An Introduction to the History of the Assyrian Church 1593331037, 9781593331030

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A N INTRODUCTION T O T H E

HISTORY OF T H E ASSYRIAN CHURCH IOO-64O

A.D.

AN

INTRODUCTION TO

THE

H I S T O R Y OF T H E ASSYRIAN CHURCH OR

T H E CHURCH OF T H E SASSANID PERSIAN IOO-64O

EMPIRE

A. D.

BY

W. A. WIGRAM, M.A., D.D. H E A D OF T H E M I S S I O N O F T H E A R C H B I S H O P O F C A N T E R B U R Y TO ASSYRIAN

WITH

CHRISTIANS

MAP

% Gorgias Press 2004

First Gorgias Press Edition, 2004. The special contents of this edition are copyright €> 2004 by Gorgias Press LLC. All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. Published in the United States of America by Gorgias Press LLC, New Jersey. This edition is a facsimile reprint of the original edition published by Rivliard Clay & Sons Limited, New York, 1910.

ISBN 1-59333-103-7

GORGIAS PRESS

46 Orris Ave., Piscataway, NJ 08854 USA www.gorgiaspress.com

Printed and bound in the United States of America.

TO

BENYAMIN MAR PRESENT

" HOLDER

SHIMUN,

OF T H E T H R O N E O F MAR ADAI " AND

PATRIARCH

OF T H E

"ASSYRIAN"

I DEDICATE THIS

CHURCH

RECORD

OF T H E W O R K OF HIS S P I R I T U A L

ANCESTORS

PREFACE THIS essay is an attempt at the filling of what appeared to the writer to be a distinct void in English ecclesiastical histories; and to give some account of a branch of the Church unknown to all except a very few students, during the most critical and important period of its history. No one can be more conscious than the writer how much his work has suffered and been handicapped from the circumstances of its composition. T h e book wras necessarily written away from any libraries except what was contained in the author's study; at a place where the procuring of any pamphlet required might take any time from six to twelve weeks; and where on one occasion the consultation of an authority implied waiting till a chance offered of making a laborious and dangerous journey of fourteen days' duration. If it gains anything in vividness, and in grasp of the difficulties of those of whom it treats, from the fact that it was written among their modern descendants, whose circumstances have changed but little during the course of ages—this may be one compensation among many disadvantages. T h e writer has throughout used for the Church in question the name " A s s y r i a n . " There is no historical authority for this name; but the various appellations given to the body by various writers ( " E a s t e r n s , " Persians, Syrians, Chalckeans, Nestorians) are all, for various reasons, misleading to the English reader, yii

viii

PREFACE

To the ordinary English Churchman of to-day " t h e Eastern C h u r c h " is the Church to the east of him—viz. the Greek Orthodox; the Church of the old "Eastern Roman Empire," of Constantinople, with her great daughter, the Russian Church. The name " E a s t e r n , " however, as applied by those Greeks, meant the Church to the east of them—beyond the oriental frontier of the Roman Empire. To speak of " t h e Persian C h u r c h " is to do as much violence to ancient facts, as to speak to-day of " t h e Turkish C h u r c h " (meaning thereby some one Christian melet in the Ottoman Empire) is to disregard modern facts. " S y r i a n , " to an Englishman, does not mean " a Syriac-speaking man " ; but a man of that district between Antioch and the Euphrates where Syriac was the vernacular once, but which is Arabicspeaking to-day, and which was never the country of the " A s s y r i a n " Church. " C h a l d a i a n " would suit admirably; but it is put out of court by the fact that in modern use it means only those members of the Church in question who have abandoned their old fold for the Roman obedience: and " N e s t o r i a n " has a theological significance which is not justified. T h u s it seemed better to discard all these, and to adopt a name which has at least the merit of familiarity to most friends of the Church to-day. The representation of the Syriac names of men and places in English, presents a problem almost as incapable of ideal solution as that of finding a name for the Church; and we make no claim to consistency in our practice. As a rule we have transliterated; marking compounds by a hyphen which has no existence in Syriac (e.g. Ishu-yahb). But where the name has a western version (Greek or biblical), which for any reason is familiar to

PREFACE

IX

the western reader, we have employed it.* Few E n g l i s h readers would recognize in " K h i z q i ' i l " the familiar " E z e k i e l " ; and t h o u g h most students of Church history have a b o w i n g acquaintance with Ibas of Edessa, how m a n y would understand who was meant by " Y a h b a " ? Greek versions are usually barbarous etymologically; and their historians are not even consistent—who without special study can recognize C y r u s and Chosroes as the same name ? But at least they are familiar and are more euphonious than most Syriac names in E n g l i s h letters. Van, Turkey i7i Asia, igog. 1 With two exceptions, " I s h u " is the same name as " J e s u s , " but where it appears in compounds like " SabrIshu " (" Hope-in-Jesus ") I have kept the Syriac lettering. Also the name " Shimun " is, for reasons known to every friend of the Church, too familiar to be represented by " Simon."

CONTENTS CHAPTER THE

SASSANID

I EMPIRE PAGE

i. Substitution of S a s s a n i d for A r s a c i d a s m a l l c h a n g e in a p p e a r a n c e , but, in fact, the r e n e w a l of the ancient P e r s i a n E m p i r e , by a house a m b i t i o u s to renew its g r e a t n e s s — H e n c e , inevitable hostility between R o m e a n d P e r s i a , fomented by the questions of A r m e n i a and the border p r o v i n c e s — T h e P e r s i a n S t a t e a religion as well as a k i n g d o m — M a g i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n . § 2. F o u n d a t i o n of the C h u r c h of A s s y r i a previous to e s t a b l i s h m e n t of S a s s a n i d r u l e — I m p o r t a n c e of this f a c t — T h e C h u r c h founded f r o m E d e s s a by Adai and M a r i — H i s t o r i c a l sources of our k n o w l e d g e of these t w o saints . . . . . . . .

CHAPTER THE CHURCH

UNDER

19

II

ARSACID

KINGS

C h r i s t i a n i t y tolerated by A r s a c i d s — I t s rapid p r o g r e s s at e x p e n s e of P a g a n i s m , less rapid at expense of M a g i a n i s m — A s s y r i a a r e f u g e f r o m R o m a n persecut i o n — P r o g r e s s of the C h u r c h — C h a n g e s brought a b o u t by the advent of the S a s s a n i d s — E f f e c t s of them . . . . . . . . . - 3 1

CHAPTER THE EPISCOPATE

III OF

PAPA

S l o w g r o w t h of the C h u r c h at S e l e u c i a - C t e s i p h o n T r a d i t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g early b i s h o p s — F e a r of a pers e c u t i o n — E l e c t i o n of P a p a as B i s h o p of the C a o i t a l xi

xii

CONTENTS — T r a d i t i o n of foundation of Bishopric of Bait L a p a t — D i o c l e t i a n ' s Persian war—Cession of " the five provinces " to R o m e — E f f e c t s of this in the ecclesiastical sphere—Attempt of P a p a to establish himself as Catholicos—Discontent at this—Leaders, Shimun, Miles—First Council of Seleucia—Deposition and restoration of Papa—Attitude of the " W e s t e r n Bishops," and the result of their intervention . .

CHAPTER

40

IV

THE GREAT PERSECUTION OF SAPOR II

Isolation of Assyrian Church from Church of R o m a n E m p i r e — T h e i r absence from, and ignorance of, Nicaea—Evidence of A f r a a t on the point—Sapor's w a r with R o m e — C o n s e q u e n t inevitableness of persecution—How far provoked by attitude of Persian and R o m a n C h r i s t i a n s ? — O r d e r for double taxation —Attitude, arrest, and martyrdom of Mar S h i m u n — Character of the persecution—Race-hatred between Zoroastrians and Christians—Occasional local security—Typical martyrdoms—Miles, Aqib-shima, Yazdundocht, the R o m a n captives, A i t - A l a h a — P r a c tical cessation of persecution with death of Sapor .

CHAPTER

56

V

REORGANIZATION OF THE C H U R C H — C O U N C I L OF MAR ISAAC

General position of affairs, 380-400—Roman E m p i r e — Persia—Extinction of Armenian Kingdom—Reorganization of Church in Persia, commenced by T a m u z a and Qaiuma—Accession of Yezdegerd I — H i s philo-Roman policy brings peace to the Church — I s a a c as Catholicos—Visits of M a r u t h a — H i s position—Definite acceptance of Church by Yezdegerd as a tolerated melet under a recognized h e a d — Assyrian Church independent of Antiochene Patriarchate—Assembly of council—Its organizing work —Melet position—acceptance of Nicene C r e e d — Other canons

77

CONTENTS CHAPTER

xììi

VI

T H E C O U N C I L S O F YAHB-ALAHA A N D

DAD-ISHU

Rapid growth of the Church—Peculiar features—The PAGE captivities — Akha Catholicos — Yahb-Alaha — Disorders in Church—How produced—Council of YahbAlaha—Persecution of Yezdegerd I ; reasons for i t Martyrdoms of Narses and Abda—Increased ferocity of persecution under Bahram V—Roman war—Siege of Erzerum—Disputed election to Catholicate—Election, imprisonment and release of Dad-Ishu—His council—Declaration of the independence of the Assyrian Church, and of the supremacy of the Patriarch in it CHAPTER P A T R I A R C H A T E OF D A D - I S H U

VII

PERSECUTION

OF Y E Z D E G E R D

II

424-447 a blank in Assyrian Church History—Christological controversy in the West—Reasons for the passion excited by it—Religion as politics—As expression of nationality and anti-Byzantine f e e l i n g The theological truths at stake—How far were they denied by either combatant ?—Effects of a " M a n i chaean atmosphere " on the attitude adopted toward these questions—Isolation and ignorance of the Assyrian Church during early stages of the controversy—Isaac of Nineveh—Rabban Pithiun—Persecution of Yezdegerd II—the K a r k a m a r t y r s Armenian rebellion and persecution . 126 CHAPTER

VIII

BAR-SOMA AND ACACIUS

Reign of Piroz—Extension of Christological controversy to the East—Stage which it had then reached— General rejection of Chalcedon in Syria and Egypt Consequent temporary rejection of it by Emperors —Its enforcement later by Justin and Justinian— Controversy first raised in Persia during Monophysite supremacy in empire—Importance of this fact —Bar-soma—His career at Edessa—Bishop of Nisibis —Quarrel with Patriarch Babowai—Death of Babowai—Supremacy of Bar-soma in the Church—His

CONTENTS

XIV

enforcement of " dyo - physitism " — Consequent s e p a r a t i o n of A s s y r i a n C h u r c h f r o m " m o n o p h y site " C h u r c h of E m p i r e — R e a s o n for the a c q u i e s c e n c e of the m a s s of A s s y r i a n C h r i s t i a n s in his p o l i c y — E x i s t e n c e of a m i n o r i t y — C o u n c i l of B a i t L a p a t — D e a t h of P i r o z — A c a c i u s P a t r i a r c h — S u b m i s sion of B a r - s o m a — C o u n c i l of A c a c i u s — C a n o n s conc e r n i n g d o c t r i n e a n d c l e r i c a l m a r r i a g e — R e l a t i o n s of B a r - s o m a a n d A c a c i u s — S c h o o l of N i s i b i s — A r m e n i a n C h u r c h a f f a i r s — C o u n c i l of D v i n — F i n a l q u a r r e l of B a r - s o m a a n d A c a c i u s — R e c o g n i t i o n of A c a c i u s a s o r t h o d o x at C o n s t a n t i n o p l e — D e a t h of B a r - s o m a . 142 CHAPTER DISORDER

IX

AND R E F O R M — P A T R I A R C H A T E S SILAS, MAR ABA

O F DABAI,

K o b a d K i n g of P e r s i a — M a z d a k the c o m m u n i s t — D e p o s i tion a n d return of K o b a d — C o u n c i l of B a b a i a n d e p i s c o p a l m a r r i a g e — M o n o p h y s i t e m i n o r i t y in P e r s i a —Romo-Persian w a r — R e l a t i o n of the Churches in the t w o e m p i r e s — P a t r i a r c h a t e of Silas—The " d u a l i t y " — M a s s a c r e of M a z d a k e a n s — E l e c t i o n of A b a as P a t r i a r c h — H i s p r e v i o u s c a r e e r — P o s i t i o n of the C h u r c h at his a c c e s s i o n — C h o s r o e s I k i n g — A b a a n d h i s " p e r a m b u l a t o r v s y n o d " — H i s o t h e r svnodical d o c u m e n t s — " D e Moribus," " De Regimine E c c l e s i s e , " " P r a c t i c a " — C o m m e n c e m e n t of p e r s e c u t i o n — A r r e s t of A b a — A c c u s a t i o n s — H i s e x i l e a n d return to Seleucia—Hesitation of king—Final r e l e a s e of A b a — H i s d e a t h . . . . . . 172 CHAPTER 552-604—PATRIARCHATE

X

OF J O S E P H , SABR-ISHU

EZIîKIEL,

ISIIU-YAI1IÎ,

Joseph a s P a t r i a r c h — H i s t y r a n n y a n d d e p o s i t i o n — T h e plague—Bautha services—Romo-Persian war—Emb a s s y of I s h u - y a h b t o C o n s t a n t i n o p l e — H i s c o n f e s sion a c c e p t e d a s o r t h o d o x — F r e s h s e p a r a t i o n c a u s e d b y t h e " T h r e e C h a p t e r s c o n t r o v e r s y " — P o s i t i o n of the A s s y r i a n C h u r c h in the m a t t e r — D e a t h of I s h u y a h b — S a b r - I s h u the h e r m i t P a t r i a r c h — H i s m i s t a k e s — C o m m e n c e m e n t of t h e R o m o - P e r s i a n w a r of Chosroes II 210

xv

CONTENTS CHAPTER

XI

THE STATE OF THE CHURCH IN THE S I X T H

CENTURY

PAGE

T h e melet status—Church difficulties from use of P a g a n patronage—Internal quarrels—Risk of worldly bishops—Social status of Christians—Monks and monasteries—Mar A u g i n — R u l e s of A b r a h a m of K a s h k a r — E a s t e r n and Western monasticism compared—The Msaliani—Assyrian Church schools— Nisibis and its course—Other schools—Monophysiti s m — A small minority, increased by arrival of " c a p t i v i t i e s " — T h e i r undefined position—Khenana and his doctrines—Loss of a possible peacemaker . 225

CHAPTER

XII

T H E VACANCY IN THE P A T R I A R C H A T E — S T R U G G L E

MONOPHYSITISM, 608-628

WITH

Election of Gregory—Anger of Chosroes—Oppressiveness of G r e g o r y — H i s death—Leave for choice of successor refused—Gabriel of S i n g a r — S t o p - g a p arrangements—Chosroes' R o m a n w a r — H i s successes, 6 1 2 — R e n e w e d application for leave to elect a patriarch— T h e public disputation with monophysites—Its importance in the theological history of the Church— Further disputing—Martyrdom of Giwergis—Continuance of R o m a n w a r — D e a t h of Chosroes I I — Election of a patriarch—Recognition of Jacobites as a separate melct . . . . . . . . 246

CHAPTER OFFICIAL C H R I S T O L O G Y

XIII

OF THE A S S Y R I A N

CHURCH

Points to determine : (a) Date of acceptance of present formula—(6) T h e sense that it w a s intended to bear —Theology of A f r a a t — H i s creed—Acceptance of Nicene Creed, 410—Confession of Acacius—Doctrine of Narses and his position—Confessions of Joseph, Ezekiel, Ishu-yahb, Sabr-Ishu, Gregory—Assembly of bishops, 612—Acceptance of present formula— T e r m s of present f o r m u l a — " K i a n a " — " Parsopa " — Its use in New Testament—Its regular use as " p e r -

XVI

CONTENTS s o n " in the Synodicon and by B a b a i — " Onuma " — — I t s relation to " h y p o s t a s i s " — I t s force as used by B a b a i and Ishu-yahb I I I — T e r m " Y a l d a t h Alaha " — Its difficulty for an Assyrian—Its acceptance when properly guarded 265

Note I — T h e Creed of the Assyrian Church Note I I — T h e Assyrian Church and the Chalcedon . . . . . . .

CHAPTER

. . Council . .

. 290 of 294

XIV

LAST E F F O R T S AT RECONCILIATION—ISIIU-YAHB AND SAHDONA

Attempts of Heraclius at theological peace—His acceptance of Assyrian Church as Orthodox—Sahdona on the e m b a s s y — H i s attempt at peace-making—His controversy with Ishu-yahb of Mosul—Erroneous ideas of that prelate concerning the Greek doctrine — F a i l u r e of Sahdona—Anarchy in Persia—Mahommedan invasion and conquest—Acceptance by Jacobites and Assyrians of position of melets under the Khalif—Conclusion . 299

SYNCHRONISTIC Date.

3°9 328 337 340 346 347 361 363 364 379 3S3 3S8 395 399 408 411 415 420 421 433 451 457 474 485 488 491 496 498 5°5 518 523 527 531 539 540 552 565 570 578 582 590 590 602 604 608 610 628 632 640 644

Assyrian Patriarch.

Papa Shimun bar Saba'i

j

TABLE

Persian King.

Sapor 11

Qaiuma Isaac Akha Yahb-Alaha I M'ana Dad-Ishu

Constantine Constantius

Shah-dost Bar B'ashmin (vacancy)

Tamuza

XVII Roman Kmperor.

Ardashir I I Sapor I I Bahram I V Yezdegerd I

Julian Jovian Valens Theodosius I Arcadius Theodosius I I

Bahram V Yezdegerd I I

Babowai

Piroz

Acacius

Balas Kubad (1st reign)

Babai

Zamasp Kobad (2nd reign)

Silas

Chosroes I

Sabr-Ishu

Hormizd I V Chosroes I I

Mar Imeh B

Tiberius Maurice Phocas

Gregory (vacancy) Ishu-yahb I I

Justinian

Justin I I

Ezekiel Ishu-yahb I

Anastasius

Jusiin I

("duality") Paul Mar Aba Joseph

Marcian Leo Zeno

(anarchy) Yezdegerd I I I Khalifate

Ileraclius Constantine I I I

xvm

LIST OF T I T L E OF

BOOK

AUTHORITIES R E F E R E N C E IN FOOTNOTES

History of Mshìkha- Zea (Sources syriaques, M.-Z. vol. i., ed. Mingana). Bedj. Acta Sanctorum, 6 vols., ed. Bedjan. Histoire de Jabalaha et de trois autres IV Catholici. patriarches, etc., Bedjan. S. O. Synodicon Orientale, ed. Chabot. Greg, Bar-Hebraei Chronicon Eccles. III. Prijnates Orientis, ed. Abbeloos and Lamy. B.-H. John of Ephcsus, Ecclesiastical Hist., ed. John of Ephesus. Cureton. A?nr et Sliba De Patriarchis NestorianoLiber Turris. rum. Die von Guidi herausgegebene syrische Guidi. Chronik, ed. Noldeke. Chronicle of Zachariah of Mitylene, ed. Zach., Mit. Hamilton and Brooks. Ecclesiastical Histories of Socrates. „ „ Sosomen. „ „ Theodoret. „ „ Evagrius. Book of Governors ( Thomas of Marga), ed. Budge. T. of M. Mar Babai, " D e unione" (MS. consulted). Babai. Ishu-yahb, " L e t t e r s " (ed. Duval, Corpus scriptorum syrorum). Ishu-yahb, Letters. Tabari,Gesch. der Sassaniden (ed. Noldeke). Tabari. Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, 4 vols. Ass., B. O. Among other books consulted, the following are the most important : — Labourt, Christianisme dans Vempire perse. Chabot, École de Nisibe, son histoire et ses statuts. Duval, Histoire d'Edesse. Coussen, Martyrius-Sahdona : Leben und Werke. Chabot, De S. Isaaco Ninevita. Hoffmann, Syrische Märtyrer. Hefele, Councils. Bethune-Baker, Nestorius and his Teaching. Rawlinson, Seventh Oriental Monarchy. Christiensen, L'Empire des Sassanides. Bury, Later Roman Empire. Gibbon. Ceiseler, Ecclesiastical Hist.

HISTORY OF THE ASSYRIAN CHURCH CHAPTER § I . THE SASSANID

I EMPIRE

IN the year A.D. 225, w h e n a revolution in Mesopotamia substituted the S a s s a n i d s of P e r s i a for the A r s a c i d s of P a r t h i a as the rulers of w h a t R o m a n writers called " t h e E a s t " ( m e a n i n g thereb y all the countries of w h i c h they had practical k n o w l e d g e to the east of their own border), dwellers in the country concerned regarded it as s i m p l y the rise of one more in the series of empires that rose and passed a w a y in those lands. A l l the difference that it made to them, at the moment, w a s that the local g o v e r n o r w a s called " M a r z b a n " or M a r q u i s , instead of " K i n g . " From long usage, they were accustomed to be regarded b y their rulers m u c h in the same l i g h t as they themselves regarded their b e e s ; and they took so little interest in the matter that the wise men of the countryside could see in the same event a w a r n i n g of the downfall of a k i n g d o m , and of the production of a g o o d crop of h o n e y . A s a matter of fact, the revolution of 225 w a s not merely the e x c h a n g e of one loose federation of k i n g s , for another a little better o r g a n i z e d ; it w a s b 2

19

20

HISTORY

OF

THE

ASSYRIAN

CHURCH

the r e v i v a l of a nation that h a d a g r e a t h i s t o r y b e h i n d it, a n d the a s p i r a t i o n to m a k e that h i s t o r y live a g a i n . T h e P e r s i a n E m p i r e h a d i n d e e d f a l l e n b e f o r e A l e x a n d e r in 300 B.C., a n d h a d r e m a i n e d in m o r e or less u n e a s y s u b j e c t i o n to h i s S e l e u c i d s u c c e s s o r s , or to the s e m i - H e l l e n i z e d A r s a c i d s , w h o took their p l a c e . S t i l l , the n a t i o n a l life of P e r s i a h a d not p a s s e d a w a y ; a n d a f t e r 500 y e a r s t h e o p p o r t u n i t y c a m e , a n d it rose a g a i n . Its a m b i t i o n , h o w e v e r , w a s not to f o r m a n e w e m p i r e , b u t t o r e v i v e an o l d o n e ; a n d it c l a i m e d to b e the l a w f u l heir, not of the A r s a c i d k i n g d o m of m o d e r n M e s o p o t a m i a a n d P e r s i a , b u t of the A c h a s m e n i d E m p i r e of X e r x e s a n d D a r i u s , s t r e t c h i n g f r o m the H i n d u K u s h to the M e d i t e r r a n e a n . It w a s the d r e a m of t h e S a s s a n i d s to r e v i v e t h i s e m p i r e ; a n d the d r e a m w a s s o f a r a n a t i o n a l a s p i r a t i o n also, that a w a r like k i n g c o u l d a l w a y s rouse the e n t h u s i a s m of the nation b y a c h a l l e n g e to the R o m a n E m p e r o r to " w i t h d r a w f r o m the i n h e r i t a n c e of the a n c e s t o r s of the K i n g of k i n g s . " T h e g r e a t e s t of the S a s s a n i d h o u s e , C h o s r o e s I I , a c t u a l l y realized that d r e a m f o r a m o m e n t , w h e n in h i s g r e a t w a r a g a i n s t P h o c a s a n d H e r a c l i u s h e p u s h e d b a c k the limits of the R o m a n E m p i r e till it h a r d l y e x t e n d e d b e y o n d the w a l l s of C o n s t a n t i n o p l e ; a n d the r u i n s of the p a l a c e at M a s h i t a , 1 in the l a n d of M o a b , are a t e s t i m o n y that t h i s k i n g d i d not i n t e n d h i s o c c u p a t i o n of R o m a n territ o r y to b e t a s w a s the case on s o m e other o c c a s i o n s , a m e r e raid. D u r i n g the y e a r s that the w a t c h e r s at C o n s t a n t i n o p l e s a w t h e l i g h t s of the P e r s i a n c a m p at C h a l c e d o n , p r a c t i c a l l y the w h o l e of t h e elder P e r s i a n E m p i r e w a s a c t u a l l y s u b j e c t to the ruler of the n e w e r o n e . W e are c o m p l e t e l y a c c u s t o m e d to look at t h i s 1 The sculptures from this palace are in the Konig Friedrich Museum, Berlin.

THE

SASSANID

EMPIRE

21

period from the Roman standpoint, and to think of these wars as unimportant episodes in a history of which the main interest lies elsewhere. But it may be useful to remember for a moment how they appeared to an empire which was by no means the barbarous power that we are accustomed to conceive. It is obvious that, when such aspirations were entertained, the relations between the Empire of Rome and that of the East must have been normally hostile; and that only truces of more or less uncertainty could break a perennial state of war. Lest, however, the imperial aspirations of one of the two powers should be insufficient to provide a proper amount of fighting, fate had also seen to it that there should be two perpetually open questions, either of which could afford at any time a decent casus belli. These were, the control of Armenia, and the question of the frontier provinces. Armenia—that unhappy territory whose office in history it has been to be " a strife unto her neighbours " during such periods as she could claim some shadow of independence, and a problem to her rulers during the periods when she was avowedly subject to somebody—formed a "buffer state " between the Romans and Persians for most of their joint frontiers. T h e question, who was to control this kingdom, was one that constantly gave rise to friction; and the Armenians, as a general rule, seem to have employed themselves in intriguing against the suzerain of the moment with the emissaries of the rival power. Where the two empires "marched," which was the case only in the north-west of Mesopotamia, another question was open. Here, a comparatively narrow belt of fertile territory intervenes between the mountains of modern Kurdistan and the desert of Arabia. The power that held this district, and

22

HISTORY

OF T H E

ASSYRIAN

CHURCH

with it the great fortress of Nisibis, was somewhat in the position of the holder of Alsace-Lorraine. It had control of a gate which might admit its armies into the territory of the enemy, or which might be effectively shut in the face of an invader. Hence both parties claimed the five small, and otherwise not very important, provinces into which this country was divided, and neither could be content to see them in the hands of the other. W i t h all these causes for war ready to hand, it is not surprising that only unusual combinations of circumstances, like the simultaneous accession of two peace-loving monarchs, or simultaneous invasion of both empires by the barbarians who threatened the northern frontiers of either, could keep their relations friendly. It was not only as an empire that Persia thus rose from the dead in the third century; it rose also as a religion, of a definite and militant type. The Persia of Achjemenid days had accepted Zoroaster's reforms of the ancient fire-worship as a national faith; and that religion had been preserved b y the nation as its heritage, and treasured as only a subject nation can treasure its national faith (if, indeed, it had not been, as is possible, the force that had kept the nation alive) during the 500 years of dependence. Now, when Persia rose to power once more, their religion rose with them; and the Sassanian Empire had a definitely established Magian Church, loyal membership of which was the test and condition of loyalty to the empire. T h i s religion had its system of theology and its sacred books. It had its priestly caste, the M a g i a n s ; who were at once one of the seven great clans of the nation, and an organized hierarchy under their " M o b e d s " or prelates, with the " M o b e d M o b e d a n " at the head of all. The fire-temple

THE

SASSANID

EMPIRE

23

stood in every village; the shrine in every orthodox house. Education was in the hands of the priests, and considerable temporal power and large endowments. The Shah-in-Shah himself dared not offend them, lest mischief should befall him. The Sassanian kingdom, then, was no mushroom growth, with much magnificence but no strength. It was an empire, organized in an efficient w a y ; whose provincial governors (though, when of royal blood, they might bear the honorary title of K i n g ) were kept well under the control of the Shah-in-Shah. The empire was inhabited by a tolerably homogeneous nation, as far as its central provinces went; though a fringe of sub-kings (Armenian, Arab, Turk) ruled districts round its borders. It had a national religion, with an organized hierarchy, and it could fight at least on even terms with the whole power of R o m e . One R o m a n Emperor, Valerian, died a captive at the Persian Court. Another, Julian, fell in battle against it; and his successor could only purchase his release by an ignominious peace. It endured for 400 years, and when it fell, its organization and machinery were simply taken over b y its successor, the Khalifate of B a g h d a d . In the following pages we propose to trace, not the history of the kingdom, but the story of the Church of Christ within its borders; the Church of A s s y r i a , of the "Chaldiean Patriarchate," or, as it was usually called by Greek, or even by Syriac writers, " T h e Church of the E a s t . " Broadly speaking, the Christian Church, as it existed to the east of the Eastern border of the R o m a n Empire.

24

HISTORY

§ 2.

OF T H E

ASSYRIAN

T H E FOUNDATION OF T H E

CHURCH

CHURCH

The Christian Church was a thing that the Sassanids found existing when they established themselves in the country, and one that was already widely spread, and organized on apostolic lines. This fact was of considerable importance for the future relations of the two, for the struggle would have been very hard before the Church could have established herself, de novo, in a Zoroastrian kingdom. The difficulty would have been comparable to that found in the spreading of Christianity in Fez or Morocco at the present time. As it existed, however, prior to the rise of the dynasty, it was, so to speak, taken over by it, as a part of the new empire; and when the relations between the two came to be formalized, it was on the assumption that Christianity had as much a legal right to exist in the Sassanid Empire, as it has in a Moslem kingdom like the Ottoman Empire of to-day. In each case, this qualified toleration was accorded to it on the same ground, viz. that the Christian religion was one that the dominant faith found existing at the time when it conquered the country. T h e Church was widely spread; it extended from the Mountains of Kurdistan (for this last refuge of the descendants of these Christians was apparently not then evangelized) to the Persian Gulf, and was governed by "more than twenty bishops," 1 whose sees were distributed over all the country named. It is to be noted, however, that though the bishoprics were thus widely scattered, there was as yet no bishop in the capital city, Seleucia-Ctesiphon, a fact that was to have some importance in the history of the body. Nisibis, 1

Mshikha-Zca, Life of

Khiran.

THE

SASSANID

EMPIRE

25

too (at this time a R o m a n city still), had no bishop, a fact due probably to the circumstance that it was a purely military station. It is, however, a curious coincidence that the two most important thrones in the later history of " t h e E a s t " should both have been founded late in its development. T h e question now arises, how and when did this C h u r c h come into b e i n g ? It has long been an admitted fact that the lands of Mesopotamia and Adiabene, and in fact the whole of what we m a y call by anticipation the Sassanid Persian Empire, received the gospel from teachers whose head-quarters were at Edessa. T h e little kingdom of Osrhoene had but a precarious independence d u r i n g the brief period of its existe n c e ; still that independence was sufficient to give, for as long as it lasted, a distinctive character to the Christianity that existed in its capital, and made it an appropriate " n u r s i n g m o t h e r " to the two national Churches founded by teachers who came from thence, those, namely, of Armenia a n d P e r s i a . 1 W h e n the Edessene Church was merged in that ecclesiastical circle that developed into the Patriarchate of Antioch, one at least of these " d a u g h t e r s " was strong e n o u g h to stand a l o n e ; a n d the circumstances of its infancy probably contributed to give it that instinct of independence that was always so marked a feature of its life. T h e " C h u r c h of the Easterns " was the daughter, 1 Armenia, of course, owed much to Cappadocian help in later days, and became a sort of adopted daughter of Caesarea. Christianity, however, existed in the land before the conversion of the K i n g by Gregory the Illuminator, and Armenian writers declare that it owed its existence to Edessene teachers, and principally to T h a d d e u s the Apostle. They also declare that Osrhoene was a tributary stale of the " A r m e n i a n E m p i r e , " but the ecclesiastical tradition may be better founded than the political.

26

HISTORY

OF

THE

ASSYRIAN

CHURCH

not of A n t i o c h , but of E d e s s a , and w a s never included in the Patriarchate of the former c i t y . W h i l e , however, the E d e s s e n e origin of the C h u r c h of the E a s t is admitted (and indeed the laws of g e o g r a p h y postulate it, for it is hard to g e t from A n t i o c h to M e s o p o t a m i a without p a s s i n g t h r o u g h Edessa), the date is a matter more open to dispute. S y r i a c tradition is clear e n o u g h on the point, of course. A c c o r d i n g to this, M a r A d a i ( w h o is v a r i o u s l y described as either the A p o s t l e T h a d d e u s , or as one of " t h e seventy ") came d u r i n g the first century to E d e s s a and planted C h r i s t i a n i t y there. H i s disciple, Mari, starting from thence, b e c a m e the true e v a n g e l i s t of P e r s i a ; d e s c e n d i n g even into Fars, until he " s m e l t the smell of the A p o s t l e T h o m a s , " 1 the traditional e v a n g e l i s t of I n d i a . Modern writers, a n d particularly W e s t p h a i a n d M . L a b o u r t (to w h o m all students of P e r s i a n C h u r c h history owe m u c h for his p a i n s t a k i n g work), treat these traditions v e r y c a v a l i e r l y . W h i l e a d m i t t i n g the possibility of the real existence of A d a i a n d Mari, as e v a n g e l i s t s of w h o l l y uncertain date, they refuse to admit the presence of a n y o r g a n i z e d C h r i s t i a n i t y in P e r s i a before S a s s a n i d days. T h e y sweep out of existence the older C a t h o l i c i (whose names a-nd b i o g r a p h i e s occur in the C h r o n i c l e s of Bar-Hebraeus and Mari Ibn S u l i e m a n , of the thirteenth a n d twelfth centuries respectively), a n d date the o r i g i n of the C h u r c h in the latter half of the third c e n t u r y ; m a k i n g P a p a , B i s h o p of S e l e u c i a a b o u t the year 300, its first figure of a n y reality a n d w e i g h t . W i t h m u c h of this criticism the writer f u l l y a g r e e s ; the episcopate of P a p a is a definite and important turning-point in the history of the C h u r c h , t h o u g h not the starting-point w h i c h they incline to make it. T h e portentous l e n g t h of 1

Acta S. Maris, § 32.

Ed. Abbeloos.

THE

SA S S AN ID

EMPIRE

27

Episcopate assigned to him by both mediaeval historians 1 is a sign of confusion only, and most of his predecessors are as apocryphal as the copes with which Mari Ibn Sulieman carefully endues each one. Moreover such of them as had some real existence were not, as we shall see, Catholici (i. le. archbishops) of Seleucia. Still, tradition in the E a s t has a way of j u s t i f y i n g itself, at least as regards the main facts which it asserts, as evidence accumulates; and a work has recently come to light that goes far to combler la laciine between Mari and P a p a , which M . Labourt laments. T h i s is the History of the Bishops of Adiabcnc (Ivhaydab), a work composed in the sixth century b y one Mshikha-Zca (Christ conquers), a scholar of the great college of Nisibis and a native of the province whose history he writes. T h e author f r a n k l y declares himself to be only a compiler, and refers to earlier and now lost authorities. 2 Mshikha-Zca plainly acknowledges A d a i as the apostle of Adiabene and A s s y r i a , and states that he ordained his disciple, P q i d a , as first bishop of that district, in the year A.D. 104. 3 P q i d a was b y birth the slave of a M a g i a n , and was of that faith. H e had apparently gained his personal freedom; and he had been converted b y the sight of a miracle wrought by Mar Adai, who was then travelling and teaching in the land. He had to undergo some persecution from the family (not from his 1 B . - H . , A.D. 266-330. Mari Ibn Sulieman ( L i b e r Turris), A.D. 247-326 ( ! ) . P a p a ' s latter-day successors are consecrated in their " t e e n s , " but even these do not attain to such magnificently lengthy tenures. 3 Sources Syriaques, vol. i., M s i h a - Z k h a , texte de traduction. A. M i n g a n a , Mosul, L i f e of Pqida. 3 S a m s o n , successor of Pqida, died " s e v e n years after the victory of T r a j a n , " i. e. A.D. 123. T h i s w a s nine years after the death of Pqida, whose episcopate lasted ten years. Pqida w a s therefore consecrated A.D. 104.

28

HISTORY

OF T H E

ASSYRIAN

CHURCH

owner), for his " a p o s t a s y " ; but escaping from them, remained the personal disciple of his master for five y e a r s ; at the end of which time he was consecrated as stated, apparently just before the death of Mar A d a i . In the face of this record, there seems no reasonable ground for refusing to admit the absolutely historical character of A d a i ; or the rank which ancient tradition accords to him of founder of the Church "of the E a s t , " and possibly of that of Edessa and Armenia also. If, however, our author establishes the existence of Mar Adai as a real fact and not as a figment only, he at the same time makes it almost impossible to identify him with Thaddeus, the Apostle of Christ. Traditionally, we regard the Twelve as all adult men, with one possible exception, during the period of their association with the Redeemer. A man full grown in the year 30 could hardly have travelled about, as Adai is represented as doing, in the years 100-104. That he should have been one of the " s e v e n t y " is less impossible; and a tradition that has justified itself in much has a right to a respectful hearing in its other statements. If we may regard Mar Adai as a youth of sixteen or seventeen when " s e n t o u t " as one of the seventy disciples, he would have been hard on ninety (no impossible age) when called to his rest in 104. In the case of Mari the supposed disciple of Adai, and the evangelist, not so much of Adiabene as of Khuzistan, and in a less degree of Seleucia and the "Aramasan province," we are at present on less certain ground. T h e Acta S. Maris which we have to-day is certainly not the contemporary document it professes to b e ; it is not earlier than the sixth century, and possibly later still. Even if contemporary with the History of the Bishops of Adiabene, it is far inferior to it as an authority,

THE

SASSANID

EMPIRE

29

the one being a history, and the other a piece of hagiography. Mshikha-Zca makes no reference whatever to Mari in his work, and his editor is inclined, on that ground, to regard the saint as purely legendary. T h i s we consider too stern a judgment. Even if the Acta be ruled out of court altogether as an authority, we have to account for the fact that from the fifth century and before it (i.e. from before the time of the composition of the Acta) this Church has looked back to Adai and Mari as its founders. 1 ITow came they, on the legendary hypothesis, to select an absolutely unknown name as that of their founder, when such an one as S t . Thomas, who traditionally passed through the country on his way to India, was ready to their h a n d s ? 2 That the life contains much legend (even apart from some of the miraculous episodes) need not be doubted. But it also contains matter that a mere hagiographer would scarcely ascribe to his hero, unless he were following some older tradition or authority. The saint's discouragement, and request to his Edessene senders for his recall; his finding Christian traders in K h u z i s t a n ; his comparative failure in Seleucia itself, where, as we now know, Christianity gained no strength till late in the third century; and his peaceful death at the obscure shrine of Dor K o n i ; — a l l these have the ring of truth rather than of invention ; and the most conspicuous " b l u n d e r " in the book, namely, the fact that Papa, the fourth-century bishop, is declared to have been the immediate successor of Mari as Bishop of Seleucia and Catholicos of the 1

See History of St. Thomas is but is represented done by Adai, and 2

Karka d'B. Slok, Bcdj., ii. 512. called the " Founder " by Bar-Hebraeus, as a bird of passage only. The work is his disciples Agai and Mari. B . - H . , § 1.

30

HISTORY

OF T H E

ASSYRIAN

CHURCH

1

Church of the Persian E m p i r e , admits, as we shall see, of a natural explanation. W e incline then to admit, not only the traditional f o u n d i n g of this Church b y Mar A d a i at the close of the first century, but also its extension from Adiabene southwards by the teaching of Mari and his companions, as well founded in fact, though embroidered by later traditions. It remains to sketch the history of this Church as f a r as our authorities admit, for the first 200 years of its existence, until it emerges into clearer light at the beginning of the fourth century. 1

Acta S. Maris, § 19, ch. vii! ; § 32, ch. xi ; § 33, ch. xii. Note.—Labourt (p. 14) and D u v a l (Littérature syraque, p. 1 1 8 ) both criticize the Acta S. Maris, on the ground that they represent the hero as contending with the worship of sacred trees and springs ; not with M a g i a n i s m or starworship, as ought to have been the case had they given a reliable picture of Mesopotamian life at their supposed date. T h i s is true ; but it should be noted that the author represents the nature-worship as existing in provinces like Adiabene and Garmistan, where, according to Mshikha-Zca, it w a s very strong at the time, and where fire-worship w a s never a national cult. There are no references to it in the chapters that deal with Seleucia and Khuzistan. As in the district named the worship of trees and springs is not extinct to this day, centuries of Christian and Mussulman teaching notwithstanding (the writer k n o w s two sacred springs, and sacred trees by the dozen, in the country in question), it is reasonable to conclude that it w a s more conspicuous in early centuries. T h e almost total absence of any mention of fire-worship is a difficulty that cuts both w a y s . T h a t a sixth-centurv writer in Persia should not have known of the cult is inconceivable—as well could a Hindu Christian be ignorant of the existence of B r a h m a n i s m — s o the omission must be designed. Possibly, the writer did not care to speak of a campaign against the State faith, for fear of consequences. A Syriac biographer of to-day, for instance, would hardly venture to boast of his hero as m a k i n g converts from Islam.

CHAPTER

II

THE CHURCH UNDER ARSACID

KIXGS

THE history of the Church from the time of A d a i to that of P a p a , or, roughly, from the year 100 to 300, is, on the whole, one of quiet progress, unmarked either by the quarrels or organized persecutions that were to chequer its later history; and unmarked, too, by the rise of any such striking personalities as we find, for instance, in the story of the A f r i c a n Church, or, in a less degree, in our own. A d a i is too shadowy a person to have, for us at any rate, the charm of an Aiclan; and not even the inventiveness of his chronicler can g i v e to M a r i ' s life the romance that encircles C o l u m b a ' s . The conditions of the life of a subject melet1 in an oriental empire do not tend to produce very striking characters in normal times. A t first, at any rate, the body was not formidable enough to excite the State to persecute; and the rule of the Parthian kings was always tolerant. T h e y appear to have favoured a sort of religious eclecticism themselves, and to have recognized all creeds among their subjects; though there is some evidence that the political power of the Magian clan 1 Melet ( " M i l l e t " ) is the technical word in T u r k e y for a Christian subject nation, organized, as they a l w a y s are, in a Church, and dealing with the Government through its religious head. It suits the condition of the Church in Zoroastrian Persia so perfectly that we must use the word, particularly as no Western nation possesses the name or the thing. A rayat, or subject, is a member of such a melet.

31

32

HISTORY

OF

THE

ASSYRIAN

CHURCH

won for their religion a favoured position. Still, the Government was so far indifferent that about the year 160 A b r a h a m , then B i s h o p of Adiabene, had good hopes of procuring a formal edict of toleration from the then K i n g , V a l g e s I I I ; and apparently only failed in his object because the outbreak of war with the R o m a n s put such a trifling circumstance out of the K i n g ' s mind. A s things turned out, the Church had much to suffer before obtaining her " E d i c t of Milan " from the Shah-inS h a h 250 years later. T h e faith of the people which the Christian teaching had. to combat (as f a r as it is shown b y the chronicles of S y r i a c writers, and b y the collections of magical formulae and invocations which still survive) seems to have been the old idolatry of A s s y r i a and B a b y l o n , " r u n to s e e d " in a strange fashion, and sunk into the worship of sacred trees, and a star worship which was no higher than a very debased astrology. 1 Both in Mesopotamia and in A s i a Minor, as probably in E g y p t (though not in Persia), the old faiths were outworn. Hence it was that nations who, whatever their faults, do not lack the religious instinct, turned so readily to the new light that came to them from Judaea; and embraced it with a readiness that makes the progress of Christianity in these lands at once so startlingly rapid, and so undeniably sound. A m o n g the Zoroastrian fire-worshippers the advance of the Faith was far less rapid than a m o n g the p a g a n s , and it was here that the Church found its most formidable opponents. Still, it could win 1 Many of these magical formulae are current among Assyrians of to-day, and these are often essentially the same as those on the most ancient Babylonian tablets. A substratum of the oldest faith of the country has survived the changes of 7000 years.

THE CHURCH UNDER

ARSACID KINGS

33

converts here a l s o ; and (as is often the case) men won from this most obstinate of foes were the best worth winning, and included some of the Church's greatest and most saintly bishops and martyrs. In these early days, however, at least in the north, this Zoroastrian hostility was that of a powerful corporation, rather than of a national faith. Its stronghold was in Persia proper, not in Mesopotamia, and there it was not, as yet, directly attacked by Christianity. In its native land it has left abundant traces of its former supremacy, and has not even yet wholly passed a w a y . A s a corporation, and one enjoying apparently a measure of royal favour, it had enough power to persecute; and was, of course, specially ready to seek as victims men who were converts from it to any other faith. T h u s S a m s o n , 1 the successor of P q i d a as B i s h o p of Arbela, died a martyr at the hands of M a g i a n s in 123—the first man to die for the Christian faith in a land that has supplied, probably, more members of candidatus exercitus than a n y other country. A little later, Isaac, 2 his successor, converted a Zoroastrian of the name of R a q b o k t , who was an " A g h a " of some importance in Adiabene. T h e Mobeds at once sought to kill the " a p o s t a t e , " but when the men dispatched for the purpose of assassinating him arrived at the house of their victim they found him away from home, and had to turn their wrath on the bishop, whom they captured and confined for some time " i n a dark pit." It would seem that this was a usual way of punishing apostates from the worship of the sun, for it was also employed in the case of P q i d a b y the family of that convert. It is specially stated, 3 too, that during the 1 2 3

c

M.-Z., Life of Samson. M.-Z., Life of Isaac. M.-Z., Life of Noah.

34

HISTORY

OF T H E

ASSYRIAN

CHURCH

episcopate of Noah (163-179) many Christians fell away from the faith under pressure of a persecution of a singularly dastardly kind—the kidnapping or "capture " of their daughters. This consisted (and consists still in the same lands) in the carrying off of Christian girls from their families as either concubines or slaves. Then, once let some sort of confession of Zoroastricinism—or of Islam—be procured from the victim, and how can the " c o n v e r t " be thereafter abandoned to " a false f a i t h " ? Few of such captives can find the strength for a life-long confession of their Lord—a confession none the less meritorious for being absolutely unknown. But some such hidden saints have existed, and do still exist. This, however, was not a State persecution, such as the Church in the West had to endure repeatedly during the same period; it arose from the weakness, not from the malevolence, of the Government, which would not take trouble or run a risk for the sake of doing right by so unimportant a person as a mere ray at. W h e n the agent of persecution is specified at all, it is always the Mobeds, or members of the Magian clan. 1 Persecution ordered by the Government, and carried out by its agents, is not encountered till the days of the S a s s a n i d s ; and even then, not until the conversion of Constantine—and the adoption of Christianity as the official faith of the R o m a n Empire—had made all Christians in the rival kingdom politically suspect. S y r i a n historians state emphatically that there was no formal persecution in the East until its day was over in the W e s t . 2 T h u s Adiabene became a haven of comparative safety for Christians during persecutions over the border, and many took refuge there and made it 1

2

M.-Z., Lives of Pqida,

Redjan, ii. 184.

Isaac.

THE CHURCH UNDER

ARSACID KINGS

35

their home. T h e presence of these immigrants, and in later days of large " c a p t i v i t i e s " brought from Western S y r i a by the S a s s a n i d kings, formed an important element in the life of the Church, breaking its isolation, and keeping its thought more or less in touch with the growth of theology in the W e s t ; though, as we shall see, this touch was by no means always a close one. Easterns, too, went westwards at times, for there was, of course, a good deal of commercial intercourse between the two empires. One man in particular, Noah, b y birth a J e w of A n b a r 1 (PirozSapor), was converted to Christianity while on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem with his parents, and became the disciple and successor of the B i s h o p Abraham. A b d - M s h i k h a , 1 too (Bishop of Arbela 190-225), embraced Christianity when at Antioch for purposes of education; and came back a Christian to his own country, where his new faith apparently roused no resentment among his own family. Persecution being thus local and sporadic, and partly personal at times in its origin (arising out of such incidents as M a g i a n resentment at the " a p o s tasy " of the A g h a Raqbokt), it could often be checked b y personal influence. In at least one instance the reverence felt by all creeds for the personality of the Bishop A b r a h a m brought about a cessation of persecution locally about the year 1 6 0 ; and another bishop, Abel, was particularly famous as a reconciler of disputes between heathens and Christians. Occasionally Christians had to suffer, in common with all inhabitants of the country, from wars and tumults. T h e Arsacid E m p i r e had never, it would seem, the strength and organization of the Sassanid, and a weak central power meant, of course, 1

c 2

M.-Z,

36

HISTORY

OF T H E

ASSYRIAN

CHURCH

a disturbed kingdom. R o m a n invasions made apparently little mark, or perhaps are regarded by our historians as part of the course of nature, like an occasional flood; and are therefore received as sign-posts by which to date a chronicle, rather than as causes for astonishment or complaint. Less regular invasions, however, are noted. Thus, during the second century, the descent of hordes of robbers " f r o m the mountains of K a r d u " 1 is recorded, as if to show us that the K u r d of the period was still the turbulent fellow that Xenophon found him to be, and that he is to-day. A royal army had to be sent to put a stop to the inroad; and it was the good service rendered during the campaign by the Christian, A g h a Racjbokt, that rendered it impossible for the M a g i a n s to proceed against him at the moment. It was his local knowledge that enabled the royalist general to extricate his army with credit from an awkward situation. Possibly the M a g i might not have forgotten their quarrel, but the A g h a was killed in action before the conclusion of the campaign. A little later, about 190, 2 a rebellion of Persians in K h o r a s s a n foreshadowed their return to power a generation later. T h e rebellion was put down by V a l g e s I V , not without difficulty; and Narses, K i n g of Adiabene, who was apparently a Persian sympathizer, paid the penalty of his treason b y being drowned in the Z a b . His country was plundered as punishment for the crime of its king, and all creeds suffered alike. These, however, are but the ordinary troubles of an oriental k i n g d o m ; and on the whole it will be seen that under the Arsacids Christianity had a fair field, and came as near to complete toleration as was possible at the time. Hence it spread r a p i d l y ; 1 2

M.-Z., Life of Isaac. M.-Z., Life of Abel,

THE

CHURCH

UNDER

ARSACID

KINGS

37

p a r t i c u l a r l y d u r i n g the l o n g a n d p e a c e f u l episcopate of A b d - M s h i k h a ( 1 9 0 - 2 2 5 ) . M a n y c h u r c h e s were then b u i l t ; a n d e v e n — w e are t o l d — m o n a s t e r i e s f o u n d e d , t h o u g h this must s u r e l y be an anticipation of later e v e n t s . 1 B i s h o p r i c s must certainly h a v e multiplied s t e a d i l y , t h o u g h M s h i k h a - Z c a , our sole r e l i a b l e ' authority f o r this period, g i v e s only the history of A d i a b e n e , a n d the succession o n l y of the B i s h o p s of A r b e l a . T h e date of the f o u n d a t i o n of other sees outside the p r o v i n c e does not concern h i m ; a n d it is o n l y w h e n he reaches the y e a r 225 that he i n f o r m s us that the C h u r c h , a f t e r a century a n d a quarter of existence, h a d more than twenty b i s h o p s , a n d g i v e s us a list of eighteen sees. As none of these are b i s h o p r i c s w h i c h were a f t e r w a r d s included in the jurisdiction of A r b e l a , w h e n the b i s h o p of that see w a s r e c o g n i z e d as Metropolitan at a council held in 4 1 0 , 2 it is p r o b a b l e that A r b e l a w a s f o r these e a r l y centuries the o n l y episcopal seat in A d i a b e n e . T h u s the C h u r c h continued in peace, till, in the y e a r 225, the rule of the P a r t h i a n s g a v e w a y to that of the P e r s i a n s ; a f a c t that M s h i k h a - Z c a mentions with s o m e w h a t less of interest than that s h o w n b y the o r d i n a r y E n g l i s h writer in a g e n e r a l election. T h e a d v e n t of the S a s s a n i a n s p r o d u c e d no v e r y c o n s p i c u o u s c h a n g e , at first, in the attitude of the g o v e r n i n g b o d y t o w a r d s the C h u r c h . Mobeds a p p e a r e d b y the side of the " M a r z b a n s , " or local g o v e r n o r s , a n d these m i g h t , on e m e r g e n c y , s h o w t h e m s e l v e s almost equal to the civil authority in p o w e r . F i r e - t e m p l e s s p r a n g up g e n e r a l l y , 3 p e r h a p s 1 Mar Augin of E g y p t , the friend of J a m e s of Nisibis, is stated to have been the first to bring the monastic life to the East, and he certainly did not arrive before the year 300. Bedj. i. 424 ( L i f e of Mar Shalitha). 2 Chabot, Syn. Orientals, p. 34, 2 7 3 ; M.-Z., Life of Khiran. 3 M . - Z . , Life of Khiran,

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CHURCH

in the place of idol f a n e s ; but the fact that in Persia, for instance, the "Zoroastrian m o u n d s " which mark the sites of fire-temples are conspicuous local features, while in A s s y r i a they are unknown, 1 shows plainly enough where the cult was national, and where it was exotic. These were the only formal c h a n g e s ; but in spirit things were considerably altered, though this would, of course, only show after the lapse of some years. Magianism, as a religion, now received all the prestige that "establishment " could give it; and while Christianity and paganism continued to be tolerated, proselytism from them to the State faith was encouraged and facilitated, while then, or soon after, it became recognized as a law of the State that to win a convert from Zoroastrianism to Christianity was a crime punishable with death for both teacher and disciple. Further, a Christian, though his right to continue in the faith of his fathers was recognized, took, as Christian, an inferior position ; and every one knew that, under ordinary circumstances, the abandonment of his religion meant the greatest possible improvement in his worldly prospects. Christianity, in short, was made to take the position which it occupies still in those lands. It was recognized, but as the religion of an inferior race : and that influence was set to work which has ever since continued to act, in spite of many changes of rulers and of ruling f a i t h s ; and which has always tended to draw, not indeed the highest or the lowest, but, in a worldly sense, the most manly souls from the Church to another faith. A saintly soul's service to his Master may be only the higher and purer for the humiliation that the service imposes on him. A man of inferior type may accept the position into which he has been 1 T h e " t e l s " so common, e.g. round Mosul, are very different things from the " a s h - m o u n d s " of Azerbaijan.

T H E CHURCH UNDER ARSACID KINGS

39

b o r n ; a n d b y s t r i v i n g " t o do the best f o r himself " in it, m a y d e v e l o p in a f e w g e n e r a t i o n s into the s u p p l e a n d often c r i n g i n g a n d deceitful p e r s o n , w h o m we know* as the L e v a n t i n e of t o - d a y — a n instrument, that is, w h o m his soldier master of the r u l i n g race uses f o r his c o n v e n i e n c e , a n d w h o m he d e s p i s e s . A y o u t h of fire a n d a m b i t i o n , with no m o r e than the a v e r a g e y o u n g m a n ' s realization of t h i n g s unseen a n d spiritual, is a l w a y s tempted, u n d e r these circumstances, to find a career f o r h i m self w h e r e he will not be e x p o s e d to the constant fret of k n o w i n g himself u n d e s e r v e d l y d e s p i s e d ; a n d to find it either b v a b a n d o n i n g the f a i t h which for him spells humiliation, or the land w h o s e l a w s i m p o s e it on the f a i t h . A p o s t a s y , indeed, except under actual stress of persecution, w a s a n d is a great rarity. H e r e d i t a r y attachment to the f a i t h of h i s f a t h e r s is an instinct rather than a habit with the oriental. A n d it is no m e a n testimony to her p o w e r that the C h r i s t i a n C h u r c h s h o u l d , on the w h o l e , be able to hold her own children under this constant temptation to leave her. A l l the s a m e , t h r o u g h the a g e s the tendency of the d o m i n a n t faith h a s been to draw a w a y f r o m C h r i s t i a n i t y , or f r o m service to their own C h u r c h , those best worth perf e c t i n g . I s l a m h a s in this been o n l y the heir of Z o r o a s t r i a n i s m : both h a v e taken t h r o u g h o u t the centuries a " J a n i s s a r y - t r i b u t e , " not f r o m the lives o n l y , but also f r o m the souls a n d characters of the C h r i s t i a n races subject to t h e m .

CHAPTER

III

T H E E P I S C O P A T E OF

PAPA

RAPID and strong though the growth of the Church had been elsewhere, there was one conspicuous exception to the rule of progress. The capital city, Seleucia-Ctesiphon, for some reason difficult to explain, was a spot where Christianity did not take root in early centuries. T h e author of the Acta S. Maris shows that he was aware of this, b y his declaration that his hero wras so discouraged by the incurably vicious and frivolous character of the inhabitants of the place, that he actually demanded his recall from his superiors at E d e s s a ; a statement that shows the saint as somewhat easily cast down by one check following on a series of magnificent successes, and which is probably more true to historic fact than the said successes. 1 It is true that he covers up M a r i ' s defeat by assigning a whole series of miracles to the saint's later ministry in the neighbourhood; but in spite of this his account gives a general impression of agreement with the express statement of Mshikha-Zca, 2 that Christianity could not establish itself in any strength at the capital for some considerable time. A s late as 270 Shakhlupa of Arbela, visiting the place, found only " a few C h r i s t i a n s " there, worshipping probably in the Church which Mari is represented as establishing in a ruined temple; and he ordained a priest for them, staying for a year in the city. T h i s example was followed, a few 1 2

Acta Maris, ch. viii, § 19. M . - Z . , Lives of Shakhlupa and of Akha

40

d'abuh'.

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years later, by his successor, A k h a d ' a b u h ' . It was probably a v a g u e recollection of indebtedness to these two bishops that led to the inclusion of their names in the lists made b y mediaeval chroniclers in later days, when it was judged necessary to discover predecessors to P a p a , who should fill the g a p between him and Mari. Later historians made A k h a d ' a b u h ' the hero of an episode of which writers nearer the time are conspicuously ignorant. Mari Ibn Sulieman, for instance (Bar-IIebraeus g i v i n g the same story in a shorter form), states that when Jacob, fourth Catholicos, was d y i n g in the year 190, he specially ordered the sending of two of his disciples, A k h a d ' a b u h ' and Oam-Ishu, to Antioch, in order that one of them might be consecrated Catholicos by the patriarch there. On arrival, however, the unlucky Oam-Ishu was seized as a Persian spy and crucified; S l i b a , B i s h o p of Antioch, sharing his fate. ITis companion was s m u g g l e d out of the city and sent to Jerusalem for consecration, whence he returned to the E a s t with a letter from all four Western patriarchs declaring that (to avoid a recurrence of such misfortune) the Church of the E a s t should in future elect its own patriarch without reference to Antioch, and that that prelate should take rank with the other four great sees of Christendom. Once elected, he was to be superior to all judgment of his suffragans, or of any human power except the K i n g , when God should grant 1 This bishop is said (Liber Turris) to have been given his strange name, meaning " b r o t h e r of his f a t h e r , " from his personal resemblance to that relative. M . - Z . declares, with much greater probability, that it w a s applied to him from the facL that he w a s born of one of the incestuous marriages common a m o n g Zoroastrians. He w a s of that faith by birth ; and served as a soldier in Sapor's great invasion of R o m a n territory that followed the capture of Valerian in

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a Christian K i n g in the East. Even if he should fall into open vice no bishops could pass sentence on him, but "differatur judicium ejus ad adventum Christi Domini n o s t r i . " 1 T h e story is clearly fictitious, considered as evidence of the origin of the independence of the Eastern patriarchate. The absolute ignorance of it shown not only by the biographer of A k h a d'abuh' and the contemporaries of Papa, but also by the bishops assembled in council at the time of Dad-Ishu 2 (when its production would have been eminently ad rem), are enough to condemn it, even if the anachronisms 3 of the Liber Turris did not betray a later hand. Of course it is possible that A k h a d'abuh' may have had some persona! adventures in Antioch, when he visited the place as a Persian soldier; but the whole Qam-Ishu episode belongs to the realm of romance, whither we unhesitatingly but regretfully dismiss it. S o far from Seleucia being recognized at this 1 W e incline to date the c o m p o s i t i o n of this d o c u m e n t a s b e t w e e n the y e a r s 424 and 530, i. e. to place it a f t e r the C o u n c i l of D a d - I s h u , seeing that it s e e m s r e m i n i s c e n t of s o m e of the l a n g u a g e there u s e d ; a n d p r e v i o u s to the t i m e of M a r A b a , seeing that the a r r a n g e m e n t s d e s c r i b e d in it f o r the election of a p a t r i a r c h do not a g r e e w i t h those prescribed by that prelate. If this be correct, the d o c u m e n t w o u l d r o u g h l y coincide in date w i t h the s e p a r a t i o n of the " N e s t o r i a n " or " D y o p h y s i t e " C h u r c h of the P e r s i a n E m p i r e f r o m the W e s t ; a d a t e in itself not u n l i k e l y f o r its c o m p o s i t i o n . In this c a s e the f a c t that the tradition is c o m m o n to both D v o p h y s i t e s a n d M o n o p h y s i t e s , a n d so is p r o b a b l y older in date than their s e p a r a t i o n one f r o m the other, w o u l d be e x p l a i n e d . 2 C h a b o t , Synodicon Orientale, pp. 4 6 - 4 9 , 2 8 9 - 2 9 1 . 3 T h e a u t h o r r a t h e r i m p r u d e n t l y g i v e s us s o m e s y n c h r o n i s m s , a n d gets sadly c o n f u s e d therein ; m a k i n g his i m a g i n a r y B i s h o p J a c o b ( 1 7 2 - 1 9 0 ) c o n t e m p o r a r y not only w i t h C o m m o d u s , but w i t h A r d a s h i r I of P e r s i a (acceded 225), a n d w i t h P o r p h y r y (born 232). Of c o u r s e , the e x i s t e n c e of f o u r p a t r i a r c h a t e s in the y e a r 190 is itself u n h i s t o r i c a l .

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time as the seat of a patriarch equal in dignity to R o m e or Antioch, it had not even a bishop of its own and was dependent on the ministrations of chance visitors. It was in no diocese, but was res nullius; and apparently any bishop available, or who happened to be in the capital on business of his own, performed any episcopal act that the small body of Christians there present required. W e have record of such good offices being rendered by visiting prelates from Arbela and S u s a — s e e s each of them at least ten days' journey away—and we may infer that similar visits were paid b y bishops known to have been existing in the much nearer province of Garmistan. A k h a d ' a b u h ' paid one of these visits during 1 his episcopate of eighteen years, but was obliged to stay considerably longer than he had intended, as he seemingly felt bound in honour to remain in what became a post of considerable danger until the excitement produced by an episcopal indiscretion had fairly subsided. T h e B i s h o p of Arbela had been accompanied to Seleucia by two colleagues, S h a b t a of B a i t Zabdai and Zca-Ishu of K h a r b e t h - G e l a l . D u r i n g their stay in the capital the former of these preached an unfortunately vivid sermon, which b e i n g reported to the Shah-in-shah by a non-Christian auditor very nearly produced a general persecution. T h e worthy bishop, falling into the preacher's error of t h i n k i n g that every one must take his statements in the sense that he intends, waxed eloquent over the victories—greater than any of those won b y the " G r e a t K i n g " — t h a t Christians could gain ; and called on his hearers not to envy the S h a h - i n - S h a h , seeing that in clays to come he would be b u r n i n g for ever with Satan while good Christians would be ruling in heaven. The 1

M.-Z., Life of Akha

d'abuh'.

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CHURCH

sermon w a s no doubt s t i m u l a t i n g for the congreg a t i o n , but as reported to the K i n g (probably B a h r a m I I I ) it had a v e r y different effect. H e a n d his took it (to quote a modern parallel from a land where little c h a n g e s , except the u n i f o r m s of the soldiers) m u c h as O t t o m a n officials took an unfortunately literal translation of " O n w a r d , C h r i s tian S o l d i e r s , " while the preacher on his part w a s as g e n u i n e l y astonished at the m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g , as were the A m e r i c a n translators of the h y m n . It w a s no doubt startling for the " K i n g of k i n g s " to hear that his subjects were p r e p a r i n g great victories independently of him, and that a fiery f u r n a c e w a s in readiness to consume his own " d i v i n e " person! T h e o n l y interpretation that s u g g e s t e d itself to him w a s that of a c o n s p i r a c y of all C h r i s t i a n s . A n d for a time it seemed more than likely that he w o u l d anticipate its outbreak b y o r d e r i n g a massacre of the " c o n s p i r a t o r s . " T h e K i n g w a s fairly f r i g h t e n e d ; and an oriental in such a case is apt to " t a k e p r e c a u t i o n s " of a g r i m kind, for n o b o d y can be so utterly merciless as an Eastern ruler in a p a n i c . T h e d a n g e r could not be considered over for t w o years, and at the end of that time A k h a d ' a b u h ' , naturally a n x i o u s to return to his own diocese, joined with the B i s h o p of S u s a in g i v i n g a responsible head to the C h u r c h in the capital. 1 T h e y chose and consecrated a man named P a p a , w h o thus b e c a m e the first b i s h o p of S e l e u c i a - C t e s i p h o n after the l e g e n d a r y Mari, a n d b e g a n a series of prelates w h o s e representatives to this d a y continue in the same land. It w a s in all probability this position of his, as first b i s h o p after the traditional founder, that made 1 We follow M . - Z . in p r e f e r e n c e to B a r - H e b r a s u s , w h o s a y s that P a p a w a s consecrated by the B i s h o p of P r a t d ' M a i s h a n or B a s s o r a . T h a t see, h o w e v e r , w a s in e x i s t ' ence at the time. M . - Z . , Life of Khiran,

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45

the b i o g r a p h e r of M a r i a s s e r t 1 — w i t h a g a y defiance of p o s s i b l e c h r o n o l o g y — t h a t the " A p o s t l e " h i m self selected and consecrated P a p a f o r S e l e u c i a , a n d decreed that that see s h o u l d ever hold the p r i m a c y in the C h u r c h of the E a s t . T h e date of the consecration of P a p a w a s proba b l y about 280. * A c c o r d i n g l y , w e can h a r d l y conclude that a picturesque incident related b y M a r i I b n S u l i e m a n a c t u a l l y h a p p e n e d in his d a y , t h o u g h it is b y no m e a n s an i m p o s s i b l e t h i n g in itself. T h e writer states that D e m e t r i u s , B i s h o p of A n tioch, f o r m e d one of the i m m e n s e horde of c a p t i v e s carried off b y S a p o r I w h e n he raided R o m a n A s i a in 2 5 8 - 2 5 9 , a f t e r his capture of the E m p e r o r V a l e r i a n . T h e b i s h o p , with the other c a p t i v e s , w a s settled in G o n d i s a p o r ; the g r e a t city into w h i c h S a p o r t r a n s f o r m e d the little v i l l a g e of B a i t L a p a t in K h u z i s t a n . H e r e , r e f u s i n g the office of C a t h o l i c o s , w h i c h the chronicler declares that P a p a o f f e r e d to yield to him, he r e m a i n e d a s pastor a n d b i s h o p of his f e l l o w s of the c a p t i v i t y ; a n d in c o m pliment to the rank that he h a d held in the W e s t , his new see w a s g r a n t e d the position of first a m o n g the M e t r o p o l i t a n s subject to S e l e u c i a . A s S e l e u c i a h a d no b i s h o p at the time of the raid, a n d the metropolitical p r o v i n c e s of the E a s t were not o r g a n i z e d f o r 1 5 0 y e a r s a f t e r this date, the tradition must not be taken ait, pied de la lettre. A n t i o c h , h o w e v e r , w a s almost d e p o p u l a t e d b y S a p o r , 3 a n d thus it is likely e n o u g h that the b i s h o p w a s a m o n g the c a p t i v e s ; while the presence of m a n y C h r i s t i a n s a m o n g them, a n d the f a c t that they became an important element in the C h u r c h of 1

Acta S. Maris, § 32. T h e Episcopate of A k h a d ' a b u h ' lasted 2 7 3 - 2 9 1 (M.-Z.). There is no evidence where the consecration should be placed, inside those limits. 3 R a w l i n s o n , Seventh Oriental Empire, ch. iv. 2

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the East, is a m p l y attested b y the Acta Sanctorum. Demetrius, h o w e v e r (if the name g i v e n in the Liber Tunis be correct), must have been c o m f o r t a b l y established as b i s h o p in his new see, l o n g before P a p a was even consecrated. O n e effect of the presence of this " c a p t i v i t y " must, of course, h a v e been a s t r e n g t h e n i n g of the b o n d s that united the C h u r c h of P e r s i a to that of the R o m a n E m p i r e : a n d some time after, a n d within P a p a ' s episcopate (297), another political event repeated the process. A f t e r the defeat of N a r s e s b y Galerius, the " C a e s a r " of the E m p e r o r Diocletian, five " t r a n s - T i g r e n e " p r o v i n c e s , of w h i c h C o r d y e n e , Z a b d i c e n e a n d A r z e n e n e were the c h i e f , 1 were ceded to R o m e b y P e r s i a ; a n d the frontier of the empire w a s thus p u s h e d f o r w a r d , till it rested on both of the rivers called K h a b o r . T h e s e provinces contained m a n y C h r i s t i a n s , a n d at least two bishops ( B . Z a b d a i a n d A r z u n ) , w h o were thus made R o m a n subjects a n d b r o u g h t more or less under the control of the patriarch of A n t i o c h . O n the retrocession of these provinces sixty-five years later, the r e t u r n i n g b i s h o p s b r o u g h t w i t h them k n o w l e d g e of such events as the council of Nicaea, of w h i c h (startling as the statement is) the C h u r c h of P e r s i a seems to have been, in great measure, ignorant. B y the same peace A r m e n i a w a s recognized as within the R o m a n " s p h e r e of i n f l u e n c e . " T h i s fact must have had important effects on the c o m i n g national conversion of that k i n g d o m , w h i c h w a s b r o u g h t about soon after the peace b y that same Tiridates, K i n g of A r m e n i a , w7ho had been the comrade of Galerius (afterwards the persecutor) in the war with P e r s i a . 1 In Syriac, Qardu, Bait Zabdai, and Arzun. T h e others are, Bait Rakhimi (Rehimene), and Bait Moksai (Moxcene). See Map. Arzun and B. Moksai still retain their ancient names. Oardu is Jezire, and B. Zabdai Fundik.

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P a p a was in m a n y ways a remarkable character. A man of considerable learning both in Persian and Syriac literature, and of some power of statesm a n s h i p , 1 he was able to see that it was time for the unorganized episcopacy that had hitherto been the government of the Church of the East, to give place to an ordered subordination of all the bishops to one archbishop or eatholicos; and he apparently bent all his energies to securing the acceptance of this c h a n g e by his colleagues. T h o u g h temporarily defeated, he succeeded in his aim. T h e catholicate was established. T h e man who did most to hinder it in P a p a ' s day succeeded unchallenged to the primacy whose establishment he had endeavoured to defeat ; and the fact that P a p a ' s work has existed ever since in P a p a ' s Church, shows how t h o r o u g h l y he g a u g e d the disposition and needs of his people. If, .however, his aims were lofty and statesmanlike, it appears that he lacked tact in executing t h e m . T h e facts of history show him to have been ambitious, if not personally, at least for his see ; probably overbearing and oppressive as a ruler, and certainly of a passionate and hot-tempered disposition. All the circumstances in his day, in the W e s t as well as in the East, were p r o m o t i n g the growth of metropolitical and patriarchal jurisdictions. R o m e , Antioch, Alexandria, were each of them d r a w i n g the provinces round them under their 1 If we identify Papa, as seems least difficult on the whole, with the oppressive Bishop of Aphraat's Fourteenth Mimra, he was also a m a n of very fine presence. In any case, a m a n who held his bishopric for more than three times the ordinary period, must have had some unusual physical qualities. Bar-Hebrasus calls him learned in Syriac. One m u s t own that we do not know in what Syriac books he could have been learned (except the Diatessaron), at a period when even Aphraat was still unwritten.

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CHURCH

s w a y ; and the " c u s t o m s , " g r o w i n g up thus inf o r m a l l y , were to be r e g u l a r i z e d at Nicasa. A little later, C o n s t a n t i n o p l e w a s also to s h o w that the bishop of the capital of an empire must inevitably develop into a chief of bishops, if only f r o m his position as the s t a n d i n g host of a stream of episcopal visitors. N o historical insignificance in his see, n 2 5 2 Dastagerd, 117, 2 1 1 Demetrius, Bishop Bait Lapat, 45, i ° 6 Dindui, Martyr, 139 Diocletian, E m p e r o r , 46, 129 Diodorus, 302 Domitius, Bishop, 105 D o r Koni, 29 Dvin, Council of, 168 E Edessa, 25, 26, 40, 94, 148, 166, 252 Elisha, pseudo-patriarch, 1 7 9 80 Ephesus, Councils of, 13S, '36, 144, 188 E p h r a i m Syrus, 58, 148, 283 Erzerum = Theodosiopolis, 119, 178, 252 Etchmiadzin, 107 n. E u n o m i u s , Bishop Erzerum, 119 Ezekiel, Patriarch, 2 1 2 - 1 4 , 275 F Farbokht, pseudo-patriarch, 121 F a r u k a n , 255 Flavian, 78 G Gabriel, the "Drustbedh," 250-51, 253-55 Gangra, Council of, i n Garmistan = Bait G a r m a i , 43 Giwergis, Martyr, 2 3 1 , 243-44, 254-61

INDEX Gondisapor. See Lapat, Bait Gregory, Nazianzen, 7 8 Gregory of Nisibis, 2 2 2 - 2 3 , 245, 246 Gregory, Patriarch, 2 4 7 , 2 4 9 50, 2 7 7 Gregory, "the Illuminator," 2 5 Gushnasp, 1 3 7 Gusht-azad, Martyr, 6 3 - 7 4 H Hakkiari, 1 0 5 Hashu, Priest, 1 1 7 Hatit, Bishop, 1 0 6 Heliodorus, Bishop Zabdicene, 73 Henoticon, 1 5 5 - 7 8 Heraclius, Emperor, 2 2 5 , 255-53, 262, 299 Herat, Bishop of, 1 0 3 , 2 2 7 Hereki, 1 0 5 n . Hierapolis, 2 5 2 Hormisdas, Martyr, 1 1 8 Hormisdas, Persian Prince, 142 Hormizd, King of Persia, 213-15 Hormizd, Rabban, 2 3 4 - 3 5 I Ibas, Bishop of Edessa, 1 4 8 - 5 0 Isaac, Bishop of Adiabene, 3 3 Isaac, Catholicos, 4 9 , 8 5 , 8 7 , 90, 93. 95. I0 3> 107, 1 1 2 Isaac of Nineveh, 1 3 6 , 2 3 5 - 3 6 Ishu-yahb I, Patriarch, 2 x 4 - 1 5 , 220-21, 245, 275-76, 291 Ishu-yahb II, Patriarch, 2 6 4 , 300, 301, 307, 309 Ishu-yahb I I I , Patriarch, 2 8 1 , 284, 303-06 Ispahan, Bishop of, 1 0 3 Izla, Mt., 2 3 2 - 3 4 , 2 6 3

315

J Jacobus Baradaeus, 1 8 7 , 2 4 1 James of Nisibis, 5 3 , 5 8 , 62n. 232 Jezireh, 1 2 2 John, Bishop of Karka, 1 3 9 John of Antioch, 2 8 9 Jonadab, Bishop of Arbela, 254, 2 5 6 Joseph, Martyr, 7 0 Joseph, Patriarch, 2 1 0 - 1 3 , 2 2 9 , 275 Joseph, Teacher of Mar Aba, 184 Jovian, Emperor, 7 2 Judi Dagh, 1 2 2 , 2 3 4 Julfa, 1 0 7 Julian, Emperor, 2 3 , 7 2 Justin I, Emperor, 1 4 7 , 1 8 1 Justin II, Emperor, 214-15 Justinian, Emperor, 1 4 7 , 1 8 1 , 185, 187, 2 1 6 - 1 8 K Kardu = Cordyene, 4 6 , 1 4 8 Karka d'Bait Sluk, 9 9 , 1 3 7 - 3 9 , 154, 198, 213, 222 Kashkar, Bishop of, 2 5 2 Khanitha, 6 9 Khirta, 8 3 , 2 2 1 , 2 3 8 Khorassan, Bishop of, 1 0 3 , 1 2 1 , 227 Khenana, 2 2 3 , 2 4 3 - 4 5 , 2 5 4 , 300 Khrimian, Armenian Catholicos, 1 8 3 Kobad, King of Persia, 1 7 2 - 7 4 , 182 Kobad-Siroes, King of Persia, 262, 307 Kurds, Kurdistan, 2 1 , 2 4 , 3 6 , 66, 105 Kusai, Bishop of Nisibis, 1 9 6

3i6

INDEX

L Lapat, Bait, Council of, 157— 58, 163, 165-66, 230 Lapat, Bait = Gondisapor, 45, 75» 99, 106, 116, 154, 19294, 259 Lashom, 2 2 1 - 2 2 Lazica, 191 M Maipherqat, 86 Ma'na, Bishop, 121, 148 Ma'na, Bishop of Arzun, 185 Ma'na, Catholicos, 114, 119, 120 Manes, Manichees, 69, 70, 134 Maran-zca, Bishop, 75 Marcian, 215 Marcionites, 184, 222 Marco Polo, 3 1 1 Mari, 26-30, 40, 44 Markabta, Council at, 123 Maronites, 299 Martha, Martyr, 74 Marutha, Bishop, 85-89, 93, 95, 100, 103, 108 Masíúta, 20, 253 Maurice, Emperor, 214-15, 223 Mazdak, Mazdakites, 172-74, 181-82 Merv, Bishop of, 103 Miles, Bishop of Susa, 50-54, 68 Mondir, Arab king, 214 Monophysites, 134, 144-45, 147, 155, 177, 181, 187, 212, 216-18, 225, 240-43, 248-61, 264 Moses of Nisibis, 212 Mosul, 107 Msaliani, 236-37 Mshikha-Zca, 27, 28, 37, 40, 135-

N Narses, Assyrian Father, 148, 167-69, 220, 270-73, 281, 287 Narses, Catholicos of Armenia, 80-81 Narses, King of Adiabene, 36 Narses, King of Persia, 59 Narses, Martyr, 1 1 4 - 1 6 Narses, pseudo-patriarch, 180-81 Nestorianism, 134, 149, 154, 216, 220, 258 f., 264 f. Nestorius, 78, 104, 121, 135, 257, 266, 302 Nicsea, Council of, 48, 56-57, 94-96, 265 Nineveh, 136, 213 Nisibis, 22, 24-25, 58, 73, 95, 99, 119, 140, 148, 150, 16670, 178, 185, 196, 224, 23940 Noah, Bp. of Adiabene, 34-35 Nonnus, Bp. of Edessa, 150 Nushishad, 207 O Origen, 217 Osrhoene. See Edessa. P Papa, Bishop of B. Lapat, 149, 160-62, 176-77 Papa, Catholicos, 26,29,44-48, 51-56 Para, King of Armenia, 81 Paul, Patriarch, 181, 183, 186, 194 Peter of Gurgan, 204 Pethiun, ascetic, 137, 140 Phocas, 223, 252 Pigrasp, 67, 68 Piroz, King of Persia, 142, .i5o-53, 155, 160-61 Piroz-Sapor, 35

INDEX Porphyrius, 94 P q i d a of A d i a b e n e , 27, 33 Procopius, 85, 213 Proterius, 78 Pusai, Martyr, 106 Q Qaiuma, Catholicos, 84, 85, 100 O a m - I s h u , Martyr, 41 Oam-Ishu, Monophysite Bishop, 241 Oaris, Bishop of Singar, 181 R R a q b o k h t , 33, 35. 3(> Raziqai, 50, 69 n. R k h i m a , Bishop of Arbela, 135, 136 S Sa'ada of E d e s s a , 53 Sabr-Ishu, Patriarch, 221-25, 237, 240, 246, 276 Sahdona, B i s h o p of A r i u n , 258, 300, 303-6, 307 Samson, B i s h o p of A d i a b e n e , 27, 33 Samuel, Bishop of K h o r a s s a n , 121 S a m u e l of A r m e n i a , 168 S a n = T a n i s , 24111. S a p o r I, K i n g of Persia, 41, 45, 106, 107 S a p o r II, K i n g of Persia, 49, 53, 56, 58, 61, 62, 67, 72, 74, 76, 82, 238 Sapor I I I , K i n g of Persia, 79, 82, 83 Sapor, Q a s h a , 114 Segestan, B i s h o p of, 103 Seleucia-Ctesiphon, 24, 28, 29, 4°, 43, 45, 90, 9 i , 92, 95, 99, 1 1 7 « . , 154, 197

317

Shabta, Bishop of Zabdicene, 43 Shahrbarz, 262, 308 Shakhlupa, B i s h o p of A d i a bene, 40 Shamta, 263 Shehrgard, 75 Shimun bar Sabá'i, Catholicos, 50, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 62, 63, 64, 68, 106, 179 Shimun of A n b a r , 211 Shimun of Bait A r s h a m , 15051, 159, 177, 181 Shirin, Martyr, 139 Shirin, Queen, 221, 247-48, 253, 259, 262 S h u b k h a l'Ishu, B i s h o p of Arbela, 83 S h u b k h a l'Maran, B i s h o p of B . Garmai, 254, 260 Silas, Patriarch, 178-79, 193, Sirsh, 203 Sliba, Bishop of Antioch, 41 Susa, 43, 50, 63-64, 67, 116 T T a g r i t , 154, 160, 177 T a i m a i , B i s h o p of Bassora, 193-94 T a m a s g e r d , 139 Tamuza, Catholicos, 83,84, 100 T e h e r a n , B i s h o p of, 103 T h e o d o r e of Mopsuestia, 185, 191, 216-20, 245, 302 Theodoret, 61, 117, 118, 232 T h e o d o s i u s I, E m p e r o r , 78 Theodosius II, E m p e r o r , 85,88 Theodosius, Prince, 223, 253 T h o m a s of M a r g a , 232, 234, 281 T h o m a s , St., 26, 29 Tiberius II, E m p e r o r , 214 Tiridates, K i n g of A r m e n i a , 80 T r a j a n , E m p e r o r , 27 Turks, 126,127,140, 208 n., 227

INDEX

3i8

V Valerian, Emperor, 23, 45 Valges III, King of Parthia, 32 Valges IV, King of Parthia, 36 Vigilius, Pope, 218

Y Yahb-Alaha, Catholicos, 108, n o , 112 Yazdin, 137, 154 n., 263 Yazdundocht, 71 Yazidpanah, Martyr, 199

103.

Yezdegerd I, King of Persia, 49, 84, 85, 86, 88, 93, 94, 95, 96, 101, 108, 113, ix8, 125 Yezdegerd 11, King of Persia, 126, 138, 140 Yezdegerd III, King of Persia, 308, 309 Yezidis, 214 n. Z Zabdai, Bait = Zabdicene, 43, 46, 73, 106 Zamasp, King of Persia, 174 Zca-Ishu, 43 Zeno, Emperor, 146, 155, 166 Zindan, 203 Zoroaster, Zoroastrianism, 22, 32-33. 38, 14°, 157, 200-10

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