de diwei” 劉令嫻《祭夫徐悱文》的寫作時間及其 在古代祭文發展史上的地位. Sheke zongheng 23.1 (2008): 89–91. Wang Ren’en 王人恩. “Nanchao zuojia Xie Huilian Liu Lingxian kao lun er ti” 南朝作家謝惠連、劉令嫻考論二題. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu (Autumn 2008): 176–79. Song Wenjie 宋文杰. “Lun Liu Lingxian de shige chuangzuo” 論劉令嫻的詩歌創作. Anhui wenxue (2009: 3): 143–44. TPK and DRK

Liu Shao 劉劭, also written 邵, 卲 (ca. 180–ca. 245), zi Kongcai 孔才 Late Han—Wei period literatus. Liu Shao’s natal place was Guangping 廣平 in Handan 邯鄲 commandery (modern Handan, Hebei). Ca. 210, he was sent to Xu 許 (modern Xuchang, Henan) as accounts clerk. He objected to a proposal by court officers to

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adjourn court based on the grand astrologer’s prediction of a solar eclipse. The director of the secretariat Xun Yu 荀彧 (163–212) under Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) concurred with Liu Shao’s advice. In 215, Chi Lü 郗慮 (d. ca. 215) appointed him to his staff. However, Chi Lü shortly thereafter left office, and Liu Shao took up a post on the staff of Cao Cao’s heir designate Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226). In 220, after the founding of the Wei, Liu Shao was appointed assistant in the palace library in which capacity he participated in the compilation of the imperial compendium Huang lan 皇覽 (Imperial conspectus). In the early Wei, Liu Shao held several high court positions including secretarial court gentleman. In 226, he composed a dirge for the passing of Cao Pi. In 227, with the accession of Emperor Ming (r. 226–239) Liu Shao was assigned to the post of governor of Chenliu 陳留 (administrative seat Chenliu, southeast of modern Kaifeng) where he earned a reputation as an able administrator. Ca. 230, he was summoned to the imperial court to the position of commandant of cavalry. During this time he drafted a new law code. In 233, Liu Shao was promoted to cavalier attendant-inordinary. He had previously written a fu on the Zhao capital of Handan, Liu Shao’s home area. Emperor Ming was so impressed with this piece, in 233 he commanded him to compose fu on the city of Xu and the capital of Luoyang. His pieces reportedly contained criticisms of the lavish buildings that had recently been constructed in both of these cities. Also upon Emperor Ming’s command, Liu Shao drafted a seventy-two-section set of regulations for examining officials by the section of justice. However, after a long debate at court in which several important officials raised objections, the emperor did not approve Liu Shao’s recommendations. In 239, upon the death of Emperor Ming Liu Shao composed a dirge for the emperor’s passing. Shortly before his death ca. 245, Liu Shao received the honorary noble title of Marquis of Guannei. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu reports that a Liang catalogue listed Liu Shao’s collected works in two juan. This was lost already in the early Tang. Liu Shao is best known for the Renwu zhi 人物志 (Treatise on human character). The main focus of this work is to examine the relationship between human character and a person’s talent and ability. Its main purpose was to provide a guide for the selection of men for official positions. The received version consists of twelve chapters in three juan. Bibliography Editions Renwu zhi 人物志. 3 juan. Han Wei congshu. Renwu zhi 人物志. 3 juan. Sibu congkan. Photo-reproduction of Ming wookblock.

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Renwu zhi 人物志. 3 juan. Ren Jiyu 任繼俞, punc. Beijing: Wenxue guji kanxingshe, 1955. Guo Mo 郭模, ed. and comm. Renwu zhi ji zhu jiaozheng 人物志及注校證. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1987.

Concordance Renwu zhi zhuzi suoyin 人物志逐字索引. Hong Kong: Zhongwen daxue chubanshe, 2007.

Translations Shryock, J.K. The Study of Human Abilities: the Jen wu chih of Liu Shao. American Oriental Series 11. New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1937. Lara, Anne-Marie. Traité des caractères. Paris: Gallimard, 1997. Luo Yinghuan 羅英換, English trans. Fu Junlian 伏俊璉, baihua trans. The Classified Characters and Political Abilities. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007.

Baihua Translations Bo Yuan 柏原, trans. and comm. Renwu zhi yizhu 人物志譯注. Changsha: Hunan kexue jishu chubanshe, 1990. Chen Qiaochu 陳喬楚, trans. and comm. Renwu zhi jinzhu jinyi 人物志今注今譯. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1996. Fu Junlian 伏俊璉, trans. and comm. Renwu zhi yizhu 人物志譯注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2008.

Studies Kong Fan 孔繁. “Renwu zhi chutan”《人物志》初探. Renwu zazhi (1982: 2): 35–38. Wen Gongyi 溫公頤. “Dong Han Zhongchang Tong Liu Shao de lunli luoji tan xi” 東漢仲長統、劉劭的倫理邏輯探析. Nankai xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1985: 4): 69–75. Wu Pi 吳丕. “Renwu zhi zhengzhi sixiang fenxi”《人物志》政治思想分析. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1989: 3): 106–12. Xu Guangtai 徐光太 and Ding Huimin 丁慧民. “Liu Shao rencai sixiang chutan” 劉劭人才思想初探. Jiang Huai luntan (1989: 1): 17–21, 6. Zhang Quancai 張權才. “Liu Shao Renwu zhi yanjiu” 劉劭《人物志》研究. Guangdong shehui kexue (1990: 1): 93–100, 15. Ma Junqi 馬駿騏. “Liu Shao Renwu zhi shu lun” 劉邵《人物志》述論. Guizhou shifan daxue xuebao 66 (1991): 59–63, 69. Jin Zhenji 金貞姬. “Liu Shao Renwu zhi zhi zhexue de fanxing” 劉劭《人物志》之 哲學的反省. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 8 (1994): 99–136. Li Xingjin 李幸錦. Renwu zhi qiren qishu zhi yanjiu”《人物志》其人、其書之研究. Ehu 279 (2001): 63–77. Cheng Youwei 程有為. “Shilun Liu Chao Renwu zhi de rencai xueshuo” 試論劉 邵《人物志》的人才學說. Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 32.11 (1999): 18–23.

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Yan Shiping 閻世平 and Dong Hongling 董虹凌. “Liu Shao de caide guan yanjiu” 劉劭的才德觀研究. Guangdong shehui kexue (2001: 2): 62–66. Wu Jiaju 吳家駒. “Shilun Liu Shao Renwu zhi de rencai sixiang” 試論劉邵《人物 志》的人才思想. Nanjing shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2001: 3): 156–60. Zhang Jianhua 張建華 and Zuo Jintao 左金濤. “Liu Shao ji qi Renwu zhi dui Zhao wenhua de gongxian” 劉邵及其《人物志》對趙文化的貢獻. Handan shizhuan xuebao 11.4 (2001): 3–5. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 75–76. Gao Changshan 高長山. “Han Wei renwu pinjian de shenmei quxiang—Cai Yong suozhuan beiwen yu Liu Shao Renwu zhi de bijiao” 漢魏人物品鑒的審美取向— 蔡邕所撰碑文與劉邵《人物志》的比較. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2005: 2): 4–8, 56. Yan Shiping 閻世平. Liu Shao rencai sixiang yanjiu 劉劭人才思想研究. Guangzhou: Zhongshan daxue chubanshe, 2005. Zhang Hongkai 張鴻愷. “Liu Shao Renwu zhi de rencai jianshi sixiang yu Wei Jin xuanxue de xingqi” 劉邵《人物志》的人才鑑識思想與魏晉玄學的興起. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 316 (2007): 61–97. Fu Julian 伏俊璉. “Liu Shao he tade Renwu zhi” 劉邵和他的《人物志》. Handan xueyuan xuebao 18.2 (2008): 28–32. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. Zhi renzhe zhi: Renwu zhi jiedu 知人者智:《人物志》解讀. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008. Jia Fenran 賈奮然. “Lun Renwu zhi ‘cai xing lun’ dui Wenxin diaolong de yingxiang” 論《人物志》“才性論” 對《文心雕龍》的影響. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu (Summer 2009): 132–38. DRK

Liu Shuo 劉鑠 (431–453), zi xiuxuan 休玄 Liu-Song period poet Liu Shuo’s ancestral home was Pengcheng 彭城 (modern Xuzhou 徐州, Jiangsu). He was the fourth son of Emperor Wen (r. 424–423) of the Song dynasty. In 439, he was named Prince of Nanping 南平 and in the following year was appointed regional inspector of Xiangzhou 湘州 (administrative seat Linxiang 臨湘, modern Changsha, Hunan). However, given his young age he did not assume this official post, but was assigned to the garrison in Shitou cheng 石頭城 (modern Qingliang shan 清涼山, Nanjing). In 445, he was appointed regional inspector of Nanyuzhou 南豫州 (administrative seat Liyang 歷陽, modern He 和 county, Anhui) and general of the right army. During the northern expedition against the Wei in 450, Liu Shuo took command of an army led by the generals Hu Shengzhi 胡盛之 and Dao Tanzhi 到坦之. The following year he was stationed at Shitou cheng with the title of General of the Pacification Army. In 453, in a palace coup, Liu Shuo’s eldest brother Liu Shao 劉劭 (425–453) murdered their

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father Emperor Wen and attempted to establish himself on the imperial throne. Liu Shuo allied with Liu Shao and was promoted to general of middle army. He later served as regional inspector of Nanyanzhou 南袞州 (administrative seat Guangling 廣陵, modern Yangzhou). When Liu Shuo’s brother Liu Jun 劉駿 (430–464) launched a successful coup against his brother Liu Shao and established himself as emperor (Emperor Xiaowu 孝武帝, r. 454–464), he appointed Liu Shuo palace attendant and minister of works. But shortly after he assumed office, Liu Shuo died of poisoning at the age of twenty-three. Liu Shuo displayed unusual intelligence from an early age. He was widely read and was a gifted writer. By the age of twenty he had composed thirty-plus imitations of gushi 古詩 (anonymous pentasyllabic poems). His contemporaries thought his verse rivaled that of Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303). Two of his imitations of “Nineteen Old Poems” #1 and 19 are included in the Wen xuan 文選. He also has five poems in the Yutai xinyong. The Shipin 詩品 ranks his verse in the “lower grade.” His “Shuixian fu” 水仙賦 (Fu on river sprite), which is no longer extant, was considered the equal of the “Luoshen fu” 洛神賦 (Fu on the Luo River goddess) of Cao Zhi. Liu Shuo was also a good musician. While he was serving at Nanyanzhou, he composed “Shouyang yue” 壽陽樂 (Music of Shouyang) based on local folk songs. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Liu Shuo’s collected works in five juan. This was lost in the Song. Lu Qinli has collected ten of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, and Yan Kejun has collected his only extant prose work in Quan Shanggu Dandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Zhongguo wenxejia dacidian, 125. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 346–48. Tian, Xiaofei. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 228.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 577–78. Birrell, New Songs, 107–9. TPK and DRK

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Liu Tao 劉陶 (?–185), zi Ziqi 子奇, alternative name Wei 偉 Eastern Han writer and statesman. Liu Tao’s ancestral home was Yingyin 潁陰 in Yingchuan 潁川 commandery (modern Xuchang 許昌, Henan). He lived a simple life style and never paid attention to petty conventions. Liu Tao visited the national university during Emperor Huan’s reign (r. 147–167). While at the capital of Luoyang he observed the power abuses of the regent Liang Ji 梁冀 (d. 59) at the imperial court, Emperor Huan’s inability to produce an heir, successive years of famine, and the occurrence of various natural disasters. Liu Tao then submitted a petition to Emperor Huan suggesting that the emperor should recruit virtuous and able people to serve at the court while keeping his distance from crafty and sycophantic courtiers. He later submitted another petition stating that the emperor was committing a gross error by minting large coins. His petitions were well received, and later he was recommended as “filial and incorrupt” and appointed magistrate of Shunyang 順陽 (southwest of modern Neixiang 內鄉, Henan) followed by an appointment as attendant censor. During the reign of Emperor Ling 靈 帝 (168–189), Liu Tao submitted a petition stating the natural disasters might be the result of the Yellow Turban disturbances led by Zhang Jue 張 角 (d. 184). Emperor Ling did not heed Liu Tao’s advice. When the Yellow Turban rebellion erupted, Emperor Ling remembered Liu Tao’s prescient advice, and he promoted him to director of the imperial secretariat. At this time, the empire was already thrown into disorder because of the rebellion, and the court was in grave danger. Liu Tao submitted another petition in which he blamed the eunuchs for the social disorder of the time. The eunuchs retaliated by charging Liu with speaking recklessly, and he was put into prison where he died. Liu Tao made scholarly studies of both Shang shu and Chun qiu. He authored Zhongwen Shang shu 中文尚書 (Compromise version of the Shang shu) in which he followed both the Old Text version and that of the three Former Han Shang shu experts Xiahou Sheng 夏侯勝 (fl. 70 b.c.e.) Xiahou Jian 夏侯建, and Ouyang Sheng 歐陽生. The Zhongwen Shang shu was lost before the Tang. Liu Tao’s biography in the Hou Han shu mentions that Liu Tao authored hundreds of thousands of characters of writings, including “Qi yao lun” 七曜論 (Disquisition on the seven luminaries—Sun and moon plus the five planets), “Kuang Laozi” 匡老子 (Rectifying Laozi), “Fan Han Fei” 反韓非 (Refuting Han Fei), “Fu Meng Ke” 復孟軻 (Restoring [the position of] Meng Ke). He also wrote one hundred pieces in a variety of genres including legal instructions, fu, impeachment petitions, letters,

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notes, and disputations of dubious matters. Most of these writings were already lost by the early Tang, for the monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in three juan. Only five of his prose works most of which are court petitions, are extant. Studies Hui Dong 惠棟 (1697–1758), comm. Hou Han shu xunzuan 後漢書訓纂. In Xu Shu 徐蜀, ed. Liang Han shu dingbu wenxian huibian 2: 640. Cao and Shen, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 128. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 548–49.

Translations Yang Lien-sheng, Studies, 189–91. de Crespigny, Emperor Huan and Emperor Ling, 1–3, 195–96. TPK

Liu Xiang 劉向, zi Zizheng 子政 (79–8 b.c.e.), original personal name Gengsheng 更生 Scholar and writer of late Western Han. Liu Xiang’s ancestral home was Pei 沛 (modern Pei county, Jiangsu). He was the great-great-grandson of Emperor Gaozu’s younger brother, Liu Jiao 劉交, King Yuan 元 of Chu 楚 (256–195 b.c.e.). Liu Xiang’s father Liu De 劉德 (d. 56 b.c.e.) was a specialist in Huang-Lao, a school of statecraft inspired by Taoist ideas, and also well versed in political strategy. Emperor Wu called him his “thousand-league colt.” From a young age, Liu Xiang displayed unusual intelligence and fondness for learning. He was especially interested in classical scholarship and astronomy. In 68 b.c.e., at the age of twelve, he was appointed gentleman of the imperial carriage. In 60 b.c.e., he was promoted to the position of grand master of remonstrance. During this time, Emperor Xuan (r. 73–49 b.c.e.) revived the practice of his grandfather Emperor Wu of recruiting scholars and writers to the imperial court. Liu Xiang and Wang Bao 王褒 (ca. 84–ca. 53 b.c.e.) both achieved recognition for their skill as writers. Liu Xiang presented to the emperor some twenty fu and eulogies. Liu Xiang had obtained from his father the Hong bao yuan mi shu 鴻寶苑秘書 that had been compiled at the court of Liu An 劉安 (?179–122 b.c.e.) in Huainan and purported to contain accounts of immortals and a secret recipe for making gold. In 56 b.c.e. Liu Xiang presented the book to Emperor Xuan, who had recently shown interest in

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spirits and techniques of prolonging life. When the recipe proved ineffective, Liu Xiang was put into prison and sentenced to death. He was able to escape punishment after his elder brother Liu Anmin 劉安民 purchased a pardon for him. In 55 b.c.e., Liu Xiang returned to the court to take instruction in the Guliang commentary to the Chunqiu. Four years later (in 51 b.c.e.), he participated in the debates regarding the classics at the Shiqu Pavilion 石 渠閣. In 48 b.c.e., the first year of the reign of Emperor Yuan (r. 48–33 b.c.e.), Liu was appointed to the high position of director of the imperial clan. This is a post that his father had also held. Liu and several other prominent members at the court including Xiao Wangzhi 蕭望之 (d. 47 b.c.e.) and Zhou Kan 周堪 (d. ca. 43 b.c.e.) sought to curb the power of the Xu 許 and Shi 史 consort clans and the eunuchs. However, Liu and his colleagues were all put into prison and reduced to commoner status. Although Liu Xiang continued to submit petitions to the court protesting abuses by the consort clan, he remained out of office until 32 b.c.e., the first year of the reign of Emperor Cheng (r. 33–7 b.c.e.), when he was selected as an adviser to the emperor and appointed to the post of grandee remonstrant with the supernumerary title of cavalier attendant. He twice served as imperial household grandee. It was at this time he changed his name from Gengsheng to Xiang. It was under Emperor Cheng that Liu Xiang took charge of editing the texts in the imperial library. Liu Xiang died in 8 b.c.e. at the age of seventy-two. He had three sons, all of whom were learned and talented. His youngest son Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23) is the most famous of the three. Liu Xiang was engaged for a long time in the study of the Classics and editing of texts in the imperial archives. Liu Xiang made important studies of both the Zhou yi and Shang shu. In 26 b.c.e., Emperor Cheng put Liu Xiang in charge of editing and cataloguing the books in the Tianlu ge 天祿閣, which was the location of the imperial library. This was the first known Chinese library catalogue. The compilation was entrusted to various scholars. Liu Xiang had charge of the three sections of (1) the Classics and their commentaries, (2) the Masters, and (3) fu and songs/poetry. The colonel of foot soldiers Ren Hong 任宏 edited the military texts, the grand astrologer Yin Xian 尹咸 had charge of the works in the occult arts section, and the attending physician Li Zhuguo 李柱國 was assigned the medical texts. Liu Xiang was the editor-in-chief. After he completed editing a text, Liu Xiang appended a prefatory account (xu lu 敘錄), which he called Bie lu 別錄 (Separate records). This twenty-juan work is the earliest collection of scholarly reports on such works as Zhanguo ce 戰國策, Guanzi 管子, Yanzi 晏子, Deng Xizi 鄧析子, Sun Qingzi 孫卿子 (Xunzi), and Han Feizi 韓非子.

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Liu Xiang also compiled a number of story collections including Lienü zhuan 列女傳 (Traditions of illustrious women), Xin xu 新序 (Newly arranged stories), Shuo yuan 說苑 (Garden of tales), Xiaozi tu zhuan 孝子 圖傳 (Traditions of filial sons with illustrations), Lieshi zhuan 列士傳 (Traditions of illustrious gentlemen), and Shi shuo 世說 (Tales of the ages). The latter three works are no longer extant. Liu Xiang was a prolific fu writer. The monograph on bibliography of the Han shu records thirty-two fu compositions under his name. Some of them such as “He fu” 合賦 (Fu on a box), “Qilin jiao zhang fu” 麒麟角杖賦 (Fu on a staff made of unicorn horn), and three pieces on shooting birds with a corded arrow are known only by title. The Chu ci contains the “Jiu tan” 九歎 (Nine laments) a piece written in sao style. The “Qing yu Huashan fu” (Fu requesting rain at Mount Hua) is probably complete, but the text is virtually unreadable and impossible to punctuate. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and Xin Tang shu record Liu Xiang’s collected works in six juan. Chen Zhensun 陳振孫 (1211–1249) in his Zhizhai shulu jieti 直齋書錄解題 lists a five-juan collection. He reports that the first four juan contain petitions from Liu Xiang’s biography in the Han shu. Thus, this is probably a reconstructed collection. Yan Kejun collected the bulk of his prose writings including the Bie lu in the “Quan Han wen” of the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Bibliography Collection Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Liu Zizheng ji 劉子政集. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji 漢魏六朝百三家集.

Studies Qian Mu 錢穆. “Liu Xiang fuzi nianpu” 劉向父子年譜. Yanjing xuebao 7 (1930): 1189–1318; rpt. Qian Mu. Liang Han jingxue jin guwen pingyi 兩漢經學今古文 平議, 1–163. Hong Kong: Xinya yanjiuyuan, 1958. Ge Qiyang 葛啟揚. “Liu Xiang shengzu nian ji qi zhuzuo kao lüe” 劉向生卒年及其 著作考略. Shixue nianbao 1.5 (1944): 53–60. Xuan Chang 玄常. “Liu Xiang Liu Xin fuxi nianpu” 劉向、劉歆父子年譜. Zhongyang tushuguan guankan (fukan) 1.4 (1947): 36–38. Zhou Gao 周杲. “Liu Zizheng shengzu nian yue ji qi zhushu kao bian” 劉子政生卒 年月及其著述考辨. Wenxue nianbao 2 (1947): 73–96. Ikeda Shuzō 池田秀三. “Ryū Kō no gakumon to shisō” 劉向學問思想. Tōhōgaku hō (Kyoto) 50 (1978): 109–90. Han Biqin 韓碧琴. “Liu Xiang xueshu” 劉向學術. M.A. thesis, Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo, 1984.

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Zhu Ruikai 祝瑞開. “Liu Xiang Liu Xin de sixiang” 劉向劉歆的思想. Zhongguo zhexue 12 (1984): 126–37. Lin Weichun 林維純. “Liu Xiang bianji Chu ci chutan” 劉向編輯《楚辭》初探. Jinan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 3 (1984): 86–92. Han Biqin 韓碧琴. “Liu Xiang xueshu mulu” 劉向學術目錄. Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo jikan 29 (1985): 471–640. Wang Shiwei 王世偉. “Liu Xiang Liu Xin fuzi jiaokanxue chutan” 劉向劉歆父子校 勘學初探. Huadong shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 5 (1986): 55–59. Wu Minxia 吳敏霞. “Liu Xiang xueshu sixiang tedian qianyi” 劉向學術思想特點淺 議. Xibei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1987: 2): 33–39. Jiang Fan 蔣凡. “Liu Xiang wenxue sixiang shuping” 劉向文學思想述評. Fudan xuebao (1989: 5): 9–15. Xie Qian 謝謙. “Liu Xiang zhushu kaolüe” 劉向著述考略. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao (Sheke ban) 25 (1989): 25–29. Tang Youle 唐友勒. “Lun Liu Xiang jiaoshu” 論劉向校書. Sichuan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zheshe ban) (1989: 5): 42–51. Guo Weisen 郭維森. “Liu Xiang” 劉向. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan (xubian), 1: 127–42. Zhang Tao 張濤. “Shi tan Guliang zhuan dui Liu Xiang de yingxiang” 試談《穀梁 傳》對劉向的影響. Guizhou wenshi congkan (1991: 3): 100–5. Li Jiemin 李解民. “Liushi shulu yanjiu” 劉氏書錄研究. Guji zhengli yu yanjiu (1992: 7): 51–69. Li Mengzhi 李夢芝. “Liu Xiang ji qi zhushu lunlüe” 劉向及其著述論略. Lishi jiaoxue (1994: 3): 9–15. Shen Yan 沈焱. “Liu Xiang de zhengzhi shengya yu zhengzhi sixiang lüeshu” 劉 向的政治生涯與政治思想略述. Shanghai daxue xuebao (Sheke ban) (1994: 5): 82–86. Wang Ping 王萍. “Liu Xiang Liu Xin fuzi de jiaoshu bianmu ji qi zhidao sixiang” 劉向劉歆父子的校書編目及其指導思想. Liaoning shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 2 (1996): 67–69. Dai hongxian 戴紅賢. “Liu Xiang shu yu Zhongguo qian xiaoshuo de xingtai tezheng” 劉向書與中國前小說的形態特徵. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 24.1 (1997): 119–23. Xie Qian 謝謙. “Liu Xiang zhushu yu Handai zhengzhi zhi lianxi kaolüe” 劉向著 書與漢代政治之聯繫考略. Xinan minzu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 18.4 (1997): 91–95. Zhao Yabo 趙雅博. “Liu Xiang jishu zhong suo chengxian de sixiang” 劉向輯書中 所呈現的思想. Zhexue yu wenhua 290 (1998): 625–86, 594. Zhang Tao 張濤. “Lüe lun Liu Xiang Liu Xin fuzi de Yixue sixiang yu chengjiu” 略 論劉向劉歆父子的易學思想與成就. Wenxian (1998: 2): 79–92. Wang Chenglüe 王承略 and Yang Jinxian 楊錦先. “Liu Xiang jiaoshu tongliao xuexing kaolun” 劉向校書同僚學行考論. Wenxian (1998: 3): 64–79. Qiu Minghua 邱明華 and Yang Junhong 楊俊紅. “Liu Xiang Liu Xin zhushu kao” 劉向、劉歆著述考. Shehui kexue dongtai (1998: 11): 95–98. Wen Si 聞思. “Liu Xiang shengzu nian bian” 劉向生卒年辨. Wen shi 32 (1990): 172. Han Gaonian 韓高年. “Liu Xiang ‘Bie lu’ de tili ji qi xueshu yuanyuan” 劉向《別 錄》的體例及其學術淵源. Guji yanjiu (2001: 2): 105–8, 49.

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Zhang Xuejun 張學軍. “Liu Xiang jiaoli qunshu ji qi yongren sixiang shuping” 劉向 校理群書及其用人思想述評. Liaocheng daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2002: 5): 120–83, 87. Zongfan 踪凡. “Liu Xiang fuzi de Han fu yanjiu” 劉向父子的漢賦研究. Wenxian (2002): 12–23; rpt. in Zongfan. Han fu yanjiu shi lun 漢賦研究史論, 94–110. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2007. Zhang Yongshan 張永山. “Xi Han mulu xuejia Liu Xiang Liu Xin nianpu” 西漢目 錄學家劉向、劉歆年譜. Tushuguan zazhi 21.4 (2002): 70–72. Ding Jin 丁進. “Liu Xiang yu liang Dai ji guanxi kao” 劉向與兩《戴記》關係考. Guji yanjiu (2002: 2): 110–13. Zhou Wei 周蔚. “Liu Xiang xiaoshuo de dingwei sikao” 劉向小說的定位思考. Nanjing shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2002: 3): 145–51. Wu Quanlan 吳全蘭. “Lun Liu Xiang dui xian Qin ruxue de jicheng he fazhan” 論 劉向對先秦儒學的繼承和發展. Yunnan shehui kexue 6 (2003): 110–14. Xiong Ming 熊明. “Liu Xiang Lie shi zhuan yiwen ji jiao” 劉向《列士傳》佚文輯 校. Wenxian (2003: 2): 18–24. Zheng Wangeng 鄭萬耕. “Liu Xiang Liu Xin fuzi de xueshu shiguan” 劉向劉歆父 子的學術史觀. Shixue shi yanjiu 109 (2003): 11–15. Deng Junjie 鄧駿捷. “Tan Liu Xiang jiaoshu zhong de ‘diben’ yishi” 談劉向校書中 的 “底本” 意識. Zhangzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 46 (2003): 75–76. Zhou Wei 周蔚 “Liu Xiang xiaoshuo yishu chengjiu qian lun” 劉向小說藝術成就淺 論. Suzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2004: 3): 60–63. Deng Junjie 鄧駿捷. “Liu Xiang jiaoshu yu gu wenxianxue kuangjia de jiangou” 劉向校書與古文獻學框架的建構. Guangzhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 3.1 (2004): 18–21, 57. Wang Ping 王萍, Wang Xiaolan 王小蘭, and Wang Zhongxiu 王仲修. “Daojia sixiang yu Liu Xiang xueshu” 道家思想與劉向學術. Shandong daxue xuebao (2004: 3): 41–46. Chen Longyu 陳隆予. “Liu Xiang jiaoshu xulu zhong de jige wenti” 劉向校書敘錄 中的幾個問題. Shaanxi jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 20.2 (2004): 76–79. Chen Jing 陳靜 and Liu Guangyu 劉光裕. “Liu Xiang jiaoshu dui gudian chuban de gongxian” 劉向校書對古典出版的貢獻. Chuban shiliao (2004: 1): 90–103. Xu Xingwu 徐興無. Liu Xiang ping zhuan 劉向評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2005. Li Li 李莉. “Liu Xiang wenxue sixiang qiantan” 劉向文學思想淺探. Gansu lianhe daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 21.3 (2005): 11–13. Chen Yimei 陳一梅. “Liu Xiang gengming de yuanyin he yongyi” 劉向更名的原因 和用意. Hua Xia wenhua (2005: 4): 17–18. Wu Quanlan 吳全蘭. “Liu Xiang de Huang Lao sixiang” 劉向的黃老思想. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 41.1 (2005): 31–35. Chen Longyu 陳隆予. “Lun Qi lüe fenlei sixiang de xingcheng ji qi yingxiang” 論 《七略》分類思想的形成及其影響. Tangdu xuekan 21.5 (2005): 9–13. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 372–76. Xiong Tieji 熊鐵基. “Liu Xiang jiaoshu xiangxi” 劉向校書詳析. Shixue yuekan (2006: 7): 73–79. Ke Hunhan 柯混瀚. “Liu Xiang yu Chu ci guanxi zai tan” 劉向與《楚辭》關係再探. Dongfang renwen xuezhi 5.4 (2006): 9–31.

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Huang Qishu 黃啟書. “Shilun Liu Xiang zaiyi xueshuo zhi zhuanbian” 試論劉向災 異學說之轉變. Taida Zhongwen xuebao 26 (2007): 119–51. Huang Qishu 黃啟書. “Shilun Liu Xiang Liu Xin ‘Hong fan wuxing zhuan lun’zhi yitong ” 試論劉向劉歆 ‘洪範五行傳論’ 之異同. Taida Zhongwen xuebao 27 (2007): 127–65, 123, 125. Zhang Qiusheng 張秋升. “Liu Xiang zhixue tedian zonglun” 劉向治學特點綜論. Qi Lu xuekan (2007: 5): 48–54. Zhao Wei 趙偉. “Liu Xiang Liu Xin bianji sixiang pingjia: cong Han shu ‘Yiwen zhi’ toushi Zhongguo bianji shi de fengbei” 劉向劉歆編輯思想評價: 從《漢書‧藝文志》透視中國編輯史的豐碑. Liaoning shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 30 (2007): 124–28. Rao Daoqing 饒道慶. “Liu Xiang Lieshi zhuan yiwen jiaojiao zeng bu” 劉向《列士 傳》佚文輯校增補. Wenxian (2007: 1): 39–43. Yao Juan 姚娟 and Zhang Zhimin 張志敏. “Liu Xiang shuo ti wen sixiang yanjiu” 劉向說體文思想研究. Guizhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 26.3 (2008): 91–95. Wang Shouliang 王守亮. “Liu Xiang Shi shuo kaolun” 劉向《世說》考論. Dongyue luncong 30.4 (2009): 74–76. Wang Yaoming 汪耀明. “Lun Liu Xiang de wenxue guandian” 論劉向的文學觀點. Taiyuan shifan xueyuan (Shehui kexue ban) 8.2 (2009): 93–97.

Works a. Bie lu 別錄 (Separate records) Texts Yan Kejun, “Quan Han Wen,” 38.1a–8b. Hong Yixuan 洪頤煊 (1765–1837). Liu Xiang bielu 劉向別錄. Jingdian jilin 經典 集林. Gu Guanguang 顧觀光 (1799–1862). Liu Xiang bielu 劉向別錄. Handwritten copy held in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Rpt. and ed. Li Jiemin 李解民. “Gu Guanguang Bie lu Qi lüe jiben” 顧觀光《別錄》、《七略》輯本. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1992: 2): 315–24.

b. “Jiu tan” 九歎 (Nine laments) Translations Hawkes, Ch’u Tz’u, 170–82. Hawkes, Songs of the South, 307–21. Mathieu, Élégies de Chu, 250–72 DRK

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Liu Xiang 劉祥 (ca. 451–ca. 489), zi Xiangzheng 顯徵 Liu-Song and Southern Qi literatus. Liu Xiang’s ancestral home was Ju 莒 in Dongwan 東莞 commandery (modern Ju county, Shandong). He was the great-grandson of the Song statesman Liu Muzhi 劉穆之 (360–417). Liu Xiang began his career in the Song as an administrator on the staff of the Song prince Liu Xiuruo 劉休若 (448–471). During the reign of the Later Deposed Emperor (r. 472–477) he served under Liu Zhun 劉準 (469–479), the future Emperor Shun (r. 477– 479). He was also a member of the staff of the grand general of the central army Liu Bing 劉秉 (433–477), who along with Yuan Can 袁粲 (421–478) unsucessfully organized an army to overthrow Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427–482), who was preparing to seize the Song imperial throne. When Xiao Daocheng established the Qi dynasty in 479, Liu Xiang entered the service of Xiao Ye 蕭曅 (467–494), Xiao Daocheng’s fifth son. Ca. 483, he was appointed consultant to Xiao Huang 蕭晃 (460–490), Xiao Daocheng’s fourth son. Liu Xiang wrote a history of the Liu-Song period in which he criticized Xiao Daocheng as a usurper. Wang Jian 王儉 (452–489) reported him to Emperor Wu (r. 482–493), who decided not to pursue the matter. From a young age, Liu Xiang was an ardent student. However, he was arrogant and disrespectful, even in the company of people of high station. On one occasion, he insulted the minister of education Chu Yuan 褚淵 (435–482), who replied by calling Liu Xiang a “disrespectful” hanshi 寒士 (humble status gentry). Liu retorted by saying: “Since I was unable to murder Yuan and Liu, how could I avoid being a hanshi!” Liu Xiang was referring to Liu Bing and Yuan Can, who unlike Chu Yuan did not support Xiao Daocheng’s imperial ambitions. Chu Yuan had informed Xiao Daocheng of their scheme, and Yuan, Liu, and their supporters were all executed. Liu Xiang became increasingly disillusioned with official service. While serving under Xiao Daocheng’s third son, Prince of Linchuan 臨川 Xiao Ying 蕭映 (458–489), he composed fifteen lianzhu in which he voiced his complaint about the failure of the court to appreciate “rare treasures” such as himself. Upon reading these pieces, Emperor Wu ordered Ren Xia 任遐 to prepare a letter of impeachment. Both the letter and Liu Xiang’s rebuttal are extant. The court sentenced Liu Xiang to banishment in Guangzhou 廣州 (administrative seat Panyu 番禺, modern Guangzhou, Guangdong). Upon arriving in Guangzhou, Liu Xiang was greatly dispirited and spent his days drinking heavily. He soon died of illness ca. 489 at the age of thirty-nine. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions Liu Xiang’s collected works in ten juan that was listed in a Liang period catalogue.

liu xiaochuo 劉孝綽 (481–539), zi xiaochuo 孝綽

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This was lost by the early Tang. His fifteen lianzhu have been preserved in his Nan Qi shu biography. Liu Xiang was also a distinguished poet. Zhong Rong places him in the middle grade of the Shi pin. However, none of his poems has survived. Bibliography Studies Cao Daocheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 127. Cao Daocheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 371–72. Xu Guorong 徐國榮 and Yang Yanhua 楊艷華. “Lun Han Wei Liuchao lianzhu ti de yanbian yu wenxue fazhan” 論漢魏六朝連珠體的演變與文學發展. 118 (2005): 77–83. DRK

Liu Xiaochuo 劉孝綽 (481–539), zi Xiaochuo 孝綽, original name Ran 冉, childhood name Ashi 阿士 Liang dynasty writer and chief assistant to Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531) in compiling the Wen xuan. Liu Xiaochuo’s ancestral home was Shangli 上里 in Pengcheng 彭城 (modern Xuzhou, Jiangsu). The Pengcheng Liu family of which Liu Xiaochuo was an important member only became prominent through the illustrious military service of Liu Mian 劉勔 (418–474) during the Liu-Song period. However, Liu Xiaochuo was reputed to be a literary genius from an early age, and his talent was noted by such eminent men of letters as Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513), Fan Yun 范雲 (451–503), and Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508). Although he was junior to most of the Yongming poets who had already made a name in the 480s, Liu Xiaochuo did not hesitate to present writings to these now senior officials at the Liang court. In a poem addressed to Ren Fang, then vice censor-in-chief, Liu Xiaochuo’s expression of impatience with his slow progress in moving up the official hierarchy is close to bluntness. Failing to strike a sympathetic chord with Ren Fang, Liu Xiaochuo somehow impressed Emperor Wu 武 (r. 502–549) with seven of his banquet poems. The emperor’s favor not only secured Liu Xiaochuo a series of prestigious appointments including vice director of the imperial library, but also saved him from multiple accusations of bribery and misconduct. One of the worst cases was brought against Liu Xiaochuo by a fellow townsman and long-time colleague named Dao Qia 到洽 (477–527). Together with his equally well-known brothers, Dao Qia occupied important positions at

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the Liang court. In many ways, Dao Qia’s upward mobility path appears similar to that of Liu Xiaochuo. At times, they shared the same office in the imperial court. A more circumspect and reverent person, Dao Qia proved to be a fierce competitor for Liu Xiaochuo in both personal relations and political career. In his youth, Dao Qia earned the respect of Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464–499), the only literary man that Liu Xiaochuo would acknowledge as his superior. In addition, even Ren Fang called Dao Qia a “peerless talent.” Liu Xiaochuo, however, did not spare any chance to hurl insults at Dao Qia in public and private settings. It is understandable that when Dao Qia was made censor-in-chief in 526, he brought to the emperor’s attention a damning case against Liu Xiaochuo who had allegedly, when moving into his new official residence, chose the companionship of a concubine over his mother. There are speculations about who his concubine was and, as a matter of fact, whether it was Liu Xiaochuo’s concubine or a sister. According to one theory this person was none other than Liu Xiaochuo’s own sister, the poetess Liu Lingxian 劉令嫻 (ca. 500–525) who was married to Xu Fei 徐悱 (d. 524). If Liu Lingxian were indeed involved, then the implied crime of incest would be far more severe. Although Liu Xiaochuo was demoted because of this incident, the actual punishment was much lessened due to Emperor Wu’s interpolation of the document on Liu’s behalf. Despite a blemished reputation, Liu Xiaochuo’s career as a court writer went unscathed. He was highly regarded by a young generation of writers. It is said that Xiaochuo’s new compositions would always receive immediate circulation through both recitation and reproduction. Xiaochuo’s productivity is seen in the fact that his writings amounted to several hundred thousand characters in 14 juan. Only 69 poems and 17 prose pieces are extant, though Xiaochuo was said to be more of a prose writer than a poet. The preface Liu Xiaochuo drafted for Zhaoming taizi ji 昭明太子集 (The collected works of Crown Prince Zhaoming) is probably the most widely read piece. The view expressed in the preface on striving for a balance in form and content in literary composition meshes well with Xiao Tong’s own preface to the Wen xuan. One of Liu Xiaochuo’s pentasyllabic poems contains 124 lines and is the longest of all extant poems from the period. As a poet, Liu Xiaochuo is often mentioned together with He Xun 何遜 (466–519) with whom Xiaochuo shared office briefly. As the two most notable poets of the Liang dynasty, Liu Xiaochuo and He Xun seem to differ in poetic style. According to Yan Zhitui 顏之推 (531–591), capital writers preferred Liu Xiaochuo for his grand and self-assured manner as reflected in his poetry. Liu Xiaochuo is most acclaimed for assisting Crown Prince Xiao Tong compile the Wen xuan. Recently, Liu Xiaochuo has become the center of

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attention in the work by Professor Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫, a scholar who has been one of the leaders of a scholarly movement called “New Wen xuan Studies.” One of Shimizu’s hypotheses is that Liu Xiaochuo was the actual compiler of the Wen xuan and Xiao Tong’s role in the project was only nominal. Professor Shimizu looked closely into Liu Xiaochuo’s relationships with writers who were improperly included or excluded from the Wen xuan and concluded that their inclusion or exclusion in the anthology had to do with their personal relationship with Liu Xiaochuo. That the putative actual compiler of the Wen xuan Liu Xiaochuo based his decisions on personal favor or grievance is an idea that has been responded to, and mostly challenged, by Chinese scholars such as Gu Nong 顧農, Qu Shouyuan 屈守 元, and Mu Kehong 穆克宏. Nevertheless, Professor Shimizu’s novel perspective has made it possible to conduct Wen xuan research in ways that were never attempted before, and he certainly has given Liu Xiaochuo the credit that the proud Liang writer would have greatly enjoyed. Collections Xue Yingqi 薛應旂 ( jinshi 1535), ed. Liang Liu Xiaochuo ji 梁劉孝綽集. 1 juan. Liuchao shi ji 六朝詩集 (1522–1566). Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Liu mishu ji 劉秘書集. 2 juan with 1 juan of appendix. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Liu mishu ji 劉秘書集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji 漢魏六朝百三名家集. Wu Rulun 吳汝綸 (1840–1903), ed. Liu mishu ji 劉秘書集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji xuan 漢魏六朝百三家集選.

Concordance Shigeo Morino 森野繁夫, Toshiyuki, Satō 佐藤利行, and Masanobu Saeki 佐伯雅宣. Ryū Kōshaku shisakuin 劉孝綽詩索引. Tokyo: Shohan, 2000.

Chronologies Zhan Hong 詹鴻. “Liu Xiaochuo nianpu” 劉孝綽年譜. In Liu Yuejin 劉躍進 and Fan Ziye 范子曄. Liuchao zuojia nianpu jiyao, 329–49. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Shen Yucheng 沈玉成. “Liu Xiaochuo nianbiao” 劉孝綽 年表. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 532–39. Cao Dongdong 曹冬棟. “Liu Xiaochuo ji jiaozhu” 劉孝綽集校註. M.A. Thesis, Dongbei shifan daxue, 2006.

Studies Zhan Hong 詹鴻. “Li er bu yin yue and bu jian—lun zhanzhuan yu Xiaoshi menxia de Liu Xiaochuo ji qi shige chuangzuo” 麗而不淫約而不儉—論輾轉於蕭氏門下的

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劉孝綽及其詩歌創作. Longyan shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 16.4 (1998): 43–45. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Monzen senja kō—Shōmei taishi to Ryū Kōshaku” 文選 撰者考—昭明太子と劉孝綽. Gakurin (1984: 3): 46–64; Han Jiguo 韓基國, trans. “Wen xuan zhuanzhe kao—Zhaoming taizi he Liu Xiaochuo”《文選》撰者考— 昭明太子和劉孝綽. In Shimizu Yoshio. Liuchao wenxue lunwen ji, 1–18. Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行. “Ryū Kōshaku ‘Gui mu cheng Ren zhongcheng’ shi ni tsuite” 劉孝綽「歸沐呈任中丞」詩について. Okamura Sadao hakushi koki kinen Chūgokugaku ronshū 岡村貞雄博士古稀記念中國學論集, 103–22. Tokyo: Hakuteisha, 1999. Ma Baoji 馬寶記. “Nanchao Pengcheng Liushi jiazu wenxue yanjiu” 南朝彭城劉 氏家族文學研究, Part I. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 18.4 (1999): 35–38; Part II. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 19.3 (2000): 52–55. Saeki Masanobu 佐伯雅宣. “Ryū Kōshaku kenkyū—Shōtō ō to no kankei o chūshin ni” 劉孝綽研究—湘東王との關係を中心に. Yamamoto Akira taikyū kinen Chūgokugaku ronshū 山本昭教授退休記念中國學論集, 121–22. Tokyo: Hakuteisha, 2000. Saeki Masanobu 佐伯雅宣. “Ryū Kōshaku to Ryōdai bungaku shūdan” 劉孝綽と梁 代文學集團. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 39 (2001): 1–12. Li Guolai 李國來. “Liu Xiaochuo shige yanjiu” 劉孝綽詩歌研究. M.A. Thesis, Hebei daxue, 2001. Zhou Weiyi 周唯一. “Pengcheng Liushi shiqun zai Qi Liang shitan zhi chuangzao yu yingxiang” 彭城劉氏詩群在齊梁詩壇之創作與影響. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 61.2 (2001): 20–24. Saeki Masanobu 佐伯雅宣. “Ryū Kōshaku no shōgai” 劉孝綽の生涯. Chūgoku gaku kenkyū ronshū 7 (2001): 20–29. Qin Yueyu 秦躍宇. “Liu Xiaochuo yu Qi Liang wenxue” 劉孝綽與齊梁文學. M.A. Thesis, Yangzhou daxue, 2002. Qin Yueyu 秦躍宇. “Liu Xiaochuo yu Yongming wenxue yanjiu” 劉孝綽與永明文 學研究. Guangxi shiyuan xuebao 23.4 (2002): 30–34. Qin Yueyu 秦躍宇. “Liu Xiaochuo yu Liang dai zhongqi wenxue” 劉孝綽與梁代中 期文學. Sichuan shifan xueyuan xuebao (2002): 4.72–76. Qin Yueyu 秦躍宇. “Liu Xiaochuo yu Wen xuan yanjiu” 劉孝綽與文選研究. Chongqing shiyuan xuebao (2003): 1.31–35, 46. Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行 and Saeki Masanobu 佐伯雅宣. “Ryū Kōshaku no gafu shi” 劉孝綽の樂府詩. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 43 (2003): 74–86. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Ryōjo ‘Xi shaomei yu huasheng, qi laomu yu xiazhai’ kō”『梁書』「攜少妹於華省、棄老母於下宅」考. Gakurin 36–37 (2003): 233–51. Qin Yueyu 秦躍宇. “Liu Xiaochuo yu gongti wenxue” 劉孝綽與宮体文學. Guizhou shehui kexue 188.2 (2004): 87–89, 102. Lizhi 力之. “Zonglun Wen xuan de bianzhe wenti—cong wenxian kexindu cengmian shang bian ‘yu Liu Xiaochuo deng zhuan’ shuo buneng chengli” 綜論 《文選》的編者問題—從文獻可信度層面上辨 “與劉孝綽等撰” 說不能成立. Jianghan daxue xuebao (Renwen kexue ban) 24.1 (2005): 33–40; 24.6 (2005): 41–48. Zhang Jing 張靜. “Liu Xiaochuo, Liu Xiaoyi, Liu Xiaowei de shige bijiao yanjiu” 劉 孝綽、劉孝儀、劉孝威的詩歌比較研究. M.A. Thesis, Hebei daxue, 2006. Rong Dan 榮丹. “Liu Xiaochuo ji qi shige yanjiu” 劉孝綽及其詩歌研究. M.A. Thesis, Hunan daxue, 2007.

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Tian Yuxing 田宇星. “Wen xuan de zhuyao bianzuanzhe Liu Xiaochuo kaolun” 《文選》的主要編纂者劉孝綽考論. In Zhongguo Wen xuan xue: diliujie Wen xuan xue guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwen ji 中國文選學: 第六屆文選學國際學術 研討會論文集, 22–34. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2007. Cao Dongdong 曹冬棟 and Sun Yingna 孫英娜. “Lun Liu Xiaochuo yu Wen xuan de bianzhuan jiqi wenxue sixiang” 論劉孝綽與文選的編撰及其文學思想. Jilin sheng jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 24.6 (2008): 74–75.

Translations Birrell. New Songs from a Jade Terrace, 211–13. Wang Ping. “Liu Xiaochuo—Xiao Tong’s Laureate Poet.” In “Culture and Literature in an Early Medieval Chinese Court: The Writings and Literary Thought of Xiao Tong (501–531),” 235–333. Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 2006. Tian Xiaofei. Beacon Fire, 208, 244, 252–53. Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行 and Saeki Masanobu 佐伯雅宣. “Ryū Kōshaku shi yakuchū” 劉孝綽詩譯注. Chūgoku koten bungaku kenkyū 5 (2007): 46–65. WP

Liu Xiaowei 劉孝威 (496–549) Liang period writer. Liu Xiaowei’s ancestral home was Shangli 上里 in Pengcheng 彭城 (modern Xuzhou, Jiangsu). He was the sixth brother of Liu Xiaochuo 劉孝綽 (481– 539). Liu Xiaochuo referred to the compositions of Liu Xiaowei and his third brother Liu Qian 劉潛 (486–550) as “the prose of number three and the poetry of number six.” In 523 Liu Xiaowei joined the staff of Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551) when Xiao Gang took up his position as regional inspector of Yongzhou 雍州 (administrative seat Xiangyang, modern Xiangfan, Hubei). Liu Xiaowei along with his brother Liu Qian, Yu Jianwu 庾肩吾 (ca. 487–551), Lu Gao 陸杲 (459–532), and Xu Chi 徐持 (474–551) were the core members of Xiao Gang’s Yongzhou literary salon. Upon the death of his mother in 529, Liu Xiaowei resigned his post. In 531 Xiao Gang was named heir designate and Liu Xiaowei was appointed to his staff first as frontrider (= attendant), then as secretary, cadet, and director of the court of the watches. In 543, he composed a eulogy to commemorate the landing of a white bird in Xiao Gang’s palace. Ca. 547, Liu Xiaowei held concurrently the posts of palace cadet on Xiao Gang’s staff and secretarial receptionist in the imperial court. In 548, when Hou Jing 侯景 (503–552) besieged Jiankang, Liu Xiaowei was able to flee the city. He attached himself to the Liang general Liu Zhongli 柳仲禮 who had surrendered to Hou Jing. Liu Xiaowei died of illness the following year at Anlu 安陸 (modern Anlu, Hubei).

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The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Liu Xiaowei’s collected works in ten juan. The monographs on bibliography of the Jiu Tang shu and Xin Tang shu record a “former” and “later” collection both in ten juan. These were lost during the Song. Liu Xiaowei is best known as a poet. Lu Qinli has collected fifty-eight of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. Yan Kejun’s “Quan Liang wen” in Quan shangu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen contains sixteen of his prose works, almost all of which are letters thanking Xiao Gang for various gifts. Bibliography Collection Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Liu shuzi ji 劉庶子集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji 漢魏六朝百三名家集.

Studies Ma Baoji 馬寶記. “Nanchao Pengcheng Liushi jiazu wenxue yanjiu” 南朝彭城劉 氏家族文學研究, Part I. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 18.4 (1999): 35–38; Part II. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 19.3 (2000): 52–55. Zhou Weiyi 周唯一. “Pengcheng Liushi shiqun zai Qi Liang shitan zhi chuangzao yu yingxiang” 彭城劉氏詩群在齊梁詩壇之創作與影響. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 61.2 (2001): 20–24. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 113. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 544. Zhang Jing 張靜. “Liu Xiaochuo, Liu Xiaoyi, Liu Xiaowei de shige bijiao yanjiu” 劉孝綽、劉孝儀、劉孝威的詩歌比較研究. M.A. Thesis, Hebei daxue, 2006.

Translations Birrell, New Songs, 216–18, 261, 292. Kroll, Paul W. “The Road to Shu, from Zhang Zai to Li Bo.” Early Medieval China 10–11 (2004): 238–39. Tian, Beacon Fire and Shooting Star, 238–39, 250–51. DRK

Liu Xie 劉勰 (ca. 465–ca. 521), zi Yanhe 彥和, religious name Huidi 慧地 Qi-Liang period literary critic and author of the Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍 (Embellishments on the heart of writing). Liu Xie’s ancestral home was Ju 莒 in Dongguan 東莞 commandery (modern Ju county, Shandong), but he probably was born in Jingkou 京口 (mod-

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ern Zhenjiang 鎮江, Jiangsu). Scholars have proposed various birth and death dates, including. b. 467, b. 471, d. 519, d. 520, d. 522, d. 537, d. 539. Liu Xie’s family must have left Dongguan during the transition between the Western and Eastern Jin. Scholars have debated whether Liu Xie was of commoner or gentry status. Liu Xie’s biography in the Liang shu identifies his grandfather as Liu Lingzhen 劉靈真 who reputedly was the younger brother of Liu Xiuzhi 劉秀之 (397–464), a prominent official of the Song period. However, modern scholars have questioned this relationship. Liu Xie’s father Liu Shang 劉尚 served as yueqi xiaowei 越騎校尉 (commandant of elite cavalry), a relatively high (grade-four) military rank. Liu Shang died when Liu Xie was young, and thus his Liang shu biography says his “family was poor, and he did not marry.” Scholars have debated the reasons for Liu Xie’s decision not to take a wife. It may have had to do with his decision to enter the Dinglin 定林 Monastery located on Mount Zhong 鍾山 in the suburbs of Jiankang. There he studied with the renowned Buddhist monk Sengyou 僧祐 (445–518). The exact date of Liu Xie’s entry into the Dinglin si is not known. However, he certainly was studying with Seng You by 489 if not before. When Liu Xie entered the Dinglin Monastery he did not become a Buddhist monk. He spent much of his time assisting Sengyou in organizing the large number of books that the monastery had collected. Sengyou produced an important catalogue of Buddhist works titled Chu sanzang ji ji 出三藏 記集 (Collection of notes on the translated Tripitaka). Kōzen Hiroshi has adduced good evidence that Liu Xie collaborated on the compilation of this catalogue. The monastery library had a large collection of secular books, including literary works. It was probably largely through these works that Liu Xie obtained his literary education. Liu Xie began writing the Wenxin diaolong about the age of thirty, for he mentions in the autobiographical postface that at the age of thirty he dreamed of receiving ceremonial vessels and traveling south with Confucius. Scholars generally have assumed that this was Liu Xie’s way of saying he began compiling the Wenxin diaolong about this time. Although the evidence is not conclusive, most scholars accept the conclusion of the late Qing scholar Liu Yusong 劉毓崧 (1818–1867) that Liu Xie completed the Wenxin diaolong during the final years of the Qi dynasty (501–502). One piece of evidence for this date is a putative reference that Liu Xie makes to the “August Qi” house in the “Shi xu” 時序 chapter. According to Liu Xie’s biography in the Liang shu, after completing the Wenxin diaolong Liu Xie sought the endorsement of Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513). However, lacking a way to gain entrée to him, Liu stepped in front of Shen’s carriage and presented a copy to him in the manner of a street peddler. Shen Yue

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reputedly was greatly impressed. Most scholars have accepted the credibility of the story and have used it as evidence for dating the completion of the Wenxin diaolong. After the founding of the Liang dynasty in 502, Liu Xie left the Dinglin Monastery and embarked on an official career. His first position was audience attendant to which he was appointed ca. 503. In the Southern Dynasties, this was an entry level post concurrently occupied by as many as six hundred persons. Liu Xie soon was assigned as a secretary on the staff of the general of the central army, Xiao Hong 蕭宏 (473–526), Prince of Linchuan 臨川. He must have assumed this position ca. 504 when Xiao Hong was first named general of the central army. Liu Xie’s next appointment (ca. 508) was granary bureau administrator under the distinguished general Wang Mao 王茂 (456–515). Liu Xie then served in the local administration as magistrate of Taimo 泰末 (northeast of modern Qu 衢 county, Zhejiang). According to his biography in the Liang shu Liu earned a reputation for his honest and able administration. Sometime after 511, Liu Xie was appointed secretary to Emperor Wu’s fourth son Xiao Ji 蕭績 (505–529), who in 511 was only seven years old. About this same time Liu Xie joined the staff of the crown prince Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531) who was beginning to recruit a number of distinguished literary men to his entourage. Liu Xie’s position was secretarial receptionist (sheren 舍人) in the Eastern Palace. According to the Liang shu Xiao Tong received Liu Xie “with deep admiration.” Scholars have speculated whether or not Liu Xie influenced Xiao Tong’s literary ideas or participated in the compilation of the Wen xuan 文選 (Selections of refined literature), the famous anthology that was compiled at Xiao Tong’s court. In 518, Liu Xie’s Buddhist master Sengyou died. Liu Xie wrote his grave inscription, which is no longer preserved. By this time Liu Xie was one of the most famous writers of stele inscriptions, not only for deceased persons but for monasteries and capital buildings Only one of Liu Xie’s stele inscriptions survives, an inscription for a Buddhist sculpture in the Shan Mountains 剡山 of Zhejiang that had been designed by Sengyou himself. Ca. 520, Liu Xie received an imperial edict to assist the monk Huizhen 會震 in compiling Buddhist sutras at the Dinglin 定林 Monastery. (Some recent scholars have claimed that this Dinglin Monastery was located in the Liu family ancestral home of Ju 莒, but this is highly speculative.) Upon completing this project, Liu Xie requested and received permission from Emperor Wu to become a Buddhist monk. He died in the Dinglin Monastery perhaps as early as 521. However, some scholars date his death as late as 539.

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The Liang shu, which was completed in 636, says that after Liu Xie’s death “his literary collection circulated in the world.” However, other than the Wenxin dialong, only two other works by Liu Xie are extant. The first is the stele inscription he composed for the Shan Mountains Buddhist statue. The second is “Mie huo lun” 滅惑論 (Disquisition extinguishing doubts), a long essay in which Liu Xie refutes Taoist criticisms of certain Buddhist ideas. Scholars do not agree on the date of this essay. Some date it to the period before Liu Xie entered the Dinglin Monastery. Others place it during his first period of residence in the Dinglin Monastery, while others argue Liu Xie wrote it late in life. Some scholars also attribute to him a work titled Liuzi 劉子, but the more commonly accepted author is Liu Zhou 劉晝 (ca. 515–ca. 567) of the Northern Qi. Studies Liu Yusong 劉毓崧 (1818–1867). “Shu Wenxin diaolong hou” 書文心雕龍後. Tongyi tang wenji 通義堂文集. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 1546, 14.25b–27b. Liu Jie 劉節. “Liu Xie pingzhuan” 劉勰評傳. Guoxue yuebao 2.3 (1927). Liu Shengwei 劉繩偉. “Wenxue pipingjia Liu Yanhe pingzhuan” 文學批評家劉彥和 評傳. Xiaoshuo yuebao 17 Special Issue (1927). Huo Yixian 霍衣仙. “Liu Yanhe pingzhuan” 劉彥和評傳. Nanfeng 2–3 (1936). Yang Mingzhao 楊明照. “Liang shu Liu Xie zhuan jianzhu” 梁書劉勰傳箋注. Wenxue nianbao 7 (1941): 91–96. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. “Wenxin diaolong yu fojiao” 文心雕龍與佛教. Minzhu pinglun 5 (1965); rpt. in Wenxin diaolong lunwen ji 文心雕龍論文集. Taipei: Muduo chubanshe, 1975; Zhang Shaokang 張少康, ed. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu 文心雕 龍研究. Changsha: Hubei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2002. Zhang Yan 張嚴. “Liu Xie shenshi kao suo” 劉勰身世考索. Dalu zazhi (20.4 1960): 8–11; rpt. in Zhang Yan. Wenxin diaolong tongshi 文心雕龍通識. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1969. Wang Gengsheng 王更生. “Liang Liu Yanhe xiansheng nianpu gao” 梁劉彥和先生 年譜稿. Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen xuebao (1973: 2). Gibbs, Donald A. “Liu Hsieh, Author of the Wen-hsin tiao-lung.” Monumenta Serica 29 (1970–71): 117–42. Shi Lei 石壘. Wenxin diaolong yuan dao yu Fo Dao yi shuzheng 文心雕龍原道與 佛道義疏證. Hong Kong: Yunzai shuwu, 1971; rpt. in Shi Lei. Wenxin diaolong yu Fo Ru er jiao yi li lunji 文心雕龍與佛儒二教義理論集. Hong Kong: Yunzai shuwu, 1977. Wang Jinling 王金淩. “Liu Xie nianpu” 劉勰年譜. M.A. Thesis, Taiwan Furen daxue Zhongwen yanjiusuo, 1973. Wang Gengsheng 王更生. “Wenxin diaolong chengshu niandai ji xiangguan wenti” 文心雕龍成書年代及相關問題. Zhonghua wenhua fuxing yuekan 9.4 (1976). Wang Jinling 王金淩. Liu Xie nianpu 劉勰年譜. Taipei: Jiaxin shuini gongsi wenhua jijinhui, 1976.

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Yang Mingzhao 楊明照. “Liu Xie zunian chutan” 劉協卒年初探. Sichuan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1978: 4): 61–62. Lu Kanru 陸侃如 and Mou Shijin 牟世金. Liu Xie he Wenxin diaolong 劉勰和文心 雕龍. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1978. Wang Yuanhua 王元化. “Liu Xie shenshi yu shi shu qubie wenti” 劉勰身世與士 庶區別問題. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 1 (1979); rpt. Wang Yuanhua. Wenxin diaolong chuangzuo lun 文心雕龍創作論. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1979. Yang Mingzhao 楊明照. “Liang shu Liu Xie zhuan jianzhu” 梁書劉勰傳箋注. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 1 (1979); rpt. Yang Mingzhao. Wenxin diaolong jiaozhu shiyi 文心雕龍校注拾遺, 385–413. Zhan Ying 詹鍈. Liu Xie yu Wenxin diaolong 劉勰與文心雕龍. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980. Cheng Tianhu 程天祜. “Liu Xie jiashi de yidian zhiyi” 劉勰家世的一點質疑. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1981: 3): 228–80. Zhang Shaokang 張少康. “Liu Xie weishenme yao ‘yi shamen Sengyou’?” 劉勰為甚 麼要 “衣沙門僧祐”? Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban (1981: 6): 91–93, 10. Wu Bolin 吳柏林. “Shilun Wenxin diaolong zhuzuo niandai ji qi zhudao sixiang” 試論《文心雕龍》著作年代及其主導思想. Wenxue nianbao 15 (1982): 152–62. Zhou Xunchu 周勛初. “Liu Xie de liangge meng” 劉勰的兩個夢. Nanjing daxue xuebao (1982: 1); rpt. Zhou Xunchu wenji, 3: 103–9. Li Yuegang 李曰剛. “Liang Liu Xie shixi nianpu” 梁劉勰世系年譜. Zhonghua wenhua fuxing yuekan 15.9 (1982), 16.3 (1983). Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Bunshin chō ryū to Shutsu-sanzō-kishū—sono himerareta kōsho megutte”「文心雕龍」と「出三藏記集」—その秘められた交涉おめぐっ て. Chūgoku chūsei no shūkyō to bunka 中國中世の宗教と文化, ed. Fukunaga Mitsuji 福永光司, 127–238. Kyoto: Kyoto daigaku jinbun kagaku kenkyūjo, 1982; Chinese trans. by Peng Enhua 彭恩華. Xingshan Hong Wenxin diaolong lunwen ji 興膳宏文心雕龍論文集, 5–108. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1984. Ma Hongshan 馬宏山. “Dui Liu Xie ‘jia pin bu hunqu’ he ‘yi shamen Sengyou’ de kanfa” 對劉勰 “家貧不婚娶” 和 “依沙門僧祐” 的看法. Wenxin diaolong xuekan 1 (1983): 434–46. Mou Shijin 牟世金. “Liu Xie” 劉勰. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 547–83. Xiao Honglin 蕭洪林 and Shao Lijun 邵立均. “Liu Xie yu Ju xian Dinglin si” 劉勰 與莒縣定林寺. Wen shi zhe (1984: 5): 58–62, 70. Li Qingjia 李慶甲. “Liu Xie nianbiao” 劉勰年表. Zhongguo gudian wenxue congkao 中國古典文學叢考. Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 1985. Zhang Enpu 張恩普. “Liu Xie shengping xinian kao lüe” 劉勰生平繫年考略. Dongbei shida xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1985: 1): 61–67. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. “Wenxin diaolong ‘Shenglü pian’ yu Jiumoluoshi Tongyun— jian tan Wang Bin, Liu Shanjing, Shen Yue youguan zhu wenti”《文心雕龍‧聲 律篇》與〈鳩摩羅什〉《通韻》—兼談王斌、劉善經、沈約有關諸問題. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1985: 3): 215–36; rpt. in Zhong Yin wenhua guanxi shi lunji 中印文化關係史論集, 66–90. Hong Kong: Zhongwen daxue Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo, 1990. Mu Kehong 穆克宏. “Liu Xie nianpu” 劉勰年譜. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu, 27–37; rpt. in Mu Kehong. Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue shiliao shulüe 魏晉南北朝文學 史料述略, 247–57. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1997.

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Pan Chonggui 潘重規. “Liu Yanhe zuo Sengyou zhuanshu kao” 劉彥和佐僧祐撰述 考. Xinya xuebao 15 (1986). Mu Kehong 穆克宏. “Liu Xie shengping shulüe” 劉勰生平述略. Fujian shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1986: 2): 55–62; rpt. in Mu Kehong. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu, 20–27. Xia Zhihou 夏志厚. “Wenxin diaolong chengshu niandai yu Liu Xie sixiang yuanyan xin kao”《文心雕龍》成書年代與劉勰思想淵源新考. Gudai wenxue lilun yanjiu 11 (1986): 78–95. Liu Xinjian 劉心健. “ ‘Liu Xie yu Ju xian Dinglin si’ zhiyi”《劉協與莒縣定林寺》質 疑. Wen shi zhe (1987: 1): 71–72. Wang Rutao 王汝濤 and Liu Jiaji 劉家驥. “Ju xian Dinglin si fei Liu Xie chuangjian” 莒縣定林寺非劉勰創建. Wen shi zhe (1987: 1): 73–74. Mou Shijin 牟世金. Liu Xie nianpu huikao 劉勰年譜匯考. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1988; rpt. in Liu Yuejin 劉躍進 and Fan Ziye 范子燁, ed. Liuchao zuojia nianpu jiyao 六朝作家年譜輯要, 2: 148–261. Harbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, 1999. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. “Wenxin yu Apitanxin” 文心與阿毗曇心. Zhongguo wenyi sixiang shi lunji 3 (1988); rpt. Jao Tsung-i. Zhong Yin wenhua guanxi shi lun ji— yuwen pian 中印文化關係史論集‧語文篇, 91–96. Hong Kong: Zhongwen daxue Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo, 1990. Zhou Shaoheng 周紹恒. “Liu Xie chushen shuzu shuo shangdui” 劉勰出身庶族說商 兌. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu 3. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1988. Zhou Shaoheng 周紹恒. “Liu Xie chushen yu shuzu shuo xian yi—yu Wang Yuanhua xiansheng shangque” 劉勰出身於庶族說獻疑—與王元化先生商榷. Huaihua shizhuan shehui kexue xuebao 8.1 (1989): 29–37. Mu Kehong 穆克宏, “Liu Xie yu Xiao Tong” 劉協與蕭統. Fujian shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1989: 4): 47–54. Zhou Shaoheng 周紹恒. “Liu Xie zunian xin kao” 劉勰卒年新考. Jinyang xuekan 54 (1989): 99–100. Liu Gangji 劉綱紀. Liu Xie 劉勰. Taipei: Dongda tushu, 1989. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. “Liu Xie de shenshi yu shengzu nian” 劉勰的身世與生卒年. Gudian wenxue zhishi (1994: 4): 92–99. Sun Rongrong 孫蓉蓉. Liu Xie yu Wenxin diaolong yanjiu 劉勰與文心雕龍研究. Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 1994. Wang Gengsheng 王更生. “Liu Xie shi ge shenme jia?” 劉勰是個甚麼家? Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1996: 2): 82–86. Zhang Shaokang 張少康. “Liu Xie wannian shifou beigui Dongguan—Liu Xie guxiang Ju xian fangwen ji” 劉勰晚年是否北歸東莞—劉勰故鄉莒縣訪問記. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1997: 3): 93–97. Su Zhaoqing 蘇兆慶. “Liu Xie wannian beigui he Fulai shan Dinglin si de chuangjian” 劉勰晚年北歸和浮來山定林寺地創建. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1997: 3): 98–102. Mei Yunsheng 梅運生. “Liu Xie yu Liang shu ‘Liu Xie zhuan’” 劉勰與《梁書‧劉勰 傳》. Anhui shida xuebao (Zhexue shehuyi kexue ban) 26.4 (1998): 508 15. Zhu Wenmin 朱文民, Song Yizhao 宋宜兆, Lu Jingchao 陸經超, and Duan Quansheng 段全勝. “Liu Xie guli kaobian” 劉勰故里考辨. Linyi shizhuan xuebao 21.1 (1999): 43–44, 68. Huang Yuan 黃媛. “Liu Xie wei daoguo Ju xian Dinglin si” 劉勰未到過莒縣定林寺. Zhenjiang shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2000: 3): 9–11. Han Pinzheng 韓品崢. “Liu Xie yu Dinglin si kao” 劉勰與定林寺考. Dongnan wenhua (2001: 1): 57–60.

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Yang Ming 楊明. Liu Xie pingzhuan 劉勰評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2001. Wang Shouxin 王守信 and Kong Dezhi 孔德志. Liu Xie yu Wenxin diaolong 劉勰 與文心雕龍. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 2001. Li Jinkun 李金坤. “Liu Xie yu Xiao Tong guanxi yuan lun” 劉勰與蕭統關係原論. Suzhou jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 20.2 (2003): 9–12. Sun Rongrong 孫蓉蓉. “Guanyu Liu Xie ‘wenji’ de kaobian” 關於劉勰 “文集” 的考 辨. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2003: 5): 25–32. Sun Rongrong 孫蓉蓉. “Liu Xie yu Shen Yue kaolun” 劉協與沈約考論. Jingsu shehui kexue (2003: 5): 157–62. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. “Liu Xie zunian” 劉勰卒年. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 495–99. Qi Liangde 戚良德. Liu Xie yu Wenxin diaolong 劉勰與文心雕龍. Jinan: Shandong wenyi chubanshe, 2004. Sun Rongrong 孫蓉蓉. “Liang shu yu Nan shi Liu Xie zhuan yitong kaobian”《梁 書》與《南史》劉勰傳異同考辨. Zhongzhou wenhua yanjiu (Summer 2005): 98–107. Sun Rongrong 孫蓉蓉. “Lun Liu Xie yu Shen Yue wenxue sixiang de yitong” 論劉 勰與沈約文學思想的異同. Zhejiang xuekan (2005: 5): 69–75. Sun Rongrong 孫蓉蓉. “Liu Xie yu Xiao Tong kaolun” 劉協與蕭統考論. Jiangsu shehui kexue (2005: 4): 166–72. Zu Baoquan 祖保泉. “Liu Xie wannian rengzhu Zhongshan Dinglin shangsi buzheng” 劉勰晚年仍住鍾山定林上寺補證. Anhui shangmao zhiye jishu xueyuan xuebao 14.4 (2005): 40–41. Chen Xiangqian 陳祥謙. “Liu Xie shenshi zhi bian de youguan shiliao jiazhi wenti” 劉勰身世之辨的有關史料價值問題. Zhuzhou gongxue yuan xuebao 20.5 (2006): 88–91. Peng Hecheng 彭荷成. “Liu Xie yu Nanjing Zhongshan shang Dinglin si” 劉勰與 南京鍾山上定林寺. Jilin shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (2006: 2): 56–58. Zhu Wenmin 朱文民. Liu Xie zhuan 劉勰傳. Xi’an: San Qin chubanshe, 2006. Sun Rongrong 孫蓉蓉. “Gaoseng zhuan zhong youguan Dinglin si jizai de kao shu”《高僧傳》中有關定林寺記載的考述. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu (2008: 4): 119–27. Sun Rongrong 孫蓉蓉. Liu Xie yu Wenxin diaolong kaolun 劉勰與文心雕龍考論. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008. Gu Nong 顧農. “Liu Xie de jiashi shengping he zhuzuo” 劉勰的家世生平和著作. Ningxia shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue) 30.2 (2009): 5–10, 15. Tian, Xiaofei. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 257–59.

Work “Mie huo lun” 滅惑論 (Disquisition on extinguishing doubts).

Studies Yang Mingzhao 楊明照. “Liu Xie ‘Mie huo lun’ zhuannian kao” 劉勰《滅惑論》撰 年考. Gudai wenxue lilun yanjiu 1 (1979).

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Wang Yuanhua 王元化. “‘Mie huo lun’ yu Liu Xie de qianhouqi sixiang bianhua” 《滅惑論》與劉勰的前後期的思想變化. In Wang Yuanhua. Wenxin diaolong chuangzuo lun 文心雕龍創作論, 33–59. 1979; rpt. and rev. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1984. Li Qingjia 李慶甲. “Liu Xie ‘Mie huo lun’ zhuannian kaobian” 劉勰《滅惑論》撰年 考辨. Zhongguo gudai meixue yishu lunwen ji 中國古代美學藝術論文集, 221–44. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1981. Yang Mingzhao 楊明照. Wenxin diaolong jiaozhu shiyi 文心雕龍校注拾遺, 797– 804. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1982. Li Miao 李淼. “Guanyu ‘Mie huo lun’ zhuannian yu zhujia shangdui” 關於《滅惑 論》撰年與諸家商兌. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1983: 2): 266–73. Li Qingjia 李慶甲. “Guanyu ‘Mie huo lun zhuannian yu zhujia shangdui’ zhi shangdui”《關於〈滅惑論〉撰年與諸家商兌》之商兌. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1984: 4). Liu Cheng 劉晟. “‘Mie huo lun’ zhuannian xin kaobian”《滅惑論》撰年新考辨. Huanan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1999: 1): 61–67. Tao Litian 陶禮天. “Liu Xie ‘Mie huo lun’ chuangzuo zhu wenti kao lun” 劉勰《滅 惑論》創作諸問題考論. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu 4 (2000). Zhou Shaoheng 周紹恒. “‘Mie huo lun’ yu Liu Xie yi shamen Sengyou de guanxi” 《滅惑論》與劉勰依沙門僧祐的關係. Huaihua xueyuan xuebao 21. 3 (2002): 51–55.

Translation Gibbs, “Liu Hsieh, Author,” 133–41. DRK

Liu Xijun 劉細君 (d. 101 b.c.e.) Western Han female writer. Liu Xijun’s ancestral home was Pei 沛 (modern Pei county, Jiangsu). She was the daughter of Liu Jian 劉建, King of Jiangdu 江都 (r. 127–121 b.c.e.). Liu Jian was executed in 121 b.c.e. In the Yuanfeng 元封 period (110–105 b.c.e.), Emperor Wu of the Former Han (r. 141–87 b.c.e.) sent Liu Xijun as a bride for the Kunmo 昆莫 of the Wusun 烏孫, a people that resided in the Ili River valley, and whom the Han hoped to enlist as allies against the Xiongnu. Each year she met once or twice with him. However, the Kunmo was old, and they could not communicate in the same language. She is attributed with a song in Chu meter in which she laments her plight. Upon hearing the song, Emperor Wu felt sorry for her, and every other year he had envoys bring her drapes, brocades, and embroideries. The story surrounding the composition of this song reads more like romance than history, and the piece may be an anonymous song about rather than by Lady Liu.

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liu xijun 劉細君 (d. 101 b.c.e.) Bibliography Studies

Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 376. Jay, Jennifer W. “Liu Xijun.” In Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women, 168–70.

Translations Waley, Chinese Poems (1946 ed.), 43. Hervouet, in Demiéville, ed. Anthologie, 69. Watson, Early Chinese Literature, 238. Hulsewé, A.F.P. China in Central Asia: The Early Stage 126 b.c.–a.d. 23, 148–49. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979. Birrell, New Songs, 232. Idema and Grant, Red Brush, 91. DRK

Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23), zi Zijun 子駿, also known as Liu Xiu 劉秀 Late Western Han scholar and writer. Liu Xin’s ancestral home was Pei 沛 (modern Pei county, Jiangsu). He was the youngest son of Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 b.c.e.). As a member of the imperial clan and the son of an influential scholar-official, Liu Xin had an illustrious career at the court during the reign of Emperor Cheng (r. 33–7 b.c.e.). He first served as gentleman at the Yellow Gate, a position also held by Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 c.e.).. Around 26 b.c.e., Liu Xin joined his father Liu Xiang in editing texts and compiling the catalogue of the imperial library, the Qi lüe 七略 (Seven summaries). He continued this work after the death of his father in 8 b.c.e. when he was appointed colonel of the capital ramparts. In the following year, thanks to the influence of his good friend Wang Mang 王莽 (43 b.c.e.–23 c.e.), he received from Emperor Cheng’s successor, Emperor Ai 哀帝 (r. 7–1 b.c.e.) the high positions of palace attendant, chief commandant of imperial carriages, and imperial household grandee. In 6 b.c.e., he changed his name to Liu Xiu 劉秀. Thus, he is often confused with the founder of the Later Han dynasty, who is also named Liu Xiu. The emperor, most likely at Wang Mang’s urging, put Liu Xin in charge of editing the five Classics, a task that Liu Xiang had not completed. Liu Xin also assumed charge of completing Liu Xiang’s catalogue of the imperial library. He first had all of the books moved into a new library, the Tianlu ge 天祿閣. Liu Xin made summaries of all of the reports and then listed them in a catalogue raisonné, which was divided into six classes preceded by a general summary.

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In 6 b.c.e., Liu Xin requested that the Zuo zhuan, the Mao version of the Shi jing, the remnants of the Book of Rites, and the old text version of the Classic of Documents be established as official texts in the national university. When his proposal met with strong criticism from important officials, he submitted a letter to the professors of the national university, berating them for their stubborn opposition. Liu Xin’s impolitic reply angered the senior scholar Shi Dan 師丹 (d. 3 c.e.), who requested the emperor to impeach Liu for “altering old established patterns and destroying what had been established by former emperors.” Fearing punishment, Liu Xin asked to be assigned to a provincial post. He first was given the position of governor of Henei 河內 commandery (administrative seat Huai 懷 county, southwest of modern Wushe 武涉, Henan), but because members of the imperial clan were not permitted “to govern the Three Rivers” (the commanderies of Henei, Henan, and Hedong), he was transferred to the northern commandery of Wuyuan 五原 (northwest of modern Baotou, Inner Mongolia). This was in effect an exile for Liu Xin. On his way to Wuyuan, Liu Xin wrote a fu titled “Sui chu fu” 遂初賦 (Fu on obtaining my first emolument). Ca. 4 b.c.e. Liu Xin was transferred to the position of governor of Zhuo 涿 commandery (administrative seat Zhuo, modern Zhuo county, Hebei). However, he was soon removed from office on grounds of illness. In 1 b.c.e. Liu Xin returned to official service as commandant of the dependent state of Anding 安定. After the death of Emperor Ai in the same year, Wang Mang recommended Liu Xin for appointment at the imperial court. Liu Xin received a succession of posts including superior grand master of the palace and commandant of the palace garrison. In 1 c.e., Liu Xin was appointed metropolitan governor and to the post of xihe 羲和, which was the new name Wang Mang adopted for the da sinong 大司農 (grand chamberlain for the national treasury). In 3 c.e. Liu Xin participated in the drafting of new rules for the marriage of persons of rank including Wang Mang’s daughter who was to be married to Emperor Ping (r. 1 b.c.e.– 5 c.e.), and he also supported Wang Mang’s proposal to restore the institutions of antiquity. In 5 c.e., Liu Xin was given the noble title of Marquis of Hongxiu 紅休. When Wang Mang assumed the imperial title in 8, Liu Xin was named preceptor of state and Duke of Jiaxin 嘉新. Liu Xin gradually became disillusioned with Wang Mang. In 11, Liu Xin’s sons Liu Fen 劉棻 and Liu Yong 劉泳 were executed on orders from Wang Mang. In 21, Liu Xin’s daughter Liu Yin 劉愔, who was married to Wang Mang’s son Wang Lin 王林, committed suicide when Wang Lin’s plot to assassinate Wang Mang was uncovered. In 23, Liu Xin became implicated in a attempted coup to overthrow Wang Mang, and he committed suicide.

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liu xin 劉歆 (d. 23), zi zijun 子駿

The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Liu Xin’s collected works in five juan. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected his extant prose works in “Quan Han wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. His best known poem is the “Sui chu fu” mentioned above. He is also the author of the San tong li pu 三統曆譜 (Calendar for the triple concordance system), a new calendrical system. Liu Xin also edited the Shanhai jing 山海經 (Guideway to the mountains and seas). Liu Xin’s role in promoting the Zuo zhuan has been a major scholarly controversy in Chinese history. Bibliography Collection Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Liu Zijun ji 劉子駿集. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji 漢魏六朝百三家集.

Studies Qian Mu 錢穆. “Liu Xiang fuzi nianpu” 劉向父子年譜. Yanjing xuebao 7 (1930): 1189–1318; rpt. Qian Mu. Liang Han jingxue jin guwen pingyi 兩漢經學今古文 平議, 1–163. Hong Kong: Xinya yanjiuyuan, 1958. Xuan Chang 玄常. “Liu Xiang Liu Xin fuxi nianpu” 劉向、劉歆父子年譜. Zhongyang tushuguan guankan (fukan) 1.4 (1947): 36–38. Sivin, Nathan. Cosmos and Computation in Early Chinese Mathematical Astronomy. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1969. Zhu Ruikai 祝瑞開. “Liu Xiang Liu Xin de sixiang” 劉向劉歆的思想. Zhongguo zhexue 12 (1984): 126–37. Wang Shiwei 王世偉. “Liu Xiang Liu Xin fuzi jiaokanxue chutan” 劉向劉歆父子校 勘學初探. Huadong shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 5 (1986): 55–59. Li Jiemin 李解民. “Liushi shulu yanjiu” 劉氏書錄研究. Guji zhengli yu yanjiu (1992: 7): 51–69. Zhang Tao 張濤. “Lüe lun Liu Xiang Liu Xin fuzi de Yixue sixiang yu chengjiu” 略論劉向劉歆父子的易學思想與成就. Wenxian (1998: 2): 79–92. Qiu Minghua 邱明華 and Yang Junhong 楊俊紅. “Liu Xiang Liu Xin zhushu kao” 劉向、劉歆著述考. Shehui kexue dongtai (1998: 11): 95–98. Zongfan 踪凡. “Liu Xiang fuzi de Han fu yanjiu” 劉向父子的漢賦研究. Wenxian (2002): 12–23; rpt. in Zongfan. Han fu yanjiu shi lun 漢賦研究史論, 94–110. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2007. Zhang Yongshan 張永山. “Xi Han mulu xuejia Liu Xiang Liu Xin nianpu” 西漢目 錄學家劉向、劉歆年譜. Tushuguan zazhi 21.4 (2002): 70–72. Zheng Wangeng 鄭萬耕. “Liu Xiang Liu Xin fuzi de xueshu shi guan” 劉向劉歆父 子的學術史觀. Shixue shi yanjiu 109 (2003): 11–15. Xu Xingwu 徐興無. Liu Xiang ping zhuan 劉向評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2005. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 383–86.

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Chen Longyu 陳隆予. “Lun Qi lüe fenlei sixiang de xingcheng ji qi yingxiang” 論 《七略》分類思想的形成及其影響. Tangdu xuekan 21.5 (2005): 9–13. Huang Qishu 黃啟書. “Shilun Liu Xiang Liu Xin ‘Hong fan wuxing zhuan lun zhi yitong” 試論劉向劉歆 ‘洪範五行傳論’ 之異同. Taida Zhongwen xuebao 27 (2007): 127–65, 123, 125. Zhao Wei 趙偉. “Liu Xiang Liu Xin bianji sixiang pingjia: cong Han shu ‘Yiwen zhi’ toushi Zhongguo bianji shi de fengbei” 劉向劉歆編輯思想評價: 從《漢書‧藝 文志》透視中國編輯史的豐碑. Liaoning shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 30 (2007): 124–28. Pan Shunqiong 潘舜瓊. “Liu Xin bianding Shanhai jing ji qi muluxue jianshu” 劉 歆編定《山海經》及其目錄學建樹. Fujian shifan daxue Fuqing fenxiao xuebao 78 (2007): 8–10.

Works a. “Sui chu fu” 遂初賦 Zhang Yiqian 張宜遷. “Bo cai shi zhuan qing ci mei wei—Liu Xin ‘Sui chu fu’ jian xi” 博采史傳情詞美亹－劉歆 ‘遂初賦’ 鑒析. Gudian wenxue zhishi (1997: 2): 28–32.

b. “Yi shu rang taichang boshi” 移書讓太常博士 (A letter reprimanding the professors of the ministry of ceremonies) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 801–5. Chung, Eva. “A Study of the Shu (Letters) of the Han Dynasty (206 b.c.–a.d. 220). Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 482–95. DRK

Liu Yi 劉廙 (180–221), zi Gongsi 恭嗣 Late Han-Wei period writer. Liu Yi’s ancestral home was Anzhong 安眾 of Nanyang 南陽 commandery (east of modern Deng 鄧 county, Henan). When Liu Yi was about ten years of age, Sima Hui 司馬徽 (d. 208), a hermit scholar who was well known for his ability to judge character, recognized Liu Yi’s talent. Liu Yi’s older brother Liu Wangzhi 劉望之 (d. ca. 208) was serving in the administration of Liu Biao 劉表 (142–208), regional inspector of Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat Xiangyang 襄陽, modern Xianfan, Hubei). He fell from favor when he protested Liu Biao’s execution of his two friends. Liu Yi warned his brother that he should follow the example of Fan Li 范蠡

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(5th century b.c.e.), who resigned from his post and fled to the countryside after he successfully assisted the state of Yue in defeating the state of Wu. Liu Wangzhi did not heed his brother’s advice and was executed shortly thereafter. Liu Yi then fled to Yangzhou 揚州 (area of modern Shou 壽 county and Hefei 合肥, Anhui) and attached himself to Cao Cao 曹操 (155– 220), who appointed him his counselor-in-chief. Ca. 211 he was transferred as instructor on the staff of Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226). Cao Pi held Liu Yi in high esteem and did not require him to follow court protocol, and even allowed him to compose court documents in cursive script. Ca. 213, when the Wei Kingdom was first established, Liu Yi was appointed director of the chancellery. In 215, he advised against Cao Cao’s plan to launch a military expedition against Shu. In 219, when Wei Feng 魏諷 (d. 219) led an abortive coup against Cao Cao, Liu Yi should have been executed because his younger brother was recommended to serve in the court by Wei Feng. However, Cao Cao pardoned Liu Yi, but demoted him to the low rank of administrator in the granaries section of the counselor-in-chief. In 220, Cao Pi succeeded his father as King of Wei. He appointed Liu Yi palace attendant and conferred on him the noble title Marquis of Guannei 關內. Liu Yi and other court officials petitioned for Cao Pi to accept the abdication of the last Han emperor. He passed away the following year at the age of forty-two. Liu Yi composed several dozen essays on government and criminal law. He and Ding Yi 丁儀 (d. 220) collaborated in writing essays on punishment and propriety. The Wu zhi 吳志 mentions that Liu Yi advocated the practice of “punish first then treat with courtesy.” The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions a Liang catalogue that listed Liu Yi’s Zheng lun 政論 (Disquisition on government) in seven juan. Although this was not extant in the early Tang, both Tang histories record a seven-juan Zheng lun. This was lost in the Song. Hou Kang 侯康 (1798–1837) in his Bu Sanguo yiwenzhi 補三國藝文志 (Supplement to the monograph on literature of the Sanguo zhi) indicates that the theory “punish first then treat with courtesy” may come from the Zheng lun. In the Wenxin diaolong Liu Xie says about in Liu Yi’s “Xie en biao” 謝恩表 (Petition to Cao Cao expressing gratitude [for the pardon]): “the analogies are apt and the expression is sincere.” The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu records a listing from a Liang period catalogue of Liu Yi’s collected works in two juan. This was already lost by the early Tang. Yan Kejun has collected eight chapters of the Zheng Lun that were preserved in the Qun shu zhi yao 羣書治要 of Wei Zheng 魏徵 (580–643). Yan Kejun has also collected twelve of Liu Yi’s prose writings in “Quan Sanguo wen” of Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Most of these are petitions.

liu yi 劉毅 (ca. 104–114)

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Studies Cao Daoheng and ShenYucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian,135–36. Goodman, Howard. Ts’ao P’i Transcendent—The Political Culture of DynastyFounding in China at the end of the Han, 91, 98, 126, 153, 162. Seattle: Scripta Serica, 1998. De Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 578. TPK and DRK

Liu Yi 劉毅 (ca. 104–114) Eastern Han writer. Liu Yi was a great-grandson of Emperor Guangwu’s older brother Liu Bosheng 劉伯升 (d. 23) and the grandson of Liu Xing 劉興 (d. 64), King of Lu 魯 and Beihai 北海. His father Liu Mu 劉睦 (d. 74), King of Beihai, was a learned scholar who wrote a study of the Chunqiu and composed several dozen fu and eulogies (all lost). Liu Yi was enfeoffed as Marquis of Pingwang 平望 in 77, but had his title removed ca. 90 due to an unspecified offense. In 114 Liu Yi submitted to the throne “Hande lun” 漢德論 (Disquistion on the virtues of Han) and twelve pieces of “Xian lun” 憲論 (Disquisitions on law) that earned him the praise of several court officials including Ma Rong 馬融 (79–166). All these are lost. In 120, Empress Dowager Deng 鄧太后 (81–121) summoned Liu Yi, his cousin Liu Taotu 劉騊駼 (ca. 70–ca. 130), and the scholar Liu Zhen 劉珍 (ca. 70–ca. 130) to the Eastern Institute to compile the biographies of distinguished men who had lived since the founding of the Eastern Han. This work was titled Ming chen zhuan 名臣傳 (Biographies of famous officials). This became part of the Dongguan Han ji 東觀漢紀. Yan Kejun has collected in the “Quan Hou Han wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen Liu Yi’s one remaining prose work, a petition to Empress Deng requesting to continue the compilation of the Later Han history. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 137. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 575. WJ and DRK

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Liu Yigong 劉義恭 (413–465) Liu-Song period writer. Liu Yigong’s ancestral home was Pengcheng 彭城 (modern Xuzhou, Jiangsu). He was the fifth son of Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422), the founding emperor of the Liu-Song dynasty. He was handsome and intelligent as a young boy, and Liu Yu doted on him. In 424, Emperor Wen (r. 424–453) named him Prince of Jiangxia 江夏. Although Liu Yigong held important positions throughout the reign of Emperor Wen, he was known for his arrogance and cowardice. For example, in 450 Liu Yigong was assigned to defend Pengcheng against an invasion by the Northern Wei army. He did virtually nothing to repel the invaders. After Liu Shao 劉劭 (425–453) assassinated Emperor Wen in 453, and installed himself as emperor, Liu Yigong was afraid to oppose him. When Liu Jun 劉駿 (430–464) led a coup against Liu Shao, Liu Yigong fled on horseback. During the reign of Liu Jun 劉駿 (Emperor Xiaowu, r. 453–464), Liu Yigong shamelessly toadied to the emperor and constantly sang his praises. When Liu Ziye 劉子業 (449–465, r. 464–465) succeeded to the throne in 464, Liu Yigong conspired to overthrow him. When the plot was leaked, Liu Ziye had Liu Yigong and his four sons killed. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu records a listing from a Liang period catalogue for Liu Yigong’s collected works in fifteen juan. The Sui shu and Jiu Tang shu list a thirteen-juan collection, while the Xin Tang shu records the collection in fifteen juan. The collection was lost in the Song. Lu Qinli has collected in the Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi thirteen extant poems by Liu Yigong, many of which are fragmentary lines. Yan Kejun has collected thirty-five of his prose writings in “Quan Song wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. These include several fu notably “Gan chun fu” 感春賦 (Fu on feelings stirred by spring) and “Baima fu” 白馬賦 (Fu on the white horse). WJ and DRK

Liu Yilong 劉義隆 (407–453), childhood name Che’er 車兒 Writer and Emperor Wen (r. 424–453) of the Liu-Song. Liu Yilong’s natal place was Jingkou 京口 (modern Zhenjiang 鎮江, Jiangsu). He was the third son of Liu Yu 劉裕, Emperor Wu of the Song (r. 420–

liu yilong 劉義隆 (407–453), childhood name che’er 車兒

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422). Toward the end of the Eastern Jin period, he was appointed regional inspector of Xuzhou 徐州 (administrative seat Jingkou 京口, modern Zhenjiang), Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat Jiangling 江陵, modern Jingzhou, Hubei), and Sizhou 司州 (administrative seat Luoyang). After Liu Yu established the Song dynasty Liu Yilong was conferred the noble title Prince of Yidu 宜都 and was put in charge of the Beiqin 北秦 and Xiangzhou 湘州 regions. When Emperor Wu passed away in 423, his oldest son Liu Yifu 劉 義符 (406–424), Emperor Shao (r. 423–424), ascended the throne. A year later, in 424, Emperor Shao was dethroned by the senior court officials Xu Xianzhi 徐羨之 (364–426), Fu Liang 傅亮 (374–426), and Xie Hui 謝晦 (390–426). They installed Liu Yifu’s younger brother, Liu Yilong, Emperor Wen (r. 424–453), on the throne. They dominated the court until 426 when Emperor Wen asserted his authority and had them removed from office and executed. Emperor Wen’s thirty-year reign is known as the “the golden age of Yuanjia” 元嘉之治. Although Emperor Wen was moderately successful in military engagements with the Northern Wei, he often was given to groundless suspicion and jealousy. The only person he trusted was his younger brother the Prince of Pengcheng, Liu Yikang 劉義康 (409–451), who assisted him with state affairs when he took the throne. However, when Liu Yikang’s power gradually grew, he also became the victim of his own success. Liu Yilong became increasingly suspicious of his younger brother. In 446, Liu Yikang was involved in the coup led by Fan Ye 范曄 (398–446). Liu Yilong had Liu Yikang demoted to commoner. In 451, Liu Yilong ordered Liu Yikang executed. This event was the prelude to fratricidal conflict for much of the Southern Dynasties. In 429, Emperor Wen designated his six-year-old eldest son Liu Shao 劉劭 (425–453) crown prince. In 452, Liu Shao attempted to use black magic against Liu Yilong. When Liu Yilong discovered the plot, he deposed Liu Shao. In a rage, Liu Shao had Liu Yilong killed on 16 March 453. Liu Yilong was a gifted writer. He also excelled in clerical-style calligraphy. During his thirty-year reign he greatly promoted literature and scholarship. Pei Ziye 裴子野 (469–530) in his “General Introduction” to his Song lüe 宋略 (Summaries of Song history) mentions that at that time “All scholars honored and took delight in the classics, and immersed themselves in the rites and propriety.” One of his most important achievements in the cultural sphere was the establishment of the four academies devoted to the fields of Confucian learning, abstruse learning (xuanxue), literature, and history. Liu Yilong was also a prolific writer, and he actively promoted literature at the imperial court. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Liu Yilong’s collected works in ten juan. This was lost in the

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Song. He has three extant poems including “Beifa shi” 北伐詩 (Poem on the northern expedition) that he composed in 446 when the Northern Wei army raided the southern plain area north of the Huai River. Yan Kejun has collected his prose writings that consist almost entirely of imperial edicts in three chapters of “Quan Song wen” of Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Studies Ding Fulin 丁福林. “Song Wendi he tade rongxing shi” 宋文帝和他的戎行詩. Zhenjiang shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1985: 3): 6–9. Bielenstein, Hans. “The Six Dynasties, Vol. I.” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 68 (1996): 126–42. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia daxidian, 109. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 241–43. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Liu Song Wendi yimen wenhua suyang zhi tisheng ji qi biaoxian kaolun” 劉宋文帝一門文化素養之提升及其表現考論. Heilongjiang shehui kexue 109 (2008): 129–35. Yang Enyu 楊恩玉. “Song Wendi yu ‘Yuanjia zhi zhi’ chonggu” 宋文帝與 “元嘉之 治” 重估. Shandong daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2009: 4): 89–93. TPK and DRK

Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 (403–444) Liu-Song period prince and literary patron. Liu Yiqing’s ancestral home was Pengcheng 彭城 (modern Xuzhou 徐州, Jiangsu). He was the second son of Liu Daolian 劉道憐 (368–422), a younger brother of the Liu-Song founder Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422). His first title was Duke of Nan commandery 南郡公 which he inherited from Liu Yu’s youngest brother Liu Daogui 劉道規 (370–412) who died before the founding of the Liu-Song. Liu Yu was quite fond of Liu Yiqing and took him on his northern expedition in 416. Upon the founding of the Song dynasty in 420, Liu Yiqing was named Prince of Linchuan 臨川 and palace attendant. In 424, Liu Qiqing was transferred to the posts of cavalier attendantin-ordinary, director of the palace library, and governor of Danyang 丹陽 (modern Nanjing). In 429, in addition to his duties as governor of Danyang, Liu Yiqing was appointed left vice-director of the secretariat. The third Liu-Song ruler Emperor Wen 文 (r. 424–453) was highly suspicious of his relatives, and Liu Yiqing was uneasy about remaining in the imperial court. In 431, using the pretext of an astronomical occurrence that he deemed inauspicious for his post as vice-director of the secretariat, Liu Yiqing requested an assignment in the provinces. He was appointed

liu yiqing 劉義慶 (403–444)

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regional inspector of the important strategic province of Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat Jiangling 江陵, modern Jingzhou, Hubei). He was also granted the military title General Who Pacifies the West. Liu Yiqing remained in Jingzhou for eight years until 439 when he was transferred to the post of regional inspector of Jiangzhou 江州 (administrative seat Yuzhang 豫章, modern Nanchang, Jiangxi). After serving in this post for not quite a year, Liu Yiqing was replaced by Emperor Wu’s fourth son Liu Yikang 劉義康 (409–451), who was Emperor Wen’s half brother. He had assisted in the administration of the court since 429. However, Emperor Wen became increasingly suspicious of his loyalty, and in November 440, he sent Liu Yikang away from the capital as regional administrator of Jiangzhou. Liu Yiqing was then transferred to the position of regional inspector of Southern Yanzhou 南兗州 (administrative seat Guangling 廣陵, modern Yangzhou). In 443, he became ill and returned to the capital where died the following year at the age of forty-two. Late in life, Liu Yiqing became a devout Buddhist. He spent large sums of money supporting Buddhist monks. The Gaoseng zhuan records the names of some of the monks who visited him during his residence in Yanzhou. Liu Yiqing was fond of scholarship and literature, and was a leading patron of literary men. His staff in Jingzhou, Jiangzhou, and Southern Yanzhou included such luminaries as He Zhangyu 何長瑜 (d. 446?), Lu Zhan 陸展 (d. 454), Xiao Sihua 蕭思話 (400–455), He Yan 何偃 (413–458), Sheng Hongzhi 盛弘之 (fl. 432–439), Yuan Shu 袁淑 (408–453), Bao Zhao 鮑照 (ca. 414–466), and Zhang Chang 張暢 (408–457). Although Liu Yiqing did not compose many writings himself, he sponsored the compilation of several large works. For example, in Jingzhou he oversaw the compilation of Xuzhou xianxian zhuan 徐州先賢傳 (Traditions of former worthies of Xuzhou) in ten juan. This work presumably is a collection of biographies of eminent persons from Liu Yiqing’s ancestral home of Pengcheng 彭城 in Xuzhou. The work is no longer extant. Another lost biographical collection attributed to Liu Yiqing is the one-juan Jiangzuo mingshi lu 江左名 士錄 (Record of famous men south of the Yangtze). Also compiled under his auspices was a large 200-juan anthology, Ji lin 集林 (Collection grove). This also has not survived. Liu Yiqing’s name is also associated with two collections of narrative prose, the Xuan yan ji 宣驗記 (Notes on manifest miracles), a collection of Buddhist miracle tales, and You ming lu 幽明錄 (Record of the hidden and visible worlds), a famous collection of zhiguai tales. The work for which Liu Yiqing is most famous is Shishuo xinyu 世說 新語 (A new account of tales of the world). Scholars have debated how much of a role Liu Yiqing played in its compilation. Kawakatsu Yoshio has

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proposed that the actual compiler was He Zhangyu. The prevailing view is that Liu Yiqing was the editor-in-chief and members of his entourage assisted him in its compilation. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Liu Yiqing’s collected works in eight juan. Both Tang histories record a collection of the same size. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected five prose works in “Quan Song wen.” Three of these are fragments from three yongwu fu on the harp, crane, and pheasant. Short excerpts from two poems are also extant. Studies Kawakatsu Yoshio 川勝義雄. “Sesetsu shingo no hensen o megutte” 世說新語の編 纂をめぐって. Tōhōgaku hō 41 (1970): 217–34. Hsiao Hung 蕭虹. “Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque” 世說新語作者問題商榷. Guoli Zhongyang tushuguan guankan 14 (1981): 8–24. Wang Nengxian 王能憲. Shishuo xinu yanjiu 世說新語研究, 1–19. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1992. Zhou Yiliang 周一良. “Shishuo xinyu he zuozhe Liu Yiqing shenshi de kaocha” 《世說新語》和作者劉義慶身世的考察. Zhongguo zhexueshi yanjiu (1981:1); rpt. in Zhou Yiliang. Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi lunji 魏晉南北朝史研究, 331–37. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1997. Zhou Yiliang 周一良. “Liu Yiqing” 劉義慶. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 1: 451–57. Wang Zhizhong 王枝忠. “Liu Yiqing yu guaiyi xiaoshuo” 劉義慶與怪異小說. Gudian wenxue zhishi (1995: 6): 47–53. Fan Ziye 范子野. Shishuo xinyu yanjiu 世說新語研究. Harbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, 1998. Fan Ziye 范子野. “Linchuan wang Liu Yiqing nianpu” 臨川王劉義慶年譜. In Liu Yuejin 劉躍進 and Fan Ziye 范子燁, ed. Liuchao zuojia nianpu jiyao, 1: 324–42. Wei Shimin 魏世民. “Shishuo xinyu ji zhu chengshu niandai”《世說新語》及 《注》成書年代. Changzhou shizhuan xuebao (2002: 3): 19–20. Chen Yu 陳瑜. “Shishuo xinyu de chengshu yu xushi”《世說新語》的成書與敘事. Luoyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (2005: 3): 81–84. Zhou Yiliang 周一良. “Guanyu Shishuo xinyu de zuozhe wenti” 關於《世說新 語》的作者問題. Qinghua daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 21 (2006): 5–11. Zhang Zhengjun. “Buddhism and the Supernatural Tale in Early Medieval China: A Study of Liu Yiqing’s (403–444) You ming lu.” Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 2007. Liu Sai 劉賽. “Linchuan wang Liu Yiqing zhaoji wenshi huodong kaobian” 臨川王 劉義慶招集文士活動考辨. Hubei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 34.6 (2007): 73–77. Tian, Xiaofei. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 241–42. DRK

liu yu 劉彧 (439–472), zi xiubing 休炳

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Liu Yu 劉彧 (439–472), zi Xiubing 休炳, childhood name Rongqi 榮期 Song poet, Emperor Ming (r. 472–477) of the Liu-Song. Li Yu’s ancestral home was Pengcheng 彭城 (modern Xuzhou 徐州, Jiangsu). He was the eleventh son of Liu Yilong 劉義隆 (407–453), Emperor Wen (r. 424–453) of Liu-Song. In the Nan shi, which was compiled in the early Tang, Liu Yu’s original zi Xiubing 休炳 is written Xiujing 休景 in order to avoid a taboo on the name of the Tang founder’s father’s name, Li Bing 李昺. In 448 Liu Yu was named Prince of Huaiyang 淮陽. In 452, he was conferred the title Prince of Xiangdong 湘東. When Liu Yu’s brother Liu Jun 劉駿 (430–464), who later became Emperor Xiaowu (r. 454–464), took over the throne from his oldest brother Liu Shao 劉劭 (425–453), most of Liu Yu’s brothers fell victims to suspicion and jealousy. However, Liu Yu was the only brother trusted by Liu Jun who appointed Liu Yu to a number of positions, including capital protector, minister of criminal administration, regional inspector of Xuzhou 徐州 and Nan Yuzhou 南豫州. After Liu Jun’s son Liu Ziye 劉子業 (449–465) became emperor in 465, he grew more and more suspicious and tried to kill a number of his uncles. Liu Yu retaliated by compsiring to assassinate Liu Ziye. He installed himself emperor on 9 January 466. He is known by his posthumous title Emperor Ming (r. 466–472). His eight-year reign was extremely brutal. He died of illness 472 at the age of 34. Liu Yu enjoyed reading, composing poems, and playing chess. During his reign, he recruited many scholars to compile literary works. Whenever he entertained his court officials and guests, he composed poems and commanded his officials to compose matching poems. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions a Liang catalogue listing of thirty-three juan collection of his writings that was lost already by the early Tang. The Song shu “Monograph on Music” has collected twelve ceremonial yuefu attributed to him, but these may have been written by members of his court. He is also the nominal compiler of the now lost literary collections Jin Jiangzuo wenzhang zhi 晉江左文章志 (Monograph on Eastern Jin writing) in three juan, Fu ji 賦集 (Collection of fu pieces) in forty juan, and Shi ji 詩集 (Collection of poems) in forty juan. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxiejia dacidian, 124–25. Bielenstein, “The Six Dynasties,” 150–59. TPK

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liu yun 柳惲 (465–517), zi wenchang 文暢

Liu Yun 柳惲 (465–517), zi Wenchang 文暢 Qi and Liang period poet and musician. Liu Yun’s ancestral home was Jie 解 of Hedong 河東 commandery (modern Linyi 臨猗, Shanxi). He was the third son of Liu Shilong 柳世隆 (442–491), a high ranking official in the imperial court during the reign of Emperor Gao of Qi (r. 479–482). In his youth Liu Yun was a diligent student and excelled at epistolary writings. During the Yongming (483–492) period, the Prince of Jingling, Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494) recommended him to serve as an administrator in the law section in his princely administration. He later was promoted to front-rider of heir designate. In 491, while mourning the loss of his father, he wrote “Shu xian song” 述先頌 (Eulogy recounting my late father) to express his grief. His sad memories of his father were mournful and moving. When he completed the mourning period in 494, he served as magistrate of Poyang 鄱陽 (modern Boyang 鄱陽, Jiangxi). He later returned to the capital where he was appointed cavalry gentleman for attendance. In 501, Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549) led an uprising against the Qi ruler Donghun hou 東昏侯 (r. 499–501). Liu Yun waited for the arrival of Xiao Yan at Gushu 姑孰 (modern Dangtu 當涂, Anhui), and he was appointed general commanding the troops and commander of the east expedition office. When Xiao Yan had not yet completely occupied the capital Jiankang, Liu Yun presented a petition to Xiao Yan suggesting that it would be wise to collect the household registrations of the city first. He also advised him to follow the example of Emperor Gaozu of the Former Han to treat the people of the captured city leniently. When Liu Yun received an order to go west to welcome the new Emperor He of the Qi (r. 501–502), he was appointed gentleman attendant at the palace gate and infantry commandant. He later was promoted to counselor-in-chief. When Xiao Yan established the Liang dynasty in 502, he appointed Liu Yun junior palace attendant. Liu Yun, Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513), and others were assigned to draft a new law code. In 503, he was appointed governor of Wuxing 吳興 (administrative seat Wucheng 烏城, modern Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang), and thus he is often called Liu Wuxing 柳吳興. When he served in Wuxing, Liu Yun recruited the poet and historian Wu Jun 吳均 (469–520) to serve as his assistant magistrate. Liu Yun enjoyed drinking and feasting with Wu Jun, and the two often exchanged poems. However Wu Jun was aloof and unyielding, and he resigned from this position because he could not always get his way. When Wu Jun returned after a brief absence, Liu Yun treated him like an old friend.

liu yun 柳惲 (465–517), zi wenchang 文暢

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In 507, Liu Yun returned to the court and served as cavalier attendantin-ordinary. He was soon promoted to imperial secretary, in charge of the left section. In 509, he was sent to serve as the regional inspector of Guangzhou 廣州 (administrative seat, modern Guangzhou). Shortly thereafter, he returned to the court and was assigned to the post of director of the palace library. Later, he was reappointed governor of Wuxing where he served for six years until his death in 517 at the age of fifty-three. He received the posthumous titles of palace attendant and capital protector. Liu Yun’s father Liu Shilong achieved high official rank when he was young. He became indifferent to worldly fame and fortune when he grew older. He excelled in playing the qin 琴 (zither) and was regarded the best zither player of his time. Liu Yun inherited his father’s talent and was also a skilled zither player. He studied with two zither masters Xi Yuanrong 嵇元榮 and Yang Gai 羊蓋. It was said that he once tried to compose a poem, but before he finished, he tapped the zither with his brush while he was pondering the words. A visitor saw this and struck the strings with his chopsticks. Liu Yun was astounded by the sad yet beautiful tones, and he composed an elegant rhymed piece. During his time, Liu Yun’s contemporaries preferred new melodies to the old zither modes. Liu Yun wrote “Qing diao lun” 清調論 (Disquisition on clear tones) to state his views about zither music. Liu Yun was a multi-talented person. He was a poet, musician, and highly skilled at pitch-pot and archery. He also was was an expert in various types of divination and knew how to use his medical skills to treat sick persons. He especially excelled at chess. Emperor Wu of the Liang was also a good chess player. He once asked Liu Yun to grade chess players. Liu Yun wrote the Qi pin 棋品 (Grading of chess players) in three juan. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists this work as one juan. Liu Yun ranked himself number 2 among 278 chess players. Emperor Wu once said to his secretarial court gentleman Zhou She 周捨 (469–524): “I have heard the theory that a gentleman could not possibly be perfect. As for Liu Yun, I think he is perfect. If his talents could be divided, he could make up more than ten people.” As a member of a wealthy and influential family, Liu Yun enjoyed fame at an early age. He excelled in writing poems. When Emperor Wu gave banquets to his court officials and guests, he often asked Liu Yun to compose poems. His poems were refined and cultivated, subtle and restrained. His verse has been highly praised by the Ming dynasty literary critic Wang Shizhen 王世貞 (1526–1590) and the Qing scholar Chen Zuoming 陳祚明 (fl. 1665) who considered him a forerunner of Li Bo. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu records a Liang catalogue listing of Liu Yun’s

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collected works in twelve-juan. This was lost already by the early Tang. Lu Qinli has collected eighteen of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. Liu Yun’s only extant prose piece, “Da Shi Fayun shu nan Fan Zhen ‘Shen mie lun’” 答釋法雲書難范縝神滅論 (Answering Buddhist Monk Fayun’s letter who questions Fan Zhen’s “Disquisition on the extinction of the soul”), composed in 508, is preserved in Hongming ji 弘明集. Yan Kejun has collected it in “Quan Liang wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Nanbeichao wenxue shi, 212–14. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wencuejia cidian, 303–4. Zhang Canhui 張燦輝. “Nanchao Hedong Liushi jiazu yanjiu” 南朝河東柳氏家族 研究. Jinyang xuekan (1995: 6): 81–85. Liang Jing 梁靜. “Nanchao Hedong Liushi dongjuan wenxue gailun” 南朝河東柳 氏東眷文學概論. Zhengzhou hangkong gongye guanli xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2008: 8): 24–26. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Nanchao shiqi Hedong Liushi ‘dongjuan’ zhi jiazu wenhua fengshang shulun” 南朝時期河東柳氏 “東眷” 之家族文化風尚述論. Jiangsu daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 10.5 (2008): 41–50.

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 144–47. TPK

Liu Zhen 劉珍 (d. ca. 127), zi Qiusun 秋孫, also known as Bao 寶 Eastern Han scholar, writer. Liu Zhen’s ancestral home was Caiyang 蔡陽 of Nanyang 南陽 commandery (southwest of modern Zaoyang 棗陽, Hubei). During the Yongchu 永初 (107–113) period, he served as chief adminstrator of receptionists in the imperial court. In 110, Empress Dowager Deng 鄧 (81–121), summoned him along with Ma Rong 馬融 (79–166), Liu Taotu 劉騊駼 (ca. 70–ca. 130), and professors of the Five Classics to the Eastern Institute 東觀 to prepare a critical text of the Five Classics along with their commentaries and technical explanations. In 120, he and Liu Taotu were summoned again to compile biographies of well-known court officials. Shortly thereafter he was appointed palace attendant followed by a promotion to commandant of cavalry. In 125, he served as the chamberlain for the imperial clan. In 126 he was appointed chamberlain for the palace garrison. He died the following year. His biography in the Hou Han shu mentions that he composed

liu zhen 劉楨 (d. 217), zi gonggan 公幹

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seven pieces in the genres of dirge, eulogy, and linked-pearls. It also mentions that he compiled Shiming 釋名 (Terms explained) in thirty chapters. The monograph on the bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in two juan. This work was lost already in the Tang. Most of his works have not survived. Yan Kejun has collected three of his prose works in “Quan Hou Han wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. According to the Siku tiyao 四庫提要, Liu Zhen’s Shiming is a different book from the still extant Shiming compiled by the Eastern Han scholar Liu Xi 劉熙. Studies Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue xinian, 130, 136–37, 148–49, 151, 154, 157, 160–61. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 119. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 593. TPK

Liu Zhen 劉楨 (d. 217), zi Gonggan 公幹 Late Eastern Han writer. One of the Seven Masters of Jian’an. Liu Zhen’s natal place was Ningyang 寧陽 in Dongping 東平 (modern Ningyang, Shandong). He was a distant descendant of the Han imperial family. Liu Hui 劉恢 (d. 75 b.c.e.), the son of the Liu Yu 劉餘 (d. 128), Former Han King Gong 共 of Lu, was enfeoffed in Ningyang. Liu Zhen probably is a descendant of this line of the Liu imperial family. Liu Zhen’s grandfather (or his father according to Wenshi zhuan) was Liu Liang 劉梁 (fl. 147–178), a distinguished scholar of the late Eastern Han. Yu Shaochu gives Liu Zhen’s year of birth around 175. In later times Liu Zhen is often mentioned together with Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232) in the combination “Cao-Liu.” In his youth he gained fame for his talent and learning. At the age of ten he was able to recite several ten thousand characters, including the Lun yu, poetry, and fu. Around 192, Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) led his army to Dongping, which was Liu Zhen’s home commandery. At this time Cao Cao wanted to recruit him, but because Liu Zhen was too young, he did not go with him. Some time after 196, when Cao Cao removed Emperor Xian (r. 189–220) to Xu 許 (modern Xuchang), Liu joined Cao Cao’s staff. His title was consultant to the army of the minister of works (Cao Cao). In 204, Liu Zhen accompanied Cao Cao when Cao Cao led a military expedition against Ye 鄴 (modern Linzhang 臨漳, Hebei). In 208, he accompanied Cao Cao on his southern expedition against Sun Quan 孫權

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(182–252). In 211, Liu Zhen was appointed instructor to the leader of court gentlemen for miscellaneous uses, Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226). On one occasion Cao Pi hosted a banquet for all of the instructors, and when everyone was deep in their cups, Cao Pi had his wife Lady Zhen 甄夫人 (183–221) come out and greet the guests. All of the guests lowered their eyes as a sign of respect. Only Liu Zhen stared straight at her. When Cao Cao learned of this he ordered Liu Zhen sentenced to hard labor. However, later on Cao Cao pardoned him out of admiration for his talent. In 214, Liu Zhen served as cadet to the Marquis of Linzi, Cao Zhi. In 215, Liu Zhen and Xu Gan 徐幹 (171–217/218) composed laments for infant children of Cao Zhi and Cao Pi that died in that year. Neither of their works survives. In 217, the city of Ye suffered a great epidemic, and Liu Zhen died of illness. He was over fifty years old at the time. Liu Zhen was skilled in writing pentasyllabic verse. This was a common opinion even in Liu Zhen’s time. For example, Cao Pi in his “Second Letter to Wu Zhi” says that Liu Zhen’s “pentasyllabic poems are of unsurpassed beauty in the age.” Zhong Rong ranks him in the top grade of the Shi pin. He says, “His strong spirit and fondness for the strange are invariably startling. His true structure braves the frost, and his lofty manner outdoes the common. However, his spirit exceeds the literary qualities, and there is little ornament or polish.” Twelve of his poems are extant, and ten of them are preserved in the Wen xuan. Of the Jian’an period poets, the only poets who have more poems in this collection are Cao Zhi (25) and Wang Can (13). Collections Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Wei Liu Gongan ji 魏劉公幹集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Liu Gongan ji 魏劉公幹集. 1 juan. Yang Dezhou 楊德周 (Ming), ed. Jian’an qizi ji. Liu Zhen ji 劉楨集. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初, ed. Jian’an qizi ji 建安七子集.

Studies Nakagawa Kaoru 中川薰. “Ryū Tei kō” 劉楨考. Tottori daigaku gakugeibu kenkyū hōkoku 6 (1955). Nakagawa Kaoru 中川薰. “Ryū Tei den” 劉楨傳. Shibun 15 (1956). Nakagawa Kaoru 中川薰. “Ryū Tei no sambun ni tsuite” 劉楨の散文について. Tottori daigaku gakugeibu kenkyū hōkoku 7 (1956): 99–110. Nakagawa Kaoru 中川薰. “Ryū Tei no shi ni tsuite” 劉楨の詩について. Tottori daigaku gakugeibu kenkyū hōkoku 8 (1957): 109–32; 9 (1958): 31–53. Nakagawa Kaoru 中川薰. “Ryū Tei no fu ni tsuite” 劉楨の賦について. Tottori daigaku gakugeibu kenkyū hōkoku 10.1 (1959): 1–30.

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Itō Masfumi 伊藤正文. “Ryū Tei den ron” 劉楨傳論. Yoshikawa hakushi taikyū kinen Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 吉川博士退休紀念中國文學論集, 145–68. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1968; rpt. Itō Masafumi. Kenan shijin to sono dentō, 115–37. Itō Masfumi 伊藤正文. “Ryū Tei shi ron kō” 劉楨詩論考. Kindai (Kobe daigaku) 51 (1976): 1–51; rpt. Itō Masafumi. Kenan shijin to sono dentō, 138–87. Li Huoren 黎活仁. “Wen xuan Liu Zhen ‘Zeng Xu Gan’ shi xiezuo niandai kao” 《文選》劉楨《贈徐幹》詩寫作年代考. Dousou 43 (1981): 49–56. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Liu Zhen pingzhuan” 劉楨評傳. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan xubian, 201–12; rpt. Wang Yunxi. Han Wei Liuchao Tangdai wenxue luncong (zengding ben) 漢魏六朝唐代文學論叢 (增訂本), 308–17. Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2002. Wang Yunxi. “Tan qianren dui Liu Zhen shi de pingjia” 談前人對劉楨的評價. Gudai wenxue lilun yanjiu 14 (1989): 160–73; rpt. in Wang Yunxi, Han Wei Liuchao Tangdai wenxue luncong (zengding ben), 318–31. Shen Yucheng 沈玉成 and Fu Xuancong 傅璇琮. “Liu Zhen shiji gouchen” 劉楨 事迹鉤沉. Zhonggu wenxue congkao 中古文學叢考. Zhongguo wenlian chuban gongsi, 1985. Kameyama Akira 龜山朗. “Ryū Tei zōtō shi ron” 劉楨贈答詩論. Chūgoku bungaku hō 47 (1993): 1–30. Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 113–20. Du Guichen 杜貴晨. “Liu Liang Liu Zhen guli ji shi xi hangbei shishuo” 劉梁、劉 楨故里世系、行輩試說. Daizong xuekan 6.3 (2002): 57. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongu wenxue shiliao congkao, 60–63. Wang Pengting, Jian’an qizi yanjiu, 36, 51, 57, 65–66, 83–84, 243–50.

Translations a. “Gongyan shi” 公讌詩 (Lord’s feast) von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 290.

b. “Zeng Wuguan zhonglang jiang” 贈五官中郎將 (Presented to Leader of Court Gentlemen for Miscellaneous Purposes) von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 378–79.

c. “Zeng Xu Gan” 贈徐幹 (Presented to Xu Gan) von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 379–80.

d. “Zeng congdi” 贈從弟 (Presented to a younger cousin) von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 380–81. Frodsham and Cheng, Anthology, 30–31.

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liu zhen 劉楨 (d. 217), zi gonggan 公幹 e. “Za shi” 雜詩 (Unclassified poem)

von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 526. Watson, Chinese Lyricism, 45. DRK

Liu Zhou 劉晝 (ca. 515–ca. 567), zi Kongzhao 孔昭 Northern Qi writer. Liu Zhou’s natal place was Fucheng 阜城 in Bohai 渤海 commandery (modern Fucheng, Hebei). His father died when he was young, but he was able to acquire a good education. He studied the ritual classics with Li Xuan 李鉉 (fl. 550–560) who was also from Bohai. Although poor, he was able to gain access to books from private libraries including the collection of Song Shiliang 宋世良 (fl. ca. 540). Ca. 550–561 Liu Zhou resided in Ye 鄴 (modern Linzhang 臨漳, Hebei). He often presented petitions to the court on critical matters, but none of his advice was accepted. In 562, he returned to Fucheng. Liu Zhou soon returned to the capital as a xiucai 秀才 (flourishing talent), but he did not pass the exam that was given at the court. Regretting that he had not learned to compose literary works, he assiduously did a patchwork composition titled “Liuhe fu” 六合賦 (Fu on the six directions). Liu Zhou thought this was an outstanding work and gave a copy to Wei Shou 魏收 (505–572) who ridiculed his work saying “it is stupid enough to title the piece ‘Six Directions,’ but the composition itself is even more stupid than the name.” Liu Zhou was very proud of his learning and once boasted, “If my several tens of scrolls circulate in later generations, I would not exchange them for a thousand four-horse teams of Duke Jing of Qi” Liu Zhou died ca. 567 at the age of fifty-two. Some scholars attribute to Liu Zhou a ten-juan Master’s work titled Liuzi 劉子. The earliest listing for the work is in the bibliography monograph of the Sui shu that does not give the name of the author. Both the Jiu Tang shu and Xin Tang shu attribute it to Liu Xie 劉勰 (ca. 465–ca. 521). The modern scholars Lin Qitan 林其錟 and Zhou Fengjin 周鳳金 have vigorously championed this attribution. The earliest source that ascribes authorship to Liu Zhou is the preface to the Liuzi by Yuan Xiaozheng 袁孝政 of the Tang. Later sources such as the Song dynasty catalogues Junzhai dushu zhi 郡齋讀書志 and Zhizhai shulu jieti 直齋書錄解題 also mention this attribution. Modern scholars such as Yu Jiaxi 余嘉錫, Wang Shumin 王叔岷, and Yang Mingzhao 楊明照 argue that Liuzi is Liu Zhou’s work. However, Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 rejects the attribution to both Liu Xie and Liu Zhou, and

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suggests that it was written by another person surnamed Liu whose identity is no longer known. Bibliography Editions Liuzi 劉子. 2 juan. Yuan Xiaozheng 袁孝政 (Tang), comm. Song printing. Held in Shanghai tushuguan. Photo-reproduction Zhonghua zaizao shanben 中華再造善 本, vol. 58. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2004. Liuzi 劉子. 2 juan. Yuan Xiaozheng 袁孝政 (Tang), comm. Ming printing. Held in Shanghai tushuguan. Photo-reproduction Zhonghua zaizao shanben 中華再造善 本, vol. 186. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2004. Liuzi 劉子. Yuan Xiaozheng 袁孝政 (Tang), comm. Daozang 道藏 1030 (fasc. 673–74). Wang Shumin 王叔岷. “Liuzi ji zheng” 劉子集證. Zhongyang yanjiuyuan Lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan 44 (1961); rpt. Wang Shumin. Liuzi ji zheng 劉子集證. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007. Lin Qitan 林其錟 and Chen Fengjin 陳鳳金, ed. and comm. Liuzi ji jiao 劉子集校. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985. Yang Mingzhao 楊明照, ed. and comm. Liuzi jiaozhu 劉子校注. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1988. rpt. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2008. Fu Yashu 傅亞庶, ed. and comm. Liuzi jiaoshi 劉子校釋. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998. Lin Qitan 林其錟 and Chen Fengjin 陳鳳金, ed. Dunhuang yishu Liuzi canjuan ji lu 敦煌遺書劉子殘卷集錄. Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1998. Jiang Jianjun 江建俊. Xinbian Liuzi Xin lun 新編劉子新論. Taipei: Taiwan guji chuban gongsi, 2001. Yang Mingzhao 楊明照, ed. and comm. Chen Yingluan 陳應鸞 rev. Zengding Liuzi jiaozhu 增訂劉子校注. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2008.

Studies Sun Kaidi 孫楷第. “Liuzi Xin lun jiaoshi” 劉子新論校釋. Guoli Beiping tushuguan yuekan 3.5 (1929): 457–74; rpt. in Sun Kaidi. Cangzhou houji 滄州後集. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985. Yang Mingzhao 楊明照. “Liuzi li huo” 劉子理惑. Wenxue nianbao (1937: 3): 113–16; rpt. in Yang Mingzho. Liuzi jiaozhu, 1–7. Yang Mingzhao 陽明照. “Liuzi jiaozhu” 劉子斠注. Wenxue nianbao (1938: 4). Yu Jiaxi 余嘉錫. “Liuzi” 劉子. Siku tiyao bianzheng 四庫提要辨證. Lin Qitan 林其錟. “Yizhong wei beilu de Liuzi Dunhuang canjuan (fu jiaoji)” 一種 未被錄的《劉子》敦煌殘卷(附校記). Dunhuang xue jikan (1984: 6). Lin Qitan 林其錟. “Lun Liuzi zuozhe wenti” 論《劉子》作者問題. Wenxian 20 (1984): 1–28. Lin Qitan 林其錟. “‘Yizhong wei beilu de Liuzi Dunhuang canjuan (fu jiao ji)’ kanwu biao”《一種未被錄的〈劉子〉敦煌殘卷(附校記)》勘誤表. Dunhuang xue jikan (1985: 2): 131–32.

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Lin Qitian 林其錟. “Liuzi liang chaoben kaosuo”《劉子》兩抄本考索. Wenxian (1985: 3). Lin Qitan 林其錟 and Chen Fengjin 陳鳳金. “Liuzi zuozhe kaobian”《劉子》作者 考辨. Liuzi ji jiao. Li Shan 李山. “Jieshao Liu Xie zhu Liuzi de jidacheng jiaoben” 介紹劉勰著《劉 子》的集大成校本. Wenxian (1986: 2). Lin Qitan 林其錟 and Chen Fengjin 陳鳳金. “Liuzi ‘Ying Song chaoben’ bianzheng” 《劉子》“影宋鈔本》辨正. Wenxian (1986: 2). Lin Qitan 林其錟. “Zai lun Liuzi zuozhe wenti” 再論《劉子》作者問題. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1986: 4). Cheng Tianyou 程天祐. “Liuzi zuozhe bian”《劉子》作者辨. Jilin daxue shehui kexue bao (1986: 6): 84–88. Li Qing 李慶. “Liuzi zuozhe de zai yanjiu”《劉子》作者的再研究. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1988: 1). Du Lijun 杜黎均. Wenxin diaolong yu Liuzi bijiao lun”《文心雕龍》與《劉子》比 較論. Wenxin diaolong xuekan 5 (1988). Yang Mingzhao 楊明照. “Zai lun Liuzi de zuozhe” 再論《劉子》的作者. Wen shi 30 (1988); rpt. in Yang Mingzhao. Liuzi jiaozhu, 8–25. Xu Jianping 許建平. “Dunhuang yishu Liuzi canjuan jiaozheng” 敦煌遺書《劉子》殘 卷校正. Hangzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (1989: 5): 119–25. Xu Jianping 許建平. “Dunhuang ben Liuzi canjuan ju shan” 敦煌本《劉子殘卷》舉 善. Dunhuang yanjiu (1989: 3): 74–79. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Guanyu Liuzi de zuozhe wenti” 關於《劉子》的作者的問 題. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan yanjiusheng xuebao (1990: 2): 77–80; rpt. in Cao Daoheng. Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji xubian, 360–67. Cheng Tianyou 程天祐. “Liuzi zuozhe xin zheng—cong ‘Xishi’ pian kan ‘Liuzi’ de zuozhe”《劉子》作者新證—從《昔時》篇看《劉子》的作者. Jilin daxue shehui kexue xuebao (1990: 6): 61–66. Lin Qitan 林其錟. “Wenxin diaolong yu Liuzi sixiang bijiao”《文心雕龍》與《劉 子》思想比較. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu huicui. Xu Jianping 許建平. “Canjuan shu suoyin Liuzi canjuan kaolüe”《殘卷書》所引《劉 子》殘卷考略 Zhejiang shehui kexue (1993: 4): 89–92. Xu Jianping 許建平. “Dunhuang yishu Liuzi canjuan jiaozheng bu” 敦煌遺書《劉 子》殘卷校證補. Hangzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (1992: 1): 40–45. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. “Liuzi zuozhe”《劉子》作者. Zhonggu wenxue wenxian xue, 373–78. Deng Ruiquan 鄧瑞全 and Wang Guanying 王冠英, ed. “Liuzi Xinlun” 劉子新論. Zhongguo weishu zongkao 中國偽書綜考, 520–30. Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 1998. Arndt, Theresia M. Meister Lius Traktate zur Erneuerung in Krisenzeitern (Liuzi xinlun): ein Herrscherspiegel aus Chinas 6 Jhd. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1994. Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “Liuzi Xin lun xinlun”《劉子新論》新論. Changsha dianli xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 17.2 (2002): 74–80. Reiter, Florian C. “Liuzi 劉子.” In The Taoist Canon, 305–6. Chen Zhiping 陳志平. “Liuzi zuozhe he chuangzuo shijian xinkao”《劉子》作者和 創作時間新考. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2007: 4): 14–18. Chen Zhiping 陳志平 and Chen Minghua 陳明華. “Liuzi mingcheng kao”《劉 子》名稱考. Huanggang shifan xueyuan xuebao 28.2 (2008): 38–43.

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Chen Yingluan 陳應鸞. “Liuzi zuozhe bukao”《劉子》作者補考. Wenxue yichan (2008: 3): 31–35. Chen Xiangqian 陳祥謙. “Liuzi zuozhe xinzheng”《劉子》作者新證. Wuhan keji daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 10.5 (2008): 60–65. Zhu Wenmin 朱文民. “Zai lun Liuzi de zuozhe wei Liu Xie” 再論《劉子》的作者為 劉勰. Ludong daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 26.1 (2009): 73–77. DRK

Liuyan shi 六言詩 (Hexasyllabic verse) Early medieval Chinese verse form. Liuyan shi is a new prosodic form that was occasionally used from the late Eastern Han to the late Northern and Southern dynasties. One of the first mentions of the form is by Zhi Yu 摯虞 (d. 311), who in his Wenzhang liubie lun 文章流別論 traces the origins to the Shi jing (Mao #3). However, the Shi jing does not show evidence of consecutive hexasyllabic lines. Some scholars have also argued that the prosodic pattern of Chu ci is an early hexasyllabic form. For example, the second line in a “Sao line” couplet is usually in six syllables. However, the “Sao line” pattern, with the occurrence of particles that serve as “key words” and the carrier sound 兮, differ from the later mature hexasyllabic pattern, which do not have these features. Several Han writers such as Gu Yong 谷永 (d. 8 b.c.e.) and Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 (fl. 140–130 b.c.e.) have been attributed with hexasyllabic verse, but if they wrote such pieces they are no longer extant. Some anonymous Han dynasty yuefu such as “Dong tao xing” 董逃行 (Ballad of the flight of Dong) and “Fu bing xing” 婦病行 (Ballad of the ailing wife) are written mainly in the six-syllable-line pattern. The earliest extant poem to make sustained use of the form is in the three-stanza hexasyllabic poem attributed to Kong Rong 孔融 (153–208). However, the authenticity of this poem is not certain. Other famous examples from about this same period are the “Liyang zuo shi” 黎陽作詩 (Poem composed at Liyang) and “Ling shi” 令詩 (Poem together with a command) by Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) and the “Qie bo ming” 妾薄命 (Ill-fated concubine) by Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232). The latter piece may have inspired similar poems by Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217–278), Yu Xin 庾信 (513–581), and Wang Bao 王褒 (ca. 511–ca. 574). Xi Kang has a set of ten poems designated “Liuyan shi.” Each piece is in four hexasyllabic lines. Fu Xuan is attributed with a twelve-part “Dong tao xing” 董逃行 also written in hexasyllabic lines. However, parts of the piece have been attributed to the Liang period writer Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551). By the late Six Dynasties period, poets begin to write eight-line hexasyllabic poems that closely resemble the regulated hexasyllabic verse of the Tang. Examples are

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“Chang lou yuan jie shi” 倡樓怨節詩 (Grieving at the season in the courtesan quarters) by Xiao Gang, and “Yuan ge xing” 怨歌行 (Song of resentment) and “Wu mei niang” 舞媚娘 (A lovely lass dances) by Yu Xin. Bibliography Collection Xiao Ai 蕭艾, ed. Liuyan shi sanbai shou 六言詩三百首. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1987.

Studies Huang Zheng 黃征. “Liuyan shi chutan” 六言詩初探. Hangzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1982: 1): 108–13. Lü Zhenyu 呂珍玉. “Lun liuyan shi” 論六言詩. Donghai Zhongwen xuebao 9 (1990): 145–69. Wang Mingjin 王明津. “Gudai liuyan shi ticai yanjiu shuping” 古代六言詩體裁研究 述評. Tonghua shiyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue) (1997: 2): 45–51, 60. Yu Zhanghua 俞樟華 and Gai Cuijie 蓋翠杰. “Lun gudai liuyan shi” 論古代六言詩. Wenxue pinglun (2002: 5): 40–44. Wang Zhengwei 王正威. “Gudai liuyan shi fasheng lun” 古代六言詩發生論. Tianshui shifan xueyuan xuebao 23.3 (2003): 19–22. Wei Shaosheng 韋紹生. “Liuyan shiti yanjiu” 六言詩體研究. Zhongzhou xuekan 143 (2004): 95–99. Zhou Qianlong 周乾隆. “Liuyan shi yuanqi san lun” 六言詩緣起散論. Sheke zongheng 19.4 (2004): 101–2, 3. Wei Shaosheng 韋紹生. “Liuyan shi qiyuan zhushuo bian” 六言詩起源諸說辨. Xungen (2005: 5): 88–92. Gu Fenglian 谷鳳蓮. “Lun Liuyan shi de shanbian” 論六言詩的嬗變. Zaozhuang xueyuan xuebao 24.1 (2007): 11–13. Tang Aixia 唐愛霞. Zhongguo shiyou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 24.2 (2008): 92–97. Ge Xiaoyin 葛曉音. “Xian Tang zayan shi de jiezou tezheng he fazhang quxiang— jian lun liuyan he zayan de guanxi” 先唐雜言詩的節奏特徵和發展趨向—兼論六 言和雜言的關係. Wenxue yichan (2008: 3): 4–17.

Works a. Cao Pi Jia Bing 賈兵. “Cao Pi ‘Dong tao xing’ kao lüe—jian tan liuyan geshi de chansheng” 曹丕《董逃行》考略—兼談六言歌詩的產生. Yuefu xue 2 (2007): 157–68. Goodman, Howard. “The Orphan Ts’ao P’i, His Odd Poem, and Its Historiographic Frame.” Asia Major, Third Series 22.1 (2009).

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b. Xi Kang Holzman, Donald. “La Poésie de Ji Kang.” Journal asiatique 263 (1980): 323–32. Xu Hao 徐浩. “Xi Kang liuyan shi jianlun” 嵇康六言詩簡論. Zhoumo wenhui xueshu daokan (2006: 1): 46–48.

c. Yu Xin Gong Yufen 龔于芬. “Yu Xin de ‘Yuan ge xing’” 庾信的「怨歌行」. Guowen tiandi 211 (2002): 88–93. DRK

Lü Buwei 呂不韋 (d. 235 b.c.e.) Qin dynasty minister and prose writer. Lü Buwei’s natal place was Yangdi 陽翟 (modern Yu 禹 county, Henan), or according to one source, Puyang 濮陽 (modern Puyang, Henan). He came from a merchant family and made a fortune as a trader in the area of Handan 邯鄲 (modern Handan, Hebei), the capital of the state of Zhao 趙. Hearing that the Qin prince Yiren 異人, also known as Zi Chu 子楚, was a hostage in Zhao, Lü Buwei ingratiated himself with Yiren by proposing a scheme by which he could convince the Qin heir, the Lord of Anguo 安國, to name Yiren as his heir. After Yiren agreed to the plan, Lü Buwei went to Qin where he was able to induce the Lord of Anguo’s favorite concubine to recommend Yiren as his heir. Lü Buwei had married a lady from a prominent Handan family who was also a skilled dancer. When Yiren took an interest in the lady, Lü Buwei presented her to him. The lady was pregnant at the time, but concealed the fact until the birth of her son named Zheng 政, who eventually became the Qin First Emperor (r. 221–210 b.c.e.). Some sources thus claim that Zheng’s father was none other than Lü Buwei. In 249 b.c.e. Yiren was installed as king of Qin. He named Lü Buwei prime minister and enfeoffed him as Marquis Wenxin 文信. In 246 b.c.e., Prince Zheng succeeded to the Qin throne, and he named Lü Buwei prime minister of state and granted him the title Zhongfu 仲父 (Second Father). Zheng was still in his minority, and state affairs were relegated to Lü Buwei. Lü Buwei had frequent sexual relations with Zheng’s mother, who was now named Queen Dowager. He also introduced a man named Lao Ai 嫪毐 to her, and he became her constant sexual companion. In 238 b.c.e. Zheng discovered the affair, and Lao Ai staged a revolt that was quickly put down. Because of his association with Lao Ai, Lü Buwei was dismissed from office

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and exiled to Shu (modern Sichuan). He committed suicide by taking poison in 235 b.c.e. Lü Buwei recruited a large number of retainers who reputedly numbered 3,000. This number may be an exaggeration. Lü Buwei requested each of them to write down what they knew. Their writings were edited into a compilation titled Lüshi chunqiu 呂氏春秋 (Annals of Master Lü). The work consists of three sections: 12 ji 紀 (almanacs), eight lan 覽 (examinations), and six lun 論 (disquisitions). The work was an attempt to incorporate all known knowledge. The Lüshi chunqiu is usually classified as a zajia 雜家 or syncretic work. Lü Buwei had a copy placed by the city gate of Xianyang 咸陽 and hung 1000 catties of gold above it. Whoever could add or delete one character from the text would be rewarded with the gold. Many chapters include tales and anecdotes that were either created by the compilers or adapted from other works such as the Zuo zhuan 左傳, Gongyang zhuan 公羊傳, Yanzi chunqiu 晏子春秋, etc. The text also preserves materials such as the monthly routines in the twelve initial chapters of the twelve “ji” (these are also contained in the “Yue ling” 月令 of the Li ji 禮記 and the “Shize pian” 時則篇 of the Huainan zi 淮南子). Such chapters as “Gu yue” 古樂 and “Yin chu” 音初 also contain important information about early music, dances and myths. The received version of the Lüshi chunqiu consists of 160 pian. However, the first “Lan” only contains seven pian, and there is a “Xu yi” 序意 (postface) inserted between the “ji” and “lan.” Moreover, the “Xu yi” exclusively pertains to the twelve “ji” instead of the entire text in the first half and contains an irrelevant story in the second half. Lu Wenchao 盧文弨 (1717–1796) argued that both halves could be respectively portions of the “Xu yi” and the “Lian xiao” 廉孝, a chapter title mentioned by the editor Bi Yuan 畢沅 (1730–1797). On the other hand, the modern scholar Chen Qiyou 陳奇猷 has proposed that the “Xu yi” was indeed intended to accompany only the twelve “ji”. He argued that the “ji” section was completed first (in 226 b.c.e. according to the “Xu yi”), and the eight “lan” and six “lun” were composed and included in the text at a later time when Lü Buwei was banished to Shu. Naitō Torajirō 內藤虎次郎 (1866–1934) also suggested that the “lan” and “lun” sections must have been later appended to the original text for they contain events that occurred after the death of Lü Buwei. The earliest commentary to the text was written by Gao You 高誘 (ca. 168–212). In the Qing period, there were a number of important editions and commentaries: the Lüshi chunqiu xin jiaozheng 呂氏春秋新校正 by Bi Yuan; the Lüzi jiao bu 呂子校補 and Lüzi jiao xubu 呂子校續補 by Liang

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Yusheng 梁玉繩 (1745–1819); and the Lüzi jiao bu xianyi 呂子校補獻疑 by Cai Yun 蔡雲 (1764–1824). Bibliography Editions Bi Yuan 畢沅, ed. and coll. Lüshi chunqiu xin jiaozheng 呂氏春秋新校正. In Sibu beiyao 四部備要. Xu Weiyu 許維遹, comm. Lüshi chunqiu jishi 呂氏春秋集釋. Beijing: Guoli qinghua daxue, 1935. Jiang Weiqiao 蔣維喬, Shen Yanguo 沈延國, Yang Kuan 楊寬, Zhao Shanyi 趙善詒, coll. Lüshi chunqiu huijiao 呂氏春秋彙校. Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1937. Yin Zhongrong 尹仲容, ed. and comm. Lüshi chunqiu jiaoshi 呂氏春秋校釋. Taipei: Zhonghua congshu weiyuanhui, 1958. Chen Qiyou 陳奇猷, ed. and comm. Lüshi chunqiu jiaoshi 呂氏春秋校釋. Shanghai: Xuelin chubanshe, 1984. Fan Gengyan 范耕研, comm. Lüshi chunqiu buzhu 呂氏春秋補注. Taipei: Wenjing chubanshe, 1990.

Translations Wilhelm, Richard, trans. Frühling und Herbst des Lü Bu We; aus dem Chinesischen verdeutscht und erläutert. Jena: Eugen Diederichs, 1928. Rpt. Düsseldorf: Eugen Diederichs, 1971. Wang, Chi-chen, trans. “The Book of Lü Buwei.” Renditions 33–34 (1990): 9–23. Knoblock, John and Jeffrey Riegel. The Annals of Lü Buwei: A Complete Translation and Study. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000.

Japanese Translations Uchino Kumaichirō 內野熊一郎, trans. Nakamura Shōhachi 中村璉八, intro. Ryoshi shunjū 呂氏春秋. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1976. Kusuyama Haruki 楠山春樹. Ryoshi shunjū 呂氏春秋. 3 vols. Tokyo: Meiji shoin, 1996.

Baihua Translations Lin Pinshi 林品石, comm. and trans. Lüshi chunqiu jinzhu jinyi 呂氏春秋今註今譯. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1985. Zhang Shuangdi 張雙棣, et al. Lüshi chunqiu yizhu 呂氏春秋譯注. Changchun: Jilin wenshi chubanshe, 1986. Guan Minyi 管敏義, comm. and trans. Lüshi chunqiu yizhu 呂氏春秋譯注. Yinchuan: Ningxia renmin chubanshe, 1988. Gu Shengying 谷聲應, trans. Lüshi chunqiu baihua jinyi 呂氏春秋白話今譯. Beijing: Zhongguo shudian chubanshe, 1992. Zhu Yongjia 朱永嘉, trans. Xinyi Lüshi chunqiu 新譯呂氏春秋. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1995.

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Bao Ruifeng 包瑞峰, comm. and trans. Lüshi chunqiu yizhu 呂氏春秋譯注. Shenyang: Liaoning minzu chubanshe, 1996. Liao Mingchun 廖名春, trans. Lüshi chunqiu quanyi 呂氏春秋全譯. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 2004.

Indexes and Concordances Lüshi chunqiu tongjian 呂氏春秋通檢. Beiping: Centre franco-chinois d’études sinologiques, 1943. Carson, Michael F. A Concordance to Lü-shih ch’un-ch’iu. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1985. Lüshi chunqiu zhuzi suoyin 呂氏春秋逐字索引. ICS Ancient Chinese Texts Concordance Series. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1994.

Studies Wang Shumin 王叔岷. Lüshi chunqiu jiaobu 呂氏春秋校補. Nanjing: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, 1948. Yu Xingwu 于省吾. Shangjianchi Lüshi chunqiu xinzheng 雙劍誃呂氏春秋新證. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1958. Bodde, Derk. Statesman, Patriot, and General in Ancient China: Three Shi-chi Biographies of the Ch’in Dynasty (255–208 b.c.). New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1940. He Lingxu 賀凌虛. Lüshi chunqiu de zhengzhi lilun 呂氏春秋的政治理論. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1970. Li Jiurui 李九瑞. Lüshi chunqiu sixiang lilun 呂氏春秋思想理論. Taipei: Zhonghua congshu bianshen weiyuanhui, 1971. Xu Fuguan 徐復觀. “Lüshi chunqiu ji qi dui Handai xueshu yu zhengzhi shang de yingxiang” 呂氏春秋及其對漢代學術與政治上的影響. Dalu zazhi 45.3 (1972.9): 1–28. Yang Zongying 楊宗瑩. Lüshi chunqiu yanjiu 呂氏春秋研究. Taipei: Xi’nan shuju, 1972. Yang Zongying 楊宗瑩. “Liushi nian lai zhi Lüshi chunqiu xue” 六十年來之呂氏春 秋學. In Liushi nian lai guoxue 六十年來國學, v. 4. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1975. Zhao Haijin 趙海金. “Lüshi chunqiu sixiang guankui” 呂氏春秋思想管窺. Zhongguo guoxue 4 (1975): 104–111. Wang Keqiu 王克秋. Lüshi chunqiu yanjiu 呂氏春秋研究. Taipei: Xuehai chubanshe, 1977. Tian Fengtai 田鳳台. “Lüshi chunqiu yanjiu” 呂氏春秋研究. Ph.D. diss., Guoli zhengzhi daxue, 1979. Kalinowski, Marc. “Les Justifications historiques du government ideal dans le Lüshi Chunqiu.” Bulletin de l’École française d’extrême orient 68 (1980): 155–208. Carson, Michael E. “The Language of the Lü-shih ch’un-ch’iu: Some Characteristic Features of Grammar and Style in a Third Century b.c. Text.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1980. Louton, John Marshall. “The Lüshi Chunqiu: An Ancient Chinese Political Cosmology.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1981.

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Fu Wuguan 傅武光. “Lüshi chunqiu yu zhuzi zhi guanxi” 呂氏春秋與朱子之關係. Ph.D. diss., Guoli shifan daxue, 1982. Kalinowski, Marc. “Cosmologie and gouvernement naturel dans le Lüshi Chunqiu.” Bulletin de l’École française d’extrême orient 71 (1982): 169–216. Wu Fuxiang 吳福相. Lüshi chunqiu balan yanjiu 呂氏春秋八覽研究. Taipei: Wenshizhe chubanshe, 1984. Zhang Shuangdi 張雙棣. Lüshi chunqiu cihui yanjiu 呂氏春秋詞匯研究. Ji’nan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1989. Lau, D. C. “A Study of Some Textual Problems in the Lü-shih ch’un-ch’iu and Their Bearing on Its Composition.” Bulletin of the Institute of Chinese Literature and Philosophy 1 (1991): 45–87. Wang Fanzhi 王范之. Lüshi chunqiu yanjiu 呂氏春秋研究. Huhehaote: Xinhua shudian, 1993. Riegel, Jeffrey. “Do Not Serve the Dead as You Serve the Living: the Lüshi Chunqiu Treatises on Moderation in Burial.” Early China 20 (1995): 301–30. Carson, Michael and Michael Loewe. “Lü shih ch’un ch’iu 呂氏春秋.” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, 1993. Zhang Shuangdi 張雙棣. Lüshi chunqiu cidian 呂氏春秋詞典. Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1993. Hong Jiayi 洪家義. Lü Beiwei pingzhuan 呂不韋評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1995. Yin Guoguang 殷國光. Lüshi chunqiu cilei yanjiu 呂氏春秋詞類研究. Beijing: Huaxia chubanshe, 1997. Knoblock, John and Jeffrey Riegel. The Annals of Lü Buwei: A Complete Translation and Study. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000. Sellmann, James D. Timing and Rulership in Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals (Lüshi chunqiu). Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. Xian-Qin liang Han wenxue shiliao xue 先秦兩漢文學史料學, 277–83. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Wang Qicai 王啟才. Lüshi chunqiu yanjiu 呂氏春秋研究. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2007. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 420–21. SHL and DRK

Lu Chen 盧諶 (285–351, variant dates 284–350), zi Ziliang 子涼7 Late Western Jin, early Eastern Jin writer. Lu Chen is from the famous Lu clan of Fanyang 范陽 (modern Zhuozhou 涿州, Hebei). One of his ancestors was Lu Zhi 盧植 (130?–192), an important official and scholar of the late Eastern Han. Lu Zhi’s youngest son Lu

7 Lu Chen is the usual Romanization for this name. However, Zizhi tongjian 88.2785 gives the fanqie pronunciation of Shen 時壬 for 諶.

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Yu 盧毓 (182–257) was an important official during the Wei. Lu Yu had two sons, Lu Qin 盧欽 (d. 278) and Lu Ting 盧珽. Lu Qin held high positions under Emperor Wu of the Western Jin (r. 265–290). He also wrote shi, fu, and expository essays. Lu Ting was the younger brother of Lu Qin. His youngest son was Lu Zhi 盧志 (d. 312), father of Lu Chen. In 301, while Lu Zhi was serving as magistrate of Ye, the Prince of Chengdu, Sima Ying 司馬穎 (279–306), established his headquarters in Ye, and he entrusted Lu Zhi with formulating strategy during the insurrection of of the Eight Princes. While Sima Ying had de facto control of the imperial court, Lu Zhi served as supervisor of the secretariat. However, Lu Zhi remained in Ye and carried on his court duties from there. After Sima Ying was removed from power in 304, Lu Zhi was dismissed from his post. In the ninth month of 305, Sima Ying was allowed to return to his headquarters in Ye, and Lu Zhi was appointed governor of Wei commandery. When Sima Ying was killed in 306, all of his officials except for Lu Zhi fled. Lu Zhi personally attended to his burial. Lu Zhi then obtained a position with the Prince of Donghai, Sima Yue 司馬越 (d. 311), who had now seized control over the court. By the end of the Yongjia period (ca. 311) Lu Zhi served as imperial secretary. After the fall of Luoyang in 311, Lu Zhi wanted to seek protection from Liu Kun 劉琨 (271–318) in Bingzhou 并州 (modern Shanxi). He and his entourage got as far as Yangyi 陽邑 (about forty kilometers southeast of Jinyang 晉陽, near modern Taiyuan, Shanxi) and was captured by the Xiongnu Liu Can 劉粲 (d. 318). Liu Can sent Lu Zhi to Liu Cong’s headquarters in Pingyang. The Xiongnu Liu Cong 劉聰 (d. 318) appointed Lu Zhi grand preceptor. Liu Can kept Lu Zhi’s oldest son Lu Chen as his adjutant in Jinyang. In the eleventh month of Yongjia 6 (15 Dec. 312 to 13 Jan. 313), Lu Chen escaped and joined Liu Kun. Liu Can then put to death Lu Zhi, his wife, and two sons (Mi 謐 and Shen 詵). Lu Chen had been engaged to the Princess of Xingyang 滎陽, a daughter of Emperor Wu. However, she died before they could be married. Around 309, Lu Chen was recommended from his province as a “flourishing talent,” and was appointed an aide to the grand commandant, probably Sima Shi 司馬寔 (d. 302). When Liu Kun assumed the title of minister of works in 315, he appointed Lu Chen his recorder and then attendant gentleman of the household, which seems to be the highest position Lu Chen held under Liu Kun. In 317, Lu Chen joined the staff of Duan Pidi 段匹磾 (d. 322) as his bie jia 別駕 or mounted escort. Duan Pidi was the leader of the Duanbu 段部 tribe of the Xianbei that occupied the area of Liaoxi 遼西 (northeastern Hebei). In 314 Duan Pidi declared himself regional inspector of Youzhou 幽州 (administrative seat Zhuo 涿, modern Zhuozhou 涿州, Hebei) and

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established his headquarters at Ji 薊 (southwest of modern Beijing). After Duan Pidi executed Liu Kun in 318, Lu Chen joined the forces of Duan Pidi’s nephew Duan Mobo 段末波, who had become the new Xianbei chanyu in Liaoxi. Mobo was now engaged in battle with Duan Pidi. In 319, Duan Mobo sent an emissary to the court of Emperor Yuan (r. 317–322) in Jiankang. Lu Chen had him take along a petition requesting posthumous exoneration for Liu Kun. In 321, Lu Chen was appointed by the southern Jin court to the position of cavalier attendant and vice-director of the secretariat, but Duan Mobo would not allow him to take up the post. After Duan Mobo died in 325, Lu Chen spent the next twenty-five years in the north where he served various military regimes. He was killed in battle in the third month of Yonghe 7 (13 April–11 May 351). Lu Chen’s collection survived into Tang times and perhaps the early Song. The first mention of it is in the monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu that lists it in 10 juan. The work is also listed in the Jiu Tang shu and Xin Tang shu. Lu Chen also wrote a commentary to the Zhuangzi and a work on ritual titled Ji fa 祭法 (Methods of sacrificial offering). Yan Kejun has collected short fragments of ten fu by Lu Chen in “Quan Jin wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Five of Lu Chen’s poems are preserved in the Wen xuan. His best known pieces are a set of poems he exchanged with Liu Kun. Bibliography Studies and translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 317–18, 418–27, 543. Yu Bin 喻賓. “Liu Kun Lu Chen zengda shi kaobian” 劉琨盧諶贈答詩考辨. Hainan daxue xuebao (1995: 2): 68–70. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. “Lu Chen” 盧湛. Wei Jin wenxue shi, 435–38. Wang Lihua 王澧華. “Lu Chen yu Yongjia pingdan shifeng” 盧湛與永嘉平淡詩風. Liang Jin shifeng 兩晉詩風, 129–36. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005. Knechtges, David. “Liu Kun, Lu Chen, and Their Writings in the Transition to the Eastern Jin.” CLEAR 28 (2006): 1–66. DRK

Lu Chui 陸倕 (470–526), zi Zuogong 佐公 Qi-Liang period writer. Lu Chui’s ancestral home was Wu 吳 in Wu commandery 吳郡 (modern Suzhou). He was the son of Lu Huixiao 陸慧曉 (439–500). In the Qi dynasty he was one of the so-called “Eight Companions of Jingling” (Jingling bayou

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竟陵八友) of the Qi prince Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494). He also served as aide to several Qi princes. In the capital Jiankang he associated with many prominent literary men and became a close friend of Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508), for whom he wrote “Gan zhiji fu” 感知己賦 (Fu expressing gratitude to a bosom friend). Lu Chui was a member of the group headed by Ren Fang that was known as the “Longmen Associates.” In the Liang dynasty he served in several central and local government posts, including professor of the national university and palace cadet to the crown prince Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531). In 515 Lu Chui was appointed secretary to Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551), then Prince of Jin’an 晉安. However, he was later removed from office for an unspecified offense. Lu Chui returned to the court in the 520s and served as vice-director of the secretariat and senior rectifier for the capital area. When Lu Chui died at the age of fifty-seven, Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–554) wrote an epitaph for him. Lu Chui was renowned for his prose. Xiao Gang in a letter to Xiao Yi (“Yu Xiangdong wang shu” 與湘東王書) praises Lu Chui, along with Ren Fang, for his prose writing, which he places on the same level as the poetry of Xie Tiao and Shen Yue. Both his “Xin ke lou ming” 新刻漏銘 (Inscription on the new clepsydra) and “Shique ming” 石闕銘 (Inscription for the stone gateway marker) written 507 and 508 respectvely were included in the Wen xuan. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Lu Chui’s collected works in fourteen juan while the two Tang histories record it in twenty juan. The collection was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected Lu Chui’s twenty-four extant prose works in “Quan Liang wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen, and Lu Qinli has collected his four extant poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi.

Bibliography Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Lu Taichang ji 陸太常集. 1 juan. Qishi’ er jia ji. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Lu Taichang ji 陸太常集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji.

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 254. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 494–95.

Translation Tian, Beacon Fire and Shooting Star, 115–16. WJ and DRK

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Lu Cui 路粹 (d. 215), zi Wenwei 文蔚 Late Eastern Han writer. Lu Cui’s ancestral home was Chenliu 陳留 (south of modern Kaifeng, Henan). During his youth he studied under Cai Yong 蔡邕 (133–192). Ca. 204 he joined the staff of Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220). In 208, he composed the petition recommending execution of Kong Rong 孔融 (153–208) for “impiety.” In 211, he joined the staff of Cao Pi as an instructor. In 215, when Lu Cui was about fifty years old, he was executed for violating a court prohibition. In his time Lu Cui was as famous as Wang Can 王粲 (177–217) and Chen Lin 陳琳 (b. ca. 160, d. 217) as a prose writer. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu records his collection in two-juan that was listed in a Liang period catalogue. This was lost by the early Tang. Lu Cui’s only extant works are his two petitions denouncing Kong Rong. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 466–67. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 613–14. WJ

Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303), zi Shiheng 士衡 Western Jin writer. Lu Ji’s ancestral home was Wu 吳 of Wu commandery 吳郡 (modern Suzhou in Jiangsu). He was a member of a prominent family of the Wu state. Lu Ji’s grandfather Lu Xun 陸遜 (183–245) served as prime minister of Wu, and his father Lu Kang 陸抗 (226–274) was minister of war. He is the older brother of Lu Yun 陸雲 (262–303). Lu Xun was an early supporter of the Wu founder Sun Quan 孫權 (r. 222–252). He was married to Sun Quan’s sister. In 219, Lu Xun led the Wu army to a decisive victory over the Shu general Guan Yu 關羽 (d. 219), and as a reward Sun Quan enfeoffed him as Marquis of Huating 華亭. Huating then became the Lu family estate. It was located west of modern Shanghai (modern Songjiang 松江 county, Shanghai city). Although many scholars refer to Huating as Lu Ji’s ancestral home, his ancestral home was Wu commandery. In the third century, Huating was a scenic area that included a large valley and meandering river. It was also famous for its colony of cranes, whose crunkling could be heard from a great distance.

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Lu Xun was one of Sun Quan’s most able generals, and he was appointed prime minister of Wu in 244, one year before his death. In 245, Lu Xun became embroiled in a political struggle at the court between two of Sun Quan’s sons. Displeased with Lu Xun’s handling of the matter, Sun Quan repeatedly sent palace emissaries to admonish him. According to Lu Xun’s biography in the Sanguo zhi (58.1345), Lu Xun died of “indignation” at the age of sixty-three. When Lu Xun died in 245, Lu Kang took command of his father’s army. Lu Kang was the leader of the forces that fought against the Wei armies led by Sima Zhao 司馬昭 (211–265). While a number of the Wu commanders surrendered to the Wei, Lu Kang remained loyal to Wu, even after Sima Yan 司馬炎 (236–290) established the Jin dynasty in 265. In 272, the Wu commander Bu Chan 步闡 (d. 272) surrendered to the Jin. Lu Kang occupied Xiling 西陵 (modern Yichang 宜昌, Hubei) to prevent it from falling into the hands of the Jin. After capturing Xiling, Lu Kang ordered the execution of Bu Chan and his family. Probably as a reward for this achievement, in 273 Lu Kang was named minister of war and governor of the large and important province of Jingzhou 荆州 (administrative seat Xiangyang 襄陽, modern Xiangfan city, Hubei), which seems to have been an area traditionally assigned to members of the Lu family. However, in autumn of 274, Lu Kang died of illness. Lu Kang had six sons: Lu Yan 陸晏 (d. 280), Lu Jing 陸景 (249–280), Lu Xuan 陸玄 (n.d.), Lu Ji, Lu Yun, and Lu Dan 陸耽 (d. 303). The oldest son Lu Yan succeeded his father as head of the family, but all of the sons except for the youngest, Lu Dan, shared in the command of Lu Kang’s army. Lu Ji was only fourteen years old at the time, but he was given the rank of yamen jiangjun 牙門將軍 (general of the banner gate). In December 279, the Jin sent a large army of over 200,000 men to attack Wu from the west. Just before his death, Lu Kang had warned the Wu emperor to prepare for such an invasion. In the face of this overwhelming force, many of the Wu commanders surrendered without a fight. However, Lu Ji’s two older brothers Lu Yan and Lu Jing both were killed in battle with the Jin general Wang Jun 王浚 (206–285). According to the traditional account summarized in the Jin shu, after the Jin conquest, Lu Ji and his brother Lu Yun retired to the family estate in Huating. They reputedly lived here for nearly ten years, engaging in scholarly pursuits and writing poetry until 289 when they received an invitation from the Jin court to take up office in Luoyang. However, there is good evidence that Lu Yun immediately entered official service under the Jin. Lu Ji entered the service of the Jin later than Lu Yun. Shortly after the Jin conquest, Lu wrote a long two-part expository essay, “Bian wang lun”

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辨亡論 (Disquisition on the fall of a state) in which he discusses the reasons

for Wu’s defeat. There is some confusion about when and under whom Lu Ji first served when he went to the capital. According to the conventional account, Lu Ji remained in Wu until 289 when he was invited to join the staff of the grand tutor Yang Jun 楊駿 (d. 291). However, based on the evidence of Lu Ji’s “Xie Pingyuan neishi biao” 謝平原內史表 (Petition expressing thanks for the post of administrator of Pingyuan) dated 301, in which he says he had been serving in office at Luoyang for nine years, he must have taken his first position in Luoyang not in 289, but 292. Thus, he could not have served Yang Jun, who was killed in 291. However, Lu Ji may have traveled to Luoyang some time before this. He could have met Yang Jun, who summoned Lu Ji to office, but Lu Ji may not have taken up the position. At this time he also met Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300), who introduced him to prominent men at the court. Lu Ji’s first position in Luoyang probably was attendant to the heir designate, Sima Yu 司馬遹 (d. 300), also known by his posthumous name Minhuai taizi 愍懷太子 (Crown Prince Mournfully Recalled). The heir designate’s Eastern Palace was the center of social activity in the capital, and prominent men attended the numerous gatherings that took place there. A frequent visitor to the Eastern Palace was Jia Mi 賈謐 (d. 300), who was the nephew of Empress Jia 賈后 (d. 300), the chief consort of Emperor Hui 惠 (r. 291–306). Lu Ji wrote several poems for gatherings hosted by the prince. One of these pieces, titled “Huang taizi yan Xuanpu Xuanyou tang you ling fu shi” 皇太子宴玄圃宣猷堂有令賦詩 (Poem composed on command for the August Heir Designate’s Banquet at the You Hall in the Xuan Garden), is contained in the Wen xuan. In 294, Lu Ji accepted a position on the staff of the Wu prince Sima Yan 司馬宴 (281–311), who was stationed in the southeast. In 296, Lu Ji was summoned back to the capital where he was appointed gentleman of palace writers. To celebrate Lu Ji’s return, Jia Mi commissioned Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300) to compose in Jia Mi’s name a long poem in tetrasyllabic meters titled “Wei Jia Mi zuo zeng Lu Ji” 為賈謐作贈陸機 (Presented to Lu Ji, written on behalf of Jia Mi). This poem consists of eleven eight-line stanzas and is included in the Wen xuan. Lu Ji replied with a poem in the same meter and length titled “Da Jia Changyuan” 答賈長淵 (Replying to Jia Mi). While serving in Luoyang, Lu Ji was a member of the literary coterie centered about Jia Mi called the Twenty-four Companions. In 300, Empress Jia instigated the assassination of Crown Prince Minhuai. Sima Lun 司馬倫 (d. 301) then deposed Empress Jia and ordered her and Jia Mi put to death, along with her associates Zhang Hua and Pan Yue. After declaring himself prime minister of state, Sima Lun appointed

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Lu Ji as his aide. Having observed the death of numerous family members and friends during this turbulent period, Lu Ji then composed “Tan shi fu” 歎逝賦 (Fu on lamenting the departed) to express grief at their passing. In 301, Sima Lun plotted to seize the imperial throne for himself. After Sima Lun’s army was defeated by Sima Jiong 司馬冏 (d. 303) and Sima Ying 司馬穎 (279–306), Lu Ji was arrested and put on trial. Through the intercession of Sima Ying, Lu Ji was able to have his capital punishment sentence reduced to banishment to the frontier. However, before Lu Ji could depart for his exile, he was released from his punishment by a general amnesty. To express his gratitude to Sima Ying, Lu Ji composed two “Yuan kui shi” 園葵詩 (Poems on the garden mallow). One of them is included in Wen xuan. It was also about this time that Lu Ji composed his famous “Wen fu” 文賦 (Fu on literature). Lu Ji then joined the staff of Sima Ying, who appointed him administrator of Pingyuan 平原 (administrative center south of modern Pingyuan, Shandong). The petition thanking Sima Ying for granting him this post is contained in Wen xuan 37. In 303, Sima Yong 司馬顒 (d. 306), prince of Hejian 河間, and Sima Ying joined in a military campaign against Sima Yi 司馬乂 (d. 303), prince of Changsha, who had killed Sima Jiong. Sima Ying appointed Lu Ji commander-in-chief of the vanguard. During the ensuing battle, Lu Ji’s army was defeated outside one of the gates of Luoyang. Accused of plotting revolt, Lu Ji was put to death along with his two sons and brothers. A large portion of Lu Ji’s writings has been lost. In the Eastern Jin period Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343; alt. 283–363) reported that he saw a collection of the writings of Lu Ji and his brother Lu Yun that consisted of “one hundred and some juan.” He also added that this collection was not complete. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu records a Liang dynasty catalogue that listed Lu Ji’s collection in forty-seven juan with a table of contents in one juan. This was lost already in the early Tang. The version seen by the compilers of the Sui shu had only fourteen juan. Both Tang histories record a fifteen-juan version. Scholars believe the extra juan may be the table of contents. By the Southern Song Lu Ji’s collection is reduced to ten juan. This probably is a reconstructed collection. The only known Song printing is the Jin erjun wenji 晉二俊文集 done by Xu Minzhan 徐民 瞻 (fl. 1200). This probably was the basis for the earliest extant printing of Lu Ji’s collection, the Lu Shiheng wenji 陸士衡文集 issued by Lu Yuanda 陸元大 in 1519. The Lu Yuanda version of the Lu Shiheng wenji contains 25 fu, 106 shi to 75 titles, and 20 prose works to 19 titles (one of which, the “Liu chushi Shen qi Wangshi lei” 流處士參妻王氏誄 is not by Lu Ji). It also includes

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the “Yan Lianzhu” 演連珠 (Linked-pearls expanded) which consists of fifty pieces. Scholars have discovered other pieces, including 3 fu, 50 poems to 30 titles, and 5 prose pieces that were left out of the Lu Yuanda version. Lu Ji is considered one of the most distinguished early medieval Chinese writers. Zhong Rong placed his poems in the upper grade of his Shi pin. The compilers of the Wen xuan selected a large number of pieces in various genre groups. His fifty-two-poem corpus is the largest in the Wen xuan. Seventeen of Lu Ji’s poems selected for the Wen xuan are yuefu. Lu Ji’s extant collection contains an additional thirty-two pieces in twenty-one titles. The vast majority of the pieces are written to Han or Wei period yuefu titles, and some of them are close imitations of earlier poems. For example, “Duan ge xing” 短歌行 (Short song) follows both the prosodic form (tetrasyllabic line) and theme of Cao Cao’s yuefu by this same title. Lu Ji also is well-known for his set of twelve “Ni gu shi” 擬古詩 (Imitating ancient poems) in which he composed his own versions of all but one of the pieces that the compilers of the Wen xuan selected for the set known as “Gu shi shijiu shou” 古詩十九首 (Nineteen ancient poems). Lu Ji’s poetic corpus also includes a goodly number of poems on travel. One of his best known pieces is “Fu Luo dao zhong zuo” 赴洛道中作 (Written on the road to Luo), a two-part poem he composed when he was traveling from Wu to take up office in Luoyang. Lu Ji exchanged poems with a number of his contemporaries, including his Wu compatriot Gu Rong 顧榮 (270–322), his younger brother Lu Yun, Pan Ni 潘尼 (ca. 247–ca. 311) and Pan Yue. One of the distinguishing features of Lu Ji’s verse is his extensive use of the parallel couplet, even in his yuefu. Lu Ji is also an accomplished fu poet. He is best known for his “Wen fu,” which is an important work of medieval Chinese literary thought and criticism. The piece primarily concerns the process of literary composition. Lu Ji first examines the sources of literary creation, which he attributes to the writer’s emotional reponse to the cosmos, nature, and the passing of the seasons, as well as his experience with other literary works. To Lu Ji writing is a contemplative, spiritual act in which the writer, much like a Taoist sage, suspends his sight and hearing to embark on a spirit journey for his literary inspiration. Thus, he is able “to view past and present in a single instant, /And touch the entire world in the blink of an eye.” Lu Ji also touches on the relationship between thought and language, a subject that was often discussed by the xuanxue thinkers of his time. One of the most important sections of the “Wen fu” sets forth the norms that Lu Ji associates with ten genres. His statements on the shi and fu were especially influential in the Chinese literary tradition. Lu Ji also establishes criteria for judging good writing notably harmony (he 和), resonance ( ying 應), dignity (雅), beauty ( yan 艷), and strong feeling (bei 悲).

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A number of Lu Ji’s fu pieces are on personal subjects. For example, in such pieces as “Si qin fu” 思親賦 (Fu on longing for kin) and “Huai tu fu” 懷土賦 (Fu on yearning for my home) he expresses homesickness for his native Wu. Like other Western Jin poets, Lu Ji also wrote a number of fu on yongwu themes, including two pieces on clouds, one on the clepsydra, and a delightful piece on the melon. Lu Ji’s prose corpus includes the famous “Bian wang lun” that he wrote while still residing in Wu. In this essay he discusses the reasons for the fall of the Wu state. He attributes the Wu defeat not to a lack of good military leaders or strategies, but to its failure to make use of the talented men it had. The work is a model of parallel prose of which Lu Ji is an acknowledged master. Another of Lu Ji’s famous prose works is “Yan lian zhu” 演連珠 (Strungpearls expanded). This is a set of fifty carefully crafted aphorisms, each of which begins with the phrase “I have heard.” It is the only example of this form included in the Wen xuan. Lu Ji was also a distinguished calligrapher. One example of his calligraphy, the “Pingfu tie” 平復帖 (Recovering from illness) has survived. It is now in the collection of the Palace Museum in Beijing. The piece is a short eighty-six-character note that he composed in draft cursive to his friend identified as Yanxian 彥先, who had been ill. The most likely person to whom this refers is He Xun 賀循 (260–319). Bibliography Collections Lu Shiheng wenji 陸士衡文集. 10 juan. Printed by Lu Yuanda 陸元大, 1519. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Lu Shiheng wenji 陸士衡文集. 10 juan. Printed by Qian Peiming 錢培名 (fl. 1852– 1858). Xiao wanjuan lou congshu 小萬卷樓叢書, 1854. Rpt. 1878. This is also the basis for the edition reprinted in Congshu jicheng. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Lu Pingyuan ji 陸平原集. 2 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Lu Pingyuan ji 陸平原集. 8 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Wang Shixian 汪士賢 (fl. 1573–1627), ed. Lu Shiheng ji 陸士衡集. 10 juan. Han Wei Liuchao zhujia wenji 漢魏六朝諸家文集. Wanli period (1573–1627). Lu Shiheng wenji 陸士衡文集. 10 juan. Sibu congkan. Photo-reproduction of Lu Yuanda edition. Lu Shiheng ji 陸士衡集. 10 juan. Sibu beiyao. Typeset printing based on the Wang Shixian edition. Hao Liquan 郝立權. Lu Shiheng shi zhu 陸士衡詩注. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1958.

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Jin Taosheng 金濤聲, ed. Lu Ji ji 陸機集. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982. Liu Yunhao 劉運好, ed. and comm. Lu Shiheng wenji jiaozhu 陸士衡文集校注. Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2007.

Concordance Gotō Akimasa 後藤秋正, comp. Riku Ki shi sakuin 陸機詩索引. Tokyo: Shōundō shoten, 1976.

Baihua Translation Wang Dehua 王德華, trans. and comm. Xinyi Lu Ji shiwen ji 新譯陸機詩文集. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 2006.

Japanese Translation Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行. Riku Shikō shishū 陸士衡詩集. Tokyo: Hakuteisha, 2001.

Studies Lu Kanru 陸侃如. “Lu Ji de chuangzuo lilun he chuangzuo shijian” 陸機的創作理 論和創作實踐. Wenhui bao (August 1, 1961); rpt. in Lu Kanru. Lu Kanru gudian wenxue lunwen ji 陸侃如古典文學論文集, 633–50. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987. Jiang Liangfu 姜亮夫. Lu Pingyuan nianpu 陸平原年譜. Shanghai: Gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1957. Takahashi Kazumi 高橋和己. “Riku Ki no denki to sono bungaku” 陸機の傳記とそ の文學. Chūgoku bungaku hō 11 (1959): 1–57; 12 (1960): 49–84. Kang Rongji 康榮吉. Lu Ji ji qi shi 陸機及其詩. Taipei: Jiaxin shuini wenhua jijinhui, 1969. Chen Enliang 陳恩良. Lu Ji wenxue yanjiu 陸機文學研究. Hong Kong: Guanghua shuju, 1969. Deng Shiliang 鄧仕樑. Liang Jin shilun 兩晉詩論, 68–85. Hong Kong: Xianggang Zhongwen daxue, 1972. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. Han Gaku Riku Ki 潘岳陸機. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1973. Liao Weiqing 廖蔚卿. “Lun Lu Ji de shi” 論陸機的詩. In Zhongguo gudian wenxue yanjiu congkan: shige zhi bu 中國古典文學研究叢刊:詩歌之部. Ed. Ke Qingming 柯慶明 and Lin Mingde 林明德, 71–105. Taipei: Juliu tushu gongsi, 1977. Liu Rong 劉溶. “Lu Ji wenlun he tade shijian” 陸機文論和他的實踐. Xinyang shiyuan xuebao (1983: 1): 53–59, 89. Chen Zhuang 陳莊. “Lu Ji shengping san kao” 陸機生平三考. Sichuan daxue xuebao (1983: 4): 64–68. Wang Yi 王毅. “Lu Ji jian lun” 陸機簡論. Zhongguo gudian wenxue luncong 2 (1985): 55–72. Deng Shiliang 鄧仕樑. “Liuchao shiren de pingjia wenti: yi Lu Ji wei li de tantao” 六朝詩人的評價問題: 以陸機為例的探討. Xianggang Zhongwen daxue Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo xuebao 16 (1985): 147–60.

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Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Lu Ji ji zhiyi”《陸機集》質疑. Wen shi 26 (1986). Strätz, Volker. Unterschung der formalen Strukturen in den Gedichten des Luh Ki. Frankfurt am Main and New York: P. Lang, 1989. Ho, Kenneth P.H. 何沛雄. “Xiancun Lu Ji fu kao” 現存陸機賦考. In He Peixiong. Han Wei Liuchao fu lunji 漢魏六朝賦文集, 115–39. Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1990. Fu Gang 傅剛. “Lu Ji chuci fu Luo shijian kao bian” 陸機初次赴洛時間考辨. Shanghai shida xuebao (1986: 2): 55–57; rpt. Fu Gang. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue yu wenxian lungao 漢魏六朝文學與文獻論稿, 461–67. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2005. Jiang Zuyi 蔣祖怡 and Han Quanxin 韓泉欣. “Lu Ji” 陸機. In Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 1: 357–77. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Riku Ki kyōdai no shigen zōtō shi ni tsuite” 陸機兄 弟の四言贈答詩について. Ritsumeikan bungaku 511 (1989): 1–31. Fu Gang 傅剛. “Lun Lu Ji shige chuangzuo de yishu tese” 論陸機詩歌創作的藝術 特色. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (1989: 2): 258–70; rpt. in Fu Gang. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue yu wenxian lungao 漢魏六朝文學與文獻論稿, 461–67. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2005. Lai, Chiu-mi. “River and Ocean: The Third Century Verse of Pan Yue and Lu Ji.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1990. Lin Wen-yüeh 林文月, “Pan Yue Lu Ji shi zhong de nanfang yishi” 潘岳陸機詩中 的南方意識, Taida Zhongwen xuebao 5 (1992): 19–36. Fu Gang 傅剛. “Guanyu Lu Ji shengping jige wenti de chengqing” 關於陸機生平幾 個問題的澄清. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao zengkan (1992); rpt. in Fu Gang. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue yu wenxian lungao 漢魏六朝文學與文獻論稿, 271–86. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2005. Shen Yucheng 沈玉成. “‘Zhuanghua nianpu’ ‘Lu Pingyuan nianpu’ zhong de jige wenti”《張華年譜》、《陸平原年譜》中的幾個問題. Wenxue yichan (1992: 3): 27–34. Cao Hong 曹虹. “Lu Ji fu lun tanwei” 陸機賦論探微. Chūgoku bungaku hō 46 (1993): 38–49. Chen Liling 陳莉玲. “Lu Ji shi Jin ji qi guanhuan shengya” 陸機仕晉及其官宦生涯. Wenxue ji 3 (1993): 19–24. Wang Qiujie 王秋傑. “Lu Ji ji qi shi fu yanjiu” 陸機及其詩賦研究. M.A. thesis, Guoli Taiwan daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo, 1994. Li Zhiliang 李之亮. “Wen xuan Lu Ji shi jian shi”《文選》陸機詩箋識. Yindu xuekan (1994: 4): 59–61, 82. Hu Guorui 胡國睿. “Lun Lu Ji zai Liang Jin ji Nanbeichao de wenxue diwei” 論陸 機在兩晉及南北朝的文學地位. Wenxue yichan (1994: 1): 18–24. Jiang Fang 蔣方. “Lu Ji Lu Yun shi Jin huanji kao” 陸機、陸雲仕晉宦迹考. Hubei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1995: 3): 76–86. Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行. Sei Shin bungaku kenkyū: Riku Ki o chūshin to shite 西晉 文學研究: 陸機を中心として. Tokyo: Hakuteisha, 1995; Chinese trans. by Zhou Yanliang 周延良. Xi Jin wenxue yanjiu 西晉文學研究. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2004. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. “Lu Ji xintai yu qi xinglü shi de dutexing” 陸機心態與其行旅詩的 獨特性. Hebei daxue xuebao (1995: 3): 41–47. Wang Lijian 王力堅. “Xi Jin shiren—Zhang Xie Lu Ji dui yishu xingshi mei de zhuiqiu” 西晉詩人—張協、陸機對藝術形式美的追求. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 197 (1996): 81–90.

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Wang Jianqiu 王健秋. “Lu Ji yu Pan Yue changheshi zhong de lunzheng” 陸機與潘 岳唱和詩中的論爭. Gudian wenxue zhishi (1997: 2): 103–6. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. “Lu Ji lun” 陸機論. Chuantong wenhua yu xiandaihua (1998: 1): 51–58. Chen Fuxing 陳復興. “Lu Ji yu Xiao Tong de wenxue piping” 陸機與蕭統的文學批 評. Changchun shifan xueyuan xuebao 18.1 (1999): 32–38. Wang Chunhong 汪春泓. “Cong Dongwu xueshu wenhua tedian kan Lu Ji wenxue lilun he chuangzuo” 從東吳學術文化特點看陸機文學理論和創作. Fudan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1999: 5): 120–25. Zhang Tianlai 張天來. “Jiangdong Lushi jiafeng yu Lu Ji de wenxue chuangzuo” 江東陸氏家風與陸機的文學創作. Dongnan daxue xuebao 1.4 (1999): 89–95. Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “Lu Ji sanwen lüelun” 陸機散文略論. Zhongzhou xuekan (Zhengzhou) (1999: 5): 94–99. Rpt. Fuyin baokan ziliao, Gudai, jindai wenxue yanjiu (2000: 1): 32–37. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Lu Ji ru Luo zhi zaoyu ji qi si yin kaoxi” 陸機入洛之遭遇 及其死因考析. Dongnan wenhua 131 (2000): 85–87. Zhou Guolin 周國林. “Lu Ji Lu Yun sixiang quxiang tanwei” 陸機陸雲思想趨向探 微. Huazhong shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen kexue xuebao) 39.1 (2000): 9–95. Zhang Tianlai 張天來. “Jiangdong Lu shi jiafeng yu Lu Ji de wenxue chuangzuo” 江東陸氏家風與陸機的文學創作. Dongnan daxue xuebao (Nanjing) (1999: 4): 89–95; rpt. Fuyin baokan ziliao, Gudai, jindai wenxue yanjiu (2000: 4): 41–47. Ye Guichen 葉桂郴. “Lu Ji ji de yong yun yanjiu”《陸機集》的用韻研究. Changde shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 25.1 (2000): 38–40, 53. Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行. “Riku Ki no kyōdai ni tsuite” 陸機の兄弟について. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 40 (2001): 1–10. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Lun Lu Ji Lun Yun xiongdi zhi si” 論陸機陸雲兄弟之死. Nanjing Xiaozhuang xuebao 18.3 (2002): 18–26. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Lu Ji shiji za kao” 陸機事迹雜考. Wen shi 2 (2002): 73–82. Yu Yuxian 于浴賢. “Lun Lu Ji fu de Dong Wu qingjie” 論陸機賦的東吳情結. Guizhou daxue xuebao 22.2 (2003): 52–57. Hu Qiuyin 胡秋銀. “Wei Jin Wu xing Lushi menfeng” 魏晉吳姓陸氏門風. Nanjing Xiaozhuang xueyuan xuebao 18.3 (2002): 27–30. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Liuchao shiqi Wu jun Lushi zhi jiafeng yu jiaxue” 六 朝時期吳郡陸氏之家風與家學. Yangzhou daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue bao) 6.1 (2002): 76–81. Jiang Jianyun 姜劍雲. “Lu Ji ru Luo yi an xin duan” 陸機入洛疑案新斷. Luoyang daxue xuebao 18.1 (2003): 14–16. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Lun Lu Ji Lun Yun xiongdi zhi si” 論陸機陸雲兄弟之死. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (2003): 203–23. Wu Zhenglan 吳正嵐. Liuchao Jiangdong shizu de jiaxue menfeng 六朝江東士族的 家學門風, 138–47. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2003. Jiang Jianyun 姜劍雲. Taikang wenxue yanjiu 太康文學研究, 52–64, 124–35, 280–85, 300–23. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2003. Chen Yuzhen 陳玉真. “Shi tan Lu Ji shige zhong de lianxiang qingjie” 試探陸機詩 歌中的戀鄉情結. Gujin yiwen 30.1 (2003): 51–64. Chu Hsiao-hai 朱曉海. “Lu Ji xinling de kunjing” 陸機心靈的困境. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (2004): 1–44. Knechtges, David R. “Sweet-peel Orange or Southern Gold? Regional Identity in Western Jin Literature.” In Studies in Early Medieval Chinese Literature and Cultural History In Honor of Richard B. Mather & Donald Holzman, 27–80.

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Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行. Xi Jin wenxue yanjiu 西晉文學研究. Beijing: Zhongguo she ke, 2004. Gu Nong 顧農. “Lu Ji shengping zhuzuo kaobian san ti” 陸機生平著作考辨三題. Qinghua daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 20.4 (2005): 60–67. Sun Mingjun 孫明君. “Lu Ji shige zhong de shizu yishi” 陸機詩歌中的士族意識. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 42.6 (2005): 70–76. Leng Weiguo 冷圍國. “Lu Ji Lu Yun de fuxue piping” 陸機陸雲的賦學批評. Qi Lu xuekan 188.5 (2005): 69–73. Ye Fengyu 葉楓宇. Xi Jin zuojia de renge yu wenfeng, 81–150. Wang Lihua 王澧華. “Lu Ji” 陸機. Liang Jin shifeng 兩晉詩風, 84–89. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005. Wang Li 王立 and Wang Heng 王桁. “Lu Ji Pan Yue daowan shangshi wenxue bijiao” 陸機潘岳悼挽傷逝文學比較. Liaodong xueyuan xuebao 45.7 (2005): 51–62. Liao Weiqing 廖蔚卿. “Lu Ji yanjiu” 陸機研究. Zhonggu shiren yanjiu 中古詩人研 究, 1–105. Taipei: Liren shuju, 2005. Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行. “Riku Ki no shokan” 陸機の書簡. Hiroshima daigaku daigakuen bungaku kenkyūka ronshō 66 (2006): 1–10. Liu Zhiwei 劉志偉. “Lu Ji yanjiu de fansi yu zhanwang” 陸機研究的反思與展望. Xibei shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 43.4 (2006): 97–102. Li Xiaofeng 李曉風. Lu Ji lun 陸機論. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 2007. Yu Shiling 俞士玲. “Lu Ji chengwei ‘Taikang zhi ying’ de yuanyin” 陸機成為 “太康 之英” 的原因. Xi Jin wenxue kaolun 西晉文學考論, 245–324. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2008. Li Xiuhua 李秀花. Lu Ji de wenxue chuangzuo yu lilun 陸機的文學創作與理論. Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 2008. Liu Yanchun 劉艷春. “Lun Lu Ji de Wudi qingjie” 論陸機的吳地情結. Leshan shifan xueyuan xuebao 23.3 (2008): 15–18. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Zhongyi shijia: Wu jun Lushi zhi jiazu wenhua” 忠義 世家: 吳郡陸氏之家族文化. Liuchao jiazu 六朝家族, 302–43. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2008. Gu Nong 顧農. “Lu Ji shiwen xinian jiedu san ti” 陸機詩文繫年解讀三題. Wenxian jikan (2008: 1): 15–19. Yu Haomin 俞灝敏. “Lu Ji Jin ji kao” 陸機《晉紀》考. Luoyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (2008: 3): 103–6. Liu Yanchun 劉艷春. “Lun Lu Ji zuopin fengge yu Wu di wenhua zhi guanxi” 論陸 機作品風格與吳地文化關係. Tangshan xueyuan xuebao 22.1 (2009): 69–72. Chen Songxiong 陳松雄. “Lu Ji zhi jiashi ji qi zai litan zhi diwei” 陸機之家世及其 在麗壇之地位. Dong Wu Zhongwen xuebao 16 (2008): 1–28. Wang Linli 王林莉. “Lu Ji Taikang shiji kao” 陸機太康事迹考. Anshan shifan xueyuan xuebao 11.2 (2009): 58–60. Liu Zhiwei 劉志偉. “Tangchao Wen xuan jizhu Lu Ji shizhu de jiazhi”《唐鈔文選集 注》陸機詩注的價值. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua 69 (2009): 54–57. Yu Shiling 俞士玲. Lu Ji Lu Yun nianpu 陸機陸雲年譜. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 2009. Knechtges, David R. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 188–89.

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Works a. “Wen fu” 文賦 (Fu on literature) Texts Wen xuan 17.761–82. Tang Lu Jianzhi shu Lu Ji wen fu 唐陸柬之文賦. Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1978.

This is a transcription of the text done by the Tang dynasty calligrapher Lu Jianzhi 陸柬之 (7th century). On this work see: Zhang Guangbin 張光賓. “Li Ti yu Lu Jianzhi shu Wen fu juan” 李倜與陸柬之書文 賦卷. Gugong wenwu yuekan 3.6 (1985): 112–17. Wang Yaoting 王耀庭. “Tang Lu Jianzhi shu Wen fu juan yu Lanting shufeng” 唐陸柬之書文賦卷與蘭亭書風. Gugong wenxu yuekan 7.8 (1989): 28–33. Chen Weizhan 陳煒湛. “Guanyu Tang xieben Lu Ji ‘Wen fu’” 關於唐寫本陸機《文 賦》. Zhongshan daxue xuebao (1989: 4): 111–13. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Shi tan ‘Wen fu’ chaoben de xitong” 試談《文賦》抄本的 系統. Wen xuan xue lunji 文選學論集, 146–54. Changchun: Shidai wenyi chubanshe, 1992.

Commentaries Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue shi cankao ziliao, 1: 252–75. Guo Shaoyu 郭紹虞. Zhongguo lidai lunwen xuan 中國歷代論文選, 1: 136–54. Qian Zhongshu 錢鍾書. Guanzhui bian 管錐編, 3: 1176–1207. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979. Xu Fuguan 徐復觀. “Lu Ji Wen fu shushi chugao” 陸機文賦疏釋初稿. Zhongwai wenxue 97 (1980): 36–41. Zhang Shaokang 張少康. Wen fu ji shi 文賦集釋. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1984; rpt. Taipei: Hanjing wenhua shiye youxian gongsi, 1987; rpt. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 2002. Xia Chuancai 夏傳才. “‘Wen fu jianzhu jin yi”《文賦》箋注今譯. Hebei shiyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1983: 4): 61–69. Wang Ching-hsien 王靖獻. “Lu Ji Wen fu jiaoshi” 陸機文賦校釋. Wen shi zhe 32 (1982): 159–256. Rpt. Lu Ji Wen fu jiaoshi 陸機文賦校釋. Taipei: Hongfan shudian, 1985.

Studies Lu Qinli 逯欽立. “‘Wen fu’ zhuanchu niandai kao”《文賦》傳出年代考. Xueyuan 2.1 (1948): 61–64; rpt. in Lu Qinli. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue lunji 漢魏六朝文 學論集, 421–34. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1984. Lu Kanru 陸侃如. “Guanyu ‘Wen fu’—Lu Qinli xiansheng ‘Wen fu zhuanchu niandai kao’ shu” 關於《文賦》—逯欽立先生《文賦傳初年代考》書. Chunqiu

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6.4 (1949); rpt. in Lu Kanru. Lu Kanru gudian wenxue lunwen ji 陸侃如古典文 學論文集, 651–54. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987. Chen Shih-hsiang 陳世驤. Ikkai Tomoyoshi一海知義, trans. “Riku Ki no shōgai to ‘Bunpu’ seikakuna nendai” 陸機の生涯と「文賦」の正確な年代. Chūgoku bunaku hō 8 (1958): 50–78. Li Jiayan 李嘉言. “Guanyu ‘Wen fu’ yixie wenti de shangque” 關於《文賦》一些 問題的商榷. Guangming ribao (September 13, 1959); rpt. in Li Jiayan. Li Jiayan gudian wenxue lunwen ji 李嘉言古典文學論文集. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987. Lu Kanru 陸侃如. “Lu Ji ‘Wen fu’ er li” 陸機《文賦》二例. Wenxue pinglun (1961: 1); rpt. in Lu Kanru. Lu Kanru gudian wenxue lunwen ji 陸侃如古典文學論文集, 655–60. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987. Guo Shaoyu 郭紹虞. “Dui Lu Ji ‘Wen fu’ suowei ‘yi’ de lijie” 對陸機《文賦》所謂 “意” 的理解. Wenhui bao (August 12, 1961); rpt. in Guo Shaoyu. Zhaoyu shi gudian wenxue lunji 照隅室古典文學論集. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1983. Zhou Ruchang 周汝昌. “Lu Ji ‘Wen fu’ ‘yuan qing qimi’ shuo de yiyi” 陸機《文 賦》“緣情綺靡” 說的意義. Wen shi zhe (1963: 2): 58–65. Wu Tiaogong 吳調公. “‘Wen fu’ de yishu gousi lun”《文賦》的藝術構思論. Nanjing shiyuan xuebao (1963: 1); rpt. in Wu Tiaogong. Gudai wenlun jin tan 古代 文論今探. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1982. Knoerle, Sister Mary Gregory. “The Poetic Theories of Lu Chi with a Brief Comparison with Horace’s ‘Ars Poetica.’” Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 25.2 (1966): 137–43. Obi Kōichi 小尾郊一. “Riku Ki no Bunpu no ito suru mono” 陸機の文賦の意圖す るもの. Hiroshima daigaku bungaku bu kiyō 28.1 (1968): 260–76. Fujiwara Takashi 藤原尚. “‘Bunpu’ no ronriteki konkyo”「文賦」の理論的根拠. Shinagaku kenkyū 35 (1970): 19–29. Lin Bingchang 林炳昌. “Wen fu yanjiu” 文賦研究. M.A. Thesis, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1970. Hayashida Shinnosuke 林田慎之助. “Ten ron Ronbun to Bunpu”《典論》論文と 文賦. Bungaku kenkyū 75 (1978); 45–66; rpt. in Hayashida Shinnosuke 林田慎 之助. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku hyōronshi 中國中世文學評論史, 74–96. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 1979; Chines trans. Zhang Liandi 張連第. “Dian lun ‘Lun wen’ he ‘Wen fu’《典論‧論文》和《文賦》. Gudai wenxue lilun yanjiu 12 (1987): 110–27. Wang Meng-ou 王孟鷗. “Lu Ji Wen fu suo daibiao de wenxue guannian” 陸機文賦 所代表的文學觀念. Zhongwai wenxue 8.2 (1979): 4–14. Mou Shijin 牟世金. “‘Wen fu’ de zhuyao gongxian hezai”《文賦》的主要貢獻何在. Wen shi zhe (1980: 1): 14–22. Mao Qing 毛慶. “‘Wen fu’ chuangzuo niandai kao bian”《文賦》創作年代考辨. Wuhan daxue xuebao (1980: 5). Jiang Tao 姜濤. “Shilun Lu Ji de ‘Wen fu’—jian yu Guo Shaoyu tongzhi shangque” 試論陸機的《文賦》 —兼與郭紹虞同志商榷. Liaoning daxue xuebao (1980: 2): 57–62, 66. Zhang Wuyang 張武揚. “‘Wen fu’ xiezuo niandai kaolüe”《文賦》寫作年代考略. Jianghuai luntan (1981): 5): 116–17. Zhou Xunchu 周勛初. “‘Wen fu’ xiezuo niandai xintan”《文賦》寫作年代新探. Wenxue yichan zengkan 14 (1982): 1–8.

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Mao Qing 毛慶. “‘Wen fu’ yanjiu zhong de jige wenti”《文賦》研究中的幾個問題. Wuhan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1983: 6): 104–9. Zhou Weimin 周偉民. “Lu Ji ‘Wen fu’ san ti yi” 陸機《文賦》三題議. Huazhong shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (1983: 6): 120–27. Zhang Shaokang 張少康. “Ying, he, bei, ya, yan—Lu Ji ‘Wen fu’ meixue sixiang suoyi” 應、和、悲、雅、艷—陸機《文賦》美學思想瑣議. Wenyi lilun yanjiu (1984: 1): 69–75. Xu Zhongyu 徐中玉. “Lun Lu Ji ‘Wen fu’ de jinbuxing ji qi zhuyao gongxian” 論陸 機《文賦》的進步性及其主要貢獻. Gudai wexue lilun yanjiu 9 (1984): 62–91. Gu Nong 顧農. “‘Wen fu’ erti”《文賦》二題. Jiang Han luntan (1986: 11): 59–60. Yang Jun 楊雋. Lu Ji ‘Wen fu’ san ti” 陸機《文賦》三題. Xihua shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1987: 3): 10–17. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Bungaku rironjō kara mita ‘Bunpu’” 文學理論上から見た 「文賦」. Mimei 7 (1988): 23–38; rpt. in Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. Chūgoku no bungaku riron 中國文學理論, 45–60. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1988; Chinese trans. Zhongguo wen zhe yanjiu tongxun 3.4 (1993): 1–12. Xu Da 徐達. “Lu Ji ‘Wen fu’ ‘fangyuan’ shuo—jian lun wenti zhi changbian” 陸機 《文賦》“方圓” 說—兼論文體之常變. Yunnan minzu xueyuan xuebao (1989: 3): 22–27, 9. Fan Tiancheng 范天成. “Lu Ji ‘Wen fu’ de yishu bianzheng yishi” 陸機《文賦》的 藝術辯證意識. Xibei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1990: 2): 41–47. Wu Linbo 吳林伯. “Jian lun ‘Wen fu’ 檢論《文賦》. Wuhan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue) (1991: 3): 66–72. Zhang Bangfeng 張邦鳳. “‘Wen fu’ chuangzuo gousi lun tanwei”《文賦》創作構思 論探微. Anhui shida xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1993: 3): 339–42, 348. Liu Zhonghui 劉忠惠. “‘Wen fu’ de linggan lun”《文賦》的靈感論. Qiu shi xuekan (1993: 4): 78–80, 103. Liu Zhonghui 劉忠惠. “‘Wen fu’ de yishu mei jiangou jichu”《文賦》的藝術美建構 基礎. Dongbei shida xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1994: 5): 75–79. Zhang Xuesong 張學松 and Liu Qingzhen 劉清珍. “Wen fu’ zhaji”《文賦》札記. Zhumadian shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 9.1 (1994): 31–34. Gu Zhaolu 顧兆祿. “Wei Jin xuanfeng yu Lu Ji ‘Wen fu’ de sibianxing” 魏晉玄風與 陸集《文賦》的思辨性. Nanjing shehui kexue 68 (1994): 47–50. Qian Zhixi 錢志熙. “Lun ‘Wen fu’ tizhi fangfa zhi chuangxin ji qi lishi chengyin” 論《文賦》體制方法之創新及其歷史成因. Qiusuo (1996: 1: 89–93. Chang Jiao 常教 Lu Ji ‘Wen fu’ xiezuo tonglun 陸機《文賦》寫作通論. Beijing: Shoudu jingyi maoyi daxue chubanshe, 1998. Wang Kaiguo 王開國. “Lu Ji ‘Wen fu’ er lun” 陸機《文賦》二論. Chongqing shiyuan xuebao zheshe ban (1998: 3): 45–50. Mao Qing 毛慶. “Lüe lun ‘Wen fu’ dui woguo gudai wenlun biaoshu fangshi de gongxian” 略論《文賦》對我國古代文論表述方式的貢獻. Jiang Han luntan (1998: 3): 49–52. Lü Zhiwu 呂志武. Wei Jin wenlun yu Wenxin diaolong 魏晉文論與文心雕龍, 176– 220. Taipei: Lexue shuju, 2006. Sun Mingjun 孫明君. “Lu Ji ‘Wen fu’ chuangzuolun zhong de shizu yishi” 陸機 《文賦》創作論中的士族意識. Wenxue pinglun (2008: 4): 108–111.

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Margouliès, Le Fou dans le Wen-siuan, 82–97. Chen Shih-hsiang. “Literature as Light Against Darkness.” National Peking University Semi-Centential Papers, College of Arts, 11 (1948). Chen Shih-hsiang. Essay on Literature. Portland, Maine: Anthoensen Press, 1953. Partial rpt. in Birch and Keene, Anthology of Chinese Literature, 204–14. Fang, Achilles. “Rhymeprose on Literature: The Wen-fu of Lu Chi.” HJAS 14 (1951): 527–66. Rpt. in Studies in Chinese Literature, John L. Bishop, ed., 3–44. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965. Hughes, E.R. The Art of Letters: Lu Chi’s Wen Fu. New York: Pantheon Books, 1954. Wong Siu-kit, Early Chinese Literary Criticism, 39–60. Hamill, Sam. The Wen fu of Lu Chi. Portland, OR: Breitenbush Books, 1986; rpt. Minneapolis: Milkweed Editions, 2000. Owen, Stephen. Readings in Chinese Literary Thought, 73–181. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 211–32. Barnstone, Tony and Chou Ping, trans. The Art of Writing: Teachings from the Chinese Masters. Boston: Shambala, 1996.

Baihua Translations Fu Gengsheng 傅庚生. “Lu Ji ‘Wen fu’ jin yi” 陸機《文賦》今譯. Xibei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1980: 4): 51–58. Zhang Huaijin 張懷瑾. Wen fu yi zhu 文賦譯注. Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 1984. Zhou Weimin 周偉民, Xiao Huarong 蕭華榮, and Xu Shudi 許樹棣. Wen fu Shi pin zhuyi《文賦》《詩品》注譯. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1985. Yang Ming 楊明. Wen fu Shi pin yizhu 文賦詩品譯注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1999.

b. “Fu Luo dao zhong zuo” 赴洛道中作 (Written on the road to Luo) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 451–52. Lai, “River and Ocean,” 213–15.

c. “Ni gu shi” 擬古詩 (Imitating ancient poems) Studies Kadowaki Hirofumi 門脇廣文. “Riku Ki ‘Gi koshi jūni shu’ kō” 陸機「擬古詩十二 首」考. Tōyō kenkyū 69 (1984): 127–56. Mao Qing 毛慶. “Zenyang pingjia Lu Ji de nigu shi” 怎樣評價陸機的擬古詩. Zhongzhou xuekan (1987: 1): 77–79, 70. Lin Wen-yueh 林文月. “Lu Ji de ni gu shi” 陸機的擬古詩. Zhonggu wenxue luncong 中古文學論叢, 123–58. Taipei: Da’an chubanshe, 1989.

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Liu Kunyong 劉昆庸. “Lun Lu Ji ‘Ni gu shi’ 論陸機《擬古詩》. Fujian shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1998: 4): 45–49. Yanagawa Junko 柳川順子. “Riku Ki gisuru sho no koshi ni tsuite” 陸機擬する所 の古詩について. Chūgaoku bungaku ronsō 28 (1999): 1–18. Yanagawa Junko 柳川順子. “Riku Ki “Gi koshi” shiron” 陸機「擬古詩」試論. Kokusai bunka kenkyūjo (1991: 2): 1–15. Hasebe Tsuyoshi 長谷部剛. “Riku Ki gi go gafu oyobi gi koshi ni tsuite” 陸機擬古 樂府、および擬古詩について. Chūgoku bungaku kenkyū 27 (2001): 37–52. Xin Xianing 辛夏寧. “Gi koshi no hensen ni tsuite—Riku Ki kara Ri Haku made” 擬古詩の變遷について—陸機から李白まで. Chūgoku bungaku hō 63 (2001): 68–100. Zeng Mengya 曾孟雅. “Lu Ji ni gu shi de yinyun fengge” 陸機擬古詩的音韻風格. Zhongzheng daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo yanjiusheng lunwen jikan 4 (2002): 149–64. Yanagawa Junko 柳川順子. “Riku Ki ‘Gi koshi’ no dōki ni tsuite” 陸機「擬古詩」の 動機について. Rikuchō gakujutsu gakkai hō 2 (2003): 1–16. Chu Hsiao-hai 朱曉海. “Lun Lu Ji ‘Ni gu shi’ shi’er shou” 論陸機〈擬古詩〉十二 首. Taida Zhongwen xuebao 19 (2003): 91–130. He Jipeng 何寄澎 and Xu Mingquan 許銘全. “Moni yu jingdian zhi xingcheng quanshi—yi Lu Ji ‘Ni gu shi’ wei duixiang zhi tantao” 模擬與經典之形成、詮 釋—以陸機〈擬古詩〉為對象之探討. Chengda Zhongwen xuebao 11 (2003): 1–3, 5–36. Lai, C. M. “The Craft of Original Imitation: Lu Ji’s Imitations of Han Old Poems.” In Studies in Early Medieval Chinese Literature and Cultural History In Honor of Richard B. Mather & Donald Holzman, 117–48. Owen, Stephen. The Making of Early Chinese Classical Poetry, 263–97. Wu Huijun 吳蕙君. “Lu Ji ‘Ni gu shi’ yu Gushi shijiu shou zhi bijiao” 陸機〈擬古 詩〉與古詩十九首之比較. Shixin Zhongwen yanjiu jikan (2006): 237–56. Qi Lifeng 祁立峰. “Xini huwen chongxie wexueshi: lun Lu Ji ‘Ni gu shi’er shou’ de lidai pingjia yu shuxie celüe” 戲擬、互文、重寫文學史: 論陸機〈擬古十二首〉的 歷代平價與書寫策略. Sibian ji 思辨集 11 (2008): 64–84.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 562–67. Birrell, New Songs, 88–90 (seven of the twelve Wen xuan poems). See also Lai and Owen above.

d. “Tan shi fu” 歎逝賦 (Fu lamenting the departed) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesiche Anthologie, 1: 237–39. Lai, “River and Ocean,” 278–87. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 171–78.

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lu ji 陸機 (261–303), zi shiheng 士衡 e. “Bian wang lun” 辨亡論 (Disquisition on the destruction of a state) Text

Bian wang lun 辨亡論. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2001.

Photo-reproduction of a Tang manuscript held in the Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Translations Gaspardone, Emile. “Le Discours de la perte du Wou par Lou Ki.” Sinologica 4 (1958): 189–225. Knechtges, David R. “Han and Six Dynasties Parallel Prose.” Renditions 33 & 34 (1990): 78–94.

f. “Wan ge” 挽歌 (Coffin-puller’s song) Studies Fu Gang 傅剛. “Shilun Wen xuan suoshou Lu Ji ‘Wan ge’ sanshou” 試論《文選》所 收陸機《挽歌》三首. Wenxue yichan (1996: 1): 36–41. Liu Zhongjuan 劉仲娟. “Lu Ji Wan ge geshi sanshou ji qi sheng si guan chutan” 陸 機挽歌詩三首及其生死觀初探. Wenxue 11 (2007): 251–65.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesiche Anthologie, 1: 507–9. Davis, A.R. T’ao Yüan-ming (a.d. 365–427): His Works and Their Meaning. 2 vols. 1: 168–70. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.

g. “Yuan kui” 園葵 (Garden mallow) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesiche Anthologie, 1: 533. Lai, “River and Ocean,” 241–43.

h. “Wei Gu Yanxian zeng fu” 為顧彥先贈婦 (On behalf of Gu Yanxian presented to his wife) Study Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Shilun Lu Ji Lu Yun ‘Wei Gu Yanxian zeng fu’” 試論陸 機陸雲《為顧彥先贈婦》. Hebei shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1989: 1): 81–86; rpt. in Cao Daoheng, Zhonggu wexue shi lunwenji xubian, 65–76.

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Translations von Zach, Die Chinesiche Anthologie, 1: 400–1. Watson, Columbia Book of Chinese Poetry, 169. Birrell, New Songs, 90–91.

i. “Zhao yin” 招隱 (Summoning the recluse) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesiche Anthologie, 1: 333. Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 91. Berkowitz, “Courting Disengagement: ‘Beckoning the Recluse’ Poems of the Western Jin.” In Studies in Early Medieval Chinese Literature and Cultural History, 91–100.

j. “Yan lianzhu” 演連珠 (Strung pearls expanded) Studies and Translations von Zach, Die Chinesiche Anthologie, 2: 964–75. Yokoyama Hiroshi 橫山宏. “Riku Yu renju shokō” 陸庾連珠小考. Chūgoku bungaku hō 22 (1968): 1–27. Teng, Jenny Tu-li. “The Genre of Lien-chu.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1985, 95–124, 178–99. Jian Minghong 簡名宏. “Lun Lu Ji lianzhu wenti de moni yu chuangxin” 論陸機連 珠文體的模擬與創新. Fuda Zhong yanjiu xuekan 17 (2007): 213–34. Yang Ming 楊明. “Du Lu Ji de ‘Yan lianzhu’” 讀陸機的《演連珠》. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (2008): 197–226.

k. Yuefu 樂府 Studies Fujii Mamoru 藤井守. “Sei Shin jidai no gafu shi—Riku Ki o chūshin toshite” 西晉時代の樂府詩—陸機を中心として. Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu kiyō 36 (1976): 237–58. Sun Mingjun 孫明君. “Yong xinqu yu gusheng—gaizao jiu jingdian zaizao xin fanxing de Lu Ji yuefu” 詠新曲於故聲—改造經典、改造新范型的陸機樂府. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 45.3 (2008): 78–85.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesiche Anthologie, 1: 487–99. Siao Che-kiun, Demiéville, ed., Anthologie, 133–34. Allen, In the Voice of Others, 107–8, 111–12, 252. Birrell, New Songs, 92–93.

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lu ji 陸機 (261–303), zi shiheng 士衡 l. “Pingfu tie” 平復帖 (Recovery from an illness) Studies

Qi Gong 功. “‘Pingfu tie’ shuo bing shiwen”《平復帖》說並釋文. 1961, rev. 1964; rpt. Qi Gong. Qi Gong conggao 啟功叢稿, Lunwen ji 論文集, 30–35. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1999. Li Xiaofeng 李曉風. Lu Ji lun, 174–77. Ouyang Zhongshi and Wen C. Fong, ed.-in-chief. Translated and edited by Wang Youfen. Chinese Calligraphy, 148–49. New Haven: Yale University Press; Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2008. Wang Zhenkun 王振坤. “Shidu ‘Pingfu tie’” 試讀《平復帖》. Qinghai shehui kexue (2008: 5): 114–20. DRK

Lu Jia 陸賈 (d. ca. 178 b.c.e.) Early Western Han thinker and writer. Lu Jia’s natal place was in state of Chu. He reputedly was a descendant in the fifth generation of King Xuan 宣 of Qi (r. 342–324 b.c.e.). He served as an adviser to the Han founder Liu Bang 劉邦 (256–195 b.c.e., r. 202–195 b.c.e.). He was in fact the only scholar that Liu Bang respected. Lu Jia was also known as an eloquent speaker and persuader. Thus, in 196 b.c.e., shortly after he assumed the throne, Liu Bang sent Lu Jia to the kingdom of Southern Yue 南越 (modern Guangdong and Guangxi and northern Vietnam) where he won the allegiance of the Southern Yue ruler, who had tried to establish his own realm in the south. As a reward for his successful mission, Lu Jia was appointed grand counselor of the palace. After Liu Bang died in 195 b.c.e., he was succeeded by Liu Ying 劉盈 or Emperor Hui 惠帝 (r. 194–188 b.c.e.). However, he was only fifteen at the time, and his court was controlled by his mother, Empress Lü 呂后 (241–180 b.c.e.). When Liu Ying died in 188 b.c.e. at the age of twentythree, Empress Lü served as regent until 180 b.c.e. when she died. At that point, nobles of the Liu family took to arms and wiped out the Lü clan. The King of Dai, Liu Heng 劉恆 (202–157 b.c.e.), was then installed on the throne. This is Emperor Wen 文帝 (r. 179–157 b.c.e.). While Empress Lü held sway over the imperial court, Lu Jia, who was opposed to the Lü family’s usurpation of power, retired to Haozhi 好畤 about fifty kilometers northwest of Chang’an where he lived off the wealth he had obtained during his mission to Nanyue. After Emperor Wen acceded to the imperial throne in 179 b.c.e., Lu Jia returned to the imperial court and was received with great respect. He died at home several years later.

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The monograph on bibliography of the Han shu records in the section on songs and fu compositions three fu under Lu Jia’s name. None of these pieces is extant. However, Liu Xie in the Wenxin diaolong refers to one of Lu Jia’s fu by the title “Mengchun” 孟春 (First month of spring). Lu Jia’s name is attached to a text titled Xin yu 新語 (New disquistions). The extant version consist of twelve chapters in two juan. Although Sima Qian mentions having read the twelve chapters of the Xin yu, some scholars have questioned the authenticity of the received version. The strongest case against its authenticity was made by the authors of the entry on the Xin yu in the Siku quanshu zongmu. Most modern scholars including Hu Shi, Yu Jiaxi, Luo Genze, Xu Fuguan, and Miyazaki Ichisada accept the Xin yu as a geniune work by Lu Jia. One of Lu Jia’s stated reasons for compiling the Xin yu 新語 was to explain the reasons for the fall of Qin. This was an issue that many political thinkers of the early Former Han discussed. The style of the work is relatively plain and straightfoward. However, there are sections that resemble the style of the fu and even employ extended rhyme. Lu Jia also is the compiler of the Chu Han chunqiu 楚漢春秋 (Annals of Chu and Han), a work that was lost already by the Song period. Bibliography Studies Xu Fuguan 徐復觀. “Han chu de qimeng sixiang jia—Lu Jia” 漢初的啟蒙思想家— 陸賈. Dalu zazhi 52.2 (1976): 1–9; rpt. and rev. in Liang Han sixiang shi 兩漢思 想史, Vol. 2, 85–108. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1976. Wang Xingguo 王興國. “Lu Jia pingzhuan” 陸賈評傳. Appendix in Wang Xingguo. Jia Yi pingzhuan 賈誼評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1992. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 415–16.

Xin yu 新語 (New disquisitions) Texts Xin yu 新語. 2 juan. Printed by Li Tingwu 李廷梧 (jinshi 1499). 1502. Held in Zhongguuo guojia tushuguan. Xin yu 新語. 2 juan. Siku quanshu. Xin yu 新語. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Xin yu 新語. 2 juan. Song Fengxiang 宋鳳翔, ed. 1853. Held in Hong Kong Chinese University library. Tang Yan 唐晏 (1857–1920), ed. and comm. Xin yu jiaozhu 新語校住. Longxi jingshe congshu 龍谿精舍叢書. 1917; rpt. Xin yu zhushi 新語注釋. Beijing: Zhongguo shudian, 1991. Xin yu 新語. 2 juan. Sibu congkan. Photo-reproduction of the Li Tingwu edition.

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Wang Liqi 王利器, ed. and comm. Xin yu jiaozhu 新語校注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986.

Concordance Xin yu zhuzi suoyin 新語逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1995.

Translations von Gabain, Annemarie. “Ein Fürstenspiegel: Das Sin-yü des Lu Kia.” Mitteilungen des Seminars für Orientalistische Sprachen 33.1 (1930): 1–82. Ku, Mei-kao. A Chinese Mirror for Magistrates. Faculty of Asian Monographs: New Series, No. 11. Canberra: Faculty of Asian Studies, Australian National University, 1988. Kwok, D.W.Y. In Debary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Tradition, 285–90. Lévi, Jean. Lu Jia: Nouveaux principes de politique. Paris: Zulma, 2003. Csikszentmihalyi, Readings in Han Chinese Thought, 53–57, 69–72.

Baihua translations Wang Yi 王毅, trans. and comm. Xinyi Xin yu duben 新譯新語讀本. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1995. Huang Xunzhai 黃巽齋, trans. and comm. Xin yu 新語. In Xu Jialu 許嘉璐, ed.in-chief. Wen bai duizhao zhuzi jicheng 文白對照諸子集成. Nanjing: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 2006.

Studies Luo Genze 羅根澤. “Lu Jia Xin yu kaozheng” 陸賈新語考證. Xuewen 1 (November 1930): 2–7; rpt. Gu shi bian 4 (1933): 198–202. Hu Shi 胡適. “Lu Jia Xin yu kao” 陸賈新語考. Beiping tushuguan guankan 4.1 (1930): 1–3; rpt. In in Gu shi bian 4 (1933): 195–98. Yu Jiaxi 余嘉錫. “Xin yu” 新語. In Gu shi bian 4 (1933): 203–15. Zhang Xitang 張西堂. “Lu Jia Xin yu bianwei” 陸賈新語辨偽. Gu shi bian 4 (1933): 214–15. Feng Biru 馮璧如. “Hanfen lou yingyin Hongzhi ben Xin yu lüejiao” 涵芬樓影印弘 治本新語略校. Tushu jikan 5 (1943): 99–104. Miyazaki Ichisada 宮崎市定. “Riku Ka Shingo Dōki hen no kenkyū” 陸賈新語道基 篇の研究. Tōhōgaku 25 (1963): 1–10. Zuo Songchao 左松超. “Lu Jia Xin yu jiaoji” 陸賈新語教記. Hong Kong Baptist College Journal 11 (1984): 25–41. Loewe, Michael. “Hsin yü.” In Loewe, Early Chinese Texts, 171–77. Fukui Shigemasa 福井重雅. “Riku Ga Shingo no shingi mondai” 陸賈『新語』の真 偽問題. Shūkan Tōyōgaku 70 (1993): 22–40. Xiang Yongqin 項永琴. “Cong Han fu yanjiu kan Lu Jia Xin yu” 從漢賦研究看陸賈 《新語》. Shandong daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2000: 3): 32–37. Puett, Michael. The Ambivalence of Creation: Debates Concerning Innovation and Artifice in Early China, 152–57. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001.

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Puett, Michael. To Become a God: Cosmology, Sacrifice and Self-divinization in Early China, 246–55. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002. Fukui Shigemasa 福井重雅. Riku Ga “Shingo” no kenkyū 陸賈「新語」研究. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2002. Xiang Yongqin 項永琴. “Lu Jia Xin yu yu Yixue” 陸賈《新語》與易學. Zhou yi yanjiu 60 (2003): 69–72. Xiang Yongqin 項永琴. “Lun Lu Jia zai Handai jingxue shi shang de diwei” 論陸 賈在漢代經學史上的地位. Shandong daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2004: 2): 18–22. Liu Tao 劉濤. “Lu Jia Xin yu fuhua qingxiang tanxi” 陸賈《新語》賦化傾向探析. Shandong jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 124 (2007): 83–85. Chen Bi’e 陳璧娥. “Lun Lu Jia Xin yu de wenyi sixiang” 論陸賈《新語》的文藝思 想. Chongqing gongshang daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 24.4 (2007): 104–7. DRK

Lu Jue 陸厥 (472–499), zi Hanqing 韓卿 Qi period writer. Lu Jue’s ancestral home was Wu 吳 in Wu commandery 吳郡 (modern Suzhou). He was the uncle of the Liang poet Lu Yungong 陸雲公 (511– 547). In 491, Lu Jue was recommended as a “flourishing talent.” In 494, he was appointed recorder on the staff of the junior tutor Wang Yan 王晏 (d. 497). In 495, he served as acting administrator for Xiao Zizhen 蕭子貞 (481–495), Prince of Shaoling 邵陵. In 499, Lu Jue’s father Lu Xian 陸閑 was accused of supporting the rebellion of Xiao Yaoguang 蕭遙光 (481– 495) and was executed. Because of his father’s crime, Lu Jue was arrested but was soon pardoned. However, he died shortly thereafter of emotional distress. Already in his youth, Lu Jue was a skilled writer. He was especially known for his innovations in composing pentasyllabic verse. In 494, Lu Jue exchanged letters with Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) in which Lu disputed Shen’s theory of poetic prosody. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Lu’s collection in ten juan. This was lost in the Song. His extant letter to Shen Yue is collected in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen, and ten extant poems are collected in the Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi. Studies Mather, The Poet Shen Yüeh, 46–51. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 256. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 446–47.

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Wu Zhenglan 吳正嵐. “Lun Shen Yue Lu Jue de shenglü zhi zheng yu Shen shi jiazu wenhua de guanxi” 論沈約陸厥的聲律之爭與沈氏家族文化的關係. Fuzhou daxue xuebao (2002: 3): 68–73.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 442–43, 512. Birrell, New Songs, 130, 248. WJ and DRK

Lu Lianzi 魯連子 Persuasions attributed to Lu Zhonglian. The Lu Lianzi is a collection of persuasions and anecdotes by or pertaining to the Warring States persuader Lu Zhonglian 魯仲連 (ca. 305–ca. 245 b.c.e.). Lu Zhonglian was a native of Qi. When Qin besieged the city of Handan 邯鄲 in 257 b.c.e., Lu Zhonglian courageously urged resistance, with the result that the Qin army withdrew. When the King of Qi offered him a fief and noble title, Lu Zhonglian declined and went into hiding on the seacoast. The Lu Lianzi originally was a work in fourteen pian, but it now exists only in fragments. The pieces that survive are mostly anecdotes intended to illustrate moral points. Texts Yan Kejun. “Quan shanggu Sandai wen 全上古三代文,” in Quan Shangu Sandai Qin Han Wei Liuchao wen 8.13a–16a. Ma Guohuan 馬國翰 (1794–1857). Lu Lianzi 魯連子. 1 juan. Yuhan shangfang yi yishu 玉函山房輯佚書, 65.

Studies Qian Mu 錢穆. “Lu Zhonglian kao” 魯仲連攷. In Xian Qin zhuzi xinian 先秦諸子 繫年, 2: 472–77. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1956. Kierman, Frank A. “Lu Chung-lien and the Lu Lien Tzu.” in Transition and Permanance, Chinese History and Culture, David C. Buxbaum and Frederick W. Mote, eds., 269–84. Hong Kong: Cathay Press, 1972. Wang Demin 王德敏 and Zhou Lisheng 周立升. “Lu Zhonglian zakao” 魯仲連雜考. Guanzi xuekan (1987: 2): 65–60. DRK

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Lu Qiaoru 路喬如 Early Western Han writer. Lu Qiaoru served at the court of Liu Wu 劉武, King Xiao of Liang 梁孝王 (r. 168–144 b.c.e.). The Xijing zaji attributes to him the “He fu” 鶴賦 (Fu on the crane). However, the authenticity of this piece is disputed. Studies Knechtges, David R. “The Fu in the Xijing zaji.” New Asia Academic Journal 13 (1994): 433–52; rpt. Knechtges, Court Culture and Literature in Early China. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 466. Gong Kechang 龔克昌. Quan Han fu pingzhu, 1: 79–83. DRK

Lu Qiong 陸瓊 (537–586), zi Boyu 伯玉 Chen period writer. Lu Qiong’s ancestral home and natal place was Wu 吳 in Wu commandery 吳郡 (modern Suzhou). His father Lu Yungong 陸雲公 (511–547) was a distinguished Liang poet. Lu Qiong was a child prodigy who reputedly could compose pentasyllabic verse at the age of six. During the Hou Jing 侯景 rebellion (548–552), Lu Qiong fled to a village west of his home in Wu where he worked hard on his studies. In the Chen dynasty he was recommended to the court as a “flourishing talent” (ca. 557–559). He also served in several local and central government posts. Late in his career he had charge of drafting imperial decrees. He also helped compile the Chen state history. Lu Qiong’s father compiled the Jiarui ji 嘉瑞記 (Notes on auspicious signs?), and Lu Qiong wrote a three-juan sequel to the work, but the sequel is lost. His twenty-juan collection was lost by the beginning of the Tang. Lu Qinli has collected his six extant poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi, and Yan Kejun includes three of his prose writings in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 255. WJ

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Lu Sidao 盧思道 (535–586), zi Zixing 子行 Late Northern Dynasties, early Sui period writer. Lu Sidiao’s ancestral home was Fanyang 范陽 (modern Zhuo county 涿, Hebei). He lived through four dynasties: Eastern Wei, Northern Qi, Northern Zhou, and Sui. Lu Sidao showed unusual intelligence during his youth. At the age of fifteen he visited the capital in Ye where he was shocked that he was unable to understand the text of an inscription written by Liu Song 劉松. He returned home and studied ever harder. One of his teachers was the famous scholar Xing Shao 邢劭 (496–?). Later Lu Sidao showed one of his compositions to Liu Song who was unable to read it. Lu Sidao also came to know Wei Shou 魏收 (506–572) from whom he borrowed rare books. Sometime during the early Northern Qi, upon the recommendation of Yang Yin 楊愔 (511–560), Lu Sidao was appointed acting administrator on the staff of the minister of works with the concurrent title of supernumerary gentleman cavalier attendant. When the Northern Qi emperor Wenxuan 文宣 (r. 550–559) passed away in 559, all court officials were required to compose ten pallbearers’ songs. Eight of Lu Sidao’s songs were selected for the funeral performance while such famous men as Wei Shou had only one or two of their pieces chosen. His contemporaries gave Lu Sidao the nickname “Ba mi Lu lang” 八米盧郎 (Eighty percent gentleman Lu). Soon thereafter Lu Sidao was demoted for divulging court conversations. After serving as secretary to the crown prince and administrative superviser to the minister of education, he was dismissed from office for appropriating cash from the government treasury. He returned home to Fanyang during which time he traveled in the area of Jibei 薊北 near modern Beijing. Ca. 573 Lu Sidao returned to the imperial court were he served as supervising secretary and expectant appointee at the newly founded Institute of Litterateurs. In late 576, the Northern Zhou army invaded the Northern Qi. At this time Lu Sidao accompanied the Northern Qi emperor Gao Wei 高緯 (556– 577, r. 565–576) as he unsuccessfully tried to mount a defense against the invaders. After the Northern Zhou captured the Northern Qi capital of Ye in February 577, Lu Sidao and other prominent officials including Yan Zhitui 顏之推 (531–ca. 590), Li Delin 李德林 (ca. 532–592), and Du Taiqing 杜臺卿 (d. ca. 586) were forcibly moved to Chang’an. Lu Sidao was granted the title “unequaled in honor.” However, he was unhappy in his new abode. He and other court officers wrote poems to the yuefu title “Ting ming chan pian” 聽鳴蟬篇 (Listening to the chirping cicada). Lu Sidao in this poem expresses his longing for home and even a desire to retire from

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official service. Upon reading all of the poems, the venerable Yu Xin 庾信 (513–581) singled out Lu Sidao’s piece for special praise. In 578, Lu Sidao was able to leave the court and return home to Fanyang to care for his ill mother. During this time the Northern Zhou ruler Yuwen Yong 宇文邕 (543–578, r. 560–578) suddenly died. Lu Sidao’s compatriots from Fanyang Zu Yingbo 祖英伯 (fl. 578) and Lu Changqi 盧昌期 (d. 579) launched a revolt against the Northern Zhou regime. Lu Sidao supported them. The Northern Zhou general Yuwen Shenju 宇文神舉 (532–579) put down the revolt, but pardoned Lu Sidao after Lu composed an eloquent war proclamation. He returned to the court where he was put in charge of providing instruction to upper gentry. In 580 the Sui founder Yang Jian 楊堅 (541–504, r. 581–604) seized control over the Northern Zhou court, and Lu Sidao was appointed governor of Wuyang 武陽. This was a clear demotion, and Lu Sidao expressed his frustration in a piece titled “Gu hong fu” 孤鴻賦 (Fu on the solitary goose). The lonely goose of the title stands for Lu Sidao himself. He also wrote during this time essays on the fall of the Northern Qi and the Northern Zhou as well “Lao sheng lun” 勞生論 (Disquisition on the toilsome life) which purports to be a veiled satire of the Sui court. In 583, Lu Sidao returned to the capital where he was put in charge of entertaining envoys from the Chen court in the south. However, Lu resigned his post in 584 to return home to observe mourning for his deceased mother. After a brief period, he returned to the court where he was given the title cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. He also provided Yang Jian with advice on judicial matters. Lu Sidao died in 586 at the age of fifty-two. Lu Sidao’s most famous poems are the seven-syllable line “Congjun xing” 從軍行 (Ballad of joining the army) and the “Ting ming chan pian.” His best known prose work is “Laosheng lun.” Lu Sidao’s biography and the monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu record his collection in thirtyjuan. The two Tang histories list it in twenty juan. The collection was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected thirteen of Lu’s extant prose writings in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen, and Lu Qinli has preserved twenty-eight of his extant poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi. Bibliography Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Lu Wuyang ji 盧武陽集. 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu.

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Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Lu Wuyang ji 盧武陽集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji. Zhu Shangshu 祝尚書, ed. and comm. Lu Sidao ji jiaozhu 盧思道集校注. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2001.

Studies Ni Qixin 倪其心. “Guanyu Lu Sidao ji qi shige” 關於盧思道及其詩歌. Wenxue yichan 2 (1981): 36–43. Yajima Tetsusuke 矢嶋徹輔, trans. “Ro Shidō to sono shika ni kanshite” 盧思道とその詩歌に関して. Naruto kyōiku daigaku kenkyū kiyō 3 (1988): 99–111. Zhu Shangshu 祝尚書. “Lu Sidao shiwen jiaodu zhayi” 盧思道詩文校讀劄迻. Guji zhengli yu yanjiu 7 (1992): 85–94. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Lu Sidao” 盧思道. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan (Xubian), 437–46. Zhou Jianjiang 周建江. Beichao wenxue shi 北朝文學史, 288–96. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1997. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 75–76. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 746–50. Li Shibiao 李士彪. “Lu Sidao heyi cheng wei ‘badao Lu lang’ ”? 盧思道何以稱為 「八斗米盧郎」? Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 249 (2000): 122–27. Zheng Xiaorong. “A History of Northern Dynasties Literature,” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 2002. Chen Minhua 陳敏華, “Sui wen ya juan—Lu Sidao ‘Lao sheng lun’ xilun” 隋文壓 卷—盧思道〈勞生論〉析論. Wenxue 13 (2009): 217–37.

Translations Zheng Xiaorong, “History of Northern Dynasties Literature,” 299–303, 306–15, 342–49, 357–58, 364–69. Tian Xiaofei, Beacon Fire and Shooting Star, 330–33, 356. DRK

Lu Wenshu 路溫舒, zi Changjun 長君 Western Han prose writer. Lu Wenshu’s natal place was Julu 巨 鹿 (in modern Hebei). He herded goats in his youth, but was able to able to learn to read and write by making writing tablets from marsh rushes. He served as a clerk in the local county prison where he became an expert on legal statutes. He also studied the Chunqiu. At the beginning of the reign of Emperor Xuan (73–49 b.c.), Lu Wenshu submitted a petition suggesting that the court advocate humanity and alleviate punishment. The emperor accepted his proposals and issued two edicts ordering the appointment of judicial arbiters and the submis-

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sion of reports about prisoners who had died from beatings. Lu Wenshu was then promoted to administrator of the treasury in the kingdom of Guangyang 廣陽 (administrative seat near modern Beijing) followed by an appointment as assistant to the guardian of the right. He died while serving as governor of Linhuai 臨淮 (administrative seat southeast of modern Sihong 泗洪, Jiangsu). Lu Wenshu’s petition is generally known under the title “Shang de huan xing shu” 尚德緩刑書 (Honoring virtue and relaxing punishment). It was selected for the popular reader Guwen guanzhi 古文觀止 and other anthologies. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 466. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 418–19. Zhang Chi 張翅. “‘Gai qianshi zhi shi, zhengshi shouming zhi tong’—Lu Wenshu ‘Shangde huanxing shu’ shuping” “改前世之失, 正始受命之統”—路溫舒《尚德緩 刑書》述評. Wanxi xueyuan xuebao (2002: 2): 45–47.

Translations “Shang de huan xing shu” 尚德緩刑書 (Honoring virtue and relaxing punishment) Giles, Gems of Chinese Literature, 85–87. Hulsewé, Remnants of Han Law, 424–27. WJ and DRK

Lu Yu 陸瑜 (ca. 540–ca. 582), zi Ganyu 幹玉 Chen period writer. Lu Yu’s ancestral home was Wu 吳 in Wu 吳 commandery (modern Suzhou). He was the younger brother of Lu Yan 陸琰 (540–573). In his youth Lu Yu was a diligent student and a skilled writer. In the 560s, he was recommended from his home area as a “flourishing talent.” His first position was acting administrator to Chen Xu 陳頊 (530–582), the future Emperor Xuan 宣 (r. 568–582). In 569 he and his brother Lu Yan joined the staff of the heir designate Chen Shubao 陳叔寶 (553–604). Their contemporaries compared them to the famous brothers of the Jian’an period, Ying Yang 應瑒 (d. 217) and Ying Qu 應璩 (190–252). In 570, Lu Yu was promoted to director of the ministry of sacrifices in the department of state affairs. Chen Shubao held a shi dian 釋奠 (school sacrifice) ceremony

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at which members of the court composed poems. Lu Yu was assigned to write the preface. Ca. 570–571 Lu Yu resigned office to observe mourning for his deceased mother. Upon completing the mourning period, he returned to government service as an assistant to Chen Bomou 陳伯謀 (d. 583), Prince of Guiyang. He also served as secretary, attendant and mentor to Chen Shubao. Chen Shubao was much impressed with Lu Yu’s learning. Concerned that collections of the Masters were too numerous, he ordered Lu Yu to compile a digest of them. However, he died before he could complete the project. Chen Shubao personally oversaw the mourning for him and composed the sacrificial offering. In the second year of his reign as emperor (584), Chen Shubao conferred on Lu Yu the posthumous title of chamberlain for attendants. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng have pointed out a problem with the age of forty-four that the Chen shu reports for Lu Yu’s age at the time of his death, for it would not coincide with his status as the younger brother of Lu Yan, whose birth year was 540. Lu Congdian 陸從典 (ca. 560–ca. 616), the third son of Lu Qiong 陸瓊 (537–586), helped compile Lu Yu’s works into a ten-juan collection and wrote a preface to it. The collection is lost. Lu Yu’s three extant poems can be found in the Yuefu shiji and the Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 256–57. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 675–76. WJ and DRK

Lu Yun 陸雲 (262–303), zi Shilong 士龍 Western Jin writer. Lu Yun’s ancestral home was Wu 吳 of Wu commandery 吳郡 (modern Suzhou in Jiangsu). He was a member of a prominent family of the Wu state. Lu Ji’s grandfather Lu Xun 陸遜 (183–245) served as prime minister of Wu, and his father Lu Kang 陸抗 (226–274) was minister of war. He is the younger brother of Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303). Lu Yun reputedly could write compositions at the age of six, and his contemporaries considered him comparable to the famous child prodigies Xiang Tuo 項託 and Yang Xiong’s son Yang Wu 揚烏. In 274, Lu Yun’s father Lu Kang died of illness, and his five sons including Lu Ji and Lu Yun

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divided command of Lu Kang’s army. In 277, Lu Yun was recommended in his home area as “worthy and good,” a designation that qualified him to be considered for official appointment. In 280, the Jin army defeated Wu, and Lu Yun along with his family members were transported to Shouyang 壽陽 (modern Shouyang county Shanxi). According to the traditional account summarized in the Jin shu, after the Jin conquest, Lu Ji and his brother Lu Yun retired to the family estate in Huating 華亭 (near modern Shanghai). They reputedly lived here for nearly ten years, engaging in scholarly pursuits and writing poetry until 289 when they received an invitation from the Jin court to take up office in Luoyang. However, there is good evidence that Lu Yun immediately entered official service under the Jin. He first served (ca. 281) as retainer to Zhou Jun 周浚 (d. 289), who held the position of palace attendant at this time. Zhou Jun was residing in Jianye 建業 (modern Nanjing). Lu Yun does not seem to have spent much time in Huating during the entire decade of the 280’s. After leaving the service of Zhou Jun, he went to Luoyang where he served as secretary to the heir designate followed by a stint as magistrate of Junyi 浚儀 (modern Kaifeng, Henan). The exact date is not specified, but it must have been around 285. Ca. 288, he returned home to Huating. In 289, Lu Ji, Lu Yun, Gu Rong 顧榮 (d. 322), and other prominent Wu men received an imperial summons to go to the Jin capital in Luoyang. There Lu Ji and Lu Yun made the acquaintance of Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300), who recommended them for positions at the imperial court. After serving in minor court posts, Lu Yun and Lu Ji joined the staff of Sima Yan 司馬晏 (281– 311), prince of Wu. In that same year Lu Yun was also appointed magistrate of Junyi 浚儀 (modern Kaifeng). In 296, he returned to the imperial court where he held the post of secretarial court gentleman. During this time he and his brother were members of the group of literati headed by Jia Mi 賈謐 (d. 300), who was the nephew of Empress Jia 賈后 (d. 300), the chief consort of Emperor Hui 惠 (r. 291–306). In 299 Lu Yun joined the staff of the crown prince, Sima Yu 司馬遹 (d. 300) as secretary followed by an appointment the following year as vice director of the secretariat. In 301, Lu Ji and Lu Yun joined the staff of the prince of Chengdu 成都, Sima Ying 司馬穎 (279–306), who had his headquarters in Ye 鄴 (modern Linzhang, Hebei). In the spring of 302, Sima Ying appointed Lu Yun administrator of Qinghe 清河 (modern Qinghe, Hebei) followed by an assignment at the end of the year as commander-in-chief of the vanguard in the campaign led by Sima Ying against Sima Jiong 司馬冏 (d. 303) who had a established his power base in Luoyang. After Sima Jiong was killed in January 303, Sima Ying appointed Lu Yun right commander to the general-in-chief (Sima Ying was general-in-chief ). In the fifth lunar

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month of Tai’an 2 (12 June to 11 July) the Man tribesman Zhang Chang 張昌 (d. 304) launched an insurrection in the Jingzhou 荊州 area (modern Hubei and Hunan). Sima Ying appointed Lu Yun general of the vanguard to lead an expedition against him. However, the expedition was called off when Sima Ying organized a campaign against Sima Yi 司馬乂 (d. 303), prince of Changsha, who had seized control of the Luoyang area. Sima Ying appointed Lu Ji commander-in-chief of the vanguard. During the ensuing battle, Lu Ji’s army was defeated outside one of the gates of Luoyang. Accused of plotting revolt, Lu Ji was put to death along with his brothers Lu Yun and Lu Dan. Lu Yun was forty-two at the time. A large portion of Lu Ji’s writings have been lost. In the Eastern Jin period Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343; alt. 283–363) reported that he saw a collection of the writings of Lu Ji and his brother Lu Yun that consisted of “one hundred and some juan.” He also added that this collection was not complete. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu records a Liang dynasty catalogue that listed Lu Yun’s collection in ten juan plus a table of contents in one juan. The main listing in the Sui shu as well as the two Tang histories and the Song shi all list his collection in ten juan. The earliest extant printed version of his collection, which was published in 1200, also contains ten juan. This is the basis for most later editions. In one of his letters to his brother Lu Ji, Lu Yun claimed that he was not skilled in writing tetrasyllabic and pentasyllabic verse, but “was somewhat skilled in composing fu.” However, Lu Yun actually has composed a large number of shi. His collection contains thirty poems. Six of the poems no longer have titles. Many of these poems are in multiple stanzas, and if one counts the number of stanzas as individual pieces, the number of discrete “poems” is 154. Twenty-four of the thirty-poem corpus are in the tetrasyllabic form. Lu Yun is thus one of the most prolific tetrasyallbic poets of the Western Jin. A large number of Lu Yun’s poems, including three pentasyllabic pieces, are zengda 贈答 (presentation and reply) pieces. The most important of these pieces are the verses he exchanged with his brother Lu Ji. Lu Yun’s collection contains seven fu most of which he composed in 303, the last year of his life. Thus, it is possible that he may have composed more fu pieces earlier in his career, but these pieces were not preserved in his collection. Two of the pieces are yongwu poems on the weather: “Chou lin fu” 愁霖賦 (Fu grieving at the unremitting rain) and “Xi ji fu” 喜霽賦 (Fu rejoicing at the rain clearing) both of which were inspired by group fu compositions on the same topic in the Jian’an period. Another of Lu Yun’s celebrated fu is his “Yimin fu” 逸民賦 (Fu on disengaged men), which is an important source for the study of reclusion. Lu Yun says that he was inspired to compose this piece after reading the Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳 (Tra-

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ditions of high-minded gentlemen) by Huangfu Mi 皇府謐 (215–282). Lu Yun also wrote a companion piece on this topic, the “Yimin zhen” 逸民箴 (Admonition on disengaged men). This work is included in the fu section of Lu Yun’s collection. Lu Yun states in the preface that he composed the “Yimin zhen” as a rebuttal to a fu by He Daoyan 何道彥 who had written “Fan yimin fu” 反逸民賦 (Fu contra disengaged persons) in which the author denounced men who had rejected service to the state. Other fu-like pieces by Lu Yun include “Deng xia song” 登遐頌 (Eulogy on ascending the distance) and “Jiu min” 九愍 (Nine laments). The former piece consists of praise poems for nineteen immortals, and the latter is an imitation of the “Jiu zhang” 九章 (Nine declarations) in the Chu ci. Lu Yun’s longest fu is “Nan zheng fu” 南征賦 (Fu on the southern expedition) that he composed to celebrate the military expedition of Sima Ying from Ye to Luoyang in the tenth lunar month of 303. Lu Yun’s collection also contains many letters. The letters he exchanged with Lu Ji mainly concern issues of writing and provide valuable information about the compositions of the Lu brothers. Lu Yun is also well known for his aesthetic of qing sheng 清省 “clarity and brevity.” Lu Yun is also attributed with the Luzi 陸子 (Master Lu), a work on Taoist philosophy. This was lost during the Song. Ma Guohan has collected the extant fragments. Bibliography Collections Lu Shilong wenji 陸士龍文集. 10 juan. Song Qingyuan 6 (1200) Huating 華亭 district school printing. Held in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Photographic rpt. in Zaizao shanben 再造善本. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2004. Lu Shilong wenji 陸士龍文集. 10 juan. In Xu Minzhan 徐民瞻 (fl. 1200), ed. Jin er jun wenji 晉二俊文集. Rpt. 1519 by Lu Yuanda 陸元大. Photographic rpt. 1929 in Sibu congkan.

Other printing of Jin er jun wenji Han Wei zhu mingjia ji 漢魏諸名家集. Wang Shixian 汪士賢, ed. Ming, Wanli (1573–1620) printing. Held in Harvard-Yenching Library. This was the basis for the Siku quanshu edition. Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Lu Qinghe ji 陸清河集. 8 juan. Qishi erjia ji 七十 二家集. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Lu Qinghe ji 陸清河集. 2 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Huang Kui 黃葵, ed. Lu Yun ji 陸雲集. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1988. Typeset, punctutated edition based on the 1200 edition of Lu Shilong wenji 陸士龍文集 held by the Zhongguo guojia tushuguan.

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Kamatani Takeshi 釜谷武志. “Riku Un ‘Ani e no shokan’—sono bungaku ron kōsatsu” 陸雲兄への書簡—その文學論考察. Chūgoku bungaku hō 28 (1977): 1–31. Ueki Hisayuki 植木久行. “Rikuchō bunjin no besshū no ikkeitai—Riku Un shū no shigakuteki kōsatsu” 六朝文人の別集の一形態—陸雲集の誌學的考察. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 29 (1977): 76–90. Ueki Hisayuki 植木久行. “Sohan Riku Un shū ni tsuite” 宋版《陸雲集》について. Kodai kenkyū 8 (1977): 76–81. Hasegawa Shigenari 長谷川滋成. “Rikuchō bunjin den—Riku Ki Riku Un (Shinsho)” 六朝文人傳—陸機陸雲 (晉書). Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 13 (1978): 35–72. Xiao Huarong 蕭華榮. “Lu Yun ‘qingsheng’ de meixueguan” 陸雲 “清省” 的美學觀. Wen shi zhe (1982: 1): 41–43. Fu Gang 傅剛. “ ‘Wen gui qingsheng’ shuo de shidai yiyi—lüe tan Lu Yun ‘Yu xiong Pingyuan shu’” “文貴清省” 說的時代意義—略談陸雲《與兄平原書》. Wenyi lilun yanjiu (1984: 2). Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Riku Ki kyōdai no shigen zōtō shi ni tsuite” 陸機兄弟 の四言贈答詩について. Ritsumeikan bungaku 511 (1989): 1–31; rpt. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. Gi Shin shidan no kenkyū, 484–518. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Shilun Lu Ji Lu Yun de ‘Wei Gu Yanxian zeng fu” 試論陸 機陸雲的﹝為顧彥先贈婦﹞. Hebei shiyuan xuebao (1989: 1): 81–86; rpt. in Cao Daoheng. Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji xubian, 65–76. Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行. Riku On kenkyū 陸雲研究. Tokyo: Hakuteisha 白帝社, 1990. Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行. Sei Shin bungaku kenkyū 西晉文學研究, 168–97. Tokyo: Hakuteisha, 1995; Chinese trans. Zhou Yanliang 周延良. Xi Jin wenxue yanjiu 西晉文學研究, 115–41. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2004. Jiang Fang 蔣方. “Lu Ji Lu Yun shi Jin huanji kao” 陸機、陸雲仕晉宦迹考. Hubei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1995: 3): 76–86. Yu Shiling 俞士玲. “Lu Yun ‘Yu Xiong Pingyuan shu’ zhaji yize” 陸雲《與兄平原 書》札記一則. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1996: 3): 47–48. Dai Yan 戴燕. “Lu Yun de ‘yong si kun ren’ ji qita” 陸雲的 “用思困人” 及其他. Chūgoku bungaku hō 52 (1996): 23–36. Lin Fenfang 林芬芳. Lu Yun ji qi zuopin yanjiu 陸雲及其作品研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1997. Lü Wuzhi 呂武志. “Liu Xie Wenxie diaolong he Lu Yun ‘Yu xiong Pingyuan shu’” 劉勰《文心雕龍》和陸雲〈與兄平原書〉. Dongwu Zhongwen xuebao 4 (1998): 317–41. Su, Jui-lung. “Lu Yün.” In The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature, Vol. 2. ed. William H. Nienhauser, Jr., 109–12. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998. Guo Jianxun 郭建勛 and Xuan Guifen 玄桂芬. “Lun Lu Yun de cifu” 論陸雲的辭 賦. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (1999: 4): 24–29; rpt in Guo Jianxun. Xian Tang cifu yanjiu, 366–76. Zhou Guolin 周國林. “Lu Ji Lu Yun sixiang quxiang tanwei” 陸機陸雲思想趨向探 微. Huazhong shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen kexue xuebao) 39.1 (2000): 9–95. Wu, Sujane. “Clarity, Brevity, and Naturalness: Lu Yun and His Works.” Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, Madison, 2001.

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Wu, Sujane. “The Biography of Lu Yun (262–303) in Jin shu 54.” Early Medieval China 7 (2001): 1–38. Jiang Jianyun 姜劍雲. “Lun Lu Yun ‘wen gui qing sheng’ de chuangzuo sixiang” 論 陸雲 “文貴清省” 的創作思想. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (Sheui kexue ban) 31.4 (2002): 94–98. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Lun Lu Ji Lun Yun xiongdi zhi si” 論陸機陸雲兄弟之死. Nanjing Xiaozhuang xuebao 18.3 (2002): 18–26. Jiang Jianyun 姜劍雲. Taikang wenxue yanjiu 太康文學研究, 65–73, 136–47, 285–87. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2002. Gu Nong 顧農. “Lu Yun shengping shiji erti” 陸雲生平事迹二題. Wenxue yichan (2004: 3): 131–34. Yu Shiling 俞士玲. “Lu Yun ‘Deng xia song’ kao shi—jian lun Lu Ji ji juan jiu ‘Kongzi zan’ ‘Wangzi Qiao zhuan’ fei Lu Ji zuo” 陸雲《登遐頌》考釋—兼論《陸 機集》卷九《孔子贊》《王子喬傳》非陸機作. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2005: 4): 51–58. Leng Weiguo 冷圍國. “Lu Ji Lu Yun de fuxue piping” 陸機陸雲的賦學批評. Qi Lu xuekan 188.5 (2005): 69–73. Lin Fenfang 林芬芳. “Liu Xie lun Lu Yun” 劉勰論陸雲. Dongfang renwen xuezhi 5.3 (2006): 109–27. Zhang Zhao 張照. “Cong ‘Yu xiong Pingyuan shu’ kan Lu Yun cifu” 從《與兄平 原書》看陸雲辭賦. Daxian shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 16.4 (2006): 41–43. Zeng Yi 曾毅. “Zhang Hua dui Lu Yun wenxue piping de yingxiang” 張華對陸雲 文學批評的影響. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 36.4 (2009): 97–100. Yu Shiling 俞士玲. Lu Ji Lu Yun nianpu 陸機陸雲年譜. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 2009.

Translations a. Zengda poems von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 410–12. Wu, Sujane. “Clarity, Brevity, and Naturalness: Lu Yun and His Works,” 116–60.

b. “Nan zheng fu” 南征賦 (Fu on the southern expedition) Wu, Sujane. “Clarity, Brevity, and Naturalness: Lu Yun and His Works,” 191–204.

c. Letter Wu, Sujane. “Clarity, Brevity, and Naturalness: Lu Yun and His Works,” 208–38.

d. “Da jiangjun yanhui beiming zuo ci shi” 大將軍宴會被命作此詩 (At the general-in-chief’s banquet, commanded to compose this poem) von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 293–94.

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Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857), ed. Luzi 陸子. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu 玉函山 房輯佚書, 70. DRK

Lu Yungong 陸雲公 (511–547), zi Zilong 子龍 Liang period writer. Lu Yungong’s ancestral home and natal place was Wu 吳 in Wu commandery 吳郡 (modern Suzhou). He was the father of Lu Qiong 陸瓊 (537–586), the nephew of Lu Jue 陸厥 (472–499), and the grandson of the nephew of Lu Chui 陸倕 (470–526). Lu Yungong was a child prodigy who reputedly was able to recite the Lun yu and Mao shi at the age of five, and read the Han shu at the age of nine. After serving on the staff of the prince Xiao Ji 蕭紀 (508–553), in 532 he was appointed acting administrator for the prince Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–555). Lu Yungong had composed an inscription for the temple of Taibo 太伯, the founding ruler of the Zhou state of Wu. In 536, Zhang Zuan 張纘 (508–548) saw the inscription and acclaimed Lu Yungong as the “Cai Yong of today.” (Cai Yong was generally acknowledged as the most accomlished inscription writer of the Eastern Han). Zhang Zuan recommended Lu Yungong to Emperor Wu (r. 502– 549) who appointed him director of the consultation section of the Bureau of State Affairs. From this time on Lu Yungong and Zhang Zuan had a close friendship. Lu Yungong held a succession of imperial court offices including editorial director and gentleman of the palace gate. He died in 547 at the age of thirty-seven. Lu Yungong was a skilled chess player. In 544 Emperor Wu, who was an inveterate chess player, ordered him to collate the emperor’s Qi pin 棋品 (gradings of chess players). Lu Yungong also wrote the preface. Lu Yungong’s ten-juan collection is lost. All that remains of his poems is the ten-stanza “Shidian yingling shi” 釋奠應令詩 (School sacrifice poems written to command) that Lu Qinli collected in the Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi. An incomplete version of his Taibo inscription as well as a “Xing fu” 星賦 (Fu on the stars) are extant. Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 249.

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Translation Raft, David Zebulon. “Four-syllable Verse in Medieval China.” Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2007, 460–64. WJ and DRK

Lunyu 論語 (Edited conversations, Analects) Collection of dialogues of Confucius with disciples. The Lunyu records what purport to be the sayings of Confucius and his dialogues with his immediate disciples. According to the monograph on bibliography of the Hanshu 漢書, it was Confucius’ disciples who kept these records of the conversations. After Confucius died in the late Chunqiu period, they jointly edited and compiled the records. Thus this work is titled Lunyu, literally “Edited Conversations.” Students of the immediate disciples may have continued to transmit the conversations. Possible compilers include a disciple (or disciples) of Zeng Shen 曾參 (505–436 b.c.e.), for he is referred to as Zengzi 曾子 (Master Zeng) in several passages. A few scholars have even suggested that the book was not compiled until the early Han. In the early Western Han, there were three versions of the Lunyu: (1) Gu Lunyu 古論語 (in ancient script, reputedly discovered in the wall of Confucius’ former house), (2) Qi Lunyu 齊論語 (in modern script, transmitted in the state of Qi), and (3) Lu Lunyu 魯論語 (in modern script, transmitted in the state of Lu). In the Gu Lunyu, the last chapter of the Lu Lunyu is divided into two chapters. However, except for the chapter organization and a difference of over 400 characters, the basic content of the two versions reputedly were similar. The Qi Lunyu had two additional chapters: “Wen wang” 問王 and “Zhi dao” 知道. This version seems to be a textual tradition rather remote from that of the Gu Lunyu and the Lu Lunyu. Later, Zhang Yu 張禹 (d. 5 b.c.e.) prepared another edition that he based on the Lu version. He excluded the “Wen wang” and “Zhi dao” chapters, and made references to the Qi version. This version is known as the Zhanghou Lun 張侯論 (Lunyu of Marquis Zhang). In the Eastern Han, Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–200) further compared the Lu version with the Gu Lunyu and added his own commentary. He Yan 何晏 (190–249) and three other scholars took his work as the basis for the Lunyu jijie 論語集解 (Collected explanations of the Lunyu) in which they collated the commentaries of the Han and the Wei periods. This work became the received text of the Lunyu. It consists of twenty chapters. Each chapter is in turn divided into

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sections. The chapter titles are taken from the first few words of each chapter, e.g., “Xue er” 學而, “Wei zheng” 為政, “Li ren” 里仁, and there is no clear organization of the sections and chapters. An important early medieval commentary to the Lunyu is Lunyu yishu 論語義疏 (Subcommentary on the meaning of the Lunyu) by Huang Kan 皇侃 (488–545). In 1973 a partial manuscript of the Lunyu written on bamboo slips was discovered in Ding 定 county, Hebei. Scholars were not able to reconstruct the text until 1997. Because of the poor condition of the manuscript, it is impossible to determine its provenance. The manuscript has now deteriorated to the point that is not readable. The edition included in the Shisanjing zhushu 十三經注疏 is Xing Bing’s 刑昺 (932–1010) Lunyu zhengyi 論語正義 (Correct meaning of the Lunyu) printed together with He Yan’s Lunyu jijie under the title Lunyu zhushu 論語注疏 (Commentary and sub-commentary to the Lunyu). Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), who established the Lunyu as one of the Four Books, also wrote a commentary to it, the Lunyu jizhu 論語集注 (Collected commentaries to the Lunyu). In the Qing, Liu Baonan 劉寶楠 (1791–1855) wrote a new commentary, the Lunyu zhengyi 論語正義, to incorporate both Han and Song traditions as well as more recent scholarship on the Lunyu. He died before he could finish it, and it was completed by his son Liu Gongmian 劉恭冕 (1824–1883). The Lun yu is the first example of what is called in Chinese the yu lu 語錄 or “record of conversations.” It purports to be a record of the conversations Confucius had with his disciples. Although it probably was compiled after Confucius’ death, much of the material probably is based on actual sayings and speeches made by the Master himself. There also are a number of passages that describe Confucius’ actions and conduct in various situations. Some of these passages are in almost poetic prose. For example, Chapter 10 (10/1) has a series of passages that describe Confucius’ manner depending upon the situation he was in whether it was his village, the ancestral temple, or the court. Another amusing passage (10/8) describes in great detail Confucius’ concern for the proper preparation of food. The Lun yu contains both dialogues and monologues. Most of the dialogues are short and often involve witty exchanges between Confucius and a questioner, usually one of his disciples. There are also long extended dialogues. One of the best known of these is the dialogue (Lun yu 11/26) in which each of the disciples speaks about his ideals.

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Bibliography Editions He Yan 何晏 (d. 249), comm. Xing Bing 刑昺, subcomm. Lu Deming 陸德明, glosses. Lunyu zhushu 論語注疏. Shisanjing zhushu 十三經注疏, ed. Ruan Yuan 阮元, 1815. In Sibu beiyao 四部備要. Portions of He Yan’s commentary were discovered in Dunhuang. See Li Fang 李方, ed. Dunhuang Lunyu jijie jiaozheng 敦煌論語集解校證. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1998. Huang Kan 皇侃 (488–545), comm. Lunyu jijie yishu 論語集解義疏. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1968. Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), ed. and comm. Lunyu jizhu 論語集注. In Sibu beiyao. Liu Baonan 劉寶楠 (1791–1855) and Liu Gongmian 劉恭冕 (1824–1883), ed. and comm. Lunyu zhengyi 論語正義. In Huang Qing jingjie 皇清經解 and Sibu beiyao. Rpt. coll. and punc. Gao Liushui 高流水. Lunyu zhengyi. 2 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990. Cheng Shude 程樹德 (1877–1944), ed. and comm. Lunyu jishi 論語集釋. 40 juan. Rpt. Cheng Junying 程俊英 and Jiang Jianyuan 蔣見元, coll. and punc. Lunyu jishi. 4 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990. Huang Huaixin 黃懷信, ed. and comm. Pang Suqin 龐素琴, indexer. Lunyu xin jiaoshi 論語新校釋. Xi’an: San Qin chubanshe, 2006.

Dingzhou Manuscript Hebei sheng wenwu yanjiusuo, Dingzhou Han mu zhujian zhengli xiaozu 河北省 文物研究所, 定州漢墓竹簡整理小組, ed. Dingzhou Han mu zhujian Lunyu 定州 漢墓竹簡論語. Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1997.

Translations Legge, James, trans. Confucian Analects. The Chinese Classics 5. Revised edition. London: Oxford University Press, 1893. Couvreur, Séraphin, trans. Entretiens de Confucius. In Les Quatre Livres. 3rd ed. Sien Hsien: Mission Catholique, 1930. Soothill, William, trans. The Analects of Confucius. 1910; rpt. London: Oxford University Press, 1937. Waley, Arthur, trans. The Analects of Confucius. London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1938. Lau, D.C., trans. Confucius The Analects (Lun yü). Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1979. Rpt. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1979. Cheng, Anne, trans. Entretiens de Confucius. Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1981. Ryckmans, Pierre, trans. Les Entretiens de Confucius. Paris: Gallimard, 1987. Huang, Chichung, trans. The Analects of Confucius. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. Leys, Simon [Pierre Ryckmans], trans. The Analects of Confucius. New York: W.W. Norton, 1997. Brooks, E. Bruce and A. Taeko Brooks, trans. The Original Analects: Sayings of Confucius and His Successors. New York: Columbia University Press, 1998.

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Ames, Roger T., and Henry Rosemont, Jr., trans. The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation. A New Translation Based on the Dingzhou Fragments and Other Recent Archaeological Finds. Classics of Ancient China. New York: Ballantine, 1998. Slingerland, Edward, trans. Confucius Analects with Selections from Traditional Commentaries. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 2003. Watson, Burton, trans. The Analects of Confucius. New York: Columbia University Press, 2007.

Baihua Translations Qian Mu 錢穆, comm. and trans. Lunyu xinjie 論語新解. Hong Kong: Xinya, 1963. Zhao Cong 趙聰, trans. and comm. Lunyu yizhu 論語譯註. Jiulong: Youlian chubanshe, 1967. Xie Bingying 謝冰瑩 et al., trans. Xinyi Sishu duben 新譯四書讀本. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1967. Yang Bojun 楊伯峻, trans. and comm. Lunyu yizhu 論語譯注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980. Wang Shulin 王書林, trans. and comm. Lunyu yizhu ji yiwen jiaokan 論語譯註及 異文校勘. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1981–82. Sun Qinshan 孫欽善, comm. and trans. Lunyu zhuyi 論語注譯. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1990. Li Zehou 李澤厚, trans. and comm. Lunyu jindu 論語今讀. Hong Kong: Tiandi tushu youxian gongsi, 1998. Jin Liangnian 金良年, trans. and comm. Lunyu yizhu 論語譯注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2004.

Indexes and Concordances Morimoto Kakuzō 森本角藏. Shisho sakuin 四書索引. Tokyo: Meguro shoten, 1921. Ye Shaojun 葉紹鈞. Shisanjing suoyin 十三經索引. Shanghai: Kaiming, 1934. Lunyu yinde 論語引得. Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series. 1940. Rpt. Taipei: Chengwen, 1966. Gotō Toshimizu 後藤俊瑞. Shushi shisho shūchū sakuin 朱子四書集註索引. Hiroshima: Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu Chūgoku tetsugaku kenkyūshitsu, 1954. Wang Shulin 王書林. Lunyu yantao yu suoyin 論語研討與索引. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1980. Lunyu zhuzi suoyin 論語逐字索引. ICS Ancient Chinese Texts Concordance Series. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1995.

Studies Takezoe Kōkō 竹添光鴻. Rongo kaisen 論語會箋. Tokyo: Sūbun sōsho, 1932. Yoshio Takeuchi 武內義雄. Rongo no kenkyū 論語之研究. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1939. Cheng Shude 程樹德. Lunyu jishi 論語集釋. Beijing: Guoli Huabei bianyiguan, 1943.

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Yang Shuda 楊樹達. Lunyu shuzheng 論語疏證. Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 1955. Qian Mu 錢穆. Lunyu yaolüe 論語要略. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1964. Chen Shuenzheng 陳舜政. Lunyu yiwen jishi 論語異文集釋. MA diss., Guoli Taiwan daxue, 1965. Published by Jiaxin shuini gongsi wenhua jijinhui, 1968. Kimura Eiichi 木村英一. Kōshi to Rongo 孔子と論語. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 1971. Zhang Yuanfu 張元夫. Lunyu shuwen 論語述聞. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1972. Zheng Manran 鄭曼髯. Lunyu shizhi 論語釋旨. Taipei: Taiwan Zhonghua shuju, 1974. Hayashi Taisuke 林泰輔 and Fumoto Yasutaka 麓保孝. Shūtei Rongo nenpu 修訂論 語年譜. Tokyo: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1976. Yoshikawa Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎. Rongo ni tsuite 論語について. Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1976. Wang Shulin 王書林. Lunyu yantao yu suoyin 論語研討與索引. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1980. Wang Shulin 王書林, trans. and comm. Lunyu yizhu ji yiwen jiaokan 論語譯註及 異文校勘. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1981–82. Qu Wanli 屈萬里. Xian-Qin wenshi ziliao kaobian 先秦文史資料考辨, 382–89. Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1983. Zeng Xiujing 曾秀景. Lunyu guzhu jikao 論語古注輯考. Taipei: Xuehai chubanshe, 1991. Cheng, Anne. “Lun yü 論語.” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe, 313–23. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, 1993. Li Fang 李方. Dunhuang Lunyu jijie jiaozheng 敦煌《論語集解》校證. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1998. Li Zehou 李澤厚, trans. and comm. Lunyu jindu 論語今讀. Hong Kong: Tiandi tushu youxian gongsi, 1998. Van Norden, Bryan W., ed. Confucius and the Analects: new essays. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. Makeham, John. Transmitters and Creators: Chinese Commentators and Commentaries on the Analects. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Asia Center, 2003. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. Xian-Qin liang Han wenxue shiliao xue 先秦兩漢文學史料學, 147–52. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Liao Yunxian 廖雲仙. Yuan dai Lunyu xue kaoshu 元代論語學考述. Taipei: Xinwenfeng chuban gufen youxian gongsi, 2005. Tang Minggui 唐明貴. Lunyu xue de xingcheng, fazhan, yu zhongshuai—Han Wei Liuchao Sui Tang Lunyu xue yanjiu. 論語學的形成、發展與中衰—漢魏六朝隋唐 論語學研究. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2005. Gao Dawei 高大威. Kongzi dexing shiyu tansuo—yi Lunyu wei zhongxin 孔子德性 視域探索—以論語為中心. Taipei: Lexue shuju, 2006.

Studies of literary features of Lunyu Hu Nianyi 胡念貽. “Cong renwu xingxiang kan Lunyu de wenxue jiazhi” 從人物形 象看〈論語〉的文學價值. Wen shi zhe (1962: 3): 48–54. Wu Jinghe 吳景和. “Lunyu wenxue jiazhi chulun”《論語》文學價值初論. Yanbian daxue xuebao (1979: 2): 29–35.

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Yin Jianzheng 尹建章. “Lunyu wenxuexing chutan”《論語》文學性初探. Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1982: 3): 95–104. Lin Jian 林堅. “Lunyu de wenxue quweixing chutan”《論語》的文學趣味性初探. Yancheng shizhuan xuebao (1983: 2): 21–26. Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “Mantan Lunyu de wenxue jiazhi he yingxiang” 漫談《論語》 的文學價值和影響. Zhongguo gudian wenxue luncong 1 (1984). Cao Wenxing 曹文星. “Lunyu wenxue jiazhi chutan”《論語》文學價值初探. Guizhou jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (1987: 4): 42–47. Mei Jundao 梅俊道. “Tan Lunyu de wenxue yuyan tese” 談《論語》的文學語言特 色. Jiujiang shizhuan xuebao (1988: 1): 72–76. Harbsmeir, Christoph. “Confucius Ridens: Humor in the Analects.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 50.1 (1990): 131–61. Fang Ming 方銘. Zhanguo wenxue shi 戰國文學史, 227–34. Wuhan: Wuhan chubanshe, 1996. Nie Yonghua 聶永華. “20 shiji Lunyu sanwen yishu yanjiu shuping” 20 世紀《論 語》散文藝術研究述評. Kongzi yanjiu (2002: 6): 95–104. Wang Zhimin 王志民. “Shilun Lun yu wenxue biaoxian de shihua tezheng” 試論 《論語》文學表現的詩化特徵. Kongzi yanjiu (2003: 6): 5–11. Su Zheyi 蘇哲儀. “Lunyu xushi fangshi yu tese zhi xitan”《論語》敘事方式與特色 之析探. Lingdong tongshi jiaoyu yanjiu xuekan 2.3 (2008): 85–96. SHL and DRK

Luoyang qielan ji 洛陽伽藍記 (Notes on the Monasteries of Luoyang) Northern Dynasties account of Luoyang. The Luoyang qielan ji was compiled by Yang Xuanzhi 楊衒之 ca. 547. Yang Xuanzhi’s surname is also written Yang 陽 and 羊. Some scholars have argued that Yang Xuanzhi is a younger son of the famous writer Yang Gu 陽固 (467–523). Yang Xuanzhi’s natal place was Beiping 北平 (most probable location east of modern Zunhua 遵化, Hebei). Details of his career are difficult to verify. He probably served ca. 528–530 at the Northern Wei court as audience attendant. Ca. 537 he served as governor of Qicheng 期城 (administrative seat Linwu 臨舞, northwest of modern Miyang 泌陽, Henan) and in the mid-540s commander under the General of the Pacification Army. In 547, he visited Luoyang and wrote a book-length account of the city, the Luoyang qielan ji. He also reputedly served as director of the palace library, but Cao Daoheng has shown that this claim is not credible. Yang Xuanzhi is sometimes labeled “anti-Buddhist” but this claim is based on a petition in which he criticizes the extravagance of Buddhist monasteries. There is no evidence that he found fault with Buddhist teaching. The Luoyang qielan ji is an account of the qielan or sangharama (monasteries) of Luoyang, the Northern Wei capital from 493–534. The Northern Wei originally established its first permanent capital at Pingcheng 平城

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(modern Datong, Shanxi) in 386. The first three Northern Wei rulers were sympathetic to Buddhism, but the fourth ruler, Emperor Taiwu 太武 (r. 423–452), issued an edict in 456 proscribing Buddhism. The sixth Northern Wei emperor, Wencheng 文成 (r. 452–465), withdrew the proscription in 455. From this time on Buddhism flourished in the Wei state. In 493, Emperor Xiaowen 孝文 (r. 471–499) had the Wei capital established at Luoyang. During the reign of Emperor Xiaowen’s successor, Xuanwu 宣武 (r. 499–515), numerous construction projects of Buddist temples, pagodas and monasteries were undertaken in Luoyang. This building continued until the number of Buddhist structures amounted to over a thousand. In 534, when an army led by Gao Huan 高歡 (496–547) forced the Northern Wei emperor to flee to Chang’an. Luoyang had already been ravaged during the Yongxi era (532–534). The Northern Wei then divided into two states, the Eastern Wei with its capital in Ye, and the Western Wei with its capital in Chang’an. When Yang Xuanzhi visited Loyang in 547, he found a goodly portion of the old Wei capital in ruins. His account of the city is partly a lament on the destruction that had befallen this once great city. As a work of literature, the Luoyang qielan ji has many features. First, it is considered one of the earliest of the you ji 遊記 or “travel accounts.” It is also written in a elegant parallel-prose style. The description of the Yongning 永寧 Monastery in the first chapter is a much admired example of early medieval Chinese prose. Yang Xuanzhi is also a masterful storyteller. Some of his narrative accounts resemble the fantastic tales of the zhiguai tradition. The Luoyang qielan ji is also an important source of information for the study of Northern Dynasties literature. For example, it provides information about such writers as Chang Jing 常景 (d. 550), Wen Zisheng 溫 子昇 (495–547), Zhang Peichang 張斐裳 (n.d.), and Xing Shao 邢劭 (496–?). It is also the only source for important literary works including the “Luo rui song” 洛汭頌 (Eulogy on the Luo River Bend) by Chang Jing and the “Ting shan fu” 庭山賦 (Fu on the courtyard mountain) by Jiang Zhi 姜質 (fl. 477–502). Bibliography Editions and Commentaries Luoyang qielan ji 洛陽伽藍記. Ruyin tang 如隱堂. Facsimile reproduction in Sibu congkan. Luoyang qielan ji 洛陽伽藍記. Gujin yishi. Luoyang qielan ji. Xuejin taoyuan. Wu Ruozhun 吳若準, ed. and comm. Luoyang qielan ji jizheng 洛陽伽藍記集證. Ca. 1834. Rpt. in Sibu beiyao.

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Zhang Zongxiang 張宗祥, ed. and comm. Luoyang qielan ji hejiaoben 洛陽伽藍記 合校本. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1955; rpt. Yangzhou: Jiangsu Gangling guji keyinshe, 1997. Zhou Zumo 周祖謨, ed. and comm. Luoyang qielan ji jiaoshi 洛陽伽藍記校釋. 1955; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1963. Fan Xiangyong 范祥雍, ed. and comm. Luoyang qielan ji jiaozhu 洛陽伽藍記校 注. Shanghai: Gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1958; rpt. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1999. Tian Sulan 田素蘭. “Luoyang qielan ji jiaozhu” 洛陽伽藍記校注. Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo jikan 16 (1972): 581–744. Yang Yong 楊永, ed. and comm. Luoyang qielan ji jiaojiao 洛陽伽藍記校箋. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1982; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006.

Concordance Luoyang qielan ji zhuzi suoyin 洛陽伽藍記逐字索引. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2003.

Translations Iriya Yoshitaka 入矢義高. Rakuyō garan ki 洛陽伽藍記. Tokyo, 1974. Jenner, W.F.J., trans. Memories of Loyang. Yang Hsüan-chih and the lost capital (493–534). Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981. Wang Yi-t’ung, trans. A Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Lo-yang. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984. Strassberg, Inscribed Landscapes, 91–96.

Baihua Translations Liu Jiuzhou 劉九洲, trans. and comm. Xinyi Luoyang qielan ji yizhu 新譯洛陽伽藍 記譯注. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1998. Zhou Zhenfu 周振甫, trans. and comm. Luoyang qielan ji jiaoshi jinyi 洛陽伽藍記 校釋今譯. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2001. Zhou Zhenfu 周振甫, trans. and comm. Luoyang qielan ji yizhu 洛陽伽藍記譯注. Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 2006.

Studies Zhan Xiuhui 詹秀惠. “Luoyang qielan ji de zuozhe yu chengshu niandai” 洛陽伽 藍記的作者與成書年代. Guoli zhongyang daxue wenxueyuan yuankan 1 (1983): 51–61. Liu Chonglai 劉重來. “Luoyang qielan ji zuozhe xingshi kao”《洛陽伽藍記》作者 姓氏考. Lishi jiaoxue (1984: 12): 48–49. Liu Chonglai 劉重來. “Luoyang qielan ji zuozhe bu xing Yang”《洛陽伽藍記》作者 不姓楊. Zhongzhou xuekan (1984: 3): 127. Lin Wen-yüeh 林文月. “Luoyang qielan ji de lengbi yu rebi” 洛陽伽藍記的冷筆與 熱筆. Taida Zhongwen xuebao, Inaugural Issue (1985): 1–33. Rpt. in Lin Wenyüeh, Zhonggu wenxue luncong 中古文學論叢, 253–99. Taipei: Da’an chubanshe, 1989.

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Lin Wen-yüeh. “Luoyang qielan ji de wenxue jiazhi” 洛陽伽藍記的文學價值. In Mao Zishui xiansheng jiuwu shouqing lunwen ji 毛子水先生九五壽慶論文集, 147–73. Taipei: Youshi wenhua shiye gongsi, 1987; rpt. in Lin Wen-yüeh, Zhonggu wenxue luncong, 301–42. Yeh Kuo-liang 葉國良. “Luoyang qielan ji lingjian” 洛陽伽藍記零箋. Taida Zhongwen xuebao 2 (1987): 283–303. Zhou Zimei 周子美. “Luoyang qielan ji zuozhe Yang Xuanzhi xingshi de shangque” 《洛陽伽藍記》作者楊衒之姓氏的商榷. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1987: 3): 27, 24. Lin Jinshi 林晉士. “Luoyang qielan ji zhi xiejing yishu”《洛陽伽藍記》之寫景藝術. Dalu zazhi 91.4 (1992): 1–9. Yi Yicheng 易毅成. “Luoyang qielan ji de zhushu linian ji fangshi” 洛陽伽藍記的著 述理念及方式. Dalu zazhi 87.2 (1993): 26–31. Li Xiaoming 李曉明. “Luoyang qielan ji de tedian”《洛陽伽藍記》的特點. Shixue shi yanjiu (1994: 3): 33–38. Lin Jinshi 林晉士. Luoyang qielan ji zhi banben kaoshu”「洛陽伽藍記」之版本考 述. Zhongguo shumu jikan 29.3 (1995): 41–54. Fan Ziye 范子燁. “Lun Yang Xianzhi ji qi Luoyang qielan ji de chuangzuo zhuzhi” 論楊衒之及其《洛陽伽藍記》的創作主旨. Qiqiha’er daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1995: 3): 40–46. Cao Hong 曹虹. “Luoyang qielan ji xintan”《洛陽伽藍記》新探. Wenxue yichan (1995: 4): 4–13. Su Zijing 粟子菁. “Lun Luoyang qielan ji de chuangzuo linian” 論「洛陽伽藍記」的 創作理念. Zhongzheng ling xueshu yanjiu jikan 15 (1996): 227–52. Fan Ziye 范子燁. “Luoyang qielan ji de tili yuanyuan ji qi yu mingseng ‘ge yi’ de guanxi”《洛陽伽藍記》的體例淵源及其與名僧 “格義” 的關係. Beifang luncong (1996: 5): 66–69. Zhou Jianjiang. Beichao wenxue shi, 240–50. Zhu Yaqi 朱亞琪. “Jiyi zhong de chengshi—Luoyang qielan ji zhong de shikong jiangou” 記憶中的城市—「洛陽伽藍記」中的時空建構. Zhongguo xueshu niankan 19 (1998): 277–326, 683–84. Fan Ziye 范子燁. Luoyang qielan ji de wenti tezheng yu zhonggu foxue”《洛陽伽 藍記》的文體特徵與中古佛學. Wenxue yichan (1998: 6): 21–29. Cheng Runshu 成潤淑. Luoyang qielan ji de xiaoshuo yishu yanjiu”《洛陽伽藍記》 的小說藝術研究. Wen shi zhe (1999: 4): 94–98. Liu Zhili 劉治立. Luoyang qielan ji zizhu de zai renshi”《洛陽伽藍記》自注的再認 識. Shixue shi yanjiu (2001: 3): 45–52. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Guanyu Yang Xuanzhi he Luoyang qielan ji de jiege wenti” 關於楊衒之和《洛陽伽藍記》的幾個問題. Wenxue yichan (2001: 3): 30–39. Xue Ruize 薛瑞澤. “Du Luoyang qielan ji lun Bei Wei Luoyang de siyuan yuanlin” 讀《洛陽伽藍記》論北魏洛陽的寺院園林. Zhongguo lishi dili luncong 16.2 (2001): 31–36. Wang Meixiu 王美秀. “Lun Yang Xuanzhi de wenhua rentong ji qi xiangguan wenti” 論楊衒之的文化認同及其相關問題. Tongshi jiaoyu niankan 4 (2002): 9–33. Wang Meixiu 王美秀. “Cong zhiyi lishi dao zhengduo quanshiquan—yi Luoyang qielan ji de lishi lunshu wei li” 從質疑歷史到爭奪詮釋權—以《洛陽伽藍記》的歷 史論述為例. Taida Zhongwen xuebao 18 (2003): 143–61, 139–41. Wang Meixiu 王美秀. “Lun Luoyang qielan ji zaicun wenxue ziliao de yiyi” 論《洛 陽伽藍記》載存文學資料的意義. Guowen xuebao 33 (2003): 189–203.

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Wang Meixiu 王美秀. “Lun Luoyang qielan ji zhong de yishi bingcun yu wenhua yuanxiang” 論《洛陽伽藍記》中的異史並存與文化原鄉. Tongshi jiaoyu niankan 5 (2003): 19–40. Tang Xiejun 唐燮軍. “Luoyang qielan ji san ti”《洛陽伽藍記》三題. Shixue shi yanjiu (2005: 1): 23–29. Chen Peiling 陳佩鈴. “Luoyang qielan ji zhong lingyi gushi leixing zhi tanxi”《洛陽 伽藍記》中靈異故事類型之探析. Dongfang renwen xuezhi 4.3 (2005): 67–84. Lin Jinshi 林晉士. Luoyang qielan ji zhi zhuanzhu zhiqu tanjiu”《洛陽伽藍記》之 撰著旨趣探究. Renwen yu shehui xuebao 1.8 (2006): 115–46. Lin Jinshi 林晉士. “Luoyang qielan ji zai wenxue shi shang zhi jiazhi”《洛陽伽藍 記》在文學史上之價值. Pingdong jiaoyu daxue xuebao 25 (2006): 177–204. Lin Jinshi 林晉士. “Luoyang qielan ji [(Hou Wei) Yang Xuanzhi zhuan] zhi shuxie xingzhi xilun”《洛陽伽藍記》[(後魏)楊衒之撰]之書寫形制析論. Renwen yanjiu qikan 2 (2007): 137–55. Wang Meixiu 王美秀. Luoyang qielan ji de wenhua lunshu 洛陽伽藍記的文化論述. Taipei: Liren shuju, 2007. Xiao Hong 蕭紅. Luoyang qielan ji jufa yanjiu 洛陽伽藍記句法研究. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2008. Cao Hong 曹虹. “Luoyang qielan ji yu Han Jin cifu chuantong”《洛陽伽藍記》與 漢晉辭賦傳統. Gudian wenxian yanjiu (2008): 142–51. DRK

Ma Rong 馬融 (79–166), zi Jichang 季長 Eastern Han writer and scholar. Ma Rong’s ancestral home was Maoling 茂陵 in Fufeng 扶風 (north of modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). Ma Rong was the grandnephew of the famous general Ma Yuan 馬援 (14 b.c.e.–40 c.e.). Ma Rong’s father Ma Yan 馬嚴 (17–98), whose cousin was Emperor Ming’s empress, participated in the compilation of the Eastern Han annals with Ban Gu. He held high office at the imperial court until 82 when the Dou clan came to power. He retired to Maoling, where he taught his sons and grandsons until his death in 98. Not much is known about Ma Rong’s early life. His first teacher was his father, but after his father died, he went to the Chang’an area to study with the recluse scholar Zhi Xun 摯恂. Zhi Xun was so fond of Ma, he gave his daughter to him in marriage. Ca. 106, Ma Rong went to the capital where he received instruction from Ban Zhao 班昭 (ca. 49–ca. 120) in the Han shu. In 108, the general-in-chief Deng Zhi 鄧騭 (d. 121) summoned Ma to join his staff. Deng Zhi was the elder brother of Empress Dowager Deng 鄧太后 (81–121) and served as regent for the boy emperor An (r. 107–125). It is not clear why Deng offered a position to someone from the rival Ma clan. Ma refused the appointment and took up residence in the northwest

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(modern Gansu). During this time the area was invaded by Qiang tribesmen. By 110 financial circumstances forced Ma Rong to accept Deng Zhi’s invitation to take office at the imperial court. His first position was that of gentleman collating books in the Eastern Institute library. In 118 Ma composed “Guangcheng song” 廣城頌 (Eulogy on the Guangcheng Park). This piece contained criticisms of the military policies espoused by members of the Deng clan, which was very influential at court during this period. In 120 Ma Rong “impeached himself ” and resigned from office. The Empress Dowager Deng had him “restricted and restrained” (i.e., banned from returning to government service). In 121, after the death of Empress Dowager Deng, Ma Rong was summoned back to the court where he was assigned to editing and lecturing on texts. Ca. 123 he served as chief of the stables under Liu Kai 劉開 (d. 131), the King of Hejian 河間 (administrative center southeast of modern Xian 獻 county, Hebei). In March 124 Emperor An conducted an imperial progress to Mount Tai. Ma Rong wrote a eulogy for the occasion. Emperor An was pleased with this composition, and he rewarded Ma with an appointment as palace gentleman. In late 124 or early 125, Ma took up a position as magistrate of Xu 許 (east of modern Xuchang, Henan). On 4 April 125, there was a an eclipse of the sun. From Xu Ma Rong presented a long petition to the court explaining the meaning of this omen. From 126–133 Ma served served in the bureau of merit of his home commandery of Youfufeng 右扶風. At this time (ca. 126), he composed “Changdi fu” 長笛賦 (Fu on the long flute). In 133, Ma returned to the capital, where he served first on the staff of the general-in-chief Liang Shang 梁商 (d. 141), who was acting as regent for Emperor Shun (r. 124– 144). Between 138 and 144 he served as governor of Wudu 武都 (modern Wudu, Gansu). During this time he wrote commentaries to the Classic of Changes, Classic of Songs, Classic of Documents, and Record of Rites. In 140, the Western Qiang revolted in the northwest. Ma Rong seems to have maintained his family’s expertise in military matters and knowledge of the western border peoples. He presented a petition to the court warning that the Han generals who were sent to defend the area would be defeated. He also interpreted the passing of a comet through Orion and Hyades as an omen of an uprising of the tribes of Bingzhou (modern Shanxi). In 145 Ma Rong returned to the capital where he became a protégé of Liang Shang’s son, Liang Ji 梁冀 (d. 159), who had great influence at court through connections with his sister, the Empress Dowager. Ma Rong may have drafted the impeachment letter that resulted in the execution of the eminent official Li Gu 李固 (d. 147). Between ca. 148 and 152, Ma served as governor of Nan commandery 南郡 (administrative seat Jiangling 江陵, modern Jiangling, Hubei).

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By 152, Ma had incurred the displeasure of Liang Ji, and Liang Ji induced the authorities to charge him with corruption. Ma had his head shaved and was sent as a convict laborer to Shuofang 朔方 (modern Inner Mongolia). Ma tried unsuccessfully to commit suicide. He remained in the Shuofang until after the death of Liang Ji in 159. In 160, Ma Rong received a pardon and was appointed gentleman consultant, a position he held until 164, when he resigned from office on grounds of illness. He returned to his home in Maoling, where he died in 166. According to Ma Rong’s biography in the Han shu he had written twentypieces in such genres as fu, eulogy, stele inscription, dirge, letter, notes, petition, and heptasyllabic verse. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Ma Rong’s collection in nine juan while the two Tang histories record it in five juan. The collection appears to have been lost in the Song. Ma Rong was a prolific scholar who wrote commentaries to Lunyu, Shi jing, Yi jing, the three ritual classics, Shang shu, Lienü zhuan, Laozi, Huainanzi, and “Li sao.” None of these works survives in full, and they only have been preserved in reconstructed versions. Although Ma Rong is best known today for his scholarship and commentaries on the classics, he also was a distinguished fu writer. He has two complete pieces, “Guangcheng song” and “Chang di fu.” Ma Rong’s biography in Hou Han shu relates that when the Deng clan held sway over the court “vulgar Ruists and common scholars maintained that the wen virtue should be revived and that martial endeavors should be abandoned. Thereupon, they terminated the rites of the spring and autumn hunts and ceased practicing the various types of battle formations. Thus, bandits and rebels ran rampant and took advantage of the lack of preparedness. Ma Rong was quite disturbed [by this situation]. He believed that the sages and worthies neglected neither the way of wen nor wu, and in the function of the five powers, nothing could be dispensed with.” He then composed the “Guangcheng song” as a suasive admonition in order to protest the neglect of military preparedness. It must be remembered that Ma Rong came from a family that produced a number of distinguished military men, and his advocacy of a strong military very likely is a family tradition. Guangcheng was the hunting and military review area of the Later Han. Although Ma Rong titled his piece song (eulogy), it does not differ from the grand epideictic pieces of Sima Xiangru and Yang Xiong. It contains long catalogues of plants, animals, birds, aquatic creatures, and uses a number of rare and difficult words. Unlike earlier pieces on hunting parks, however, Ma Rong’s eulogy does not contain any criticism of hunting, but on the contrary uses his elaborate description of the park and the activities that take place there as an argument to persuade the court to reverse its policy of de-emphasizing military affairs.

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The “Chang di fu” on the seven-holed flute is one of a number of early fu written on musical instruments. In his preface, Ma Rong tells that he was able to play both the zither and flute. While he was serving in the bureau of merit in Fufeng, a visitor from Luoyang who was staying in the guesthouse played the flute for him. He found the music very moving. Other poets such as Wang Bao 王褒 (ca. 84–ca. 53 b.c.e.), Mei Sheng 枚乘 (d. 141 b.c.e.), Liu Xuan 劉玄 (n.d.), and Fu Yi 傅毅 (d. ca. 90) had written fu on musical instruments, but no one had written a poem on the long flute. Thus, he composed the “Changdi fu.” The fu is a long descriptive poem full of difficult language. It has the usual features of a fu on a musical instrument. (1) He describes the place from which the bamboo used to make the flute comes: the shady slopes of the Zhongnan Mountains south of Chang’an. (2) He recounts perils of cutting down the bamboo to use in making the flute. (3) He tells of the process of making of the flute. (4) He describes the beauty of the flute music. (5) He details effects the flute music has on humans and the natural world. Ma Rong also has two yongwu pieces, “Chupu fu” 樗蒲賦 (Fu on Chaupar) and “Wei qi fu” 圍碁賦 (Fu on go). The game of chaupar (Sanskrit chatush-padam) originated in India. (Chaupar is the prototype of backgammon.) The Chinese believed that Laozi “invented” the game during his travels in Central Asia. Ma Rong’s piece is the earliest account of chaupar and provides valuable information about terminology and method of play. The “Wei qi fu” is the earliest extant fu on the game of go. It describes go as a game of military strategy. Bibliography Studies Ma Yong 馬泳. “Ma Rong bian” 馬融辨. Dalu zazhi 36.3 (1968): 87–91. Künstler, Mieczyslaw Herzy. Ma Jong vie et oeuvre. Warsaw: Państowe Wydawnicktwo Naukowe, 1969. Wei Yi 韋一. “Wei Jin fengshang de kaichuangzhe Ma Rong” 魏晉風尚的開創者 馬融. Yindu xuekan (1993: 3): 47–51. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 8–9. Chen Guozhong 陳國忠. “Lüelun ‘buju ruzhe zhi jie’ de ‘tong ru’ Ma Rong” 略論 “不拘儒者之節” 的 “通儒” 馬融. Nandu xuetan 21.4 (2001): 7–11. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 648–49. Wu Guimei 吳桂美. “Ma Rong zuopin yanjiu” 馬融作品研究. Changjiang daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 31.1 (2008): 32–35. Pan Bin 潘斌. “Shilun Ma Rong de jingxue gongxian” 試論馬融的經學貢獻. Tangdu xuekan 24.5 (2008): 1–4. Knechtges, David R. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 148–49.

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Künstler, Ma Jong vie et oeuvre, 104–37.

b. “Chang di fu” 長笛賦 Translation Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 259–79. DRK

Ma Yuan 馬援 (13 b.c.e.–49 c.e.), zi Wenyuan 文淵 Eastern Han general and writer. Ma Yuan’s natal home was Maoling 茂陵 in Fufeng 扶風 (north of modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). He came from a wealthy family that had moved to Maoling during the reign of Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 b.c.e.) when wealthy families took residence there. His great-grandfather Ma Tong 馬通 (d. 88 b.c.e.) was enfeoffed as Marquis of Zhonghe 重合 in 91 b.c.e. However, he was executed along with his elder brother Ma Heluo 馬何羅 in 88 b.c.e. after a failed attempt to assassinate Emperor Wu. Ma Yuan had three brothers all of whom rose to 2000–bushel positions in the Wang Mang era (r. 8–23). However, their father died when Ma was only twelve, but his older brothers doted on him. Ma Yuan studied the Qi version of the Classic of Songs with Man Chang 滿昌, who was a leading authority on this text. However, when his three brothers entered official service away from home, and seeing that family resources were not adequate, Ma Yuan took up farming and herding on the northern border area. The large wealth he accumulated here he distributed to members of his family. During the civil troubles that occurred during the end of the Wang Mang reign, Wang Mang’s cousin Wang Lin 王林 recommended Ma Yuan as governor of Xincheng 新城 (Hanzhong). After Wang Mang’s defeat, Ma Yuan and his brother Ma Yuan 馬員 fled to Liangzhou 涼州 (administrative seat Long 隴 county, modern Zhangjiachuan 張家川, Gansu). When Liu Xiu 劉秀 (6 b.c.e.–57 c.e.), Emperor Guangwu (r. 25–57), took the throne, the brothers returned to Luoyang, and Ma Yuan was restored to his former position. Ma Yuan remained in the northwest and ca. 26 c.e.

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joined with Wei Ao 隗囂 (d. 33), a military leader who had established an independent regime at Tianshui 天水 (in modern southeastern Gansu). Wei Ao appointed him a general and consulted him on strategy. In this same year, Wei Ao sent Ma Yuan on a diplomatic mission to Gongsun Shu 公孫述 (d. 36) in Shu (modern Sichuan). Ma Yuan had known Gongsun Shu earlier because they were both from Maoling. Gongsun Shu received Ma Yuan in an imperious manner. Even though he offered Ma a noble title and the position of general-in-chief, he returned to Wei Ao, reporting to him that Gongshun Shu was a mere “frog at the bottom of a well.” In the winter of 28, Wei Ao sent Ma Yuan to Luoyang to present a letter to Emperor Guangwu, who joked with Ma that he went back and forth between two emperors, i.e., Guangwu and Gongsun Shu. Ma replied that “In the present age, it is not only the lord who chooses his vassals, the vassal also chooses his lord. I am from the same county as Gongsun Shu, and we were good friends in our youth.” Ma went on to contrast the imperious reception he received from Gongsun Shu with the informal, relaxed reception accorded him by Guangwu. Ma then jokingly said, “How does Your Majesty know I am not an assassin or traitor?” Ma then praised Guangwu as the equal of the Han founder Gaozu, telling him “I now know that we have a true emperor.” Guangwu replied that “You are not an assassin. You are merely a persuader.” Ma Yuan remained with Guangwu for an entire year. In 29, Ma Yuan returned to Tianshui with an envoy carrying a letter to Wei Ao, who was eager to learn from Ma “rumors from the east and the situation in the capital area.” Ma was able to convince Wei Ao to send his son as a hostage to Luoyang. Ma traveled to Luoyang with his family as an escort for Wei Ao’s son. After staying in Luoyang for several months without receiving any position, because the land in the area of Chang’an was broad and fertile, and because he had a large number of retainers to support, Ma Yuan requested to be allowed to farm land in the Shanglin Park. The emperor granted his request. Even though Ma did not have a formal position with Guangwu, he continued to write letters to Wei Ao reprimanding him for not cooperating with Guangwu. Wei Ao reacted angrily to these letters. Ma Yuan presented Guangwu a petition offering to devise a strategy to defeat Wei Ao. Guangwu gave Ma a five-thousand-man cavalry and sent him to try to induce Wei Ao’s commanders to defect to Guangwu. One of these men was Wei Ao’s general Yang Guang 楊廣 (d. 32). Ma Yuan’s long letter to him is preserved in the Hou Han shu. In late July–August 32, Emperor Guangwu himself led an expedition against Wei Ao. Upon reaching the city of Qi 漆 in Ma Yuan’s home commandery of Fufeng, the emperor was concerned about advancing over the

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difficult terrain. Guangwu summoned Ma Yuan, who gave him a full report on the strength of Wei Ao’s forces. He used grain kernels to draw a map of the topography of the land and showed the proper route to take through the area. As a result, they were able to defeat Wei Ao’s forces at Diyi 第一 (modern Guyuan 固原, Ningxia). As a reward for his service, the Emperor appointed Ma Yuan superior grand master of the palace. Ma was one of the leaders who succeeded in gaining control over the Liangzhou area. From this time on he was one of Guangwu’s most trusted generals. In 35, Guangwu appointed him governor of Longxi 隴西 (modern Gansu), and Ma spent much time in the northwest waging campaigns against various Qiang tribes. In 42, he was appointed billow-subduing general and sent on an expedition to quell an insurrection of the Zheng 徵 (Tr’ung) sisters in Jiaozhi 交趾 (modern northern Vietnam). In 48, the aged Ma Yuan led an expedition against an aboriginal uprising in Wuling 武陵 (modern Western Hunan). Although he succeeded in defeating the rebels, enemies at court charged him with incompetence and corruption. Ma Yuan died in disgrace in Wuling. His widow initially was not even allowed to bury him in the family tomb. However, in 52, Ma Yuan’s youngest daughter became a consort of Liu Zhuang 劉莊 (28–75), the future Emperor Ming (r. 57–75). In 60 Lady Ma became empress. After the death of Ma Yuan’s widow in 74, Emperor Ming ordered Ma Yuan’s tomb restored. Although Ma Yuan is not known as a literary man, Yan Kejun has collected fifteen of his prose writings in “Quan Hou Han wen” of Quan shanggu sandai Qin Han Liuchao wen. Ma Yuan’s best known piece is a letter he wrote to his two nephews, Ma Yan 馬嚴 and Ma Dun 馬敦, sons of his elder brother Ma Yu 馬余 (also read Xu). In the letter he reproves them for associating with knights errant and their habit of criticizing other people. He is also attributed with a yuefu “Wuxi shen” 武溪深 (Wu rivulet runs deep) that he reputedly wrote during his campaign in Wuling. Studies Kaltenmark, Max. “Le Dompteur des flots.” Han-hiue 3 (1948): 1–113. Bielenstein, Hans. “The Restoration of the Han Dynasty, Volume IV, the Government.” BMFEA 79 (1979): 111–14. Zhu Zongbin 祝總斌. “Ma Yuan de beiju yu Han Guangwu” 馬援的悲劇與漢光武. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1993: 2): 35–43. Huang Zhihui 黃志輝. “Ma Yuan ‘Wuxi shen xing’ diwang kao” 馬援《武溪深行》地 望考. Lingnan wenshi (1998: 1): 40–41. Meng Xiangcai 孟祥才. “Lun Ma Yuan de beiju” 論馬援的悲劇. Jinan jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (2000: 2): 1–5; rpt. Qin Han renwu san lun, 458–60. Shi Tiejing 施鐵靖. “Ma Yuan zai Guangxi” 馬援在廣西. Hechi shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 23.3 (2003): 40–45. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 658–61.

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Works “Jie xiong zi Yan Dun shu” 誡兄子嚴敦書 (Letter cautioning my brother’s sons Yan and Dun) Study Chung, Eva. “A Study of the Shu (Letters) of the Han Dynasty (206 b.c.–a.d. 200), Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 148–49.

Translation Frankel, Hans. “Ma Yuan: Letters to His Nephews Ma Yan and Ma Dun.” Renditions 41 & 42 (Spring & Autumn 1994): 4–6.

b. “Wuxi shen” 武溪深 (Wu rivulet runs deep) Translation Frankel, “Ma Yuan,” 5. DRK

Mao Xuan 毛玄, zi Bocheng 伯成 Eastern Jin writer. Mao Xuan’s ancestral home was Yingchuan 潁川 (modern Xuchang 許昌, Henan). He is usually referred to by his zi Bocheng. His highest official office was Zhengxi canjun 征西參軍 or aide to the General Chastising the West. Thus, he must have served under Huan Wen 桓溫 (312–373). There is a short account of him in Liu Jun’s commentary to the Shishuo xinyu (see 2/96 citing Zhengxi liaoshu ming 征西寮屬名, or “Roster of the officials of the General Chastizing the West = Huan Wen). He also has a listing in Zhong Rong’s Shi pin (although it is placed in the wrong sequence—he should be listed with the Jin poets). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists the Mao Bocheng shi 毛伯成詩 (Poems of Mao Bocheng) in one juan as well as a one-juan Mao Bocheng ji 毛伯成集 (Collected works of Mao Bocheng) which are probably different versions of the same collection. Mao Bocheng’s works were thought to have been lost. However, a manuscript of poems designated “Jin shi Mao Bocheng” 晉史毛伯成 (The Jin scribe Mao Bocheng) has been discovered in the Turfan manuscript collection of the Berlin State Library.

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Xu Jun 徐俊 and Rong Xinjiang 榮新江. “De cang Tulufan ben ‘Jin shi Mao Bocheng” shi jiaolu kaozheng” 德藏吐魯番本 “晉使毛伯成” 詩卷校錄考證. Zhongguo shixue 7 (2002). Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 58. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 358. Xu Yunhe 許雲和. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue kao lun 漢魏六朝考論, 62–75. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2006. Xu Yunhe 許雲和. “Decang Tulufan ben ‘Jin shi Mao Bocheng’ shijuan zai kao” 德藏吐魯番本 “晉史毛伯成” 詩卷再考. Xiyu yanjiu (2008: 1): 99–107. DRK

Mei Gao 枚皐 (fl. 140 b.c.e.), zi Shaoru 少儒 Western Han fu writer. Mei Gao’s natal place was Huaiyin 淮陰 (southwest of modern Huaiyin, Jiangsu). He was the son of Mei Sheng 枚乘 (d. 141 b.c.e.) by a concubine. He was born during Mei Sheng’s residence in the kingdom of Liang. When Mei Sheng returned to Huaiyin, the concubine did not wish to accompany him. Upset with her recalcitrance, Mei Sheng gave her several thousand cash and left Mei Gao in her care. When Mei Gao was seventeen, he presented a petition to Liu Mai 劉買, King Gong of Liang (r. 143–136 b.c.e.), who appointed him gentleman. He also served as an emissary for the king. Mei Gao engaged in disputes with his fellow courtiers who viciously attacked him. After his house was confiscated, Mei Gao fled to Chang’an. While in Chang’an, Mei Gao received a pardon and was invited to the imperial court by the newly installed Emperor Wu (r. 140–87 b.c.e.), who was eager to meet the son of the famous writer Mei Sheng. According to his Han shu biography, Mei Gao “accompanied the emperor when he went to Sweet Springs, Yong, and Hedong, made inspection tours of the east, performed feng sacrifices on Mount Tai, diked the break at the Xuanfeng Temple on the Yellow River, went sightseeing at the touring palaces and lodges of the Three Adjuncts, visited mountains and marshes, and participated in fowling, hunting, shooting, chariot driving, dog and horse races, football matches, and engravings. Whenever there was something that moved His Highness, he immediately had Mei Gao rhapsodize ( fu) on it. He composed quickly, and no sooner received the summons than he was finished. Thus, the pieces he rhapsodized (suo fu zhe 所賦者) are numerous” (Han shu 51.2367). Although the text does not specifically state that Mei Gao chanted the poems, the fact that it does use fu in its verbal

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sense (to fu something, to recite a poem about, to chant), as well as the speed with which he composed, suggests that at least some of his fu were oral compositions. Mei Gao was the most prolific fu writer of the Former Han. The monograph on bibliography of the Han shu records a total of 120 fu under his name. None of these works survives. According to Ban Gu, Mei Gao “was not versed in the teachings of the classics, but japed and laughed in the manner of a jester. In composing fu and eulogies, he was fond of obscene jokes.” Thus, he seems to have been a humorist similar to the court wit Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 (fl. 140–130 b.c.e.). Studies Feng Yuanjun 馮沅君. “Han fu yu gu you” 漢賦與古優. Zhongyuan yuekan 1.2 (1943): 38–44. Rpt. in Feng Yuanjun gudian wenxue lunwen ji 馮沅君古典文學 論文集, 78–94. Jinan: Shandong renmin chubanshe, 1980. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Wei Han fujia jianshi ru chang jin yi jie” 為漢賦家見視如倡 進一解. Wen shi zhe (1991: 5): 74–77. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 269. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 435. Wang Huanran 王煥然. “Handai fujia wei tong paiyou bian” 漢代賦家位同俳優辨. Shenyang shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 119 (2003): 17–20. DRK

Mei Ma 枚馬 Abbreviated designation for Mei Sheng 枚乘 (d. 141 b.c.e.) and Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179–117 b.c.e.). Mei Sheng and Sima Xiangru were the two most important fu writers at the court of King Xiao of Liang 梁孝王 (r. 168–144 b.c.e.). DRK

Mei Sheng 枚乘 (or Cheng), (d. ca. 140 b.c.e.), zi Shu 叔 Western Han writer. Mei Sheng’s natal place was Huaiyin 淮陰 (modern Huaiyin, Jiangsu). Huaiyin was a fief that was given to the famous strategist Han Xin 韓信 in 201 b.c.e. It was abolished in 191 b.c.e. and made a part of the Wu kingdom. In 195 b.c.e. Liu Pi 劉濞, who was the son of an elder brother of Liu Bang, was enfeoffed as King of Wu (r. 195–154 b.c.e.). Mei Sheng served

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as gentleman of the palace at the court of Liu Pi. Liu Pi had long harbored a grudge against Emperor Jing (r. 157–141 b.c.e.). While the emperor was heir-designate, he killed Liu Pi’s son with a game board. Wu was the strongest and richest of the vassal kingdoms (it had abundant copper reserves). Liu Pi began secretly to plan a revolt against the central authority. Mei Sheng sent him several petitions trying to dissuade him from this plan. When Liu Pi refused to accept Mei Sheng’s advice, Mei left for Liang. At Liang, Mei Sheng joined the court of Liu Wu 劉武 (r. 168–144), also known by his posthumous name of King Xiao 孝王. Liu Wu was the son of Emperor Wen (r. 180–157 b.c.e.) He was one of the favorites of both Emperor Wen and his mother Empress Dowager Dou 竇太后 (d. 135 b.c.e.). In January 154 b.c.e. Liu Pi led an insurrection of seven kingdoms against Emperor Jing. Depending on which source one consults, the revolt was put down within two or three months. Liu Wu remained loyal to the emperor, and even sent an army to delay the march of the rebel forces. After the revolt of the seven kingdoms was suppressed, Liu Wu began to recruit writers and scholars to his court. Liu Wu collected numerous precious objects. He reputedly possessed as many gems and precious objects as the emperor himself. The Liang treasury contained nearly 100,000,000 in gold and cash. Liu Wu also made his capital of Suiyang 睢陽 (south of modern Shangqiu, Henan) into one of the largest and most beautiful cities in the empire. Mei Sheng joined a group of distinguished writers who included Zou Yang 鄒陽 (fl. 150 b.c.e.), who also had served at Liu Pi’s court. The names of the other writers are Yang Sheng 羊勝 (fl. 150 b.c.e.) and Gongsun Gui 公孫詭 (d. ca. 149 b.c.e.), who like Zou Yang came from the Qi area. There were also a man from Wu: Zhuang Ji 莊忌 (fl. 157 b.c.e.), also known as Yan Ji 嚴忌, and Zhuang Fuzi 莊夫子. Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179–117 b.c.e.) from Shu came to this court somewhat later. Shortly after Mei Sheng arrived in Liang, early in Emperor Jing’s reign, Mei was appointed chief commandant of Hongnong 弘農. However, Mei did not find this post to his liking, and he resigned on “grounds of illness.” He then returned to Liang. According to the Han shu (51.2365), “the Liang retainers all excelled in composing cifu, and Sheng was the best of them.” Mei Sheng remained in Liang for about ten years until Liu Wu died in 144 b.c.e. He then returned to his home in Huaiyin. Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 b.c.e.) had known of Mei Sheng’s reputation ever since he was heir-designate. When he became emperor in 141 b.c.e., he sent a special carriage to carry the aged Mei Sheng to the capital. Mei died en route. The emperor then asked about Mei’s sons, but none of them had any literary skill. Sometime later, Mei Gao 枚皐 (fl. ca. 140 b.c.e.), a son of Mei Sheng’s concubine whom Mei Sheng took while living in Liang

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obtained employment at Emperor Wu’s court. Mei Gao was the most prolific fu writer of the Western Han. Mei Sheng is best known for his long fu titled “Qi fa” 七發 or “Seven Stimuli.” Although there is no way to date the piece precisely, it certainly is earlier than any of the extant poems of Sima Xiangru. The piece, which is presented in a story frame like that of the Warring States persuasion, begins with a long prose section that introduces the dramatis personae: the heir designate of the kingdom of Chu, who is suffering from an illness brought on by excessive indulgence, and his guest, a scholar from Wu, who offers to suggest a cure for the young man’s ailment. The scholar informs him that since his illness is the result of overindulgence, a medical treatment would be ineffective. The only way the prince can be cured is if he listens to the suasive force of “essential words and marvelous doctrines” ( yaoyan miaodao 要言妙道). The guest then proceeds to enumerate a series of seven enticements that ostensibly are designed to rouse the crown prince from his sickbed. The first six enticements are versified descriptions of various pleasures that the guest invites the prince to enjoy. They include in order: (1) music, (2) a banquet, (3) a chariot race, (4) an excursion to a scenic place, (5) a hunt, (6) a view of the spectacular tidal bore of the Qu 曲 River of Guangling. At the conclusion of each of these tantalizing descriptions, the guest asks the prince if he wishes to rise from his bed and participate. After the first four enticements, he replies that he is too ill to rise. The fifth enticement, a stirring description of a hunt, almost succeeds in reviving him. After hearing of the tidal bore that even has curative powers, the prince remains as sick as before. Thus, it takes the final enticement, the promise to introduce the prince to the “essential words and marvelous doctrines” 要言妙道 of great sages and philosophers, to rouse him from his sickbed. The Xijing zaji attributes Mei Sheng with “Liu fu” 柳賦 (Fu on the willow), and the Guwen yuan records under his name a long piece titled “Liang wang Tuyuan fu” 梁王菟園賦 (Fu on the Hare Park of the King of Liang). Some scholars have questioned the authenticity of both pieces. The Yutai xinyong credits him with nine gu shi 古詩 (ancient poems). His authorship of these pieces has also been questioned. Mei Sheng is also known for his two petitions that he presented to Liu Pi attempting to dissuade him from plotting an insurrection against the imperial throne. However, the authenticity of the second petition has been questioned. The monographs on bibliography in the Sui shu and the two Tang histories record a collected works for Mei Sheng in two juan. This was lost in the Song.

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Ding Yan 丁晏 (1794–1875), ed. Mei Shu ji 枚叔集. Han Wei Liuchao mingjia ji 漢魏六朝名家集. 1911; rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 1303.

Studies Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Kyūei bunjin no tōjō—Bai Jo ni tsuite” 宮廷文人の登場－ 枚乘について. Bungaku 45.11 (1977): 1443–59. Gong Kechang 龔克昌. “Sanfu zuojia Mei Sheng—Han fu yanjiu zhi yi”—散賦作家 枚乘－漢賦研究之一. Wen shi zhe 160 (1984): 67–72. Gong Kechang 龔克昌. Han fu yanjiu, 56–67. Gong Kechang. “Prose-fu Writer Mei Sheng.” In Studies on the Han Fu, 114–31. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 268–69.

Works a. “Qi fa” 七發 (Seven stimuli) Xu Shiying 許世瑛. “Mei Sheng ‘Qi fa’ yu qi monizhe” 枚乘七發與其摹擬者. Dalu zazhi 6.8 (1953): 11–17. Yu Guanying 余冠英. “Qi fa jieshao” 七發介紹. Wenxue zhishi (1959: 10): 19–20. Wu Xiaoru 吳小如. “Mei Sheng ‘Qi fa’ Li Shan zhu dingbu” 枚乘七發李善注訂補. Wen shi (April 1963): 129–37. Knechtges, David R. and Jerry Swanson. “Seven Stimuli for the Prince: the Ch’i-fa of Mei Ch’eng.” MS 29 (1970–71): 99–116. Ho, Kenneth P.H. “The Seven Stimuli of Mei Sheng.” The Chu Hai Journal 11 (1980): 205–16. Xu Zongwen 徐宗文. “‘Qi fa’ san wen” 七發三問. Xuzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (1986: 3): 55–59. Ho, Kenneth P.H. 何沛雄. “‘Zixu’ ‘Shanglin’ yu ‘Qifa’ de guanxi”《子虛》《上林》與 《七發》的關係. Wen shi zhe (1988: 1): 46–49. Cao Dazhong 曹大中. “Lun Qi fa fei wei jie gaoliang zhi zi er fa” 論七發非為戒膏 梁之子而發. Qiusuo (1989: 6): 94–99. Zhao Kuifu 趙逵夫. “‘Qi fa’ ti de lanshang yu Han fu de yuanyuan”《七發》體 的濫觴與漢賦的淵源. Xibei minzu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1992: 2): 96–102, 124. Zhao Kuifu 趙逵夫. “‘Qi fa’ yu Mei Sheng shengping xintan”《七發》與枚乘生平新 探. Nanjing daxue Zhongwen xi 南京大學中文系, ed., Cifu wenxue lunji, 144–62; Xibei shifan daxue bao (Shehui kexue ban) 36.1 (1999): 1–8. Bi Wanchen 畢萬忱. “Shilun Mei Sheng ‘Qi fa’” 試論枚乘《七發》. Wen shi zhe (1990: 5): 32–34. Yuan Mu 元木. “Dui ‘Qi fa’ ‘guan tao’ yijie jige zhushi de shangque” 對《七發》 “觀濤” 一節幾個注釋的商榷. Hebei shifan daxue xuebao (1992: 2): 30–31.

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Chien Tsung-wu 簡宗梧. “Mei Sheng ‘Qi fa’ yu Handai guiyou wenxue zhi fahuang—lun ‘Qi fa’ wei guiyou wenxue zhi shuotie” 枚乘《七發》與貴遊文學 之發皇—論《七發》為貴遊文學之說帖. Liang Han wenxue xueshu taolun wenji 兩漢文學學術討論文集, ed., Furen daxue Zhongwen xi 輔仁大學中文系, 331–57. Taipei: Huayan chubanshe, 1995. Xu Ming 徐明. “Lun Mei Sheng ‘Qi fa’ de mingyi, shicheng ji dui houshi de yingxiang” 論枚乘《七發》的命意、師承及對後世的影響. Tianfu xinlun (Chengdu) (1997: 3): 62–65; rpt. Fuyin baokan ziliao, Gudai, jindai wenxue yanjiu (1997: 7): 55–59. Cheng Yu-yu 鄭毓瑜. “Lianlei, fengsong yu shiyu tiyan de chuanyi—cong ‘Qi fa’ de liaoji xiaoneng tanqi” 連類、諷誦與嗜欲的傳譯—從〈七發〉的療疾效能談起. Qinghua xuebao 36.2 (2006): 399–425.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 607–17. Scott, Love and Protest, 36–48. Frankel, The Flowering Plum, 186–211. Mair, Victor H. Mei Cherng’s “Seven Stimuli” and Wang Bor’s “Pavilion of King Teng.” Chinese Poems for Princes. Studies in Asian Thought and Religion, Volume 11. Lewiston/ Queenston: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1988.

b. Petititons to King of Wu Studies Shih Chih-mien 施之勉. “Mei Sheng jian Wu wang shu fei chu houren jiatuo bian” 枚乘見吳王書非出後人假託辨. Dalu zazhi 4.3 (1952): 91, 99. Chung, Eva Yuen-wah. “A Study of the Shu (Letters) of the Han Dynasty (206 b.c.– a.d. 220),” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1982, 267–87, 675–95.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 729–34. Chung, “A Study of the Shu (Letters) of the Han Dynasty,” 465–76. Owen, Anthology, 130–33.

c. “Liang wang Tuyuan fu” 梁王菟園賦 (Fu on Hare Park of the King of Liang) Study Zhao Kuifu 趙逵夫. “Guanyu Mei Sheng ‘Liang wang Tuyuan fu’ de jiaoli zuozhe zhu wenti” 關於枚乘《梁王兔園賦》的校理、作者諸問題. Wenxian (2005: 1): 64–72. DRK

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Mengzi 孟子 (Mencius) Pre-Qin Masters work. The Mengzi or Mencius is a collection of the sayings and conversations of Meng Ke 孟軻 (ca. 372–ca. 289 b.c.e.) on moral and political philosophy. According to the Shiji 史記, Mengzi was a disciple of one of the followers of Zisi 子思 (b. 525 b.c.e.), Confucius’ grandson. Failing to persuade the rulers of Qi 齊, Song 宋, Teng 滕, and Liang 梁 (i.e. Wei 魏) to practice “humane government” (仁政), he went back to Zou 鄒 (south of modern Zou county, Shandong) and purportedly compiled this work. It became one of the most important texts of early Confucianism, and represents an advance over the Lunyu in the sophistication of argument, especially the sophisticated use of analogy. Because the rulers contemporary with Mengzi were all named under their posthumous titles in the Mengzi, Chao Gongwu 晁公武 (12th century), agreeing with Han Yu 韓愈 (768–824), argues that the work was not written by Mengzi but his disciples. Cui Shu 崔述 (1740–1826) further suggested because so many conversations recorded in the Mengzi were between Mengzi and the two disciples Wan Zhang 萬章 and Gongsun Chou 公孫丑, and that they were not named as Wanzi 萬子 (except once in the chapter “Jinxin” 盡心) or Gongsunzi 公孫子 as other disciples such as Chenzi 陳子 (Chen Zhen 陳臻) and Yuezhengzi 樂正子 (Yuezheng Ke 樂正克), the work must have been compiled by Wan Zhang and Gongsun Chou. Moreover, Luo Genze 羅根澤 points out that Mengzi should not refer to himself as Mengzi. Therefore, the Mengzi was more likely written, or at least edited, by his disciples. The received version of the Mengzi is the seven-pian text prepared by Zhao Qi 趙岐 (d. 201) in the Later Han period. The titles of the first six pian are the persons’ names mentioned at the beginning of each pian; the title of the last pian, the “Jinxin,” is taken from the first two words of the chapter. Each of the chapters is divided into two parts, so the work is listed in fourteen juan in later bibliographies. There were also four pian of “Outer Documents” (外書) that Zhao Qi considered spurious and for which he does not provide any commentary. The received version of the “Outer Documents” dates from the Ming period. The Mengzi is not listed as one of the Classics until the Song dynasty, but it was considered an important Confucian work already in the Han times. According to Zhao Qi, Emperor Wen of Han 漢文帝 (r. 180–157 b.c.e.) appointed professors to teach the Lunyu 論語, Xiaojing 孝經, Mengzi 孟子, and Erya 爾雅. While Wang Chong 王充 (27–ca. 100) wrote “Wen

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Kong” 問孔 (Questioning Confucius) and “Ci Meng” 刺孟 (Satirizing Mencius), Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–200) wrote a commentary on the Mengzi (not extant; quotations from it are collected by Ma Guohan 馬國翰). After Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200) established it as one of the Four Books, it became one of the Thirteen Classics. His Mengzi jizhu 孟子集注 (Collected commentaries to the Mengzi) and the Mengzi zhushu 孟子注疏 (Commentary and sub-commentary to the Mengzi) attributed to Sun Shi 孫奭 (962–1083), the Mengzi zhengyi 孟子正義 (Correct meaning of Mengzi) by Jiao Xun 焦循 (1783–1820) are important pre-modern commentaries on the work. Bibliography Editions Zhao Qi 趙岐, comm., Sun Shi 孫奭 (attributed), subcomm. Mengzi zhushu 孟子注 疏. Shisanjing zhushu 十三經注疏, ed. Ruan Yuan 阮元, 1815. In Sibu beiyao. Zhu Xi 朱熹, ed. and comm. Mengzi jizhu 孟子集注. In Sibu beiyao. Jiao Xun 焦循, ed. and comm. Mengzi zhengyi 孟子正義. In Huang Qing jingjie 皇清經解 and Sibu beiyao.

Translations Legge, James, trans. The Works of Mencius. The Chinese Classics 2. 1861. Couvreur, Séraphin, trans. Oeuvres de Meng Tzeu. In Les Quatre Livres. Ho Kien Fou, Mission catholique,1895. 2nd ed. 1910. Wilhelm, Richard. Mong Dsi (Mong Ko). Jena: Eugen Diderichs, 1916. Lyall, Leonard A., trans. Mencius. London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1932. Giles, Lionel, trans. The Book of Mencius (abridged). London: John Murray, 1942. Ware, James R., trans. The Sayings of Mencius. New York: Mentor Books, 1960. Dobson, W.A.C.H., trans. Mencius, a New Translation Arranged and Annotated for the General Reader. London: Oxford University Press, 1963. Lau, D.C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1970. Bilingual revised ed. Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, 1984. Hinton, David, trans. Mencius. Washington, D.C.: Counterpoint, 1998. Lévy, André, tr. Mencius. Paris: You-Feng, 2003. Van Norden, Bryan W., trans. Mengzi: With Selections from Traditional Commentaries. Indianapolis and Cambridge, Mass.: Hackett, 2008.

Baihua Translations Lanzhou daxue Zhongwen xi Mengzi yizhu xiaozu 蘭州大學中文系孟子譯注小組, comm. and trans. Mengzi yizhu 孟子譯注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1960. Xie Bingying 謝冰瑩 et al., trans. Xinyi Sishu duben 新譯四書讀本. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1967. Shi Ciyun 史次耘, comm. and trans. Mingzi jinzhu jinyi 孟子今註今譯. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1973. 2nd ed. 1974.

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Yang Bojun 楊伯峻, trans. and comm. Mengzi yizhu 孟子譯注. Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju Xianggang fenju, 1984.

Indexes Morimoto Kakuzō 森本角藏. Shisho sakuin 四書索引. Tokyo: Meguro shoten, 1921. Ye Shaojun 葉紹鈞. Shisanjing suoyin 十三經索引. Shanghai: Kaiming, 1934. Mengzi yinde 孟子引得. Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series. 1941. Rpt. Taipei: Chengwen, 1966. Gotō Toshimizu 後藤俊瑞. Shushi shisho shūchū sakuin 朱子四書集註索引. Hiroshima: Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu Chūgoku tetsugaku kenkyūshitsu, 1954. Mengzi zhuzi suoyin 孟子逐字索引. ICS Ancient Chinese Texts Concordance Series. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1995.

Studies Richards, I.A. Mencius on the Mind: Experiments in Multiple Definition. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1932. Qian Mu 錢穆. Mengzi yanjiu 孟子研究. Shanghai: Kaiming shudian, 1948. Hu Yuhuan 胡毓寰, ed. and comm. Mengzi benyi 孟子本義. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1958. 2nd ed. 1967. Lau, D.C. “On Mencius’ Use of the Method of Analogy in Argument.” Asia Major 10 (1963): 173–94. Hu Nianyi 胡念貽. “Mengzi de wenxue jiazhi” 孟子的文學價值. In Xian-Qin wenxue lunji, 228–57. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1981. Wu Kang 吳康, et al. Mengzi sixiang yanjiu lunji 孟子思想研究論集. Taipei: Liming wenhua shiye gongsi, 1982. Qu Wanli 屈萬里. Xian-Qin wenshi ziliao kaobian 先秦文史資料考辨, 389–92. Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1983. Yang Bojun 楊伯峻. Mengzi daodu 孟子導讀. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1987. Huang Junjie 黃俊傑. Mengzi sixiang shilun 孟子思想史論 v.1. Taipei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1991. Fang Junji 方俊吉. Mengzi xueshuo ji qi zai Songdai zhi zhenxing 孟子學說及其在 宋代之振興. Taipei: Wenshizhe chubanshe, 1993. Lau, D.C. “Meng zi 孟子.” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, 1993. Dong Hongli 董洪利. Mengzi yanjiu 孟子研究. Nanjing: Jiangshu guji chubanshe, 1997. Huang Junjie 黃俊傑. Mengzi sixiang shilun 孟子思想史論 v.2. Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan, 1997. Shun, Kwong-loi. Mencius and Early Chinese Thought. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997. Yang Zebo 楊澤波. Mengzi pingzhuan 孟子評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1998. Chan, Alan K.L., ed. Mencius: Contexts and Interpretations. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2002.

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Behuniak, James. Mencius on Becoming Human. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. Xian-Qin liang Han wenxue shiliao xue 先秦兩漢文學史料學, 147–52. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Zhou Shuping 周淑萍. Liang Song Meng xue yanjiu 兩宋孟學研究. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2007.

Studies of Literary Features Waley, Arthur. Three Ways of Thought in Ancient China, 115–95. London: Allen & Unwin, 1939. Hu Nianyi 胡念貽. “Mengzi de wenxue jiazhi” 孟子的文學價值. Xian Qin wenxue lunji 先秦文學論集, 228–57. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1981. Li Zhujun 李竹君. “Mengzi sanwen de lunbian yishu”《孟子》散文的論辯藝術. Hebei daxue xuebao (1982: 2): 139–46. Zhang Canshou 章滄授. “Lun Mengzi sanwen de yuyan fengge” 論孟子散文語言 風格. Anqing shifan xueyuan xuebao (1985: 4): 65–72. Guan Renfu 管仁福. “Meng Xun sanwen yishu bijiao” 孟、荀散文藝術比較. Nanjing daxue xuebao (Zhe xue renwen kehui kexue) (1994: 1): 35–42. Bian Jiazhen 邊家珍. “Mengzi wenxue fengge lunlüe”《孟子》文學風格論略. Henan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 35.2 (1995): 65–68. Hou Aiping 侯愛平 and Lü Yuling 呂玉玲. “Lun Mengzi he Zhanguo ce shuici de gongtong tese” 論《孟子》和《戰國策》說辭的共同特色. Tianjin shida xuebao (1999: 4): 54–59, 75. Nie Yongping 聶永平. “20 shiji Mengzi sanwen yishu yanjiu lunshu” 20 世紀《孟 子》散文藝術研究論述. Qi Lu xuekan 171 (2002): 51–56. SHL and DRK

Mi Heng 禰衡 (ca. 173–198), zi Zhengping 正平 Late Eastern Han writer. Mi Heng’s natal place was Ban 般 county in Pingyuan 平原 commandery (northwest of modern Shanghe 商河, Shandong). Ca. 194, Mi Heng fled the turmoil of north China and went south and joined the staff of Liu Biao 劉表 (d. 208), who was governor general of the Jingzhou 荊州 area (modern Hunan-Hubei). Jingzhou was a major intellectual and literary center in this period. Ca. 196, Mi Heng went to the court Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) had established in Xu 許 (modern Xuchang, Henan). He was on good terms with the eminent scholar and writer Kong Rong 孔融 (153–208), who wrote a petition recommending him to Emperor Xian (r. 190–220), who was now a puppet of Cao Cao. Kong Rong also frequently spoke of Mi Heng to Cao Cao, who wished to meet him, but Mi Heng had a low opinion of the redoubtable minister-general and he refused to see him. Cao Cao was

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outraged, but was reluctant to punish such a talented and famous young man. Hearing that Mi Heng was a skilled drummer, he summoned Mi to perform with other drummers. At a gathering of guests, Cao Cao ordered the drummers to perform a drum roll. The drummers were ordered to remove their old clothes and change into peaked helments and unlined yellow-green robes. When it came Heng’s turn to perform, without changing his clothes, he began to play a treble durm roll in a sad and plaintive manner. When a footman scolded him for failing to don the required garb, Mi Heng removed all of his clothing and, standing stark naked directly in front of Cao Cao, he slowly picked up the peaked helmet and unlined yellow-green robe and put them on. He then performed another treble drum roll displaying not the slightest embarrassment on his face. Although Kong Rong arranged another meeting between Cao Cao and Mi Heng, Mi behaved in a even more offensive and disrespectful manner. Unable to tolerate Mi any longer, Cao Cao decided to send him to Liu Biao. In 197, Mi Heng returned to Jingzhou, where he was treated with great deference by the dignitaries and scholars in Liu Biao’s entourage. He was considered the arbiter of literary taste. However, he offended Liu Biao with his arrogance and insulting manner. In 198 Liu Biao sent Mi Heng to Huang Zu 黃祖 (d. 208)l governor of Jiangxia 江夏 (modern Wuchang). Mi was on especially good terms with Huang Zu’s son, Huang Yi 黃射, governor of Zhangling 章陵 (south of modern Zaoyang 棗陽, Hubei). Mi Heng insulted Huang Zu at a banquet, and Huang Zu had Mi Heng put to death, probably in 198. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu records a listing from a Liang dynasty catalogue of Mi Heng’s collected works in 2 juan. This was already lost by the early Tang. Mi Heng’s only extant piece is “Yingwu fu” 鸚鵡賦 (Fu on the parrot). Someone had presented Huang Yi a parrot as a gift, and Huang Yi requested Mi to compose a fu to entertain the guests. This gathering probably took place in 198, the last year of Mi Heng’s life. Although “Yingwu fu” is a yongwu piece that describes the attributes of a parrot, it also expresses the poet’s personal feelings and frustration. In the opening lines Mi Heng tells of the parrot’s origins in the Western Regions (Central Asia), its cosmological association with both the metal and fire phases, its intelligence and ability to speak, and its magnificent colors and uniqueness in the avian realm. He then relates how this marvelous bird is sought out by hunters, who capture it, clip its feathers, and put it into a cage. They carry the parrot across rivers and mountains and present it to a “kindly lord.” The parrot is very much like Mi Heng, who often offended his masters with his sharp tongue. Another theme of this piece is homesickness. In the final section

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the parrot longs for its native place in the far west. Perhaps Mi Heng, like the parrot, yearned to return to his home in the north. Bibliography Studies and Translations Graham, William T. Jr. “Mi Heng’s ‘Rhapsody on a Parrot.’” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 39.1 (1979): 39–54. Yuan Shishuo 袁世碩, ed. Shandong gudai wenxuejia pingzhuan 山東古代文學家評 傳, 112–24. Jinan: Shandong renin chubanshe, 1983. Guo Changgeng 郭長庚. “Yingwu bumei zhu qiangu duanchang sheng—shixi Mi Heng ‘Yingwu fu’” 鸚鵡不媚主千古斷腸聲—試析禰衡《鸚鵡賦》. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (1988: 3): 58–60. Zheng Zaiying 鄭在瀛. “Mi Heng he ‘Yingwu fu’” 禰衡和《鸚鵡賦》. Jingzhou shizhuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1989: 2): 60–64. Gu Nong 顧農. “Mi Heng lun” 禰衡論. Hubei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1993: 2): 15–20. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 49–57. Jin Xingyao 金性堯. “Mi Heng yu Yingwu fu” 禰衡與鸚鵡賦. Gudian wenxue zhishi (1996: 5): 49–51. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 318. Chu Hsiao-hai 朱曉海. “Du Liang Han yongwu fu zazu” 讀兩漢詠物賦雜俎. Hanxue yanjiu 18.2 (2000): 223–51, esp. 234–38. Jin Wenxiang 金文祥. “Mi Heng yu ‘Yingwu fu’” 禰衡與《鸚鵡賦》. Wenhan wenshi ziliao (2003: 7): 57–59. Du Chaohui 杜朝輝. “Mi Heng lun” 禰衡論. Hubei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 30.6 (2003): 93–97. Liu Tianli 劉天利. “Lun yidai kuangshi Mi Heng de wenxue chuangzuo” 論一代狂 士禰衡文學創作. Tangdu xuekan 79 (2004): 52–54. Meng Xiangcai 孟祥才. “Lun Mi Heng de beiju rensheng” 論禰衡的悲劇人生. Qi Lu xuekan 179 (2004): 56–58. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 678. Liu Tianli 劉天利. “Hanmo kuangshi Kong Rong Mi Heng de jingshen gexing yu wenzhang fengge” 漢末狂士孔融、禰衡的精神個性與文章風格. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (2008: 2): 43–46. DRK

Miao Xi 繆襲 (186–245), zi Xibo 熙伯 Late Eastern Han, Wei period scholar and writer. Miao Xi’s natal place was Lanling 蘭陵 in Donghai 東海 commandery (modern Lanling, Shandong). He was the son of the distinguished recluse scholar Miao Pei 繆裴 (fl. 190). Ca. 208 Miao Xi was appointed to the

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staff of the censor-in-chief Chi Lü 郗慮 (fl. 208–215). After the founding of the Wei in 220, Miao was active in the cultural and scholarly activities of the court. Thus, in 220 he participated in the compilation of the Huang lan 皇覽 (Imperial conspectus) compendium. He was also on good terms with the famous writer and thinker Zhongchang Tong 仲長統 (180–220), and in 221 he presented to the Wei court a copy of a set of Zhongchang Tong’s essays titled Chang yan 昌言 (Forthright words). In 225, Miao Xi and Wei Ji 衛覬 (d. 229) were commissioned to compile annals and biographies for the Wei history. This work formed the basis for the Wei shu 魏書 of Wang Chen 王沈 (d. 266). Under Emperor Ming (r. 226–239) Miao Xi rose to high positions including cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and palace attendant. In 227, he composed new lyrics for the old Han “Songs for Nao-Bell.” In 232, Emperor Ming ordered the construction of the Hall of Great Blessings in Xuchang. Miao Xi and other court officials composed fu to commemorate the event. In 233, a blue dragon appeared from a well in Mopo 摩陂 (southeast of modern Jia 郟 county, Henan), and the reign title was changed to Qinglong 青龍. To celebrate this occurrence, Miao Xi composed “Qingling fu” 青龍賦 (Fu on the blue dragon). In 238, Miao Xi was promoted to palace attendant, and he presented a petition to the court recommending that the old Han “Anshi ge” 安世歌 (Songs for pacifying the world) be renamed “Xiangshen ge” 享神歌 (Songs for feting the gods). In 242, he became imperial secretary. Miao Xi died in 245 at the age of sixty. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Miao Xi’s collected works in five juan. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected fourteen of his prose writings in “Quan Sanguo wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Wei Liuchao wen. These include incomplete texts of five fu and four petitions concerning musical issues. As mentioned above, he is the author of the lyrics for the “Songs for the NaoBell.” His most famous poem is “Wan ge” 挽歌 (Pall-bearers’ song) which is included in the Wen xuan. Studies Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue xinian, 290–91, 304, 374–75, 437, 444, 460–61, 468, 474–75, 485, 496, 504, 523, 533–34, 539, 544. Kong Fanxin 孔繁信. “Lüelun Donghai shiren Miao Xi” 略論東海詩人繆襲. Linyi shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1990: 2): 61–66. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 486. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 672–73. Wang Shumei 王淑梅. “Cao Wei Miao Xi guichui qu chuangzuo shijian kaobian” 曹魏繆襲鼓吹曲創作時間考辨. Hebei shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 30.3 (2007): 85–87.

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a. “Zou gai Anshi ge wei Xiangshen ge” 奏改安世歌爲享神歌 (Petitioning to change the [title] “Songs for Pacifying the World” to “Songs for Feting the Spirits”) Translation Kern, Die Hymnen, 101–2.

b. “Wan ge” 挽歌 (Pall-bearers’ song) Translations Waley, Chinese Poems, 78. von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 507. Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 78. Watson, Chinese Lyricism, 49–50. Russell, T.C. “Coffin-Pullers’ Songs: The Macabre in Medieval China.” Papers on Far Eastern History 27 (1983): 104–5. DRK

Ming xiang ji 冥祥記 (Notes on signs from the tenebrous world) Early medieval collection of Buddhist miracle tales. The Ming xiang ji was compiled by Wang Yan 王琰 (b. 451–?, alt. 454). Wang Yan’s ancestral home was Taiyuan 太原 (modern Taiyuan, Shanxi), but he likely was born in Jiankang (modern Nanjing). Wang Yan spent his youth in Jiaozhi 交趾 (administrative seat near modern Hanoi, Vietnam) where he received from a Buddhist master the five shilas (commandments). He returned to Jiankang ca. 461. Ca. 470, his family took up residence in the exclusive Wuyi xiang 烏衣巷 area of the capital. Ca. 479, Wang Yan traveled west through Jiangling to the Yangtze River Gorges. During the Qi dynasty (ca. 480) he served as secretary to the heir designate. One of his close friends was Wang Sengqian 王僧虔 (426–485), who was a prominent member of the Langye Wang family. Because of his straitened financial straits, he requested Wang Sengqian to seek an appointment for him as a commandery governor. The result of this request is not known. Ca. 501, Wang Yan served as governor of Yi’an 義安 (administrative seat west of modern Xiangyang 襄陽, Hubei). One source says he served in the Liang as magistrate of Wuxing 吳興, but Cao Daoheng is suspicious of this claim on the grounds that this would have been a significant demotion. Wang Yan probably died in the early Liang. Besides Ming xiang ji he is also credited

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with Song chunqiu 宋春秋 (Song annals), a twenty-juan work that was lost in the Song. The Ming xiang ji is the largest of the Six Dynasties miracle tale collections. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list it in ten juan. The complete work was probably lost during the Song. 131 entries are still extant. The reconstructions done by Lu Xun and Wang Guoliang are largely based on entries extracted from the Fayuan zhulin 法苑珠林 (A grove of pearls in the Dharma Garden) by Shi Daoshi 釋道世 (7th century). Bibliography Editions Lu Xun, Gu xiaoshuo gouchen, 2: 561–648. Wang Guoliang 王國良. Mingxiang ji yanjiu 冥祥記研究, 65–258. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1999.

Studies Shōji Kakuichi 莊司格一. “Meishoki ni tsuite” 冥祥記について. Shūkan Tōyōgaku 22 (1969): 41–65. Cao Daoheng. “Lun Wang Yan he tada Mingxiang ji” 論王琰和他的冥祥記. Wenxuan yichan (1992: 1); rpt. in Cao Daoheng, Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji xubian, 261–80. Li Jiangguo, Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, 414–19. Campany, Strange Writing, 82–83. Xiong Daolin 熊道麟. “Ming xiang ji yanjiu”《冥祥記》研究. Xingda Zhongwen xuebao 6 (1993): 303–28. Zhang Ruifen 張瑞芬. “Guanshi yin yingyan ji yu Ming xiang ji zhushu—lun Liuchao ‘Shishi fujiao zhi shu’ yu ‘zhiguai’ de guanxi”《觀世音應驗記》與 《冥祥記》諸書—論六朝「釋氏輔教之書」與「志怪」的關係. Fengjia Zhongwen xuebao 4 (1996): 87–115. Wang Guoliang 王國良. “Wang Yan Mingxiang ji xiao kao” 王琰《冥祥記》小考. Dong Wu Zhongwen xuebao 3 (1997): 271–84; Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue lunji (Nanjing), 741–61. Wang Guoliang 王國良. Mingxiang ji yanjiu 冥祥記研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1999. Xu Yanling 徐燕玲. “Ming xiang ji ji qi sengren xingxiang tanxi”《冥祥記》及其僧 人形象探析. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 277 (2004): 102–21. Liu Yuan-ju 劉苑如. “Zhongsheng ru foguo shenling jiang renjian—Ming xiang ji de kongjian yu yuwang quanshi” 眾生入佛國神靈降人間—《冥祥記》的空間與 慾望詮釋. Wuda Zhongwen xuebao 2 (2004): 3–34. Zheng Yong 鄭勇. “Ming xiang ji buji”《冥祥記》補輯. Wenxian jikan (2007: 3): 171–74.

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Campany, Robert. Signs of the Unseen: A Translation and Study of a Collection of Buddhist Miracle Tales from Early Medieval China. Forthcoming. DRK

Mozi 墨子 Pre-Qin Masters work. The Mozi purports to be the writings of the philosopher Mo Di 墨翟 (ca. 479–403 b.c.e., alt. ca. 468–ca. 376 b.c.e.). Mo Di was a native of Lu (one source identifies him as a man of Song 宋). He seems to have come from a humble family and was a skilled craftsman. He was strongly opposed to offensive warfare, and he is famous for traveling about the land trying to persuade rulers to cease their attacks on each other. On one occasion he walked for seven days and nights to Chu, where he was able to convince the King of Chu to abandon his plans to launch an expedition against the state of Song. He is also is credited with serving in the state of Song where was appointed grand master. He reputedly died in Qi at the age of ninety. The Mozi originally was a large text of seventy-one sections (pian 篇). The received version contains fifty-three sections, which can be divided into four categories: 1. The first thirty-one sections, which present the basic philosophical ideas of the Mohist school. How much of this material was actually written by Mo Di is difficult to determine. 2. Sections on logic, known as Mo jing 墨經 (Mohist canons) or Mo bian 墨辯 (Mohist arguments). There are six chapters that are among the most important early Chinese texts on logic. These chapters were written by later members of the Mohist school. For an illuminating study of them see A.C. Graham, Later Mohist Logic. 3. Five sections beginning with “Geng zhu” 耕柱 and ending with “Gongshu” 公輸. This portion contains material about Mo Di and his followers. 4. Eleven chapters on technology beginning with “Bei cheng men” 備城 門. The Mohists were experts on the techniques of defensive warfare, and this part of the Mozi is a valuable source of information on ancient Chinese military technology. The style of the Mozi is generally regarded as flat and repetitive. Arthur Waley has said that it is “devoid of a single passage that could possibly be

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said to have wit, beauty, or force” (Three Ways of Thought, 163). However, Liu Xie in the Wenxin diaolong praised his simplicity of language. One of the distinctive features of the Mozi style is the relative smooth transition from one dialogue to the next. Although the use of analogy is not as sophisticated as in the Mengzi, many of the analogies are drawn from crafts. One especially famous one is an analogy based on dying of fabrics. Bibliography Texts and Commentaries Mozi 墨子. 15 juan. Daozang 道藏. 1445. Probably based on a Song text. Mozi 墨子. Wu Kuan 吳寬 manuscript. First copied by Wu Kuan 吳寬 (1436– 1504) in the Ming. Served as the basis of the text prepared by Sun Yirang (see below). Moz 墨子. 15 juan. Tang Yaochen 唐堯臣 edition of 1553. Almost identical to the Daozang. Reprinted in Sibu congkan.

Important commentaries include Bi Yuan 畢沅 (1730–1797), ed. and comm. Mozi 墨子. 16 juan. 1784; rpt. in Sibu beiyao; rpt. with punc. and coll. by Wu Xumin 吳旭民. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995. Sun Yirang 孫詒讓 (1848–1908), ed. and comm. Mozi jiangu 墨子閒詁. 15 juan. 1894; rpt. Guoxue jiben congshu; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1954. Zhang Chunyi 張純一, ed. and comm. Mozi jijie 墨子集解. Shanghai: Yixue shuju, 1932; rpt. Shanghai: Shijie shuju, 1936; Mozi daquan, 29–30. Wu Yujiang 吳毓江 ed. and comm. Mozi jiaozhu 墨子校注. Chongqing: Duli chubanshe, 1944; rpt. with punc. and coll. by Sun Qizhi 孫啟治. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1993. Wang Shumin 王叔岷. “Mozi jiaozheng” 墨子校證. Zhongyang yanjiyyuan yuyan lishi yanjiusuo jikan 30.1 (1959): 71–102. Wang Huanbiao 王煥鑣, ed. and comm. Mozi jiaoshi 墨子校釋. Hangzhou: Zhejiang wenyi chubanshe, 1984. Wang Huanbiao 王煥鑣, ed. and comm. Mozi jiaoshi shangdui 墨子校釋商兌. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1986. Wang Dongzhen 王冬珍 and Wang Zanyuan 王讚源, ed. and comm. Xinbian Mozi 新編墨子. 2 vols. Taipei: Guoli bianyiguan, 2001.

Collections of Texts, Commentaries, and Studies Yan Lingfeng 嚴靈峰, ed. Wuqiubei zhai Mozi jicheng 無求備齋墨子集成. 46 vol. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1975. Mozi daquan 墨子大全. 100 vols. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2002– 2004.

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Concordances Mozi yinde 墨子引得. Harvard-Yenching Institute Index Series, Supplement No. 21. 1948; rpt. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1974. Mozi zhuzi suoyin 墨子逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2001.

Bibliographies Yan Lingfeng 嚴靈峰, ed. Mozi zhi jian shumu 墨子之見書目. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1969. Zheng Jiewen 鄭杰文. 20 shiji Moxue yanjiu shi 20 世紀墨學研究史. Beijing: Qinghua daxue chubanshe, 2002. Li Xiaowen 李小文. Mozi yanjiu shumu tiyao 墨子研究書目提要. In Moqi daquan, vol. 98, 393–521.

Dictionary Zhang Renming 張仁明, ed. Mozi cidian 墨子辭典. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 2003.

Translations Forke, Alfred. Mê Ti: des Socialethikers und Schüler philosophische Werke, zum ersten Male vollständig übersetzt mit ausführlicher Einleitung, Erläuternden und texkritischen Erklärungen versehen von Professor Alfred Forke. Berlin: Kommissions-verlag des Vereinigung wissenschafticher Verleger, 1922. Mei, Y.P., trans. The Ethical and Political Works of Motse. London: Probsthain, 1929. Watson, Burton, trans. Mo Tzu: Basic Writings. New York: Columbia University Press, 1963. Ivanhoe, P.J., trans. “Mozi.” In Ivanhoe and van Norden, ed., Readings, 59–113. Wang Rongpei 汪榕培 and Wang Hong 王宏, trans. Mozi. 2 vols. Library of Chinese Classics: Chinese-English. Changsha: Hunan renmin chubanshe, 2006. Johnston, Ian, trans. The Mozi: A Complete Translation. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2010.

Baihua Translations Li Yushu 李漁叔, trans. and comm. Mozi jinzhu jinyi 墨子今注今譯. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1974. Liu Wenzhong 劉文忠, trans. and comm. Mozi yizhu 墨子譯注. Taiwan: Jian’an chubanshe, 1986. Mei Ji 梅季 and Lin Quanbao 林全保, trans. and comm. Baihua Mozi 白話墨子. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 1991. Wu Longhui 吳龍輝, trans. and comm. Mozi baihua jinyi 墨子白話今譯. Beijing: Zhongguo shudian, 1992. Zhou Caizhu 周才珠 and Qi Ruiduan 齊瑞端, trans. and comm. Mozi quan yi 墨子 全譯. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1995.

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Li Longsheng 李龍生, trans. and comm. Xinyi Mozi duben 新譯墨子讀本. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1996. Sun Yikai 孫以楷 and Zhen Changsong 甄長松, trans. and comm. Mozi quanyi 墨子全譯. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2000. Shi Ming 施明, trans. and comm. Mozi yizhu 墨子譯注. Guangzhou: Guangzhou chubanshe, 2001. Dai Hongxian 戴紅賢, trans. and comm. Mozi 墨子. Taiyuan: Shuhai chubanshe, 2001. Xu Cuilan 徐翠蘭 and Wang Tao 王濤, trans. and comm. Mozi 墨子. Taiyuan: Shanxie guji chubanshe, 2003. Xin Zhifeng 辛志鳳, Jiang Yubin 蔣玉斌, et al., trans. and comm. Mozi yizhu 墨子 注. Beijing: Beijing tushugan chubanshe, 2004. Mei Ji 梅季 and Lin Jinbao 林金寶, ed. and trans. Baihua Mozi 白話墨子. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2004.

Studies Liang Qichao 梁啟超 (1873–1929). Moxue wei 墨學微. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1916; rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1922; Wuqiubei zhai Mozi jicheng, vol. 18. Liang Qichao 梁啟超 (1873–1929). Mozi xue’an 墨子學案. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1921; rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1926; Mozi daquan, vol. 26. Liang Qichao 梁啟超 (1873–1929). Mo jing jiaoshi 墨經校釋. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1922; rpt. Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1941; Mozi daquan, vol. 26. Chen Zhu 陳柱. Moxue shi lun 墨學十論. Shanghai: Shangwu yishuguan, 1928. Qian Mu 錢穆. Mozi 墨子. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1931. Feng Youlan 馮友蘭. Mo jing yu qianqi Mojia 墨經與前期墨家. 1931; rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1934. Feng Youlan 馮友蘭. Mo jing yu houqi Mojia 墨經與後期墨家. 1931; rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1934. Mei, Y.P. Motse, the Neglected Rival of Confucius. London: Probsthain, 1934. Luan Diaofu 欒調甫 (1889–1972). Mozi yanjiu lunwen ji 墨子研究論文集. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1957; rpt. Mozi daquan, vol. 52. Gao Heng 高亨, ed. and comm. Mo jing jiaoquan 墨經校詮. Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 1958. Cen Zhongmian 岑仲勉, ed. and comm. Mozi chengshou gepian jianzhu 墨子城守 各篇簡注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1958. Durrant, Stephen W. “An Examination of Textual and Grammatical Problems in Mo Tzu.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1975. Graham, A.C. Later Mohist Logic, Ethics and Science. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1978. Hsiao-Mote, History, 214–72. Yates, Robin R.E. “The Mohists on Warfare: Technology, Technique, and Justification.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 47.35 (Studies in Classical Chinese Thought) (September 1979): 549–603. Graham, A.C. Divisions in Early Mohism Reflected in the Core Chapters of Mo-tzu. Singapore: National University of Singapore, Institute of East Asian Philosophies, 1985. Graham, A.C. Disputers of the Tao, 33–53, 137–70.

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Hess, Laura Elizabeth. “Mozi and the Ghosts: A Philological Study and Discussion of the ‘Ming gui’ Chapter of the Mozi.” M.A. Thesis, University of Washington, 1989. Zhang Zhihan 張知寒, ed. Mozi yanjiu luncong 墨子研究論叢. Jinan: Shandong daxue chubanshe, 1991, 1993, 1995, 1998. Lowe, Scott. Mo Tzu’s Religious Blueprint for a Chinese Utopia. The Will and the Way. Lewiston, N.Y.: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1992. Maeder, Erik W. “Some Observations on the Composition of the ‘Core Chapters’ of the Mozi.” Early China 17 (1992): 27–82. Graham, A.C. “Mo tzu.” In Loewe, ed. Early Chinese Texts, 336–41. Zhou Yunzhi 周雲之. Mo jing jiaozhu jinyi yanjiu: Mo jing luoji xue 墨經校注、今 譯、研究: 墨經邏輯學. Lanzhou: Gansu renmin chubanshe, 1993; rpt. Mozi daquan, vol. 78. Sun Zhongyuan 孫中原. Mozi tonglun 墨子通論. Shenyan: Liaoning jiaoyu chubanshe, 1993; rpt. Mozi daquan, vol. 75. Sun Zhongyuan 孫中原. Mozi ji qi houxue 墨子及其後學. Beijing: Xinhua chubanshe, 1993; rpt. Mozi daquan, vol. 75. Yu Wenjun 余文軍. “Mozi sixiang yanjiu shuping” 墨子思想研究述評. Hangzhou daxue xuebao 24.2 (1994): 14–21. Zhang Tao 張濤. “Lüelun Mozi de wenxue jiazhi” 略論《墨子》的文學價值. Qi Lu xuekan (1995: 4): 11–15. Zhang Zhihan 張知寒, et al. Mozi liji kaolun 墨子里籍考論. Jinan: Shandong remin chubanshe, 1996. Tan Jiajian 譚家健. Mozi yanjiu 墨子研究. Guiyang: Guizhou jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995. Wang Yu’an 王裕安 ed. Mozi yanjiu luncong 墨子研究論叢. Jinan: Shandong daxue chubanshe, 2001. Zhang Yongyi 張永義. Mozi yu Zhongguo wenhua 墨子與中國文化. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 2001. Xiao Luyang 蕭魯陽 and Li Yukai 李玉凱, ed. Zhongyuan Moxue yanjiu 中原墨學 研究. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 2001. Yang Junguang 楊俊光. Mozi xinlun 墨子新論. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2002; rpt. Mozi daquan, vol. 61. Yang Junguang 楊俊光. Mozi yanjiu 墨子研究. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2002. Yi Wenxiao 易聞曉. “Mozi sanwen zhi lunbian” 墨子之散文論辨. Hainan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Renwen kexue ban) 60 (2002): 15–20. DRK

Mu Hua 木華, zi Xuanxu 玄虛 Western Jin dynasty fu writer. Mu Hua’s ancestral home was Guangchuan 廣川 (east of modern Zaoqiang 棗強, Shandong). Virtually nothing is known about his life. According to the Mu Hua ji 木華集 cited in the Wen xuan commentary of Li Shan, Mu

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Hua served as recorder on the staff of Yang Jun 楊駿 (d. 291). His only extant work is “Hai fu” 海賦 (Fu on the sea), which is contained in the Wen xuan. The Eastern Jin dynasty scholar-critic Li Chong 李充 (d. ca. 362) gave this piece a mixed review: “Master Mu’s ‘Fu on the Sea’ is powerful indeed! But its head and tailed are disjoined. Although it has the appearance of a polished piece, yet it seems incomplete.” What Li Chong perhaps criticizes is the lack of an introduction and epilogue that most fu have. Mu Hua’s fu begins abruptly with an allusion to the myth of the Great Yu who tamed a giant deluge by channeling all of the waters into the sea. Most of the remainder of the piece is a description of the sea’s waters, particularly its waves, replete with all manner of bisyllabic descriptives. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 57–58. Yu Yuxian, Liuchao fu shu lun, 302–4. “Hai fu” 海賦 (Fu on the sea)

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 180–83. Watson, Chinese Rhyme-Prose, 72–79. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Two, 305–20; ; rpt. Minford and Lau, Anthology, 318–27. DRK

Mu Tianzi zhuan 穆天子傳 (Account of Emperor Mu) Ancient Chinese narrative prose work. The Mu Tianzi zhuan is a six-juan text purportedly recording the activities of the Western Zhou ruler King Mu (r. 1023–983 b.c.e., alt. r. 956–918 b.c.e.). The first four juan relate his travels to the remote west; the fifth juan, his hunting and feasts; the last juan, the death and burial of his concubine Sheng Ji 盛姬. All the entries of activities are listed chronologically, beginning with the dates and the subject Tianzi 天子 (Son of Heaven). This text is famous for the relation of the king’s meeting with Xi Wangmu 西 王母 (Queen Mother of the West) and his mourning for Sheng Ji, both of which became celebrated in later literature. In addition, it provides information about the communication between the Zhou realm and the west. According to the “Biography of Shu Xi” in the Jinshu, the Mu Tianzi zhuan was discovered together with the other texts in the tomb of King

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Xiang of Wei 魏襄王 (r. 318–296 b.c.e.) located in Ji commandery 汲郡 (modern Ji county 汲縣, Henan) during the Taikang 太康 period of the Western Jin (possible dates include 279, 280, 282). These documents were written in ancient script, and scholars such as Xun Xu 荀勖 (d. 289), He Jiao 和嶠 (d. 292), and Shu Xi 束皙 (fl. 297) were assigned to transcribe and edit them. The Mu Tianzi zhuan was also titled the Zhouwang youxing 周 王遊行 (Travels of the Zhou King) the fifth juan of which may be a collection of fragments of the King Mu’s travels to other places. The last juan was another text discovered in the Ji tomb titled “Zhou Muwang meiren Sheng Ji sishi” 周穆王美人盛姬死事 (Account of the death of Sheng Ji, the fair lady of King Mu of Zhou) and was attached later to the Mu Tianzi zhuan. The earliest commentary is by Guo Pu 郭璞 (276–324). The Mu Tianzi zhuan was traditionally attributed to the scribes of the Western Zhou, whereas Chen Zhensun 陳振孫 (1211–1249) and Yao Jiheng 姚際恆 (b. 1647) argued that it was forged by scholars in the Western Jin. However, it is more widely accepted that it was written during the Warring States period. Wei Juxian notes that King Mu began his journey at Luoyang 洛陽, the capital of Eastern Zhou, and that the language conforms to the usage of the Warring States period. Further, Zheng Jiewen points out that the route to the west was that of the Warring States period, when travelers had to detour around the powerful state of Qin 秦. Since the Zuozhuan 左傳 and the “Tianwen” 天問 also mention that King Mu traveled throughout the Zhou relam the Mu Tianzi zhuan may represent the interest in this topic in the Warring States period Beginning with the monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu all premodern catalogues list the Mu Tianzi zhuan in six juan. The earliest extant edition of the Mu Tianzi zhuan was printed in the Ming Daozang. Another early printing was by the Tianyi ge 天一閣 in the late Ming period. Editions Mu Tianzi zhuan 穆天子傳. 6 juan. Daozang 291 (fasc. 137). This is based on a printing dated 1350 with a preface by Wang Jian 王漸. Printed 1447. Fan Qin 范欽 (1506–1585), ed. Mu Tianzi zhuan 穆天子傳. 6 juan. This probably is based on the Daozang edition. Photolithographic reprint in Sibu congkan. Mu Tianzi zhuan 穆天子傳. 6 juan. Gujin yishi 古今逸史. 1571. Rpt. 1937. Mu Tianzi zhuan 穆天子傳. 6 juan. Xuyi Li Zongcheng Qinglian ge 盱眙李宗誠青 連閤, 1582. Facsimile in Baizi quanshu (1993). Mu Tianzi zhuan 穆天子傳. 6 juan. Siku quanshu. Tan Cui 檀萃 (1725–1801), ed. and comm. Mu zhuan zhushu 穆傳注疏. 6 juan. Yuyuan congshu 芋園叢書 (1935); rpt. Congshu jicheng xubian, 211. Hong Yixuan 洪頤煊 (1765–1837), ed. Mu Tianzi zhuan 穆天子傳. 1800. 6 juan. Pingjin guan congshu. Typeset reprint in Sibu beiyao; Congshu jicheng chubian 3436–36.

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Chen Fangzheng 陳方正, ed. and comm. Mu Tianzi zhuan buzheng 穆天子傳補證. 6 juan. 1843. Ma Junliang 馬俊良, ed. Mu Tianzi zhuan 穆天子傳. 6 juan. Longwei mishu 龍威 秘書, 1794. Zhai Yunsheng 翟云升 (jinshi 1822), ed. and comm. Fu jiao Mu Tianzi zhuan 覆 校穆天子傳. 6 juan. In Wu jing sui bian zhai jiao shu sanzhong 五經歲徧齋校書 三種. Preface dated 1838. Gu Shi 顧實, ed. and comm. Mu Tianzi zhuan xizheng jiangshu 穆天子傳西征講 疏. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1934. Rpt. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1976; Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1991. Wang Yiliang 王貽梁 and Chen Jianmin 陳建敏, ed. and comm. Mu Tianzi zhuan huijiao jishi 穆天子傳匯校集釋. Shanghai: Huadong shifan daxue chubanshe, 1994. Wang Gongwei 王公偉, ed. and comm. Mu Tianzi zhuan. Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2000. Zhang Yun 張耘, ed. Mu Tianzi zhuan 穆天子傳. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 2007.

Translations Eitel, E.J. “Mu-t’ien-tzu chuan.” China Review 17 (1888): 223–40; 247–58. Cheng Te-k’un. “The Travels of Emperor Mu.” JNCBRAS 64 (1933): 124–42; 65 (1934): 128–49. Mathieu, Rémi. Le Mu tianzi zhuan, traduction annotée, etude critique. Paris: Collège de France, Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 1978.

Baihua Translation Wang Tianhai 王天海, trans. and comm. Mu Tianzi zhuan quanyi 穆天子傳全譯. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1997.

Concordance Mu Tianzi zhuan zhuzi suoyin 穆天子傳逐字索引. ICS Ancient Chinese Texts Concordance Series. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1994.

Studies Liu Shipei 劉師培. “Mu Tianzi zhuan bushi” 穆天子傳補釋. Guocui xuebao 3.3 (1907): 6–9; 5.1 (1909): 4–6; 5.2 (1909): 1–4; 5.3 (1909): 5–6; 5.4 (1909): 1–3. Ding Qian 丁謙 (1843–1919). “Mu Tianzi zhuan dili kaozheng” 穆天子傳地理攷證. Dixue zazhi 6.7–8 (1915): 23–31; 6.9 (1915): 1–9; 6.10 (1915): 3–10; 6.11 (1915): 1–5. Rpt. Zhejiang tushuguan congshu. Ding Qian 丁謙. “Mu Tianzi zhuan jiri ganzhi biao” 穆天子傳紀日干支表. Dixue zazhi 6.12 (1915): 1–5. Rpt. Zhejiang tushuguan congshu. de Saussure, Leopold. “The Calendar of the Mu t’ien-tzu chuan.” New China Review 2 (1920): 513–16. de Saussure, Leopold. “Le Voyage de Mou Wang et l’hypothèse d’Ed. Chavannes.” TP 20 (1921): 19–31.

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de Saussure, Leopold. “La Relation des voyages du roi Mou (au Xe siècle avant J.C.).” Journal asiatique 11e ser., 16 (1921): 151–56; 17 (1921): 247–80. Gu Shi 顧實 (1878–1956). “Mu Tianzi zhuan xizheng jindi kao” 穆天子傳西征 今地考. Dixue zazhi 12.6–7 (1921): 11–32; 12.8 (1921): 8–28; 12.9–10 (1921): 15–28. Pelliot, Paul. “L’Etude du Mou t’ien tseu tchouan.” TP 21 (1922): 98–102. Li Guangming 李光明. “Mu Tianzi zhuan de yanjiu” 穆天子傳的研究. Zhongda yushi zhoukan 2.23 (1928): 297–308; 2.24 (1928): 318–33. Ogawa Takuji 小川琢治. “Shū Boku ō no sai sei” 周穆王の西征. In Shina rekishi chiri kenkyū zokushū 支那歷史地理研究續集. Tokyo: Kōbundō, 1929. Chinese trans. by Jiang Xia’an 江夏安. Xian Qin jingji kao 先秦經籍考. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1931. Gu Shi 顧實. “Mu Tianzi zhuan xizheng nianli kao” 穆天子傳西征年歷考. Dongfang zazhi 27.5 (1930): 67–76. Wei Juxian 衛聚賢. “Mu Tianzi zhuan de yanjiu” 穆天子傳的研究. Gushi yanjiu 1 (1931): 187–245. Zhang Gongliang 張公量. “Mu zhuan Shang jing hezheng” 穆傳山經合證. Yugong 1.5 (May 1934): 6–10. Zhang Gongliang 張公量. “Ji jiu chaoben Mu Tianzi zhuan” 記舊鈔本穆天子傳. Yugong 2.5 (1934): 31–32. Zhang Gongliang 張公量. “Mu zhuan zhi banben ji guanyu Mu zhuan zhi zhushu” 穆傳之版本及關於穆傳之著述. Yugong 2.6 (1934): 18–27. Yu Xingwu 于省吾. “Mu Tianzi zhuan xinzheng” 穆天子傳新證. Kaogu 6 (1937): 275–86. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. “Mu Tianzi zhuan ji qi zhuzuo shidai” 穆天子傳及其著作時代. Wen shi zhe 1.2 (July 1951): 6–68. Cen Zhongmian 岑仲勉. “Mu Tianzi zhuan xizheng dili gaice” 穆天子傳西征地理 概測. Zhongshan daxue xuebao 57.2 (1957): 26–48. Tökei, Ferenc. “A propos du Genre du Mou t’ien-tseu tchouan.” Acta Orientalia 9 (1958): 45–49. Wang Zhenmin 王貞珉. “Mu Tianzi zhuan jianlun”《穆天子傳》簡論. Wen shi zhe (1962: 5). Mitarai Masaru 御洗勝. “Boku Tenshi den seiritsu no haikei” 穆天子傳成立の背景. Tōhōgaku 26 (1963): 17–30. Wang Fanzhi 王範之. “Mu Tianzi zhuan yu suo ji gudai diming han buzu” 穆天子 傳與所記古代地名和部族. Wenshizhe 6 (1963): 61–67, 78. Liang Zihan 梁子涵. “Mu Tianzi zhuan zakao” 穆天子傳雜考. Guoli zhongyang tushuguan guankan 3.3/4 (1970): 56–67. Wei Tingsheng 衛挺生 (1890–1977). Mu Tianzi zhuan jinkao 穆天子傳今考. Taipei: Zhonghua xueyuan, 1970. Chang Zheng 常征. “Mu Tianzi zhuan shi weishu ma?” 穆天子傳是偽書嗎？ Hebei daxue xuebao (1980: 2): 30–53. Qu Wanli 屈萬里. Xian-Qin wenshi ziliao kaobian 先秦文史資料考辨, 442–44. Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1983. Miao Wenyuan 繆文遠. “Mu Tianzi zhuan shi yibu shenme yang de shu”《穆天子 傳》是一部什麼樣的書. Wenxue zhishi (1985: 11). Zheng Jiewen 鄭杰文. Mu Tianzi zhuan tong jie 穆天子傳通解. Jinan: Shangdong wenyi chubanshe, 1992.

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Mathieu, Rémi. “Mu t’ien tzu chuan 穆天子傳.” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe, 342–46. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, 1993. Zheng Jiewen 鄭杰文. “Mu Tianzi zhuan zhijian banben shuyao” 穆天子傳知見版 本述要. Wenxian (1994: 2): 170–96. Yang Shanqun 楊善群. “Mu Tianzi zhuan de zhenwei ji qi shiliao jiazhi”《穆天子 傳》的真偽及其史料價值. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 54 (1995): 227–56. Yang Kuan 楊寬. “Mu Tianzi zhuan zhenshi laili de tantao”《穆天子傳》真實來歷 的探討. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 55 (1996): 182–204. Porter, Deborah. From Deluge to Discourse: Myth, History, and the Generation of Chinese Fiction. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996. Wang Tianhai 王天海. “Mu Tianzi zhuan de wenxian zhiazhi”《穆天子傳》的文獻 價值. Guizhou kexue (1997: 3): 105–10. Chen Liping 陳麗平. “Mu Tianzi zhuan de xiandai jiedu—jianguo hou Mu Tianzi zhuan yanjiu zhuangkuang”《穆天子傳》的現代解讀—建國後《穆天子傳》 研究 狀況. Liaoning daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 28.6 (2000): 26–28. Chen Liping 陳麗平. “Shilun Mu Tianzi zhuan de shenhua jingjie” 試論《穆天子 傳》的神話境界. Anshan shifan xueyuan xuebao (2001: 6): 52–55. Liu Jun 劉軍. “Mu Tianzi zhuan wenxue tezheng tanxi”《穆天子傳》文學特徵探析. Xuexi yu tansuo 135.4 (2001): 108–10. Chen Liping 陳麗平. “Shilun Mu Tianzi zhuan de dute shenmeiguan” 試論《穆天 子傳》獨特的審美觀. Shehui kexue jikan 142.5 (2002): 173–75. Wang Hongtao 王洪濤. “Mu Tianzi zhuan xingzhi zongshu”《穆天子傳》形質綜 述. Shehui zongheng 17.4 (2002): 53–55. Zhou Shucan 周書燦. “Mu Tianzi yanjiu lunshu”《穆天子》研究論述. Guizhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 21.2 (2003): 58–65. Dai Liangzuo 戴良左. “Mu Tianzi zhuan zhong de Yaochi jindi kao”《穆天子傳》中 的瑤池今地考. Xibei minzu yanjiu 40.1 (2004): 148–52. Schipper, Kristopher. “Mu tianzi zhuan.” In The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang, ed. Kristopher Schipper and Franciscus Verellen, 113. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. Xian-Qin liang Han wenxue shiliao xue 先秦兩漢文學史料學, 183–86. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Chang Jincang 常金倉. “Mu Tianzi de shidai he wenxian xingzhi”《穆天子》的時 代和文獻形質. Shehui kexue zhanxian (2006: 7): 126–32. SHL and DRK

“Mulan ci” 木蘭辭 (Song of Mulan) Northern Dynasties ballad. The most famous of the Northern popular songs is “Mulan ci” 木蘭辭 (Song of Mulan), also known as “Mulan shi” 木蘭詩. This long narrative song tells the story of a young woman named Mulan, also known as Hua Mulan 華 木蘭, who upon seeing her father’s name in the draft conscription lists, assumes the identity of a man to take his place in the army. After fighting

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in battle for twelve years she returns home to her family. Only then do her fellow soldiers discover she is a woman. Scholars have long debated the date of this piece. The earliest texts are found in Song dynasty sources including both versions of Guwen yuan, the Yuefu shiji, and Wenyuan yinghua. The Yuefu shiji notes that it was included in the Gujin yue lu 古今樂錄 (Register of modern and ancient music) compiled by the Buddhist monk Zhijiang 智匠 in 568. Thus, a version of this song must have existed as early as the Northern and Southern Dynasties. Included in some versions of Zhijiang’s account of the song is a claim that a Tang official named Wei Yuanfu 韋元甫 (d. 771) “attached the piece,” presumably to the the Gujin yuelu. This portion of the passage obviously cannot come from Zhijiang’s work, and must have been added by the compiler of the Yuefu shiji. However, based on this information, some scholars have attributed “Mulan ci” to Wei Yuanfu. Tang Zhangru (see below) notes that such terms as jun tie 軍帖 (muster list), dian bing 點兵 (call up the troops), and the twelve-degree merit list are not used until the Tang period. Of course, the song could have originated in the Northern Dynasties and then been rewritten and polished as late as the Tang. Studies Xiao Difei 蕭滌非. Han Wei Liuechao wenxue shi, 288–93. Li Chunsheng 李純生. “‘Mulan shi’ kao”「木蘭詩」考. Dalu zazhi 31.12 (1965): 11–13. Xu Ke 許可. “Guanyu ‘Mulan shi’ de shidai” 關於《木蘭詩》的時代. Beijing shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1981: 5): 88–89, 87. Tong Yande 佟延德. “‘Mulan shi’ zhong jige diming kao”《木蘭詩》中幾個地名考. Beijing shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1982: 3): 96, 87. Cao Xi 曹熙. “‘Mulan shi’ xin kao”《木蘭詩》新考. Qiqiha’er shifan xueyuan xuebao (1982: 4): 34–40. Qi Tianju 齊天舉. “Mulan shi de zhulu ji qi shidai wenti”《木蘭詩》的著錄及其時 代問題. Wenxue yichan zengkan 14 (1982): 165–81. Qi Tianju 齊天舉. “‘Mulan shi’ de zhulu ji shidai wenti xuzheng”《木蘭詩》的著 錄及時代問題續證. Wenxue yichan zengkan (1984: 1). Qi Tianju 齊天舉. “‘Mulan shi’ jiegou zhiyi”《木蘭詩》結構質疑. Hebie shiyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1984: 1): 41–46. Zhao Congren 趙從仁. “‘Mulan shi’ de zhulu ji qi shidai wenti”《木蘭詩》的著錄 及其時代問題. Zhongzhou xuekan (1985: 5): 66–71, 98. Tang Zhangru 唐長孺. “‘Mulan shi’ buzheng” 木蘭詩補證. Jiang Han luntan (1986: 9): 41–44. Wang Zhijiang 王之江. “Shilun ‘Mulan shi’ de wenhua beijing” 試論《木蘭詩》的 文化背景. Shehui kexue jikan 72 (1991): 136–42. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Nanbeichao wenxue shi, 461–68. Wang Zengwen 王增文. “‘Mulan shi’ de chansheng shidai, benshi he zuozhe kaobian”《木蘭詩》的產生時代、本事和作者考辨. Henan jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 46 (1994): 33–38.

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Zhou Jianjiang 周建江. “Lishi minzu qingjie de huixiang—‘Mulan shi’ ‘Chile ge’ de wenhua benchu” 歷史、民族情節的迴響—《木蘭詩》《敕勒歌》的文化本初. Yantai daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1997: 4): 46–50. Liao Bo’ang 廖柏昂. “‘Mulan shi’ yi yi bianzheng san ze”《木蘭詩》疑義辨正三則. Songliao xuekan (Shehui kexue ban) (1998: 3): 26–27. Chen Sanping 陳三平. “Mulan shi zhong de Mulan bing fei Han ming” 木蘭詩中 的木蘭並非漢名. Lishi yuekan 134 (1999): 98–101. Liu Fengzhu 劉鳳翥. “Mulan shi zhong de ‘ye’ wei Xianbei yu jieci” 木蘭詩中的 「爺」為鮮卑語借詞. Lishi yuekan 137 (1999): 106–7. Lei Jiaji 雷家驥. “‘Mulan shi’ jianzheng”「木蘭詩」箋證. Foguang xuekan 2 (1999): 151–241. Li Xiongfei 李雄飛. “‘Mulan shi’ shi Shiliu guo shiqi Shaanbei diqu de minjian xushi shi”《木蘭詩》是十六國時期陝北地區的民間敘事詩. Xibei minzu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1999: 1): 47–50. Zhang Yongxin 張永鑫. “‘Zuo Mingtang’ ‘jiu shi shang’ ‘shinian gui’ ji qita— ‘Mulan shi’ chuangzuo niandai manyi” “坐明堂” 、 “舊時裳” 、 “十年歸” 及其 他—《木蘭詩》創作年代漫議. Wuxi jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 20.1 (2000): 1–5. Li Jingxin 李景新. “Liangshou ‘Mulan shi’ bijiao pingxi” 兩首《木蘭詩》比較評析. Qiongzhou daxue xuebao 11.1 (2004): 48–50. Wang Wenqian 王文倩 and Nie Yonghua 聶永華. “20 shiji ‘Mulan shi’ chengshi niandai zuozhe ji Mulan gushi yanjiu zongshu” 20 世紀《木蘭詩》成詩年代、 作者及木蘭故事研究綜述. Huabei shuili shuidian xueyuan xuebao (Sheke ban) 22.4 (2006): 78–81. Wang Wenqian 王文倩 and Nie Yonghua 聶永華. “‘Mulan shi’ chengshi niandai zuozhe ji Mulan guli bainian yanjiu huigu”《木蘭詩》成詩年代、作者及木蘭故 里百年研究回顧. Shangqiu shifan xueyuan xuebao 23.1 (2007): 17–21. Zhang Wenhong 張雯紅 and Sun Wencai 孫文采. “‘Mulan shi’ yinggai shi Menggu zu gudai minge”《木蘭詩》應該是蒙古族古代民歌. Xibei minzu yanjiu 54 (2007): 77–82. Edwards, Louise. “Mulan.” In Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women, 324–28. Wang Xiaojuan 王曉鵑. “Cong Guwen yuan jilu ‘Mulan shi’ kan qi chengshu niandai” 從《古文苑》輯錄《木蘭詩》看其成書年代. Lanzhou xuekan 190 (2009): 172–75.

Translations Julien, Les Avadânas, 2: 158–66. Budd, Chinese Poems, 124–29. Waley, The Temple, 129–30; rpt. Chinese Poems, 113–15. Tsen Tsongming, Anciens poèmes chinois, 62–67. Du Bois—Reynaud, Claude, trans. Liu Tjing-Yü. “Mu Lan, die Chinesische Heldenjungfrau.” Artibus Asiae 3 (1927): 213–17. Hsu, Anthologie, 133–35. Chiang Hsüeh-wen. “Hua Mu Lan, eine Amazone aus der Zeit der Tang-Dynastie.” Sinica 14 (1939): 28–29. Margouliès, Anthologie, 265–66. Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 104–6.

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Wong T’ong-wen and Jean-Pierre Diény, in Demiéville, Anthologie, 189–91. Frankel, Flowering Plum, 68–72. Owen, Anthology, 241–43. DRK

Nan Qi shu 南齊書 (History of the Southern Qi) Standard history of the Southern Qi (479–502). The Nan Qi shu was compiled by Xiao Zixian 蕭子顯 (489–537). Xiao Zixian was the grandson of the founder of the Southern Qi, Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427–482, r. 479–482). His father Xiao Yi 蕭嶷 (444–492) was Prince of Yuzhang 豫章, and at the age of seven, Xiao Zixian received the noble title of Marquis of Ningdu 寧都. During the Liang, he was much favored by the emperor Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549, r. 502–549) who admired Zixian’s literary talent. Xiao Zixian died at the age of forty-nine while serving as governor of Wuxing 吳興 (modern Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). Xiao Zixian had a strong interest in history. Early in the Liang he compiled a Hou Han shu 後漢書 in 100 juan that was lost before the Tang. Somewhat later he compiled the Nan Qi shu. During the early Southern Qi Xiao Daocheng had commissioned Tan Chao 檀超 (fl. 480) and Jiang Yan 江淹 (444–503) to draft the state history. However, this work met with severe criticism by some officials at the Qi court. The venerable Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) also compiled Qi ji 齊紀 (Qi annals), Wu Jun 吳均 (469– 520) had written Qi chunqiu 齊春秋 (Annals of Qi), and Xiong Xiang 熊襄 (n.d.) authored Qi dian 齊典 (Institutions of Qi). Presumably Xiao Zixian had access to all of these sources in compiling his Qi history. After it was completed, the emperor ordered it deposited in the imperial library. Xiao Zixian’s biography in the Liang shu and the monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the Xin Tang shu list the Nan Qi shu in sixty juan. However, the Jiu Tang shu and most Song dynasty catalogues record it in fifty-nine juan. Most scholars believe the missing juan is the concluding chapter that probably was an autobiographical postface. The received version contains eight annals, eleven monographs, and forty biographies. Although Xiao Zixian favorably treats members of his family, especially his grandfather and father, his history is considered to be relatively reliable. For scholars of literature, his “Biographies of Literary Men” is a valuable source not only for data on literary figures, but literary thought.

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nan qi shu 南齊書 (history of the southern qi) Bibliography Editions

Nan Qi shu 南齊書. 59 juan. Guozi jian 國子監. Between 1595–1606. Nan shi 南齊書. 59 juan. Qinchuan Mao shi Jigu ge 琴川毛氏汲古閣. Between 1628 and 1661. Nan shi 南齊書. 59 juan. Siku quanshu. Nan shi 南齊書. 59 juan. Jinling shuju 金陵書局, 1874. Nan shi 南齊書. 59 juan. Wuying dian 武英殿 ed., 1739. Nan shi 南齊書. 59 juan. Bona ben Ershi si shi 百衲本二十四史. Nan shi 南齊書. 59 juan. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974.

Studies Wang Yongcheng 王永誠. “Nan Qi shu benji jiaozhu” 南齊書本紀校注. Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo jikan 15 (1971): 113–20. Zhou Chunyuan 周春元. “Xiao Zixian” 蕭子顯. Zhongguo shixuejia pingzhuan, 245–60. Gao Guokang 高國抗. “Xiao Zixian—zongshi shenfen he shijia zhize de maodun” 蕭子顯—宗室身分和史家職責的矛盾. Zhongguo gudai shixue renwu, 87–93. Zhao Jizhui 趙吉惠. “Nan Qi shu” 南齊書. Zhongguo shiexue mingzhu pingjie, 289–301. Zhan Xiuhui 詹秀惠. Xiao Zixian ji qi wenxue piping 蕭子顯及其文學批評. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1994. Wang Shuxian 王淑嫻. “Nan Qi shu ticai jiegou ji xiangguan pingjia zhi xilun” 「南齊書」體裁結構及相關評價之析論. Zhongzheng lishi xuekan 2 (1999): 59–90. DRK

Nan shi 南史 (History of the Southern Dynasties) History of the Song, Southern Qi, Liang, and Chen. The Nan shi was compiled by Li Yanshou 李延壽 (d. ca. 677). Consisting of 80 juan, this is a history of the four Southern Dynasties of Song, Qi, Liang, and Chen beginning from 420 to 589. It contains 10 juan of annals including 3 for Song, 2 for Qi, 3 for Liang, and 2 for Chen. There are 70 juan of biographies. The Nan shi does not have any monographs. Li Yanshou based this work on a a history of the southern dynasties begun by his father, Li Dashi 李大師 (570–628). Li Dashi had begun a history of both the northern and southern dynasties. Li Dashi wished to write an annalistic history of the northern and southern dynasties modeled after the Wu Yue chunqiu 吳越春秋 (Annals of Wu and Yue). However, he died before he could complete the work. Li Yanshou continued his father’s his-

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tory. Li Yanshou was able to gain access to most of the histories of the preceding dynasties that were compiled during the early Tang. In 629, he worked under the direction of Yan Shigu 顏師古 (581–645) and Kong Yingda 孔穎達 (574–648) on the compilation of the histories of the five dynasties of Liang, Chen, Qi, Zhou, and Sui. In 631, Li Yanshou’s mother died, and he resigned from his history post to observe mourning for her. Ca. 634 to ca. 640, he held office in Shu (Sichuan), and during his spare time he continued to work on the history. Although he did not have access to the histories in the imperial archives, he consulted many informal anecdotal works. In 641, the venerable scholar Linghu Defen 令狐德芬 (583– 666) recommended Li Yanshou to participate in the compilation of the Jin history. This gave Li Yanshou an opportunity to consult materials relating to the Song, Qi, and Northern Wei. In 643, Emperor Taizong appointed Li Yanshou to the staff of scholars assigned to compile the monographs for the Sui history. This provided him access to the unpublished histories of the Liang, Chen, Qi, Zhou, and Sui. It was about this time that Li Yanshou began formally to write the history of the northern and southern dynasties. Li Yanshou worked on official history projects throughout the decade from about 646 to 656 while continuing to devote himself to his own history. After receiving corrections from Linghu Defen, Li Yanshou presented the final version of the Bei shi and Nan shi to Emperor Gaozong in 659. In compiling the Nan shi in addition to the draft history that his father compiled, and the histories of the Song and Southern Qi that were compiled during the Southern Dynasties, Li Yanshou also made use of the histories of the Liang and Chen that were compiled during the early Tang. He eliminated certain materials that were contained in these histories, including imperial edicts and petitions. In the biography of Xie Lingyun, he did not include the texts of three of Xie Linghun’s famous compositions, notably the “Shan ju fu” 山居賦 (Fu on dwelling in the mountains). Bibliography Editions Nan shi 南史. 80 juan. Guozi jian 國子監. Between 1595–1606. Nan shi 南史. 80 juan. Qinchuan Mao shi Jigu ge 琴川毛氏汲古閣. Between 1628 and 1661. Nan shi 南史. 80 juan. Siku quanshu. Nan shi 南史. 80 juan. Jinling shuju 金陵書局, 1874. Nan shi 南史. 80 juan. Wuying dian 武英殿 ed., 1739. Nan shi 南史. 80 juan. Bona ben Ershi si shi 百衲本二十四史. Nan shi 南史. 80 juan. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974.

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nan shi 南史 (history of the southern dynasties) Commentaries and Notes

Li Qing 李清 (1602–1683), comm. Nanbei shi hezhu 南北史合注. 191 juan. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 278–82. Zhou Jiayou 周嘉猷 ( jinshi 1757). Nanbei shi biao 南北史表. 7 juan. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 283. Zhou Jiayou 周嘉猷 (jinshi 1757). Nanbei shi jun hua 南北史捃華. 8 juan. Yongkang Hushi Tuibu zhai 永康胡氏退補齋, 1877.

Studies Qu Lindong 瞿林東. “Nan shi Bei shi sanlun”《南史》、《北史》散論. Shixue yuekan (1981: 1): 36–42; rpt. in Qu Lindong, ed., Jin shu Bashu Ershi yanjiu, 297–311. Mu Dequan 穆德全. “Tangchu Hebei shijia Li Yanshou de nanbei tongyi guan ji qi Nan shi he Bei shi de xiuzhuan” 唐初河北史家李延壽的南北統一觀及其《南史》 和《北史》的修撰. Hebei daxue xuebao (1986: 4): 142–48. McMullen, David. State and Scholars in T’ang China, 168–69. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. Qu Lindong 瞿林東. “Li Yanshou—yuan jiang shibi xie yitong” 李延壽—願將史筆 寫一統. Zhongguo gudai shixue renwu, 125–34. Gao Guokang 高國抗. “Yibu qingxiang tongyi de zheng shi—Tang Li Yanshou de Nan shi Bei shi” 一部傾向統一的正史—唐李延壽的《南史》、《北史》. Jinan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1989: 1): 55–65; rpt. in Qu Lindong, ed., Jin shu Bashu Ershi yanjiu, 312–32. Gao Guokang 高國抗. “Nan shi yu bei shi” 南史與北史.” In Cang Xiuliang, ed., Zhongguo shixue mingzhu pingjie, 423–48. Xie Baocheng 謝保成. “Qingxiang tongyi bushi Nan shi yu Bei shi de zhuti” 傾 向統一不是《南史》與《北史》的主題. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1990: 2): 44–51; rpt. in Qu Lindong, ed., Jin shu Bashu Ershi yanjiu, 333–49. Zhan Shimo 詹士模. “Nan shi Bei shi yu Nanbeichao zheng shi zhi bijiao”「南史」、 「北史」與南北朝正史之比較. Jiayi jishu xueyuan xuebao 58 (1998): 73–90. Gao Min 高敏. “Li Yanshou yu Nan bei shi” 李延壽與《南北史》. Xuexi yu tansuo 127 (2000): 126–30; rpt. in Qu Lindong, ed., Jin shu Bashu Ershi yanjiu, 350–61. Jin Jiashi 金家詩. “Longyou ruxue yu Li Yanshou shixue” 隴右儒學與李延壽史學. Qingdao daxue shifan xueyuan xuebao 17.2 (2000): 39–43. Gao Min 高敏. “Lun Li Yanshou Nan Bei shi de guilüxing shanxiao shidang” 論李 延壽《南、北史》的規律性刪削失當. Shixue shi yanjiu 106 (2002): 45–49. Gao Min 高敏. Nanbei shi duosuo 南北史掇瑣. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 2003. Chen Dongdong 陳冬冬 and Zheng Zhenjie 鄭振捷. “Nan shi Bei shi qingxiang tongyi de lishi guan ji qi deshi”《南史》、《北史》傾向統一的歷史觀及其得失. Sheke zongheng 21.5 (2006): 113–17. DRK

ouyang jian 歐陽建 (ca. 261–300), zi jianshi 堅石

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Ouyang Jian 歐陽建 (ca. 261–300), zi Jianshi 堅石 Western Jin xuanxue thinker and poet. Ouyang Jian’s anecestral home was Chonghe 重和 in Bohai 勃海 (west of modern Yueling 樂陵, Shandong). The Ouyang family was a prominent clan in the Bohai area. Ouyang Jian was also a nephew of the plutocrat Shi Chong 石崇 (249–300). In the 280s, he served in various positions including magistrate of Shanyang 山陽 (northwest of modern Xiuwu 修武, Henan) and director of the imperial secretariat. In 291, while serving as governor of Pingyi 馮翊 (administrative seat Linjin 臨晉, modern Dali 大荔, Shaanxi), he came into conflict with Sima Lun 司馬倫, the Prince of Zhao (d. 301). In 296, Ouyang Jian led an expedition against an incursion of the Xiongnu into the Pingyi territory and was soundly defeated. He was then transferred to the post of governor of Dunqiu 頓丘 (administrative seat Dunqiu, southwest of modern Qingfeng 清豐, Henan). In the late 290s, he lived in Luoyang where he was a member of the Twenty-four Companions of Jia Mi. Ouyang Jian was executed in 300 along with Shi Chong and Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300) on the orders of Sima Lun, who was plotting to seize the imperial throne. He was only about thirty years old at the time. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Ouyang Jian’s collected works in two juan. This was lost in the Song. Ouyang Jian is best known for his philosophical essay, “Yan jin yi lun” 言盡義論 (Disquisition on words fully expressing thought) in which he argued that “names change in accordance with things” and “words vary depending on principles.” Only a short excerpt of this piece is extant. Ouyang also composed “Deng lu fu” 登櫓賦 (Fu on climbing a lookout tower). He also has two poems extant, “Da Shi Chong zeng shi” 答石崇贈詩 (Poem presented in reply to Shi Chong) and “Lin zhong shi” 臨終詩 (Poem written upon facing death) that he reputedly composed before his execution. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 272. Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 349–51. Bai Enji 白恩姬. “Wang Bi yu Ouyang Jian de yan yi zhi bian yanjiu” 王弼與歐陽 建的言意之辨研究. Ehu 18.7 (1993): 35–43. Zhang Aibo 張愛波. Xi Jin shifeng yu shige, 263–70. Dong Kuan 董寬 and Chen Na 陳娜. “Wang Bi yu Ouyang Jian yan yi guan zhi yitong” 王弼與歐陽建言意觀之異同. Nei Menggu dianda xuekan 104 (2008): 20–22.

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ouyang jian 歐陽建 (ca. 261–300), zi jianshi 堅石 Translations a. “Yan jin yi lun” 言盡義論 (Disquisition on words fully expressing thought)

Feng-Bodde, History of Chinese Philosophy, 2: 185. Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 109.

b. “Lin zhong shi” 臨終詩 (Poem written upon facing death) von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 360–61. Demiéville, Poèmes chinois d’avant la mort, 118–23. Wu Fusheng. “Composed at Execution: A Look at Three ‘Poems upon Confronting the End’ (Linzhong shi).” Early Medieval China 9 (2003): 112–19. DRK

Pan Ni 潘尼 (ca. 250–311), zi Zhengshu 正叔 Western Jin writer. Pan Ni’s ancestral home was Zhongmou 忠牟 in Xingyang 滎陽 (east of modern Zhongmou, Henan). His grandfather was the distinguished late Eastern Han official and calligrapher Pan Xu 潘勖 (ca. 160–215). He was also a cousin of Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300). Pan Ni began his official career ca. 272 serving in a post in his local area. However, he soon left his position to care for his aged father. In 283, Pan Ni was recommended as a flourishing talent and appointed professor in the court of imperial sacrifices. About this time he became acquainted with Fu Xian 傅咸 (239–294) with whom he exchanged poems. Ca. 286, Pan Ni was appointed magistrate of Gaolu 高陸 (southwest of modern Gaoling 高陵, Shaanxi). In 289, he joined the staff of Sima Yun 司馬允 (273–300), Prince of Huainan, as an administrator. In 291, Sima Yu 司馬遹 (d. 300) was named heir designate, and Pan Ni was appointed his secretary. During his tenure on Sima Yu’s staff, he and Fu Xian, Zhang Zai 張載 (fl. 273–302), and Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303) composed poems for various gatherings and ceremonies hosted by Sima Yu. In 294, Pan Ni was appointed magistrate of Yuan 宛 (modern Nanyang, Henan), but returned several years later to the imperial court as secretarial court gentleman, followed by an appointment in 300 as editorial director, the same year that his cousin Pan Yue was executed under orders from Sima Lun 司馬倫 (d. 301). When Sima Lun seized the imperial throne in the first lunar month (January–February) of 301, Pan Ni requested leave to return home to Zhongmou. Thus, he escaped his cousin’s fate. In the third

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lunar month (March–April) Sima Lun was overthrown and killed. Pan Ni returned to service in Xuchang 許昌 on the staff of Sima Jiong 司馬冏 (d. 303), who appointed him administrator, secretary, and granted him the noble title of Duke of Anchang 安昌. Within a year’s time Pan Ni rose to gentleman attendant at the palace gate and cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. In 302, he accompanied Emperor Hui (r. 290–306) who had to flee the capital because of attempts by several of the Sima princes to abduct him. From 303 to 306, Pan Ni served in the Chang’an court of Emperor Hui in various high positions including director of the palace library and secretariat director. He returned to Luoyang in 306 and ca. 309 was appointed chamberlain for ceremonials. In 311, Luoyang was invaded by a Xiongnu army led by Liu Yao 劉曜 (d. 328). Pan Ni fled the capital with his family hoping to find safety in their home area of Zhongmou. En route, they encountered a bandit gang. Pan Ni died of illness in a village fort in 311. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Pan Ni’s collected works in ten juan. This was lost in the Song. Later collections are reconstructions. Pan Ni’s extant works consists of fourteen fu, thirty shi, and a variety of prose pieces in the genres of preface, letter, disquisition, inscription, admonition, and grave inscription. Pan Ni was an accomplished fu writer. Like his friend Fu Xian, he wrote a number of yongwu pieces including fu on pomegranate, a tortoise shell bowl, a fan, mulberry, glass bowl, lotus, and tortoise. He also has several personal pieces including “Huai tui fu” 懷退賦 (Fu on longing to withdraw) written in 272 when he left office to return home to care for his father, and “E dao fu” 惡道賦 (Fu on the loathsome road) that he composed while traveling from Luoyang to Gaolu in 286. One of Pan Ni’s most distinctive pieces is “Huo fu” 火賦 (Fu on fire), which although on a yongwu topic, is written in a grand epideictic style. Most of Pan Ni’s shi are pieces he exchanged with other persons, including Pan Yue, Lu Ji, and Fu Xian. He has two ten-stanza poems presented to Pan Yue, both of which are in tetrasyallbic meter. Another long piece is a six-stanza tetrasyllabic poem he presented to Lu Ji in 294 when Lu Ji was leaving for a post in Wu. His most celebrated pentasyllabic poem is “Ying da jia” 應大駕 (Receiving the grand cortege) that he wrote in 303 while accompanying the imperial entourage led by Sima Yue 司馬越 (d. 311) from Luoyang to Chang’an. Pan Ni at the age of nineteen composed a long essay, “An shen lun” 安 身論 (Disquisition on finding repose), which is often read as a statement of Pan Ni’s ideals that he declares to be “preserving rectitude” and “doing away with desire.”

696

pan ni 潘尼 (ca. 250–311), zi zhengshu 正叔 Bibliography Collections

Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Pan taichang ji 潘太常集. 2 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, v. 1584. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Pan taichang ji 潘太常集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji.

Studies Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行. “Ni Riku to Han Ji” 二陸と潘尼. Yasuda joshi daigaku kiyō 20 (1992): 41–53. Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行. “Han Gaku to Han Ji 潘岳と潘尼. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 22 (1992): 7–21. Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 346–49. Jiang Jianyun 姜劍雲. “An shen er shou zheng: lun Pan Ni rensheng daolu yu renge jingshen” 安身而守正: 論潘尼人生道路與人格精神. Jiangxi caijing daxue xuebao 20 (2002): 44–47. Jiang Jianyun 姜劍雲. Taikang wenxue yanjiu, 86–96. Ye Fengyu 葉楓宇. Xi Jin zuojia de renge yu wenfeng, 185–95. Li Xiaofeng 李曉風. “Lu Ji yu Zhang Hua Pan Ni Feng Wenpi de jiaoyou” 陸機 與張華、潘尼、馮文羆的交遊. Nandu xuetan (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 27.2 (2007): 79–81. Yu Shiling 俞士玲. Xi Jin wenxue kao lun, 128–44.

Works a. “Anshiliu fu” 安石榴賦 (Fu on pomegranate) Chen Weiqiang 陳偉強 (Tim Chan). “‘Liang Pan’ de liang pian ‘Anshiliu fu’ jiaoding”「兩潘」的兩篇「安石榴賦」校訂. Shumu jikan 32.1 (1998): 18–22.

b. “Liuli wan fu” 琉璃碗賦 (Fu on a glass bowl ) Translation Dien, Albert. Six Dynasties Civilization, 291–92. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007.

c. Poems Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 404–7, 449–50. Raft, “Four-syllable Verse in Medieval China,” 314–19. DRK

pan xu 潘勖 (ca. 160–215), zi yuanmao 元茂

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Pan Xu 潘勖 (ca. 160–215), zi Yuanmao 元茂 Late Eastern Han writer and statesman. Pan Xu’s natal and ancestral home was Zhongmou 中牟 in Chenliu 陳留 (modern Zhongmou, Henan). His original personal name was Mingzhi 名芝, which he later changed to Xu. He is the grandfather of Pan Ni 潘尼 (ca. 250–311). During the early Jian’an period (ca. 208) Pan Xu was appointed secretarial court gentleman soon followed by a promotion to assistant director of the right in the imperial secretariat. Upon the death of the venerable Xun Yu 荀彧 in 212, Pan Xu composed his grave inscription. In 215, Pan Xu was appointed administrator of Donghai 東海 (administrative seat Tan 郯, northwest of modern Tancheng 郯城, Shandong), but before he could take up his post, he was ordered to remain in the secretariat. He died of illness shortly thereafter. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Pan Xu’s collected works in two juan. This was lost already in the Tang. Yan Kejun has collected four of his prose pieces in “Quan Hou Han wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Wei Liuchao wen. Pan Xu is best known as the author of the letter-patent conferring the nine distinctions ( jiu xi 九錫) on Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) in 213. The compilers of the Wen xuan included this piece as the only example of the letter-patent prose form, and Liu Xie praised it as the best example of its kind. Bibliography Studies Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue xinian, 372, 385, 391, 400. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 496. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 683.

Work “Ce Wei gong jiu xi wen” 冊魏公九錫文 (Letter of patent conferring the nine distinctions on the Duke of Wei) Studies Fukui Yoshio 福井佳夫. “Han Kyoku no ‘Gi kō ni kyū shaku suru no bun’ ni tsuite” 潘勖の「冊魏公九錫文」について. Furuta kyōju taikan kinen Chūgoku bungaku gogaku ronshū 古田教授退官記念中國文學語學論集, 45–62. Tokyo: Furuta kyōju taikan kinen jigyōkai, 1985.

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pan xu 潘勖 (ca. 160–215), zi yuanmao 元茂

Zhou Xunchu 周勛初. “Pan Xu ‘Jiu xi’ yu Liu Xie chong ru” 潘勖《九錫》與劉勰 崇儒. Shehuie kexue zhanxian (1989: 1): 281–88; rpt. in Zhou Xunchu. Zhou Xunchu wenji 3: 356–69. Xu Zhengying 徐正英. Zhaoming Wen xuan jiaodu 昭明文選斠讀, 2: 1–39. Taipei: Luotuo chubanshe, 1995.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 641–47. Goodrich, Chauncey S. “The Nine Bestowals During the Han-Wei Period: A Study of a Ritual Donation as a Prelude to Dynastic Change.” Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1957, 352–64. DRK

Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300), zi Anren 安仁 Western Jin writer. Pan Yue’s ancestral home was Zhongmou 中牟 (modern Zhongmou county, Henan) located in Xingyang 滎陽 commandery. However, the Pan family had long resided in Gong 鞏 county (southwest of modern Gong counthy, Henan) that was located west of Zhongmou. Pan Yue was born into a family of prominent officials. His grandfather Pan Jin 潘瑾 served as governor of Anping 安平 (administrative seat modern Ji 冀 county, Hebei) during the Later Han. His father Pan Pi 潘芘 (d. ca. 275) served as administrator of Langye 琅邪 (administrative seat Kaiyang 開陽, north of modern Linyi 臨沂, Shandong). His mother née Wang 王 was the sister of Wang Lie 王烈, the father of Wang Kan 王墈 (d. 310), a distinguished official and military man at the end of the Western Jin. One of Pan Yue’s younger sisters was married to Ruan Zhan 阮瞻 (282–311), the oldest son of Ruan Xian 阮咸 (234–305), a nephew of Ruan Ji. From an early age Pan Yue displayed keen talent in his studies and was known in his home village as a shentong 神童 (Wunderkind). One of his extant early writings is the “She zhi fu” 射雉賦 (Fu on pheasant shooting), which is included in the Wen xuan ( juan 9). Pan wrote this piece while he was residing with his father in Langye. Another of his early compositions is “Guafu fu” 寡婦賦 (Fu on the widow), in which he laments the death of Ren Hu 任護, the husband of his wife’s sister. Pan Yue’s first official position was in late 266, when he served as assistant to the minister of works, Xun Yi 荀顗 (d. 274). While in Luoyang, he became good friends with Xiahou Zhan 夏侯湛 (243–291). When Xiahou Zhan died in 291, Pan composed a moving tribute to him, “Xiahou changshi lei” 夏侯常侍誄 (Dirge for regular attendant Xiahou), which is

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contained in Wen xuan 57. In 268, Pan composed on behalf of Emperor Wu of the Western Jin (r. 265–290), “Ji tian fu” 籍田賦 (Fu on the sacred field), a fu celebrating the ceremonial plowing of the imperial field. This piece is contained in Wen xuan 7. Beginning in the late 270’s, Pan served on the staff of Jia Chong 賈充 (217–282), who was one of the most powerful men at the court. Pan served as Jia Chong’s aide while Jia was both minister of works from 272 and grand commandant beginning in 276. Ca. 274, Pan Yue married the daughter of Yang Zhao 楊肇 (d. 275), a man he had known since he was twelve. When Yang Zhao died in 275, Pan Yue wrote the “Yang Jingzhou lei” 楊荊州誄 (Dirge for Yang Jingzhou). In the mid-270s, Pan Yue became disillusioned with court life. In late 278, he left the capital and returned home to Gong to retire. At this time he wrote “Qiu xing fu” 秋興賦 (Fu on autumn inspirations) in which he expresses his desire to retire from official service. Pan Yue did not remain in retirement permanently. Ca. 282, he took up a position as magistrate of Heyang 河陽, west of modern Meng 孟 county, Henan, on the north bank of the Yellow River across from Luoyang. Later, around 285, he was transferred to Huai 懷 county (modern Wuzhi 武陟 county, Henan). Around 287, Pan Yue returned to the capital, where he served as gentleman in the secretariat of finance and adjudicator under the commandant of justice. Immediately upon his return, he visited the graves of his father-in-law Yang Zhao and his brothers-in-law, Yang Zhao’s sons, Yang Tan 楊潭 and Yang Shao 楊邵 near Mount Song 嵩, south of Luoyang. Pan Yue wrote “Huai jiu fu” 懷舊賦 (Fu on recalling old friends and kin) to lament their passing. Around 290, Pan Yue was dismissed from office for committing an unspecified offense, but he returned to office later that same year to join the staff of Yang Jun 楊駿 (d. 291), father of Empress Yang, who had served as regent for the ailing Emperor Wu and grand tutor to his successor, Emperor Hui 惠 (r. 290–306). In 291 Yang Jun was assassinated in a palace coup instigated by Empress Jia 賈后 (d. 300), the daughter of Jia Chong. Pan Yue’s life was spared when a friend interceded with the authorities who were in charge of executions. The following year, Pan Yue traveled from Luoyang to the old Han capital of Chang’an, where he took up the position of magistrate. His journey took him through many historical sites, which he described in a long poem, “Xi zheng fu” 西征賦 (Fu on a westward journey) contained in Wen xuan 10. Around 295, Pan Yue returned to the capital where he was a member of the entourage of Jia Mi 賈謐 (d. 300), Empress Jia’s nephew. After serving briefly as professor, Pan Yue resigned from office because of his mother’s illness. He lived in retirement in the Luoyang area. His “Xian ju fu” 閑居賦 (Fu on living in retirement), written during these years, contrasts his life as

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an official with his seemingly contented existence as a retired gentleman. Pan Yue also spent part of his leisure time at the Jingu 金谷 estate of Shi Chong 石崇 (249–300) where many literary figures congregated to drink and feast, listen to music, and compose poetry. Pan’s poem, “Jingu ji zuo shi” 金谷集作詩 (Poem written for the Jingu gathering), was written for one of these celebrations. In 296, Pan Yue returned to office as editorial director. In 297 he composed “Ma Qian du lei” 馬汧都誄 (Dirge for Ma, overseer of Qian), which is a lament for Ma Dun 馬敦, an upright official who died in prison that year. In 298, Pan Yue’s wife died. His three poems, “Dao wang” 悼亡 (Lamenting the deceased), and his prose piece, “Ai yong shi wen” 哀永逝文 (Lamenting the eternally departed), express his deep sense of loss. In 300, Pan Yue’s patron Jia Mi was assassinated in a coup led by Sima Lun 司馬倫 (d. 301). Pan was arrested after Sun Xiu 孫秀 (d. 301), who long had harbored a grudge against Pan, falsely accused him of plotting rebellion with Sima Jiong 司馬冏 (d. 302), prince of Qi, and Sima Yun 司 馬允 (d. 301), prince of Huainan. Pan and his entire family, including his mother, were executed. Pan Yue’s writings were preserved in a collection that existed in ten juan through Song times. It is listed in the monographs on bibliography in the Sui shu and two Tang histories. By Yuan times, the only known version is a seven-juan work that is listed in the bibliographical monograph of Song shi. Later collections are reconstructions. Pan Yue’s extant works consist of nineteen fu, fifteen shi, and thirty-one prose pieces. Zhong Rong places Pan Yue in the upper grade of the Shi pin. The only other Western Jin poets to be ranked in this grade were Lu Ji, Zuo Si 左思 (d. 305?), and Zhang Xie 張協 (d. 307?). Pan Yue was a master of both tetrasyllabic and pentasyllabic verse. One of his celebrated tetrasyllabic poems is the sixteen-stanza “Guanzhong shi” 關中詩 (Poem on Guanzhong) written in 299 or 300 to celebrate the quelling of an “insurrection” of Di and Qiang of Shaanxi and eastern Gansu. Another long tetrasyllabic poem is “Wei Jia Mi zuo zeng Lu Ji shi” 為賈謐作贈陸機詩 (Composed on behalf of Jia Mi, sent to Lu Ji). In this eleven-stanza poem Pan Yue, writing in the voice of Jia Mi, welcomes Lu Ji back to Luoyang in 296 after his two-year tenure of service in the southeast. In the poem, Pan Yue actually hurls several insults at Lu Ji, first questioning the legitimacy of Lu Ji’s native Wu state, and second, calling him a tangerine that has been transformed into a coolie-orange. Pan Yue wrote the three-stanza pentasyllabic verse “Dao wang shi” 悼亡詩 (Poem lamenting the departed) as a lament for his deceased wife. Two much praised pentayallbic poems, both in two stanzas, are “Heyang xian zuo” 河陽縣作 (Written at Heyang county) and

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“Zai Huai xian zuo” 在懷縣作 (Composed at Huai county). Pan Yue composed these poems while serving in the local administration of Heyang and Huai. Although he was not physically that far removed from the Luoyang, he complains about the great distance that separate him from these places and the capital. These poems are the first two poems in the xinglü 行旅 (travel) section of the Wen xuan. Pan Yue wrote fu on a variety of subjects, many of them personal. His longest piece is the 767–line “Xi zheng fu.” This is a poetic account of his journey from Luoyang to Chang’an in 290. The piece is essentially a record of the historical sites through which Pan Yue passed during his trek west. The poet’s description of Chang’an is rich in detail and provides important information on third-century Chang’an, which was no longer the glorious city it had been in the Former Han. Other personal pieces include “Xian ju fu” in which he celebrates the delights of living in the countryside; “Guafu fu,” which is a lament for the death of the husband of his wife’s sister; “Qiu xing fu” in which Pan Yue uses the arrival of autumn to express his disillusionment with official service; “Huai jiu fu” in which he laments the passing of his father-in-law Yang Zhao and Yang Zhao’s two sons. Perhaps Pan Yue’s most moving fu is “Dao wang fu” 悼亡賦 (Fu lamenting the departed) in which he mourns the death of his wife. Pan Yue has many other remarkable fu, including a detailed account of the sport of shooting pheasants with a crossbow (“She zhi fu”), and a piece on that noble Chinese musical instrument the sheng 笙 (reed-organ). He also wrote yongwu pieces on such topics as fireflies, pomegranate, lotus blossom, tangerine, and chrysanthemum. The bulk of Pan Yue’s prose writings consists of threnodic pieces, notably laments (nine pieces) and dirges (eleven pieces). His most moving lament is “Ai yong shi wen” 哀永世文 (Lamenting the eternally departed) written to mourn the death of his wife. He also wrote a lament for his son who died in infancy. Pan Yue’s most celebrated dirges are “Yang Jingzhou lei” written for his father-in-law, “Xiahou changshi lei” composed for his friend Xiahou Zhan,” and “Ma Qian du lei” in which he expresses his grief for the tragic death of Ma Dun. Bibliography Collections Lü Zhaoxi 呂兆禧, ed. Pan Huangmen ji 潘黃門集. 6 juan. Wanli period (1573– 1619) woodblock. Included in Han Wei Liuchao zhujia wenji 漢魏六朝諸家文集 compiled by Wang Shixian 汪士賢 (fl. 1573–1627) et al. Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Pan Huangmen ji 魏文帝集. 6 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, v. 1584.

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Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Pan Huangmen ji 潘黃門集. 1 juan. In Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji 漢魏六朝百三名家集. Wang Zengwen 王増文, ed. and comm. Pan Huangmen ji jiaozhu 潘黃門集校注. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 2002.

Studies Zheng Wen 鄭文. “Pan Anren nianpu chugao” 潘安仁年譜初稿. Jingshi jikan 2.3 (1942). Zhang Taisheng 章泰笙. “Jin Pan Yue shengzu nian kao” 晉潘岳生卒年考. Guoli zhongyang tushuguan guankan 1.4 (1947). Lu Kanru 陸侃如. “‘Jin Pan Yue shengzu nian kao” shuhou “晉潘岳生卒年考” 書後. Daggong bao 62 (1948); rpt. in Lu Kanru. Lu Kanru gudian wenxue lunwenji 陸 侃如古典文學論文集, 594–97. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987. Li Changzhi 李長之. “Xi Jin shiren Pan Yue de shengping ji qi chuangzuo” 西晉詩 人潘岳的生平及其創作. Guowen yuekan 68 (June 1968): 25–32. Takahashi Kazumi 高橋和己. “Han Gaku ron” 潘岳論. Chūgoku bungaku hō 7 (1957): 14–91. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Han Gaku no denki” 潘岳の伝記. Ritsumeikan bungaku 321 (1972): 1–40. Deng Shiliang 鄧仕樑. Liang Jin shilun 兩晉詩論, 91–103. Hong Kong: Xianggang Zhongwen daxue, 1972. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. Han Gaku Riku Ki 潘岳陸機. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1973. Kōzen Hirosh 興膳宏. “Han Gaku nenpo kō” 潘岳年譜稿. Nagoya dagaku kyōyōbu kiyō (A jinbun kagaku shakai kagaku) 18 (1974): 247–90; rpt. in Kōzen Hiroshi. Ransei o ikiru shijin-tachi: Rikuchō shijin ron 亂世を生きる詩人—六朝詩人たち, 216–61. Tokyo: Kenbun shuppan, 2001; Chinese trans. by Peng Enhua 彭恩華. “Pan Yue nianpu gao” 潘岳年譜稿, 183–227. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 1988. Wei Fengjuan 韋鳳娟. “Pan Yue” 潘岳. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 1: 321–39. Ye Riguang 葉日光. “Shiren Pan Yue ji qi zuopin jiaozhu” 詩人潘岳及其作品校注. Ph.D. diss., Zhengda Zhongwen yanjiu suo 政大中文研究所, 1981. Fu Xuancong 傅璇琮. “Pan Yue xinian kaozheng” 潘岳繫年考證. Wen shi 14 (1982): 237–57. Ling Xun 凌迅. “Pan Yue wenxue chulun” 潘岳文學芻論. Dongyue luncong (1983: 2): 108–12, 107. Zhang Guoxing 張國星. “Pan Yue qi ren yu qi wen” 潘岳其人與其文. Wenxue yichan (1984: 4): 22–24. Gao Guofan 高國藩. “Dui Xi Jin shiren Pan Yue de chongxin pingjia” 對西晉詩 人潘岳的重新評價. Xinjiang shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1987: 1): 62–68. Qin Mingzhi 秦明智. “Xinjiang chutu de Jinren xieben Pan Yue shuzha canjuan kaoshu” 新疆出土的晉人寫本潘岳書札殘卷考述. Dunhuang xue jikan (1987: 2): 53–61. Lin Wen-yüeh 林文月. “Pan Yue de qizi” 潘岳的妻子. Zhongwai wenxue 17.5 (1988): 4–28. Wang Zhongling 王鍾陵. Zhongguo zhonggu shige shi, 397–417. Jiang Fang 蔣芳. “Lun Pan Yue de lixiang renge yu xingwei de maodun goucheng— jian lun Xi Jin wenren de xinli tedian” 論潘岳的理想人格與行為的矛盾構成—兼

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論西晉文人的心理特點. Hubei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1989: 1): 45–49. Lai, Chiu-mi. “River and Ocean: The Third Century Verse of Pan Yue and Lu Ji.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1990. Pan Xinguo 潘新國. “Pan Yue aici shilun” 潘岳哀詞試論. Shandong shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1990: 3): 67–73. Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行. “Han Gaku to Han Ji” 潘岳と潘尼. Chūgoku bungaku hō 44 (1992): 22–59. Lin Wen-yüeh 林文月, “Pan Yue Lu Ji shi zhong de nanfang yishi” 潘岳陸機詩中 的南方意識. Taida Zhongwen xuebao 5 (1992): 19–36. Wang Lin 王琳. “Pan Yue fu lun” 潘岳賦論. Shandong shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1993: 5): 95–99. Lai, Chiu-mi. “The Art of Lamentation in the Works of Pan Yue: ‘Mourning the Eternally Departed.’” JAOS 114.3 (1994): 409–25. Wang Zengwen 王增文. “Pan Yue he tade shi fu ai lei” 潘岳和他的詩賦哀誄. Huanghai xuekan (Shehui kexue ban) 10.2 (1994): 76–81. Hu Xu 胡旭. “Pan Yue yinyi sixiang chutan” 潘岳隱逸思想初探. Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1995: 5): 84–88. Fu Gang 傅剛. Wei Jin Nanbeichao shige shi lun, 120–30. Xiao Lisheng 蕭立生. “Lun Pan Yue shuqing fu de yishu tese” 論潘岳抒情賦的藝術 特色. Hunan daxue xuebao 10.2 (1996): 30–32. Miao Jianqing 苗健青. “Pan Yue erti” 潘岳二題. Ningde zhizhuan xuebao 39 (1996): 28–33, 46. Xiao Yongsheng 蕭永生. “Lun Pan Yue de ai lei wenxue” 論潘岳的哀誄文學. Chongqing shehui kexue (1996: 6): 47–50, 40. Wang Zengwen 王增文. “Pan Yue nianpu” 潘岳年譜. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 16.1 (1997): 25–30. Jian Qing 澗清. “Shilun Pan Yue piping de shijjiao zhuanhuan” 試論潘岳批評的視 角轉換. Ningde shizhuan xuebao 41 (1997): 38–41. Wang Jianqiu 王健秋. “Lu Ji yu Pan Yue changhe shizhong de lunzheng” 陸機與潘 岳唱和詩中的論爭. Gudian wenxue zhishi (1997: 2): 103–6. Hu Xu 胡旭. “Pan Yue ruogan wenti yanjiu” 潘岳若干問題研究. Jiangsu jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1997: 2): 75–79. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. Gi Shin shidan no kenkyū, 519–65. Hong Shunlong 洪順隆. “Lun Pan Yue fu de jingdian fengmao” 論潘岳賦的經典風 貌. Disanjie guoci cifuxue yantaohui lunwen ji (1998); rpt. Hong Shunlong. Cifu luncong, 249–97. Wang Lin 王琳. Liuchao cifu shi, 113–27. Yin Nianci 陰念慈. “Pan Yue Lu Ji cifu zhi bijiao yanjiu” 潘岳、陸機辭賦之比較研 究. M.A. thesis, Guoli Chenggong daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo 國立成功 大學中國文學研究所, 1998. Chen Shumei 陳淑美. Pan Yue ji qi shiwen yanjiu 潘岳及其詩文研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1999. Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 333–46. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. “Pan Yue zaoqi renzhi ji xiguan kaobian” 潘岳早期任職及徙 官考辨. Wenxue yichan (2001: 5): 4–10. Chen Jinping 陳津萍. “Qianshen Pan Yue de aiwan shi fu” 淺深潘岳的哀挽詩賦. Kong Meng yuekan 41.1 (2002): 34–46. Hu Xu 胡旭 and Wang Haibing 王海兵. “Pan Yue san kao” 潘岳三考. Jiangsu jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 18.5 (2002): 83–87.

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Jiang Jianyun 姜劍雲. Taikang wenxue yanjiu 太康文學研究, 73–86, 287–89. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2003. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Shen Yucheng 沈玉成. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 158–64. Knechtges, David R. “Sweet-peel Orange or Southern Gold? Regional Identity in Western Jin Literature.” In Studies in Early Medieval Chinese Literature and Cultural History In Honor of Richard B. Mather & Donald Holzman, 27–80. Zhuo Guojun 卓國浚. “‘Yi zhi er wen wan, ti jiu er qu xin—lun Pan Yue ai ti”「義 直而文婉, 體舊而趣新」—論潘岳的哀體. Guowen xuezhi 7 (2003): 185–204. Wang Lifen 王麗芬. “Pan Yue jiashi hunyin kaoding” 潘岳家世婚姻考訂. Minjiang xueyuan xuebao 25.6 (2004): 11–13. Sotomura Ataru 外村中. “Sei Shin Han Gaku no kankyo to sansuiron ni tsuite” 西 晉潘岳の閑居と山水論について. Randosukēpu 68.2 (2004): 165–73. Li Chaoyang 李朝陽. “Xiandai Pan Yue yanjiu zongshu” 現代潘岳研究綜述. Guizhou wenshi congkan (2005: 3): 48–50. Wang Li 王立 and Wang Heng 王桁. “Lu Ji Pan Yue daowan shangshi wenxue bijiao” 陸機潘岳悼挽傷逝文學比較. Liaodong xueyuan xuebao 45.7 (2005): 51–62. Ma Yunjuan 馬雲娟. “Lun Pan Yue zuopin de yishu tezheng” 論潘岳作品的藝述特 徵. Neimenggu minzu daxue xuebao 31.5 (2005): 33–36. Xu Gongchi. Wei Jin wenxue shi, 333–46. Ye Fengyu 葉楓宇. Xi Jin zuojia de renge yu wenfeng, 151–96. Wang Lihua 王澧華. “Pan Yue” 潘岳. Liang Jin shifeng 兩晉詩風, 79–84. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005. Wang Xiaodong 王曉東. “Pan Yue fuzuo bian wei” 潘岳賦作辨僞. Beijing jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 21.1 (2007): 14–17. Gu Hong 顧農. “Pan Yue yanjiu er ti” 潘岳研究二題. Ningxia shifan xueyuan xuebao 28.4 (2007): 5–10. Wang Xiaodong 王曉東. “Jinchu dangzheng yu Pan Yue de zaonian xichi” 晉初黨 爭與潘岳的早年的棲遲. Henan keji daxue xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 25.5 (2007): 18–22. Cui Ruiping 崔瑞萍. “Pan Yue yingzhishi zhong de biaoge” 潘岳應制詩中的標格. Luoyang daxue xuebao 22.3 (2007): 30–34. Yu Shiling 俞士玲. “Pan Yue Pan Ni wenxue xinian kaozheng” 潘岳、潘尼文學繫 年考證. Xi Jin wenxue kaolun 西晉文學考論, 106–168. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2008. Wu Ting 吳婷. “Xin hua xin sheng wei shi zhen—qian yi Pan Yue ji qi chuangzuo” 心畫心聲未失真—淺議潘岳及其創作. Zhejiang shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 163 (2009): 41–44. Knechtges, David R. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 186–88.

Works a. “Xianju fu” 閑居賦 (Fu on living in retirement) Studies Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Han Gaku no ‘Shū kyō no fu’ to ‘Kan kyo no fu’” 潘岳の「秋興賦」と「閑居賦」. Gakurin 2 (1983): 32–45.

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Liao Guodong 廖國棟. “Shi tan Pan Yue ‘Xian ju fu’ de neixin shijie” 試探潘岳 〈閑居賦〉的內心世界. Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue yu sixiang xueshu yantaohui lunwen ji, 111–38. Wang Dehua 王德華. “Lun Pan Yue ‘Qiu xing’ ‘Xianju’ liang fu de chuangzuo xintai” 論潘岳的《秋興》、《閑居》兩賦的創作心態. Zhejiang shida xuebao (1993: 6): 72–74, 84. Xu Tianyi 許恬怡. “Pan Yue ‘Xianju fu’ yu Xie Lingyun ‘Shanju fu’ zhi bijiao” 潘岳「閑居賦」與謝靈運「山居賦」之比較. Fuda Zhongyasuo xuekan 14 (2004): 35–52. Sun Yafang 孫雅芳. “Pan Yue de ‘zhuozhe zhi zheng’—yi ‘Xianju fu’ zuo wei kaocha zhongxin” 潘岳的「拙者之政」—以「閑居賦」作為考察中心. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 20 (2005): 39–70. Guo Changfei 郭常斐. “Shi yi xi ‘ju’: cong Pan Yue ‘Xianju fu’ da Shen Yue ‘Jiaoju fu” 詩意棲 “居”: 從潘岳《閑居賦》到沈約《郊居賦》. Nanfang lunkao (2008: 1): 92–93. He Xuequn 何雪羣. “Cong ‘Xianju fu’ kan Pan Yue shi yu yin de maodun—jian lun Pan Yue de rensheng beiju” 從《閑居賦》看潘岳仕與隱的矛盾—兼論潘岳的人生 悲劇. Tiayuan chengshi zhiye jishu xueyuan xuebao 80 (2008): 169–70. Yang Qi 楊琪 and Zhou Xiaolin 周暁琳. “Xianju fei gaoqing—Pan Yue ‘Xianju fu’ biejie” 閑居非高情—潘岳《閑居賦》別解. Jixi daxue xuebao 8.4 (2008): 117–18.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 229–33. Watson, Chinese Rhyme-Prose, 64–71. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 145–57.

b. “Ji tian fu” 籍田賦 (Fu on the sacred field) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 98–103. Knechtges, Wen xuan, volume Two, 39–51

c. “Qiu xing fu” 秋興賦 (Fu on autumn inspirations) Studies Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Han Gaku no ‘Shū kyō no fu’ to ‘Kan kyo no fu’” 潘岳の「秋興賦」と「閑居賦」. Gakurin 2 (1983): 32–45. Yu Shiling 俞士玲. Xi Jin wenxue kao lun, 145–49.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 193–95. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 13–20. Lai, “River and Ocean,” 184–95.

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pan yue 潘岳 (247–300), zi anren 安仁 d. “Xi zheng fu” 西征賦 (Fu on a westward journey). Studies

Fujiwara Takashi 藤原尚. “‘Seisei no fu’ ni okeru ningenkan” 西征賦における人間 觀. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 21 (1968): 210–33. Harada Naoe 原田直枝. “Han Gaku ‘Seisei no fu’ kō” 潘岳「西征賦」攷. Chūgoku bungaku hō 44 (1992): 22–59. Guo Dianchen 郭店忱. “Pan Yue ‘Xi zheng fu’ Tulufan canjuan kaoshi” 潘岳《西征 賦》吐魯番殘卷考釋. Huanghe kexue daxue xuebao 10.3 (2008): 29–31.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 136–58. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Two, 181–235.

e. “She zhi fu” 射雉賦 (Fu on pheasant shooting) Translations Chalmers, J. “The Foo on Pheasant Shooting.” China Review, Notes and Queries 1 (1872–73): 322–24. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Two, 153–63.

f. “Huai jiu fu” 懷舊賦 (Fu on recalling old friends and kin) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 239–41. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 179–82.

g. “Guafu fu” 寡婦賦 (Fu on the widow) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 241–44. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 183–92.

h. “Dao wang shi” 悼亡詩 (Poems lamenting the departed) Studies Iritani Sensuke 入谷仙介. “Tōbō shi ni tsuite—Han Gaku kara Gen Shin ni made” 悼亡詩について—潘岳から元稹にまで. In Iriya kyōju Ogawa kyōju taikyū kinen Chūgoku gokaku bungaku ronshū 入矢教授小川教授退休記念中國文學語學論集. Kyoto: Kyōto daigaku, 1974.

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Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Han Gaku no ‘Tōbō shi ni tsuite” 潘岳の「悼亡詩」 について. Gakurin 3 (1984): 16–29. Saitō Nozomi 齋藤希史. “Han Gaku ‘Tōbō shi’ ron” 潘岳「悼亡詩」論. Chūgoku bungaku hō 39 (1988): 47–74.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 367–69. Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 86–88 (#1 and #2). Watson, Chinese Lyricism, 96–97 (#1). Lai, “River and Ocean,” 320–27. Lai, “Art of Lamentation,” 422–24. Birrell, New Songs, 81–82.

i. “Guanzhong shi” 關中詩 (Poem on Guanzhong) Study Cui Ruiping 崔瑞萍. “Cong ‘Guanzhong shi’ tantao Pan Yue ‘renwen buyi’ wenti” 從《關中詩》探討潘岳 “人文不一” 問題. Jinzhong xueyuan xuebao 22.1 (2005): 19–21.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 285–89. Wu Fusheng. Written at Imperial Command, 63–72.

j. “Yang Jingzhou lei” 楊荆州誄 (Dirge for Yang Jingzhou) Study Tsuchiya Akira 土屋聰. “Han Gaku ‘Yō Keishō rui’ to Yō Chūbu rui’—sono sōsaku taido no ishitsusei” 潘岳「楊荆州誄」と「楊仲武誄」—その創作態度の異質性. Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 36 (2007): 27–41.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 981–86. Knechtges, David R. “Han and Six Dynasties Parallel Prose.” Renditions 33–34 (1990): 95–101.

k. “Ma Qian du lei” 馬汧督誄 (Dirge for Ma, overseer of Qian) Study Yu Shiling 俞士玲, Xi Jin wenxue kao lun, 153–60.

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pan yue 潘岳 (247–300), zi anren 安仁 l. “Wei Jia Mi zuo zeng Lu Ji shi” 為賈謐作贈陸機詩 (Composed on behalf of Jia Mi, sent to Lu Ji) Translation

von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 402–4. Knechtges, David R. “Sweet-peel Orange or Southern Gold? Regional Identity in Western Jin Literature.” In Studies in Early Medieval Chinese Literature and Cultural History In Honor of Richard B. Mather & Donald Holzman, 67–73.

m. “Ai yong shi wen” 哀永逝文 (Lamenting the eternally departed) Translations Lai, “River and Ocean,” 301–18. Lai, “Art of Lamentation,” 320–27.

n. “Heyang xian zuo” 河陽縣作 (Written at Heyang county) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 444–48. Lai, “River and Ocean,” 123–32.

o. “Zai Huai xian zuo” 在懷縣作 (Written at Huai county) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 448–49. Lai, “River and Ocean,” 155–60.

p. “Nei gu shi” 內顧詩 (Poem on thinking of my wife) Study Yu Shiling 俞士玲, Xi Jin wenxue kao lun, 150–53.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 367–69. Lai, “River and Ocean,” 167–70. Birrell, New Songs, 82–83.

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q. “Jingu ji zuoshi” 金谷集作詩 (Poem written for the Jingu gathering) Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 307–8. DRK

Pei Qi 裴啟 (2nd half fourth century), zi Rongqi 榮期 Eastern Jin compiler of Yu lin. Pei Qi’s ancestral home was Hedong 河東 (modern Wenxi 聞喜, Shanxi). Because he never served in office, there is little information about his life. From an early age Pei Qi had a strong interest in assessing the character and talent of people of the past and present. He spent about twenty years compiling a collection of conversations attributed to figures from the Han and Wei up to his own time. Titled Yu lin 語林 (Grove of conversations, it was completed ca. 362–363. This became a popular book among the youth so that “everyone possessed a copy.” Later, Xie An 謝安 (320–385) denounced the work claiming it attributed to him statements that he never made. From that time on, people lost interest in the book. The Sui shu monograph on bibliography mentions a listing of the Yu lin in a Liang period catalogue in ten juan. This was lost already in the early Tang. 180– plus entries are still extant. The Yu lin was one of the main sources for the conversations recorded in the Shishuo xinyu. Texts Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857), ed. Pei Qi Yu lin 裴啟語林. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu, 75. Contains 151 entries. Lu Xun. Gu xiaoshuo gouchen, 1: 13–46. Contains 180 entries. Zhou Lengqie 周楞伽, ed. and comm. Pei Qi Yu lin 裴啟語林. Beijing: Wenhua yishu chubanshe, 1988. Contains 185 entries.

Studies Lee, Lily Hsiao Hung 蕭虹. “Yü-lin and Kuo-tzu: Two Predecessors of Shih-shuo hsin-yü.” A Festschrift in Honour of Professor Jao Tsung-i on the Occasion of His Seventy-fifth Anniversary, 357–88. Hong Kong: The Institute of Chinese Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1993. Zhou Zhengsong 周征松. Wei Jin Sui Tang jian de Hedong Peishi 魏晉隋唐間的河 東裴氏, 46–50. Taiyuan: Shanxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000.

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Jiang Guangzhen 姜廣振. “Lun Pei Qi Yu lin yi shu wangyi de yuanyin” 論裴啟 《語林》一書亡佚的原因. Jiaozuo shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuejiao xuebao 21.2 (2005): 11–14. Jiang Guangzhen 姜廣振. “Cong Pei Qi Yu lin yi shu kan Wei Jin mingshi rendan zhi feng” 從裴啟《語林》一書看魏晉名士任誕之風. Suihua xueyuan xuebao 25.2 (2005): 73–75. Jiang Guangzhen 姜廣振. “Lüe lun Lun yu dui Pei Qi Yu lin de yingxiang” 略論 《論語》對裴啟《語林》的影響. Kaifeng jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 29.3 (2009): 5–7. Huang Dongyang 黃東陽. “Jin Pei Qi Yu lin zhi yiwen kao bian—jian lun qi ren pinjian renwu de sikao moshi” 晉裴啟《語林》之佚文考辨—兼論其人品鑒人物 的思考模式. Dong Wu Zhongwen xuebao 13 (2007): 31–49. DRK

Pei Songzhi 裴松之 (372–451), zi Shiqi 世期 Liu-Song period historian. Pei Songzhi came from the distinguished Pei family of Wenxi 聞喜 in Hedong 河東 (modern Wenxi, Shanxi). At the end of the Western Jin, some members of the Pei family left their ancestral home and took up residence in the south. Pei Songzhi’s grandfather, Pei Mei 裴昧 (b. ca. 310), served in the Eastern Jin court as grand master for splendid happiness. His father, Pei Gui 裴珪 (b. ca. 341), was a supernumerary official at the Jin court. Little is known of Pei Songzhi’s early life. He had scholarly interests as a young boy and reputedly mastered both the Lun yu and Mao shi by the age of eight. In 391, at the age of twenty, Pei Songzhi began his official career as general of the palace at the court of Emperor Xiaowu (r. 372–396). Pei’s uncle, Yu Kai 庾楷 (d. 399), inspector of Yu province, who was stationed in Jiangling 江陵 (modern Jiangling, Hubei), tried to have Pei assigned as governor of Xinye 新野 (modern Xinye, Henan). However, because of some difficulty, Pei was unable to take up the post. If he had done so, he might have been killed when Yu Kai and Wang Gong 王恭 (d. 398) led a coup against the throne in 398–99. Yu Kai was executed by Huan Xuan 桓玄 in 399. At an unspecified later time (at least before 405), Pei was appointed supernumerary gentleman cavalier attendant, which was a post given only to members of “pure and honorable” families. Ca. 405, Pei left the court and took up the position of magistrate of Guzhang 故鄣 in Wuxing 吳興 commandery (modern Wuxing, Zhejiang) where he earned merit for his administration. He soon was recalled to the court as gentleman of the masters of writing for the Ministry of Sacrifices. While serving in this post, he

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presented to the court a petition recommending that private erecting of stele inscriptions be banned. In 409, Liu Yu 劉裕 (420–479) began a series of military campaigns that eventually led to his overthrowing the Eastern Jin and establishing the Liu Song dynasty (420–479). Pei Songzhi served Liu Yu in various capacities, including master of records in Sizhou 司州 (modern Luoyang) after Liu Yu became inspector there in 416. He also administered Luoyang after Liu Yu captured it. He was soon summoned back to the capital in Jiankang, where he served in various capacities, including forerunner of the heir designate, and professor at the national university. Under the second Liu Song ruler, Emperor Wen (r. 424–453), Pei Songzhi continued to serve in the imperial court. In 426, Emperor Wen sent sixteen grand commissioners, including Pei, to tour various areas of the realm. Pei was sent to Xiangzhou 湘州 (modern Hunan). He was then appointed gentleman-in-attendance of the palace writers and senior impartial and just of both Sizhou and Jizhou. In 428, Emperor Wen commissioned Pei Songzhi to compile a commentary to the Sanguo zhi, a work that he completed and presented to the throne on 8 September 429. Emperor Wen declared the work “imperishable.” Pei held several local positions, including that of governor of Yongjia 永嘉 (modern Wenzhou, Zhejiang). It is not clear whether this was an exile. Pei retired in 437, but he soon returned to the court where he rose to grand palace grandee and professor of the national university. He also was given charge of completing the Song history begun by He Chengtian 何承天 (370–447), who had died before finishing it. Pei Songzhi died in 451 at the age of eighty. Pei Songzhi’s son, Pei Yin 裴駰 (fl. 438), also was a historian. He is well known for his commentary to the Shi ji. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Pei Songzhi’s collected works in thirteen juan and mentions a Liang catalogue that contained a twenty-one-juan version. Both Tang histories list it in thirty juan. This was lost in the Song. Pei Songzhi also wrote a history of the Pei family, Pei shi jia zhuan 裴氏家傳, which is also is lost. He also compiled two annalistic histories, Jin ji 晉紀 (Jin annals) and Song Yuanjia qiju zhu 宋元 嘉起居注 (Diary of activity and repose for the Song Yuanjia period) neither of which is extant. Pei Songzhi’s only fully extant work is his commentary to the Sanguo zhi. In his petition that accompanied his completed mansucript of the commentary, Pei indicates that one of his main concerns was to “obtain all of the matters that Chen Shou did not include in his account but should have recorded in order to fill in the gaps in Chen Shou’s history.” Thus,

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Pei Songzhi’s commentary mainly consists of citations from as many as 258 sources. In some places, Pei Songzhi offers his own interpretation of events or persons. He also provides 98 phonetic glosses. Contrary to common opinion, Pei’s commentary is not longer than the original text. Wang Tingqia, Cui Shuting, and Cutter-Crowell have shown that Chen Shou’s text has some 360,000 characters as opposed to some 320,000 characters in Pei Songzhi’s commentary. Studies Liu Yizheng 柳詒徵. “Sanguo zhi Pei zhu yili”《三國志》裴注義例. Wen shi zhe jikan 2.1 (1944); rpt. Qu Lindong, ed. Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu, 344–68. Wang Zhonghan 王鍾翰. “Sanguo zhi Pei zhu kaozheng”《三國志》裴注考證. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu huikan 5 (1944): 163–204; rpt. Qu Lindong, ed. Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu, 369–418. Yang Yixiang 楊翼驤. “Pei Songzhi yu Sanguo zhi zhu” 裴松之與三國志注. Lishi jiaoxue (1963: 2); rpt. Qu Lindong, ed. Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu, 419–43. Lu Yaodong 逯耀東. “Pei Songzhi yu Sanguo zhi zhu” 裴松之與《三國志注》. Guoli bianyi guan guankan 3.1 (1974); rpt. Lu Yaodong. Wei Jin shixue de sixiang yu shehui jichu, 231–52; Qu Lindong, ed. Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu, 444–67. Huang Dashou 黃大受. “Sanguo zhi zhu yu Pei Songzhi” 三國志注與裴松之. Dongfang zazhi 10.1 (1976): 29–30. Hu Chusheng 胡楚生. “Lüelun Sanguo yanyi yu Pei Songzhi Sanguo zhi zhu de guanxi” 略論《三國演義》與裴松之《三國志注》的關係. Gudian wenxue 3 (1981): 259–88. Wang Tingqia 王廷洽. “Ying zhengque renshi Sanguo zhi Pei zhu de jiazhi” 應 正確認識「三國志」裴注的價值. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1983: 4): 70–71. Zhang Menglun 張孟倫. “Pei Songzhi Sanguo zhi zhu” 裴松之《三國志注》. Zhongguo lishi wenxian yanjiu jikan 4 (1984): 32–37. Lu Yaodong 逯耀東. “Pei Songzhi yu Wei Jin shixue pinglun” 裴松之與魏晉史學 評論. Shihuo yuekan 15.3–4 (1985): 93–105; rpt. Lu Yaodong. Wei Jin shixue de sixiang yu shehui jichu, 305–32. Wang Tingqia 王廷洽. “Lüetang Sanguo zhi yu Pei zhu de shulian wenti” 略談《三 國志》與裴注的數量問題. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1985: 3): 39–42. Miao Yue 繆鉞 et al. Sanguo zhi daodu 三國志導讀. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1988. Gao Guokang 高國抗. “Pei Songzhi—yidai zhu shi mingjia” 裴松之—一代注史名 家. Zhongguo gudai shixue renwu, 57–62. Yang Yixiang 楊翼驤. “Pei Songzhi” 裴松之. Zhongguo shixuejia pingzhuan, 159–83. Cui Shuting 崔曙庭. “Sanguo zhi benwen queshi duo yu Pei zhu”《三國志》本文確 實多於裴注. Huazhong shifan daxue xuebao (1990: 2): 122–26; rpt. Qu Lindong, ed. Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu, 468–77.

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Li Xiaoming 李曉明. “Pei Songzhi shixue chulun” 裴松之史學初論. Huazhong shifan daxue xuebao (1990: 4): 47–53. Ye Jianhua 葉建華. “Cong Sango zhi zhu kan Pei Songzhi de shixue piping” 從《三 國志注》看裴松之的史學批評. Jinyang xuekan (1992: 1): 60–65; rpt. Qu Lindong, ed. Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu, 478–89. Wu Yechun 伍野春. “Pei Songzhi lishi kaozheng fa” 裴松之歷史考證法. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1992: 2): 40–43; rpt. in Qu Lindong, ed. Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu, 490–98. Chen Hu 陳虎. “Shilun Pei Songzhi de zhuyao shixue chengjiu he gongxian” 試論 裴松之的主要史學成就和貢獻. Gansu shehui kexue (1994: 2): 92–97. Cui Fanzhi 崔凡芝. “Pei zhu de shixue yiyi” 裴注的史學意義. Shixue shi yanjiu (1994: 4): 42–48; rpt. Qu Lindong, ed. Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu, 499–512. Yu Wanli 虞萬里. “Sanguo zhi Pei zhu yinshu xinkao”《三國志》裴注引書新考. Wenzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1994: 4): 74–77. Li Yingke 李穎科. “Lun Pei Songzhi de shixue sixiang” 論裴松之的史學思想. Renwen zazhi (1996: 1): 91–95. Miyagishi Yūseke 宮岸雄介. “Hai Shōshi no shigakukan” 裴松之史學觀. Waseda daigaku daigakuen bungaku kenkyūka kiyō 42 (1996): 51–63. Wu Yechun 伍野春. Pei Songzhi pingzhuan 裴松之評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1998. Cutter, Robert Joe and William Gordon Crowell. Empresses and Consorts: Selections from Chen Shou’s Records of the Three States with Pei Songzhi’s Commentaries, 66–69. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1999. Gao Kai 高凱. “Lüelun Sanguo zhi Pei Songzhi zhu de shiliao jiazhi” 略論《三 國志》裴松之注的史料價值. Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 33.4 (2000): 83–87. Zhou Zhengsong 周征松. Wei Jin Sui Tang jian de Hedong Pei shi 魏晉隋唐間的河 東裴氏, 64–69. Taiyuan: Shanxie jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000. Hu Baoguo 胡寶國. “Sanguo zhi Pei zhu yanjiu”《三國志》裴注研究. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan lishi yanjiusuo xuekan 1 (2001): 103–20; rpt. Qu Lindong, ed. Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu, 513–39. Hu Baoguo 胡寶國. “Sanguo zhi Pei zhu”《三國志》裴注. Han Tang jian shixue de fazhan 漢唐間史學的發展, 73–99. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2003. Zhang Ruilong 張瑞龍. “Cong jing zhu yu shi zhu de bianzou kan Pei Songzhi Sanguo zhi zhu de xueshu shi diwei” 從經注與史注的變奏看裴松之《三國志注》的 學術史地位. Shixue yuekan (2004: 6): 95–102. Chen Jianmei 陳健梅. “Pei Songzhi ji qi Sanguo zhi zhu yanjiu shuping” 裴松之及 其《三國志注》研究述評. Zhongguo shi yanjiu dongtai (2004: 2): 2–6. Wang Wenjin 王文進. “Lun Pei Songzhi de ‘tongyi guan’” 論裴松之的「統一觀」. Liuchao xuekan 1 (2004): 45–60. Chu Taisong 儲泰松. “Sanguo zhi Pei Songzhi yin zhu qian lun”《三國志》裴松之 音注淺論. Jiangsu daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 6.5 (2004): 70–74. Wu Yechun 伍野春. “Pei Songzhi Sanguo zhi zhu yinshu bianxi” 裴松之《三國志 注》引書辨析. Dongfang luntan (2005: 2): 97–102. Luan Yingjie 欒英杰. “Pei zhu Sanguo zhi yunshi yanjiu” 裴注《三國志》韻式研究. Jiamusi daxue shehui kexue bao 23.3 (2005): 44–45. Hao Runhua 郝潤華. Liuchao shiji yu shixue 六朝史籍與史學, 117–40. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005.

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Cai Yanting 蔡衍廷. “Zun Wei? yong Shu? Guanyu Pei Songzhi zhi zhengtong guan de jidian taolun” 尊魏? 擁蜀?: 關於裴松之正統觀的幾點討論. Donghua Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 4 (2006): 77–92. Gao Min 高敏. “Sanguo zhi Pei Songzhi zhu yinshu kao”《三國志》裴松之注引書考. Henan keji daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 25.4 (2007): 5–21. Yu Zhiting 余志挺. Pei Songzhi Sanguo zhi yanjiu 裴松之《三國志》研究. Taipei: Hua Mulan wenhua gongzuofang, 2008. DRK

Pei Wei 裴頠 (267–300), zi Yimin 逸民 Western Jin writer and xuanxue thinker. Pei Wei’s ancestral home was Hedong 河東 (modern Wenxi 聞喜, Shanxi). He was the youngest son of Pei Xiu 裴秀 (224–271) a famous cartographer and prominent court official in the early Western Jin. Pei Wei was married to the daughter of Wang Rong 王戎 (234–305), the youngest of the Seven Worthies of the Bamboo Grove. Even in his youth, Pei Wei was well known. In 275, he inherited his father’s title Marquis of Julu 鉅鹿 from his deceased elder brother Pei Jun 裴濬. In 282, Pei Wei was appointed to the staff of the crown prince Sima Zhong 司馬衷 (259–306), the future Emperor Hui (r. 290–306). In the mid-280s he held the title of cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. It was about this time that he married Wang Rong’s daughter. With the accession of Emperor Hui, Pei Wei rose to high positions. Ca. 290, he was appointed rector of the national university, and he played a role in the carving of the text of the Confucian classics on stone. He also held the high military titles of general of the left and right armies. In 291, he was promoted to palace attendant in which capacity he presented numerous petitions to the court including a proposal to revise the measuring system. In 295, Pei Wei concurrently served as minister of personnel. During this time he proposed a reform of the penal system. Pei Wei’s mother’s sister was the wife of Jia Chong 賈充 (217–282), whose daughter Nanfeng 南風 (d. 300) became Empress Jia, the chief consort of Emperor Hui. Despite his family connection with the consort clan, Pei became concerned about Empress Jia’s abuse of power, and in 296 he plotted with Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300) and Jia Mo 賈模 (d. 299) to have her deposed in favor of Emperor Hui’s concubine Xie Jiu 謝玖 (d. 299), also known as Xie Shufei 謝淑妃 (Pure Consort Xie). However, they were unable to act on their scheme. In 299, Pei Was was promoted to vice director of the imperial secretariat. He tried to use his authority to curtail the power of the consort clan. During this time he came into conflict with the powerful prince Sima Lun 司馬倫 (d. 301), who was plotting a coup to

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seize the imperial throne. Pei Wei repeatedly refused Sima Lun’s request for official appointments. After deposing and murdering Empress Jia, Sima Lun then had Pei Wei and Zhang Hua executed in 300. Pei Wei was only thirty-four at the time. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu listed Pei Wei’s collected works in nine juan, while the two Tang histories record it in ten juan. This was lost during the Song. Pei Wei’s most famous work is “Chong you lun” 崇有論 (Disquisition on esteeming the existent). While serving as director of the imperial secretariat, Pei Wei became increasingly offended by the libertism that he saw permeating the upper levels of Luoyang society. He composed “Chong you lun” as a refutation of the xuanxue thinkers who claimed “everything existent begins from the non-existent.” Pei argues that this type of thinking has led to libertism and escapism that was now doing great harm to the social and political order. Studies Balazs, Chinese Civilization and Bureacracy, 250–54. Mather, Richard. “The Controversy over Conformity and Naturalness during the Six Dynasties.” History of Religions 9.2–3 (1969–70): 173. Hsiao-Mote, History of Chinese Political Thought, 2: 645–46. Lu Kanru, Zhonggu wenxue xinian, 631, 649, 666, 706, 719–20, 735–36, 744, 758, 765, 769, 778–79, 791. Xiao Meifeng 蕭美豐. “Pei Wei chong you zhexue xinlun” 裴頠崇有哲學新論. Jinyang xuekan (1985: 3): 44–47, 43. Liu Kangde 劉康德. “Pei Wei zhexue sixiang buzheng” 裴頠哲學思想補正. Xueshu yuekan (1985: 6): 39–41. Feng Youlan 馮友蘭. “Pei Wei ‘Chong you lun’ jiaoshi” 裴頠《崇有論》校釋. Qinghua daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 1.1 (1986): 8–13, 22. Lan Xibing 蘭喜幷 and Han Jianping 韓建平. “Pei Wei zhexue sixiang pingshu” 裴頠哲學思想評述. Lilun tansuo (1989: 1): 25–28. Lai Huiling 賴慧玲. “Pei Wei yu Kong Meng zhi mingjiao guan bijiao” 裴頠與孔 、孟之名教觀比較. Xingda Zhongwen xuebao 7 (1994): 247–53. Qiu Yiwen 邱宜文. “Pei Wei ‘Chong you lun’ jiexie” 裴頠「崇有論」解析. E’hu 279 (1998): 37–44. Zhou Zhengsong 周征松. Wei Jin Sui Tang jian de Hedong Peishi 魏晉隋唐間的河 東裴氏, 43–46. Taiyuan: Shanxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000. Hou Jiezhi 侯潔之. “Pei Wei ‘Chong hou lun’ zhong ‘you’ de yihan yu wanyou guanxi” 裴頠「崇有論」中「有」的義涵與萬有關係. Zhongguo xueshu niankan 23 (2002): 229–49. Liu Guifang 劉桂芳. “Pei Wei ‘Chong you lun’ tanxi” 裴頠〈崇有論〉探析. Kong Meng xuebao 82 (2004): 263–81. Liu Xianshu 劉顯叔. “Pei Wei ji qi ‘Chong you lun’ suojie er ti” 裴頠及其〈崇有 論〉索解二題. Liuchao xuekan 2 (2006): 83–96. DRK

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pei ziye 裴子野 (469–530), zi jiyuan 幾原

Pei Ziye 裴子野 (469–530), zi Jiyuan 幾原 Qi-Liang period historian and writer. Pei Ziye’s ancestral home was Wenxi 聞喜 in Hedong 河東 commandery (northeast of modern Wenxi, Shanxi). He came from a family of historians. His great-grandfather was Pei Songzhi 裴松之 (370–449), the famous commentator to the Sanguo zhi. His grandfather was Pei Yin 裴駰 (fl. 438) who wrote an important commentary to Sima Qian’s Shi ji. Pei Ziye’s father Pei Zhaoming 裴昭明 (d. 502) served as a professor in the national university during the Liu-Song period. Pei Ziye’s mother died shortly after he was born. He was then reared by his father and grandmother née Yin 殷. In his youth Pei Ziye was a diligent student. While in his early twenties Pei served on the staff of two Qi princes, but he had to resign from office in 502 when his father died. After the founding of the Liang the distinguished writer and scholar Fan Yun 范雲 (451–503) wished to recommend Pei Ziye for an official post, but Fan died before he could do so. During this period many younger men sought the patronage of Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508). Although Pei Ziye was related to Ren Fang, he refused to advance his career through Ren’s influence much to Ren’s disappointment. In 504, he served as an adjutant to Emperor Wu’s younger brother Xiao Xiu 蕭秀 (475–518) who had just been named general of the right. Pei also concurrently held the post of supervisor of law enforcement. Pei Ziye had been compiling a history of the Liu-Song titled Song lüe 宋 略 (Digest history of the Song). Pei intended this work to be a corrective to the Song history that Shen Yue (441–513) had completed under imperial auspices in 488. Pei Ziye’s history was a relatively brief work of twenty juan but it received much acclaim during the early Liang. Even Shen Yue praised it. In 507 the minister of the bureau of personnel Xu Mian 徐勉 (466–535) recommended Pei Ziye to Emperor Wu who appointed him editorial director and put Pei in charge of compiling the state history and the notes of the daily activities of the imperial court. Pei was also often assigned to compose imperial edicts for the court. In 526, he composed the proclamation of war for the Liang expedition against the Northern Wei. Emperor Wu was so impressed with Pei’s composition thereafter he commissioned Pei to write all of the imperial dispatches and war proclamations. In 527, Pei Ziye was promoted to chief minister for dependencies and granted the honorary title of infantry commandant. Pei Ziye was on good terms with Emperor Wu’s son, Xiao Yi 蕭繹 508– 555), the Prince of Xiangdong 湘東, as well as the scholars Liu Zhilin 劉 之遴 (477–548) and Liu Xian 劉顯 (481–543). When scholars gathered to debate interpretations of texts, they usually deferred to Pei’s judgment.

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In his later years Pei Ziye became a devout Buddhist and vegetarian. He died in office in 530 at the age of sixty-two. Xiao Yi composed his grave memoir. According to Pei Ziye’s biography in the Liang shu, Pei shunned ornate diction and composed in an ancient style that was different from the current fashion. Xiao Gang characterized him as a “good historian” who did not produce any great works of belles letters. Pei Ziye’s Liang shu biography lists a number of his works including a collected commentary on mourning garments and what is titled Xu Peishi jia zhuan 續裴氏家傳 (Sequel to the traditions of the Pei family), both in two juan. He also compiled a forty-juan compendium of events of the Later Han. Under imperial command he compiled Zhong seng zhuan 眾 僧傳 (Traditions of Buddhist monks) in twenty juan, the Baiguan jiu pin 百 官九品 (The nine grades of the official bureaucracy) in two juan, the Fuyi shi fa 附益諡法 (Additions to the rules for posthumous names) in one juan, and the Fangguo shi tu 方國使圖 (Portraits on envoys from states of the four quarters), also in one juan. None of these works has survived. Pei Ziye’s magnum opus, the Song lüe, survived intact until the thirteenth century. Thomas Jansen has compiled an inventory of the extant fragments. From a literary perspective, the most interesting section of the Song lüe is an essay on literature that has customarily been titled “Diao chong lun” 雕蟲論 (Disquisition on ornamental writing). This is not Pei Ziye’s title, for the work was originally included in a disquisition on the examination system. The title “Diao chong lun” probably was given by the compilers of the Wenyuan yinghua 文苑英華 in the tenth century. In the essay Pei Ziye strongly condemns the prevailing contemporary style which he characterizes as “frivolous and ornate.” The Liang shu also mentions that Pei Ziye had a literary collection in twenty juan. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and two Tang histories list a collection in fourteen juan. This apparently was lost during the Song. Yan Kejun collects fifteen of his prose works that include fragments of three fu. Six of the pieces are fragments of the Song lüe. Pei Ziye has only three poems extant. Bibliography Studies Chu Yulong 褚玉龍. “Pei Ziye wenxue sixiang lunxi” 裴子野文學思想論析. Gudian wenxue luncong 3 (1982): 103–17. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Guanyu Pei Ziye shiwen de jige wenti” 關於裴子野詩文 的幾個問題. Wenxue yichan (1984: 2): 107–12; rpt. in Cao Daoheng. Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwenji, 278–86.

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Liu Zhi’an 劉志安. “Fan Zhen ren guozi boshi de niandai jian ji Pei Ziye de shengnian” 范縝任國子博士的年代兼及裴子野的生年. Jiang Han luntan (1989: 5): 79. He Yujing 何于菁. “Shi xi Pei Ziye yu Xiao Zixian zhi ‘wenxue’ lunzheng” 試析裴 子野與蕭子顯之「文學」論爭. Yunhan xuekan 3 (1996): 165–82. Hu Jian 胡建. “Shi tan Pei Ziye dui shixue shi fazhang de yingxiang” 試談裴子野 對史學發展的影響. Shanxi daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1996: 1): 49–52. Jansen, Thomas. Höfische Õffentlichkeit im frümittelalterlichen China: Debatten im Salon des Prinzen Xiao Ziliang, 137–48. Freiburg im Breisgau: Rombach, 2000. Pei Hai’an 裴海安. “‘Shixue san Pei’ lüelun” “史學三裴》略論”. Shanxi shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 27.4 (2000): 81–84. Zhou Zhengsong 周征松. Wei Jin Sui Tang de Hedong Peishi 魏晉隋唐間的河東裴 氏, 72–78. Taiyuan: Shanxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000. Kou Yanghou 寇養厚. “Pei Ziye de wenxueguan” 裴子野的文學觀. In Nianyi shiji Han Wei Liuchao wenxue xin shijiao 廿一世紀漢魏六朝文學新視視角, Su Jui-lung 蘇瑞隆 and Gong Hang 龔航, ed., 313–26. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 2001. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 523–24. Chen Hongmei 陳紅梅. “Pei Ziye de jiaxue yuanyuan” 裴子野的家學淵源. Yuncheng xueyuan xuebao 23.6 (2005): 10–11. Ma Yanhui 馬艷輝. “Pei Ziye yu Shen Yue” 裴子野與沈約. Wenshi zhishi (2006: 5): 74–78.

Works a. “Diao chong lun” 雕蟲論 Studies Hayashida Shinnosuke 林田慎之助. “Hai Shiya ‘Chō chū ron’ kōshō—Rikuchō ni okeru fukko bungakuron no kōzō” 裴子野《雕蟲論》考證—六朝における復古 文學論の構造. Nihon Chūgoku bungaku gakkai hō 20 (1968): 125–39; rpt. in Hayashida Shinnosuke. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku hyōronshi 中國中世文學評論 史, 286–312. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 1979; Chinese trans. Chen Xizhong 陳曦鐘. “Pei Ziye ‘Diao chong lun’ kaozheng: Guanyu ‘Diao chong lun’ de xiezuo niandai ji qi fugu wenxue lun” 裴子野《雕蟲論》考證: 關於《雕蟲論》的寫作年代及其復古 文學論. Gudai wenxue lilun yanjiu congkan 6 (1982): 231–50. Tai Sanqin 邰三親. “Pei Ziye wenxue guan chengyin fenxi” 裴子野文學觀成因分析. Yuncheng xueyuan xuebao 24.6 (2006): 30–32. Marney, John. “P’ei Tzu-yeh: A Minor Literary Critic of the Liang Dynasty.” Selected Papers in Asian Studies 1 (1976): 161–71. Jansen, Höfische Őffentlichkeit, 138–42. Wu, Fusheng. The Poetics of Decadence: Chinese Poetry of the Southern Dynasties and the Late Tang Periods, 30–33. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998. Wang Ping. “Culture and Literature in an Early Medieval Chinese Court: The Writings and Thought of Xiao Tong (501–531).” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 2006, 59–67.

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b. Song lüe 宋略 (Digest of Song history) Studies Maeda Yoshihiro 前田佳弘. “Hai Shiya no Sōryaku ni tsuite (ronsetsu)” 裴子野 の『宋略』について(論說). Momoyama rekishi chiri 桃山歷史‧地理. 23 (1986): 31–43. You Xiang 游翔. “Pei Ziye yu Song lüe” 裴子野與《宋略》. Jinyang xuekan (1994: 1)): 57–62. Tang Xiejun 唐燮軍. “Ye tan Pei Ziye de Song lüe” 也談裴子野《宋略》. Shixue shi yanjiu 107 (2002): 49–56. Chen Hongmei 陳紅梅 and Zhou Bin 周斌. “Song lüe sanyi niandai kao”《宋略》 散佚年代考. Shixue shi yanjiu 107 (2002): 64–67. Jansen, Thomas. “Aufstellung der erhaltenen Fragmente aus Pei Ziyes Songlüe,” Höfische Õffentlichkeit, 274–76. Ma Yanhui 馬艷輝. “Pei Ziye Song lüe shilun de jiazhi” 裴子野《宋略》史論的價值. Anhui shixue (2007: 3): 28–32. Tang Xiejun 唐燮軍. “Pei Ziye Song lüe san ti” 裴子野《宋略》三題. Shixue shi yanjiu 133 (2009): 93–97. DRK

Pian fu 駢賦 (Parallel-style fu) A prevailing type of fu in Wei, Jin, Nanbeichao period. Pian fu, also known as pai fu 排賦 or pai fu 俳賦, is a type of fu that heavily employs verbal and metrical parallelism. Although this feature can be found in the fu of the Han dynasty, the form becomes more common beginning in the Wei-Jin period, and reaches its peak in the late Northern and Southern dynasties. Some of the pian fu of the late Southern Dynasties even display tonal balance between lines. Bibliography Suzuki Torao 鈴木虎雄. Fushi taiyō 賦史大要, 99–170. Tokyo: Fusambō, 1936. Li Shurong 李蜀蓉. “Kai Liuchao pianfu zhi duan de Lu Ji” 開六朝駢賦之端的陸機. Tainan shizhuan xuekan 1 (1979): 58–65. Cheng Zhangcan 程章燦. Wei Jin Nanbeichao fu shi 魏晉南北朝賦史, 219–24. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1992. Huang Shuiyun 黃水雲. “Lun Liuchao pianfu zhi fazhan ji qi yanbian qushi” 論六 朝駢賦之發展及其演變趨勢. Shijian xuebao 27 (1996): 103–26; rpt. Disanjie guoji cifuxue xueshu yantao hui lunwen ji, 2: 657–72. Liao Zhiqiang 廖志強. Nanchao fu chanwei 南朝賦闡微. Taipei: Tiangong shuju, 1997. Cao Minggang 曹明綱. Fuxue gailun 賦學概論, 106–51. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1998.

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Chien Tsung-wu 簡宗梧. Fu yu pianwen 賦與駢文. Taipei: Taiwan shudian, 1998. Huang Shuiyun 黃水雲. Liuchao pianfu yanjiu 六朝駢賦研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1999. Tang Jun 湯君. “Lun pianfu de wenhua yiyi” 論駢賦的文化意義. Tianfu xinlun (2001: 2): 65–69. Tang Jun 湯君. “Pianfu de zhuti yu jiegou fenxi” 駢賦的主題與結構分析. Shehui kexue yanjiu (2001: 4): 150–54. Zhou Yue 周悅. “Lun pianwen pianfu zhi yitong” 論駢文駢賦之異同. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 72 (2004): 7–9. Zhang Yongxin 張永鑫. “Pianfu shulüe—Wei Jin Liuchao fu xunshi lu” 駢賦述 略—魏晉六朝駢賦巡市錄. Liuchao xuekan 1 (2004): 145–70. Wang Zhiqing 王志清. “Wei Jin pianfu de wenti xingzhi ji qi yiyi” 魏晉駢賦的文體 性質及其意義. Nantong daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 21.1 (2005): 78–83. DRK

Pianwen 駢文 (Parallel prose) Pianwen is a name given in the Qing period to prose writing that displays extensive metrical and verbal parallelism, extensive allusions, and ornate language. Other names for this prose form are pianti wen 駢體文 (parallel style prose), pianli wen 駢儷文 (paired-line writing), and siliu wen 四六文 (four-six prose). The latter term refers to the metrical pattern of four-syllable and six-syllable lines that is most common in Chinese parallel prose. Parallelism is a common feature of classical Chinese writing, and scholars have attempted to trace the origins of parallel prose to the earliest works of Chinese writing, especially the Confcian Classics. For example, the Qing dynasty pianwen advocate Ruan Yuan 阮元 (1764–1849) argued that the origins of pianwen could be found in the “earliest” of the Classics, the Zhou yi. Other early prose works that make extensive use of parallelism are some of the persuasions recorded in the Zhanguo ce, especially the speech in which Su Qin 蘇秦 (late 4th century b.c.e.) tries to persuade the King of Qin of the advantages of forming an east-west alliance, the parables of Zhuangzi, and a number of the expository essays of Xunzi. The genre that is the most direct antecedent of pian is the Han fu. The fu of Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (117–79 b.c.e ), Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.– 18 b.c.e ), Ban Gu 班固 (32–92), and Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–139) display a high degree of metrical and grammatical parallelism as well as the florid style that is a common feature of pianwen. Several prose works of the Han period also are considered model examples of pianwen. These include “Guo Qin lun” 國秦論 (Finding fault with Qin) by 賈誼 (201–168 b.c.e.), “Yuzhong shang Liang wang shu” 獄中上梁王書 (Letter from prison presented to the King of Liang) by Zou Yang 鄒陽 (fl. 150 b.c.e.), and “Bao

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Ren Shaoqing shu” 報任少卿書 (Letter replying to Ren Shaoqing) by Sima Qian 司馬遷 (ca. 145 b.c.e.–ca. 86 b.c.e.). In the late Eastern Han and Wei period parallel prose writing becomes even more common. Prominent examples are “Jian Mi Heng biao” 薦禰衡表 (Petition recommending Mi Heng) by Kong Rong 孔融 (153–208), and “Da Wu Jizhong shu” 答吳季 重書 (Letter replying to Wu Zhi) and “Qiu zi shi biao” 求自試表 (Petition seeking to prove myself) by Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232). Although parallel prose is a common form of writing into modern times, the “golden age” of pianwen is the Western Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties period. Pianwen compositions can be found in the collections of nearly every prose writer and almost every genre. Even such genres as the letter and disquisition were written in parallel prose. The famous early medieval anthology Wen xuan 文選 (Selections of refined literature) that dates from the early sixth century has often been considered to be a major repository of pre-Tang period parallel prose. Writing about the same time as the compilation of the Wen xuan, Liu Xie in the “Li ci” 麗辭 (Parallel phrasing) chapter of the Wenxin diaolong provides the earliest known exposition on parallelism. Liu Xie explains parallelism as a completely natural process that is simply a reflection of the bipolar patterns of nature. He also shows how parallelism was a common feature of the Confucian classics. By the Western Jin period, many writers were composing highly mature pieces of parallel prose. The most prolific parallel prose writer of this era is Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303). His 369–line “Yan lian zhu” 演連珠 (Strung-pearls expanded) consists of 364 parallel lines, and even his 407–line “Bian wang lun” 辨亡論 (Disquisition on the fall of a state) contains 218 parallel lines. Lu Ji’s contemporary Pan Yue 潘岳 also composed a number of well known parallel prose pieces, especially his threnodic compositions such as “Yang Jingzhou lei” 楊荊州誄 (Dirge for Yang Jingzhou) that has 72 parallel lines out of 177 lines. During the Southern Dynasties parallel prose reaches its maturity in the hands of Yan Yanzhi 顏延之 (384–456), Bao Zhao 鮑照 (ca. 414–466), Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513), and Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508). For example, Yan Yanzhi’s “Sanyue sanri qushui shi xu” 三月三日曲水詩序 (Preface for the poems written at the winding waterway on the third day of the third month) contains 120 parallel lines out of 142 lines. The two Six Dynasties writers whose names are most intimately associated with parallel prose are Yu Xin 庾信 (513–581) and Xu Ling 徐陵 (507–583). Xu Ling’s “Yutai xinyong xu” 玉臺新詠序 (Preface to the Yutai xinyong) and Yu Xin’s “Ai Jiangnan fu xu” 哀江南賦序 (Preface to the fu lamenting the Southland) are among the most celebrated specimens of parallel prose composition.

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During the late Southern Dynasties writers such as Xu Ling and others also seem to make some use of tonal patterning in their prose writings. Bibliography Collections Li Zhaoluo 李兆洛 (1769–1841), ed. Tan Xian 譚獻 (1830–1901), coll. Pianti wenchao 駢體文鈔. 31 juan. Sibu beiyao. Chang Jen-ch’ing 張仁青, ed. Lidai pianwen xuan 歷代駢文選. 2 vols. Taipei: Taiwan shifan daxue chubanshe, 1963; rpt. Taipei: Zhonghua shuju, 1965. Xiong Yongqian 熊永謙, ed. and comm. Wei Jin Nanbeichao pianwen xuanzhu 魏 晉南北朝駢文選注. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1986. Tan Jiajian 譚家健, ed. Lidai pianwen mingpian zhuxi 歷代駢文名篇注析. Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 1988. Zhu Hongguo 朱洪國, ed. and comm. Zhongguo pianwen xuan 中國駢文選. Chengdu: Sichuan wenyi chubanshe, 1996. Mo Daocai 莫道才. Pianwen guanzhi 駢文觀止. Beijing: Wenhua yishu chubanshe, 1997.

Studies Jin Juxiang 金秬香. Pianwen gailun 駢文概論. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1934; rpt. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1967. Qian Jibo 錢基博. Pianwen tongyi 駢文通義. Shanghai: Dahua shuju, 1934. Liu Linsheng 劉麟生. Pianwen xue 駢文學. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1934; rpt. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1965. Qu Tuiyuan 瞿蛻園. Zhongguo pianwen gailun 中國駢文概論. Shanghai: Shijie shuju, 1934; rpt. as Qu Xuanying 瞿宣穎. Zhongguo pianwen lun 中國駢文論. Taipei: Qingliu chubanshe, 1971. Liu Linsheng 劉麟生. Zhongguo pianwen shi 中國駢文史. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937; rpt. Beijing: Dongfang chubanshe, 1996. Jiang Boqian 蔣伯潛. Pianwen yu sanwen 駢文與散文. Shanghai: Shijie shuju, 1941; rpt. Taipei: Shiejie shuju, 1983. Hightower, James Robert. “Some Characteristics of Parallel Prose.” Studia Serica Bernhard Karlgren Dedicata, ed. Soren Egerod and Elsa Glahn, 69–91. Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard, 1959; rpt. Studies in Chinese Literature, ed. John L. Bishop, 108–39. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965. Suzuki Torao 鈴木虎雄. Benbunshi josetsu 駢文史序說. Ogawa Tamaki 小川環樹, coll. Kyoto: Kyoto daigaku bungakubu, 1961. Mimeographed. Chang Jen-ch’ing 張仁青. Zhongguo pianwen fazhan shi 中國駢文發展史. 2 vols. Taipei: Taiwan Zhonghua shuju, 1970. Xie Hongxuan 謝鴻軒. Pianwen henglun 駢文衡論. 3 vols. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1973. Chang Jen-ch’ing 張仁青. Zhongguo pianwen xilun 中國駢文析論. Taipei: Dongsheng chuban shiye gongsi, 1980. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Guanyu Wei Jin Nanbeichao de pianwen he sanwen” 關於 魏晉南北朝的駢文和散文. Wenxue pinglun congkan 7 (1980): 238–268; rpt. Cao Daoheng. Zhonggu wenxue shilunwen ji, 27–55.

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Chang Jen-ch’ing 張仁青. Pianwen xue 駢文學. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1984. Jiang Shuge 姜書閣. Pianwen shi lun 駢文史論. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1986. Zhou Zhaoxiang 周兆祥. “Shanshui pianwen de jiazuo: du Wu Jun ‘Yu Song Yuansi shu’” 山水駢文的佳作: 讀吳均「與宋元思書」. Guowen tiandi 42 (1988): 68–69. Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “Pianwen qian lun” 駢文淺論. Beifang luncong (1988: 3): 69–72, 68. Plaks, Andrew H. “Where the Lines Meet: Parallelism in Chinese and Western Literature.” Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 10.1–2 (1988): 43–60; Poetics Today 11.3 (1990): 523–46. Knechtges, David R. “Han and Six Dynasties Parallel Prose.” Renditions 33–34 (Spring & Autumn 1990): 63–110. Fukui Yoshio 福井佳夫. “Rikuchō henbun no taigū ni kansuru ichi kōsatsu— settoku teki kōka o megutte” 六朝駢文待遇に関する一考察—說得的效果をめぐ って. Tōhōgaku 85 (1993): 68–82. Zhong Tao 鍾濤. “Ren Fang pianwen lüelun” 任昉駢文略論. Qingdao shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1993: 3): 68–73. Zhou Yue 周悅. “Lun Yu Xin de pianwen” 論庾信的駢文. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (1994: 2): 61–66. Ma Jigao 馬積高. “Lun fu yu pianwen” 論賦與駢文. Xinya xueshu jikan 13 (1994): 153–61. Mo Daocai 莫道才. Pianwen tonglun 駢文通論. Nanning: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1994. Wang Lijian 王力堅. “Lun Liuchao shige yu pianwen de guanxi” 論六朝詩歌與駢文 的關係. Zhongguo guoxue 23 (1995): 111–22. Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “Guanyu pianwen yanjiu de ruogan wenti” 關於駢文研究的若 干問題. Wenxue pinglun (1996: 3): 110–18. Fan Yunkuan 樊運寬. “Lun Yu Xin houqi pianwen de tese” 論庾信後期駢文的特色. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 32.1 (1996): 47–52. Zhou Yue 周悅. “Qi Liang pianwen de xinbian” 齊梁駢文的新變. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 44 (1997): 38–43. Zhong Tao 鍾濤. Liuchao pianwen xingshi ji qi wenhua yiyun 六朝駢文形式及其文 化意蘊. Beijing: Dongfang chubanshe, 1997. Liao Zhiqiang 廖志強. Liuchao pianwen shenglü tanwei 六朝駢文聲律探微. Taipei: Tiangong shuju, 1998. Chien Tsung-wu 簡宗梧. Fu yu pianwen 賦與駢文. Taipei: Taiwan shudian, 1998. Mo Shanhong 莫山洪. “Pianwen yanjiu de huigu yu zhanwang (bitan)” 駢文研究的 回顧與展望 (筆談). Liuzhou shizhuan xuebao 13.1 (1998): 1–4. Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “Taiwan zhi pianwen yanjiu yipie” 台灣之駢文研究一瞥. Liuzhou shizhuan xuebao 13.1 (1998): 4–6. Mo Daocai 莫道才. “Jin 20 nian piangwen yanjiu shuyi” 近20年駢文研究述議. Jianghai xuekan (2001: 4): 158–61. Wang Hong 汪泓. “Lidai dui Ren Fang pianwen zhi pingjia” 歷代對任昉駢文之評 價. Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 34.6 (2001): 78–82. Plaks, Andrew H. “The Bones of Parallel Rhetoric in Wenxin diaolong.” In Cai Zong-qi, ed., A Chinese Literary Mind, 163–74. Yu Jingxiang 于景祥. Zhongguo pianwen tongshi 中國駢文通史. Changchun: Jilin remin chubanshe, 2002.

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Branner, David Prager. “Tonal Prosody in Chinese Parallel Prose.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 123.1 (2003): 93–119. Mo Daocai 莫道才. Pianwen yanjiu yu lidai siliu hua 駢文研究與歷代四六話. Shenyang: Liaohai chubanshe, 2005. Zhong Tao 鍾濤. “Shilun pianwen chuangzuo zai Liucaho de zhengzhi gongyong—yi jiuxi quanjin deng wen wei li” 試論駢文創作在六朝的政治功用: 以九錫勸進等文 為例. Liuzhou shizhuan xuebao 20.4 (2005): 1–7. He Xiangrong 何祥榮. “Ren Fang ji qi pianwen yanjiu” 任昉及其駢文研究. Xinya luncong 8 (2006): 288–96. Xi Tongyun 奚彤雲. Zhongguo gudai pianwen piping shi gao 中國古代駢文批評史 稿. Shanghai: Huadong shifan daxue chubanshe, 2006. Guo Jianxun 郭建勛. “Fu yu pianwen” 賦與駢文. Beifang luncong (2006: 4): 23–27. Ning Junhong 寧俊紅. “20 shiji pianwen yanjiu ruogan wenti shuping” 20 世紀駢 文研究若干問題述評. Wenxuan yichan (2007: 4): 151–55. Mo Shanhong 莫山洪. “Shinian pianwen yanjiu zongshu” 十年駢文研究綜述. Liuzhou shizhuan xuebao 22.4 (2007): 1–5. Liu Tao 劉濤. “Xu Ling pianwen lunlüe” 徐陵駢文論略. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 27.3 (2008): 59–62. Liu Tao 劉濤. “Bao Zhao pianwen lunlüe” 鮑照駢文論略. Zhengzhou qinggong xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 9.1 (2008): 112–15. Liu Tao 劉濤. “Shen Yue pianwen lunlüe” 沈約駢文論略. Tangshan xueyuan xuebao 21.1 (2008): 53–56. Liu Tao 劉濤. “Ren Fang pianwen lunlüe” 任昉駢文論略. Yibin xueyuan xuebao 2.2 (2008): 24–28. Liu Tao 劉濤. “Yan Yanzhi pianwen lunlüe” 顏延之駢文論略. Hanshan shifan xueyuan xuebao 29.2 (2008): 18–23. Lin Dazhi 林大志. “Shilun Xiao shi fuzi de cifu pianwen chuangzuo” 試論蕭氏父子 的辭賦駢文創作. Qinzhou xueyuan xuebao 24.1 (2009): 36–40. Chen Peng 陳鵬. Liuchao pianwen yanjiu 六朝駢文研究. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2009. DRK

Po Qin 繁欽 (ca. 170–218), zi Xiubo 休伯 Late Eastern Han writer. Po Qin’s natal place was Yingchuan 潁川 (modern Yu 禹 county, Henan). As a youth, he had a reputation for literary talent in his home area. Ca. 193 he went to Jingzhou 荊州 (roughly modern Hubei and Hunan) where he joined the staff of Liu Biao 劉表 (142–208) about the same time as Wang Can 王粲 (177–217). Not much is known about Po Qin’s activities in Jingzhou. In 198, he composed on behalf of Wen Ying 文穎 a proclamation for the expedition against the southern commandery of Lingling 零陵 (in modern Guangxi). Wen Ying presumably was Liu Biao’s commander of

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this expedition. Lingling and two other southern commanderies had staged a revolt in this year. Po Qin eventually returned to the north. Ca. 208, he was appointed a recorder on the staff of Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220). Po Qin accompanied Cao Cao on several military expeditions, including one against Sun Quan 孫權 (182–252) in 209 for which he composed “Zhuan zheng fu” 撰征賦 (Fu recounting the expedition). He also composed a number of fu for the literary gatherings in Ye. Po Qin died in 218. After his death, Cao Pi compiled his collection to which he wrote a preface. The titles of thirteeen fu attributed to Po Qin are known. Although they are all fragments, some of the pieces probably were written for the group compositions in Ye. Possible examples are “Shu fu” 署賦 (Fu on the summer heat wave), “Liu fu” 柳賦 (Fu on the willow), “Yi jian fu” 抑檢賦 (Fu on control and restraint), and “Mi chou fu” 弭愁賦 (Fu on ending sorrow). Po Qin has eight shi poems attributed to him. Two are in tetrasyllabic form, five are in pentasyllabic pattern, and there is one line from what appears to be a heptasyllabic poem. The only complete poem is “Ding qing shi” 定情詩 (Settling the passions), which is written in the voice of a woman who recounts her seduction by a man who lavishes her with gifts only to abandon her. Po Qin is best known for “Yu Wei Wendi jian” 與魏文帝牋 (Memorandum to Emperor Wen of Wei). This piece is mistitled because it was sent to Cao Pi before he became emperor. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 505–6. Gu Nong 顧農. “Po Qin lun” 繁欽論. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1991: 3): 52–56. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 85–88. Sun Bao 孫寶. “Po Qin yu Jian’an wenfeng de shanbian” 繁欽與建安文風的嬗變. Xinan jiaotong daxue xuebao 7.6 (2006): 45–50, 56. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 697.

Works a. “Ding qing shi” 定情詩 (Settling the passions) Study Ma Baoji 馬寶記. “Po Qin ji qi ‘Ding qing shi’” 繁欽及其《定情詩》. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1990: 1): 48–52.

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Birrell, New Songs, 51–52.

b. “Jianzhang feng que fu” 建章鳳闕賦 (Fu on the Phoenix Gatetower of the Jianzhang Palace) Study Zhang Yingbin 張應斌. “Po Qin ‘Jianzhang Feng que fu buji” 繁欽《建章鳳闕賦》 補輯. Wenxian jikan (2002: 4): 44–46.

c. “Yu Wei Wendi jian” 與魏文帝牋 (Memorandum to Emperor Wen of Wei) Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 755–56. DRK

Qi 七 (Sevens genre) Fu sub-genre. Qi, also known as qi ti 七體 (the sevens form), is the name of a type of fu composition. The prototype for the form is the “Qi fa” 七發 of Mei Sheng 枚乘 (d. 141 b.c.e.). This piece has a story frame that is structured around a dialogue between the heir designate of the kingdom of Chu, who is suffering from an illness brought on by excessive indulgence, and his guest, a scholar from Wu, who offers to suggest a cure for the young man’s ailment. The scholar informs him that since his illness is the result of overindulgence, a medical treatment would be ineffective. The only way the prince can be cured is if he listens to the suasive force of “essential words and marvelous doctrines” ( yaoyan miaodao 要言妙道). The guest then proceeds to enumerate a series of seven enticements that ostensibly are designed to rouse the crown prince from his sickbed. The first six enticements are versified descriptions of various pleasures that the guest invites the prince to try. They include in order: (1) music, (2) a banquet, (3) a chariot race, (4) an excursion to a scenic place, (5) a hunt, (6) a view of the spectacular tidal bore of the Qu 曲 River of Guangling 廣陵 (modern Yangzhou). At the conclusion of each of his tantalizing descriptions, the guest asks the prince if he wishes to rise from his bed and participate. After the first four

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enticements, he replies that he is too ill to rise. The fifth enticement, a stirring description of a hunt, almost succeeds in reviving him. After hearing of the tidal bore that even has curative powers, the prince remains as sick as before. Thus, it takes the final enticement, the promise to introduce the prince to the “essential words and marvelous doctrines” 要言妙道 of great sages and philosophers, to rouse him from his sickbed. Scholars have traced the antecedents of the qi to a variety of sources including the passage in Mengzi 1A/7 in which Mengzi tells King Xuan of Qi that rich food, warm clothing, dazzling sights, music, and attentive servants are not adequate to satisfy the king’s desires; the persuasions of Su Qin and Zhang Yi in the Zhango ce; the “seven clasps” rhetorical strategies of the Guizuzi 鬼谷子; and the “Qi jian” 七諫 (Seven admonitions) and “Yufu” 漁父 (Fisherman) of the Chu ci. However, the most important antecedent for the “Qi fa” was the “Summons” poems in the Chu ci in which a series of enticements are presented to entice the soul of a sick king to return to his court. The “sevens” form becomes well-established by the Eastern Han. The most celebrated “sevens” compositions after Mei Sheng include the “Qi bian” 七辯 (Seven arguments) by Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–139), the “Qi shi” 七釋 (Seven explanations) by Wang Can 王粲 (177–217), the “Qi qi” 七啟 (Seven incitements) by Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232), and the “Qi ming” 七命 (Seven counsels) by Zhang Xie 張協 (d. 307?). These pieces differ from the “Qi fa” by having the persuader present a series of enticements to lure a recluse back to service in the court. During the Northern and Southern dynasties several “sevens” anthologies were compiled, including the Qi ji 七集 (Collection of sevens) by Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385–433) and the Qi lin 七林 (Grove of sevens) compiled by Bian Jing 卞景 (Liang period). These collections are no longer extant. Bibliography Studies Xu Shiying 許世英. “Mei Sheng ‘Qi fa’ yu qi monizhe” 枚乘七發與其摹擬者. Dalu zazhi 6.8 (1953): 11–17. Su Jui-lung. “ch’i (sevens.” In Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature, Volume 2, 9–12. Li Shibiao 李士彪. “Qi ti: wenti yanbian de suoying” 七體: 文體演變的縮影. Fujian luntan (2000: 5): 83–85. Sun Jing 孫晶. “Chengwei diaoqian jian jiangxin—Handai qi ti fu guankui” 稱謂調 遣見匠心—漢代七體賦管窺. Shehui kexue zhanxian (2002: 3): 118–23; rpt. Sun Jing. Handai cifu yanjiu 漢代辭賦研究, 306–25. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 2007.

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Song Zhimin 宋志民. “Lun Qi ti de xingcheng he yanjin” 論七體的形成和演進. Hunan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 16.5 (2002): 71–74. Xiong Liangzhi 熊良智. “‘Qi ti’ wen san shuo” “七體” 文三說. Xinan minzu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 23.9 (2002): 50–52. Li Zhaolu 李兆祿. “Han Wei Liuchao ‘qi’ ti wen chuangzuo yanbian” 漢魏六朝 “七” 體文創作演變. Zaozhuang shifan zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 21.1 (2004): 77–80. Sun Jinhua 孫津華. “Cong Wen xuan ‘qi’ kan qi ti ticai neirong zhi yanbian” 從 《文選》“七” 看七體題材內容之演變. Zhongguo yunwen xuebao 19.4 (2005): 52–55. Wang Zhouming 王洲明. “Xian Tang ‘Qi ti’ wenxue chuangzuo yanjiu” 先唐 “七體” 文學創作研究. M.A. thesis, Shandong daxue, 2006. Sun Jinhua 孫津華. “Cong Wen xuan ‘qi’ kan qi ti ticai neirong zhi yanbian” 從 《文選》“七” 看七體題材內容之演變. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2005: 6): 29–34. Guo Jianxun 郭建勛. “‘Qi’ ti de xingcheng fazhan ji qi wenti tezheng” “七” 體的 形成發展及其文體特徵. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 44.5 (2007): 53–59; rpt. in Guo Jianxun. Cifu wenti yanjiu 辭賦文體研究, 53–66. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007. Wei Shaosheng 韋紹生. “Qi: yizhong yi shuzi mingming de wenti” 七: 一種以數字 命名的文體. Xungen (2007: 3): 108–11. Qi Lifeng 祁立峰. “‘Jiu’ haishi ‘qi’?—cong wenlei guandian chufa guancha ‘jiu ti’ yu ‘qi ti”「九」還是「七」?—從文類觀點出發觀察「九體」與「七體」. Fuda Zhongyuansuo xuekan 17 (2007): 191–211. Sun Jinhua 孫津華. “Cong wenxian zhulu kan ‘qi ti’ de yanbian” 從文獻著錄看 “七體” 的演變. Henan jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 27 (2008): 70–73. Li Nailong 李乃龍. “‘Qi’ ti de moshi yu lilun dise—jian lun ‘qi’ ti neirong de maodunxing yu yishu de tongyixing” “七” 體的模式與理論底色—兼論 “七” 體內容 的矛盾性與藝術的統一性. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 44.4 (2008): 39–45. Zhai Yun 翟雲. “Liuchao ‘qi ti’ fu xinbian” 六朝 “七體” 賦新變. Lanzhou gongye gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 16.1 (2009): 75–77. Guo Zhangyu 郭章裕. “Liang Han qi ti wenlei ji qi wenhua yihan” 兩漢七體文類及 其文化意涵. Dong Wu Zhongwen xuebao 17 (2009): 19–46. DRK

Qiyan shi 七言詩 (Seven-syllable line poem) Form of classical Chinese poetry. Qiyan shi is a heptametrical form of ancient Chinese poetry. In its mature form it it consists of seven-syllable lines with a minor caesura after the fourth syllable. Rhyming normally occurs on even-numbered lines. Qiyan poetry that possesses all of these features does not appear until the late Six Dynasties and early Tang. Although the 4–3 structure already can be seen in Han period poetry, most early qiyan verse has rhyme in every line. Recent scholars have attempted to identify what they deem the “earliest

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intact” examples of a seven-syllable line poem. The following origins have been suggested: 1. Shi jing Although there are few lines in the Shi jing that some scholars construe as in seven-syllable line form, there is no integral seven-syllable line poem in this work. 2. Chu ci Many scholars have considered the sao line of the Chu ci the true ancestor of the seven-syllable line. Scholars have used various criteria to identify putative seven-syllable lines in the Chu ci. However, there is no Chu ci poem that consistently uses a heptametric pattern throughout the entire piece. 3. The “Boliang tai” 柏梁臺 poem The “Boliang tai” poem is attributed to writers at the court of Emperor Wu of the Former Han. However, its authenticity is questionable. 4. References to seven-syllable poems in early texts The Hou Han shu identifies writers such as Liu Cang 劉蒼 (d. 83), Du Du 杜篤 (d. 78), Cui Qi 崔琦 (ca. 104–ca. 158), Cui Yuan 崔瑗 (78–143), Cui Shi 崔寔 (d. ca. 170), Ma Rong 馬融 (79–166), and Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–139) as writers of qiyan. However, it is not clear that qiyan in this context designates seven-syllable line verse. Furthermore, of these writers, only Zhang Heng has any extant examples of the seven-syllable line form. 5. Popular songs One of the most frequently cited “popular” songs is the “Cheng xiang” 成相 in the Xunzi. Although there are at least two ways to analyze the prosody of this piece, some scholars have proposed one scheme that can be construed as a seven-syllable line. 6. Dictionaries or word lists that use seven-syllable lines Some of the Han period word-list dictionaries such as Jijiu pian 急就篇 are written in seven-syllable lines.

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qiyan shi 七言詩 (seven-syllable line poem) 7. Mirror inscriptions

There are numerous Han dynasties mirrors that have inscriptions written in rhyming seven-syllable lines. 8. Codas of fu The “Xi” 系 (Sequel) to Zhang Heng’s “Si xuan fu” 思玄賦 is entirely in the seven-syllable pattern. 9. Religious Taoist poems Works such as the Huangting jing 黃庭經 (Scripture of the yellow court) and Taiping jing 太平經 (Scripture of grand peace) contain a number of verses written in seven-syllable lines. 10. The “Sichou shi” 四愁詩 (Four sorrows) of Zhang Heng. Both the Wen xuan and Yutai xinyong preserve under the name of Zhang Heng the “Si chou shi,” a four-part seven-syllable line poem written in the persona of a man pining for his loved one, from whom he is distantly separated. 11. The “Yan ge xing” 燕歌行 (Song of Yan) of Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) Cao Pi has two heptasyllabic poems titled “Yan ge xing.” Many scholars consider them the earliest mature form of seven-syllable line verse. However, this piece still employs rhyme on every line. The seven-syllable line did not reach its full development until the Southern Dynasties. The first prolific writer of qiyan verse is Bao Zhao 鮑照 (ca. 414–466). His set of eighteen “Ni Xinglu nan” 擬行路難 (Imitating ‘Traveling the road is hard’) and six “Baizhu ci” 白紵辭 (Ramie fabric songs) are written mostly in seven-syllable lines, and in a few pieces rhyming occurs on every other line. From the same period as Bao Zhao is Tang Huixiu 湯惠休 (fl. 447–464) who also wrote a set of three heptasyllabic “Baizhu ci.” His “Qiu si yin” 秋思引 (Canticle of autumn longings) is a heptasyllabic quatrain. In the Liang and Chen period one sees increasing numbers of seven-syllable line poems that rhyme every other line, especially in the verse of Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551), Yu Xin 庾信 (513–581), and Jiang Zong 江總 (519–594). Xiao Gang’s heptameter octave “Wu ye ti” 烏夜啼 (Crow cries at night) has been considered a prototype of the heptasyallbic regulated poem.

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Studies Luo Genze 羅根澤. “Qiyan shi zhi qiyuan ji qi chengshou” 七言詩之起源及其成熟. Shida yuekan (1933: 2); rpt. Luo Genze gudian wenxue lunwen ji 羅根澤古典文 學論文集, 167–209. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985. Yu Guanying 余冠英. “Qiyan shi qiyuan xinlun” 七言詩起源新論. Guowen yuekan (1942); rpt. In Yu Guanying. Han Wei Liuchao shi luncong, 127–57. Shanghai: Shanghai gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1956. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Qiyan shi xingshi de fazhan he wancheng” 七言詩形式的發 展和完成. Fudan daxue xuebao (1956: 2): 59–70; rpt. in Wang Yunxi. Yuefu shi luncong, 158–76. Xu Qing 徐青. “Lun qiyan shiti de xingcheng he fazhan” 論七言詩體的形成和發展. Huzhou shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 17 (1985): 26–32. Jiang Xianwei 蔣先偉. “Jian lun qiyan shi de xingcheng shidai” 簡論七言詩的形成 時代. Zhongzhou xuekan (1986: 3): 81–82, 87. Liu Anting 劉岸挺. “Woguo diyishou wanzheng de qiyan shi bian” 我國第一首完 整的七言詩辨. Qi Lu xuekan (1987: 1): 101. Liu Anting 劉岸挺. “‘Woguo diyishou wanzheng de qiyan shi bian’ de yidian buchong”《我國第一首完整的七言詩辨》的一點補充. Yangzhou daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (1987: 2): 149. Peng Xianwu 彭顯武. “Jiujing jiang nashou shi kanzuo woguo zuizao de wanzheng qiyan shi” 究竟將哪首詩看作我國最早的完整七言詩. Nei Menggu jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (Lianhe ban) (1988 zhuankan): 55–56. Yang Zuoyi 楊佐義. “Qiyan shi qiyuan xintan” 七言詩起源新探. Dongbei shida xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1988: 3): 74–76. Zhang Baorong 張寶榮. “Xiancun zuizao de wanzheng de qiyan shi shi ‘Qiongjie zhi qu’—du Wu Yue Chunqiu zhaji” 現存最早完整的七言詩是《窮劫之曲》—讀 《吳越春秋》札記. Yuwen xuekan (1988: 4): 4–8. Wang Huayun 汪化雲 and Mei Dasheng 梅大聖. “Ye tan woguo diyishou wanzheng de qiyan shi” 也談我國第一首完整的七言詩. Yangzhou daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (1988: 3): 81–82. Liu Anting 劉岸挺. “Woguo diyishou wanzheng de qiyan shi zai bian” 我國第一首 完整的七言詩再辨. Yangzhou daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (1988: 3): 83–86. Wu Weimin 伍偉民. “Taiping jing he qiyan shi de chuxing”《太平經》和七言詩的 雛形. Shanghai daojiao (1989: 3–4): 34–35, 40. Yang Zuoyi 楊佐義. “Qiyan shi qiyuan yu xingcheng zai tan” 七言詩起源與形成再 探. Jilin shifan xueyuan xuebao (1991: 2): 35–36, 34. Furukawa Sueki 古川末喜. “Chūgoku no gogenshi shichigen shi to 8 on rizumu” 中 國の五言詩‧七言詩と8音リズム. Saga daigaku kyōyōbu kiyō 26 (1994): 15–26; Chinese trans. by Tan Yang 譚陽. “Bayin jiezou yu Zhongguo wuyan qiyan shiti” 八音節奏與中國五言、七言詩體. Gudai wenxue lilun yanjiu 25 (2008): 376–92. Zhang Songhui 張松輝. “Gan Ji shi shi xiancun zuizao zui wangzheng de qiyan shi” 干吉詩是現存最早最完整的七言詩. Hunan shida shehui kexue xuebao (1994: 2): 82–83. Wang Jian 王建. “Taiping jing zhong de qiyan shi”《太平經》中的七言詩. Guizhou shehui kexue 135 (1995): 82–84, 100. [Liu] Yuejin [劉]躍進. “Qiyan shi yuanyuan jikao” 七言詩淵源輯考. Hebei daxue xuebao (1996: 3): 44–48; rpt. under title “Qiyan shi yuanyuan buzheng” 七言詩 淵源補證. Jie wang manlu 結罔漫錄, 127–34. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 1997.

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Hsieh, Daniel. The Evolution of Jueju Verse, 76–82, 220–27, 241–45. Ting Panghsin 丁邦新. “Qiyan shi de qiyuan” 七言詩的起源. Guoxue yanjiu 6 (1999): 319–26. Li Lixin 李立信. Qiyan shi zhi qiyuan yu fazhan 七言詩之起源與發展. Taipei: Xin wenfeng chuban youxian gongsi, 2001. Guo Jianxun 郭建勳. “Lun Chu ci yunyu qiyan shi de dute tiaojian ji yansheng guocheng” 論楚辭孕育七言詩的獨特條件及衍生過程. Zhongzhou xuekan 131 (2002): 57–62, 76. Li Li 李立. “Handai qiyan ti tongjing mingwen wenti xue yiyi chutan” 漢代七言體 銅鏡銘文文體學義意初探. Xueshu jiaoliu 105.6 (2002): 123–27. Wang Minghui 王銘輝. “Han Wei Liuchao qiyan shi zaoshou lengyu shenceng yuanyi lun” 漢魏六朝七言詩遭受冷遇深層原因論. Xinan shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 29.4 (2003): 172–76. Hu Shufang 胡淑芳. “Handai tongjing mingwen zhong de qiyan shi” 漢代銅鏡銘文 中的七言詩. Hubei daxue xuebao 32.4 (2005): 481–84. Zhang Jue 張覺. “Qiyan shi bian yuan” 七言詩辨源. Xueshu yanjiu (2005: 9): 136–40. Cao Daoheng and Liu Yuejin, Xian Qin liang Han wenxue shiliao xue, 439–46. Lin Wenlan 林文蘭. “Qiyan shi qiyuan xinlun” 七言詩起源新論. Yibin xueyuan xuebao 5.5 (2007): 75–77. Ge Xiaoyin 葛曉音. “Zaoqi qiyan shi de tishi tezheng he shengcheng yuanli—jian lun Han Wei qiyan shi fazhan zhihou de yuanyin” 早期七言詩的體式特徵和 生成原理—兼論漢魏七言詩發展滯後的原因. Zhongguo shehui kexue (2007: 3): 176–88. Zeng Xiaomei 曾曉梅. “Qiyan shi suyuan—zuizao wanzheng qiyan shi de xin zhengju” 七言詩溯源—最早的完整七言詩的新證據. Aba shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 24.3 (2007): 73–75. Liu Yunhao 劉運好. “Qiyan shi qiyuan yu geyao kaobian” 七言詩起源於歌謠考辨. Zhongguo gudian yu wenhua (2008: 2): 61–66. Zhao Minli 趙敏俐. “Qiyan shi bing fei yuan yu Chu ci ti zhi bianshuo—cong ‘Xianghe ge Jin you ren’ yu ‘Jiu ge Shan gui’ de bijiao shuoqi” 七言詩幷非源 於楚辭體之辨說—從《相和歌‧今有人》與《九歌‧山鬼》的比較說起. Shenzhen daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 25.3 (2008): 95–100. He Zetang 何澤棠. “Lun gongti shi dui qiyan shi de yingxiang” 論宮體詩對七言詩 的影響. Jiang Han daxue xuebao (Renwen kexue ban) 28.4 (2009): 32–36. Kroll, Paul W. “Daoist Verse and the Quest of the Divine.” Early Chinese Religion, part 2: The Period of Division (220–589 a.d.), ed. John Lagerwey and Lü Pengzhi, 954–85. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2010. DRK

Qiao Zhou 譙周 (200–270), zi Yunnan 允南 Three States Shu-early Western Jin scholar and writer. Qiao Zhou’s natal place was Xichongguo 西充國 in Baxi 巴西 commandery (southwest of modern Langzhong 閬中, Sichuan). Qiao Zhou was a young

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boy when his father died. He was raised by his mother and older brother(s). He studied prognostication and astrology with Du Qiong 杜瓊 (d. 250). He also was a student of Qin Mi 秦宓 (d. 226) , an iconclastic scholar who had a strong interest in Shu local history. By the time he reached adulthood, Qiao Zhou was an avid reader, and he mastered the Six Confucian Classics. He also excelled at letter writing and had some interest in astronomy and prognostication texts. In 221, Qiao Zhou was one of the signers of a petition urging Liu Bei 劉備 (161–223, r. 221–223) to assume the throne of the Shu state. When Zhuge Liang 諸葛亮 (181–234) became shepherd of Yizhou 益州 (southwestern China) in 223, he appointed Qiao Zhou attendant for the encouragement of education. In 234, Jiang Wan 蔣腕 (d. 246) appointed him attendant for direction of education. From 238 to 258 Qiao Zhou served on the staff of Liu Xuan 劉璿 (224–264), the heir designate to the Shu emperor Liu Shan 劉禪 (r. 223–263). Qiao Zhou admonished Liu Shan for wasting resources on lavish excursions. He also actively engaged in debates on military strategy. In 263, Qiao Zhou persuaded Liu Shan to surrender to the Jin. He was then invited to join the Western Jin imperial regime in Luoyang. He served as commandant of cavalry and was enfeoffed as Marquis of Yangcheng 陽城 neighborhood. In 270 he was appointed cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. He died of illness that same year. Qiao Zhou was a leading scholar and teacher of his time. His students included such illustrious men as Li Mi 李密 (224–287) and Chen Shou 陳壽 (233–297). The latter wrote Qiao Zhou’s biography in the Sanguo zhi. Qiao Zhou wrote a ten-juan commentary to the Lun yu that was lost already in the early Tang. He is best known for Wu jing ranfou lun 五經然否論 (Disquisition on what is right and wrong in the Five Classics) in five juan and Gu shi kao 古史考 (Investigations of ancient history) in twenty-five juan. These works, which survived intact until the Song, display a highly critical perspective on received knowledge. The latter work apparently is largely a critical commentary on Sima Qian’s Shi ji. Qiao Zhou also wrote a local Shu history, the San Ba ji 三巴記 (Notes on the three Ba commanderies), in one juan. Qiao Zhou does not seem to have left any poetry. However, one of his prose pieces, “Qiu guo lun” 仇國論 (Disquisition on enemy states), resembles a shelun 設論 or hypothetical discourse, which is a form of the fu. The piece is structured around a debate between interlocutors with the imaginary names Fuyuzi 伏愚子 (Master Who Hides in Stupidity) and Gaoxianqing 高賢卿 (Exalted Worthy Minister). Qiao Zhou also wrote Fa xun 法訓 (Exemplary instructions) that appears to be a series of dialogues modeled on the Fa yan 法言 (Exemplary sayings) of Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 c.e.).

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qiao zhou 譙周 (200–270), zi yunnan 允南 Bibliography

Yoshikawa Tadao 吉川忠夫. “Shuku ni okeru shin’i no gaku no dentō” 蜀におけ る讖緯の學の傳統, In Shin’i shisō no sōgōteki kenkyū, Yasui Kōzan 安居香山, ed. Tokyo: Kokusho kankokai, 1984; Chinese trans. Hong Chunyin 洪春音. “Shudi de chenwei xue chuantong” 蜀地的讖緯學傳統. Jingxue yanjiu jikan 3 (2007): 193–210. Ma Yuliang 馬育良. “Baxi mingshi Shu Han shuoru—Qiao Zhou shu ping” 巴西名 士蜀漢碩儒—譙周述評. Chengdu daxue xuebao (1993: 3): 51–55. Yi Lang 一郎. “Qiao Zhou nianpu” 譙周年譜. Sanguo zhi shuyuan yuankan (2000): 44–46. Huang Huaixin 黃懷信. “Qiao Zhou yu Gu shi kao” 譙周與《古史考》. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2001: 5): 21–24. Farmer, J. Michael. “The World of the Mind in Early Medieval Sichuan.” Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 2001. Farmer, J. Michael. “Qiao Zhou and the Historiography of Early Medieval China.” Early Medieval China 7 (2001): 39–77. Farmer, J. Michael. “How I Cam to Doubt Qing Scholarship: The Case of Yao Zhenzong and Qiao Zhou’s Records of the Later Han.” Monumenta Serica 51 (2003): 237–51. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Ru Jin zhi Shu Han renshi mingyun de fuchen” 入晉之 蜀漢人士命運的浮沉. Shixue yuekan (2003: 2): 24–29. Jin Shengyang 金生楊. “Chen Shou de xueshu yuanyuan” 陳壽的學術淵源. Shixue shi yanjiu 113 (2004): 20–27. Wang Dingzhang 王定璋. “Qiao Zhou yu Chen Shou” 譙周與陳壽. Xinan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2005: 1): 16–21. Farmer, J. Michael. The Talent of Shu: Qiao Zhou and the Intellectual World of Early Medieval Sichuan. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2007. J. Michael Farmer. “Rotten Pedant! The Literary and Historical Afterlife of Qiao Zhou.” Asia Major, Third Series 21.2 (2008): 59–99. DRK

Qin Jia 秦嘉 (ca. 134–ca. 164), zi Shihui 士會, and Xu Shu 徐淑 (d. ca. 165) Later Han writers of verse and prose (attributed). Qin Jia’s natal place was either Longxi 隴西 (administrative seat Didao 狄道, modern Lintao 臨洮, Gansu) or Pingxiang 平襄, Hanyang 漢陽 commandery (modern Tongwei 通渭, Gansu). Xu Shu, his wife, reputedly was born in the same locality as Qin Jia. Because the Hou Han shu does not contain any mention of either Qin Jia or Xu Shu, there is sparse information about their lives in early sources. One of the earliest accounts of their lives is a short notice given in the Yutai xinyong which says that Qin Jia served as accounts assistant in his home commandery. In this capacity he had the duty to make the annual report in the capital on fiscal and other matters. Ca. 162 Qin Jia traveled to Luoyang to make his report.

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Xu Shu became ill and had to return home. While in Luoyang, Qin Jia was appointed gentleman of the palace gate. Several years later he died at Jinxiang 津鄉 station (near modern Jiangling 江陵, Hubei). After Qin Jia’s death, Xu Shu’s brothers urged her to remarry, but she adamantly refused. In order to make herself less attractive to suitors, she disfigured her face. She even composed a letter in which she expressed her intention to remain a widow. She died shortly thereafter out of grief for her deceased husband. While Qin Jia was in the capital, Xu Shu adopted a son, who returned to live with his own parents after Xu Shu’s death. However, court scholars petitioned that he be listed in the Qin family temple as their heir. Qin Jia and Xu Shu are attributed with a set of poems and letters that they exchanged during their separation. The Yutai xinyong contains three pentasyllabic poems and one tetrasyllabic poem attributed to Qin Jia. The pentasyllabic poems are considered among the best examples of Eastern Han pentasyllabic verse. However, recent scholars including Stephen Owen, Mu Zhai, and Song Juan have questioned their authenticity. The letters consist of two letters from Qin Jia to Xu Shu and two replies by Xu Shu to Qin Jia. Excerpts of the letters are contained in compendia such as Beitang shuchao, Yiwen leiju, and Taiping yulan. There also is a Dunhuang manuscript of one exchange between Qin Jia and Xu Shu that is held in the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, St. Petersburg. It contains 150 more characters than the compendium versions. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions a one-juan collection of Xu Shu’s writings that was already lost by the early Tang. Bibliography Studies Yan Kejun 顏可均 (1762–1843). “Hou Han Qin Jia qi Xu Shu zhuan” 後漢秦嘉妻 徐淑傳. Tieqiao mangao 鐵橋漫稿, 7.10a–12a. Silu tang 四錄堂, 1838. Li Jiafu 李甲孚. “Dong Han de boming cainü—Xu Shu” 東漢的薄命才女—徐淑. Funü zazhi 144 (1980): 112–15. Lu Kanru. Zhonggu wenxue xinian, 213–14, 223. Huang Yanli 黃嫣梨. Handai funü wenxue wujia yanjiu 漢代婦女文學五家研究, 97–121. Kaifeng: Henan daxue chubanshe, 1993. Zhang Xiantang 張先堂. “Dong Han Longshang shiren Qin Jia guli ji rensuo xintan” 東漢隴上詩人秦嘉故里及任所新探. Sheke zongheng (1993: 3): 60–63. Liu Jingyun 劉景雲. “Hou Han Qin Jia Xu Shu shiwen kao” 後漢秦嘉徐淑詩文考. Dunhuang yanjiu (2003: 2): 88–92. Idema and Grant, Red Brush, 132–36. Wen Hulin 溫虎林. “Qin Jia Xu Shu shengping zhuzuo kao” 秦嘉徐淑生平著作考. Gansu gaoshi xuebao 12.1 (2007): 56–58. Yeh Chia-ying and Zhu Xiaofeng. “Xu Shu.” In Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women, 227–230.

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qin jia 秦嘉 (ca. 134–ca. 164), zi shihui 士會 Works a. Letters

Yan Kejun. “Quan Hou Han wen” in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen 66.3a, 96.8b–10a. E cang Dunhuang wenxian 俄藏敦煌文獻. L.N. Menshikov and Qian Bocheng 錢伯城, eds, 16: 67 (Д 12213). Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe and The Central Department of Oriental Literature, “NAUKA” Publishing House, 1993.

Study Chung, Eva. “A Study of the Shu (Letters) of the Han Dynasty (206 b.c.–a.d. 220).” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1982, 657–663.

Translations Chung, Eva. “Study,” 646–51. Malmqvist, Göran. “Letters Between Qin Jia and His Wife Xu Shu.” Renditions 41 & 42 (Spring & Autumn 1994): 1–3. Idema and Grant, Red Brush, 136.

b. Poem Yutai xinyong 1.

Studies Holzman, Donald. “Les premiers Vers pentasyllabiques datés dans la poésie chinoise,” 105–12. Huang Yanli 黃嫣梨. “Xu Shu ji qi ‘Da fu shi” 徐淑及其《答夫詩》. Jiang Han luntan (1990: 12): 68–71. Wu Xiaoping 吳小平. “Lun Qin Jia Xu Shu de wuyan zengda shi” 論秦嘉、徐淑的五 言贈答詩. Suzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1999: 2): 48–53. Owen, Stephen. The Making of Early Classical Chinese Poetry, 248–54. Mu Zhai 木齋 and Song Juan 宋娟. “Lun Qin Jia wuyan shi ‘Zeng fu shi’ sanshou wei weizuo” 論秦嘉五言詩《贈婦詩》三首為偽作. Xuexi yu tansuo 180 (2009): 199–203.

Translations Waley, Chinese Poems, 77–78. Holzman, “Les premiers Vers pentasyllabiques datés dans la poésie chinoise,” 106–10. Birrell, New Songs, 45–47. Owen, Anthology, 254. Idema and Grant, Red Brush, 133–34. DRK

“qin keshi wen” 秦刻石文 (qin stele inscriptions)

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“Qin keshi wen” 秦刻石文 (Qin stele inscriptions) Inscriptions carved in stone in praise of the Qin empire. The Qin stele inscriptions commemorate the Qin First Emperor’s excursions to seven sites between 219 and 210 b.c.e. They include inscriptions erected at Mount Tai 泰山 (north of modern Tai’an 泰安, Shandong), Mount Langye 瑯邪 (south of modern Jiaonan 膠南, Shandong), Mount Zhifu 之罘 and its “eastern vista” (northeast of modern Yantai 煙臺, Shandong), Jieshi 碣石 (either north of modern Changli 昌黎, Hebei, or Suizhong 綏中, Liaoning), Mount Guiji 會稽 (south of modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang), and Mount Yi 嶧 (modern Zou 鄒 county, Shandong). Texts of all but the Mount Yi inscription are preserved in the Shi ji. The earliest extant rubbing of the Mount Yi inscription dates to 993. The authorship and calligraphy of the Qin inscriptions has often been ascribed to the Qin minister Li Si 李斯 (d. 208 b.c.e.). However, it is more likely that they are the product of multiple authors and calligraphers. The literary worth of these pieces has been praised as early as Liu Xie in his Wenxin diaolong. The recent work by Martin Kern is the most illuminating and thorough study of these pieces as works of literature. Studies Rong Geng 容庚. “Qin Shihuang keshi kao” 秦始皇刻石考. Yanjing xuebao 17 (1935): 125–71. Huang Gongzhu 黃公渚. Zhou Qin jinshi wenxuan pingzhu 周秦金石文選評注. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1935; rpt. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1976. Qin Shihuang jinshi keci zhu zhushi zu 秦始皇金石刻辭注注釋組. Qin Shihuang jinshi keci zhu 秦始皇金石刻辭注. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1975. Hong Duren 洪篤仁. “Qin keshi de ‘zhongchun’ ji youguan shi yi wenti” 秦刻石的 “中春” 及有關釋義問題. Cishu yanjiu 2 (1983): 168–73. Luo Chang’an 駱長安. “Qin ‘Yishan keshi’ 秦 “嶧山刻石”. Wenbo (1984: 2): 101–1. Wu Fuzhu 吳福助. “Qin Shihuang keshi kao” 秦始皇刻石考. Donghai Zhongwen xuebao 6 (1986): 25–71. Inaba Ichirō 稻葉一郎. “Shin Shikō no junshu to kokuseki” 秦始皇巡狩刻石. Shoron 25 (1989): 73–100. Wu Fuzhu 吳福助. Qin Shihuang keshi kao 秦始皇刻石考. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1994. Lin Jianming 林劍鳴. “Qin Shihuang Guiji keshi bianxi” 秦始皇會稽刻石辨析. Xueshu yuekan (1994: 7): 82–85. Sun Xiaoping 孫小平. “Tan Taishan keshi he Langye keshi tuoben fanying de butong shufeng” 談泰山刻石和瑯琊刻石拓本反映的不同書風. Chongqing shiyuan xuebao (Zhe she ban) (1996: 4): 116–19. Hou Xueshu 侯學書. “Taishan keshi Anguo cang bailiushiwu zi ben zhun Qin wen shuo” 泰山刻石安國藏百六十五字本准秦文說. Xuzhou shifan daxue xuebao 25.2 (1999): 117–19.

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Kern, Martin. The Stele Inscriptions of Ch’in Shih-huang. Text and Ritual in Early Chinese Imperial Representation. American Oriental Series, vol. 85. New Haven: American Oriental Society, 2000. Jin Qizhen 金其楨. “Qin Shihuang keshi tanyi” 秦始皇刻石探疑. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 38.6 (2001): 119–25. Hou Xueshu 侯學書. “Zhu Fukan buque ‘Qin Taishan keshi’ zhi wenzi bianzheng” 朱復戡補闕《秦泰山刻石》之文字辨證. Xuzhou shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 27.3 (2001): 69–71. Fu Zhihong 付志紅. “Li Si keshi wen de wenxue guanzhao” 李斯刻石文的文學觀照. Beifang luncong (2006: 3): 6–9. Wang Ming 王銘 and Chen Jianzhong 陳建忠. “Qindai ‘Yishan keshi’ kaoxi— jianlun gudai de ‘zou xia zhaoshu’ zhidu” 秦代《嶧山刻石》考析—兼論古代的 “奏下詔書” 制度. Cangzhou shifan zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 24.1 (2008): 83–84, 87. Li Wenfang 李文放. “Qin Shihuang xunyou ji gong qi keshi qianjie” 秦始皇巡游紀 功七刻石淺解. Hanzi wenhua (2008: 1): 90–96.

Translations Chavannes, Édouard. “Les Inscriptions des Ts’in.” Journal asiatique, n.s. 1 (1893): 473–521. Chavannes, Édouard. Mémoires historiques, 2: 140–89, 551–53. Watson, Records of the Grand Historian: Qin, 46–61. Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, Records of the Historian, 169–84. Ledderose, Lothar and Adele Schlombs. Jenseits der Grossen Mauer: Der Erste Kaiser vom China und seine Terrakotta-Armee, 244–48. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Lexikon Verlag, 1990. Dawson, Raymond, Sima Qian: Historical Records, 67–83. Nienhauser et al., The Grand Scribe’s Records, 1: 139–53. DRK

Qiu Chi 丘遲 (464–508), zi Xifan 希範 Liang period writer. Qiu Chi’s ancestral home was Wucheng 烏程 in Wuxing 吳興 commandery (modern Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). His father Qiu Lingju 丘靈鞠 (d. ca. 490) was a prominent figure during the Song and Qi. At the age of eight Qiu Chi won the praise of Xie Lingun’s grandson Xie Chaozong 謝超宗 (d. 482) and the venerable recluse He Dian 何點 (437–504) for his writing skill. Qiu Chi began his official career ca. 484 when he was appointed retainer in the regional administration. He was also recommended as “flourishing talent.” Shortly thereafter, Qiu Chi entered the imperial court as a professor at the national university. Ca. 487, he served as aide on the staff of the grand minister of war Xiao Yi 蕭嶷 (444–492), who was the second son

qiu chi 丘遲 (464–508), zi xifan 希範

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of the Qi dynasty founder Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427–482, r. 479–482). When his father died ca. 490, Qiu Chi resigned office to observe mourning rites. After the mourning period, he returned to office in ca. 493–494 as an aide to the leader of court gentleman of the west (xi zhonglang jiang 西中 郎將). The person under whom he served is most likely one of the Qi princes, either Xiao Zhaoxiu 蕭昭秀 (483–498) or Xiao Huang 蕭晃 (460– 490). Qiu Chi soon rose to the position of vice director of the palace, but resigned ca. 497 to observe mourning for his mother. When the mourning period was over (ca. 500), he returned to the post of director of the imperial palace. When Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549), the future Emperor Wu of the Liang (r. 502–549), deposed the last Qi emperor and established an “overlord admininstration” in Jiankang, he appointed Qiu Chi a recorder on his staff. Qiu Chi composed most of the petitions urging Xiao Yan to accept the title of Prince of Liang. After Xiao Yan established the Liang in 502, he appointed Qiu Chi gentleman cavalier attendant, but soon promoted him to vice director of the secretariat. He concurrently served as rectifier of his ancestral home of Wuxing. At this time Xiao Yan composed a set of lianzhu 連珠 (literally “strung pearls,” an aphoristic type of parallel prose written in octets), and he ordered several dozen court scholars to write sequels. He deemed Qiu Chi’s lianzhu the best. Sometime in 502 Qiu Chi was dismissed from office for an unspecified offense. He presented a “Poem of Self-chatisement” to Xiao Yan, who granted him a pardon. In 503, Qiu Chi composed a poem upon imperial command at a banquet in the Leyou Park to celebrate the departure of an official to his post as regional inspector of Xuzhou 徐州 (administrative seat Jingkou 京口, modern Zhenjiang). Scholars have debated the date and circumstances of this piece. Cao Daoheng places it in 500 and identifies the regional inspector as Zhang Su 張謖. However, Xiao Qingyuan has adduced strong evidence that Qiu Chi wrote the piece in 503 in honor of Xiao Yan’s younger brother Xiao Hui 蕭恢 (476–526) who took up the post of regional inspector of Xuzhou in Feburary 503. In 504, Qiu Chi was sent out as governor of Yongjia 永嘉 (modern Wenzhou). However, he did not properly perform his duties and was impeached, but Emperor Wu intervened and had the impeachment petition suppressed. In 505, Emperor Wu sent Xiao Hong 蕭宏 (473–526) on a military expedition against the Northern Wei. Qiu Chi served as his aide and secretary. In 502, the Liang general Chen Bozhi 陳伯之 defected to the Northern Wei. Xiao Hong commanded Qiu Chi to compose a letter persuading Chen to surrender to the Liang. Chen reputedly was so moved by the letter, he returned to the Liang bringing an army of 5,000 soldiers with him.

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Upon returning from the northern campaign, Qiu Chi was appointed to the staff of Xiao Hong, who had assumed the post of minister of education. Qiu Chi died in office in 508 at the age of forty-five. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Qiu Chi’s collected works in ten juan. This was lost in the Song. He also compiled a forty-juan anthology, Jilin chao 集林鈔 (Extracts from the grove of collections) that also seems to have been lost during the Song. Qiu Chi’s extant writings include twelve prose pieces and eleven shi poems. His most famous piece is the letter he wrote to Chen Bozhi which is considered a model example of parallel prose. Bibliography Collection Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Qiu sikong ji 丘司空集, 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji.

Studies Wei Ming’an 魏明安. “Qiu Chi” 丘遲. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan (xubian), 371–86. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxue dacidian, 80–81. Yin Shuguang 尹曙光. “Qiu Chi nianpu” 丘遲年譜. Sichuan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2001: 1): 49–53. Ruan Aidong 阮 愛東. “Qiu Chi nianpu” 丘遲年譜. Hubei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 29.4 (2002): 108–11.

Works a. “Yu Chen Bozhi shu” 與陳伯之書 (Letter to Chen Bozhi) Studies Yu Dacheng 于大成. “Qiu Chi yu Chen Bozhi shu shuo yi” 丘遲與陳伯之書說義. Mingdao wenyi 38 (1969): 30–44. Jiang Juqian 江舉謙. “Qiu Chi ‘Yu Chen Bozhi shu’” 丘遲「與陳伯之書」. Mingdao wenyi 179 (1991): 17–23. Fukui Yoshio 福井佳夫. “Kyū Chi no Chin Hakushi ni atafuru sho” ni tsuite” 丘遲 「與陳伯之書」. Chūkyō daigaku bungakubu kiyō 26.1 (1991): 87–153. Lai Hanping 賴漢屏. “Qiu Chi de yu Chen Bozhi shu” 丘遲的與陳伯之書. Mingdao wenyi 323 (2003): 24–28. Gu Nong 顧農. “Qiu Chi he tade ‘Yu Chen Bozhi shu’” 丘遲與他的《與陳伯之書》. Mingzuo xinshang (2005: 19): 99–101.

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Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 797–800.

b. “Shi yan Leyou yuan song Zhang Xuzhou ying zhao shi” 侍宴樂遊 苑送張徐州應詔詩 (Poem written to imperial command for a banquet at Leyou Park to send off Zhang [governor of] Xu Zhou) Studies Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Zai lun Qiu Chi ‘Shi yan Leyou yuan song Zhang Xuzhou ying zhao shi” 再論丘遲《侍宴樂遊苑送張徐州應詔詩》. Wenxue yichan (1997: 6): 88–89. Xiong Qingyuan 熊清元. “Wen xuan Qiu Xifan gongyan shi ti wu ‘Zhang’ zi shuo xin zheng”《文選》丘希範公宴詩題無 “張” 字說新證. Huanggang shizhuan xuebao 19.2 (1999): 21–24, 68.

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 303–4.

c. “Dan fa Yupu tan” 旦發漁浦潭 (At dawn departing from Yupu tan) Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 469–70.

d. “Jing chou Liu Puye zheng yuan” 敬酬柳僕射征怨 (Resentment on campaign, respectfully replying to vice director Liu) Translation Birrell, New Songs, 135–36.

e. “Da Xu shizhong wei ren zeng fu” 答徐侍中為人贈婦 (Presented to a wife on behalf of someone, in reply to palace attendent Xu) Translation Birrell, New Songs, 136. DRK

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qiu juyuan 丘巨源 (d. ca. 485)

Qiu Juyuan 丘巨源 (d. ca. 485) Liu-Song and Qi period writer. Qiu Juyuan’s ancestral home was Lanling 蘭陵 (southeast of modern Zaozhuang 棗庄, Shandong). In the early Liu-Song period the Qiu family was registered at Danyang 丹陽 (near modern Nanjing), but later reverted to Southern Lanling (modern Changzhou, Jiangsu). In his youth Qu Juyuan was recommended as “filial and incorrupt” from Danyang and attracted the attention of Emperor Xiaowu (r. 453–464). In 461, Qiu Quyuan and Xu Yuan 徐爰 (394–475) were commisioned to compile the Song state history. After the death of Emperor Xiaowu in 464, Qiu Juyuan was appointed secretary to Liu Yigong 劉義恭 (413–465), Prince of Jiangxia 江夏. After the death of Liu Yigong in 465, he returned to the court where he was charged with composed edicts on behalf of Emperor Ming (r. 465–472). Ca. 473, the Prince of Guiyang 桂陽, Liu Xiufan 劉休範 (448–474) invited him to join his staff in Xunyang 尋陽 (modern Jiujiang, Jiangxi), but Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427–482), the future founder of the Qi dynasty persuaded him to remain at the capital. When Liu Xiufan staged a revolt in 474, Qiu Juyuan composed the war proclamations. After the insurrection was put down, he was disappointed that he was not rewarded with a noble title. He even presented a petition to the court complaining about the matter. At the beginning of the Qi, Qiu Juyuan was appointed governor of Wuchang 武昌 (administrative seat modern Ezhou 鄂州, Hubei). Reluctant to take up the post, he said, “I would rather drink the water of Jianye 建業 than eat the fish from Wuchang.” The court then changed his appointment to governor of Yuhang 餘杭 (administrative seat Qiantang, Zhejiang). At the beginning of the Yongming 永明 (483–493) period, he wrote “Qiuhu shi” 秋胡詩 (Poem of Qiuhu) that contained a number of satirical barbs directed at the court. He was then put on trial and executed. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions Qiu Juyuan’s collected works in ten juan that was lost already in the early Tang. Most of his writings are lost. Lu Qinli has collected two extant poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi, and Yan Kejun preserves three prose works in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 79–80. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 386.

qiu lingju 丘靈鞠 (ca. 424–ca. 491)

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Translation Birrell, New Songs, 124–25. WJ and DRK

Qiu Lingju 丘靈鞠 (ca. 424–ca. 491) Song-Qi period writer. Qiu Lingju’s ancestral home was Wucheng 烏程 in Wuxing 吳興 commandery (modern Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). He was the father of the Liang poet and parallel prose writer Qiu Chi 丘遲 (464–508). Qiu Lingju’s biography is the first in the chapter on literary men in the Nan Qi shu Already in his youth Qiu Lingju was an ardent scholar and skilled writer. He began his career as a local official. He was then recommended as a “flourishing talent” and appointed recorder in the administration of Yangzhou 揚州 (modern Nanjing). He eventually rose in the official ranks to the imperial court position of supernumerary gentleman cavalier attendant. In 462, Qiu Lingju composed a pallbearer’s song to lament the death of Yin Shuyi 殷淑儀, the favorite consort of Emperor Xiaowu (r. 453–464). Both Xie Zhuang 謝莊 (421–466) and Xie Lingyun’s grandson Xie Chaozong 謝超宗 (d. 483) composed laments for her. Only two lines of Qiu Lingju’s song survive. Shortly thereafter Qiu Lingju was appointed administrator on the staff of the Prince of Xin’an 新安, Liu Ziluan 劉子鸞 (456–465), Emperor Xiaowu’s son by Yin Shuyi. He then was sent out to serve as magistrate of his ancestral home of Wucheng. In January 466, Liu Yu 劉彧 (439–472), the eleventh son of Emperor Wen, installed himself on the imperial throne. On 7 February his nephew the eleven-year-old Liu Zixun 劉子勛 (456–466) declared himself emperor in Xunyang 尋陽 (modern Jiujiang, Jiangxi). The next day a large number of regional inspectors joined the revolt soon followed by the governors of the five southern commanderies of Guiji, Wu, Wuxing, Yixing, and Jinling. Wucheng where Qiu Lingju served was in Wuxing, and thus he had no choice but to join the rebel group. After the revolt was put down, Qiu Lingju was banned from office for several years. In 470, through the recommendation of Chu Yuan 褚淵 (435–482), Qiu Lingju was able to return to the imperial court. Emperor Ming commissioned him to write an account of the suppression of the imperial expedition against the southern “rebels.” This work is no longer extant. Qiu Lingju then held a series of appointments at the local level and imperial court. Ca. 477, he was appointed rectifier for his home commandery

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qiu lingju 丘靈鞠 (ca. 424–ca. 491)

of Wuxing and vice minister of the secretariat. It was during this time that Qiu Lingju became a supporter of the future founder of the Qi dynasty, Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427–482). In the Qi, Qiu Lingju served in high positions at the imperial court. He also helped compile the Qi state history and draft imperial decrees. When Emperor Wu (r. 482–493) assumed the throne in 482, he was appointed chancellor of the Eastern Institute. Upon taking up the post, he said “If I could serve as chancellor for my entire life, I would have no regrets.” However, in 484, Qiu Lingju was appointed general of the courageous guard. Considering this military position degrading for someone of his status, Qiu commented: “I should return east [i.e., south] and dig up the grave of Gu Rong. The territory south of the Yangtze stretches for several thousand leagues, and many gentlemen of urbane manner all come from this area. That Gu Rong thoughtlessly brought all those northern churls across the Yangtze to block the path of people such as us, for this even death would not be sufficient punishment.” Gu Rong 顧榮 (270–322), a native of Wu, joined the Western Jin regime in 280. He later played a major role in the establishment of the Eastern Jin regime in Jiankang. Basically Qiu Linju accuses Gu Rong of being a traitor to his natal area. In 487 Qiu Lingju was appointed administrator on the staff of the Prince of Changsha 長沙, Xiao Huang 蕭晃 (460–490). This is someone under whom his son Qiu Chi would serve. Qiu Lingju died while serving as superior grand minister of the palace. As a writer Qiu Lingju was more renowned in the Song than in the Qi. He compiled the Jiangzuo wenzhang lu xu 江左文章錄序 (Record of writings from the Southland), which was a catalogue of literature and writers from the Eastern Jin period (318–420). He also had a personal collection that was lost by the early Tang. Except for the two lines of his pallbearer’s song, none of his writings has survived. Studies Cao Daoheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 80. Wei Ming’an 魏明安. “Qiu Chi” 丘遲. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan (xubian), 371–75. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 387–88. Cheng Zhangcan 程章燦. “Ai rong beihou de ducheng zhengzhi—guifei zhi si” 哀榮背後的都城政治—貴妃之死.” Gudian wenxue zhishi (2005: 4): 58–65. WJ and DRK

qu yuan 屈原 (339–?, alt. 340?–278 b.c.e.)

745

Qu Jia 屈賈 This is an abbreviated reference to Qu Yuan 屈原 (339–?, alt. 340?–278 b.c.e.) and Jia Yi 賈誼 (201–168 b.c.e.). The first pairing of these two figures was in the “Qu Jia liezhuan” 屈賈列傳 (Traditions of Qu Yuan and Jia Yia) in the Shi ji of Sima Qian. DRK

Qu Song 屈宋 This is an abbreviated reference to 屈原 (339–?, alt. 340?–278 b.c.e.) and Song Yu 宋玉 (fl. 298–263 b.c.e.). Both were celebrated writers from Chu, and works attributed to them are collected in the Chu ci (q.v.). DRK

Qu Yuan 屈原 (339–?, alt. 340?–278 b.c.e.) Writer and statesman of Warring States period Chu. Attributed with the first seven poems in Chu ci 楚辭 (Songs of Chu). Qu Yuan’s personal name conventionally is considered to be Ping 平 and his zi is Yuan 原. In the “Li sao” his personal name is given as Zhengze 正則 and his zi as Lingjun 靈均. These may be pseudonyms derived from Ping and Yuan. He also is known as Qu zi 屈子 (Master Qu). Qu Yuan’s natal place was the state of Chu 楚 which was one of the most powerful states during the Warring States period. The Qu were one of the royal clans of the state of Chu. Scholars have engaged in elaborate studies of Qu Yuan’s dates. However, there is no universal agreement on this issue. The most detailed study is that by Pu Jiangqing 浦江清 (see below). The earliest biographical account of Qu Yuan is the “Qu Yuan Jia sheng liezhuan” 屈原賈生列傳 (Traditions of Qu Yuan and Jia Yi) in the Shi ji (84). The following is a summary of the Shi ji biography: Qu Yuan’s personal name was Ping 平. He belonged to a collateral branch of the Chu royal clan, which in his time included the Zhao 昭, Jing 景, and Qu 屈. He served as a zuotu 左徒 (minister of the left) under King Huai 懷王 (r. 328 to 299 b.c.e.) At first he enjoyed great favor with the king. Qu Yuan drafted laws and regulations and formulated government policy. He also was a skillful diplomat and served as the king’s representative in contacts with other states. However, a court rival Shangguan Dafu 上官大夫

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qu yuan 屈原 (339–?, alt. 340?–278 b.c.e.)

(Grandee Shangguan?) slandered Qu Yuan to the the king who soon no longer consulted with him or heeded his advice. To express his frustration, Qu Yuan composed the long poem “Li sao” 離騷 (Encountering sorrow). Chu was allied by marriage with the northern state of Qi 齊. King Huiwen 惠文 (r. 337–311 b.c.e.) of Qin wanted to break up the alliance between Qi and Chu. He sent the eloquent and clever persuader Zhang Yi 張儀 (d. ca. 310 b.c.e.) to Chu to devise a means of inducing Chu to break its alliance with Qi. Zhang Yi persuaded King Huai to break off with Qi in return for being given territory by Qin. As soon as King Huai agreed to the arrangement, Qin reneged on its promise. In 312 b.c.e. Qin launched a military expedition against Chu. Chu was defeated and was forced to cede the area of Hanzhong 漢中 to Qin. The next year (311 b.c.e.), Qin offered to make peace with Chu and sent Zhang Yi as a prisoner to Chu as a pledge of sincerity. Once he arrived in Chu, Zhang Yi bribed the Chu officials and the king’s favorite concubine so that the king was persuaded to release Zhang Yi. Qu Yuan was at this time serving as an envoy in Qi. Upon hearing of these events, he returned to Chu and admonished King Huai for letting Zhang Yi go. King Zhao 昭 (r. 306–251 b.c.e.) of Qin requested to meet with King Huai. Qu Yuan advised against it, saying Qin was “a country of wolves and tigers, and not to be trusted.” The king did not heed Qu Yuan’s advice and went to meet the King Zhao. On the way, the Qin army ambushed King Huai’s party and took him prisoner. King Huai died a prisoner of the Qin in 299 b.c.e. King Huai’s eldest son King Qingxiang 頃襄 (299–265 b.c.e.) took the throne. His prime minister was Qingxiang’s younger brother, Zilan 子蘭 (Master Thoroughwort), who had encouraged King Huai to go to Qin. The people of Chu resented Zilan for persuading the king to go to Qin, and they blamed him for King Huai’s death. Qu Yuan also hated Zilan, and eventually Zilan and another Chu minister conspired to have the king banish Qu Yuan to the south. Qu Yuan first went to the Yangtze River where he met a fisherman with whom he had a debate about the merits of pursuing a political career. After composing a fu titled “Huai sha” 懷沙 (Embracing the sands) Qu Yuan went to the Miluo 汨羅 River, where clasping a stone to his chest, he threw himself into the river and drowned. An important question of modern Sinology is the reliability of the Shi ji account of Qu Yuan’s life. For commentary on Qu Yuan’s biography in Shi ji, see: Jin Ronghua 金榮華. “Shi ji ‘Qu Yuan liezhuan’ shuzheng” 史記屈原列傳疏證. Shi ji Guowen yanjiusuo jikan 9 (1965): 615–36. Jiang Liangfu 姜亮夫. “Shi ji Qu Yuan liezhuan shuzheng” 史記屈原列傳疏證. Chu ci xue lunwen ji, 1–32.

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Jiang Liangfu 姜亮夫. “Qu Yuan shiji xukao” 屈原事蹟續考. Chu ci xue lunwen ji, 33–63. Jiang Tianshu 蔣天樞. “Hanren lunshu Qu Yuan shiji zhong de yixie wenti” 漢人論 述屈原事蹟中的一些問題. In Jiang Tianshu. Chu ci lunwen ji, 125–49. Jiang Tianshu 蔣天樞. “Qu Yuan nianbiao chugao” 屈原年表初稿. In Jiang Tianshu. Chu ci lunwen ji, 150–94. Wen Yifan 溫一凡. “Du ‘Qu Yuan liezhuan’” 讀《屈原列傳》. Jiangxi daxue xuebao (1978: 3): 47–50. Zhang Yelu 張葉蘆. “‘Qu Yuan liezhuan wujie bian zheng”《屈原列傳》誤解辨正. Zhejiang shida xuebao (1993: 1): 46–50; rpt. in Zhang Yelu. Qu fu bian huo gao 屈賦辯惑稿, 142–59. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2005.

Translations of the Shi ji biography of Qu Yuan: Margouliès, Le Kou-wen chinois, 83–89. Watson, Records, 1: 499–516. Hawkes, Ch’u Tz’u, 11–15. Hawkes, Songs of the South, 54–60. Nienhauser, Grand Scribe’s Records, Volume VII, 295–302.

In the 1920’s, several eminent scholars raised the question of whether Qu Yuan actually ever existed. In 1923 Xie Wuliang 謝無量 (1884–1964) issued the unpublished study by Liao Ping 廖平 (1852–1932), an eminent Sichuan scholar, who argued that Qu Yuan was not an historical figure. Liao also claimed that the “Li sao” was written by the Qin First Emperor 秦始皇 (r. 221–210 b.c.e.) and that the other Qu Yuan poems were written by academicians (boshi 博士) of the Qin dynasty. See: Xie Wuliang 謝無量. Chu ci xinlun 楚辭新論. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1923. Wen Yiduo 聞一多 (1899–1946). “Liao Jiping lun Li sao” 廖季平論離騷. Rpt. in Wen Yiduo Chu ci yanjiu lunzhu shizhong 聞一多楚辭論著十種, 103–106. Hong Kong: Weiya shuwu, n.d.

Another scholar who raised doubts about the historical Qu Yuan was Hu Shi 胡適 (1891–1962). In his 1922 article, “Du Chu ci” 讀楚辭, Hu carefully examined inconsistencies in the Shi ji biography of Qu Yuan and concluded that the account must have been interpolated into the Shi ji during the reign of Emperor Xuan 宣 of the Former Han (reg. 73–48 b.c.e.). Dr. Hu also claimed that if Qu Yuan was an historical person, he could not have lived before the Qin dynasty. Although few scholars have accepted Hu Shi’s conclusions, his analysis of the inconsistencies of Qu Yuan’s biography in the Shi ji is quite useful. See: Hu Shi 胡適. “Du Chu ci” 讀楚辭. 1922; rpt. in Hu Shi wencun 胡適文存, series 2. Taipei: Yuandong, 1953, 139–48.

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qu yuan 屈原 (339–?, alt. 340?–278 b.c.e.)

Other sources that have been used to construct a “Life of Qu Yuan” include the Chu ci pieces attributed to Qu Yuan as well as some of the Han time imitations of the Qu Yuan poems. There are a number of studies of the biography as well as attempts to establish a chronology for Qu Yuan’s life: Legge, James. “The Li Sao Poem and Its Author.” Journal of the Royral Asiatic Society 26 (1895): 847–64. Lu Kanru 陸侃如. Qu Yuan 屈原. Shanghai: Yadong, 1923. Biallas, F. X. “K’ü Yuan, His Life and Poems.” Journal of the North China Branch, Royal Asiatic Society 59 (1928): 231–53. Lu Kanru. Qu Yuan yu Song Yu 屈原與宋玉. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1930. Guo Yintian 郭銀田. Qu Yuan zhi sixiang ji qi yishu 屈原之思想及其藝術. Chongqing: Duli, 1942. Guo Moruo 郭沫若. Qu Yuan yanjiu 屈原研究. 1942; fourth printing Shanghai: Xin wenyi chubanshe, 1952. Lin Geng 林庚. Shiren Qu Yuan ji qi zuopin yanjiu 詩人屈原及其作品研究. Shanghai: Tangdi chubanshe, 1952. Rpt. and rev. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962; rpt. in Lin Geng 林庚. Lin Geng Chu ci yanjiu liangzhong 林庚楚辭研究兩種. Beijing: Qinghua daxue chubanshe, 2006. Pu Jiangqing 浦江清. “Qu Yuan shengnian yueri de tuisuan wenti” 屈原生年月日 的推算問題. Lishi yanjiu (1954: 1): 73–97. Okamura Shigeru 岡村繁. “So Ji to Kutsu Gen—hīrō to sakusha to no bunri ni tsuite” 楚辭と屈原—ヒーローと作者の分離について. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 18 (1966): 86–101; Chinese. trans. in Okamura Shigeru. Gangcun Fan quan ji, Vol. 1: 50–81. Mekada Makoto 目加田誠. Kutsu Gen 屈原. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1967. Inahata Kōichirō 稻畑耕一郎. “Kutsu Gen hiteiron no keifu” 屈原否定論の系譜. Chūgoku bungaku kenkyū 3 (1977): 18–35. Guo Weisen 郭維森. Qu Yuan 屈原. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1979. You Guoen 游國恩. Qu Yuan 屈原. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980. Misawa Reiji 三沢玲爾. “Kutsu Gen mondai kōben” 屈原問題考弁. Yashirogakuin daigaku kiyō 21 (1981): 82–93. Jiang Liangfu 姜亮夫. “Qu Yuan” 屈原. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 27–63. Ishikawa Misao 石川三左南. “Shiki no Kutsu Gen den ni tsuite—Soji to no taiō ni motozuite”「史記」の屈原伝について—「楚辭」との対応に基づいて. Shibun 97 (1989): 68–101. Takeji Sadao 竹治貞夫. Kutsu Gen: yūkoku shijin 屈原: 憂國詩人. Tokyo: Shūeisha, 1983. Cao Chuji 曹礎基 et al. eds. “Chu ci yanjiu” 楚辭研究. in Xian Qin wenxue ji yi 先 秦文學集. Longmen: Guangdong gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 1988. Zheng Zaiying 鄭在瀛. “Wuguan Qu Yuan jiu zheng” 巫官屈原九證. Exi daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 10 (1989): 41–50. Huang Zhongmo 黃中模, ed.-in-chief. Zhong Ri xuezhe Qu Yuan wenti lunzheng ji 中日學者屈原問題論爭集. Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1990. Chen Yiliang 陳怡良. Qu Yuan wenxue lunji 屈原文學論集. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1992.

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Misawa Reiji 三泽玲爾. “Kutsu Gen densetsu no hassei” 屈原伝說の發生. Kobe kokusai daigaku kiyō 51 (1996): 93–105. Guo Weisen 郭維森. Qu Yuan pingzhuan 屈原評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1998. Wu Gaofei 吳高飛. Qu Yuan quan zhuan 屈原全傳. Beijing: Xinhua chubanshe, 2001. Fu Xiren 傅錫壬. “Hanren dui Qu Yuan shiji de renzhi” 漢人對屈原事蹟的認知. Zhongwen xuebao 8 (2003): 1–12. Zhang Yelu 張葉蘆. Qu fu bian huo gao 屈賦辯惑稿. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2005. Dai Xiqi 戴錫琦 and Zhong Xingyong 鍾興永. Qu Yuan xue jicheng 屈原學集成. Beijing: Zhongyang bianyi chubanshe, 2007.

The monograph on bibliography in the Han shu has a listing of twenty-five pieces under Qu Yuan’s name. However, it does not give the titles. Scholars have attempted to identify these twenty-five works with pieces attributed to Qu Yuan in the Chu ci. These include: “Li sao,” the eleven-part “Jiu ge” 九歌 (Nine songs), “Tian wen” 天問 (Heavenly questions or Questions to heaven), the nine-part “Jiu zhang” 九章 (Nine declarations), “Yuan you” 遠 遊 (Distant roaming), “Bu ju” 卜居 (Divining a dwelling), and “Yufu” 漁父 (The fisherman). Scholars have debated which if any of these pieces were written by Qu Yuan (see the entry for Chu ci). DRK

Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen 全上古三代秦漢三國 六朝文 (Complete prose from high antiquity, the Three Eras, Qin, Han, Three States, and Six Dynasties) Comprehensive collection of pre-Tang prose. This work in 746 juan was compiled by Yan Kejun 嚴可均 (1762–1843). He completed it in 1836, and it was first printed in 1893. It contains prose writings (including fu) for 3,497 authors, and includes the following subdivisions: (1) “Quan shanggu Sandai wen” 全上古三代文, (2) “Quan Qin wen” 全秦文, (3) “Quan Han wen” 全漢文, (4) “Quan Hou Han wen” 全 後漢文, (5) “Quan Sanguo wen” 全三國文, (6) “Quan Jin wen” 全晉文, (7) “Quan Song wen” 全宋文, (8) “Quan Qi wen” 全齊文, (9) “Quan Liang wen” 全梁文, (10) “Quan Chen wen” 全陳文, (11) “Quan Hou Wei wen” 全後魏文, (12) “Quan Bei Qi wen” 全北齊文, (13) “Quan Hou Zhou wen” 全後周文, (14) “Quan Sui wen” 全隋文, (15) “Xian Tang wen” 先唐文. The work also contians short biographical sketches for each author. Yan Kejun was one of the leading textual scholars of the Qing dynasty. Disappointed that he was unable to participate in the compilation of the

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Quan Tang wen 全唐文 (Complete Tang prose), Yan undertook beginning in 1808 to prepare a collection of all of the extant prose writings from the pre-Tang period. He spent twenty-seven years on this labor, completing the manuscript in 1836. However, the book was not printed in Yan’s lifetime. Jiang Rui 蔣叡 (d. ca. 1860) compiled the table of contents and biographies. These were printed separately in a 103–juan edition in 1879. Yan’s full collection edited by Wang Yuzao 王毓藻 (jinshi 1863) and others, minus the five-juan table of contents, was published by the Guangya shuju 廣雅書局 in Guangzhou between 1887 and 1893 in 741 juan. A table of contents arranged by rhyme was compiled by Min Sunshi 閔孫奭 and printed in 1931. Some scholars in the Qing claimed that Yan Kejun did not compile this work, but took it from a manuscript prepared by Sun Xingyan 孫星衍 (1753–1818), with whom Yan had worked before Sun’s death in 1818. Recently Qian Zhongshu 錢鍾書 has come to Yan Kejun’s defense. See Qian’s Guanzhui bian 管錐編, 4 vols. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979), 3: 853–54. For a detailed account of the collection see Liu Yuejin, Zhonggu wenxue wenxian xue, 61–71. Editions Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen 全上古三代秦漢三國六朝文. Guangzhou: Guangya shuju, 1887–1893. Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen 全上古三代秦漢三國六朝文. Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1960. Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen 全上古三代秦漢三國六朝文. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965. Chen Yanjia 陳延嘉, Wang Tongce 王同策, and Zuo Zhenkun 左振坤, eds. Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen 全上古三代秦漢三國六朝文. Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 1997.

Index William Hung, et al., comps. Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen zuozhe yinde 全上古三代秦漢三國六朝文作者引得. Harvard-Yenching Sinological Index, Series No. 8. 1932; rpt. Taipei: Ch’eng-wen, 1966.

Author index to the collection. Keyed to Guangya shuju edition. Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen pianming mulu ji zuozhe yinde 全上古三代秦漢三國六朝文篇名目錄及作者引得. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965.

Index to all works in the collection. Arranged by author. Keyed to Zhonghua shuju edition. DRK

ren fang 任昉 (460–508), zi yansheng 彥升 (variant 彥昇)

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Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508), zi Yansheng 彥升 (variant 彥昇), childhood name Adui 阿堆 Liang dynasty scholar and prose writer. Ren Fang’s ancestral home was Bochang 博昌 in Le’an 樂安 (modern Shouguang 壽光, Shandong). The Ren family of Le’an Bochang had a long lineage going back to the Eastern Han. Ren Fang served in office in three dynasties: the Song, Qi, and Liang. Ren Fang was precocious and able to recite poetry at the age of four. At the age of eight he could compose prose. In 475, at the age of sixteen, he was appointed recorder on the staff of Liu Bing 劉秉, governor of Danyang 丹陽 (administrative center modern Xuanzhou 宣州, Anhui). In 484, he joined the staff of Wang Jian 王儉 (452–489), who was one of the most distinguished scholars of this period. In that same year, Wang Jian was newly appointed governor of Danyang as well as chancellor of the national university. Wang Jian held Ren Fang in especially high regard and even had Ren prepare the final drafts of his own writings. After Wang Jian died in 489, Ren Fang composed the preface for his collected works (see Wen xuan chapter 46). In the same year or in 487, he took up a post as secretary in the ministry of education headed by Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494), Prince of Jingling 竟陵. He is thus included as one of the Eight Companions of Jingling. Another member of this group, Wang Rong 王融 (467–493), felt mortified that his writings were inferior to those of Ren Fang. Ren Fang was very filial, and he remained out of office for five years mourning for his father Ren Yao 任遙 and mother née Pei 裴. In 490, he returned to the court where he served on the staff of the crown prince Xiao Changmao 蕭長懋 (458–493). In 494, he composed on behalf of Xiao Luan 蕭鸞 (452–498), the future Emperor Ming (494–498), a petition declining enfeoffment as Duke of Xuancheng 宣城 (see Wen xuan 38). However, Xiao Luan was not pleased with the piece, and thus for the period 494–498, Ren Fang did not receive any promotion. However, he did enjoy outings in the countryside with the brothers Dao Gai 到溉 (477–548) and Dao Qia 到恰 (490–527). At the end of the Qi, Ren Fang became a supporter of Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549) serving as his secretary. Ren Fang composed many of the important commands issued in Xiao Yan’s name. He also composed the edicts ordering Xiao Yan to accept the abdication of the last Qi emperor. After Xiao Yan founded the Liang in 502, Ren Fang was appointed attendant gentleman at the Yellow Gate and then promoted to the high post of director of the ministry of personnel. In 503, Ren Fang was appointed governor of Yixing 義興 (modern Yixing 宜興, Jiangsu). During his service here Ren

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ren fang 任昉 (460–508), zi yansheng 彥升 (variant 彥昇)

provided food from his personal funds for victims of a famine. In 504, Ren Fang returned to the capital. After brief service as director of the ministry of personnel, in which capacity he presided over the selection of officials, he became vice-censor-in-chief. His main activity was the presiding over the impeachment of many officials. His impeachment petitions are among Ren’s most famous prose writings. Ren Fang also served as director of the imperial library and oversaw the copying and editing of texts in the collection. In 504, Ren wrote on behalf of Xiao Yan the questions for the examination of xiucai 秀才 or degree candidates (see Wen xuan 36). During this time, Ren became the protégé of a group of scholars and officials from less distinguished families. Named the Lan tai ju 蘭臺聚 or Magnolia Terrace Gatherings (Magnolia Terrace was the name for the censorate in Han times), the group included Liu Xiaochuo 劉孝綽 (481–539), Liu Bao 劉苞 (482–511) and Liu Ru 劉儒 (483–541) of Pengcheng 彭城, Lu Chui 陸倕 (470–526) and Zhang Shuai 張率 (475–527) of Wu commandery, Yin Yun 殷芸 (471–529) of Chen commandery, Liu Xian 劉顯 (481–543) of Pei, and the brothers Dao Gai and Dao Qia. Membership in the Lan tai Association was also referred to as “climbing Longmen” 登龍門. Longmen or Dragon Gate is the name of a gorge on the Yellow River. Anciently it was thought that even turtles and fish found it difficult to swim up it. Those that succeeded were transformed into dragons. As a phrase referring to entering the entourage of a senior scholar, “climbing Longmen” was first applied to the Eastern Han anti-eunuch literatus Li Ying 李膺 (110–169). Ren Fang’s group was also called “Longmen zhi you” 龍門之游 or the “Longmen Associates.” In the spring of 507, Ren Fang was sent out as governor of Xin’an 新安 (administrative seat at Shixin 始新, located northwest of modern Chun’an 淳安, Zhejiang). Ren is said to have personally inquired of the problems of the local people, and earned a reputation for the incorruptibility of his administration. He died in Xin’an in 508. The people of Xin’an built a shrine in his honor. Upon hearing of Ren Fang’s death, Xiao Yan threw down the melons he was eating and wept uncontrollably. He conferred on him the posthumous name of Jingzi 敬子. Wang Sengru 王僧儒 (ca. 463–ca. 521) composed a biography (see “Quan Liang wen” 52.1a–b), and Shen Yue wrote a grave memoir (see “Quan Liang wen” 30.13b). Ren Fang had four sons who had no scholarly education. Ren’s brothers had drifted away and could not provide them any assistance. Even Ren’s friends did not come to their aid. One of Ren Fang’s sons went out in the winter dressed in rags and encountered Liu Jun 劉峻 (462–521), who was so outraged he composed a long essay, “Guang juejiao lun” 廣絕交論 (Expanding on the Disquisition on Severing Relations) to criticize the callousness of Ren’s “friends.”

ren fang 任昉 (460–508), zi yansheng 彥升 (variant 彥昇)

753

Ren Fang had a large personal library that included a number of rare editions. When Ren Fang died, Emperor Wu requested Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) to examine Ren Fang’s collection to obtain works that the imperial library did not own. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Ren Fang’s collected works in thirty-four juan. Both Tang histories record a collection of the same size. However, the monograph on bibliography of the Song shi lists the work in six juan. Thus, much of the collection must have been lost in the Southern Song. Later collections are all reconstructions. According to Ren Fang’s biography in the Nan shi, his contemporaries singled out for praise “Ren Fang’s unadorned prose and Shen Yue’s poetry.” Stung by this label, late in life Ren tried to improve his skill as a poet in order to surpass Shen Yue. However, he used excessive allusions and his poems did not read smoothly. Nevertheless, many men in the capital admired his style, and he wrote in an even more forced manner. Thus, it was said that “his talent was depleted,” a comment that was also made about Jiang Yan 江淹 (444–505). Most of Ren Fang’s extant writings are prose works, and the majority of these are court pieces. For example, Ren Fang composed on behalf of Xiao Yan most of the imperial edicts and imperial edicts relating to his succession as Liang emperor. Ren Fang also has seventeen pieces in the prose section of the Wen xuan, more than any other writer. His most celebrated pieces include his two impeachment petitions, one of which, “Zou tan Liu Zheng” 奏彈流整 (Impeaching Liu Zheng) is important for its inclusion of the colloquial language depositions Ren Fang cites as evidence of Liu Zheng’s misdeeds. It is also notable that the only example of the relatively new genre, muzhi ming 墓志銘 (grave memoir), selected for the Wen xuan is Ren Fang’s “Liu xiansheng furen muzhi” 劉先生夫人墓誌 (Grave memoir for the wife of Master Liu). Ren Fang wrote this piece to lament the passing of the wife of the venerable scholar-official Liu Huan 劉瓛 (434–489). Also included in the Wen xuan are three sets of examination questions Ren Fang composed on behalf of Emperor Wu of the Liang. Ren Fang has twenty-one poems extant. Only two of his poems were included in the Wen xuan. Zhong Rong placed him in the middle grade of the Shi pin. Most of his pieces are exchange poems. Ren Fang compiled a large geographical treatise, the Di ji 地記 (Notes on geography) in 252 juan. This was a sequel to the Dili shu 地理書 (Writings on geography) by the Southern Qi scholar Lu Cheng 陸澄 (425–494). Lu Cheng had collected material from 160 works, and Ren Fang added another eighty-four works. Ren Fang’s Di ji was lost in the Song. Another of Ren Fang’s lost works is Za zhuan 雜傳 (Diverse biographies) in 147 juan. This also disappeared in the Song.

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Ren Fang is attributed with the collection of fabulous tales titled Shu yi ji 述異記(Notes relating the extraordinary). The Shu yi ji is not listed in the monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu or the two Tang histories. Thus, the editors of the Siku quanshu zongmu concluded that the work was forged in the Tang dynasty. Morino Shigeo has argued that this is a Tang dynasty work consisting of passages extracted from Ren Fang’s Di ji. Recently, Li Jianguo has argued for Ren Fang’s authorship of the work. Another work attributed to Ren Fang is the Wenzhang yuanqi 文章緣起 (Origins of literary forms), also known as Wenzhang shi 文章始. The editors of the Siku quanshu zongmu suspect that the received version is a somewhat altered version of a supplement prepared by Zhang Ji 張績 in the Tang. Recently Wu Chengxue and Li Xiaohong have argued that the attribution of this work to Ren Fang is credible. Bibliography Collections Ren Yansheng ji 任彥升集. 6 juan. Lü Zhaoxi 呂兆禧. Qian Xingwu tang 錢省吾堂, 1590. Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Ren Zhongcheng ji 任中丞集. 6 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Ren Zhongcheng ji 任中丞集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji 漢魏六朝百三家集.

Studies Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Jin Bō no bunshō—sono keisei katei to bannen no buntai henka” 任昉の文章—その形成過程と晚年の文化变化. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 32 (1980): 96–109. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Jin Bō no sōdanbun” 任昉の奏彈文. Shūkan Tōyōgaku 45 (1981): 31–43. Xiong Qingyuan 熊清元. “Ren Fang shiwen xinian kaozheng” 任昉詩文繫年考證. Huanggang shizhuan xuebao 12 (1992): 34–41, 46. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Lun Ren Fang zai wenxue shi shang de diwei” 論任昉在文 學史上的地位. Qi Lu xuekan (1993: 4): 4–11, 39; rpt. in Cao Daoheng. Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji xubian, 244–60. Zhong Tao 鍾濤. “Ren Fang pianwen lüelun” 任昉駢文略論. Qinghai shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1993: 3): 68–73. Luo Guowei 羅國威. “Ren Fang nianpu” 任昉年譜. Sichuan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1994: 1): 69–77. Luo Guowei 羅國威. “Shen Yue Ren Fang nianpu” 沈約任昉年譜. Xueshu jilin 12 (1997): 226–89. Rpt. in Liu Yuejin 劉躍進 and Fan Ziye 范子燁. Liuchao zuojia nianpu jiyao 六朝作家年譜輯要, 383–447. Harbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, 1999.

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Zhang Dingzheng 張頂政. “Ren Fang nianpu lüe gao” 任昉年譜略稿. Xinan minzu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 20 (1999): 77–84. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Rikuchō no bunjin taichi—Kō En to Jin Bō” 六朝の文 人たち—江淹と任昉. Kokugo kokubun ronshū 31 (2001): 69–79. Dai Li 戴麗. “Nanchao xuezhe Ren Fang de wenxianxue chengjiu” 南朝學者任昉的 文獻學成就. Yunmeng xuekan 24.5 (2003): 57–58. Wu Chengxue 吳承學 and Li Xiaohong 李曉紅. “Ren Fang Wenzhang yuanqi kaolun” 任昉《文章緣起》考論. Wenxue yichan (2007: 4): 14–25. Liu Tao 劉濤. “Ren Fang pianwen lunlüe” 任昉駢文論略. Yibin xueyuan xuebao 2.2 (2008): 24–28. Yang Sai 楊賽. “Ren Fang nianpu” 任昉年譜. Anqing shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 27.5 (2008): 90–97. Zhang Jinping 張金平. “Shilun wenxianxue jia Ren Fang de tuchu chengjiu” 試論 文獻學家任昉的突出成就. Anhui gongye daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 25.3 (2008): 72–73. Bai Juncai 柏俊才. “Ren Fang Zhejiang xingzong ji chuangzuo kaoshu” 任昉浙江 行踪及創作考述. Shanxi shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 35.4 (2008): 74–77. Yang Sai 楊賽. “Ren Fang yanjiu zongshu” 任昉研究綜述. Qinghai shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 126 (2008): 79–83. Tian, Xiaofei. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 252.

Works a. “Zou tan Liu Zheng” 奏彈劉整 (Impeaching Liu Zheng) Studies Katsumura Tetsuya 勝村哲也. “Nanchō mombatsu no kasan—Monzen shoin ‘Sōdan Ryū Sei’ no shin kaishaku” 南朝門閥の家產—文選所引《奏彈劉整》の 新解釋 Jinbungaku ronshū (Bukkyō daigaku) 人文學論集 (佛教大學) 8 (1974): 43–70. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Monzen kan 40 ‘Sōdan Ryū Sei’ chūkan bubun nanhyaku yoji no yurai to sono bungakusei ni tsuite” 文選卷40「奏彈劉整」中間部 分七百餘字の由來とその文學性について. Bunka 45.3 (1982): 19–33. Liu Jian 劉堅. “Zou tan Liu Zheng” 奏彈劉整. Jindai Hanyu duben 近代漢語讀本, 9–14. Shanghai: Shanghai jiaoyu chubanshe, 1985. Zhou Shaoheng 周紹恒. “Ren Fang suotan zhi Liu Zhen fei Liu Xie shixi zhong ren” 任昉所彈之劉整非劉勰世系中人. Huaihua shizhuan shehui kexue xuebao 8 (1989): 39–40. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Wen xuan zhuben Ren Fang zuopin chenghu de hunluan yu ‘Zou tan Liu Zheng’ de yuanmao”《文選》諸本任昉作品稱呼的混亂與 《奏彈劉整》的原貌. Wen xuan xue lunji 文選學論集. Zhao Fuhai 趙福海, ed., 173–82. Changchun: Shidai wenyi chubanshe, 1992. Fang Yixin 方一新 and Wang Yunlu 王雲路. “Zou tan Liu Zheng” 奏彈劉整. Zhonggu Hanyu duben 中古漢語讀本, 277–91. Changchun: Jilin jiaoyu chubanshe, 1993.

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Zhou Xunchu 周勛初. “Wen xuan suozai ‘Zou tan Liu Zheng’ Yiwen zhu zhuben zhi fenxi”《文選》所載《奏彈劉整》一文諸注本之分析; Wenxua yichan (1996: 2): 29–36. Wen xuan xue xinlun 文選學新論. Zhongguo Wenxuan xue yanjiuhui 中國文選學研究會 and Zhengzhou daxue guji zhengli yanjiusuo 鄭州大學古籍整 理研究所, ed., 358–69. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1997; rpt. Zhou Xunchu wenji 3: 383–94. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Sōshū Monzen no nakani mieru betsushō no konseki kimyōna jishō to ‘Sodan Ryū Sei’ oyobi Riku Sankei chūben no katchi ni tsuite” 總集『文選』のなかに見える痕跡—奇妙な自称と「奏彈劉整」および陸善經注 本『文選』の価直について. Tōhoku daigaku Chūgoku gogaku bungaku ronshū

9 (2004): 25–54.

Translations von Zach, Erwin. Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 744–49. Mair, Victor. In Victor Mair, ed. The Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Literature, 542–47. New York: Columbia University Press, 1994.

b. “Liu Xiansheng furen muzhi” 劉先生夫人墓誌 (Grave memoir for the Wife of Master Liu) Study Cheng Zhangcan 程章燦. “Du Ren Fang ‘Liu Xiansheng furen muzhi’ bing lun Nanchao muzhiwen tige—du Wen xuan zhaji” 讀任昉《劉先生夫人墓志》并論 南朝墓志文體格—讀《文選》札記. Zhaoming Wen xuan yu Zhongguo chuantong wenhua《昭明文選》與中國傳統文化. Zhao Fuhai 趙福海, Liu Qi 劉琦, and Wu Xiaofeng 吳曉峰, ed., 433–40. Jilin: Jilin wenshi chubanshe, 2001.

Translations von Zach, Erwin. Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 1024–25. Davis, Timothy M. “Potent Stone: Entombed Epigraphy and Memorial Culture in Early Medieval China,” 261–62. Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 2008.

c. “Wei Chu ziyi Zhen rang dai xiong xi feng biao” 為褚諮議蓁讓代 兄襲封表 (Petition written on behalf of adviser Chu Zhen declining inheriting a fief in place of his elder brother) Studies Hu Yaozhen 胡耀震. “Ren Fang wei Chu Zhen biao ruogan wenti kaobian” 任昉 為褚蓁表若干問題考辨. Liaocheng shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1998: 3): 82–84. Hu Yaozhen 胡耀震. “Ren Fang dai Chu Zhen biao he xiangguan de Wen xuan jiu zhu” 任昉代褚蓁表和相關的《文選》舊注. Wenxian jikan (1999: 2): 42–47.

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Translation von Zach, Erwin. Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 711–12.

d. Shuyi ji 述異記. (Notes relating the extraordinary) Shuyi ji 述異記. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Cheng Rong 程榮, ed. 1592. Shuyi ji 述異記. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Zhige congshu 致格叢書. Shuyi ji 述異記. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Baihai 稗海. Shang Jun 商濬 ed. 1591– 1602. Shuyi ji 述異記. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Siku quanshu. Shuyi ji 述異記. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Longwei mishu 龍威秘書.1794–1795. Shuyi ji 述異記. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Baizi quanshu 百子全書. 1875. Shuyi ji 述異記. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Shuoku 說庫. Shanghai: Wenming shuju, 1915.

Studies Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Jin Bō Jutsuiki ni tsuite” 任昉述異記について. Chūgoku bungaku hō 13 (1960): 54–68. Li Jianguo, Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, 396–405. Campany, Strange Writing, 83–85. Nakajima Osafumi 中島長文. “‘Jin Bō Jutsuiki’ kō’『任昉述異記』考. Tōhō gakuhō 73 (2001): 317–73. Brightwell, Erin Leigh. “Confronting the Strange: Narrative and Exposition in Ren Fang’s ‘Notes Relating the Extraordinary.’” M.A. Thesis, University of Washington, 2007.

e. Wenzhang yuanqi 文章緣起 (Origins of literary forms) Editions Wenzhang yuanqi 文章緣起. 1 juan. Shantang kaosuo 山堂考索. Zhang Ruyu 章如 愚 ( jinshi 1196); rpt. Yuansha shuyuan 員沙書院, Yuan Yuanyou 7 (1320). Wenzhang yuanqi 文章緣起. 1 juan. In Chen Yuanjing 陳元靚 (13th cent.), ed. Zuantu zengxin qunshu leiyao shilin guangji 纂圖增新羣書類要事林廣記. Rpt. Beijing: Beijing tushugan chubanshe, 2005. Wenzhang yuanqi 文章緣起. 1 juan. Yimen guangdu 夷門廣讀. 1597. Rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1940. Wenzhang yuanqi 文章緣起. 1 juan. Siku quanshu. Chen Maoren 陳懋仁 (Ming) comm. Fang Xiong 房熊 (Qing), suppl. comm. Guangxu (1875–1908). Wenzhang yuanqi 文章緣起. 1 juan. Shaowu Xu shi congshu 邵武徐氏叢書. Chen Maoren 陳懋仁 (Ming) comm. Fang Xiong 房熊 (Qing), suppl. comm. Guangxu (1875–1908).

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Wu Chengxue 吳承學 and Li Xiaohong 李曉虹. “Ren Fang Wenzhang yuanqi kao lun” 任昉《文章緣起》考論. Wenxuan yichan (2007: 4): 14–25.

Other Translation von Zach, Erwin. Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 372–73, 445; 2: 648–50, 660–62, 702–11, 712–15, 737–40, 741–44, 764–67, 858–67, 1026–36. DRK

Ren Xiaogong 任孝恭 (d. 548) Liang period writer. Ren Xiaogong’s ancestral home was Linhuai 臨淮 (modern Lingbi 靈壁, Anhui). His father died when Xiaogong was young. He was very devoted to his mother and was a diligent student. His family had no books, but he was able to borrow them from various people. When Emperor Wu of the Liang (502–549) heard of his talent and erudition, he summoned Ren to the court to compile histories. Later he wrote a preface to the emperor’s collection. The emperor admired his writing ability very much and entrusted him to draft important documents. During the Hou Jing 侯景 Rebellion (548–552), Ren Xiaogong was captured by Hou Jing, who asked him to write war proclamations. Ren refused, and Hou Jing had him executed. Ren Xiaogong was a devout Buddhist who strictly observed vegetarian dietary rules. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Ren Xiaogong’s collected works in ten juan. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected twelve of his prose writings in the “Quan Liang wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Study Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 103. WJ

Ruan Ji 阮籍 (210–263), zi Sizong 嗣宗 Late Western Wei writer. Ruan Ji’s natal place was Weishi 尉氏 in Chenliu 陳留 commandery (modern Weishi, Henan). He was the second son of Ruan Yu 阮瑀 (ca. 170–212),

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one of the Seven Jian’an Masters. Ruan Yu died when Ruan Ji was only two. Ruan Yu was closely associated with the Cao family. Ruan Ji grew to adulthood at the beginning of the Wei dynasty. As a youth he gained a reputation for his ability to write. His biography in the Jin shu describes him as follows: “His appearance was out-of-the-ordinary. He exercised his will and temperament with great abandon. Arrogantly self-satisfied, he was unrestrained in giving free rein to his impulses, yet joy or anger never appeared in his expression. Sometimes he closed his door and read books, not coming out for months and months. Sometimes he climbed mountains or went down to rivers, and would spend days there forgetting to return. He was widely read in numerous books, and especially fond of Laozi and Zhuangzi. He enjoyed drinking ale and was able to whistle. He was good at playing the zither. While he was in a state of contentment, he would suddenly become oblivious of his own body. Most people of his time called him ‘mad’.” In 226, when Ruan Ji was about sixteen, he accompanied his uncle Ruan Lüe 阮略 to his post in Dong commandery 東郡 (modern Puyang 濮陽, Henan). Ruan Ji visited the regional inspector Wang Chang 王昶 (d. 259), who wished to interview him. He spent the entire day with Wang Chang without saying a word. Wang Chang remarked that Ruan Ji was “unfathomable.” Ruan Ji spent much of his life trying to avoid serving in office. In 242, the defender-in-chief Jiang Ji 蔣濟 (d. 249) summoned Ruan Ji to office. Ruan Ji reported to the metropolitan residence in Luoyang and presented a memorandum declining the invitation. Fearing that Ruan Ji would not come, Jiang Ji was elated upon receiving the memorandum. He then sent a clerk to fetch Ruan Ji, but Ruan had already left. Jiang Ji was furious. Ruan Ji’s fellow townsmen persuaded him to take the position. However, he soon resigned the post on grounds of illness. In 244, Ruan Ji accepted appointment as secretarial court gentleman. During this time he became aquainted with Wang Hun 王渾 and his fifteenyear-old son Wang Rong 王戎 (234–305). Wang Rong was the youngest member of the Seven Worthies of the Bamboo Grove. Even though Ruan Ji was nearly two decades older than Wang Rong, he much preferred conversation with Rong than his father Hun. In 247, the regent Cao Shuang 曹爽 (d. 249) invited Ruan Ji to serve as an administrator, but Ruan Ji declined on grounds of illness. When in February 249 Sima Yi 司馬懿 (179–251) staged a coup against Cao Shuang, killing him and most of his supporters, men of the age praised Ruan Ji for his foresight. In that same year, Ruan Ji joined Sima Yi’s staff as attendant palace gentleman, placing him in an advisory role to Sima Yi. Ruan Ji continued in this same capacity when Sima Yi’s son Sima Zhao 司馬昭

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(211–265) succeeded him in 251. In 254, Ruan Ji was awarded the title Marquis within the Passes and was appointed cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. Sima Zhao wished to arrange a marriage between Ruan Ji’s daughter and his son Sima Yan 司馬炎 (236–290), but Ruan Ji reputedly stayed drunk for sixty days to avoid discussing the matter. In March 255, Sima Zhao seized de facto power in Wei. Sima Zhao was very fond of Ruan Ji, and he appointed him palace attendant. It may have been about this time that Ruan Ji together with Wang Chen 王沈 (d. 266) and Xun Yi 荀顗 (d. 274) were put in charge of compiling the Wei history. According to the Wenshi zhuan 文士傳 (Traditions of literary men), Ruan Ji told Sima Zhao that in his youth he had visited the commandery of Dongping 東平 (north of modern Jining 濟寧, Shandong). He requested to be appointed governor of Dongping. Ji immediately got on a donkey and rode to Dongping, “where he demolished all the walls and screens of the administrative offices, making an open vista inside and out. Thereafter his administration was pure and serene. Ten days later he remounted his donkey and departed.” While in Dongping, Ruan Ji wrote two fu: “Kangfu fu” 亢父賦 (Fu on Kangfu) and “Dongping fu” 東平赴 (Fu on Dongping). In both of these pieces Ruan portrays these areas as unpleasant places to visit and inhabited by vile, stupid, uncivilized people. The last position Ruan Ji held was that of bubing xiaowei 步兵校尉 (colonel of infantry). In the late Wei period, this was a relatively low rank (fourth grade) and may even have been a sinecure. Ruan Ji reputedly sought this position after hearing that in the kitchen of the infantry command there was a large supply of ale made by an excellent brewer. According to the Weishi chunqiu 魏氏春秋 (Annals of Master Wei) by Sun Sheng 孫盛 (ca. 302–373), while serving in this post Ruan Ji “was always dead drunk from excessive indulgence in ale, and he neglected all worldly affairs.” In November–December 263, Sima Zhao was to be bestowed the Nine Distinctions that was part of the ritual protocol for his assuming the throne of a new dynasty. In proper ritual fashion, Sima Zhao declined the honor. The minister of works Zheng Chong 鄭冲 (d. 274) sent a messenger to request Ruan Ji to write the petition urging Sima Zhao to accept the offer to accede to the throne. Ruan Ji had been drunk for two days, but he was still able to compose the petition. Shortly thereafter Ruan Ji died at the age of fifty-four. Two locations have been specified for Ruan Ji’s grave, one in Weishi, and the other in Xin’an 新安 (modern Minchi 澠池, Henan). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu records Ruan Ji’s collected works in ten juan. It also mentions a fifteen-juan edition in a Liang period catalogue that was lost by the early Tang. The monographs on bibliography of both Tang histories list the collection in five juan. However,

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the Song period catalogue Zhizhai shulu jieti records an edition in ten juan. None of these editions seems to have survived. Later collections are reconstructions. Ruan Ji was a non-conformist, somewhat of a libertine, opposed to ritual observances, and enjoyed wandering about the mountains and other wild areas. Ruan Ji had a profound interest in Taoism. He wrote several essays that espouse Taoist ideas. His Taoism actually was a synthesis of “traditional Confucianism and Taoist metaphysics” (Holzman, Poetry and Politics, 99). A good example is Ruan Ji’s “Da Zhuang lun” 達 莊論 (Disquisition on understanding Zhuangzi). The essay is a dialogue between a “Taoist,” simply designated “Master” (xiansheng 先生), and a group of Confucian officials, who hearing of the Taoist’s outrageous ideas, express their doubts about his theories. The boldest one of the group tells the Master that the norms of society established by the Confucian sages are based on the natural principles of heaven and earth which value life and permanence. Zhuangzi has confused these principles with his theory that there is no distinction between life and death, right and wrong. The Taoist master then follows with a long exposition on Zhuangzi’s theory of “non-distinction among things” (qi wu 齊物). His main argument is that all the varied things of the cosmos and nature are the product of “a single undifferentiated vital breath” ( yi qi 一氣). Thus, all things are part of a single organism or “body” ( yi ti 一體). Humankind obtains its bodily form through a process that simply occurs spontaneously, “by itself ” (ziran). The human body is a microcosm of this spontaneous process. It is accumulated “breath” of yin and yang, and human nature is the “proper disposition of the Five Phases.” Given that everything is from the same body, there is no distinction between big and small, life and death. Ruan Ji in the next section attempts to distinguish between the Confucian and Taoist world views. According to Ruan Ji, the basic idea of the Confucian classics is to place everything into an allotted “slot,” and thus the Confucians emphasize the distinctions among things, whereas because Zhuangzi was intent on viewing things from a cosmic perspective, he did away with all distinctions. The Master argues that if one cannot see how everything is related to the great whole, he will bring disaster upon himself. This also has deleterious results for society: fathers and sons, rulers and subjects become disaffected. Thus, here the Master is speaking more as a Confucian than a Taoist. At the end of the essay, the Master even declares that Zhuangzi’s book is not worthy of mention, for he does not discuss the primoridial period of purity and simplicity in remote antiquity. His greatest contribution was to teach people how to avoid harmful things and to nurture one’s body so that the spirit will become purified. This has the

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beneficial effect of inculcating “loyalty and sincerity,” and creating social order. This is again a “Confucian” notion. Ruan Ji had a particular fondness for the religious variety of Taoism, especially the facet associated with prolonging life and immortality. He claimed to have engaged in the search for immortals and a mythical superman known as the Daren 大人 (great man). Ruan wrote a long fulike essay, the “Daren xiansheng zhuan” 大人先生傳 (Biography of Master Great Man), on this hoary personage. Ruan Ji identifies the Great Man as a Taoist adept who resides on Mount Sumen 蘇門 (in modern Hui 輝 county, Henan). Some sources identify Master Great Man with the famous Sun Deng 孫登, a hermit who lived in a cave on Mount Sumen. He was an expert on Taoist breathing exercises and whistling, a skill that Ruan Ji himself also had mastered. Ruan Ji was a highly accomplished master of the five-syllable line poem. His extant verse consists almost entirely of a single group of 82 pentasyllabic poems titled “Yonghuai shi” 詠懷詩 or “Poems Singing My Feelings.” This group of poems does not form a cycle, but is a collection of poems that Ruan Ji wrote over a long period of time. Some of these poems show a direct influence from the Jian’an poets, especially Cao Zhi. Ruan Ji differs from the Jian’an poets in his more bookish and learned style. Many of his “Yonghuai” poems are full of historical allusions and quotations from a wide variety of sources. In addition, most of Ruan’s poems do not make use of the yuefu conventions to the same degree that Jian’an writers do. Traditionally, there have been two approaches to Ruan’s poetry. One type of interpreter has attempted to read in his poems all manner of political and social comment imaginable. Examples of this allegorical interpretation can be found in the Shi bi xing jian 詩比興箋 of Chen Hang 陳沆 (1785–1826) and the Shiba jia shichao 十八家詩鈔 of Zeng Guofan 曾國藩 (1811–1872). Chen Hang divided the “Yonghuai shi” into three types: (1) laments about the imminent fall of the “motherland”; (2) satires against tyranny; (3) poems relating Ruan Ji’s own feelings. The other approach to his poems is to ignore the allegorical reading and interpret them for the surface meaning. Already in the Six Dynasties period some poets and literary critics recognized that whatever political and social comment Ruan might have intended in his poems was virtually impossible to uncover. Yan Yanzhi 顏延之 (384–456), who was one of the earliest commentators on Ruan’s verse, remarked that “even though the purpose of his poetry rests with satire, his writing is full of concealment and evasion, and many ages later, it is difficult to fathom his real feelings.” Donald Holzman in his magisterial Poetry and Politics attempts to retrieve what political meaning can credibly

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can found in the poems. He also identifies other themes including Taoist mysticism and his anguish over the corrupt and violent times in which he lives. In recent times, Qian Zhixi has argued that the “Yong huai” poems are the poetry equivalent of “Masters’ writings” (zi shu 子書). In later times, poets such as Yu Xin 庾信 (513–581), Chen Zi’ang 陳子昂 (659–700), and Li Bo 李白 (701–762) wrote poems inspired by the “Yong huai.” Ruan Ji’s extant writings include the texts of four fu in addition to the “Dongping fu” and “Kangfu fu” mentioned above. Two of the pieces are satirical, “Mihou fu” 獼猴賦 (Fu on the monkey) and “Jiu fu” 鳩賦 (Fu on doves). “Shouyang shan fu” 首陽山賦 (Fu on Shouyang Mountain), written at the grave of Bo Yi and Shu Qi, concerns the question of whether to remain in the world or withdraw from it. “Qing si fu” 清思賦 (Fu on purifying thoughts) is variation on the theme of the quest for the divine woman. Ruan Ji also wrote a number of philosophical essays. In addition to the “Da Zhuang lun” mentioned above, he wrote a long essay on music, “Yue lun” 樂論 (Disquisition on music), a treatise on the Yi jing, the “Tong Yi lun” 通易論 (Disquisition penetrating the Changes), and a short discussion of Laozi, “Tong Lao lun” 通老論 (Disquisition penetrating Laozi). Bibliography Collections Ruan Sizong ji 阮嗣宗集. 2 juan. Fan Qin 范欽 and Chen Dewen 陳德文, coll. 1543. Ruan Sizong ji 阮嗣宗集. 2 juan. Liuchao shiji 六朝詩集. Jianjing period (1522– 1566). Ruan Sizong ji 阮嗣宗集. 2 juan. Han Wei zhu mingjia ji 漢魏諸名家集. Nancheng Weng Shaolu 南城翁少麓, 1583. Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Ruan Bubing ji 阮步兵集. 5 juan. Qishi’er jia ji. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Ruan Bubing ji 阮步兵集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Huang Jie 黃節, ed. and comm. Ruan Bubing Yonghuai shi zhu 阮步兵詠懷詩注. 1926; rpt. and rev. by Hua Chenzhi 華忱之. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1957. Rpt. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1984 (adds Ruan’s thirteen tetrasyllabic poems). Gu Zhi 古直, ed. and comm. Ruan Sizong shijian 阮嗣宗詩箋. 1935; rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1966. Li Zhijun 李志鈞 et al., ed. and comm. Ruan Ji ji 阮籍集. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1978. Chen Bojun 陳伯君, ed. and comm. Ruan Ji ji jiaozhu 阮籍集校注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987. Guo Guang 郭光, ed. and comm. Ruan Ji ji jiaozhu 阮籍集校注. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1990.

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Zhong Jingduo 鍾京鐸, ed. and comm. Ruan ji Yonghuai shi zhu 阮籍詠懷詩注. Taipei: Xuehai chubanshe, 2002.

Baihua Translations Nie Wenyu 聶文郁, comm. and trans. Ruan Ji shi jieyi 阮籍詩解譯. Xining: Qinghai renmin chubanshe, 1989. Qi Xin 祁欣, ed. and trans. Ruan Ji shi wen xuanyi 阮籍詩文選譯. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1989. Ni Qixin 倪其心, trans. and comm. Ruan Ji shiwen xuanyi 阮籍詩文選譯. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1990. Han Geping 韓格平, trans. and comm. Zhulin qixian shiwen quanji yizhu 竹林七 賢詩文全集譯注. Changchun: Jilin wen shi chubanshe, 1996. Lin Jiali 林家驪, trans. and comm. Xinyi Ruan Ji shiwen ji 新譯阮籍詩文集. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 2001.

Concordance Gen Seki shū sakuin 阮籍集索引. Kyūshu daigaku bungakubu Chūgoku bungaku kenkyūshitsu Eikaishi kai 九州大學文學部中國文學研究室詠懷詩會, comp. Fukuoka: Chūgoku shoten, 1985.

General Bibliography Wu Yun 吳雲. “Ershi shiji Ruan Ji yanjiu” 二十世紀阮籍研究. Tianjin shida xuebao (2000: 6): 47–53. Wu Yun 吳雲, ed.-in-chief. “Ruan Ji yu Xi Kang yanjiu” 阮籍與嵇康研究. Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue yanjiu 魏晉南北朝文學研究, 180–259. Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2001. Wu Yun 吳雲, ed. “Ruan Ji yanjiu” 阮籍研究. 20 shiji zhonggu wenxue yanjiu 20 世 紀中古文學研究, 104–40. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 2004. Wang Weiqing 王渭清. “20 shiji 90niandai yilai Ruan Ji yanjiu shuping” 20 世紀 90 年代以來阮籍研究述評. Baoji wenli xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 24.6 (2004): 79–83. Yang Zhigang 楊志剛. “Xinshiqi yilai Ruan Ji yanjiu zongshu” 新時期以來阮籍研究 綜述. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 25.1 (2006): 133–36. Wang Shuxia 汪淑霞. “1994 nian yilai Ruan Ji shifu yanjiu zongshu” 1994 年以 來阮籍詩賦研究綜述. Shandong ligong daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 24.2 (2008): 56–59. Mi Xiaoyan 米曉燕. “Ruan Ji yanjiu de huigu yu qianzhan” 阮籍研究的回顧與前瞻. Suihua xueyuan xuebao 28.2 (2008): 44–49. Wang Xiuqing 王秀清. “Shiwu nian (1985–2000) Ruan Ji yanjiu shuping” 十五年 (1985) 阮籍研究述評. M.A. thesis, Nei Menggu daxue, 2008.

Studies Dong Zhong 董眾. “Ruan Bubing nianpu” 阮步兵年譜. Dongbei congkan 3 (1930): 401–30.

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Ch’üan Tseng-chia. “Yüan Chi and His Circle.” T’ien-hsia Monthly 9 (1939): 469–83. Holzman, Donald. “Yüan Chi and His Poetry.” Ph.D. diss. Yale University, 1954. Fukunaga Mitsuji 福永光司. “Gen Seki ni okeru osore to nagusame: Gen Seki no seikatsu to shisō” 阮籍における懼それと慰め: 阮籍の生活と思想. Tōhō gakuhō (Kyoto) 28 (1958): 139–74. Suzuki Shūji 鈴木修次. “Kei Kō Gen Seki kara Tō Emmei e” 嵇康‧阮籍から陶淵 明へ. Chūgoku bungaku hō 18 (1963): 25–50. Syrokomla-Stefanowska, A.D. “The Third Century Writer Juan Chi.” Journal of the American Oriental Society of Australia 2.2 (1964): 20–28. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Gen Seki no denki—Chikurin no seiyū ni taisuru gimon” 阮籍の伝記—竹林の清遊に対する疑問. Ritsumeikan bungaku 343–45 (1974): 1–65. Inami Ritsuko 井波律子. “Gen Seki shoron—‘Eikaishi o chūshin toshite” 阮籍 小論—「詠懷詩」を中心として. Iriya kyōju Ogawa kyōju Chūgoku bungaku gogaku ronshū 入矢教授小川教授退休記念中國文學語學論集, 267–84. Kyoto: Chikuma shobō, 1974. Nakata Kōichi 中田浩一. “Fushin—Gen Seki no shinteki taido” 負薪—阮籍の心的 態度. Shūkan Tōyōgaku 32 (1974): 1–22. Nakata Kōichi 中田浩一. “Gen Seki no seijiteki kanshin ni tsuite—shi no imejarī o tōshite” 阮籍政治的關心について—詩のイメジャリを通して. Shūkan Tōyōgaku 34 (1975): 82–98. Holzman, Donald. Poetry and Politics: The Life and Works of Juan Chi, a.d. 210– 263. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1976. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. Gen Seki no shōkai to “Eikaishi” 阮籍の生涯と詠懷 詩. Tokyo: Mokujisha, 1977; rpt. Matsumoto Yukio. Gi Shin shidan no kenkyū, 239–465. Maliavin, Vladimir Viacheslavovich. Zhuan Tszi. Moscow: Nauka, 1978. Kawai Kōzō 川合康三. “Gen Seki no hishō” 阮籍飛翔. Chūgoku bungaku hō 29 (1978): 82–100. Luo Zhufeng 羅竹風. “Ruan Ji” 阮籍, in Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 1: 285–301. Fujiwara Takashi 藤原尚. “Gen Seki Kei Kō no fu” 阮籍嵇康の賦. Hiroshima joshi daigaku bungakubu kiyō 15 (1980): 1–11. Na, Tsung Shun. “A Historical Study of Juan Chi.” Chinese Culture 22.1 (1981): 77–82. Lin Mingde 林明德. “Ruan Ji shengming taidu” 阮籍生命態度. Furen guowen xuebao 1 (1985): 123–39. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. Ruan Ji yu Xi Kang 阮籍與嵇康. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1986; rpt. Taipei: Guowen tiandi zazhi she, 1991. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. “Ruan Ji shifeng yu xuanxue sixiang fangfa” 阮籍詩風與玄學思 想方法. Zhongguo gudian wenxue luncong 6 (1987): 57–67; rpt. in Hu Dalei. Xuanyan shi yanjiu, 54–65. Holzman, Donald. “On the Authenticity of the Tetrameter Poetry Attributed to Ruan Ji.” In Zhongyang yanjiuyuan dierjie guoji Hanxue huiyi 中央研究院第二 屆國際漢學會議, 6: 173–200. Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan, 1989. Jing Shuhui 景蜀慧. “Xi Kang yu Ruan Ji lunxi” 嵇康與阮籍論析. Wei Jin shiren yu zhengzhi 魏晉詩人與政治, 75–162. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1991.

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Gao Chenyang 高晨陽. Ruan Ji pingzhuan 阮籍評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1994. Lü Kai 呂凱. “Sun Deng yu Ruan Ji Xi Kang” 孫登與阮籍、嵇康. Kongzi yanjiu (1994: 3): 24–25. Dai, Fang. “Drinking, Thinking, and Writing: Ruan Ji and the Culture of His Era.” Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1994. Fan Ziye 范子燁. “Ruan Ji shiji xinkao” 阮籍事蹟新考. Xueshu jiaoliu (1995: 1): 93–97. Guo Jianxun 郭建勛. “Lun Ruan Ji Xi Kang de saoti zuopin ji qita” 論阮籍、稽康的 騷體作品及其他. Hunan shifan daxue shehui kexue xuebao 25.5 (1996): 56–61. Baba Hideo 馬場英雄. “Gen Seki no inshiron ni tsuite” 阮籍隱の士論について. Kokugakuin zasshi 97.11 (1996): 71–84. Chan, Tim Wai-keung. “Ruan Ji’s and Xi Kang’s Visits to the Two Immortals.” Monumenta Serica 44 (1996): 141–65. Xin Qi 辛旗. Ruan Ji 阮籍. Taipei: Dongda tushu, 1996. Takahashi Akihisa 鷹橋明久. “Shinsho Gen Seiki den yakuchū”《晉書》阮籍傳譯 注. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 32 (1997): 43–57. Han Chuanda 韓傳達. Ruan Ji pingzhuan 阮籍評傳. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1997. Fan Ziye 范子燁. “Lun Ruan Ji shan xiao” 論阮籍善嘯. Beifang luncong 154 (1999): 44–50. Sun Liangshui 孫良水. Ruan Ji shenmei sixiang yanjiu 阮籍審美思想研究. Taipei: Wen jin chubanshe, 1999. Lin Yankuan 林宴寬. “Ruan Ji ‘ziran yu mingjiao’ sixiang xilun” 阮籍「自然與名 教」思想析論. Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo jikan 43 (1999): 185–288. Li Qingyun 李清筠. Shikong qingjing zhong de ziwo yingxiang: yi Ruan Ji Lu Ji Tao Yuanming wei li 時空情境中的自我影像: 以阮籍、陸機、陶淵明為例. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 2000. Kubota Mirohiro 漥田守弘. “Gen Seki no seikaku to seikatsu taido—Shinsho no ‘Gen Seki den’ yori” 阮籍の性格と生活態度—『晉書』の「阮籍傳」より. Aichi Shukutoku daigaku ronshū bungakubu bungaku kenkyūkahen 25 (2000): 1–16. Gu Nong 顧農. “Guanyu Ruan Ji shengping de liangge wenti” 關於阮籍生平的兩個 問題. Tianjin shida xuebao (2000: 6): 54–57, 66. Ōgami Masami 大上正美. Gen Seki Kei Kō no bungaku 阮籍‧嵇康の文學. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 2000. Fan Ziye 范子燁. Zhonggu wenren shenghuo yanjiu, 466–81. Sun Mingjun 孫明君. “Ruan Ji yu Sima shi jituan zhi guanxi bianxi” 阮籍與司馬氏 集團之關係辨析. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 39.1 (2002): 78–83. Dong Yuyu 董育宇. “Ruan Ji shi yongyun kao” 阮籍詩用韻考. Taiyuan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2002: 2): 79–81. Chen Weiqiang 陳偉強. “‘Dao buruo shen’—Ruan Ji de yuzhou shengmie xunhuan lun” “道不若神” —阮籍的宇宙生滅循環論. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue yu zongjiao, 215–75. Zeng Zhi’an 曾智安. “Ruan Ji duidai lijiao taidu zhi zai kaocha” 阮籍對禮教態度之 再考察. Shoudu shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 150 (2003): 68–73. Li Lei 李磊. “Lun Ruan Ji de Zhuangxue sixiang” 論阮籍的莊學思想. Yunnan shehui kexue (2004: 4): 98–103.

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Deng Xiaojun 鄧小軍. “Ruan Ji yanjiu” 阮籍研究. Ph.D. diss., Shoudu shifan daxue, 2005. Yu Hongguang 余紅光. “Ruan Ji shi yongyun kaobian” 阮籍詩用韻考辨. Qinghai shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 115 (2006): 110–14. Long Zhenhua 龍珍華. “Ruan Ji yu Wang Ji” 阮籍與王績. Xianning xueyuan xuebao 26.5 (2006): 100–2. Niu Guihu 牛貴琥. “Ruan Ji zhi Dongping kao” 阮籍至東平考. Jiangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 39.5 (2006): 48–50. Yang Zhigang 楊志剛. “Ruan Ji wuyan shi shiti kaobian” 阮籍五言詩詩題考辨. Yibin xueyuan xuebao 1.1 (2006): 59–63. Ma Xingyi 馬行誼. “Ruan Ji de qunwo yishi” 阮籍的群我意識. Fengjia renwen shehui kexue bao (2006: 12): 103–27. Takahashi Akihisa 鷹橋明久. “Seishōnenki no Gen Seki” 青少年期の阮籍. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 50 (2006): 17–31. Zhang Jianwei 張建偉. “Ruan Ji ji banben yuanliu kao”《阮籍集》版本源流考. Guoxue yanjiu 19 (2007): 171–88. Abe Junko 阿部順子. “Gen Seki no shibun tekisuto ni tsuite” 阮籍の詩文テキスト について. Geibun kenkyū 93 (2007): 107–82. Zeng Chunhai 曾春海. “Ruan Ji Xi Kang dui jingxue de jicheng he pipan” 阮籍、 嵇康對經學的繼承和批判. Zhexue yu wenhua 424 (2009): 141–60. Knechtges, David R. Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume I, 177–80.

Works a. “Yong huai shi” 詠懷詩 (Poems singing my feelings) Studies Huang Jigang 黃季剛. “Yong huai shi buzhu” 詠懷詩補注. Zhiyan banyuekan 45 (1937): 1–22. Zhu Xie 朱偰. “Ruan Ji Yong huai shi zhi yanjiu” 阮籍詠懷詩之研究. Dongfang zazhi 14.11 (1945): 42–53. Shen Zufen 沈祖棻. “Ruan Sizong ‘Yong huai shi’ chu lun” 阮嗣宗〈詠懷詩〉初論. Guowen yuekan 65 (1948): 22–29; rpt. in Gudian shige luncong 古典詩歌論叢, 91–120. Shanghai: Shanghai wenyi lianhe chubanshe, 1954. Yoshikawa Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎. “Gen Seki no ‘Eikaishi’ ni tsuite” 阮籍集の詠懷詩に ついて. Chūgoku bungaku hō 5 (1956): 1–18; 6 (1957): 1–24; rpt. in Yoshikawa Kōjirō. Yoshikawa Kōjirō zenshū 吉川幸次郎全集, 7: 193–247. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1968. Gao Haifu 高海夫. “Lüetan Ruan Ji ji qi Yong huai shi” 略談阮籍及其詠懷詩. Renwen zazhi (1959: 2): 55–59, 43. Hayashida Shinnosuke 林田慎之助. “Gen Seki Eikaishi kō (sono kozetsu no ishiki ni tsuite)” 阮籍詠懷詩考: (その孤絕の意識について). Kyūshū Chūgoku gakkai hō 6 (1960): 53–68. Zhang Zhiyue 張志岳. “Lüelun Ruan Ji ji qi Yong huai shi” 略論阮集及其詠懷詩. Wenxue yichan zengkan 11 (1962): 73–93. Numaguchi Masaru 沼口勝. “Gen Seki no ‘Eikaishi’ ni okeru shigo ni tsuite no ichi kōsatsu” 阮籍の「詠懷詩」における詩語についての一考察. Jimbun ronkyō 29 (1969): 15–27.

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Hayashi Kōsaku 林宏作. “Gen Seiki no Eikaishi ni arwareta shinsen shisō” 阮籍の 詠懷詩に現われた神仙思想. Hannan ronsō 14 (1979): 39–78. Qiu Zhenjing 邱鎮京. Ruan Ji “Yonghuai shi” yanjiu 阮籍詠懷詩研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1980. Xu Gansheng 徐幹生. “Ruan shi yi yi” 阮詩臆繹. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 28 (1983): 123–80. Numaguchi Masaru 沼口勝. “Gen Seki to Shikyō—shigen ‘Eikaishi’ o ritsu toshite” 阮籍「詩經」 —四言「詠懷詩」を例として. Chūgoku bunka 43 (1985): 15–29. Numaguchi Masaru 沼口勝. “Gen Seki no shigen ‘Eikaishi’ ni tsuite—sono shūjiteki shuhō o chūshin toshite” 阮籍の四言「詠懷詩について—その修辞的手法を中心 として. Nihon Chōgoku gakkai hō 38 (1986): 103–19. Morita Kōichi 森田浩一. “Haikai to shōyō—Gen Seki Eikaishi no kōsa” 徘徊と逍 遙—阮籍詠懷詩の考查. Chūgoku bungaku hō 41 (1990): 40–65. Cai Zong-qi. “The Symbolic Mode of Presentation in the Poetry of Juan Chi.” Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, and Reviews 15 (1993): 389–404. Takahashi Akihisa 鷹橋明久. “Gen Seki ‘Eikaishi’ no shizen hyōgen” 阮籍《詠懷 詩》の自然表現. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 27 (1994): 1–15. Cai Zong-qi. The Matrix of Lyric Transformation: Poetic Modes and Self-Representation in Early Chinese Pentasyllabic Poetry, 147–88. Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, The University of Michigan, 1996. Pyŏn Song-gyu 邊成圭. “‘Yong huai shi’ de shiyu fenxi”《詠懷詩》的詩語分析. Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue lunji (Nanjing), 248–63. Kai Katsuji 甲斐勝二. “Ruan Ji ‘Yong huai shi’ he qi ‘xiao’ de guanxi—Ruan Ji zenyangdi yin ‘Yong huai shi’” 阮籍《詠懷詩》和其 “嘯” 的關係—阮籍怎樣地吟 《詠懷詩》. Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue lunji (Nanjing), 264–80. Jin Jicang 靳極蒼. Ruan Ji Yong huai shi xiangjie 阮籍詠懷詩詳解. Taiyuan: Shanxi guji chubanshe, 1999. Takahashi Aikihisa 鷹橋明久. “Gen Seki no ‘Eikaishi’” 阮籍の「詠懷詩」. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 33 (1998): 17–33; 34 (1998): 67–75; 35 (1999): 49–52; 38 (2000): 167–74; 39 (2001): 33–45. Jin Jicang 靳極蒼. Ruan Ji Yong huai shi xiangjie 阮籍詠懷詩詳解. Taiyuan: Shanxi guji chubanshe, 1999. Luo Zhongding 羅仲鼎. Ruan Ji Yong huai shi yijie 阮籍詠懷詩譯解. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1999. Yeh Chia-ying 葉嘉瑩. Ruan Ji Yong huai shi jiang lu 阮籍詠懷詩講錄. Taipei: Guikou tushu gufen youxian gongsi, 2000. Gu Nong 顧農. “Cong ‘Yong huai shi’ kan Ruan Ji de zhengzhi yuanshi” 從《詠懷 詩》看阮籍的政治遠識. Dongnan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 4.5 (2002): 118–21. Huang Jinming 黃金明. “Lun Ruan Ji ‘Yong huai’ shi de chuangzuo” 論阮籍《詠 懷》詩的創作. Jiangxi caizheng daxue xuebao 27.3 (2003): 84–89. Gu Nong 顧農. “Shuo Ruan Ji Yong huai shi zhong de ‘xianxin” 說阮籍詠懷詩中 的 “仙心”. Fuyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 91 (2003): 57–60; rpt. in Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue, 386–97. Wang Yaomei 王堯美. “Ruan Ji ‘Yong huai shi’ jiedu” 阮籍《詠懷詩》解讀. Ph.D. diss., Shandong University, 2004. Qian Zhixi 錢志熙. Wei Jin shige yishu yuanlun, 139–53. Gu Nong 顧農. “Lun Ruan Ji ‘Yong huai shi’ zhong de xianxin” 論阮籍《詠懷詩》 中的仙心. Zhongguo Wen xuan xue, 386–97.

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Shi Guoqiang 史國強. “Ruan Ji ‘Yong huai shi’ ‘jiaren’ shixi” 阮籍《詠懷詩》“佳人” 試析. Taiyuan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 5.5 (2006): 95–98. Lin Fengxia 林鳳俠. “Lun Yan Yanzhi zai Ruan Ji ‘Yong huai shi’ jieshou shi shang de gongxian” 論顏延之在阮籍《詠懷詩》接收史上的貢獻. Yancheng shifan xueyuan xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 26.5 (2006): 31–34. Chu Hsiao-hai 朱曉海. “Ruan Ji ‘Yong huai’ shi mijie” 阮籍《詠懷》詩謎解. Yanjing xuebao 20 (2006): 109–85. Yeh Chia-ying 葉嘉瑩. Ye Jiaying shuo Ruan Ji Yong huai shi 葉嘉瑩說阮籍詠懷詩. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007. Chen Siying 陳思穎. “Ruan Ji wuyan ‘Yong huai shi’ zhong niaolei yixiang de biaoxian shoufa ji qinggan” 阮籍五言《詠懷詩》中鳥類意象的表現手法及情感. Wenxue 11 (2007): 67–89. Ge Xiaoyin 葛曉音. Badai shi shi 八代詩史, 71–79. Qian Zhixi 錢志熙. “Lun Ruan Ji ‘Yong huai shi’—zushi chuangzuo xingzhi ji qi zhuti de luoji zhankai” 論阮籍《詠懷詩》—組詩創作性質及其主題的邏輯展開. Dongfang congkan (2008: 1): 105–27. Numaguchi Masaru 沼口勝. “Gūi to shijitsu—Gen Seki no shigen ‘Eikaishi’ o megutte” 寓意と史實—阮籍の四言「詠懷詩」をめぐって. Chūgoku bunka 66 (2008): 16–27; 67 (2009): 29–43. Xiao Chi 蕭馳. “Lun Ruan Ji ‘Yong huai’ dui shuqing chuantong shiguan zhi zaizao” 論阮籍《詠懷》對抒情傳統詩觀之再造. Qinghua xuebao 38.4 (2008): 635–76.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 353–59. Watson, Chinese Lyricism, 70–73. Diény and Hervouet, in Demiéville, ed., Anthologie, 126–27. Holzman, Poetry and Politics, passim. Mair, Victor H. Four Introspective Poets, A Concordance to Selected Poems by Roan Jyi, Chern Tzyy-ang, Jang Jeouling and Lii Bor. Arizona State University Center for Asian Studies Monograph Series No. 20, 16–60. Tempe: Center for Asian Studies, Arizona State University, 1987. Wu Fusheng 吳復生 and Graham Hartill, trans. Ying Han duizhao Ruan Ji Yong huai shi 英漢對照阮籍詠懷詩. Shenyang: Liaoning daxue chubanshe, 1988; London: Wellsweep, 1988. Birrell, New Songs, 72–73. Owen, Anthology, 184–85, 253, 256–57, 270–72. Wu Fusheng and Graham Hartill, trans. The Poems of Ruan Ji/Ruan Ji shi xuan 阮 籍詩選. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006.

b. “Da Zhuang lun” 達莊論 (Disquisition on understanding Zhuangzi) Studies Huang Jinhong 黃錦鋐. “Ruan Ji he tade Da Zhuang lun” 阮籍和他的達莊論. Shida xuebao 22 (1977): 75–86. Zhou Daxing 周大興. “Ruan Ji de ‘Da Zhuang lun’ yu Zhuangxu” 阮籍的「達莊 論」與莊學. Zhexue yu wenhua 20 (1993): 1008–20.

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Liu Yuanchi 劉原池. “Ruan Ji ‘Da Zhuang lun’ zhong de Zhuangxue sixiang” 阮籍 〈達莊論〉中的莊學思想. Xinzhu shiyuan xuebao 17 (2003): 373–88. Huang Weilun 黃偉倫. “Gongfu jingjie yu ziran zhi dao—Ruan Ji ‘Da Zhuang lun’ de lunli siwei” 工夫、境界與自然之道—阮籍〈達莊論〉的理論思維. Zhengda Zhongwen xuebao 1 (2004): 49–74. Huang Weilun 黃偉倫. “Ruan Ji ‘Da Zhuang lun’ de yili jiegou” 阮籍〈達莊論〉的 義理結構. Kong Meng xuebao 82 (2004): 237–62. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. “Ruan Ji ‘Da Zhuang lun’ yu Han Wei zhi ji Zhuangxue” 阮 籍《達莊論》與漢魏之際莊學. Shixue yuekan (2004: 2): 24–29.

Translation Holzman, Poetry and Politics, 99–109.

c. “Daren xiansheng zhuan” 大人先生傳 (Biography of Master Great Man) Studies Wei Fengjuan 韋鳳娟. “Ruan Ji ‘Daren xiansheng zhuan’ bianxi” 阮籍「大人先生 傳」辨析. Wenxue yichan (1983: 4): 46–54. Lü Kai 呂凱. “Ruan Ji yu ‘Daren xiansheng zhuan’ yanjiu” 阮籍〈大人先生傳〉研 究. Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue yu sixiang xueshu yantaohui lunwenji, 539–62. Liu Yuanchi 劉原池. “Ruan Ji ‘Daren xiansheng zhuan’ zhong lixiang renge de xiuyang fangfa” 阮籍「大人先生傳」中理想人格的修養方法. Zhexue yu wenhua 362 (2004): 147–61. Wang Pinying 王品穎. “Cong ‘Daren xiansheng zhuan’ tanjiu Ruan Ji ziran yu mingjiao sixiang de zhuanbian” 從〈大人先生傳〉探究阮籍自然與名教思想的轉 變. Dongfang wenhua xuezhi 6.2 (2007): 29–40. Li Qifeng 李琦峰. “‘Daren xiansheng zhuan’: Ruan Ji maodun kumen yisheng de xiezhao”《大人先生傳》: 阮籍矛盾、苦悶一生的寫照. Zhejiang shehui kexue (2009: 8): 80–84.

Translation Holzman, Poetry and Politics, 192–205.

d. “Mihou fu” 獼猴賦 Studies Nakajima Chiaki 中島千秋. “Gen Seki no Biko no fu ni tsuite” 阮籍の獼猴の賦に ついて. Chūgoku chūsei buangaku kenkyū 5 (1966): 17–27. Tanaka Junko 田中順子. “Gen Seki Bikō no fu shiron” 阮籍獼猴賦試論. Nihon Chōgoku gakkai hō 38 (1986): 88–102.

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e. “Ci Jiang taiwei pi ming zouji” 辭蔣太尉辟命奏記 (Memorandum to defender-in-chief Jiang Ji declining the appointment) Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 767–68. Holzman, Poetry and Politics, 15.

f. “Wei Zheng Chong quan Jin wan jian” 為鄭冲 Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 760–62.

g. “Yue lun” 樂論 (Disquisition on music) Translation Holzman, Poetry and Politics, 88–93.

h. “Tong Yi lun” 通易論 (Disquisition penetrating the Changes) Translation Holzman, Poetry and Politics, 93–99.

i. “Shouyang shan fu” 首陽山賦 (Fu on Mount Shouyang) Study Numaguchi Masaru 沼口勝. “Gen Seki no ‘Shoyōsan no fu’ ni tsuite” 阮籍「首陽 山賦」について. Chūgoku bunka 42 (1984): 13–24.

Translations Holzman, Poetry and Politics, 22–25. Numaguchi Masaru 沼口勝. “Gen Seki ‘Shoyōsan no fu’ yakuchū shokō” 阮籍首陽 山賦訳注初稿. Yamagata daigaku kiyō 10.3 (1984): 339–49.

j. “Dongping fu” 東平賦 (Fu on Dongping) Numaguchi Masaru 沼口勝. “Gen Seki no ‘Tōhei no fu’ ni tsuite” 阮籍「東平賦」. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 36 (1984): 84–98.

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Holzman, Poetry and Politics, 39–45.

k. “Kangfu fu” 亢父賦 (Fu on Kangfu) Translations Holzman, Poetry and Politics, 3–45. Takahashi Akihisa 鷹橋明久. “Gen Seki ‘Kōho no fu’ yakuchū” 阮籍「亢父賦」訳 注. Onomichi daigaku geijutsu bunka gakubu kiyō 8.8 (2009): 79–86.

l. “Qing si fu” 清思賦 (Fu on purifying thoughts) Study Cheng Yu-yu 鄭毓瑜. Xingbie yu jiaguo: Han Jin cifu de Chu sao lunshu, 52–61.

Translation Holzman, Poetry and Politics, 137–44.

m. “Jiu fu” 鳩賦 (Fu on doves) Translation Holzman, Poetry and Politics, 19–20. DRK

Ruan Xiaoxu 阮孝緒 (479–536), zi Shizong 士宗 Liang period scholar and bibliographer. Ruan Xiaoxu’s ancestral home was Weishi 尉氏 in Chenliu 陳留 (modern Weishi, Henan). His father Ruan Yanzhi 阮彥之(d. 494) had served as an attendant official during the Song dynasty. At the age of three Ruan Xiaoxu was adopted into the household of his uncle Ruan Yinzhi 阮胤之. When Ruan Yinzhi’s mother died, Ruan Xiaoxu was due an inheritance of one million cash, but Xiaoxu did not accept it and gave it instead to Yinzhi’s elder sister, who was the mother of Wang Yan 王晏 (d. 497). Already in his youth, Ruan Xiaoxu was known for his filial devotion and taciturn nature. Although he played with other children, his favorite pastime was dredging ponds and constructing artificial hills. By the age of thirteen he had mastered the Five Classics. While still a teenager, Ruan shut himself up in his

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room and rarely ventured outside. He even refused to meet with his relative Wang Yan. Ruan’s relatives and friends called him “the recluse.” At the end of the Qi period when Xiao Yan’s troops surrounded the capital of Jiankang, Ruan’s household servants stole firewood from a neighbor’s graveyard. Upon discovering the source of the firewood, Ruan refused to eat and ordered that parts of his house be torn down to provide cooking fuel. After the founding of the Liang in 502, Ruan Xiaoxu continued to maintain his reclusion. Men such as Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508) and Yin Yun 殷芸 (471–529) tried unsuccessfully to make his acquaintance. The only persons with whom he associated were the scholar Pei Ziye 裴子 野 (469–530), and the recluses Liu Xiao 劉歊 (488–519), and Liu Xu 劉訏 (488–518). Ren Fang reputedly commented about how hard it was to meet Ruan: “Although his residence is near, the man himself is quite remote.” In 513, Ruan Xiaoxu received a summons to appear at the imperial court, but he did not accept the invitation. Ruan Xiaoxu’s elder sister was married to Xiao Hui 蕭恢 (476–526), Prince of Poyang 鄱陽. When Xiao Hui tried to arrange a meeting with Ruan, he bored a hole in the wall and ran away. Another Liang prince, Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–555), was on better terms with Ruan Xiaoxu. He often had him read over many of his compilations including a collection of grave inscriptions for Buddhist monks. Ruan Xiaoxu died in 536 at the age of fifty-eight. According to Ruan Xiaoxu’s biography in the Liang shu Ruan’s writings amounted to 250 juan. However, his biography in the Nan shi records only 181 juan, the same number of juan given by Ruan Xiaoxu in the appendix of his Qi lu 七錄 (Seven-part catalogue) bibliography. Ruan enumerates the names of seven works that he had compiled. The first is Wenzi ji lüe 文字集略 (Digest of a collection of graphs), which seems to be a dictionary that provides glosses on single graphs. Ruan’s largest work is the Zheng shi xiao fan 正史削繁 (Verbosity excised from the standard histories) in 135 juan. This presumably was a digest version of the standard histories. Gaoyin zhuan 高隱傳 (Traditions of lofty reclusion) is a ten-juan collection of biographies of 139 recluses. After Ruan died, his biography was added to it. The work is no longer extant. However, a disquisition on reclusion by Ruan still survives. It is not certain whether this was part of the Gaoyin zhuan or was a separate work. The content of three other works, Gujin shidai lu 古今世代錄 (Record of eras ancient and modern) in seven juan, Zawen 雜文 (Diverse writings?) in ten juan, and Sheng wei 聲緯 (Guide to pronunciation?) in one juan is not known. Ruan Xiaoxu is best known for the Qi lu, a twelve-juan catalogue of books that he compiled beginning in 523 until the time of his death in 536. Only the preface is still extant. Ruan based his catalogue mainly on earlier and contemporary catalogues, notably the Gujin sibu shumu 古今四部書目

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(Four-division catalogue of books ancient and modern) by his friend Liu Yao 劉杳 (487–536). Ruan’s catalogue consists of seven categories in two sub-divisions. The first sub-division designated “Nei pian” (Inner section) contains five catagories: (1) jingdian 經典 (Classics), (2) jizhuan 紀傳 (chronicles and accounts, i.e., histories), (3) zi bing 子兵 (Masters works and military texts), (4) wenji 文集 (literary collections), and (5) shu ji 術技 (technical and other arts). The second sub-division titled wai pian 外篇 (External section) included Taoist and Buddhist writings. This was a large catalogue that included 44,526 juan in 6,288 titles. Bibliography Works a. Wenzi ji lüe 文子集略 (Digest of a collection of graphs) Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857), ed. Wenzi ji lüe 文子集略. 1 juan. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu, 63.

b. Qi lu 七錄 (Seven-part catalogue) Zang Yong 臧庸, ed. Ruanshi Qi lu 阮氏七錄. 1 juan. Rpt. in Xuxiu Siqu quanshu, 919.

Studies Ruan Tingzhuo 阮廷焯. “Ruan Xiaoxu Qi lu kaolüe” 阮孝緒考略. Tushu jikan 3.4 (1973): 11–20. Cao Hong 曹虹, Guan Daoxiong 關道雄, and Zhang Hongsheng 張宏生. “Ruan Xiaoxu Qi lu xu zhu” 阮孝緒《七錄序》注. Guji zhengli yu yanjiu (1987): 147–57. Huang Fuchao 黃復超. “Ruan Xiaoxu ji qi dui muluxue de gongxian” 阮孝緒及其 對目錄學的貢獻. Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1988: 2): 28–32. Berkowitz, Alan. “Hidden Spoor: Ruan Xiaoxu and His Treatise on Reclusion.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 111.4 (1991): 704–14. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 156–57. Lu Fu 魯夫. “Ruan Xiaoxu he tade Qi lu” 阮孝緒和他的《七錄》. Zhongguo tushuguan xuebao 4 (1993): 54–56. Liu Zhili 劉治立. “Shilun Ruan Xiaoxu de Qi lu” 試論阮孝緒的《七錄》. Guyuan shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 21.1 (2000): 36–39. Berkowtiz, Alan. Patterns of Disengagement, 184–86. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 547–49. Liao Mingde 廖銘德. “Wang Jian ‘Qi zhi’ yu Ruan Xiaoxu Qi lu bijiao yanjiu” 王儉 《七志》與阮孝緒《七錄》比較研究. Shaoguan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 26.7 (2005): 134–37.

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Xiong Liangzhi 熊良智. “Ruan Xiaoxu Qi lu Chu ci fenlei zhulu de xueli beijing” 阮 孝緒《七錄》楚辭分類著錄的學理背景. Wenxue pinglun (2007: 6): 43–48. Tian Xiaofei. Beacon Fire and Shooting Star, 90–92. DRK

Ruan Yu 阮瑀 (ca. 170–212), zi Yuanyu 元瑜 Late Eastern Han writer. Ruan Yu’s natal place was Weishi 尉氏 in Chenliu 陳留 commandery (modern Weishi, Henan). He is the father of Ruan Ji 阮籍 (210–263). In his youth Ruan Yu studied with Cai Yong 蔡邕 (133–192), who also was from Chenliu. Ca. 200 Cao Cao’s younger brother Cao Hong 曹洪 (d. 232) wished to appoint Ruan Yu as a secretary, but Ruan Yu declined the position. Ca. 204, Cao Cao appointed both Ruan Yu and Chen Lin 陳琳 (ca. 160–217) as record keepers. They both drafted most of the letters and war proclamations that Cao Cao sent out. For example, in 208 when Liu Bei 劉備 (161–223) deserted Cao Cao for Yuan Shao 袁紹 (d. 202), Ruan Yu wrote a letter on behalf of Cao Cao to Liu Bei. In 211, he composed a letter in Cao Cao’s name to Sun Quan 孫權 (182–252). In the same year, during his campaign against Ma Chao 馬超 (176–222), Cao Cao ordered Ruan Yu to write a letter to Han Sui 韓遂 (d. 215). According to the Dian lüe 典略 of Yu Huan 魚豢 (3rd century), Ruan Yu composed a draft of the letter on horseback. He presented it to Cao Cao, who was ready to correct it. However, he was unable to add to or delete anything from it. Ruan Yu’s final position was administrator in the granaries section. He died in 212. Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) and Wang Can 王粲 (177–217) composed the “Guafu fu” 寡婦賦 (Fu on the widow) to lament his passing. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Ruan Yu’s collected works in five juan. This was lost in the Song. There are fragments of four fu attributed to him extant. These include “Ji zheng fu” 紀征賦 (Fu recounting the expedition), “Zhi yu fu” 止欲賦 (Fu on curbing desires), “Zheng fu” 箏賦 (Fu on the zither), and “Yingwu fu” 鸚鵡賦 (Fu on the parrot). Ruan Yu was not known as a shi poet. However, there is one famous yuefu attributed to him, “Jia chu guo bei men xing” 駕 出北郭門行 (Ballad of driving out the northern outer wall gate). Another of his poems titled “Seven Sorrows” is contained in Yiwen leiju 34. It is one of the earliest poems in which the poet reflects on the cheerless, gloomy state that one would find in the tomb after death. Ruan Yu is best known for his prose writings. The letter he wrote on behalf Cao Cao to Sun Quan is contained in the Wen xuan. Portions of

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an expository essay, “Wen zhi lun” 文質論 (Discourse on pattern and substance), are extant. Bibliography Collections Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Wei Ruan Yuanyu ji 魏阮元瑜集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初, ed. Ruan Yu ji 阮瑀集. Jian’an qizi ji 建安七子集.

Studies Nakagawa Kaoru 中川薰. “Kenan bunjin den 2—Gen U den” 建安文人傳2—阮瑀 傳. Tottori daigaku gakugeibu kenkyū hōkoku 14 (1961): 1–20. Shimosada Masahiro 下定雅弘. “Gen U gogenshi ni tsuite” 阮瑀五言詩について. Chūgoku bungaku hō 24 (1975): 22–47. Holzman, Poetry and Politics, 2–6. Wang Jinglin 王景琳. “Ruan Yu lüelun” 阮瑀略論. Jian’an wenxue yanjiu wenji, 308–16. Dong Zhiguang 董志廣. “Ruan Yu yu Jian’an wenxue” 阮瑀與建安文學. Tianjin shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1987: 3): 56–59. Wei Ming’an 魏明安. “Ruan Yu pingzhuan” 阮瑀評傳. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan xubian, 185–99. Wei Hongcan 魏宏燦. “Lun Ruan Yu” 論阮瑀. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1990: 1): 53–56, 119. Cao Daoheng and Sheng Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 48–52. Li Wenlu 李文祿. “Ruan Yu” 阮瑀. In Jian’an qizi pingzhuan 建安七子評傳, 105–23. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 2004. Wang Pengting 王鵬廷. Jian’an qizi yanjiu 建安七子研究, 36–37, 101–3, 113–14, 273–78. Wei Shaosheng 韋紹生. Wei Jin wenxue yu zhongyuan wenhua 魏晉文學與中原文 化, 315–16, 337–41. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2004. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 724. Yang Juan 楊娟. “Ruan Yu zuopin yongdian lunxi” 阮瑀作品用典論析. Wenshan shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 22.1 (2009): 67–69. Liu Tiandong 劉天棟. “Ruan Yu Ying Yang de wen zhi lun ji chuangzuo yitong” 阮瑀、應瑒的文質論及創作異同. Mudanjiang jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 115 (2009): 5–6.

Works a. “Wei Cao gong zuo shu yu Sun Quan” 為曹公作書與孫權 (Letter written on behalf of Duke Cao to Sun Quan).

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Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 773–78.

b. “Jia chu bei guo men xing” 駕出北郭門行 (Ballad of driving out the northern outer wall gate). Translation Frodsham and Ch’eng, An Anthology of Chinese Verse, 32.

b. “Qi ai shi” 七哀詩 Miao, “The Ch’i Ai Shih,” 210. Owen, Anthology, 212. Owen, Making of Early Classical Poetry, 188–89.

c. “Gong yan” 公讌 (Lord’s feast) Translation Owen, Making of Early Classical Poetry, 213.

d. “Zhi yu fu” 止欲賦 (Fu on curbing desire) Translation Hightower, “The Fu of T’ao Ch’ien,” 172–74. DRK

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 (1928–2005). Born in Suzhou. B.A. in Chinese, Peking University 1952. Research fellow, Chinese Academy of Social Sciencs, Beijing. Author of numerous books including Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji (1986), Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji xubian (1994), Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian (Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao juan) (1996) (with Shen Yucheng), Lanling Xiaoshi yu Nanchao wenxue (2004), Nanchao wenxue shi (1991) (with Shen Yucheng), Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao (2003) (with Shen Yucheng), Xian Qin Liang Han wenxue shiliao xue (2005) (with Liu Yuejin), Nanbeichao wenxue biannian shi (2000) (with Liu Yuejin). Taiping Chang, Executive Editor of the Yale University Press Culture and Civilization of China series. She received her B.A. in Chinese and M.A. in Comparative Literature from Tunghai University, and her Ph.D. in Chinese from the University of Washington. She has published two books with Peking University Press on business Chinese and Chinese trade law as well as many articles on Chinese language and literature. David R. Knechtges, Professor of Chinese Literature, University of Washington. He is a specialist on pre-Tang literature. His publications include Two Studies on the Han Fu (1968); The Han Rhapsody: A Study of the Fu of Yang Hsiung (1976); The Han shu Biography of Yang Xiong (1982); Wen xuan: Selections of Refined Literature (1982, 1987, 1996). He is the editor of: Gong Kechang, Studies on the Han Fu (1997); Court Culture and Literature in Early China (2002); with Eugene Vance, Rhetoric & the Discourses of Power in Court Culture (2005). Mark Pitner, Ph.C. University of Washington. He received his B.A. in History and the Classics from the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, his M.A. from the University of Washington in Asian Languages and Literature where he is now completing a Ph.D. dissertation “Embodied Geographies of Han Dynasty China: Yang Xiong and his Reception.” He has written on developments in Ruism (Confucianism), the history of natural science in China, and is currently working on a number of projects that explore the role of place in the intellectual history of China.

780

list of contributors

Hsiang-lin Shih, Ph.D. student in Chinese University of Washington. M.A. in Chinese, University of Washington. B.A. in Chinese, Dong Hwa University, Taiwan. She specializes in Pre-Qin and Han literature. Recently she has been working on group literary composition in the Jian’an period. Ping Wang, Assistant Professor of Chinese Literature, Princeton University. She received her Ph.D. in Chinese Literature from the University of Washington, Seattle in 2006. She also has an M.A. degree from the University of Colorado, Boulder and a B.A. from Anhui University. She has taught at Jilin University (Changchun), University of Colorado, Boulder, and the University of Wisconsin, Madison. Her research focuses on Pre-Modern Chinese Literature, classical poetry in particular. She has published articles with Asia Major, T’ang Studies, and The Journal of American Oriental Society. Her book manuscript on Xiao Tong’s (501–531) writings aims to shed light on a neglected yet important figure in the literary and political history of China. Jie Wu, Visiting Assistant Professor of Chinese, Washington State University. Jie Wu grew up in Beijing and Shanghai. She received her Ph.D. degree from the University of Washington in 2008. She has an M.A. in Chinese from the University of Colorado, and a B.A. in journalism from Fudan University. Her primary research interests include medieval Chinese literature, especially poetry, literary history, and cultural sociology. She also writes columns for several Hong Kong newspapers. Yuan Xingpei 袁行霈. From Wujin, Jiangsu. Born 1936. B.A. in Chinese, Peking University 1957. On faculty of Peking University from 1957 to present. Chairman, International Academy for China Studies, Peking University. Author and editor of numerous books including Zhongguo wenxue shi (1999), Zhonghua wenming shi (2006), Tao Yuanming ji jianzhu (2003), Tao Yuanming yanjiu (1997), Zhongguo shige yishu yanjiu (1987).

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